The life of John Locke, with extracts from his correspondence, journals, and common-place books. By Lord King

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THE LIBRARY
OF

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

THE LIFE

OF

JOHN LOCKE.

VOL. II.

LONDON :
PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,

Dorset Street, Fleet Street.

THE LIFE

OF

JOHN LOCKE,

WITH EXTRACTS FROM

HIS CORUESPONDENCE, JOURNALS,

AND

COMMON-PLACE BOOKS.

BY LORD KING.

LITERIS INNUTRITUS, EOUSQUE TANTUM PROFECI UT VERITATI UNICE LITAULM.

NEW EDITION.

WITH CONSIDERABLE ADDITIONS.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD BENTLEY,

NEW BLRLINCJTON STREET.

1830.

\^^^L>

V • ^

THE LIFE

OF

JOHN LOCKE.

The state of the coin had for a long time
very much engaged Locke's attention ; the
first of his treatises upon that subject was pub-
lished in 1691, and the farther consideration
in 1695, for the purpose of correcting the false
ideas then universally prevalent.

Whenever there is considerable distress in
the public affairs, — if trade is embarrassed, if
the currency is disordered, if the finances are
deranged, — there are always to be found men,
who from ignorance or interest, are ready to
recommend what they are pleased to call the
easy, practical, and natural remedies, which in
the end generally aggravate the evils they were
supposed to cure. Under a despotic Govern-

VOL. II. E

545767

2 THE LIFE OF

merit, if the debts are embarrassing, or the
finances in disorder, a base coin is issued, and
the defrauded creditor is compelled to submit
in silence to the royal ordinance. Such was
the common ordinary practice of the old French
Govermnent, and of most of the other states of
Europe, whose coins have been successively de-
teriorated from their original standard.

In our own country, and in our own times,
we have seen a Bank-Restriction Act imposed,
to avoid a temporary difficulty, which deranged
our affairs during a quarter of a century.

In 1605, one or perhaps all these causes of
national distress were severely felt ; the war
had diminished the national resources, and the
frauds practised for some time by the clipping the
money, had considerably impai]-ed its intrinsic
value. Mr. Lowndes and the practical men
of that day recommended the usual panacea,
an alteration of the standard ; but those honest
ministers Lord Somers and Sir William Trum-
bull, the Secretary of State, knowing from the
treatise on Lowering of Interest, and Raising
the Value of JNIoney, published in 1691, that
Locke had turned his attention very much to
those subjects, now called liini to their assist-
ance, and were guided by his advice.

Lord Iveepcr Somers writes to him :

JOHN LOCKE. 3

" SIR, November, 95.

" You will easily see by the book which was
put ill my hand last night, and by the title of
a Report which it bears, as well as by the ad-
vertisement at the end of it, that you were in
the right when you said that the alteration of
the standard was the thinjx aimed at. The
challenge at the end, if you will allow me to
say so, is in some sort directed to you. The
proposition which you and I discoursed upon
yesterday is endeavoured to be represented im-
practicable. The passing of money by weight
is said to be ridiculous, at least in little pay-
ments ; the sudden fall of guineas will be an
utter ruin to very great numbers ; there is no
encouragement proposed to invite })eople to
bring the clipped money into the JNIint, so that
will be melted down to be transported, which
will be a certain profit at least, till by a law
money can be exported. And whilst this is
doing nothing will be left to carry on com-
merce, for no one will bring out his guineas to
part witli them for twenty shillings when he
paid thirty shillings for them so lately. These,
as I remember, were the objections made use
of; and I doubt not but you will, without
great difficulty, help us with soir.e expedients
for them. I believe it an easier task than to

. B 2

4 THE LIFE OF

remove what I see is so fixed, the project of
alteration of the standard.

" 1 am,
Your most humble servant,

J. SOMERS."

In the " Farther Consideration on raising
the value of ^loney," published 1695, addressed
to Sir John Somers, he endeavoured to strip
the question of hard, obscure, and " doubtful
words wherewith men are often misled and
mislead others." He condemns the nefarious
project of raising the denomination and alter-
ing the standard as a fraud upon all creditors,
and justly considers it as " the means of

CONFOUNDING THE PROPERTY OF THE SUB-
JECT, AND DISTURBING AFFAIRS TO NO PUR-
POSE."

The advice of Locke was followed, and the
great recoinage of 1695 restored the current
money of the country to the full legal standard.

The difference between the embarrassments
which affected the currency in the reign of
King AVilliam, and tliose wliich have occurred
in our own time, may be tluis stated : the coin
at the period first mentioned, liad been dete-
riorated by tlie frauds of individuals and the

JOHN LOCKE. 5

neglect of the public ; but when the evil was
felt, and the remedy pointed out, the Parlia-
ment, notwithstanding the pressure of the war
and the false theories of the practical men of
those days, applied the proper remedy at the
proper time before any great permanent debt
had been incurred. In our own time the de-
preciation of the currency was entirely to be
attributed to the Bank and the Government.
The paper-money of a banking company with-
out the one indispensable condition of security
against excesses, payment in specie on demand^
was in an evil hour substituted in place of the
King's lawful coin ; and in order that the INli-
nister might avoid the imputation of being an
unskilful financier, who borrowed money on
unfavourable terms, a debt of unexampled mag-
nitude was accumulated in a debased currency,
to be ultimately discharged by payment in
specie at the full and lawful standard. It must
be confessed, that by the tardy act of retribu-
tive justice which was passed in 1819, the pu-
nishment inflicted upon the nation was in the
exact proportion to the former deviations from
good faith and sound principle, and we may at
least hope that the severity of the penalty will
prevent for the future a repetition of the same
folly.

6 THE LIFE OF

Respecting the other subject of the treatise,
viz. " Consideration on lowering the rate of
Interest," the author asks this question : " Whe-
ther the price of the hire of money can be
regulated by law ?" The same question, after
the lapse of 130 years, we may still continue
to repeat with the same success. He then
shows that the attempt " to regulate the rate
of interest will increase the difficulty of bor-
rowing, and prejudice none but those who need
assistance."

In the same year he was appointed to a seat
at the Council of Trade. Sir John Somcrs
w^'ites to inform him of the King's nomina-
tion, and to make excuse for using his name
without his " express consent."

Sir Wm. Trumbull communicates the same
appointment by the following letter.

« SIR, Whitehall, May 19, IG.96.

" Uesides my particular obligations to thank
you for yoiu' kind letter to me, I am now to
call upon you in behalf of the public, whose
service requires your help, and consequently
your attendance in town. Tlic Council of
Trade (whereof you are most M'^orthily aj)point-
ed a member,) must go on witli effect, or tlie
greatest inconveniences and mischief will fol-

JOHN LOCKE. 7

low. I hope your liealtli will permit you to
come and make some stay here ; and what re-
luctancy soever you may have to appear among
us, I know your love to your country, and
your great zeal for our common interests will
overcome it, so that 1 will trouble you no far-
ther till 1 can have the happiness of seeing you
here, and assuring you by word of mouth that
I am unalterably

Your most faithful humble servant,

William Trumbull.
" My wife will have me send her humble
service to you."

After holding the appointment at the J5oard
of Trade for a short time, his increasing in-
firmities made him wish to resign it, and he
communicated his intention to Lord Keeper
Somers, by letter, dated 7th Jan. 1696-7.

" MY LOUD,

" So:me of my brethren, I understand, think
my stay in the country long, and desire me to
return to bear my part, and to help to dispatch
the multitude of business that the present cir-
cumstances of trade and the plantations fill
their hands with. I cannot but say they are
in the right ; and 1 caimot but think, at the

8 THE LIFE OF

same time, that I also am in the right to stay
in the country, where all my care is little
enough to preserve those small remains of
health, which a settled and incurable indis-
position would quickly make an end of any-
where else.

" There remains, therefore, nothing else to
be done but that I should cease to fill up
any longer a place that requires a more con-
stant attendance than my strength will allow ;
and to that purpose, I prevail with your Lord-
ship to move his INIajesty, that he would be
pleased to ease me of the employment he has
been so graciously pleased to honour me with,
since the crazyness of my body so ill seconds
the inclination I have to serve him in it, and I
find myself every way incapable of answering
the ends of that commission. I am not in-
sensible of the honour of that employment,
nor how much I am obliged to yovir Lord-
ship's favourable opinion in putting me into
a post, which I look upon as one of the most
considerable in England. I can say that no-
body has more warm wishes for the prosperity
of his country than I have ; but tlie oppor-
tunity of showing those good wishes, in being
any way serviceable to it, 1 find comes too
late to a man whose health is inconsistent with

JOHN LOCKE. 9

the business, and in whom it would be folly
to hope for a return to that vigour and strength
which such an employment I see requires. It
is not without due consideration that I repre-
sent this to your Lordship, and that I find my-
self obliged humbly and earnestly to request
your Lordship to obtain for me a dismission
out of it. I wish your Lordship many happy
new years, and am, with the utmost acknow-
ledgment and respect."

LORD KEEPER SOMERS TO MR. LOCKE.

« SIR, 26th Jan. 1696-7.

" My great fatigue, joined with a very great
indisposition, must make my excuse for being
so slow in returning an answer to your very
obliging letter. I am very sorry for your ill
health, which confines you to the country for
the present ; but now^ you will have so much
regard to yourself, your friends, and your coun-
try, as not to think of returning to business
till you are recovered to such a competent
degree, as not to run the hazard of a relapse.
As to the other part of your letter, wdiich re-
lates to the quitting the commission, I must
say you are much in the wrong, in my opinion,
to entertain a thought of it ; and I flatter my-

10 THE LIFE OF

self SO far as to believe I could bring you over
to my sentiments, if I had the happiness of
half an hour's conversation with you. These
being my thoughts, you cannot wonder if I
am not willing to enter upon the commission
you give me, of saying something to the King
of your purpose. But when the new commis-
sion is made, and the establishment fixed, and
the Parliament up, and you have had the opi-
nion of your friends here, I will submit to act
as you shall command me. In the mean time
give me leave to say, that no man alive has a
greater value for you, nor is with more sin-
cerity than myself. Sir,

Your most faithful servant,

J. SOMEllS."

DiiAFT OF Locke's answer to

LOUD KEEPER SOMERS.

" .AIY LORD, Feb. 1, 1696-7.

" I KNOW nobody that can with so much
right })romise himself to bring me over to his
sentiments as your Lordship, for I know not
any one that has such a master-reason to pre-
vail as your Lordshi]), nor any one to M'honi,
without attending tlic convictions of that rea-
son, that I am so much disposed to submit to

JOHN LOCKE. 11

with implicit faith. Your Lordship, I perceive,
from several positions takes a different view of
the same thing ; and since your Lordship, who
always speaks reason, is always also ready to
hear it, I promise myself that the propositions
I made would not appear to your I^ordship
altogether unfit, had I an opportunity to offer
to your Lordship all the considerations that
moved and hold me to it. The obliging pro-
mise your Lordship has been pleased to make me
in the honour of yours of the 25th of January,
that when I have had your Lordship's opinion,
you will not refuse me the favour I have ask-
ed, if I shall then continue my request, sets me
at rest for the present ; and a word from your
Lordship that you will have the goodness to
let me have notice time enough to lay before
your Lordship what weighs with me in the
case, before any thing can be done either in
making a new commission, or fixing the esta-
blishment, will ease your T^ordship of any far-
ther importunity from me ; and then I who
am so much in your favour, shall not alone of
all the subjects of England, apprehend that,
upon a fair hearing, your Lordship will not
allow the equity of my case. Untoward health,
which complies no more with good manners
than with other obligations, must be my ex-

12 THE LIFE OF

cuse to your Lordship for this last, as well as
it was a great cause of my first request to you
in this affair. If my ill lungs would permit
me now presently, (as becomes me) to come to
town and wait there the opportunity of dis-
coursing your Lordship, I should not have rea-
son as I have to desire to quit this employ-
ment. The great indulgence your Lordship
expresses to my infirm constitution, makes me
hope it will extend itself farther ; it cannot, I
think, do less than make your Lordship be-
think yourself of a man to substitute in the
place of a shadow. I cannot make an equal
return to your Lordship's concerns for my
health, since my country's welfare is so much
interested in your Lordship's preservation,
mixing with my concern for your late indis-
position, will not suffer my good wishes for
the confirmation of your strength to be purely
personal to your Lordship, though nobody can
be more than I am,

&;c. &c."

In the following year King William ordered
Locke to attend liini at Kensington, desirous
to employ him again in the public service.
However flattering the King's intention to-
wards him must have been, the state of liis

JOHN LOCKE. 13

liealth prevented him from accepting the lio-
nour that was designed him : he writes to
the Lord Chancellor Somers, probably from
Oates.

"Jan. 28, 1697-8.
" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIP.

" Sunday, in the evening, after I had waited
on the King, 1 went to wait upon your I^ord-
ship, it being, I understood, his JNIajesty's plea-
sure I should do so before I returned hither.
JNIy misfortune in missing your Lordship I
hoped to repair by an early diligence the next
morning, but the night that came between de-
stroyed that purpose and me almost with it.
For, when I was laid in my bed, my breath
failed me ; I was fain to sit up in my bed,
where I continued a good part of the night,
with hopes that my shortness of breath would
abate, and my lungs grow so good-natured as
to let me lie down to get a little sleep, whereof
I had great need ; but my breath constantly
failing me as often as I laid my head upon my
pillow, at three I got up, and sat by the fire
till morning. INIy case being brought to this
extremity, there was no room for any other
thought but to get out of town immediately ;
for, after the two precedent nights without any
rest, I concluded the agonies 1 laboured under

14 THE LIFE OF

SO long in the second of those, would hardly
fail to be my death the third, if I stayed in
town. As bad weather, therefore, as it was,
I was forced early on Monday morning to set
out and return hither.

*' His JMajesty was so favourable as to pro-
pose the employment your Lordship mention-
ed ; but the true knowledge of my own weak
state of health made me beg his JNIajesty to
think of some fitter person, and more able, to
serve him in that important post ; to which I
added my want of experience for such business.
That your Lordship may not think this an ex-
pression barely of modesty, I crave leave to ex-
plain it to your Lordship, (though there I disco-
ver my Aveakness,) that my temper, always shy
of a crowd of strangers, has made my acquaint-
ances few, and my conversation too narrow and
particidar, to get the skill of dealing with men
in their various humours, and drawing out
their secrets. Whether this was a fault or no
to a man that designed no bustle in the world,
I know not. I am sure it will let your I^ord-
ship see that I am too much a novice in the
world for the employment proposed.

" Though we are so oddly placed here, that
we have no ordinary conveyance for our
letters from Monday till Friday, yet this

JOHN LOCKE. 15

delay has not fallen out much amiss. The
King- was graciously pleased to order me to
go into the country to take care of my health :
these four or five days here have given me a
proof to what a low state my lungs are now
brought, and how little they can bear the least
shock. I can lie down again, indeed, in my
bed, and take my rest ; but, bating that, I find
the impression of these two days in London so
heavy upon mc still, which extends farther
than the painfulness of breathing, and makes
me listless to every thing, so that methinks
the writing this letter has been a great per-
formance.

" My Lord, I should not trouble you with
an account of the prevailing decays of an old
pair of lungs, were it not my duty to take
care his Majesty should not be disappointed,
and, therefore, that he lay not any expectation
on that, which, to my great misfortune, every
way, I find would certainly fail him ; and I
must beg your Lordship, for the interest of the
public, to prevail with his Majesty to think on
somebody else, since I do not only fear, but
am sure, my broken health will never permit
me to acce})t the great honour his JNlajesty
meant me. As it would be unpardonable to
betray tlie King's business, by undertaking

16 THE LIFE OF

what I should be unable to go through ; so it
would be the greatest madness to put myself
out of the reach of my friends during the small
time I am to linger in this world, only to die
a little more rich, or a little more advanced.
He must have a heart strongly touched with
wealth, or honours, who at my age, and labour-
ing for breath, can find any great relish for
either of them."

King William, who was subject to the same
asthmatic complaint, is said to have conversed
with Locke respecting his treatment of his
own disorders. The King, when he was told
that a very strict abstinence afforded the only
relief, acknowledged that the advice was very
good, but, like other patients, did not resort
to that disagreeable remedy. Having refused
the employment which the King had designed
for him, he now determined to resign that
which he for some years held, and for the same
reason.

The asthmatic complaint, to which he had
been long subject, making a continued resi-
dence in London, particularly during tlie win-
ter season, very distressing to him, he had for
some years taken up his abode witli Sir F. and
Lady Masham, at Oates, near Ongar, in Essex,

JOHN LOCKK. 17

where he was perfectly at liomc, and enjoyed
the society most agreeable to him ; as Lady
INIasham, the daughter of Cudworth, is said
to have been a woman of great sense and
of most agreeable manners. Their intimacy
seems to have been of long standing by the
following letter of Locke to her brother, Mr.
Cudworth, dated lb'83, which is interesting,
as it affords a proof of the great activity
of his mind in the search for every sort of
knowledge.

«« SIR London, 27th April, 1683.

" Though you are got quite to the other
side of the w^orld, yet you cease not to make
new acquisitions here ; and the character you
have left behind you, makes your acquaintance
be sought after to the remotest parts of the
earth. There is a commerce of friendship as
well as merchandise ; and though nobody, al-
most, lets his thoughts go so far as the East
Indies, without a design of getting money
and growing rich, yet, if you allow my inten-
tions, I hope to make a greater advantage by
another sort of correspondence with you there.
In the conversation I have had the happiness
to have sometimes with your sister here, I have
observed her often to speak of you with more

VOL. II. c

18 THE LIFE OF

tenderness and concern than all the rest of the
world, which has made me conclude it must
be something extraordinary in you which has
raised in her (who is so good a judge) so par-
ticular an esteem and affection, beyond what
is due to the bare ties of nature and blood.
And I cannot but think that your souls are
akin, as well as your bodies, and that yours,
as well as hers, is not of the ordinary alloy.
I account it none of the least favours she has
done me, that she has promised me your friend-
ship ; and you must not think it strange, if I
presume upon her word, and trouble you with
some inquiries concerning the country you are
in, since she encourages me in it, and assures
me I shall not fail of an answer.

*' Some of those who have travelled, and writ
of those parts, give us strange stories of the
tricks done by some of their jugglers there,
which must needs be be3^ond legerdemain, and
seems not within the power of art or nature.
I would very gladly know wlictlicr they are
really done as strange as they are reported ;
and whether those that practise them are any
of them Mahometans, or all (which I rather
suppose) heathens, and how they are looked on
by the Bramins, and the other ])eople of the

JOHN I.OCKK. 19

country ; whether tliey liave any apparitions
amongst them, and what thouglits of spirits ;
and as much of the opinions, religion, and cere-
monies of the Hindoos and other heathens of
tliose countries, as comes in your way to learn
and inquire. It would be too great kindness,
if you could learn any news of any copies of
the Old or New Testament, or any parts of
them, which they had amongst them, in any
language, in those Eastern countries, before the
Europeans traded thither by the Cape of Good
Hope. I should trouble you also with inquiries
concerning their languages, learning, govern-
ment, manners, and particularly Aureng Zebe,
the Emperor of Hindostan, since I could pro-
mise myself a more exact account from you
than what we have in printed travels ; but I
fear I have been more troublesome than what
you will imagine will become a man that does
but now begin to beg your acquaintance. If I
have trespassed herein, you must excuse it to
the little distinction I make between you and
your sister; you must conclude I forgot my-
self, and thought I was talking to, and (as I
used to do) learning something of her ; and 'tis
to the same account I must beg you to place
the obligation you will lay on me, by })rocur-

c 2

20 THE LIFE OF

iiig and sending hither an answer to the in-
closed letter, directed to JNIrs. Richards. Her
husband died going to the East Indies, in a
ship that set out hence about Christmas was
twelvemonths, where he was to have been fac-
tor, somewhere in the Bay of Bengal, for the
Company. His wife and two daughters, who
were with him, went on their voyage ; where
she settled herself, and remains now, you will
easily know. I beg the favour of you to get
the inclosed conveyed to her, and an answer
from her, which be pleased to direct to be
left for me either with JNIr. P. Percevall, at
the Black Boy, in Lombard-street, or INIr. S.
Cox, at the Iron Key, in Thames-street, I^on-
don.

" And now, having been thus free with you,
'tis in vain to make apologies for it ; if you
allow your sister to dispose of your friendship,
you will not take it amiss that I have looked
upon myself as in possession of what she has
bestowed on me; or that I begin my con-
versation with you with a freedom and fami-
liarity suitable to an established amity and
acquaintance ; besides, if, at this distance, we
should set out according to the forms of cere-
mony, our corrcs])ondcncc would proceed with

JOHN LocKi:. 21

ii more grave and solemn pace than the treaties
of princes, and we must spend some years in
the very preliminaries. He that, in his first
address, should only put off his hat and make
a leg, and say your servant, to a man at the
other end of the world, may, (if the winds set
right,) and the ships come home safe, and bring
back the return of his compliment, may, I say,
in two or tlu-ee years, perhaps, attain to some-
thing that looks like the beginning of an ac-
quaintance, and by the next Jubilee there may
be hopes of some conversation between them.
Sir, you see what a blunt fellow your sister
has recommended to you ; as far removed
from the ceremonies of the Eastern people you
are amongst, as from their country ; but one
that, with great truth and sincerity, says to

you,

I am, (Sec.

J. L.

" One thing, which I had forgot, give me
leave to add, which is a great desire to know
how the several people of the East keep their
account of time, as months and years ; and
whether they generally agree in using periods
answering to our weeks ; and whether their
arithmetic turns at ten as ours doth."

22 THE LIFE OF

The following letters are selected from a
very great number written by Locke to bis re-
lation JMr. Kinir, afterwards Lord Chancellor,
and foimd amongst his papers.

TO p. KING, ESQ. M. V. MIDDLE TEMPLE,

LONDON.
" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, July 3d, 98.

"I AM glad that you are so well entered at
the bar ; it is my advice to you to go on so
gently by degrees, and to speak only in things
that you are perfectly master of, till you have
got a confidence and habit of talking at the
bar. I have many reasons for it which I shall
discover to you when I see you. This warm
day, (which has been the third that I have
been able this year yet to pass without a fire,)
gives me hopes that the comfortable weather
which I have long wished for is setting in, that
I may venture to town in a few days, for I
would not take a journey thither to be driven
out again presently, as I am sure our late cold
weather would have done, for my lungs are yet
very weak.

" I have writ to my Lord Pembroke, because
you desire it, and because I understand by you
that Mr. Edwards desires it ; you will see what

JOHN LOCKE. 23

I have writ, but it is by no means fit that Mr.
Edwards should see my letter, for I have in it
kept to the measures I always observe in such
cases, and wliicli have gained some credit to
my reconnnendation, tliough it does not always
content candidates, if one says no more than
what one knows. If you deliver it, pray let
it be with my most humble service ; if you do
not deliver it, pray burn it.

" My lady, &c. give you their service.
I am, dear cousin.

Your most affectionate

J. Locke."

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, March 1st, 1701.

" In compliance with yours of yesterday, I
write this evening with intention to send my
letter to Harlow to-morrow morning, that ]Mr.
Harrison may, if possible, find some way of
conveyance of it to you before to-morrow
night. The family and other circumstances
have no exception, and the person I have heard
commended, but yet the objection made is con-
siderable. I think the young gentleman con-
cerned ouoht to manaoe it so as to be well
satisfied whether that be what he can well bear,
and will consist with the comfort and satis-

24 THE LIFE OF

faction he proposes to himself in that state be-
fore he seem to hearken to any such proposal,
so that he may avoid what he cannot consent
to, without any appearance of a refusal. For
to make a visit upon such proposal, though
it be designed without any consequence, and
offered to be contrived as of chance, is yet a
sort of address ; and then going no farther,
whatever is said wdll be ill taken of her friends,
and consequently the whole family be dis-
obliged, which will have ill consequences, and
therefore should be avoided : for whatever rea-
son a man may have to refuse a woman that is
offered him, it must never be known that it
was any thing in her person ; such a discovery
makes a mortal quarrel. If he that proposed
it be the confidant of the young gentleman,
and can be relied on by him, and has said no-
thing of it to her friends, lie possibly may
contrive an unsuspected interview, and is the
fittest person to do it ; if not, the yoimg man
must find some other way to satisfy himself
that may not be discovered. A friend of mine
in Jermyn -street, who missed you narrowly
when you came last from Exeter, knows her
well; but an inquiry there must be managed
with great dexterity to avoid suspicion of the

Jul IN LUCJKK. 25

matter, and consec^uciitly talking of it. You
sliall be sure to liear from me in the matter be-
fore you go out of town, if yovi persist in the
mind of going.

" I am your most affectionate cousin,

and humble servant,

John Locke."

** DEAR COUSIN, Jan 27, 1700.

" I am as positive as I can be in any thing
that you sliould not think of going the next
circuit. I do not in the mean time forget your
calling ; but what this one omission may be of
loss to you, may be made up otherwise. I am
sure there never was so critical a time when
every honest ]M ember of Parliament ought to
watch his trust, and that you will see before
the end of the next vacation. I therefore ex-
pect in your next a positive promise to stay in
town. I tell you, you will not, you shall not
repent it. I cannot answer the other parts of
your letter, lest I say nothing to you at all this
post, and I must not omit by it to put an end
to the remainder of your wavering about your
going the circuit. I shall enlarge in my next.

And am yours,

J. L. "

26 THE LIFE OF

"DEAR COUSIN, Gates, Jan. 31, 1700.

" Having no time but for a few words the
last post, it is fit I now answer the other par-
ticulars of your letter, which I then was forced
to omit. Your staying in town the next vaca-
tion I look upon as resolved, and the reasons I
find for it in your own letters, now that I have
time to read them a little more deliberately,
I think sufiicient to determine you should,
though I say nothing at all. Every time I
think of it I am more and more confirmed in
the opinion that it is absolutely necessary in all
respects, whether I consider the public or your
own private concerns, neither of which are in-
different to me. It is my private thought that
the Parliament will scarce sit even so much as
to choose a Speaker before the end of the term ;
but whenever he is chosen, it is of no small
consequence which side carries it, if there be
two nominated, or at least in view, as it is ten
to one there will be, especially in a Parliament
chosen with so much struggle. Having given
all the help possibly you can in this, which is
usually a leading point, showing the strength
of the parties, my next advice to you is not to
speak at all in the House for some time, what-
ever fair opportunity you may seem to have :

JOHN LOCKE. 07

but tliougli you keep your mouth shut, 1 doubt
not but you will have your eyes open to see the
temper and observe the motions of the House,
and diligently to remark the skill of manage,
ment, and carefully watch the first and secret
beginnings of things, and their tendencies, and
endeavour, if there be danger in them, to crush
them in the egg. You will say, wdiat can you
do who are not to speak ? It is true I w^ould
not have you speak to the House, but you may
communicate your liglit or apprehensions to
some honest speaker who may make use of it ;
for there have always been very able members
who never speak, w^lio yet by their penetration
and foresight have this w^ay done as much ser-
vice as any witliin those walls. And hereby
you will more recommend yourself when
people shall observe so much modesty joined
with your parts and judgment, than if you
should seem forward though you spoke well.
But let the man you communicate wdtli be not
only well-intentioned, but a man of judgment.
INIethinks I take too much upon me in tliese
directions ; I have only then to say in my ex-
cuse, that you desired it more than once, and I
advise you nothing I would not do myself w^ere
I in your place. I should have much more to
say to you were you here, but it being fitter for

28 THE LIFE OF

discourse than for letter, I hope I may see you
here ere long, Sir Francis having already pro-
posed to me your stealing down sometimes
with him on Saturday, and returning Monday.
The Votes you offer me will be very acceptable,
and for some time at least during the busy sea-
son I would be glad you would send me, every
post, the three newspapers, viz. Postman, Post-
boy, and Flying Post ; but when you begin to
send them you will do me a kindness to stop
Mr. Churchill from sending me any more, for
he sends them now ; but it is by the butcher
they come, and very uncertainly. But when
you send me these papers, do not think you
are bound always to write to me ; though I
am always glad to hear from you, yet I must
not put that penance upon you. Things
of moment I doubt not but you will let me
know.

" I am your affectionate cousin,

J. L. "

" DEAll COUSIN, Feb. 7th, 1700.

" I AIM glad to find by yours of the 30th Jan.
that you are resolved to stay ; yoiu- own resolu-
tion in case of unforeseen accidents will always
be in your ])ower, or if you will make ine your
compliment that you will not go without niy

JOHN l.OC-KE. 29

leave, you may be sure that in any unforeseen
and pressing occasion that may happen that
may make it necessary for you, you will not
only have my leave, but my persuasion to go :
but as things are, I tliink it for your interest to
stay. If you have read the two ])arts of tlie
Duke of Anjou's Succession Considered, pray
tell me your opinion of it.

" Just now, I received yours of the 4th ;
whether you should frequent the meeting of
the Rose I know not, till I know wlio they are
that meet there. .

" I think your cousin's advice about Bank
bills and East India bonds is right. I wish the
cash you have of mine were turned into guineas;
in that specie it will be litter to lodge any
where, as there shall be occasion. I hope with
you it is very secure w here it is, and I cannot
desire you should do better for me than for
yourself; so that I shall rest satisfied whatever
may happen, being confident you do for me as
for yourself. Pray put in the Gazette w^ith
the other newspapers you send me.

" Your affectionate cousin,

And hiunble servant,

J. Locke."

30 THE LIT E OF

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, Feb. 29th, 1701.

" You need not make apologies for not pre-
cisely answering my letters : I can easily con-
ceive your hands full of late. When you see
my Lord Shaftesbury again, pray, with my
most humble service, let him know that, thougli
the honour of a visit from him be what I could
not in good manners ask, yet there is nothing
I have for this good while more earnestly longed
for, than an opportunity of kissing his hands ;
and since he owns so favourable an intention,
that of coming hither, my Lady IMasham and
I, are in impatient expectation of it.

" I believe Sir H. Fume's case might afford
you fit occasion to speak in a matter which,
being law, you might be fully master of. I
am very glad the ice is broke, and that it has
succeeded so well ; but now you have showed
the House that you can speak, I advise you to
let them see you can hold your ])eace, and let
nothing but some point of law, which you are
perfectly clear in, or the utmost necessity, call
you up again.

" A\'hen you go to the meeting of those gen-
tlemen you mention, I think you should say
as little as possible as to public affairs, but be-
have yourself rather as one im versed, and a

JOHN LOCKE. :j|

learner in such matters. ^Vnd your other busi-
ness in the law will be an excuse, if you are
not there every night, and you may always
learn the next day what was debated there the
niii'ht before.

" You will do me a kindness to send me
word what is done in the House of Lords, and
which way at any time tliey move with regard
to public things on foot.

" I am glad to hear it said that the House
seems in a good disposition, and resolved to
support England against France ; but wonder
at myself for saying I am glad, it being jiro-
digious for any one to think it could ever be
otherwise. And yet I find some here wonder,
that Avhilst the King of France makes such a
mighty collection of forces in Flanders just
over against us, we hear not of raising any
land-forces on this side the water, especially
since the printed papers mention transport
shi])s drawn together about Calais and that way.
If his fleet should be ready before ours, (which
God forbid !) what will your thirty thousand
seamen signify ?

" I am, dear cousin, your's,

J. Locke.

" The transactions ^ho of the Convocation
are worth observing: pray tell me, is Dr.

32 THE LIFE OF

Kennet's answer to JNIr. Atterbiuy worth the
reading? if it be, pray speak to JNIr. Church-
ill, when he comes in your way, to send it
me."

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, March 3rd.

" I IMAGINE by w^hat you say of the circuit,
that you have not duly considered the state in
which we are now placed. Pray reflect upon
it well, and then tell me whether you can think
of being a week together absent from your
trust in Parliament, till you see the main point
settled, and the kingdom in a posture of de-
fence against the ruin that threatens it. The
reason why I pressed you to stay in town was,
to give the world a testimony how much you
preferred the public to your private interest,
and how true you were to any trust you under-
took ; this is no small character, nor of small
advantage to a man coming into the world.
Besides, I thought it no good husbandry for a
man to get a few fees on circuit, and lose \\^est-
minster Hall. For I assure you, AVestminstcr
Hall is at stake, and I wonder how any one of
the House can sleep till he sees England in a
better state of defence, and hoAv lie can talk of
any thing else till that is done. Pray read the
pam])hlet I sent you by M. Coste ; of the rest,

JOHN LOCKE. 33

you and I shall talk when I see you here : the
sooner the better.

" I am your affectionate

J. L."

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, Srd Jan. 1701-2.

" I HAVE received the prints you sent me ;
I have read the King's speech, which is so gra-
cious, and expresses so high concern for the
religion, freedom, and interest of his people,
that methinks that besides what the two Houses
will do or have already done, the city of Lon-
don and counties of England, and all those w^ho
liave so lately addressed him, cannot do less
than with joined hearts and hands return him
addresses of thanks for his taking such care of
them. Think of this with yourself, and think
of it wdth others wdio can and ought to think
how to save us out of the hands of France, into
which we must fall, unless the whole nation
exert its utmost vigour, and that speedily.
Pray send me the King's speech printed by it-
self, and Avithout paring off* the edges ; a list
also of the members, if there be yet any one
printed complete and perfect.

" I am, dear cousin,

Affectionately, &;c.

J. L."

VOE. II. D

34 THE LIFE OF

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, 27th Feb. 1701-2.

"I A:\r more pleased with what you did for
the public the day of your last letter, than for
any thing you have done for me in my private
affairs, tliough I am very much beholden to
you for that too. You will guess by all my
letters to you of late, how acceptable to me is
the news of your not going out of town the
beginning of the next week. You see what
need there is of every one's presence, and how
near things come. Do not at this time lose a
week by going to Winchester or Salisbury.
You think the crisis is over ; but you know the
men indefatigable and always intent on oppor-
tunity, and that will make new crises, be but
absent and aiford occasion. I conclude, there-
fore, that you will stay at least a week longer ;
and let me tell you it can, it will, it shall be no
loss to you. Your affectionate cousin,

John Locke."

* * * Gates, 5th April, 1701.

" I CONFESS 1 do not see, if we stick to our
proposals, which the Dutch and we have given
in, how a war can be avoided ; and if we do
not obtain that security, the Dutch and we
must be lost. The House of Lords in their

JOHN LOCKE. 35

address are clear in that ]:)()int, and I think
every body sees it. The good King of France
desires only that you would take his word, and
let him be quiet till lie has got the West Indies
into his bauds, and his grandson well establish-
ed in Spain ; and then you may be sure you
shall be as safe as he will let you be, in your
religion, property, and trade. To all whicli,
who can be such an infidel as not to believe
him a great friend ?

" I am glad Lord Shaftesbury and you talk
of cominir at Easter, there will then be some
kind of vacancy."

" DEAR COUSIN, Odtes, 4th Nov. 1702.

" Had not my health with strong hand held
me back from such a journey at this time of
tlie year, especially to London, I had certainly,
upon reading my Lord Peterborough's message
to me in your letter, obeyed my inclination
and come to kiss his hands before he went;
nor could the considerations of my health have
hindered me, nor the remonstrances of my
friends here against it, if I could have seen
any thing wherein 1 could by waiting upon
him liave done any service to his Lordshij).
As it is, there is nothing I have borne so un-
easily from the decays of age, my troublesome

D i>

36 THE LIFE OF

ear, my breathless lungs, and my being unable
to stir, as the being stopped paying my re-
spects in person, upon his going upon such an
expedition. And yet I know not what I
could do were I now in London, but intrude
myself unseasonably amidst a crowd of busi-
ness, and rob him uselessly of some of his
time, at a season when he cannot, I know, have
a minute to spare. But when I have said and
resolved all this, I find myself dissatisfied in
not seeing of him ; and 'tis a displeasure will rest
upon my mind, and add weight to that of those
infirmities that caused it. If I could hope
that in this my state of confinement and im-
potency, there was any thing remained that
might be useful to his Lordship, that would
be some comfort and relief to me. And if he
would let me know wherein I might be any
way serviceable to him in his absence, it would
make me put some value upon the little re-
mainder of my life. And dear cousin, if you
could, before my Lord goes, find an opportu-
nity to wait upon him, and say something to
him from me to the purport above written,
you would do me a singular kindness.

" Let me hear from you by the first oppor-
tunity. Your affectionate cousin,

J. Locke."

JOllxN LOCKE. 37

" DEAR COUSIN, Oates, 23id Nov. 1702.

" If you had come (as it seems you talked)
with my Lord Peterborough, you had saved
him the going several miles out of the way,
and I had seen you ; but you had business, and
I wonder not at it. I must trouble you once
more to wait upon my Lord or Lady Peter-
borough in my name, with the return of my
humble service and thanks for the honour they
have done me, and my inquiries how they do
after their journey. I hope you will have an
opportunity of going so far as Bow-street to-
morrow, that I may hear from you how they
do. I was much in pain about their getting to
town now the days are so short ; your letter say-
ing nothing of them, makes me presume they
got safe ; it would else have made a noise. Pray
in your letter write whether my Lord Marl-
borougli be yet come or no. I beg your pardon
for this trouble, and excuse it this once more.

And believe that I am your affectionate

J. L."

" All here greet you."

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, April SO, 1703.

" I AM puzzled in a little affair, and must
beg your assistance for the clearing of it. Mr.

38 THE LIFE OF

Newton, in Autumn last, made me a visit here ;
I showed him my essay upon the Corinthians,
with which he seemed very well pleased, but
had not time to look it all over, but promised
me if I would send it him, he would carefully
peruse it, and send me his observations and
opinion. I sent it him before Christmas, but
hearing nothing from him, I, about a month or
six weeks since, writ to him, as the inclosed
tells you, with the remaining part of the story.
When you have read it, and sealed it, I desire
you to deliver it at your convenience. He
lives in German St. : you must not go on a
Wednesday, for that is his day for being at the
Tower. The reason why I desire you to de-
liver it to him yourself is, that I would fain
discover the reason of his so long silence. I
have several reasons to think him truly my
friend, but he is a nice man to deal with,
and a little too apt to raise in himself sus-
picions where there is no ground ; therefore,
when you talk to him of my papers, and of his
opinion of them, ])ray do it with all the tender-
ness in the world, and discover, if you can, why
he kept them so long, and was so silent. But
this you must do without asking why he did
so, or discovering in the least that you are de-
sirous to know. You will do well to acquaint

him, that you intend to see meat Wliitsuiitide,
and shall be glad to bring a letter to me from
him, or any thing else he will please to send ;
this perhaps may quieken him, and make him
despatch these papers if he has not done it al-
ready. It may a little let you into the freer
discourse with him, if you let him know that
when you have been here with me, you have
seen me busy on them (and the Romans too,
if he mentions them, for I told him I was upon
them when he was here,) and have had a sight
of some part of what I was doing.

" Mr. Newton is really a very valuable man, -i
not only for his wonderful skill in mathematics,
but in divinity too, and his great knowledge in
the Scriptures, wherein I know few his equals.
And therefore pray manage the whole matter
so as not only to preserve me in his good
opinion, but to increase me in it ; and be sure
to press him to nothing, but what he is forward
in himself to do. In your last, you seemed
desirous of my coming to town ; I have many
reasons to desire to be there, but I doubt whe-
ther ever I shall see it again. Take not this for
a splenetic thought ; I thank God I have no
melancholy on that account, but I cannot but
feel what I feel ; my shortness of breath is so
far from being relieved by the renewing season

40 THE LIFE OF

of the year as it used to be, that it sensibly
increases upon me. 'Twas not therefore in a
fit of dispiritedness, or to prevail with you to
let me see you, that in my former I mentioned
the shortness of the time I thought I had in
this world. I spoke it then, and repeat it now
upon sober and sedate consideration. I have
several things to talk to you of, and some of
present concernment to yourself, and I know
not whether this may not be my last time of
seeing you. I shall not die the sooner for
having cast up my reckoning, and judging as
impartially of my state as I can. I hope I
shall not live one jot the less cheerfully the
time that I am here, nor neglect any of the
offices of life whilst I have it ; for whether it
be a month or a year, or seven years longer, the
longest any one out of kindness or compliment
can propose to me, is so near nothing when con-
sidered, and in respect of eternity, that if the
sight of death can put an end to the comforts
of life, it is always near enough, especially
to one of my age, to have no satisfaction in
living.

" I am your affectionate cousin

And humble servant,

J. L."

JOHN LOCKE. 41

" DEAU COUSIN, Oates, April 23, 1703.

" I TOLD you that the Term liad got you, nor
am I dissatisfied that you mind your business ;
but I do not well bear it that you speak so
doubtfully of making yourself and me a ho-
liday at Whitsuntide. I do not count upon
much time in this world, and therefore you
will not blame me (if you think right of me)
for desiring to see and enjoy you as much as
I can, and having your company as much as
your business wdll permit : besides that, I think
some intervals of ease and air are necessary
for you."

" DEAR COUSIN, Gates, Nov. 15, 1703.

" I TAKE very kindly your offer of coming
hither : your kindness makes me very willing
to see and enjoy you, but at the same time
it makes me the more cautious to disturb your
business ; how^ever, since you allow^ me the
liberty, you may be assured, if there be oc-
casion, I shall send for you.

" I am troubled at the ncAVS from Turkey,
for though I tliink I shall be gone before any
storm from thence can reach hither, yet you
and my friends and my country, whilst I have

42 THE LIFE OF

any thought, will be dear to me. As to my
lungs, they go on their course, and though they
have brought me now to be good for nothing,
I am not surprised at it ; they have lasted
longer already than the world or I expected ;
how much longer they will be able to blow at
the hard rate they do, I cannot precisely say.
But in the race of human life, when breath is
wanting for the least motion, one cannot be far
from one's journey's end.

" Your affectionate cousin,

And humble servant,

J. T.."

" Dec. 4, 1703.

" If Sir Cloudesly Shovel and the men-of-
war that went out of the Downs with him are
lost, and the storm has that effect upon us and
the Dutch, that the King of Spain cannot go
between this and Christmas to Portugal, as was
concerted, what other thing can be reasonable
to be done, but to keep ready money by you
for any exigence that may hap])en ? there you
have in short my measures. I would not, I
confess, ])nrt witli a ])enny for parchment or
paper securities of any kind, till I could see
what is like to come of the terrible shock."

JOHN LOCKE. 43

" Gates, June 1, 1704.
" I have received no letters from yoii since
the 20th. I remember it is the end of a Term,
a busy time with you, and you intend to be
here speedily, which is better than waiting at a
distance. Pray be sin-e to order your matters
so as to spend all the next -week with me : as
far as I can impartially guess, it w ill be the last
w^eek I am ever like to have with you ; for if I
mistake not very much, I have very little time
left in the world. Tins comfortable, and to
me usually restorative season of the year, has
no effect upon me for the better : on the con-
trary, my shortness of breath, and uneasiness,
every day increases ; my stomach, without any
visible cause, sensibly decays, so that all appear-
ances concur to w^arn me, that the dissolution
of this cottage is not far off. Refuse not,
therefore, to help me to pass some of the last
hours of my life as easily as may be in the
conversation of one who is not only the nearest,
but the dearest to me, of any man in the world.
I have a great many things to talk to you,
which I can talk to nobody else about. I there-
fore desire you again, deny not this to my
affection. I know nothing at such a time so
desirable, and so useful, as the conversation of
a friend one loves and relies on. It is a week

44 THE LIFE OF

free from business, or if it were not, perhaps you
would have no reason to repent the bestowing
a day or two upon me. INIake haste, therefore,
on Saturday, and be here early : I long till I
see you. I writ to you in my last, to bring
some cherries with you, but fear they will be
troublesome to you ; and these things that en-
tertain the senses, have lost with me a great
part of their relish ; therefore, give not your-
self any trouble about them ; such desires are
usually but the fancy seeking pleasure in one
thing, when it has missed it in another, and
seeks in vain for the delight which the indis-
position of the body has put an end to. When
I have your company, I shall forget these kind
of things.

" I am, dear cousin.

Your most affectionate,

J. Locke."

It was probably in this calm and philosophic
temper of mind that he wrote the epitaph,
which was afterwards placed upon his tomb, at
lii<>h Laver.

" Siste, viator; juxta situs est * * * *. Si
(jualis fuerit rogas, mediocritate sua contentum
se vixisse rcs])ondet. Literis innutritus, cous-
(pic tantum profecit ut vcritati unicc; studeret.

JOHN LOCKE. 45

Hoc ex scriptis illius disce; qua?, quod dc eo
reli(iuum est, majori fide tibi exliibebunt, quc\m
cpitapliii suspecta elogia. A^irtutes si quas ha-
buit, niinores sane quam quas sibi laudi, tibi in
exemplum proponcrct. Vitia una sepeliantur.
JNIorum exemphun si qua?ras, in Evangelio
habes, (vitiorum utinam nusquam,) mortalitatis
certe quod prosit hie et ubique.

" Natum * * *

" JNIortuum * * *

" INIemorat hac tabula brevi et ipsa interi-
tura."

During the last four years of his life, inereas-
ino; infirmities confined him to the retirement
he had chosen at Gates, near High Laver, in
Essex ; and although labouring under an in-
curable disorder, he was cheerful to the last,
constantly interested in the welfare of his
friends, and at the same time perfectly resign-
ed to his own fate. His literary occupation at
that time was the study of and Commentary
on St. Paul's Epistles, published amongst his
posthumous works.

In October 1704-, his disorder greatly in-
creased : on the 27th of that month. Lady
Masham not finding him in his study as usual,
went to his bedside, when he told her that the

4G THE LIFE OF

fatigue of getting up the day before liad been
too much for his strength, and that he never
expected to rise again from his bed. He said
that he had now finished his career in this
world, and that m all probability he should not
outlive the night, certainly not to be able to
survive beyond the next day or two. After
taking some refreshment, he said to those pre-
sent that he wished them all happiness after he
was gone. To Lady JMasham, who remained
witli him, he said that he thanked God he had
passed a happy life, but that now he found that
all was vanity, and exhorted her to consider
this world only as a preparation for a better
state hereafter. He would not suffer her to
sit up with him, saying, that perhaps he might
be able to sleep, but if any change should haj)-
pen, he would send for her. Having no sleep
in the night, he was taken out of bed and car-
ried into his study, where he slept for some
time in his chair ; after waking, he desired to be
dressed, and then heard Lady JNlasham read the
Psalms apparently with great attention, until
perceiving his end to draw near, he stopped her,
and expired a very few minutes afterwards,
about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 28th
October, in his 7f3d year.

JOHN LOCKE. 47

AVlieii wc consider tlic number of his pub-
lications as well as the subjects which he dis-
cusses, it is evident that his application must
have been very great, and to enumerate his
works will prove his surprising industry. His
great work, the Essay on Human Understand-
ing, was first published in 1690, nearly at the
same time as Newton's Principia, both con-
tributino; to render illustrious the era of the
Revolution. The Treatise on Civil Govern-
ment, a Letter for Toleration, first published
in I^atin, in Holland, and afterwards in Eng-
lish, with the second Letter in defence of
Toleration, were all published in 1690, and a
third Letter in 1692. The Treatise on Educa-
tion,* 1690; that concerning raising the value

* Bayle, Op. Mix. torn. 4, p. 695. Lettre a Minutol, Sep-
tember 21, 1G93. " M. Locke a public en Anglais diverses
Pensees sur I'Education des Enfans. C'est nn profond philo-
sophe, et qui a des vues fort finies sur tout ce qu'il entre-
pend." — And in page 690, " Quelqu'un travaille a mettre en
Fran^ais les Pensees que Monsieur Locke, I'un des plus pro-
fonds metaphysiciens de ce siecle, a publics en Anglais sur
I'Education, C'est un homme de beaucoup d'esprit. Je I'ai
vd ici (Roterdam) pendant le regne du Roi Jaques ; la Revo-
lution le ramena en Angleterre, ou il est fort content. 11 a
public un systcme de I'entendement, et un traite de I'origine
du Gouvernement, Ic dernier a cte traduit en Franfais. II
prouve que la souveraintc appartient abx peuplcs, ct qu'ils

48 THE LIFE OF

of JNloney and lowering the Interest, 1691 ; and
further considerations on the same subject,
1695, when he was very much consulted on the
measures then in operation for restoring the
coin. The Reasonableness of Christianity, *

ne font que la deposer entre les mains de ceux qu'on appelle
sonverains ; saiif a eux a retirer leur depot pour le mieux
placer, lorsque le bien public le demande. Vous savez que
c'est I'evangile du jour a present parnii les Protestans," &c.

* Locke on the Reasonableness of the Christian Religion
criticised in Vol. II, Bibliotheque choisie of Le Clerc, and
Histoire des Ouvrages des Savans, Feb. 1703. Bayle, Op.
torn. 4, p. 834. Letter to Coste, Dec. 27, 1703. " Autant
que je I'ai compris [the work on the Reasonableness, &c.]
cet ouvrage tend a montrer, que pourvu que Ton croie que
Jesus Christ est le Messie, et que Ton ait una intention sin-
cere d'obeir a ses preceptes, et de decouvrir les autres verites
contenues dans le Nouveau Testament, on a toute I'essence
du Chretien : de sorte qu'en vivant selon I'Evangile, autant
que la fragilite humaine le pent soufFrir, et en suppieant par
la foi et par la repentance ce qui manque aux bonnes
ceuvres, on est sauve aussi suremcnt, que si Ton etoit eclaire
sur tous les mysteres que I'Eglise Anglicane, par example,
trouve dans les ecrits des Aputres.

** L'auteur nous apprend dans la seconde partie, qu'il a
surtout eu dessein de convertir les Deistes : on a done lieu
de croire (|u'il a prdtendu faire voir, que I'esprit de la Reli-
gion Chrctienne n'est pas d'exiger de I'homme, comme une
condition necessaire a etre sauvc, que Ton croie ce grand
nombrc de dogmes incomprehcnsibles et qui choquent la
lumiere naturelle, dont la confession des Protestans est

JOHN T,()(KK. 49

l69'^, and a first and second vindication ol' tlie
same, 169(), and also the tliree elaborate l^etters

chargi-e : le Pcche originel, la Trinite, I'union hypostatique
du Verbe, &c. II n'a point travaille a concilier avec la
raison, ou a imposer a la raison le Jong de ces dogmes,
conime il a travaille fortenient a refuter les objections fondces
siir les fails de la conduite du Messie ; je veux dire, sur la
maniere de cacher ou de deguiser sa Mission, d'emploier des
responses ambigues quand il tHoit interroge par les Plia-
risiens, &c. : choses que certains Juifs ont violemnient cri-
tiquees, et qui ont je ne scai quoi de choquant. L'auteur a
dit, ce me semble, la-dessus de tres bonnes choses ; mais je
ne crois point qu'il y ait des Sociniens qui ne souscrioienl a
son livre, generalement parlant ; et il est certain que cette
Secte a toujours suivie cette tablature, pour rendre le Chris-
tianisme plus conforme aux lumieres de la raison."

Ditto, page 840. Letter to Coste, April 8, 1704.

" II auroit etc, peutetre, a souhaiter que l'auteur se fut
fait cette objection. Qu'encore qu'au commencement du
Christianisme on fVit sauve sans une croyance distincte de
la consubstantialite du Verbe, il ne s'ensuit pas qu'on le
puisse etre aujourd'hui. Car, les premiers Chretiens faisant
profession de recevoir le Messie pour le fils de Dieu, ne
nioient pas qu'il le fut essentiellement ; ils faisoient abstrac-
tion entre cette maniere d'etre fils de Dieu, et les autres
manieres : mais aujourd'hui cette abstraction est impossible.
II faut, ou admettre formellement, ou rejetter formellement
la co-essentialite du Verbe. Cela fait une difference capi-
tale; car vous savez que ' abstrahentium non est menda-
cium.' Tel ctoit I'ctat des simples aux premiers siecles ; ils
n'affirtnoientni ne nioient ce dogme la ; leur foi etoit la-des-
sus indeterminee. Mais depuis des disputes et les decisions,

VOI>. II. E

50 THE LIFE OF

in defence of tlie principles contained in the
Essay against the attacks of the Bishop of
AVorcester.

The Conduct of the Understanding, one of
the most useful and practical of his works, and
the Commentaries and Notes on the Epistles
of St. Paul, close the catalogue of those of his
literary laboiu's which have been given to the
world. *

il faut opter ou la negative on I'affirmative. Or il est bien
plus criminel de rejetter une verite proposee, que d'ignorer
simplement si les termes, sous lesquels on croit, signifient
precisement, determineraent, une telle chose, ou une autre."

* Copyright of Locke's Works.

Mr. Locke received for the first edition of the Essay on
Human Understanding L'O/. in 1689, and by agreement made
several years afterwards, the bookseller was to deliver six
books well bound for every subsequent edition, and also to
pay ten shillings for each additional sheet. For the Reason-
ableness of Christianity, the price was ten shillings each
sheet. For *' the copy of several other books," which I be-
lieve were, the Consideration of raising the Value, or lower-
ing the Interest of Money, the Reasonableness of Christi-
anity, and Vindication of the same, the sum received was
" 44/. 15s-." For the Treatise on Education, 51. for every
impression, and twenty-five books bound in calf. Of this
book Mr. Cline, the celebrated surgeon, said that it had con-
tributed more to the general health of the higher classes of
society, by one rule which the author lays down, than any
other book he had ever read.

1698, My

JOHN LOCKF-. 51

CODICIL OF Mi{. Locke's will kelatino to

HIS works.

" Whereas the llev. Dr. Hudson, Hbrary
keeper of the Bodleian T^ibrary in the Univer-
sity of Oxford, writ to me some time since,
desiring of me, for the said library, the books
Avhereof I was the author, I did, in return to
the honour done me therein, present to the
said library all the books that were published
in my name, which, though accepted with ho-
nourable mention of me, yet were not under-
stood fully to answer the request made me ; it
being supposed that tliere were other treatises,
whereof I was the author, which had been pub-
lished without my name to them : in compli-
ance, therefore, with what was desired in the
utmost extent of it, and in acknowledgment of
the honour done me, in thinking my writings
worthy to be placed among the works of the
learned, in that august repository, — I do hereby
give to the public library of the University of
Oxford, these following books ; that is to say ;

1698. My Reply to the Bishop of Worcester's

second answer - _ - 14/. 10a.

Fourth edition of my Education - 5/.

1();»9. Third Letter to the Bishop of Worcester 14/.

Locke's Account-Books.
I' '*

52 THE LIFE OF

three letters concerning Toleration, the first
whereof I writ in Latin, and was published at
Tergon in Holland 1689, under the title " Epis-
tola de Tolerantia," and afterwards translated
into English, without my privity. 2nd. A
second letter concerning Toleration, printed for
Awnsham and John Churchill, 1690. 3rd. A
third letter for Toleration, to the author of the
third letter concerning Toleration, printed for
Awnsham and John Churchill, 1692. Two
Treatises of government, whereof ^Ir. Churchill
has published several editions, but all very in-
correct. The Reasonableness of Christianity,
as delivered in the Scriptures. A Vindication
of the Reasonableness of Christianity from ^Ir.
Edwards' reflections. A Second Vindication
of the Reasonableness of Christianity. These
are all the books whereof I am the author,
which have been published without my name
to them. Item. I give' to the said Bodleian
Library the argument of the letter concerning
Toleration, briefly considered and answered,
printed at Oxford 1691, both which treatises
it is my will should be bound up in one volume,
with my three letters on the same subject, that
therein any one wlio pleaseth, may have the
convenience to examine what my opponent and
I have said in the controversy.

JOHN LOCKE. 53

*' Item. Whereas, there is intended speedily
another edition of my Essay concerning Hu-
man Understanding, wlierein there will be in
the thirty-first chapter of the second book some
small alterations which I have made wdth my
own hand, that the University wliich hath been
pleased to honour it with a place in its library,
may have that essay in the Estate that my last
thoughts left it in, it is my will that my execu-
tor shall, in my name present to the said Bod-
leian Library, one copy of the next edition of
my said Essay well bound. Item. Whereas I
am informed that there is a design of publish-
ing two other volumes as a continuation of the
collection of voyages published this year by A.
and S. Churchill in four vols, folio, it is my
will that my executor shall, in my name, pre-
sent to the said Bodleian Library the two in-
tended volumes also, when they come out,
which I do hereby give to the University of
Oxford."

The character of Locke which Le Clerc has
added to his 61oge, derived, as he tells us, from
a person who knew him well, is too excellent
to be omitted.

54 THE LIFE OF

" He was," says she, (and I can confirm her
testimony in great measure by what I have
myself seen here) " a profound philosopher,
and a man fit for the most important affairs.
He had much knowledge of belles lettres, and
his manners were very polite and particularly
engaging. He knew something of almost
every thing which can be useful to mankind,
and was thoroughly master of all that he had
studied, but he showed his superiority by not
appearing to value himself in any way on ac-
count of his great attainments. Nobody as-
sumed less the airs of a master, or was less dog-
matical, and he was never offended when any
one did not agree with his opinions. Tliere
are, nevertheless, a species of disputants, who,
after having been refuted several times, always
return to the charge, and only repeat the same
argument. These lie could not endure, and he
sometimes talked of them with impatience, but
he was the first to acknowledge that he had
been too hasty. In the most trifling circum-
stances of life, as well as in speculative opi-
nions, he was always ready to be convinced by
reason, let tlic information come from whom-
ever it might. He was the most faitlifid fol-
lower, or indeed the slave of truth, wliich he

JOHN LOCKE. 55

never abandoned on any account, and wliich
lie loved for its own sake.

" He accommodated himself to the level of
the most moderate understandings; and in dis-
j)uting witli them, he did not diminish the
force of their arguments against himself, al-
though they were not well expressed by those
who had used them. He felt pleasure in con-
versing with all sorts of people, and tried to
profit by their information, Avhich arose not
only from the good education he had received,
but from the opinion he entertained, that there
was nobody from whom something useful could
not be got. And indeed by this means he had
learned so many things concerning the arts and
trade, that he seemed to have made them his
particular study, insomuch that those whose
profession they were, often profited by his in-
formation, and consulted him with advantage.
Bad manners particularly annoyed and disgust-
ed him, when he saw they proceeded not from
ignorance of the world, but from pride, from
haughtiness, from ill-nature, from brutal stu-
])idity, and other similar vices ; otherwise, he
was far from despising whomever it might be
for having a disagreeable appearance. He con-
sidered civility not only as something agreeable

56 THE LIFE OF

and proper to gain people's hearts, but as a
duty of Christianity, which ought to be more
insisted on than it commonly is. He recom-
mended with reference to this, a tract of Messrs.
de Port Royal, ' sur les moyens de conserver
la paix avec les hommes ;' and he much ap-
proved the sermons he had heard from INIr.
Wichkot, a Doctor of Divinity, on this subject,
and which have since been printed.

" His conversation was very agreeable to all
sorts of people, and even to ladies ; and nobody
was better received than he was among people
of the highest rank. He was by no means
austere, and as the conversation of well-bred
people is usually more easy, and less studied
and formal, if Mr. Locke had not naturally
these talents, he had acquired them by inter-
course with the w^orld, and what made him so
much the more agreeable was, that those w'ho
were not acquainted with him, did not expect
to find such manners in a man so much de-
voted to study. Those w^ho courted the ac-
quaintance of JNIr. Locke to collect w'hat might
be learnt from a man of his understanding, and
who approached him with res])ect, w^ere sur-
prised to find in him not only the manners of
a well-bred man, but also all the attention which

JOHN LOCKK. 57

they could expect. He often spoke against
raillery, which is the most hazardous part of
conversation if not managed with address, and
though he excelled in it himself, he never said
any thing which could shock or injure any
body. He knew how to soften every thing he
said, and to give it an agreeable turn. If he
joked his friends, it was about a trifling fault,
or about something which it w^as advantageous
for them to know. As he was particularly
civil, even when he began to joke, people were
satisfied that he would end by saying some-
thinsr oblioino'. He never ridiculed a misfor-
tune, or any natural defect.

" He was very charitable to the poor, pro-
vided they were not the idle, or the profligate,
who did not frequent any church, or who spent
their Sundays in an alehouse. He felt, above
all, compassion for those who, after having
worked hard in their youth, sunk into poverty
in their old age. He said, that it was not suf-
ficient to keep them from starving, but that
they ought to be enabled to live with some
comfort. He sought opportunities of doing
good to deserving objects ; and often in his
walks he visited the poor of the neighboiu'hood,
and gave them the wherewithal to relieve their

58 THK LIFE OF

wants, or to buy the medicines winch he pre-
scribed for them if they were sick, and had no
medical aid.

" He did not like any thing to be wasted ;
which was, in his opinion, losing the treasure
of which God has made us the economists.
He himself was very regular, and kept exact
accounts of every thing.

" If he had any defect, it was the being some-
what passionate ; but he had got the better of
it by reason, and it was very seldom that it
did him or any one else any harm. He often
described the ridicide of it, and said that it
availed nothing in the education of children,
nor in keeping servants in order, and that it
only lessened the authority which one had over
them. He was kind to his servants, and showed
them with gentleness how he wished to be
served. He not only kept strictly a secret
which had been confided to him, but he never
mentioned any thing which could prove inju-
rious, although he had not been enjoined se-
crecy ; nor did he ever wrong a friend by any
sort of indiscretion or inadvertency. He was
an exact observer of his word, and what he pro-
mised was sacred. He was scrupulous about
recommending ])co])le whom he did not know,
and he could not bring himself to praise th.ose

JOHN LOCKE. 59

whom he did not think worthy. If lie was told
that his recommendations had not produced the
effect which was expected, he said, tliat 'it
arose from his never having deceived any body,
by saying more than he knew, tliat what he
answered for might be foimd as he stated it,
and tliat if he acted otherwise, his recommend-
ations would have no weight.'

" His greatest amusement was to talk with
sensible people, and he courted their conver-
sation. He possessed all the requisite qualities
for keeping up an agreeable and friendly in-
tercourse. He only played at cards to please
others, althougb from having often found him-
self among people who did, he played well
enough when he set about it ; but he never pro-
posed it, and said it was only an amusement for
those who have no conversation.

" In his habits he was clean without affecta-
tion or singularity ; he was naturally very ac-
tive, and occupied himself as much as his health
would admit of. Sometimes he took pleasure
in working in a garden, which he understood
perfectly. He liked exercise, but the com-
plaint on his chest not allowing him to walk
much, he used to ride after dinner ; when he
could no longer bear the motion of a horse, lie
used to go out in a wheel chair; and he always

60 THE LIFE OF

wished for a companion, even if it were only a
child, for he felt pleasure in talking with well-
bred children. The weak state of his health
was an inconvenience to himself alone, and oc-
casioned no unpleasant sensation to any one,
beyond that of seeing him suffer. His diet
was the same as other people's, except that he
usually drank nothing but water ; and he
thought his abstinence in this respect had pre-
served his life so long, although his constitu-
tion was so weak. He attributed to the same
cause the preservation of his sight, which was
not much impaired at the end of his life ; for
he could read by candle-light all sorts of books,
unless the print was very small, and he never
made use of spectacles. He had no other in-
firmity but his asthma, except that four years
before his death he became very deaf, during a
period of about six months. Finding himself
thus deprived of the pleasures of conversation,
he doubted whether blindness was not prefer-
able to deafness, as he wrote to one of his
friends; otherwise, he. bore his infirmities very
patiently. — This," as Le Clerc says, " is an ac-
curate, and by no means flattered description of
this great man."

It has been observed in this character of
Locke, that he knew something of almost every

JOHN LOC'KK. 61

tiling-, and that he had learned so much of the
Arts that he seemed to have made them his
peculiar study. The truth and accuracy of this
remark is fully confirmed by the numerous re-
ceipts, memoranda, and observations, scattered
throughout the Journal. All, or very nearly
all these have been omitted, because their pub-
lication would now be useless, considering the
improvements that have been made in arts and
manufactures during the last century and a
half. As they exist in the original Journal,
they afford a striking proof of the activity of
his mind, of his industry in obtaining informa-
tion, and of the accuracy of his descriptions.
It is sufficient to say, that if he sees a cannon
foundry, or a manufacture of fire-arms, he notes
down in great detail the exact process of casting
and boring, and of making the best French or
German gun -barrels. He does the same of op-
tical glasses, and of microscopes. He is as cu-
rious in observing the fermentation of wine,
the method of making soap or verdigris, as he
is to collect the most accurate information re-
specting the weights and measures or the true
proportion of alloy in the different coins of
every country in Europe. In one page he de-
scribes tlie management of vines, olives, and
fruit-trees ; in another, the preparation of

G2 THE LIFE OF

Spanish perfumes ; and in another, lie writes
on the metaphysical questions of space and ex-
tension.

The religious opinions of this great man may
best be collected from his own writings : to an
ardent piety and a firm belief in the religion
he professed, was joined a truly Christian cha-
rity for all those who differed in opinion from
him. The religion of Locke was that revealed
in tlie Scriptures, which, in his opinion, was
the most reasonable religion in the world. Of
the particular form of his faith, it is more
difficult to speak, because he was always averse
to vain and idle disputations : but for the dog-
matical and mystical doctors of the Church he
certainly had no predilection. Reason was his
rule and guide in every thing ; toleration was
his text ; and he abhorred tliose only who per-
vert that divine precept, which teaches — to
promote peace on earth, and good will towards
man. Those who rely upon his authority, and.
make use of his name, would do well to con-
sider what manner of Christian he was : and,
when they bid others believe because he be-
lieved, let them also teach as lie taught, and
practise those virtues which lie ]iractised.

He lived in communion with the Church
of England ; but it will appear most clearly,

JOHN LOCKK. 0;i

from extracts which will be given from an uii-
piiblislied reply to a work of Dr. Stillingfleet's,
that he entertained a strong opinion that the
exclusive doctrines of the Church of England
were very objectionable ; that he thought them
much too narrow and confined, and that he
wished for a much larger and easier compre-
hension of Protestants.

The following paper, in Locke's hand-
writing, was drawn up by him apparently for
the rule and guidance of a religious society,
whilst he resided in Holland, as it is dated
1688. It may be considered as his idea of a
pure Christian community, or church un-
tainted by worldly considerations, or by pro-
fessional arts.

PACIFIC CHRISTIANS.

1. We think nothing necessary to be known,
or believed for salvation, but what God hath
revealed.

2. We therefore embrace all those who, in
sincerity, receive the Word of Truth revealed
in the Scripture, and obey the light which
enlightens every man that comes into the
world.

.'3. We judge no man in meats, or drinks, or

(34 THE LIFE OF

habits, or days, or any other outward obser-
vances, but leave every one to his freedom in
the use of those outward things w^hich he
thinks can most contribute to build up the
inward man in righteousness, holiness, and the
true love of God, and his neighbour, in Christ

Jesus.

4. If any one find any doctrinal parts of
Scripture difficvilt to be understood, we re-
commend him, — 1st. The Study of the Scrip-
tures in humility and singleness of heart : 2d.
Prayer to the Father of lights to enhghten
him : 3d. Obedience to w^hat is already re-
vealed to him, remembering that the practice
of what we do know is the surest way to more
knowledge; our infallible guide having told
us, if any man will do the will of Him that
sent me, he shall know of the doctrine, John
vii. 17. 4th. We leave him to the advice and
assistance of those w^hom he thinks best able
to instruct him. No men, or society of men,
having any authority to impose their opinions
or interpretations on any other, the meanest
Christian. Since, in matters of religion, every
man must know, and believe, and give an
account for himself,

5. We liold it to be an indispensable duty
for all Christians to maintain love and charity

JOHN LOCKE. G5

in the diversity of contrary opinions : by wliicli
charity we do not mean an empty sound, but
an effectual forbearance and good-will, carrying
men to a communion, friendship, and mutual
assistance one of another, in outward as well
as spiritual things ; and by debarring all ma-
gistrates from making use of their authority,
much less their sword, (which was put into
their hands only against evil doers,) in matters
of faith or worship.

6. Since the Christian religion ^ve profess is
not a notional science, to furnish speculation
to the brain, or discourse to the tongue, but
a rule of righteousness to influence our lives,
Christ having given himself to redeem us from
all iniquity, and purify unto himself a people
zealous of good works,* we profess the only
business of our public assemblies to be to ex-
hort thereunto, laying aside all controversy
and speculative questions, instruct and encou-
rage one another in the duties of a good life,
which is acknowledged to be the great business
of true religion, and to pray God for the as-
sistance of his Spirit for the eidightening our
understanding and subduing our corruptions,
that so we may return unto him a reasonable
and acceptable service, and show our faith by

* Titus ii Id.
YOl.. 1 1. F

QQ THE LIFE OF

our works, proposing to ourselves and others the
example of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,
as the great pattern for our imitation.

7. One alone being our master, even Christ,
we acknowledge no masters of our assembly ;
but if any man in the spirit of love, peace,
and meekness, has a word of exhortation, we
hear him.

8. Nothing being so oppressive, or having
proved so fatal to unity, love, and charity, the
first great characteristical duties of Christianity,
as men's fondness of their own opinions, and
their endeavours to set them up, and have tliem
followed, instead of the Gospel of peace; to
prevent those seeds of dissension and division,
and maintain unity in the difference of opi-
nions wliich we know cannot be avoided — if
any one appear contentious, abounding in his
own sense ratlier than in love, and desirous to
draw followers after himself, with destruction
or opposition to others, we judge him not to
have learned Christ as he ought, and therefore
not fit to be a teacher of others.

9. Decency and order in our assemblies being
directed, as they ought, to edification, can need
but very few and phiin rules. Time and place
of meeting being settled, if any tiling else need
regulation, the assembly itself, or four of the

JOHN LOCKE. 67

ancientcst, soberest, and discrcctest of tlie
brethren, chosen for that occasion, shall regu-
late it.

10. From every brother that, after admoni-
tion, walketh disorderly, we withdraw our-
selves.

11. We each of us think it our duty to pro-
pagate the doctrine and practice of universal
good-will and obedience in all ])laces, and on all
occasions, as God shall give us opportunity.

Thus lived this great and upright man, whose
private history I have endeavoured to make
more known from the memorials he has left,
and from the best information that I have
been able to collect. From these and from his
works, it is evident that his understanding was
alike fitted for speculation or practice ; and
that his mind was capable of comprehending
the greatest subjects, and of adajiting itself to
the smallest details. He regidated his aflairs,
his time, and liis employments with the truest
economy, and the most exact attention to
method and order. He was ever ready to as-
sist his friends, and he had the satisfaction of
retaining their attachment to the end of his

6S THE LIFE OF

life. He possessed those great requisites of
happiness — equanimity, cheerfuhiess of tem-
per, and the habit of constantly employing his
mind in the pursuit of noble or useful objects.
He was engaged not only in metaphysical and
logical researches, but in most of the great
questions which agitated men's minds in re-
ligion and politics during the period in which
he lived ; and greater questions certainly never
were decided than those contended for between
the time of tlie Civil Wars of Charles the
First and the Revolution of 1688. ^Vhatever
may be the inaccuracies or errors in his abstract
principles, and many exceptionable passages
may no doubt be found in his works, yet it is
allowed that, when writing on political ques-
tions, he thoroughly weighed and maturely con-
sidered the practical results, and arrived at con-
clusions which are always just, generous, and
prudent.

It was within the compass of his life that
the great question of Toleration was first agi-
tated, and by his exertions in great part de-
cided. For it must not be supposed that the
Reformation conferred a general freedom of
conscience, or liberty of enquiry in religious
concerns. No greater latitude of examination
(except in that one sense as set forth by autho-

JOHN LUCKK. CQ

1 rity,) was either intended or permitted after
the liefbrmation, than had been allowed under
the Roman Church. One tyranny was re-
placed by another; and the new Churcli was
no less intolerant than its predecessor. The
civil mao'istrate first assumed the direction of
the Reformation in England, tlien formed a
league Avith the Church (falsely so called), and
usurped that dominion over opinion and faith
which the Popes had usurped before. The
state-Church now made the same imperious de-
mand for tlie prostration of the understanding,
and the will of the people committed to their
charge, always so much coveted by every priest-
hood* which has the power to enforce it. We
exchanged at the Reformation a foreign sj^iri-
tual head, for an equally supreme dictatorship
at home. All who presumed to differ from
tlie established rule, were smitten by that
double-edged sword which tlie civil power
wielded against the Papists on one side, and
the " fanatics" on the other. Ultra citraque
nefas, it treated with equal severity those who
yielded too much to authority, and those wlio
yielded too little.

In one respect, the Reformation conferred

* Sec Locke, Common-place Book, article Sacerdos.

70 THE LIFE OF

ail unmixed benefit; it dispersed the wealth,
and broke the power of the priesthood : as for
toleration, or any true notion of religious li-
berty, or any general freedom of conscience, we
owe them not in the least degree to what is
called the Church of England. On the con-
trary, we owe all these to the Independents in
the time of the Commonwealth, and to Locke,
their most illustrious and enlightened disciple.

If we consider the political changes which it
was his fortune to witness, and the important
effects produced by his opinions and his writ-
ings in promoting the free exercise of reason,
which he considered as the highest of all the
high interests of mankind, and that on the se-
curity of which all others depended ; we shall
be of opinion that his lot was cast at the time
the most fortunate for himself, and for the im-
provement of mankind. Had he lived a cen-
tury earlier, he might have been an enquirer
indeed, or a reformer, or perhaps a martyr ; but
the lleformation, which was brought about by
passion and interest, more than by reason, was
not the occasion for the exercise of his pecu-
liar talents. Had he lived at a later period,
tiie season and the opportunity suited to his
genius might have passed by.

It was also within the compass of his life

JOHN LocKi:. 71

that tlie other great contest was decided in
England ; whether the rights of Kings were
to be paramount to all laws, to supersede all
laws, and to dis])ense with all laws ; or whether
the subjects of England were to possess and
enjoy their ancient undoubted rights and li-
berties, as claimed and asserted at the Revo-
lution, of which Locke was the most success-
ful advocate. His object in the treatise on
Civil Government, was, as he says, " to esta-
blish the throne of our great restorer, our pre-
sent King AVilliam ; to make good his title in
the consent of the people, wdiich being the
only one of all lawful governments, he has
more fully and clearly than any prince in
Christendom ; and to justify to the world, the
people of England, whose love of their just
and natural rights, with the resolution to pre-
serve them, saved the nation when it was on
the very brink of slavery and ruin."

Sir James Mackintosh, after praising the
caution for which Locke's Treatise on Go-
vernment is so remarkable, bearing, as he says
everywhere the marks of his own considerate
mind, has observed that " the circumstances
of his life rendered it a long warfare against
the enemies of freedom in philosophizing, free-
dom in worship, and freedom from every i)0-

72 THE LIFE OF

litical restraint wliicli necessity did not justify.
In his noble zeal for liberty of thought, he
dreaded the tendency of doctrines which nnight
gradually prepare mankind to * swallow that for
an innate 2}rmciple which maij suit his 'purpose
who teacheth them." Fie might well be excused,
if in the ardour of his generous conflict, he
sometimes carried beyond the bounds of calm
and neutral reason, his repugnance to doctrines
which, as they were then generally explained,
he justly regarded as capable of being em-
ployed to shelter absurdity from detection, to
stop the progress of free inquiry, and to sub-
ject the general reason to the authority of a
few individuals." The same accurate judge
has observed, that " every error of INIr. Locke
in speculation, may be traced to the influence
of some virtue; at least every error, except
some of the erroneous opinions generally re-
ceived in his age, which with a sort of passive
acquiescence, he suffered to retain their place in
his mind." After selecting this favourable
apology for Locke's errors, I may be accused
of partiality if I omit noticing the opinion of
another most acute writer, who speaking of
the Essay has declared, " that few books can
be named from which it is possible to extract
more exceptionable })assages." It is, however,

.I()lli\ LOCKE. 73

tliouglit by many, that INIr. Stewart scarcely
does justice to Locke's principles, and that he
too much distrusted their tendency. On tlie
subject of free will, he says, " Locke is more
indistinct, undecided, and inconsistent, than
^ might have been expected from his powerful
mind when directed to so important a ques-
,\tion." He seems to think that he had made
various concessions to his adversaries, in which
he yielded all that was contended for by
Hobbes. He has accordingly been numbered,
with some appearance of truth, with those who
have substantially adopted the scheme of ne-
cessity, while they verbally oppose those doc-
trines. That some of the principles contained
in the Essay may possibly lead to these ex-
treme consequences, that they may be pushed
thus far, that these grave objections have been
brought forward, cannot be denied. I should,
however, have profited little from the example
and precepts of that upright man, whose life
I have endeavoured to make more generally
known, whose sincerity and simplicity, whose
constant search for truth, are among the most
distinguished features of his character, if I at-
tempted to palliate or disguise those imputed
errors and mistakes, which he himself, if con-
vinced, would liave been the first to retract.

74 JOHN LOCKE.

" AVhalever I write," these are his own words,
" as soon as I shall discover it not to be truth,
my hand shall be forwardest to throw it in the
fire."

The delineation of his true character, what-
ever may be its defects, the most faithful por-
trait of him, will, I believe, contribute more ef-
fectually to his real fame, than any praise, how-
ever laboured and brilliant it might be, and I
am convinced it is the only panegyric which is
worthy of him.

KNl) OF THK LIFE.

EXTRACTS FROM
LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BOOK.

(On the first page is written, " Nat. 29 August, 1632,
Adversaria, 16G1.")

ERKOll.

The great division among Christians is about
opinions. Every sect has its set of them, and
that is called Orthodoxy ; and he who professes
his assent to them, though Avith an implicit
faith, and without examining, he is orthodox
and in the way to salvation. But if he ex-
amines, and thereupon questions any one of
them, he is presently suspected of heresy, and
if he oppose them or hold the contrary, he is
presently condemned as in a damnable error,
and in the sure way to perdition. Of this, one
may say, that there is, nor can be, nothing more
wrong. For he that examines, and u])on a fair
examination embraces an error for a truth, has

76 EXTRACTS FROM

done his duty, more than he who embraces the
professio]! (for the truths themselves he does
not embrace) of the truth without having ex-
amined whether it be true or no. And he that
has done his duty, according to the best of his
abihty, is certainly more in the way to Heaven
than he who has done nothing of it. For if it
be our duty to search after truth, he certainly
that has searched after it, though he has not
found it, in some points has paid a more accep-
table obedience to the will of his JMaker, than
he that has not searched at all, but professes to
have found truth, when he has neither searched
nor found it. For he that takes up the opi-
nions of any Church in the lump, without ex-
amining them, has tridy neither searched after,
nor found truth, but has only found those that
he thinks have found truth, and so receives
what they say with an implicit faith, and so
pays them the homage that is due only to God,
who caimot be deceived, nor deceive. In this
way the several Churclies (in which, as one may
observe, opinions are preferred to life, and or-
thodoxy is that which they are concerned for,
and not morals) put the terms of salvation on
that which the jVutlior of our salvation docs
not ])ut them in. The believing of a collection
of certain pr()])ositi()ns, wliich are called and

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE lK)OK. 77

esteemed fundamental articles, because it lias
pleased the com])ilers to put them into their
confession of faith, is made the condition of sal-
vation. But this believing is not, in truth, be-
lieving, but a profession to believe ; for it is
enough to join with those who make the same
profession ; and ignorance or disbelief of some
of those articles is well enough borne, and a
man is orthodox enough and without any sus-
picion, till he begins to examine. As soon as
it is perceived tliat he quits the implicit faith,
expected tliough disowned by the Church, his
orthodoxy is presently questioned, and he is
marked out for a heretic. In this way of an
implicit faith, I do not deny but a man who
believes in God the Father Almighty, and that
Jesus Christ is his only Son our Lord, may be
saved, because many of the articles of every
sect are such as a man may be saved without
the explicit belief of. But how the several
Churches who place salvation in no less than a
knowledge and belief of their several confes-
sions, can content themselves with such an im-
plicit faith in any of their members, I must
own I do not see. The truth is, we cannot be
saved without performing something which is
the explicit believing of what God in the Gos-
pel has made absolutely necessary to salvation

78 EXTRACTS FROM

to be explicitly believed, and sincerely to obey
what he has there commanded. To a man who
believes in Jesus Christ, that he is sent from
God to be the Saviour of the world, the first
step to orthodoxy is a sincere obedience to his
law. Objection — ■ But 'tis an ignorant day-
labourer that cannot so much as read, and how
can he study the Gospel, and become orthodox
that way ? Answer — A ploughman that can-
not read, is not so ignorant but he has a con-
science, and knows in those few cases which
concern his own actions, what is right and what
is wrong. Let him sincerely obey this light
of nature, it is the transcript of the moral law
in the Gospel ; and this, even though there be
errors in it, will lead him into all the truths in
the Gospel that are necessary for liim to know.
For he that in earnest believes Jesus Christ to
be sent from God, to be his Lord and ruler,
and does sincerely and unfeignedly set upon a
good life as far as he knows his duty ; and
where he is in doubt in any matter that con-
cerns himself he caimot fail to cncpiire of tliosc
better skilled in Christ's law, to tell liini what
his T..ord and master has commanded in the
case, and desires to have his law read to him
concerning that duty whicli he finds himself
concerned in, for the regulation of liis own

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACK BOOK. 79

actions ; for as for other men's actions, Avhat is
right or wrong as to them, that he is not con-
cerned to know ; his business is to live well
with himself, and do what is his particular duty.
This is knowledge and orthodoxy enough for
him, which will be sure to bring him to sal-
vation,— an orthodoxy which nobody can miss,
who in earnest resolves to lead a good life ; and,
therefore, I lay it down as a princi])le of Chris-
tianity, that the right and only way to saving
orthodoxy, is the sincere and steady purpose of a
good life. Ignorant of many things contained
in the Holy Scriptures we are all. Errors also
concerning doctrines delivered in Scrij)ture, we
have all of us not a few : these, therefore, can-
not be damnable, if any shall be saved. And if
they are dangerous, 'tis certain the ignorant and
illiterate are safest, for they have the fewest
errors that trouble not themselves with specula-
tions above their capacities, or beside their con-
cern. A good life in obedience to the law of
Christ their Lord, is their indispensable busi-
ness, and if they inform themselves concerning
that, as far as their particular duties lead them
to encpiire, and oblige them to know, they have
orthodoxy enougli, and will not be condemned
for ignorance in those speculations whicli they
had neitiier parts, opportunity, nor leisure to

80 EXTRACTS FROM

know. Here we may see the difference be-
tween the orthodoxy required by Christianity,
and the orthodoxy required by the seA^eral sects,
or as they are called, Churches of Christians.
The one is explicitly to believe what is indis-
pensably required to be believed as absolutely
necessary to salvation, and to know and believe
in the other doctrines of faith delivered in the
word of God, as a man has opportunity, helps
and parts ; and to inform himself in the rules
and measures of his own duty as far as his
actions are concerned, and to pay a sincere
obedience to them. But the other, viz. the
orthodoxy required by the several sects, is a
profession of believing the whole bundle of
their respective articles set down in each
Church's system, without knowing the rules
of every one's particular duty, or requiring a
sincere or strict obedience to them. For they
are speculative opinions, confessions of faith
that are insisted on in the several communions ;
tliey must be owned and subscribed to, but the
precepts and rides of morality and the observ-
ance of them, I do not remember there is mucli
notice taken of, or any great stir made about a
collection or observance of them, in any of the
terms of church communion. But it is also to
be observed, that tliis is nuich better fitted to

LOCKE'S COMMON-l'LACE BOOFv. Q]

get and retain church members than the other
way, and is much more suited to that end, as
much as it is easier to make profession of be-
lieving a certain collection of opinions that one
never perhaps so much as reads, and several
whereof one could not perhaps understand if
one did read and study ; (for no more is re-
quired than a profession to believe them, ex-
pressed in an acquiescence that suffers one not
to question or contradict any of them ;) than it
is to practise the duties of a good life in a
sincere obedience to those precepts of the Gos-
pel wherein his actions are concerned. Pre-
cepts not hard to be known by those who are
willing and ready to obey them. J. L.

Reltgio. — They that change tlieir religion
without full conviction, which few men take
the way to, (and can never be without great
piety,) are not to be trusted, because they have
either no God, or have been false to him ; for
religion admits of no dissembling. J. L.

DiSPUTATio. — One should not dispute wdth
a man who, either through stupidity or shame-
lessness, denies plain and visible truths. J. L.

L.1NGUA. — Tell not your business or design
to one that you are not sure will helji it for-

YOI,. II. G

y2 EXTRACTS FROM

ward. All that are not for you count against
you, for so they generally prove, either through
folly, envy, malice, or interest. J. L.

Do not hear yourself say to another what
you would not have another hear from him.

J. L.

Voluntas. — Let your will lead whither ne-
cessity would drive, and you will always pre-
serve your liberty.

SACERDOS.

There were two sorts of teachers amongst
the ancients : those wlio professed to teach
them the arts of propitiation and atonement,
and these were properly their Priests, who for
the most part made themselves the mediators
betwixt tb.e Gods and men, wherein they per-
formed all or the principal part, at least nothing
was done without them. The laity had but
a small part in the performance, imless it were
in the charge of it, and that was wholly theirs.
The chief, at least the essential, and sanctifying
])art of the ceremony, was always the priests',
and tlic people could do nothing without them.
The ancients had another sort of teachers, who
were called ])hil()S()])hcrs. Tliese led their
schools, and professed to instruct those who

LOCKES COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 83

would apply to them in the knowledge of
things and tlie rules of virtue. These meddled
not with the public religion, worship, or cere-
monies, but left them entirely to the priests, as
the priests left the instruction of men in natu-
ral and moral knowledge wholly to the phi-
losophers. These two parts or provinces of
knowledge thus under the government of two
distinct sorts of men, seem to be founded upon
the supposition of two clearly distinct originals,
viz. revelation and reason : for the priests never
for any of their ceremonies or forms of wor-
ship pleaded reason ; but always urged their
sacred observances from the pleasure of the
Gods, antiquity, and tradition, which at last
resolves all their established rites into nothing
but revelation. " Cum de religione agitur, T.
Coruncanum, P. Scipionem, P. Scsevolam, pon-
tifices maximos, non Zenonem aut Cleanthem

aut Chrysippum sequor A te

philosopho rationem accipere debeo religionis,
majoribus autem nostris etiam nulla ratione
reddita credere." Cic. de Nat. Deor. The phi-
losophers, on the other side, pretended to no-
thing but reason in all that they said, and
from thence owned to fetch all their doctrines ;
though how little their lives answered their

G 2

84 EXTRACTS FROM

own rules whilst they studied ostentation and
vanity, rather than solid virtue, Cicero tells us,
Tusc. Qu£est. 1. 2. c. 4.

Jesus Christ, bringing by revelation from
Heaven the true religion to mankind, reunited
these two again, religion and morality, as the
inseparable parts of the worship of God, which
ought never to have been separated, wherein
for the obtaining the favour and forgiveness of
the Deity, the chief part of what man could
do consisted in a holy life, and little or nothing
at all was left to outward ceremony, which
was therefore almost wholly cashiered out of
this true religion, and only two very plain and
simple institutions introduced, all pompous rites
being wholly abolished, and no more of out-
ward performances commanded but just so
much as decency and order required in the
actions of public assemblies. This being the
state of this true religion coming immediately
from God himself, the ministers of it, ^\ ho also
call themselves priests, have assumed to them-
selves the parts both of the heathen priests and
philosoplicrs, and claim a riglit not only to per-
form all the outward acts of the Christian re-
ligion in j)ublic, and to regulate the ceremonies
to be used tlicie, but also to teach men their
duties of morality towards one another and to-

LOCKE'S COMAIUN-PLACE BOOK. 86

wards tliemsclves, and to prescribe to them in
the conduct of their lives.

Though the magistrate have a power of com-
manding or forbidding things indifferent which
liave a relation to religion, yet this can only be
within that Church whereof he himself is a
member, who being a lawgiver in matters in-
different in the commonwealth under his juris-
diction, as it is purely a civil society, for their
peace, is fittest also to be lawgiver in the reli-
gious society, (which yet must be understood
to be only a voluntary society and during every
member's pleasure,) in matters indifferent, for
decency and order, for the peace of that too.
But I do not see how hereby he hath any power
to order and direct even matters indifferent in
the circumstances of a worship, or within a
Church whereof he is not professor or member.
It is true he may forbid such things as may
tend to the disturbance of the peace of the com-
monwealth to be done by any of his people,
whether they esteem them civil or religious.
This is his proper business ; but to command
or direct any circumstances of a worship as part
of the religious worship which he himself does
not profess nor ap])rove, is altogether without
his authority, and absurd to suppose. Can any
one think it reasonable, yea, or })racticable, that

8(3 EXTRACTS FROM

a Christian Prince should direct the form of
Mahometan worship, the whole religion being
thought by him false and profane? and vice
versa ; and yet it is not impossible that a Chris-
tian Prince should have INIahometan subjects
who may deserve all civil freedom ; and de facto
the Turk hath Christian subjects. As absurd
would it be that a magistrate, either Popish,
Protestant, Lutheran, Presbyterian, Quaker, kc.
should prescribe a form to any or all of the dif-
ferent Churches in their ways of worship ; the
reason whereof is because religious worship
being that homage which every man pays his
God, he cannot do it in any other way, nor use
any other rites, ceremonies, nor forms, even of
indifferent things, than he himself is persuaded
are acceptable and pleasing to the God he wor-
ships ; which depending upon his opinion of
his God, and what will best please him, it is
impossible for one man to prescribe or direct
any one circumstance of it to another : and this
being a thing different and independent wholly
from every man's concerns in the civil society,
which hath nothing to do with a man's affairs
in the other world, the magistrate hath here no
more right to intermeddle than any private
man, and has less right to direct the form of it,
than he has to prescribe to a subject of his in

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 87

what manner he shall do his homage to another
Prince to whom he is feudatory, for something
which he holds immediately from him, which,
whether it be standing, kneeling, or prostrate,
bareheaded or barefooted, whether in this or
that habit, &c. concerns not his allegiance to
him at all, nor his well government of his peo-
ple. For though the things in themselves are
perfectly indifferent, and it may be trivial, yet
as to the worshipper, when he considers them
as required by his God, or forbidden, pleasing
or displeasing to the invisible power he ad-
dresses, they are by no means so until you have
altered his ophiion, (which persuasion can only
do,) — you can by no means, nor without the
greatest tyranny, prescribe him a way of wor-
ship ; which was so unreasonable to do, that
we find scarce any attempt towards it by the
magistrates in the several societies of mankind
till Christianity was w^ell grown up in the world,
and was become a national religion ; and since
that it hath been the cause of more disorders,
tumults, and bloodshed, than all other causes
put together.

But far be it from any one to think Christ
the author of those disorders, or that such fatal
mischiefs are the consequence of his doctrine,
though they have grown iq) with it. Anti-

88 EXTRACTS FROM

clirist has sown those tares in the field of the
Church ; the rise whereof hath been only hence,
that the clergy, by degrees, as Christianity
spread, affecting dominion, laid claim to a priest-
hood, derived by succession from Christ, and
so independent from the civil power, receiving
(as they pretend) by the imposition of hands,
and some other ceremonies agreed on (but va-
riously) by the priesthoods of the several fac-
tions, an indelible character, particular sanctity,
and a power immediately from Heaven to do
several things which are not lawful to be done
by other men. The chief whereof are — 1st.
To teach opinions concerning God, a future
state, and ways of worship. 2nd. To do and
perform themselves certain rites exclusive of
others. 3rd. To punish dissenters from their
doctrines and rules. Whereas it is evident from
Scripture, that all i)riesthood terminated in the
Great High Priest, Jesus Christ, who was the
last Priest. There are no footsteps in Scrip-
tures of any so set apart, with such powers as
they pretend to, after the Apostles' time ; nor
that had any indelible character. That it is to
be made out, that there is nothing which a
priest can do, wliich another man without any
such ordination, (if other circumstances of fit-
ness, and an appointment to it, not disturbing

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 89

peace and order, concur,) may not lawfully per-
form and do, and the Church and worship of
God be preserved, as the peace of the state may
be by justices of the peace, and other officers,
who had no ordination, or laying on of hands,
to fit them to be justices, and by taking away
their commissions may cease to be so ; so minis-
ters, as well as justices, are necessary, one for
the administration of religious public w^orship,
the other of civil justice ; but an indelible cha-
racter, peculiar sanctity of the function, or a
power immediately derived from Heaven, is not
necessary, or as much as convenient, for either.
But the clergy (as they call themselves) of
the Christian religion, in imitation of the Jew-
ish priesthood, having, almost ever since the
first ages of the Church, laid claim to this
power, separate from civil government, as re-
ceived from God himself, have, wherever the
civil magistrate hath been Christian and of
their opinion, and superior in power to the
clergy, and they not able to cope with him,
pretended this power only to be spiritual, and
to extend no farther ; but yet still pressed, as
a duty on the magistrate, to punish and perse-
cute those whom they disliked and declared
against. xVnd so when they excommunicated,
their imder oflicer, the magistrate, w^as to ex-

90 EXTRACTS FROM

ecute; and to reward princes for their doing
their drudgery, they have (wheneA^er princes
have been serviceable to their ends,) been care-
ful to preach up monarchy jure divino ; for
commonwealths have hitherto been less favour-
able to their power. But notwithstanding the
jus divinum of monarchy, when any Prince
hath dared to dissent from their doctrines or
forms, or been less apt to execute the decrees
of the hierarchy, they have been the first and
forwardest in giving check to his authority,
and disturbance to his government. And
Princes, on the other side, being apt to hearken
to such as seem to advance their authority, and
bring in religion to the assistance of their ab-
solute power, have been generally very ready
to worry those sheep who have ever so little
straggled out of those shepherds' folds, where
they were kept in order to be shorn by them
both, and to be howled on both upon subjects
and* neighbours at their pleasure : and hence
have come most of those calamities which liave
so lono- disturbed and wasted Christendom.
Whilst the magistrate, being persuaded it is
his duty to punish those the clergy please to
call heretics, schismatics, or fanatics, or else
taught to apprehend danger from dissension in

* It is thus ill the original, but, I confess, it is not intt'lhgiljle.

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 91

religion, thinks it liis interest to suppress them
— persecutes all who observe not the same
forms in the religions worship which is set up
in his country. The peo])le, on the other side,
findino- the mischiefs that fall on them for
worshipping God according to their own per-
suasions, enter into confederacies and combina-
tions to secure themselves as well as they can ;
so that oppression and vexation on one side,
self-defence and desire of religious liberty on
the other, create dislikes, jealousies, apprehen-
sions, and factions, which seldom fail to break
out into downright persecution, or open war.

But notwithstanding the liberality of the
clergy to princes, when they have not strength
enough to deal with them, be very large ; yet
when they are once in a condition to strive
with them for the mastery, then is it seen how
far their spiritual power extends, and how, in
or dine ad spiritucdia, absolute temporal povvcr
comes in. So that ordination, that begins in
priesthood, if it be let alone, will certainly
grow up to absolute empire; and though
Christ declares himself to have no kingdom of
this world, his successors have (whenever they
can but grasp the power) a large commission
to execute ; and that a rigorously civil domi-
nion. The Popedom liath been a large and

92 EXTRACTS FROM

lasting instance of this. And what Presbytery
could do, even in its infancy when it had a lit-
tle humbled the magistrates, let Scotland show.

Patri^ Amor is from the idea of settle-
ment there, and not leaving it again, the mind
not being satisfied with any thing that sug-
gests often to it the thoughts of leaving it,
which naturally attends a man in a strange
country. For though, in general, we think of
dying, and so leaving the place where we have
set up our rest in this world, yet, in particular,
deferring and putting it off from time to time,
we make our stay there eternal, because we
never set precise bounds to ovu' abode there,
and never think of leaving it in good earnest.

Amor Patriae. — The remembrance of plea-
sures and conveniences we have had there ; the
love of our friends, whose conversation and as-
sistance may be pleasant and useful to us ; and
the tlioughts of recommending ourselves to
our old acquaintance, by the improvements we
shall bring home, either of our fortunes or
abilities, or the increase of esteem we expect
for having travelled and seen more than others
of this world, and the strange things in it ; all
these preserve in us, in long absence, a constant
affection to oiu' coimtry, and a desire to return
to it. Hut vet I think tliis is not all. nor

LOCKE'S COMMON-Hl-ACE BOOK. 93

the chief cause, that keeps in us a lonp^ing
after our country. Whilst we are abroad
we look on ourselves as strangers there, and arc
always thinking of departing ; we set not up
our rest, but often see or think of the end of
our being there ; and the mind is not easily
satisfied with any thing it can reach to the end
of. 15ut when we are returned to our country,
where Ave think of a lasting abode, wherein to
set up our rest, an everlasting abode, for we
seldom think of any thing beyond it, we do
not propose to ourselves another coinitry whi-
ther we think to remove and establish our-
selves afterwards. This is that, 1 imagine, that
sets maidvind so constantly upon desires of re-
turning to their country, because they think
no more of leaving it again ; and, tJierefore,
men married, and settled in any ])lace, are
much more cold in these desires. And, I be-
lieve, when any one thinks often of this world,
as of a place wherein he is not to make any
lon«: abode, where he can have no lastini>" fixed
settlement, but that he sees the bounds of his
stay here, and often reflects upon his depar-
ture, he will presently upon it put on tlie
thouohts of a stranger, be much more indifFe-
rent to the particular place of his nativity, and
no more fond of it than a traveller is of any
foreign country, when he thinks he must leave

94 EXTKACTS FROM

them all indifferently to return and settle in
his native soil.

The following remarkable passage, contain-
ing, as it does, the substance of Paley's argu-
ment, must have been written very early, being
found in the tenth page of the first Common-
Place Book, dated 1661.

" Virtue, as in its obligation it is the will of
God, discovered by natural reason, and thus
has the force of a law ; so in the matter of it,
it is nothing else but doing of good, either to
oneself or others ; and the contrary hereunto,
vice, is nothing else but doing of harm. Thus
the bounds of temperance are prescribed by the
health, estates, and the use of our time : justice,
truth, and mercy, by the good or evil they are
likely to produce ; since every body allows one
may with justice deny another the possession
of his own sword, when there is reason to be-
lieve he would make use of it to his own harm.
But since men in society are in a far different
estate than when considered single and alone,
the instances and measures of virtue and vice
are very different under these two considera-
tions ; for thougli, as I said befoie, the measures
of temperance, to a solitary man, be none but
those above-mentioned ; yet if lie be a member

LOCKE'S CUMAION-PLACR BOOK. 95

of a society, it may, according to the station lie
has in it, receive measures from reputation and
example; so that wliat would be no vicious
excess in a retired obscurity, may be a very
great one amongst people who think ill of such
excess, because, by lessening his esteem amongst
them, it makes a man incapable of having the
authority, and doing the good which otherwise
he might. For esteem and reputation being
a sort of moral strength, whereby a man is
enabled to do, as it were, by an augmented
force, that which others, of equal natural parts
and natural power, cannot do without it ; he
that by any intemperance weakens this his
moral strength, does himself as much harm as
if by intemperance he weakened the natural
strength either of his mind or body, and so
is equally vicious by doing harm to himself.
This, if well considered, will give us better
boundaries of virtue and vice, than curious
questions stated with the nicest distinctions ;
that being always the greatest vice whose con-
sequences draw after it the greatest harm ; and
therefore the injury and mischiefs done to so-
ciety are much more culpable than those done
to private men, though with greater personal
aggravations. And so many things naturally
become vices amongst men in societv, which

96 p:xtracts from

without that would be innocent actions :
thus for a man to cohabit and have children
by one or more women, who are at their own
disposal ; and when they think fit to part
again, I see not how it can be condemned as a
vice since nobody is harmed, supposing it done
amongst persons considered as separate from
the rest of mankind; but yet this hinders not
but it is a vice of deep dye when the same
thing is done in a society wherein modesty, the
great virtue of the weaker sex, has often other
rules and bounds set by custom and reputation,
than what it has by direct instances of the law
of nature in a solitude or an estate separate
from the opinion of this or that society. For
if a woman, by transgressing those bounds
which the received opinion of her country or
religion, and not nature or reason, have set to
modesty, has drawn any blemish on her repu-
tation, she may run the risk of being exposed
to infamy, and other mischiefs, amongst which
the least is not the danger of losing the com-
forts of a conjugal settlement, and therewith
the chief end of her being, the propagation of
mankind.

ScRiPTURA Sacra. — A Vindication of the
Divine Authority and Inspiration of the

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BO(,)K. 97

Writings of the Old and New Testament. 15y
William Lowtli. 8vo. Ox. 92. p. 288.

' All the books have not an equal inspiration.'
1 Q. ''^Vhat is equal inspiration ? if the New
be inspired, the Old is, because of the testimony
given to the Old by the New. 2 Q. Inspired,
because designed by God for the perpetual use
and instruction of the Church, and to be a rule
of the Christian faith in all ages. S Q. Whe-
ther by the same reason, they must not be very
plain, and their sense infallibly intelligible to
those to whom they are to be a rule ?

* An inspired writing is what is writ by the
incitation, direction, and assistance of God, and
designed by him for the perpetual use of the
Church.' Q. What is meant by incitation, di-
rection, and assistance in the case? 4 Q.
Whether that may not be inspired which is not
designed for the perpetual use of the Church ?
' God designed to provide a means for preserv-
ing the doctrine of Christ to the end of the
world.' 5 Q. Will it thence follow that all that
St. Luke writ was inspired ?

' Writing, the best ordinary means of convey-
ing doctrine to after ages ; for God never works
more miracles than needs must.' 6 Q. Whether,
therefore, all in the New Testament was ap-
pointed by God to be written ?

vol,. TI. H

98 EXTRACTS FROM

' Oral tradition not so good. Particular reve-
lation not pretended to but by enthusiasts.'
7 Q. Whether the name, enthusiasts, answers
their arguments for particular revelation ?

' By writings, preserved in the ordinary
methods of providence, men may as well know
the revealed will of God, as they can know the
histories of former ages, and the opinions of
philosophers,' &c. 8 Q. Will as well serve the
turn, for that is with great uncertainty.

' God made use of writing for the instruction
of the Jewish Church. JMoses, by God's direc-
tion, wrote his law in a book.' 10 Q. Whether
then the argument be not, the Old Testament
was inspired, therefore the New is ?

' It is natural to suppose that the Apostles
should take care to provide some certain means
of instruction for the Christian church in con-
formity to the Jewish.' 11 Q. Wlien the author
writ this, whether he thought not of it as an
human contrivance? ' St. Matthew writ particu-
larly for the use of the Jews he had preached to.'
12 Q. AVhethcr then he had any thoughts that
it should be an universal rule ?

ELECTIO.

I cannot see of what use the Doctrine of
Election and Perseverance is, imless it be to

LOCKES COMMON-PLACi: BOOK. 99

lead men into presumption and a neglect of
their duties, being once persuaded that tliey
are in a state of grace, which is a state they are
told they cannot fall from. For, since nobody
can know that he is elected but by having true
faith, and nobody can know when lie has such
a faith that he cannot fall from, common and
saving faith, as they are distinguished, being so
alike that he that has faith cannot distinguisli
whether it be such as he can fall from or no,
(vide Calvin, Inst. 1. 3. c. 2. 6. 12.)— who is
elected, or has faith from which he cannot fall,
can only be known by the event at the last day,
and therefore is in vain talked of now till the
marks of such a faith be certainly given.

EccLESiA. — Hooker's description of the
Church, 1. 1. § 15. amounts to this, that it is a
supernatural but voluntary society, wherein a
man associates himself to God, angels, and holy
men. The original of it, he says, is the same as
of other societies, viz. an inclination unto so-
ciable life, and a consent to the bond of asso-
ciation, which is the law and order they are
associated in. Tliat which makes it super-
natural is, that part of the bond of their asso-
ciation is a law revealed concerning what wor-
ship God would have done unto him, wliich

' II 2

100 EXTRACTS FROxM

natural reason could not have discovered. So
that the worship of God so far forth as it has
any thing in it more than the law of reason
doth teach, may not be invented of men. From
whence I think it will follow : 1st. That the
Church being a supernatural society, and a so-
ciety by consent, the secular power, which is
purely natural, nor any other power, can com-
pel one to be of any particular Church so-
ciety, there being many such to be found. 2nd.
That the end of entering into such society
being only to obtain the favour of God, by
offering him an acceptable worship, nobody
can impose any ceremonies unless positively
and clearly by revelation injoined, any farther
than every one who joins in the use of them is
persuaded in his conscience they are acceptable
to God ; for if his conscience condemns any
part of un revealed worship, he cannot by any
sanction of men be obliged to it. 3rd. That
since a part of the bond of the association is a
revealed law, this part only is imalterable, and
the other, which is human, depends wholly on
consent, and so is alterable, and a man is held
by such laws, or to such a particular society, no
longer than he liimself doth consent. 4th. I
imagine tliat the original of the society is not
from oiu' inclination, as lie says, to a sociable

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BOOK. IQl

life, for that may be fully satisfied in other so-
cieties, but from the obligation man, by the
light of reason, tinds himself under, to own and
worship God publicly in the world. J. L.

SuPEiiSTiTio. — The true cause and rise of
superstition is indeed nothing else but a false
opinion of the Deity, that renders him dread-
ful and terrible as being rigorous and imperi-
ous ; that which represents him as austere and
apt to be angry, but yet impotent and easy to
be appeased again by some flattering devotions,
especially if performed with sanctimonious
shows and a solemn sadness of mind : this root
of superstition diversely branched forth itself
sometimes into magic and exorcisms, oftentimes
into pedantical rites and idle observations of
things and times, as Theophrastus has largely
set forth. Superstition is made up of apprehen-
sion of evil from God, and hopes, by formal
and outward addresses to him, to appease him
without real amendment of life. J. L.

Traditio. The Jews, the Romanists, and
tlie Turks, who all three pretend to guide
themselves by a law revealed from Heaven,
which shows them the way to happiness, do
yet all of them have recourse \'ery fre(][uently

102 EXTRACTS FROM

to tradition, as a rule of no less authority than
their own written law, whereby they seem to
allow that the divine law (however God be
willing to reveal it) is not capable to be con-
veyed by writings to mankind, distant in place
and time, languages and customs ; and so,
through the defect of language no positive law
of righteousness can be that way conveyed suf-
ficiently and with exactness to all the inhabi-
tants of the earth in remote generations ; and so
must resolve all into natural religion and that
light which every man has born with him.
Or else they give occasion to enquiring men to
suspect the integrity of their priests and teach-
ers, who, unwilling tliat the people should liave
a standing known rule of faith and manners,
have, for the maintenance of their own autho-
rity, foisted in another of tradition, which will
always be in their own power, to be varied
and suited to their own interests and occasions.

J. L.
Q. AVhethcr the Bramins, besides their book
of ITandscrit, make use also of tradition, and
so of others who pretend to a revealed reli-
gion ?

Unitakta. — The fatlicrs before the Council
of Nice speak ratlier hke ^Vrians llian orlho-

LOCKE'S COMMON-Pi-ACK HOOK. 1013

tlox. If any one desire to see unclcniablc
proofs of it, I refer him to the Quaternio of
Curcilla3us, where he will be fully satisfied.

There is scarcely one text alleged to the
Trinitarians which is not otlierwise expounded
by their own writers : you may see a great
number of these texts and expositions in a book
entitled Scriptura S. Trin. llevelatrix, under
the name of St. Gallus. There be a multitude
of texts that deny those things of Christ which
cannot be denied of God, and that affirm such
things of him that cannot agree to him if he
were a person of God. In like manner of the
Holy Ghost, which of both sorts you may find
urged and defended in the two books of Jo.
Crellius, touching one God the Father, and
abridged in Walzogenius Priepar. ad Util. Lec-
tion. N. T. 2, 3, 4, and also in the IJrief His-
tory, let. 1. 5.

Vita Eterna. — There was no particular
promise of eternal life until the coming of
Christ; so the Church of Christ have always
understood it, as any one may be satisfied who
reads J. Vossius's iVnswer to Ravenspergerus,
c. 23. where he shows that the ancient Doc-
tors, especially St. Austin, looked upon the
Old Testament as containing pro])(.rly and di-

104 EXTRACTS FROM

rectly the promises only of earthly and tem-
poral things. Patrick. 657. Reade, b. 2.

LiEERUM Arbiteium. — Of the ancient phi-
losophers who have written either professedly
or incidentally of liberty and necessity, the chief
of these Plato de llepub. 1. 2 and 3 ; Gorgia
Tim. Phtedro, and often elsewhere ; Plu-
tarch de Fato ; Hierocles- in Aurea Carmina
and de Fato ; ^laximus Tyrius an aliquid sit
in nostra Potestate ; Plotinus, 1. 1.; Chalci-
dius Coment. in Tima^um ; Alexander Aphro-
disiensis de Fato ad Imperatores Antoninos ;
Ammonius Herm. in Arist. de Interpret. ;
Chrysippus apud A. Gellium, 1. vi. c. 11. The
Pharisees held freedom of choice, Josephus
Ant. 1. xviii. c. 11.; and all the Jews, Maimo-
nides Duct. Dubit. part iii. c. 17 and 18. All
the fathers before St. Austin held free-will ;
most Christian writers since deny it. That ex-
ternal objects and natural complexion, custom,
eV'C. &c. are occasions of a great part.

Trinity. — The Papists deny that the doc-
trine of the Trinity can be proved by the
Scripture; sec tliis ])lainly taught and urged
very earnestly by Card. Tlosius de Auth. S.
Script. 1. iii. p. 53. ; Ciordonius IlunUeius

LOCKE'S COMMON-PLACE BOOK. 105

Coiitr. Tom. Coiit. de Verbo Dei, c. 19- ; Gret-
serus and Tanerus in Colloquio llattisbon.
Vega. Possevin. Wiekus. These learned men,
especially Bellarmin, and Wiekus after him,
have urged all the Scriptures they could, with
their utmost industry, find out in this cause,
and yet, after all, they acknowledge their in-
sufficiency and obscurity.

Curcillaeus has proved, as well as any thing-
can be proved out of ancient writings, that the
doctrine of the Trinity, about the time of the
Council of Nice, was of a special union of three
persons in the Deity, and not of a numerical,
as it is now taught, and has been taught since
the chimerical schoolmen were hearkened unto.

Concerning the original of the Trinitarian
doctrines, from whom they are derived or by
whom they were invented, he that is generally
and indeed deservedly confessed to have writ
the most learnedly, is Dr. Cudworth, in his In-
tellectual System.

Trinity. — The divinity of the Holy Spirit
was not believed, or, as I think, so much as
mentioned by any in the time of Lactantius,
i. e. anno 300, vid. Lact. Inst. 1. 4. c. 29 ;
Petavius de Trin. 1. c. 14. § 14. 21 ; Huet. Ori-
ginian. 1. 2. c. 2. 9- 2. §.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

JUDGING ELECTION KESOLUTION.

Judging is a bare action of the uiiderstaiid-
iiig, wliereby a man, several objects being pro-
])osed to him, takes one of them to be best for
liim.

15ut this is not Election ?

Election then is, when a man judging any
thing to be best for him, ceases to consider, ex-
amine, and inquire any farther concerning that
matter ; for, till a man comes to this, he has not
chosen, the matter still remains with him un-
der deliberation, and not determined. Here,
then, comes in the will, and makes Election
voluntary, by sto])ping in the mind any far-
ther inquiry and examination. This Election
sometimes proceeds fartlier to

Firm Resolution, whicli is not barely a stop
to farther inquiry by Election at tliat time, but
tlie predetermination, as nuicli as in Iiim lies.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 107

of his will not to take tlie matter into any
farther deliberation ; /, e. not to employ his
thoughts any more about the eligibility ; /. e.
the suitableness of that which he has chosen to
himself as making a part of his happiness. For
example, a man who would be married, has
several wives proposed to him. He considers
which would be fittest for him, and judges
Mary best; afterwards, upon that continued
judgment, makes choice of her; this choice
ends his deliberation ; he stops all farther con-
sideration whether she be best or no, and re-
solves to fix here, which is not any more to
examine whether she be best or fittest for him
of all proposed ; and consequently pursues the
means of obtaining her, sees, frequents, and
falls desperately in love with her, and then we
may see llesolution at the highest ; which is an
act of the will, whereby he not only supersedes
all farther examination, but will not admit of
any information or suggestion, wdll not hear
any thing that can be offered against the pur-
suit of this match.

Thus we may see how the will mixes itself
with these actions, and what share it has in
them ; viz. that all it does is but exciting or
sto])])ing the operative faculties ; in all wliicli
it is acted on more or less vigorously, as the

108 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

uiieasiiiess tliat presses is greater or less. At
first, let us suppose his thoughts of marriage in
general to be excited only by some considera-
tion of some moderate convenience offered to
his mind ; this moves but moderate desires,
and thence moderate uneasiness leaves his will
almost indifferent ; he is slow in his choice
amongst the matches offered, pursues coolly till
desire grows upon him, and with it uneasiness
proportionably, and that quickens his will ; he
approaches nearer, he is in love — is set on fire
— the flame scorches — this makes him uneasy
with a witness ; then his will, acted by that
pressing uneasiness, vigorously and steadily em-
ploys all the operative faculties of body and
mind for tlie attainment of the beloved object
without which he cannot be happy.

ON THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CIVIL AND
ECCLESIASTICAL POWER, INDORSED EX-
COMMUNICATION. Dated 1673-4.

There is a twofold society, of which almost
all men in the world are members, and that
from the twofold concernment they have to
attain a twofold lia])piness ; viz. that of this
world and that of the other: and hence there
arises these two following societies, viz. religi-
ous and civil.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

109

CIVIL SOCIETY, Oil
THE STATE.

1. The end of civil
society is civil peace
and prosperity, or the
preservation of the so-
ciety and every mem-
ber thereof in a free
and peaceable enjoy-
ment of all the ofood
things of this life that
belong to eacli of
them ; but beyond the
concernments of this
life, this society hath
nothing to do at all.

2. The terms of
communion with, or
being a part of this
society, is ])romisc of
obedience to the laws
of it.

3. The proper mat-
ter, circa quam, of the
laws of tliis society, are
all thin£»;s conducing; to
the end above- men-

llELIGIOUS SOCIETY,
OR THE CHURCH.

1. Tlie end of reli-
gious society is the at-
taining happiness after
this life in another
world.

2. The terms of com-
munion or conditions
of being members of
this society, is promise
of obedience to the
laws of it.

3. The proper mat-
ter of the laws of this
society are all tilings
tending to the attain-
ment of futiu'e bliss,

110

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

tioned, /. e. civil hap-
piness ; and are in ef-
fect almost all moral
and indifferent things,
which yet are not the
proper matter of the
laws of the society, till
the doing or omitting
of any of them come
to have a tendency to
the end above-men-
tioned.

4. The means to
procure obedience to
the laws of this society,
and thereby preserve
it, is force or ])unish-
ment ; /. e. the abridge-
ment of any one's share
of the jxood thing's of
the world witliin tlie
reacli of the society,
and sometimes a total

wliich are of three
sorts: 1. Credenda, or
matters of faith and
opinion, which termi-
nate in the understand-
ing. 2. Cnlfus religi-
osus, whicli contains
in it both the ways of
expressing our honour
and adoration of the
Deity, and of address
to him for the obtain-
ing any good from him.
3. 31oraUa, or the right
management of our ac-
tions in respect of our-
selves and others.

4. The means to
preserve obedience to
the laws of this society
are the hopes and fears
of liappiness and mise-
ry in another world.
But tliough the laws
of this society be in or-
der to happiness in an-
other world, and so the
penalties annexed to

MISCKLLANEOUS PAI'KIJIS.

11

dc])rivation, as in capi-
tal punishments. And
this, I think, is the
whole end, latitude,
and extent of civil
power and society.

them are also of an-
other world ; yet the
society being in this
world and to be con-
tinued here, there are
some means necessary
for the preservation of
the society here, which
is the expulsion of such
members as obey not
the laws of it, or dis-
turb its order. And
this, I think, is the
whole end, latitude,
and extent of ecclesi-
astical power and reli-
gious society.

This being, as I suppose, the distinct bounds
of church and state, let us a little compare them

together :

THE PARALLEL.

1. The end of civil 1. The end of church
society is present en- communion, future ex-
joyment of what this pcctation of what is
world affords. to be had in the other

world.

112

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

2. Another end of
civil society is the pre-
servation of the society
or government itself
for its own sake.

2. The preservation
of the society in reli-
gious communion is
only in order to the
conveying and propa-
gating those laws and
truths which concern
our well-being in an-
other world.

3. The terms of com-
munion must be the
same in all societies.

4. The laws of a com-
monwealth are muta-
ble, being made with-
in the society by an
authority not distinct
from it, nor exterior
to it.

.5. Tlic proper means
to ])rocure obedience

4. The laws of re-
ligious society, bating
those whicli are only
subservient to the or-
der necessary to their
execution, are immu-
table, not subject to
any authority of the
society, but only pro-
posed by and within
the society, but made
by a lawgiver without
the society, and para-
mount to it.

5. The j)roj)er eii-
forcemont of obedi-

Ai[.scKr.r.A\i:(jr.s i'ai'kks.

I l;i

to the law of the civil
society, and thereby
attain the end, civil
happiness, is force or
l)unishnient. 1st. It
is effectual and ade-
quate for the preserva-
tion of tlie society, and
civil happiness is the
immediate and natural
consequence of the ex-
ecution of the law.
2nd. It is just, for the
breach of laws being
mostly the prejudice
and diminution of ano-
ther man's right, and
always tending to the
dissolution of the so-
ciety, in the continu-
ance whereof every
man's particular right
is comprehended, it is
just that he who has
impaired another man's
good, should suffer the
diminution of his own.

VOL. II.

ence to the laws of
religion, are the re-
wards and punishments
of the other world ;
but civil punishment is
not so. 1st. Because
it is ineffectual to that
purpose ; for punish-
ment is never sufficient
to keep men to the obe-
dience of any law,
where the evil it brings
is not certainly greater
than the good which
is obtained or expected
from the disobedience ;
and therefore no tem-
poral worldly punish-
ment can be sufficient
to persuade a man to,
or from that way which
he believes leads to
everlasting happiness
or misery. 2nd. Be-
cause it is unjust in
reference both to Cre-
denda and Cultus, that

114

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

3rd. It is within the
power of the society,
which can exert its
own streno'th against
offenders, the sword
being put into the ma-
gistrate's hands to that
purpose. But civil so-
ciety has nothing to
do without its own
limits, which is civil
happiness.

I should be despoiled
of my good things of
this world, where I
disturb not in the least
the enjoyment of
others ; for my faith
or religious worship
hurts not another man
in any concernment of
his ; and in moral
transgressions the third
and real part of reli-
gion, the religious so-
ciety cannot punish, be-
cause it then invades
the civil society, and
wrests the magistrate's
sword out of his liand.
In civil society one
man's good is- involved
and complicated with
another's, but in reli-
gious societies every
man's concerns are se-
])aratc, and one man's
transgressions hurt not
another any farther
than he imitates him.

M I S( • E I.LAN RO US 1 'A I ' RUS. ] ] 5

and if lie err, he errs
at his own private cost ;
therefore I think no
external punishment,
i. €. deprivation or di-
minution of the goods
of this life, belongs to
the church. Only be-
cause for the propa-
gation of the truth,
(which every society
believes to be its own
religion,) it is equity
it should remove those
two evils which will
hinder its propagation,
1. disturbance within,
which is contradiction
or disobedience of any
of its members to its
doctrines and discip-
line ; 2, infamy with-
out, which is the scan-
dalous lives or disal-
lowed profession of any
of its members ; and
the proper way to do
this, which is in its
I 2

IIG MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

power, is to exclude
and disown such vici-
ous members.
6. Church-member-
ship is perfectly volun-
tary, and may end
whenever anv one
pleases without any
prejudice to himself,
but in civil society it
is not so.

But because religious societies are of two
sorts, wherein their circumstances very much
differ, the exercise of their power is also much
different. It is to be considered that all man-
kind, (very few or none excepted,) are com-
bined into civil societies in various forms, as
force, chance, agreement, or other accidents
have happened to constrain them : there are
very few also that have not some religion : and
hence it comes to pass, that very few men but
are members both of some church and of some
commonwealth ; and hence it comes to pass —

1st. That in some places the civil and religious
societies arc co-extended, /. e. both the magis-
trate and every subject of the same common-
wealth is also member of the same church; and
thus it is in INIuscovy, whereby they have all

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 117

the same civil laws, and the same opinions and
religious worship.

2nd. In some places the commonwealth,
though all of one religion, is but a part of the
church or religious society wdiich acts and is
acknowledged to be one entire society ; and so
it is in Spain and the principalities of Italy.

3rd. In some places the religion of the com-
monwealth, ?'. e. the public established religion,
is not received by all the subjects of the com-
monwealth ; and thus the Protestant religion in
England, the Reformed in Brandcnburgh, the
Lutheran in Sweden.

4th. In some places the religion of part of
the people is different from the governing part
of the civil society ; and thus the Presbyterian,
Independent, Anabaptists, Quakers and Jewish
in England, the Lutheran and Popish in Cleve,
&c. ; and in these two last the religious society
is part of the civil.

There are also three things to be considered
in each reliuion as the matter of their com-
munion : —

1. Opinions or speculations, Credenda.

2. Cultus religiosus.

3. INIores.

Which are all to be considered in the exer-
cise of church power, which I conceive does

118 xMISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

properly extend no farther than excommuni-
cation, which is to remove a scandalous or tur-
bulent member.

In the first case there is no need of excom-
munication for immorality, because the civil
law has provided, or may sufficiently, against
that by penal laws, enough to suppress it ; for
the civil magistrate has moral actions under the
dominion of his sword, and therefore it is not
like he will turn away a subject out of his
country for a fault which he can compel him
to reform. But if any one differ from the
Church in " fide aut cultu," I think first the
civil magistrate may punish him for it where
he is fully persuaded that it will disturb the
civil peace, otherwise not ; but the religious
society may certainly excommunicate him, the
peace whereof may by this means be preserved ;
but no other evil ought to follow him upon
that excommunication as such, but only upon
the consideration of the public peace.

In the second case I think the cliurcli may
exconmiimicate for fcUilts in faith and worship,
but not those faults in manners which tlic ma-
gistrate lias annexed penalties to, for tlie pre-
servation of civil society and ha])piness. Tiie
same also I think oui^ht to be the rule in the
third case.

MISCKLLANEOrS I'Al'r.KS. 1 1|J

111 the fourth case, I tliink the Church has
power to exconiuiiuiicate for matters of faitl),
worship, or manners, though the magistrate
punish the same immorality wdth his sword, be-
cause the Church cannot otherwise remove tlie
scandal which is necessary for its preservation
and the propagation of its doctrines ; and this
power of being judges who are fit to be of their
society, the magistrate cannot deny to any reli-
gious society whicli is permitted within his do-
minions. This was the state of the Church till
Constantine. But in none of the former cases
is excommunication capable to be denounced
by any Chm-cli upon any one but the members
of that Church, it beinu" absurd to cut off that
which is no part ; neither ought the civil ma-
gistrate to inflict any punishment upon the
score of excommunication, but to punish the
fact or forbear, just as he hnds it convenient
for the preservation of the civil peace and pros-
perity of the commonwealtl), (within which his
power is confined,) without any regard to ex-
communication at all.

120 MISCELLANEOUS rAPEUS.

THUS 1 THINK

It is a man's proper business to seek happi-
ness and avoid misery.

Happiness consists in what delights and con-
tents the mind ; misery, in what disturbs, dis-
composes, or torments it.

I will therefore make it my business to seek
satisfaction and delight, and avoid uneasiness,
and disquiet ; to have as much of the one, and
as little of the other, as may be.

But here I must have a care I mistake not ;
for if I prefer a short pleasure to a lasting one,
it is plain I cross my own happiness.

Let me then see wherein consists the most
lasting pleasures of this life ; and that, as far as
I can observe, is in these things :

1st. Health, — without which no "sensual plea-
sure can have any relish.

2nd. llcimtation, — for that I find everybody
is pleased with, and the want of it is a con-
stant torment.

3rd. Knowledge, — for the little knowledge
I have, I find 1 would not sell at any rate,
nor pai't witli for any other pleasure.

4th. Doing good, — for I find the well-cook-
ed meat I eat to-dav docs now !io more de-

AJISCFXLANEOUS I'APKKS. 121

I

J liglit mc, nay, I am diseased after a full meal.

' 'I'lie perfumes I smelt yesterday now no more
affect me with any pleasure; but the good turn
I did yesterday, a year, seven years since, con-
tinues still to please and delight me as often
as I reflect on it.

5th. The expectation of eternal and incom-
])rehensible ha})piness in another world is that
also which carries a constant pleasure with it.

If then I will faithfully pursue that happiness
I propose to myself, whatever pleasure offers
itself to me, I must carefully look that it cross
not any of those five great and constant plea-
sures above mentioned. For example, the
fruit I see tempts me with the taste of it that
I love, but if it endanger my health, I part
with a constant and lasting for a very short
and transient pleasure, and so foolishly make
myself unhappy, and am not true to my own
interest.

Hunting, plays, and other innocent diver-
sions delight me: if I make use of them to
refresh myself after study and business, they
preserve my health, restore the vigour of my
mind, and increase my pleasure ; but if I spend
all, or the greatest part of uiy time in them,
they hinder my im])rovemcnt in knowledge
and useful arts, they blast my credit, and give

122 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

me up to the uneasy state of sliame, ignorance,
and contempt, in which I cannot but be very
unhappy. Drinking, gaming, and vicious de-
lights will do me this mischief, not only by
wasting my time, but by a positive efficacy en-
danger my health, impair my parts, imprint ill
habits, lessen my esteem, and leave a constant
lasting torment on my conscience; therefore
all vicious and unlawful pleasures I will always
avoid, because such a mastery of my passions
will afford me a constant pleasure greater than
any such enjoyments ; and also deliver me from
the certain evil of several kinds, that by in-
dulging myself in a present temptation I shall
certainly afterwards suffer.

All innocent diversions and delights as far
as they w^ill contribute to my health, and con-
sist with my improvement, condition, and my
other more solid pleasures of knowledge and
reputation, I will enjoy, but no farther, and
this I will carefully w^atch and examine, that
I may not be deceived by the flattery of a
present pleasure to lose a greater.

OF ETHICS IN GENERAL.

1. ]Ia])j)iness and misery are the two great
springs of human actions, and thougli through
diilerent ways we find men so busy in tlie

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 123

world, they all aim at happiness, and desire to
avoid misery, as it appears to them in different
places and shapes.

2. I do not remember that I have beard of
any nation of men who have not acknowledged
that there has been right and wrong in men's
actions, as well as truth and falsehood in their
sayings ; some measures there have been every
where owned, though very different ; some
rules and boundaries to men's actions, by wdiich
they were judged to be good or bad; nor is
there, I think, any people amongst whom there
is not distinction between virtue and vice ;
some kind of morality is to be found every
where received ; I will not say perfect and ex-
act, but yet enough to let us know that the
notion of it is more or less every where, and
that men think that even where politics, so-
cieties, and magistrates are silent, men yet are
under some laws to which they owe obedience.

3. Eut however morality be the great busi-
ness and concernment of mankind, and so
deserves our most attentive application and
study ; yet in the very entrance this occurs
very strange and worthy our consideration,
that morality hath been generally in the w^orld
rated as a science distinct from theology, re-
lioion, and law ; and that it hath been the

124 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

proper province of philosophers, a sort of men
different both from divines, priests, and law-
yers, whose profession it has been to explain
and teach this knowledge to the world ; a plain
argnment to me of some discovery still amongst
men, of the law of natnre, and a secret appre-
hension of another rule of action which rational
creatures had a concernment to conform to, be-
sides what either the priests pretended was the
immediate command of their God, (for all the
heathen ceremonies of worship pretended to re-
velation, reason failing in the support of them,)
or tlie lawyer told them was the command of
the Government.

4. But yet these philosophers seldom deriving
these rules up to their original, nor arguing them
as the commands of the great God of heaven
and earth, and such as according to which he
would retribute to men after this life, the ut-
most enforcements they could add to them were
reputation and disgrace by those names of vir-
tue and vice, which they endeavoured by their
autliority to make names of weight to their
scholars and the rest of the people. AVere there
IK) liuman lavv% nor piuiislmient, nor obHgation
of civil or divine sanctions, tliere would yet still
be such species of actions in the world as justice,
temperance, and fortitutlc, drunkenness and

.MISCELLANEOUS I'AI'EIIS. |25

theft, wliicli would also be tlioiioht some of
them good, some bad ; there would be distinct
notions of virtues and vices ; for to each of these
names there would belong a complex idea, or
otherwise all these and the like words which
express moral things in all languages would be
empty, insignificant sounds, and all moral dis-
courses would be perfect jargon. But all the
knowledge of virtues and vices which a man
attained to, this way, would amount to no more
than taking the definitions or the significations
of the words of any language, either from the
men skilled in that language, or the common
usage of the country, to know how to apply
them, and call particular actions in that country
by their right names ; and so in effect would be
no more but the skill how to speak properly, or
at most to know what actions in the country
he lives in are thought laudable or disgraceful ;

li. e. are called virtues and vices : the general rule
whereof, and the most constant that I can find is,
that those actions are esteemed virtuous which
are thought absolutely necessary to the preser-
vation of society, and those that disturb or dis-
solve the bonds of community, are every where

[ esteemed ill and vicious.

5, This would necessarily fall out, for were
there no obligation or superior law at all, besides

I2G MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

that of society, since it cannot be supposed that
any men should associate together and unite
in the same community, and at the same time
allow that for commendable, i. e. count it a vir-
tue, nay not discountenance and treat such ac-
tions as blameable, /. e. count them vices, which
tend to the dissolution of that societv in which
they were united ; but all other actions that are
not thought to have such an immediate influ-
ence on society I find not, (as far as I have been
conversant in histories,) but that in some coun-
tries or societies they are virtues, in others
vices, and in others indifferent, according as the
authority of some esteemed wise men in some
places, or as inclination or fashion of people in
other places, have happened to establish them
virtues or vices ; so that the ideas of virtues
taken up this way teach us no more than to
speak properly according to the fashion of the
country we are in, without any very great im-
provement of our knowledge, more than what
men meant by such words ; and this is the know-
ledge contained in the common ethics of the
schools ; and this is not more but to know the
riglit names of certain complex modes, and the
skill of speaking properly.

6. The ethics of the schools, built upon
the autiiority of Aristotle, but perplexed a great

MISCELLANEOUS TAPERS. 127

deal more witli liard words and useless distinc-
tions, telling us what he or they are pleased to^
call virtues and vices, teach us nothing of mora-
lity, but only to understand their names, or callj
actions as they or Aristotle does ; which is, in
effect, but to speak their language properly.
The end and use of morality being to direct our
lives, and by showing us what actions are good,
and wliat bad, prepare us to do the one and
avoid the other; tliose that pretend to teach
morals mistake their business, and become only
language-masters where they do not do this, —
when they teach us only to talk and dispute,
and call actions by the names they prescribe,
when they do not show the inferments that may
draw us to virtue and deter us from vice.

7. JNloral actions are only those that depend
upon the choice of an understanding and free
agent. And an understanding free agent na-
turally follows that which causes pleasure to it
and flies that which causes pain ; i. e. naturally
seeks happiness and shuns misery. Tliat, then,
which causes to any one pleasure, that is good
to him ; and that which causes him pain, is bad
to him : and that which causes the greater plea-
sure is the greater good, and that which causes
the greater pain, tlic greater evil. For happi-
ness and misery consisting only in })leasure and

128 MISCELLANEOl'S PAPERS.

pain, either of mind or body, or both, according
to the interpretation I have given above of
those words, nothing can be good or bad to any
one but as it tends to their happiness or misery,
as it serves to produce in them pleasm'e or
pain: for good and bad, being relative terms,
' do not denote any thing in the nature of the
thing, but only the relation it bears to another,
in its aptness and tendency to produce in it
pleasure or pain ; and thus we see and say, that
which is good for one man is bad for another.

8. (Now, though it be not so apprehended ge-
nerally, yet it is from this tendency to produce
to us pleasure or pain, that moral good or evil
has its name, as well as natural,) Yet perhaps it
will not be found so erroneous as perhaps at
first sight it will seem strange, if one should
affirm, that(there is nothing morally good which
does not produce pleasure to a man, nor nothing
morally evil that does not bring pain to him.
The difference between moral and natural o-ood
and evil is only this ; that we call that naturally
good and evil, which, by the natural efficiency
of the thing, produces pleasure or pain in us ;
and that is morally good or evil which, by the
intervention of the will of an intelligent free
agent, draws ])leasurc or ]xiin after it, not by
any natural consequence, but by the interven-

MISCKLLANEOUS PAPERS. 129

tioii of that power. Tlius, drinking to excess,
wlien it ])rodnces the head-aclie or sickness, is
a natural c\i\ ; but as it is a transgression of law,
by which a punishment is annexed to it, it is a
moral evil. (For rewards and punishments are
the good and evil whereby superiors enforce tlie
observance of their laws ; it being impossible to
set any other motive or restraint to the actions
of a free understanding agent, but the consider-
ation of good or evil ; that is, pleasure or pain
that will follow from it. '

9. {Whoever treats of morality so as to give
us only the definitions of justice and temper-
ance, theft and incontinency, and tells us which
are virtues, which are vices, does only settle cer-
tain complex ideas of modes with their names
to them, whereby we may learn to imderstand
others well, when they talk by their rules, and
speak intelligibly and properly to others who
have been informed in their doctrine. But
\vhilst they discourse ever so acutely of temper-
ance or justice,, but show no law of a superior
that prescribes temperance, to tlie observation or
breach of which law there are rewards and pu-
nishments annexed, the force of morality is lost,
and evaporates only into words, disputes, and
niceties. ) And, however Aristotle or Anacharsis,
Confucius, or any one amongst us, shall name

VOL. II. K

130 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

this or that action a virtue or a vice, their autho-
rities are all of them alike, and they exercise but
what power every one has, which is to show
what complex ideas their words shall stand for :
for(without showing a law that commands or for-
bids them, moral goodness will be but an empty
sovnid) and those actions which the schools here
call virtues or vices, may by the same authority
be called by contrary names in another country ;
and if these be nothing more than their deci-
sions and determinations in the case, they will
be still nevertlieless indifferent as to any man's
practice, which will by such kind of determina-
tions be under no obligation to observe them.

10. IBut there is another sort of morality or
rules of our actions, which thougli they may in
many parts be coincident and agreeable with
the former, yet have a different foundation, and
we come to the knowledge of them a different
way \ these notions or standards of our actions
not being ideas of our own making, to which
we give names, but depend upon something
without us, and so not made by us, but for us,
and these are the rules set to our actions by the
dc(;]arcd will or laws of another, who hath power
to punish our aberrations ;— these arc properly
and truly the rules of good and evil) because
tlie conformity or disagreement of our actions

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 131

with these, brino- upon us good or evil ; these
influence our lives as the other do our words,
and there is as much difference between these
two, as between living well and attaining hap-
piness on the one hand, compared with speaking
properly and understanding of words on the
other. ' Tlie notion of one, men have by mak-
ing to themselves a collection of simple ideas,
called by those names which they take to be
names of virtues and vices ; the notion of the
other, we come by from the rides set us by a
superior power :) but because we cannot come
to the knowledge of those rules without, 1st,'
making known a lawgiver to all mankind, with
power and will to reward and punish ; and 2nd,
without showing how he hath declared his will
and law, I must only at present suppose this
rule, till a fit place to speak of these, viz. God
and the law of nature ; and only at present
mention what is immediately to the purpose in
hand, 1st, That this rule of our actions set us
by our law-maker is conversant about, and ulti-
mately terminates in, those simple ideas before
mentioned ; viz. Thou shalt love tliv neioh-
hour as thyself. 2nd, Tliat the law being known,
or supposed known by us, the relation of oiu-
actions to it, /. e. the agreement or disagreement
of any thing we do to that ride, is as easy and

K 2

132 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

clearly known as any other relation. 3rd. That
we have moral ideas) as well as others, that we
come by them the same way, and that they are
nothing but collections of simple ideas. Only
we are carefully to retain that distinction of
moral actions, that they have a double consider-
ation ; 1st, As they have their proper denomi-
nations, as liheraUty, modesty, frugality^ &c. &c.
and thus they are but modes, /. e. actions made
up of such a precise collection of simple ideas ;
but it is not thereby determined that they are
either good or bad, virtues or vices. 2nd, As they
refer to a law with which they agree or disagree,
so are they good or bad, virtues or vices.
EurpaTTtXto, was a name amongst the Greeks, of
such a peculiar sort of actions ; i. e. of such a
collection of simple ideas concurring to make
them up ; but whether this collection of simple
ideas called EvrpaTrtXta, be a virtue or vice, is
known only by comparing it to that rule which
determines virtue or vice, and this is that con-
sideration that properly belongs to actions, /. e.
their agreement with a rule. In one, any ac-
tion is only a collection of simple ideas, and so
is a positive complex idea: in tlie other it stands
in relation to a law or rule, and according as it
agrees or disagrees, is virtue or vice. So educa-
tion and piety, feasting and gluttony, arc modes
alike, being but cortnin coniplcx ideas called

MISCELLANEOUS PAI'KRS. 133

by one name: but when they are considered
as virtues and vices, and rules of life carry-
ing an obligation with them, they relate to a
law, and so come under the consideration of
relation.

(To establish morality, therefore, upon itsf
])roper basis, and such foundations as may carry
an obligation with them, we must first prove a
law, which always supposes a law-makerT^ one
that has a superiority and right to ordain, and
also a power to reward and pimisli according to
the tenor of the law established by him. (This
sovereign law-maker wdio has set rules and
bounds to the actions of men is God,; their
Maker, wdiose existence we have already proved.
The next thing then to show is, that there are
certain rules, certain dictates, which it is his
will all men should conform their actions to,
and that this wdll of his is sufficiently promul-
gated and made known to all mankind. ^

Deus. — Descartes's Proof of a God, from the
Idea of necessary Existence, examined. 10*96.

Thougli I liad heard Descartes's opinion con-
cerning the being of a God often questioned by
sober men, and no enemies to his name, yet I
suspended my judgment of him till lately set-
ting myself to examine his proof of a God, I
found that by it senseless matter might be the

134 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

first eternal being and cause of all things, as
well as an immaterial intelligent spirit ; this,
joined to his shutting out the consideration of
final causes out of his philosophy, and his la-
bouring to invalidate all other proofs of a God
but his own, does unavoidably draw upon him
some suspicion.

The fallacy of his pretended great proof of a
Deity appears to me thus : — The question be-
tween the Theists and Atheists I take to be this,
viz. not whether there has been nothing from
eternity, but whether the eternal Being that
made, and still keeps all things in that order,
beauty, and method, in which we see them, be
a knowing immaterial substance, or a senseless
material substance ; for that something, either
senseless matter, or a knowing spirit, has been
from eternity, I think nobody doubts.

The idea of the Theists' eternal Being is,
that it is a knowing immaterial substance, that
made and still keeps all the beings of the uni-
verse in tliat order in whicli they are preserved.
The idea of the Atheists' eternal Being is sense-
less matter. The question between them then
is, wliicli of these really is that eternal Being
tliat lias always been. Now I say, whoever
will use tiie idea of necessary existence to prove

iM ISC ELLAN KO L' S I 'A I ' !■ IIS . ] .' j 5

a (t()(1, /. e. ail iininutcrial eternal kiiowijig
spirit, will have no more to say for it from the
idea of necessary existence, than an Atheist has
for his eternal, all-doing, senseless matter, v. g.
The complex idea of God, says the Theist, is
substance, immateriality, eternity, knowledge,
and the power of making and producing all
things. I allow it, says the Atheist ; but how
do you prove any real Being exists, answering
the complex idea in which these simple ideas
are combined ? By another idea, says the Car-
tesian Tlieist, which I include in my complex
idea of God, viz. the idea of necessary existence.
If that will do, says the Atheist, I can equally
prove the eternal existence of my first being,
matter ; for it is but adding the idea of unneces-
sary existence to the one which I have, where-
in substance, extension, solidity, eternity, and
tlie powder of making and producing all things
are combined, and my eternal matter is proved
necessarily to exist upon as certain grounds as
the immaterial God ; for whatsoever is eternal
must needs have necessary existence included in
it. And who now has the odds in proving by
adding in his mind the idea of necessary exist-
ence to his idea of the first being? The truth
is in this way, that which should be proved, vi/.

] 36 MISCELLANEOUS PAPEUS.

existence, is supposed, and so the question is
only begged on both sides.

I have the complex idea of substance, solidity,
and extension joined together, whicli I call
matter : does this prove matter to be ? No. I,
with Descartes, add to this idea of matter a
bulk as large as space itself; does this prove
such a bulk of matter to be ? No. I add to it
this complex idea, the idea of eternity ; does
this prove matter to be eternal ? No. I add
to it the idea of necessary existence; does this
prove matter necessarily to exist ? No. I'ry
it in spirit, and it will be just so there. The
reason whereof is, that the putting together or
separating ; the putting in, or leaving out, any
one or more ideas, out of any complex one in
my head, has no influence at all upon the being
of things, without me to make them exist so, as
1 put ideas together in my mind.

But it will be said that the idea of God in-
cludes necessary existence, and so God has a
necessary existence.

I answ^er : The idea of God, as far as the name
Go(/ stands for the first eternal cause, includes
necessary existence.

And so far the ^Vtlieist and the Theist arc
agreed ; or ratlier, there is no iVtheist who de-

MISCELLANEOUS I'Al'iaiS. 137

nies an eternal first Being, which lias necessary
existence. That wliich puts the difference
between the Tlieist and tlie Atheist is this : that
the Theist says, that this eternal Being, which
lias necessary existence, is a knowing spirit; the
Atheist, that it is blind unthinking matter : for
the deciding of wliich question, the joining the
idea of necessary existence to that of eternal
first Behig or Substance, does nothing. AVhe-
tlier tliat eternal first Being, necessarily existing,
be material or immaterial, thinking or not think-
ing, must be proved some other way ; and w^hen
thus a God is proved, necessary existence will
be included in the idea of God, and not till then.
For an eternal necessary existing Being, mate-
rial, and without wdsdom, is not the Theists
God. So that real existence is but supposed on
either side ; and the adding in our thoughts the
idea of necessary existence to an idea of a sense-
less material substance, or to the idea of an im-
material knowing spirit, makes neither of them
to exist, nor alters any thing in the reality of
their existence, because our ideas alter nothing
in the reality of things, v. g. The Atheist
wanild put into his idea of matter, necessary
existence ; he may do that as he pleases, but
he will not thereby at all prove the real exist-

138 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

encc of any thing answering that idea ; he must
first prove, and that by other ways than that
idea, the existence of an eternal all-doing
matter, and then his idea Avill be proved
evidently a true idea; till then it is but a
precarious one, made at pleasure, and proves
nothing of real existence, for the reason above
mentioned, viz. our ideas make or alter no-
thing in the real existence of things, nor will
it follow that any thing really exists in nature
answering it, because we can make such a com-
plex idea in our minds. By ideas in the mind
we discern the agreement or disagreement of
ideas that have a like ideal existence in our
minds, but that reaches no farther, proves no
real existence, for the truth we so know is only
of our ideas, and is applicable to things only as
they are supposed to exist answering such ideas.
But any idea, simple or complex, barely by
being in our minds, is no evidence of the real
existence of any thing out of our minds answer-
ing that idea. Real existence can be proved
only by real existence ; and, therefore the real
existence of a God can only be proved by the
real existence of other things. The real exist-
ence of other things without us, can be evi-
dcnced to us only by our senses; l)ut our own

M ISC ELLAN ROT'S I'Al'l'RS. 139

existence is known to us by a certainty yet liiglicr
than our senses can give us of the existence of
other things, and that is internal perception, a
self-consciousness, or intuition ; from whence
therefore may be drawn, by a train of ideas, the
surest and most incontestable proof of the exist-
ence of a God. J. T..

RESURRECTIO ET QU^ SEQUUNTUR.

St. Paul, treating expressly of the Resurrec-
tion, 1 Cor. XV. tells us, 1st, that all men, by
the benefit bf Christ, shall be restored to life, v.
21, 22. 2nd, That the order of the Kesurrection
is this : first, Christ rises ; second, those that are
at his second coming, v. 23 ; third, That the saints
shall then have spiritual and immortal bodies,
v. 42 ; and they shall then bear the image of the
lieavenly Adam, /. e. be immortal, as they before
bore the image of the earthly, /. e. were mortal,
v. 4<4< — 49. It is plain St. Paul, in the word we,
V. 49, 51, 57, 58, speaks not of the dead in gene-
lal, but of the saints who were to put on incor-
ruption, v. 54, and over whom Death was never
to have any more power, because they were
dead of all sin, v. 56. He that will read this
chapter carefully may observe, that St. Paul, in

140 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

speaking of the Resurrection, mentions first
Christians, then that of believers, v. 23, which he
gives an account of to the end of the chapter
and discourse, and so never comes to the resur-
rection of the wicked, which was to be the third
and last in order ; so that from verse 27 to the
end of the chapter is a description only of the
resurrection of the just, though he calls it by
the ffeneral name of the resurrection of the dead,
V. 42, which is plain from almost every verse of
it, from 41 to the end. First, that ^vhich he here
speaks of as raised, is raised in glory, v. 43 ; but
the wicked are not raised in glory. 2dly, He
says, 2ve shall bear the image of the heavenly
Adam, v. 49, which cannot belong to the wicked.
3rd, We shall all be changed, that, by putting on
incorruptibility and immortality, death may be
swallowed up in victory, wdiich God giveth us
through our Lord Jesus Christ, v. 51, 52, 53, 54,
57, which cannot likewise belong to the damned ;
and then, for ?f;eand us here nuist be understood
to be spoken of in the name of the dead that
are Christ's, who are to be raised before the rest
at his coming. He says, v. 52, that w^hen the dead
arc raised, they that are alive shall be changed
in the twiidding of an eye. Now that the dead
are only the dead in Christ, which shall rise first
and sliall be cauglit up in the clouds to meet

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 14|

the J^ord in the air, is ])lciiii fVoiu 1 Thcss. iv. IG,
17. 4th, He teaches that by this corruptible
putting on incorru])tion is brought to pass that
saying, that death is swallowed up of victory.
But I tliink nobody will say that the wicked
have victory over death ; yet that, according to
the Apostle, here belongs to all those whose cor-
ruptible bodies have put on incorruption, which
must therefore be only those that rise the second
in order, and therefore their resurrection alone
is that which is here mentioned and described,
a farther proof whereof is given, v. 56, 57, in that
their sins being taken away, the sting whereby
death kills is taken away ; and therefore St.
Paul says, God has given us the victory ; which
must be the same ice which should bear the
image of the heavenly Adam, v. 49, and the
sameivc which should all he changed, v. 51, 52.
all which places can therefore belong to none
but those who are Christ's, which shall be raised
by themselves, the second in order, before
the rest of the dead. It is very remarkable
what St. Paul says in the 51st verse, we shall
not «// sleep, but we shall all be changed in the
twinkling of an eye. Tlie reason he gives for
it, V. 53, because this corruptible thing nuist
put on incorruption, and this mortal thing put
on immortality. How ? By putting off flesh

142 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

and blood by an instantaneous change; because,
as he tells them, v. 50, flesh and blood cannot
inherit the kingdom of God, and therefore to
fit believers for that kingdom, those who are
alive at the sound of the trumpet shall be
changed in the twinkling of an eye, v. 51, and
those that are in their graves, changed likewise
at the instant of their being raised, and so all
the whole collection of the saints be put into a
state of incorruptibility, v. 52. Taking the resur-
rection here spoken of to be the resurrection of
all the dead in general, St. Paul's reasoning in
this place is very hard to be understood ; but
upon the supposition that he here describes
the resurrection of the just only, those who are
mentioned, v. 23, to rise next in order after
Christ, it is very easy, plain, and natural, and
stands thus. JNIen alive are flesh and blood, the
dead in the grave are but the remains of cor-
rupted flesh and blood ; but flesh and blood can-
not inherit tlie kingdom of God, neither can
corruption inherit incorruption /. e. inunortality.
Therefore, to make those who are Christ's ca-
pa])le to enter into the eternal kingdom of life,
as well those of them who are alive as tliose
of tiiem wlio are raised from the dead, shall all
be changed, and tlieir corruptible shall put on
incorru))tion, and their mortal s]iall put on im-

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 143

iiiortulity, and thus God give them the victory
over death through tlieir Lord Jesus Christ.
This is what St. Paul argues here, and the ac-
coiuit lie gives of the resurrection of the blessed ;
but how the wicked, which were afterwards to
come to Hfc, were to be raised, and what was
to become of them, he liere says nothing, as
not being to his purpose, which was to assure
the Corinthians, by the resurrection of Clu'ist,
of happy resurrection to believers, and tlicreby
to encourage them to continue in the faith
which had such a reward. That this was his
desire may be seen by the beginning of his dis-
course, V. 12 — 21, and by the conclusion v. .58,
in these words : Therefore, my beloved, be ye
steadfast, immoveable, always abovmding in
the work of the Lord ; forasmuch as ye know
that your labour is not in vain in the Lord :
which words plainly show, tiiat what he had
been speaking of in the immediately preceding
verses, viz. their being changed, and the put-
ting on of incorruption and immortality, and
their having therefore the victory through Jesus
Christ, belonged solely to the saints as
a reward to those who remained steadfast,
and abounded in the works of the Lord : the
like use of the like though shorter discourse
on the resurrection, wherein he describes only

144 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

that of the blessed, he makes to the Thessalo-
nians, 1, iv. 13 — 18, which he concludes thus : —
Wherefore comfort one an other with these words.
Nor is it in this place alone that St. Paul calls
the resurrection of the just by the general name
of the resurrection of the dead ; he does the same,
Phil. iii. where he speaks of his sufferings, and
endeavours if by any means he might attain to
the resurrection of the dead : whereby he cannot
mean the resurrection of the dead in general,
which, since it will overtake all men, there needs
no endeavours to attain. Our Saviour likewise
speaks of the resurrection of the just in the
same general terms of the resurrection, JMat.
xxii. 30, and the resurrection from the dead,
Luke XXV. 35, by which is meant only the re-
surrection of the just, as is plain from the
context.

How long after this the wicked shall rise
shall be enquired hereafter. I shall only at
present take notice ; only I think it is plain
it shall be before ovu' Saviour delivers up the
kingdom to his Father, for there is the end.
The whole dispensation of God to tlie race of
Adam will be at an end. 1 Cor. xv. 24. Yet
these two things arc plainly declared in Scrip-
ture concerning them.

1st. That they shall be cast into hell fire to

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 145

be tormented tlicrc, is so express, and so often
mentioned in Scripture, that there can be no
doubt about it. JNlatt. xxv. 41. 46. xiii. 42.
50. xviii. 8.

2nd. That they shall not live for ever. This
is so plain in Scripture, and is so everywhere
inculcated, — that the wages of sin is death, and
the reward of the riohtcous is everlastino- life,
— the constant language of the Scripture in the
current of the New Testament as well as Old,
is life to the just, to believers, to the obedient,
and death to the wicked and unbelievers, — that
one would w^onder how the readers could be
mistaken wdiere death is threatened so con-
stantly, and declared everywhere to be the id-
timate punishment and last estate to which the
wicked must all come. To solve this, they
have invented a very odd signification of the
word death, which they would have stand for
eternal life in torment. They who will put
so strange and contrary a signification upon a
word in an hundred places, wdiere, if it had not
its true and literal sense, one would w^onder it
should be so often used, and that in opposition
to life, which in those places is used literally,
ought to have good proofs for giving it a sense
in those places of Scripture directly contrary
to what it ordinarily has in other parts of

VOL. IL L

146 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

S"cripture and everywhere else. But leaving
this interpretation of the word death to shift
for itself as it can in the minds of reasonable
men, there are places of Scripture which plainly
show the different state of the just and the
wdcked to be ultimately life and death, wherein
there is no room for that evasion. I shall name
one or two of them. — Luke xxv. 35, 36. Our
Saviour tells the Sadducees that they who are
accounted w^orthy to attain that world in the
resurrection from the dead, neither marry nor
are given in marriage, neither can they die any
more ; for they are equal unto the angels, and
are the children of God, being the children of
the resurrection. Where Christ plainly de-
clares of the children of God alone wdio have
been accounted worthy to obtain the resurrec-
tion, i. e. the resurrection before the others,
that they are like the angels, and can die no
more ; wdiich exception of the saints from dy-
ing any more after their resurrection is a con-
firmation that the rest of mankind may and
siiall die again. Accordingly St. John, Rev.
XX. 5, 6, says of this, which he calls the first
resiuTCction, " IJlessed and holy is he who has
])ut on the first resurrection ; on such the second
death hath no power."

I crave leave to observe here, that as St. Paul,
speaking of the resurrection of the dead, 1 Cor.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 147

XV. 42, ill general terms, yet means only the
first resurrection or the resurrection of the
just ; so our Saviour does here, where by re-
surrection he plainly means only the first re-
surrection, or the resurrection of the blessed,
and not the resurrection of all mankind, as is
plain not only by making them the children of
God who are the children of the resurrection,
but by saying that those who are accounted
worthy obtain the resurrection ; which distinc-
tion of worthiness can belong only to those
^v\\o are Clirists, and cannot promiscuously
take in all mankind.

Another text that declares the death and
final end of the wicked, is Gal. vi. 7, 8, " Be
not deceived, God is not mocked, for whatso-
ever a man sowTth, that sliall he also reap : for
he that sow^eth to his flesh, shall of the flesh
reap corruption ; but he that sowetli to the
spirit, shall of the spirit reap life everlasting."
In other places, where life everlasting and death
are opposed, say these interpreters, by ever-
lasting life, is meant everlasting perfect lui])pi-
ness joined to life ; by death is meant eternal,
sufferings and torments witliout death. But
here corruption and life everlasting are op-
posed. Now (pOof, corruption, signifies the dis-
solution and final destruction of a thing, whereby
it ceases to be ; but corruption can by nobody

L 2

148 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

be pretended to signify the endless sense of
pain and torment in a being subsisting and con-
tinued on to eternity. Corruption is the spoil-
ing any thing, the divesting it of the being-
it had. Accordingly St. Paul, 1 Cor. xv. uses
incorruption for an indefinable estate of immor-
tality. That which gives some colour to their
understanding by death an endless life in tor-
ment is the everlasting fire threatened by our
Saviour to the wicked, Mat. xviii. 8. xxv. 41.
46. But not to trouble you with the various
significations of duration of the word ever-
lasting in Scripture, and what else lias been
answered by orthodox divines to show that
these texts did necessarily imply eternal or end-
less torments, especially by Archbishop Tillot-
son, it may suffice to say, that everlasting
in a true Scripture sense, may be said of that
which endures as long as tlic subject it affects
endiu-es. So everlasting i)ricst]iood, Exod. xl.
15. was a priesthood that lasted as long as the
])co})lc lasted in an estate capable of the Mosai-
cal worsliip. Psal. xxiv. 7. everlasting doors,
i.e. that should last as long as the temple which
they belonged to. Isa. xxxv. 10. everlasting joy,
i. e. that continue as long as they lived. A like
expression is that of hell lire, JNIark ix. 13, 44,
that never shall be cpicnchcd, where the worm

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 149

dictli not, and tlic fire is not quenched ; an ex-
pression taken from Isa. Ixvi. 24, wliicli, tliongli
we translate hell, is in the original Gehenna, or
the valley of Hinnom, where was kept a constant
fire to burn up the carcases of beasts and other
filth of the city of Jerusalem, — where though
the fire never was quenched, yet it does not
follow, nor is it said that the bodies that were
burnt in it were never consumed, only that the
worms that gnawed and the fire that burnt
them were constant, and never ceased till they
were destroyed. So, though the fire was not
put out, yet the chaff was burnt up and con-
sumed. Mat. iii. 12; and the tares, xiii. 30; in
both which places, and the parallel, I.uke iii. 17,
the Greek word signifies, to be consumed by
burning, though in our Bibles it is translated
burn up but in one of them, viz. JNIat. iii. 14.
Taking it then for evident that the wicked
shall die and be extinguished at last, how long
they shall be continued in that inexpressible
torment is not, that I know, any where ex-
pressed; but that it shall be excessively terrible
by its duration as well as its sharpness, the cur-
rent of the Scripture seems to manifest ; only
if one may conjectiu'e, it seems to be before our
Saviour's delivering up tlie kingdom to his
Father. The account given of it by St. Paul,

150 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

1 Cor. XV. 23, 28, at Christ's second coming, the
just rise by themselves; then Christ shall set
up his kingdom, wherein he shall subdue all
rule and all authorities and power that opposes
him, for he must reign until he has put all
enemies under his feet ; the last enemy that
shall be destroyed is Death; then he sliall de-
liver up the kingdom to God his Father, and
then Cometh the end, i. e. the full conclusion
of God's whole dispensation to Adam and I lis
posterity. After which there shall be no death,
no change ; the scene will then be closed, and
every one remain in the same estate for ever.

One thing upon the occasion may be worth
our enquiry ; whether the wicked shall not rise
with such bodies of flesh and blood as they had
before ; for that all that is said of the change of
bodies, 1 Cor. xv. and 1 Thess. iv. has been al-
ready shown to be spoken only of the saints; the
like whereof may be observed in other places
of Scripture, wliere bodies changed into a better
state are mentioned; as 2 Cor. v. 1 — 4, it is
always spoken of the bodies of the saints, nor
do I remember any change of the bodies where
the resiu'rection of the wicked can be supposed
to be comprehended ; but it is only spoken of
thus : " The hour is coming, in which all that
are in the grave shall hear his voice and shall

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 151

coinefortli; tliey that liave done good, unto the
resurrection of life ; and they that have done
evil, unto the resurrection of damnation." John
V. 28, 29. We must all appear before the judg-
ment-seat of God, that every one may receive
the things done in his body, according to that
he hath done, whether it be good or bad,
2 Cor. V. 10. And so likewise, " Raise the dead."
Acts xxvi. 8. 2 Cor. i. 9. " Quicken the dead."
Rom. iv. 17. But of the change of their bodies,
of their being made spiritual, or of their ])ut-
ting on incorruption or immortality, I do not
remember any thing said. They shall be raised,
that is said over and over ; but how they are
raised, or with what bodies they shall come, the
Scripture, as far as I have observed, is perfectly
silent.

We have seen what the Scripture says of the
state of the wicked after the Resurrection, and
what is the final catastrophe they are doomed
to. Let us now see what Scripture discovers
to us of the state of the just after the Resurrec-
tion ; that whatsoever was earthly, corruptible,
mortal about them, shall, at the instant of the
sound of the trumpet that is to call them at
Christ's coming, be changed into s))iritual, in-
corruptible, immortal, we have already seen.

152 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

The following paper appears to be intended
as a supplement to the Mode of acquiring
Truth ; it illustrates My. Locke's other works,
and shows how deeply his mind was engaged
in this particular.

Enthusiasm.

JMethod. The way to find truth as far as we
are able to reach it in this our dark and short-
sighted state, is to pursue the hypothesis that
seems to us to carry with it the most light and
consistency as far as we can without raising
objections, or striking at those that come in our
way, till we have carried our present principle
as far as it will go, and given w^hat light and
strength we can to all the parts of it. And
when that is done, then to take into our con-
sideration any objections that lie against it,
but not so as to pursue them as objections
against the system we had formerly erected ;
but to consider upon what foundation they are
bottomed, and examine that in all its parts,
and then putting the two whole systems to-
gether, see which is liable to most exceptions,
and labours under the greatest difficulties ; for
such is the weakness of our imderstandings,
that, imless where we have clear demonstration,
we can scarce make out to ourselves any truths
which will not be liable to some exce])tion
beyond our power wholly to clear it from; and

MISCRLLANROUS I'AI'KIIS. 153

therefore, if upon that ground we are presently
bound to give up our former opinion, we shall
be in a perpetual fluctuation , every day chang-
ing our minds, and passing from one side to
another we shall lose all stability of thought,
and at last give up all probable truths as if
there were no such thing, or, which is not much
better, think it indifferent which side we take.
To this, yet as dangerous as it is, the ordinary
w^-iy of managing controversies in the world
directly tends. If an opponent can find one
weak place in his adversary's doctrine, and re-
duce him to a stand, with difficulties rising
from thence, he ])resently concludes he has got
the day, and may justly triumph in the good-
ness of his own cause ; whereas victory no more
certainly always accompanies truth, than it does
rioht. It shows indeed the weakness of the
part attacked, or of the defence of it ; but to
show which side has the best pretence to truth
and followers, the two whole systems must be
set by one another, and considered entirely, and
then see which is most consistent in all its
parts, which least clogged with incoherencies
or absurdities, and wdiich freest from begged
principles and unintelligible notions. This is
the fairest way to search after truth, and the
surest not to mistake on which side she is.
There is scarce any controversy which is not a

154 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

full instance of this ; and if a man will em-
brace no opinion but what he can clear from
all difficulties and remove all objections, I
fear he will have but very narrow thoughts, and
find very little that he shall assent to. What,
then, will you say, shall he embrace that for
truth which has improbabilities in it that he
cannot master ? This has a clear answer. In
contradicting opinions, one must be true, that
he cannot doubt; which then shall he take?
That which is accompanied with the greatest
light and evidence, that which is freest from
the grosser absurdities, though our narrow ca-
pacities cannot penetrate it on every side. Some
men have made objections to the belief of a God,
and think they ought to be heard and heark-
ened to, because, perhaps, nobody can unravel
all the difficulties of creation and providence,
wliich are but aro'uments of the weakness of our
understandings, and not against the being of a
God. Let us take a view, then, of these men's
hypotheses, and let us see what direct contra-
diction tliey must be involved in Avho deny a
God. If there be no God from eternity, then
there was no thinking thing from eternity ; for
the eternal thinking Tiling I call God. If
from eternity there were no tliinking Tiling,
tlicn thinking things were made out of untliink-

M1SCK1J.ANEOUS I'AI'KRS. ] Tjo

ing tilings by an untl linking power : as great
an absurdity as that nothing should produce
something. If matter be that eternal thinking
thing, let us change that deceitful word matter,
which seems to stand for one thinix when it
means the cojtgeries of all bodies, and then the
opinion will be, that all bodies, every distinct
atom, is in its own nature a thinking thing.
Let any one then resolve with himself how
such an infinite number of distinct independent
thinking things came to be of one mind, and to
consent and contrive together, to make such an
admirable frame as the world, and the species
of things and their successive continuation is.
How some of them consented to lie buried for
long or niuuberless ages in the bowels and cen-
tre of the earth, or other massy globes, — places
certainly very uneasy for thinking beings, —
whilst others are delighting themselves in the
pleasures of freedom and the day. Let them
produce harmony, beauty, constancy, from such
a congeries of thinking independent atoms, and.
one may, I think, allow them to be creators
of this world ; and I know not why upon their
own grounds they should not think so them-
selves, since there is no reason why the think-
ing atoms in them should not be as wise as any
other in the imiverse ; for if thev once allow

156 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

me one atom of matter to have from eternity
some degrees of knowledge and power above
any other, they mast tell us a reason why it is
so, or else their supposition w^ill be ridiculous
when set up against the supposition of a Being
that had from eternity more knowledge and
more power than all matter taken togetlier, and
so was able to frame it into this orderly state of
nature so visible and admirable in all the parts
of it.

LETTER OF M. LE CLERC TO I>OCKE.

" A Amsterdam, le 12 d'Aout, lG9i.
" Je recus, Monsieur, la semaine pass6e, par
la voie de Monsieur Furly, les additions de votre
ouvrage, qui m'ont infiniment plu. J'ai lu avi-
dement I'addition du chapitre de la Liberie, qui
ma entierement satisfait, 6tant convaincu de-
puis long-temps que la plusi)art du temps, les
hommes ne se d^terminent pas par la vue distincte
ou confuse de cc qui pent etrc leur plus grand
bien, ou qu'ils croient etre tel, mais par le plai-
sir qu'ils prennent c\ certaines choses, auxquelles
ils sont liabitues. On pourroit seulement de-
mandcr si ce plaisir, ou cette easiness, comme
vous vous ex])rimez plus commodement que je
ne le saurois fairc en Francois, est toujours de
telle nature, que malgr(^' cela, IVsprit ne puisse

MISCELLANEOUS TAPERS. 1^7

se determiner du c6t6 oppos^. Pour moi,
j'avoue que je ne vois pas bien comment lorsqiic
je lis avcc attention ce que vous dites ; niais je
ne sais si le sentiment ne nous en convainc point.
All moins, il me semble qii'en mille clioses je
puis faire, ou non, et que je ne me determine
que parceque je le veux sans trouver plus de
plaisir d'un cote que d'un autre. JNIais c'est
la une matiere qui demande plus detendue,
qu'un billet ^crit a la bate. — Pour parler d'au-
tres clioses, et pour repondre a un article de vos
lettres aiiquel j'ai oubli^ de repondre trois ou
quatre fois, vous disposerez comme il vous plaira
de i'exemplaire relie de ma Geneses, soit que
vous le veuillez garder pour vous, ou le donner
a qiielqu'un de vos amis. J'attends avec im-
patience le livre de Monsieur I'Eveqiie de Batli
et AA^ells, pour voir ce qii'il dira contre moi,
car les Franc^ois de Londres, gens envicux
et malins, s'il y en eiit jamais, ont pris plai-
sir a semer qu'il me refutoit en termes forts.
Cela me faclieroit, non a cause des raisons,
auxquelles je ne ferai pas difficulte de me
rendre si elles sont bonnes, mais a cause de
la consequence: je ne sais si je me tronq)e,
mais je m'imagine que ce sont des raisons de
theologie in quibus magis optant v'lri pii quam
doccut. On prescrit a Dieu ce qu'il doit avoir

158 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

fait comme on le juge a propos, sans rechercher
ce qui est efFectivement. Quoi qu'il en soit,
j'en userai avec lui, avec tout le respect qull
pourra demander ; et pour Ten convaincreje lui
ai d^ja envoye dix-huit feuilles de mon Exode,
qu'il m'a\ oit faites demander par M. Cappel et
par M. Limbourg, k qui il avoit ecrit expres
pour cela. II y en a a present environ le dou-
ble d'imprimees, et j'esp^re que nous commen^e-
rons bientot le Levitique. Je ne comprends
pas qui avoit fait courrir le bruit d'Oxford,
dont ]M. Cappel m'avoit aussi averti. II n en est
venu aucun vent a mes oreilles que par ce que
vous et lui m'avez mande. ^lylord de Salis-
bury* pourroit beaucoup faire pour moi, s'il vou-
loit, mais je ne sais s'il le veut. II a un Cbanoine
Fran9ois aupres de lui, qui, feignant de m esti-
mer, s^me par tout que je me suis perdu par ce
livre, parce que je n'ai pas donne dans les
etranges visions qu'il a debitee sur le JNIistic,
dans ses rcflecf/o?is S2ir les livres de VKcriture.
Je tcntcrai ncamnoins de ce cote Ik, etje ne
crois pas qu'il me nuira s'il ne veut pas m'aider.
Knfin il en arrivera ce qu'il pourra, et pourvu
(pie personue de nos gens saclie ricn de ma
tentative si clle nc rcussit pas, il i)'y aura rien
dc perdu. Mais vos boutiquicrs qui sont ici

* Bishop Biiriit't.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 159

les souverains, et qui rcgardcnt Icurs ministrcs
commc Iciirs scrvantcs, me regard croi cut de haiit
en bas plus que jamais, s'ils savoient que je
n'eusse pas reussi. Au contraire, si je pouvois
me passer d'eux et me retirer d'ici, je me met-
trois pen en peine de ce qu'ils diroient. Cepen-
dant il n'est pas bon que des personnes mal-in-
tentionnees sacbent rien de mes desseins. II ne
se passe rien ici de nouveau. Je vous prie de
me mander la voie par laquelle vous m'envoy-
erez ou vous m'avez envoye le Pentateuque de
M. I'Eveque de Batli. Je suis de tout mon
cceur, Monsieur, votre tr^s-bumble et tres-
obeissant serviteur, J. Lk Cleuc.''

MR. LOCKE'S ANSWER TO M. LE CLERC.

LIBERTY.

As to the determination of tlie will, we may
take it imder three considerations.

1st. The ordinary and successive uneasinesses
which take their turns in tlie common course
of oiu' lives, and these are what, for the most
part, determine the will, but with a power still
of suspending.

2nd. A^iolent uneasiness which the mind can-
not resist nor away with : tliese constantly de-
termine the will witliout any manner of suspen-

160 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

sion, where there is any view of a possibihty
of their removal.

3rd. A great number of little and very in-
different actions which mix themselves with
those of greater moment, and fill up, as it were,
the little empty spaces of our time. In these,
the will may be said to determine itself with-
out the preponderancy of good or evil, or the
motive of uneasiness on either side ; as whether
a man should put on his right or left shoe first,
Avhether he should fold a margeant in the paper
wherein he is going to write a letter to his
friend, whether he should sit still or walk, or
scratch his head whilst he is in a deep medita-
tion ; there are a thousand such actions as these
which we do every day, which are certainly
voluntary, and may be ascribed to the will de-
termining itself. But there is so little thought
precedes them, because of the little conse-
quences that attend them, that they are but as
it were appendices to tlic more weighty and
more voluntary actions to which the mind is de-
termined by some sensible vmeasiness, and there-
fore in these the mind is determined to one or
the other side, not by the preferable or greater
good it sees in either, but by the desire and
necessity of dispatch, that it may not be hin-
dered in the pursuit of wlmt is judged of more

MlSCl'LLANEUUS l'Al'Ell.S. | (J 1

moment by a lingering suspense between equal
and indifferent things, and a deliberation about
trifles ; in these, the uneasiness of delay is suf-
ficient to determine and give the preference to
one, it matters not which side. — Mem. This
writ to iNlr. Le Clerc, 9th Oct. 1694, in answer
to his of 12th xVug.

The following articles properly belong to the
Journal. Their date will show when each was
written.

1677. — SPECIES.

The species of things are distinguished and
made by chance, in order to naming and names
imposed on those things which either the con-
veniences of life or common observation bring
into discourse. The greatest part of the rest,
sine nomine henhce, lie neglected, neither diffe-
renced by names, nor distinguished into species ;
viz. how many flies and worms are there which,
though they are about us in great plenty, we
have not yet named nor ranked into species, but
come under the general names of flies or worms,
which yet are as distinct as a horse and a sheep,
though we never have had so great occasion to
take notice of them. So that our ideas of spe-
cies are almost voluntary, or at least different

VOL. II. M

1(32 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

from the idea of Nature by which she forms
and distinguishes them, which in animals she
seems to me to keep to with more constancy
and exactness than in other bodies and species
of things : those being curious engines, do per-
haps require a greater accurateness for their
propagation and continuation of their race ; for
in vegetables we find that several sorts come
from the seeds of one and the same individual
as much different species as those that are
allowed to be so by philosophers. This is very
familiar in apples, and perhaps other sorts of
fruits, whereof some have distinct names and
others only the general, though they begin
every day to have more and more given them
as they come into use. So that species, in re-
spect of us, are but things ranked into order,
because of their agreement in some ideas which
we have made essential in order to our naming
them, though what it is essentially to belong
to any species in reference to Nature be hard
to determine; for if a woman should bring
forth a creature perfectly of the shape of a man,
that never showed any more appearance of rea-
son than a horse, and had no articular language,
and another woman should produce another with
nothing of the sha})c, but with the language
and reason of a man, I ask Avhich of these you
would call by the name man ? — both or neither ?

MfSCRLLANROUS I'AI'KIIS. {C/.i

UNDERSTANDING. ARGUMENTS POSITIVE

AND NEGATIVE, 1677-

111 questions where tlierc are arguments on
botli sides, one positive proof is to preponderate
to a great many negatives, because a positive
proof is always founded upon some real exis-
tence, which we know and apprehend ; whereas
the negative arguments terminate generally in
notliing, in our not being able to conceive, and
so may be nothing but conclusions from our
ignorance or incapacity, and not from the truth
of things which may, and we have experience
do really exist, though they exceed our com-
prehension. This amongst the things we know
and lie obvious to our senses is very evident ;
for though we are very well acquainted with
matter, motion, and distance, yet there are
many things in them which we can by no means
comprehend ; for, even in the things most ob-
vious and famihar to us, our understanding is
nonplussed, and presently discovers its weak-
ness ; Avhenever it enters upon the consideration
of any thing that is unlimited, or would pe-
netrate into the modes or manner of being or
operation, it presently meets with unconcpicr-
able difficulties. INIatter, and figure, and mo-

M 2

164 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

tion, and the degrees of both, we have clear
notions of; but when we begin to think of the
extension or divisibiUty of the one, or the be-
ginning of either, our understanding sticks
and boggles, and knows not which way to turn.
We also have no other notion of operation but
of matter by motion, — at least I must confess I
have not, and should be glad to have any one
explain to me intelligibly any other ; and yet
we shall find it hard to make out any phenome-
non by those causes. We know very well that
we think, and at pleasure move ourselves, and
yet, if we will think a negative argument suffi-
cient to build on, we shall have reason to doubt
whether we can do one or other ; it being to
me inconceivable how matter should think, and
as incomprehensible how an immaterial think-
ing thing should be able to move material,
or be affected by it. We having therefore
positive experience of our thinking and mo-
tion, the negative arguments against them, and
the impossibility of understanding them, never
shake our assent to these truths, which perhaps
will prove a considerable rule to determine us
in very material questions.

MISCELLANEOUS PAl'EllS. 1G5

AN ESSAY CONCERNING RECREATION, IN
ANSWER TO D. G.'s DESIRE, 1677.

As for my recreation, thus I think ; that
recreation being a thing ordained, not for itself,
but for a certain end, that end is to be the rule
and measure of it.

llecreation then seeming to me to be the
doing of some easy or at least delightful tiling
to restore the mind or body, tired Avith labour,
to its former strength and vigour, and thereby
fit it for new labour, it seems to me, —

1st. That there can be no general rule set to
different persons concerning the time, manner,
duration, or sort of recreation that is to be
used, but only that it be such as their expe-
rience tells them is suited to them, and proper
to refresh the part tired.

2nd. That if it be applied to the mind, it ought
certainly to be delightful, because it being to
restore and enliven that, which is done by re-
laxing and composhig the agitation of the spi-
rits, that which delights it without employing
it much, is not only the fittest to do so, but
also the contrary, i. e. what is ungrateful doth
certainly most discompose and tire it.

3rd. That it is impossible to set a standiug
rule of recreation to one's self; because not

1G6 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

only the unsteady fleeting condition of our
bodies and spirits requires more at one time
than another, which is plain in other more fixed
refreshments, as food and sleep, and likewise
requires very different according to the employ-
ment that hath preceded the present temper of
our bodies and inclination of our minds ; but
also because variety in most constitutions is so
necessary to delight, and the mind is so naturally
tender of its freedom, that the most pleasant
d iversions become nauseous and troublesome to
us when we are forced to repeat them in a con-
tinued fixed round.

It is farther to be considered : —

1st. That in things not absolutely command-
ed nor forbidden by the law of God, such as is
the material part of recreation, he in his mercy
considering our ignorance and frail constitution,
hath not tied us to an indivisible point, nor
confined us to a way so narrow that allows no
latitude at all in things in their own nature in-
different ; there is the liberty of great choice,
great variety, within the boimds of innocence.

2nd. That God delights not to have us mise-
rable either in this or the other world, but
having given us all things richly to enjoy, we
cannot imagine that in our recreations we should

MISCEl.LANEOUS PAPERS. IG7

be denied delight, which is the only necessary
and useful part of it.

This supposed, I imagine : —

1st. That recreation supposes labour and
weariness, and therefore that he that labours
not, hath no title to it.

2nd. That it very seldom happens that our
constitutions (though there be some tender ones
that require a great deal) require more time to
be spent in recreation than in labour.

3rd. \¥e must beware that custom and the
fashion of the world, or some other by-interest,
doth not make that pass with us for recreation
which is indeed labour to us, though it be not
our business; as playing at cards, though no
otherwise allowable but as a recreation, is so far
from fitting some men for their business and
giving them refreshment, that it more discom-
poses them than their ordinary labour.

So that God not tying us up of time, place,
kind, &c. in our recreations, if we secure our
main duty, which is in sincerity to do our duty
in our calling as far as the frailty of our bodies
or minds will allow us, (beyond which we can-
not think any thing should be required of us,)
and that wc design our diversions to put us in
a condition to do our duty, we need not per-

168 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

plex ourselves with too scrupulous an inquiry
into the precise bounds of them ; for we cannot
be supposed to be obliged to rules which we
cannot know : for I doubt first whether there
be any such exact proportion of recreation to
our present state of body and mind, that so
much is exactly enough, and whatsoever is
under is too little, whatsoever is over is too
much; but be it so or no, this I am very con-
fident of, that no one can say in his own or
another man's case, that thus much is the pre-
cise dose; hitherto you must go and no far-
ther ; — so that it is not only our privilege, but
we are under a necessity of using a latitude,
and where we can discover no determined, pre-
cise rule, it is unavoidable for us to go some-
times beyond, and sometimes to stop short of,
that which is, I will not say the exact, but
nearest proportion ; and in such cases we can
only govern ourselves by the discoverable
bounds on the one hand or the other, which is
only when we find that our recreation, by ex-
cess or defect, serves not to the proper end for
wliich we are to use it, only with this caution,
that we are to suspect ourselves most on that
side to which we find ourselves most inclined,
'Vhv cautious, devout, studious man, is to fear
thai lie allows not himself enough ; the gay.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. [{',[)

careless, and idle, that he takes too much ; to
which I can only add these following directions
as to some particulars : —

1st. That the propercst time for recreating
the mind is when it feels itself weary and flag-
ging ; it may be wearied with a thing when it
is not weary of it.

2nd. That the properest recreation of stu-
dious, sedentary persons, whose labour is of the
thought, is bodily exercise ; to those of bust-
ling employment, sedentary recreations.

3rd. That in all bodily exercise, those in the
open air are best for health.

4th. It may often be so ordered that one
business may be made a recreation to another,
visiting a friend to study.

These are my sudden extemporary thoughts
upon this subject, which will deserve to be bet
ter considered when I am in better circumstan-
ces of freedom, of thought and leisure. A'^ale,
INI arch, 77. J. L.

MEIMORY — IMAGINATION — MADNESS.

Memory. When we revive in our minds
the idea of any thing that we have before ob-
served to exist, this we call memory ; viz. to
recollect in our minds tlie idea of our father or

170 .MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

brother. But when, from the observations we
have made of divers particulars, we make a ge-
neral idea to represent any species in general,
as man ; or else join several ideas together,
which we never observed to exist together, we
call it imagination. So that memory is always
the picture of something, the idea whereof has
existed before in our thoughts, as near the life
as we can draw it : but imagination is a picture
dra.vn in our minds without reference to a pat-
tern. And here it may be observed, that the
ideas of memory, like painting after the life,
come always short, ?. <?. want something of the
original. For whether a man would remember
the dreams he had in the night, or the sights of
a foregoing day, some of the traces are always
left out, some of the circumstances are forgot-
ten ; and those kind of pictures, like those re-
presented successively by several looking-glasses,
are the more dim and fainter the farther they
are off' from the original object. For the mind,
endeavouring to retain only the traces of the
pattern, losing by degrees a great part of them,
and not having the liberty to supply any new
colours or touches of its own, the picture in the
memory every day fades and grows dimmer,
and oftentimes is ([uite lost. Hut the imagina-
tion, not being tied to any pattern, but adding

MISCELLANEOUS I'Al'ERS. 171

what colours, wliat ideas it pleases, to its own
workmanship, making originals of its own""
which are usually very bright and clear in the
mind, and sometimes to that degree that they^
make impressions as strong and as sensible as
those ideas which come immediately by the
senses from external objects, — so that the mind
takes one for the other, and its own imagination
for realities. And in this, it seen)s, madness
consists, and not in the want of reason ; for
allowing their imagination to be right, one may
observe that madmen usually reason right from
them: and I guess that those who are about
madmen, will find that they make very little
use of their memory, which is to recollect par-
ticulars past with their circumstances : but liav-
ing any particular idea suggested to their me-
mory, fancy dresses it up after its own fashion,
without regard to the original. Hence also one
may see how it comes to pass that those that
think long and intently upon one thing, come
at last to have their minds disturbed about it,
and to be a little cracked as to that particular.
For by repeating often with vehemence of ima-
gination the ideas that do belong to, or may be
brought in about the same thing, a great many
whereof the fancy is wont to furnish, these at
lengtli come to take so deep an impression, tiiat

172 ■ MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

they all pass for clear truths and realities, though
perhaps the greater part of them have at several
times been supplied only by the fancy, and are
nothing but the pure effects of the imagination.
This at least is the cause of several errors and
mistakes amongst men, even when it does not
AvhoUy unhinge the brains, and put all govern-
ment of the thoughts into the hands of the
imagination ; as it sometimes happens when the
imagination, being much employed, and getting
the mastery about any one thing, usurps the
dominion over all the other faculties of the
mind in all other. But how this comes about,
or what it is tliat gives it on such an occasion
that empire, — how it comes thus to be let loose,
I confess, I cannot guess. If that were once
known, it would be no small advance towards
the easier curing of this malady ; and perhaps
to that purpose it may not be amiss to observe,
what diet, temper, or other circumstances they
are, that set the imagination on fire, and make
it active and imperious. This I think, that
having often recourse to one's memory, and
tying down the mind strictly to the recollect-
ing things past precisely as they were, may be
a means to check those extravagant or tower-
uvr flights of the imagination. And it is good
often to divert the mind from that wliicli it has

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. I 7;j

been earnestly employed about, or which is its
ordinary business to other objects, and to make
it attend to tlie informations of the senses and
the things they offer to it. J. L. 1678.

MADNESS.

Madness seems to be nothing but a disorder ^
in the imagination, and not in the discursive
faculty ; for one shall find amongst the distract,
those who fancy themselves kings, &c. who dis-
course and reason right enough upon the sup-
positions and Avrong fancies they have taken.
And any sober man may find it in himself in
twenty occasions, viz. — in a town wdiere he has
not been lono; resident, let him come into a
street that he is pretty well acquainted with at
the contrary end to what he imagined, he will
find all his reasonings about it so out of order
and so inconsistent with the truth, that sliould
he enter into debate upon the situation of the
houses, the turnings on the right or left hand,
&c. &c. with one wdio knew the place perfectly,
and had the right ideas which way he was
going, he would seem little better than fran-
tic. Tliis, I believe, most people may have
observed to have happened to themselves, espe-
ciallv when they have been carried uj)and down

174 MISCELLANEOUS TAPERS.

in coaches, and perhaps may liave found it some-
times difficult to set their thoughts right, and
reform the mistakes of their imagination. And
I have known some, who upon the wrong im-
pressions which were at first made upon their
imaginations, could never tell which was north
or south in Smithfield, though they were no
very ill geographers : and when by the sun and
the time of the day they were convinced of the
position of that place, yet they could not tell
how to reconcile it to other parts of the town
that were adjoining to it, but out of sight ; and
were very apt to relapse again as soon as either
the sun disappeared, or they were out of sight
of the place, into the mistakes and confusion of
their old ideas. From whence one may see of
what moment it is to take care that the first
impressions we settle upon our minds be con-
formable to tlie truth and to the nature of
things ; or else all our meditations and dis-
course thereupon will be nothing but perfect

I'avmg.

Einioii.

The foundation of error and mistake in most
men lies in liaving obscure or confused notions
of things, or by reason of their confused ideas,
doubtful and obscure words; our words always

M ISC KLLAN ROUS I'AI'KIIS. 170

in tlicir signification depending npon our
ideas, being clear or obscure proportionably as
our notions are so, and sometimes have little
more but the sound of the word for the notion
of the thing. For in the discursive faculty of
the mind, I do not find that men are so apt to
err ; but it avails little that their syllogisms are
right, if their terms be insignificant and obscure,
or confused and indetermined, or that in their
internal discourse deductions be regular, if their
notions be wrong. Therefore, in our discourse
with others, the greatest care is to be had that
we be not misled or imposed on by the measure
of their words, where the fallacy often er lies
than in faulty consequences. .

And in considering by ourselves to take care
of our notions, where a man argues right upon
wrong notions or terms, he does like a madman ;
where he makes wrong consequences, he does like
a fool : madness seeming to me to lie more in
the imagination, and folly in the discourse.

SPACE. — 1677.

Space, in itself, seems to be nothing but a
capacity, or possibility, for extended beings or
bodies to be, or exist, which we are apt to con-
ceive infinite ; for there being in nothing no

176 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

resistance, we have a conception very natural
and very true, that let bodies be already as far
extended as you will, yet, if other new bodies
should be created, they might exist where there
are now no bodies : viz. a globe of a foot dia-
meter might exist beyond the utmost superficies
of all bodies now existing ; and because we have
by our acquaintance with bodies, got the idea
of the figure and distance of the superficial
part of a globe of a foot diameter, we are apt to
imagine the space where the globe exists to be
really something, to have a real existence before
and after its existence there. Whereas, in truth,
it is really nothing, and so has no opposition
nor resistance to the being of such a body
there ; though we, applying tlie idea of a natu-
ral globe, are apt to conceive it as something so
far extended, and these are properly the imagi-
nary spaces which are so much disputed of. But
as for distance, I suppose that to be the relation
of two bodies or beings near or remote to one
another, measurable by the ideas we have of
distance taken from solid bodies ; for were there
no beings at all, we might truly say there were
no distances. The fallacy we put upon ourselves
wliich inclines us to think otlierwise is this,
tliat wlicnever we talk of distance, we first sup-
pose some real beings existing se])arato from one

MTSCKLLANEOUS PAPERS. 177

another, and then, without taking notice of that
supposition, and tlie relation that results from
their placing one in reference to another, we are
apt to consider that space as some positive real
being existing witliout them : whereas, as it
seems to me, to be but a bare relation ; and when
we suppose them to be, viz. a yard asunder, it
is no more but to say extended in a direct line
to the proportion of three feet or thirty-six
inches distance, whereof by use we have got the
idea : this gives us the notion of distance, and
the vacuum that is between them is understood
by this, that bodies of a yard long that come
between them, thrust or remove away nothing
that was there before.

1. I take it for granted that I can conceive a
space without a body ; for, suppose the universe
as big as you will, I can, without the bounds of
it, imagine it possible to thrust out or create
any the most solid body of any figure, without
removing from the place it possesses any thing
that was there before. Neither does it imply
any contradiction to suppose a space so empty
within the boimds of the universe, that a body
may be brought into it without removing from
thence any other; and if this be not granted,
I cannot see how one can make out any mo-
tion supposing your bodies of what figures or

VOT,. IT. N

N.

178 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

bulk you please, as I imagine it is easy to
demonstrate.

If it be possible to suppose nothing, or, in our
thoughts, to remove all manner of beings from
any place, then this imaginary space is just
nothing, and signifies no more but a bare possi-
bility that body may exist where now there is
none. If it be impossible to suppose pure no-
thing, or to extend our thoughts where there is,
or we can suppose no being, this space void of
body must be something belonging to the being
of the Deity. But be it one or the other, the
idea we have of it we take from the extension
of bodies which fall under our senses ; and this
idea of extension being settled in our minds,
we are able, by repeating that in our thoughts,
without annexing body or impenetrability to it,
to imagine spaces where there are no bodies —
which imaginary spaces, if we suppose all other
beings absent, are purely nothing, but merely
a possibility that body might there exist. Or
if it be a necessity to suppose a being there, it
must be God, wliose being we thus make, i. e.
suppose extended, but not impenetrable : but
be it one or the other, extension seems to be
mentally separable from body, and distance
notliing but tlie relation of space, resulting
from the existence of two positive beings ; or,
wiiich is all one, two parts of the same being.

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 179

RELATION — SPACE. l678.

Besides the considering things barely and
separately in themselves, the inind considers
them also with respect, /. e. at the same time
looking npon some other, and this we call rela-
tion. So that if the mind so considers any thing
that another is necessarily supposed, this is re-
lation; there is that wdiich necessarily makes
us consider two things at once, or makes the
mind look on two things at once, and hence it
is that relative terms or w^ords that signify this
relation so denominate one thing, as that they
always intimate or denote another ; viz. father,
countryman, bigger, distant ; so that whatso-
ever necessarily occasions tw'o things, looked on
as distinct, this connection in our tlioughts of
whatsoever it be founded in, that is properly
relation, which perhaps may serve to give a
little light to that great obscurity which has
caused so much dispute about the nature of
space, whether it be something or nothing,
created or eternal. For when we speak of
space (as ordinarily we do) as the abstract dis-
tance, it seems to me to be a pure relation, and
we call it distance ; but when we consider it as
the distance or space between the extremities

N 2

180 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

of a continued body, whose continued parts do,
or are supposed to fill up all the interjacent space,
we call it extension, and it is looked on to be a
positive inherent property of the body, because
it keeps constantly with it, always the same, and
every particle has its share of it ; whereas, whe-
ther you consider the body in whole mass, or
in the least particles of the body, it appears to
me to be nothing but the relation of the dis-
tance of the extremities. But when we speak of
space in general, abstract and separate from all
consideration of any body at all or any other
being, it seems not then to be any real thing,
but the consideration of a bare possibility of
body to exist : to this, I foresee, there will lie
two great objections : —

1st. The Cartesians will except against me,
as speaking of space without body, which they
make to be the same thing ; to whom let me
say, that if spacium be corpn.s, and corpus spa-
cium, then it is as true too that extensio is corpus^
and corpus extensio, which is a pretty harsh
kind of expression, and that which is so distant
from truth, that I do not remember that I have
anywhere met with it from them ; and yet I
woidd fain know any otlier difference between
extensio and spacium than that wliich I liave

MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS. 181

above mentioned. If tlieywill say omncexten-
sum et omiiis res positiva extensa corpus, et vice
versa, I fully consent. But then it is only to
say that body is the only being capable of dis-
tance between its own parts, which is extension,
(for I do not know why angels may not be
capable of the relation of distance, in respect of
one another,) which shows ])lainly the difference
of the words extension, which is for distance,
a part of the same body, or that which is con-
sidered but as one body, and that of space,
which is the distance between any two beings,
without the consideration of body interjacent.
Besides this, there seems to me this great and
essential difference between space and body,
that body is divisible into separable parts, but
space is not. This, I think, is so plain that it
needs no proof; for if one take a piece of mat-
ter, of an inch square, for example, and divide
it into two, the parts will be separated if set
at farther distance one from another ; but yet
nobody, I think, amongst those who are most
for the reality of space, say the parts of space
are or can be removed to a farther distance one
from another. And he that, imagining the idea
of a space of an inch square, can tell how to
separate the parts of it, and remove them one

J 82 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

from another, has, I confess, a much more
powerful fancy than I.

It is no more strange, therefore, that exten-
sion, wliich is the relation of distance between
parts of the same being, should be proper only
to body, which alone has parts, than that the
relation of filiation should be proper only to
men.

To my sup])osition, that space, as it may be
conceived antecedent to, and void of all bodies,
or, if you will, all determinate beings, is nothing
but the idea of the possibility of the existence
of body ; for, when one says there is space for
another world as big as this, it seems to me to
be no more than there is no repugnancy why
another world as big as this might not exist ;
and in this sense space may be said to be in-
finite ; and so in effect space, as antecedent to
body, or some determinate being, is in effect
nothing — To this I say will be objected, that
space being, as it is, capable of greater and less,
cannot properly be nothing. To this I say,
that s])ace, antecedent to all determinate beings,
is not ca])able of greater or less. Tlie mistake
lies in this, that we, having been accustomed to
the measures of a foot, an ell, a mile, &c. ike.,
can easily frame ideas of them, where we sup-
pose no hody to be even beyond tlie bounds of

MISCELLANEOUS PAI'EllS. 183

the world, but our having ideas in our head
proves not the existence of any thing without
us. But you will say, is not the space of a foot
beyond the extremity of the universe less than
the space of a yard ? I answer, yes ; that the
idea of one, which I place there, is bigger than
the idea of the other ; but tliat tiiere is any
thing real there existing, I deny ; or by saying
or imagining the space of a foot or yard beyond
the extremity of the world would suppose or
mean any thing more than that a body of a
foot or a yard (of which I have the idea) may
exist there, I deny. Indeed, should a body be
placed a foot distant from the utmost extremity
of the universe, one might say it was a foot
distant from the world, w hich seems to me to be
a bare relation, residting from its position there,
without su])posing that space to be any real
being existing there before, and interposed
between them, but only that a real body of
such dimensions may be placed between them
without removing them farther one from the
other. For the relation makes itself a})pear
in this, that whatsoever is so spoke of re-
quires its correlative ; and therefore, speaking
of the universe, one cannot say it is distant,
because without it we suppose no other deter-
minate or finite being which may be the other

184 MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.

term of this relation. It will be answered,
perhaps, that one may suppose a point in that
empty space, and then say it is a foot from that
point. 1 answer, one may as easily suppose a
body as a point, if the point be quid reale ; if
not, it being nothing, one cannot say the
extremity or superficies of the world is a foot
from nothing ; so that, be it a point, or body,
or what other being one pleases, that is suppo-
sed there, it is evidence there is always required
some real existence to be the other term of the
relation.

And after all the suppositions that can be
made, it can never truly be said that the utmost
superficies of the world is a foot distant from
any thing, if there be nothing really existing
beyond it, but only that imaginary space.

That whicli makes us so apt to mistake in
this point, I think, is this, that having been all
our lifetime accustomed to speak ourselves, and
hear all others speak of space, in phrases that
import it to be a real thing, as to occupy or take
up so much space, we come to be possessed with
tliis prejudice, that it is a real thing and not a
bare relatfon. And that whicli helps to it is,
tliat by constant conversing witli real sensible
things, which Ikinc this relation of distance one
t<» Jinotlier. wliicli we, by the reason just now

MISCELLANEOUS I'Al'EllS. 185

mentioncci, mistake for a real positive thing,
we are apt to think that it as really exists
beyond the utmost extent of all bodies, or finite
beings, though there be no such beings there to
sustain it, as it does here amongst bodies, which
is not true. For though it be true that the
black lines drawn on a rule have the relation
one to another of an inch distance, they being
real sensible things ; and though it be also true
that I, knowing the idea of an inch, can ima-
gine that length, without imagining body, as
w^ell as I can imagine a figure without imagin-
ing body ; yet it is no more true that there is
any real distance in that which w^e call ima-
ginary space, than that there is any real figure
there.

&

186

ADVERSARIA THEOLOGICA.

In a book with this title, commenced 1694,
INIr. Locke had written several pages, of which
tlie following have been selected as specimens ;
they may be considered also as indications of
his opinions. The other subjects in the book
are : —

Anima humana ma-

terialis.
Spiritus sanctiis Dens.

Cliristus merus liomo.

Lex operum.

Anima humana non

materialis.
Spiritus sanctus non

Deus.
Christus non merus

homo.
IjCX fidei.

AnVKRSARlA TllI.OLOGlCA. 187

TKINITAS. NON TUINITAS.

l.Gcn.i. 26. Because it subverteth tlie
Let us. iniity of God, introducing three

2. Man is gods.

become as one Because it is inconsistent

of us. witli the rule of prayer di-

3. Gen. iii. rected in the SS. For if God
22. Gen. xi. 6, be three persons, how can we
7. Isa. vi. 8. pray to him through liis Son

for his spirit ?

The Father alone is the
most high God. Luke i. 32,

35.

There is but one first inde-
pendent cause of all things,

which is the most high God.

«

Rom. xi. 36.

The Lord shall be one, and
his name one. Zee. xiv. 9-

The T^ord our God, the
Lord is one. Mark xii. 29-

'Tis life eternal to know
thee [Father], the only true
God, and Jesus Christ, whom
thou hast sent. .Tolm xvii. 3.
If the Holy Spirit were (^od.

1 88 ADVERSARIA THEOLOGICA.

TRINITAS. NON TRINITAS.

the knowledge of him would
be necessary too, to eternal life.
It is eternal life to know Christ
as sent, not as eternaUy be-
gotten, nor as co-essential to
the Father. Biddle, 1-24. 1
Cor. viii. 5, 6.

There is one Spirit manifest-
ly distinguished from God, i. e.
one created spirit by way of
excellency ; i. e. the Holy Spi-
rit. 2. There is one Lord dis-
tinguished from God, and there-
fore made, else there would be
two unmade Lords; /. e. one
made Lord by way of excel-
lency, wliich is Jesus. Eph.
iv. 4—6. Acts ii. 22, 2.3, 3^3, 36.
JNIatt. xxiv. 36. JNlark xiii. 32.

Rom. XV. 6.

John vi. 27.

James iii. 9.

John viii. .54. The Jews
knew IK) (iod but the Father,
and that was St. Paul's (iod.

ADVERSAIUA TIIEOLOGICA. 198

TUINITAS. NON TllINITxVS.

2 Tim. i. 3. Acts iii. 13.,
V. 30, 31., xxii. 14. Neli. ix.
6. Thou art l^ord alone. Tlum
denoteth a single person.

1. Let us make man, no
more proves the speaker to be
more persons than one, than
the like form, Mark iv. 30;
John iii. 2 ; 2 Cor. x. 1, 2.

This, if any thing, proves
only that there was some other
person with God whom he em-
ployed, as in the creation of
other things, so of man, viz. the
Spirit, ver. 2 ; Psal. civ. 30 ;
Job xxvi. 13, xxxiii. 4.

Gen. iii. 22. This was
spoken also to the Holy Spirit,
as also that. Gen. xi. 6, 7 ;
Isa. vi. 8.

190

ADVERSARIA TIIEOLOGICA.

CHRISTUS

DEUS

SUPREMUS.

CHRISTUS NON DEUS
SUPREMUS.

1. If Christ
were not God,
he could not
satisfy for our
sins.

2. He is call-
ed the mighty
God. Isa.ix. 6.
3. Rom. ix. 5.

oiv fTTi TravT(i)v
Qtoq evAoyrjTog
Etc Tovg aibjvac;.

Because we are to honour
him, for that the Father hath
committed all judgment to
him. John v. 22, 23. But
the highest is to be honoured
with the highest honour for
himself, and for no other
reason but his own sake.

Because the love to the
Father is made the ground
and reason of love to the Son.
1 John V. 1. He is the Son of
the Most High, Luke i. 32.,
and thereby distinguished from
the ]\Iost High. The Father
is greater than he. John xiv.
28.

Phil. ii. 5—8; V. Biddle,
5-24., nobody can be equal
with liimsclf ; equality is always
between two. lb.

1 Cor. viii. 6. By wliom are
all things, /. c. pertaining to

ADVERSARIA TIIEOLOGICA. 19 [

CHKISTUS

DEUS CHllISTUS NON DEUS

bUrilEMUS. SUPREMUS.

our salvation, ib. 7. God lias
made him Lord, Acts ii. 39 ;
Phil. ii. 9, 10.

The glory and thanks which
we give to Christ, and the
faith and hope wiiich we place
in him, do not rest in him, but
through him tend to God the
Father, Phil. ii. 9, 10 ; 1 Pet.
i. 21 ; John xii. 44 ; llom. i.
8, xvi. 27 ; and therefore he is
not equal to God.

He shall deliver up the king-
dom, and be subject to the Fa-
ther. 1 Cor. XV. 24, 25, 28.

And he shall be subject ac-
cording to his human nature.
Rev. 1. Tliis distinction is not
to be found in God's word.

2. It begs the question ; for it
supposes two natures in Christ,
which is the thing in question.

3. It makes two persons in

192

ADVERSARIA TIIEOLOGICA.

CHRISTUS

DEUS
SUPREMUS.

CHRISTUS NON DEUS
SUPREMUS.

Christ ; for he is to be subject
who ruled and subdued, i. e. a
person, for no other can be a
king ; and therefore they must
grant that the person of Christ,
which they hold to be a Person
of supreme Deity, delivereth
up his kingdom, and becomes
subject, or that his human na-
ture is a person. The latter of
these subverts the Trinitarian
doctrine, the foruier itself, ib.
7. 4. It is said the Son him-
self shall be subject : but how
can the Son liimself become
subject, if only a human na-
ture, added to the Son, is sub-
jected, and not tlie very per-
son of the Son ? Biddle 8-24.
God has exalted him and made
him Lord, Pliil. ii. 9, 11, and
raised liiin from the dead,
Koin. X. 9, iv. 24.

ADVERSARfA 111 i:( )LU(a('A. 1 <J3

CliltlJSTUS

liKUS CHllISTUS NON DEUS

SIJPIIE.MUS. SUPKEMUS.

If the eternal Son of God,
co-eqnal, and co-essential witii
the Father, were conceived
and born of the Virgin Mary,
how said the Angel to Joseph,
that Aviiich is conceived in her
is of the Holy Spirit? iMatt.
i. 20. liiddle, 11-24.

Luke i. S5.

Acts X. 38.

Luke xxii. 48.

JNfatt. xxvii. 46.

1. How can God satisfy
God? If one person satisfies
another, then he that satisfies
is still unsatisfied, or forgives,
—lb. 12.

John XX. 17.
Eph. i. 7.
Heb. i. 8, 9-

2. A mighty God; for, in
the Heb., El Gibbor, not Ilael
Haggibbor, as the Lord of
Hosts is called, Jer. xxxii. 18.

VOL. If. o

194

ADVERSARIA THEULOGICA.

CHRISTUS

UEUS
SUPREMUS.

CHRISTUS NON DEUS
SUPREMUS.

Besides the words in the close
of ver. 9. distinguish Christ
from the Lord of Hosts, mak-
ing his Godhead depend on
the bounty of the Lord of
Hosts. Biddle, 15-24.

3. A God over all, for Ofoc
there, is without an article, and
so signifies not the supreme
Deity.

195

TiiEUK is an impublished work of some
lengtli amongst Mr. Locke's pa})ers, but as all
interest on the subject to which it relates is now
gone by, it would be useless to print any thing
except a few extracts as a specimen. It was an
answer to Dr. Stillingfleet, (Bishop of Worces-
ter,) who had preached, 1680, a sermon before
the Lord INlayor, styled " Tlie INIischief of Se-
paration," an elaborate and severe attack upon
the Nonconformists. This discourse was an-
swered by JNIr. Baxter, JMr. Alsop, Dr. Owen,
and other leading writers amongst the Presby-
terians and Independents. Dr. Stillingfleet
published, in reply, a larger work, 1683, which
he entitled " The Unreasonableness of Separa-
tion," and this is evidently the work on which
INlr. Locke animadverts.

Bishop G. was probably Dr. Gauden, Bishop
of Exeter, the author of the Eikow BoctiXikii ; P.
the Catholic, may be conjectured to have been
Parsons the Jesuit.

(> 2

196

DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

^ ^ 'y^ y^

All the arguments used from the Church,
or estabhshed Church, &c. amount to no more
than this, that there are a certain set of men m
the world upon whose credit I must without
farther examination venture my salvation, so
that all the directions and precepts to examine
doctrines, try the spirit, take heed what you
believe, hold the truth, &c. are all to no purpose,
when all the measure and stamp of truth, where-
by I am to receive it, will then be only the
hand that delivers it, and not the appearance
of rectitude it carries with it. This is to deal
worse with men in their great eternal concern-
ment of their souls, than in the short and trivial
concernment of their estates ; for though it be
the allowed prerogative of Princes to stamp
silver and gold, and tliereby make them cur-
rent money, yet every man has the liberty to
examine even those very pieces that have the
magistrate's stamp and image, and if they have
the suspicion and appearance of a false alloy,
they may avoid being cozened, and not receive
tliem ; the stainj) makes it ncitlier good nor
current. But no autlioritv tliat I know on

DEFENCE OF NONCONFUHiMITY. 1 (j7

ejirtli, unless it be the infallible Church of Home,
boldly claims a right to coin opinions into tiiitlis,
and make them current by their authority ; and
yet in all places all men are unreasonably re-
quired to receive and profess doctrines for truths,
because this governor, or that priest, says they
are so : yet how senseless soever, it helps not
the case, nor profits the opinions of anyone sort
of them ; for if the Pope demands an obedient
faith to him and his emissaries, the Bishops of
England tell us, that they and such as have
episcopal ordination under them are the true
Church, and are to be believed : the Presbyte-
rians tell us those of Presbyterian ordination
liave no less authority, and that in all matters
of doctrhie and discipline they are to be believ-
ed. The Independents and Anabaptists think
they have as much reason to be heard as the
former ; and the Quakers think themselves the
only true guides, whilst they bid us be guided
by the light within us. All these we have
within ourselves, every one of them calling on
us to hearken to them, as the sole deliverers
of unmixed truth in doctrine and discipline ;
this they all do severally with the same confi-
dence and zeal, and, for aught I know, with
the same divhie authority; for as for human
authority, I am sure that weighs nothing in the

198 DEFENCE Ul" NONCONFORMITY.

ease. If we will look further, and add to these
the Lutheran, Greek, Armenian, Jacobite, and
Abyssine Churches, and yet further out of the
borders of Christianity, into the Jewish syna-
gogues and Mahometan mosques, the Mufti
and the llabbis are men of authority, and think
themselves as little deceivers or deceived as any
of the rest. What will it avail then to the
Church of England, among so many equal pre-
tenders, to say they are the true Chnrch, and
must be believed, and have the magistrate on
their side, and must be obeyed ? If they are
to be believed the true Church because Bishop
G. or Dr. S. says so, Mr. B. or Dr. O. will say
as much for the Presbyterian or Independent ;
Cardinal H. and JNIr. P. for the Popish and
Quakers ; and upon the same authority ; for
tliey are all men that say it, endowed with the
like faculties to know themselves, and subject
to the same frailties of mistaking or imposing.
If they will prove themselves to be in the right,
or to be the true Churcli, tliey take indeed the
right coinse ; but then they lay by their autho-
rity in proposing, as I myself lay it by in con-
sidering, their arguments: they a})peal to my
reason, and that 1 nnist make use of to examine
and judge: but then we are but just where we
were at first setting out, and wliere we shall be.

DKFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY. I99

wlietlier tlie Church of Knnluiul be or be not in
the right, whether its constitution be or be not
*'jure divino," /. <?. every one judging for him-
self of what Church he tliinks it best and safest
to be. If it be said, as it is, " we have the law
on our side, our constitution is established by
the law of the land, you ought to be of our
Church because the civil magistrate commands
it," I know not how short a cut this may be to
jjeace, or rather uniformity ; but I am sure it is
a great way about, if not quite out of the way,
to truth ; for if the civil magistrates have the
power to institute religions and force men to
such ways of worship they shall think fit to en-
act, I desire any one, after a survey of the pre-
sent potentates of the earth, to tell me how it
is like to fare with truth and religion, if none
be to appear and be owned in the world but
what we receive out of the courts of princes,
or senate-houses of the states that jrovern it. I
say not this with any reflection on the present
age we live in ; but let him, if he please, take
any other age recorded in history, and then (if
the rulers of the earth were to prescribe the way
to Heaven, if their laws were to be the standards
of truth and religion,) let him tell me what ad-
vantage it Avould ever have been to true religion
to subject it to the power of the magistrate ;

200 DEFENCE OF NONCONFOKMITV.

and if princes and potentates are not like for
the future to be better informed, or more in
love with true religion, than they have been
heretofore ; if they are not like to be more
sincerely concerned for the salvation of their
people's souls than every man himself is for
his own, I do not see what reason we have to
expect that these laws should be the likeliest
way to support and propagate truthj and make
subjects of the kingdom of Heaven for the
future.

Bonus. — The bonds given to their pastors
in Independent Churches, show how in this
contest churches are made like bird-cages with
trap-doors, which give free admission to all
birds, whether they have always been the wild
inhabitants of the air, or are got loose from any
other cages ; but when they are once in, they
are to be kept there, and are to have the liberty
of going out no more ; and the reason is, because
if this be permitted oiu" volary will be spoiled,
but the happiness of the birds is not the business
of tliesc bird -keepers.

^F tJp »^ vR

In the dis))ute of ceremonies, our men speak
of tlieir C'hurcli as if it had such a divine power
that it needed not consider wlietlier any thing

DEFENCE OF NONCONFUK.MITV. 201

were suited to the ends for wliicli thev are made
use of, and so the Church need not consider
whether any thing be fit, and therefore appoint
it ; but as good as say tliat they make them fit
by ap])ointing, which whether God himself ever
did I much doubt, but I am sure nothing can
do but an infinite power.

It is not enough to justify the imposing of
ceremonies, because in themselves they are
not unlawful ; but if by their number or in-
convenience they are burdensome, they cannot
be justified who impose them. This was the
reason Peter uses against circumcision, Acts
XV. 10. because it was a yoke that could not be
Avell borne. To continue them as necessarv
when the ends are ceased for which they Avere
appointed, is to extend the metaphor of pastor
and flock a little too far. Circumcision in itself
was indifferent, and in the time of the Gospel
might be used when there was a good end in
it, as Paul circumcised Timothy ; but if its
injunction proved burthensome, as Acts xv., or
there was an opinion that it was unnecessary,
it became unlawful.

It is not unlawful to separate from a Church
which imposes even indifferent things, if those
who imposed them had not the power of impo-
sing ; for what is imposed by those who have

202 DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

not the authority to impose, can have no obli-
gation on any to observe it, and therefore they
may go where there are no such impositions,
and this is more for the peace of the Church
than to continue in it, and oppose it. The
convocation, with or without the civil magis-
trate, have not a power to impose on all Eng-
lishmen.

The charge of separating from our Church
will not reach many of the Dissenters, who
were never of it.

I suppose it will be allowed that a man may
be saved in the Presbyterian, Independent, or
Hugonot Church, of which there ^re now in
England, and are or are not distinct Chin-ches
from the Church of England, If they are not,
they cannot be accused of separation, being still
parts of the Church of England : if they are,
and a man be a member of the Presbyterian
Churcli, will he not be guilty of sin if he sepa-
rate from it, and go to the Independent, unless
he can ])rove any doctrines and ceremonies sinful
in the Presbyterian CIuutIi ? ^Vnd if so, the
same sin will he be guilty of if he separate from
that Cluu'ch and come over to the Church of
England ; for if there be no sin in the doctrine
and discij)line of the Clunch lie leaves, there is
sin in his separating JVom it by the Doctor's

DEFENCE OF XONCONIORAin V. 203

rule, wlierevcr lie goes after separation; for
being siipj)osed both of them innocent in their
doctrine and discipline, the only odds upon the
Doctor's foundations remaining between tlieni
will be the law of the land, which I think I
have shown can give neither authority nor ad-
vantage to one Church above another, but only
in preferments and rewards, and that indeed
they have, but are not content with it unless
they have dominion too. But if the Doctor
should say that they may without sin come
over to ours, because our ceremonies and dis-
cipline are better, (for we sup])ose them to agree
in doctrine,) they are only better as they are
better means of salvation : so that it will follow
a man may separate from a Church lawfully in
whose connnunion there is no sin, only for
better edification ; for suppose the state in Eng-
land, being again Popish or Heathen, or on any
other consideration, should take off all the se-
cular laws that oblige to conformity, woidd it
be any more sin, upon the Doctor's ground, to
separate from the Presbyterian Churcli to come
to the Episcopal, than it would be to quit the
Episcopal to go to the Presbyterian?

If the Doctor, who is so well versed in
Clnu'ch history, would in the heat of dispute
have recollected himself a little, he wouUl cer-

204 dj:ience of nonconformity.

tainly not have said that the great reason of re-
taining of the ceremonies in our Church by our
Reformers, was the reverence to the ancient
Church, since they themselves, in the preface
to a book he has every day in his hands, say
so much otherwise. In the preface made and
prefixed to the Liturgy in Edward the Sixth's
time, and continued there till this very day,
concerning the service of the Church and cere-
monies, they declare that the great reason of
the changes they made, and the chief aim they
all along had in it, was the edification of the
people, w^herein, though with great reason they
referred themselves to the ancient Fathers of
the Church, yet it was only so far as the
Fathers of the Chiu'ch followed the great rule
of edification. Why else did they leave out
many of the most ancient ceremonies of the
Churcli, thougli in themselves innocent, when
they suspected them rather a burthen than
])rofitable to the people ? And what they say
concernina" briniiiuii' in use again the reading
Scriptures in a known tongue ; viz. that the
people miglit contiiuially profit more and more
in the knowledge of God, and be more inflamed
witli tlie love of his true religion : and tliere-
f'oro k'ft out a multituck^ of responds, verses,
vain repetitions, commemorations, synodals, an-

DKFKNCK or NONCUNrORMlTV. '2i)i>

tlienis, and such like tilings, as did break the
continued course of reading : I suppose A. Avill
not say in themselves unlawful, but the reason
they give, was because they made the service
hard and intricate, and jostled out the more
profitable reading of the Scriptures. And con-
cerning ceremonies they say thus : " Of such
ceremonies as be used in the Church and have
had their beoinninff from the institution of man,
some were at first of godly intent and purjjose
devised, yet at length turned to vanity and
superstition," (whereby I think it is plain, that
things not only lawful in themselves, but godly
in their first institution, may come to be un-
lawfid.) " Some entered into the Church by
indiscreet devotion, which not only for their
unprofitableness, but also because they much
blinded the people and obscured the glory of
God, are worthy to be cut away and rejected ;
others there be wdiich, although they have been
devised by man, yet it is thought good to re-
serve them still, as well for decent order in
the Church, for wdiich they were first devised,
as because they are for edification, to which all
things done in the Chiu'ch, as the Apostle
teacheth, ouiiht to be referred." Wherebv I
tliink it is plain that no ceremony devised by
man ought to find admittance in the worship of

206 DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

God, even upon pretence of decency and order,
unless it some way or otlier conduces also to
edification.

Now, if we will but take a view of the
Reformation and its discreet and sober pro-
gress, we may observe how the Reformers, in
their management of it, kept steady to this
great rule and aim, viz. of bringing the peo-
ple to the know'ledge of God and the practice
of his true religion. See Burnet's History
of the Reformation, page 73, respecting the
Ceremonies.

* * * *

It is plain that several of the ceremonies were
retained and allowed only to the desires of the
people, and allowed wdth limitation.

When the Common Prayer Book was re-
viewed, (see Burnet, page 155, 170) the addi-
tions were very sparing, and such as w'ere very
necessary for the edification of the people at
that time. The other changes, ]). 283, 392,
History of Reformation.

* * * *

I have been thus particular to show what
governed those wise and ])ious Reformers in
their ])roc'codings at that time, and we may ob-
serve all through, that the great difficulty that
pressed them, was how they might lessen the

DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY. *207

ceremonies without lessening their converts ;
the men they liad to do with were, we see, fond
and loth to part with them, and therefore they
retained as many of them as they could, and
added some again in Queen Elizabeth's time,
wliicli liad been disused in Kino- Edward tlie
Sixth's time, only to satisfy the people, and as
a fit means to hold them in or brinij them over
to our communion : whereby they plainly kept
close to the rule of the Scriptures which they
had set to themselves, of doing all things for
edification, and had been, besides the precept,
the command of St. Paul, who became all
things to all men, that he might gain some.
But is the case so now w ith vis ? have we now
any hopes of fresh harvests amongst the Pa-
pists, and to gain them over to us by the mul-
titude of lawful ceremonies ? I fear not ; I
hear of nobody that after so long an experience
to the contrary, (and their being now fixed
upon quite different fundamentals by the Coun-
cil of Trent,) that tliinks it now reasonable to
expect it. But on the other side, since Pro-
testant dissenters are so great a part of the
people upon tlie same principles with us, and
agree witli us perfectly in doctrine, and are
excluded from our comnumion not by the de-
sire of more, but by their scruples against many

208 DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

of those ceremonies we have in our Church,
can any one say that the same reason holds now
for their rigorous imposing, that did at the Re-
formation at first for their retaining, where
the Reformers did not so much contend for, as
against ceremonies ? I appeal to the Doctor
himself, whether he thinks that if those wise
and worthy men were now again to have the
revising of our liturgy and ceremonies, they
would not as well leave out the cross in baptism
now, (as well as they left it out in confirmation
and consecration of the sacramental elements
wherein they had once retained it,) and as
well as they left out several others in use in
the ancient Church, to comply with the weak-
ness and perhaps mistake of our dissenting
brethren, and thereby hold some and gain
others to our communion, as well as they re-
tained several they had no great liking to, only
to avoid offending those who by such com-
pliance were more likely to be wrought upon ?
And of this mind I think every one must be,
who will not say that more charity and Christian
forbearance, more care and consideration is to
be used for the saving the souls of Papists than
of dissenting Protestants.

I hope it will be tliought no breacli of
modesty in me, if from a lieart truly cha-

DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY. 20i)

ritable to all pious and sincere Christians, I
offer my tlioiiohts in the case. At the l)e-
ginning' of the Reformation, the people who
had been bred up in the superstition and
various outward forms of the Church of
Rome, and had been taught to believe them
substantial and necessary parts, nay almost the
(* * *) of religion, could not so easily quit their
reverend opinion of them ; and therefore, in a
Church that endeavoured to bring over as many
converts as they could, the retaining of as many
of those ceremonies as were not unlawful, was
then to enlarge the communion of the Church,
and not narrow it : since the people at that
time were apt to take offence at the too f^ew
rather than too many ceremonies. So that
ceremonies then had one of their proper ends,
being a means to edification, when they were
inducements to the people to join in com-
munion with the Church, where better care
was taken for their instruction. But the sad
experience of these latter years makes it, I fear,
but too plain, that the case is now altered :
and as we at present stand wdth the Church of
Rome, we have more reason to apprehend we
shall be lessened by the apostacy of those of our
Church to them, than increased by gaining new
proselytes from them to us. The harvest for

VOL. II. p

210 DEFENCE or NONCONFORMITY.

siicli converts has been long since at a stand, if
not an ebb ; and being therefore likelier to lose
than gain by any approaches we make towards
them in outward agreement of rites and cere-
monies, the retaining now of such, though law-
ful, cannot but in that respect be injurious to
our Church, especially if we consider how many
there are on the other side who are offended at
and shut out by the retaining of them. And
therefore, the taking away of as many as possible
of our present ceremonies, may be as proper a
way now to bring the Dissenters into the com-
munion of our Church, as the retaining as many
of them as could be, was of making converts at
the Reformation. So that, what then was for
the enlargement, now tends to the narrowing
of our Church, and vice versa. Since Dissenters
may be gained, and the Church enlarged by
parting with a few things, which when tlie law
wliich enjoins them is taken away are acknow-
ledged to be indifferent, and therefore may still
be used by those that like them, I ask whether
it be not, not only prudent, but a duty incum-
bent on those whose business it is to have a care
of the salvation of men's souls, to bring mem-
bers into the union of the Church, and so to
put an end to tlie guilt they are charged and
lie under of error and schism, and division, when

DKFENCE OF NONCONl'ORMITY. 211

they can do it at so cheap a rate ? whereas, what-
ever kindness we may have for the souls of those
who renuun in the errors of the Church of Home,
we can have small hopes of gaiiiing much by

concessions on that side.

* # * *

Speaking of the obedience required from a
rational creature in Ciuncli government, it is
never obedience for obedience sake, since the
end God has prescribed of Church society, and
all the institutions thereof, are for the preser-
vation of order and decency ; whatsoever is
arbitrarily imposed in the Church, noway sub-
servient to that end, is beyond the authority of
the imposer, nor can any one be bound by the
terms of comnumion which our Saviour does not
allow to be made. This fundamental mistake is
the reason, I suppose, why in this dispute about
ceremonies, the champions for conformity speak
generally of the Church in such manner as if it
had such a divine power that it need not con-
sider whether any thing were suited to the
end for which only its use can be allowed; and
therefore this, our ^lotlier, (whether it be the
mark of an indulgent one I will not say,)
need not consider whether any thing be fit,
and therefore appoint it, but as good as tells
us that she makes it fit by appointing, which

p 2

212 DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

whether God our merciful Father ever does in
such cases I much doubt ; this I am sure,
nothing but an infinite Being can do ; and
therefore to make things necessary by an arbi-
trary power, and continue them as necessary
wdien the ends are ceased for which they were
appointed, is to extend the metaphor of pastors
and flocks a little too far, and treat men as if
they w^ere brutes in earnest.

All the Dissenters can be accused of is no-
thing but their refi'actoriness in choosing to
lose the privileges of our Church communion,
which they law^fully may do.

2nd. The Doctor answers: "that there can
be no reasonable suspicion that our Church
should impose any other ceremony than it has
already done, because the Church has rather re-
trenched tlian increased ceremonies, as will ap-
pear to any one that compares the first and se-
cond Liturgies of Edw ard the Sixth, and since
that time no new ceremony has been required
as a condition of communion."

If tlie Doctor can prove that tlie Clun-cli has
had tliese last twenty years the same ground
for retaining tlie ceremonies as it had at the
bei>i)min«>' of tlic Reformation, I vield there
will be no such reasonable suspicion ; but if,
that ground ceasing, the ceremonies have been

DKIENCE OF NONCOM'ORMITY. 213

still retained, and no other ground left for many
of them but the will of those that retain them
being once imposed, the argument he brings
that very little has been altered since Edward
the Sixth's time, will serve only to make such
a suspicion more reasonable, since those who
keep up the imposition of ceremonies when
the ground they were first imposed on had long-
before ceased, may for tlie same reason be sus-
pected to have no other restraint from increasing
them, but some accidental hinderance, especially
if the Prelates of our Chiu'ch practise and coun-
tenance more ceremonies than are enjoined, and
these new and voluntary additions are under-
stood to be the terms of preferment, though
the law has not yet made them the terms of
communion. But the Nonconformists (I be-
lieve) will not think the present Church of
England gets much advantage upon them, or
shows much of her condescension by the proof
the Doctor offers, that the present Church is
not like to increase her ceremonies, because in
Edward the Sixth's time she did review and
retrench those of her own appointment ; which
does only tell us that the Churcli then did more
towards a full reformation in two years than has
been done in one hundred years since, viz. re-
view iier own constitutions, and retrench the

214 DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

ceremonies as niiich as the present temper of the
people would permit ; and though that Church
and this have the same name of the Church
of England, yet I iniagine that the Dissenters
think thev are under far different churchinen,
and do very much doubt whether the conduct
of these now, and those then, tend both the
same way.

As to the law of the land, it can never be
judged to be a sin not to obey the law of the
land commanding to join in communion with
the Church of England, till it be proved that
the civil magistrate hath a power to command
and determine what Church I shall be of ; and
therefore all the specious names, established
constitution, settled Church, running through
all the Doctor's sermons, and on which he seems
to lay so much stress, signify nothing, till it be
evident the civil magistrate has that power. It
is a part of my liberty as a Clu'istian and as
a man to choose of what Church or religious
society I will be of, as most conducing to tlie
salvation of my soul, of which I alone am judge,
and over which the magistrate has no power at
all ; for if he can command me of what Church
to be, it is ])lain it follows that lie can command
me of what religion to be, which, though no-
body dares say in direct words, yet they do in

DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY. 215

effect affirm, who say it is my duty to be of

the Church of England, because the law of the

land enjoins it.

* * * * .

To understand the extent, distinction, and
government of particular Chiu'ches, it will be
convenient to consider how Christianity was
first planted and propagated in the world. The
apostles and evangelists went up and down,
preaching the new doctrine, and the better to
propagate it, went from city to city, or one
great town to another, and there published their
doctrines, where great collections of men gave
them hopes of most converts. Having made a
sufficient number of proselytes in any town,
they chose out of them a certain number to take
care of the concernments of that religion : these
they called the elders, or bishops, who were to
be the governors of that city, which so became
a particular Church, formed nuich after the
manner of a Jewish synagogue : such a consti-
tution of a Church we find at Ephesus, Acts
XX. and in several other cities. AVhen a church
was thus planted in any city, these itinerant
preachers left it to grow and spread of itself,
and from thence, as from a root, to take in
not only those who from thenceforth should
be converted in the city, but in the neighbour-

21G DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMrfY.

ing villages ; and having done this, I say, they
went to plant the Gospel in some other city.
And the apostle St. Paul, having preached
the Gospel, and made converts in all the cities
of Greece, stayed not himself to appoint the
elders, but left Titus there to do it, whilst he
himself went on to publish the doctrines of life
and salvation to those that sat yet in darkness.

The particular churches in different cities,
directed by the prudence and enlarged by the
preaching of these presbyters under whose care
they were left, spread themselves so that, in
succession of time, in some places, they made
great numbers of converts in the neighbour-
hood and villages round about, all which so
converted made an accession to, and became
members of the Church of the neighbouring
city, which became an episcopacy, TropotKui, from
which our own name parish comes, the diocese,
which was the name that remained in use for a
bisho})'s diocese a good while in the Church.
How far the irapoiKia in the first times of Chris-
tianity reached, the signification of the word
itself, which denotes neighbourhood, will easily
tell us, and could certainly extend no farther
than might ])ermit the Christians that lived in
it to frequent the Christian assemblies in the
city, and enjoy tlie advantage of Church coin-

DEriiNCE OF NONCONrOllMITY. 217

iruinioii. Though the number of believers were
in some of tliese cities more than could meet in
one assembly for the hearing of the \A''ord, and
performing public acts of worship, and so, con-
sequently, had divers basilicas, or churches, as
well as several presbyters to officiate in them,
yet they continued one church and one congre-
gation, because they continued under the go-
vernment of the same presbyters, and the pres-
byters officiated promiscuously in all their
meeting-places, and performed all the offices of
pastors and teachers indifferently to all the
members, as they, on their side, had the liberty
to go to which assembly they pleased, a plain
instance whereof we have in several Protestant
Churches beyond sea, at Nismes, at St. Gall.

This, probably, seems to be the constitution
and bounds of particular Churches in the most
primitive times of Christianity, different from
our present parochial congregations and episco-
pal dioceses ; from the first, because they were
independent Churches, each of them governed
within themselves by their own presbytery ;
from the latter they differ in this, that every
great town, wherein there were Christians, was
a distinct church, which took no greater extent
roimd about for its parochia, than what would
allow the converts round about to have the

218 DEFENCE OF NONCONFORMITY.

convenience of communion and church fellow-
ship in common with the assemblies of Chris-
tians in that town ; but afterwards, when these
Churches were formed into episcopacies, under
the government of single men, and so became
subjects of power and matter of ambition, these
parochias were extended beyond the conveni-
ence of church communion ; and human frailty,
when it is got into power, naturally endeavour-
ing to extend the bounds of its jurisdiction,
episcopal parochias were enlarged, and that
name being too narrow, was laid by, and the
name of diocese, which signifies large tracts of
ground, was taken to signify a bishoprick ;
which way of uniting several remote assemblies
of Christians and Churches under one governor,
upon pretence of preventing schism and here-
sy, and preserving the peace and unity of the
Church, gave rise to metropolitans and arch-
bishops, and never stopped (nor indeed upon
that foundation well could it) till it at last
ended in supremacy.

219

ADDITIONS INTENDED BY THE AUTHOR TO
HAVE BEEN ADDED TO THE ESSAY ON
HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.

Book ii. c. 21.— God if he will.* Sec. 54.

Perhaps it will be said if this be so, that
men can suspend their desires, stop their actions,
and take time to consider and deliberate upon
M'hat they are going to do. If men can weigh
the good and evil of an action they have in
view ; if they liave a power to forbear till they
liave surveyed the consequences, and examined
how it may comport with their happiness or
misery, and what a train of one or the other it
may draw after it ; how comes it to pass that
we see men abandon themselves to the most
brutish, vile, irrational, exorbitant actions, dur-
ing the whole current of a wild or dissolute life,
without any check, or the least appearance
of any reflection, who, if they did but in the
least consider what will certainly overtake such
a course here, and what may possibly attend
it hereafter, would certainly sometimes make a
stand, slacken their pace, abate of that height
of wickedness their actions rise to? Amoimst

o
* These are the concluding- words of the precednig- Section.

220 AUDITIONS

the several causes there may be of this, I shall
set down some of the most common.

1st. It sometimes happens, that from their
cradles some were never accustomed to reflect,
but by a constant indulging of their passions
have been all along given up to the conduct
and swing of their inconsiderate desires, and so
have, by a contrary habit, lost the use and exer-
cise of reflection, as if it were foreign to their
constitution, and can no more bear with it than
as a violence done to their natures. How much
fond or careless parents and negligent inspec-
tors of the education of children have to answer
on this account, they were best look — for both
the poor and rich, I fear, offend this way ; the
one in not opening their children's mind at all,
the other in letting them loose only to sensual
pleasures ; aiid hence the one never have their
thoughts raised above the necessities of a needy
drudging life, on which they are wliolly intent,
and tlic other have no thought besides their
present pleasiu'es, whicli wholly possess them.
To tlie latter of tliese, all proposals of consi-
deration are nonsense ; to the other, tiic names
of virtue and worth are utterly unintelligible ;
and to talk of a future state of happiness or
misery, is looked on as a trick, and mere mockerv,
and they are ready to answer. You shall not

TO THE ESSAY. 221

make me such a fool as to believe tliat. This,
in a country of so much preacliing as ours, may
seem strange, but I have very good witnesses
of such instances as these ; and I tlnnk no-
body need go far to find people ignorant and
uninstructed to that degree, for it is plain
the instructions of the pulpit will not make
people knowing if those be begun witli and
relied on.

2nd. There seems to me to be in the world a
great number of men who want not parts, but
who, from another sort of ill education, and
the prevalency of bad company and ill-imbibed
principles of mistaken philosophy, cast away
the thoughts and belief of another world as a
fiction of politicians and divines conspiring to-
gether to keep the world in awe, and to impose
on weak minds. If any of them, by their mis-
carriages, have brought this discredit on tliis
fundamental truth, I think they have a great
deal to answer for ; for tliis I imagine is cer-
tain, that when in this age of the world the
belief of another life leaves a man of parts who
has been bred up under the sound and opinion
of heaven and hell, virtue seldom stays with him;
and then all his happiness being resolved into the
satisfaction of his temporal desires, it is no won-
der that his will should be determined, and his

222 ADDITIONS

life guided by measures that, by men of other
principles, seem to want consideration.

3rd. To these we may add a third sort, who,
for want of breeding, not arriving at a learned
irreligion, or an argumentative disbelief of a
future state, find a shorter cut to it from their
own ill manners, than the others do from study
and speculation ; for having plunged themselves
in all sorts of wickedness and villany, their pre-
sent lives give them but a very ill prospect of
a future state, they resolve it their best way to
have no more thoughts about it, but to live in
a full enjoyment of all they can get and relish
here, and not to lessen that enjoyment by the
consideration of a future life, whereof they
expect no benefit.

N. B. This addition to the chapter may be
spared.

Book iii. c. 10. § 11. — Organs of Speech.

By tiiis learned art of abusing words and
sliifting their significations, the rules left us by
the ancicnls for the conducting our thoughts in
the search, or at least the exannnation of truth
have been defeated. The logic of the schools
contains all tlie rules of reasoning that are ge-
nerally tauglit, ;mh1 they nre believed so suflfi-

TO THE ESSAY. 2*2:3

cient, tluit it will probably be thought pre-
sumption in any to suppose there needs any
other to be sought or looked after. 1 grant
the method of syllogism is right as far as it
reaches ; its proper business is to show the
force and coherence of any argumentation,
and to that it would have served very well,
and one might certainly have depended on the
conclusions as necessarily following from the
premises in a rightly ordered syllogism, if the
applauded art of disputing had not been taken
for knowledge, and the credit of victory in such
contests introduced a fallacious use of words,
whereby even those forms of arguing have
proved rather a snare than an help to the un-
derstanding, and so the end lost for which they
were invented. For the form of the syllogism
justifying the deduction, the conclusion, though
never so false, stood good, and was to be admit-
ted for such. This set men who would make
any figure in the schools, to busy their thoughts,
not in a search into the nature of thino-s, but in
studying of terms and varying their significa-
tion of words with all the nicety and, as it
was called, the subtlety they could strain their
thoughts to, whereby they might entangle the
respondent, who if he let slip the observation
and detection of the sophistry whenever any of

224 ADDITIONS

tlie terms were used in various significations,
he was certainly gone without the help of a
like sort of artifice; and therefore, on the other
side, was to be well-furnished with good store
of words, to be used as distinctions, whether
they signified any thing to the purpose, or any
thing at all, it mattered not, they were to be
thrown in the opponent's way, and he was to
argue against them ; so that whilst one could
use his words equivocally, which is nothing
but making the same sound to stand for differ-
ent ideas, and the other but use two sounds, as
determining the various significations of a third,
whether in truth they had any the least relation
to its signification or no, there could be no end
of the dispute, or decision of the question. Or
if it happened that either of the disputants, fail-
ing in his proper artillery, was brought to a
nonplus, this, indeed, placed the laiu'cls on his
adversary's head, victory was liis, and with it
the name of learning and renown of a scholar :
he has his reward, and therein his end ; but
trutli gets nothing by it : every one says he is
the better disputant and carried the day, but
nobody finds or judges of the truth by that:
the question is a question still, and after it has
been the matter of many a cond:)at, and by be-
ing carried sometimes on one side and some-

TO Till': K.sSAV. 225

times on the otlier, lias afforded a tnuni[)h to
many a combatant, is still as far from decision
as ever. Truth and kno\vledj)e hath nothing-
to do in all this bustle ; nobody thinks them
concerned, it is all for victory and triumph : so
that this way of contesting for truth may be,
and often is, nothing but the abuse of words
for victory, — a trial of skill, without any ap-
pearance of a true consideration of the matter
in question, or troubling their heads to find out
where the truth lies. This is not the fault of
mode and figure, the rules whereof are of great
use in the regulating of argumentation, and
trying the coherence and force of men's dis-
courses. But the mischief has been brought in
by placing too high a value and credit on the
art of disputing, and giving that the reputation
and reward of learning and knowledge, which
is in truth one of the greatest hindrances of it.

Book iii. c. 10. § 13. — To do so.

We cannot but think that angels of all kinds
much exceed us in knowledge, and possibly we
are apt sometimes to envy them that advan-
tage, or at least to repine that we do not par-
take with them in a greater share of it. AVho-
ever thinks of the elevation of their knowledge

vox,. II. Q

226 ADDITIONS

above ours, cannot imagine it lies in a playing
with words, but in the contemplation of things,
and having true notions about them, a percep-
tion of their habitudes and relations one to
another. If this be so, methinks we should be
ambitious to come, in this part, which is a great
deal in our power, as near them as we can ; we
should cast off all the artifice and fallacy of
words, which makes so great a part of the busi-
ness and skill of the disputers of this world,
and is contemptible even to rational men, and
therefore must needs render us ridiculous to
those higher order of spirits. Whilst we, pre-
tending to the knowledge of things, hinder as
much as we can the discovery of truth by per-
plexing one another all Ave can by a perverse
use of those signs which we make use of
to convey it to one another, must it not be
matter of contempt to them to see us make the
studied and improved abuse of those signs have
the name and credit of learning? Should not
we ourselves think the Chinese very ridiculous,
if they should set those destined to knowledge
out of the way to it by praising and rewarding
their proficiency in that which leads them quite
from it ?

The study of such arts as these is an unac-

TU Till. KSSAV. 227

countable wasting of our time ; tliey serve only
to continue or spread ignorance and error, and
should be exploded by all lovers of truth and
professors of science ; at least, ought not to be
supported by the name and rewards of learning
given to them. Those wOio are set apart to
learning and knowledge, should not, one would
think, have that made the chief, or any part of
their study, which is an hindrance to their main
end — knowledge. The forms of argumentation
should be learned and made use of; but to
teach an apprentice to measure well, would you
commend and reward him for cheating by
putting off false and sophisticated wares ? It is
no wonder men never come to seek and to value
truth sincerely, when they have been entered in
sophistry, and questions are proposed and argu-
ed, not at all for the resolving of doubts nor
settling the mind upon good grounds on the
right side, but to make a sport of truth, which
is set up only to be thrown at, and to be battled
as falsehood, and he has most applause who can
most effectually do it. What, then, shall not
scholars dispute ? how else will they be able to
defend the truth, imless they understand the
ways and management of arguments ? To this
I answer —

0.2

228 ADDITIONS

1st. This way of managing arguments is
nothing but the forms of syllogism, and may
quickly be learned.

2dn. If disputing be necessary to make any
one master of those forms, it must be allowed
to be absurd for beginners to dispute in any
science, till they have well studied that science :
if they be accustomed and required to dispute
before they know, will it not teach them to
take words for things, — to prefer terms to
truth, — and take disputing for knowledge ?

3rd. If disputing be necessary, every one
should dispute in earnest for the opinion he is
really of ; that truth and falsehood might not
appear indifferent to him, nor was it matter
which he held, victory was all, truth nothing
in the case.

4th. But that can never teach a man to de-
fend truth which teaches him not the love of
it, and when he gets commendation not by
holdino' the truth, but for well maintaining
falsehood. Besides, if it find approbation, never
to come to an end of his syllogisms or distinc-
tions till he has got the last word, what is this
but to persuade a man it is a fine worthy thing
never to have done talking, — to take no answer
as long as he can find any terms of opposing, —
nor ever to yield to any arguments ? than which

TO THE ESSAY. 229

there can be iiotliino- more odious to those who

have a regard to truth, to say nothing of civil
conversation and ijood breedin";.

In Locke's fourth Letter for Toleration there
is an hiatus, where the Editor informs the
reader that ' [the two following leaves of the
copy are either lost or mislaid].' That deficiency
is now supplied from tlie original rough draft.

[But since, perhaps, it would have laid the
matter a little too open, if you had given the
reason why you say I was concerned to make
out that there are as clear and solid arguments
for the belief of false religion as there are for
belief of the true ; or that men may both as
firmly and rationally believe and embrace false
religions as they can the true, — I shall endea-
vour here to do it for you.

Knowledge, properly so called, or knowledge
of the true religion, upon strict demonstration,
as you are pleased to call it, not being to be
had, his knowledge could not point out to him
that religion which he is by force to promote.
The magistrate being thus visibly destitute of
knowledge to guide him in the right exercise
of his duty, you will not allow his belief or

230 ADDITIONS TO THE ESSAY.

persuasion, bvit it must be firmness of persuasion,
or full assurance ; and this you think sufficient
to point out to him that religion which by-
force he is to promote. And hereupon you
think your cause gained, vmless I could prove
that which I think utterly false, viz. that there
are as clear and solid grounds for the belief of
false religions as there are for belief of the true,
and that men ujay both as firmly and as ration-
ally believe and embrace false religions as true.
All which is bottomed upon this very false sup-
position, that in the want of knowledge nothing
is sufficient to set the magistrate upon doing his
duty in using of force to promote the true
religion, but the firmest belief of its truth ;
whereas his own persuasion of the truth of his
own reliii'ion, in what deoree soever it be . . .
he believes it to be true, will, if he think it his
duty, be sufficient to set him to work.

This, as well as several other things in my
former letters, stick with some readers, who
want to have them clear ; but such poor spirits
deserve not to be regarded by a master of fen-
cing, who answers by specimen, and relates by
wliolesale, and whose word is to be taken for
sufficient guarantee of trutli — the most commo-
dious way tiiat hatli i)een yot found out for
silencing objections, and putting an end to con-
troversy.]

ABSTRACT OF THE ESSAY.

On opening the MS. copy of the Essay on
Human Understanding, dated 1671, I found
the following paper without title or date : it is
an Epitome or Abstract of the Essay, drawn up
by Locke himself; — the same which was trans-
lated by Le Clerc, and published in the Bib-
lioth^que Universelle of 1688, before the Essay
was given to the world.

Lib. 1. In the thoughts I have had concern-
ing the Understanding, I have endeavoured to
prove that the mind is at first rasa tahula. But
that being only to remove the prejudice that
lies in some men's minds, I think it best, in
this short view I design here of my principles,
to pass by all that preliminary debate which
makes the first book, since I pretend to show
in what follows the original from whence, and

232 ABSTRACT

the ways whereby, we receive all the ideas
our understandings are employed about in
thinking.

Lib. II. Chap. 1. The mind having been
supposed void of all innate characters, comes to
receive them by degrees as experience and ob-
servation lets them in ; and we shall, upon con-
sideration, find they all come from two originals,
and are conveyed into the mind by two ways,
viz. sensation and reflection.

1st. It is evident that outward objects, by
affecting our senses, cause in our minds several
ideas w^hich were not there before : thus we
come by the idea of red and blue, sweet and
bitter, and whatever other perceptions are pro-
duced in us by sensation.

2d. The mind, taking notice of its own ope-
ration about these ideas received by sensation,
comes to have ideas of those very operations
that pass within itself : this is another source of
ideas, and this I call reflection ; and from hence
it is we have tlie ideas of thinking, williiig,
reasoning, donhting, purposing, &c.

From these two originals it is that we Iiave
all tlic ideas we have; and I tliink I may con-
Hdently say, tliat, besides what our senses con-
vey into the mind, or tlie ideas oi' its own

OF THE ESSAY. 233

operations about those received from ,sensation,
we have no ideas at all. From whence it fol-
lows— first, that where a man lias always want-
ed any one of his senses, there he will always
want the ideas belonging to that sense ; men
born deaf or blind are sufficient proof of
tliis. Secondly, it follows that if a man could
be supposed void of all senses, he would also be
void of all ideas ; because, wanting all sensa-
tion, he would have nothing to excite any
operation in him, and so would have neither
ideas of sensation, external objects having no
way by any sense to excite them, nor ideas
of reflection, his mind having no ideas to be
employed about.

Chap. 2. To understand me right, when I
say that we have not, nor can Iiave, any ideas
but of sensation, or of the operation of our
mind about them, it must be considered that
there are two sorts of ideas, simple and com-
plex. It is of simple ideas that I here speak ;
such as are the white colour of this paper, the
sweet taste of sugar, &c., wherein the mind
perceives no variety nor composition, but one
uniform perception or idea ; and of these I say
we have none but what we receive from sensa-
tion or rejiecfion ; the mind is wholly passive
in them, can make no new ones to itself, thougli

234 ABSTRACT

out of these it can compound others, and make
complex ones with great variety, as we shall see
hereafter ; and hence it is, that though we
cannot but allow that a sixth sense may be as
possible, if our all-wise Creator had thought
it fit for us, as the five he has bestowed ordina-
rily upon man, yet we can have by no means
any ideas belonging to a sixth sense, and that
for the same reason that a man born blind
cannot have any ideas of colours, because they
are to be had only by the fifth sense, that way
of sensation which he always wanted.

Chap. 3, 4, 5, 6. I think T need not go
about to set down all those ideas that are
peculiar objects of each distinct sense, both
because it would be of no great use to give
them by tale, they are most of them obvi-
ous enough to our present purpose, and
also because they most of tliem want names ;
for, bating colours, and some few tangible
qualities, which men have been a little more
particular in denominating, though far short
of their great variety, tastes, smells, and sounds,
whereof tliere is no less a variety, have scarce
any names at all, but some few very gene-
ral ones. Though tlie taste of milk and a
cherry be as distinct ideas as white and red, yet
we see they have no ])articular names ; sweet,
sour, and bitter, are ahnost all the appellations

or Till-. F.ssAV. 235

we have for that ahnost infinite difference
of reHshes to be found in Nature. Omitting,
therefore, the enumeration of the simple ideas
peeuhar to each sense, I shall here only observe
that there are some ideas that are conveyed to
the mind only by one sense, viz. colours by the
sight only, sounds by the hearing, heat and cold
by the touch, (Sec. Others again are conveyed
into the mind by more than one sense, as mo-
tion, rest, space, and figure, which is but the
termination of space, by both the sight and
touch. Others there be that we receive only
from reflection ; such are the ideas of thinking,
and willing, and all their various modes. And
some again tliat we receive from all the ways of
sensation^ and from reflection too, and those
are number, existence, power, pleasure, and
pain, he. he.

These, I think, are in general all, or at least
the greater part, of the simple ideas we have,
or are capable of, and which contain in them
the materials of all our knowledge, out of
which all our other ideas are made, and be-
yond which our minds have no thoughts nor
knowledge at all.

Chap. 7- One thing more I shall remark con-
cerning oiu' simple ideas, and then })rocccd to
show how out of them are made our com})lex
ideas ; and that is, that we are apt to mistake

236 ABSTRACT

them, and take tliem to be resemblances of some-
thing in the objects that produce them iix us,
which, for the most part, they are not. This,
though it lead us into the consideration of the
way of the operation of bodies upon us by our
senses, yet, however unwilling I am to engage
in any physical speculations, pretending here to
give only an historical account of the under-
standing, and to set down the way and manner
how the mind first gets the materials, and by
what steps it proceeds in the attainment of
knowledge ; yet it is necessary a little to ex-
plain this matter, to avoid confusion and obscu-
rity. For to discover the nature of sensible
ideas the better, and discourse of them intelli-
gibly, it will be convenient to distinguish them,
as they are ideas or perceptions in our minds,
and as they are in the bodies that cause such
perceptions in us.

Whatsoever immediate object, whatsoever
perception, be in the mind when it thinks, that
I call idea ; and the power to produce any idea
in the mind, I call quaVitij of the subject where-
in that ])owcr is. Thus, whiteness, coldness,
roinidness, as they are sensations or perceptions
in tlie luidcrstanding, I call ideas; as they are
in a snow-ball, whicii has the power to produce

OF Till-: KSSAV. 237

these ideas in tlie understanding-, 1 call tlieni
qualities.

The original qualities that may be observed
in bodies, are solidity, extension, figure, num-
ber, motion, or rest ; these, in whatsoever state
body is put, are always inseparable from it.

The next thing to be considered is, how bo-
dies operate one upon another ; and the only way
intelligible to me is by impulse ; I can conceive
no other. AVlien, then, they produce in us the
ideas of any of their original qualities which are
really in them, — let us suppose that of exten-
sion or figure by the sight, — it is evident that
the thing seen being at a distance, the impulse
made on the organ must be by some insensible
particles coming from the object to the eyes,
and by a continuation of that motion to the
brain, those ideas are produced in us. For the
producing, then, of the ideas of these original
qualities in our understandings, we can find
nothing but the impulse and motion of some
insensible bodies. By the same way we may
also conceive how the ideas of the colour and
smell of a violet may as well be ])roduced in us
as of its figure, viz. by a certain impulse on our
eyes or noses, of })articles of such a bulk, figure,
number, and motion, as those that come from

238 ABSTRACT

violets when we see or smell them, and by the
particular motion received in the organ from
that impulse, and continued to the brain ; it
being no more impossible to conceive that God
should annex such ideas to such motions with
which they have no similitude, than that He
should annex the idea of pain to the motion of
a piece of steel dividing our flesh, with which
that idea has also no resemblance.

What I have said concerning colours and
smells may be applied to sounds and tastes, and
all other ideas of bodies produced in us by the
texture and motion of particles, whose single
bulks are not sensible. And since bodies do
produce in us ideas that contain in them no
perception of bulk, figure, motion, or number
of parts, as ideas of warmth, himger, blueness,
or sweetness, which yet it is plain they cannot
do but by the various combinations of these
primarij qual'iUes^ however we perceive them
not, I call the powers in bodies to produce
these ideas in us secondary qualities.

From whence we may draw this inference,
that the ideas of the primary (/ualities of bodies
are resemblances of them, and their archetypes
do really exist in the bodies tlicmselves ; but
the ideas ])r()duce(l in us by these secofu/ar// qua-
lifies liavc no resemblance of tliem at all. There

OF Tin: KssAV. 239

is nothiiio' existing in the bodies themselves
that has any likeness to our ideas. 'Tis only
in them a power to cause such sensations in us,
and what is blue, sweet, or warm, in idea, is
but the certain bulk, figure, and motion of the
insensible parts of the bodies themselves to
which we give those denominations. Ciiap. 8.
9. 10.

Chap. 11. Having showed how the mind
comes by all its simple ideas, in the next place
I shall show how these simple ideas are the
materials of all our knowledge, and how, from
several combinations of them, complex ones are
made.

Though the mind cannot make to itself any
one simple idea more than it receives from
those two sole inlets, sensation and reflection,
wherein it is merely passive, yet out of these
being lodged in the memory, it can make, by
repeating and several ways combining them, a
great variety of other ideas, as well as receive
such combinations by the senses. I shall
give some few instances of this in those that
seem the most abstruse, and then proceed to
other things.

Chap. 12. That our eyes and touch furnish
us with ideas of space, I think nobody will
deny ; we cannot open our eyes nor move our

240 ABSTRACT

bodies, or rest them upon any thing, but we
are convinced of it. Having got the idea of
the length of our span, or the height and
breadth of the door we usually go in and out
at, or of the bulk of any body that familiarly
comes in our way, we can repeat this idea in
our minds as often as we will, and so increase
that idea to what bigness we please by still
adding the like or the double to the former ;
and by this way, though sensation should sup-
ply us with no idea but of a foot, a yard, or a
mile long, we could by this repetition attain
and form to ourselves the idea of immensity,
which had its foundation still in tliat idea of
space we received by our senses, and is nothing
but the enlargement of that by repetition. 1
shall not here set down what I liave at large
written, to show the clear distinction between
the idea of body and space, which some have
endeavoured to confound ; it shall suffice only
to mention, that when distance is considered
between any tvv^o things, abstract from any
consideration of body filling up the interval, it
may most properly be called space — when tlie
distance is considered between the extremes of
a solid body, it may fitly be called extension.
The right a})plication of these two terms, woidd,
T li()])e, hel}) us to avoid some confusion, wliich

OF THE ESSAY. 241

sometimes happens in discourses concerning-
body and space.

Chap. 13. Time and duration have a great
conformity with extension and space. Had
the original, from whence we have our idea of
duration, been well considered, I imaoine time
would never have been thought mensura motiis,
since it hath tridy nothing to do with motion
at all, and would be the same it is, were there no
motion at all. He that will look into himself
and observe what passes in his own mind, will
find that various ideas appear and disappear
there in train all the time he is waking, and
this so constantly, that though he is never with-
out some whilst he is awake, yet it is not one
single one that possesses his mind alone, but
constantly new ones come in and go out again.
If any one doubts of this, let him try to keep
his thoughts fixed upon any one idea without
any alteration at all ; for if there be any the
least alteration of thought by addition, subtrac-
tion, or any manner of cliange, there is then
another, a new idea.

From this perpetual change of ideas observ-
able in our minds, this train of new appearances
there, we have the clear idea of succession. The
existence of any thing commensurate to any
part of such succession, we call duration ; and

vol,. II. K

242 ABSTRACT

the distance between any two points of dura-
tion, we call time. That our ideas of time and
duration have their original from this reflection
is evident from hence, that whenever this suc-
cession of ideas ceases in our minds, we have
no idea, no perception at all of duration, and
therefore a man that sleeps without dreaming
perceives no distance betwixt his falling asleep
and waking; but if dreams furnish him with
trains of ideas, the perception of duration
accompanies them, and that comes in to his
account of time.

Though mankind have made choice of the
revolution of the sun and moon as the fittest
measure of time, because they are every where
observable, and not easily discernible to be un-
equal, yet this is not because of any connec-
tion between duration and motion ; for any
other regular periodical appearances, that
were common to all the world, would mea-
sure time as well, were it without any sensi-
ble motion.

Chap. 14. And though tlie word t'nne is usu-
ally taken for that part of duration which is
taken up by the existence of natural things, or
the motions of the licavens, as extension for
that ])art of space which is commensurate and
filled by body, yet the mind having got tlic

UV THE ESSAY. 243

idea of any portion of time, as a day, or a year,
it can repeat it as often as it Avill, and so enlarge
its ideas of duration beyond the being or mo-
tion of the sun, and have as clear an idea of the
763 years of the Julian period before the begin-
ning of the world, as of any 763 years since ;
and from this power of repeating and enlarg-
ing its ideas of duration, without ever coming
to an end, frame to itself the idea of eternity,
as by endless addition of ideas of space it doth
that of immensity.

Chap. 15. The idea of number, as has been
observed, is suggested to us by reflection, and all
the ways of sensation we count ideas, thoughts,
bodies, every thing ; and having got the idea
of an unit, by the repetition and addition of one
or more such units, make any combinations of
nvmibers tliat we please.

Chap. 16. Whereas the mind can never come
to the end of these additions, but finds in itself
still the power of addhig more in the proportion
it pleases, hence we come by the idea of infinite,
which, whether applied to space or duration,
seems to me to be nothing else but this infinity
of number, only with this difference, that in
number, beginning at an unit, we seem to be at
one end of the line, which we can extend in-
finitely forward. In duration we extend the

11 2

244 ABSTRACT

infinite end of number or addition two ways
from us, both to duration past and duration to
come ; and in space, as if we were in the centre,
we can on every side add miles or diameters
of the orh'is magmis, &cc. till number and the
power of addition fail us, without any prospect
or hopes of coming to an end.

That this is the idea we have of infinite, made
up of additions, with still an inexhaustible re-
mainder, as much as there is in number, and
not in any positive comprehensive idea of in-
finity, I shall not, in the brevity I now propose
to myself, set down the proofs of at large : let
any one examine his own thoughts and see
whether he can find any other but such an idea
of infinity ; in the mean time, it suffices me to
show how our idea of infinite is made up of
the simple ideas derived from sensation and
rejlecfio/i. C. 18, 19-

Chap. 20. Amongst the simple ideas we receive
both from sensation and reflection, pleasure and
pain are none of the most inconsiderable ; they
are our great concernment, and they often ac-
company our other sensations and thoughts.
For as there are few sensations of the body
that do not bring with them also some degrees
of j)leasnre or pain, so tliere are iQW thouglits
of our minds so indifferent to us that do not

OF THE ESSAY. 245

delight or disturb us ; all which I comprehend
under the names of pleasure and yj«///. That
satisfaction or delight, uneasiness or trouble,
Avhich the mind receives from any either exter-
nal sensation or internal thought whatsoever,
has an aptness to cause, increase, or continue
pleasure in us, or to lessen or shorten any pain,
we call good, and the contrary we call evil:
upon these two, good and evil, all our passions
turn, and by reflecting on what our thoughts
about them produce in us, we get the ideas of
the passions.

Thus any one reflecting upon the thought he
has of the delight which any present or absent
thing is apt to produce in him, has the idea we
call love. For when a man declares in autumn,
when he is eating them, or in the spring wdien
there are none, that he loves grapes, he means
no more but that the taste of grapes delights
him. The being and welfare of a man's chil-
dren and friends producing constant delight in
him, lie is said constantly to love them. On
the contrary, the thought of the pain which
any thing present or absent is apt to produce
in us, is what we call hatred.

The uneasiness a man finds in himself upon
the absence of any thing whose present enjoy-
ment carries the idea of delight with it, is that

246 ABSTRACT

we call desire, which is greater or less, as that
uneasiness is more or less.

Joy is a delight of the mind from the consi-
deration of the present or future assured pos-
session of a good. Thus a man almost starved
has joy at the arrival of relief even before he
tastes it; and we are then possessed of any
good when we have it so in our power, that we
can use it when we please ; a father in whom
the very well being of his children causes de-
light, is in the possession of that good always
as long as his children are in such an estate ;
for he needs but to reflect on it to have that
pleasure.

Fear is an uneasiness of the mind upon the
thought of future evil likely to befal us.

I will not go over all the passions ; they are
not my business ; these are enough, I think, to
show us how the ideas we have of them are de-
rived from sensation and rejiection.

Chap. 21. I shall only mention one more
simple idea, and show how we come by it, and
give some instances of some modilications of it,
and then put an end to this part of simple ideas
and their modes. Every man experiences in
himself that he can move his hand or tongue,
which before was at rest; that he can apply his

OF Till-: ESSAY. 247

mind to other thoughts, and lay by those tliat
he has at present ; hence he gets the idea of
power.

All povver regarding action, we have, as 1
think, the ideas but of two sorts of action : viz.
motion and thhiliing.

The power we find in ourselves to prefer this
or that peculiar thought to its absence, this or
that peculiar motion to rest, is that we call will.
And the actual preference of any action to its
forbearance, or vice versd^ is volition.

The power we find in ourselves to act, or not
to act, conformable to such preference of our
minds, gives us the idea we call liberty.

Chap. 22. Having thus, in short, given an
account of the original of all our simple ideas,
and in the instances of some of them showed
how, from certain modifications of them, the
mind arrives at those that seem at first siaht to
be very far from having their original in any
ideas received from sensation, or from any
operation of our minds about them, I sliall
now proceed to those that are more complex,
and show that all the ideas we have (whether
of natural or moral things, bodies or spirits,)
are only certain combinations of tliese simple
ideas got from sensation or rejection, beyond

248 ABSTRACT

■which our thoughts, even wlien they ascend up
into tlie highest heavens, cannot extend them-
selves.

The complex ideas we have, may, I think, be
all reduced to these three sorts, viz. —

Substances,

INIodes, and

Relations.

Chap. 23. That there are a great variety of
substances in this world is past doubt to every
one ; let us then see what ideas Ave have of
those particular substances about which our
thoughts are at any time employed. Let us
begin with those more general ideas of body
and spirit. I ask, what other idea a man has of
body, but of solidity, ejctension and moh'iUfy join-
ed together, which are all simple ideas received
from sense. Perhaps some one here will be
ready to say, that to have a complete idea of
body, tlic idea of suhstauce must be added to
soJiditij and extois'iou. But of him that makes
that objection, I shall demand what his idea of
substance is ? So likewise, our idea of spirit is
of a substance that has the power to think and
to move hodij, from wliich, by the way, I con-
clude that we have as clear an idea of spirit as
we have of body ; for in one we have the clear
ideas of .solidity, e.vtcn.sion and i)iol>iHti/, or a

OF Tin: ESSAY. 249

power of being moved, with an ignorance of its
suhsfance, and in the other we have two as clear
ideas, viz. of th'niJ^nig and motivifij, if T may so
say, or a power of moving, with a Hke ignorance
of its suhsfauce. For substance in both is but
a supposed but unknown substratum of those
qualities, something, w^e know not what, that
supports their existence ; so that all the idea w^e
have of the substanceof any thing, is an obscure
idea of what it does, and not any idea of what
it is. This farther I have to add, that our idea
of substance, whether spiritual or corporeal,
being equally obscure, and our ideas of mohilifij
and mothitij (if I may for shortness' sake coin
that new word) being equally clear in both,
there remains only to compare extension and
ih'inldng. These ideas are both very clear, but
the difficulty that some have raised against the
notion of a spirit, has been, that they said they
could not conceive an unextended thinkino;
thing, and I on the contrary affirm that they
can as easily conceive an unextended thinking
thing as an extended solid. To make an ex-
tended solid, there must be an idea of a cohesion
of parts, and I say it is as easy to conceive how
a spirit thinks, as how solid parts cohere ; that
is, how a body is extended ; for where there are
no cohering parts, there are no parts extra partes.

250 ABSTRACT

and consequently no extension ; for if body be
divisible, it must have united parts, and if there
were no cohesion of the parts of body, body
would quite be lost, and cease to be. He that
can tell me what holds together the parts of
steel or a diamond, will explain a fundamental
difficulty in natural philosophy. Bernouli, who
has endeavoured to explain the coherence of
the parts of all bodies by the pressure of the
ether, hath made two great oversights : 1st.
That he takes no notice that let the pressure of
any ambient fluid be as great as it will, yet that
if there be nothing else to hold the parts of any
body together, though they cannot be pulled
asunder perpendicularly, yet it is demonstra-
ble they may be slid off from one another, as
easily as if there were no such pressure ; and the
experiment of two polished marbles held toge-
ther by the pressure of the atmosphere, makes
it evident to sense, since they can so easily by a
side motion be separated, though they cannot by
a perpendicular.

That he takes no care of the particles of the
ether itself, for they too being bodies, and con-
sisting of parts, must have something to hold
them together, which caimot be themselves;
for it is as hard to conceive liow the ])arts of the
least atom of matter are fastened together, as

OF THE ESSAY. 251

how the greatest masses, and yet, without this,
we have as great a difficulty to conceive body
as spirit, an extended as a thinking thing.

But whether the notion of a spirit be more
obscure, or less obscure, than that of body, this
is certain, that we get it no other way than
we do that of body ; for as, by our senses,
receiving the ideas of solkHfij, extension, motion,
and rest, and supposing them inherent in an
luiknown substance, we have the idea of body ;
so by collecting together the simple ideas we
have got by reflecting on tiiose operations of
oiu* own minds which we experience daily in
ourselves, as thinking, understanding, willing,
hioicing, and the power of moving bodies, and
by supposing those, and the rest of the opera-
tions of our minds, to be co-existing in some
substance, which also we know not, we come
to have the idea of those beings we call spirits.

The ideas we have of understanding, and
power, which we have from reflection on what
passes in ourselves, joined to duration, and all
these enlarged by our idea of infinite, gives us
the idea of that Supreme Being we call God ;
and to satisfy us that all our complex ideas con-
tain nothing in them but the simple ideas taken
from sensation and reflection, we need but cast
our thoughts on the different species of spirits

252 ABSTRACT

that are or may be ; for though it be possible
there may be more species of spiritual beings
between us and God upwards, than there are
of sensible beings between us and nothing
downwards, we being at a greater distance
from infinite perfection than from the low^est
degree of being, yet it is certain we can con-
ceive no other difference between those various
ranks of angelic natures, but barely different
degrees of vmderstanding and power, which are
but different modifications of the two simple
ideas we got from reflecting on what passes in
ourselves.

As to our ideas of natural substances, it is
evident they are nothing but such combinations
of simple ideas as have been observed by sensa-
tion to exist together ; for what is our idea of
gold, but of a certain yellow shining colour, a
certain degree of iceigJtt, malleableness,fusihiUtij,
and perhaps fixedness, or some other simple
ideas put together in our minds, as constantly
co-existing in the same substance, which com-
plex idea consists of more or fewer simple ones
as his observation who made this combination
was more or less accurate? And thus I think
from sensation and refiection, and the simple
ideas got thence, differently combined and

OF THE ESSAY. 253

modified, we come by all our ideas of sub-
stances.

Anotlier sort of complex ideas there is, Avhich
I call modes, which are certain combinations of
simple ideas, not including the obscure one we
liave of sidjstance. Of these modes there are two
sorts : one where the combination is made of
simple ideas, of the same kind as a dozen or a
score made up of a certain collection of units ;
the other sort of modes is, when the combina-
tion is made up of ideas of several kinds, such
are the ideas signified by the words obligation,
friendship, a lie. The former sort, whereof I
have above given several instances, I call simple
modes ; the latter I call mixed modes.

These mixed modes, tliough of an endless
variety, yet they are all made up of nothing
but simple ideas, derived from sensation or re-
flection, as is easy for any one to observe who
will, witli ever so little attention, examine
them. For example, if a lie be speaking an
untruth knowingly, it comprehends the simple
ideas — 1st. Of articulate sounds : 2nd. The rela-
tion of these sounds to ideas, whereof they are
the marks : .3rd. Tlie putting those marks toge-
ther differently from what the ideas they stand
for are in the mind of the speaker : 4th. The

254 ABSTRACT

knowledge of the speaker, that he makes a
wroncr use of these marks : all ^vhich are either
simple ideas, or may be resolved into them.
In like manner are all other mixed modes made
up of simple ideas combined together. It
would be endless, as well as needless, to go about
to enumerate all the mixed modes that are in
the minds of men, they containing almost the
whole subject about which Divinity, ^lorality.
Law, and Politics, and several other sciences,
are employed. Chap. 24.

Chap. 25, 26, 27. Besides the ideas, whether
simple or complex, that the mind has of things
as they are in themselves, there are others it
gets from their comparison one with another :
this we call relation ; which is such a consider-
ation of one thing as intimates or involves in it
the consideration of another. Now since any of
our ideas may be so considered by us in one
thing as to intimate and lead our thoughts to
another, therefore all, both simple and complex,
may be foundations of relation, which, however
large it is, yet we may perceive hereby how it
derives itself originally from sensation and ?'e-
Jlection, it having no other foundation but ideas
derived from thence. I shall not need to go
over the several sorts of relations to show it ;
I shall only remark that to relation it is neces-

OF THE ESSAY. 055

sary there should be two ideas or tilings, either
in themselves really separate, or considered
as distinct, which being not both always
taken notice of, makes several terms pass for
the marks of positive ideas, which are in truth
relative : viz. great and old, kc. are ordinarily
as relative terms as greater and older, though
it be not commonly so thought ; for when we
say Caius is older than Senipronius, we compare
these two persons in the idea of duration, and
signify one to have more than the other ; but
when we say Caius is old, or an old man, we
compare his duration to that which we look on
to be the ordinary duration of men. Hence it
is harsh to say a diamond or the sun is old,
because we have no idea of any length of du-
ration belonging ordinarily to them, and so
have no such idea to compare their age to as
we have of those things we usually call old.

This is, in short, what I think of the several
sorts of complex ideas we have, which are only
these three, viz. of substances, modes, and rela-
tions, which being made up, and containing in
them nothing but several combinations of simple
ideas received from sensation and reflection, I
conclude that in all our thoughts, contempla-
tions, and reasonings, however abstract or en-
larged, our minds never go beyond those simple

25 G ABSTRACT

ideas we have received from those two inlets,
viz. sensation and reflection. Chap. 28, 29,
30, 31.

Lib. III. When I had considered the ideas
the mind of man is furnished with, how it
comes by them, and of what kind they are, I
thought I had no more to do but to proceed to
the further examination of our intellectual fa-
culty, and see what use the mind made of those
materials or instruments of knowledge which I
had collected in the foregoing book ; but when
I came a little nearer to consider the nature
and manner of human knowledge, I found it
had so much to do with propositions, and that
words, either by custom or necessity, were so
mixed with it, that it was impossible to dis-
course of knowledge with that clearness one
should, without saying something first of words
and language.

Chap. 1. The ideas in men's minds are so
wholly out of sight to others, that men could
liave had no conununication of thoughts with-
out some signs of their ideas.

The most convenient signs, both for their
variety and cpiickness, that men are capable of,
are articulate sounds, which we call words.
Words then are signs of ideas ; but no articu-

OF THE ESSAY. 257

late sound having any natural connection with
any idea, but barely of the sound itself, words are
only signs (Chap. 2) by voluntary imposition,
and can be pro])erly and immediately signs of no-
thing but the ideas in the mind of him that uses
them ; for being employed to express what he
thinks, he cannot make them signs of ideas he
has not, for that would be to make them signs
of nothing. It is true, words are frequently
used with two other suppositions — 1st. It is
commonly supposed that they are signs of the
ideas in the mind of him with whom we com-
municate : this is reasonably supposed, because,
imless this be so, the speaker cannot be under-
stood ; but it not always happening tliat the
ideas in the mind of the hearer always exactly
answer those to which the speaker applies his
words, this supposition is not always true. 2nd.
It is commonly supposed that words stand not
only for ideas, but for things themselves ; but
that they should stand immediately for things
is impossible, for since they can be signs imme-
diately of nothing but what is in the mind of
the speaker, and there being nothing tliere but
ideas, they stand for things no otherwise than
as the ideas in the mind agree to them.

Chap. 3. Words are of two sorts, general
terms, or names of particular things : all tilings

vol.. II. s

258 ABSTRACT

that exist being particular, what need of gene-
ral terms ? and what are those general natures
they stand for, since the greatest part of words
in common use are general terms ? As to the
first ; particular things are so many, that the
mind could not retain names for them, and in
the next jolace, could the memory retain them,
they would be useless, because the particular
beings known to one would be utterly unknown
to another, and so their names would not serve
for communication where they stood not for
an idea common to both speaker and hearer:
besides, our progress to knowledge being by
generals, we have need of general terms. As
to the second, the general natures general terms
stand for, are only general ideas, and ideas be-
come general only by being abstracted from
time and place and other particularities, that
make them the representatives only of indi-
viduals, by wliich separation of some ideas
which annexed to them make tliem particular,
they are made capable of agreeing to several
])articulars : thus ideas come to represent not
one particular existence, but a sort of things as
their names, to stand for sorts, which sorts are
usually called by the Latin terms of art, genus
and species, of ^vlli(•h each is supposed to have

OF THE ESSAV. 2(39

its i^artieiilar essence; and tlionoh there be
nuieli dispute and stir about geiuis and species,
and their essences, yet in truth tlie essence of
each genus and species, or, to speak English, of
each sort of things, is nothing else but the
abstract idea in the mind which the speaker
makes the general term the sign of. It is true,
every particular thing has a real constitution
by wliich it is what it is ; and this, by the
genuine notion of the word, is called its essence
or being ; but tlie word essence having been
transferred from its original signification, and
applied to the artificial species and genera of
the schools, men commonly look on essences to
belong to the sorts of things as they are ranked
luider different general denominations, and in
this sense essences are truly nothing but the
abstract ideas which those general terms are by
any one made to stand for. The first of these
may be called the real, the second the nom'imd
essence, which sometimes are the same, some-
times quite different one from another.

Chap. 4. The nature and signification of
words will be made a little more clear if we
consider them with relation to those three
several sorts of ideas 1 have formerly men-
tioned, viz. simple ideas, substances, and modes,

s 2

260 ABSTRACT

under which also I comprehend relations. 1st.
The names of simple ideas and substances in-
timate some real existence from whence they
are taken, as from their patterns ; but the
names of mixed modes terminate in the mind,
and therefore I think it is they have the
peculiar names of notions. 2nd. The names
of simple ideas and modes signify always the
real as well as nominal essences ; the names
of substances seldom, if ever, any thing but
the nominal essence. 3rd. The names of sim-
ple ideas are of all other the least doubtful
and uncertain. 4th. But that which I think
of great use to remark, and which I do not
find any body has taken notice of, is, that
the names of simple ideas are not definable,
but those of all complex ideas are; for a defini-
tion being nothing but the making known the
idea that one word stands for by several others
not synonymous words, it cannot have place in
any but complex ideas. It is very manifest
how botli the Peripatetics, and even modern
philosoplicrs, for want of observing this, liave
trifled or talked jargon in endcavoiu-ing to de-
fine the names of some few of the simple ideas,
for, as to the greatest })art of them, they found
it best to let them alone; for though tliey have
attempted tlie definitions of motion and light.

OF THE ESSAY. 261

yet tliey have forborne to offer any defini-
tions of the greatest part of simple ideas ; and
those definitions of light and motion they have
ventured at, when strictly examhied, will be
found to be as insignificant as any thing can be
said to explain what the term red or sweet
signifies; when a man can be found that can by
words make a blind man understand what idea
the word blue stands for, then also may he be
able by a definition to make a man have the
true signification of the w^ord motion or light
who never had it any other way. 5th. The
names of simple ideas have but few assents in
I'lnea ^^(^dlcaynentalii as they call it, because
these ideas, not being compounded, nothing-
can be left out of any of them to make it more
general and comprehensive, and therefore the
name colour, w^hich comprehends red and blue,
&c. denotes only the simple ideas that come in
by the sight.

Chap. 5. As to the names of mixed modes
and relations, which are all of them general
terms — 1st. The essences of their several sorts
are all of them made by the understanding.
2nd. They are made arbitrarily and with great
liberty, wherein the mind confines not itself to
the real existence of any patterns. 3rd. But
though the essences or species of mixed modes

262 ABSTRACT

are made without patterns, yet they are not
made at random without reason. Not only
signification, but shortness also, and dispatch,
is one of the great conveniences of language ;
and hence it is suitable to the end of speech
not only that we should make use of sounds
for signs of ideas, but also that one short sound
should be the sign of many distinct ideas com-
bined into one complex one. Suitable to this
end, men unite into one complex idea many
scattered and independent ones, and give a name
to it where they have occasion often to think on
such combinations and express them to others,
and thus several species of mixed modes are
made arbitrarily by men giving names to cer-
tain combinations of ideas, which have in them-
selves no more connexion than others which are
not by any denomination so vmited. This is
evident in the diversity of languages, there be-
ing nothing more ordinary than to find many
words in one lanouaoe which have none that
answer them in another.

Chap, G. The names of substances signify
only tlieir nominal essences, and not their real
essences, which two essences in substances are
far diflerent things, r. ^\ the colour, weight,
malleability, fusibility, fixedness, and perhaps
some other sensible qualities, make up tlie com-
plex idea men have in their minds, to wliich

OF THE ESSAY. 2G3

they give the name gold ; but the texture of
tlie insensible parts, or whatever else it be, on
which these sensible qualities depend, which is
its real constitution or essence, is quite a differ-
ent thing, and would give us quite another idea
of gold if we knew it ; but since we have no
idea of that constitution, and can signify no-
thing by our words but the ideas we have, our
name gold cannot signify that real essence. It
is therefore by their nominal essences that sub-
stances are ranked into sorts under several de-
nominations, which nominal essences being no-
thing but abstract, complex ideas, made up in
various men of various collections of simple
ideas which they have observed or imagined to
co-exist together, it is plain the essences of the
species of substances, and consequently the spe-
cies themselves as ranked under distinct deno-
minations, are of men's making. I do not say
the substances themselves are made by men, nor
the likeness and agreement that is to be found in
them, but the boundaries of the species, as mark-
ed by distinct names, are made by men.

But though men make the essences where-
by the species of substances are limited and
distinguished, yet they make them not so
arbitrarily as they do in modes ; for in sub-
stances they propose to themselves the real ex-
istence of things as the patterns they would

264 ABSTRACT

follow, yet tbrough their variety of skill or at-
tention, their complex idea, made up of a col-
lection of sensible qualities, signified by the
same specific name, is in various men very dif-
ferent, the one putting in simple ideas that the
other has omitted ; but the real essences sup-
posed of the species of things must be, if there
were any such, invariably the same. If the
first sorting of individuals into their lowest
species depend on the mind of man, as has been
shown, it is much more evident that the more
comprehensive classes, called genera by the
masters of logic, are so, which are complex
ideas designedly imperfect, out of which are
purposely left several of those qualities that are
to be found constantly in the things themselves
as they exist ; for as the mind, to make general
ideas comprehending several particular beings,
leaves out those of time and place, and others
tliat make them incommunicable to more than
one individual, so, to make others yet more
general tliat may comprehend different sorts, it
leaves out these qualities tliat distinguish them,
and puts into its new collection only such ideas
as are common to several sorts ; so that in this
whole business of genus and species, the genus,
or more comprehensive, is but a partial concep-
tion of what is in the s])ccies, and the species

OF THE ESSAY. 265

but a partial idea of what is to be found in each
individual. This is suited to the true end of
speech, wliich is to denote by one short sound
a great many particulars as they agree in one
common conception genera ; and species, then,
seem to me to be nothing but sorting of things
in order to denomination, and the essence of
each sort is nothing but the abstract idea to
which the denomination is annexed ; for a little
attention will teach us that to particular things
nothing is essential, but as soon as they come to
be ranked under any general name, which is the
same as to be reckoned of any species, then pre-
sently something is essential to them, viz. all
that is comprehended in the complex idea that
that name stands for.

This farther is to be observed concerning
substances, that they alone, of all the several
sorts of ideas, have proper names ; to which we
may add, that though the specific names of
substances can signify notliing but the abstract
ideas in the mind of the speaker, and so conse-
quently the substances that agTce to that idea,
yet men, in their use of them, often substitute
them in the room of, and would suppose them
to stand for, things having the real essence of
that species, which breeds great confusion and
uncertainty in their use of words.

266 ABSTRACT

Chap. 7. Words have a double use ; 1st. to
record our own thoughts ; and for this any
words will serve, so they be kept constantly
to the same ideas. 2nd. To communicate our
thoughts with others, and for this use they
must be common signs standing for the same
ideas in those who have communication to-
gether. In communication they have also a
double use :

1st. Civil.

2nd. Philosophical.

The first of these is that which serves for the
upholding of common conversation and com-
merce. The philosophical use is to convey the
precise notions of things, and to express in ge-
neral propositions certain and undoubted truths,
which the mind may rest upon, and be satis-
fied with in its search after true knowledge.

In this last use of words they are especially
liable to great imperfections of uncertainty and
obscurity in their signification.

Words naturally signifying nothing, it is
necessary that their signification, ?". e. tlic pre-
cise ideas they stand for, be settled and retained,
whicli is hard to be done :

1st. A\''licre the ideas they stand for are very
complex, and made up of a great number of
ideas put togethei-.

OF THE KSSAY. 2G7

2nd. Where the ideas that make up the com-
plex one they stand for liave no connection in
nature, and so there is no settled standard any
where existing in nature to rectify and adjust
tliem by.

3rd. AVliere the signification of the word is
referred to a standard existing, which yet is not
easy to be known.

4th. Where the signification of the word and
tlie real essence of the thing are not exactly
the same. The names of mixed modes are very
much liable to doubtfulness, for the two first
of these reasons ; and the names of substances
chiefly for the two latter.

According to these rules, as well as experience,
we shall find, First, That the names of simple
ideas are the least liable to uncertainty, 1st-
because they are simple, and so easily got and
retained ; 2nd. because they are referred to no-
thing but that very perception which things in
nature are fitted to produce in us.

Second, That names of mixed modes are very
imcertain, because the complex ideas they are
the signs of have no standing patterns existing
in nature whereby to be regulated and adjusted ;
tlieir archetypes are only hi the minds of men,
and therefore uncertain to be known, and be-
ing very much compounded and often deconi-

268 ABSTRACT

pounded, are very hardly to be exactly agreed
on and retained. Where shall one find an as-
semblage of all the ideas the word Glory stands
for, existing together ? And the precise complex
idea the name Justice is the sign of, is seldom,
I imagine, settled and retained.

Third, The names of substances are very un-
certain, because their complex ideas not being
voluntary compositions, but referred to patterns
that exist, are yet referred to patterns that can-
not at all be known, or at least can be known
but very imperfectly. 1st. as has been showed,
sometimes the names of substances are supposed
to stand for their supposed real essences. Every
thing having a real constitution, whereby it is
what it is, this is apt to be called its essence, as
if it were the essence of a species ; but whether
it be or no, tliis is certain, that, it being utterly
unknown, it is impossible to know in such a
supposition or reference, of the name which
any word stands for. 2nd. Sometimes the ideas
the names of substances stand for are copied
from the sensible qualities to be observed in
bodies existing ; but in this which is tlieir pro-
per use, it is not easy to adjust their significa-
tions, because the (jualities tliat are to be found
in substances out of whicli we make their com-
plex ideas, being for the most part powers, they

OF THE ESSAY. 209

are almost infinite, and one of them having no
more right tlian anotlicr to be put into our com-
plex ideas, whicli are to be copies of these ori-
ginals, it is very hard by these patterns to adjust
the signification of their names, and therefore it
is very seldom that the same name of any sub-
stance stands in two men for the same complex
idea.

Chap. 8. To this natural imperfection of words
it is not unusual for men to add voluntary abuses,
some whereof I take notice of, as, 1st. The
using of words without any clear and determi-
nate signification : this whole sects in philoso-
phy and religion are frequently guilty of, there
being very few of them who, either out of af-
fectation of singularity, or to cover some weak
part of their system, do not make use of some
terms which it is plain have no clear and de-
terminate ideas annexed to them. Besides
these appropriated terms of parties, which never
had any distinct meaning, there are others
Avlio use ordinary words of common language,
without having in their minds any precise
ideas they stand for ; it is enough that they
have learned the words that are common in the
language of their country, which serving well
enough to be produced in talk, they dispense
with themselves from being solicitous about

270 ABSTRACT

any clear notions to be signified by them ; and
if men who ha\ e them often in their mouths
should be examined what they mean by Rea-
son or Grace, <Scc. they would often be found to
have in their minds no distinct ideas which
these and the like words were the signs of. 2nd.
Another abuse is inconstancy, or putting the
same word as the sign sometimes of one idea,
sometimes of another, in the same discourse.
There is nothing more ordinary in all contro-
versies, where one can seldom miss to find the
same sound often put for different significa-
tions, and that not only in the incidental parts
of the discourse, but in those terms which are
the most material in the debate, and on which
the question turns. 3rd. To this may be added
an affected obscurity, either in the use of old
words, or the coining of new ones. To this no-
thing has so much contributed as the method
and learning of the schools, where all has been
adapted to and measured by dispute. This way
of proceeding unavoidably runs all into multi-
plication and perplexity of terms. This per-
verse abuse of language, liaving imder the
esteemed name of subtility gained the repu-
tation and rewards of true knowledge, how
nnicli it lias hindered real im])rovements the
worhl is now satisfied. 4th. Tlie next abuse of

OF THE ESSAY. 271

language is tlie taking words for things : this
most concerns the names of substances, for
men having feigned to themselves peculiar
and groundless ideas, proportionably as they
have thought fit to contrive or espouse some
certain system of natural philosophy, have suit-
ed names to them, which, growing into familiar
use, came afterwards among their followers to
carry with them the opinion of reality, as if
they were the necessary and unavoidable marks
of thing's themselves. Thus, substantial forms
and intentional species, and abundance of such
other terms, have by their common and un-
questioned use carried men into the persuasion
that there were such things, it being hard for
them to believe that their fathers and masters,
learned men and divines, should make use of
names that stood for fancies only, that never
had any real being in the world. The suppo-
sino- words to stand for the real essences of sub-
stances is an abuse which I have abeady men-
tioned. 5th. Another more general, though
less observed abuse of words is, to suppose
their sionification so clear and settled that a
man cannot be mistaken what ideas thev stand
for ; and hence men think it strange to ask or
be asked the meaning of their words, when yet
it is plain that many times the certain significa-

272 ABSTRACT

tion of a man's words cannot be any otherwise
known but by his telHng what precise idea he
makes any word the sign of. 6th. Figurative
speeches and all the artificial ornaments of
rhetoric are truly an abuse of language also ;
but this, like the fair sex, has too prevailing
beauties in it to suffer itself ever to be spoken
against, and it is in vain to find fault with
those arts of deceiving wherein men find a
pleasure to be deceived.

Chap. 9. That which has nourished disputes
and spread errors in the world being chiefly the
imperfection or abuse of words before mention-
ed, it would be of no small advantage to truth
and quiet, if men would apply themselves seri-
ously to a more careful and candid use of lan-
guage, wherein I shall offer some easy and ob-
vious cautions to those who have a mind to be
ingenuous ; for I am not so vain as to think of
reforming so prevailing an abuse, wherein so
many men imagine they find their account.
Though 1 tliink nobody will deny, 1st. That
every one should take care to use no word
without a signification, — no vocal sign without
some idea he had in his mind, and would ex-
press by it. 2nd. That the idea he uses a sign
for, should be clear and distinct; all the simple
ideas it is made up of, if it be complex, should

l)F THE ESSAY. 273

be settled. This, as it is necessary in all oiii-
names of complex ideas, so is most carefully to
be observed in moral names, which being com-
pounded and decompounded of several simple
ones, our ideas are not right as they should be,
and consequently our words are full of uncer-
tainty and obscurity, and neither others nor we
ourselves know what we mean by them till w^e
liave so settled in our minds the complex idea
we would have each word stand for, that we can
readily enumerate all the particulars that make
it up, and resolve it into all its component sim-
ple ones. 3rd. These ideas must be accommo-
dated as near as we can to the common signifi-
cation of the word in its ordinary use. It is this
propriety of speech which gives the stamp under
which words are current, and it is not for every
private man to alter their value at pleasure.

But because common use has left many if
not most words very loose in their signification,
and because a man is often under a necessity of
using a known word in some with a peculiar
sense, therefore it is often his duty to show the
meaning of this or that term, especially where
it concerns the main subject of discourse or
question. This showing the meaning of our
terms, to do it well, must be suited to the seve-
ral sorts of ideas they stand for. The best, and

VOL. II. T

274 ABSTRACT

in many cases the only, way to make known
the meaning of the name of a simple idea is by
producing it by the senses. The only way of
making known the meaning of the names of
mixed modes, at least moral words, is by defi-
nition ; and the best way of making known
the meaning of the names of most bodies is
both by showing and by definition together ;
manyof their distinguishing qualities being not
so easily made known by words, and many of
them not without much pains and preparation
discoverable by our senses.

Chap. 10. What words signify, and how
much we are to beware that they impose not
on us, I have shown, it being necessary to be
premised to our consideration of knowledge,
the business of the next book ; only, before I
conclude this, I take notice of one ordinary
distinction of words, because I think it gives
us some light into our ideas ; viz. Abstract
and concrete terms, concerning which we may
observe, 1st. That no two abstract ideas ever
affirmed one of another. 2nd. That simple
ideas and modes have all of tlicm abstract as
well as concrete names ; but substances only
concrete, cxce])t some few abstract names of
substances in vain affected by the schools,
whicli could never get into common use of cor-

OF THE ESSAY. 275

porietus and animal'itas, &c. The first of these
seems to me to show us that two distinct ideas
are two distinct essences that cannot be affirm-
ed one of another. The latter carries with it a
plain confession that men have no ideas of the
real essences of the sorts of substances, since
they have put into their languages no names
for them.

Lib. IV.

The two foregoing books were of ideas and
words, this is of knowledge.

Chap. 1. The first chapter shows that know-
ledge is nothing but the perception of the agree-
ment or disagreement of any two ideas.

This agreement or disagreement, for the
clearer explaining of this matter, is reduced
to these four sorts :

1. Identity, 2. Co-existence,

3. Real Existence, 4. Relation.

1st. It is the first and fundamental act of our
understanding to perceive the ideas it has, to
know each what it is, and perceive wherein it
differs from any others; without this, the mind
could neither have variety of thoughts nor dis-
course, judge or reason about tliem. By this
faculty, the mind perceives what idea it has when
it sees a violet and knows blue is not yellow.

T 2

276 ABSTRACT

Snd. Our ideas of substances, as I have show-
ed, consist in certain collections of single ideas
which the specific name stands for ; and our in-
quiry, for the most part, concerning substances,
is what other qualities they have ; which is no
more but this, what other ideas co-exist and are
to be found united with those of our complex
ideas. Thus, whether gold be fixed, is to inquire
whether the power of abiding in the fire without
wasting be an idea which co-exists in the same
subject with those ideas of yellowness, weight,
malleability and fusibility, whereof my idea of
gold is made up.

The 3rd sort of agreement is, whether a real
existence out of my mind agrees to any idea I
have there.

4th. The last sort of agreement or disagree-
ment of any ideas, is in any other sort of rela-
tion between them. Thus, sweetness is not hit-
terness, is of identity. Iron is susceptihle qfmag-
netical impressio?is, is of co-existence. God is, is
of existence. Two triangles upon equal basis be-
tween two parallels are equal, is of relation.

Chap. 2. According to the different way of
perceiving the agreement or disagreement of
any of our ideas, so is the evidence of our
knowledge diflerent. Sometimes the mind
perceives the agreement or disagreement of

OF THE ESSAY. 277

two ideas immediately; tlius it perceives that
red is not yellow, that a circle is not a triangle,
that three is more than two, and equal to one
and two ; and this we may call intuitive Jenoiv-
ledge. \Mien the agreement or disagreement
of any two ideas cannot be immediately per-
ceived, but the mind makes use of the inter-
vention of other ideas to show it, then (as the
word imports) it is demonstration.

Thus the mind not being able to bring the
three antj^les of a triangle and two ric^ht ones so
together as to be able immediately to perceive
their equality, it makes use of some other an-
gles to measure them by.

To produce knowledge this way, there must
be an intuitive knowledge of the agreement or
disagreement of the intermediate ideas in each
step of the deduction, for without that there
can be no demonstration, tlie agreement or dis-
agreement of the two ideas under consideration
is not shown ; for where any agreement or dis-
agreem.ent of any two ideas is not self-evident,
i.e. cannot be immediately perceived, there it
will always need a proof to show it. This sort,
which may be called rational or demonstrative
knowledge, however certain, is not so clear and
evident as intuitive, because here the memory
must intervene to retain the connection of all

278 ABSTRACT

the parts of the demonstration one with an-
other, and be sure that none is omitted in the
account, which in long deductions requires great
attention to avoid mistake. Why demonstra-
tion is generally thought to belong only to ideas
of quantity, I shall not in this short epitome
mention.

These two sorts are all the knowledge we
have of general truths. Of the existence of
some particular finite beings we have know-
ledge by our senses, which we may call sensitive
hwwhdge.

Chap. 3. From what has been said, it follows :

1st. That we can have no knowledge where
we have no ideas.

2nd. That our intuitive knowledge reaches
not so far as our ideas, because the greatest
part of them cannot be so immediately com-
pared as to discover the agreement or disagree-
ment we seek.

3rd. Neither can rational and demonstrative
Jmowledge make out the agreement or disagree-
ment of all those of our ideas wherein we fail
of intuitive knowledge, because we cannot al-
ways find mediums to connect them intuitively
together.

4th. Sensitive knowledge reaching no furtlier
than the isctnal ])roscncc of ])Mrtit'nlar things to

OF THE ESSAY. 279

oui- senses, is imicli narrower tlum either of the
former.

That which I would infer from this is, tliat
our knowledge is not only infinitely short of
the whole extent of beings, if we compare this
little spot of earth we are confined to, to that
part of the universe which we have some know-
ledge of, which probably is, all of it, but a point
in respect to what is utterly beyond our disco-
very, and consider the vegetables, animals, ra-
tional corporeal creatures, (not to mention the
ranks and orders of spirits,) and other things
with different qualities suited to senses differ-
ent fi-om ours, whereof we have no notion at
all, which may be in them, we shall have reason
to conclude that the things whereof we have
ideas, are very few in respect of those whereof
we have none at all.

In the next place, if we consider how few,
how imperfect, and how superficial, those ideas
are which we have of the things that lie near-
est our examination, and are best known to us ;
and lastly, if we consider how few they are of
those few ideas we have, whose agreement or
disagreement we are able to discover, we shall
have reason to conclude that our understandings
were not proportioned to the whole extent of
being, nor men made capable of knowing all

280 ABSTRACT

things, but that it fails us in the greatest part
of the inquiry concerning those ideas we
have,

1st. As to identity and diversity, it is true
our intuitive knowledge is as large as our ideas
themselves ; but, 2nd, on the other side, ice
have scarce any general knowledge at all of the
co-existence of any ideas, because not being able
to discover the causes whereon the secondary
qualities of substances depend, nor any con-
nexion between such causes and our ideas,
there are very few cases wherein we can know
the co-existence of any other idea with that com-
plex one we have of any sort of substances,
whereby our knowledge of substances conies to
be almost none at all. 3rd. As to other rela-
tions of our ideas, how far our knowledge may
reach is yet uncertain ; this I think, morality,
if rightly studied, is capable of demonstration
as well as matliematics. 4th. As to existence,
we have an intuitive knowledge of our own, a
demonstrative one of a God, and a sensible one
of some few other things.

I shall not here, in this short compendium I
am giving of my thoughts, mention those par-
ticulars which I have set down to show uj) the
narrowness of our knowledge ; that which I
have here said may, I suppose, suffice to convince

OF TiiK l:ssay. 281

men, that what we know bears no proportion
to that whicli we are invincibly ignorant of.

Besides the extent of our knowledge in re-
spect of the sorts of things, we may consider
anotlier kind of its extent, which is in respect
of its universality. When the ideas are abstract,
our knowledge about them is general : abstract
ideas are the essences of species, howsoever
named, and are the foundations of universal
and eternal verities.

Chap. 4. It will perhaps be said, that know-
ledge placed thus in the consideration of our
ideas may be chimerical, and leave us igno-
rant of things as they really are in themselves,
since we see men may often have very extrava-
gant ideas ; to which I answer, that our know-
ledge is real so far as our ideas are conformable
to things, and no farther. To be able to knoAV
what ideas are conformable to the realities of
things, we must consider the different sorts of
ideas I have above mentioned.

1st. Simple ideas we cannot but know to be
conformable to things, because the mind not
being able to make any simple ideas to itself,
those it has must needs be conformable to that
power which is in things to produce tliem, which
conformity is sufficient for real knowledge.

2nd. ^'vU our complex ideas, but those of

282 xVBSTKACT

substances, are conformable to the reality of
things ; and this we may certainly know, be-
cause they being archetypes made by the mind,
and not designed to be copies of any thing ex-
isting, things are intended in our discourses and
reasonings about these ideas no farther than as
they are conformable to these ideas.

3rd. Our complex ideas of substances being
designed to be copies of archetypes existing
without us, we can be no farther sin-e that our
knowledge concerning any of them is real, than
the real existence of things has made it evident
that such a collection of simple ideas, as our
complex one is made up of, can co-exist toge-
ther ; the reason whereof is, because not know-
ing the real constitution on which these quali-
ties depend, we cannot but by experience know
which of them are, and which are not, capable
to exist together in the same subject ; and if
we put other than such that are capable to exist
together into any complex idea, our knowledge
concerning such an idea of a substance will be
only concerning a chimera of our own, and not
of any real being.

Chap. 5. According to this account of know-
ledge, we may come to discover what truth is,
wliich apy)cars to be nothing else but the join-
ing or se})arating of signs according as things

OF THE ESSAY. 283

tliemselves agree or disagree. The joining and
separating I here mean is, such as is made by
affirmation and negation, and is called propo}ii-
tion. Now tlie signs we use being of two sorts,
viz. ideas and words ; propositions also are of
two sorts, viz. mental or verhal ; trutli also is
twofold, either real or ha rely verbal. Real
truth in any proposition is when the terms are
affirmed or denied as the ideas they stand for
ao^ree or disagree, and as the ideas also them-
selves agree to their archetypes. Verbal truth
is when the affirmation or negation is made ac-
cording to the agreement or disagreement of our
ideas, but the ideas themselves have no confor-
mity with their archetypes.

Chap. 6. Truth being for the most part con-
veyed to our understandings, or considered by
us in propositions, it will be of moment to exa-
mine what propositions are capable to convey
to our understandings the certain knowledge of
general truths.

1st. Then I say, that in all general propositions,
where the terms are supposed to stand for spe-
cies constituted and determined by real essences
distinct from the nominal, we are not capable
of any certain knowledge, because not knowing
that real essence, we cannot know what parti-
cular tilings have it, and so can never know

284 ABSTRACT

what particular things are of tliat species. This
frequently happens in propositions concerning
substances in other things, not because in the
species of other things there is no supposed real
essence different from the nominal.

2nd. In all general propositions where the
terms are substituted only in the place of the
nominal essence or abstract idea, and so the
species determined by that alone, there we are
capable of certainty as far as the agreement or
disagreement of such abstract ideas can be per-
ceived ; but this also reaches but a very little
way in substances, because the necessary co-
existence or inconsistency of any other ideas
with any of those that make up one complex
one of any sort of substances, is in very few
cases discoverable.

Chap. 7. There are a sort of propositions
which, passing under the title of maxims, are
by some men received as innates, and by most
esteemed as the foundations of knowledge;
but if what we have said concerning self-evi-
dent or intuitive knowledge be well considered,
we shall find that these dignified axioms are
neither innate nor have any other self-evidence
than a thousand other propositions, some where-
of are known before them, and others altogether
as clearly, and therefore they are neither innate,

OF THE ESSAY. 285

nor be tlie foundations of all our knovvledw or
reasonings as they arc thought to be.

Wliat soever /.y, is, and it is impossible Jor the
same to he and not to he, it is granted are self-
evident propositions ; but he that considers tlie
nature of the iniderstanding and tlie ideas in it,
and that it is unavoidable for the iniderstand-
ing to know its own ideas, and to know those
to be distinct that are so, must needs observe,
that these supposed fundamental principles of
knowledge and reasonino- are no more self-evi-
dent than that one is one, and red red, and that
it is impossible one should be two, or red blue :
of these and the like propositions, we liave
as certain a knowledge as of those other called
maxims, and a much earlier ; and can any body
imagine that a child knows not that wormwood
is not sugar, but by virtue of this axiom ?
That it is impossible for the same thing to be
and not to be. Intuitive knowledge extends it-
self to all our ideas in respect of identical agree-
ment or disagreement, therefore all propositions
made concernin<>; this sort of aoreement or dis-
agreement, whether in more or less general
terms, so the ideas they stand for be but known,
are all equally self-evident. As to the agree-
ment or disagreement of co-existence, we have
very little intuitive knowledge, and therefore.

286 ABSTKACT

concerning that there are very feAv self-evident
propositions and little talk of axioms. In the
third sort of agreement, viz. relation, the ma-
thematicians have dignified several general pro-
positions concerning equality with the title of
axioms, though these have no other sort of cer-
tainty than all other self-evident propositions ;
and though, when they are once made familiar
to the mind, they are often made use of to show
the absurdity of wrong reasoning and erroneous
opinions in particular instances ; yet the way
wherein the mind attains knowledge, is not by
beginning and setting out from these general
propositions, but in the quite contrary method ;
it begins its knowledge in particulars, and thence
gradually enlarges it to more general ideas.

Chap. 8. Besides these there are other pro-
positions, which are many of them certain, but
convey no real truth to our knowledge, being
barely about the signification of words.

1st. Where any part of any complex idea is
predicated of the name of that complex idea
such a proposition is only about the significa-
tion of the terms, and such arc all propositions
wherein more comprehensive terms are pre-
dicated of less comprehensive, as genera of
species or individuals.

2m\. \Vlierevcr two abstract terms are pre-

OF THE ESSAY. 287

dicated one of another, there the proposition
carries no real knowledge in it, but is barely
about tlie import of names. Were such trifling
pro])ositions as these shut out of discourses,
the way to knowledge wovdd be less perplexed
witli disputes than it is.

Chap. 9. Universal propositions, that have
certain truth or falsehood in them, concern
essences only. The knowledge of existence
goes no farther tlian partictdars of our own
existences ; it is plain Ave have such an intuitive
knowledge, that nothing can be more evident.

Chap. 10. Of the existence of God there is
demonstration, for which we need go no far-
ther than ourselves for a proof, though God has
given * * * * *.

Chap. 11. The existence of all other things
can be known only by the testimony of our
senses ; our knowledge reaches in this as far as
our senses and no farther. For the existence
of any other being having no necessary con-
nexion with any of the ideas I have in my
memory, I cannot from them infer the neces-
sary existence of any particular being, and can
receive the knowledge of it only by the actual
perception of my senses.

Chap. 12. For the improvement of our
knowledge, we must suit our methods to our

288 ABSTRACT

ideas : in substances, where our ideas are but
imperfect copies, we are capable of very little
general knowledge, because few of ovu' abstract
ideas have a discoverable agreement or disagree-
ment of co-existence, and therefore in sub-
stances we must enlarge our knowledge by
experiment and observation in particulars ; but
in modes and relations, where our ideas are
archetypes, and real as well as nominal essences
of species, there we attain general knowledge
only by views of our own abstract ideas ; and
in them our inquiries not being concerning the
agreement or disagreement of co-existence, but
of other relations more discoverable than that
of co-existence, we are capable of greater ad-
vances in knowledge: and that which is pro-
posed for the improvement of it, is to settle in
our minds clear and steady ideas, with their
names or signs, and then to contemplate and
pursue their connexions, and agreements, and
dependencies : Avhether any method may be
found out as useful in other modes as Algebra
is in the ideas of quantity, for the discovery
of their habitudes and relations, cannot, before-
hand, be determined, and therefore not to be
despaired of. In the mean time, I doubt not
but that Kthics might be im])roved to a much
greater degree of certainty, if men, aflixing

OF THE ESSAY. 289

moral names to clear and settled ideas, could
witli freedom and indifFerency pursue them.

Chap. 13. Knowledge is not born with us,
nor does it always force itself u})on our under-
standings ; animadversion and a])plication is, in
most parts of it, required, and that depends
on the will ; but when we have thoroughly
surveyed, and to our utmost traced our ideas,
it depends not then on our wills whether we
will be knowing or ignorant.

Chap. 14. The shortness of our knowledge,
not reaching to all the concernment we have,
is supplied by that which we call judgment,
whereby the mind takes ideas to agree or not
agree ; /'. e. any proposition to be true or false,
without perceiving a demonstrative evidence in
the proofs.

Chap. 15. The ground on which such pro-
positions are received for true, is what we call
prohahiUf!/, and the entertainment the mind
gives such propositions is called as6e?if, belie/, or
opinion, which is the admitting any proposition
to be true without certain knowledge that it is
so. The grounds of probability are these two
— 1st. The conformity of any thing with our
own knowledge, observation, or experience. 2nd.
The testimony of others, vouching their obser-
vation and experience.

VOL. II. u

290 ABSTRACT

Chap. 16. The variety of these in concurring
or counterbalancing circumstances, affording
matter for assent in several degrees of assurance
or doubting, is too great to be set down in an
extract.

Chap. 17. Error is not a fault of our know-
ledge, but a mistake of judgment, giving assent
to what is not true ; the causes whereof are
these —

First. Want of proofs, whetlier such as may
be, or as cannot be had.

Secondly. Want of ability to use them.

Thirdly. Want of will to use them.

Fourthly. Wrong measures of probability,
which are these four —

1. Doubtful opinions taken for princi})les.

2. Received hypotheses.

3. Predominant passions.

4. Authority.

Chap. 18. Keason, that serves us to tlie dis-
covery of both demonstration and probability,
seems to me to have four parts — 1st. The find-
ing out of proofs. 2n(l. 'i'he laying them in
their due order for the discovery of truth. '3rd.
In the perception of tiie more or less clear con-
nexion of the ideas in each part of the deduc-
tion. 4tl), and last of all, The drawing a rigiit

or TiiJ': ESSAY. 291

judgineiit and conclusion from tlie whole. Hy
which it will appear that syllogism is not the
great instrument of reason, it serving but only
to the third of these, and that only, too, to show
another's wrong arguing ; but it helps not rea-
son at all in the search of new knowledge, nor
the discovery of yet unknown truths, and the
])roofs of them, which is the chief use of that
faculty, and not victory in dispute, or the silen-
cino- of w^ranolers.

Chap. 19. Faith is by some men so often
made use of in opposition to reason, that he
who knows not their distinct bounds will be at
a loss in his inquiries concerning matters of
religion.

JNIatters of reason are such propositions as
may be know^n by the natural use of our fa-
culties, and are deducible from ideas received
from sensation or reflection, blatters of faith,
such as are made kno^vn by supernatiwal re-
velation. The distinct princi})les and evidence
of these two, being rightly considered, show
where faith excludes or overrules reason, and
where not.

1. Original revelation cannot be assented to
contrary to the clear principles of our natural
knowledge, because, though God cannot lie,

u 2

292 ABSTRACT

yet it is impossible that any one, to whom a
revelation is made, should know it to be from
God more certainly than he knows such truths.

2. But original revelation may silence reason
in any proposition, whereof reason gives but a
probable assurance, because the assurance that
it is a revelation from God may be more clear
than any probable truth can be.

3. If original revelation cannot, much less
can traditional revelation be assented to, con-
trary to our natural clear and evident know-
ledge ; because, though what God reveals can-
not be doubted of, yet he to whom the revela-
tion is not originally made, but has only re-
ceived it by the delivery or tradition of other
men, can never so certainly know that it was a
revelation made by God, nor that he under-
stands the w^ords aright in wdiich it is delivered
to him. Nay, he cannot know that he ever
heard or read that pro})osition which is sup-
posed revealed to another, so certainly as he
know^s those truths. Though it be a revelation
that the trumpet shall soimd, and the dead
shall be raised, yet it not being revealed any-
where tliat sucli a pro])osition, delivered by a
certain man, is a revelation, the believing of
such a proposition to be a revelation is not a

OF THE ESSAY. 2U3

matter of faith, but of reason ; and so it is if
the question be, wliether I understand it in
the right sense.

According to these principles, I conclude all
with a division of the sciences into three sorts
— 1st. ^uaiKt], or the knowledge of things,
whether bodies or spirits, or of any of their
affections in their true natures ; the end of this
is bare speculation. 2d. U^aKTiKi], or the rules
of operation about things in our power, and
])rincipally those which concern our conduct ;
the end of this is action. .Sd. 2»/,utwr(K:)), or the
knowledge of signs, /. e. ideas and words, as
subservient to the other two, which, if well
considered, would perhaps produce another
kind of logic and critique than has yet been
thought on.

294

At the end of Le Clerc's* translation of the
above Abstract, in Bihliofheque Un'iverselle, is the
following notification, published evidently un-
der Locke's immediate direction, and affording
one amongst the many proofs of his sincerity in
the search for truth.

" C'est la, Textrait d'un ouvrage Anglois que
I'auteur a bien voulu publier, pour satisfaire
quelqu'uns de ses amis particuliers, et pour
leur donner un abrege de ses sentimens. Si
quelqu'un de ceux qui prendront la peine de
les examiner, croit y remarquer quelque endroit,
oil I'auteur se soit trompe, on quelque chose
d'obscur, et de defectueux dans ce systeme, il
n'a qu'^ envoyer ses doutes, ou ses objections, a
Amsterdam, aux Marchands Libraires, chez
qui s'imprime la Bibliotheque Universelle. En-
core que Tauteur n'ait pas une grande envie de
voir son ouvrage imprim^, et qu'il croie qu'on

* Stated to be traiislated by Le Clerc, on his own autho-
rity, as I find in Mr. Locke's copy of that work these words,
in Le Clerc's handwriting :

" Tout ce qui est dcpuis le coinmencemeut jusqu'a la, \k
2G1, est de moi." Vol. viii.

29/

•J

tloivc avoir plus de respect ])Our le pu))lic que
de lui oll'rir d'ubord ce que roii croit etre veri-
table, avant que de savoir si les autres I'agr^ront,
ou le jugeront utile ; iieanmoins il n'est pas si
r^serv(^% qu'oii ne puisse esperer qu'il se dispo-
sera a donnerau public son traite cntier, lorsque
la maniere dout cet abrcp'^ aura cte recu, lui
donnera occasion de croire (^u'll ne publiera pas
nial a pro})os son ouvrage. Le lecteur pourra
reniarquer dans cet version (juelques ternies,
dont on s'est servi dans un nouveau sens, ou
qui n'avoient peut-etre jamais paru dans aucun
livre Francois. Mais il auroit ^te trop long de
les exprimer par des periphrases ; on a crut
c[u'en mati^re de philosophie il ^toit bien per-
mis de prendre en notre langue la nienie liberte
que I'on prend en cet occasion dans toutes les
autres; e'est de former des mots analogiques
quand I'usage commun ne fournit pas ceux
dont on a bcsoin. L'auteiir I'a fait en son An-
glois, et on le ])eut faire en cette langue, sans
quil soit necessaire d'en demander permission
au lecteur. 11 seroit bien a souhaiter qu'on en
put autant faire en Francois, et que nous pus-
sions egaler dans I'abondance des termes une
langue, que la notre surpasse dans I'cxactitude
de I'expression."

APPENDIX.

THOMAS BURNETT TO M15. LOCKE.
" WORTHY SIR, London.

" I WAS sorry I could not see you at my
coming back from Tunbridge in September
last, having called twice at your lodgings. I
was necessitated to go to the country imme-
diately thereafter, and made a ramble from the
Bath through the West of England to Salis-
bury, and at last to Oxford, where tlie good
society and most kind treatment from all I
made acquaintance with, did charm me for
more than three months, and made me at last
leave that place with regret. I have lately re-
ceived a letter from your worthy admirer Mon-
sicin* Eoibnitz. He hath been kept back from
milking Ids returns to his correspondents this

298 APPENDIX.

long time, having more to do in the public
affairs of that country, as 1 understand from
the new title I find given him, of Conseiller
intime de S. A. E. de Brunswick. In this let-
ter he gives a new proof of the esteem he hath
of your writings, having writ seven or eight
pages of his observations concerning your dispute
with the Bishop of Worcester, and seeming to
hold the balance betwixt your learned antago-
nist and you with all the fairness of an honest
man, and the judgment of a philosopher ;
though the weight of what is thrown into the
scales seems to make him incline sometimes to
one side, sometimes to another. It appears he
hath not yet seen the last letter of the Bishop's,
nor your two last to him, though I have sent
him all that was come out, with several books
of other authors, by three packets at several
times. There is a young gentleman w^io w^as
here a lono- time to search for records relatino*
to the House of Brunswick, for whom I did
buy all the curious books that have come out
these several years, with whom I have also sent
all what lie could not find himself out of my
own library. He will open his pack at Hano-
ver, and both the Electrix and JNIonsieur Leib-
nitz w ill see what books arc for their service.
In s])caking to the certainty and clearness of
ideas, he pleases himself" with the (liflerence

APPENDIX. 299

lie makes betwixt the two terms of clear and
distinct. That he calls clear, which can be
differenced in our notion by a certain charac-
teristic from all things besides itself. This
knowledge he calls distinct, when we know a
thinji' in its whole essence or nature with all its
conditions and requisites, or when we can give
its definition. So that the knowledge of sub-
stance, in so far as we know its certain dif-
ferences and accidents, may be called clear,
but cannot be termed distinct. But if I may
add my own thoughts, this distinct notion is
not applicable to any thing else we know, any
more than it is to our ideas of substance ; since
no human knowledge reaches a complete un-
derstanding of the nature of the most minute
subject, reasoning so as to exhaust its whole
nature, essence, and all that is to be known
about it, no more than tlie understanding of
the natiu-e of the least grain of the dust we
trample upon : this knowdedge by comprehen-
sive ideas is too wonderful for us, and can only
belong to that infinite Being who is perfect in
knowledge. Monsieur Leibnitz desires the
names of all your works, that he may have all
sent him. Now you are best able to inform
him of that })articular. 1 thought fit to ac-
quaint you (Sir) with this letter, and of two
long articles in it relating to the metaphysical

300 APPENDIX.

subject of ideas, and your discourses of the coin
also. 1 was transcribing all that belongs to
these two parts, and sending them to you ; but
I imagine you will be no less pleased to see the
w^hole contexture of the letter itself, where
there is an account of many other particulars
that may be interesting. I need not send you
the news of the town ; I only take the liberty
to acquaint you of some particulars concerning
Dr. Bentley's book, which is at last come out.
He read to me a great part of the preface long-
before it was published, and I then thought his
narration of the matter of fact (if he be to be be-
lieved in verho sacredot'is) did justify very much
his behaviour to Mr. Boyle at the beginning.
And as to the controversy itself, if he like, many
good judges think he is able to defend himself
against the reason, if not against the authority of
his contrary party. He told me then the Bishop
of Coventry and Litchfield was so far of his
opinion, that he would publish sometliing of his
own at tlie same time upon the same subject,
whicii lie had kept by him many years; where-
in tliough tliere were some small things where-
in they dissented, the Bishop said it was so
much tlie better, since tliereby was taken away
all suspicion of combination ; and that the
Bishop himself would send the Doctor's book
lo Mons. Hpanlicim ; so that Grcvius, Mons.

Al'PKNDlX. 30 i

Spanheini, and that Bishop, a learned triumvi-
rate, seemed to be engaged on the Doctor's
side. But I doubt not that a greater number
will be of another sentiment, who w^ould not
be thought to be of the unlearned tribe ; and I
heard yesterday morning from JNIr. Gasterell
that the Bishop of Coventry and T^itchfield
hath thought fit to suppress his own disserta-
tion ; and that there would come forth an apo-
logy for the bookseller by himself within a day
or two. The Doctor told me likewise, the
Bishop thought Mr. Dodwell's opinion was
wholly overturned upon this occasion, who
founded his hypothesis upon the authenticness
and the supposed antiquity of the Epistles of
Phalaris. There is also come out, JMaster Gas-
terell's book, in 8vo. of the Certainty of the
Christian religion, as the second part of his
Discourses intended upon JNIr. Boyle's Lecture ;
and I doubt not but will argue as much of the
reason and judgment of the author as his
Sermons on that occasion. I have read over
Doctor Bentley's long ])reface, and a great
part of the book, and have just now finished
the new piece that is come out against him,
exposing his plagiary, ingratitude, and inhu-
manity, ])articularly to JNIr. Stanley, in the
edition (as the Doctor calls it himself) of his
Callimachus. The bookseller's A^indication, and

302 APPENDIX.

Letter of Dr. King's, and tlie Jiidgnient of Sir
^Vm. Temple, &c. are annexed to the end. I
do profess, upon second thoughts, (which some-
times are best,) I think, considering Doctor
Bentley's magisterial and supercilious way of
treating his adversaries, his hard words, and op-
probrious language to Mr. Bennet ; and, on the
otlier hand, Mr. Bennet's manner of justifying
himself, and representing the matter in a sober
and far less passionate, but more natural, narra-
tion of every thing, so that his story seemeth
the more likely, if not the most true, of the
two ; and though tlie Doctor may have both
truth and learning on his side, he hath no ways
shown the spirit of meekness in reproving, but
rather hath made not oiilv his own character
but that of his order cheap and * * * *
by writing so much and in such a manner to
take off little reflections upon his civility and
breeding, which he had easier wiped off by
slighting and forgetting than answering. I
have presumed to communicate to y<>i' tliese
accounts, since I have them from innnediate
hands. I have sent you JMr. lAMbnitz's letter,
consisting of pieces. I shall be glad to receive
your orders, if you have any thing to charge
me witli, when you send back the papers, at
wliicli time I am to write again to JMr, Leib-
nitz. I did write to liim from Oxford, at the

aimm;\i)I\. :j()3

same time Dr. W'allis reeeived a line from liim,
which was six weeks ago ; and now lately I
did write with that gentleman, who is gone to
Hanover, but he will expect I should write to
him again, since the receipt of this 1 now send
you, wherein (you see) he desires to know what
things are unclear in what he did formerly
write in the first paper of reflections I sent
you, 1 have not been so well as to write to
you sooner, since I had this last letter. To
hear of your own health will be the best news
to Mr. Leibnitz, and to, Sir, your most ready
and most obliged,

And humble servant,

T. Burnett."

" Pall-Mali Street, in London,
17th March, 1G99."

'• Sir, I thought once of sending this packet
with JNIr. Cunningham, who told me at my
chambers some days ago he was to go out to
you ; but now, after waiting longer than his
set time, I was resolved to delay no longer. I
wish you would indulge him before he leaves
you to piece together his proofs of the Christian
Religion, that the world may enjoy that light
he hath so long promised. You may send
back the papers to INIr. C, and I shall send
for them ; or direct tliem for me at the Two
Pigeons, on the east end of the Tall 31 all."

304 APPENDIX.

The following letter from INIr. Thomas to
Locke was the occasion which led to the ac-
quaintance with Lord Shaftesbury.

" MY DEAR FRIEND,

" This town is very barren of news, and
therefore you must not expect much. The
most considerable is, that the Commissions are
granted for raising sixteen troops of horse ;
amongst others to Lord Fairfax, Col. Inglesby,
Sir W. Waller, &c. &c. The fleet wiU set sail
the beginning of the next w^eek, if the London
be ready, but not without her, as I am now in-
formed by a gentleman of Prince Rupert's, wiio
came yesterday from the fleet, consisting, as he
says, of eighty-nine sail, which are ready, and
eighteen, or as some say twenty-five, fire-ships,
which will be made thirty. After all the great
noise of a press, I am informed that not above
2200 were sent from hence to the fleet. The
Gazette will inform you of more, which is, the
story of Capt. Reeves is true, and the King
much troubled at it, and has given orders that
the Captain, wlio was to be exchanged for him,
be laid in irons.

" I must request one favour of you, whicli is to
send me word by tlic next ()])p()rtunity whether
you can prociu'e twelve bottles of water for my

APPENDIX. 305

Lord Ashley, to drink in Oxford Sunday and
JMonday mornings : if you can possibly do it,
you will very much oblige him and me. I have
this day spoke with C. Grant, and will give you
an account of vipers by my next. I am to-mor-
row resolved to go for the fleet ; however, let
me receive a letter by the next opportunity.
Your affectionate friend and servant,

David Thomas."

" Half-Moon Street, Bread Street.
9 Julv, IGGG."

The first of the following letters from liim-
borch to T^ocke relates to the Letter for Tolera-
tion, published anonymously at Tergou in Hol-
land, with Locke's answer, reproaching his
friend for having divulged to others the name
of the author of that celebrated publication.
The other ten letters from Limborch have
been selected and printed, because Locke's
answers to them have long since been printed
in the best editions of his works ; and therefore
it is presumed that their publication will not be
unacceptable, as it will so far make that cor-
respondence complete.

VOL. II. X

306 APPENDIX.

»

" AMPLISSTME YTR,

**PosTQUAM tuis postremis respondi, D.
Consuli Hadde communicavi quse de Slado
nostro scripsisti, quae gratissima ipsi erant,
omnemque simplici quam exhibes iiarratione
sinistram suspicionem nullo iiegotio dilui posse
videt. De Epitapbio viriim illustrem inter-
pellare ausus non fui : res est bic admodum
rara, et a nobis negligi solita : omnes qiios con-
sului amici dissuadent de re apud nostros exigui
admodnm momenti compellare Consulem, neqiie
credunt bac in re qiiicquam suasurum aut dis-
suasurum bieredibus Sladi. Quare pro more
apud nos recepto epitapbio carebit, nisi amici
et eonsanguinei eo propendeant. Verum id non
tarn imputandum amicis aliis quam sorori, mu-
lieri fatua?, qu£e quoniam Sladus absque testa-
mento mortuus est, ex asse bajres est ; liberi
itaque ejus jam nibil possunt. INIale, bac in
parte Sladus, cui sororis indoles notissima erat,
libcris illius consuluit. A^eriun lioc jam mutari
nequit.

Accessit me nuperrimt; cognatus Guenel-
lon, dixitque se ex D. d'iVranda intel-
lexissc, amicum (piendam mcum tractatus cu-
jusdam valde liic laudati autorem esse, idque
fratrem 13. d'Aranda ex Anglia scripsisse, quasi
rem illic notissimam. Ego mirabar admodum :

APPEi\j)i.\. 307

ille me iirgebat, prime;) an ego autor esseni ;
negavi. Turn porro, an nescireni aniicum ilium
meum esseautorem ? volui quidem dissimiilare :
verum ita ab homine amieissimo prorsus negare
non potui. Hactenus autor in patria nostra
nulli, nisi milii uni cognitus fuit : iiiio nulla, ne
levissima quidem de ipso suspicio fuit. Nunc
coram homine, et quidem vcl indiciis instructo,
negare non potui ; qui si postea rescivisset me-
rito succensere potuisset, quod hoc de viro
etiam ipsi amieissimo, tam pertinaciter dissimu-
lare nedum negare volucrim. Considerans ergo
et intimam iliius ciun autore familiaritatem,
coram ipso ac socero ipsius autorem me scire
fassus sum : obtestans maximopere, ut eadem
fide, qua alia ipsis ab autore credita, etiam hoc
sibi solis concrcditiun servent, neque uUi divul-
gent. Ita, quod hactenus uni cognitum fuit,
tribus connnune factum est. Unitas omnis
nudtiplicationis est expers : sed quami)rimum
ab ea receditin*, diversa} fieri possunt multipli-
cationes. Ego arcanum mihi creditum, quan-
tum possum, servabo ; quod a me propalatum
non est. Verum quod nunc inter tres dis])er-
sum est, facile inter plures divulgari potest;
idque prascavere jam mea? potestatis non est.
Verum si expediat autorem non latere? Nomen
iliius ct plures lectores allicict et tractatui

X 2

308 APPENDIX.

autoritatem conciliabit. Duo illi quos memo-
ravi viri, audito autoris nomine, majore cum
voluptate ejus lectionem repetere voluerunt.
Ego singulis exemplar dedi, quod hactenus
ausus non fueram ; typographus mihi pauca de-
derat, quia correctioni prafueram. Idem plu-
ribus futurum presagio ; non eum credo, licet
effo fidem datam sanctissime servem, nunc celari
posse, quod pluribus innotuit ; et duobus amicis
indicavi, quia eos metaphysica mea circumdu-
cere non potui, neque veritatem rogatus negare.
Verum de hisce satis.

Hactenus nullum a D. Decano Petrobur-
gensi accepi responsum: sed nee a D. Allix,
cui prolixiorem de Albigensium et Valden-
sium dogmatibus ac ritibus, unde illos duas
fuisse diversas sectas constat, scripsi historiam,
quam se accepisse ad D. Clericum scripsit:
verum verbis ita tectis ut nomen meum ex-
primere non fuisse ausus videri debeat : com-
mendat quii)pe D. Clerico, ut scriptori 1ns-
toria? Albigensium et Valdensium salutem
dicat et gratias agat. Nescio qu^e tanti ti-
moris causa. An simili mctu coliibcatur D.
Decanus, cujus milii amicitiam conciliavit D.
Allix, ignoro. Hoc scio Anglorum amicorum
neminem ad literas meas dcclinare responsum.
Nuperrime litteras ;\ D. Decano Sarisburiensi
accc|)i, eadem (jua antea libertate scriptas.

APPENDIX. 309

Quis viros hosce cruditos scrupulus iirgeat,
ignoro.

Cum liasce liuc iisqvie scripsissem, convcnit
me amicus noster Cyprianus, c[ui mihi salutem
c\ te dixit, prosperamque tuam valctudinem nun-
tiavit. Nihil mihi hoc mmtio m-atius : cum de
te tuoque statu ex illis qui tibi adfuerunt audio,
quodammodo tibi presens videor, suavissimam-
qiie tuam conversationem ac familiaritatem in
memoriam revoco, nihilque magis mihi displi-
cet, qui\m quod Oceano ab invicem dividamur.
Si nunc Clivia? hasreres, ad te excurrerem, ut
eruditissimis tuis sermonibus cadem qua solitus
sum voluptate fruerer: nunc grata eorum recor-
datione me oblecto. Interim summo cum gau-
dio te bene valere intellexi : Deus valetudinem
banc velit esse diuturnam. Furheum nostrum
ex quo ex Anglia rcdiit, non vidi. Dedit mihi
pr^eterita liebdomade D. Remontius hteras
illius, cui respondi. Opus Sancti Officii adhuc
apud me est. Wetstenius adhuc cunctatur,
credo ob summam chartse caritatem. Recepit
a te Wetstenius exemplar Actorum Erudito-
rum anni 1688, quare summa, quam mihi de-
buisti, detrahendi sunt tres florini nostrates, ita
ut solummodo restent f. 35 : 8, de quibus me
brevi post Pentecostes festum, quando mihi Ro-
tcrodamum morandum erit, cum Furlaeo trans-
acturum spero. De ncgotio pacificationis eccle-

310 APPENDIX.

siasticas nihil jam audimns : Videtur tota ilia
transactio siifflaminata, et penitiis abiisse in
fumum. Ecclesiifi facili negocio scindiintur ;
scisstc vero gegerrime coalescunt. Omnes cau-
sam Christi et Ecclesise praitendunt : sed nisi
propriam agerent, iniquas pacis conditiones non
prsescriberent aliis, nee £equas sibi oblatas res-
puerent. Deus pacis orandus, iit omnibus eam
inspiret mentem, qnam sibi quisque vindicat, et
in alio requirit. Vale, vir amplissime. Uxor
mea liberique plurimam tibi precantur salutem.
Tiii amantissimus,

Philippus a Limborch."
1

"Amstelodauii, 25 Aprilis, IG 90.

18.

" Amplissirno doctissimo Viro

D. Joanni Locke, Londinum,''

PHILIPPO A I.IMEORCH JOANNES LOCKE.

" London. Ap. 22,(1600.)
" VIR DOCTISSIME,

" T J ITER AS tuas 25° datas lieri accepi, et per-
eulsus sum Icgcndo ca qute transacta esse inter
te et Doctorem CiuenoUeonem scribis. Miratus
sum, ut fatear, tuam in diccndo facilitatem, et
(piod aFKini liie non niinis bcnevole in me curi-

APPENDIX. 311

osi id ex te expiscari poterant, quod ego in tu-
to collocatiim speraveram. Kumores enim hie
ab iisdem orti, cum sine autore spargerentur,
nihil me movebant, mox sponte interituri. Quid
de iis scissitanti GuenoUoni responderim, ex id-
timis ad eum hteris scire potest. Sed jam te
fatente certum nacti sunt autorem. Hoc sohnn
dicam, si tu hujusmodi arcanum mese commi-
sisses fidei, ego ihud nee cognato nee amico nee
cuipiam mortahum quavis conditione evulgas-
sem. Nescis in qiias res me conjecisti. Quod
sohun restat, fac, si posses, ut quod tu sohis ta-
cere non poteras, id duo aUi jam taceant. Quod
tamen minimi spero; non dubito enim quin Dr.
Guenollon, (qui non sufi sponte tam intempe-
ranter in ahena re fuit curiosus, sed Darandae
instructu) ante liarum adventum Darandae dix-
erit. Id si perspexeris, nihil tentandum frustra
hiboraveris. ^Vctum est, nee remedio restat k)-
cus. Vale.

Tui observantissimus,

J. L."

" VIR AMPLISSIME,

" LiTEKiE tua3 13 Martii scripta? demum 17
INIaii ad me perlata3 sunt, cum parte versionis doc-
tissimi tui de intellectu humano tractatus. Ubi
tam diu ha^serint, incertus sum. Fm-heus noster.

312 APPENDIX.

qui ante paucos (ut audio) dies uxorem suam
amisit, has se pridie accepisse scribit. Interim
conspectis tuis maxime gavisus sum, quoniam ob
diuturnum tuum ac inusitatum silentium mens
mihi nescio quid mali prsesagiebat. Nunc me
omni soUicitudine de te ac tua valetudine tuee
liberarunt. Quid prioribus meis de Verrini
Uteris, quas ipse Verrinus fascicule chartarum
alligavit, acciderit, nescio. Doleo ego versio-
nem non felicius successisse, mea causa, qui jam
uberrimo fructu, quem ex libri tui lectione
sperabam, spoliatus sum. Non autem ut inge-
nue ac rotunde tecum agam, id plane pr£eter
exspectationem meam evenit : quia semper non
satis linguae Anglicans peritum credidi, ut trac-
tatum de materiis philosophicis subtiliter disse-
rentem ita Latine posset scribere, ut et sen-
sum autoris, et argumentorum vim ac evi^yeiav
perspicue representet. Nondum ego intcrpre-
tem conveni; cupio enim integrum scriptum
antequam ipse reddam, perlegere. Sed licet non
edcrctur, non periit ipsi penitus suus labor.
Tractatum cnim tuum cum attcntione legit,
plurima non vulgaria (qujE utinam et ego La-
tine legere possem) et didicit, et lioras suas qu£e
forte alias ipsi periissent, studio sibi utilissimo
impendit. Ambiebat nuptias, quas nuper con-
firmavit : crant impedimenta quiudam, quae has

APPENDIX. 313

ad tempus aliquod differre coegcrunt : ille ut
tempus istud, aiiuintibus valde tit'diosuni, lioiies-
to labore trail sigeret, versionem banc suscepit et
perfecit. Interim doleo versionem illam non
melius successisse, tmn mea, turn et omnimii
eorum, qui linguam Anglicanam non intel-
ligunt causa. Cum D. Clerico, qui nunc ctiam
uxoratus est, aliisque amicis consulam, et inter-
preti consilium dabimus,quod quale sit luturum,
facile vides. Speraveram ego volumen Senten-
tiarum Inquisitionis Tholosana? lioc mense prelo
subjiciendum ; verum Wetstenius confatur,
Diocfenis Laertii editionem nondum esse ad
finem perductam : nullius autem novi operis
editionem inchoare cupit, nisi liac prius plene
ad linem perducta: dcnuo itaque quatuor aut
quinque mensibus editionem difFert. Ego
meum quern prsemittam tractatum, constitui
ab initio ad finem relegere, si quid desit sup-
plere, et ita perficere, ut editioni paratus sit, ut
quamprimiun AVetstenius se paratum dicit, in
me ne minima quidem sit mora : quamquam
jam per me inclioare posset. Prajmitto ego bre-
vem narrationem antiquiorum sa'cidorum, et
sententiffi patrum (ut vocantur) de hereticorum
persecutione. Non possum quin edicta impera-
torum qutedam reprehendam, et maxime doc-
trinam iVugustini, qui omnium apertissime

314 APPENDIX.

Doiiatistaruin persecutiones pi'opugnavit : sin-
gulomm testimonia, tarn qui persecutiones im-
pugnarunt, quam propugnarunt, adscribam : at-
que itatransibo ad Scecula quibus Papte Romani
se EcclesicE Dominos coufirmaverunt, et impera-
torum ac regum sceptra subjecerunt. Proxima
occasion e niittaui tibi Indicem capitum, ut ple-
niorem totius operis ideam conspicias.

H^ec jam pra?cedente hebdomade scripta
erant : verum subito Harlemum evocatus ob fu-
nus iieptis cujusdam ex fratre uxoris me^e, banc
non potui nisi jam absolvere et ad te mittere.
Ego interim tractatus tui interpretem conveni,
inspexit correctiones tuas. Salutem a te pluri-
mam dixi : non se ausum dixit ea libertate in
alieno opere uti: an sute versionis correctionem
tentaturus sit, ignoro : puto tamen eum literas
ad te daturum, quas si mittat meis includam :
in iis plenius se explicabit: Ego nondum ipsi
scriptum reddidi, sed hac bebdomade, postquam
perlegero, redditurus sum : turn ubcrius cum
ipso loquar.

INIaximc gratum fuit ex tuis cognoscere, Do-
minam Cudwortbam honestam mei memoriam
scrvare. Inter aniicos Anglos maxima semper
D. Doctorem Cudwortbum colui. Spirabant
ejus cpistoljc eruditionem non vulgareni : uni-
cum dolco (|uod occiq)atior rariores ad luc de-

APPENDIX. 315

derit. Nunc illustri adeo feiniiia,' gratirior,
quod lion tain opiiin paternarum, quam ingenii
ac eruditionis paternse haeres sit, patremque ea
parte, qua proprie homines sumus, referat. Gau-
deo illi iustitutum meum ac scribendi metlio-
dum probari : spero ipsuni opus, quando pro-
dierit, ipsi placiturum, quando interprete in eo
totuni illud iniquitatis mysteriinii revelaUun
viderit, quod verbis vix exprimi potest, quain
atrox ac detestandum sit. Rogo liumillima
mei servitia illi ofFeras, illique dicas, me arden-
tibus votis precari, ut quicquid honesto lecti-
onis assidua? exercitio oculorum aciei deperiit,
Deus judicii acumine aliisque gratias suae donis
compenset, ut sic mente contem])letur ea, ad
quae oculorum acies, etiam acutissin)a penetrare
nequit. Ipsam ego colere ac venerari non desi-
nam, ejusque dotes minime vulgarcs semper
suspiciam.

Antequam finiam, memorabile quid, et quod
miraculi instar est adjiciam. Novi ego Harle-
mi puellam, qua? jam octavum annum explevit,
et nonum ingressa est : nata est penitus surda,
ita ut neve clamorem licet veliementem, neve
campanaruin sonitum, neve quemcunque alium
sonum unquam audiverit. Hoc narro non ex
relatu aliorum, sed ipse testis sum ocularius,
qui a prima infantia puellam illam sgepius vidi,

316 APPENDIX.

et ipsam aiiditu penitus destitutam deprehendi.
Siirda cum esset, nullum sermonem difFerre po-
tuit, neque uUorum verborum significationem
comprehendere ; nutibus et gestibus omnia
preecipiebat, et exprimebat ; et in hisce admo-
dum solertem se ostendit. Nunc tamen paucos
intra menses arte et industria loqui didicit.
Est hie quidam Sweverius, medicus, juvenis
viginti quinque circiter annoruni, qui artem
exeogitavit, surdis motu oris, labiorum, ac lin-
gu£e monstrandij qua ratione voces formare et
pronunciare possint. Hie intra spatium quin-
que mensium, nam decimo quarto die Decem-
bris institutionem puellee inchoavit, eam pluri-
ma non tantum verba, sed et integras sententias
eloqui, et apte satis pronuntiare, et, quod mireris,
legere docuit. Ipse die Adsensionis experimen-
tum cepi : cum uxore mea in parentum asdibus
diverti : hospites mei humanissimi coram me
])roducunt filiam, quam anno elapso plane mu-
tam videram : gratulatur ilia mihi et uxori ad-
ventum: scribo in charta, verum Uteris majus-
culis, nomcn mcum et uxoris : ilia distincte le-
git : offertin* ipsi schedula, qua hie in funus ho-
mines invitari solent, in qua extabant non tan-
tum literse majuscuhu, sed et romana) et cur-
siva?, uti vocantur :. omncs distincte legit, et,

APPENDIX. 317

quod miratus sum, singularum totius alpliabeti
literarum vim distincte novit, et unamquamque
litcram primo intra labia formabat, mox totam
syllabam proiuuitiabat, atque ita pergens totam
formabat vocem ; pcccabat quidem aliquatenus
contra accentum : quia enim auditu caret, ne-
cesse est ut aliquoties in accentum erret : sed
distincte tamen quicquid legebat et loquebatur
intelligebamus : quin et numeros per cifras
legebat : idque didicerat puella octo annorum
intra tam breve temporis spatium : recitabat
coram nobis integram precationem dominicam :
verba percipiebat ex motu oris paterni ; si
quid vero minus perciperet, innuebat patri ut
scriberet, et mox legebat. Cum abirem, et
mihi et uxori mcju valedixit, expressis no-
minibus nostris, qiise ex lectione bis tantum
repetita memorise ipsius inhteserant. Plurima
jam noverat verba, et vocum signification em, et
quotidie plura addiscit. Ita videmus et mutos
jam loqui in patria nostra, magno parentum,
quibus unica ha3c est soboles, gaudio. Non
potui, quin non adeo mirum tibi indicarem : ad
certum qucndam patris gestum, quem intelli-
gebat, mihi dixit verbis l^elgicis, ego sum
surda, verum ego non sum nuitn. Omnes non
sine admiratione pucllam adspiciunt, Et quo-

318 APPENDIX.

tidie ex aliis civitatibus plures adveniunt in
sedes viri illius ut puellam videanl. Tu me-
cum miraberis, et agnosces beiiignitateiii divi-
nam, qii^e ea homines solertia extruxit, nt et
surdos verba, qn^e audire neqiieunt, pronun-
ciare doceant. A'erum ego nimia prolixitate
jam pecco. Vale, vir amplissime, et mei memor
vive. Salutant te amici omnes, Verrinus, Gue-
nellonns, Grevins advocatus Utrajectinus, prae-
cipue vero uxor mea, ac liberi, imprimis ego,

Tui amantissimus,
Philippus a Limborch."

9
" Amstelodami, 29 Maji, 16 91.

19

" Hodie Archithalassus noster Troinpins in
liac civitate diem suum obiit, lento morbo con-
sum tiis.

" For Mr. John Locke, at INIrs. Smithby's in Dorset
Court in Chand* row, Westminster."

INlr. Lo(;ke's answer to this letter, dated June
18, 1691, will be found page 407 of the quarto
edition of liocke's Works.

APPENDIX. 319

*' VIR AMPLTSSIME,

" AccEPTis tuis Uteris iion mediocriter o-avi-
sus sum, quia anxiam de tua valetudine soUici-
tudinem exemerunt. Statiieram confestim iis
respondere, sed impedimento admodum molesto
hactenus retentus fui. Cognata qua^dam mea
moriens me liberorum suoriuu tutorem desi":-
navit. Negotium hoc, quod commode declinare
lion potui, a studiis meis alienum, plures mihi
dies abstulit. Jam scribeiidi opportunitatem
nactus, calamum arripio, ut et me omnesque
meas valere scias, et per gratiam divinam totam
meam familiam hactenus a morbis ac febribus
admodiun in patria nostra grassantibus fuisse
immunem. Scotus, qui tibi renuntiavit histo-
riam S" Officii jam sub prelo esse, erravit.
Wetstenius editionem de die in diemdifFert:
Confatur Diogenem Laertiinu noiidum in hi-
cem exiisse : nulUns autem opcris novi editionem
se inclioaturum antequam ilia prodierit. Cum
uro'erem, ut semel tandem tot dilationibus finem
imponeret, respondit se circa Pascha editionem
inclioaturum, et ante anni finem absoluturiim
firmissime promisit. Interim ego historiam
meam relego ; et si quid desit, suppleo ; hiantia
connecto, superflua rescco, ut nihil editionem
A mea parte remorari possit. Doctor ille Thco-

320 APPENDIX.

logus, qui de Aiigelis paradoxa ilia docuit, satis
fratrum siiorum pro puritate zelo experitur.
In Synedi'io Amstelodamensi liber est condem-
natus, aut, ut ipsis Synedrii verbis utar, Syne-
drium librum ilium pronuntiavit abominabilem.
Synodus Hollandiee Borealis non tantum Syne-
drii sententiam approbavit ; sed etiam Synedrio
niandavit, ut ante primum Septembris jam
elapsi diem, scandalum illo libro datum, effica-
citer repararet : quod si intra constitutum diem
non possit, mandatum dedit classi Amsteloda-
mensi scandalum illud efficaciter reparandi ;
utque majore cum autoritate classis procedat,
illi adjunxit quatuor Synodi deputatos. Jam
multum SLidatum est, ut Doctor liic ad palino-
diam cogatur : pi ares sunt concepti articuli,
quibus ut subscribat cupiunt : his non tan-
tum continetur rcjectio sententise ipsius, verum
etiam approbatio omnium actorum Synedrii
contra ipsum. Ille articulos illos rejecit : pri-
mo dati ipsi sunt duo menses ad deliberandum :
^lagistratus zclum ilium ccclesiasticum tempe-
rare conatur : sed ipse nosti, claves regni ccelo-
rum Synedrio crcditos, non posse committi ma-
gistratiii, nee judicium ccclesiasticum ullo modo
sa3culari esse obnoxium. Interim hoc effectum
est, ut altcrum duorum nicnsium ad deliberan-
dum spatium ipsi conccssum sit : ne vero sine

APPENDIX. 321

iilla ceiisura ecclesiastica intcrea vivat, breve
scriptum h suggestu Ecclesia? est prselectum, quo
indicatur, processum cum Doctore ipso nondum
esse ad finem perductum, ideoque rogatur Ec-
clesia ut duobus adhuc mensibus illius even-
turn expectare velit. Durius erat couceptum
decretum, sed magistratu intercedente mitiga-
tum est : a quibusdam etiam, Doctori illi minus
adversis, pronuntiatum est voce adeo submissa,
ut vix audiri potuerit : hasc dilatio ipsi per Am-
stelodamenses est procurata : Classis enim sen-
tentiam pronuntiare voluit. Multi credunt
Amstelodamenses jam esse mitiores, quoniam
metuunt, ne, si hie exauctoretur, illis denegetur
facultas alium in ipsius locum vocandi : ne er-
go ministerium ipsorum aliquo onere gravetur,
hunc creduntur retinere malle, quam illius ex-
auctorati vices supplere : de quo tamen certi nihil
affirmare possum. Nunc alterum deliberandi
spatium claps um est, et propediem expect atur
qviid Classis decretura sit : ilia ubi sententiam
pronunciaverit, qu<£ tantum interlocutoria est,
Synodus IloUandifu borealis, qua? proxima sestate
conveniet, sententiam decretoriam pronuntiatura
est. Interea plures adversus ilium c^lamum
stringunt ; quidam admodiim imperite et infe-
liciter : alii felicius paulum : verum quod niire-
ris, nee ipse in toto suo tractatu, nee ullus

VOL. II. Y

322 APPENDIX.

eorum qui ipsiim impugnant, hactenus contro-
versise statiim rite formarunt : ideoque tota
hsec disputatio satis est confusa. Prostat libel-
lus Anglicus, titulo, JDocfrina Demonum probata
qifbd sit magna ilia apostasia liorum ultimorum
temporum : scripta ab A'". Orchard, 3Iinistro in
Nova Anglia : illius sententiam noster sequitur,
variisque pugnat argumeiitis ex illo libello de-
promptis : sed et alia pliira habet de demonibus.
Negari nequit, multa a Doctore hoc valde im-
prudenter esse asserta, quae profanis hominibiis
Scriptiirie historias aliquot cavillandi pragbent
occasionem ; quse tamen salva ipsius sententia
abesse potuissent : ipsum etiam absque ulla ne-
cessitate quaedam obiter dicere, qua? ipsis suspi-
ciouem praebent heterodoxias, et quidem ejus-
modi in capitibus, quse si quis vel leviter tangat
heretici infame nomen evadere nequit. Verum
de hoc negotio liactenus.

Noster D. de Cene haeret Londini : aliquam
in Anglia sibi promotionem sperat. Doleo viri
illius vicem. Connnendatitias ipsi dedi ad lic-
vercndum Episeopum Batheusem et Wellensem
nuper electum, qui amicissime mihi rescripsit.
Ostcndit se in epistola pacis ecclesiastical quAm
maximc studiosuui. Verfinus noster rus con-
cessit habitatuin, valetiidiue ejus id flagitante :
alitiuoties sanguinem evonuiit : corpus ejus con-

AFPKNDIX. 323

tiiuias illas fatigationes non fert : quare ruri
(legit in otio; aut potius in studiis; sed molesto
illo mcdicina} praxeos excrcitio non fatigatur.
Habes jam epistolam prolixiorem, cui malo
brevi epistolio respondeas, quam longani mcdi-
tando nullani mihi mittas. Salveat plurimum
D. Cudwortha, cui indiceni librorum et capi-
tum historia? S". Officii probari gaudeo. Spero
integram historian!, quando prodierit, non dis-
plicituram. Fortassis jam sedatioribus animis
excipientur, quas in hoc tractatu, qui unice pon-
tificiis oppositus videtur, de persecutionibus ob
rehgionem k me dicentur ; qua?, si vel paucula
quiedam de Keformatis immiscerem, primo sta-
tim aspectu a zelotis rejicerentur. Plerumque
enim sua vitia in aUis taxari minus gravate
ferunt homines : et fortasse quidam mehora
docebuntur. Vale, vir amplissime. Salutat te
Verrinus, Guenellonus, uxor mea ac liberi :
imprimis ego

Tui amantissimus,
Philippus a Limbokch."

8
" Amstelodarai, 22 Januar. IG 92.

13
" For Doctor John Locke, at Mr. Smithsby's,

in Dorset Court, in Chanell Row, Westminster."

Locke's answer, dated Feb. 29, 1 692, at page
409, quarto edition of Locke's Works.

Y 2

324 APPENDIX.

" VIR AMPLISSIJME,

" Prelum Wetstenianum jam fervet. His-
torife sancti Officii editio ex voto procedit.
Jam tertia operis pars excusa est. Duo nimirum
prela hoc opere occupantur : alterum historia
mea, cujus jam primus liber excussus est ;
et in secundo jam pervenimus ad caput de
cruce signatis ; in indice tibi misso facile vi-
debis quousque processerimus : alterum prelum
occupat Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tho-
losansE ; et illius tertia pars jam impressa est.
Spero intra tres menses opus integrum prodi-
turum : non eo labore meo defunctus ante
finem editionis. Nuperrime mihi liber ad ma-
nmn venit, unde et nonnulla historian meae magis
expolienda? apta depromsi, et quotidie, etiam
inter excudendum, depromo. Quando liber
prodierit, istiusmodi augmentis et correctioni-
bus non erit amplius locus. Et tamen is sum,
qui, dum opus adhuc in manibus meis est,
negligere aut contemnere non possum, qua?
mihi nova, mihique inaudita suppeditantur.
Catalogum autorum, e quibus historia mea con-
cinnata est, illi pra^mittam, ut unusquisque de
fide mea certus esse possit. Verum est aliud,
in quo opcram tuam fiagito. Non is sum, qui
qua^ a me eduntvn* alteri dcdicare gestio : hoc
tamen opus, pro conscientiarum libertate, contra

APPENDIX. 325

persecutioiieni ob religionem miilto labore de-
umbratum, dedicare cupiam Arcliiepiscopo
Cantiiariensi, viro longe pras omnibus, quos
novi, Theologis, uti digiiitate, ita etiam me-
ntis emincntissimo, si reverendissimee illius
dignitati meam dedicationem non ingratam
fore nossem. Et scripta et actiones testaii-
tur, favere ipsum doctriiicE, quam mihi pro-
pugnandum suscepi : quamvis enim liistoriam
solummodo scribam, ipsa ilia historia quod
intendo luculentius confirmat, quam si multis
ad id probandum uterer argumentis. Utinam
tu, qui Rev. illius non es ignotus, captata occa-
sione expiscari posses, num dedicationem meam
benigne admissura esset. Nescio an mea profes-
sio intra llemonstrantes ipsi apud rigidiores ze-
lotas aliquam sit conflatura invidiam aut indig-
nationem. Nolim mea opera vel minimam creari
molestiam viro quem ex animo colo ac veneror.
Tu argumentum et scopum operis mei nosti:
capitum liistorite me^e indicem babes, quem os-
tendere potes si opportunum duxeris. NuUi
rectius opus pro conscicntiarum libertate de-
dicari potest, nisi illi, qui non tantum liber-
tatis illius est patronus, sed et inter patronos
dignitate pra? aliis est conspicuus. Si dedi-
cationem non respuat, velim illam ante illius
editionem ad te mittere, ut a Kev. sua videri
possit, et si quid incautius a me dictum sit, re-

32(3 APPENDIX.

secetur, emendetur, amplietur. Interim titulos
quibus compellari decet ut mihi scribas expecto.
Hoc quicqiiid sit tuag prudential committo, et
gratissimum mihi feceris si quamprimum re-
scribas, quoniam editio velocissime procedit,
et spatium ad deliberandum non est amplum.
Grevium, cui ante quatriduum Trajecti adfui,
tuo nomine salutavi : ille pro sua, qua me com-
plectitur benevolentia, suppeditaturus mihi est,
historiam cujusdam ex ordine Francisci, qui
adulteratis pontificiis diplomatibus se falso jac-
tavit Episcopum, et postea Trajecti compre-
liensus, post degradationem verbalem et actu-
al em ferventi ollaj fuit immissus : postea tamen
inde ereptus et capite truncatus. Historiam
ipsam liabeo ex Raynaldo ; sed sententiam, illius
])ronuntiationem, et executionem, prout extat
in archivis cai)ituli S. Salvatoris, cujus ille est
canonicus, mihi Grevius est suppeditaturus.
Lstiusmodi flosculis undique corrasis, historiam
meam exornatam dabo. Ipse Grevius pluri-
mam tibi salutem rescribi jussit. Verrinus ruri
bene valet: inter homines sibi amicissimos ac
I'amiliarissimos qui villas illius villas vicinas in-
colunt degit, corumquc quotidiana consuetu-
dine fruitur. Jam ab aliquot liebdomadibus
ilium noil vidi : recte tamen valere audio. 1).
Cudwortlite rogo liumillima mea oiHcia ollcras,

APPENDIX. 327

salutcmque plurimam i\ me dicas. Salutat tc
uxor mea liberique. Vale, vir amplissime, et
in am ore mci persevera

Tui amantissimus,

PhILIJ'PUS a LiMJiOllCH."

18

" Amstelodamii, 27 Junii, 16 92."

18

Mr. Locke's answer, page 410, quarto edition
of Locke's Works.

" AMPLISSIME VIK, AMICE PLUKIMUM
HONORANDE :

" Tandem Wetstenius, post diuturnas ac
longas cunctationes, exemplaria nautse, qui hinc
in Angliam abit, concredidit. Nudiustertius
missa sunt lloterodamuin : inde prima occasione
nauta solvet, fortasse intra biduum aut triduum;
adeo ut jam intra paucos dies,modo ventus faveat,
ea luibiturus sis. Fasciculus ad te directus est;
continet quinque exemplaria; quatuor incom-
pacta, quill Wetstenius rigidas Anglias leges
veritus compacta mittere ausus non est : quod
velim saltem apud honoratissimum Comitem
Pembrokiensem excuses ; indecorum alias foret,
ad talem virum incompactum mittere. Exem-
plar autem reverendissimo Archicpiscopo des-
tinatum compactum est, et capsa iiiclusum.

328 APPENDIX.

eodem tamen fasciculo contentum. Singulis
exemplaribus additse sunt epistolffi, ex quibus
cognosces, cui unumquodque exemplar destina-
tum est. Quintum vero, cui nulla addita est
epistola, tibi destinavi. Vides causam, cur et
tibi incompactum mittere debuerim. Rogo ut
ipse, si sis Londini, aut per amicum si ruri
degas, apud bibliopolam Samuelem Smith fasci-
culum lumc requiras, ut saltern reverendissimo
Arcbiepiscopo suum exhibeatur exemplar, an-
tequam liber venum posset. Nunc candidum
tuum ac liberum requiro judicium, et quicquid
censura dignum judices, pro familiaritate nostra
rigide censeas. Attulit mihi nuperrime ex
Brabantia Wetstenius tractatum de Inquisi-
tione Bifontina : ex illo, si ante quinque aut sex
menses eum habuissem, aliqua mutuari potuis-
sem : verum hoc infiniti laboris est ; nam et
alius posthac quidem mihi ostendetur, qui et
alia lioc non contenta, continebit. Ego me hac
vice satis defunctum puto. Nunc adhuc sub
prelo habeo omnes Episcopii Condones in unum
volumen in folio redactas : additag sunt septem-
decim aut octodecim, hactenus neutiquam
editae. Scribo ego historiam vita^ Episcopii,
quae concionibus prcumittetur. Duplici illo la-
bore, Concionum harum,et hi.storia?Inquisitionis,
hac cestate fatigatus sum, nunc alicpiam desidero
requiem: verum restat adhuc non contcmnenda

APPENDIX. 320

pars excLidenda, et iiuijor loiige historiiu vitic
Episcopii pars conficienda: circa proximum ver
laboris illius finem me habiturum spero. Pro-
cessus contra miiiistrum qui de Diabolis para-
doxam edidit sententiam, hac ratione terminatus
est. Synodus HoUandite Borealis praescripsit
illi formulam palinodia?, quA. profiteatur se do-
lere, qu^dhoc suo libro recesserit a S. Scriptura,
etformulis Unionis Reformatse Ecclesia?; quod
multis Scripture locis, et explicationem scanda-
losam tribuere conatus sit ; quod variis locis ni-
mis irreverenter verbum Dei tractaverit ; quod
nimis irreverenter de Servatoris nostri munere
prophetico, et doctrina divina scripserit ; quod
Ecclesiai Reformata? absurdam sententiam de
scientia, et potenti^ diaboli nou tantum pra^ter
veritatem affinxerit, sed et exinde valde odiosis
consequentiis gravaverit; quod non tantum in-
discrete, sed et contra decretum Ordinum et
Synodi nostra^ Belgicse versionis intcrpretes sm-
pius contumeliose reprehenderit; et de Refor-
matis ministris nimis contemtim scripserit, qua
sua scriptione ministerium ipsorum suspectum
et infructuosum reddi possit; et quod bbrum
suum passim stylo satyrico ac sarcastic© scripse-
rit : quae cum omnia jam maturiiis expressa ad
animum revocet, quod dolens conspiciat, theses
suas, et loquendi formas libro ipso compre-
hcnsas, Consistorio Amstelodamensi, Classi, et

330 APPENDIX.

Syiiodo, JListas ofFensionis et toti Ecclesise gravis
scandali dedisse causas : ac propterea a miseri-
corde Deo, Christiano Synodo, oinnibusque,
quos libri sui editione contristavit, aut scanda-
lum prcebiut, precatur delicti sui veniam :
quod ipsorum de suo libro ac persona judi-
cium approbet, et sincere promittat tanquam
coram facie Dei, quod inposterum adhsesurus
sit immobilibus fundamentis Ecclesia^ Reforma-
tae, prout ilia in omnibus et per omnia in for-
mulis Unionis, videlicet, Catechismo, Confes-
sion e, et Canonibus Synodi Dordrachtge, juxta
verbum Dei definita sunt, nee ullu-m illius dog-
ma in dubium sit revocaturus : et quod hac sua
subscriptione simul promittat prsedictas senten-
tias a se jam retractatas et libro suo contentas,
in posterum nee in concionibus, nee catecliisati-
onibus, nee scriptis, nee coUoquiis, directe nee
indirecte docere aut asserere : et quicquid dic-
turus aut scriptiu-us est, non tan turn visitation!
Classis subjicere, sed et contraria et saniore doc-
trina, eos quos seduxit, quantum in se, in rec-
tam viam reducere. lUe banc palinodiam non
tantum recusavit ; sed oblato scripto, contendit
causam suam jam a classe fuisse judicatam ac
decisam ; ac proinde non posse Synodum denL\o
scntcntiam pronunciarc. Tandem Synodus, au-
ditis ominum classiuni suflragiis, banc in ipsum
pronunciavit scntcntiam: Christiana Synodus

APPENDIX. 331

omiii mansiietudine et tequitate sua, iit Doctoreni
15elthasarum Bennetum ad sufficientem retrac-
tionem inducat ; ipseque Synodum pro jvidice
competente agnoscere, et articulos satisfactionis
ii Cliristiana Synodo conceptos recipere recuset,
et in hac sua recusatione persistat; auditis Clas-
sium sentcntiis, concordibus suffragiis eundeiii
Doctorem Baltliasarum declaravit iion posse ut
pastorem in Ecelesia lleformata tolerari : ac
proinde ipsum A miiiisterio suo removit, ac hoc
suo decreto removet. Ej usque decreti apogra-
plium Heverenda? Classi de Consistorio Am-
stelodamiensi mittetur, ut ipsis action um
erga ipsum norma sit. Habes prolixius paulo
enarratani banc scntcntiam, ut in ilia s]:)ecinicn
jurisdictionis Ecclesiastica? videas. Veruni hsec
hactenus. llogo Reverendam Doniinam Cud-
wortbam meis verbis quam officiosif-sinic salu-
tes. Uxor mca liberique plurimam tibi precaii-
tur salutem : imprimis ego

Tui amantissimus,
Philippus a Limborch."

17

" Ainstelodumi, 7 Novemb. 16 92

18

'• Fur Mr. John Locke, at Mr. Robert Pawlings,

In Dorset Court, in Chanell Uow, Westminster. 8."

I^ocke's answer, dated Novem. 128, 1G92, page
411, quarto edition of Locke's AVorks.

332 APPENDIX.

" VIR AMPLISSIME,

" Gratissimas tuas eodem die quo D. Giie-
nellonus suas, recte accepi, sed plane laceras, et
pluvia madefactas: quae communis omnium fe-
runt epistolarum eodem die hie ex Anglia alla-
tarum sors fuit. Gratias tibi maximas habeo,
pro labore mea causa suscepto. Sane non id
volui, ut tu amcenissimo, quo rure fueris, con-
tubernio relicto, Londinum te conferres, et ne-
gotia mea expedires : sed solummodo, si forte
Londini subsisteres, typographum, alias fortasse
tardiorem, excitares, ne ulla in officina sua ex-
emplaria historise mese venalia habeat, ante-
quam reverendissimo Archiepiscopo, reliquis-
que, exemplaria c\ me ipsis destinata tradidisset :
alias id negotii amico liOndini degenti deman-
dares. Nunc agnosco solitam tuam humanita-
tem ac sedulitatem, qua me de novo tibi de-
vinxisti. Gaudeo opus ipsum Archiepiscopo non
displicuisse ; judicium ipsius benignum admo-
dum facit,ut mihi gratulor quod patronum histo-
rian meae, quae forte aliorum dentes non evadet,
adeo benevolum, tantaque autoritate pollentem,
elegerim. Episcopus Salisburiensis benevolum
suum erga me affectum dcclarat. Gratissimuin
tamen erit, benigna ipsorum judicia, Uteris ex-
pressa, vidcre : ut contra eos, quibus omnia nos-
tra displicent, si necessc sit, me tucantur. Ab

APPENDIX. 333

honoratissimo Comite Pembrokiensi, iiiillas li-
teras sperare ausus sum : quodcunque tamen
scripserit, gratissimum crit. Si viri cordati,
pra}judiciis non prjeocciipati, et solam spectantes
veritatem, mea non improbent, aliorum judicia
non moror. Animo alfectibus aiit pra3Judiciis
excaecato, ad veritatem aditiis minime patet.
Gratum omnibus credo fore, Inquisitionem
pontificiam genuinis suis coloribus depictam,
videre: Multum vero dubito, an eodem quo
pontificiam tyrannidem animo naevos eorum,
quos ut patres maxime ortbodoxos venerantur,
lecturi sint : et tamen si pontificiorum tyranni-
dem damnamus, illorum recusari minime po-
test. Vidi quidem multorum me reprebcnsioni
expositum : at veritati sincere litandum statui :
nee tyrannidem illam antichristianam extirpari
posse credidi, nisi ipsi radici securis admovea-
tur. Optas ut hac hyeme vobiscum sim, ut
simul habeamus noctes Atticas; et a me sales At-
ticos expectas. Ego vero nihil tali contubernio
prsetulerim, ubi Phoebo ac JNIinervae Dese At-
ticae assidens oracula Delphicis certiora ex utri-
usque ore haurirem, et quid in mea historiA.
jure reprehendi queat, cognoscerem. Interim
quod present! denegatum est, ab absentibus ex-
specto. Radios suos Plioebus etiam in longis-
sime dissitos ejaculatur. Errata mea corrigi

334 APPENDIX.

unice opto : ilia autem acutissimum vestrum
judicium minime fugient. Exemplar manu-
scriptum libri sententiarum ipse tecum loco ni-
tidissimo, ut ab omnibus inspici possit, coUocari
optem: idque satis in fine praefationis mese indi-
cavi, si forte aliquos iv inre^oy^p constitutos ex-
citare possim. Ex te autem audire velim,
quern locum aliis pra^ferendum credas. Epis-
copii vitam jam ad finem perduxi : quoniam
concionibus Belgicis praefigitur, etiam Belgice
conscripta est. Verum poterit ilia in Latinum
verti sermonem. Wetstenium conveni. Joan-
nes Malela nondum hie ad ipsum missus est,
neque se brevi ulla illius exemplaria nacturum
credit, sed citius a te, vel ad ipsum, vel rectt\ in
Galliam ad Toinardum mitti posse. Historiam
Gallorum, qua^ palinodise a me perscriptse ac-
censeri posset, libenter audiam. Videntur illi
locum in historia Inquisitionis affectare. Uti-
nam tandem, vel suo malo, sapere discant ! In
familia tibi amicissima omnia jam pacata sunt.
Omncs te salutant peramanter : uti et D.
Quina, (pii balsamum Capoyvie tibi, tanquam
astmati sanaiido aptissimiun commendat : ego,
ut urbem tibi infestam ([uantum ])otes, vites, ac
ruri te oblcctcs docto otio. Clcricus literas tuas
acccy)it, milii(juc qua? de me scripseras ([uam-
primum acccpcrat iiidicavit. Vale, vir anq)]is-
simc, ac cum laudatissima D. Cudwortliil, j)lii-

APPENDIX. 335

rimiini i\ me, uxore, liberisque salvere. Deus
vobis, nobisque omnibus hunc, quern modo
inchoamus annum, feliciter transigere benig-
nus concedat."

Tui amantissimus,
Philippus a Limborch."

14
" Amstelodami, 2 Januar. IG 93

5

" For Mr. John Locke, at Mr. Robert Pawlings,

in Dorset Court, in Chanell Row, Westminster. 8-"

Locke's answer, dated Jan. 10, 1693, page
413, quarto edition of Locke's Works.

" AMrLissiJiE vm,
" Pert I MAX tuum silentium oppugnare non
desinam donee expugnavero. Jam ultra quin-
que menses elapsi stmt, ex quo Silverius mihi
tuas, brevissimas quidem, sed gratissimas, tra-
didit : promittis mihi prolixiores ; sed licet ego
mox rescripserim, et postea alteras ad te dede-
rim literas, nihil literarum exinde a te accepi.
Tantas dilationis causam occupationibus tuis,
licet gravioribus, imputare nequeo. Rus ex
urbe reverso, vel amica hora superfuit, etiani
occupatissimo, optanti amico scribendi epis-
tolam. Quid itaque aliud conchidam, nisi te
adversa detineri valetudine ? Ea cura me plane
sollicitum habct : quare si vivas et valeas, liac
quseso me soUicitudine libera. D. Clericus mihi

336 APPENDIX.

bis urbe h te saluteni dixit : veriim et jam A,
pluribus hebdomadibus ille nullas a te literas
habiiit, quod non mirabatur : valde autem mi-
rabatur, nullas ad me pervenisse. Aberrasse
tuas literas non credo : non enim qu^e ad me
ex Anglia mittuntur aberrasse solent. Itaque
unice de valetudine tua sollicitus sum. 'Res
est soUiciti plena timoris amor.' Pr^esertim
cum responsum tuum ad duo flagitaverim : de
editione Bibliorum Castellionis, quam bic ele-
gantem et plenam meditantur bibliopolee qui-
dam : et de obitu doctissimi Spenseri, ad quern
si vivat mihi necessario scribendum est : et in-
officiosus sim ac cessator, si falsus de morte
illius ad nos rumor perlatus est, quod viro
magno hactenus nihil responderim. Expecta-
veram accuratum ac sincerum tuum de historic
Inquisitionis, jam proculdubio ad finem a te
perlecta, judicium. Lipsienses in actis suis
illius jam mentionem fecerunt : generatim qu^e-
dam dixere in illius laudem, recensent satis pro-
lixe librum primum, nihil autem (quod miratus
fui) carpunt. An tamcn placeat i])sis TrappTj^ta
mira, ac librum de actionibus quorundam pa-
trum judiciiuTi, valde dubito. Mihi satis est
qu()d rc])rchendere non audcant. Verum nee
ab illorum judicio pendet causa libertatis ; ali-
orum requirit patrociiiium, (pii, nullius addicti
jurare in verba magistri, absque pncjiulicio ac

Af^l'KNDlX. 337

]Kirtiiiin studio, omnia aiquu lance ponderant.
Quare tiiuin flagito judicium, quod mcrito me
flagitare posse credo, utpote qui te liortatore
illius historife scriptionem aggressus sum. Ami-
ci nostri hactenus bene valeut. Verrinus rure
relicto rursus vitam urbanam aiuplecti velle
videtur. Credo otium viro, hactenus occupa-
tissimo, esse molestum : hinc est, quod in civitate
se ad quietem componere nequeat, sed de novo
praxim exerceat. Vivit ct valet, et post nup-
tias valetudo ipsi videtur reddita confirmatior.
Filia mea jam octiduum febri continua, qu£e
suos habet paroxysmos, laborat : spcs tamen
blanda nobis affulget, ipsam convalituram.
Alias omnes jam bene valemus. Salutant te
quam amicissime omnes mei. Salutem pluri-
mam a me rogo dicas D^^e Cudworthae, cui
omnia servitia humillime offero. Vale, vir
amplissime, ac persevera in amore

Tui amantissimi,

P. A. Ll!\rRORCH."

19
" Amstelodami, 10 Novcinh. IG 93.

5

" For Mr. John Locke, at Mr. Robert Pawlings,

in Dorset Court, in Chanell-row, Westminster. 8."

Locke's answer, page 413, quarto edition of
Locke's Works.

vor,. IT. z

338 APPENDIX.

" VIR AMPI.TSSIME,

" Ulti.ai^ tu£e, quibiis te recte valere scri-
bis, non mediocriter me exbilarariint. Omniiio
enim sinistra quasdam de valetiidine tua me-
tuebam. De amicitia tua certus eram, nee in
ea vel minimum suboriri posse friguseuhmi
persuasissimus sum. Verum cum D. Clericus
negaret ad se quicquam de Spenseri obitu
scriptum, in ej usque Uteris te brevi ad me
scripturum indicares, jamque plures elabuntur
bebdomadfE, nuUusque amicorum ne tenuem
quidem de te rumorem audiret, quid aliud sus-
picari potui nisi morbum, ipse ignarus plurima-
rum qufe te detinerent occupationum ? Interim
securum te esse volo de literis tuis ad Clericum
datis : postremas cum inclusis Comitis Pem-
brokiensis bene illi esse traditas certo scio ; nam
ipse statim literas Comitis mibi ostendit. Gra-
tias tibi maximas ago, quod molestissimum ilhmi
laborcm, bistoriam meam Inquisitionis perle-
gendi, devoraveris. Encomia tua scutum mibi
crunt, quo aliornm, si qui exsurgant, crimina-
tiones retundam. IMallcm tamen cpo le<j:erc
censuras tuas, quas ab erudita et amica manu
profecturas scio, et per quas multum proficere
possem. Kgo (piideni defcctus abquot liisto-
ria? mcae video: scd quod tollcre non potui.

APl'ENDIX. 339

Aliqua qiue inserta euperem, pauca tamen, post
editionem in quibusdam autoribiis antea inihi
non visis, reperi. Sed ilia intcgritati historiae
nihil obsunt : solummodo circumstantias quas-
dam exactius narrant. Sed aliud est majoris
nioDienti. Tota liistoria contexta est ex auto-
rum testimoniis : niliil ego ad earn contuli,
prseter solam methodum. Hsec si placet, est
quod milii gratidor. Potuisset historia esse
uberior et concinnior, si uno filo, et eodem stilo
conscripta fuisset. A^erum consultiiis duxi ipsa
autorum quos consului verba exbibere, licet in
majorem historia excresceret molem ; quia multa
adeo sunt torva et atrocia, ut nisi ipsa doctorum
pontificiorum verba adscripta fuissent, fidein
vix invenissent. JNIalui itaque prolixior esse,
quam alicui calumniandi ansam prabere, quam,
si meis verbis usus fuissem, fortassis aliqui arri-
puissent, meque criminandi, quod quasdam mi-
nus vera ipsis adscripsissem. Nunc ipsa auto-
rum verba posui, et in margine autores ad-
scripsi, ut unicuique de fide mea constare possit.
Interim rem mihi longe gratissimam feceris, si
quicquid censura judicaveris, mihi ])ersciibas,
ut id in cxemplari novo emendem. P^.go quic-
quid mihi in autoribus quibusdam a me pra^te-
ritum occurrit, in eodem exemplari annoto, et

z 2

340 APPENDIX.

singula suis locis insero, si forte aliquando usui
esse possit ; et si non aliis, niihi saltern usui est.
Penultimas meas per juvenem Hibernum, doc-
tum sane, ingeniique admodum moderati, ad te
misi, quas ilium tibi tradidisse nihil dubito, quia
maximo te videndi desiderio flagrabat. Nihil
tamen post ejus discessum de ipso audivi. Ha-
buit etiam Uteris a me ad Reverendissimum
Archiepiscopum, quibus pro libro mihi misso
gratias ago. Judicium tuum de editione nova
Bibliorum Castellionis bibliopolee Stulma indi-
cavi : nunc ipsius est decernere quid e re sua
fore crediderit. Vellem ego novam illam edi-
tionem videre. Sed nee minus videre cupiam
Harmoniam Evangelicam doctissimi Toinardi.
Non possum quin obnix^ te orem, ne patiaris
tantum thesaurum post obitum tuum negligi,
aut interire ; sed ilium fideli alicui amico com-
mendes, cujus opera, si non vivo, saltem mor-
tuo autem, lucem adspiciat : autor enim ipse
moras sine fine, nectit, et citius elephas pareret,
quam ipse hunc suum fcetum. Filia mea jam
multiim convaluit ; continua febris dcpcrit;
quotidic tamen aliquos scntit paroxysmos, qui-
bus Integra sanitatis recuperatio rctardatur.
Spero et illos brcvi cessaturos. Omnes te amici
salutant, imprimis uxor mea, liberique. Salu-

APPENDIX. 341

tern rogo dicas D. Cudvvorthse, cui, uti et tibi,
omnia faiista precor.

Tui amantissimus,

P. A LiMBORCII."

16

" Amstelodami, -i Decemb. 16 93.

14

"For Mr. John Locke, al Mr. Robert Pawling's,

in Dorset Court, Chanell Row, Westminster. 8."

Locke's answer, dated 13 Jan. 1694, page 414,
quarto edition of Locke's Works.

" VIR AMPLISSIME,

" Ultimas tuas 13 Januar. hujus anni scrip-
tas 14 Febr. accepi. Binas aut ternas exinde
ad te misi. Nihil hactenus responsi tuli. Sta-
tim aliquoties alias addem, ut pertinax tuum
expugnarem silentium : verum, quoniam Theo-
logize uiese Christiana? editio altera sub prelo
erat, expectandunn duxi, donee ea prodiret :
quare nee jam scripsissem, quoniam per otium
prolixiores, quas tibi destinaveram, jam scribere
hand vacat; verimi ([uoniam Jurisconsultus
Grevius has ad me misit, quibus alias D. Pro-
fessoris Graevii inclusas ait, eas diutius apud me
hserere nolui. Intra paucos alias a me expecta

342 APPENDIX.

prolixiores, vit sic tttdiosa verbosissimaruiii lite-
rarum lectione nimis diuturni silentii poeiiam
luas. Intra paiicos dies alteram Theologise meas
editionem absolutam fore spero, Paucissima
qugedam emeiidavi : et pauca addidi : si limatis-
simum tuum judicium hie coram audire licuis-
set, plura, a te monitus, emendare potuissem.
Masnam tameii mutationem in secunda edi-
tione extare nolui, ut idem esset liber ubique
appareat. Volui jam diu accuratani tibi scri-
bere historiam colloquii mei cum puella, qua? de
relio'ionis Christianas veritate dubia ac vacillans
ad Judaismum tota inclinabat. Res est per
totam nostrum patriam vidgatissima. Faucis
dicam me in ea deprehendisse tantum ingenii
acumen, judicii solertiam, argumentandi dexte-
ritatem, et indefessam variorum librorum tarn
in 'riicol(\gia, quam philosophia, lectionem, ut
credi vix possit. Annos nata est viginti duos,
sed ea judicii inaturitate, ut adultos et in scholis
exercitatos longe superet. Ccssit ilia rationibus
meis, et Jesum Christinn suum Servatorem in-
genue professa est. Jam plura cum ipsa col-
loquia instituerant tres ex pr.Tcipuis hujus ci-
vitatis miuistris Kcclesia; Contnu-emonstran-
tium, cujus ipsa mcmbrum est : veriim sine
fine; neve miruin, (|Uoniam disputationem in-

APPENDIX. 343

clioarunt adjuiietioiie dogmatis de SS. Trinitate
et qiiidem locis e A^et. Test, depromptis : quod-
qiie magis mirerc, Judaeis ill! us crcdendi iicces-
sitatem ex Vet. Test, fuisse irapositam urgebaiit.
Ilia facile omnia ejusmodi argumenta elusit.
Ego ad eaiii vocatus, longe alia, methodo sum
usus, eadem nimiruni qua Don Balthasarum
oppugnavi : prius nempe historiae Novi Testa-
ment!, ac pra^cipue resurrectionis dominica?, ac

missionis Spiritus S adstruxi, iis argu-

mentis, quibus se nihil solidi opponere posse, ac
proinde quibus se persuasam ingenue fassa est.
Exinde prophetias omnes in Vet. Test, suum
in historia Novi Testamenti complementum
habere probavi : quod, adstructa prius Evangelii
veritate, mihi difficile non fuit. Jam multo
quam antea in religione Christiana confirmatior,

mecum quandoque de Ve-

rum finiendum mihi est : aUas plura et ex-

actiora scribam : nunc de

plane ignarum nolui. Indignantur mihi, (pios

maximas mihi gratias : quasi

in sui ignominiam cedat, puellam, quam i])si
suis ineptis argumentis alieniorem quotidie
ab Evangelio reddebant, meis argumentis ac
methodo cessisse. Alii tamen inter ipsos me-
liora de me loquuntur. A^erum finiendum est.

344 APPENDIX.

Vale, vir amplissime. Saluta officiosissime meis
verbis D. Cudwortham.

Tin amantissimus,

P. A LlMBORCH."

" For Mr. John Locke, at Mr. Robert Pawlings, in
Dorset Court in Chanell Row, Westminster."

The omissions in this letter (where the dotted
lines occur) are occasioned by damage in the
orie-inal. Locke's answer, dated Dec. 11, l694f,
page 416, quarto edition of Locke's Works.

In the jMonthly Repository for 1818, in a
note to the correspondence between Locke and
Limborch, page 479, it is said that there w^as a
letter of the date of 1694, on an interesting
subject, as appears by the following account in
Le Clerc's oration for Limborch, a small part of
which only has been published, page 418, 8vo
edition of Locke.

" In 1694 an accident hajipened which,
in tlie opinion of all equitable judges, made
wonderfully for the honour of Limborch, and
of tlic Remonstrant divinity. I shall relate it
the more nakedly, because the person who was
principally concerned in it is since dead. She
was a young gcntlcwomau in this city, of

APPENDIX. 345

twenty-two years of age, wlio took a fancy to
learn Hebrew of a Jew, and was by this oppor-
tiniity gradually seduced by liim into a resolu-
tion of quitting the Christian for the Jewish
relioion. Her mother, when she came to under-
stand it, employed several divines to dissuade
her from that unhappy design, but all in vain,
for their arguments had no other influence tlian
to confirm her still more in Judaism ; because
they went to prove Christianity a jwiori, as
philosophers speak, omitting generally the
authority of the New Testament ; and to the
passages which they quoted from the Old, she re-
turned the common answ^ers of the Jews, which
she had been taught; nor were they able to make
any reply wliich could give her satisfaction.

" While the young lady, who was otherwise
mistress of sense enough, w^as in the midst of
this perplexity, M. Veen, whom I mentioned
before, happened to be sent for to visit a sick
person, and hearing the mother speak with great
concern of the doubts which disturbed her
daughter's mind, he mentioned Limborch's dis-
pute with Orobio, which put her upon desiring
Limborch might discourse with her dauglitcr,
in hope he would be able to remove her scruples
and bring her back to the Christian religion,
wliich, she professed, would be tlie greatest joy

346 APPENDIX.

she could receive. Liiuborch accordingly came
to her the second day in Easter week, which
was April 12 ; and, proceeding with her in the
same way and method lie had used with Orobio,
he quickly recovered her to a better judgment.
For whereas she insisted he should, in the first
place, prove from the Old Testament that God
had commanded the Israelites to believe in the
Messiah ; he informed her, it was proper first
to establish the truth of Christianity, and that
afterwards he would shew her from the Old
Testament that which she desired; as he really
did. In the first conference he prevailed so far,
that she owned she was not able to answer him ;
and at several other interviews in the same
week he so entirely satisfied her, that she had
no doubt remaining. JNIr. Limborch sent the
sum of their conferences in a letter to our friend
and acquaintance Mr. John I^ocke, from which,
if it should ever be published, they who liave a
curiosity to know Limborch \s exquisite method
will understand the whole affair more exactly ;
for the narrow limits of this oration will not
suffer me to enlarge upon it. I sliall only add,
that whatever some may w^hisper, the mother
declared slic thought it was the hand of Divine
I'rovidence wliich brouglit Liiiiborcli into lier
house; and the daughter lierself ever after
honoured him as a father."

APPENDIX. 347

•' ViRGiNis nuper Judaiziintis, et ad fideni
Cliristianam feliciter retracta' Instoriain, (juaiu
])etis,adininuta.s usque circumstantias deductam,
non possem nisi multis paginis compreliendere :
collatioui enim ipsi, ])er quinque dies coutinu-
atae, ultra viginti boras impendi. Sed nee argu-
menta singula recensere opus est : multa enim
paucissimis tantum verbis indieasse sufFeeerit.
Quae te maxim^ desiderare scio, accurate descri-
bam : inde facile dubitationum fontes ipse de-
teges, et qua metbodo alii cum ipsa frustra
disputaverint intelliges. Hortatu Verini nostri
post babitas aliquot a tribus ecclesise publicee
concionatoribus irritas collationes, a matre vir-
ginis illius, mibi antea nunqiiam visa?, ad illam
vocatus sum. Primo congressu, qui fuit duode-
vicesiinus Aprilis, sed Pascbalis secundiis dies,
dixi, intellexisse me, aliqua ipsi circa veritatem
reliffionis Cbristianse dubia esse enata. Fassa
est, priusque sibi de lege JMosis probari'manda-
tam fuisse Israeli fidcm in IMessiam. llespondi
ego : Ex lege quidem divinitatem Evangelii
probari posse ; esse autem aliaargumenta quibus
ilia adstruatur : Dominum Jesum, Joban. caj). v
pliu'a ad probandam doctrinal sua? veritatem
argumenta proferre ; videl. testimonium Joban-
nis Baptistie, miracula sua, et tandem Mosis
testimonium. Consentaneum esse ut prius aga-
nujs de niiraculis D. Jesu ; et lustouia: Novi

348 APPENDIX.

Testamenti Veritas, quae miraculorum Christi
narrationem continet, adstruatur, qua probata
accedamus ad examen vaticiniorum de Christo,
qu£e in Mosi et Prophetis exstant. JMirabatur
hoc meum responsum, credebatque me methodo
lion legitima cum ipsa velle agere. Itaque
respondet, Petrum, postquam locutus esset de
gloria in monte ostensa, addere, quod habeamus
sermonem proplieticum quem appellet firmio-
rem. 2 Epist. i. 19- Regessi ego Petrum utra-
que conjungere : nos Petrum imitaturos : sed
banc esselegitimam methodum,ut primo inqui-
ramus argumenta quibus divina Cliristi missio
adstruatur: exinde siquid JNIoses et Prophetic
de ipso praedixerint. Cum ilia urgeret, si
Israeli olim fides in JNIessiam venturum man-
data sit, oportere ut in lege JMosis id mandatum
exstet, quia omnia qua^ Israeli mandata sunt
lege jNIosis continentur : Kgo prolixe meum de
fide Israelis in Messiam venturum sententiam
exposui, perinde uti collatione mea cum Don
Balthasare feci. Ilia non sine admiratione hoc
meum responsum sibi prorsus incxpectatum
audivit: et hac occasione quorundam suorum,
qui cum ipsil consulerant, rigores incusavit, qui
omnes, non tantimi (icntiles et Judaeos sed et
discrepantes ;\ se Cliristianorum ccctus, Oreo ad-
judiccnt. Kgo arrepta hac occasione prolixius

APPENDfX. 349

sententiam meam de mutua disseiitieiitiiun
Christianorum tollerantia exposui : quae valde
placere videbatur. Addidi (|uid seiitirem de
Gentilibus cognitioue Evangelii imnquam illus-
tratis : tiiin de Judans qiiibus veritatis Evan-
gclica? lucem afFulsisse manifestum est : agiioA'i
tamen discrimen aliquod inter Judajos Aposto-
loruin praedicationem, virtute Spirit as peractaiii,
et miraeulis eonfirmatam, respueiites ; et hodier-
nos, qiubus Evangelium Sccpe ab imperitis et
inidoneis predicatur, quibusque multa a Cliris-
tianis scandala objiciuiitur : quae etiam fiisius
in collatione mea cum Orobio legi possunt. Tan-
dem, ut sermonem meum ad ipsani converte-
rem, et ex ipsins ore clicerem, hie ajterna? ipsius
salutis negotium agi ; dixi, esse alios qui post-
quam jam in Jesuni Christum crediderint, rur-
sus ab eo deficiunt ; tales non posse Christum
rejicere quin simul omnia ipsius beneticia abne-
gent : sibique nihil cum Christo commune esse
aperte profiteantur. Hoc cum legitime sequi
agnosceret, dixi : hie est status in quo tu nunc
es : tu agnovisti Christmn Dominum tuum :
non potes ergo ab ipso recedere, nisi abnegatis
omnibus ipsius beneficiis : si itaque religio
Christiana sit vera, non potes ea deserta am-
plecti .ludaismiun, nisi amissione Eteriiie
Salutis. Quod cum legitime consequi ad-

350 APPENDIX.

mitteret, addidi : quoiiiam nunc agnosceret
quantum ipsius intersit scire utruni religio
Christiana sit vera, necne, orare me ut quasi
chara ipsi esset eterna salus, mecum attent^ et
in timore Domini expenderet argumenta qui-
bus religionis Christianse divinitatem essem
adstructurus. Ilia denuo urgebat initium dis-
putationis esse faciendum ex lege IMosis, vati-
ciniaque pro Messia ex ilia esse petenda. Hie
diu hfesimus qua methodo procedendum sit.
Ego ut meam methodum probarem, dixi, pie-
risque propbetiis duplicem inesse sensum, lite-
ralcm et mysticum : me idtro fateri, literalem
olim suum habuisse complementum, verum in
typo: mysticum in Christo esse implctum.
Cum autem exinde liqueat, Proplietias olim
suum habuisse complementum, licet non se-
cimdiim omnem litera3 vim et tvipynav, ipsam
facile videri, non potuisse olim mysticum ilium
sensum distincte cognoscere, scd ilium ex even-
tu debuisse innotescere : Ita, et nunc seposita
historiae Novi Testamenti veritate, non posse
me a priore demonstrare quis sensus mysticus
sub propbetiis illis lateat, sed necessario pr»-
cedcre oportere probationcm veritatis historias
Novi Testamenti ; qua adstructa, me ex eventu
})r<)baturum, vaticiniis illis sublatentem inesse
sensum mysticum, eumque in Christo secun-

APPENDIX. 351

duni omnem litera? evt^yuuv esse iinpletuni,
Addebani obiter bac eadem metbodo Apostolos
in suis adversiis Judasos dispiitationibus qua?
in Actoruni libro exstant, esse usos. Cum ilia
contrariam metbodiim urgeret, dixi, si eviden-
tibiis argumentis constat Jesum Cbristiini a
Deo esse missiuii, an non in ipsiim esset cre-
dendiun, ctiamsi nee Moses, nee Propbetas
quidquam de ipso pra^dixisscnt. Cutn bic ali-
quatenus bassitavit, ostendi ut fides alicui ba-
beatur nibil aliud reqniri, nisi ut divina ejus
missio probetur, etiamsi nulla de ipsius ad-
ventu exstent vaticinia. Id probavi exemplo
miosis, cujus adventuni nusquam praedictum
legimus; non tamen, c(uoniam missionem suani
divinam evidentibus coniprobavit miracnlis,
Judasi in euin gravantur credere. Hie ilia
mibi narravit, quid multi suorum concionato-
rum de liac materia futiunt, quas mea? sentential
non admodum consentanea videbantur. Roiiavi
ego, ut non respiceret aliorum bominum, qua-
lescunque sint, dogmata et tbeses, sed solum
verbum Dei, sive libros ^^eteris et Novi Testa-
menti ; et mannm meam sacro, qui aderat, co-
dici imponens, dixi : boc esse purum verbum
Dei : eo continetur confessio mea, extra quam,
aliam nullam cui sim adstrictus agnosco: quan-
do tibi probavero, Evangel ium perinde esse a

352 APPENDIX.

Deo ac legem, nihil ultra a me reqiiirere potes :
Sermonemque interruptum repetens, dixi, uni-
cam cur in Mosem credamus esse causam, quod
a Deo sit missus : argumentum autem mis-
sionis divinae unicum esse ipsius miracula. Hie
qiierebatur, aliquos sibi objecisse, unde his Mo-
sen a Deo esse missum ? aliaque plura contra
divinam JNIosis missionem ; addens, sic omnia
possint in dubium vocari, et tandem via pre-
meretur ad Atheismum. Hie ego tam com-
modam occasionem mihi elabi minime sum
passus; et quia ex sermone ipsius deprehen-
deram, quanto in pretio ipsi esset JNIoses, pru-
denter sermonem meum esse temperandum
duxi : Respondi ego : si relicto Christo se ad
JNIosen conf erre vcllet, non debere ipsam mirari,
si Christianus ex ipsa quadrat, quibus rationibus
de Mosis divina missione persuasa sit ? Ego
addcbam, de JNIosis divina missione nullatenus
dubito, neque de Legis Mosaica? divina autori-
tate : de ea vero, etiamsi alia deessent argu-
menta, satis me persuasum rcddit religio Chris-
tiana : sed quando tu relicto Christo ad JNIo-
sen transis, omnia qua? mihi suppeditat religio
Christiana argumenta simul rcpudias. Possum
itaquc ut Cluistiamis qua^rere, qua? tibi pro
divina JNIosis missione argumenta supersint ?
Non cnim, si Clu*istum rehn([uns, certum est

APPENDIX. ;j,j3

amplecteiidum esse Mosen. Quid si enini ((iijje-
ram, cur noii amplecteris JNIahomedis Alcora-
num, cur iion ad Gentiles abis ? annoii tibi ar-
guinenta proferenda sunt, quibus Legis divini-
tateiii adstruas pr^e Alcorano et Gentilismo?
Quid si Gentilis a te petat divinitatem Legis
probari, promittens se, ea probata, Judaeum fu-
turum, an non officii tui judicares argumentis
quibus ille convinci posset eum adstruere? As-
sensit. Itaque aiebara, ego etiam ut Cbristianus
a te peto, qua? argumcnta, si Christum relin-
quas, tibi restent, quibus JMosis divinitatem
probes : egoque in me recipio, me clar(^ demon-
straturum, eadem ilia argumenta validius pro
divina Christi missione, quam Mosis conclu-
dere ; ac proinde si illis argumentis de divina
Mosis missione te rect^ persuasam credas, opor-
tere ut per eadem argumenta Christum ci Deo
missum agnoscas. Sic tandem eo quo volebam
deducta disputatio fuit, quod magno molimine
quaesivi, quia sine hac metliodo felicem dispu-
tationis successum non sperabam. Hie ego
collatione inter argumenta et signa quibus JMo-
sis, et quibus Christi divina missio adstruitur,
aliquamdiu ha^simus, in qua quicquid ilia pro
JMose urgebat, ego certius pro Christo esse ar-
gumentum ostendi. Hic cum diu haereremus,

VOL. II. 2 A

354 APPENDIX.

ego, lit panels absolverem, tandem dixi : Ho-
die est festum Paschalis, quo tota Ecclesia
Christiana resnrrectionis dominicee memoriam
celebrat. Si solidis argu mentis tibi A^eritatem
resnrrectionis Jesu de mortnis probavero, annon
agnosces ipsnm a Deo esse missnm ? Omnino
inquiebat, mortnus enim seipsnm excitari ne-
qnit. Si ergo revixit, a Deo excitatum esse
necesse est. Hie ego prolix^ veritatem resnr-
rectionis dominic£e adstrnxi, et ad omnes objec-
tiones et dubia, qnas qnandoqne objiciebat, re-
spondi. Cum omnia mea argnmenta audivisset,
respondit, hsec optime flnere, siquidem historia
pront ab Evangelistis conscripta est vera sit.
Primo itaqne multis historian Evangelicee veri-
tatem adstrnxi. Deinde probavi libros sacro-
rum scriptornm incorruptos ad nos pervenisse,
ac tandem majorem multo esse certitndinem
traditionis Christianas, quam Judaica\ Cum
prolixi hujus discnrsiis fin em fecissem, respon-
dit : Non possum impraesentiarum argumentis
tuis respondere, sed ea attentiiis considerabo.
Perrexi ego, Festo Pentecostcs celebramus
memoriam missionis Spiritils Sancti in Apos-
tolos : si et illius historia? veritatem tibi pro-
bavero, annon et ea tibi erit altcrnm argumen-
tum, (jno div'ina Jesu Clu'isti missio evidenter

APPENDIX. 3;55

demonstratur ? Concessit. Itaque ego multis
probavi, Apostolos certos fuisse, se doniiin illud
Spiritiis Saiicti accepisse, neque de eo dubitare
potuisse : delude se illiid a. Domino Jesii in
C(i3lis regnante accepisse : tertio, i])sos sua? asta-
tis homines argumentis idoneis de doni luijiis a
Jesu Christo accepti veritate convicisse : tandem
et nos liodie argumentis omni exceptione ma-
joribus de illius veritate esse persuasos. Cum
omnia ha?c argumenta, quae tibi satis sunt nota,
et <\ me brevitatis causa omittuntur, fusiiis de-
duxissem, iterum respondit : Impra^sentiarum
nihil argumentis tuis opponere possum, sed ea
attentius considerabo. Dixi, hoc mihi gratis-
simum fore ; et quando ea ponderarct exac-
tius, tanto id mihi fore gratius ; sed petebam,
ut, quascunque liaberet considerationes mihi
aperiret, ut et illis respondere possem. Hoc se
facturam promisit : addiditque, accusant me
pervicacia^; sed immerito: non certarunt me-
cum idoneis argumentis : nunc tu mihi oppo-
suisti argumenta, nunquam mihi antea objecta,
quibus me impra^scntiarum respondere non
posse fateor : attent^ ea considerabo : si quid
ahcujus momenti contra ilia reperirem, tibi indi-
cabo: si nihil solidi contra ilia reperire qucam,
me convictam fatebor. Ego commendavi, ut

2 A 2

356 APPENDIX.

serio consideraret statum suiim, agi hie iiego-
tium £etern£e saliitis. Laudavi illius pruden-
tiam, quod non temere rationibus meis cederet,
sed eas accurate ac mature nieditari cuperet ;
neque me dubitare, quin quanto exactius eas
esset consideratura, tanto evidentiiis illarum so-
liditatem esset agnitura : quibus meditationibus
si addat preces ad Deum, felicem hujus colla-
tionis successuin esse expectandum. Commen-
davi etiam ut eximium Hugonis Grotii de ve-
ritate religionis Christiauie tractatum, quern sibi
hactenus visum negabat, et alterum, quern ipse
dedi, ex Anglico (cui titulus est, The Gentle-
man's Religion,) in linguam Belgicam versum,
evolveret. Hie fuit primge mese eollatonis exi-
tus, quam prolixius paulo descripsi, quia illis
quaa nunc prolata sunt argumentis proprie eon-
victa est. Duravit hiec collatio duabus horis.

" Postridie reversus petii ut eonsiderationes ad
argumenta pridie a me allata si quas habcret,
mihi aperiret. Ilia ingenue, pra^sente matre,
fassa est, se attente argumenta mea conside-
rilsse, sed solidi nihil contra ea reperire potu-
isse : Fateor, inquiebat, te mihi veritatem duo-
rum miraculorum, resurreetionis niniirum Jesu
Christi, et missionis Spiritus Sancti in Apostolos,
evidenter demonstrasse : agnoseo Jesum Chris-

APPliNDlX. 357

turn ti Deo esse missiim. Ego, gratias me agere
Deo, inquiebain, de ingenua liac confessione :
posse iios mine reliqua collationis nostra? illi
confessioni, tanquam fundamento solido super-
a9dificare, Itaque ut omnis animo ipsius scru-
pulus eximatur, nos jam ad prophetarum vati-
cinia progressuros, meque probaturum, quic-
qiiid a prophetis de Messia fuit pra?dictum, in
Domino Jesii Christo suum habere comple-
mentum. Verum antequam novam lianc dis-
quisitionem inclioavimus, repetitio argumento-
rum prioris diei instituta fuit ; et dubiis qui-
busdam, qiui3Juda3i contra Evangelionira scrip-
tores, et traditionem Cbristianam objicere so-
lent, responsum, multaque jn'ioris diei plenius
paulo fuere explicata. Etiam respondi objec-
tioni quod certi non simus, quo tempore sin-
gula Evangelia conscripta sint : et quod certi us
Judaei de veritate resurrectionis Dominicfc po-
tuissent convinci, si Dominus Jesus se ipsis
redivivum ostendisset. Cum his aliisque ita
respondissem ut se mese responsioni acquiescere
fateretur, ad prophetarum vaticinia transivimus.
Hie ego praemonui non esse a me expectandas
mathematicas demonstrationes, contra quas ho-
mo infidelis nihil quicquam reperire posset :
quoniam, non probata historian ^^ovi Testament!

358 APPENDIX.

veritate, difficile admodum sit e prophetariini
vaticiiiiis osteiidere, ita omnia oportuisse eve-
iiire, prout in Christo impleta sunt ; quia plera-
quejuxta sensum literalem olim suum habere
complementum : sed quoniam nunc historise
Novi Testaraenti veritatem agnoscebat, me pro-
baturum vaticiniis prophetarum majus quid,
piieter id quod olim impletum fuit contineri,
eorumque complementum secundum omnem
literee eve^ymiv esse in Jesu Christo. llespon-
dit ilia se demonstrationes mathematicas non
requirere, acquieturam vero argumentis quibus
nihil solidi opponi posset, qua3que veritatis stu-
dioso sufficiunt. Hie ilia aperto sacro quem
in manibus habebat codice, initium disquircndi
f'acere cupiebat a celebri Genes, iii. 15. loco.
Dixi ego : rogo ut mihi permittas mea argu-
menta ordine quem ipse elegero, proferre. Non
sequar ordinem librorum sacri codicis, sed eum
ex ipsa materie desumam. Itaque iioc ordine
procedam. Prim6 ostcndam, Deum certum
tempus ])r{edefinivisse advcntui JNIessia?, Domi-
numque Jesum tempore priLHlefinito in mun-
dum venisse : deinde pra^dictum esse locum
nativitatis, genus ipsius, ac tandem de matre
Virgine nasciturum. HiEC autcm omnia vere
in Domino Jesu ita evcnisse. llisce probatis.

APPENDIX. 359

cvincam munera ipsiiis, prophetiam, sacerdo-
tium et rcgiuim, ac tandem doctriiui? ipsius per
totum terrarum orbem praidicationem, fuisse
pra?dicta, omncsque illas pranlictiones in Do-
mino Jesu impletas : singula argumenta mea
distincte proponam, ct vaticiniis prophetarum
adstruam. Tibi ad singula quae a me proferen-
tur, liberum erit tuas dicere considerationes :
meum erit, omnes tibi eximere scrupulos. Post-
quam ego argumentandi finem fecero, tu, si
quas contra religionem Christianam babes ob-
jectiones, eas mibi objicies, neque desines,
quamdiu ullum tibi superest dubium : meum
enim est tibi per omnia satisfacere. Primo
ergo, certum a Deo adventui Messise pnedefi-
nitum esse tempus, probavi ex celcbri loco
Genes, xlix. 10. de cujus sensu, et variantibus
interpretationibus quando sceptrum Juda3 da-
tum, quando a Juda ablatum sit, prolixe actum
fuit. Addidi alterum ex Hagg. ii. 7, 8, 9, 10.
et de luijus loci sensu multis actum fuit. Hac
occasione quaesivit, quid sentirem de Templo
Esecbielis. Aperui sententiam meam quam
et in collatione mea cum Orobio expressi, qu^e
valde ipsi placere videbatur. Tandem addidi
locum Dan. xix. 24, 25, 26, 27. cujus sen-
sum cum aperuissem, etiam Judieorum objec-

360 APPENDIX.

tiones in contrariura dilui. Et quia hie multus
eram in dispersionis pr£esentis Judseorum causis
assigiiandis, eamque aliam esse non posse osten-
derem, nisi jMessise contemtum, mihi objectum
fuit, hanc dispersionem fuisse pra^dictam, Levit.
xxvi. et Deut. xxviii. : ex iisque capitibus li-
quere, Judeeos in earn propter defectionem a
lege JNlosis et idolatriam incidisse, et adhuc li-
bera tionem ex ilia Jud^eis esse expectandam.
Ego, quia jam hora octava vespertina erat elap-
sa, paucis respondi, vaticinia li£ec captivitatem
Babylonicam respicere : quod ipsi primo valde
paradoxum erat : paucis meam explicationem
confirmabam : sed quoniam jam tempus afflux-
erat, resque heec magni erat momenti, unde
multorum vaticiniorum explicatio dependet, me
id postridie fuse et clare demonstraturum pro-
misi. Duravit hsec collatio quatuor horis.

" Tertio die sermonis initium feci explicatione
cap. Levit. xxvi. et Deut. xxviii. Argumenta
mea quibus probavi illis cap. contineri commi-
nationem non captivitatis hujus pra^sentis, sed
Babylonicam, scripto comprelienderam, excerpta
e disputatione mea cum Orobio. Postquam om-
nia proposuissem, ilia se iis plane convictam
fassa est. Mox cum attentius ea considen\sset,
ait : I r^ec est genuina Scripturie per Scripturaiu

APPENDIX. 3fjl

explicatio : jam clare miiltarum prophetiarum,
quas adliuc implendas esse liactenus credidi,
sensum pcrcipio, easque jam im])letas esse com"
perio. IjUX hinc mihi magna in prophetarum
scriptis explicandis exorta est. Tradidi ipsi
scriptum mourn, lit ctiam me absente, omnia
loca relegere et expcndcre ])osset. Exinde
Mich. V. 1. indicato priiis litcrali illius sens a,
probavi locum nativitatis JNIessia? fore Bethle-
hemum, Dominumque Jesum in ilia civitate
speciali directione divina esse natum. Cum in
hac probatione nihil desideraret, ad genus Do-
mini Jesu processi. Messiam ex familia Da-
vidis nasciturum ut probarem opus non fiiit,
ipsis Judasis id habcntibus. Solummodo pro-
bandum fuit, Dominum Jesum ex Davide
ortum suum habere. Hie multis actum de
genealogia Domini Jesu, et de discrepantia
inter Matthseum et Lucam, quos ita conciliavi,
ut ilia conciliationi mete acquiesceret. Resta-
bat tandem probanda nativitas ejus ex matre
virginc, juxta Esa. vii. 14, 15, &c. Hic pro-
lixius paulo sensum literalem vaticinii illius
aperui ; atqiie ex verborum Esai£e ive^yeia pro-
bavi alium sublimiorem ac mysticum sub eo
latere, quein in Domino Jesu complementuin
suum habere, veritatemque nativitatis Domini

362 APPENDIX.

ex virgine, ostendi. Sicque luiic colloquio finis
fuit impositus. Habita est h^ec collatio die
Mercurii, duravitque qiiinque lioris.

*' Reversus sum die Veneris, quo die probavi
ex Deut. xviii. 15 et 18. propheticum Christi
munus. Vaticinium hoc Messiam respicere pro-
bavi. Hie multis actum de proplietico Christi
munere, de Lege et Evangelio, quo sensu Evan-
gelium Lege perfectius dici potest : de vari-
orum Legis et Evangelii praeceptorum sensu :
de promissis Evangelii et Legis, et de discri-
mine inter ilia. Exinde ostendi, Dominum
Jesum nihil docuisse aut preecepisse Legi con-
trarium. Hac occasione qusedam dicta sunt
de dogmatibus quibusdan Christianorum, qu£e
Juda^i Legi repugnare credunt. Ego dixi, ea
esse consideranda prout in Scriptura extant, non
prout postea ab hominibus sunt definita, et vo-
cibus ac phrasibus non in Scrij)tura extantibus,
sed ab hominibus inventis, enuntiata. Et ad
ea solum esse respiciendum, qua? Scriptura tan-
quam fidei salviticae objectum passim inculcat.
Et (piantum a(^ dogmata, quorum probatio non
ex \^eteri, sea Novo Testamento peti debet, de
iis non esse disputationem cum .ludjuo inclioan-
dam ; sed, ut ego nunc feci, ])rimum contra ip-
sum (livinam librorum Novi Tcstamenti autori-

APPENDIX. 363

tateiii esse adstruendam, iit ilh\ probata ex ipsis
Novi Testamcnti libris, quid de tali dogmate
sentieiiduni sit, dijudicet: et turn utriusque
Testameiiti dicta inter se conferat. Hic ilia
subridcns, ait : Magiiam mibi fieri iiijuriam cre-
didi, quod mcam, quam concepcram, metboduni
rejiceres : video autem nunc telegitimametbodo
usuui : Nostri concionatores longe alia metbodo
sunt usi : nibil attulerunt ad probandani bisto-
ri8e Novi Testament! veritatem ; sed disputandi
initium fecerunt a dogmate SS. Trinitatis, id-
que adstrucre voluerunt argumentis ex Veteri
Testamento depromptis: Unus h nomine ^'^bt*
pluralis numeri ; et e locutione in plurali nu-
mero, qua Deus in bominis creatione usus est,
Faciamus bominem : (alter vir prius argumen-
tum rejiciebat, sed posterius probabat) ex appa-
ritione trium angelorum Abrabamo facta ; et
similibus. Turn eeternam Filii pra^existentiam
ex verbis Dei ad serpentem, Ponam iniuiicitiam
inter te et mulieris semen. Genes, iii. 15: et
verbis Evse post Caini partum, Genes, iv. 1.
Accepi viriun Jebovam : ita enim interpretaba-
tur textum llebra^um, non, a Jebova : aliisque
pluribus. Tantum abest, inquiebat, ut me ar-
gumentis suis retraxissent, ut me in sentcntia
mca obstinatiorem reddidissent. In tua autem

364 APPENDIX.

methodo legitime procedi video : probata enim
divina Novi Testamenti autoritate, quid de
hoc aliisque Christianse religionis dogmatibus
statuendum sit, ex illo dijudicare, dictaque pro-
plietariim cum Novo Testamento conferre pos-
sum. Hac digressione facta, priorem meum
sermonem repetii, ostendique, Dominum Jesum
Legem Mosis non abrogasse, sed perfectionem
iiitroduxisse, quse Legem miosis diviiiam esse
praesupponit, sed ad cujus praesentiam omnes
MosaicEe legis imperfectiones evanescere debu-
erunt. Hie prolixe satis sententiam meam de
Christianorum a Lege JMosis libertate aperui.
Ostendi etiam quo sensii Lex vocatur seterna ;
et quomodo Dominus Jesus, perfectiorem an-
nuntiando legem, ad cujus praesentiam lex Mo-
sis evanuit, docuerit conscntanea oraculis pro-
pbetarum, Deusque banc Domini Jesu doctri-
nam ratam liabuerit, et destructione templi, et
eversione Rcip. Judaicie confirmavit. Qua^
omnia fus^ contra Don Baltbasarum disputavi.
Hsec collatio duravit quinque horis, et per illam
])]urimum sc in veritate Evangelica confirma-
tam aliquotics professa est.

" Redii tandem die Sabbatlii, quo die actum
fuit de niortc Cbristi. Probavi ex Esa. liii.
mortem Messias et quidom tinupiam sacrifi-

APPENDIX. 3(J5

cium pro pecciito, illo in capite apert(^ ])rcudici.
Postquam de capitis hujiis sensu fuse actum
esset, petiit ut ipsi sententiain meam de sacer-
dotio Cliristi aperirem. llespondi ego : Nos
hactenus sollicite vitatis omnibus quas inter
Christianos controversa sunt dogmatibus, solum-
modo generalem, quse omnibus Christianis cum
Juda?is intercedit, controversiam tractasse : me
autem, si ipsi distincte meam de sacerdotio
Christi sententiam explicem, a via hactenus a
nobis trita defecturum : non enim id a me posse
fieri, quin sententiam llemonstrantium, quate-
nus k Contraremonstrantibus recedit, ipsi ape-
riam. Cum ilia instaret, sententiamque meam
cognoscere desideraret: ostendi triplicem esse po-
tissimum de sacerdotio Christi sententiam : Con-
traremonstrantium, et Socini, quas tanquam
duas extremas inter se directe oppositas consi-
derabam ; et nostram, qucE inter duas extremas
media intercedit. Dixi, quid in utraque scnten-
tia extrema desideremus ; quomodo nostra sen-
tentia omnia aliarum sententiaruin incommoda
evitet. Addidi me rationem salvationis non
considerare in solo Christi sacerdotio, sed etiam
in ipsius prophetit\ et regno. Hisce omnibus
diffuse satis explicatis, petii, an jam vellet pro-
gredi ad munus Christi regium? Respondit,

366 APPENDIX.

Non id esse necesse, de eo enim nullum sibi
superesse dubiiim. Dixi, Quoniam Juda^i ur-
gent Messiam promissum fore regem terrenum,
placere ut examinemus dicta prophetarum, an
ilia de terreno regno necessario accipienda sint ?
Respondit : Non id necesse est : quoniam per
hactenus monstrata jam omnia qu£e de illo
habui dubia animo exemisti meo. Qu^sivi
porro ; utriim sibi ea Proplietis probari cu-
peret, Messise doctrinam per omnem terram
annuntiari debuisse ; idque in Domino Jesu
esse impletum ? Respondit ; De eo nullum
sibi superesse dubium. Tandem rogavi, quo-
niam mihi nulla jam ex prophetarum vaticiniis
restarent argumenta, ut, si quas contra reli-
gionem Christianam haberet objectiones, eas
proferret, ut et illis respondere possem. Turn
ilia ita me afFata est : Dubitationes, quas de
religione Christiana habui, abund^ iis qu£e a
te disputata sunt, omnes mihi sunt sublatse.
Agnosco te mihi probavisse veritatem historije
Novi Tcstamenti, et speciatim illorum duoruin
ingentium miraculorum, resurrection is Domini
Jesu de mortuis, et ctFusionis Spiritus Sancti
in j\])ostolos die Pentecostcs : quod mihi pro-
baveris prophetias Vet. Testamenti in Domino
Jesu suum habere complementum : quod mihi

Al'PEN13IX. 3(57

ostenderis conncxionem Novi TcstaUiCnti cum
Vetere. Agnosco Dominum Jesiim Cliristuin
Servatorem meiim : bsecque jam mihi erit im-
mota Veritas, de qua. per gratiam divinam nuii-
quam dubitabo. Gratias tibi ago pro fideli
tua institutione : rogoque ne coUationes nostras
abrumpas, sed in iis mecum pergas ; cupio
enim buic fundamento solidiorem religionis
mese cognitionem superstruere. llespondi ego :
Deo optati luijus successus gioriam unic^ esse
tribuendam ; me ad summum tantum plantasse
aut rigasse, Deum autem dedisse incrementum.
Atque ita consumta in ultima liac c<jllatione
quatuor horis, sexto a prima nostra coUatione
die optatum laboris mei, Deo benedicente, vidi
eventum. Ex bac autem collatione intima
inter nos amicitia coaluit : ilia me patris instar
veneratur ; ego illam filifE loco diligo.

" Vides bic prolixam collationis bujus bisto-
riam, in qua fortasse inutiliora quanlam consec-
tatus sum : sed ut morem tibi geram singula
amiotare volui, ut totius bistoria3 seriem babe-
res. Argimienta singula non desideras, nee
singula recitare possem, nisi integro conscripto
tractatu. Tum (piid necesse est repetere, qu^
in collatione cum Orobio extant? Quod scire de-
siderasti, abimde bac narratione comprebensum

368 APPENDIX.

credo. Rumor hiijus collationis, etiam me ta-
ceiite, mox totam pervasit civitatem, et sicut
miln plurimorum conciliavit beiievoleutiam, ita
et aliorum contra me indignationem provocavit,
et emulationem, eorum prascipiie, qui irrito
conatu virgiuem illam oppugnarunt : quorum
un us ipsam accedens, cum indignatione rogavit,
quibus argumentis et qua methodo ego in dis-
putando usus essem ? Cum ilia responderet,
ine primo et ante omnia sibi probavisse veri-
tatem historiee Novi Testamenti ; ille max-
imo cum contemtu dixit, hoc nullius esse pre-
tii, utens his ipsissimis verbis : Quid tum ha-
bebas ? Nihilum cum magna cauda. Ilia re-
spondit, se non intelligere quid sibi velit : cre-
dere se, multiun se profecisse, quando de veritate
historise Novi Testamenti esset persuasa. Ille
nihil effectum aiebat, quamdiu a priore e pro-
phetis solids, non esset probatiun ; ita omnia,
prout evencrunt, debuisse implcri : imo alio die
eo usque exorbitavit, ut dicere non erubucrit,
nisi omnia a?que perfecte ex Mose possint a
priore ])robari, atque ex Evangclio, se Kvange-
lium habere pro fabula. Cum autem ilia se
argumentis meis accjuiescere indicaret, ille in-
dignabundus incjuit, jam posteriora tua pejora
sunt prioribus : adeo ut ipsa cum matre, ex

APPENDIX. 360

sermonibus coUegcriiit, maluisse ipsum, iit ad
Judaisinum penitiis defecisset, qiirim ut meis
arsi'umentis revocata ad fidem Christianam redi-
erit. Non etiam sine stomacho rogavit : Tunc
dixisti, Cocceianos te decepisse ? Neqiiaquam,
respondit : sed Cocceianos esse ineptos qui Ju-
dtEum convincant. Illo quasrente an id potest
Limburgius ? ilia regessit, Exemplum in me
babes. Postea mater virginis mibi dixit : Nun-
qiiam credideram, tantam in concionatoribiis
esse semiilationem : Ego nescio qua occasione
fiedes meas ingressus sis : nunquam de te cogita-
veram : Verrinum longe alia de causa advocavi ;
nescio qua occasione tui mentio sit facta : Dcum
te in iEdes meas immisisse credo : a primo enim
quo tu filiam meam compellasti momento ipsam
mutatam vidi. Non tamen omnes concionatorcs
hujus liominis stomachum probarunt: Quidam
satis benigne de me locuti sunt, ingenueque
professi, me pr^escivisse quod collegse sui frustra
tentarunt. Hjec addo, ut et aliorum imuKHav
agnoscas. A'^erum tcinpus tandem est prolixam
lianc narrationem abrumpendi.

" lleliquis epistoUe tuae breviter respondebo.
Tbeologiffi mea^ Christiana? editioncm alteram
jam in Angliam appulisse nullus dubito. Dedi
in mandatis biblio])olae Samueli Smith, ut tibi

VOL. TI. 2 B

370 APPENDIX.

exemplar illiiis tradat. Idem tibi alia nuper
epistola, cujus Marcus Tent, juvenis statura cor-
poris exilis, sed ingenio magnus, quemqiie hie
saspius vidisti, lator est, significavi. Si ergo
bibliopola nondum tibi exemplar dedit, posses
id ab ipso petere. Quin multa in mea Theolo-
gia emendando restent nullus dubito. Vellem
te consultore potuisse uti, multa proculdubio
te indicante correxissem, qu£e nunc a me non
animadversa inemendata prodeunt. Paucula
addidi :. qu£e alicujus sunt momenti potissi-
mum reperies Lib, ii. cap. 1. 3. 6. et 8. cap. xxi.
I 23, 25, et 26. Lib. iii. cap. iv. ^ 3 et 11.
Lib. V. cap. xxxiii. ^ 7. Lib. vii. cap. iv. ^ 7.
Sunt et paucis in locis queedam addita, verum
ilia sunt breviora. Occasione libri hie editi
paucula dixi de spiritibus malis, ut pr£ecipua
libri illius fundamenta everterem : de quibus
tuum aveo scire judicium. Quod aliqui Cal-
vinismum restituere moliimtur, minime miror :
Si ita vere sentiunt, rc])rehendendi non sunt,
quod sententiam suo jiulicio veram aliis per-
suasam cu])iant, sed solidis rationibus confu-
tandi. Si aliud quid lateat, Deus id judica-
turus est. Quo luec tandem evasura sint, dies
docebit. lAhn tui de intellectu humano ver-
sionem Latinam avidissim^ expecto : ex illius

APPENDIX. 37)

compciulio Gallico, quod nobis 13. Clericus
suppeditavit, facile perspicio, quantum exindc
laus in arduis illis matcriis philosoplucis liauriri
possit. Non dubito quin enulitis, quibus lin-
gua Anglicana ioiiota est, gravissinnnn sit fu-
turum, ilium lingua inter omnes eruditos com-
muni, non posse legi. Quanto latius disperge-
tur, tantc) illustriorem reddet veritatem a te
monstratam. Verum ubi ipsum videro, distinc-
tius de singulis judicare potero. Ante menses
aliquot ad te misi Episcopii conciones aliquot
liactenus ineditas, quibus historiam v'lise Epis-
copii praifixi. Nescio an omnia distincte in-
telligas. Varia in ea adversa quibuscum Epis-
copius luctatus est, leges. Scripsit Reveren-
dissimus Bathouiensis et Wellensis, ad quern
exemplar misi, se alicui versionem vitse Epis-
copii in linguam Anglicam vertendam man-
dasse. Itaque fortasse Anglice earn leges.
Unum fere oblitus sum. Scripsi tibi historiam
collationis mese cum virgine nuper judaizante
bene longam. Non repugno quin amicis qui-
busdam pr^elcgatur, apograplia autem ludli
dentur. Cum enim post quin que congressus
penitus omnes suas dubitationes abjecerit, fun-
damentaquc religionis Christiana? nunc dis-
tinctius cognoscat, ct fide solidiore amplectatur

2 H 2

372 APPENDIX.

quam antehac, omniiio quicquid per ignoran-
tiam, sive incogifantiam aiit negligentiam pec-
catiim est, ^eternge tradendum est oblivioni.
Fieri autem posset, ut quis pia intentione ex-
emplum hoc allegaret ad ostendendum legitima
methodo plerumque non cum Jud^eis dispu-
tari, et excerpta ex epistola niea sibi commii-
nicata ad majorem dictorum suorum fideni
scripto suo insereret : ita rei hujus memoria
typis expressa nunquam obliteraretur. Video
autem hie multos non tarn ipsius conversione
gaudere, quam dolere quod meis colloquiis ab
errore suo revocata est, magisque materiam
quserere errorem ejus exaggerandi, quam con-
versionem depra^dicandi. Non enim veriti sunt
passim eam tanquam prassumtuosam, proca-
cem, pertinacem, et simul, quod mireris, insta-
bilem, cuique nulla religio cordi sit, traducere :
quidam eo usque exorbitarunt, ut et atheam
vocaverint. Cum ego, quod vere testor, eam
expertus sim modestam, neutiquam refrac-
toriam, sed niaxime docilem, attentam ac se-
dulam, Deique reverentem : et quod rarum est,
ingenii admodum faeiiis ac prompti, judiciique
peracris ac limati, supra a^tatem (est enim vi-
ginti duorum tantum annorum) et sexum, ac
incredibili veritatis investiganda^^ amore incen-

APPENDIX. ;i73

sam, adeo ut proprio Marte sine magistro plii-
rimos libros evolverit, et si quid minus in-
telligerct indefesso labore illius leetioneni ali-
quatenus reperierit, et assidue ineditata sit, nee
conquieverit, donee omnia distinete intellexerit.
Vix annos nata ([uatuordecim (ut mihi ali-
quoties narravit) solita fuit mane bora quarta
insciis parentibus e lecto surgere, et librorum
lectioni incumbere : quando autem post itera-
tam lectionem sensum non perciperet, aliquoties
quasi desperabunda cum lacbrymis librum e
manibus projecit : post liorani vero nbi puel-
lari hisu se recreasset, librum in inanus resum-
sit, lectionem repetiit, meditata est : et hsec
omnia crebro iteravit, donee*" tandem sensum
assecuta esset. Quod sane exemplum rarissi-
mum est in puella, quae in otio et deliciis edu-
cata credi posset. Quare ha^c ita amicis com-
municabis, ut niliil ex meis Uteris depromatur,
quod ne a malevolo quidem in illius calumniam
rapi possit. Verum tandem tempus est manum
de tabula tollere. Ultus jam sum silentium tuum
probe. Mirabor si non aliquoties prolixitatem
meam sis incusaturus, epistolamque antequam
ad fineni perveneris e manibus abjeeturus. Sa-
lutem i\ me quam officiosissime Dominje ^Ja-
sliam. Salutat te Verrinus cum uxore, necnon

374 AI^PENDIX.

uxor et liberi mei, et me, ut facis, amare iie
desine,

Tiii amantissimum

PniLirpuM a Limborch."

4
" Amstelodami, 12 Decemb. IG 94."

18.

" Post liasce scrip tas tristis me de subita Arclii-
episcopi Cantuariensis morte nuntius non leviter
perculit. Destinaveram ipsi Theologia^ meas
Christianas exemplar : pridie autem antequam
tradi potuerit mortuus est. Ecclesi£E Refor-
matee tanto patrono, tain prudente, perito,
pacisque amantissimo antistite, orbatae statum
doleo. Utinam Deus qui potens est etiam h
lapidibus Abrahse filios excitare, alium nobis
substituat, illi si non parem, quod vix sperare
ausim, tamen vestigia ejus, quantum fieri potest,
proxime prementem ! Ille tibi et Dominse
JNIasham vitam ad seros usque annos producat !
Interim vale.

" Vides hie additamcnta in historian! Inquisi-
tionis. Liber imde aliquot loca descripsi, hunc
pnefert titulum : Speculum Inquisitionis Bi-
funtiiue ejus Officiariis exhibitum k R. P. F.
Joanne des Loix S. T. I). Ord. pra)dicat. Con-
vent. Audomerensis, j)er IJifunt. Diversum et

APPENDIX. 375

fol. Comitat. Burgimd. Inquisitore generali, &c.
Dolaj apud Aiitoiiium Pinard typograpluini
juratum, 1628 in 8. Continet pagg. 791.

" Si per otium licet, velim qiiamprimum cer-
tior fieri literas has recte ad man us tuas perve-
nisse ; eas enim errasse iiollem, nee diu in incerto
ha?rere : quia midta scripsi, et quee in aliorum
manus incidere nolim. Clericus tuas recte ac-
cepit. Inclusas has mihi Guenellonus dedit,
qui famiha? sua? statu m ipse scribit."

" For Mr. John Locke, at Mr. Pawlings, over
against the Plough, in Little Lincoln's
Inn Fields, London."

END OF THE APPENDIX.

NOTES

OP

DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

DURING

THE LAST YEARS OF

THE REIGN OF GEORGE I.

AND

THE EARLY PART OF

THE REIGN OF GEORGE II.

NOTES

OF

DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS,

DURING

THE LAST YEARS OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE I.

AND THE EARLY PART OF THE

REIGN OF GEORGE II.

a

PREFACE.

After the trial of the Earl of Macclesfield,
Sir Peter King, Lord Chief Justice of the
Common Pleas, was made I^ord Chancellor,
and held the Seals from 1725 to 1733, during
Avliich period he noted down in short-liand tlie
principal subjects which occupied the atten-
tion of tlie administration of Sir Robert AYal-
pole. It will be seen, however, that these
Memoranda are very much broken and discon-
tinued after 1730, in consequence, probably, of
the declining health of the writer.

Abimdant proof will be foimd in the follow-
ing pages of the disproportionate importance
attached to German politics, during the reigns
of the two first Princes of the House of Bruns-
wick, who were more interested in the welfare
of their Electorate, and in making some petty
addition to their German territories, than in
that of Great Britain, which they neither va-

a 2

iv PREFACE.

liied nor understood. Many of the questions
stirred up by the restless activity of the Queen
of Spain, and the projects of the Emperor, for
estabhshing a great trading company at Ostend,
to the detriment of EngUsh commerce in the
East and West, perplexing as they may have
been to the JNIinisters of that day, have now
lost the interest that formerly belonged to
them ; but as they may serve to explain some
parts of our history, they are printed verba-
tim from the short- hand memoranda.

There are some curious anecdotes of George
II. and Queen Caroline, and a remarkable proof
is afforded of their early hatred to their eldest
son Frederick, afterwards Prince of AVales, in
the plan which they had formed for disinherit-
ing him in England. The project, however,
was defeated, by the equally inimical feelings of
the reigning King George I. towards his own
immediate successor, if not by his sense of right
and justice

Wherever Walpole is mentioned, we may
observe the good sense and discretion which
distinguislied him amongst the Statesmen of
his own times. He is, indeed, eminently dis-
tinguislied above the Statesmen of almost every
age, by liis love of Peace — tlic first and greatest
of all virtues in a Minister.

N () r E S.

1725. — Tuesday, June 1. Monday the 31st
May being the last day of the sitting of Par-
liament, I was introduced into the House of
Lords, as Lord King, Baron of Ockham, in the
County of Surrey. My introducers were Lord
Delaware and Lord Onslow. Baron's robes
lent me by Lord Hertford. And this day at
noon I went to St. James's, and being called
into the King's closet, he delivered the seals to
me as Lord Chancellor : and soon after I went
to the council-chamber, carrying the seals before
him. The first thing that was done was to
swear me Lord Chancellor, after which I took
my place as such. The King then declared
that he was going beyond sea, and had ap-
pointed a llegency, whose names were then
declared.

G NOTES.

2nd. — In the morning I received the visits of
several lords and others of my friends, and at
noon went to wait on the Prince and Princess,
and kissed their hands. This day I surren-
dered my place of Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas.

The King signed a Bill for establishing a
Commission in Chancery during my absence ;
the Commission was as usual, only the deficient
IMasters in Chancery were left out, and the
Commission was sealed at the seal next day.

3rd. — ^ About ten o'clock I waited on the
King, to have two Bills signed, the one for Eyre
to be Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, the
otlier for Gilbert to be Chief Baron, and as
soon as I left him he went on his voyage to
Planover. And inasmuch as several of the no-
bility were to wait on him to Greenwich, so
that they could not attend me, according to
custom, to Westminster Hall, I did from thence
take an occasion to go privately to Westminster
Hall, which I did this day, being a day of mo-
tions. I here took again the oath of a Chan-
cellor, which the Clerk of the Crown read, and
the Master of tlie llolls held the book.

8th. — News being come of the King's safe
arrival in Holland, the Uegency first met and
agreed to meet again on tlie Tuesday, and that

JUNE 1725. 7

there sliould be a Privy Council every fort-
niglit.

9th. — The Duke of Athol was with my secre-
tary, to desire the names of several persons
might be put in Justices of the Peace for Perth-
shire ; but on talking with Sir R. AValpole, he
advised me not to take them from him, because
he knew by letters intercepted that the Duke
of Athol was in measures with his elder brother,
who is attainted.

12tli. — AVent to Ockham, and returned
JNlonday morning.

14th. — Returned from Ockham, and sat in
the Court of Chancery.

15th. — A Regency, where, amongst other
things, was read a Petition of George Lord
JNlurray, setting forth that he was but eighteen
years old when he went into the rebellion ; that
he stands indicted, but was never convicted nor
attainted, praying the King's mercy : which
being referred by the King to the Regency for
their opinions, we were all of opinion that tliere
was nothing in law to stand in the way of the
King's pardon, and that if he pleased he might
do it. But it was desired that there might be
a more explicit opinion, and what we should
advise the King to do. I said I wished him
pardoned, but I was unacquainted with tlie

8 NOTES.

facts, and therefore could only say, that if the
King thought fit to pardon him, there was no-
thing in law to obstruct it, but to advise either
one way or other I could not, because I was
not sufficiently master of the facts. The Arch-
bishop would not advise any thing in the case
of blood. The Duke of Argyle strongly against
it, because this man's treason was attended with
perfidy, in deserting the King's troops and run-
ning away to the rebels ; and if this man were
pardoned, others would immediately make the
the same application. Roxburgh, Walpole, a
majority were for it ; so a letter ordered to
advise the King to pardon him.

At my desire the Regency now ordered that
INIr. Paxton, who had been employed by the
Council in the affair of the Masters, might lay
before the Regency an account of the defi-
ciency of the Masters, showing to this time
what the particular effects were that were paid
into the Bank ; and the Attorney and Solicitor-
General were ordered to take care that the
suitors might receive satisfaction for their se-
veral demands. This I did that care might be
taken of the suitors in Clianccry, and because
it was not ])r()])cr tliat 1 should be both judge
and ])arty ; that tlic Attorney and Solicitor-
General miglit bring all tilings necessary before

JUNK 1725. 9

the court, and might be the prosecutors in this
matter.

The Duke of Argyle and Mr. AN^alpole
spoke to me to expedite the Commissions of the
Peace for the several sliires of Scotland, which
commissions, as they said, liad been settled
by Lord Townsliend before he went away, and
sent to the late Commissioners of the Seal.
I told them I knew notldnxr of it— nothina"
had been said to me about it.

16th. — INIr. Scroop came to me from JMr.
Walpole, to let me know that the lists of the
Justices of the Peace for Scotland, sent to the
Commissioners, Avere by them sent to the
Crown-office ; and ]Mr. Pynsent, Deputy Clerk
of the Crown, now brought the several lists
for all the counties in Scotland, and the old
lists, and said that he had never received any
orders from the late Commissioners of the Seal
to make out any commissions upon them.
AVhilst we were talking, the IMastcr of the
Uolls came in, and he said that all he knew of
it was, that IMr. Bulkley brought these new
lists to him from Lord Townshend, without any
letter or order, and that being but two or three
days before he closed up the seals, he did
nothing upon it, but sent them to the Crown-
office. I told Mr. Scroo]) that this was not

1 0 NOTES.

the usual way of putting in Justices of the
Peace, that I would look over the Hsts, but
if any were to be left out I should first know
the reason, and whosoever were to be put in
I would have a recommendation in writing
from the Lord-Lieutenants, desiring they
might be put in, and attesting their fitness, or
from some other person of quality and known
integrity. He said Mr. Stewart of tlie House of
Commons should wait on me and give me more
particular account of these matters, that he
himself was unacquainted with them, but tl>ere
was a necessity for the new commissions,
because of levying the Malt tax.

17th. — Mr. Stewart, a Scotch member of the
House of Commons, was with me, and acquaint-
ed me that all the lists of the Justices of the
Peace for the several counties of Scotland had
been settled by the direction of Lord Towns-
hend, by Lord Islay, with the JMembers of the
House of Commons, and that the settling these
lists had taken up three months time. I spoke
this morning with the Marquis of T weedale, and
showed him the lists for Edinburgh, Hadding-
ton, Berwick, and Roxburgh ; he said that no
objection could be made to the men put therein,
only in TIaddington he thought some more
new names might be added, but he would not

JULY 17>.;. 11

add any because he had not been consulted in
it, notwithstanding which he sent me three
names, which I put into the commission for
Haddington.

30th. — An express came from General Wade,
of a tumult that had been at Glasgow^ on the
24th, the day the ?Jalt tax took place, and that
among other outrages they had pulled down
Daniel Campbell's house and gutted it. The
Duke of Newcastle came to the seal wdiere I
was then sitting, in the Inner Temple hall, and
acquainted me of it ; whereupon I told him my
opinion, and desired him to get together that
evening as many of the Regency as he could,
and to have a general meeting the next morn-
ing, and to send out notices accordingly.

July 1st. — There was a meeting of the Re-
gency : present, Archbishop of Canterbury,
myself, Duke of Devonshire, Duke of King-
ston, Duke of Dorset, Earl of Berkley, Earl
Godolphin, Duke of Newcastle. At the meet-
ing, a letter, amongst others, from General
Wade w^as read, in w^hich there was a passage,
that if the commissions for the justices of peace
had been sent down, it might have been of
use to them on this occasion : on which I told
the Regents, that when I had tlie seals, I found
thirty-one commissions of the peace for tliirty-

1 2 NOTES.

one of the shires of Scotland, or rather lists
of names for those commissions, lying in the
Crown-office, and I had been informed that
there had been lists Ukewise for the two other
shires now missing, viz. Peebles and Perth.
On which, My. Pynsent, the Deputy clerk of
the Crown, was called in, and said, that the
Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal had
sent these lists for the several counties of Scot-
land, but had not given any particular direc-
tions what to do with them. The Duke of
Newcastle informed the Regents, that the
Earl of Islay had had orders for a considerable
time before the King went away to settle pro-
per and fit lists for the justices of peace in
Scotland, it being now proper, both for levy-
ing the INIalt Tax and disarming the High-
landers, and that such lists had been made and
delivered to Lord Townshend, who had desired
him to see tliose lists expedited, and that it was
only the hurry of business, just as he went
away, that was the occasion it had not been
done. The Earl of Islay, who attended at my
desire, was called in, and he gave an account,
that several months ago he received orders from
the King, by Lord Townshend, to go through
the lists of all the commissions of the peace in

JULY 1725. I.j

Scotland, and settle proper lists ; that to tins
end he had consulted with the parliament-men
of the several counties ; that those who were
dead, or liad never acted, or had no estates in
the county, they had left out ; that this was the
common method of such proceedings, and had
added men of estates and character in the re-
spective counties ; that the list took up three
months' time in preparing, and was done with
great exactness and regard to gentlemen. On
this, I told the Regency, that though in Eng-
land the Great Seal would be a little more con-
sulted in matters of this nature, yet, consider-
ing the urgency of affairs, if their Excellen-
cies would order me to pass those commissions
of the peace, as now settled, I would do it.
Whereupon they ordered me forthwith to pass
these thirty-one commissions, and also the two
others, if the originals could be recovered again,
and, in default thereof, such as the Earl of Islay
should, from his papers, or memory, or any
other way, recollect. AVhereupon, I sent by
the express that now went to Scotland com-
missions of the peace for Edinburgh, Hadding-
ton, Lanark, and Eerwick, and the others I
ordered to be expedited as fast as possible.
24th. — Sir llobert A^^alpole went with me to

14 NOTES.

my house at Ockham, ami lodged tliere the
iiioht. He entered into a free discourse with
nie about foreimi affairs. That wliilst we
had plenipotentiaries at Cambray, the King of
Spain, being provoked by the French Court
sendino' back his dautjrhter, had entered into a
private treaty with the Emperor ; that the
Queen of Si)ain, who governs all there, was
unmeasurably angry with France, and that she
was allured by the Emperor, by a proposal that
the Emperor's daughter should be married to
her son Don Carlos ; that in this point she
trusted the Emperor, and, believing that it
would be so, inclined Spain to come into the
treaty, whereby the hereditary dominions of
Austria are preserved in the Emperor's daugh-
ters. That the Emperor had invited us to ac-
cede to this treaty, and so to guarantee the suc-
cession for his daughters ; that to encourage us,
he had proposed his mediation with Spain to
settle all differences between us, and particu-
larly that of Gibraltar and Port INIahon ; we
declining to enter into that guarantee, Spain
had now intimated to the King her hopes that
the King would restore those two places.

He likewise informed me of the state of the
North : that tiie Czarina had pressed the King

JULY 172.0. 1

n

of Sweden to let her send lier fleet to Nor-
koping, to be ready for her design upon Den-
mark and Sleswick, and tliat he had been likely
to have granted it, had not we warned him that
if this were suffered, the Czarina would by this
means turn him out of his kingdom, and put
it under the dominion of the Duke of Hol-
stein ; and that to encourage him we were
forced to give him 10,000/. as part of some
subsidies that by treaty we are to give him in
case of a war ; that now all things were like
to be quiet on that side.

He told me also another secret : that pend-
ing the design in France of sending back the
young Queen to Spain, there had been a ne-
gotiation between the Princess and Count
Broglio, the French Ambassador, by the in-
tervention of the late Lady Darlington, for
» Princess Ann to be given in marriage to the
French King, and that the French Court ex-
pected it as a thing sure ; and for that reason,
at the same time that the Ambassador notified
the resolution of sending the young Queen
back, he desired of the King his grand-daugh-
ter for his master, but that the Kino- absolutelv
refused it.

Another negotiation had lately been on foot

16 NOTES.

in relation to the two young Princes, Frede-
rick* and William f. The Prince J and his
wife^ were for excluding Prince Frederick
from the throne of England ; but that, after
the King and Prince, he should be Elector of
Hanover, and Prince William King of Great
Britain : but that the King said it was unjust
to do it without Prince Frederick's consent,
who was now of age to judge for himself; and
so this matter now stood. But that Sir Robert
Walpole had told the King, that if he did not
in his life-time bring over Prince Frederick, he
would never set his foot on English ground;
so that he did not know whether the King,
when he returned from Hanover, would not
bring that Prince with him.

26th. — Received bv Lord Townshend from
the King a warratit to pass a commission under
the Great Seal to Lord Townshend to

* Afterwards Frederick Prince of Wales.

t Afterwards Duke of Cumberland. This is a very cu-
rious proof of the early hatred of George the Second and
Queen Caroline to Frederick Prince of Wales. Tt would
have been fortunate if the separation of Hanover from Eng-
land had takep place then or at any time, by fair means, or
by any means.

X The then Prince of Wales, afterwards George the Se-
cond.

§ Tlitj Princess of Wales, afterwaids Queen Caroline.

AUGUST 1725. 17

treat and contract with such princes and states
as the King should direct, which I accordingly
passed under the Great Seal.

29th.— -The Duke of Newcastle was with me
to explain the meaning of the commission to
Lord Townshend, which was, that the Emperor
and King of Spain being now in strict amity,
there was a necessity to enter into a league
with other powers to preserve the peace of
Europe ; that France and the King of Sardinia
were ready, and it was hoped that the Pro-
testant Princes of the Empire and Holland
would likewise come into it.

Aug. 11th.— At Sir Robert Walpole's ; dined
there with Lord Harcourt and I^ord Trevor.
The end of our dining there was to consider
what was fit to be done with Lord INIaccles-
field's 30,000/. We all agreed, that till the de-
ficiency was known, there could not be any dis-
tribution ; and therefore the safest way would
be to lend this 30,000/. upon the land-tax, and
so it would carry interest, and that interest
might go to the credit of the suitors, in aid of
the deficiency.

12th. — At a Regency, some of the Regents
being then gone, Mr. Scroop bringing a war-
rant from the Lords Justices to s\m\ for strik-
ing 30,000/. Land-tax tallies to Holford and

18 NOTES.

Lovibond, two of the masters, for the use of
the suitors, to be disposed of as the Court of
Chancery should direct, myself, Lord Dorset,
Lord Harcourt, and Sir R. Walpole signed the
said warrant to the Treasury for that purpose.
But at the Regency the week after, this was
altered, because it was said that the first inti-
mation must come from the Court of Chan-
cery ; and thereon, on the motion of the At-
torney General, an order of Court was made
that the Treasury should be desired to issue
the 30,000/. fine, paid in by the Earl of INIac-
clesfield, to Holford and Thruston, the senior
and junior JNlasters, to be by them lent on the
Land-tax, &c. for the benefit of the suitors.

In the month of August, I drew up an order
for obliging the IMasters in the Court of Chan-
cery to pay their money into the Bank, accord-
ing to the order of the 26th JNIay 1725, reciting
or confirming the said order, with additions
and explanations ; the JNIaster of the Rolls inti-
mating by the Attorney-General that he was
willing to join with me therein. 1 drew up the
order to be made by the advice and assistance
of the INIastcr of the Rolls, adding the Usher
to the same regulations as the Masters' were, and
prescribing his fees. Sent it by the Attorney-
General to the Master, then at Bclbar. The

Sr<:i'TEMHF.l{ 17-25. [[)

Attorney-General broiiglit back the order
amended, or agreed to by the INIaster of the
Kolls ; but at the same time he told me, that
since he came from him, he understood the
Usher had been with him, and that he now
wrote to him to desire me to suspend tlie order
about the Usher. I told him this was an inde-
finite suspension. I thought the order was ne-
cessary for the jNIaster and the Usher together ;
but inasmuch as the Usher was of his nomina-
tion, if he would give it me under his hand,
that he was his officer, and it was his business
to look after him, so that he would take it
upon liini to see tliat office duly executed, I
might suspend it for some time, till farther
consideration could be had thereof. This was
about the 26th or 27th of August, on one of
which days I went to Ockham, and did not
return to London till Wednesday night, the
8th of September. Thursday morning, the 9th
of September, JNIr. Floyd, his Secretary, deli-
vered me a letter from him, dated at Belbar,
1st of September 1725, whereby he declares
that he will prevent as much as he can the
Usher submitting to any such order.

Sept. 7th. — Tuesday night, a messenger came
to me from Mr, Delafaye, with ten instruments
from Hanover, with the King's warrant, coun-

/j 2

20 NOTES.

tersigned by Lord Townshend, to fix the Great
Seal to them ; five of the instruments were, —
1st, the treaty entered into by the Kings of
England, France, and Prussia ; 2nd, the first
separate article ; 3rd, the second separate arti-
cle ; 4th, a third separate article ; 5th, a secret
article. The other five instruments were du-
plicates of the same to be executed by the
King of France. I returned back word by the
messenger, that I was coming to town, and
would there do what was necessary.

8th. — Wednesday, at night, I came to town.
The Duke of Somerset came to me, and I ask-
ed him, when he was in the Regency, and the
King abroad, as had happened in King Wil-
liam's time, and the King made a treaty abroad,
whether this were communicated to the Re-
gency or Council here ? or whether, upon the
King's warrant from beyond the sea, the Great
Seal was affixed to them here ? He said, it was
always the custom, on tlie King's warrant, for
the Cliancellor to affix the Great Seal. The
next day, Mr. Dclafaye told me this was
always the custom, and that it would be absurd
to lay them before the Regency, because the
King had agreed and signed them already. I
therefore put tlie Circat Seal to them, Septem-
ber 9tli, in the evening.

SEPTKMBEU 1725. 21

9tli. — In the nioniing, the Duke of Newcas-
tle came to me, mid showed me a letter from
Lord Townshend, that the King and people
there were very apprehensive that the Spaniards
were about to strike a blow against us, and
that they intended to seize our merchants'
effects, and therefore desired that he would
speak to me, and such other of the King's mi-
nisters as he and Sir llobcrt Walpole sliould
think fit, to consider how to be ready against
such an occasion. He suggested that it would
be proper to have fifteen or sixteen men-of-war
ready, with bombs, boats, &c. &c., so that if we
had our merchants' goods seized, immediately
to go and demand, and in case of refusal, to
compel restitution ; to do as had been done in
Wingfield's case in Portugal; and on this he
desired me, after the Regency was over, to
dine at Sir Robert Walpole's : and accordingly
there dined there with Sir Robert Walpole, the
Duke of Newcastle, Earl of Beikeley, Earl
Godolphin, myself, and JNIr. Delafaye. The
occasion of this, the apprehension of Lord
Townshend, that it appeared plainly that the
Emperor was at the bottom of all this manage-
ment of Spain ; that when the Emperor and
Spain made their private treaty, the Emperor
proposed to us to accede to that treaty, Avliich

22 NOTES.

the King refused, it being made without his
participation ; and, in truth, it was so, guaran-
teeing an unknown succession to the House
of Austria. The Emperor, at the same time,
offered his mediation to make up all diiFeren-
ces between the King and Spain. The King
thanked him, but told him he knew of no dif-
ferences but such as, considering the friend-
ship then between them, might be terminated
among themselves, without the intervention of
any other Prince. Some short time after, the
Queen of Spain let ^Ir. Stanhope, our envoy
there, know that the King of Spain expected
that Gibraltar and INIinorca should be delivered
up ; and the like was repeated in another in-
terview between him and the King and the
Queen of Spain. He then asked whether, if
this were not done, the friendship between
them was to be determined? They said, No,
but hoped that the King, considering the ad-
vantages he had by trade and otherwise from
Spain, would make no scruple of it. A little
after he was gone from the King and Queen,
the Secretary of State, the INIarquis de Grimaldi,
let him know by letter, that whatever friend-
ship the King and Queen had exhibited to
Great Ihitaiii, it was still to be taken with
the condition that Gibraltar was restored.
Some time after, Stanhope went to Court, to

SKl'TKMBKll 1725. 23

desire an explanation of this letter, and when
it was they expected the restoration? The
Queen said presto, hien tot hien vite. Stan-
hope said that was impossible, it could not be
done till the Parliament met, which could not
be held during tlie King's absence. She re-
plied, that the King might go over on pur-
pose to hold the Parliament, that the Parlia-
ment w^ould be all for it. He told her, that she
would find herself deceived in such informa-
tion, and that his orders were, to declare po-
sitively that the King of England thought
those places were secured to him by treaty,
and that neither he nor the Parhament would
give them up. This, we afterwards found,
was set on foot by the Emperor, who had
prevailed over the passion of the Queen of
Spain, on her disappointment in France, and
on promise to marry Don Carlos to one of
his daughters. Things running thus so high,
occasioned the speculations of Lord Townshend
in his letter. But this morning, the Duke of
Newcastle received a letter from INlr. Stanhope,
wherein the Queen of Spain expressed herself
now in another manner, and that she did not
mean that the restitution should be done in-
stantly, but hoped the King, in friendship,
would find out some w^ay to restore it to the
throne of Spain. That he told her it was im-

24 NOTES.

possible ever to hope England would give up
Gibraltar, at least not without some satisfac-
tion : she asked w^hat satisfaction ? he said he
had no orders to offer any such thing, or any
instruction about it ; but possibly, if they
would offer the free cutting of logwood in the
bay of Campeachy, some advantages for the
South Sea Company in point of trade, the
continuance of the Assciento, it might be
considered of. We all now present thought
that JNIr. Stanhope had gone too far. But,
however, it appeared that Spain began now
to explain away those demands, which might
possibly arise from the apprehension of their
inability to go into a war with England and
France. However, we all were of opinion,
that there should not be any present prepara-
tion made of any ships, because that would
alarm our own people here at home too much ;
that it was very probable this would blow over,
but that if it did not, and if any seizure should
be made of our merchants' ships, the Earl of
Berkley said he would engage to have fifteen
men-of-war well manned immediately, when
there slioidd be occasion : and we were of
opinion that on any act of hostility com-
menced by Spain, we should immediately,
without more ado, make reprisals.

SEFTEMBEK 1725. 25

The reason of this triple aUiance between
Great Ihitain, France, and Prussia was, as I
take it, this. The Emperor, without the
knowledge of the Kings of France or Great
Britain, who were the mediators at Cambray,
unknown to them, clapped up a peace with
Spain, the general contents of which peace
were, to settle the succession of Tuscany,
Parma, &c. in Don Carlos, according to the
quaclru])le alliance, to secure the succession of
the hereditary countries of the Empire in his
daughters. We understood that there were
secret articles relating to the Ostend company,
to give them a privilege of sending ships to
the South Sea, and that the Emperor would
take upon him to mediate all differences be-
tween the Courts of Spain and Great Britain.
By which was understood, the Emperor's inter-
posing to obtain the restitution to Spain, of
Gibraltar, and JNIinorca ; and the Queen of
Spain was promised by the Emperor, that Don
Carlos should marry the eldest daughter of
the Emperor, and that he should be sent to
Vienna, to be there educated in the German
manner. By this method, there was a pro-
spect of bringing the three greatest monarchies
of Euro})e and Italy into one hand. 13on
Carlos would, by this means, have Italy, and

26 NOTES.

by his marriage the Austrian hereditary do-
minions— whosoever had these, would be fair
for the Empire. The Prince of Asturias is
hectical, and if he should drop, Don Carlos
would have Spain. If the present King of
France should die without issue, Don Carlos,
likewise, then would have title to France; and if
all or two of these governments should unite in
one person, it would be formidable to Europe.

The Queen of Spain being under great re-
sentment for sending back the Infanta Queen,
was worked upon by the Emperor, under the
view of this marriage of Don Carlos, to do
whatever the Emperor desired. The Emperor,
as we understood, put the Spaniards on de-
manding Gibraltar and Minorca, and promised
to manage it so as that they should accomplish
the obtain in"- it.

When Count Staremberg notified this peace to
the King, and offered the P^mperor's mediation
to make up tlie differences between Great Bri-
tain and Spain, the King told him he was very
glad that the ])Gace was made between them,
especially since the terms for the main were
the same as the mediator Kings had proposed
at Cambrav, but that as for anv differences be-
tween him and Spain, he knew of none, and so
there was no need of any mediation.

Si:i'TKMBKi{ 17-25. 27

In the mean time, Mr. Stanhope, our envoy
at Madrid, was given to iniderstand botli by
the King and Queen, that they expected the
King should give up Gibraltar and Minorca,
and do it speedily. And when lie remon-
strated to them that the King could not do it
without his Parliament, and a Parliament could
not now be called the King being beyond sea,
the Queen said that it was worth the King's
while to come over on purpose to hold a Par-
liament, that she was sure, as soon as it was pro-
posed, the Parliament would unanimously give
it up, rather than lose the advantages of trade
they now enjoyed from Spain. Mr. Stanhope
told her she was misinformed, and that the
King could not give it up.

The Emperor's ministers were exceedingly
elated upon tliis peace, and could not forbear
publicly declaring, that now having established
peace with Spain, and made their alliance, they
should be able to manage the Protestants in
Germany, and get the Empire and other
princes to guarantee this succession. This
obliged the Kings of Great Britain, France,
and Prussia, to enter into tliis treaty, with
liberty to other princes to accede.

Thursday, March 10, 1726. —At the de-
sire of Lord Townshend I was this evening at

23 NOTES.

the Duke of Devonshire's, with the said Lord
and Duke, the Dukes of Argyle and New-
castle, and Sir Robert Walpole, where the Lord
Townshend acquainted us, that when he came
from Hanover with the King, as he was at Hel-
voetslues, INIaj or- General Diemar, agent from
the Landgrave of Hesse, had made a })ro-
position to him in writing to furnish the King
with 8000 foot and 4000 horse, upon certain
terms in the said writing contained ; but inas-
much as he had not then the express direction
of the Landgrave of Hesse, he expressed it so
in the writing, and that these terms were sub-
ject to the approbation of the LandgraA'e ; that
since the King came over, the Landgrave had
sent a ratification in form, which was then pro-
duced, and that the King thought it reasonable
to accept this proposal. None present could
declare an opinion to the contrary, but agreed
it to be reasonable, because the King being
by the treaty at Hanover obliged, in case
of an attack on any of the allies, to fvu-nish
8000 foot and 4000 horse, here they would by
this means be ready, and would be a satisfac-
tion to the King of l*russia and to Holland,
who were both desirous to know where these
men would be in case of a rupture. Then the
method of the ratification, or acceptance of tliis

MARCH 1726. 29

declaration of the Landgrave was proposed to
me, because I^ord Townshend had brought tlie
draught of a warrant under tlie sign manual,
coinitcrsigncd by himself, as secretary, purport-
ing the proposition of Diemar, and the ratifica-
tion by the Landgrave; after which followed
the King's approbation and ratification under
the Great Seal. This 1 thought was not the
usual and legal form, because there was no
minister of the King's to treat with Diemar,
and so would be in effect a treaty made by the
Great Seal only. Lord Townshend said that
this was only a declaration under tlie Land-
grave's seal, and that after he had ratified no
minister could set his hand to it, because that
would put the minister on an equality with a
Sovereign Prince ; and therefore the other
Prince only must ratify : and that this was
not properly a treaty, but only a declaration by
the Landgrave, on what terms he would fur-
nish the King with so many soldiers, and that
there Avas nothing more to do than for the
King to show his ap})robation, by a ratification
under the Great Seal. I thought that the form
of this instrument made no alteration in the
substance, and that this was really nothing else
than a treaty, and that there was no instance
wherever the Great Seal made a treaty by it-

30 NOTES.

self, or ratified a treaty which was not first
agreed to by some minister or commissioner.
And thereupon it was agreed that inquiry
should be made in the Secretary's office,
whether there had been any thing of this
nature before ; and on inquiry the next day, it
being found there was none such, it was agreed
that Diemar and Lord Townshend should both
mutually sign the agreement by way of treaty,
and that after such signing, the ratification
should pass according to the usual forms. And
I having hinted to Lord Townshend, that w^hen
I was to be concerned in the conclusion of an
affair, it was but reasonable that I should know
the beginning and the progress, lie did the
12tli of March send to me inclosed the copy
of this matter, drawn up in form of a treaty
between him and Diemar.

Thursday in Easter week, 14th April, I
was at Ockham, where the Duke of New-
castle sent me by a messenger the copies of
Admiral Hosier's instructions for the AVcst
Indies, and of Sir Charles Wager's for the Baltic.
Hosier was at this time saiknl, and AVager
sailed a little after, but before this time I never
saw the instructions, nor was acquainted with
them.

June 20th. — The Duke of Newcastle com-

JUNE 172G. 31

municated to me tlie information given by
Mr. Keene, the 15tli instant, to the Duke, of
the discoveries made to JNlr. Stanhope in Spain
by tlie Duke of llipperda. After the Duke
of Ri])perda's disgrace lie sheltered himself in
Mr. Stanhope's liouse, and, Avliilst there, made
such discoveries to Mr. Stanhope, that he did
not think fit to send in writing, lest they should
fall into the hands of those who might make
an ill use of them, therefore sent JNlr. Keene
to acquaint the Duke of Newcastle with them
by word of mouth, that so he might lay them
before the King.

The account that Mr. Keene gave was, that
JNlr. Stanho})e having pressed the Duke of
liipperda to inform him of the schemes that
had been projected or agreed to by the Em-
peror and King of Spain, either with regard to
the state of Europe in general, or to His Ma-
jesty's affairs in particular, the Duke began
with the secret treaty of Vienna,* consisting of
five articles, and three separate ones, the sub-

* The particulars of this secret treaty of Vienna, related by
Ripperda, are curious, and almost incredible ; they rest on
the veracity of Ripperda. Ripperda was an adventurer;
born a Dutchman, he became a Spanish minister, and at
last retired to Morocco, where he died, having attempted to
establish a new religion.

32 NOTES.

stance of which he dictated to Mr. Stanhope,
who took them down in writing with his own
hand, and are as follows.

Art. 1. confirms and ratifies all preceding
treaties made between their Imperial and
Catholic IMajesties.

2. The Emperor gives the eldest Arch-
duchess in marriage to the Infant Don Carlos.

3. The second Archduchess is given to the
Infant Don Philip.

4. The Emperor and King of Spain enter into
reciprocal engagements to begin a war for re-
conquering the Duchy of Burgundy, Franche
Comt6, Alsace, and all the French conquests
in Flanders and encroachments on Lorraine,
Navarre, lloussillon. Petite Sardaigne, which
are to be divided after the following manner.
Burgundy, Franche Comte, Alsace, and all
that formerly belonged to the House of Aus-
tria, is to be settled upon Don Carlos, and
looked upon as the Austrian patrimony : Lor-
raine is to be restored to its Duke : and Na-
varre, lloussillon, and La Petite Sardaigne, to
be reimited to the Spanish Monarchy.

5. The Emperor and King of Spain do mu-
tually ()l)lige tliemsclvcs and ])osterity, never to
give an Arcluluchcss or Infanta in marriage to
the House of JJourbon in France.

JUNE I72(i. ;j:j

1. Separate article — Tluit in case the present
King of France slioiild die without issue to
inherit that Crown, tlie Infant Don l*liilip is
to be King of France.

2. The Kmperor and King- of Spain do so-
lemnly engage to assist the Pretender Avith
their forces, in order to the putting him in pos-
session of the throne of Great Britain.

3. Is a reciprocal engagement between the
Emperor and King of Spain, utterly to extir-
})ate the Protestant religion, and not to lay
down their arms till this design be fully and
effectually executed.

None of the King of Spain's INIinisters be-
sides himself knew this treaty, and that it had
not been communicated to any person whatso-
ever, except the Emperor, the King and Queen
of Spain, and the Ministers who signed it.

His Catholic Majesty was so earnest for the
extirpation of the Protestant religion, that in
the several letters that had passed directly be-
tween the King of Spain and the Emperor
upon this subject, the King proposed, in case
of necessity, to see the domains of his throne
put up grandexa,s to the highest bidder, and
dispose of all the employments for life in the
Indias to the best purchaser, for promoting
this scheme ; and in one of his own letters, he

34 NOTES.

makes use of these extraordinary expressions,
" Je vendrai meme ma chemise."

July 28. — Received the King's orders by the
Duke of Newcastle, to make Ric. Edgecombe,
Esq. custos rotulorum of the County of Cornwall.

Received also a sign manual to put the Great
Seal to the power to Lord Glenorchy, envoy in
Denmark, to treat with foreign princes.

Wednesday, June 14th, 1727. — About five
in the evening, I had a letter from Sir R. A¥al-
pole, informing me that the King was dead,
and desiring me to meet him immediately at
the Duke of Devonshire's.

I went there immediately, and found that
Sir R. Walpole, on receipt of the news from
I^ord Townshend, had instantly gone to Rich-
mond, and acquainted the Prince with it, and
that thereupon the Prince had resolved to be
in town as fast as he could tliat evening. In
the mean time we prepared, by the Attorney
and Solicitor-General, the draft for proclaiming
the King, and settled the other things neces-
sary to be done. The King, in the mean time,
came to town, and sent us word that he w^as
ready, whenever we were ready to wait on
him. Accordingly, we who were at the Duke

JUNE 1727. -4:,

of Devonshire's, excej)t tlie Duke himself, wlio
had the gout, went to Leicester- House, and
there being joined by several others of the no-
bility, we sent in to the King to desire an
audience: and although the ^Vrchbishoi^ ^^'^'is
present, yet I made a short speech to the King,
.according to agreement, setting out the great
sorrow we were under by the unexpected
death of the late King, and that nothing could
relieve or mitigate it, but the certain prospect
of happiness under his future administration ;
and that being now become our liege lord, w^e
desired leave to withdraw into the Council-
chamber, to draw up a form of a proclamation
for proclaiming liim, and to sign it as usual ;
which being granted, we retired into the Coun-
cil-chamber, and there the form, which we had
before agiTcd upon, was produced, engrossed,
and thereon all the Lords of the Council then
present first signed it. Then the doors were
opened, and the ])eers in the outer room were
desired to walk in and sign it, which they did ;
then it was delivered to the gentlemen in the
outer room to sign as many as tliey pleased.
And after it had been some time out, the
Lords of the Council sent for the parchment,
which being returned, secret intimation was
given to the King that the Council were ready

c 2

36 ' NOTES.

to receive him. Whereon he immediately
came in, and seating himself in the royal chair,
he there read the declaration, that was printed
at the desire of the Lords of the Council : it
had been prepared at the Duke of Devonshire's,
by Sir R. Walpole and the Speaker. After
that, orders were given for the proclaiming of
the King the next morning at ten o'clock, and
several other orders of course were made, which
are to be seen in the Council-book, particularly
one for proroguing the Parliament, being now,
by reason of the King's demise, immediately to
meet.

Thursday, 15th. — A little after ten, I came
to Leicester-House, and the Heralds and all
being ready, about eleven, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, myself, and other Lords, went into
the yard before Leicester-House, and there
the Heralds proclaimed the King, we being-
there on foot uncovered. As soon as that was
done, we went into our respective coaches, and
in the street before Leicester-House the King
was again proclaimed. From thence we went
and proclaimed him at Charing-Cross, Temple-
Bar, the corner of Wood-street, and the Royal
Exchange.

After that I came home, and about four
o'clock got to the House of T>ords, where the

JUNK 1727. 37

Parliament met, and all the Lords present
taking the oaths, I then informed the House,
that I had a commission from the Kinjx to
prorogue the Parliament to the 27th instant,
which was the day it stood prorogued to in the
late King's time. And thereon the Lords
Commissioners seated themselves as usual in
such cases, and on message by the Usher of the
Black Rod, the Speaker and Commons, coming
to the bar, the commission was read, and I de-
clared the Parliament prorogued to the 27th inst.

From hence I went to Leicester -House, a
Council being appointed this evening, and there
several other orders were made, which had been
omitted the evening before, and particularly
the same proclamation, ^vhich had been issued
out upon the death of Queen Anne, on the
foundation of the act Sea-to Annco, for continu-
ing persons in their offices, and requiring them
to take the oaths, according to the said act.

Friday, iGth. — A Council in the evening,
wherein I delivered up the Seals to the King,
who re-delivered them to me as Chancellor, and
thereon T was sworn Chancellor in Council.

Saturday, 17th. — I was sworn Chancel-
lor in the Chancery Court in Westminster-
Hall, and this day I swore all the .Tudges de
novo, and the King's Council, and some of the

38 NOTES.

Welsh Judges, pursuant to tlie Act of Parlia-
ment, Sexto AnncE.

Sunday, 18tli. — Received the Sacrament at
Ockham, to qualify myself.

Tuesday, ^Oth.— Took the oaths in the King's
Bench ; went to Kensington, and presented the
Judges, both English and Welsh, Masters in
Chancery, and the King's Council, who all
kissed the King's and Queen's hands.

Saturday, 24th. — At a Cabinet Council at
Lord Townshend's office, the King's speech
settled. There then arose a question, whether
the Kino' was to take the test on his first com-
ing to Parliament next Tuesday, and the Lords
desired me to look into that matter, and I pro-
mised them to do it by IMonday morning, and
lav what I could find before them, for their
determination.

JNIonday, 26th. — At Lord Townshend's in
the morning, where were ])resent Harcourt,
Trevor, Walpole, Newcastle, the Speaker,
Townshend, Godolphin, and myself, and I
stated the matter to them.

" That by the first Gul. et Mar. c. ii. an Act
declaring the rights and liberties of the subject,
and settling the succession of the Crown, it is
enacted, Tiiat every King and Queen of tliis
realm sliall, on l/ic Jiisf (Idij of the mecti/ig of

.IL'NK 1727. 39

the first Parliament next after liis or lier eoiii-
iJig to tlie Crown, sitting in liis or her ihrone,
in tlie House of Peers, in the presence of the
Lords and Commons therein assembled, or at
his or her coronation, wliicli shall first happen,
make and subscribe the declaration, &c.

As this act stood, there could be no doubt
when this declaration was to be made, viz. at
the coronation, or on the first day of the meet-
ing of the first Parliament, which should first
ha})})en ; that at this time the Parliament deter-
mined by the demise of the King, and there-
fore the first Parliament could not be meant,
but of the first Parliament called by him, and
the first day of the meeting is the day when
the Kino; comes to the House of Lords and
opens the Parliament, and declares the causes
of the meeting, 4 Inst. 7.

That afterwards, by the 7 et 8 Gul. c. 15, it
was enacted, That that Parliament, or any other
Parliament which should be summoned by
King William, his heirs or successors, should
not determine or he dissolved by the death or
demise of the said King his heirs or successors,
but such Parliament should continue, and w^as
thereby impowered and recpiiied immediately to
meet, convene, and sit, and to act, notwithstand-
ing such death or demise, for six montlis and no

40 NOTES.

longer, unless the same should be sooner proro-
gued or dissolved by the next heir to the crown
in succession, according to the first Gul. et Mar.
c. 2. Though the enacting part of the said act be
general, extending to the death or demises of all
future Kings, yet the restriction of determining
the continuance within the six months being-
appropriated only to those who were within the
limitation of the Crown, by the fii'st Gul. et
Mar. c. 2. shows that the intention of the
legislature was, this act should extend no far-
ther than to the persons inheriting the Crown
imder the limitation of the said act.

12 et 13 Gvil. c. 2.; an Act for the further
Limitation of the Crown, &c. thereby enacts that
whosoever should inherit the Crown by virtue
of the limitations in the said act, should make,
take, subscribe, and repeat the declaration in
the first Gul. et. Mar. c. 2. in the manner and
form thereby prescribed.

Anno 1701, 8th March, King William died,
the Parliament then sitting ; they met the same
day, and contiiuied on to do business. Nothing-
was discontinued by his death, but they went
on just as if he had been living, and the 7 and
8 Gul. c. 15. not requiring the oaths to be
af>ain taken, tlicv did not take the oaths de
uoro only before tlie 25th March 1702; tliey

•irM-, 17-27. 41

took the oath of abjuration, according to tlie
prescription of the 13 et 14 Gul. c. 6. which
passed into a law but the night before the
King's death, whereby all members of Par-
liament, as well peers as commoners, were to
take the said abjuration before the 25th INIarcli
1702.

1701, 11th INIarcli, the Queen came to the
House the first time, made a speech, but did
not subscribe the declaration.

The session in King William's time, and the
session in Queen Anne's time, did not make
two different sessions, but one session under
two different sovereigns. If they had been
different sessions, then on Queen Anne's coming
to the Crown, the Houses of Parliament must
separately have begun all things de novo,
which they did not ; tlie consequence of which
was, that without a particular provision to the
contrary, the acts passed in Queen Anne's time
must in law have commenced the beginning of
the session in King William's time, because all
acts commence in law the first day of the ses-
sion, unless a special time of commencement be
limited and appointed. Therefore an act was
made the same l*arliament, 1 Anne c. 8. that
that act and all other acts to whicli the royal
assent should be given after the 8tii March

42 NOTES.

1701, and before the end of the present session
of Parliament, shall commence and begin, and
be taken in law, to commence and begin the
said 8th day of INIarch 1701, unless in such acts
some other time for commencement thereof be
specially limited and appointed. This was the
case of the King's dying when the Parliament
was sitting, and it seems that they did not take
tliis Parliament to be the first Parliament after
the Kintr's demise, but the first Parliament that
should be by him called, and therefore the
Queen did not take the declaration, nor at the
beainnins: of the next, because the coronation
intervened, when she took it.

The 4 Anne, c. 8. which was made the year
t>tfore the Union, was after the iniion re-enacted
by V Anne, c. 7. 6 Anne, c. 7. is entitled an
Act hr Security of her INIajesty's person and
governiieut, and of the Succession to the Crown
in the P.-otestant line ; and enacts that that
Parliament, or any other Parliament which
sliould be thtreafter summoned by the Queen,
her heirs or successors, should not he determined
or dissolved by the death or demise of the
Queen, her heirs or successors, but such Par-
liament shall and is l\ereby enacted to continue.
— § 5. And if there be a Parhament in being at
\\\v time of such demise, but the same lia})pen

jr\i-, 17'27. 43

to be separated by adjouniinciit or prorogation,
such Parliament shall innnediately after such
demise, meet, convene, and sit, &c.

§11. Takes notice, that it might happen that
the next Protestant successor miglit, at tlie
time of the Queen's demise, be out of the realm
of Great Britain, in parts beyond the seas, and
therefore makes provision for the administra-
tion of the Government, and particularly for
holding the Parliament during his absence.
And particularly § 17- that the I^ords Justices
shall not dissolve the Parliament continued and
oi'dered to assemble and sit as aforesaid, with-
ovit express direction from such succeeding
King or Queen.

§ 18. That all the members of both Houses
of Parliament, who are or shall be continued
by this act as aforesaid, shall take the oath, t^c.

171 4, July 9th, the Parliament was pro-
rogued to the 10th of Auo'ust.

Aug. 1st, Queen Anne died : and tlie same
day the Parliament met, and in the House of
Lords they took the oaths, according to the 6th
Anne ; and so likewise did the Connnons, as
soon as the Speaker and they could make a
House.

25th, tlic Parliament j)r(>n)gued to the
23d of September.

44 NOTES.

Sept. aoth, the King came to St. James's.

23rd, the Parliament prorogued by Com-
missioners, under the Great Seal, to the 21st of
October.

Oct. 21st, farther prorogued by Commis-
sioners under the Great Seal to the 13th of
January following ; but, in the mean time, viz.
the 5th of January, the Parliament was dis-
solved by proclamation.

Kinff George did not take the tests at the
meeting of this Parliament. He was not in
England at that time; neither did he take
them on the 23rd of September, which was
after he came into England, and was a meet-
ing of Parliament, because Lords and Commons
were both there when the Commissioners pro-
rogued them. This happened in case where
tlie Parliament was separated by prorogation ;
and on tlie death of the Queen they assembled,
according to the Act of ParUament, and made
several laws.

As on the death of King AVilliam, the Par-
liament being then meeting, it was taken to be
the same Parliament and the same session, so
now the opinion was that it was the same Par-
liament but a different session, the former ses-
sion having been determined by the ])roroga-
lion.

JUNE 1727. 45

Thus, in the act that passed this session for
the civil hst, c. 1. there is a recital of the Soap
Act, wliich passed in the same Parliament, just
before the last prorogation by the Queen, and
it is said to be an Act made in the last session
of this present Parliament ; the nature of the
thing shows it to be another session, just as in
the common case of a prorogation ; and in the
session 1 George, c. 2. in the Act to rectify
]Mistakes in the Names of the Commissioners
of the Land-tax, ke. J 8. the laws which
would have expired at the end of that ses-
sion of Parliament, are enacted to continue in
force till the end of the next session of Par-
liament.

So that this was a different session of the
same Parliament, as the present case is, and the
King did not come to the House and take the
tests ; so that the apprehension then must be,
that the first Parliament in the 1 Gul. et JNIar.
must be, what certainly was the meaning of the
Act when made, a new Parliament called bv
the authority of the successor."

On these reasons the Lords all present agreed,
that there was no need for the King now to
take the test ; but he miglit do it at his coro-
nation, if that intervened before a new Parlia-
ment should be chosen.

46 NOTES.

On the King's coming to the throne, he or-
dered Sir R. Walpole and Sir S. Compton to
confer together about his affairs, and let him
know what they thought fit to be done for his
service from time to time. Sir R. AValpole
seemed so sensible that he should be laid aside,
that he was very irresolute what to do, whether
to retire into the House of Lords and give up
all business, or whether to continue.

But the King and the Speaker persuading
him to continue, he went on, and undertook
what the King expected from him, as to the
Civil List and the Queen's jointure, which he
forwarded in Parliament.

During which time, by his constant appli-
cation to the King by himself in the mornings,
when the Speaker, by reason of the sitting of
the House of Commons, was absent, he so
worked upon the King, that he not only esta-
blished himself in favour with liim, but pre-
vented the cashiering of many others, who
otherwise would have been put out.

The Speaker for some time came constantly
to the King every afternoon, and liad secret
conferences with him ; but in about three weeks'
time, he saw liis credit diminish, and so left
off the constancy of his attendance. Tlie Tories
and others, wlio expected great changes and

JULY 1727. 47

alterations, finding- things not to answer their
expectations, began to retire about the end of
the short session of Parliament tliat was held
for settling the Civil List.

The King, when he came to the throne, had
formed a system both of men and things, and
to make alterations in several offices, as to their
power, and particularly as to mine. About
July 8th he told me that he expected to no-
minate to all benefices and prebendaries that
the Chancellor usually nominated to. I told
him, with great submission, that this was a
right belonging to the office, aimexed to it by
Act of Parliament and immemorial usage, and
I hoped he woidd not put things out of their
ancient course. He told me my Lord Cowper*
told him, that in the latter part of his Chan-

* Lord Cowper's Diary, found amongst Lord King's papers
at Ockham, confirms George the Second's account of the
conversation.

EXTRACT FROM LORD COWPEr's DIARV.

" November 13th, 1705. — I had the Queen's leave to be-
stow my livings of 40/. and under without consulting her.

"June 25th, 170G. — At cabinet. Before it begun, I had
discourse with the Archbishop about disposing of the livings
in my gift, and my having promised the Queen to present?
as she directed, in all the valuable ones ; he said he feared it
would be under a worse management than under the late
Keeper's servants, by the importunity of the women and

48 NOTES.

cellorship, in the Queen's time, he laid before
the Queen a list of all persons Avhom he re-
commended to benefices, that she might be
satisfied they were good Churchmen. I did
not give up this point, but directly desired him
to consider it ; and afterwards, at another time,
he told me that I should go on as usual.

Sunday, July 16th. — I then saw him again:
he seemed now very pleasant, and I gave him
a list of all the Judges, botli in England and
Wales, King's Serjeants, and Council, and other
subordinate officers in the law, in his invariable
nomination, and told him, that as to those
which were not Judges in England, they were
many of them Parliament men, and some now
stood again. So he ordered me to make out
fiats for such of them as were like to be Par-
liament men.

He also told me, now that he had heard that
I liad acted ])rudently in his father's time, as to
the commissions of the peace, that his pleasure

other hangers-on at court, and promised to endeavour to get
that matter into a proper method."

These importunate women and other hangers-on at court,
were probably the first and loudest to cry the Church is in
danger, on every occasion tliat suited their interest or se-
cured their patronage ; and tliey thought the best security of
the Church was to be found in the worst distribution of the
richest benefices in thnl Churcli.

jn.Y 1727. 41)

was, that I should put into tlie eonnuission of
the ])eace all gentlemen of rank and quality in
the several counties, unless they were in direct
opposition to his Government ; but still keep
a majority of those who were known to be
most firmly in his interest, and he would have
me declare the former part as his sentiment,

I did declare this to very few, but 1 did to
Sir T. Ilanmer among others, which afterwards
occasioned me a great deal of trouble ; for he
gave me the names of Sir R. Kemp, Sir C.
Blois, and three others, to put into the eonnuis-
sion of the peace for Suffolk, which T promised
him to do, and intended so to have done in the
November following, when the commission of
the peace was renewed. I showed these names
to the Duke of Grafton, the Lord-Lieutenant,
but he would not hear of them. 1 told him
what the King had told me, and what I had
said to Sir Thomas Hanmer ; whereon he went
to the King, and complained to the King, who
told me of it, and that the Duke of Grafton
assured him these men were Jesuits, and that
he did not intend that sucli should be put in.
I told him I never intended to put in any such ;
but these were certainly gentlemen of quality,
and reconunended to me by Sir T. Hanmer,
whom his Majesty knew to be well affected to

d

50 NOTES.

his Government. But I was not so fond of
tliem ; but if his Majesty did not think fit
they should be put in, I should not put them
in. He told me that I must in this be guided
by the Duke of Grafton, the Lord Lieutenant ;
so I did not put them in.

November 24th, Friday. — Sir R. Walpole
came to my house, and informed me that there
was a treaty on foot between the King and the
Duke of Wolfenbuttel, whose resident, Count
Dehn, was here ; that it was as good as adjusted,
and that Lord Townshend being sick, he could
not attend to it ; and that the King would not
let it be communicated to the whole Cabinet,
but would take the three first of the lay Lords,
viz. the Chancellor, President of the Council,
Privy Seal, the two Secretaries, and Sir 11.
Walpole, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I
told him I had heard nothing of it, but that
whatever the King commanded must be sub-
mitted to. He left with me a draft of the in-
tended treaty in English. I desired to see the
French, because that must be the original.

At this time, he took occasion to tell me of
the great credit he had witli tlie King, and
that it was ])rincij)al]y by tlie means of the
Queen, who was tlie most able woman to go-
vern in the world.

NOVEMBER 1727. 51

However, he ^vislle(l now lie had left of!"
when the King came to the throne, for he
looked upon himself to be in the worst situa-
tion of any man in England ; that that which
engaged him to go on, was seeing every one
willing to settle a large Civil List on the King.
He went with the others, and that the Civil
List now given exceeded the Civil List given
to his father, and all the additions made to it ;
so that this Civil List, which was given with
unanimity, was more than the late King ever
had, and so was a justification of his conduct
as to that matter in the late reign : that he was
now struck at by a great number of people.
All those who had hopes on the King's coming
to the throne, seeing themselves disappointed,
looked u])on him as the cause. All the discon-
tented Whigs, and Carteret, Roxburgh, Berke-
ley, Bolingbroke, the Speaker, Compton, and
Pulteney, were entered into a formal confede-
racy against him ; and if he could once retire,
he never would meddle by way of opposition,
but would comply with the Government in
every thing.

2.5th. — Lord Townshend sent me the French
draught of the intended treaty.

Sunday 26th. — At Court. Sir 11. Walpole
desired me to be at home the next evening, for

d 2

52 NOTES.

he would come and talk with me about the
treaty. The King spoke to me that he was
entering into a treaty with the Duke of Wol-
fenbuttel ; that it was personal to him, and that
he had appointed me a Commissioner. I told
him it was usual to appoint the whole Cabinet.
He said he did not like it. I told him I must
submit to his pleasure.

27th. — I was at home all the evening to ex-
pect Sir R. Walpole ; but he sent me word at
eight that evening that he could not come.

28th. — Sir li. Walpole came to me in the
evening, and talked to me about the treaty, and
that he was against having the Cabinet ; no
good ever came from them.

29th. — This being the day in term when I
had resolved to go to Ockham, just before I
went out, there came a Bill to me by a messen-
ger, signed by the King, for passing the Com-
mission under the Great Seal, to treat and sign
with the Ministers of the Duke of AVolfen-
buttel. The said Bill or Warrant was dated
the 28th of November. 1 innncdiately put the
seal to the Commission, delivered it to the mes-
senger, and fortliwith went to Ockham.

."JOtli. — lleccived at Ockliam a letter from
the Duke of Newcastle, dated November 29tli,
wliercin lie acquainted me that the treaty witli

DECEMBER 1727. 53

tlie Duke of Wolfenbuttel had been adjusted
witli Count Dclni ; and he being very pressing
to have it signed forthwith, the Duke desired
me to be in town this day, tliat so we might
meet, and sign with Count Dehn on Friday.
He likewise took notice, that when I came, the
Commission must be re-sealed, the reason where-
of he would tell me when he saw me. To this
I returned answer, that my constant and con-
tinued application to the business of the Court
of Chancery had brought upon me rheumatical
and sciatical pains ; and if I had any regard to
myself or family, I must for remedy stay three
or four days in the country. And therefore,
I hoped he would excuse my coming this day,
especially when there was no necessity, because
two are sufficient to sign.

Dec. 1st. — Received a letter from tlie Duke
of Newcastle, dated 30th November, letting
me know that there was a mistake in the date
of the full power, and that which made it ma-
terial was, that Count Dehn had writ to his
master, on Saturday the 25th, that the treaty
was then signed ; and therefore the treaty must
be antedated, and the King's warrant, and so
sent me a new warrant, dated tlie 2.5th, to
which I put the seal and returned it. ^Vnd he
told me by the same letter, that on the return

54 NOTES.

of this full power new sealed, they could sign
the treaty without giving me any farther trou-
ble. I received at the same time a letter from
Sir R. Walpole, much to the same purpose.

January 2nd, 1728. — In the evening at the
Duke of Devonshire's, there being present the
said Duke, the Duke of Newcastle, Sir R.
Walpole, Lord Trevor, and myself. The Duke
of Newcastle and Sir R. Walpole commu-
nicated to us that the King of France had
sent orders to Count Rottemburg, with me-
mo'ires or instructions very little different from
what had been desired of them ; and producing
a copy of these memoires. Sir R. Walpole
asked whether any thing was to be objected
to these memoires, or to our assenting to them.
I asked him whether they were not already
gone from the Court of France to Rottemburg
at the Court of Spain. He told me they were.
I then said that our assent was not now of any
great importance. On that he went on to read
them, and asked particularly whether in that
}){u*t of the memoires or orders which related
to the sliip Prince Frederick, that it should be
determined at the Congress whether it was
contraband or not, et en cette discussion all the
pretensions of Spain should be considered, and
the affair of Ciibraltar, or any thing relating

JANUARY 1728. 55

thereto, was included. Wc all thought, both
from >vhat went before and after, that it was
not included. This iilthnatum on our side was
sent from the Court of France to llottemburg,
to JNIadrid, with orders that if it were not
complied with he should come away in two
days after. But before these orders came,
llottemburg prevailed on the King of Spain to
propose a new ultimatum on his side, which
was rather more for our advantage than that
which we sent. And in the evening of Ja-
nuary 19th, a courier brought from France
this ultimatum on the Spanish side. Whereon
a cabinet was held at Lord Townshend's by
the King's orders on Saturday evening, i20th
January, whereat were present King, Trevor,
Devonshire, Argyle, Bolton, Grafton, Dorset,
\Mlmington, Sir 11. Walpole, Townshend, New-
castle, Scarborough, and Horace Walpole, and
all agreed to advise the King to comply with
it. The principal matter in debate was in the
article wherein the pretences about the Prince
Frederick were to be left to the Congress.

There is a general clause, that all reciprocal
pretensions shall be left to the Congress gene-
rally. Whether the pretension to Gibraltar
was included in the general words. The 8th
article of the preliminaries hath the same

56 NOTES.

word, that all pretensions shall be open at the
Congress. But it is plain that that excludes
any pretension about Gibraltar, because one of
the preliminaries is, that all things shall con-
tinue as they were by treaties before 1725,
and therefore the pretensions to be discussed,
must be of such things as are consistent with
the preliminaries ; and though the words here
be general, yet they cannot be construed to
design any thing agreed to before the preli-
minaries : and the whole transaction of the
affair and of this article, shows that it can only
be meant of pretensions for prizes, indemnifi-
cation for damages and the like, and so is
understood by France, the Cardinal having
given assurance more than once that the Court
of France will support us with respect to Gib-
raltar. This was afterwards, with an amend-
ment of mutually laying all pretensions before
the Congress, returned to France, and from
thence to Spain, who agreed to it and signed it.
After this Horace AValpole pressed the Car-
dinal that the powers of the Hanover alliance
miiiht settle between themselves their several
])retcnsions, and to stick to them at the Con-
gress. The Cardinal, \\\)ou the proposal, agreed
tliat tlie preliminary article must be the ground-
work of all our ])r()cecdings at the Congress,

JANUARY 1728. 57

and that tlie union of the Treaty of Hanover
must still subsist ; but he did not seem disposed
to have any particular points reduced into
writing, by way of agreement or instruction to
the respective ministers, saying that as it was
impossible to have the secret kept considering
the nature of the Dutch government, so it
would give an occasion to our adversaries to
upbraid us with having previously settled
among ourselves all points, without having
heard the reasons and pretensions of others.

By Horace Walpole's letter to the Duke of
Newcastle of the 23rd INIarch, 1728, N. S. he
gives an account, that that day he had been at
the Cardinal's at Versailles, where he found
the Dutch Ministers with him, and as they
had desired that he w^ould be present, they
being then to communicate the points they
had received in confidence from the Pensionary,
he joined them, and the said points were then
examined.

These wxre points proposed on the part of
the States to the JNlinisters of France and Great
Britain, as well for the form as the matter of
the future Congress. The first three points
were as to the form of the Congress, the last
four as to the matter. They ])roposed that the
matter should be principally to regulate and

58 NOTES.

settle among the allies of Hanover the points
which created the misunderstanding and dif-
ferences in Europe ; as, with respect to the
Dutch, the abolition of the Ostend trade, and
the not granting any farther licences to the
Imperial ships. And .the sixth point was, that
the treaties anterior to the year 1725, being
to serve as a basis in the negotiations in the
Congress, and the States having stipulated by
the barrier treaty, 15tli November, 1715, for the
extension of those limits, which were regulated by
the posterior convention, 212nd December 1718,
and that that stipulation not having yet taken
effect, as this is an important point, they pro-
posed whether this should not be carried to the
Congress. Mr. Walpole declared, that Eng-
land being a party and guarantee to the bar-
rier treaty, was ready to do what might be
thought proper. The Cardinal said it was to
be considered, whether it woidd not be more
advisable for the States to renew first their ap-
plication to the Imperial Court, for the exe-
cution of these treaties.

Tlie seventli point was about Embden ; that
the Dutch having been in possession for more
tlian an lumdred years, to put a garrison in the
town of Embden, and in the fort of Lierwort,

JANUARY 1728. 69

in. East Fricslaiid ; that if in virtue of any de-
crees given or to be given by tlie Aulic Cham-
ber at Vienna, in the differences between the
jH'ince and the States of East Friesland, or other-
wise they slioidd endeavour to obhge the Dutch
troops to withdraw out of these phices, and put
otliers in their room, in prejudice of so long
and just a possession, wliich is absolutely ne-
cessary for their safety on that side, that they
cannot neglect to maintain their garrisons there
in persuasion and expectation that tlie allies
will, in case of necessity, assist them, and there-
fore they desired to know their sentiments
thereon. If it would be proper to bring this
point to the Congress, or if it be sufficient that
the States be assured of the assistance of France
and Great Britain in the cases before men-
tioned ?

As to tliis, the Cardinal in this conference
seemed desirous to be more particidarly in-
formed of the titles and facts relating to the
States' rights for having a garrison in that place.
JNIr. Walpole was of opinion that the possession
of a hundred years, and the States immediate
security, was strong indication of liaving right
and reason on their side, and motives whicli,
on accoimt of the strict union between them

60 NOTES.

Great Britain and France, might induce them
to consider what will be necessary for the se-
curity and satisfaction of the States in it.

To this letter of the 23rd March, 1728 N. S.
the Duke of Newcastle sent two letters to
Horace Walpole, by Sharp the messenger, the
one private, the other very private, both dated
21st INIarch, 1727-8, O. S. In the private letter
he signifies that it was the King's sentiment
that the Hanover allies should immediately
come to a resolution, not to agree to any thing
at the Congress but what is conformable to the
preliminary articles, and to the several engage-
ments they are under to each other as to any
other power, and tliat he thought that some-
thing of this nature should be put into writing;
and that he thought the Cardinal's objection
against reducing the principal points into writ-
ing might be obviated, and that the thing-
might be kept a secret, it being in effect no
more than settling what particular instructions
shall be given to the ministers of the several
powers ; that the rejecting any proposal incon-
sistent with the engagement that the Hanover
allies are under to each other, or to any other
power, would greatly shorten the business, as
indeed comprehending most, if not all, the
points tliat came properly in debate. ]5ut as it

JANUARY 1728. 61

may be thought necessary to insert, particu-
larly in the instructions, such points as relate
to each power, JNIr. Walpole is directed to take
care to liave those in which his JMajesty and his
subjects are more immediately concerned, ex-
phiined and settled, the chief of which are
already secured by the Hanover treaty and
the preliminary articles, and therefore the Duke
doth not enter into particulars, but only in
general observes tiiat it should be inserted in
tlie instructions, that any proposal against His
Majesty's possessions, and particularly that of
Gibraltar, should be rejected ; and tliat effec-
tual care should be taken to put the trade of
England, France, and Holhuid upon the foot
it was before the year 1725. That as some
points are referred to the decision of the Con-
gress, relating to the contraband trade carried
on by the ship the Prince Frederick, and to
the restitution of prizes taken at sea, justice
sliould be done to the King and his subjects,
and to all others of that nature that might be
carried to the Congress.

As to the paper given in by the Dutcli jNIi-
nisters containing these points, he suggests to
him, that his JMajesty is wilHng to do whatever
the Dutch think necessary for their security ;
and then answers point by point, and particu-

62 NOTES.

larly as to the barrier, that his Majesty is ready
to give all the assurances imaginable to the
Dutch for the execution of the barrier treaty.
And as to the affair of Embden, tliat the King
is willing to give them all possible assurance of
his assistance and support.

In the very private letter of the same date,
sent by the same messenger, the Duke writes,
that though in the paper of points delivered to
the Dutch JNIinisters, there are two points which
cannot well be said to have been any cause
of the present misunderstanding between the
Powers now at variance, and consequently can-
not be looked upon as an object of the pre-
liminary articles ; viz. what relates to the bar-
rier treaty, and to the affair of Embden ; yet
the King, out of his great desire to preserve in
every thing the most perfect luianimity with
the States, has given into it, and hopes that
this great facility he has shown in what con-
cerns them, will procure a suitable return from
them in whatsoever may assist his JNIajesty's
interest ; and that tlicy will stand by him in
regard to any little dispute Avhich tlic King
may have to settle with the Emperor and the
Congress. Tlie points that occur to liis Majesty
at present are, the investiture of Bremen and
Verdcn, and what relates to the country of Ha-

JANUARY 1728. 63

delen. It is certain that his Majesty is very
hardly dealt with in both these cases ; and it is
not natural that there should be a perfect recon-
ciliation with the Emperor till he has done the
King justice on these heads.

Your Excellency will in great confidence
mention these points to Mr. Pesters, and show
him the justice thereof; that as his Majesty
makes no difficulty in what concerns the States,
they should show the King the same regard in
what touches his particular interest. You will
ask Mr. Pesters whether he thinks the States
will come into it, and whether he can take upon
him to answer for it ; and if he cannot, you w^ill
beg of him to write to the Pensionary upon it,
and in the mean time not to mention it to JNIr.
Van Hoes. But if ^Ir. Pesters himself is will-
ing to engage for it, you will then speak of it
to the Cardinal, or otherwise not say any thing
of it to him till you have the Pensionary's an-
swers ; and if our friends in Holland do a^ree
to it, as it is hardly possible to imagine they
should not, you will then take care to have it
inserted in the instructions to the several ple-
nipotentiaries at the Congress.

In the said very private letter, the Duke tells
Mr. A\^al])ole that he was sufficiently apprised
of the matter of Bremen and Verden ; but as

G4 NOTES.

to the country of Hadelen, he inclosed in his
letter a paper containing a particular statement
of that matter, which was drawn by JNlr. St.
Saphorin, the contents of which paper was this.
The country of Hadelen, which was part of the
estates of the late Duke of Saxe Lawenburg,
was taken into sequestration by the Emperor ;
w^hilst the Princes of the House of Brunswick
put themselves in possession of the rest of the
Duchy of Saxe Lawenburg, in virtue of the
right of reversion which they had. The Elec-
toral House of Saxony pretended, that both the
Duchy and the country of Hadelen ought to
come to him, in consequence des expectathes
which the Emperor had given him. But after-
wards, the Electoral House of Saxony yielded
their right to his late Majesty. On the other
side, the Princess of Baden, daughter of the
late Duke of Lawenburg, pretended also to
the succession ; yet neither she, nor tiie I'rin-
cess Palatine her sister, could hinder the present
Emperor from giving, in the year 1716, the
investitures of the possessor of Lawenburg to
his late Majesty. But as to the country of
Hadelen being taken once into sequestration,
it there remains, luider pretence that it could
not be given to tlic King before the Aulic
Council had decided tliis disjuitc by way of law.

JANUARY 17-28. G5

It was to no purpose that it was shown on
the part of his Majesty, that this eountry was
always a part of Lawenburg, and by conse-
quence ought to follow its fate ; and it was in
vain to remember the Court of Vienna of the
promises wiiich the Emperor had made to the
King in the year 1713, whilst he had a great
body of troops at the disposition of the Empe-
ror, that this country should be remitted to
him. They persisted still at Vienna to say
that they would not invest the King without a
previous judgment. The Imperial Court was
tliereon strongly pressed to examine this affair
before the Aulic Council.

At length, after many delays, this Council
examined the pretensions of the Princesses of
Saxe Lawenburg, and those of Sweden, which
made some also ; and both were found to be
without any right, and rejected. And then,
when every one expected that in consequence
thereof the investiture of this country would
be given to the late King, the Count de A\'urni-
brand maintained in the Aulic Council, that
the fief did not belong to the late King, but
was escheated, and by consequence devolved to
the Emperor. This notion caused great de-
bates in the Aulic Council. But the propo-
sition of the Count de AVurm])rand, in all pro-

c

ee NOTES.

bability underhand supported by the Court,
carried it by the plurality of votes, referring it
nevertheless to the Emperor, and laying before
him the reasons of both opinions. Since which
nothing publicly had been done thereon, so that
it is in the power of the Emperor to do justice
to the present King, and to give him posses-
sion of this country of Hadelen.

In a letter from Mr. AValpole and Lord
Waldgrave from Paris to the Duke of New-
castle, dated 30th of March, N. S. 1728, they
tell him, that in order to execute his Majesty's
commands contained in his Grace's and Lord
Townshend's letters of the 11th inst. O. S. to
each of them respectively, they waited on the
Cardinal that morning at \^ersailles ; and hav-
ing thoroughly considered the point upon which
they were to endeavour to learn his Eminence's
sentiments, and the manner of doing it, they
thought it most prudent, instead of communi-
cating to him a French translation of I^ord
Townshend's letter, to make use of Lord AV aid-
grave's taking leave of him, on account of his
setting out the Monday following for A^ienna,
to desire to know his thoughts upon some mat-
ters about which it was reasonable to expect
that the Court of Anemia would sound him
upon his arrival there. One of the points was

MARCH 17-28. 67

about guaranteeing the P'.niperor's succession ;
another was the Emperor's design of uniting
the Duchies of Milan and IMantua, and makin";
them a feminine fief to be annexed to the
Empire.

The next point was, wliether such interests
and pretensions as were only collateral, parti-
cularly those of the North and the Germanic
body, should or should not be considered at
the Congress. The Cardinal seemed to be of
opinion that these matters should be postponed,
and considered or not as circumstances might
require, after things of more immediate concern
should have been debated and settled ; though
he thinks that the affair of the North, and par-
ticularly that of Sleswick, is an object of the
preliminaries by virtue of an article in them
Lastly, they mentioned to his Eminence the
injustice done to his JMajesty by the sequestra-
tion of the country of Hadelen, and the refusal
of the investiture of Bremen and Verden, letting
his Eminence know that his JMajesty would
never make any separate addresses to the Im-
perial Court for his undoubted rights in these
points, being persuaded that Erance would be
equally steady in their engagement to him.
His Eminence said that he was convinced tliat
the Emperor detained these things without

e 2

G8 NOTES.

doing his Majesty justice, in the hope of
obtainhig some particular advantage from it,
and therefore he was very sensible of this mark
of his INlajesty's steadiness and union, and that
he might depend at all times upon a suitable
return from their Court.

May 19th. —At Lord Townshend's ; met
himself, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Trevor,
Duke of Newcastle and Sir R. Walpole ; about
renewing the treaties with Holland ; the Dutch
usually renewing all their treaties with us on
the accession of a new King ; this was only
a renewinjr of the old treaties with an ex-
planation about rehearing of causes of no great
significancy ; and the 27th following, these
treaties were signed by us six on the part of
England, and by the Count Welderen and
Sylvius on the part of Holland. 28th May,
the Parliament was prorogued to the 8th of
August following.

Monday, November. — A letter came from
Fontainbleau, dated 8th, N. S. from Messrs.
Stanhope and AValpole, informing us tliat
Count Zinzendorf, on the arrival of a courier
from Vienna, was much altered as to his coun-
tenance and disposition, and that it appeared to
be his orders not to sign williout tlie concur-
rence of Spain, and that it ap])cared tliat lie
)iad many personal enemies at Vienna, and lie

NOVEMBER 1728. (j(j

intended to return to X'ienna as soon as he liad
a courier from Madrid, to know how the Duke
of Bournonville was there received ; and that
he would go to A^ienna before the Duke of
IJournonville returned to Soissons, and hoj^ed
by his presence to set things right again.

This seems to put a stop to the affairs of
the peace ; thereupon the Duke of Newcastle
sent a letter, dated November 6th, O. S. to Mr.
Stanhope and JNIr. Walpole, that in case no-
thing should come of the Duke of Bournon-
ville's journey to Madrid, from which little
good could be expected, they should forthwith
communicate to the Cardinal his Majesty's
sentiments tliereon, in order to be prepared for
the worst, and to be determined amongst our-
selves what to do in such an emergency which
is likely to fall out.

As the notion of a provisional treaty arose
from the Court of A^ienna, the reason of it was
apprehended to be, that if the Congress went
on, the several grievances of the empire, the
affair of tlie marriages and many other points
W'Ould be brought before them, contrary to
the Emperor's inclination, and therefore his
JNIajesty thought that one way of terrifying the
Imperial Court would be, to let them see liuit
if the Congress should be resumed, these points
would infallibly come into debate, and tlic

70 NOTES.

Allies must have justice done on them. But
the chief point that the King thinks is to be
pressed is, that the Allies of Hanover should,
upon the refusal of the Emperor and Spain,
take a resolution generally, which should be
communicated both to the Imperial Court and
to that of Spain, whereby the Allies should
declare, that in case the Emperor and Spain
will not come into the provisional treaty, as last
adjusted by Count Zinzendorf with the English,
French, and Spanish JNIinisters, and promised
to be generally supported by them all, that then
within a time certain, for example, two months,
the Allies will then break off all negotiations,
and take the proper measures to obtain such
satisfaction and redress upon their several
grievances, and to procure for themselves that
justice which they could not obtain by the way
of treaty and negotiation : this his Majesty
looking upon to be the only means left for
bringing these two powers to a compliance. As
the declaration, in the King's opinion, would be
a right measure with regard to the Emperor
and Spain, his Majesty does also look upon it
to be what his Allies cannot refuse to come
into. Tlic C!ardiiKil will consider that the
King is just upon opening the session of Par-
liament, and had the greatest reason to hope

MARCH 1729. 71

tliut tlie negotiation would by this time have
been finished to his own and his Allies, satis-
faction ; while, on the contrary, matters seem
now to be farther from a settlement than
ever, the Emperor gone back from what his
own IVIinister proposed, and Spain more in-
tractable than it had ever been ; and if his
Majesty cannot have the satisfaction to show
his Parliament that his Allies are still firm
and steady to him, and that if an end of our
present difficulties cannot be brought about one
way, it will another; which will be one good
effect of the proposed declaration. The Car-
dinal will much reflect what will then be the
notion here of France, and of the manner of
that Crown's supporting its engagements, es-
pecially when it cannot be denied that if the
French Court had showed the vigour they
ought to have done, all this must have been
over several months ago, and his Majesty doth
not conceive that the Cardinal in justice or
friendship can refuse this, or that in act or
policy he should be inclined to do so.

March 19th, 1728-9.— Lord Townshend sent
me some letters from T^ord Chesterfield, Am-
bassador in Holland, to Lord To\vnshend, and
his answers ; the first was a private letter from
the Hague, from Lord Chesterfield to Lord

72 NOTES.

Towiisbend, dated 15th ^larcli, 1729; wherein
he wrote that he had been yesterday with the
Pensionary, to know if he had any positive
answer to give upon the subject of a very
private letter of the 20th of February, O. S. of
Lord Townshend's, and that the answer he gave
was, that he had consulted with the Greffier,
and with some few others of his friends, upon
the proposition of concerting a plan with Eng-
land, to oblige the Emperor and Spain to come
into measures, and to excite and press France
to join in that design, but that he found
it was impossible for him to propose it
here ; that they were so sensible of their own
weakness, so persuaded of the inactivity of
France, and so apprehensive of engaging in
measures that may by any accident bring on a
war, that he was sure such a proposal would be
instantly rejected, and with a good share of in-
dignation upon liimself for having done it-
That the only possible way of bringing it about,
was for England and France to join in pressing
the Republic to come into such measures, in
which case, he believed, they neither could or
would refuse, but to act separately witli Eng-
land alone he was sure they woidd never do it.
The Earl of Chesterfield proceeds farther in
his letter to give an account of tlie arguments

MAKCll 1729. 73

that he made use of ^vith the Pensionary to
induce liim to enter into the concerting of the
said plan with England, but it was all without
success. For the Pensionary told him that
he was as much convinced of the truth of those
reasonino-s as Lord Chesterfield could be him-
self, and as desirous to bring the Republic
into vigorous measures if possible; but that
the w^eakness of the government, the private
interest of some, and the reasonable fears of
others, made it impossible to carry it through,
and consequently imprudent to attempt it.
That besides, the stay that the Prince of Orange
had made at the Hague, though but short,
had given so great an alarm, and caused so
much uneasiness amongst the anti-Stadholder
party, that they could think of nothing else,
and they w^ould apprehend that a war would
facilitate the designs of that Prince.

The Earl of Chesterfield says farther in that
letter, that it is impossible to describe the miser-
able situation of the Republic. The disputes
between province and province engross both
the thoughts and the time of the States General,
as the disputes between town and town wholly
employ the states of each particular })rovince.
Private interest or resentment is to be gratified
at the expense of the whole. Present and im-

74 NOTES.

niinent dangers are neglected for the fear of
those remote and chimerical ; and I may venture
to say with justice of this government, that the
utter ignorance of some, the notorious depra-
vity of many, and the private view of all, ren-
der this Republic at present a most contemptible
enemy, and a most insignificant ally.

Of the same date with the former letter, the
Earl of Chesterfield sent anotlier very secret
letter to Lord Townshend, that having men-
tioned in his private letter something the Pen-
sionary said to him concerning the Prince of
Orange, he would in tliis give him a more par-
ticular account of what passed between him
and the Pensionary on that subject, viz. — that
the Pensionary having recapitulated every
thing that iiad happened during that Prince's
stay at the Hague, said, that every body
looked upon his coming there as a forerunner
of his match with the Princess Royal, and upon
that match as a sure forerunner of the Stad-
houderat ; that this persuasion gave the utmost
uneasiness there, and unless removed, might be
attended at the time with very ill consequences,
and that he wished some declaration could be
made, or sometliing done on the part of Eng-
land to cjuiet their fears. That he was inform-
ed tlic I*rince of Orange was to return here in

MAKCH, 17-29. 75

May at the time of the Kernics, and wlien the
troops \vcre to be exercised, and tlie inihtia
under arms. That this would give a general
alarm, and might have a very ill effect with
regard to England at the time, and therefore
desired that his return might be prevented.
The Pensionary, in farther talking about the
affairs of the Stadtholder, said, that when he
was made Pensionary, he was asked whether
he w^ould be for preserving the present form of
government ? That he had promised he woidd,
and though he plainly said now, that sooner or
later a Stadtholder would come, that yet he
would not betray his trust as a minister, but
when that should happen, " // quitteroit la
jxtrtie,'' and retire.

The Earl of Chesterfield afterwards goes on
in the said letter, and writes that the Prince of
Orange's presence at the Hague had had a
much better effect than either his friends could
have expected, or his enemies apprehended.
The people followed him wherever he went,
crying out Long live our Stadtholder! and utter-
ing bitter invectives against the present govern-
ment ; so that with a very little trouble a
tumult might have been raised equal to that in
1672. His levee was crowded with officers of
all ranks, who openly declared themselves for

76 NOTES.

him ; and even those who talked the loudest
against him before his arrival, and declared
they would not go near him, seeing the fury of
the people in his favour, thought it prudent at
last to wait upon him, though with an ill grace.
The great point then to be considered, and by
which that Prince, 1 think, is to direct his con-
duct, is, whether his Majesty intends to bestow
the Princess Royal on him or not : and when ?
If his INIajesty should think fit to make tliat
match this summer, I think it is absolutely
necessary he should return to this place at the
time I mentioned before, viz. IMay next at the
Kermes, both upon account of the main view of
the Stadhouderat, and upon account of his ad-
mission into the council of state in September,
which is a very important point, and a leading
card to the other. For as 1 am persuaded the
Pensionary and tlie Greffier can never be
brought to approve that match, whenever it
shall be made, the scabbard is thrown away,
and the main object must be pushed with vigour,
and I doubt not with success. On the otlier
hand it is certain that the match, the return of
the Prince, and his admission to the council of
state, will cause very great disorders here, both
parties being now animated in the highest
degree, so that it is to be considered how far

MARCH 1729. 77

the present situation of public affairs makes it
advisable or not to venture those disorders that
will inevitably happen. Upon the whole, I am
persuaded the Prince is not likely to be Stadt-
holder by fair means, the power and profit of
that employment being so much taken away
from the most considerable ])eople of the pro-
vince, who will always oppose it. But I am
convinced too, that whenever it shall be
thought proper to push that affair, a general
insurrection of the people may with very little
diflicidty and expense be procured, and a
Stadtholder imposed upon the province.

10th JNIarch, 1728-9, O. S. Lord Townshend
wrote to Lord Chesterfield, that the King w^as
sorry to see by his letter of the 15th inst. N. S.
that it would be in vain to propose to the
Republic the concerting of a plan Avitli his
INIajesty, in order to press France to join in it,
and by that means effectually oblige the Em-
peror and Spain to come to a speedy deter-
mination. But his Majesty hopes and expects
that the States may be induced to join with his
JNIajesty (should the provisional treaty be re-
jected by the Courts of Vienna and Madrid)
in preventing our being carried back to the
Congress again ; and therefore your Excellency
may in confidence assure the Pensionary and

78 NOTES.

Greffier that his Majesty is at all events deter-
mined not to submit to this. But this is cer-
tainly the aim of the Court of jNIadrid, and we
have reason to think that the Court of Vienna
has likewise the same view. The term pre-
scribed by the 8th article of the preliminary
treaty for the duration of the Congress, is but
four months. Now, not only that number, but
above as many more have been spent since the
opening of the Congress, and that purely by the
fault of Spain, which has not hitherto vouch-
safed to eive the allies of Hanover an answer
upon the provisional treaty. His JMajesty
might in justice insist upon the execution of
the preliminaries in this point, which limits the
duration of the Congress to the term before
mentioned, and in consequence not permit his
plenipotentiaries to return thither, unless it be
to sign the provisional treaty ; but rather chooses
to abide by the preliminaries for the remainder
of tlie seven years prescribed by them as the
term for the cessation of hostilities, than begin
the Congress again. JMr. Stanliopc and Mr.
Walpole will be going to France tlie latter end
of tliis week or the beginning of tlic next, and
will be instructed to ac(}uaint the Cardinal
with his Majesty's resolution not to go back to
the Congress unless to sign. His INIajesty

MARCH 17-29. 79

Duist, for the reason before mentioned, insist to
knon- the Pensionary's opinion as to tlie pro-
babiHty of obtaining from the State the same
orders to their Ministers at Paris, to join with
those of England in the particular.

The same 10th ^Nlarch, O. S. Lord Towns-
hend wrote a very secret letter to the Earl of
Chesterfield, in answer to the Earl's said very
secret letter of the 19th March, 1729, N.S. where-
in he writes, " Your Excellency knows that the
King, as well as his royal father, always looked
upon the States as the only ally upon whose
friendship they could rely upon all occasions; and
in consequence of this principally, his INIajesty,
as well as the late King, has never suffered any
other consideration, but the real good and pros-
perity of the public, to have any share in his
sentiments, or in the part he was acting towards
them ; and for this reason, it always has been
his intention, that his ministers residing in Hol-
land, should avoid entering into any factions or
cabals. It is no secret to the Pensionary, that
his Majesty, out of regard to the House of Nas-
sau, and foreseeing from the confused and dis-
united state of the Commonwealth under its
present form, that the Prince might one day
arrive at being Stadtholder, has given him rea-
son to hope tliat, at some time or other, he

80 NOTES.

may have one of his Majesty's daughters in
marriage. And in this the King thinks he has
acted the part of a true friend, not only to
the Prince, but to the Republic ; there being no
alliance so desirable for them as that of a Prin-
cess of England : farther than this the King
has not gone. In order to give the Pensionary
the most signal proof of the confidence reposed
in him, his Majesty is resolved to break through
the rule he has hitherto prescribed to himself,
in not interposing in what relates to the go-
vernment of the Republic, and to comply with
what the Pensionary desires of him, by using
his good offices with the Prince, to induce him
not to return to the Hague at the time of the
Kermes ; your Excellency will therefore find
some way of acquainting, in the utmost secrecy,
either the Prince or somebody in his confidence,
that his Majesty doth earnestly entreat his
Highness to consider most maturely how far
it may be advisable for him to return to the
Hague at tlie time of the fair."

25th March, 1729. N. S.— The Earl of Ches-
terfield writes from the Hague to Lord Towns-
hcnd, that he had received his letter of the
]Oth instant, O. S. and that lie liad communi-
cated his ])rivatc letter to the Pensionary and
Grefiier ; and after they had considered of it,

MARCH 1729. 81

waited separately on the Pensionary and Gref-
fier, to know their determination upon it. The
Pensionary told him that he was persuaded the
Republic could never be brought to send or-
ders to their plenipotentiaries not to return to
the Congress, unless to sign the provisional
treaty, without knowing first what part France
would take in that affair ; that the provisional
treaty had never been much relished in Hol-
land, and therefore it was very improbable that
they would agree to break up the Congress for
the sake of it ; that he was convinced, should ha
make the proposal to the States, they would
look upon the breaking up of the Congress as
the beginning of hostilities, the thing they dread
here. That they would certainly take the pro-
posal ad referendum, and consult their principals
upon it ; by which means the affair would be-
come public, and if not agreed to at last, as he
was persuaded it would not, the attempt prov-
ing unsuccessful, he thought would be attended
with many very ill consequences, both with re-
gard to his INlajesty and the alliance. That he
thought the most probable way to get this pro-
position agreed to by the Republic, was for his
Majesty's plenipotentiaries to communicate
with the plenipotentiaries of those States their
orders not to return to the Congress unless to

f

82 NOTES.

sign, and to press them, id est, the Dutch mi-
nisters, strongly to join with them ; that of
course they would write this to the States, and
desire instructions upon it, and that he thought
it more likely to obtain such instructions that
way than any other, especially if France seemed
to come into it, or even did not oppose it.
That he was persuaded France would do no-
thing till they saw what became of the effects
of the galleons, and that even afterwards, he
very much questioned if they could ever be
brought to aid : which persuasion he said was
so universal here, that it was one of the great
causes of the unwillingness and apprehensions
of their Republic. The sentiments of the Gref-
fier, on my conversation, were much the same,
that till he had his INIajesty's farther orders, he
should not show him the letter about the Prince
of Orange. That the affairs of the Prince of
Orange in Zealand seemed to take a favoura-
ble turn, and I think it not impossible, that he
may be declared Stadtholder of that province
very unexpectedly ; the whole thing depends
upon three people, two of whom are corrup-
tible. I must therefore beg to know whetlier,
if a sum not exceeding ten thousand should
absolutely secure that affair, I might, upon a
proper occasion, be empowered to promise it?

MARCH 1729. 83

18tli March, 1728, O. S.— Lord Townshend
Avrote to Lord Chesterfield, to make his JNla-
jesty's compliments to the Pensionary, for so
freely declaring his opinion, and for suggesting
the expedient which he thought the most pro-
bable, in order to get his JNlajesty's proposal
agreed to by the States ; in pursuance of which
opinion, Mr. Stanhope and Mr. Walpole will
have his Majesty's instructions, upon their re-
turn to Paris, to press the Dutch Plenipoten-
tiaries to join with them in declaring the reso-
lution of their masters not to return to the
Congress unless to sign ; and as the Pension-
ary thinks this the best method of bringing
that matter before the States, his Majesty de-
pends, when it does actually come thither, that
he will ap])ly his whole credit and influence to-
wards procuring a favourable resolution upon
it. That the King approved his not commu-
nicating his letter about the Prince of Orange,
before he had transmitted an account of his
conference with the Pensionary and Greffier.
That a new one was now sent him much to the
same effect with the first. That as to the pro-
posal that the King should advance a sum of
money towards procuring the Stadtholderate of
the province of Zealand for the Prince of
Orange, his iNIajesty did not think it at all ex-

" /2

84 NOTES.

pedient for him to take a step of that nature at
present, when the consequences may be throw-
ing things into disorder, and without any im-
mediate real advantage to the Prince. Lord
Townshend told me, after I had read these let-
ters, that there were two material things in
them : the refusing to go to the Congress unless
to sign, and the King's interfering so far as he
doth in these letters, and no farther ; I told
him I had no objection against either of them.

Monday, March 24th. — Lord Townshend de-
sired me to come to his house in the evening,
to consider about the instructions to be given
to Horace AValpole and Mr. Stanhope on their
return to France. I went accordingly about
six o'clock, and there met with Lord Towns-
hend, Duke of Devonshire, Lord Trevor, Duke
of Newcastle, and Sir liobert Walpole, INIr.
Stanhope, and Horace Walpole. The latter
produced and read a long paper, which lie called
the state of tlie case since the passing the pre-
liminaries. The scope of it was to make a nar-
ration of the fact, and that though the matters
in dispute between us and Spain were by tlie
preliminary articles and the act of the Pardo
to be determined in four months, yet Spain had
done notliing ; and seeing they did nothing, an
expedient of a provisional treaty liad been found

MAY, 1729. 85

out, wliicli the Emperor's JNIiiiister went into
and encouraged, and the answer that Spain gave
was, that the preliminary articles should serve
for a basis of a future treaty. But Bournon-
ville was to return to the Court to give an
account of what had been done, and then they
would give their answers ; that Bournonville
returned to Madrid the 5th November last,
but no answer had ever yet been given ; and
therefore it was proposed that the instructions
to our Ambassadors now going, should be, not
to return to the Congress unless it were to sign
the provisional treaty ; and that this should be
in confidence told the Cardinal upon their
coming over privately, by which means we
should put an end to this long negotiation.
Some debate arising hereon, and the Duke of
Grafton, and the Earl of Scarborough coming-
in towards the conclusion, it was agreed that
Horace AValpole should against Wednesday
night draw up these instructions in form, or at
least reduce them into writing, and then they
would be tlie better considered. Friday night
the same company met at the same place, where
the instructions w^ere brought prepared, and
read over, much to the same purpose.

Friday, INIay l6th. — In the evening at the
Duke of Devonshire's : there were present the

86 NOTES.

Duke of Devonshire, the Duke of Newcastle,
Duke of Grafton, Lord Trevor, Lord Privy
Seal, myself. Earl of Scarborough, Earl Godol-
phin, and Sir Robert Walpole. The Duke of
Newcastle told us that the King being to go to-
morrow, and having appointed the Queen Re-
gent, he desired that we would meet, as there
should be occasion, and that we would not tell
any one either of the message or of this, or of
any other meeting that we should have, becavise
there were some others that might expect, to
whom it was not fit that every thing should be
known ; and the present occasion of our meet-
ting was to deliberate upon letters come in from
]Mr. Keene, importing that the S})aniards had
refused to return any answer to his memorial,
which they said they had prepared an answer
to. Rut the ]Mar(piis del Paz being asked whe-
ther this was to break off* all intercourse with
us and to commence hostilities, he said that the
reason of it was this, he had sent a letter in the
King's name to the Cardinal, and that the Car-
dinal had sent back an haugiity answer without
communicating the letter to his King ; and that
their Ambassadors had advised them that Chau-
velin had said, " qiCon uvait deja pris partic,^'' so
tliat they took it for granted, that the Hanover
^Mlies were already engaged to begin hostilities.

JUNE 17-29. 87

and therefore it was as good for tliem to break
off now as a month hence. And that therefore
it lay upon us, before we would have any an-
swer from them, to procure an eclaircissement
of the Cardinal's letter. Upon this, it was
considered that tliere was already gone from
Paris our ultimatum in effect, that this before
was a sufficient explanation of how far he would
go wdth respect to Don Carlos. And this
seemed to be only a method of Spain to bring
us to open ourselves more thoroughly on that
point, which JNlr. Keene receiving by way of
Paris, would set all this matter clear and plain.
On a conference that Patino had with Bran-
cas, he declared that he was not in the in-
terest of the Emperor : that the methods he
had brought them into were prejudicial to this
country, but they were forced to follow them ;
that they were getting out as fast as they
could, and therefore conjured Brancas to treat
their King with respect, otherwise he coidd be
forced back again into the Emperor's power.

Thursday, June 6th. — About eleven in the
forenoon was at Lord Godolphin's, where were
present besides him, Duke of Newcastle, Earl
of Scarborough, Lord Trevor, myself, Lord
Torrington, and Sir Charles Wager. NN'^here I
was informed that the Saturdav before, at a

S8 NOTES.

meeting- at Sir R. AValpole's, it had been agreed
to advise the King to send away the fleet im-
mediately from Portsmouth ; but that more
letters were since come from Spain, which
though not a direct answer to the memorials
presented by JNIr. Keene and JNlr. Brancas, yet
they contained hopes and expectations that
Spain would in three or four days give a direct
answer to our satisfaction ; and therefore it was
thought advisable that the fleet should stay a
few days, till we had a more direct answer from
Spain.

Wednesday 11th, and Friday 13th, — were
meetings of the Select Lords at Sir Robert
Walpole's, but I could not be there. It was
there agreed that the fleet should not yet sail,
the occasion whereof was this. There were let-
ters from the plcni])otentiaries in France, that
they had considered with the French JNIinisters
that too much time might be lost at this season
of the year, now perhaps a favourable occasion,
should they forbear any longer to let the Court
of Spain know the ultimate resolution of Eng-
land and France relating to the succession of
Tuscany and Parma. And being tlioroughly
convinced by tlie advice from all quarters, that
the union und intimacy between Spain and the
Kmperor, if not broken, was become very weak

JUNE 17'2i). 89

and cold ; and tliat the Queen of Spain was at
present sincerely disposed to be reconciled with
the Hanover Allies, if they did not lose the
opportunity of gratifying her in that darling
point, of securing the succession of Tuscany and
Parnia to her son Don Carlos ; and therefore
they had thought pro})er to send the English
and French INIinisters in Spain new instructions,
which were sent away the f3rd of June, O. S.
a copy of which instructions was sent over, and
were instructions to Mr. Keene and INIr. Bran-
cas, that in case their Catholic Majesties would
not be satisfied with Swiss garrisons, either neu-
tral or in the pay of Spain, to declare the con-
sent of their masters to Spanish garrisons, on
condition tliat the preliminaries be fully and
immediately executed, and all our demands
satisfied. And if in fifteen days' time after this
proposal they should find tliere was nothing
more to hope for, whether by refusal to give an
answer, or the answer did not tend to a speedy
conclusion, they should present a memorial, and
thereby declare that the Kings of Great Britain
and France should think themselves obliged
immediately to take measures the most conve-
nient to procure themselves reparation for tliose
grievances suffered by the inexecution of the
preliminaries.

90 NOTES.

It was thought that on this new method
taken, seeing there could not possibly be an
answer till the beginning of July, the fleet
should stay till that time, and that if a satis-
factory answer did not then come, that part of
the fleet should sail to Gibraltar, and another
part to the West Indies.

Tuesday, 17th. — At Lord Godolphin's
about eleven o'clock in the morning ; there
Avere present. Lord Godolphin, myself. Lord
Trevor, Duke of Newcastle, Earl of Scarbo-
rough, Duke of Grafton, and Sir Robert Wal-
pole. We were informed that at Hanover, the
opinion there was against the present sailing of
the fleet; and there was a letter read, that
came that morning from Lord Townshend, to
acquaint us from the King, that the last time
that the English and Dutch fleet were formed,
all our orders to our fleet were sent to the
Dutch for their concurrence, and they joined
with us in every thing, and that the same must
be done now. I found, by Sir llobcrt Wal-
pole, that he was very uneasy at the junction
of the Dutch fleet with ours at Portsmoutli,
wondered how they came there, and that it
w^ould not facilitate but retard our operations.
This made me tliink that this, in some mea-
sure, s])rung from a misunderstanding between

JUNE 1729. 91

him and Lord Townshend, wliich to me was
visible; and that Townshend, whilst he was in
Holland, on his way to Hanover, procured the
Dutch fleet to come, who were originally de-
signed for the Baltic ; and it seemed odd to
me that they should come in this manner,
without any concert with us, or any determi-
nation what to do.

On the whole, seeing the fleet could not
sail till an answer came from Spain, which
could not be till about the middle of July, we
agreed that the Duke of Newcastle should
write to Lord Townshend with names of us
present ; that we were entirely of opinion that
a good correspondence should be kept with the
States General, but desired that the King
Avould forthwith order Lord Chesterfield to
agree with the Dutch upon the orders proper
to be given to the fleet, in case of a dissatis-
factory answer from Spain ; that so no time
may then be spent in concerting measures
about our actions, but they may be speedily
executed.

After this there was read a draught of a letter
from the Duke of Newcastle to Hunter, Go-
vernor of Jamaica, to take off an embargo that
he had hastily laid upon the ships tliere, and
to let all the trade ships come away.

92 NOTES.

When this was done, I came away to go to
Westminster Hall — What was done afterwards
I know not, and if any thing afterwards done
was writ in my name as well as others, it was
because I was there the beginning, but went
away before any thing else was done but that
which is above written.

The aforesaid letter that came from Lord
Townshend was dated at Hanover ^^ June
1729, to the Duke of Newcastle, wherein he
writes him, that his JMajesty had ordered him
to acquaint his Grace, that since the States
have resolved to join their squadron to his JNIa-
jesty's fleet at Portsmouth, and it is probable
that Admiral Somelsdyke may be already tliere
with the ships under his command, in order to
preserve the great harmony and concert that
subsists between the King and the States, it
will be necessary for the future, when any or-
ders are to be sent to Sir Charles Wager, that
they shoidd be transmitted to Lord Chester-
field, to be by his Lordship previously commu-
nicated to the Pensionary and Grefficr ; that
having been the constant practice during the
last war, whenever the fleets of the two na-
tions were imited.

I afterwards saw the copy of wliat the Duke
of Newcastle sent to the Lord Townshend, in

JUNE 1729. 0;j

a letter dated June 17tli, 1729, as the said re-
solutions and advice of the said I^ords here.
The Duke writes, that their Lordships came to
the resolution mentioned in the enclosed mi-
nute, wliich was taken in their presence, and
is, by the Queen's command, as well as tlieir
Lordships' request, transmitted to Lord Towns-
hend to be laid before the King. — The minute
enclosed was this.

"At the Earl of Godolphin's, June 17th,
1729, Present — Lord Chancellor, Duke of
Grafton, Earl of Scarborough, Lord Privy Seal,
Earl of Godolphin, Sir R. AValpole, Duke of
Newcastle.

" My Lord Townshend's letter of the - June,
having by the Queen's command been laid
before tlie Lords, their Lordships are hum-
bly of opinion that Lord Townshend should
be wrote to, acquainting his Lordship that the
Lords here were always of opinion that a good
correspondence should be kept up with the
States General, and upon that principle did
humbly offer it to his INJajesty's consideration in
the last letter to my Lord Townshend (I was
not present when this letter was agreed on or
wrote, and never saw it) that the orders to be
sent to the united fleets should be in concert
with them : and in consequence of the same

94 NOTES.

opinion, their Lordships do now humbly offer
it to his JNIajesty as their advice, that iname-
diate orders should be sent to Lord Chester-
field to prevail with the States without loss of
time to send orders to their Admiral to sail and
act in conjunction with his JMajesty's fleet,
upon the first notice of an unsatisfactory an-
swer from the Court of Spain, that the time of
action and execution may not be lost in farther
concerting: measures for it. But their Lord-
ships beg leave still to give it as theu' humble
advice, that whatsoever is to be done in the
West Indies, should be singly done by his Ma-
jesty's fleet, for the reasons mentioned in the
letter, in which case their Lordships think a
previous concerting the less necessary, which
might possibly disappoint the success of it.
In a letter afterwards received from Lord
Townshcnd, directed to the Duke of New-
castle from Hanover ^A""' he writes, that his
INIajesty had agreed to the introduction of
Spanish garrisons into the places of Tuscany
and Parma, and that the States had also agreed
to enter into this engagement witli Spain, which,
considering the conduct tlu'oughout the whole
negotiation with respect to the quadruple al-
Hance and for some years since, the King liad
little reason to expect they would have obliged

JUNE 1729. 95

themselves. However, it was of great import-
ance to his Majesty, because it engages tliem
jointly with us in all the consequences that
our guarantee of the above-mentioned garrisons
to Spain may draw upon us, and may likewise
be a great inducement to Spain to accept of
our last proposal. He writes, moreover, that
the King agrees entirely with the I^ords of the
Council in their opinion, that if the Court of
Spain should endeavour by their answer still
to amuse and avoid coming to a conclusion with
us, and nothing of consequence should be at-
tempted against the Spaniards this Summer,
it will not be hard to foresee what ill effect it
may have, not only throughout the whole
kingdom, but in the next session of Parlia-
ment. And therefore his Majesty is of the
same sentiment with your Grace and their
Lordships, that a certain day should be fixed
for the united squadrons to sail after the ex-
piration of the term prescribed to the JNIinis-
ters at Madrid, to give in a second memorial,
in case the Court of Spain should not comply
with what had been proposed. And accord-
ingly he writes by his INIajcsty's command to
his INIinisters in France and Holland, to press
the Cardinal and the Pensionary upon that sub-
ject, and to endeavour to bring France and the

9G NOTES.

States to consent to the fixing of a day, as their
Lordships have proposed.

As to the operations of the English and
Dutch squadrons, proposed to be undertaken
at the same time, both upon the coast of Spain
and in tlie West Indies, the two squadrons
being now joined, nothing can be determined
as to his INIajesty's squadron saiUng alone to
the West Indies, till the sentiments of the
States are known upon that head, and my
Lord Chesterfield is directed to sound the Pen-
sionary as to the share the Republic will like
most to take in the projected operations both
in Europe and America. At the same time
the King is apprehensive that the Dutch will
not care to let their whole squadron lie with-
out detachments before Cadiz, to hinder the fiota
or the galleons from sailing from thence to the
West Indies, and leave the trade of their sub-
jects in America to be protected only by the
King's fleet in those parts. Especially con-
sidering the exceeding great losses they have
suffered from the Spaniards there, and the in-
terest they have themselves to defend their
trade, to take and destroy the Spanish men of
war and jr^narda cosias, their bitter enemies, and
to avenge and repair their own immense suffer-
ings in tliat part of the world. AA^hcrcfore as

JUNF. 17-29. <)7

it ap])oar.s probable to liis jNIajesty that the
Dutcli u'ill be inclined to join some of their
ships to those of the King's that shall be
ordered to the AVest Indies, which cannot be
refused them if they desire it ; his Majesty is
of opinion that tliis part of their I^ordships'
scheme, which relates to the operation of his
fleet alone in those seas, should be kept secret,
since the States would most certainly oppose it,
and the proposing it to them would most cer-
tainly break the union w^hich subsists between
them and his Majesty, which would be fatal at
this juncture. Besides, the sailing of the joint
squadron thither upon some general concert,
in common for annoying the Spaniards and
protecting the trade of both nations, will not
hinder his INIajesty from sending some more
ships in a reasonable time after, with four Irish
battalions on board, under pretence of strength-
ening our garrisons in those parts, in order to
put in executioji any attempt on Porto Rico,
or any other place of the Spanish dominions
there. Such particular expeditions have been
several times undertaken in the last war with-
out any communication with our allies, and
cannot reasonably be excepted against in case a
war should be actually begun with Spain — and
this may be done without putting the nation

98 NOTES.

to any greater expense, by finding some pre-
tence to keep back so many of Sir Charles
Wager's squadron as may be thought necessary
to convey the troops that shall be sent to the
West Indies. As to the two thousand men
which his Majesty offered to put on board his
fleet going to the coast of Spain, in my letter
of Tmrr^e' it was in answer to their address of the
1st of June, N. S. wherein they desired his
^lajesty's thoughts as to the operations which
they should suggest to the Cardinal for acting
jointly against Spain, in case the conduct of
that Court should oblige the allies to come to
an immediate rupture with them ; and as his
Majesty thinks it of the greatest consequence
to engage France to come to open hostilities
with Spain, if the Cardinal likes the proposal of
embarking troops on board our fleet, to be sent
to the Spanish coast to assist the French in any
operations on that side, his IVIajesty, besides
the four Irish battalions designed to execute
the scheme in tlie West Indies, would have
two English battalions ordered on board Sir
Cliarles Wager's fleet, whicli will suflicc for
that purpose, and may engage the French, ac-
cording to liis JNIajesty's intentions, to act ge-
nerally with us in the war against Spain.

1729, August 7th, Thursday.— On a letter

AUGUST 1729. I) 'J

from Sir Robert Walpolc, desiring lue to dine
with him tliis day, and other Lords wliom the
King principally intrusts with his affairs to
advise the Queen during his absence, I went
there, and dined with him, Lord Trevor, Duke
of Newcastle, and Lord Torrington. After
dinner he imparted to us two letters from Lord
Townshend, intimating the King's pleasure,
that as to the affairs of Spain and the fleet, tlie
orders should be given here immediately, with-
out transmitting them to Hanover, and that the
King had given orders to the Plenipotentiaries
at Paris to receive their orders from hence with-
out expecting them from Hanover. Then he
informed us, that Tuesday night, the 5th of Au-
gust, the Duke of Newcastle had received from
ISIr, Keene the proposals of Spain, delivered by
the Marquis del Paz and Mr. Patino, w^hich
we were desired to consider. These proposals
were very plain and express in wdiat Spain de-
sired, but very dark and unintelligible as to
what w^e were to have. Too much w^as desired
on their side, and it did not plainly appear what
would be granted by them to us. But con-
sidering the circumstances of the times, and
that it appeared plainly by Spain delivering the
effects of the galleons, and promising to deliver
the cedillas, and from other facts, that Spain

A" 2

100 NOTES.

was in a disposition to conclude a treaty with
us, thougli the JNIinisters of Spain would not
speak out plainly what they would do for us,
but would rather that it should come from us ;
therefore we were of opinion that the Queen
should write to our Plenipotentiaries at Paris,
that the project delivered by the Marquis del
Paz to Mr. Keene was crude, obscure, and lui-
satisfactory. But that, however, with proper
alterations and amendments, it might be made
sufficient for obtaining a general pacification ;
and therefore to direct the Plenipotentiaries
to draw up in form such articles as to them
should seem proper, and to do it in concert
with the French and Dutch. It was like-
wise thought by us, that until farther news
from Spain, meaning as to the delivery of the
effects of the galleons and the cedulas, the
fleet should stay in the place where they now
are.

It was by a letter from Lord Townshend,
dated '^i\\ of August, to the Duke of Newcastle,
that it was first intimated that the King being
at a distance, had determined, in regard to the
uneasiness which he lieard the people of Eng-
land were under, to leave the management of
the negotiation with S])ain to tlie Queen, with
tlie advice of those Lords of the Council who

AUGUST 1729. I 01

are usually consulted upon foreign afi'airs, and
who, being upon the spot, are better judges of
the present temper and disposition of tlie
nation ; and tlie same he repeated again i!i a
letter dated from Rodenkirk '2z^

Some time in the month of July, Lord Towns-
hend sent over, by the order of the King, a pro-
ject of a treaty between the King of France,
Holland, and the four Electors, framed by
Count Albert, the Duke of Bavaria's JNIinister
at Paris, and considered at Hanover by Lord
Townshend and M. Plattenburgh, the Elector
of Cologne's Minister (by whom some margi-
nal notes were made on the project). This pro-
ject with these marginal notes had been sent by
Lord Townshend to the Duke of Newcastle,
with orders from the King to communicate
them to those Lords with whom the Queen
usually advised in foreign affairs, and to have
their opinion. This was some time in July ;
T was not at that meeting, but the Lords there,
viz. T^ord Trevor, Newcastle, Torrington, and
Sir R. Walpole, returned for answer, that they
thought a treaty on proper terms with the four
Electors might be advisable ; but the project
and the notes being contradictory to one another,
and not knowing what was agreed on, they
could not tell how to give an opinion upon it.

102 NOTES.

Upon this, Lord Townshend wrote another
letter to the Duke of Newcastle, wherein he
says, that the King hoped to have had the opi-
nion of the Lords, as well upon the marginal
notes as upon the treaty itself. That no part
either of the project or the articles were agreed
to ; but these were only proposals that might or
might not be agreed to, and therefore the King-
desired to have the opinion of the Lords upon
the project and the notes both, that so having
their opinion, he might be at liberty to act upon
the whole as he should think fit.

Not having time to take this into considera-
tion at this meeting, the 7th August 1729, we
agreed to meet again on the Monday following,
viz. 11th August, at Sirllobcrt Walpole's; and
accordingly there then met there the Chancellor,
the Privy Seal, Dukes of Grafton and Newcastle,
I^ord 'J'orrington, and Sir 11. VValpole. W^e all
took this letter to be a reprimand for not di-
rectly answering the first letter, which we did
not care to do, not liking the particulars of the
treaty. But, however, finding the King had
an inclination to this treaty, and that something
must be done, we did agree to send now for
answer to tliis effect : — That, considering the
present circumstances, we were in a likelihood
to agree willi Spain, which might provoke the
Minperor, it would be achisable to have a body

AIGL'ST 1729. 103

of troops ready in the Knipire for our assist-
ance ; but that as to the particulars of this pro-
ject, we first represented as to the preamble, that
it was fit the Elector of IVlentz should be a
party, because otherwise we have not four Elec-
tors, and he was party as Elector of Triers to
the treaty of 172-t between the four Electors,
which is referred to in the preamble, as to which
part of the preamble we could not say any
thing, because we had never seen that treaty ;
but that the preamble of this project related
only to the Empire, which would not be accept-
able here, whilst the foundation of it was for
something of advantage to all the contracting
parties, and that in the preamble the King is
to covenant for himself as King and Elector,
whereas we thought it should only be a gene-
ral covenant for his JNIajesty's Britannic domi-
nions generally.

The First article, which was of a general
friendship, we had no objection to.

Second article, we objected that the view of
the treaty therein recited was too narrow, con-
fining it to the Roman empire, whereas it
should be for the benefit of all the contracting
parties. The amendment in the marginal notes
we thought proper.

Third and Fourth articles agreed to with the
amendment in the margin.

104 NOTES.

So the Fifth and Sixtii.

Fifth and Sixth articles — According to my
remembrance we did agree thereto.

Article Seven. — We represented the begin-
ning of the article to be engaging too much,
even in the general terms, but the particulars,
not to make any convention, alliance, or agree-
ment but in concert and with the approbation
of the contracting parties, we thought not to
be entered into, nor the addition in the margi-
nal notes, that they will not give any guarantee
to any one out of this alliance, because this is,
in other words, to say that we will never gua-
rantee the Emperor's succession, which, though
it be not proper now to do, may be proper
under other circumstances, and however proper
it may be at another time, we cannot by this
article do it, imd also because the Electors
wliose interest is never to do it, will never
])ermit us to do it.

The Eighth article agreed, leaving out as in
the margin.

'The Nintli article, we thought too narrow,
antl confined to the Empire too much.

Tlie like our decision as to tlie Tentli.

The Eleventli article- \Vv a<>reed to the
auKMuhnent nuidc in tlie nuirgiii l)y tiie Elector
of Cologne's Mini.stei', that this treaty should

Al (il ST 17'2i). 105

continue only lor two years, w hicli we thought
long enough.

The Twelftli, for keeping the treaty con-
cealed, we agreed to.

First secret article as to the succession of
Juliers of Berg, we thouglit not reasonable nor
proper, but agreed to it as amended in the
margin, that the King would not take any
engagement with the King of Prussia contrary
to the Palathie.

Second secret article as to Mecklenburg,
which was what the King desired, we
agreed to.

Third secret article, containing the demands
of the Elector of Cologne, we agreed to the
amendment in the margin for the King to
pay his quota, and that the King would do
nothing as to the Session of Liege without
the consent of the States, and would employ
all «>ood offices with them — and agreed to
what was in the margin.

Fourth secret article relating to Bavaria —
disagreed as to what relates to the King. The
rest related only to the King of France.

The Duke of Newcastle was desired to draw
this into writing, which lie did against the next
day, and read it to me, Trevor, and tiie J^uke
of Grafton the next da\ at his house in Ken-

I0() NOTES.

sington. Sir R. AValpole and Lord Torrington
not being there. He added sometliing by way
of amplification and enforcement, which had
not been mentioned the day before, wliich, ex-
cepting one, being of no great consequence I
did not contradict ; but there was one which
I could not agree to, and which he struck out,
as not being our thought ; which was, in that
part relating to the guarantee of the Emperor's
succession, he unnecessarily mentioned a fact,
that though Count Kinski offered on the part
of the Emperor to give up the Ostend trade
if the King would guarantee the succession, yet
the King had refused it. I said that it was a
fact I did not know, and if it were so, there was
no reason to insert it here. On which it was
struck out of the paper, and therefore, if it
should be afterwards put in, it is without my
consent or knowledoe.

Sunday, 17th.— I went in the evening from
Ockham to visit the Duke of Newcastle at
Claremont, who told me that my company
was desired in town the next mornin<r to
consult u]ion a letter come from Hanover,
which letter he had not there, but told mc the
contents of it were, that Eord Townshend
wrote, the King did not like the articles
proposed by Spain, but looking upon tlicm as

AUCiLIST 17-29. 107

a project or foundation to work upon, and tliat
tlie Spaniards would expect present perform-
ance as to Don Carlos, therefore it was fit to
add this article, that in case the King should be
molested by the Emperor, or by any other, for
this assistance to Don Carlos, that the King
of Spain would join with our King against
such aggressor. I told him freely my opinion,
that I thought our business was to make a
definitive treaty at once, not to assist Don
Carlos unless the King of Spain granted us our
points ; and if he granted our points, then to
assist him, and care might then be taken ac-
cording to this additional article proposed by
the Kinjr ; — but to enter into an execution of
what was projected with relation to Don Carlos
before the whole was concluded, I thought that
was what could not be right. I told him, more-
over, that if there was nothing else but this
to be considered of the next morning, I thought
I might well enough stay at Ockham, and not
come up to town ; which he agreed to, and I
did not go to London the next morning.

Sunday 24th. — At the Duke of Newcastle's,
present the Duke, myself. Earl Godolphin, Sir
R. Walpole, and JNIr. Pelham, Secretary of
AVar.

The end of our meeting was to consider of

108 NOTES.

letters of Lord Towiisheiid's from Hanover,
whereby we were informed that the King of
Prussia had ordered his forces to begin their
march on such a day, and to rendezvous at
Magdebiu'g, and tliis was with an intention
eitlier to fall into Mecklenburg or the King's
immediate territories ; that the King had or-
dered all his forces in Hanover to be ready,
which were about 22,000 ; liad sent to the
Landgrave of Hesse for the 12,000 men in
his pay, had also sent to France, Holland,
Denmark, and Sweden, and that if this matter
went on, the King designed to have the same
lumiber of men from England as w^as upon
a like occasion intended to have been liad over
imder the conduct of the Earl of Orkney, and
therefore ordered us to give an account what
that number of men was, where the soldiers
lay in the kingdom, and how soon a body of
like number of men miglit be able to be sent
over to Hanover. We agreed to send over
to the King the last lists returned according
to order into tlie AVar Oilice, by whidi his
Majesty would see tlie number of tlie whole,
:md where (piartered ; that the number of men
intended in tlie late King's time to have been
sent over under Lord Orkney, was 10,000 ; viz.
7.000 foot ,111(1 0,000 horse, but what or how

SKi'TK.MHI'.K 1729. 1 ()J)

many of thi.s force, or how mimy drugoons,
was never settled ; that the King would con-
sider the troops were now dispersed, the horses
at grass, and it was uncertain by what time
vessels for embarkation might be got ready,
l^ut wlicnever his Majesty ])lcased to give his
orders, we should take care to comply with
them in the best manner we could.

This was tlie substance of wliat was atri'eed
to, and the Duke of Newcastle was to write
it in form. The Lord Townshend, as I think,
sent a copy of an intercepted letter from
Chauvelin, the garde des sceaux, to Chamorel,
the French Secretary here, wherein he writes
him, that the affairs with Spain were not yet
determined, but might be if tlic English would
show a little more facility. This I understood
to be their yielding in general words to let
the affair of Gibraltar be still open.

Monday, 2nd September, 1729, went to
town. — The next day saw the Queen at Court ;
from thence went to Sir R. Walpole's in his
chariot, and dined with him and his lady only.
He told me, that since the last time I saw him,
they had received the draught of articles for a
definitive peace concerted between our Pleni-
potentiaries and the Cardinal and tlie garde des
sceaux ; that they were so plain and good, that

110 NOTES.

tliey did not think it wortli the while to send
for me to come to town to see and agree to
them, or to give any farther instruction ; that
they were as good as we could desire, he was
afraid too good — but, however, the Cardinal
said that he was sure Spain would come into
it ; that, for expedition, as soon as they were
agreed on in France, they were immediately
sent to Spain, and were there by this time. In
talking with him about the King's orders, that
orders for the fleet and the negotiations with
Spain should be all from hence without first
sending to Hanover, he told me that Lord
Townshend was very much displeased at it ; that
lie in concert with the Queen gained it by a
stratagem ; that the Queen wrote a letter to the
King intimating that some people thought the
orders for the fleet were too long coming from
Hanover, but that she would not for the world
desire the King to send a power to her or to
any one— here to give immediate orders ; that
would be to execute a power which belonged
only to him, and should be only executed by
him. "Whereon he wrote her a letter, that he
would trust his throne and kingdom entirely
with her, and thereupon ordered, that not only
tlie fleet, but also tlie l*lenipotentiaries at Paris

.SEI'TEMBLH 17'29. | | 1

slioiild receive tlieir iininediate orders from
lience, and not stay for liis.

On this occasion he let me into several se-
crets relating to the King and Queen — that
the King constantly wrote to her by every
opportunity long letters of two or three sheets,
being generally of all his actions — what he did
every day, even to minute things, and particu-
larly of his amours, w'hat women he admired
and used ; and that the Queen, to continue him
in a disposition to do what she desired, return-
ed as long letters, and approved even of his
amours, and of the women he used ; not scru-
pling to say, that she was but one woman,
and an old woman, and that he mioht love
more and younger women, and she was very
willing he should have the best of them. By
which means, ajul a perfect subserviency to his
will, she effected whatsoever she desired, with-
out which it was impossible to keep him with-
in any bounds.

Tuesday, 3rd. — ^News came from the King,
that he desired to return as soon as possible,
whereon the yachts and ships were immedi-
ately ordered.

Sunday, 7th. — At noon, the Duke of New-
castle sent a letter to me from Clarcmont,
desiring me to meet him and the rest of

112 NOTES.

the Lords in town the Monday at dinner at
Sir R. Walpole's, to consider of the project and
articles of peace drawn up by onr Plenipo-
tentiaries, and transmitted from them. This
looked to me very strange, because last Monday,
the 2nd September, when I was in town, Sir
R. Walpole told me of tliese articles, and that
they had already been sent to Spain for their
concurrence. Whereupon I went to the Duke's
in the evening, and not finding him at Clare-

mont, T followed him to his wdiere

T found him, and told him that I had deter-
mined to go a journey into Hampshire to-mor-
row morning, viz. to Lord Delaware's ; that Sir
R. Walpole knew of my going a journey, and
that he w^ho had told me all this matter when
I was in town, knew that now my coming
back again upon this matter would be no sig-
nificancy. The Duke w^ould not own that
there was this early news in town of these
articles, and stood to it that he received them
not till Thursday last. There was some evasion
in this. He was out of town, it may be, and
might not have them till Thursday. But cer-
tainly Sir Robert Walpole told me of tliem
the Monday before. And when T desired
to know of the Duke, what we were to
do at tliis meeting, seeing they were already

N()\ KMHK R 1730. 1 1 :]

gone to Spain, lie told me that tins meeting
was at his desire. That though nothing could
now be altered therein, they being gone to
Spain, yet the King having left the manage-
ment of this affair to T^ords here, he thought
it requisite that on the King's coming, now
expected, the Lords should be ready to lay
before the King what had been done, and their
opinion thereon. I told him, that if this was
all, it was not sufficient reason to divert me
from my journey, which I could not possibly
take at any other time, and therefore desired
him to get me excused, which in some few
words he promised to do, and that he would
excuse me both to the Lords and to the Queen,
and also take care of the prorogation of the
Parliament, for which there was to be an order
of Council next Tuesday, and that on the Clerk
of the Crown waiting on him with the Bill for
the prorogation, he would procure the Queen
to sign it, that so it may be ready for me to
see when I came to town, which I intended to
do Monday, 1.5th October.

November 5th, 1730. — On a summons of the
Cabinet Council, there met at Lord Harring-
ton's office, himself, I^ord AVilmington, Lord
Torrington, and myself: when Lord Harring-
ton told us that the King had news that a Spa-

1 1 4 NOTES.

nish man-of-war, coming from Carthagena to
Spain with a great quantity of money and ef-
fects, bad been cast away at St. Pedro's Sboals,
about ten leagues from Jamaica ; and that they
had help from Jamaica to save what could be
saved out of the ship, and that an officer had
been ashore at Jamaica to desire help for that
purpose, and that the King desired us to advise
him whether he should not on some pretext or
other detain the silver and effects, to be disposed
of as hereafter should seem reasonable. By the
treaty of Seville, the Spaniards were to restore
the money and effects they had seized of ours
during the rupture ; among which was 200,000/.
in silver belonging to the South Sea. The
King of Spain had given orders to his officers
in the West Indies to restore it, but they said
they had contrary orders from Patino, to send
it home to Europe, which they had done. So
that as yet we hiul no restitution, and if there
were tlie same sums tobe met witli in this ship-
wrecked ship, by this means we might obtain
restitution. On the whole, we were of opinion
that a friirate should be sent forthwitli to Ja-
maica under pretext of carrying orders to the
Governor, to provide place and conveniencies
for the two regiments of soldiers that were to
go tliitlicr from Gibraltar ; but tliat a letter

NOVRMIiF.R 1730. 115

should be writ to him to take care and help the
S])aniards in securing all the silver and effects,
that he should take an exact account in their
presence, and by their concurrence, of all tlie
silver and effects that were saved, put them in
safe custody, and then tell them that he w^ould
give an account thereof to England, and have
orders from thence about the delivery.

November 8, 1730. — At Lord Harrington's,
present myself, Duke of Newcastle, Lord Wil-
mington, Lord Harrington, Lord Torrington,
and Horace AValpole. The Duke of New-
castle informed the company that the King
had promised the French King to permit him
to list 750 men in Ireland, to fill up the
Irish regiments in France, and that Frencli
officers were gone over, and at Dublin. But
this had made so great a noise there, that the
Primate and other justices did not care to
meddle therein but by positive and direct
orders from hence ; that therefore it was thouglit
reasonable that we siiould endeavoiu' to uet a
discharge of this promise from France, and it
was proposed to consider in wliat manner to
write to France to this purpose. The Duke
said that it had been thought a pro{)er wa}' to let
France know the disturbance the putting it in
execution would do at this present, and tliere-

// 2

12G NOTES.

fore desire them to waive it ; but if, notwith-
standing, they insisted upon it, the King would
certainly do it. I gave my opinion that at the
lirst view I did not think it proper to enter
into any new engagement, but what to do I
could not tell till I was first satisfied of the
legality of it, and when I w^as satisfied as to
that, I would give the best opinion I could.
It was then agreed that the Attorney General,
who had given his opinion for the legality,
should wait upon me to show me his opinion,
and the reason of it, and when I had considered,
this matter should be resumed. AVhen the
Duke of Newcastle proposed this, he introduced
it with telling me that I had been acquainted
with and well knew the several steps that had
been taken in this matter. I said he was mis-
taken, for I never heard of it till last Thursday
from Lord Harrington.

Wednesday, Nov. 11th. — The same persons
as before w^ere at Lord Harrington's, and the
Duke of Newcastle desired the company to ad-
vise what was best to be done with relation to
the permitting tlie filling up tlie Irish regiments
in the French King's service. As to the lega-
lity, this depending upon an Act of rarliament
in Ireland, it might be taken for granted, that,
following the direction of that law, it was legal.

NOVEMBER 1730. 117

As to the prudential part of it, all wished no
such promise had been made. But it was af-
firmed by the Duke of Newcastle and Lord
Harrington, that such promise had been fre-
quently made, and therefore it was the thought
of all that proper ap])lication should be made to
the Court of France to obtain a discharge of
it ; and the Duke of Newcastle took out a copy
of an intended letter to the Cardinal, the pur-
port wdiereof was to lay before him the great
alarm this made in Ireland, and the great im-
pediment there would be to the King's affairs
if it were insisted on, w^hich it was hoped the
French King would take into consideration,
withal assiu'ing him that if he should not like
to comply with this reasonable request of our
King, upon the return of the courier the King's
promise should be performed. I objected against
this last clause, and gave it as my opinion that
the King should not put himself under any new
engagement. A¥hat was passed could not be
helped, but he should not anew tie himself
down. But except Lord Torrington, every
one present w^as against this, alleging that the
best way to procure this act of amity from
France w^as to show^ the King's adherence to
his promises. I thought this had no solid argu-
ment in it, therefore still declared my o})inion

] 1 8 NOTES.

that it should not be done. But at the instance
of Lord Torrington, they softened the assurance
of doing it the next courier, by saying that if
the King of France insists on it, it sliould be
done cTahord.

Friday, Nov. 13tli. — In the evening at Lord
Harrington's ; present the same company. The
ISlemoire of the jNIarquis de Castelar dehvered
at Paris was read, and several things said about
it, but no resolution taken, the matter only
talked over.

Monday, Nov. I6th. — At Lord Harrington's ;
present myself, Lord Wilmington, Duke of
Newcastle, Lord Harrington, Sir IL LValpole,
and Horace Walpole. The JMemoire of Caste-
lar was proposed to be considered, and wliat
answer to give to it ; or rather what instruc-
tions should be given to Lord Waldegrave
about it. Lord Harrington and Horace Wal-
pole said tliere was a necessity to instruct Lord
AValdegrave that the King was ready to enter
into a war to execute the treaty of Seville, as
soon as a plan of the operations should be set-
tled. JNIyself and the Duke of Newcastle
thouglit tliat too much, to say we would enter
into a war before the plan of tlie operations was
settk>d. Sir 11. Walpole ])roposed some other
words to the same purpose as the former, against

NONKMIJKll 1730. 119

Avliicli there was no opposition. As for the
plan of operations. Lord Waldegrave was in-
structed to hint that he believed we would come
into those which were settled in 1727, which I
knew nothing of, and so declared, but hoped
they had then been well settled.

Wednesday 25th. The Duke of Newcastle
sent me a copy of the letter wrote by him
to Lord Waldegrave, November 19th, 1730,
wherein he writ in these words to him. " I am
now to send you his ^lajesty's commands, as
well upon the answer to be given to the
INlarquis de Castelar's memorial, as upon the
measures to be taken in consequence of it.

" His Majesty being persuaded that a per-
fect union among the Allies is what must have
the greatest effect not only upon the Court of
Spain, but also upon that of Vienna, looks upon
it to be absolutely necessary that the answer
should be made jointly by you all ; and would
therefore have your Excellency press the French
and Dutch JMinisters, that you may all join in
a general answer, which in his JNIajesty's opi-
nion ought to be such as may give entire satis-
faction and security to his Catholic ISIajesty for
the execution of the treaty of Seville. In order
to which his Majesty thinks that you should by
the said answer jointly declare tluit the Allies

120 NOTES.

are ready, without loss of time, to enter upon the
measures prescribed by the sixth, separate and
secret article of that treaty for overcoming the
opposition on the part of the Emperor to the
introduction of Spanish garrisons, by concerting
and fixing a plan of operations, by joining their
forces and beoinnino; the war as soon as the sea-
son of the year will permit. And that there
may no doubt remain of the sincerity of his
IMajesty's intentions upon this head, your Ex-
cellency is to acquaint M. Castelar and the other
INlinisters, that you are fully informed of the
King's sentiments as to the measures that his
Majesty thinks proper to be taken for that
purpose, and the share his Majesty is willing
to bear towards them. His JMajesty is of
opinion, that as the object and sole end of
the war has at last been assigned and de-
clared by all the Allies to be the introduction
of the Spanish garrisons, and that this being
once effected, the said treaty is fully executed,
the Generals and other military officers of
the Allies, now at Paris, should forthwith as-
semble and consider upon, and form a plan of
measures and operations of the war, to be un-
dertaken for the end above mentioned ; that
the stress of the war should be in Italy where
the ol)je('l ol' it lies, and consequently an of-

NOVEMBKU 1730. 121

fensive one should be carried there ; — that in
Flanders we should remain upon the defensive,
and in Germany such a disposition should be
made of the troops of the Allies, as may not
only be sufficient for their own seciu'ity, but
also to deter the Emperor from pouring his
whole force into Italy, and to be in a condition
to act as the circumstances of affairs may re-
quire. That for carrying on the war in Italy
with success, your Kxcellency should propose
the renewing forthwith the negotiations with
the King of Sardinia, and that in order to
gain him, a considerable subsidy should be
offered him in all events and an assurance of
acquisitions in case of a war. That his Ma-
jesty is willing to engage to give the same
subsidy as England furnished to the Duke of
Saxony during the last w^ar, which was about
£150,000 per annum, provided the other
Allies will contribute in proportion, either in
subsidies or troops, which w^ll enable his Sar-
dinian IMajesty to provide for his own security,
and also to bring a considerable number of
troops into the field for tlie service of the
Allies. That your Excellency is to consent to
any reasonable plan that may be proposed for
attacking the Emperor in Italy, either by sea
or land, or both ; and if witli and above the

122 NOTES.

subsidies above mentioned to the King of
Sardinia, which are to be reckoned as part of
the contingents, any tiling more should be
required of his INIajesty towards the war in
Italy, the King is willing to furnish it in ships,
but not in land forces, considering the danger
and expense that would attend the sending of
national troops so far.

"As to the forces to be employed by the Allies
in Germany and Flanders, the same numbers
may fully suffice as were settled for that pur-
pose by the plan formed in the year 1727, and
his JMajesty is willing to furnish what was
thereby allotted to him. But before any plan
is put in execution on that side, it will be ab-
solutely necessary to demand of the King of
Prussia to explain himself as to the part he
intends to take, which was always proposed to
be done before any operations were to be be-
gun. As his Catholic IMajesty must be con-
vinced by this of the sincerity of the Allies
towards him, M. Castelar should be given to
understand that when the Allies are taking
these vigorous measures for the service of
Spain, they cannot but expect an exact per-
formance of the treaty of Seville by his Ca-
tholic IMajesty towards them and their sub-
jects, which (lo})ends singly upon the pleasure

NOVEMBFJl 1730. 123

of the King of Spain, and can neither be at-
tended with expense or hazard to him."

The Duke of Newcastle by the same i)ost,
and of the same date, wrote another private
letter to the Earl of Waldegrave, in which he
writes him, that having by his other letter
been fully informed of his JNIajesty's intention,
he was persuaded he would make such use of
it to satisfy Monsieur de Castelar, of the sin-
cerity with which the King acts towards Spain ;
and as liis («*. e. Waldegrave's) chief view should
be to hinder Castelar, if possible, from making
the extravagant declaration he has so often
threatened, and returning abruptly to Spain,
which might be attended with very ill con-
sequences, his ]Majestyleft it to him to execute
his orders in such manner as should be most
proper for that purpose.

The Duke likewise directs him to explain to
]M. Castelar, his INlajesty's conduct ever since
the signing of the treaty of Seville, and to show
that the non-execution of it could not be at-
tributed to the King.

The only project that was brought to any
kind of consistency last summer, was the at-
tempt upon Sicily, which had the approbation
of all the Allies ; and the King's quota, both of
ships and troojis, was actually in the IVrediter-

124 NOTES.

ranean time enough to have executed it if the
other Allies had thought it proper.

That it will be easy to show ]M. Castelar,
that the method the King has now suggested
is the only practical one of procuring the intro-
duction of the Spanish garrisons by force ; for
the confining the war chiefly to Italy, where
that introduction is to be made, is not only
the most natural but what all the Allies can
without difficulty agree in. Whereas the pro-
posing general and extensive plans, if not done
purely to avoid doing any thing, must create
questions which will necessarily take up a great
deal of time, and may possibly be attended with
insurmountable difficulties. And M. Castelar
must himself see, that the flinging out, as
jNI. Chauvelin did, the proposal of attacking
Flanders, so far from being a sign of their in-
tention to do any thing, is a plain indication
of the contrary. For if England and Holland
would consent, which they never can, to have
any o])crations there, how Avould the intro-
duction of Spanish garrisons be forwarded
by it? especially Avhcn, in all probability, the
Emperor would not give himself nnich trouble
about what should be done in those parts,
thinking the interest of the maritime powers
more concerned in that question than his own.

NOVEMBER 1730. 125

The proposing of an extravagant contingent to
be furnished by his ^lajesty, may possibly be
done with tlie same view, and therefore M.
Castelar should see that the insisting upon any
thing unreasonable, is a sure way to hav^e no-
thing done. Plis Majesty proposes to give the
King of Sardinia a subsidy of 150,000/. per
annum, which, according to the usual compu-
tation in treaties, is equivalent to above 13,000
foot ; and besides this, to have a squadron of
men-of-war in the INlediterranean to act for the
carrying on the war in Italy ; and when and
above all this, by the plan of 1727, his INIajesty
was to furnish 12,000 English, 12,000 Hessians,
and 20,000 Hanoverians, which ought to be
reckoned as part of his Majesty's contingent ;
so that without reckoning the King's own Ha-
noverian troops, England will furnish to the
value of 37,000 men besides a squadron of men-
of-war.

By the same post, the Duke wrote a very
private letter, of the same date, to Lord Walde-
grave, wherein he writes, tliat after what the
Cardinal had told him, that he had absolutely
refused M. Castelar to write to England for
obtaining such orders to Lord Waldegrave as
he desired, his Majesty was surprised to find
that M. Chauvelin had done it, as he would

126 NOTES.

see by ]Mr. Broglio's letter to him, of which
he enclosed a copy, as also of his short answer
to it. The Duke writes, that no doubt Chau-
vehn did this at Castelar's instigation, and com-
municated to him the very letter before he
sent it away, thinking by that managem'cnt to
persuade the Court of Spain of their readiness
to fulfil] their engagements, when probably they
are only shifting off the blame from themselves
by proposing to others what they think will
not be consented to. That his Majesty has no
other way to disappoint them, but by pursuing
the same steady and uniform conduct he has
always done, showing his readiness to execute
instantly tlie treaty of Seville, and to enter into
the proper measures for that purpose.

The letter of Broglio referred to, was dated
at London :], November, 1730, from Broglio
to the Duke of Newcastle, wherein he writes,
that 3Ion,sieur Le Garde des SceaiLv had in-
formed bin), that he had had a conference witli
my Lord AValdcgrave, ^I. Hungrogcne, and
M. Castclar, which last very w\irm]y pressed
for a positive answer upon the means to exe-
cute tlie sixth, separate and secret article of the
treaty of Seville, and that he had intimated to
that Minister, that the King his Master was
ready to employ in this expedition all his

NOVKMIiEU 1730. 127

troops proportionably to what the allies of Spain
would do.

Broalio oocs on to write that France could
not be suspected of preferring war to peace,
but tliat their partial endeavour jointly with
the Allies having had but small success, the
common honoiu* of all the Allies engaged them
not to defer any longer to take all necessary
measures to make the Court of Vienna know
that the engagements of the treaty of Seville
neither are nor will be illusory ; that it is too
long time that people have nourished them-
selves in the error that the Allies are not of
accord amono' themselves, and that beino; ani-
mated by different interests, it will be easy to
divide them, or that being united only in ap-
pearance, they will but weakly concur in the
operations of the war; tliat tl-.is prejudice is
the principal motive which hath engaged hi-
therto the Ministers of the Emperor to be in-
flexible on the head of the introduction of
Spanish garrisons ; that one cannot oppose the
reasons of M. Castelar, especially when, with-
out abandoning himself to imcertain and ge-
neral propositions, he demands only the effec-
tuation of Spanisli garrisons. That it is no
more a question to restrain it to the only war
in Italy, which will be impossible to undertake

128 NOTES.

with hope of success, considering the number of
the Emperor's troops in Italy, and that he is
master of all the posts and places by which an
entrance might be made. That it is necessary
generally to unite all our forces, to force the
Emperor to divide his — by attacking him on
other sides, and to endeavour to enlist the King
of Sardinia in our interest, being the two only
means to arrive at the introduction of Spanish
garrisons, which engages the King, my master,
to desire his Britannic Majesty to labour to
form this plan, by furnishing, in proportion
with us, a number of sufficient troops to exe-
cute it. That when our forces are thus united
and directed in concert, tliey are so superior,
that tliere is no fear of a long continuance of
a war ; that the King his master hopes, that
upon all these considerations, the King of
Great Britain will not refuse to determine him-
self upon the number of national troops which
he will employ for an offensive war generally
with those of his master, and also upon tlie
kind of operations. That every moment being
precious, it will be too long to expect to de-
liberate at the meeting of the Parliament.
That the King, his master, waits only for this
determination to give his last orders, and to

()CT()l5i:U, 17:5-2. 129

jiiakc s])cc(ly clis])().sitions for tlic opening of
the next Campaign.

This letter was writ for an ostensible letter,
and to throw the blame of any delay upon us.

The Duke of Newcastle returned to Broglio
a short answer, dated November 19, that the
King was always so inclined to the execution
of the treaty of Seville that he sees with plea-
sure the Court of France to be in the same
sentiments, who must too well know the con-
duct of his INIajesty not to do him justice to
the Court of Spain on this head. As we are
agreed upon the /on cl de V affaire, \\. now re-
mains only likewise to agree upon the means
to come to the end proposed : a plan upon
which the Allies may equally concur will be the
only way to fulfil our engagements with Spain,
and showing to the Court of Vienna that they
neither are nor will be illusory. It is upon
this principle that his Majesty hath sent orders
to Lord Waldegrave to concert with the minis-
ters of the Allies an unanimous answer to the
memorial of the INIarquis de Castelar, and the
measures to take in consequence.

1732. — In the beginning of October, 1732,
in an evening 1 was at the Duke of New-
castle's in Kensington, where were present

/

1 30 NOTES.

most of the Cabinet Council, Sir Charles
Wager and Commodore Stewart, to consider of
a letter from Mr. Petuchio to Mr. Keene, com-
plaining of an iinjnst capture of a rich Spanish
register ship in the bay of Campechy, and
leaving it to the King's discretion to do therein
what he should think just. The fact was this.
The 1st of September, 1730, on account of the
clamours about the Spaniards taking our ships
in the West Indies, orders were sent to Com-
modore Stewart, that if any English ships were
for the future taken by the Spaniards, to go
and demand a restitution, and in case of denial
to make reprisals. But Stewart, when these
orders were sent to him, by the advice of the
South Sea Company's factors and otliers, sus-
pended the executicm of them. In June 1731,
the Spaninrds took an English ship called the
Woolball; but Stewart did not then attempt
to make any reprisals, because he had taken
upon him to suspend the orders for so doing.
In October 1731, there being fresh hostilities
committed, the orders to make reprisals were
renewed to him. Soon after this matters were
accommodated between Spain and England,
and the Schedule to the South Sea was sent,
dated October 18. January 1731-2, tlie Sche-
dule for ])uttin<i' an end to all hostilities was

OCTOHI'.K, 17:]2. \4\

signed at Scvillo, 1731-2. Capt. Stewart re-
ceived the Seliedule the 28th of April, 1732,
but before that time, viz. Gth of April 1732,
lie sent Capt. Aubin to Campechy to de-
mand the AVoolball, and in case of refusal to
make reprisals. Accordingly he made the
demand at Campechy the 6th of April 1731-2,
and they refusing to restore the AVoolball, he
took a Spanish register rich ship then in the bay
of Campechy, and cai-ried it away to Jamaica,
where it now is.

This Petucchio insists upon to be an unjust
capture, and was like to be of ill consequences
in the West Indies. This being the fact, the
Duke of Newcastle said that the King had
ordered this meeting to advise him what to do:
and after debating the matter pfo et con, it was
agreed that the Spanish ^Vmbassador being
hourly expected, we would suspend the coming
to any conclusion till the Duke of Newcastle
should first send him word about it, which he
accordingly did ; and about a week after this
first meeting, there w^as a second meeting of
the cabinet, when the Duke of Newcastle re-
ported that he had spoke with the Conde de
IMonteJo, \\\\o declared that he had no orders
about it, but that he had ])rivatc letters inform-
ing him of such a fact, that he believed in his

/■ 2

1 32 NOTES.

own private judgment notliing could make
Spain easy but a restitution of the ship, which
had been taken contrary to all engagements.
We thought that it was not fit to make a rup-
ture about this matter, and, rather than that
should be, to restore the ship.

THE END.

INDEX

TO THE LIFE OF LOCKE.

Adversaria Theologica, ii. 18G.
Ales, English, i. 250.
Algebra, i. 227.
Amor Patriae, ii. 92.
Amsterdam, residence at, i. 295.
Arguments, positive and negative, ii. 16^.
Armenian priest and service, i. 297.
Ashley, Lord, letters to Locke, i. 337, 344.
Avignon, palace at, i. 97.

Bellai, anecdotes of this Bishop, i. 155.

Bentlcy, Dr. Richard, ii. 300.

Bernier, M. account of the Hindoos, i. 136, 234.

Bible of the Bibliothcque du Roi, i. 134 ; French Bibles, 155.

Bodleian Library, Locke's Works, ii. 51.

Boor's house and farm, Dutch, i, 309, 310.

Bordeaux, city of, i. J 46

Bouillon, Due de, i. 159.

Brandenburgh, court of, i. 18 ; the Elector's house, 32.

Buckingliam, Duke of, i. 61.

Burnett, Thomas, letter to Locke, ii. 297.

Calvinists, account of the, i. 28.
Camels described, i. 305.
Capuchins, i. 158.

134 INDEX.

Carter, Rev. Mr., anecdote of, i. 247.
Cassini, M., observatory, i, 136.
Catholic priests, Roman, their courtesy, i. 28.
Character of Locke, ii. 67.

• -, from Le Clerc, ii. 53.

Charles II., his letter to Sir G. Downing, i. 76 ; his reign, 253.

Christus, Adversaria Theologica, ii. 190.

Church, treatises relating to the, i. 12.

Cicero, Gronovii, i. 378.

Civil Government, treatise on, ii. 71.

Classics, editions of the, i. 378.

Clergy, ii. 88.

Cleves, letters descriptive of, i. 19, 24.

CJifFord, Lord, i. 66.

Coin, state of the, ii. 1.

Colhns, Anthony, i. 71.

Common-place Book, extracts from Locke's, i. 289 ; ii. 75.

Conduct of the Understanding, by Locke, ii. 50.

Conli, Prince de, i. 154.

Copyright of Locke's works, ii. 50.

Coste, M., his translation of Locke, i. 357.

Covell, M., anecdotes, i. 151.

Cud worth, Mr., letter to, ii. 17.

Death and last illness of Locke, ii. 45.

Declaration of Charles IL on the Rye-house Plot, i. 260.

Descartes, i. 119; his proof of a God examined, ii. 133.

Devon Session, order, i. 268.

Disputalio, ii. 81.

Dutch, their success at Chatham, i. 50.

Education, on, i. 7.

Electio, ii. 98.

England in 1679, directions for a foreigner visiting, i. 248.

Knlhusiasm, ii. 152.

INDEX. 135

Entretiens d'Ariste, les, extracts from, i. 130.

Ej)itaph, Locke's, by himself, ii. 44.

Error, ii. 75.

Errors, ii. 174.

Essay, first sketch of Locke's, i. 10.

, additions intended to Book IL c. xxi. ii. 219.

. . • 111. c. X. ii. 222, 225.

, Locke's Abstract of his, ii. 230.

Ethics in general, ii. 122.

Exclusion Bill, i. 254.

Excommunication, ii. 108.

Expulsion of Locke from Oxford, i. 273.

Fell, Bishop, letters to Locke, i. 274, 279, 283, 284.

Fermentation, on, i. 217.

Fontainbleau, Court of Louis XIV. i. 140.

Fox, Mr., observations of, i. 58.

France, condition under Louis XIV., i. 85.

Franciscan friars, i. 41.

Franeker, university at, i. 300.

Gobelins, tapestries of the, i. 137.
Grave, Pays de, i. 14G.
Groningen, university of, i. 302.
Gronovius, junior, i. 306.
Guenelon, physician, i. 295.

Habeas Corpus Act, i. 60, 254.
Halifax, Earl of, i. 61.
Hamilton, -Duke of, i. 223.
Hampden, trial of his grandson, i. 259.
Happiness, on, i. 168, 181, 216.
Henri IV., letters of, i. 134.
Hermitage wine, i. 93.
Howard, Lord Edward, i. 223.

1 36 INDEX.

Human Understanding, the Essay on the, i. 10;, 62, 328,

332.— See Essay.
Hume, David, quoted, i. 257.
Hyeres, town and oranges of, i. 126.

Immortality of the Soul, i. 237.
Interest, on lowering the rate of, ii. 2, 6.
Invalides, Hotel des, i. 143.

James II., his measures, i. 285 ; willing to pardon Locke, 295.
John, St., disputed verse, i. 400.
Journal, Locke's, i. 86.

■ , in Holland, i. 296.

, Dissertations in, i. 161, 171.

Judging, Election and Resolution, ii. 106.
Justel, M., i. 160.

King, Mr. (Lord Chancellor), i. 416 ; Locke's letters to, ii.

22—44.
Knowledge, its extent and measure, i. 161.
, sorts of, i. 180, 224.

Labadists, sect and community, i. 300.

Languedoc, States of, i. 102, 106.

Le Cierc, M., i. 6, 362, 425 ; letter, 429 ; his learning, 432 ;
letter lo Locke, ii. 156; his translation of Locke's Abs-
tract of the Essay, 294.

Leibnitz to Dr. Burnet, i. 364 ; ii. 302.

Liberty of the Will, Locke to Le Clerc, ii. 159.

Library at St. Germain's, i. 150.

Limborch, Philippus a, i. 295 ; his Latin letters to Locke, ii.
306, &c.

Lincoln, Bishop of, to the Earl of Shaftesbury, i. 360.

Lingua, ii. 8] .

Locke, Mr. John, filial afiection, i. 1 ; scut to Clnjst Church,
Oxford, 5; early writings, 11; studies medicine, 16;

INDEX. 137

diplomacy, 18; describes Germany, 19,24; disputations,
28, 38 ; at Oxford, he declines a mission to Spain, 49 ; re-
fuses cliurcli preferment, 53 ; j)liilosophical pursuits, oG ;
acquaintance with Shaftesbury, 57 ; at Exeter House, 60 ;
is Secretary to the Lord Chancellor, 62 ; suffers from
asthma, 78, 253 ; his Journal in France, 84 ; at Montpellier,
100; at Paris, 134; flies to Holland, 258 ; expelled from
Oxford, 273; Journal in Holland, 295 ; petitions for re-
storation to his studentship, 325 ; is attacked for his Essay
and its principles, 357, 359 ; his writings, 374 ; acquaint-
ance with Newton, 388 ; appointment to the Board of
Trade, ii. 6 ; he retires, 16; observations on Newton, 39 ;
his death, 45.

Locke, letters of, to his father, i. 3 ; to the Earl of Pe-
terborough, on education, 7; to Mr. G. 19; to Mr. J.
Strachy, 24, 34, 40, 50 ; on the choice of a profession, 53 ;
to Dr. Mappletoft, 78, 82 ; on religious topics, 204, 212 ; to
Lord Mordaunt, 319 ; to Mr. J. Wynne, 354; to his rela-
tive, Mr. King, 363 ; to Mr. Tyrrell, 366 ; to Sir Isaac
Newton, 418; to Lord Somers, ii. 7, 10, 13 ; to Mr. Cud-
worth, 17; to Mr. King (Lord Chancellor), 22 — 44; to
M. Le Clerc, 159.

Longevity, instance of, i. 244.

Louis XIV. at Versailles, i. 138; at Foniainbleau 140 ; at a
review, 141, 153; at a levee, 150.

Lyons, city of, i. 90.

Mackintosh, Sir James, i. 329 ; ii. 71.
Mai'seilles, port and environs of, i. 124.
Masham, Sir F. and Lady, ii. 16, 45.
Memory, Imagination, Madness, ii. 169.
Miracles, on, i. 415.
Miscellaneous Papers, ii. 106.
Money, Raising the Value of, ii. 2, 4.

Monmouth, Lord, correspondence with, i. 388. — See Peltr-
hoiomr/i.

138 INDEX.

Montaigne, character given of, i. 296.
Montpellier, i. 100, 111, 1 12.

Nassau, Henry Casimir Prince of, i. 303.

, Princess of, i. 303.

New Testament, two MSS. examined, i. 150.

Newton, Sir Isaac, letters to Mr. Locke, i. 401 — 416 ; he

makes a confession and receives r. generous answer from

Locke, 417 ; further letters, 420 ; dissertations on St.

John, 424.
, his Demonstration : the Motion of the Planets may

be in Ellipses, i. 389.
, his letters, Remarks by Rev. Dr. Rees on, i. 423.

Nismes, amphitheatre of, i. 98.
Nonconformity, Defence of, by Locke, ii. 196.

Opinions of Locke, i. 252.

Optical effect on viewing the sun reflected in a mirror; is con-
tinued by the imagination : Sir I. Newton desciihes, i. 405.

Oxford, parliament at, i. 255 ; expulsion of Locke, 273 ;
Oxford decree, 277 ; visitatorial power of the crown, 284 ;
transactions, 313, 357.

Pacific Christians, ii. 273.

Paris, Locke's description of, i. 134.

, population stated, i. 153.

Pembroke, Earl of, letters to Locke, i. 292.

Penal Laws, obligation of, i. 114.

Penn, William, i. 291.

Peterborough, Earl of, letter to, i. 7 ; his offer to Locke, 319;

letters to Locke, 388, 438, 441, 442, 444, 446.
Pont du Gard, i. 98.
Pont St. Esprit, on the Rhone, i. 95.
Porson's letters to Travis, i. 424.
Power, Civil and Ecclesiastical, dilFerence between, ii. 108.

INDEX. 139

Prayer, Form of, ordered for September 9, 1683, i. 261.
Printing Act of Itth Charles II., Locke's observations

on, i. 374'.
Protestants in France, i. 100, 105, 108, 110.

Reading, method of, i. 183, 199, 201, 218.

Recreation, Locke on, ii. 165.

Relation and Space, ii. 179.

Religion and Inspiration, i. 230.

Religious opinions of Locke, ii. 63.

Review of the French and Swiss guards, i, 141, 151.

Richelieu, Cardinal de, i. 150, 155.

Sacerdos, spirit of the order, ii. 82.

Scaliger, tomb of, i. 307.

Schelton, Mr., Memorial to the States-General, i. 286.

Scriptura Sacra, ii. 96.

Scrupulosity, i. 204.

Shaftesbury, Earl of, his illness, i. 57 ; his political conduct,
59; his friends, 61 ; Lord Chancellor, 62 ; is sent to the
Tower, 71 ; President of the Council, 254; indictment,

257.
, his letters to Locke, i. 64, 69, 255. — See Lord

Ashley.
Somers, Mr., letters to Locke, i. 434.

, Lord, letters to Locke, ii. 3, 9.

Space, on, ii. 175.

, Imaginary, i. 123.

Species of things, ii. 161.

Sports of England, i. 248.

Stewart, Dugald, opinions of, i. 17, 328, 3S5, 416.

Stillingfleet's, Bishop, controversy with l^ocke, i. S5\).

Study, Dissertation on, by I^ocke, i. 1 ? I .

Sunderland, Lord, letters of, i. 277, 281.

Sydenham, Dr., i. 16, 81.

140 INDEX.

Tea, Japanese mode of making, i. 297.
Thomas, Mr., letter to Locke, ii. 304.

, Dr., i. 57, 62, 295.

Thou, M. de, library of, i. 154.

Thus I think, ii. 120.

Toinard, M., experiment by, i. 217.

Toleration Act, and progress of Religious Liberty, i. 327.

, letter for, i. 289 ; printed in Latin, 291 ; ii. 305 ;

second letter for, i. 374.

-, deficiency in the fourth letter supplied, ii. 229.

Trinitas, Non-Trinitas, argument, ii. 187.
Trumbull's, Sir William, letter to Locke, ii. 6.
Turf, preparation of peat in Holland, i. 311.
Tyrrell, Mr., i. 5, 62, 295 ; letters to Mr. Locke, 312, 314,
317, 357.

Vane, Sir Walter, i. 18.
Vaucluse, fountain of, i. 127.
Versailles, chateau and gardens, i. 138.
Virtue, the means of, i. 216, ii. 94.
Visitation, episcopal, i. 247.

Unitarians, i. 327.
Uzes, town of, i. 103.

William IIL compliments to him, i. 319; attended on by

Locke, ii. 12 ; his asthma, 16 ; his title, 71.
Worcester, Bishop of, nee Stillingfleet.
Works, list of Locke's, ii. 47-

enumerated in his will, ii. 51.

Wynne's, Mr., letter to Locke, i. 351.

VouM, Mr., i. 301.

York, Duke of, (James IL) i. 254.

INDEX TO THE NOTES
OF LORD KL\G, LORD CHANCELLOR.

Abjuration, oath of, 41.

Anne, Queen, accession of, 41.

Argyle, Duke of, 8.

Athol, Duke of, 7.

Aubin, Captain, R. N. 131.

Baden, Princess of, 64.
Berkeley, Earl, 24.
Blois, Sir C. 49.
Bolingbioke, Lord, 51.
Bremen and Verden, 62.
Broglio, letter of M. de, 126.

Carlos, Don, the Infant, 23, 25.

Caroline, Queen of George II., 16, 50, 100.

Carteret, Lord, 51.

Castelar, Memorial of the Marquis de, lis.

Chauvelin, intercepted letter of, 109.

Civil List of George II., 51.

Compton, Sir S., 46, 51.

Covvper, Lord, Diary of, 47.

Cumberland, William Duke of, 16.

Declaration on the King's accession, 38.
Dehn, Count, 53.
Devonshire, Duke of, 35.
Diemar, Major-General, 28.

Edgecombe, Kichard, Esq. 34.
Embden, possession of, 58, 62.

142 INDEX.

Frederick Prince of Wales, 16.

Galleons, Spanish, 99.

George I. depaits for Hanover, 5 ; is just towards Prince

Frederick, 16; refuses the mediation of Austria between

him and Spain, 22, 26 ; his death, 34.
George II., 16 ; accession of, G4 ; his policy, 60; prepaies

for war, 108 ; letters to his Queen, 111 ; promise to King

Louis, 115.
Germany, Emperor of, 22, 25.

Gibraltar and Minorca, diplomatic question respecting, 22, 56.
Glasgow, tumult at, 11.
Glenorchy, Lord, 34.
Godolphin, Lord, 38.
Grafton, Duke of, 49.
Grimaldi, Marquis de, 22.

Hadelen, claimants of, 63, 64.

Hanmer, Sir Tliomas, 49.

Hanover, 16 ; treaty of, 60.

Harrington, Lord, 113, 117.

Hesse, Landgrave of, treaty for a subsidiary corps, 28, 30.

Hosier, Admiral, 30.

Infanta of Spain sent back from France, 14, 26.
Irish rejjiments in the French service, 1 15.
Islay, Earl of, 12.
Justices of peace for Scotland, 1 1.

King, Lord Cliancellor, takes his seat in the House of Lords,
5 ; addresses George II. on iiis accession, 35 ; states the
practice as to the declaration, 38 ; resists an innovation on
his clerical patronage, 47 ; nominates justices of peace,
49 ; seals a commission to treat with the Duke of Wolfcn-
buttcl, 52 ; receives curious information from Walpole, 109.

INDEX. 143

Kecne, Mr., mission of, 31.
Kemp, Sir R., 49.

Macclesfield, Lord, 17.
Malt tax, the, 11.
Montt^o, Conde dc, 131.
Murray, Lord George, 7.

Newcastle, Duke of, 17, 54, 1 12, 1^9.

Orkney, Earl of, 108.
Ostend company, the, 25, 58.

Paz, Marquis del, proposals of, 99.
Petuchio, letter of M., 130.
Philip, Don, the Infant, 33.
Pretender, league in favour of the, 33.
Prince Frederick, the ship, 54.
Proclamation of George TL, 36.
Protestant religion, designs to subvert the, 33.
Prussia, King of, his army, 108.

Regency appointed by George L, 5.
Ripperda, Duke of, gives secret information, 31
Rottemburgh, Count, instructions of, 54.
Russian designs, 14.

Sardinia, King of, 121, 125.

Saxe Lawenburg, Duchy of, 64.

Seville, treaty of, 114; its non-execution, 123.

Somerset, Duke of, 20.

Spain, negotiations with, 106, 112, 118.

, Queen of, 22.

Spanish register-ship, 130.

vessel shipwrecked, 1 1 4.

Stanhope, Mr., 22, 27-

144 INDEX.

Staremberg, Count, 26.
Stewart, Commodore, 130.
Succession, Act settling the, 38.

Torrington, Lord, 99.

Townshend, Lord, 16, 28.

Treaty between the Emperor and the King of Spain, 21, 25.

between the King of France, Holland, and the four

Electors, 101, 103.
Triple Alliance between England, France, and Prussia,

20, 25.

Vienna, Treaty of; secret articles between the Emperor and
the King of Spain, 31.

Wade, General, 1 1.

Wager, Sir Charles, fleet of, 30, 98.

Waldegrave, Lord, instructions of, 118.

Walpole, Mr. Horace, 56.

, Sir Robert, conversations with, 14, 109 ; his advice

to George I. 16 ; he ingratiates himself with George IL

46, 51.
Welsh Judges, 48.
William III., death of, 40.
Wolfenbuttel, Duke of, 50.

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