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The Life of
Lieutenant General

Richard Heron Anderson

OF THE

Confederate States Army

BY

C. Irvine Walker

Art Publishing Company
Charleston, S. C.

./i^-*?- vvx^

Copyright, 1917.

by
C. Irvine Walker

m II 1917

Manufactured by

L. H. JENKINS, INC.

ZUchmoud, Va.

©CI.A477996

Courtesy Century Co.

Lt. General Richard Heron Anderson

DEDICATED TO
ANN CATHERINE SAUNDERS

THE LOYAL NIECE OF GENERAL ANDERSON

WHO INSPIRED THIS EFFORT TO

PRESERVE HIS WELL DESERVED FAME

AND TO

MY WIFE

WHO AIDED BY HER COUNSEL
AND ENCOURAGEMENT.

PREFACE

The duty assigned the Author by the family of General
Anderson and by his comrades of Camp Dick Anderson,
U. C. v., of preparing this Life of the heroic patriot and
soldier, has proved to him one of intense personal gratifica-
tion. He had had the privilege of some association with
General Anderson, during his sojourn in Charleston, and
thought he appreciated his worth and nobility, but after
the study necessary for this work, he realizes that he had
not the faintest conception of the grandeur of the man, or
the vast importance his services had been to his Country.
Markedly, at two critical periods, his skill as a General,
saved the Army of Northern Virginia from crushing dis-
aster and several times he contributed essentially to its
success. If this work will win for him the fame his
glorious achievements so richly deserve it will have ac-
complished its object, and the Author be amply rewarded.

The Author acknowledges his indebtedness for many of
the facts herein, to various publications bearing upon the
War's history, particularly "The War of the Rebellion
Records." He having been most kindly assisted by,
earnestly thanks for the advice and information generously
given by many, prominently by Gen. Thos. T. Munford,
Rev. Dr. J. H. McNeilly, Maj. Edward N. Thurston, Mrs.
W. L. Saunders, Col. J. P. Nicholson and Judge and Mrs.
J. T. Goolrick.

CONTENTS

Chapter. Page.

I. Ancestry, Family and Home 9

II. His Career Up to 1861 18

III. The Great War of Secession 27

IV. What the United States Owes to the Confederacy 56

V. His Service in South Carolina and Florida 59

VI. The Peninsular Campaign, Including the Battle of

Williamsburg 64

VII. Battle of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks 74

VIII. Battle of (1st) Cold Harbor, or Gaines Mills 83

IX. Battles of F.rayser's Farm and Malvern Hill 91

X. North Virginia Campaign of 1862 and Battle of

Manassas - 95

XI. Maryland Campaign, Including Battle of Sharpsburg 105

XII. Battle of Fredericksburg 113

XIII. Chancellorsville Campaign 131

XIV. Pennsylvania Campaign, Including Battle of Gettys-

burg 142

XV. Campaign of Manoeuvres in Northern Virginia in

1863 153

XVI. Campaign From Rapidan to Petersburg, Including
Battles of The Wilderness, Spottsylvania, and
2nd Cold Harbor 158

XVII. Campaign After 2nd Cold Harbor and Up to the

Valley Campaign of 1864 174

XVIII. Valley Campaign, Summer of 1864 180

XIX. Siege of Petersburg 192

XX. Last Days of Lee's Army 199

XXI. Vindication of Gen. Anderson From the Insinuations
of Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, As to the Battle of Five
Forks 214

XXII. The Confederacy's Chances of Success 231

XXIII. Gen. Anderson's Commands 236

XXIV. His Career After the War 237

XXV. Monument at Beaufort, S. C 255

XXVI. Gen. Anderson's Character _ 263

CHAPTER I.

Ancestry, Family and Home.

We, of the South, dearly love family associations and
warmly cherish their influences on the individual and upon
the social life of a community. While we are ready to
recognize the merits and award full credit to the self made
man, yet deep down in our hearts we would honor him
rather the more if he had a well known pedigree. All men
who rise to distinction in life's struggle are "self made",
their success being accomplished by their own personal
sacrifice and efforts ; neither blood nor inheritance can
make a man great. Yet it does rather please us to know
that the man, in addition to his self developed qualities,
has a distinguished lineage. We well know that such pedi-
gree does not ensure manly achievements, however much
social eminence it may give. It is not proposed to defend
this idiosyncracy, but as our readers are apt to be mostly
in and of the South, possessing such bias, it will not be
irrelevant to commence the Story of the Life of General
Richard H. Anderson with a brief resume of that of his
forbears and of his contemporaneous family and other early
surroundings.

But to correctly learn a man's real personality it is cer-
tainly advisable, if not absolutely necessary, to be acquaint-
ed with the circumstances and influences which contributed
to the formation of his character. We are all, during our

lo LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

entire lives, influenced by our surroundings. So there is
an appropriateness, as well as the above referred to idiosyn-
cracy, to warrant our yielding to our Southern peculiarities.

Genl. Anderson came of a line, many of whom were
fighters and all men of eminent individuality. Their
achievements were impressed upon him by the traditions,
the relics and the mementoes of their heroic past, gathered
and sacredly preserved at the old family homestead. So we
naturally expect, as the tale of his life work is unfolded
to find him not only a fighter, but a good fighter and brave
and skillful General.

To those who read only for the interest of the story, or
for the study of War Problems, this may not be very at-
tractive. Let such then skip and pass on to the next
Chapter. But to the student, or reader, who really desires
to learn what influences made Genl. Anderson the man he
was, this will not be amiss ; — they will require this informa-
tion. Environments go far towards the making of the man
and knowing such, one can form a more correct apprecia-
tion of Genl. Anderson.

In the life of our country, two great revolutions have
swept over it, each fraught to it, with decisive destinies.
The first freed the Colonies from the rule of English royalty
and established them as a Confederacy of State Sovereign-
ties. The second consolidated this State Federation into a
cohesive centralized Nation. While neither rose to the
dazzling distinction of Washington, Lee, Lincoln, or Grant,
yet the Richard Anderson, of each Revolution, was a dis-
tinguished figure of his times. The Richard Anderson of
the First, and the Richard H. Anderson of the Second. The
first a Captain of the 7th. Regiment of the Maryland Line,
and the Second, his grandson, far more eminent, a Lieuten-
ant General in the Confederate Army. The former trans-
mitted to the latter, those traits and characteristics which
won him the soubriquet of "Fighting Dick Anderson".

ANCESTRY, FAMILY AND HOME ii

Both contended for the same lofty principles — freedom and
the right of self-government.

The record of the Revolutionary Richard Anderson,
shows that he also deserved the same soubriquet, of "Fight-
ing Dick", as did his grandson. At the battle of German-
town, when the Company of which Richard Anderson was
First Lieutenant, was charging Chew's House, the Captain
shrunk behind a tree. The Colonel rode up and called "who
commands this company?" Lieut. Anderson replied that he
did, and led them in the charge through a heavy fire of
Artillery and musketry. Ere he retreated from the field Col.
Gunby, Lieut. Anderson and one other officer, alone re-
mained of their Regiment, the rest having been either
killed, wounded or captured. He was promoted for his
gallantry to be Captain and subsequently brevetted, Major.
Again he showed his coolness and gallantry at the Battle
of Cowpens. There an order was given to seize the British
Artillery, and Capt. Anderson made the first capture of a
gun. He planted the end of his espantoon forward into
the ground, and making a flying leap landed squarely upon
the gun. The gunner was just in the act of firing when
the gallant Captain ran his sword through him.

Capt. Anderson had been promoted Nov. 15th. 1777, and
his commission bears the signature of John Jay, afterwards
Chief Justice of the United States. He wore this commis-
sion tied around his neck thereafter, so that if taken pris-
oner, he could prove his rank and his entitlement to treat-
ment befitting such rank. On the parchment were blood
stains from wounds received at the Battles of Camden and
at Guilford. At the Battle of Monmouth Court House he
fought with intrepidity under Col. John Gunby, of the
Eastern Shore of Maryland, while the heroic friend of
America, Lafayette, led the van.

At the disastrous Battle of Green Swamp or Camden,
"Capt. Anderson was severely wounded, and owed his life

12 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

to his Colonel who passing by, had the wounded man placed
behind him on his own horse and with this incumbrance,
at the head of his Regiment, Col. Gunby led on his men to
another charge. * * * Arriving at the swamp, which was
difficult of passage, and believing he had received his death
wound, Capt. Anderson entreated his commander not to en-
danger his own life by continuing to carry him on horse-
back, but Col. Gunby replied that they had lived or died
together, and having reached the other side in safety, com-
mitted the exhausted Captain to the care of two officers."

The fighting blood in the Anderson family, was further
enriched by the marriage of this valiant Revolutionary hero
to Ann Wallace, a descendant of the famous Wallace of
Scotland. Our "Fighting Dick" was true to this inherited
gallantry and was a true scion of a race of fighting men.

The son of Col. Richard Anderson, Dr. William Wal-
lace Anderson, moved to Statesburg, S. C. in 1810. He
married Mary Jane Mackenzie, who was the adopted
daughter of Thomas Hooper. The Hooper family, during
Colonial and Revolutionary days owned and resided at the
historic mansion, Hill Crest, in the High Hills of Santee,
between Camden and Sumter. After his marriage Dr.
Anderson occupied this beautiful place as his home, and
thereafter it was known as the "Anderson place."

When the Confederate War broke out Dr. Anderson was
far too aged to give his personal services to the cause, but
he was devotedly loyal to it. He once said, "I will risk
everything I am worth in support of my adopted State,
through every trial and every danger." He sent his labor-
ers to work on the fortifications around Charleston. In
acknowledgment of this vajued aid he was presented with
a walking cane made from a piece of the Flag Staff at Fort
Sumter, which was at the Fort when it was captured in
April, 1861. And he gave to the cause of Southern Inde-
pendence three Sons — and three such sons !

ANCESTRY, FAMILY AND HOME 13

The children of this Dr. W. W. Anderson, of Hill Crest,
were Mary Heron, (Gen.) Richard Heron, Edward Mac-
kenzie, (Dr.) William Wallace, Mary Hooper, Franklin
and John Benjamin. His second wife was Elizabeth Waties,
a daughter of Judge Waties, from which union there was
no issue.

Genl. R. H. Anderson married Sarah Gibson, daughter
of Hon. John B. Gibson, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania.
She died in Charleston, S. C, August nth, 1872. Their
children were Richard Gibson, who died in his early man-
hood and Sarah Galbraith, who married Wm. DeSaussure
Blanding, who is now deceased. Mrs. Blanding and her
three daughters are now (1917) residing in Lexington, Ky.
The General's second wife was Martha Mellette, who sur-
vived him.

Edward Mackenzie Anderson was killed at his brother's
side while serving on his Staff at the Battle of Williams-
burg, Va., on the Peninsula. He was unmarried.

Dr. William Wallace Anderson, the General's brother,
was a physician and eminent scientist. In 1849 he entered
the United States Army as a Surgeon and served at various
posts in Texas and New Mexico. "He had inherited his
father's taste for natural history and scientific study and
development. While on his western tour of duty he be-
came deeply interested in making a collection of rare plants
and birds. His finest specimens of birds were sent to the
Smithsonian Institute. That these contributions were of
unusual value is shown by letters received from Prof.
Spencer T. Baird. * * * As a voluntary observer for many
years, his meterological records were of great service to
the Weather Bureau at Washington * * * He dwelt amongst
the people of his own Southland, the exemplification of the
highest qualities of Christian grace and manhood. Passing
beyond the portals into the higher life in his eighty-seventh

14 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

year, of him it can be truly said 'He did justly, loved mercy
and walked humbly with his God.' "

He was stationed at San Antonio, Tex., the post being
commanded by Col. Robert E. Lee, at the time South Caro-
lina seceded. He resigned, during the spring of 1861, and
at once offered his services to the Southern Confederacy.
He first served under Gen. Joseph E. Johnston in Virginia,
then in Tennessee and Mississippi, and was Medical Di-
rector to Genl. Pemberton at Vicksburg. Oct. 16, 1863, he
was assigned to duty as ''Medical Inspector with superin-
tendence of Vaccination of the Armies, Hospitals and
Camps of Instruction of the Confederate States." Finding
the territory too extended, Nov. 2nd. the War Department
at his suggestion restricted his labors to the States of
North and South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana,
and Mississippi. He continued in this position until the
close of the War, ranking as Major, the highest grade
given in the Medical Corps of the Confederacy.

He married Mary Virginia, daughter of Gen. Thomas
Childs, of Massachusetts. Their children, Elizabeth
Waties, now Mrs. Mark Reynolds, Ann Catherine, now Mrs.
W. L. Saunders, William Wallace, Mary Virginia, now Mrs.
W. B. Nelson, and Benjamin Mackenzie. Mr. W. L. Saun-
ders, who married Ann Catherine, now owns and with his
wMfe and family, resides at Hill Crest, the old Anderson
homestead.

To Mrs. W. L. Saunders' love for and high admiration
of her Uncle, Gen. R. H. Anderson, is due this effort to
preserve his memory and perpetuate his fame. For years
she has kept his memory green. Her indomitable per-
sistence and loyal devotion has brought about this publica-
tion to revive his fame from a forgetfulness, which his
modesty and retiring disposition allowed. General Ander-
son's aim in life was to do — not to write or speak of what
he did ; to accomplish great deeds, but never to seek the

ANCESTRY, FAMILY AND HOME 15

worldly commendation or reward they so richly deserved ;
he believed that duty well done was its due reward. So
excessive was he in this modesty that he was not just to
himself. Fortunate it is for his fame, that he had a loving
niece, who appreciating his grandeur, has devoted her ef-
forts to placing him on that lofty pinnacle, his brilliant
achievements warrant. Fortunate that this niece had not
only the desire, but the ability to do this, and to enthuse
others to aid her and thus accomplish her noble aims.

Mary Hooper Anderson, the sister of the General, mar-
ried Col. Frederick Lynn Childs, a most distinguished Ord-
nance Officer of the Confederacy. His services were in-
valuable. In the manufacture of the munitions of war, he
accomplished as much, if not more, than any other man
in the Confederacy. For over two years he was stationed
at Charleston, S. C, in command of the Arsenal, at which
were twenty-five workshops and a foundry. He directed
also eight or ten establishments in other places in the State.
Like his brother-in-law, General Anderson, he was modest,
retiring and devoted, first and all the time, to his duty.

Writing to his wife he said, "Colonel Gorgas has an-
swered my letters as usual, 'of more service where I am
than I could be in the field,' hopes that the War Depart-
ment will not be unmindful of my services." He wanted
service in the field, and naturally chafed when his juniors
in the old Army were made Generals. He again writes
"yet I must plod on as a Captain, and console myself with
being useful. I would rather try to win promotion in the
field. To think of our children reading the history of this
revolution without seeing my name mentioned in it. How-
ever, I shall work a little longer ; there is one more thing I
want to see done for the defence of old Charleston Harbor,
and that is to have furnaces made at Forts Sumter and
Moultrie for firing molten iron into the Federal vessels when
they come next fall." This was a most original idea, and

i6 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

were it not evolved from the brain of an experienced engi-
neer it might be called chimerical. How many seemingly
more impracticable inventions have we lived to see accom-
plished and in every day use. It was not wilder then than
a Cannon throwing a bolt of a ton's weight and many miles,
the telephone, the wireless telegraph, and the marvellous
production of electric machinery.

Hill Crest, the Anderson Homestead, in the "High Hills
of Santee," Sumter County, South Carolina, is on the old
historic highway from Charlotte to Charleston. Along
this road, in the piping days of peace, passed the products
of the up-country — wagons filled with corn, cotton and
pi-ovisions, great rolling hogsheads of tobacco, droves of
hogs, sheep, cattle, all moving to the markets of Charleston,
the emporium of the State. By its tortuous lengths, in
War times, with colors flying, marched the British troops
of Lord Cornwallis. and again, the American patriots under
General Greene ; bloody Tarleton leading his Scarlet
Legions, and Marion and Sumter sweeping by with their
ragged, but glorious Partisans.

To the side of the road, just opposite a lovely valley of
General Sumter's historic estate, rises a majestic knoll,
gently sloping to its oak crowned crest, on which stands a
grand old mansion. Many of the very trees on the lawn
are vested with traditionary lore. The old house is in a
good state of preservation, replete with associations, relics,
legends of days of yore, — Colonial, Revolutionary, Indian,
War of 1 812, Mexican War and Confederate. Its doors are
always wide open with gracious hospitality. Its ample pro-
portions and spacious rooms mellowed by the lights and
shadows of chivalric history, impart to it an atmosphere of
dignity and of romance. During the Revolution, it was
at one time occupied by Lord Cornwallis, as British Head-
quarters, and afterwards by Generals Greene and Sumter
of the American Army. On one of the doors of the Hall is

u

ANCESTRY, FAMILY AND HOME 17

the mark from the blow made with the butt end of a musket
of a British soldier, and near it the letters C. A. carved by
a soldier of General Greene's Army, showing that the Con-
tinental Army subsequently occupied the Mansion. Each
child of the family has sipped from General Washington's
spoon ; has handled most carefully the wax candle, almost
black with age, taken from the stores of Lord Cornwallis
after his surrender at Yorktown; has reverently turned the
precious leaves of General Childs' Bible (which was lost
during the siege of Fort Erie in 1814, and found at Fort
Niagara in 1816) ; and gazed with deep admiration at the
elaborately embroidered priest's robe, the gift of Nuns in
Mexico, for General Child's kind protection, given them
during the American occupation. The swords, and sashes
and epaulets of generations of warriors bear witness to the
bravery of the men of the family, prominent, always
amongst those who have made American history, gave us
and preserved for us the freedom of our Country. All an
inspiration to patriotic duty ! Is it any wonder, that
nursed amongst such an inheritance, surrounded by such
inspiriting influences and inspired by such thrilling mem-
ories, that our General Anderson proved an ardent patriot,
a pure man and a gallant soldier?

CHAPTER II.

His Career Up to i86i,

Richard H. Anderson was born at Hill Crest, Sumter
County, South Carolina, October 7, 1821, in the noted
"High Hills of Santee." In his boyhood days he led the
life of the country lad of the more opulent planting class,
not having the necessity for manual labor. When not en-
gaged in his books and in the training of his intellectual
faculties, he was riding, hunting, shooting or engaged in
other out door sports. His gentle, unselfish nature en-
deared him to his companions. The younger boys, with
high admiration, looked up to "Old Dick" as he was famil-
iarly called by them. One of them, who in mature manhood
rose to distinction in this State, recalled his firing his first
shot at a bird, the gun resting on "Old Dick's" shoulder.
Soubriquets generally fit characteristics and the affectionate
"Old Dick" showed that in youth his companions recog-
nized that entire reliability and geniality, which marked
him through life.

In his seventeenth year, July 1, 1838, he entered the
United States Military Academy, having secured his ap-
pointment through Hon. Joel R. Poinsett, and graduated
on the completion of his course, July 1, 1842. His career
in the Academy was evidently a good all round one, meet-
ing generally all requirements. It would be safe to guess,
however, that he gave the larger share of his attention

HIS CAREER UP TO 1861 19

to the study of military science and practice of tactics.
He was a good horseman ; all Southern boys of his stand-
ing were trained to that in their earliest years ; so in his
Army life he was frequently assigned to duty at the Army
Schools of Cavalry practice. Somewhat like Longstreet,
his class mate, whom he however stood ahead of, his stand-
ing on the merit roll gave no promise of the distinguished
position he achieved when War brought out what was in
the man. College Class standing is no standard by which
to measure ability to win success in the contests of life.

Several of his class, like himself, rose to distinction.
Among them during the War, on the Federal side, were
Generals Rosencranz, Pope and Sykes, and on the Confed-
erate side were Generals Longstreet, D. H. Hill, A. P.
Stewart, Van Dorn, McLaws and G. W. Smith. In the
next class, that of 1843, was the most distinguished General
of the United States Army and President of our Country,
Ulysses S. Grant. Anderson was in the Academy three
years with him. Two classes ahead of x\nderson's, pro-
duced Generals Halleck, Sherman and Thomas. During
his career at West Point, Cadet Anderson was thus associ-
ated with a number of men whose names have been written
high on the roll of fame. Of the class graduating just
when Cadet Anderson matriculated, were Generals Beaure-
gard and McDowell, each of whom commanded one of the
hostile Armies, which met at Manassas. In that class also
were Generals Bragg and Hardee. In the great struggle of
1861-5, contemporaries at West Point were opposed to each
other. Bragg fought Rosencranz from Murfreesboro to
Chickamauga, and Beauregard won over his classmate Mc-
Dowell at Bull Run.

An author once wrote, that when writing of Army Cam-
paigns, he always found it best in order to thoroughly com-
prehend them, to first study the characters of the command-
ing officers. This being necessary in reviewing, how much

20 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

more so was it in directing. What a rare chance the old
Army Officers, in fighting out the great War between the
States, had in knowing each other, from association at
West Point and in the Army. They could thus judge what
each others visible movements meant, and what their an-
tagonists were apt to do under known circumstances. Gen-
eral Sherman rejoiced when he heard of General Joseph E.
Johnston's removal from the command of the Confederate
Army opposing him, and of General Jno. B. Hood's being
placed in command. The career of General Hood with that
Army fully justified General Sherman's rejoicings. Sher-
man must have relied at least to given measure, upon his
judgment of the characteristics of his opposing Command-
ers, to have been the very best strategist, on the Union
side, during the War. As a strategist, and it is said with
all deference to the magnificent military accomplishments
of General Grant, he was his superior. Compare the cam-
paign of Sherman from Dalton to Atlanta, with Grant's
from the Rapidan to Petersburg. Both used flanking move-
ments. Sherman's Army only slightly outnumbered John-
ston's but Grant's was double Lee's. Sherman's losses up
to Atlanta were not heavy. Grant sacrificed 65,000 men,
more than Lee's whole Army, before he reached his goal.
The results were about the same. Sherman accomplished
with little, Grant with tremendous loss. Grant's inhuman
method was to wear out his opponent by attrition. In
butchering his own men he killed some of the enemy. His
men could be replaced, Lee's could not be. This was a
dead sure way of winning, and the only plan which ever
met success, but it was neither strategy nor generalship.
O, the pity ! that Sherman had not continued his career as
the great strategist, instead of seizing the torch of the in-
cendiary and making war upon the defenceless women and
children of Georgia and the Carolinas. But like Grant's
policy, it too was effective. Inhuman and revolting as were

HIS CAREER UP TO 1861 2l

Sherman's torch and Grant's attrition, together they ended
the war.

On graduation R. H. Anderson was appointed Brevet
Second Lieutenant First Dragoons. He served at the Cav-
alry School for Practice, at Carlisle, Penn., in 1842. During
the years 1843 to 1845 he was on frontier service. The
Christian White Brother had not yet dispossessed the native
Indian of all his lands. Constant contest was inevitable
whilst this "benevolent assimilation" was progressing. The
stronger party fought for conquest, the weaker in defence
of their homes. So the Army had to be used, but its use
was no reflection individually upon the Officers or men.
In about two hundred years after the first white man had
planted his foot on Virginia's shores, a large portion of
the country's immense territory had been forcibly wrested
from its original owners and within three hundred years,
we had it all. Lieutenant Anderson simply performed his
duty to his Flag and to the government it represented. All
responsibility for this crime rests upon the shoulders of the
entire people, not of any political party or the Army, for all
joined hands in driving the poor Indian from his home.

Lieutenant Anderson took part in the occupation of Texas
by forces of the United States, He had then been promoted
to be Second Lieutenant, in the Second Dragoons, his com-
pany being commanded by Captain W. J. Hardee, who sub-
sequently rose to the rank of Lieutenant General in the
Confederate Army. In a measure, we treated the Spanish
Mexican race as we had done the Indian. They could not
stand against the civilization of the Anglo Saxon. The
American citizens peacefully entered that part of Mexico,
which is now Texas, and there settled. When they became
strong enough, they overthrew the Mexican domination and
made Texas a free Republic. As soon as the politicians —
or as they are all now dead — statesmen, at Washington
could agree, Texas was admitted into the Union — quietly

22 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

assimilated. Of course the Mexicans resented this and re-
sorted to the usual human method of settling disputes —
fighting. It showed a most patriotic and noble spirit, but
little discretion. The United States was the big boy, and
all he had to do was to spank the little fellow and take
all the marbles out of his pockets. The struggle brought
out many noble qualities on both sides — and some which
had best be buried. As the victors had the writing of the
history, none but the good, on our side, appears. Of that
good, there was ample in gallantry and skill to make us
proud of those splendid armies which planted the Stars
and Stripes upon the Hall of the Montezumas.

During the Mexican War, Lieutenant Anderson was al-
ways at the front with his Company. He took part in the
Siege of Vera Cruz, skirmish of La Hoya, Battles of Con-
treras and Cherubusco, skirmish at San Augustine, Battle
of Molino del Rey, and in the operations resulting in the
capture of the City of Mexico. His gallantry in the affair
at San Augustine was so conspicuous that the United States
Government conferred upon him the Brevet of First Lieu-
tenant "for gallant and meritorious conduct in an affair
with the enemy at San Augustine."

In recognition of his loyal and devoted services through-
out the Mexican War, the State of South Carolina pre-
sented Captain Anderson with a very handsome sword.
This was decided upon at the Annual Session of the Legis-
lature of 1857, when the following resolutions were passed
by the Senate and House of Representatives. They were
offered by Senator Moses, in the Senate.

"Whereas : The State of South Carolina recognizes with
pride and gratification the military services of her son, Cap-
tain Richard H. Anderson, of the United States Army, in
the late War with Mexico, as displayed in all the conflicts
with the enemy, commencing at Vera Cruz, and terminating
with the capture of the City of Mexico.

HIS CAREER UP TO 1861 23

"And whereas: It is the high and grateful privilege and
duty ol a State to manifest, by a proper expression, its ap-
preciation of her heroic and patriotic sons, —

"Be it tlierefore. Resolved: : That the Governor be re-
quested lo procure a sword, with proper and suitable de-
vices, and present the same in the name of the State, to
Captain Richard H. Anderson, as an expression of its ap-
preciation of his gallant and meritorious services."

The sword was inscribed: "South Carolina to Captain
Richard Heron Anderson, a memorial of gallant conduct in
service at Vera Cruz, Cherubusco, Molina del Rey, Mexico."
The hilt of the sword is surmounted with a head of Calhoun,
and at the top of the scabbard a shield of gold, bearing the
Coat of Arms of South Carolina.

The receipt of the Sword was acknowledged in the fol-
lowing letter:

Camp Floyd, Utah Territory,

April 28, 1859.

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter enclosing a copy of the resolution of the Senate and
House of Representatives of the General Assembly of South
Carolina, which conferred upon me the high distinction of
its commendation and rewarded my military service by the
gift of a sword.

It is with unalloyed pleasure and deep gratification that I
receive this token of remembrance and approbation from
my native State, and it is with just pride that I welcome so
unlocked for and flattering a recognition.

It also affords me great happiness to remember that this
high honor has been bestowed upon me for service in a
campaign to the successful and glorious termination of
which the heroic Palmetto Regiment so gallantly con-
tributed. Twenty-one years ago I left my home to enter the
Military Academy of the United States. Since that time
I have revisited my native State only at long intervals, but

24 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

my affection for it has not been diminished by my absence.
I have been led, by my services to our common country,
into almost every quarter of her wide and magnificent do-
main ; but I have no where found a land to prefer to our
beloved State, nor have I ceased throughout all my wan-
derings to entertain the hope that at some future day I may
find a home and a resting place upon its soil.

The feelings and reflections which your letter excites are
all additional incentives to me to prove myself not unworthy
of the commendation and regard so generously bestowed ;
to cherish attachment to the Government and institutions of
my country ; to preserve a high admiration for the noble
patriotism of the great statesman whom you name; to be
guided by his wisdom and to emulate the stainless purity
of his private life.

The good wishes with which you present it, enhances the
value of my country's gift, and increases the pleasure of
acceptance.

Will you be so good as to conmiunicate to the General
Assembly my most grateful acknowledgements, to which I
feel that I have given very imperfect expression. For your
continued happiness and prosperity allow me to offer you
my best wishes, and believe me, with great regard and re-
spect your most obedient servant,

R. H. Anderson.

To his Excellency,

R. F. W. Alston,

Governor of South Carolina.
After the Mexican War he was promoted July 13, 1848,
to be First Lieutenant, Second Dragoons. In 1849-50 he
was again at the Cavalry School for practice, Carlisle,
Penn. During this assignment the gallant Lieutenant evi-
dently did not confine his activities entirely to instruction
in Cavalry Tactics. He became far more ardent in wor-

HIS CAREER UP TO 1861 25

shipping Venus than Mars. Sarah, the fair daughter of
the Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, Hon. John B. Gibson,
claimed his allegiance, and in 1850 he led his bride to the
altar. Mrs. Anderson was a most fascinating and bril-
liant woman, highly educated, accomplished, and with great
personal beauty. She was a sweet congstress and delight-
ful conversationalist. She possessed a keen sense of hu-
mor, v\^ith the sparkle of wit to her intercourse. She was
much sought after and largely admired.

From 1852 to 1856 he was on the frontier. In 1856 with
his company aided in quelling the disturbances in Kansas.
On March 3, 1855, he had been promoted to be Captain, Sec-
ond Dragoons. He took part in the Utah Expedition,
1858-9.

Without approval of the religion of the Mormons one's
sympathies must be deeply moved for their sufferings. Liv-
ing principally in the Northwestern States, their religious
beliefs and practices were not in accord with the sentiments
of the people with whom they lived. To escape the perse-
cutions which were visited upon them, they emigrated to
the far west, far beyond the limits of civilization. There
they established their commonwealth and by wonderful in-
dustry prospered and built up a strong and successful gov-
ernment. They had moved to avoid giving offence to peo-
ple of their home States. The settlement of our country,
moving steadily westward, overtook the Mormons. They
shared the fate of the original inhabitants of Utah — whom
the Mormons had driven out and had to bow their heads
to the United States. As they were the same blood as
their conquerors, they were not driven out, but were com-
pelled to gradually yield such of their habits as were
deemed unrighteous, and they were finally absorbed into
the general civilization of our country. Naturally they did
not yield without a struggle, and the military forces of the
country had to be sent against them. Captain Anderson

26 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

most properly did his part as a soldier, well, as he dis-
charged every duty throughout a long life.

Captain Anderson was posted at Fort Kearney, Nebras-
ka, from 1859 to 1861. When South Carolina seceded he
resigned his commission in the United States Army, and
offered his sword to his native State, South Carolina.

CHAPTER III.

The Great War of Secession.

Any consideration of the causes which led to the War of
Secession must be purely and entirely academic. The pas-
sions of the era have been allayed. A candid investigation
of the causes which induced or of the conduct of either
party to the contest, cannot affect either, or change the re-
sults. We can now judge calmly the influences which then
either helped or hurt. We shall most certainly endeavor
to present the facts truthfully and draw the inferences cor-
rectly. The character and action of history makers are
public property and must bear the scrutiny of free criti-
cism.

It is sincerely hoped that all who read these pages will
be like the wise men of one of the Rev. Mr. Wigglesworth's
"Reflections." "Convince a wise man of his error and he
will thank you ; convince a fool and he will insult you," and
remember that "the memory of an old man is a picture
gallery of perished forms — a map of the world, not as it is,
but as it was long ago." The Author is an old man, and
the "picture gallery" of his memory is replete with events
as they happened in his early manhood, and not as the
W^orld now pictures them.

Furthermore, when the Author says the North and South
did so and so he intends merely to state what he believes
to be facts as he saw or knew them, and gives no opinion

28 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

either as to their moraHty or their legaHty. Even when he
believes grievous wrong was done to the one side or to the
other, he will endeavor to so fairly state the absolute facts,
free from prejudice, as not to give even an indication of his
feelings. The Author has many of the faults of humanity,
and realizes that he does not always do as he should or as
he wishes to do, and if any acrimonious criticism should
unintentionally creep in, he begs forgiveness.

The great American War with all its horrors has passed.
Let all its bitterness be buried so deep that it never can
be resurrected to mar the amity which now reigns between
its survivors. There was much to be proud of, much of
nobility, gallantry and patriotism. Let these be forever
preserved and cherished. Let them stand through all time,
a tribute to American heroism.

The Spring of 1861 ushered in that terrible War, shak-
ing the continent to its foundations, and in its wake fol-
lowed untold misery and suffering, especially and most un-
fortunately to the South. Death, wounds, disease, upon the
North and upon the South alike, but to the South alone the
appalling privations to her soldiers and to her people, the
barbarous destruction of their property and the overturn-
ing of their whole social fabric. But overpowering as was
its holocaust of griefs and of horrors, there brightly shone
through its mists an heroic manhood, placing the valor,
sacrifice and devotion of the American Soldier — Union and
Confederate — in the very highest niche of fame. All
achieved by the gallant volunteer ; by the men who volun-
tarily took up arms, the Union Soldier to sustain what he
sincerely believed to be right and the Confederate in de-
fence of his home and his fireside.

How completely does this Volunteer service of both the
Union and the Confederate Armies refute the theories now
presented by many distinguished officers of the Army, as to
the unreliability of a volunteer force. It was the Volunteer

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 29

who won the independence of our country, the volunteer
who defended it in the war of 1812, the Volunteer who
met his fellow Volunteer at Manassas, fought for four long
years and surrendered to Volunteers at Appomattox. Per-
haps the opinions of such officers have been formed because
of circumstances which had not previously existed, but do
now. Altered national conditions may require other kinds
of Armies and the officer of the present day probably is
right in his convictions as to our existing necessities, but
never let him lessen the splendid deeds of the volunteer in
the past.

Old Jubal Early duly honored the "Volunteer" when he
wrote "The men whose names form the honor roll for the
Armies of the Confederacy" (and this applies with equal
truth to the Soldiers of the Union) "are those who volun-
tarily entered the service at the beginning of the War or as
soon as they were able to bear arms and served faithfully
to the end or until killed or disabled ; and I would advise
the unmarried among my fair country-women to choose
their husbands from among the survivors of this class and
not from the skulkers. By following this advice they will
not be the mothers of cowards and their posterity will have
no cause to blush for the conduct of their progenitors."

The United States of 1861, legally a Confederation of
Sovereign States, founded by the forefathers of the North
and of the South, by this tremendous upheaval, was revo-
lutionized into a strong centralized Nation. The heavy arm
of power, crushed secession, re-united the States and made
a new Nation. Will this give greater happiness to its peo-
ple? A free government is established to secure the happi-
ness of the whole or a vast majority of its people. If it
does not give this, then it utterly fails to accomplish its
mission. The centralized Nation, which was formed from
the old Federal Republic, is certainly progressive and highly
prosperous. But has this brought happiness to the great

30 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

majority? The enormous concentration of wealth in the
hands of a few, means untold misery, yea, absolute slavery
to the masses. Ever by the side of great riches is found
abject poverty, actual misery. Within a stone's throw of
the palaces of Broadway, lie the slums of depraved hu-
manity.

The War of Secession has been officially designated "The
War of the Rebellion." There is no disgrace in being a
Rebel. If there was, how overwhelmingly disgraced must
have been the Father of his Country, George Washington!
He was actually and legally a Rebel. But the Confederate
leader, Jefferson Davis, our glorious Robert E. Lee, and
the million soldiers of the Armies of the Confederacy were
not Rebels. Their States had legally and constitutionally
withdrawn from the Union. They fought for the main-
tenance of the very principles written in the Constitution of
the United States by the pen of a Southern Statesman, and
ever defended by the Swords of heroes of the North and of
the South. These governmental principles were assailed,
but the South preserved them when they were violated and
when their country was invaded, they, standing by these
principles, maintained them while protecting their homes
and their firesides. Who then were truly the Rebels? Who
aimed and endeavored to overthrow existing conditions?
The Republican Party of 1860 — a sectional political or-
ganization ! They objected to the original time-honored
constitution and sought to change the established laws and
principles of the United States. For this reason this Party,
striving to alter the then existing principles of our Gov-
ernment, were the Rebels!" The arch Rebel was not Jef-
ferson Davis, but the radical leader of a radical political
party, Abraham Lincoln. Therefore if we accept the term
of "War of the Rebellion" as correct, let us never forget
who were the true Rebels.

Man was in 1861 and is today, and we fear will ever be,

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 31

the same old fighting animal, which recorded history shows
him ever to have been. Polished, refined externally and
perhaps esthetically by civilization, broadened and doubt-
less far more cultured and enlightened, but deep down in
his nature, the same old fighter. He may not fight in the
same manner, the machine gun has displaced the war club,
but fight he does in War, and also alas ! in times of Peace.
In Peace as well as in War life is a constant struggle and
contest. Wars will hardly cease, we fear, until the devices
for killing our fellow man are so perfected that death surely
awaits the warrior. Then armies would only be a band of
suicides. The real peace advocates, it is much feared, are
the inventors of the Maxim stripe, not the preachers of our
Lord's commands. Sad, sad, that it is so !

The terrible development during the past fifty years of
death dealing devices and those to protect against them,
make it far more costly now to undertake man killing war,
than in 1861. The Confederate Treasury would have been
bankrupted in furnishing money to fire a single shot from a
modern sixteen inch gun. Unfortunately these prohibi-
tive costs did not obtain in 1861. If they had, the Federals
would have not been willing or indeed able to expend the
vast sums required to conquer the South, and the South
could not have bought the munitions wherewith to defend
their homes. The entire cost of all the Minnie balls fired
by friend and foe during the four years of War would hard-
ly have cost as much as the cartridges fired by modern ma-
chine guns in one day's battle between the Allies and the
Germans. But, to be candid, the Southern people were so
intensely angry at the wrongs heaped upon them, that
they did not stop a moment to consider the cost. When
coercion was threatened, a great War passion swept the en-
tire South, carrying everything in a great wave of popular
emotion. They wanted to fight whether they had arms or
not. In fact. Confederate Regiments actually went into

32 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

battle unarmed, trusting to arming themselves from dis-
abled friends or foes.

After the War enthusiasm had been worked up, similar
conditions existed in the North, but rather milder, because
the people were divided in opinions as to coercion, while the
South was practically a unit for resistance. Every South-
ern man was in the service of the Confederacy.

History distinctly shows that most great Wars, senti-
mentally gilded as they may be, have been waged by the
aggressor, either to gain territorial expansion, uphold some
dynasty, or in the great majority of instances, directly for
financial advantage, by extending trade or plundering the
conquered. "The love of money is the root of all evil," and
of most Wars. The real causes of great national move-
ments cannot be judged by the sentiment floating upon the
surface, but by logically studying and interpreting the mo-
tives and interests of the governing powers. Sentiment
rules mankind, stirs us to action but alas ! often misleads
us. Planted deep in the human breast is the exalted senti-
ment of lofty patriotism, "My Country — right or wrong —
bu"t~always my Country !" Leaders use sentiment to
arouse their followers. They seldom, if ever proclaim their
true reasons for War, but by patriotic and exciting appeals,
enthuse their people to do what they, the said Leaders
wish them to do, or if true patriots, think they ought to do
for the country's good.

The thirteen original and independent Sovereignties, so
recognized in the Treaty of Peace, were formed into a con-
federation of these sovereignties, united for their common
defence, and the happiness of their people. The form of
government then established was suited to the period, — the
days of the Stage Coach. It was the only Union which all
these States could agree upon, and the only one which would
have brought them all together to form the United States.
Then communication between the various States, and even

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 33

between many parts of the same State, was infrequent and
difficult. Then it was at least sixteen days journey, with
good horses, from Washington to the Southernmost State,
Georgia. It was the only practical form of republican gov-
ernment for our country, under conditions then existing,
leaving, as it did, to each State, the duty of protecting and
caring for its own people. Communities and individuals
were scattered over too wide a space to be governed from
one central point. Nineteenth century progress changed all
these conditions most entirely. The building of railroads,
steamboats, telegraphs, with the increased settlement and
population, brought the people of each commonwealth and
of the various States into closer touch and fostered a com-
munity of interests between their people, enlarging the ac-
tivities of all. The building of railroads really sounded
the death knell to State Sovereignty.

This wonderful development affected the Northern and
Southern States far differently. The progress of the North
was far more rapid and more widely disseminated than that
of the South. The South remained, mostly, agricultural in
its pursuits, while the North expanded her manufactures
and commerce. In the North this absolutely required inter-
communication to advance the character of the business on
which it was prospering. As an example of how the agri-
cultural and State Sovereignty States of the South, ob-
structed such inter-communication, the great State of North
Carolina, before the War, required the gauge of all her rail-
roads to be different from that of railroads of adjoining
States.

The agricultural isolation of the people of the South did
not require the facilities for intercourse, so necessary to the
Northern trade. The Northern States needed the centrali-
zation of our Government to secure easier inter-communi-
cation. The South was content as it was. Contentment is
the foundation of true happiness. Progress springs from

34 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

discontent, want of satisfaction in things as they are.
Progress, with its hosts of material advantages, does not
necessarily bring happiness. The marvellous expansion of
the Northern States in wealth and population required, for
the advancement of its progress, the strengthening of the
Central or General Government, and the consequent cur-
tailment, if not practical obliteration, of the Sovereignty of
the various States. The people of the Southern States had
little necessity for change, and clung to the conception of
the general government, once held by all the original thir-
teen States, and zealously maintained a strong conviction of
the legality and propriety of State Sovereignty. The South-
ern babe sucked this principle from its mother's breast.

Such constitutionally revolutionary and basic change in
the character of the government of the United States, need-
ed perhaps to conform it to conditions existing in 1861, may
have been for its betterment ; it certainly was for that of
the North, but doubtful, at that period, for that of the
South. Even were it beneficial to the South, it would not
have justified the Northern part of the Country in enforcing
its views upon the South, unless it adopted the Puritanic
standard of man's duty to his fellow man, i. e., to make him
think as he did. We can thus see that a change in the essen-
tials, if not in the outward form of government, was neces-
sary to the commercial and manufacturing North, and not
to the agricultural South.

More important and far reaching influences were at work
to aid the Northern people to gain what they so sorely
needed. An immense tide of immigration had set towards
our country, which brought millions of foreigners to our
shores. America had become the "El Dorado" for the op-
pressed multitudes of Europe. These immigrants settled in
the Northern and in the, then new. Northwestern States, on
the lands deeded to the United States, largely by the State
of Virginia, for the benefit of the country at large. They

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 35

eventually formed new States which were admitted and be-
came a part of the Union. The people of these new States
most naturally regarded the United States government far
differently from the people of the original thirteen States.
These original States had made the Union. They were
the creators thereof and instinctively their respective people
regarded their State as superior to the United States — the
creator being supreme to the created. The new States were
however created by the United States, so their people, alike
naturally felt that the power which had created their State
organization was the Supreme. To Virginians, Virginia
was superior. To Ohioans, the United States, from which
they had received their Statehood, was superior. Was it
then to be wondered at that the people of the Northwest
from sentiment, and those of the Central and Northeastern
States from interest, differed with the people of the South-
ern States on the doctrine of State Sovereignty, which was
the practical issue involved in the struggle.

Then, the millions of foreigners, most of whom could not
even speak our language, who had settled these States of
the Northwest, came here, without any conception of the
spirit or institutions of our free Republic. Those who had
any political ideas were imbued with the influences of the
monarchical governments, under which they had been born,
then largely despotic and most certainly at absolute variance
with and antagonistic to the principles of our government,
debasing to those ideals of liberty, on which all free gov-
ernments must rest. The masses, not the educated few is
here referred to, the Johann Burmesters not Carl Schurzs.
These foreign immigrants and their descendants influenced
the course of events, not only directly by their votes when
they became citizens, but not less effectively, yet insensibly
by their ideas and opinions modifying those of the older
settlers, whose ancestors had established the new and pecu-

36 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

liar system of government, under which these foreign peo-
ple had freely chosen to live.

The immensity of this foreign power is well shown by
the fact, taken from the military records of the War, that
these, then newer Northwestern States, furnished during the
War to the Union Armies, whose people were principally
foreign immigrants or their descendants, over nine hun-
dred thousand soldiers, more than one-third of the total
strength of the Federal Armies. Adding to these the for-
eigners and their descendants who had settled or been born
in the Eastern and Central States and those who reached the
country during the War, and if such joined the Army,
fought only for their pay, far more than half of the Union
Army was composed of immigrants and their descendants,
who had settled or been born in our country, after the
formation of our Government and had not inherited, nor
alas ! could they have generally imbibed, the genuine spirit
of our political institutions.

In the South there had been practically no immigration.
The newer Southern States had been settled by emigrants
from the older Southern States, those of the original thir-
teen, and hence by the descendants of those who had es-
tablished the United States, and had formed its Constitu-
tion. Hence the Southern States were not influenced by
the opinions of immigrants as were the Western States.

Bearing these facts in mind, it is not surprising that pre-
vious to 1861 the trend of feeling North was towards cen-
tralization and against State Sovereignty, and in the South
towards the original conception of our form of Government,
of which State Sovereignty was the cardinal principle ; one
as jealously guarded for many years, by Massachusetts and
Rhode Island as by Virginia and South Carolina.

Disputes and honest differences between the Sections
arose in the life of our country, as was to be expected, but
they were always settled amicably or by compromise. But,

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 37

at lasL and most sadly, angry passions were aroused. The
birth and growth of the AboHtion Party, with all its at-
tending bitterness, raised the passions of the people and
then friendly settlement of differences became extremely
difificult, if not entirely impossible.

These agitators threatened and destroyed the property
of the people of the South, invested in Slaves, regardless of
the obligations of the Constitution of the Country, which
protected them. Not being able to justify their rebellious
creed by the laws of the land, they satisfied their con-
sciences by proclaiming a "higher law" than that which
gave them the enjoyment of tlieir own rights, liberties and
happiness.

The natural development of the Country would have
peacefully produced in due time, the same general results
as were only hastened by the War. The Southern people
loyally loved the Union, and their leaders were far-sighted
and patriotic Statesmen. Had its people not been antagon-
ized, they would have gladly joined hands with all the
States, having a love for their Country, to have made such
changes in the organic law, as were rendered necessary by
the marvellous progress made in all material and industrial
pursuits. They would have been only too glad to fairly and
honestly reorganize and accept the conditions naturally
arising from the passing of the Stage Coach days, and the
advent of the Railroad era and been willing to adapt the
laws to meet the changed conditions. But the agitation
and unlawful aggression of the Abolition Party, created is-
sues, which annihilated all hopes of reasonable accommoda-
tion and prevented any friendly solution of the grave prob-
lems facing them.

A very level headed financier, a South Carolinian by
birth, but one who had moved to New York and there
gained a large fortune ; a man who had never mixed in
political life, but had mingled intimately with men of af-

38 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

fairs, one of much sagacity, and a close student of current
events, gave the following concise account of events which
led up to the War. It is so plausible, that it must carry
conviction to others as it has done to the Author. He said
"that at the close of the War of 1812 the United States
found itself in a condition of absolute dependence upon
foreign nations for the munitions used to defend themselves
and the absolute necessities of life. The very powder they
fired at the British they had to buy from France and Spain,
and the very clothes their people wore had been woven in
England. So a Tariff was established to foster the manu-
facture of war munitions, and the necessary articles of
life. At that time New England had a large shipping in-
terest. Her ships reached all the main ports of the world,
the Tariff killed this industry, and the money invested there-
in was transferred to the manufacture of articles protected
by the Tariff. The margin of profit was large, and by adroit
political management the scope of the Tariff was broad-
ened, until the manufacturing interest of that section found
they had a perfect bonanza. Then came the settlement of
the West, which was at first purely agricultural and there-
fore economically in sympathy with the South, also entirely
agricultural. A coalition of these two sections against the
manufacturing section was feared and giving so large a
majority in Congress, its treasured bonanza would be taken
from its beneficiaries. These Western States were almost
entirely settled by immigrants from countries where slavery
was unknown, and by settlers from the East. So their
sympathies could be aroused by a fight against Slavery in
the South and thus a political union of these two sections
prevented. Therefore the slavery agitation was started and
encouraged — not for any love for the Slave ; but to secure
to New England and the Manufacturing States of the North
a continuation of the benefits of the Tariff which was build-
ing up for them a magnificent prosperity. And as has been

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 39

said, the passions excited by this AboHtion Party made im-
possible peaceful and friendly settlement of difficulties and
thus made the War a necessary result."

This Abolition Party grew and became popular, strong,
and finally aggressive. Eventually it amalgamated with
those whose interests would be benefitted by centralization,
the remnants of the old Whig party and other elements of
dissatisfied political parties and the Republican Party was
born. A party committed to the doctrines of the Abolition-
ist and to those of centralization. So the fire was "laid"
and it was ready for the match to be applied.

Thus was introduced on the political arena the Slavery
Question.

The institution of Negro Slavery — Oh ! the pity that a
most humane condition of peasantry had been given a name
abhorrent to every freeman — existed practically in the
South only. It was not established by its people, certainly
not those living in 1861. They had not brought the African
savage to their shores, but when placed amongst them, had
used their labor, as that of a peasantry in the development
of the land, paying for the same, not in money, but in care,
food, clothing and comfortable support. At the same time
the white man christianized, enlightened and humanized
these ignorant savages from the wilds of Africa. The
Negro was as well paid as any laborer, for such the world
over, only earns his keep, which the Negro abundantly re-
ceived, and they were infinitely better cared for than the
working class of any nation in the world. Slavery, which
meant ownership, forced the owner even were he cruel or
careless to exercise a closer oversight of their necessities
than the landlord of hired workers. The year 1861 found
the institution established, and the Southern people had
been and were obliged to make the best of a condition they
had inherited, not created. No higher tribute could have
been paid to the good treatment the negroes had received

40 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

at the hands of the Southern Whites and to the elevating
influence upon the race, than when, within an hundred years
of the time, Avhen the great majority of them had been
brought, ignorant, brutal savages from Africa, the South-
ern people had so improved them, that the Republican Par-
ty, at that time embracing the most eminent and astute
Statesmen of the Country, thought them worthy of becom-
ing Voters and citizens of our intelligent and progressive
country ! The Southern people had raised them infinitely
higher in an hundred years than they had elevated them-
selves in the thousands of years they had roamed their
native wilds !

The South objected to the interference of the alien aboli-
tionist in her domestic affairs. Whether morally correct or
locally legal, their actions were an invasion of those rights
which were guaranteed by the Laws of the land.

The bitter abuse from the Abolitionists excited the peo-
ple of the North and of the South. They raised a whirl-
wind, which Lincoln, from the Presidential Chair fanned
into an overwhelming cyclone.

Lincoln and his party inculcated the idea that supreme
sovereignty rested in Washington, and that the withdrawal
of any State was the destruction of the United States. So
when the clarion was sounded, the men of the North rushed
to arms, certainly with high patriotic impulse "to perpetuate
the Union." They were thoroughly sincere in their convic-
tion, for without such they never could have performed the
thousands of deeds of heroic greatness, which will and for-
ever should blazen the Country's shield of honor.

So much for the sentimental and apparent influences
which however only prepared the way, directed public opin-
ions into such channels, so that when the leaders were ready
to sound the cry, "To arms ! To arms !" the people rallied
around the flag. The Northern leaders, thinkers and
moneyed interests controlHng as they usually do, and par-

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 41

ticularly in democratic Nations, had other deeper and for
them more practical reasons to bring on the War. They
flaunted the flag, but hugged the dollar. They appealed to
the patriotism of the people, not because of any sentiment
for the preservation of the Union, but that they might con-
tinue to rake in the shekels, to be gained by a continuance
of the discriminations of a sectional and unjust Tariff.
Stripped absolutely bare and free of the trappings of pa-
triotic sentiment, which often cloaks and screens human ac-
tion, the true reason why the North waged war against the
Southern States, to force them back into the Union was
that the North needed the Southern trade, and wanted it, as
it was then, hemmed in by the Chinese Wall of the Tariff.
This Tariff enabled their Merchants and Manufacturers to
run their hands deep into the pockets of the Southern peo-
ple and they were charmed with the jingle of the coin they
abstracted therefrom. Many instances could be given
where American manufactured articles were sold in the free
Markets of England, at half the price at which they were
sold to the Tariff bound citizen of our own country. If it
paid to sell to an Englishman a sewing machine at $50.00,
which was offered to a fellow countryman at $100.00, what
must have been the profit derived from the Tariff?

Many sincere Northern patriots will raise their hands in
holy horror at the statement of absolute facts. They are
excusable, as they were blinded by the duplicity of their
leaders then and the manufacturers of partisan history
since.

Abraham Lincoln, as the leader of the Republican Party,
was directly and personally responsible for the War. When
he was elected his people did not expect or desire war. He
and those co-operating with him, sounded the War Cry,
only after having fired the sentiment. At the outbreak of
the War there were three classes in the North who were
opposed to the policy of coercion and for differing reasons.

42 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

These constituted really a majority of the people of the
North.

1st. There was the party of radical abolitionists led by
Horace Greeley, Wendell Phillips and Wm. Lloyd Garri-
son, who had declared the Constitution and the Union un-
der it "a covenant with death and a league with Hell."
These, admitting the right of secession, welcomed it as a
release from a union with slave holders, a union they
hated.

2nd. There was the Democratic Party of the North, of
whom President Buchanan was a representative and he an-
nounced the views of his party friends, when he said that
the Federal Government had no right to coerce the seceding
States, whatever might be thought as to the right of seces-
sion.

3rd. There was a considerable element even of the party
which elected Mr. Lincoln, including most of his Cabinet,
who opposed coercion as sure to bring on War, and they
believed that a policy of concession would ultimately bring
the Southern States back into the Union. The Northern
Papers of the period show general opposition to the policy
of coercion, and this opposition was further voiced in great
mass meetings held in Northern Cities. Many, probably a
majority of the people of the North were clearly opposed to
coercion.

President Lincoln undoubtedly sincerely believed that co-
ercion was necessary, and the best for his country. Under
his guidance, and by his inspiration, the comparatively loose
bonds which united the States in the early life of our Coun-
try, were so strengthened and tightened as to make it a
great cohesive Nation. The constitutionality of this was
very questionable. But it must be recognized, that the
Country in its splendid development had outgrown the
original Federal Union. Unfortunately the South was slow
in recognizing this. Lincoln's genius grasped the situation

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 43

and over riding all legal or constitutional obstacles, gave a
new birth to the Nation and established it on a footing
stimulating to its future growth and to its world wide in-
fluence. The old policies, however legal, were overthrown
and on the ruins of the old Federal Union arose that new
United States, which we all. North, South, East and West
cherish and are proud of. It required the genius of a great
man to accomplish this.

Yet, while the actions of President Lincoln and the Re-
publican (liberal) Party brought on the War, the disunion
in the ranks of the Democratic (conservative) Party made
possible the election of President Lincoln and the control of
the Government by his Party. So they are in a large meas-
ure responsible for the sad results of their disagreements.

It has always been felt in the South that after the in-
auguration of President Lincoln, he and his admirers were
not as open and candid with the various State Commis-
sioners, sent to him to endeavor to settle matters amicably,
as such Commissioners expected them to be. Take for ex-
ample the treatment of the Virginia Commissioners.

"When the tension was greatest she (Virginia) sent three
Commissioners to Washington to learn definitely the Presi-
dent's policy. The Commissioners only reached Washing-
ton on April 12th. and had the interview on the 13th., the
day of the surrender of Fort Sumter. They urged for-
bearance and the giving up of the Southern forts. In an-
swer Mr. Lincoln read a paper, which, while ambiguous and
evasive, professed peaceful intentions. He objected to such
a course in that all goods would be imported through
Southern ports and so dry up the sources of his revenue,
but he expressly disclaimed all purpose of war. Mr. Se-
ward and the Attorney-General Bates gave also to the Com-
missioners the same assurances of peace. The following
day the Commissioners returned to Richmond, and the very
train on which they travelled bore Mr. Lincoln's proclama-

44 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

tion calling for seventy-five thousand men to subdue the
Confederate States."

Lincoln's subsequent greatness, for he was undoubtedly a
great man, together with the success of his cause, cov-
ered the bald falsehoods of himself and his advisers with
the polite term of "diplomacy." When Sumter had fallen
Lincoln cried, "The Flag has been fired on ! Save the na-
tion !" The firing on the flag waving over Sumter was no
new insult. It had previously been fired on when the Star
of the West attempted to enter Charleston Harbor, carry-
ing help to Fort Sumter, Jan. 9, 186L It had been pulled
down disrespectfully from nearly every Federal Fort or
Arsenal in the South ; the government supplies in these
Arsenals had been seized, yet neither the people nor the
government resented these indignities, all equally as great
as the firing on the Flag waving over Fort Sumter. Did its
position on that Fort render it any more sacred? Was it
more sacred because it waved on South Carolina's soil?
Lincoln, when he came into power, in his first inaugural ad-
dress does not refer to these acts even as insults. But when
Lincoln forced the Confederates to fire on Fort Sumter, his
policy had been matured, and he was ready to launch War
and used the incident to arouse his people, and to create a
sentiment in favor of coercion and War. // he had not done
this there would have been no war. The awful responsi-
bility then rests squarely upon his shoulders. He illegally
and in violation of his oath to support the constitution as-
sumed powers which rested solely in Congress.

"The evident purpose of the President and his Secretary
of State was to delay action by the South by fair promises,
and at the same time to appear as sympathizing with the
Northern anti-coercion sentiments, until they were ready to
force the Confederates to bombard Fort Sumter. Then they
could say "The Flag has been fired on by the Rebels. Rally
to the defence of the Union." At once with the increasing

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 45

fury of a mob, large masses of the Northern people took
up the cry "Save the Union," and charged that the South
had begun the war on the Union ; while in fact the South
was only defending herself against an attack which was on
the way to be delivered." (The Union Fleet at that moment
had reached the mouth of Charleston Harbor and only bad
weather prevented an attempt to enter.) "The leaders,
who cared nothing for the flag, succeeded in inspiring in
the North a Star Spangled Banner state of mind, which pre-
vails to this day ; so that as to the War, its history and
purposes they see everything by the starlight rather than
by the clear light of day. And Northern historians of the
War have generally concealed or perverted the facts to the
utter misrepresentation of the South, her acts and motives.
* * * That the real aim and purposes of the leaders of the
party that elected Mr. Lincoln was coercion and war upon
the South is evident from the fact that while Mr. Seward
was temporizing with the Southern Commissioners, seven
of the radical Northern Governors, called War Governors,
came to Mr. Lincoln breathing out threatenings and
slaughter, and demanded that he should use the forces of
the United States to subdue the rebellion, making no con-
cession to the 'slave power.' " These were Governors of
States whose citizens were directly concerned in retaining
the South as a market for their Tariff protected manu-
facturers and merchants and were among the leaders who
saw the necessity, from a financial point of view, of "pre-
serving the Union" and holding large customers in their
monopolistic grasp.

To justify the attack on the South, the reason given in
1861 was "To save the Nation." In response to this and
patriotically to save their country the Soldiers of the Fed-
eral Armies rallied around the Flag. They were never
aware that they were fighting to free the slave. The asser-
tion is boldly ventured, that not a single man who wore

46 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

the blue, joined the Army for a crusade to free the Slave.
Since the War those Veterans and the World have been
told by manufacturers of partisan history that they did not
fight to save the Nation, but to free the slave. The freeing
of the slaves was one of the results of the War, but never
one of its objects.

May we calmly consider this, illumined by fact and not
by the glare of passion or sentiment.

As to saving the Nation — the Southern States by seces-
sion did not dissolve the Union, threaten the existence of
the United States Government, nor interfere with the peace
and happiness of the peoples of these States which remained
a part of the old Union. Hence there was no reason to call
the Nation to arms to "save" what was in no danger. The
eleven States which withdrew, left the other States in a
Union unimpaired and so far as its government was con-
cerned, undisturbed. Horace Greeley wrote, "And if the
Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of
the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace."
He, a power, controlling and directing one of the most in-
fluential journals of the Country, and a leader in the Re-
publican party, evidently did not think that the life and ex-
istence of the Union was imperilled with dissolution by Se-
cession, or needed an armed force to preserve. It was not
so threatened and therefore there was no reason for coercion
to save it.

As to the freeing of the Slaves, as a reason for coercion, —
will be considered under three leading heads.

(a) The Slave holding States, by withdrawing from the
Union, relieved the conscientious Abolitionist of the heinous
sin (?) of living under the same government with the im-
pious slave holder. So these could not possibly have wished
to have these States brought back into the Union, forcibly
or othei*wise !

(b) At the Commencement of the War, there was no in-

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 47

tention, at least none avowed, in fact the contrary distinct-
ly proclaimed, on the part of Lincoln, his government, or
his people, to free the Slaves. When, by his proclamation
of Sept. 22, 1862, Lincoln did illegally attempt to free not
all the Slaves but those in certain States, which States he
regarded as disloyal, he did not claim it as an act of phil-
anthropic humanity, but excused the act as a "military
necessity." He did not offer freedom to the Slaves of the
great Federad Hero, Genl. Ulysses S. Grant, but conferred
this apparent boon upon the slaves of Genl. Robert E. Lee.
If this act, which has drawn praises from all mankind, was
as gracious as it is now represented, why was not the free-
dom given to all the Slaves ? The freeing of the Slaves, for
the reasons given by Mr. Lincoln, and it is fair to presume
that Abraham Lincoln knew what he was doing, was a
monstrous act of inhumanity — which should have drawn
upon Mr. Lincoln censure, not praise. For military pur-
poses, it could only mean that he expected that the peaceful
negroes, who were by their labor, supporting not only the
women and children at home, but the soldiers in the Armies
of the Confederacy, would be stirred to deeds of violence
against those dear women and children, which would draw
their natural protectors from the front and thus weaken
the forces of the Confederacy, as well as reduce their sup-
plies of food. As a military act it could only have been ex-
pected to have excited the negroes to riot, violence and
anarchy ! Fortunately with all his wisdom he did not know
the character of the Negroes. They remained loyal and
trustworthy to the very end.

So the freeing of the slaves was not a reason for coercion.

(c) Moreover, Slavery was doomed in the South, as it
had been in the North, not because of any wrongfulness, but
because it was fast becoming industrially unremunerative.
Slavery at one time, existed in practically all of the orig-
inal thirteen States. As it became unprofitable, each State,

48 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

in turn, freed the non-paying slave. The Hmits of their
profitable employment was moving- Southwards. In 1861
slave labor could not be profitably employed as far South
as North Carolina, and was barely profitable in South Caro-
lina. If the War had been postponed, say for twenty-five
years, then there would have been but few localities in the
Cotton States, where slave labor could have been worked
profitably. In 1860, the value of an able bodifed negro man,
in his prime, was from $1,500 to $2,000. So it can be readily
seen that it would be exceedingly difficult to employ his
labor, to produce even a moderate interest on this amount,
after deducting the cost of his support, the risks of his life
and the ultimate loss of it, at the end of his working days.
When the day did arrive when the Negro could not be
worked profitably the South would have had to face the
same problem, as did the Northern States. In the South,
owing to the vast numbers of the race therein, the settle-
ment of the problem would have required far greater wis-
dom. It is of course entirely problematic what such set-
tlement would have been, but it is sure, being administered
by a people familiar with the race, that it would have been
far more just to both races, than that forced upon the
South after the War, by aliens, entirely unacquainted with
the conditions, they attempted to settle. And unfortunately,
animated rather by enmity to the white, than love for the
Negroes. So it will be seen that Lincoln but anticipated the
calmer and far better action of time and circumstances. The
South would have been forced, by industrial conditions, not
bayonets, within a reasonable period, to have freed its
slaves. Lincoln was hardly justified in bringing on a cruel
and devastating War, merely to accelerate by a very few
years, the natural progress of events.

We therefore see that the Union was not imperilled by
secession, and that the freeing of the Slaves was not a rea-
son for the War. The emancipation of the Slaves, held by

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 49

a large part of the people was not a sufficient reason, nor
was it then so considered, to inflict upon the Country a
bloody War, by the larger part, to force the minority to
accept the moral and economic standards of the majority.
In this and in all democratic countries, while the majority
usually rules, yet the rights of the minority should always
be respected and protected, not crushed.

The assigned reasons for the North waging War upon the
South having been shown not to be the correct ones, we are
forced to look elsewhere for the true cause. It is, as before
stated, to be found buried under the patriotic sentiment of
"Saving the Nation" to have been really and truly an at-
tempt to "Save the Dollar." The leaders well know, that
it was the Eagle on the Coin, not that on the Shield, which
was to be saved and fought for. The colossal manufactur-
ing interests and the commerce co-relative and dependent
thereon, embracing the money power of the North and par-
taicularly of the Eastern and Central States, had for years
been enjoying a golden harvest under the Tariff Laws.
The Tariff had expanded from its original object, the pro-
tection of the few necessary articles, principally clothing
and War Munitions, which the great free trader, John
C. Calhoun, approved, to fostering all conceivable manu-
factures. It became a source of immense revenue, not to
the people at large, but to the favored few, the manufactur-
ers. This broadening of the Law to benefit the individual
had been accomplished by political manipulation, after the
Northern States — tariff united — had secured a working ma-
jority in Congress. This most distinctly showed that the
manufacturing North desired a monopoly of the markets
of the whole United States, and they were smart enough
to obtain it. So, when a large part of the agricultural sec-
tion, whose people were their customers, not competitors,
withdrew from the grasp of such monopoly by the secession
of the Southern States, their pockets — not their patriotism.

50 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

were touched. Persuasion, policy and politics had failed to
keep these States in the Union, as their customers, so War
became necessary. This, — not the sentimental or assigned
reasons, — was what brought on the War. The Northern
States could not afford to lose the Tariff protected markets
of the South. The Southern people were too good cus-
tomers. If this, the re?l underlying reason of the Leaders,
had been plainly presented to the people, the vast majority
would have repudiated it with scorn. So the Leaders, Lin-
coln at the head, with great astuteness, nursed and matured
the sentiment, that the Union was imperiled and drew mil-
lions, actuated by the loftiest, but we think mistaken, pa-
triotism into the hosts marshalled to conquer the South.

And what a stupendous financial mistake they made !

The results of the War freed, not so much the Slave, as
the White Race of the South. It eased them of a tremen-
dous industrial burden. The new vigor, which the hard
circumstances existing in the South during and immediate-
ly after the War, implanted in the hearts and thereby the
arms of the men of the South, has strengthened and made
her a far greater manufacturing and commercial power than
she ever had been or could have been with the incubus of
slavery bearing upon her industries. And the South has
now only started well on this new career. She now com-
petes successfully with the North in many of her domestic
and measurably in her foreign markets. Instead of the
South being held in the North's monopolistic grasp only as
a buyer, she has become her competitor as a seller and is
daily becoming more so. The Southern States are no
longer a market for the exclusive benefit of the Merchants
and Manufacturers of their Northern sister States, but are
as surely establishing their industrial independence as they
failed to maintain their political freedom. If Abraham Lin-
coln had added to his other qualities as a great leader of
men, prophetic foresight, he never would have stirred up

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 51

War against the South, which in spite of her tremendous
losses, has already partly and will eventually win her in-
dustrial liberty. The people of the States he bloodily
forced back into the Union, within the lifetime of many sur-
vivors of that War, have, with now partial commercial
independence, regained their political influence and share in
guiding the destinies of the Nation, which they recognize,
not as of old, as a Confederacy of Sovereign States, but a
centralized and consolidated Nation, which they love and
venerate — their Country, — and are ever ready to shed blood
and treasure on its support and defence.

As financial advantage has been shown to have been the
true reason for the War, it might be interesting to roughly
calculate what the War cost the North, to bring their err-
ing (?) Sisters back into the Union. It can then be seen
how dearly they must have prized their association. Was
not over seventeen billion dollars a rather high price to pay
to preserve the Southern Market?

The actual money expended by the Federal
and State Governments is said to have
been $10,000,000,000

The money value to the Country of 360,000
Northern Soldiers who were killed or
died at the low estimate of $10,000 per
man was 3,600,000,000

The value of the labor of 2,324,516 men who
were in the Federal Armies for a period
of 3 years at an average of $500 per an-
num per man 3,486,774,000

The total amount of the cost of the War to
the North then was the stupendous
sum of $17,086,774,000

52 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

The North could hardly have lost this large amount by
the diminution of the profits of its trade, in dealing with a
people who had been relieved from the monopolistic grasp
of its Tariff, by the withdrawal of the agricultural South !

In the absence of official or even reliable figures, the
loss to the South, exclusive of the value of its slave prop-
erty on a similar basis, is estimated at ten billion dollars.

Over twenty-seven billion dollars wasted, absolutely
wasted and by the action of Abraham Lincoln, his coadju-
tors and the Abolition Party.

When the War issue was made, practically all of the
Officers of the United States Army and Navy of South-
ern birth and principles, resigned their commissions and
tendered their swords to the seceding States. Captain Rich-
ard H. Anderson, was then stationed at Fort Kearney, Ne-
braska, and resigned February 15, 1861, and offered his ser-
vices to Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, that being
his native State. They were accepted, and thus he began
that glorious record of gallantry and skill which carried
him to the next highest grade of General officers in the
Confederate Army and gave him rank as the Senior officer
whom South Carolina offered to the cause of the Southern
Confederacy.

Note. — On page 30 the author says :

"The million soldiers of the Armies of the Confederacy."
With the utmost deference and only after exhaustive re-
search and much study, he is forced to believe that the
usually accepted number of men in the Confederate Army,
642,000, is far below the true number. The correct num-
ber he thinks was about one million men. The results of

GREAT WAR OF SECESSION 53

the War destroyed all Confederate and most State records,
so few official figures are in existence, but only the most re-
liable estimates have been accepted by him as to Confed-
erate numbers.

Those who lived in those days well remember that prac-
tically every able bodied man, in most of the States of the
South, was under Arms. The number of men of military
age in the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia,
Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North and
South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia was 1,536,-
543. These states, except Georgia and South Carolina,
furnished to the Federal Army 274,311 men, — this left in
these States, material for the Confederate Army of 1,262,-
202 men. Add to this the soldiers furnished by Maryland
and the Indian Territories, claimed as 28,000, which gives a
grand available total of 1,290,202 men. There were certain
sections in the Confederacy, the mountains and swamps and
Southern territory occupied by the enemy, where conscrip-
tion was not available to procure recruits, and then there
were others holding Confederate, State and Civil Offices,
and some exempted to manage the slave population, etc.,
etc. These could hardly have been over 290,200 men, which
would leave for the Army about 1,000,000 men.

The various States of the Confederacy claim officially
and semi-officially, each to have furnished a certain num-
ber of soldiers. The total of all such amounts to 1,043,000
soldiers. This substantiates the Author's estimate.

Further, from the Report of the Confederate Conscript
Department, ^ee War of the Rebellion Records, Series 4,
Vol. 3, page 95, it is learned that the six States of Alabama,
Georgia, Mississippi, North and South Carolina and Vir-
ginia, up to the close of the year 1863, had enrolled 566,456
men. If then the Confederate Army was composed of 642,-
000 men, as usually claimed, the other seven States with
Maryland and Indian Territories, and the enlistments made

54 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

in 1864 and 1865 would only have furnished 75,544 men.
This is unbelievable. Tennessee alone furnished a greater
number.

If, to this official number of enrollments is added, say
15 per cent, for recruits in 1864-1865, and the number of
Confederate Troops claimed to have been furnished by the
States not included in this official Conscript Report, the to-
tal will be 1,190,424 men, — exceeding the one million men
claimed by the Author, as constituting the Confederate
Army.

If with a Confederate Military population, exclusive of
those who enlisted in the Union Army, of 1,267,202, the
Confederate States put into its Armies only 642,000 men, it
becomes a serious reflection upon the patriotism of their
men. It is well known that the Confederacy "robbed the
cradle and the grave" to find soldiers for its Armies, so this
smaller amount is an obvious error. If it were correct, it
would have left at home about one-half the military popula-
tion, which would seem an absurdity to the Soldiers on fur-
lough, who found at home few, but women and children.
The Union Army had in it first and last, nearly 2,800,000
men, to whom were opposed 1,000,000 Confederates. The
odds were great enough to make everlastingly glorious the
gallantry of the Confederates, who held them at bay for
four long years.

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CHAPTER IV.

What the United States Owes to the Confederacy.

"O, all-preparing Providence divine,
In thy large book w^hat secrets are enrolled —
What sundry helps doth thy great power assign,
To prop the course which thou intendest to hold?
What mortal sense is able to define
Thy mysteries, thy counsels manifold?
It is thy wisdom strangely that extends
Obscure proceedings to apparent ends."

The shot which dropped on Fort Sumter from the Con-
federate gun on the morning of April 11, 1861, awoke the
people of the United States, and its echoes will go rumbling
down all future ages. It changed the destinies of our
country. It struck ofif the swaddling clothes from the in-
fant United States and made it, nationally, a man. It made
a Nation of an agglomeration of State atomies. How little
did the Confederates realize its import.

"There's a destiny that shapes our ends.
Rough hew them how we will."

The Confederates had purposes, "rough-hewed" perhaps,
but Providence shaped them otherwise. God knows best
what is for our good. May the eventualities of the War
tend for the good of our country.

The United States owes the Confederacy a huge debt.

THE NATION'S DEBT TO CONFEDERACY 57

This debt was the natural evolvement from the act of se-
cession and the consequent War of coercion. In the de-
velopment of Nations, events produce results and such re-
sults are often not such as were intended. The Confederate
States were moved by a patriotic spirit, in defence of their
State and popular rights, to withdraw from the Union.
Such was their intention. The result to the United States
was to change its government from a federal republic of
sovereign States into a strong centralized Nation — one far
better fitted for development and particularly as a World
Power. The Confederates, of course, did not fight for this,
but the measures necessary to make the coercive War suc-
cessful, brought about this result.

This Nation is now engaged in a worldwide war. Is it
possible that the old federal republic would have been able
to do this? It may have repulsed invasion, but it never
would have been able and most likely not willing to of-
fensively participate in such a struggle. Had the govern-
mental methods of 1861 been continued, the Country never
would have had the ability to take part in a grand uphold-
ing of the highest right of man — freedom. The secession of
the Southern States, and the resultant war, by their natural
evolution, brought about a revolution which has made this
Nation what it is today. If the old Federal system, de-
stroyed by the withdrawal of the Southern States, had con-
tinued in existence, our National weakness would have been
scoffed at by the great Powers of the World, and this
Country could never have become a World Power, with a
great destiny in shaping the fortunes of all mankind. The
world is today engaged in a terrific struggle for free gov-
ernment,— the right of the people to govern themselves.
The very principle for which the Confederates so gallantly
fought, but alas, had not the strength to defend. The prin-
ciple lives, though the Confederacy is dead! This strug-
gle comes of the worldwide advance of progressive ideas.

58 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

government by the people, for the people, inaugurated by
our eternal Declaration of Independence. The United
States is the leading Democracy of the World, and her
proper place is beside the other great free Nations, strug-
gling against the socalled "God given rights of royalty to
rule." How could she have taken this stand without na-
tional power? That National power was the legitimate
consequence of the struggle to crush the Confederacy, the
secession of whose States brought all this to pass. There-
fore the conclusion is just and correct, that the secession of
the Southern States was the actuating cause, unintentional
though it was, of the present virility and grandeur and
power of the United States. How did this give this won-
derful material strength? By the development of our il-
limitable resources, possible only under the changed char-
acter of our government and so changed by the War. Never
could the political theories of 1861 have made such results
possible. All great advances in civilization, culture and
even religion, have been made in bloodshed. We, of the
South, have paid a heavy penalty, but it is hoped that our
children may enjoy the blessings of the vigor, self-reliance
and self-support which our sufferings have brought to our
Country.

So the South has the consolation of knowing that how-
ever unintentional, their action in seceding, made possible
the United States of today, and that is the debt the Coun-
try owes to the Secessionists.

CHAPTER V.

His Service in South Carolina and Florida.

Immediately after resigning from the United States
Army, Capt. Richard H. Anderson had offered his services
to his native State. Recognizing his splendid services in
the old Army, he was appointed Colonel, and placed in com-
mand of the First South Carolina Regular Infantry Regi-
ment, a position of high honor and trust. He commanded
it during the attack on Fort Sumter, April 12 and 13,
1861, supporting the Artillery at Fort Moultrie and in the
various Batteries on Sullivans Island. After the fall of the
Fort, Genl, R. G. M. Dunovant, in command of the South
Carolina Troops, in his report says : "Colonel Anderson'.^
Regiment of Regulars also deserve special notice for the
good order, spirit and energy which have universally char-
acterized the command." This "good order, spirit and ener-
gy" of the newly formed Regiment doubtless sprung large-
ly from the efficiency of its commander, and was the result
of his influence, impressed upon his officers and men.

As one traces the distinguished career of General Ander-
son, it will be found that these same soldierly qualities were
ever found in the ranks of every command he held. The man
stamped them upon all whom he led. He was never spectacu-
lar, but his solid worth so influenced his followers as to
make them thoroughly dependable soldiers. One of these,
who was with him on many a desperate battlefield, later

60 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

said, "When General Anderson was near, every one felt bet-
ter and braver." He inspired confidence by his mere pres-
ence, so well was it known what that presence meant.

Colonel Anderson was promoted to be Brigadier General
in the Confederate Army, ranking from May 31, 1861. He
succeeded General Beauregard in command of the defences
and forces in the State of South Carolina. His valiant ca-
reer in the Confederate Army was begun by commanding a
South Carolina Regiment, and then the whole of his be-
loved home State. He was not, however, left for long in this
field of usefulness, but August 21, 1861, was ordered to pro-
ceed to Pensacola, Florida. He was given a most responsi-
ble command in the little Army then assembled under Gen-
eral Bragg, for the defence of that point.

Fort Pickens, at the point of Santa Rosa Island, guarding
the entrance to Pensacola Bay, had not been captured by the
Confederates or the Floridians, when that State seceded, but
was held by the Federal garrison, which had been rein-
forced by Wilson's New York Regiment of Zuaves, and
probably other troops, who were encamped on the Island
outside of the Fort.

During the ensuing Fall an expedition was planned
against the enemy on Santa Rosa Island, in retaliation for
an attack the Federals had made, destroying the Confed-
erate Gunboat Judah as she lay moored to a wharf at the
Navy Yard, which attack was the first engagement in
Florida.

The force for the attack on Santa Rosa Island was about
1,000 men, under the command of General Anderson. It
was divided into three columns, one led by Col. John K.
Jackson, who commanded in the city of Pensacola, another
by Col. Jos. R. Chalmers, and the other by Col. Patton
Anderson.

The following extracts are from General Anderson's Re-
port of the Expedition:

IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND FLORIDA 61

"All preparations having been completed, the boats de-
parted from Pensacola at a little after 12 o'clock (Oct.
8, 1861), crossed the bay and effected a landing at the
point which had been indicated by instructions. To ef-
fectually accomplish the object of the expedition Colonel
Chalmers was directed to advance rapidly along the north
beach, Colonel Anderson along the south beach, and
Colonel Jackson, following a few hundred yards in rear
of Colonel Chalmers, was to push his command to the mid-
dle of the island, and deploy it as soon as he should hear
firing from either of the other battalions or should per-
ceive from any other indications that the enemy's camp
was approached or assailed by the other columns. Colonels
Anderson and Chalmers had been further directed to re-
strain their men from firing, to capture guards and sentinels
and to place their commands, if possible, between Fort
Pickens and the camp of the enemy. Lieutenant Hallon-
quist followed in rear of Colonel Jackson's battalion, with
orders to do whatever damage he could to batteries, build-
ings and camps from which the enemy might be driven.
After a march of three or four miles, rendered toilsome and
fatiguing by the nature of the ground, the head of Colonel
Chalmer's column came suddenly upon a sentinel who fired
ineffectually at our troops and was himself instantly shot
down. The alarm having been thus given and it becoming
impossible to conceal our advance further from the enemy,
I ordered Colonel Jackson to push his way through the
thickets to the middle of the island and advance as rapidly
as possible. The guards and outposts of the Zuaves were
now rapidly driven in or shot down and the progress of a
few hundred yards, quickly accomplished by Colonel Jack-
son, brought him upon the camp of the enemy in advance
of either of the other battalions. Without a moment's de-
lay he charged it with the bayonet, but met no resistance.
The camp was almost entirely deserted, and our troops

WaS/

62 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

speedily applied the torch to the tents, storehouses and sheds
of Wilson's Zuaves. In the meantime Colonels Chalmers
and Anderson, advancing along the shores of the Island,
encountered pickets and outposts, with which they had some
sharp skirmishing, but quickly beat them off and joined in
the work of destroying the Camp. This having been most
thoroughly executed, the troops were reassembled, with a
view to proceeding against and destroying the batteries
which lay between the camp and Fort Pickens ; but daylight
appearing and there being no longer a possibility of a sur-
prise of the batteries, I directed the signal for retiring to
be sounded, and the troops to be put in march for the boats.
At about half way between the Zuave Camp and the point
of embarkation of our troops we encountered two companies
of United States regulars, which had passed us under cover
of darkness and posted themselves behind a dense thicket
to intercept our retiring column and a very sharp but short
skirmish ensued. The enemy was speedily driven off and
our troops resumed their march. The re-embarkation was
successfully accomplished, and the order given to the
Steamers to steer for Pensacola, when it was discovered
that a hawser had become entangled in the propeller of the
Neaffie and that she could not move." This caused some
delay but was finally rectified, and the steamers and barges
all sailed for Pensacola. "The enemy, taking advantage of
these circumstances, appeared among the sand hills along
the beach and opened fire upon the masses of our troops
densely crowded upon our transports, but without doing
much execution, and we were soon out of reach of their
rifles."

General Bragg said of this expedition, that it was a most
daring and successful feat of arms. "Landing from the
steamers and flats on the enemy's shore, within sight of his
fleet, marching some three or four miles in the darkness of
the night, over an unknown and almost impassible ground,

IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND FLORIDA 63

under his guns, killing his pickets, storming his intrenched
camp of 600 or 700 men, driving the enemy off in utter con-
fusion and dismay, and burning every vestige of clothing,
equipage and provisions, leaving them individually in a
state of destitution, and this under the close range of his
stronghold. Fort Pickens, without his discovering our ob-
ject or firing a gun, was an achievement worthy of the gal-
lant men who executed it." The leaders in this expedition
all subsequently rose to distinguished rank in the Confed-
erate Army. Genl. R. H. Anderson became Lieutenant-
General and commanded a Corps in the Army of Northern
Virginia. The officers who commanded each of the three
battalions into which General Anderson had divided his
force won promotion, Col. Patton Anderson rose to be a
Major-General, and Cols. Jos. R. Chalmers and Jno. K.
Jackson each won the spurs of a Brigadier-General.

The remainder of the year 1861 and until February, 1862,
General Anderson was at Pensacola. But with the spring
of 1862 the advance of McClellan into Virginia to capture
the Capital, called for the gathering of a powerful Con-
federate Army of defence in Virginia, and he was trans-
ferred to that field of operations and to a command in the
Army of Northern Virginia. With that Army he served
until the Flag of the Confederacy was furled at Appomat-
tox, with distinguished ability and gallantry, ever mindful,
as England's greatest laureate said, that "the path of duty
firmly trod is ever the way to true glory,"

CHAPTER VI.

The Peninsular Campaign, Including the Battle of
Williamsburg.

General Anderson was ordered February 15, 1862, to
report to Major General Longstreet, who then commanded
the Second Division, for duty with a South Carolina Bri-
gade. The Brigade which he was placed in command of,
was composed of the First South Carolina Regiment, Col.
Thos. J. Glover, Fourth South Carolina Regiment (which
was subsequently, April 26, 1861, reorganized as the Fourth
South Carolina Battalion under Major C. S. Mattison),
Fifth South Carolina Regiment, Col. John R. R. Giles,
Sixth South Carolina Regiment, Col. John Bratton, Palmet-
to Sharp Shooters, Col. Micah Jenkins, and Louisiana Foot
Rifles, Capt. McG. Goodwyn. This magnificent Brigade
of gallant Carolinians, during its career, won enduring
fame, first under General Anderson and then under the gal-
lant leadership of the distinguished Generals, Micah Jen-
kins and John Bratton ; a triumvirate of the noblest souls
whom Carolina gave to the Confederacy.

At the inauguration of the Peninsular Campaign, the
Brigade was moved from the Rappahannock to the sup-
port of Magruder's lines near Yorktown. These lines were
admirably placed on the divide between the Warwick and
Poquoson Rivers. On this line the first battle of the War

PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 65

in Virginia had been fought at Big Bethel, June 10, 1861.
On McClellan's advance, the Confederates retreated to the
Hnes around Yorktown. The strong water batteries at
Yorktown and at CJloucester Point closed the York River
and the Confederate Ram, Virginia, stood guard at the
mouth of the James River, so the enemy's fleets could not
ascend either river on the Confederate flanks.

Lincoln had determined to force the Southern States back
into the Union. From the very moderate arrangements he
first made, he evidently did not believe that he had a very
hard task before him. He must have been considerably
shocked at Bull Run to find that the 75,000 troops he had
called to arms could not accomplish the desired results and
he was forced to make another call. Then the magnitude
of the work he had undertaken seemed to have partially
dawned upon him, and his second call was for half a mil-
lion men.

When Virginia seceded, the Confederate Capital was
moved to Richmond, for political rather than military rea-
sons. But it was there — the Capital of the new born Con-
federacy— only about one hundred miles from Washing-
ton, the Capital of the old Union. Politically this might
have been eminently wise on the part of the Confederate
statesmen, but from a military standpoint, it is exceedingly
doubtful, if good judgment would have warranted placing
our capital on the outflank of the Confederacy. Strategical-
ly a capital may not be of prime importance in a war, but
with the conditions existing in the Confederacy, the Capital
was the heart and from it flowed the life blood which ani-
mated the entire political body of the country. The value
of its capital to the Confederacy became very great, and evi-
dently the enemy appreciated this. Hence the many stub-
bom, valiant and persistent efforts were made for its cap-
ture. As the War progressed it became more and more im-
portant. It is very doubtful, if. had Richmond been cap-

66 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

tured within a year after the battle of Bull Run, that its loss
would have been that irretrievable blow it was in 1865. In
the years 1861 and 1862 the South had recuperative powers,
but in 1865, exhausted, it had none. Because the Federals
appreciated the great value of the possession of Richmond,
they put forth far greater efforts to accomplish this, than
in any other field. Thus Virginia, between Washington and
Richmond, especially, became the theatre of the greatest
struggles of the War and in which both sides put their best
generals, gave them larger Armies, and equipped those
armies more efficiently than any other.

Richmond could be approached by four routes. From
Ohio, through Western Virginia, via Staunton into the
eastern part of Virginia, in which Richmond was situated ;
or by the way of the Shenandoah Valley, and thence over
the Blue Ridge ; or by the route of the Peninsula between
the York and James Rivers ; or directly south from Wash-
ington, along the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. All
of these routes were tried at various times, and hundreds of
thousands of Federals were sacrificed to reach Richmond,
and hosts of Confederates laid down their lives in its de-
fence. The route via Western Virginia was easily closed,
and no, even approximately, successful movement ever
reached Richmond or its vicinity by that way. The Fed-
erals, at times, marched the length of the Shenandoah Val-
ley, but beyond the barbarous destruction and devastation
which destroyed the granary of the Army and thus brought
disaster, accomplished nothing towards reaching Richmond.
The defeat at Bull Run shut the Federals off from the route
across the plains of Virginia. Now the Federals were about
trying another route, via the Peninsula.

After the most disastrous repulse of the Federals "on to
Richmond" at Bull Run, McClellan, who had superceded
McDowell, planned the attack on the capital of the Con-
federacy by the route over the Peninsula between the York

PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 67

and James Rivers. By April 4, 1862, he had concentrated
three Army Corps between Fortress Monroe and Newport
News at the extreme Southern point of the Peninsula.

Magruder, with his comparatively insignificant force of
11,000 men, bravely held in check the Federal advance for
ten days, thus giving Genl. Jos. E. Johnston time to as-
semble a force to contest his advances and effectively bar
his way to Richmond. On the 16th April, McClellan made
a vigorous assault, near the centre of the Confederate lines,
but was handsomely repulsed, with severe loss, by Ander-
son's and Cobb's Brigades.

Genl. Joseph E. Johnston had, April 17, 1862, taken com-
mand of the Department of the Peninsula and Norfolk. In
his official report of an inspection made soon after, he says
he was convinced that the position (at Yorktown) was de-
fective for many good reasons. He determined to hold his
position as long as it could be wisely done. Circumstances
indicated that the enemy was nearly ready on May 3rd, so
he directed the troops to move towards Williamsburg. On
this retirement the first decided effort to check the Federal
advance was made, from the line of intrenchment near
Williamsburg, on the right of which line was a redoubt
known as Fort Magruder. The stand of the Confederates
resulted in the battle of Williamsburg. To General Ander-
son and the troops under his command and acting by his or-
ders, was assigned the leading and most conspicuous part.
He won the highest commendation from Longstreet, who
was in general command, he saying: "Brig. Genl. R. H.
Anderson was placed in command at the right, and his dis-
position of his forces and manner of leading them into ac-
tion displayed great ability and signal gallantry and cool-
ness."

Late in the afternoon of May 4, 1862, in a h.eavy rain
storm. General Anderson, with his own Brigade and
Pryor's, Macon's Battery and two guns each under Cap-

68 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

tains Garrett and McCarthy, of the Richmond Howitzers,
relieved McLaw's Division, which had previously held the
position. Anderson occupied Fort Magruder and advanced
his pickets to cover the junction of the Yorktown and
Hampton roads. The rain was so heavy that it delayed all
movements. At daylight on May 5th he occupied the re-
doubts on the right of Fort Magruder and two of those on
his left. In the immediate front the timber had been felled
and to the South of the felled timber was a forest. After
some skirmishing the enemy made a very heavy attack with
artillery and a considerable display of his infantry. Gen-
eral Anderson had been ordered to seize the first oppor-
tunity to attack the most assailable position of the enemy.
To this end arranged the forces, which had reported to him
for duty, placing Wilcox's Brigade on the right of his Bri-
gade, reinforced by such parts of Pryor's Brigade as were
not needed in the trenches and ordered up the Brigades of
A. P. Hill and Pickett to strengthen his right. Subsequent-
ly Colson's Brigade and the Batteries of Dearing, Stribling
and Pelham came up. Longstreet says : "The attacking
columns were well arranged and gallantly led by General
Anderson and most ably seconded by the gallant Brigadiers
and other officers. "

General D. H. Hill, with one of his Brigades, Early's,
came upon the field and was placed upon the left, and after-
wards the balance of his Division was brought up. Early's
Brigade was not actually engaged until afternoon, then it
made an unsuccessful and very disastrous assault upon the
enemy.

The battle on the right front was waxing strong and
Anderson was gaining ground gradually. He gathered his
forces near the Federal Batteries, which were annoying
them considerably, and made a concentrated attack, cap-
turing four of Webber's guns and forty horses. Colson's
Brigade now came up and reinforced Anderson and the

PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 69

enemy also received some additional troops. Anderson had
established his advance skirmishers covering Webber's ad-
vanced guns. The fresh force of Federals drove back this
line, when Anderson having been reinforced, recovered the
ground. The Federals put in the last of their available
troops, but could not force Anderson back, he firmly held
his ground, but was not strong enough to attempt further
aggression.

In his report General Anderson says : "Captain Strib-
bling's Fauquier Artillery and Captain Bearing's Williams-
burg Artillery came up, and took post on our left, where
they rendered great service against the assaults of the
enemy on Fort Magruder. On the right the enemy was
steadily driven from the woods to the fallen timber, in
which he endeavored to make a stand, but the spirit of
our men was fully aroused. Step by step, and hour by
hour they continued to advance and to compel the enemy to
give ground. All his cannon, except one piece, were sil-
enced or captured" (of course he refers to that part of the
battle which he directed) "and victory seemed almost with-
in our grasp, when night came on and put an end to the
conflict."

General Anderson reported his position safe to hold until
time came for the withdrawal and the continuation of the
retreat. At dark they were withdrawn and took up the
march. The pursuit was not active, in fact hardly annoy-
ing. The object of the battle was to gain time to haul our
trains to places of safety. General Johnson says of the
battle : "Had the enemy beaten us on the 5th, as he claims to
have done, the Army would have lost most of its baggage
and artillery. * * * Had not the action of the 5th been at
least discouraging to the enemy, we would have been pur-
sued on the road and turned by the way of West Point."

This battle accomplished all or more even than was ex-
pected. A large part of the glory of the day rests upon

70 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

General Anderson, for his skillful handling of the troops
under his command, who bore the brunt of the fight, and to
the brave officers and men who so gallantly stood by him.
The men individually had many exciting and wonderful per-
sonal experiences and escapes. One of the latter is told by
Capt. J. L. Coker, of Corporal John Kelly, Company E,
Sixth South Carolina Regiment. Kelly was exchanging
shots with the sharpshooters of the enemy, when he ac-
cidentally exposed himself. A ball struck him full in the
breast, and his comrades near him, seeing how his jacket
was cut through, thought they had lost one of the brave
boys. But in his jacket pocket he had a Bible presented to
him before the War by the Rev. Thomas Law, his Sunday
School teacher. The ball entered the Bible, but like many a
man, could not find its way through the whole volume. The
Good Book saved his life and forever after has been cher-
ished by him and his children as their most sacred pos-
session.

The battle of Williamsburg was the first occasion upon
which General Anderson exercised an extensive command
in battle. His leadership, for he led his forces, evidenced
great personal gallantry, and his consummate skill rendered
his leadership brilliantly successful. Great credit is due to
the brave South Carolinians of his Brigade, who when
General Anderson was given the larger command, were
commanded by Colonel Micah Jenkins. Not only did they
valiantly hold their part of the line with grim determina-
tion, but at a most critical moment turned the tide of battle.
Longstreet says, "Occasional efforts were made by the
enemy to regain his lost positions, when a well turned fire
from Colonel Jenkins, with his artillery and sharpshooters,
staggered the advancing forces, and our troops" (those on
the right under Anderson) "soon drove them back."

In closing his report of the battle, General Anderson
says, "The fearless bearing, and the unceasing assistance

PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 71

rendered by them requires from me a particular notice of
the members of my staff. Captain T. S. Mills, Assistant Ad-
jutant General, Captain Edward J. Means, Acting Aide de
Camp, and Mr. E. M. Anderson, volunteer Aide de Camp.
The last of these was my brother. He has given his life to
his country's cause." In his official report the General
could not with propriety say more as to his brother's mak-
ing the highest human sacrifice — his life. He could not tell
of his grief when his brother fell by his side. He could not
depict what it cost him to turn from the dear lifeless form
and resume his imperative duties. Nor could he say how
terribly heart rending it was to wipe away his tears and
draw his sword. He had to bury the love and affection of a
life time in his present attention to his high duties. How-
ever noble, however much beloved, however gallant may
that dear brother have been he could not have had a more
sublime epitaph than the General's words, "he has given his
life to his country's cause." However, in a personal letter
to his father the General poured out his heart. He de-
scribed in detail the wound, a minnie ball entering the right
temple, passing entirely through his head, giving instant
death, and the circumstances. He also says, "A most heavy
affliction has fallen upon you and me and all other members
of the family in the death of McKenzie. The suddenness
with which this calamity has befallen us, renders it ap-
palling. The instantaneous transmission from life and
health and excited animation to death of one so near to me
fills me with inexpressible grief and wretchedness. I loved
my brother with my whole heart, and during the last thirty
days, in which he has been constantly at my side — his un-
concealed satisfaction of being with me — his deep interest
in all that was going on — his eager and cheerful perform-
ance of all his duties and his constant anxiety that all should
go well with our country's cause — increased my attachment
— if indeed anything could have done so." The General

72 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

visited the remains of his brother, v/hich had been carried
to the home of Dr. Garrick. "It was here that I, for the
first time, fully realized the dreadful fact. The hand of
death was laid upon the face of him whose countenance had
only a little while before delighted me by its animation, its
courage, its intelligence and its strong affection. It was the
most agonizing moment of my life."

The night of the battle the troops were withdrawn and
continued the ordered retirement towards Richmond. The
men had to endure untold suffering on these night marches,
in the mud, with every discomfort. What one company
endured during these trying days — of the battle and on the
march, is most graphically and vividly told by Capt. J. L.
Coker in his sketch of his company which has been pub-
lished and thus their fair fame preserved. "Company E,
Sixth South Carolina Volunteers, was again put on the
picket line, the enemy being very near to us, indeed we
could hear their words and every sound they made, in the
darkness. The survivors will recall General (then Colonel)
Bratton's explanation, made at our Reunion in 1886, as to
why he selected Company E for such duties for four suc-
cessive nights. The explanation was exceedingly compli-
mentary and gratifying, coming from so observant and
careful a conimander, but the service was none the less dif-
ficult." Captain Coker was as modest as General Anderson
and does not publish that this was because of the great
confidence Colonel Bratton had in Captain Coker and his
splendid company. "That night the men could hardly be
kept awake. It was necessary to go from one to the other
constantly to see that they did not go to sleep while stand-
ing on post, so overcome were they with the strain of four
days and nights of continuous rear guard and picket and
battle service. Lieutenant Cannon was assigned one end
of the line of pickets, while I (Captain Coker) took the
other part of the line, both spending the night in passing
from man to man, to keep them awake. The other officers

PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN n

were left to keep the reserve on the alert. About daylight we
carefully withdrew, the Cavalry relieving us and sometime
during the day we overtook our regiment, which had pre-
ceded us. The men were so exhausted by their long con-
tinued vigils that they could not keep awake, and some of
them, while marching along by the roadside, lost them-
selves in sleep and fell flat upon the ground. When they
reached their bivouac we enjoyed an undisturbed repose on
the leaves and clean pine straw."

This recalls a rather amusing incident of the same char-
acter occurring in the Western Army. During the manou-
vres preliminary to the battle of Chickamauga, Manigault's
Brigade were making one of many all-night marches. They
were not in immediate contact with the enemy, so any one
could take a nap — when they could. The mounted ofificers
had rather the advantage of the foot soldiers, as most of
them had learned to sleep on horseback. The General, fol-
lowed by his Staff, was riding at the head of the Brigade,
and as the day dawned, the Staff, all successively awoke,
but the General continued his snooze. Presently the road
ran through a lane, bordered on either side by a worm
fence, in the corner of which were tempting patches of
green grass. The General's horse was thoroughly awake,
and seeing the grass was led from the straight road and
halted to nibble the luscious meal. The General having
stopped, his Staff stopped, and the whole Brigade ceased
marching, and in a jiffy every man dropped by the roadside,
and some had even begun to snore. The General awoke.
He realized his ridiculous position and went for his Staff
for allowing him to stop and not awakening him. His
Adjutant General defended himself by retorting that it
would have been unbecoming in him to dictate to his Com-
mander as to what he should do. The men were sadly dis-
appointed when they were so soon aroused from their
needed rest, and with heavy hearts and weary feet moved
at the command "Forward, March."

CHAPTER VII.

Battle of Seven Pines or Fair Oaks.

After the Battle of Williamsburg the Confederate Army
slowly fell back to the Chickahominy, where they formed
a strong- line on its north side, facing northeast and pro-
tecting all the roads to Richmond, by which McClellan
could reach that city. A new line was later taken up, its
right resting on Drewry's Bluff on the James and extending
to a point on the Chickahominy, opposite Mechanicsville.
Meanwhile McDowell, with an army of 40,000 men, was
moving down from Fredericksburg to co-operate with Mc-
Clellan. On May 27th Johnston having information of
this advance of McDowell's, determined to strike McClel-
lan before these reinforcements could reach him. But Stone-
wall Jackson's brilliant victory at Winchester forced Mc-
Dowell to fall back, and the proposed attack on McClellan
was postponed. However on the evening of May 30th
Johnston planned another aggressive movement, which led
to the battle of Seven Pines. His plan of attack was ex-
cellent, but was not entirely successful, because some of
his subordinates did not strictly follow his orders. Without
considering or describing the general plan of the battle or
what the other commands did or failed to do, we will con-
fine ourselves to the part taken by General Anderson and
the troops under his command.

As at the battle of Williamsburg, but not charged with

BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES 75

quite so responsible duties, or so large a command, Gen-
eral Anderson, in the engagement at Seven Pines, May 31
and June 1, 1862, commanded other Brigades, together with
his own. They fought on the right wing, which was under
the general direction of General Longstreet. General
Anderson with his own and Kemper's Brigade was put in
by the front, on the Williamsburg Road. A portion of
Anderson's Brigade, the Sixth South Carolina Regiment,
and Palmetto Sharpshotters, both under Colonel Micah
Jenkins, was sent to the right along the Railroad at the
Nine Mile Road, to get in rear of the enemy, while General
Anderson, with the remainder of his command, advanced
on the immediate left of the redoubt, into the woods, where
the Federals had retired. The enemy permitted General
Anderson's troops to get within a short distance of them
before opening fire. Anderson's infantry replied furiously,
some artillery opened with an enfilading fire and the enemy
was soon in full retreat. They were hotly pursued. Ander-
son reinforced by a part of G. B. Anderson's Brigade of
Hill's Division, sweeping the left of the road drove brigade
after brigade of the enemy before them. They captured
here, two guns, several camps, with their commissary and
quartermaster's supplies, and finally after dark halted more
than a mile beyond the Federal main line of works at Seven
Pines.

The success of that part of the Confederate attack, in
which Anderson and his troops had played so very con-
spicuous a part, seemed to have doomed the left wing of
McClellan's Army, which was south of the Chickahominy.
However, Sumner's Corps, in the late afternoon, most op-
portunely for the enemy, arrived, having crossed the river.
It was thrown upon the victorious Confederates, checked
their advance, and in some parts of the field drove them
back. This reinforcing Corps of the enemy was met by
the troops under General G. W. Smith, who attacked them

76 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

with Hampton's, Pettigrew's and Hatton's Brigades. They
fought with determined courage, General Hatton having
been killed. General Pettigrew was wounded and taken
prisoner, and General Hampton was wounded. The gal-
lantry of these splendid brigades was unfortunately wasted,
as they failed to accomplish the success their valiant con-
duct warranted. At seven o'clock General Johnston or-
dered his troops on the field to sleep on the lines they were
then occupying.

At half past seven, General Jos. E. Johnston was struck
by a minnie ball, and just afterward, badly wounded by a
fragment of a shell, the Commanding General had to
be borne from the field so severely wounded that, to the
great loss of his country, he was incapacitated from duty
for a very considerable time. General G. W. Smith, the
next ranking officer, assumed temporary command, but was
soon relieved. That incomparable hero who was destined
to lead the Army of Northern Virginia, on many a bloody,
and ofttimes victorious field, General Robert E. Lee, was
assigned to the command of the Army.

The early morning of June ist developed some activity
in front and on parts of the line commanded by General
Whiting, but this did not involve Anderson's command.
General Lee arrived on the field about noon. He was in a
most trying and delicate position in taking command of the
Army while in battle, and having comparatively little fa-
miliarity with the qualities of its officers or its various com-
mands, he had fallen heir to Johnston's plans, only know-
ing what they were most superficially. He needed time to
study the situation and devise those plans which eventually
drove McClellan's army back to Washington. So, after
reviewing the situation, he withdrew the Army to their de-
fences nearer Richmond, from which they had advanced to
the battle. Thus ended Seven Pines, without conclusive
victorv or defeat to the Confederates, but with some gain

BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES 77

in the capture of six pieces of Artillery, and several thou-
sand rifles — but at the heavy cost of about 4,800 men.

It was in his fights in this battle that General Anderson
gained the soubriquet of "Fighting Dick" Anderson. Dur-
ing the advance of his command he was told that the enemy
was to be seen in his front. "Press them!" he orders. They
were next pointed out on his right, "Press them !" he or-
dered. They appeared on his left, "Press them!" cried An-
derson, and his gallant men responding, did bravely "Press
them" and drove them from the field.

General Longstreet in his report says ; "The severest part
of the work was done by Major General D. H. Hill's Divi-
sion, but the attack of the two brigades under General R. H.
Anderson, one commanded by General Kemper and the
other" (Anderson's own brigade) "by Colonel Micah Jen-
kins, was made with such spirit and regularity as to have
driven back a most determined foe — this decided the day in
our favor." Very complimentary to General Anderson ! The
two brigades under his command, one of these his own South
Carolina Brigade, was handled with such skill and led with
such gallantry that they "decided the day in our favor."

It is not often that a Brigadier General can or does by
his ability and the character of his troops, decide the fate
of a great battle. Brigadier General Richard Heron Ander-
son did this at Seven Pines !

His distinguished services at Seven Pines, after equally
good work at Williamsburg, won for him the recognition
and the high approval of his superior Officers. For his
conduct in the latter battle, General Longstreet commended
his "great ability and signal gallantry and coolness." Now,
after Seven Pines, General Joseph E. Johnston calls the
especial attention of the government at Richmond to Gen-
eral Anderson, who had so well exercised command above
his official grade. His promotion to be Major General,
which followed very soon, was the reward not of any per-

78 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

sonal partiality or political influence, but of his substantial
merit, conspicuously displayed, while performing the duties
of a Major General upon both of these battlefields on
which he fought in Virginia, and in which commenced his
honored career in the Army of Northern Virginia.

Among the South Carolinians of Anderson's Brigade was
one who rivalled his chief in bravery, Colonel, afterwards
Brigadier General John Bratton, commanding the Sixth,
South Carolina Regiment. It has been said of him, that he
had the luck of being wounded whenever he went into a
fight. An exaggeration, of course, but his many wounds
gave some color to the story. All this, however, was not a
matter of luck or fate, but because his undavmted gallantry
led him to constant personal exposure. He was always in
the thickest of the fight, like that officer of whom it was said
that if you wanted to find him in a battle, go to the front.

At Seven Pines he was wounded and Major J. L. Coker
tells very amusingly of the Colonel's luck when so disabled.
He says, "While forming a new line in the fielld" (on the
advance of Anderson as narrated above) "and among the
tents of a Pennsylvania Regiment my attention was called
by Sam Nettles to a pair of boots showing themselves from
under a pile of knapsacks ; the suspicious boots were taken
hold of and pulled out and were found to be on the feet
of a Yankee Captain (Captain John D. McFarland, 102nd
Pennsylvania Regiment). On demand he quickly gave me
his sword and his pistol was found under the cover, where
he was lying, as he hoped, concealed. I sent him to the
rear in charge of Jack Gandy, who had just then been
wounded. Gandy fell in with the wounded Colonel Brat-
ton, who could not walk without help, and the three went
off together. Somehow or other they took the wrong di-
rection, the Pennsylvania Captain vainly trying to convince
them of their error and Colonel Bratton, with Gandy and
another wounded Confederate (Boyce Simmonton, Com-

BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES 79

pany G, Sixth South Carolina Regiment), with the prisoner,
persisted they were right, walked straight towards the rail-
road and into the Yankee lines." The doughty Colonel
was surely in bad fortune, not only to be wounded, but to
find himself captured.

From General Bratton's address to the Sixth South Caro-
lina Regiment on the battlefield of Seven Pines, August
6, 1885, the following is extracted, bearing upon General
Anderson and then upon the gallantry of that splendid Regi-
ment of South Carolinians, of which General Bratton was
then Colonel.

"Just then General Anderson rode up and conducting
him a few paces to the front, I pointed out the situation ; the
abattis or 'slashings' on slightly declining ground were
much wider and more formidable than the first, with a thick
growth of scrubby trees, on the other edge, screening com-
pletely what might be there. By this time not an enemy
was in sight, not a gun was being fired in my front. Gen-
eral Anderson quietly said, 'Move your regiment across
the abattis and take position on that crest beyond,' point-
ing towards it, and added, "unless you jump the game on the
way." Feeling sure that it would be jumped on the other
edge of the slashing I asked, what then? He answered,
"Press them." I told him that embarrassment as to my
flank and rear had prevented me from crossing the abattis
pretty much with them, at least in due pursuit, and asked
if I should succeed again, will you look to flank and rear?
His answer was, "Press them." We at once entered the abat-
tis, the Fifth Regiment, Colonel Giles, moving with us on
our right. I did not see where the (Palmetto) Sharpshoot-
ers (Col. Jenkins) went. When about half way across, a
grand volley was poured upon us from the thicket beyond,
and although nobody cried "Lie down," the entire regiment
squatted involuntary in the brush. As the crash of the vol-
ley died away I shouted "Forward!" but none seemed to

80 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

hear it save our color bearer, and before it could be re-
peated the noise and rattle of the regular battle fire opened
upon us and drowned human utterances. He advanced on
and over the obstructions, as he could not move under even
the highest without lowering his colors, alone, with a stride
unnaturally steady, considering the character of his foot-
ing. None who saw it can ever forget the splendid picture
presented by our glorious and handsome boy, John Rabb,
on this occasion. Never were colors borne with a loftier
devotion to duty or a quieter disdain of danger. He ad-
vanced thus alone, nearly half way to the enemy, and it
looked as though our colors would be handed over to them,
when our entire regiment seemed simultaneously to take in
the situation and made a desperate rush to overtake him.

Our line poured like a wave over and under the obstruc-
tions, and coming up with the colors, continued the im-
petuous advance until we swept over them. What mag-
nificent gallantry ! Write high on the roll of fame, the name
of John Rabb !

Another story of Seven Pines. An old Virginia couple
were at home when they heard of the Battle of Seven Pines.
The good old Mother was mourning over her Son John who
was in the battle. The grey haired Father asked her why
she bemoaned for John only, when she had another boy,
Henry, in the same fight. "Oh !" she said, "I know Henry,
and there were Seven Pines on that battlefield and I am sure
Henry got behind one of them Pines and would not be
hurt."

Protecting oneself in danger recalls another story, but
not of the same battle or army. After a hot battle, a private
was reported to the Colonel, for not behaving properly in
the fight. The Colonel had him up at headquarters and
gave him a very serious talk and told him that he did not
wish any man in his Regiment to be Court Martialed for
failing in his duty in the face of enemy. So he would give

BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES 81

the said private another chance and in the next battle he
would watch him and if he behaved all right, the past
would be forgiven, otherwise he would have to have him
punished. Six days after, the Regiment was engaged
in another Battle and as it advanced to the charge, the
Colonel remembered his promise and went down to the
man's company to see how he was behaving. He was
found in ranks, going steadily forward with the line, his
rifle on his right shoulder and with his left hand holding
before his face, endeavoring to protect himself with it, a big
frying pan. The poor fellow was a few minutes thereafter
killed, and the Colonel severely wounded, so there was no
Court Martial. But the incident showed the highest moral
courage of the soldier. He was so scared that he tried to
protect himself with the only available object, the mess
frying pan, which he carried, yet he maintained his posi-
tion in the charging line, amidst a storm of bullets, moving
across an open field, until his death knell came from one of
those minnie balls he was so gallantly facing.

It is a pleasure to renew one of the thousands of in-
stances of gracious liberality and true Christian spirit
which actuated many of those who were so bitterly con-
testing. It is an additional gratification, as this was ex-
tended by a Federal General, Phil ^earaey, to our own
brave Colonel Bratton. As stated before, the Colonel had
been wounded and had fallen into the hands of the enemy.
While thus situated he received the following letter :

"Camp near Fair Oaks, Va.

"June 10, 1862.
"Dear Sir,—

"The fortunes of this unnatural war have made you a
prisoner, and it was in the hands of one of my regiments
(Fourth Maine, Colonel Walker), that you fell. I take the
liberty, in courtesy and good feeling, of putting myself or
friends at the North at your disposal.

82 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

"I forward by a special messenger your sword, belt and
watch together with a letter from the Surgeon, Dr. Gesner,
who attended you, who is an acquaintance of your family
at the South.

"If, Sir, you will permit me the favor, I also place at
your call a credit with my bankers, Riggs & Co., Wash-
ington, $200, which may serve you until your own arrange-
ments are made.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

P. Kearney,
Brig. Genl. Comdg. 3d Division, Third Corps.

"Colonel Bratton, Sixth South Carolina Regiment."

Sword Presented by the State of South Carolina to
Capt. Richard H. Anderson

CHAPTER VIII.
Battle of (First) Cold Harbor or Gaines Mill.

While the battle of Seven Pines was being fought and
subsequent thereto, Stonewall Jackson was conducting his
brilliant campaign in the Shenandoah Valley. But the ab-
sence of his Corps and the personal influence and judgment
of the redoubtable hero was felt by General Lee. As
Jackson had completed his work in the Valley, General Lee
determined to call him and his men back to the Army de-
fending Richmond, which, since the battle of Seven Pines
had been quietly lying between Richmond and McClel-
lan's hosts. By the 25th of June, Jackson's forces had
reached Ashland and were within easy reach of Lee and
his army. Lee marked the commencement of his career,
in command of a grand army by "a stroke brilliant in its
boldness." This was, after a month's quiet, to make an ac-
tive assault on the enemy, who were or should have been the
aggressive actors. This resulted first in the battle of Cold
Harbor and ended with driving McClellan to his new base
at Harrison's Landing.

On the early morn of June 27, 1862, the advance on Me-
chanicsville showed that the enemy had retired during the
night. The continued advance of the Confederates, at 1
o'clock, developed the Federals strongly posted on the high
ground behind Powhite Creek. Longstreet rested his men
until the balance of the Army came up. When all was ready,

84 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

the battle was opened by A. P. Hill, Longstreet being in
rear and in reserve, awaiting orders. About 5 o'clock a
message reached him from General Lee, asking him to
make a diversion against the enemy. The Brigades of
Anderson, Pickett and Kemper under command of Ander-
son, were sent to threaten the enemy's left from the forest
edge, to fire, but not to cross the open ground. These Bri-
gades engaged steadily, and portions thereof in their
ardour essayed to cross the field, but were recalled and the
order repeated to fire, but not to assault. Meanwhile along
other parts of the line of battle, efforts were being made to
find a weak spot which could be forced. This general as-
sault had not met the result which General Lee hoped for.

A little before sunset Captain A. P. Mason of General
Lee's Staff, dashed up to Longstreet bearing a message from
General Lee that "all other efforts had failed and unless
he could do something the day was lost." This seemed to
have struck the right man, who had Lieutenants who could
do what they dared, and he at once made the efforts, which
saved the day. Anderson and Pickett were ordered to make
a determined assault, Kemper being held in reserve. Just
as these Brigades advanced. General Whiting of Jackson's
Corps, came up with a rush bringing his Division com-
posed of Law's and Hood's Brigades. He told General
Longstreet that he had lost sight of General Jackson in the
forest and asked him to put his command into battle.
He was ordered to move to the left of Anderson and
Pickett. As the attacking forces reached the crest of the
hill, they came into the full blaze of battle, but gallantly
dashed through the open and down the slope of the run and
up the hill, driving the enemy before them.

Longstreet in his report says : "Our gallant officers and
men moved forward in the face of three lines of infantry
fire, supported by batteries from both sides of the Chicka-
hominy, the troops moving steadily on under this terrible

BATTLE OF COLD HARBOR 85

fire, drove the enemy from his positions one after another,
took his batteries and finally drove him into the swamps
of the Chickahominy." In the same report he also says :
"There was more individual gallantry displayed upon this
field than any I have ever seen. Conspicuous among the gal-
lant officers and men were Brigadier General R. H. Ander-
son, and Colonel Micah Jenkins.

Whiting's Division drifted off to its left, but a part of
Hood's, under his indomnitable leadership, came up on
Anderson's left, closing the interval, keeping up with Ander-
son's advance, with Whiting following in close eschelon.
Anderson's, Pickett's and Hood's Brigades captured the
enemy's stronghold and moved in pursuit of the broken
Federal lines, coming within easy musket range and almost
in possession of the enemy's massed reserve artillery. Just
then a dash of a heavy cavalry force required a formation
to resist it, delaying the advance and giving the enemy
time to move off his guns. Now, an advance on all parts
of the Confederate line caused the break of the enemy along
their entire front and a prompt retirement from the field.
It was fortunate for them that night so soon threw its shel-
tering arm on the field and saved them from rout.

Many of the Confederate commanders claimed credit for
having made the first break in the enemy's lines, "but the
solid ranks of prisoners delivered to the provost guard and
the several batteries captured and turned in to the Ordnance
Department, show this breach to have been made by the
columns of Anderson, Pickett and Hood's two regiments."

Captain James A. Hoyt, Company C, Palmetto Sharp-
shooters, gives in the Greenville Mountaineer, April 26,
1899, a most graphic account of Anderson's Brigade in this
battle. From it the following is condensed :

"In going forward with the assault, Anderson's Brigade
was on the extreme right of the Confederate line and dashed
down the slope into the ravine, above which was the enemy's

86 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

batteries and lines of infantry with temporary entrench-
ments. Anderson pressed up the steep ascent across the ra-
vine and met with bitter resistance, although under a con-
stant fire, while the battle was raging on his left, where
Hood's and Pickett's Brigades were engaging the Federals.
We pressed to the front in pursuit of the broken lines which
were being forced towards the main body of McClellan's
Army.

General Anderson, with the gallant Sixth, the Second
Rifles and the Fourth Battalion moved straight forward
for several hvmdred yards, and after we reached the open
on the crest of the hill and he had directed Colonel Micah
Jenkins of the Palmetto Sharpshooters to take his own com-
mand and the Fifth South Carolina under Colonel Jack-
son and move towards the Chickahominy, in order to pro-
tect the right flank of Lee's Army. Colonel Stockton with
the Fifteenth Michigan and Eighty-third Pennsylvania had
been completely cut off by our movement and came from
the wood. In a few minutes the head of the column was
visible to the Palmetto Sharpshooters, a hundred yards
down the hill. Their flags were furled and too indistinct to
know whether they were friend or foe. Colonel Jenkins
demanded to know what troops they were, to which no re-
sponse was made. Jenkins' troops had been faced to their
right. Their column was not more than fifty yards in our
front marching by the flank, while our men were at the
ready and as the head of the column came in front of our
Color Company, the officer in command broke the silence
by saying, "Halt! Front!" to which Jenkins replied "Fire!"
and our volley made deadly work in their ranks. They
quickly returned the fire, when Jenkins ordered the charge,
and in a few minutes the incident was over and the enemy
was ours. The Fifth South Carolina and the Eighty-third
Pennsylvania had a similar experience, resulting the same
way."

BATTLE OF COLD HARBOR 87

"The history of Company C, Sixth South CaroHna Volun-
teer Infantry," a command then in General Anderson's Bri-
gade, is so full of accounts illustrating the life and deeds of
the subordinate officers and privates that it will add inter-
est to this story and show the character of the men whom
General Anderson had the good fortune to lead, and also
something of those whom they had to combat, that quota-
tion is made.

"At this battle we found some of the enemy wearing
breast plates ; these were of steel, strapped on securely to
protect the body from small arms. An Irishman of Cap-
tain Cantey's Company took one of these from a dead offi-
cer and offered it to General Jenkins, who declined it, but
suggested to the soldier to use it for his own protection.
This advice was taken, and at the next battle a bullet struck
the breast plate, glanced and wounded the man's arm.
Without this protection Cantey's Irishman would probably
have been killed. However, these heavy and clumsy af-
fairs were soon discarded by the Federal troops and we
did not see them later. At this battle every Yankee soldier
seemed to have plenty of whiskey, the fumes of it filled the
air, and their canteens were redolent of its odors."

A fright was innocently and ridiculously perpetrated by
Lieutenant Cannon of the Company, which he tells as fol-
lows :

"Colonel Steedman and Ed. Sumner had asked me to get
them a canteen apiece if I came across any. As we passed
the post at a run" (forward of course), "I snatched three
from a limb, hung two around my neck and called to Ed.
Sumner (he being near the right of our company), threw
the canteen to him. As he saw this harmless missile com-
ing directly to him and believing my calling a warning to
save himself, the canteen and strap whirling in the air was
converted into a death dealing shell, with proper range
and fuse nearly burnt out ready to burst. He executed

88 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

some manoeuvers in the way of dodging that would have
put to shame the acrobat of a first class circus. All of us
who witnessed it enjoyed the little diversion. Afterwards
he told me he was worse frightened than he was at any
time during the war."

Showing that Generals were not immune from surprises.
Lieutenant Cannon further tells :

"General Wilcox" (whose brigade had just come up)
seeing me on an elevated position behind a large tree, dis-
mounted and asked me, "Can I get a view of the enemy
from your position ?" I told him he could. He scarcely had
time to get in position when a shot from the enemy struck
the tree. General Wilcox appeared to be suddenly satis-
fied as he tumbled from his position to a safer place below.
I asked him if he got a good view? He replied 'too good
for me,' and then ordered the line to charge."

The following shows what straits our surgeons were of-
ten reduced to : "Lieutenant Cannon had been wounded, and
making his way as best he could to the rear, met a comrade
and a doctor. He soon had a litter and I was carried back
to the house we had driven the pickets from in the morn-
ing. Here our surgeon. Dr. Foster, took a slat from an old
rotten garden fence, broke it across his knee, and splintered
my leg."

The number of Federal prisoners and the several cap-
tured batteries which Longstreet turned over to the proper
army official shows the breach in the line to have been first
made by the attack of Anderson's and Pickett's Brigades
and the two Regiments of Hood's Brigade. They had
nobly responded to General Lee's request "to do something"
and prevented the day from being lost. Again Anderson
and his South Carolina Brigade, with their gallantry and
untiring devotion "had decided the day in our favor."

But they had no monopoly of bravery, neither did Ker-
haw's or Gregg's, but South Carolina chivalry was per-

BATTLE OF COLD HARBOR 89

sonified by the coolness and desperate bravery of Maj. John
C. Haskell. He was a Division Commissary, and had no
business on the fighting line. But he was gallantly assist-
ing Gen'l. D. R. Jones, on whose Staff he served. He car-
ried a message from General Jones to General Longstreet,
and at his orders remained with him on his Staff tempo-
rarily. General Longstreet says, "Upon his first field, his
conduct would have done credit to any distinguished vet-
eran." General Whiting in his report says, "Though not on
my Staff, I would not do right were I not to mention here
the chivalrous daring of young Major Haskell, of South
Carolina. His personal bearing in a most deadly fire, his
example and his directions contributed not a little to the
enthusiasm of the charge of the Third Brigade" (E. M.
Law's), "I regret to say that the brave young officer re-
ceived a terrible wound from a shell (losing his arm), but
walked from the field as heroically as he had gone into the
fire." South Carolina should ever be proud of this and
of all her glorious sons.

Maj. Ed. N. Thurston, the close friend, and later, a
trusted Staff Officer of General Anderson, tells of him the
following most interesting incident, showing General
Anderson's personal bravery, and his confidence in the gal-
lantry of the South Carolinians of his Brigade: "At Gaines'
Mill he won new laurels ; late that afternoon his Division
Commander approached him and said, 'My part of this work
has not been accomplished and I have nobody to do it with
but you,' referring to the hard duty already described as
performed by the brigade. The reply was, "Well, General,
what is it you want done?' and the answer, "The enemy
must come off that hill before night !' and his cheerful re-
sponse, Tf any brigade in the army can do it, mine can,'
and it was so handsomely done that General Lee, who was
an eyewitness, congratulated him the next morning."

Lee appealed to Longstreet, "All other efforts had failed,

90 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

and unless he could do something the day was lost." Long-
street called on the trustworthy Anderson to "do some-
thing" and Anderson did it magnificently. It was the turn-
ing point of the battle which ended in the complete defeat
of McClellan's hosts ! All brought about by Anderson and
his noble men.

Lee followed up his victory and pressed back McClel-
lan. A comparatively small battle was fought at Savage
Station, one of the Seven Days Battles around Richmond !
Anderson, however, was not engaged therein, so it need
not be referred to in this history of his life. The general
manoeuvers of the Army are here only related when neces-
sary to clearly eliminate those movements in which Ander-
son and his command took active part. This does not pre-
tend to be the story of the Army of Northern Virginia, but
of General Anderson. Some battles and many affairs of
that Army will be found omitted here for that reason. But
not many eminent battles, because Anderson was in nearly
all of them.

CHAPTER IX.

Battles of Frayser's Farm and Malvern Hill.

At daybreak on June 29, 1862, Lee took up the further
pursuit of McClellan's forces. General Longstreet, includ-
ing General Anderson's command, crossed the Chickahom-
iny at New Bridge, opposite to which they had bivouacked
the preceding night, and was ordered to march southward
on the Darbytown road to the long bridge, until he should
strike the right flank of the retreating enemy. At about
4 P. M. the enemy's rear guard made a stand at Savage
Station and were vigorously assaulted by Magruder's ad-
vancing troops. The Charles City cross roads, the inter-
section of several important highways, as well as many
country roads was a most vulnerable point in McClellan's
line of retreat, so Lee bent every energy to there strike the
blow. But the pursuing Confederates met all kinds of ob-
stacles, preventing their rapid movement, so the day passed
without decisive results for them. The morning of June
30th found McClellan's entire army and trains safely across
the White Oak Swamp and his troops in line of battle to
meet the pursuers. General Lee had planned a general en-
gagement but "the best laid schemes of mice and men gang
aft aglay," and the only Confederates actively engaged were
of Longstreet's column, composed of his own Division, com-
manded by Gen'l. R. H. Anderson and Gen'l. A. P. Hill's
Division ; the former in front and the latter in reserve. Gen-

92 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

eral Huger's Division was on his left and those of Ma-
gruder and Hohiies on his right. They were to co-operate,
but failed to do so.

General Lee and President Davis were both at General
Longstreet's headquarters. A Federal battery opened fire
on the same, and a shell therefrom exploded so near as
to wound a courier and kill several horses. Rather a nar-
row escape for the chief of the struggling young Con-
federacy and for the Commander of the Army defending its
capital.

Just as this took place, about 4 P. M., artillery was heard
in General Huger's direction, which was erroneously taken
by Longstreet as the agreed signal for the general attack.
General Anderson, commanding Longstreet's Division, was
ordered to make the advance and assault. In front of Jen-
kins, commanding Anderson's Brigade, was a battery, which
he was ordered to silence with his sharpshooters. This did
not satisfy the impulsive Jenkins so he led his Brigade for-
ward, charged, drove back the enemy's supporting infantry
and captured the battery. The whole Division now be-
came engaged. The attack was successful for a time, but
heavy reinforcements coming up, Anderson's right was
pushed back and his left checked and hard pressed. Gen'l.
A. P. Hill's Division was ordered up and restored the line
to the first aggressive position Anderson had gained. Mc-
Call's Federal Division had been driven back and General
McCall captured in the first attack, and when A. P. Hill
came up, the ground was held against three other Federal
Divisions, gaining ground forward and holding it to the
end of the struggle. The battle lasted until well into the
night, the Federals leaving the field under the cover of dark-
ness, to take their places on Malvern's Hill, the final stand
of McClellan before reaching his new base on the James
River. In his report of this battle. General Longstreet men-
tions as distinguished for gallantry and skill, among a very

FRAYSER'S FARM AND MALVERN HILL 93

few others, Gen'l. R. H. Anderson and Col. Micah Jenkins.
Good for South Carolinians !

At Malvern Hill, Longstreet's Division was held in re-
serve and took no active part in that bloody and unfortunate
affair. We need not, therefore, in detail dwell upon that
battle. There the enemy was in a magnificent defensive
position, and all the devoted gallantry of our troops failed
to make the desired impression on his lines. If the Con-
federates had held this position, they could have remained
there to this day. But McClellan seemed to have lost con-
fidence in the ability of his troops to further withstand the
heroic attacks of the Confederates and gave up the position
during the night. He left his dead unburied, his wounded
to the care of the Confederates and quantities of valuable
stores for their benefit. He retreated to a strong position
at Harrison's landing, under the protection of his gunbeats.
His army was later transported to Washington.

Thus ended McClellan's effort to capture Richmond by
the Peninsular route, and it was never tried again. It may
be idle to speculate on what might have been. A review of
the conditions of the Confederate and Federal forces, as
known now, clearly indicate that the Confederacy was in a
most critical position, after the wounding of Johnston, at
Seven Pines. Not only because of the positions of the as-
saulting and defending forces, but the change of command-
ers, at this acute moment, checked their movements for
some days, and thus any fruits of victory at Seven Pines
were lost. Lee had come to the supreme command unpre-
pared, and he had to grasp the situation and mature his
plans before commencing active hostilities. It is probable,
if McClellan had been a man of more aggressive character
and with greater self-reliance, that he would have cap-
tured Richmond, rather than have fallen back to Mechanics-
ville. This is said because "on the morning of June 28th he
had 105,000 men, more than two-thirds of whom had not

94 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

been engaged the day before and that between him and
Richmond was only a force under Magruder and Huger,
about one-fourth the size of his, while two-thirds of Lee's
army was still north of the unbridged and unfordable
Chickahominy (for McClellan had destroyed all bridges af-
ter crossing the river and swamps), and further from Rich-
mond than his own. Here was an opportunity for a bold
Captain to have captured the Confederate Capital by a
prompt and vigorous assault and accomplish the object
of his grand campaign. But McClellan was not such a
leader and he knew it." How history would have been
changed, if McClellan had seized his opportunity ! McClel-
lan, not Grant, would have been the great Federal hero, and
the struggle of the Confederates would probably have end-
ed long before it did. Not that the material loss of Rich-
mond would have been so disastrous, but the moral effect
of its loss and more particularly the defeat of the Army
defending it, would have been a blow from which the Con-
federacy could hardly have recovered. Or might it have
aroused the Confederates as their fortunate failure at Bull
Run awoke the Federals? At that time the Confederates
had recuperative powers, which later were exhausted.

CHAPTER X.

North Virginia Campaign of 1862 and Battle of

Manassas.

After the battles around Richmond the Army rested
quietly for several weeks, recuperating from the wearying,
strenuous, but glorious efiforts made to save the Capital.
They had not only done this, but in doing it, had driven
back in utter defeat the splendid Army of McClellan.

General Lee published the results of this campaign and
its successful ending to his Army in a General Order, in
which he said :

"The immediate fruits of our success are the relief of
Richmond from a state of siege ; the rout of the great army
that so long menaced its safety ; many thousand prisoners,
including officers of high rank ; the capture or destruction
of stores to the value of millions ; the acquisition of thou-
sands of arms and forty pieces of artillery. The service
rendered to the country in this short but eventful period
can scarcely be estimated, and the general commanding
cannot adequately express his admiration of the courage,
endurance and soldierly conduct of the officers and men
engaged. These brilliant results have cost us the loss of
many brave men, but while we mourn the loss of our gal-
lant dead, let us not forget that they died nobly in defence
of their country's freedom and have linked their memory
with an event that will live forever in the hearts of a sfrate-

96 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

ful people. Soldiers, your country will thank you for the
heroic conduct you have displayed, conduct worthy of men
engaged in a cause so just and sacred and deserving a
nation's gratitude and praise."

Oh ! that these glorious warriors had gained what Lee
thought they so richly deserved. It was true, as he said,
that they "deserved" a nation's gratitude. But have they
received what they so richly deserved? Had they, General
Anderson and thousands of his compatriots would never
have found that "a nation's gratitude" was not worth the
price of a loaf of bread.

As to the immortal Lee it was said, "In leading them to
conquer their foes, he had conquered their lasting admira-
tion and devotion, and henceforward, whether in victory or
defeat, their confidence in Lee continued unchanged, as it
will continue among their descendants and their people to
the last syllable of recorded time."

Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, from whom the quotation is made,
was a better prophet than Lee. Lee's fame has outlived
the gratitude of his people, for the loyal devotion of his
men.

General x\nderson received his well merited promotion
July 14, 1862, and was assigned as Major General, to the
Division previously commanded by General Huger. At
that time the Division was composed of the Virginia Bri-
gades of Mahone and Armistead and the Georgia Brigade
of Wright and six Batteries of Artillery. Subsequently
there was added the Brigades of Wilcox (Alabama),
Featherstone (Mississippi), and Pryor (Alabama, Florida
and Virginia). Two of the batteries were, however, de-
tached. After Sharpsburg, A'rmistead's Brigade was trans-
ferred to Pickett's Division and General Perry placed in
command of Pryor's Brigade, which was reorganized as a
Florida Brigade, composed of the Second, Fifth and Eighth

CAMPAIGN ENDING WITH MANASSAS 97

Florida Regiments. Anderson's Division was a part of
that incomparable body of heroes, Longstreet's Corps.

When General Anderson received his promotion, it was
quite natural that he should have a new uniform. The out-
ward man must comport with the rising fortunes of the
General. In fact, after the exposures, the old uniform he
had worn during the Peninsular Campaign and in the Seven
Days Battles around Richmond, must have needed renewal.
The following bill, found among his papers, bears a touch
of nature. Never mind how great a man may be, he has
the ordinary human wants. It also gives an evidence of
the advance of prices early in 1862, caused by a depreciation
of a currency,

'■Representing nothing on God's earth now,
And naught in the water below it,
We know it had hardly a value in gold,
Yet as gold her soldiers received it —
It gazed in our eyes with a promise to pay,
And each patriot soldier believed it."

"Richmond, 24 July, 1862.
Gen'l. R. H. Anderson,

Bought of Bun, Poindexter & Co.
1 full dress uniform coat $ 98

1 pair grey uniform pants 30

Double row gold lace on pants 10

$138
Reed, payment,

By D. Bullington."

While McClellan's army rested quietly at Harrison's
Landing, the Federals were assembling about Washington
another army, named "The Army of Virginia," to invade
the South, numbering near fifty thousand men for field ser-
vice. General Pope was assigned to the command, and

98 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

when he advanced, he moved along the Orange and Alex-
ander Railroad in the direction of Gordonsville and Char-
lottesville. As the capture of these points would interrupt
General Lee's communications with Southwestern Virginia,
from whence he drew many supplies, he took steps to
check it. He sent Stonewall Jackson with a force to meet
Pope, and he checked him about Culpeper. This raised
such lively apprehensions in the mind of General Halleck,
that he ordered McClellan to move from Harrison's Land-
ing and concentrate his army near Washington.

In this movement, Anderson's Division took no part, as
it was with that part of the army left near Richmond.

The retirement of McClellan released the balance of Lee's
army and General Lee joined Jackson and advanced into
Northern Virginia.

This movement was in perfect accord with two prominent
qualities of General Lee's character — natural and inborn —
First, he seemed always anxious to take the initiative and
not to leave it to his adversary. Second, he was always
looking for a fight. He evidently believed War meant fight-
ing— fighting whenever and wherever there was a reason-
able chance of gaining an advantage. Never did he merci-
lessly sacrifice his men. Never did he fight except to ac-
quire some material gain. As such opportunities were fre-
quent, he fought often. General Morris Schaff in his most
charming and liberal "Sunset of the Confederacy," re-
ferring to this character of Lee's, says, with great justice,
"No, no eagle that ever flew, no tiger that ever sprung, had
more natural courage ; and I will guarantee that every field
he was on, if you ask them about him, will speak of the
unquailing battle spirit of his mien. Be not deceived; Lee,
notwithstanding his poise, was naturally the most belliger-
ent bull dog man at the head of an Army in the War."

Anderson's Division was encamped at Drewry's Bluflf,
when on August T5th it was ordered to move to Louisa

CAMPAIGN ENDING WITH MANASSAS 99

Court House and there await orders. It marched to Rich-
mond and then was entrained in the usual palace cars of
the Confederacy, worn out, leaky, cold, bumpy freight cars,
on the old Central Railroad. When the United States was
forwarding the National Guard to the Mexican border dur-
ing the summer of 1916, a storm of censure was poured
forth, because said paternal Government had not furnished
Pullmans for one of the New Hampshire Regiments. What
would these soldiers think of the accommodation a Con-
federate Regiment received when being transported? The
men thought it a privilege, indeed a luxury, to be able to
ride inside of an ordinary freight car, rather than on the
top. Even the wounded had to be carried from the battle-
field to the City Hospitals, stretched on the bare floor of
such cars.

The Division was sent forward by Brigades, as rapidly
as possible, the trains starting as early in the day as pos-
sible, to run about sixty miles and generally managed to ar-
rive at their destination about nightfall, and when unload-
ed, the troops formed line, stacked arms, and the men were
soon fast asleep, soldier fashion, on the ground.

August 19th the Division moved forward following Gen-
eral Jackson, in the direction of Culpeper Court House,
being the reserve of the army. It crossed the Rapidan at
Racoon Ford the next day and camped that night about
five miles from Kelly's Ford on the Rappahannock.
Featherstone's Brigade had a brisk little skirmish with a
force which dashed across at this Ford, endeavoring to de-
lay the movement of the Army up the river. It amounted
to nothing, and the march was resumed the next day, and
about 1 o'clock at night, the Division bivouacked near
Stevensburg. August 25th, the balance of Longstreet's
Corps pushed on towards Thoroughfare Gap, leaving
Anderson's Division as a reserve on the banks of the Rap-
pahannock. August 28th the Division moved on towards

100 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

the Gap, which was found occupied by the enemy. General
Anderson sent General Wilcox with his own, Featherstone's
and Pryor's Brigade to clear another opening in the moun-
tain range, Hopewell Gap, three miles from Thoroughfare
Gap. They reached the Gap about 10 P. M., but found the
enemy had retired. And they rejoined the Division next
morning. The Division on August 29th advanced and
passed three miles beyond Gainesville, having been sent to
the support of General Hood, who had driven the enemy
some distance. On the morning of August 30th, the day
of the second battle of Manassas, the Division was placed
on the left of Longstreet and to the right of Jackson's line,
which was along an embankment of the unfinished Manas-
sas Railroad. Featherstone and Pryor, connecting with
Jackson, Wilcox in reserve, Mahone, Armistead and Wright
to the right of Hood, Law's Brigade of Hood's Division
being in front of Pryor. A continuous fire of infantry and
artillery was exchanged with the enemy until about 3 :30
o'clock in the afternoon. Then the Federal masses were
hurled against Jackson. Their first line advanced up to the
railroad embankment, behind which Jackson's troops were
placed, and there they remained for some time, like the
Confederates at Franklin, unable to go on or to retire. A
second and other lines of the enemy advanced, but they were
exposed to a heavy enfilade fire from Capt. W. H. Chap-
man's Dixie Battery, which caused their front to hesitate,
and then break in confusion to their rear. As they retired
they came under the fire of the guns of Reilly's and Mac-
beth's batteries and the thirty-six guns of Col. Stephen D.
Lee. Then the front line broke from its temporary security,
retreated and M^as followed by Jackson with the rebel yell
bursting from the lungs of his brave men.

Since the war there have been many demands for the
rebel yell, and the old veterans have tried to give it. But
to hear it with all its vim and spirit the conditions must be

CAMPAIGN ENDING WITH MANASSAS 101

rig-lit, just as it was with Jackson's men, the Confederates
must be pursuing the fleeing Yankee foe. The Confederate
Soldier can't give the genuine, thrilling, Yankee scaring,
rebel yell, but when the enemy is running and he is going
after him.

Hood's Division by heroic charges drove the enemy for
about a mile, and then became exhausted. Gen. N. G.
Evans rushed to their support, but the enemy held their
ground, until Anderson's Division came and drove every-
thing before it. It soon became a rout — not so bad as that
of Bull Run, on the same field — but bad enough. General
Pryor said, "The fighting ceased and after that it was a mere
chase." General Wilcox said, "His Brigade after the 'chase'
bivouacked half an hour after dark at the most advanced
point reached by our infantry." General Featherstone cap-
tured everything on his route and only darkness stopped
the pursuit. W^ right's Brigade was in the hottest of the
fight. Mahone's Brigade moved forward over ground
strewed with dead and wounded Federal Zuaves, pushing
victoriously on, but about sunset struck a force of the
enemy, which checked their advance and wounded Gen-
eral Mahone.

Governor W. E. Cameron, then Adjutant of the Twelfth
Virginia Regiment, tells of the morning of the battle, that
he saw, "General Anderson, mounted on a fine black mare
and decked off with a white waistcoat and gloves, as if go-
ing to a ball, just in front of the Twelfth Virginia Regi-
ment. Col. Walter Taylor, of Lee's Staff, dashed up to him,
made some brief communication, and rode away. General
Anderson turned and said with a smile. Gentlemen, General
Jackson says that by the blessing of God his necessities have
been relieved. So we will go to the right and help Long-
street.' They then moved to the position where Hood had
fought, from which our final advance on the enemy was
made."

102 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

During- the advance to Second Manassas an incident oc-
curred exhibiting the rehgious fervor of the men and the
undaunted devotion of the pastor. While resting near the
Rappahannock when a battle seemed imminent, Rev. Mr.
McDowell, Chaplain of the Palmetto Sharpshooters, was
holding service with his Regiment, the enemy discovered
the assembly and opened fire on them with shells. But
Brother McDowell would not cut short his usual prayer by
a single syllable. It was really praying under difficulties
all thought, but the Chaplain was equal to the occasion.

The Second Battle of Manassas ended another Federal
journey "On to Richmond." Pope's Army returned to the
defences around Washington and at Alexandria. Bull Run
or Manassas, as was Cold Harbor, seemed a fateful and
doomed field to the Federals. Twice they on each field met
most disastrous defeat. Attended in 1861 by a fearful rout
and in 1862 a like defeat only saved from being as bad a
rout as the first by the fortunate arrival of Franklin and
Sumner's Corps at Centreville, around whom Pope's routed
forces rallied.

The next morning, August 31st, Lee promptly took ac-
tive measures to pursue the defeated enemy. He sent for
General Jackson, and, upon receiving Lee's orders to cross
Bull Run at Dudleys and march by Little River turnpike
towards Fairfax, he said. Good ! and away he went without
another word or even smile. There was, perhaps excepting
Forrest, no more picturesque figure in the Confederate
Armies than Gen. Stonewall Jackson, and no man who knew
him more intimately or was better able to describe him,
than General Longstreet. Therefore, the following quota-
tion from Longstreet's "From Manassas to Appomattox"
will be interesting and appropriate : "Though a suggestion
of a smile always hung about his features, it was commonly
said that it never fully developed, with a single exception,
during his military career, though some claim there were

CAMPAIGN ENDING WITH MANASSAS 103

occasions on which it ripened, and those very near him say
that he always smiled at the mention of the names of the
Federal leaders whom he was accustomed to encounter over
in the Valley behind the Blue Ridge. Standing, he was a
graceful figure, five feet ten inches in height, with brown
wavy hair, full beard and regular features. At first glance
his general expression repelled the idea of his severe piety,
the full beard concealing the lower features, which, had
they been revealed, would have marked the character of
the man who claimed 'his first duty to God and his next
to Jackson and General Lee * * *' He had a habit of rais-
ing his right hand, riding or sitting, which some of his fol-
lowers were wont to construe into invocation for divine
aid, but they do not claim to know whether the prayers
were for the slain or for the success on other fields. The
fact is, he received a shot in that hand at the first Bull Run,
which left the hand under partial paralysis and the circu-
lation through it imperfect. To relieve the pressure and as-
sist the circulation he sometimes raised his arm."

While this natural explanation of the well known habit
of General Jackson is doubtless correct, it is much to be
feared, that if it had been raised from spiritual devotion.
General Longstreet would hardly have been able to explain
the thought and workings of Jackson's mind when moved
by such emotions. The making of this statement will be
pardoned, when we read the following story the General
tells upon himself :

After the war a faithful old family servant, who had
been his personal attendant, called upon him. He seemed
very much concerned about his old maussa, and asked him,
"Harse Jim, do you belong to any church?" "Oh, yes,"
Longstreet said, "I try to be a good Christian." He laughed
loud and long and said, "Something must have scared you
mighty bad, to change you so from what you was when I
had to care for you."

104 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

To protect his retreating columns Pope had placed two
of his Corps at Ox Hill (Chantilly) who were advancing to
seek him, Jackson, just as he arrived on the field. A very
hot engagement took place, during which the balance of
Lee's Army came up. During the night, the enemy con-
tinued their retreat to the fortifications around Alexandria
and Washington pursued by Stuart's Cavalry.

CHAPTER XL

Maryland Campaign, Including Battle of Sharpsburg.

With his natural inborn fighting- character, General Lee
could hardly conduct a strictly defensive campaign, such
as Gen. Joseph E. Johnston could and did, with masterly
strategy. He could never have waited quietly in one posi-
tion, for the Enemy to attack him. His were, even at the
siege of Petersburg, offensive defensives — striking the
Enemy to prevent him from striking. General Lee's strate-
gy in moving into Maryland in 1862 and the next year into
Pennsylvania, has drawn upon him some adverse criticism
from military critics. If Lee had had a thoroughly
equipped Army it would have been different. But the wis-
dom is certainly open to C[uestion, from the unimpassioned
critic, of his marching into a hostile country an Army
whose men were not well shod, many barefooted, badly
clad, and wanting in the necessary wagons to transport
even the scant supplies the poor Confederacy could provide.

Whether wise or unwise there is one thing perfectly sure,
that with the human character he possessed. General Lee
fully, entirely, and without the slightest doubt, believed it
was not only practicable, not only judicious, but the very
best for the Cause he was so nobly defending and for the
Country he so ardently loved. His confidence in its wisdom
disarms the criticism of his followers, his admirers, his
worshipers and convinces them that he was absolutely

106 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

right. The author enrolls himself in this class and there-
fore has not a word of censure, but everything of praise.

So after the splendid victory at Manassas, Lee moved
forward to invade the Enem)''s country and advanced into
Maryland. Enthusiasm struck the Army and with one ac-
cord his troops as they advanced, sung "Maryland, My
Maryland." Her exiled son, Randall, was a silver-tongued,
patriotic poet, and his stirring lines went right to the hearts
of the Southern people. His closing lines were,

"Maryland, My Maryland,
She is not dead, nor deaf nor dumb ;

Huzza, she spurns the Northern scum;
She breathes; — She burns; — She'll come; — She'll come. —

Maryland, My Maryland."

But alas, she did not come. The gray coated warriors of
the South were received with hardly a cheer. "The despot's
heel" was too firmly "on her shore."

On the 2d September, 1862, Anderson's Division, with
Longstreet's Corps, of which it then formed a part, marched
from Manassas' bloody field, via Dranesville and Leesburg
into Maryland, crossing the Potomac River at White's Ford.
They moved to Hagerstown, Md., reaching there Sept. 11th.
It was hoped that this movement would have forced the
evacuation of Harper's Ferry ; but failing to do so, it be-
came necessary to capture it. Jackson was ordered to re-
cross the Potomac and attack from the Virginia side, while
McLaws, with his own and Anderson's Division, was to
attack from Maryland. Anderson's Division crossed South
Mountain through the Brownsville Pass, into Pleasant Val-
ley (far from pleasant at that time). This Valley is be-
tween South Mountain and Elk Ridge, the southern part of
which latter was Maryland Heights. They moved south-
ward down the Valley, towards Harper's Ferry.

During the manoeuvres for the capture of Harper's Fer-
ry, Anderson's Division did not act together as a unit,

MARYLAND CAMPAIGN 107

but the Brigades were separately posted and were each en-
gaged when occasion offered. Only a part of Mahone's Bri-
grade had for them a serious fight, that of the affair at
Crampton's Gap. Wilcox's Brigade moved down South
Mountain to a point overlooking Weverton and Pryor's
Brigade occupied the town. Armistead moved directly
down the Valley.

The fight at Crampton's Gap on 14th September was
very spirited. Two Regiments of Mahone's Brigade, under
Colonel Parham took part. Col. Thos. T. Munford had
joined, with two Regiments of Cavalry and a battery of
Artillery, and being the ranking officer commanded the
entire force — and commanded it well. He placed Parham's
Regiments behind a stone fence at the base of the eastern
face of the Mountain. A Regiment of Cavalry was dis-
mounted and placed on either flank, and a Battery on the
high ground in the rear. This little force was attacked by
more than a Division of the Enemy, and made a bold, but
fruitless effort to hold their position. The Enemy was too
strong and drove them back and up the mountain to the
Gap. Colonel Munford in his report says, "It affords me
great pleasure to commend Colonel Parham, as a gallant
and efficient officer ; he did everything in his power to hold
his position and his little command fought splendidly."
They must have fought "splendidly" and with almost des-
peration, for nearly the entire two Regiments were lost,
either flilled, wounded or captured.

When the Survivors reached the Gap they found rein-
forcements under General Cobb, but with these the Gap
could not be held, so all retired down the mountain into
Pleasant Valley. In the engagement. General Cobb says
that including the forces at the Gap and those at the base
of the mountain, the whole number of troops engaged on
our side did not exceed 2,200, whilst the force of the Enemy
was variously estimated from ten to twenty thousand.

108 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

The remnants of Cobb's, Mahone's and Semmes, together
with the Brigades of Wilcox, Kershaw and Barksdale
formed a defensive line across Pleasant Valley, all under
the command of Gen. R. H. Anderson. The Federals
crossed the mountain and formed line in front of the Con-
federate line, but while organizing for the attack, the fir-
ing at Harper's Ferry ceased, indicating that the garrison
there had capitulated. This would have relieved a large
number of Confederates who were besieging the town and
allow them to come to Anderson's support . This would
have given the Confederates a strength the Federals could
not match, so they made no attack.

While there was no serious fighting save at Crampton's
Gap, yet all the Brigades of Anderson's Division did well
their part and the General himself was counsellor and
friend to General McLaws, under whom he served. General
McLaws in his report says : "My special thanks are due to
General Anderson, whose Division was under my command,
for his advice and assistance."

What these and all the other devoted troops suffered in
the severe marchest of this most arduous campaign is vivid-
ly portrayed by Pollard in his "Southern History of the
War," from which the following extract is made : "The
route of the extraordinary marches of our troops presented
for long and weary miles, the touching pictures of the
trials of War. Broken down soldiers (not all strag-glers),
lined the road. At night time they might be found asleep
in every conceivable attitude of discomfort — on fence rails
and in fence corners — some half bent, others almost erect,
in ditches and on steep hill sides, some without blanket or
overcoat. Daybreak found them drenched with dew, but
strong in purpose ; with half rations of bread and meat,
ragged and barefooted, they go cheerfully forward. No
nobler spectacle was ever presented in history. These
beardless youths and gray-haired men, who thus spent their

' MARYLAND CAMPAIGN 109

nights like the beasts of the field, were the best men of the
land — of all classes, trades and professions. The spectacle
was such as to inspire the prayer that ascended from the
Sanctuaries of the South — that God might reward the de-
votion of these men to principle and justice by crowning
their labors and sacrifices with that blessing which always
bringeth peace."

General Lee was concentrating his Army at Sharpsburg
to make fight on the high hills overlooking Antietam Creek.
After the fall of Harper's Ferry, McLaws, with his own
and Anderson's Division, moved to that point, going up the
Virginia side of the Potomac from Harper's Ferry, Sept.
15, 1862. The troops were sadly fatigued and a halt was
made at Hall town. McLaws received pressing orders to
hasten as the battle of Sharpsburg had opened. He moved
at 3 P. M., halting after dark within two miles of Sheperds-
town. Again he was pressed to move forward and marched
at 12 o'clock that night and in the morning of 17th Sept.
the head of his column reached the vicinity of General Lee's
headquarters. About 11 o'clock, General Lee sent Ander-
son's Division to the support of Gen. D. H. Hill, who was
holding the center. D. H. Hill's line was along the Hagers-
town road and bent at right angles along "Bloody Lane."
General Anderson, as ordered, joined his left to the right of
Hill's line, forming line southwardly towards the Piper
House. The enemy brought up batteries which enfiladed
Hill's line down Bloody Lane, causing great confusion. They
followed by a heavy attack on Hill and Anderson, driving
both back to the defensive fences along the Hagerstown
road and to the shelter of the numerous houses of the
Piper Farm. Here they stood defiant the remainder of the
day, the enemy not renewing the attack. Armistead's Bri-
gade had been sent previously to support McLaws, whose
men had been scattered in the fight through the wood. The

no LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

line McLaws finally formed was maintained, with the as-
sistance of Ransom's and Armistead's Brigades.

In this attack, General Anderson and his next senior Gen-
eral Wright, were both wounded and the command of the
Division fell to General Pryor. General Anderson was
severely wounded in the thigh, but retained his command
until the emergency had passed and then fell fainting from
loss of blood. Gen. Geo. T. Anderson in his report says :
"Parts of Wilcox's, Featherstone's and Pryor's Brigades
(all of Anderson's Division), participated with mine and
I am proud to say, all officers and men behaved admirably."
When the shades of night settled, it closed over one of the
bloodiest battlefields of the War — one disastrous to the
grand Army of Lee's, checking his advance into the
Enemy's country and compelling him to fall back into Vir-
ginia.

General Forrest's most successful strategy was com-
pressed into one principle. "To get there firstest with the
mostest men." Lee could not hope to face McClellan with
a superior force, but if he had had all his men, he would
have got there with enough men to withstand McClellan.
Those troops, Jackson and McLaws, who hurried from
Harper's Ferry, came almost too late. The concentration
at Sharpsburg required much rapid marching, which would
have involved severe fatigue on all men, but did so par-
ticularly on the ragged, barefooted heroes who trudged af-
ter Lee. Many fell by the v\^ayside and there were many
stragglers. For example Mahone's Brigade went into Bat-
tle with only seventy men. The condition of the men as to
shoes alone was most pitiably shown by General Lee's Re-
port to the Secretary of War after the campaign, when he
reported that he had in four Divisions and two Batteries,
6,466 barefooted men. Of these Anderson's Division re-
ported 2,003, or more than half of its effective force. Was
it any wonder that the men straggled?

MARYLAND CAMPAIGN 111

It has been said that "an Army fought on its belly." Lee's
veterans proved that this, for them, was a fallacy. They
were all, like the Courier, who v/as caught up a persimmon
tree, eating green persimmons. When told they were not
eatable as they were too acid, replied that he was drawing
in his belly to match the rations. Rations were awfully
scarce and Lee's men had to "draw in their bellies to suit
the rations." Often the men thought themselves in clover,
when they received corn as a ration. Not ground, not
luscious green corn, but hard horse corn, issued one ear
to the man. This brought forth from Ben, a mess cook,
the remark, "Please Gord, dey feed buckra same as hors."

The Correspondent of the London Times wrote, soon
after this campaign : "In the shelter of the dense wood
about Culpeper, in wonderful spirits, with physique inef-
fably improved since the bloody day at Sharpsburg, are
clustered the tatterdemalion regiments of the South. It is
a strange thing to look at these men, so ragged, slovenly,
sleeveless, without a superfluous ounce of flesh upon their
bones, with wild matted hair, in mendicant's rags, and to
think when the battle flag goes to the front how they can
and do fight. There are triumphs of daring which these
poor, ragged men have attempted successfully in this war
which have never been attempted by their Sybarite oppon-
ents. Again and again they have stormed batteries, formid-
ably defended, at the point of the bayonet ; nothing of this
kind has ever been attempted by the Federals. * * * One
or two regiments of these tattered men will stand firm,
though attacked by overwhelming numbers of the Enemy,
and will constantly, under such circumstances, successfully
hold their ground."

As ever General Anderson went through this entire cam-
jjaign with his accustomed bravery and skill. General Long-
street in his Report says, "I shall only mention those most
])rominently distinguished. There are Gen. R. H. Ander-

112 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

son, on the plains of Manassas, at Harper's Ferry and at
Sharpsburg, where he was wounded severely." He also
names of the Brigade Commanders of Anderson's Division,
General Wilcox, General Mahone (wounded at Manassas),
General Pryor and Colonel Posey (commanding Feather-
stone's Brigade).

Thus ended the invasion of Maryland, and Lee's tattered
but valiant hosts, returned to the confines of the Confed-
eracy.

CHAPTER XII.
Battle of Fredericksburg.

At Sharpsburg General McClellan gave General Lee a
gentle hint that his company, north of the Potomac, was
not desired. So Lee with his well-known gentlemanly
courtesy, politely returned to his side of the river and gave
his tired men a good opportunity to rest and recuperate,
which they sorely needed. The army was camped in the
lower Shenandoah Valley, from Winchester to Harper's
Ferry. The enemy also took a rest and peace reigned for
a season between the mighty contending armies. However
McClellan was maturing his plans for another "On to Rich-
mond" campaign, by another route. Oct. 25, 1862, he
crossed the Potomac east of the Blue Ridge and moved
southwesterly. Lee moved Longstreet's Corps up the Val-
ley and left Jackson's Corps to attack the flank of the ad-
vancing Enemy. The Federal march then bore to the East-
ward, so Longstreet crossed the mountains and marched to
Culpeper Court House. About this time General McClel-
lan was relieved and General Burnside assigned to the Com-
mand of the Federal Army in Virginia.

Burnside decided to cross the Rappahannock at Fred-
ericksburg and move in that direction on Richmond. Long-
street's Corps was moved to confront the enemy at Fred-
ericksburg and Jackson's Corps was brought over from the
Valley and joined Lee. Lee formed his line, which he had

114 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

time to partially protect by intrenchments, on the com-
manding positions on the heights, which were parallel with
the river and overlooked the low lands near the river, on
which stood the city of Fredericksburg. Jackson's Corps
was on the right and Longstreet's on the left, his left rest-
ing on the Rappahannock River near the Dam. Anderson's
Division was on his extreme left, Wilcox's Brigade being
on the river and then to the right, successively, Wright's,
Mahone's, Perry's, Featherstone's Brigades, the right of
the Division resting on Hazel Run.

General Sumner, commanding the Right Grand Division
of Burnside's Army, reached a point opposite Fredericks-
burg. He notified the Mayor and Common Council of Fred-
ericksburg, that from the City, shots had been fired at his
troops, that the Mills of the City were furnishing provisions
and supplies and the railroad moving supplies for the Ene-
my. That this condition should terminate and demanded a
surrender of the City, fixing a limit of time when he
would, if his terms were not complied with, commence shell-
ing the city and from which the sick and wounded soldiers
and the citizens should be removed.

The Officer charged with the delivery of this summons to
surrender handed it to General Longstreet. He referred it
to the Mayor and asked him to say that the city would not
be used for the purposes complained of, but that neither
the town nor the South side of the river could be occupied
by the Union Army except by force of arms. The Mayor
communicated this in substance. Thereupon General Sum-
ner advised the Mayor that his batteries would not open
upon the town at the hour designated.

General Longstreet says in "From Manassas to Appomat-
tox," "As the inference from the correspondence was that
the shelling was only postponed, the people were advised
to move with their valuables to some place of safety as
soon as possible. Without complaint, those who could,

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 115

packed their precious effects and moved beyond the reach
of the threatened storm, but many preferred to remain and
encounter the dangers rather than to leave their homes and
valuables. The fortitude with which they bore their trials
quickened the minds of the soldiers who were there to
defend them."

Barksdale's Brigade was on picket duty in the town, along
the river front. With them were the Third Georgia Regi-
ment of Wright's Brigade and the Eighth Florida of Per-
ry's Brigade, both of Anderson's Division. The enemy at-
tempted to lay a pontoon bridge across the river at the city.
As soon as the mist arose, disclosing the workmen on the
proposed bridge, the Skirmishers opened fire, which was
speedily replied to by the Federals. This fire was not heed-
ed by the Skirmishers, who concentrated their fire on the
bridge builders, whom they finally drove off. Another ef-
fort to lay the bridge and then a third, all receiving the
same repulse. Then all the enemy's guns, within a mile
of the town, turned their concentrated fire upon the build-
ings of the city, "tearing, crushing, bursting their walls
with angry desperation."

The Enemy finding they could not lay the bridges in the
face of the galling picket line, filled some pontoons with sol-
diers and pushed them across the river, and effected a land-
ing and these were soon reinforced. The Seventh Michi-
gan and Nineteenth Massachusetts Regiments became
established and in spite of the very warm welcome given
them by Barksdale and his command, they remained oc-
cupying their position so bravely won. They were ordered
to secure the streets of the town at all hazards and attempt-
ed to do so. But they were checked and until heavily rein-
forced could not move forward. Eventually, however, the
whole eastern part of the town was occupied. At a late
hour of the night the Confederates retired from the town.
The two Regiments of Anderson's Division did some good

116 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

work in the fight, and they had the fate to be the only
portion of this Division which did any fighting in the bloody
battle of Fredericksburg. The extreme left of the line was
not attacked and as the other parts held their own, repuls-
ing every attack made on them, there was no necessity to
call for Anderson's assistance. The brunt of the battle was
borne by Jackson's Corps on the right and by the right of
Longstreet's line on Marye's Heights.

It was a sad plight which befell the many who desired to
remain in the City, and these, when the bombardment took
place, had to leave their homes. This is well described by
Capt. D. Augustus Dickert in his History of Kershaw's
Brigade : "The City was almost deserted. General Lee ad-
vising the citizens to leave their homes as soon as it became
apparent that a battle would be fought here. Still a few,
loath to leave their all to the ravages of an enemy, decided
to remain and trust to fate. But soon after the firing along
the river began, we saw groups of women and children and
a few old men, in the glim twilight of the morning, rush-
mg along the road out of the City, as fast as their feeble
limbs and tender feet could carry them, hunting a safe
retreat in the backwoods, until the cloud of war broke or
passed over. Some were carrying babes in their arms,
others dragging little children along by the hand, with a
few articles of bedding or wearing apparel under their
arms or thrown over their shoulders. The old men tottered
along in the rear, giving words of comfort and cheer to
the excited and frightened women and little ones. It was
a sickening sight to see these helpless and inoffensive peo-
ple, hurrying away from the dangers of battle in the chilly
morning of December, seeking some safe haunts in the
backwoods, yet they bore it all without a murmur or com-
plaint." The sufferings undergone by the few inhabitants
who remained in Fredericksburg during the Federal shell-
ing of the town were heart-rending. The experience of one,

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 117

Mrs. John T. Goolrick, then a child, and her family is so
thrilling and so well told by the good lady, who since has
been prominent in all Confederate Woman's work in her
State, that, with her permission, it is used. An actual par-
ticipation in great and tragic events must always command
respect and attention, being far the most reliable of human
testimony.

"During the stormy winter of 1862, my mother, a widow,
with three little children, was still in her native place,
Fredericksburg, Virginia. Many of the inhabitants had
long since left for Richmond and other points farther
south, for the town lying just between the hostile armies
was the constant scene of raids and skirmishes, and no one
knew at what instant everything might be swept away from
them. My mother, separated from her relatives by the for-
tunes of war, decided that it would be best for her to re-
main where she was and thus probably save the household
effects she had gathered around her. The strongest argu-
ments had been used by friends in town and relatives at a
distance to induce her to leave for a place of more safety,
but so far without avail, and though we were often alarmed
by raids into the town, as yet we had sustained no injuries
of any description. In the fall the Federal army, under
General Burnside, was on the Stafford hills just across the
river, and it was constantly rumored that the town would be
bombarded ; but lulled to an insecure rest by many false
alarms, the people had but little faith in these rumors. * * *

At four o'clock on the 11th of December, one of the most
cruel and heartless acts of the war was to be perpetrated,
the town of Fredericksburg was to be bombarded, with no
one in it but a few invalid men with helpless women and
children. As quick as thought, we were up and dressed,
and my aunt being very rapid in her movements, was the
first to reach the cellar. My mother had long since had
some chairs and other pieces of furniture placed there in

118 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

case of an emergency. I being the first child dressed, ran
out into the yard, and as I turned towards the cellar steps
I beheld, it seemed to me, the most brilliant light that I
had ever seen ; as I looked, my aunt reached out her arms
and pulled me, quivering with terror, into the cellar. A
shell had exploded at the back of the garden, in reality at
some distance, but to me it was as if it had been at my very
feet. The family soon assembled, including the servants ;
we had also additions in the way of two gentlemen from
Stafford, Mr. B. and Mr. G., who had been detained in
town, and a Lieutenant Eustace of Braxton's battery, who
was returning from a visit to his home, also a colored fam-
ily. Uncle Charles and Aunt Judy, with a small boy named
Douglas and two or three other children. The couple had
been left in charge of their mistress' home (she being out
of town), and with no cellar to their house they were fain
to come into ours.

And now the work of destruction began, and for long
hours the only sound that greeted our ears were the whizz-
ing and moaning of the shells and the crash of falling bricks
and timber. My mother and we three children were seated
on a low bed with Ca'line, a very small darkey, huddled as
close to us children as she could get, trying to keep warm.
Mr. B. and Mr. G. occupied positions of honor on each side
of the large old-fashioned fire-place, while my aunt was
cowering inside, and every time a ball would roll through
the hosue or a shell explode she would draw herself up and
moan and shiver. Lieutenant Eustace was a great comfort
to my mother, and having someone to rely on enabled her
to keep her courage up during the terrible ordeal of the
cannonading. Although my brother, sister and myself were
all frightened, we could not help laughing at the little
darkey children who were positively stricken dumb with
terror, old Aunt Judy keeping them close to her side and

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 119

giving them severe cuffs and bangs if they moved so much
as a finger.

My aunt, as well as the rest of us, now began to feel the
pangs of hunger, and Aunt B. ordered the cook in the
most positive manner to go up to the kitchen and make
some coffee, telling her that she knew she was afraid and
we would all be satisfied with only a cup of coffee for the
present. I believe Aunt Sally would have gone without a
word if my mother had told her, but this, from an out-
sider, she could not bear. (Aunt B. was my uncle's wife and
the family servants had seen very little of her.) She,
therefore, demurred, and Aunt B. calling her a coward, she
arose in a perfect fury, and with insubordination written
upon her from her rigid backbone to her flashing eyes, in-
formed Aunt B. "dat she warn no mo' a coward dan de
res' of 'em, but she didn't blieve Mars Gin'l Lee hisself
cud Stan' up making coffee under dat tornady." Just about
this time Uncle Charles sprawled himself out upon the floor
in ungovernable terror, and called upon the Lord to save
him and his family. "Pray for us all. Uncle Charles,"
screamed my aunt, her voice just heard above the roar of
artillery. The cannonading was now something fearful.
Our house had been struck twice, and the shrieking balls
and bursting bombs were enough to appall the stoutest
heart. My aunt being very brave in speech, but in reality
very timorous, and Uncle Charles "a bright and shining
light" among the colored persuasion, she again requests
him to pray. Aunt Judy by this time began to bewail that
she had "lef ole Miss cow in the cowshed," and mistaking
the moaning of the shells for the dying groans of the
cow she and Douglas lamented it in true darkey fashion.
Uncle Charles meanwhile was very willing to pray, but
Aunt Judy objected strenuously, saying, "Dis ain't no time
to be spendin' in pra'ar, Char's Pryor, wid dem bumb
shells flying over you and a fizlin' around you, and ole

120 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Mis cow dyin' right dar in your sight." But when the house
was struck for the third time, Aunt B., in despairing ac-
cents, begged Uncle Charles to pray, so he fell upon his
knees by an old barrel in the middle of the cellar floor,
upon which sat a solitary candle, whose flickering light lit up
his hushed and solemn countenance, and in tremulous tones
with many interjections, offered up a prayer. * * *

"My mother thought of my father's portrait, and afraid
of its being injured she determined to get it herself and
bring it into the cellar. Without telling anyone of her in-
tention, she left the cellar and went up into the parlor; the
portrait was hanging just over a sofa, on which she stood
to take it down. She had just reached the door opposite the
sofa when a shell came crashing through the wall, demol-
ishing the sofa on which she had so recently stood, as well
as many other articles of furniture. She reached the cellar
white and trembling, but with the portrait unhurt in her
arms.

"At one o'clock the cannonading suddenly ceased and
for one hour we were at liberty to go above and see the
damage that had been done. My mother's first efforts were
directed towards getting a lunch, of which we were all
sorely in need. With the aid of one of the frightened ser-
vants she succeeded in getting a fire and having some cof-
fee made and with this, together with some cold bread and
ham, we had a plentiful repast.

"What a scene met our eyes ; our pretty garden was
strewn with cannon balls and pieces. of broken shells, limbs
knocked off the trees and the grape arbor a perfect wreck.
The house had been damaged considerably, several large
holes torn through it, both in front and back. While we
were deploring the damage that had been done. Lieutenant
Eustace returned in breathless haste to say that he had just
heard an order from General Lee read on Commerce street,
saying that the women and children must leave town, as the

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 121

enemy were rapidly crossing the river on pontoon bridges.
They urged my mother to take her children and fly at once
from the town. After resisting until the gentlemen in
despair were almost ready to drag her from her dangerous
situation, she finally consented to leave. The wildest con-
fusion now reigned, the servants wringing their hands and
declaring they could not go without their "chists," which
they all managed to get somehow, and put upon their heads,
but the gentlemen insisted so that we had only time to
save our lives, that they would not ever let my mother go
back into the house to get her purse or a single valuable.
So we started just as we were; my wrapping, I remember,
was an old ironing blanket, with a large hole burnt in the
middle. I never did find out whether Aunt B — ever got
her clothes on, for she stalked ahead of us, wrapped in a
pure white counterpane, a tall, ghostly looking figure, who
seemed to glide with incredible rapidity over the frozen
ground. * * *

"We plodded along under a heavy cross fire ; balls fall-
ing right and left of us. We left the town by way of the old
"plank road," batteries of Confederates on both sides. The
ground was rough and broken up by the tramping of sol-
diers and the heavy wagons and artillery that had passed
over it, so that it was difficult and tiresome to walk, and
the sun not quite warm by this time and the snow was
melting rapidly, the mud was simply indescribable. * * *

"We had now reached the "Reservoir," a wooden build-
ing over "Poplar Spring," and about a mile from town. I
had already lost one of my shoes several times, because
of having no string in it, and my little brother insisted on
giving me one of his, so we sat down by the "Reservoir,"
feeling very secure, but were terribly alarmed in a few mo-
ments by a ball coming through the building and whizzing
very close to our ears. No, this would not do, so on we
went, footsore and weary ; sometimes we would meet a sol-

122 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

dier who would carry one of us a short distance. All of
our servants, except Ca'line, who was only seven years old,
had taken some other direction. When we got about two
miles from town we overtook many other refugees ; some
were camping by the way, and others pressing on, some to
country houses which were hospitably thrown open to wan-
derers from home, and others to "Salem Church," about
three miles from Fredericksburg, where there was a large
encampment. Our destination was a house not far from
"Salem Church," which we now call the "Refuge House."
Exhausted we reached the house by twilight, found there
some friends who had been there some weeks, and who
kindly took us into their room and gave us every attention.
And so great was our relief to feel that we had escaped
from the horror of that day, that such small matters as
having to sleep in the room with a dozen people, having
no milk and no coffee, our principal diet consisting of corn
bread, bacon and sorghum, seemed only slight troubles."

An incident of a most touching character which occurred
during the battle was the contest around the tomb of Mary
Washington, the mother of George Washington. A hand
to hand encounter was desperately contested by some troops
from New York and Massachusetts on the Federal side and
North Carolinians fighting in defence of their homes and
friends. "Sons of the same ancestry, sons of sires who
fought with the Father of his country" in the struggle for
independence and the establishment of a Confederation of
sovereign States, now fighting around the grave of the
great first President's mother, for the dissolution of the
Union he founded. Thrice were the Confederates driven
back, but gallantly returning, finally drove off the Fed-
erals.

Capt. D. Augustus Dickert, from whose most valuable
"History of Kershaw's Brigade," we have, and now again
quote, was in that Brigade, which had a most conspicuous

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 123

and important position at this battle, and he knows whereof
he speaks. The key to Lee's position was the Stone wall
in front of Marye's Hill. Appreciating this the Enemy
hurled against it his innumerable hosts, making every hu-
man endeavor to capture it. It was defended by three
Regiments of Cooke's North Carolina Brigade ; the Tenth,
Eighteenth and Twenty-fourth Georgia Regiments and
Cobb's and Philips' Georgia Legions, all of which were of
Gen. T. R. R. Cobb's Brigade ; the Second, Third, Seventh,
Eighth and Fifteenth South Carolina Regiments and the
Third South Carolina Battalion, all of Kershaw's Brigade,
with a Battery of the Washington Artillery, and Moody's
Battery of Alexander's Battalion.

The Third South Carolina Regiment was "ordered to the
top of Marye's Hill. Colonel Nance at the head of his Regi-
ment, entered the Telegraph Road and down this the men
rushed, followed by the Second Regiment, led by Colonel
Kennedy, under one of the heaviest shellings the troops
ever experienced. On reaching the ravine at the lower end
of the incline, the Third Regiment was turned up a road to
the plateau in rear of the Marye Mansion. When the
Third Regiment reached the top of the plateau it was in
column of fours and Colonel Nance formed line of battle
by changing front forward on first company. This pretty
piece of tactics was executed while under the galling fire
from the artillery and sharpshooters, but was as perfect
as on dress parade. We had scarcely gotten in position be-
fore Nance, Rutherford and Moffett, the three field officers,
had fallen. Colonel Kennedy, with the Second passed over
the left of the plateau and down the street on our left and
at right angles with our line, being in a position to give a
sweeping fire to the flank of the columns of assault against
the Stone fence. They were in a sunken road, walled on
either side with granite, the earth on the outside being
levelled up with the top of the wall." The other Regiments

124 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

of Kershaw's Brigade doubled up with Cobbs men behind
the Stone wall. "The men in the road, even the wounded,
crowded out from the wall by force of numbers, loaded the
guns for the more fortunate who had places and in many
instances three or four men loaded the guns for one, pass-
ing them to those who were firing from the top of the
Stone fence. Each seemed to fight on his own responsi-
bility, and with the same determined spirit to hold the wall
and the heights above. Each felt as if the safety of th.
army depended upon his exertions alone."

The first assault was made by Franklin, which was easily
repulsed, then Hancock, then Howard tried in vain, now
Sturgis of the Ninth Corps was advancing to the assault.
The Confederate situation was extremely critical. The
Washington Artillery had exhausted their shot and shell
and Cobbs and Kershaw's men behind the stone wall were
nearly out of ammunition. Calls for more were made, but
could not be responded to. "The hearts of the exhausted
men began to fail them — the batteries silent, the infantry
short of ammunition, while a long line of blue was making
rapid strides towards us in front." A supply of ammuni-
tion was, however, sent down the road in time to meet the
next attack. "But all hearts were made glad by the sud-
den rush of Moody's Battery of Alexander's Battalion,
coming to the relief of the Washington Artillery. Down
the Telegraph Road the battery came, their horses rearing
and plunging, drivers burying the points of their spurs
deep into the flanks of the foaming steeds ; riders in front
bending low upon the saddle bows to escape the shells that
now filled the air or plowing up the earth beneath the
horses' hoofs, the men on the caissons clinging with a death-
like grip to retain their seats, the great heavy wheels spin-
ning around like mad and bounding high in the air; while
the officers riding at the side of the charging column of
Artillerists, shouted at the top of their voices, giving di-

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 125

rections to the leaders. Down this open and exposed
stretch of road, up over the plateau, then wheel to the right,
they made a rush through the gauntlet that separates them
from the fort in which stood the Washington Artillery.
Over the dead and dying the horses leap and plunge, drag-
ging their cannon and ammunition chests — they enter the
fort at a gallop. Swinging into line, their brass pieces are
now belching forth grape and canister into the ranks of
the advancing columns. All this takes place in less time
than it takes to record it. The bold dash and beautiful
piece of evolution so excite the admiration of all who wit-
nessed it, that a yell went up that drowns for a time the
heavy baying of the Siege guns on Stafford Heights."

"Sturgis had met the fate of those who had assaulted
before him. Now Getty and Griffin were making efforts to
capture the stone wall. In this last attack was the famous
Meaghers Irish Brigade of New York, all Irishmen, but un-
doubtedly the finest body of troops in the Federal Ai;my.
With a firm and elastic step this long, swaying line of
Irishmen moved to the assault, with as much indifference
apparently to their fate as 'Sheep going to the Shambles.'
Not a shot was fired from this advancing line, while the
shells from our batteries cut swath after swath through
their ranks, only to be closed again as by some mechanical
means ; colors fall, but rise and float again, men bounding
forward and eagerly grasping the fallen staff, indifferent
of the fate that awaited them. Officers are in front, with
drawn swords flashing in the gleam of the fading sunlight,
urging on their men to still greater deeds of prowess and
by their individual courage set examples in heroism never
before witnessed on this continent. They forge their way
forward over the heap of dead and dying that now strew
the plain, nearer to the deadly wall than any of the troops
before them. It began to look for a moment as if their un-
daunted courage would succeed, but the courage of the de-

126 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

fenders of Marye's Hill seemed to increase in ardour and
determination in proportion to that of the Enemy. The
smoke and flame of their battle is now less than one hun-
dred paces from the wall, but the odds are against them,
and they, too, had to finally yield to the inevitable and leave
the field in great disorder."

"From both sides hopes and prayers had gone up that
this charge would prove the last attempt to break our lines.
But Humphries met the shattered columns with a fresh ad-
vance. Those who were marching to enter this maelstrom
of carnage were entreated and prayed to by all of those who
had just returned from the sickening scene, not to enter the
death trap and begged them not to throw away their lives
in the vain attempts to accomplish the impossible. But
Humphries, urged on by the imperative orders from his
Commander-in-chief, soon had his men on the march to the
'bloody wall.' But as the sun dropped behind the hills in
our rear, the scene that presented itself was a plain filled
with the dead and dying — a living stream of flying fugitives
seeking shelter from the storm of shot and shell by plung-
ing over the precipitous banks of the river or along the
streets and protecting walls of the city buildings. It has
been computed, by returns made since, that in the seven dif-
ferent charges there were engaged at least 25,000 infantry
alone, in the assault against the Stone wall, defended by
not more than 4,000 men, exclusive of artillery." Of this
number the Enemy lost about 8,000. Captain Dickert must
have computed only the numbers actually behind the Stone
wall and the Second and Third South Carolina Regiments.
Maj. Jed Hopkins in the Virginia Volume of the Confed-
erate Military History puts the attacking force at 31,000
and the Confederate force at 7,000 — probably including
those on the crest of the Hill, in action and in reserve and
gives the Federal loss as nearly 9,000.

The battle was not renewed on Dec. 14th and 15th, On

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 127

the night of the 15th Burnside withdrew across the river,
sending his troops to their camps. The Confederates went
into winter quarters on the high ground near Fredericks-
burg.

During the rest of the winter, when marching, moving
and fighting were abandoned, if not forgotten, the soldiers
had time to think of other things. Then the unique in-
stitution of the Confederate Army came to the front — the
negro cook. At the outbreak of the War, almost every
mess, those of privates as well as officers, had their negro
cook, but when the stringency in food supplies came and
every economy in its use became necessary, most of the
negro cooks, among the men, were ordered to be sent home.
The cook then had to fight as well as cook. The poor Con-
federacy could only afford rations for one, who must be an
effective man. But many remained with their old masters.
The soldier was ever ready to share, however pitifully
small it might be, his rations with the cook. There was a
mutual kindness between them. The cook usually could
live on what stuck to the pot, but in those days so scant
was the ration that but little "stuck to the pot."

There was as much caste feeling among the negroes, in
fact more, than among the soldiers. In times of peace and
when at home, the negro based his claim of caste upon the
wealth or standing of his master. But in the Army the rank
of his master overshadowed the wealth. The servant of a
Brigadier felt royal, as compared with that of a Colonel
and the servant of a Colonel or even a Major, was far
ahead, in superiority and importance, those belonging to
the privates or line ofificers. The negro was naturally a
hero worshipper. As great "foragers" as they were, they
never ventured far in front while on the advance nor lin-
gered too dangerously in the rear on a retreat. They just
hated the Yankee and had a deadly fear of capture. "One
day an officer's cook wandered too far away in the wrong

128 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

direction and ran up on the Federal pickets. Jack had cap-
tured some old cast off clothes, some garden greens and an
old dominicker rooster. He was halted, brought in and
questioned. The Federals sought to conciliate Jack with
honeyed words and great promises. But Jack would have
none of it.

" 'Well look er here,' said Jack, 'who you people be no-
how?'

" 'We are Federal soldiers,' answered the picket.

"'Well, well, is you dem?'

" 'Dem who?' asked the Federals.

" 'Why dem Yankees, ob course — dem dajt cotched Mars
Clay.'

"The Federals admitted they were Yankees, but that now
Jack had no master, that he was free.

" 'Is dat so ?' Then scratching his head musingly. Jack
said at last, 'I don know 'bout dat — what you gwine do
wid me, anyhow, what yer want?'

"He was told that he must go as a prisoner to head-
quarters first and then be dealt with as a contraband of
war.

" 'Great Gord Almighty ! white folks don't talk dat a
way.'

"The negro had now become thoroughly frightened and
with a sudden impulse, he threw the chicken at the soldier's
feet, saying, 'Boss, ders a rooster, but here is me,' and then
with the speed of a startled deer he 'hit the wind,' to use a
vulgarism of the Army. 'Halt ! Halt ! bang, whiz came from
the sentinel and the whole picket force at Jack's heels. But
the faithful negro, for the time excelled himself in running
and left the Federals far behind. He came into camp,
puffing, snorting and blowing like a porpoise. 'Great Gord
Almighty, Maussa, talk about patter roles, dey aint in it.
If dis nigger did not run ter night, den dont talk.' Then

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 129

Jack recounted his night's experience, much to the amuse-
ment of the Hstening soldiers."

"Another negro cook was a venerable looking old negro,
who held the di:>tinguished post of 'exhorter' at home. His
sister's 'chile' had filled Uncle Cage's head with thrilling
war stories, but he only shook his head and chuckled, 'Dey
may kill me, but dey cant scare dis nigger.' One day a
shelling took place, one shell bursting near Uncle Cage
while he was preparing breakfast. Some began to hunt for
the safety of the wagon yard, but Uncle Cage remained
at his post. He was just saying, 'Here, yer young niggers
aint no account ; dey's skeered of dere own shadow,' when
boom — boom — a shell exploded right over his head, throw-
ing fragments around. Uncle Cage then made for the rear,
calling as he ran, 'Oh ! dem cussed Yankees ! You want to
kill er nudder nigger, dont you?' Seeing the men laughing
he yelled back, 'You can laff if you want to, but ole marse
aint got no niggers to fling away.' "

An animated religious discussion was heard among the
negroes of a General's mess, at the fire in rear of tents of
the General and his staff. As each had one or more ser-
vants quite a large group took part in the discussion.
Uncle Josey, the patriarch of the party was a leader in the
church and his opinion on religious and moral subjects
carried great weight. Plenty, a negro boy, was interrogat-
ing the sage Uncle Josey on certain religious points for his
information and improvement. To those having any army
experience it will be useless to explain that neither a negro
nor a white man could possibly drive a mule team without
a voluminous outpouring of "cuss" words and the worse
the road the greater number of "cusses." Question after
question was put by Plenty and answered satisfactorily by
Uncle Josey, until at last Plenty put a poser, "Uncle Josev,
you tink a nigger what drive mule can go to heaven?"

During the winter the Enemy made several abortive as-
saults and threatening movements, whose only result was

130 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

the final relief of Burnside and the command of the Federal
Army in Virginia being turned over to General Hooker. It
was apparent that there were but two moves left open to
Hooker for his spring campaign. The first by crossing the
upper fords of the Rappahannock; secondly, by sending
forces to the South side of the James River and by that
route moving "on to Richmond." To guard against the
former, lines for fieldworks and rifle pits were laid out
covering all approaches by the upper fords, as far as the
road leading from United States Ford. From that point,
the line broke to the rear, crossing the plank road from
Chancellorsville to Spotsylvania Court House. Longstreet
was sent with the divisions of his corps. Hood's and
Pickett's, with Dearing's and Henry's Artillery battalions
to the South side, near Petersburg, leaving the divisions of
McLaws and Anderson to build the breastworks on the
other line of defence. So Anderson's Division had the di-
version and warming up exercise with the spade, building
lines of works and rifle pits. It is to be hoped that they
were of some use, as the Confederates built hundreds of
miles of such and seldom, had to fight behind them.

The wound General Anderson received at Sharpsburg
had healed in time for him to command his Division in
the battle of Fredericksburg and during the long winter of
1862-1863.

CHAPTER XIII.

Chancellorsville Campaign.

In this history of General Anderson's distinguished ca-
reer, it has been eminently proper to give place to stories
of the various units which constituted his command. But
mention of other commands or the general movements of
the Army have been omitted, unless absolutely necessary
to explain and make clear the actions of General Anderson
personally, or of his whole command or any of its parts.
This scheme will be adhered to generally, but now an ex-
ception will be made. It is proposed to state the general
movements of the Army, which defeated "Fighting Joe
Hooker" at Chancellorsville, because what Anderson and
the Brigades of his Division did and accomplished is so
closely interwoven with general Army manoeuvres that the
two cannot well be separated in the description. What
Anderson and his troops actually accomplished in the
Chancellorsville campaign contributed so largely to the
successful issue of the magnificent strategy of General Lee,
that one cannot be told, without telling the other. Fortun-
ately, General Lee's official report is very full and graphic
and it will be followed, though necessarily much abbrevi-
ated.

Chancellorsville is situated about twenty miles west of
Fredericksburg and nearly south of the junction of the
Rapidan with the Rappahannock River. After the battle of

132 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Fredericksburg-, in December, 1862, the Confederate Army
had remained encamped on the South Side of the Rap-
pahannock, until the latter part of April, 1863. The Fed-
eral Army occupied the North side of the river opposite the
city, extending to the Potomac, across the narrow neck of
land between the two rivers. Two Brigades of Anderson's
Division, those of Mahone and Posey (formerly Feather-
stone's), were stationed near United States Mine or Bark's
Mill Ford and a third, Wilcox's guarded Bank's Ford.
The Cavalry were on both flanks of the Army, up and
down the river.

April 14th, the Enemy's movements indicated that the
Federal Army was about to resume active operations. April
28th they crossed a considerable force at Fredericksburg.
The disposition made of the Confederate Army was the
same as for the battle of December. The enemy made no
attack, which led to the assumption, verified by subsequent
events, that the crossing was a feint and that the real at-
tack would come from some other quarter. This was soon
confirmed, when on the next day, April 29th, intelligence
was received that the Enemy had crossed the Rappahan-
nock, above its junction with the Rapidan and were mov-
ing on roads crossing the latter and converging at Chan-
cellorsville. That night General Anderson was directed to
proceed towards Chancellorsville calling in Wright's, Ma-
hone's and Perry's Brigades and cover the roads. Learn-
ing that the Enemy had crossed the Rapidan and was ap-
proaching in strong force, Anderson withdrew from Chan-
cellorsville on the morning of the 30th April, to near
Tabernacle Church, the intersection of the Mine and the
Plank roads and began to intrench. Mahone was placed on
the old turnpike and Wright and Posey on the plank road.

General Anderson and his three Brigades were in a very
critical position, opposing the advance of three corps of
Hooker's Army. That Hooker's Army be delayed was es-

CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 133

sential to give General Lee time to concentrate his Army.
General Lee doubtless chose "Fighting Dick" Anderson for
this important service because he knew his sterling worth,
devotion to duty and great skill. In an address made by
Mr. Marion W. Seabrook, at Statesburg, on Memorial Day,
1916, is found the following eloquent words, describing
General Anderson's situation, his "bulldog" courage, his
grand obedience to orders, and the lessons to be learned
therefrom :

"After a reconnaissance, it was discovered that the whole
of Hooker's Army was in front of his three slim brigades.
He was asked what he was going to do about it. And
promptly, the answer came, clear and true, 'Fight, General
Lee says so.' What a laconic reply ! What sublime re-
solve couched in five short words ! What a key to the
character of the man from whose lips they came ! To do
and die, if necessary, it meant. The odds were not counted.
With three Brigades he was to hold back Hooker's entire
Army. The light of his character shown in his decision.
Without words, without protestations, without a murmur,
his resolve was to fight. The immortal words of Tenny-
son, seem to express the situation exactly when he said :

'"Theirs not to make reply;
Theirs not to reason why;
Theirs but to do and die ;
Noble six hundred."

"This was Richard Heron Anderson. What a help to us
in our own difficulties of life it would be, if we would only
think of this incident when we are discouraged and feel
that we have met the end of the rope. When trials seem
to block every move ; when adversity seems supreme ; when
nothing seems left to do but to give up, friends, think of
General Anderson at Tabernacle Church, with Hooker's
Army overwhelming him ; and, with the light of this in-

134 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

spiration in your soul, put a new effort into what you are
doing; a fresh shoulder to the wheel and Fight.

"And when you are rewarded with success, as surely you
must be, do not even then forget the character and acts
of this great man ; be, as he was, modest and unassuming.
He shrunk from publicity. To him merit was its own re-
ward."

The Enemy near Fredericksburg having continued inac-
tive, General Lee was confirmed in his judgment that the
main attack would be made elsewhere, most probably on
the Confederate left and rear. So Lee left Early's Division
and Barksdale's Brigade, with part of the reserve Artillery
to hold the line in front of Fredericksburg and moved the
rest of his Army to meet Hooker's advance, pressing on
Anderson. At midnight of April 30th McLaws marched
toward Chancellorsville and General Jackson followed at
dawn the next morning. Jackson reached Anderson's posi-
tion at 8 A. M. and immediately began preparations for an
advance. At 11 o'clock the troops moved forward upon
the plank and old turnpike roads ; Anderson, with the bri-
gades of Wright and Posey, leading on the former, Mc-
Laws, preceded by Mahone on the latter — Wilcox and Perry
of Anderson's Division co-operating with McLaws. Jack-
son followed Anderson on the plank road. The Enemy was
soon encountered on both roads, but our troops pressed
steadily on. A strong attack was made on McLaws, which
was repulsed, but his Division could not advance. Then
Anderson sent Wright's Brigade to his left, turning the
Enemy's right, and the whole opposing line retreated rapid-
ly and were vigorously pursued by our troops until they ar-
rived within about one mile of Chancellorsville. Here
Hooker's Army had assumed a position of great natural
strength, surrounded on all sides by a dense forest, filled
with tangled underbrush. They had constructed log breast-
works, with trees felled to form an almost impossible abat-

CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 135

tis. His Artillery swept the few narrow roads by which
his position could be approached and it also commanded the
woods. The Federal left rested at the Bark's Mill Ford
on the Rappahannock, where had been placed a pontoon
bridge, and extended westward along the Germanna Ford
road more than two miles. It was thought best not to at-
tack that night, but the Confederate line was formed in
front of Chancellorsville, at right angles to the plank road.
A direct attack in the morning would have been attended
with great difficulty and heavy loss, because of the strength
of the Federal position and their great superiority in num-
bers. It was therefore resolved to endeavor to turn his
right flank, gain his rear, leaving a force in front to hold
him in check and conceal the movement. The execution
of the flanking movement was entrusted to Stonewall Jack-
son and his three Divisions. Well did they do the work,
but alas, at what sad cost to the Confederacy. Anderson
maintained his position, but sent Wilcox's Brigade back to
Bank's Ford.

Early on the morning of May 2d, Jackson's Corps com-
menced to move. During this movement, an attack was
made on his train which was following in his rear, which led
to a spirited engagement. To assist in the defence of the
train, Posey's and Wright's Brigades were sent and the
enemy was repulsed. After a long and fatiguing march
Jackson reached the old turnpike at 4 P. M., about three
miles in rear of Chancellorsville. At 6 P. M. the advance
was ordered. The Federals were completely surprised and
broke in panic and utter rout. Position after position was
carried, guns captured and every effort of the Enemy to
rally was in vain. The victorious Confederate advance was
only checked, after nightfall, by the abattis in front of the
line of works, near the central position at Chancellorsville
and by the most unfortunate wounding of the immortal
Stonewall Jackson. When Jackson fell General A. P. Hill

136 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD FI. ANDERSON

was called to the command of his corps but was soon dis-
abled. Then General Stuart was assigned to the command
of Jackson's Corps. The Confederates rested that night,
as they stood, on the ground captured from the Enemy and
made sacred by the precious life blood of the Confederacy's
great hero.

At what a price was this victory gained ! The loss of
"the good and great Jackson !" Any success would have
been dear at such a price! "I (Robert E. Lee) know not
how to replace him, but God's will be done. I trust He
will raise some one in his place !" Col. G. F. R. Hender-
son ends a eulogy to Jackson thus : "Throughout the whole
of his soldier's life, he was never entrusted with any de-
tached mission which he failed to execute with complete
success. No general made fewer mistakes. No general so
]iersistently outwitted his opponents. No general better un-
derstood the use of the ground or the value of time. No
general was more highly endowed with courage, both phy-
sical and moral, and none ever secvu'ed to a greater degree
the trust and affection of his troops. And yet so upright
was his life, so profound his faith, so excjuisite his tender-
ness, that Jackson's many victories are almost his least
claim to be ranked amongst the world's true heroes."

The only General in the Confederate Army who at all
resembled Jackson in the character of his manoeuvres, his
peculiar military qualities and the marked success of his
enterprises, was Nathan B. Forrest. On a somewhat
smaller scale, because he had not the same scope, his opera-
tions were equally skillful with those of Jackson. He was
a natural born military genius. He had received no pre-
vious military training. As West Point graduation was the
open sesame to promotion and recognition in the Confed-
erate Army, he was debarred from that preferment, which
his actual merit and accomplishments warranted. It was
most natural that professional soldiers .should have been

CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN 137

deemed most worthy to fill offices of trust and command in
the new Army of a new Country. To a very large extent,
rank in the old (U. S.) Army, was observed in the Con-
federate Army. But, alas ! our leaders overlooked the fact
that thei-e was such a thing- as natural military genius and
that such was better fitted to direct the Confederate Sol-
diers, who were not thoroitghly disciplined and had not be-
come machines. The Confederate Regiments moved with
but very little military form. It was the leadership, the in-
fluence, the inspiration of the officers which carried the men
forward, to the achievement of such glorious results. This
very leadership — -"Follow me, boys !" not "Forward, march"
— this dash gave both Jackson and Forrest their victories.
In one particular Forrest excelled Jackson. Jackson com-
manded troops already organized and turned over to him.
But Forrest created his commands. Three times in his ca-
reer, he gathered his men — ofttimes from the rear of the
Enemy's lines ; — he armed and equipped them by capturing
the necessary arms, horses and equipment from his foes
and by his own personal exertions, organized and fought
these superb bodies of dauntless Cavalry. Forrest was to
the Cavalry what Jackson was to the Infantry — the ideal
leader and unconquerable General.

While Jackson was making his flank movement, Ander-
son and McLaws were handling their troops so as to make
a show of force and a threat of attack, which last was to be
increased when Jackson's guns were heard. They were
not to make an actual assault unless some unexpectedly
favorable opportunity should offer. They did their part so
thoroughly, that Hooker dared not withdraw any part of
his force to assist his right wing.

Early on the morning of May 3rd General Stuart pressed
Jackson's Corps forward, overcoming some ])retty tough
obstacles, but steadily sweeping everything before him.
Anderson, at the same time, pushed gallantly forward, di-

138 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

rectly upon Chancellorsville, his right resting on the plank
road and his left extending around the Furnace, while Mc-
Laws made strong demonstration to the right of the road.
Anderson effected a junction with Jackson's Corps and the
whole line pressed irresistibly on. The Federals were
driven from all their fortified positions and retreated to-
wards the Rappahannock and took up a very strong posi-
tion. This required so much caution on the part of the Con-
federates to attack, that it was not deemed wise to attempt
an assault near the close of the day. But Lee made his
preparations and they were just about completed, when
further operations were arrested by intelligence received
from Fredericksburg. Early had been attacked and driven
from his positions there, after which the Enemy began to
advance up the plank road, his progress being most gal-
lantly and efficiently delayed by Wilcox's Brigade of Ander-
son's Division. One Brigade opposing Sedgwick's whole
Corps ! Wilcox fell back on the army slowly until he
reached Salem Church about five miles west of Fredericks-
burg. McLaws' Division and Mahone's Brigade of Ander-
son's Division were sent to reinforce Wilcox and reached
him at Salem Church early in the afternoon. A defensive
line was formed with the brigades of Kershaw and Wofford
on Wilcox's right and those of Semmes and Mahone on his
left. Sedgwick had one full Federal Corps and part of
another. The Federals advanced in three strong lines, but
their assault was met with the utmost firmness. Each of
the three lines received a disastrous repvilse and the entire
mass fled in confusion. They were pursued by Wilcox's and
Semmes' Brigades for a mile, until the pursuing Confed-
erates struck the Enemy's reserves in large force. Dark
drawing near, Wilcox determined not to attack and re-
turned to his original position. While this was going on,
Early had retaken all of his positions around Fredericks-
burg and moved up to threaten Sedgwick's left. Anderson,

CHANCELLORS VILLE CAMPAIGN 139

with the rest of his Division, was sent, May 4th, to rein-
force the troops at Salem Church which he reached about
noon. He was directed to gain the left flank of the Fed-
erals and effect junction with Early. At 6 P. M. the at-
tack commenced, Anderson and Early driving Sedgwick's
troops rapidly before them, across the plank road, in the
direction of the river. Darkness prevented McLaws from
perceiving this success and the Enemy began to cross
the Rappahannock River near Banks' Ford before he
learned it. Kershaw's and Wofford's Brigades advanced,
but the retreat of the Federals was so rapid they only fol-
lowed in pursuit. Wilcox, with two of his Regiments and
Kershaw's Brigade proceeded nearly to the river, capturing
a number of prisoners. Next morning it was found that
General Sedgwick and his force had made their escape,
Fredericksburg had been evacuated and Lee's rear was no
longer in danger. This relieved McLaws' and Anderson's
Divisions, which returned to the Army at Chancellorsville.

At daylight on May 5th, it was discovered that, under
the cover of night. Hooker's entire Army had retreated
across the Rappahannock, a movement doubtless caused by
the failure of Sedgwick's assault on Lee's rear. The hosts
of Hooker, who had marched out to overwhelm the Con-
federate Army of less than half their numbers, by the
superb strategy of Lee and the gallantry of his boys in
gray, had been entirely defeated and had again failed to
reach Richmond. The tired, weary, ragged, footsore Con-
federates, returned in triumph to their old quarters near
Fredericksburg, to enjoy the three R's of Army elementary
Arithmetic — rest, repose and (possibly) rations.

The magnificent strategy as well as the tactical skill
of Lee in this short campaign has won for him the plaudits
of the world. It has placed him in the front rank of the
Generals of all ages. It required a high order of military
genius to, with but 57,000 men, badly equipped, defeat an

140 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Army of 132,000 men, fully supplied with every needed
War munition.

The Confederates had piled up victory on victory ; every
campaign of the Army of Northern Virginia, save that of
Sharpsburg, having terminated with complete success ; and
now it had capped the climax with this unparalleled achieve-
ment. At Chancellorsville should be placed the high water
mark of the Confederacy, not at Gettysburg. But, alas !
within sixty days the tide had turned. Gettysburg, so far
as the battle itself was concerned, was a drawn battle and
thereafter, even the victories of the Confederates, were
fruitless of results, until at last, wearied and worn out, the
glorious Sun of the Army of Northern Virginia set forever
at Appomattox.

General Anderson and his Division had a most important
part to act in the eight fateful days of the Chancellorsville
Campaign. They did their part well. The only Division
Commander mentioned by General Lee in his report of the
Campaign, was General Anderson. Of him, General Lee
said: "Maj. Gen. R. H. Anderson, was also distinguished
for the promptness, courage and skill with which he and his
Division executed every order." Of the only two Brigadier
Generals he mentions, one was General Wilcox of Ander-
son's Division.

The signal services rendered by General Anderson and
his Division were many ; but standing out most prominently
were :

Their checking Hooker's advance from Chancellorsville,
April 30th, which gave -General Lee time to concen-
trate his army to meet the Federal advance. This
saved General Lee from disaster and possible defeat.

Their driving the Enemy back to within a mile of Chan-
cellorsville on May ist — for they led the advance.

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 141

General Anderson's sending Wright's Brigade to flank the
Enemy and thus make possible his and McLaws' ad-
vance.

Their steady holding the front, against overpowering odds,
while Jackson was making his flank movement.

Their gallant assault, which drove the Enemy from their
fortified positions around Chancellorsville on May 3d.

Their determined and effective support of McLaws' Di-
vision at Salem Church, resulting in the complete de-
feat of Sedgwick and the relief of General Lee from a
seriously threatened rear attack, which had it been suc-
cessful would not only have snatched victory from Lee
at Chancellorsville, but perhaps have involved Lee and
his Army and perhaps the entire Confederacy, in most
serious trouble.
Again General Anderson and his men "had saved the

day."

CHAPTER XIV.

Pennsylvania Campaign, Including Battle of
Gettysburg.

After the splendid victory at Chancellorsville, Lee's
wearied Army had a few weeks' rest, which was as much
enjoyed as it had been sorely needed. This gave Lee the
opportunity to prepare his troops for the very arduous
duties he was soon to call upon them to perform. Such
preparation however could only be partially effective, for
the small resources of our poor Confederacy had been nearly
exhausted and it was impossible to obtain the equipment re-
quired by an invading Army. Longstreet and his Corps had
rejoined the Army during the month of May; The Army
was reorganized into three Corps under Longstreet, Ewell
and A. P. Hill. Anderson's Division was placed in A. P.
Hill's Corps, with the Divisions of Heth and Pender.

The military positions of the variovis armies of the Con-
federacy at this time, were : Lee's Army was facing
Hooker on the line of the Rappahannock, Bragg was con-
fronting Rosencrans in Middle Tennessee and Vicksburg
was being seriously threatened by Grant. To relieve the
pressure upon Bragg and Pemberton, as well as to force
back the Federal Army under Hooker, it was decided that
Lee should strike the Enemy on his own soil, by invading
Pennsylvania. The movement had the official consent of
the Confederate Authority at Richmond, but it is very

PENNSYLVANIA AND GETTYSBURG 143

doubtful if it had its cordial approval, and certainly the
Confederate Government failed to make such co-operative
movements in Northern Virginia, as Lee desired and re-
quested. If these had been made, different results would
most probably have attended the Campaign.

Lee commenced his movement June 3, 1863. A. P. Hill's
Corps was left at Fredericksburg to watch the threatening
movement which Hooker was making there, which how-
ever he abandoned on June 14th, which relieved Hill's
Corps, and allowed it to promptly join Lee. Hill's Corps
moved down the Valley, crossing the Potomac June 24th,
and passed through Hagerstown and Chambersburg to
Fayetteville, where it rested until July 1st.

From Chambersburg General Lee issued a General Order
to his troops, relating to their conduct in the Enemy's
country, which was worthy of his noble, gracious heart.
In it he says : "It must be remembered that we make war
only upon armed men and that we cannot take vengeance
for the vv^rongs our people have suffered, without lowering
ourselves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence has been ex-
cited by the atrocities of our enemies, and oft'ending against
Him, to whom vengeance belongeth, without whose favor
and support our efforts must all prove vain."

Soon after daylight of July ist, Anderson's Division was
moved to Cashtown, reaching there early in the afternoon
and after resting for about an hour, moved on to Gettys-
burg. Reaching near that point, they were placed in a posi-
tion in reserve, recently vacated by Pender's Division. On
the morning of the 2nd July the Division was moved for-
ward about a mile and a half and placed on Seminary Ridge
to the right of Pender and facing Cemetery Hill, the line
being nearly parallel with the Emetsburg Road. The order
of Brigades from right to left was, Wilcox's, Perry's
Wright's, Posey's and Mahone's. Longstreet was formed
on their right, his line running at right angles to Ander-

144 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

son's, McLaws' Division being on Longstreet's left. Long-
street was ordered to sweep down on the Enemy's left
flank and when the advance reached Anderson, his Brigades
were individually and successively to join in the attack. All
this was carried out as ordered, though the movement was
begun rather later in the day than was good for the Con-
federates. The evidence is clear that General Lee intended
this assault to be made early in the day and it was not made
until 4 o'clock in the afternoon. General Longstreet in pub-
lications emanating from him since the War claims the
contrary. The just criticisms of military authorities evi-
dently clouded the memory of the distinguished General.
He was at the time of the battle opposed to the movement
ordered by General Lee and even went so far as to begin
what he thought a better plan, which was only checked by
General Lee's explicit orders. He certainly was slow in
executing the orders he received. It was attended with
momentous import to the Confederate Army. If he had at-
tacked early in the day, as ordered, he would have occupied
Little Round Top. without opposition, which was the key
to the whole of Meade's position, and he never could have
maintained his front on Cemetery Ridge were the Confed-
erates in possession of Little Round Top. Batteries sta-
tioned there would have enfiladed the entire Federal line on
Cemetery Ridge. Federal General Warren discovered its
importance and had troops brought up, possible by Long-
street's delay. So it can be safely said that General War-
ren saved the day for Meade and General Longstreet lost
it for Lee.

General Anderson in his report says : "Never did troops
go into action with greater spirit or more determined cour-
age. The ground afforded them but little shelter and for
nearly three quarters of a mile, they were compelled to face
a storm of shot and shell and bullets, but there was no hesi-
tation nor faltering. They drove the Enemy from his first

PENNSYLVANIA AND GETTYSBURG 145

line and possessed themselves of the ridge and of much
artillery, with which it had been covered, but the situation
discovered the Enemy in possession of a second line, with
artillery upon both our front and flank. From this position
he poured a destructive tire of grape upon our troops.
Strong reinforcements pressed upon our right flank, which
had become disconnected from McLaws' left and the ridge
was untenable. The Brigades were compelled to retire.
The Enemy did not follow. In Wilcox's, Perry's and
Wright's Brigades the loss was very heavy." Wilcox's Bri-
gade in this day's battle lost 577 and Perry's Brigade, which
carried in 700 men, lost 455.

The position thus captured by these three Brigades of
Anderson's Division, was the same which Pickett's and
Pettigrew's two Divisions failed to carry the next day.
(See Report of General Wright.) If Anderson's Brigades
had been properly supported they would have held a crucial
l)oint of Meade's line, after having pierced and broken it
and there never would have been a necessity for the galling
assault of the third day's battle, the praise of which has
rung down the annals of history, as an evidence of the
highest heroism of the Confederates. Three Brigades of
Anderson's Division had captured a position which two
solid Divisions, the next day, failed to reach !

In the next day's battle, the center of Lee's Army was but
slightly engaged and Anderson's Division took no very ac-
tive part. When Pickett's and Pettigrew's Divisions made
their famous assault, Anderson was ordered to be ready to
render any assistance or to take advantage of any success
gained. General Anderson moved forward Wilcox's and
Perry's Brigades and was about to move Wright's and
Posey's when General Longstreet stopped him as the as-
sault had failed.

The Brigades of Wilcox and Wright were more actively
engaged on this day than an}- others of Anderson's Di-

146 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

vision. Gen. Cadmus M. Wilcox in his official report thus
describes his movements on that day : "I beg to report that
early in the morning, before sunrise, the brigade was or-
dered out to support artillery under command of Colonel
Alexander, this artillery being placed along the Emmetts-
burg turnpike and on ground won from the Enemy the day
before. My men had had nothing to eat since the morning
of the 2nd. and had confronted and endured the dangers and
fatigues of that day. They nevertheless moved to the front
to the support of the artillery as ordered. The Brigade was
formed in line parallel to the Emmettsburg turnpike and
about two hundred yards from it, the artillery being in front
and much of it on the road and extending far beyond either
flank of the Brigade. My men occupied this position till
about 3 :20 P. M. Our artillery opened fire upon the
Enemy's artillery and upon ground supposed to be occu-
pied by his infantry. This fire was responded to promptly
by the Enemy's artillery and continued with the greatest vi-
vacity on either side for about one hour. In no previous
battle of the war had we so much artillery engaged, and
the Enemy seemed not to be inferior in quantity." Pickett
now advances. "The advance had not been made more than
20 or 30 minutes before three staff officers in quick succes-
sion (one from the Major General Comdg. Division) gave
me orders to advance to the support of Pickett." The bri-
gade, composed of only 1,200 men, advanced, and on reach-
ing the Pike could see nothing of Pickett, but moved on
"down the slope until they came near the hill upon which
were the Enemy's batteries and entrenchments." No support
being received and their flanks being threatened, the brigade
fell back.

Gen. A. R. Wright says in his official report: "Late in
the afternoon it (his brigade) was moved forward 500 or
600 yards to cover the retreat of Pickett's Division, which
had assaulted the Enemy's position at the same point where

PENNSYLVANIA AND GETTYSBURG 147

my brigade had advanced the day before and had been
forced to retire. Soon after I was ordered by General Lee
to move my brigade to the right, several hundred yards
and form in rear of Wilcox's brigade, to support the latter
in case the Enemy should advance upon it and which was
now threatened. In this position I remained until after
nightfall, when I retired to my original position in line
of battle upon the hill."

In closing his report on the Campaign, General Anderson
pays this glowing and well deserved tribute to his splendid
Division and to their fine conduct while in the Enemy's
country : "The conduct of the troops under, my command,
was in the highest degree praise-worthy and commendable
throughout the campaign. Obedient to the orders of the
Commanding General, they refrained from taking into their
own hands retaliation upon the Enemy for the inhuman
wrongs and outrages inflicted upon them, in the wanton de-
struction of their property and homes. Peaceable inhabi-
tants suffered no molestation. In a land of plenty, they
often suffered hunger and want. One-fourth of their num-
ber marched ragged and barefooted through towns in which
it was well ascertained that the merchants had concealed
supplies of clothing. In battle they lacked none of that
courage and spirit which has ever distinguished the sol-
diers of the Army of Northern Virginia, and if complete
success did riot attend their efforts, their failure cannot be
laid upon their shortcomings, but must be recognized and
accepted as the will and decree of the Almighty disposer of
human affairs."

Anderson's Division gallantly took part in many of the
defensive movements covering Lee's retreat into Virginia,
arriving July 25th. at Culpepper Court House, where they
went into camp. The total loss of the Division in the en-
tire campaign amounted to 2,266 of which 2,115 was lost

148 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

in the battle of Gettysburg and nearly all in the heroic
fight of July 2nd.

It has been the almost universal result of want of suc-
cess in military movements to remove the General Com-
manding and substitute some other. The Federals did that
in their Virginia Army, changing, changing, until a man
was found who could handle that Army, carry out the
wishes of the Government and was willing to do it in the
heartless manner, the ruling powers desired. But instances
are seldom found where a Commanding General, voluntarily
resigned his command, because he thought it to the best in-
terests of the cause he was defending. But no other Army
in the history of the world had at its head a Robert E. Lee —
one both great and good. After the failure of the Con-
federate invasion of Pennsylvania, General Lee asked Presi-
dent Davis to relieve him from command. He wrote to
Mr. Davis, that "The general remedy for want of success
in a military Commander, is removal. This is natural and
in many instances proper. For, no matter what may be the
ability of an officer if he loses the confidence of his troops,
disaster must sooner or later ensue." He continued, *T
therefore, in all sincerity request your Excellency to supply
my place. I do this with the more earnestness because no
one is more aware of my inabilities for the duties of my
position. I cannot even accomplish what I myself desire."
Then he refers to his physical weakness from his previous
sickness. "Everything, therefore, points to the advantage
to be derived from a new commander, and I the more
anxiously urge the matter upon your Excellency from my
belief that a younger and abler man than myself can readily
be obtained. I know that he will have as gallant and brave
an army as ever existed to second his efforts and it would be
the happiest day of my life to see at its head a worthy
leader — one that could accomplish more than I could per-
form and all that I have wished. I hope your Excellency

PENNSYLVANIA AND GETTYSBURG 149

will attribute my request to the true reason — the desire to
serve my country and to do all in my power to insure the
success of her righteous cause !" President Davis, of course,
declined to relieve General Lee, and wrote in reply, partly :
"But suppose, my dear friend, that I were to admit, with
all their implications, the i)oints which you present, where
am I to find that new Commander who is to possess the
greater ability which you believe to be required? To ask
me to substitute you by some one in my judgment more fit
to command, or who would i)Ossess more of the confidence
of the army or of reflecting men of the country, is to de-
mand an impossibility !"

Longstreet writes General Lee : "Our affections for you
are stronger, if it is possible for them to be stronger, than
our admiration for you."

The Army would have risen in revolt if it had been
called upon to give up General Lee.

The battle of Gettysburg has been often rated as the de-
cisive battle of the War. But was it? Let us consider it
most carefully. First we must definitely ascertain what
constitutes a "decisive battle." Creacy in his "Fifteen De-
cisive Battles of the World," quotes the distinguished and
authoritative historian, Mallam, as defining a decisive bat-
tle "as one of those few batt'es of which a contrary event
would have essentially varied the drama of tlie world in its
subsequent scenes." Under this definition let us analyze
ihij battle. It is generally conceded that in a battle the
force which rtniains upon ihe field, wlictiier its opponents
voluntarily n'ithdraw or are driven thcicfrom, is fairly en-
taitled to Uie credit of being the winner. As the Confeder-
ates, voluntarily, withdrew and the Federal Army remained
upon the field. Gettysburg has been generally claimed as a
Union victoiy. But judged by the events on the field only,
without considering the Confederate withdrawal, the fight
was a drawn battle. The Confederates on the first and

150 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

second days, certainly had the best of the Federal forces
and on the third day, were not assaulted, but only failed
in a partial assault, to break the Enemy's line. At the close
of this day each Army occupied the same positions as they
had held at the opening of the day and on the fourth day
the same positions were maintained, without any attempt
by either to assault. When Lee retired on the night of the
fourth day, the Enemy did not vigorously pursue, which in-
dicated their crippled condition. Meade knew the military
advantage, — yea, necessity — of prompt and active pursuit,
so, when he did not press the retiring Confederates, it is
fair to assume that his army had been so injured, that it
was not in a condition to undertake the active movements
necessary. So it is reasonable to say that the battle of
Gettysburg, not the Pennsylvania campaign, but that single
battle, was a drawn one.

What would have been the results if it had been other-
wise? Wovdd the contrary event "have essentially varied
the drama of the world in its subsequent scenes? The
"contrary event" of a drawn battle would have been the
absolute defeat of either Army. If the Union Army had
been defeated, it is barely possible that the effect may have
been to end the War. But it is infinitely more probable
that the invasion of Northern territory would have caused
in the North, as it had in the South, for they were the same
race of people, such a patriotic enthusiasm as would have
brought millions to the defence of their homes. If on the
other hand, the Confederate Army had been defeated, it
would merely have retired from the Enemy's country, prob-
ably in much worse shape than it did and again faced their
Enemy on their own soil. So neither "subsequent event"
would have made the battle "decisive" under Hallam's defi-
nition.

With the utmost deference to the high authority of Hal-
lam, his definition does not properly define a "decisive bat-

PENNSYLVANIA AND GETTYSBURG 151

tie." It should be defined : "One which absolutely decided
the War being waged and practically ended it, as did Water-
loo. By this latter definition Gettysburg was less, if pos-
sible, of a decisive battle than even by Hallam's — for the
War was continued for nearly two years after Gettysburg.
The Confederates were not crushed thereby and subse-
quently defended their country and maintained its cause,
by such herculean efforts, as to cost the Federals the loss
of more men, than were in Meade's Army at Gettysburg.
The battle of Gettysljurg- was in no sense a decisive battle.

Reviewing the entire history of the War, not a single
battle was fought, which was decisive, as to the great
issues involved, saving the Campaign which ended at Ap-
pomattox. There were many decisive of lesser issues, which
as a whole, made np the final success of the Federal Armies.
Sharpsburg and Gettysburg decided that the Confederates
could not invade the North ; the fall of Vicksburg, that
the Mississippi River should be open to the Union Navies
and the trans-Mississippi States be cut off from the rest of
the Confederacy ; Manassas, Fredericksburg and Chancel-
lorsville, that the direct march across the Virginia plains
was an impracticable one for the Union forces to reach
Richmond.

In fact, the War could hardly have been decided by any
one battle. The operations covered too vast a field and
each Army was too, comparatively, independent of the
other. In addition to the great distances there was very
little co-operation in action and aims between the different
Armies of the Confederacy — as perhaps there should have
been. Not thus working together on common general plans,
the failure or success of any one Army was of little im-
mediate consequence to the others, certainly if such did not
involve its total destruction. So the Government at Wash-
ington had but one way to end the War, by superior num-
bers and resources, to overpower all the Armies and over-

152 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

run all parts of the Confederacy, killing its men and de-
stroying its resources. When this was decided on and the
means gathered to effect it, the end came. The Confed-
erates, as General Gordon said, had fought to a frazzle.

Erected on the battlefield of Gettysburg, near the point
where Pickett's and Pettigrew's Divisions struck the Union
lines, is a tablet marking the so-called and improperly
called "High Water Mark of the W^ar." This is as great
a misnomer as that Gettysburg was a decisive battle. In
effectiveness and results, the High Water Mark, as has al-
ready been said in a previous chapter, for the Confederates
should be at Chancellorsville and for the Union forces at
Appomattox. Each reached its greatest strength, morale
and achievement at those places. After Chancellorsville the
Confederate Sun had crossed the meridian and was grad-
ually setting. U]) to Appomattox the Union forces were
gathering day by day power and effectiveness. So, as,
of course, the High Water Mark will not be removed
from Gettysburg, let the South erect its High Water Mark
on the field of its greatest skill, bravery and glory, Chancel-
lorsville, and if the other side wishes it, let its high water
mark be at Appomattox, where they finally crushed the
Supporters of the old federation as it originally was and
raised in its place the present centralized Nation.

CHAPTER XV.

Campaign of Manoeuvres in Northern Virginia
IN 1863.

Meade's advance, in response to importunate orders from
Washington, forced Lee from his rest in the Valley, to
meet his foe about Culpeper Court House. But here en-
sued a period of comi)arative repose, until Lee, October 9,
1863, commenced, what the historian Swinton most aptly
denominates the "Campaign of Manoeuvres." Lee, by such
strategical movements forced Meade back almost to the de-
fences of Washington, but there he found it impossible to
feed his Army and he was forced to return to his former
position South of the Rapidan, and went into winter quar-
ters. But Meade just would not remain quiet and let the
bovs enjoy their well-earned rest and on November 25th.
moved on Lee's right. This was. for him unfortunately
and from unforseen circumstances, so tardily executed that
Lee was enabled to form a strong line of defence along the
Mine Run, which Meade found impracticable to assault
and withdrew without battle.

During all of these marches and skirmishes General
Anderson and his men took their full share of all the dan-
gers, trials, sufferings of the campaign. However they
were called upon for nothing but the usual skill and brav-
ery required of soldiers of Lee's Army. They were in a
small affair at Bristoe Station, which is described in a

154 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

paper of the General's, which has been preserved and is
evidently the original draft of his official report, which
hereafter follows :

"Headquarters near Rappahannock Sta., Va.,

Oct. 21st, '63.

"At half past two o'clock in the afternoon of the 14th.
Inst., when near Bristow Station, I received orders from
the Lt. Gen. Corndg. the Third Corps, to send Mcintosh's
Battalion of Artillery to the front and to move two Bri-
gades of my Division to the right of the road by which we
had been approaching the Station, to intercept a column of
the Enemy's troops which was moving along the Rail Road
towards the Station. Posey's and Perry's Brigades were
immediately put in motion through a piece of woods to
execute the order, but before they arrived within striking
distance the Enemy moved off at a double quick and dis-
appeared in a piece of pine forest near the Rail Road.

The Brigades continued to advance toward the Rail Road
in the direction which had been indicated by Lt. Gen.
Hill, until they found the enemy strongly posted behind
the Railroad embankments and cuts, with a battery of
Artillery so planted as to enfilade the road and sweep the
open piece of ground between them and ourselves.

"The column which I had been directed to intercept had
got into position along the Rail Road and I halted the
troops until I could examine the ground between them and
the enemy. Whilst so engaged I met Brig. Gen. Long, who
proposed to place some of his Artillery upon a slight emi-
nence which afforded a good position for Artillery. To this
I gladly assented as I deemed it necessary to the further
advance of the troops of my command.

"At this time I received notice that the troops of the
Second Corps were coming up on my right and I was di-
rected to form a line of battle so as to connect my right with

NORTHERN VIRGINIA IN 1863 155

the left of that Corps. The other brigades of my Division
were then ordered up and the Hne was formed as quickly
as the nature of the ground would permit. During these
movements of my command Heth's Division became hotly
engaged and a brigade of his troops near the left of my
Division was driven back. The Enemy's Skirmishers ad-
vanced through the gap and General Long found it impos-
sible to post his Artillery. Perry's Brigade checked the
farther advance of the Enemy and Mahone's was put in
motion to regain the ground from which our men had been
driven, but before it reached the place it was re-occupied
by another Brigade of Heth's Division. Perry's and Posey's
Brigades then drove back the Enemy's line of Skirmishers,
and General Long's Artillery got into position, but it was
now nearly dark and after a few minutes cannonading to
which the Enemy replied warmly, the firing was discon-
tinued. The troops of my Division remained in line of bat-
tle during the night. In the morning the Enemy were
gone. I regret to report that in this affair Capt. Thomas L.
Barraud (written very indistinctly and this may not be cor-
rect) of the Eleventh Virginia, an excellent officer, was
killed and Brig. General Perry and Lieut. Col. Baya,
Comdg. the 8th Fla. received severe wounds, the former in
the left thigh, and the latter in the right hip, and Capt. A.
K. Jones, 12th Miss, was wounded in the right leg. The
total casualties were eleven killed and forty-three wounded."

On the night of December 2, 1863, the Enemy retired
from Lee's front, and both Armies returned to their canton-
ments, and quiet reigned during the remainder of the win-
ter. For the Confederates plenty of quiet but very little of
comfort. They contended with foes harder to fight than
the hosts in blue. "These were want of food and want of
clothing, which they met and endured, with heroic forti-
tude in the log cabins that they constructed from the trees
of the surrounding forests and on beds of straw, mainly

156 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

without blankets, but fortunately with abundant supplies
of fuel near at hand. The rations were reduced to a mini-
mum ; a quarter of a pound of pork and a scant portion of
meal or flour per day, to a man — and even this was some-
times wanting. Lee not only dwelt among his men, in sim-
ple fashion, but fared as they fared, saying, when luxuries
were sent him, as they often were, and which he invariably
sent to the sick and wounded in hospitals, 'I am content to
share the rations of my men.' "

"The lustre of the heroic virtues of the Army of North-
ern Virginia was brightened and heightened by their sub-
lime faith. A marked spirit of devotion characterized every
portion of it. From nearly every tent and cabin could be
heard the voice of prayer and the singing of hymns of de-
votion. Not only Army Chaplains, but the best and ablest
of the preachers of the Gospel from all accessible parts
of the Confederacy ministered in the rude army churches
to the soul hunger of Lee's reverent and most of them
God-serving, oflicers and men."

General Anderson was imbued with a deep and pious
devotion, which led him to active participation in these
religious services and shared with his men the reverent
feelings which prevailed throughout the Camps. Gov. Wm.
E. Cameron, who was sleeping in the same room with him
at Chancellorsville the night of April 29th., bears testimony
to the piety of the Christian Soldier, when he said: "At
midnight, General Anderson, after reading a chapter from
the big family Bible on a center table in the chamber,
turned in and slept until 4 o'clock." This was when Gen-
eral Anderson, with three Brigades was confronting three
Army Corps of Hooker's Army and so manoeuvering as
to delay their advance until General Lee could concentrate
his forces. He was not only so tranquil that he could sleep

NORTHERN VIRGINIA IN 1863 157

the few hours he could spare from his duties, but before
closing his eyes, sought his Master's presence and poured
out to him his fervent prayers !

''His pure thoughts were borne
Like fumes of sacred incense o'er the clouds,
And wafted thence on angel's wings, thro' ways
Of light to the bright source of all."

CHAPTER XVI.

Campaign From the Rapidan to Petersburg, Including

THE Battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania

AND Second Cold Harbor.

All other commanders of the Union Armies having failed
to overcome Lee and his magnificent Army, the Uniited
States Government called their greatest and most success-
ful General, Ulysses S. Grant, to undertake the stupendous
task. They gave him practically carte blanche, all the men
he would need to replace those his heartless tactics de-
stroyed and also all the best munitions and equipment he
demanded. The keynote of Grant's previous success had
been that he never would strike until amply prepared. His
skill would hardly have overmatched Lee's, but the liberal
supply of men and means at last overcame the Confederate
Army, exhausted as was the country of soldiers, food,
clothing and munitions. So, early in May, 1864, having
assumed command. Grant opened his "on to Richmond"
Campaign. Until Grant settled in front of Petersburg and
laid siege to the city, the campaign was one of continuous
manoeuvering, and in such movements, there was almost
continuous butting of the. Federals against the Army of
Lee and always with terrible losses to the Federal Army.
It cost Grant the loss of sixty-five thousand men to flank
and force Lee back to^ Petersburg.

When the campaign commenced and Lee moved to meet

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 159

Grant, "Anderson's Division was left to guard the fords of
the Rapidan until the Confederate Cavalry reached Stevens-
burg, when it moved towards the Wilderness and on the
night of May 5th. rested at Verdiersville. Early on the
next morning it was ordered up, moving by the Plank Road
and reached the vicinity of the battlefield a little after sun-
rise of May 6th. and halted for about an hour to wait the
passage of the rear of Longstreet's Corps, which had filed
into the road. "We," (Anderson's Division, this description
being a quotation from a private letter of General Ander-
son, written May 14,(18/9), "shortly afterward arrived at
the scene of action. M}' Division was not engaged as a
whole body. It had no sooner arrived, than orders were
received to send one brigade to reinforce Longstreet on
the right of the plank road and another to report to A. P.
Hill on the left of the same road and to move up two other
brigades in line of battle at a right angle with the road, the
right resting on the road, and to attack. Mahone was sent
to Longstreet, Wright to Hill, Perrin and Perry moved to
attack as directed and Platris was held in reserve. The at-
tacking brigades were soon engaged and gained ground
slowly until about midday, when there was a lull for some
hours — both parties seeming disposed to be cautious on ac-
count of the extent and density of the forest. At three
o'clock a strong force was advanced against Perry's bri-
gade, which was driven back some distance, until Harris
came up and checked the advance.. There was only some
skirmishing and desultory firing after this. Night was ap-
proaching. Wright's Brigade had returned and was in re-
serve on the plank road. On the 7th. no movement was
made by the Division, up to the time when I was assigned
to the command of Longstreet's Corps, a little after mid-
day, if I remember correctly." Mahone's Brigade partici-
pated in the movement conducted by Gen. M. L. Smith,
around the enemy's left flank, completely turning the same

160 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

and thus opened the way for Longstreet's advance on the
plank road. While Longstreet was driving the Enemy be-
fore him, by a fatal mistake he was wounded and Gen.
Micah Jenkins killed, by our own men. The wounding of
Lee's chief Lieutenant, stopped the victorious advance of
the Confederates, which Longstreet thought — expressed in
his book "From Manassas to Appomattox," thirty years
afterward ! — would have driven Grant across the Rapidan.
After the movement had been stopped by General Lee, for
the adjustment of his lines. Gen. Richard H. Anderson,
then commanding a Division in A. P. Hill's Corps, was
sent for by General Lee and placed in command of Long-
street's Corps. This Corps was then composed of the Di-
visions of Kershaw and Field. In the former was Ker-
shaw's old Brigade and in the latter, Jenkins' Brigade, both
of South Carolinians and it must have been a source of
intense gratification to the distinguished Corps Comman-
der, a Son of Carolina, to have these two most gallant Bri-
gades of men from his native State, under his command.
Placing him in the command of the Corps, was a very high
compliment to General Anderson, as the promotion was
not because of Seniority but because of his rare skill, he
being taken from a Division in the Third Corps to com-
mand the First Corps. On June 10th. he was commissioned
Lieutenant General.

The intimate story of those splendid brigades of Wilcox,
Wright, Posey, Mahone and Perry, which were under the
immediate command of General Anderson and associated
so intimately with his career as a Division Commander,
must be parted with. Under his skillful direction, their
gallantry won the fame of Anderson's Division. The repu-
tation of a leader is lai-gely dependent upon the bravery of
his followers, yet their valiant conduct would have been of
no avail, without the skill of the leader's guiding hand.
It was fortunate for General Anderson that his intelligent

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 161

direction was carried to successful achievement by the
bravest of the brave. Together they weaved the wreath of
immortal glory, w'hich forever crowns the leader and his
followers. Happy that General Anderson's good fortune
was continued by his now having in the Corps to which he
was elevated to command, so strong an array of fearless
fighters, who could and would ever maintain the title he
had won, on the field of battle, "Fighting Dick Anderson."

After the battle of the Wilderness and just before that
of Spottsylvania, Kershaw's old Brigade, handsomely sup-
ported the Cavalry in an affair on the Brock Road, which
retarded Warren's advance and enabled Anderson to reach
the Court House before the enemy and entirely discon-
certed Grant's plans. The Brigade "supported the cav-
alry" and that usually meant that when the Infantry came
up, the Cavalry retired from the front and allowed them to
do the fighting. This is said generally, but it was not so
always, and often when it was, it was perfectly correct.
On this occasion one of Kershaw's Captains — Capt. D. A.
Dickert, tells the story so admirably that it is quoted:
"Soon we see an old Virginia gentleman, bareheaded and
without shoes, riding in haste towards us. He reports that
our Cavalry are holding the enemy back on Brock's Road,
but that the Federal infantry are seen forming for the
attack and of course our Cavalry cannot stand such a pres-
sure. General Kershaw orders us forward at the double
quick. Still we are not there. Then it was that a gallant
cavalryman rushes to us and says, 'Run for our rail piles,
the Federal infantry will reach them first, if you don't
run.' Our men sprang forward as if by magic. We occu-
pied the rail piles in time to see a column, a gallant column,
moving towards us, about sixty yards away. Fire, deaden-
ing fire, is poured into that column by our men. A gallant
Federal officer rides just in rear directing the movement.
'Pick that officer off his horse' is the command given to

162 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

two or three of our cool marksmen. He falls. The column
staggers and then falls back. Right here let me state a
funny occurrence. Sim Price observed an old man, John
Duckett, in the excitement, shooting his rifle high over the
heads of the Yankees. This was too much for Sim Price
and he said, 'Good God, John Duckett, are you shooting at
the moon !' Enough of Kershaw's Brigade were not how-
ever 'shooting at the moon,' but at the Enemy, so they soon
drove off the Enemy and fully "supported the Cavalry."

On May 7th. Grant having had enough of Lee at the
Wilderness commenced to move Southwardly, or as Gen-
eral Bratton so aptly styles it, "Slide," General Lee thought
to Fredericksburg, but really to Spottsylvania Court House.
General Anderson's Corps, at 11 P. M. withdrew from the
line of battle and seeking a suitable place to bivouac
marched along the new road, which General Lee had so
wisely had opened and by daylight of the 8th, rested near
Spottsylvania Court House. General Anderson describes
this march in a private letter : : "Longstreet was severely
wounded about midday on the 7th. and soon afterwards.
General Lee placed me in command of his Corps and di-
rected me to retire the troops quietly and as soon after
nightfall as practicable, and when I should have reached a
suitable place in rear of the line they had been occupying,
to let them rest, but forbid fires or any noise that might give
intelligence of the withdrawal. I was to move for Spottsyl-
vania by a road which a guide would show me. Upon with-
drawing the Corps from its place in line of battle (which
I have previously stated was on the right of the plank
road), I found the woods, in every direction on fire and
burning furiously and there was no suitable place for rest.
The road by which I was conducted was narrow and fre-
quently obstructed so that at best the progress of the
troops was slow and the guide having informed me that it
preserved the same character until near Spottsylvania T de-

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 163

cided to continue the march until I should be within easy
reach of that place. At a little after daylight, about three
miles from the Court House, I found some open fields and
halted there to let the troops close up and rest a little. The
orders had scarcely been given to this effect, when a courier
from Fitzhugh Lee arrived with an urgent call from him to
any troops that might be met, to come to his support with
all speed, for his cavalry was hard pressed and could not
hold the place much longer. Field's Division, which was
leading and which by this time was pretty well closed up,
resumed the march immediately at double quick. Before
the head of his column could reach the Court House, a
scout gave me information of the approach of a large body
of U. S. Infantry from my left and sending Kershaw's
Brigade to the support of Fitz Lee, I turned all the rest of
Field's Division ofif to meet the approach from the left.
Kershaw arrived in time to recover the Court House, from
which Fitz Lee had been compelled to retire and as fast as
the other troops of Longstreet's Corps came up they were
pushed rapidly to the support of Field's Division and they
maintained their position until Lee arrived with the main
body of the Army."

Providence certainly smiled upon General Anderson and
his Corps and in fact upon the entire Confederacy, when
the burning woods prevented an earlier rest and forced the
march to near Spottsylvania Court House. Grant was
moving for that place and the proximity of General Ander-
son, at a critical moment, enabled him to forestall Grant
and occupy that strategic position. Anderson's orders were
to retire his Corps from the lines at the Wilderness, rest
his men and then move on to Spottsylvania, but be.cause of
the burning woods he could find no place to rest his men,
so continued the march towards Spottsylvania. When near
there he received Fitz Lee's call for help and with the in-
stinct of a skillful General, he moved to his support, recap-

164 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

tured the town and maintained his hold upon the same, in
spite of most determined attacks from the Enemy. This
was a terrible disappointment to Grant and as he says in his
Memoirs entirely defeated his plans. He had aimed to cap-
ture Spottsylvania and thus place his Army between Lee
and Richmond. The prompt action of General Anderson
defeated this movement, which had it been successful would
have been attended with almost fatal consequences to the
Army of Northern Virginia and to the Confederacy. Grant
could have reached the Capital before its defenders could
have interposed to save it from capture.

Again, Anderson's command had saved the Situation !

With reference to this movement. Gen. U. S. Grant in his
"Personal Memoirs," Vol. 2, pages 211 and 212, says:

"Our wagon trains had been ordered easterly of the roads
the troops were to march upon" (from the Wilderness) "be-
fore the movement commenced. Lee interpreted this as a
semi-retreat of the Army of the Potomac to Fredericksburg
and so informed his government. Accordingly he ordered
Longstreet's Corps — now commanded by Anderson — to
move in the morning (the 8th.) to Spottsylvania. But the
wood being still on fire Anderson could not go into bivouac
and marched directly on to his destination that night. By
this accident Lee got possession of Spottsylvania. It is im-
possible to say now what would have been the result if
Lee's orders had been obeyed as given, but it is certain that
we would have been in Spottsylvania, and between them and
his Capital. My belief is that there would have been a race
between the two armies "to see which could reach Richmond
first, and the Army of the Potomac would have had the
shorter line. Thus twice since crossing the Rapidan we
came near closing the campaign so far as battles were con-
cerned, from the Rapidan to the James River or Richmond.
The first failure was caused by our not following up the
success gained over Hill's Corps on the morning of the 6th.

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 165

as before described ; the second, when fires caused by that
battle drove Anderson to make a march during the night
of the 7th.-8th. which he was ordered to commence on the
morning of the 8th. But accident often decides the fate
of battle." If General Anderson had, as Grant says, obeyed
Lee's orders as given, he would have put his troops into
bivouac when he reached a suitable place and not have been
able effectively to respond to the call of Gen. Fitz Lee for
aid. But, acting on his own initiative he moved to Spott-
sylvania which frustrated Grant's movement. It was also
due to the foresight of Lee, for he had had the direct road
to Spottsylvania only recently located, which made possible
the proximity of Anderson's Corps.

When Fields moved forward, Bratton's and Humphrey's
brigades formed line to the left of the road and repulsed
the Enemy. Wofford's and Bryan's brigades were sent by
a detour and finally occupied the town. Ewell's Corps ar-
rived in the afternoon and another attack was handsomely
repulsed. During the night, the Confederates threw up rude
and irregular defences along the emergency line they had
taken, a part being formed after dark. General Lee rode
along the line on the morning of the 9th and was favorably
impressed. At Ewell's suggestion a somewhat elevated point
near the right centre was taken into the lines and this be-
came what was subsequently known as the "Bloody Angle."
The general line extended from the Po River on the left,
in the arc of a circle, running eastwardly across the Brock
Road and the Po-Ny watershed to a branch of the Ny
River, with the salient, the bloody angle, near its right cen-
ter which was in horseshoe form, around the crest of a
spur between two small branches of the Ny River. Ewell's
Corps, less the men of Early's Division, were disposed with-
in the salient and occupied the centre of the line. Hill's
Corps was on the left and Anderson's on the right of Ewell.

166 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Later, Early's Division came up and formed on the ex-
treme right.

As previously stated, this Story is that of General Ander-
son and most properly of his command. So the general
description of the battle is omitted and only that part taken
by the units of Anderson's Corps, told.

At three o'clock in the afternoon of May 10th a second
massed attack v^^as made on the First Corps, on the line of
the Brock Road, which met a bloody repulse. The story of
Bratton's Brigade is a fair sample of what happened, gen-
erally along the entire line. General Bratton in his Report
describes vividly one of the terrific assaults, its gallant re-
pulse and subsequent events thereto : "The morning of the
12th. the Enemy assaulted us heavily, advancing beautifully
in two lines of battle. We held our fire until they were with-
in fifty yards of us, when, by a deliberate and well directed
volley, a line of their dead was laid down across the front
of my brigade, with the exception of one regiment, whose
fire was well and deliberately put, but the Artillery opened
a little too soon on this part of the line and caused the
Enemy to drop behind a crest, just in time to evade the
storm of minnie balls. The fusilade continued for some
minutes and strewed the field with dead and wounded from
their scattered and fleeing hordes. Many of those in the
open field fled in comparative safety behind the crest al-
luded to above (to their right and our left), to the woods
and were massed partially in front of my two regiments
(First and Fifth) still protected by this crest and the wood,
from our infantry fire." (Now comes the amusing part, if
any part of a battle can be amusing) : "They kept up an
active fusilade, indeed a terrific war of musketry — all the
while. Our men were quietly awaiting their appearance on
the crest. This continued so long (for some hours) that
we began to suspect that by some happy mistake they were
fighting themselves. It seemed a heavy battle and we had

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 167

nothing to do with it. Skirmishers from the First and Fifth
Regiments were ordered up to the crest to discover what it
meant. They found them lying behind the crest firing at
what did not clearly appear, but they, with great gallantry
charged them with a yell, and put the whole mass to flight,
most precipitate and headlong, capturing some forty prison-
ers. In their haste and panic a multitude of them ran across
a portion of open field and gave our battery and my line of
battle on the right a shot at them and that field also was
thickly dotted with their dead and wounded."

Referring to the battle, Gen. R. E. Lee advises the Secre-
tary of War, from Spottsylvania C. H., May lo, 1864:
"General Grant's Army is entrenched near this place, on
both sides of the Brock Road. Frequent skirmishing oc-
curred yesterday and to-day, each Army endeavoring to
discover the position of the other. To-day the Enemy
shelled our lines and made several assaults with infantry
against different points particularly that part of the line
held by Gen. R. H. Andeibon. The last, which occurred af-
ter sunset was the most obstinate, some of the Enemy leap-
ing over the breastworks. They were easily repulsed, ex-
cept in front of Dole's Brigade, where they drove our men
from the position and from a four gun battery there posted.
The men were soon rallied and by dark our line was re-es-
tablished and the battery recovered."

During the night of the 11th, there was an amusing inci-
dent in Kershaw's Brigade : "Lest a night attack might be
made, one-third of the men were kept in the trenches all of
the time, day and night." At night the men would sleep just
in rear of the trench. "This night a stafif officer stole quietly
to where a Colonel and his Adjutant were lying and whis-
pered : Tt is thought that the Enemy have gotten between
our outposts and the breastworks and intend to make a
night attack. So awaken the men and put every one in the
trenches.' The Colonel went to one end of the line and the

168 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Adjutant to the other and soon had our trenches manned.
The Colonel was observed full of laughter and when ques-
tioned stated that on going to the left wing he came across
a soldier, with some small branches kindled into a blaze
making himself a cup of coffee. He spoke to him, saying:
'Who is that?' The soldier replied, not recognizing the
Colonel's voice: 'Who in the h- -1 are you?' The Colonel
said : 'Don't you know the Yankees are between the pickets
and the breastworks and will soon attack our whole line !'
He reported the man at these words saying : 'Jesus Christ,
Colonel,' rolling over and over as he spoke, and he never
stopped rolling until he fell into the pit at the works. Never
was a revolution in sentiment and action more quickly
wrought than on this occasion with the soldier."

On May I2th. all along the entire line, attack followed
charge, only to be repulsed, except at the "Bloody Angle,"
where after a most heroic defence by the Confederates, it
was captured by the Enemy. There was a steady and con-
tinuous roar of artillery and small guns from early daylight
until late in the afternoon, when night closed upon the scene
of strife. Save at the "Bloody Angle," Grant's innumer-
able hosts were unable to gain any foothold. But that point
was not held for long. Gordon heroically pushed forward
and drove the Enemy from the eastern face, McGowan's,
Posey's, (under command of Col. N. H. Harris) and Ram-
seur's Brigades rushed forward and from opposite sides
of the breastworks a bloody struggle continued all day, with
unflinching desperation on either side, fairly filling the
trenches and piling their borders on each side with the slain
and wounded. Posey's Brigade, of Anderson's Corps, a
gallant body of Mississippiarts was led by Col. N. H. Har-
ris and charged under a most deadly fire up to and occu-
pied the works. A destructive enfilade fire from those Fed-
erals who were still in another part of the works, threat-
ened to make their position untenable, but with bulldog

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 169

tenacity they held on, until relieved the next afternoon, re-
pulsing repeated and desperate attempts of the Enemy to
dislodge them.

After the battle. General Anderson received from General
Lee an autograph letter thanking him for the masterly
handling of his Corps and commending his men for their
gallantry. General Anderson published to his Corps the
flattering praise of the Commanding General for their val-
iant deeds but suppressed the just encomium General Lee
had paid to him personally !

Grant's efforts to dislodge Lee in front of Spottsylvania
having totally failed, on May 21st. he continued his move-
ment eastwardly until he struck the railroad and then he
moved southwardly. Lee met this by taking a strong posi-
tion south of the North Anna River and near Hanover
Junction, which he reached by May 22d. In this position
there was heavy cannonading and some active skirmishing,
but no serious assault. On May 27th. it was ascertained
that the Enemy had left Lee's front and was flanking him
on his right. Lee promptly met the movement and on the
next day had the First and Second Corps in line of battle
between the Totopotomy and Chickahominy. On June 1st.
Grant made an attack, driving back Lee's first line, but was
checked by the Confederate second line. Grant then moved
to Cold Harbor, which was as fatal to the hopes of the
Union forces as Manassas, at both of which the Federals
were twice disastrously defeated. At Cold Harbor ended
the Federal "On to Richmond" by any route North of the
James. Grant crossed the James and then commenced the
long and memorable siege of Petersburg, the defence of
which was practically the closing of the Confederacy's noble
struggle for national existence.

June 2nd. Lee's center in the battle of Cold Harbor was
held by Anderson with his own Corps and Hoke's Division,
which was temporarily attached. The line of battle ran

170 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

across the River Road, between New and Old Cold Harbor,
facing Eastward and covering one of the highways to Rich-
mond. The Corps of Breckinridge and Hill extended to the
right as far as the Chickahominy, while the Second Corps,
now under Early, extended the line to the left, covering the
road leading from the Northeast and was strengthened on
its left by Heth's Division of the Third Corps. In the af-
ternoon Early was directed to assail Grant's right, but found
him behind formidable works, but as his ofifer of open bat-
tle was not accepted, he built strong earthworks and spent
the night of June 2nd. therein. Lee's veterans had by this
time become skillful military engineers and of their own
impulse had thrown up lines of defence, abounding in sali-
ents whence heavy guns could send forth searching cross-
fires at short range, against every position of an attacking
enemy. The infantry were well provided with loop holes and
crevices between the logs from which to fire, also at short
range with deliberate aim. Hunger but made them fiercer
combatants and as Grant's great host advanced, it was met
all along the line by such a furious fire from artillery and
infantry, that no body of soldiers, no matter how brave or
determined, could long withstand. Hancock assailed Lee's
right with double line of battle followed by supports. His
daring men rushed forward, captured one of Lee's salients,
which Breckinridge recovered by a prompt fire of artillery,
under which 3,000 of Hancock's men fell upon the field.
The equally bold assault upon Lee's center and left met
with the same fate and within ten minutes the whole front
of Grant's line of assault was shattered and his troops in
dismay, fled to cover. Grant ordered another attack and
his troops refused to move." Describing his share in this
bloody repulse, General Anderson says : "Meanwtime the
Enemy is heavily massed in front of Kershaw's salient.
Generals G. T. Anderson's, Lewis' and Gregg's brigades are
there to support Kershaw. Assault after assault is made

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 171

and each time repulsed with severe loss to the Enemy. At
8 P. M. fourteen had been made and repulsed. At dark a
final and furious assault was made on the right of Hoke,
which was gallantly repulsed."

Grant's aggregate loss between the Rapidan and the
James, up to June 18th. was nearly 65,000 men, more than
the entire strength of Lee's Army. But he received rein-
forcements of 55,000 men which was a greater number than
the whole of the Army of Northern Virginia. Never mind
how many of his men Grant butchered, he was supplied with
more to fill their places. A man lost to the Confederates
could not be replaced. With Grant it was a simple matter
of hammering and killing and with the resources he con-
trolled the end was sure and certain. Was this general-
ship? If Lee could only have maintained his numerical
strength, comparatively small though it was. Grant would
have met more than his match, as he did at Shiloh with
Albert Sidney Johnston. June 5th. Dana states that Grant's
Army was composed of 115,000 fighting men. He had the
opportunity of knowing that. But his supposition as to
Lee's strength was ridiculously erroneous. He must have
judged from the efifect of Lee's Army and his utter impos-
sibility of realizing that so few men could do so much. Lee
at that time in his immediate command had less than 30,000
men, all told !

During this compaign the suffering of the Confederates
was terrible. "The intense heat of the June days in lowland
Virginia, intensified by the clouds of dust raised by every
movement and the want of drinkable water, brought suf-
fering and weariness upon both contending armies. To
these were added for Lee's men the pangs of hunger. A
credible witness, in the Artillery, states that his command
had received but two issues of rations since leaving Han-
over junction ; one of these was three army crackers and a
small slice of pork; two days later, a cracker was issued

172 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

to each soldier. This was all that could be done to give
physical strength to the grim veterans that stood behind the
breastworks they had hurriedly thrown up, to meet Grant's
last effort of reaching Richmond from the North side of the
James."

In spite of all this, the soldier boys of the Confederacy
were bound to have their fun and it was fortunate that they
could, as it largely sustained that magnificent morale which
made them such immortal heroes. When Anderson crossed
the North Anna, he left a part of Kershaw's old Brigade
in a tete-de-pont on the North bank, to protect the crossing
until all were safely on the South side. It was a rather
ticklish position for the detachment and when the time came
for retirement, which was accomplished in the face of a
heavy force, they made a rapid dash for the river, drawing
on them a heavy fire of shot, shell and musketry. '"The
ascent of the long hill on the South side was made under
the heavy fire of the Enemy. When the top was reached, a
stuttering soldier proposed to a comrade to lay down and
let him get behind him. Of course the proposition was de-
clined without thanks. When we re-formed on the top of
the hill, there was quite a number of jokes told. Among
others, the one last stated, Tom Paysinger said, 'Nels, if
I had been there I would have killed myself laughing!
Whereupon the stutterer said, 'T-T-Tom P-P-Paysinger, I
saw a heap of men down there but not one of them laughed !'
During the battle of Spottsylvania an officer who had es-
caped being wounded up to that time, was painfully wound-
ed and being carried to the rear on a stretcher. He was
heard to exclaim : *Oh ! that I had been a good man ! Oh !
that I had listened to my mother !' When he returned re-
stored, many a laugh was had at these expressions. But he
got even with one of his tormentors who was one of the
litter bearers who had carried the officer from the field when
wounded. Once while this young man was cleverly imitat-

FROM THE RAPIDAN TO PETERSBURG 173

ing the words and the tone of the wounded man, he was
suddenly arrested by these words : 'Yes, I remember when
a shell burst pretty close, you forgot me and dropped your
end of the litter.' The laugh was turned."

While the Battle of Spottsylvania was in progress, the
famous Cavalry leader, Gen. J. E. B. Stuart, on May nth
at Yellow Tavern, received a fatal wound and expired the
next day. His loss was a most heavy blow to General Lee
and to the Cause. It is not well known but is true, that after
the death of the dashing Stuart, Gen. Robt. E. Lee of-
fered the command of the Cavalry of the Army of Northern
Virginia to Gen. Richard H. Anderson. General Anderson
gave the flattering offer grave consideration, but very wise-
ly declined the position, for while his service in the old
Army had been exclusively in the Cavalry and therein he
had risen to the rank of Captain, yet his character fitted him
rather better to command infantry than Cavalry. His ca-
reer as an infantry leader in the Confederate Army was so
distinguished as to show his eminent fitness for such a com-
mand, and he wisely decided not to make any change in his
line of service. He suggested to Gen. R. E. Lee to appoint
Gen. Wade Hampton to the position which had been of-
fered him and the brilliant career of General Hampton justi-
fied his recommendation.

CHAPTER XVII.

Campaign after Second Cold Harbor and up to the
Valley Campaign of 1864.

General Anderson, after the second battle of Cold Har-
bor, remained in that vicinity for some little time, resting
his men from the severe fatigues they had endured in the
campaign from the Rapidan down to the James River. The
two battles at Cold Harbor were remarkable in that, in each
the relative positions of the contending Armies were ex-
actly reversed from those occupied by each in the other
battle. In the second battle the Confederates were in the
position occupied by the Federals in the first battle and vice
versa. In both engagements the Confederates had been suc-
cessful, so it could not have been the position which gave
any advantage and the victory in each case could only be
due to the superior skill and gallantry of the Confederates.

On June i6th General Anderson, with Pickett's and
Field's Divisions, was ordered to the South side, crossing
the river at Drewry's Bluff, to meet General Grant's "slid-
ing" movement to the South. The next day they occupied
the line which had been abandoned by General Beauregard,
when he had hastened to Petersburg to resist the Federal
attack. On that day, Kershaw's Division joined General
Anderson, The very next day, however, June i8th, this
splendid Division was rushed to Petersburg, to reinforce the
handful of gallant men who had, by the most devoted hero-

CAMPAIGN AFTER COLD HARBOR 175

ism and daring, succeeded against terrific odds, in holding
the city and repulsing every assault of the Enemy. From
the "History of Kershaw's Brigade" is extracted the fol-
lowing, showing how Kershaw's old South Carolina Bri-
gade and the other parts of Kershaw's Division and Ander-
son's Corps acted in this magnificent and successful defence
of this most important position. (General Kershaw had
been promoted to be Major General and placed in command
of the Division previously commanded by General Mc-
Laws, about the time General Anderson had been promoted
to be Lieut. General and placed in command of Longstreet's
Corps) : "When we reached Petersburg, about sunrise, we
found only Wise's Brigade and several regiments of old
men and boys, hastily gotten together to defend their city,
until the regulars came up. They had been fighting in the
ranks, these graybeards and half-grown boys for three days
and to their credit be it said, 'they weathered the storm'
like their kinsmen in Wise's Brigade and showed as much
courage and endurance as the best Virginians. In the
streets were ladies in every walk of life, some waving ban-
ners and handkerchiefs, some clapping their hands and giv-
ing words of cheer, as the soldiers came by with their swing-
ing step, their clothes looking as if they had just swam the
river. Were the ladies refugeeing — getting out of harm's
way ? Not a bit of it. They looked equally determined and
defiant as their brothers and fathers in ranks — each and all
seemed to envy the soldier his rifle.' Petersburg fully
equalled, if not surpassed, Richmond in the loyalty and de-
votion of her people, especially that of her glorious women."

Hoke's Division, with Hagood's South Carolina Brigade
being a part thereof, had reached Petersburg in advance
of Anderson and gave untold help to Beauregard, enabling
him to hold the city until Lee's Army came up.

"Kershaw's Brigade relieved Wise's Brigade, who were
utterly worn out, taking position on the extreme right, its

176 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

right resting on the Jerusalem plank road and extending to
the left, over the hills and across open fields. Wise had
some hastily constructed works, with rifle pits in front.
These had to be relieved under a heavy fire. As the other
Brigades of the Division came up, they took position on
the left. Before our Division lines were properly adjusted,
Warren's whole Corps made a mad rush upon the works,
now manned by a thin skirmish line and seemed determined
to drive us from our entrenchments by sheer weight of
numbers. But Kershaw displayed no inclination to yield.
After some hours of stubborn fighting and failing to dis-
lodge us, the Enemy withdrew, to strengthen and straighten
their lines and bring them more in harmony with ours.
About four o'clock in the afternoon Meade organized a
strong column of assault. * * * The Artillery was put
in position and a destructive fire was opened upon us by
fifty pieces of the best field artillery. The infantry then
commenced the storming of our works, but Field's Division
had come up and was on the line. General Anderson and
his whole Corps were in position to meet this furious on-
slaught. The battle raged furiously until nightfall, but
with no better results to the Enemy than had attended him
for the last three days — a total repulse at every point !"
"Anderson's Corps, Kershaw's and Field's Divisions of
Lee's Army, with ten thousand under General Beauregard,
making a total of twenty thousand, successfully combatted
Grant's whole Army, estimated by the Federals themselves
as being ninety thousand. These are some figures that
might well be taken into consideration when deeds of
prowess and Southern valor are being summed up." The
gallant Captain Dickert we fear errs in speaking of those
things he did not know of his own knowledge. The whole
of Grant's Army hardly took part in the graphically de-
scribed attack on Petersburg and the numbers of that Army
were even larger than he thinks they were. But most cer-

CAMPAIGN AFTER COLD HARBOR 177

tainly the attacking force greatly outnumbered the brave
men who so nobly defended the lines around Petersburg.

Grant's move on Petersburg was judicious, in fact mas-
terly and but for the character of the instructions he gave
General Smith and the co-operating commanders — at least
so says the historian Swinton — would have been entirely
successful and given such a blow to Lee that he would have
been compelled to evacuate Richmond and change the the-
atre of War to Southwestern Virginia. By the Confeder-
ates this was averted — First by the gallant defence of the
city by the local forces and Wise's Brigade ; second by the
opportune arrival of Hoke's Division, and third by Ander-
son reaching the lines in front of Petersburg in time to de-
feat the culminating and stupendous efforts of the Federals
on the i8th of June. If Anderson had not been there on
the 1 8th of June, Petersburg would surely have been cap-
tured by the strong force with which the Enemy attacked,
and Grant's program would have been carried out, in spite
of the "character of the instructions he gave General Smith
and the co-operating commanders." General Anderson thus
saved Petersburg, saved Richmond and saved the Confed-
eracy !

When Anderson left Beauregard's old line of works,
south of the James, Pickett's Division was extended and
covered by a very thin line, the entire front. On the 15th
June, General Butler advanced from Bermuda Flundred to
attack this line and destroy the Railroad connecting Rich-
mond and Petersburg. But Lee was massing his Army
at Petersburg, so a heavy column happened to be passing in
rear of these lines just at that time, so it was moved up
to the defence of the position and Butler was compelled to
withdraw. War seems to be full of accidents — happy in
this instance, but sometimes disastrous.

While Grant was pressing his attack on Petersburg, he
had men enough to detach Hancock, with a strong force,

178 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

north of the James to attempt a straight move, "on to Rich-
mond." He doubtless counted on Lee's having to leave this
route scantily protected, to meet his pressure upon the lines
at Petersburg. General Anderson was sent to meet and
check this movement. He had, under his command, Ker-
shaw's Division of his own Corps, Heth's Division and
some other troops and with them crossed the James on
July 27th to the North side. General Anderson disposed
his forces to meet the Enemy. On 28th July, he took four
Brigades of his Corps, Conner's, Lane's, Kershaw's and
Wofford's, and attempted to dislodge the Enemy from the
Long Bridge Rioad. Conner's Brigade became engaged,
capturing one piece of artillery and taking some prisoners,
but failed to gain the road. At nightfall. General Ander-
son retired this force to the line at Fussell's Mill. Gen. W.
H. F. Lee, with his Cavalry joined him that night. On the
next day, in the afternoon, Kershaw's and Conner's Bri-
gades were moved down to Darby's and occupied the junc-
tion of the Long Bridge and Darbytown roads. Field's
Division on the same day joined the Corps from the South
side. While there was but little actual fighting, the dis-
positions made by General Anderson accomplished their
objects. On the morning of July 30th it was discovered
that Hancock's movement had been abandoned and he had
retired to the other side of the river.

It is said, by Federal authorities, that Hancock was with-
drawn because Burnside proposed to spring the explosion
of the crater, following which he was to make an attack
and that he demanded the presence of Hancock to assist
him. It is not improbable that Burnside did ask for Han-
cock's return, but it is hardly conceivable that Grant would
have abandoned an important movement to give Burnside
a General whom he had confidence in, when he had in his
Army many equally capable officers and thousands of men,
to have supported Burnside's assault. It is far more likely

CAMPAIGN AFTER COLD HARBOR 179

that instead of finding slightly manned lines, he found Gen-
eral Anderson with a strong force ready to meet Hancock,
and knew that the movement must fail if carried out, and
so changed his plans and recalled Hancodk. Again the
Federal "on to Richmond" had failed and failed because
Fighting Dick Anderson stood in the way. Again within
a very short time General Anderson had saved Richmond.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Valley Campaign. Summer of 1864.

Early in the Summer of 1864, Federal General Hunter,
not of savory reputation with the Confederates, had moved
up the Valley and through Lexington and was headed for
Lynchburg. His conduct in the Valley was exceedingly
cruel and he loaded the people with untold miseries. He
could compare only with General Sheridan in the cruel bur-
dens inflicted upon the loyal — and all were loyal — Confed-
erates whose happy homes bloomed in this garden spot of
Virginia. But in the Federal ranks were many generous
noble soldiers, who would not descend to the depths of in-
famy reached by their leaders. Among such was the noble
and gallant Col. J. L. Schoonmaker, now of Pittsburg, Penn.
In command of two Regiments of Cavalry he led Hunter's
march up the Valley. When he reached Lexington, he en-
tered the buildings of the Virginia Military Institute and
found therein simple college equipment, desks, books, un-
finished problems on the blackboards. There was nothing
warlike or threatening to the safety or interests of the
United States so he saw no reason for destroying the build-
ings. That they had been sanctified by the presence of the
immortal "Stonewall" or that the Cadets had gallantly
shared the fortunes of the Confederacy, to his liberal mind,
was no reason for burning the buildings. Later in the day,
he was visited by a deputation of citizens, who stated that

VALLEY CAMPAIGN OF 1864 181

Stonewall Jackson's grave was marked by several Confed-
erate Battle Flags, as usual, but they had not been placed
there to give offence to the enemy and they asked permis-
sion to remove the flags. Colonel Schoonmaker said, "No,"
and threw a guard around the Cemetery to prevent any in-
terference. At Retreat in the afternoon, when by Army
etiquette all flags are honorably and ceremoniously lowered,
the Colonel took the band of one of his Regiments and a
company from each, marched up to Stonewall Jackson's
grave and with all the honors and formalities of Army cere-
monial lowered the flags from the grave. This touching
tribute to the beloved Jackson was most highly appreciated
by the citizens of the town and won for Colonel Schoon-
maker the love and admiration of the people. But the
Colonel's magnanimity did not please General Hunter ; when
he reached Lexington the next day and learned of the in-
cident, he placed the Colonel under arrest for paying this
tribute to the Arch Rebel (?) Jackson.

To meet Hunter's movement. General Lee sent the Sec-
ond Corps, commanded by Gen. Jubal A. Early, to Lynch-
burg. They met Hunter, attacked him and drove him to
the shelter of the mountains of West Virginia. This opened
the Valley and by direction of General Lee, Early moved
down, crossed the Potomac, and threatened Washington,
Reaching the Suburbs of that city, General Early found,
much to his disappointment, that heavy reinforcements of
Veteran troops from Grant's Army were there to meet him.
They largely outnumbered his force. These he could hard-
ly expect to scare, as he might have done the non-belliger-
ent heroes who were saving the nation in the various bureaus
of the Capital, so he turned his back on Washington and
returned to the Shenandoah Valley, reaching there July
17, 1864. The Enemy of course followed him, but for some
time he held his ground in the lower part of the Valley.

If Early had not been delayed by the battle of Monacacy,

182 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

he probably would have reached Washington in advance
of the two Corps sent via the Potomac from Grant's Army
and then, what? There would not have been adequate
forces to hold the works around Washington, and those
who were there were not hardy veterans, and it is within
the scope of possibilities that he would have captured the
city. And what then? What would have been the effect
on the war? Would it have been favorable to the South
or would it have aroused the North to even greater ef-
forts? All this is of course problematic, but it shows, that
even with inferior numbers, and deficient equipment and
without a Treasury, that the South may have won, by what
may be designated an accident. War is full of chances !

The adventurous, bold, dashing campaign of Early's
brought General Anderson on the scene. Early in August
Lee found it necessary to send him to Culpeper Court
House, east of the Blue Ridge, having with him, Kershaw's
Division of his own Corps, Cutshaw's Battalion of Artil-
lery and two brigides of Cavalry under Gen. Fitzhugh Lee.
The object of this movement was twofold, to threaten the
enemy's flank and rear should he move across the Blue
Ridge into the Valley and to retain the Federals about
Washington in its position for the protection of that City.
The detachment of Early and Anderson, from his main
army, reduced as that was and facing far superior num-
bers, was a bold move on General Lee's part. It certainly
showed the great confidence he had in his forces to pro-
tect Petersburg and Richmond.

General Lee further advised General Anderson : "Any en-
terprise that can be undertaken to injure the enemy, distract
or separate his forces, embarrass his communications on the
Potomac or land, is desirable." The position of Anderson
at Culpeper also protected Early's flank and placed near
him a force for his assistance if needed, as it subsequently
was, and also by threatening Washington did prevent troops

VALLEY CAMPAIGN OF 1864 183

being sent to Grant at Petersburg. Aug. 12th General An-
derson was ordered to move to Sperryville, nearer to Early,
and instructed "to be governed by circumstances" and "to
keep in communication with Early."

The importance of these movements became evident in a
very few days, as Early called on Anderson for assistance
and on i8th August he reached Early with his entire force
and camped near the Opequaw River, entering the Valley
by Front Royal. The next day he moved to Winchester.

General Anderson ranked General Early, but when of-
fered the command by General Early, declined to accept,
but cordially agreed to co-operate with him. Being a true
and broadminded man, he doubtless took this course, as
Early had been in charge of the operations in the Valley,
which he had conducted with brilliant success and it was
hardly just to him to assume command over him, particu-
larly when General Anderson knew he was only with him
temporarily and to assist him. It was most highly com-
mendable on the part of General Anderson, clearly demon-
strating his unsellishness, his consideration for others and
his noble patriotism. As ever, he was ready to do what he
conceived to be for the best interest of the Cause, without
any thought of his personal glory. General Lee surely knew
his character, for he wrote General Early, August 25th : "I
am aware that General Anderson is the ranking officer, but
I apprehend no difficulty on that score. I first intended him
to threaten the Enemy east of the Blue Ridge, so as to re-
tain near Washington a portion of the Enemy's forces. He
crossed the mountains at your suggestion and I think
properly."

Among General Anderson's papers has been found his
copy of a letter to General Lee, describing some of the move-
ments when he first joined Early in the Valley, including the
fight at Front Royal. While not descriptive of any more
important battle, it shows most clearly the daily events of

184 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

an active campaign. Such articles of General Anderson's
show that pre-eminent quality of his character, a modest
shrinkage from any self-praise or vaunting of his works
or accomplished deeds. He tells his story with directness,
brevity and in good strong English, without verbal embel-
lishment. All of the General's letters and reports are in
strong contrast to many on file, often of inconsequential
actors, who state everything they do, and much that they
do not do, with all the personality of a big I.

From Gen. R. H. Anderson to Gen. Robt. E. Lee, dated
Charlestown, Va., Aug. 22^, 1864: "On the isth Inst., learn-
ing that the Enemy was strengthening his Cavalry force at
Cedarville and apprehending that he wished to bar the pas-
sage of the river at Front Royal, I directed a Brigade of
Cavalry, one of Infantry, with a battery of Artillery to
cross and take possession of Guard Hill, the high ground
this side of the North Branch of the Shenandoah. Wick-
ham's Brigade of Cavalry crossed rapidly and took the Hill.
Wofford's Brigade of Infantry, having crossed lower down
(at the junction of the rivers) came upon the heights just
as re-inforcements of the Enemy were arriving from Cedar-
ville and seeing a fair opportunity to attack, he did so by
crossing Crooked Run, about half a mile below the bridge
and advancing into the open high ground lying along the
East side of that stream. Wickham immediately advanced
two regiments of his Cavalry to assist the attack of Wof-
ford, but the enemy's force being much greater than ours
and the ground very favorable for cavalry, our troops were
repulsed and driven back to Guard Hill, the possession of
which we maintained.

"On the following morning the Enemy retired from
Early's front and mine in the direction of Winchester burn-
ing barns and wheat and hay along his track. We followed
immediately and our Cavalry endeavored to overtake the
Enemy or press him so closely as to put a stop to the burn-

VALLEY CAMPAIGN OF 1864 185

ing. They were unsuccessful and the Enemy continued his
retreat and the destruction of property as far as Berry-
ville. Whilst our Cavalry were pursuing that of the Enemy,
Kershaw's Division followed the direct road to Winchester
to be in position to reinforce Early if necessary. It was ex-
pected that the Enemy would make a stand at Winchester,
but his Infantry continued retiring, Early following them
as far as Bunker Hill. His Cavalry halted at Berryville, at
which place it was joined on the 19th Inst, by Wilson's
Division.

"On the 2 1st, having previously received notice from
General Early that he intended to advance, Kershaw's Di-
vision and Cutshaw's Artillery were moved towards Charles-
town by the road through Summit Point. Fitz Lee's Cavalry
was directed against that of the Enemy at Berryville. We
encountered their Cavalry pickets soon after crossing the
Opequon and continued skirmishing with them and drove
them back as far as Summit Point. Fitz Lee found some
difficulty in driving them from Berryville, but succeeded in
doing so towards evening. Early had advanced from Bunker
Hill to the vicinity of Charlestown, skirmishing nearly all
the way. The Enemy still refused to fight and his whole
force retired to Harper's Ferry. I think he has about 25,-
000 men, including Wilson's Cavalry. This is the lowest
estimate. The citizens all agree that it is much the largest
force that has appeared in the Valley. I enclose a memo-
randum which was taken from a prisoner.

"We lost about 300 (mostly prisoners) in the fight at
Front Royal and fifteen or twenty killed and wounded in
the skirmishing between Opequon and this place. Informa-
tion has just been received from General Early that the
Enemy's cavalry, including Averill's, are at Shepherdstown
and Williamsport. Fitz Lee and Loniax will move in the
direction of these places. Consulting solely the best means
of success and believing it not to have been your intention

186 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

that I should supercede Early, I have not assumed com-
mand, but will continue to act in concert with him/'

Among General Anderson's Papers, was also found the
following letter from General Lee. It shows the cordial
and confidential relationship of the Great Lee and one of
his chief Lieutenants. It is interesting to note how gently
General Lee advises General Anderson as to his movements
in general and particularly as to those at Front Royal :

"Hdqrs. Army N. Va.

"29th. Aug., 1864.
"Lieut. Gen. R. H. Anderson,

Comdg.
General.

"Your letter of the 23d is received, and I am gratified
to learn of your operations and their general result.

"I fear that at Front Royal, the Enemy was too strong
for the force you sent against him. I think in all cases it
is the best to employ all our available force without refer-
ence to the weakness of the Enemy. If we have the ad-
vantage of numbers, it renders success more certain and
the loss less. I hope you will always endeavor to bring
your whole force to bear upon the Enemy when practicable,
as in that way alone can superiority of numbers be made
valuable.

"You are correct in your view of the relation I wished
you to bear towards General Early. I only desired you to
co-operate with him, not to assume command. I wish you
to do so as long as you can be of service. If you cannot
accomplish anything where you are and the presence of your
command is not necessary in the Valley, you might co-oper-
ate more effectually by moving into Loudon or Fauquier and
sending a part or the whole of Fitz Lee's Cavalry into Mary-
land, east of the Blue Ridge. I have written to General
Early on this subject and desire you to be governed in your

VALLEY CAMPAIGN OF 1864 187

operations by the situation of affairs and the best inter-
ests of the service.

"Should you find that nothing can be accomplished, and
your presence be unnecessary for the safety of General
Early, you can take your position in Culpepper convenient
to the Rail Road, so that you may move readily to this
place if necessary.

"I desire you to consult with General Early as to your
joint movements and render him all assistance in your
power.

Very Respy

Your obt. Servt.

"R. E. LEE."

General Anderson thought best to remain in the Valley
and with his command took part in the various manoeuvres
in the lower Valley, among them the fight at Berryville, Sept.
3d, when they successfully met and defeated the Enemy.
They also participated in the demonstration against Har-
per's Ferry, supporting General Early's command. Referr-
ing to his support and co-operation, General Early said :
"General Anderson then consented to take my position in
front of Charlestown and amuse the Enemy with Kershaw's
Division of Infantry" and two Brigades of Cavalry, while
he. Early, made a movement against Shepherdstown, North
of Harper's Ferry.

General Lee had been considering the withdrawal of Gen-
eral Anderson from the Valley, as soon as his command
could be spared, leaving it optional with Generals Anderson
and Early to decide when it could be done. Sept. 14th it
was deemed prudent and Anderson moved Kershaw's Di-
vision to Culpeper Court House. Sept. 17th General Lee
wrote General Anderson: "I have been desirous for some
time of recalling you to me, but my unwillingness to dimin-
ish the force in the Valley has prevented — I wish you would.

188 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

with your staff, return here" (Petersburg) "and take com-
mand of the other Division of your Corps and direct Ker-
shaw to report, with his Division to General Early, for the
present."

General Anderson had hardly received the above letter
when a wire came, dated Sept. 20th, from General Lee:
"Remain and report condition of affairs." On the 23d Gen-
eral Lee wired General Anderson : "Early has again met
with a reverse, falling back to New Market. Send Kershaw's
Division with a Battalion of Artillery through Swift Run
Gap to report to him at once. You had best report here in
person with your staff according to previous orders." Gen-
eral Anderson sent Kershaw's Division to Early and re-
ported himself, Sept. 27, 1864, to General Lee at Petersburg.

The official records of Early's Lynchburg and Valley cam-
paigns are, most unfortunately, very meagre. There is no
report of the latter from General Early and very few from
his subordinate commanders, in the War of the Rebellion
Records. Fortunately, Maj. Jed Hotchkiss, of the Engineer
Department and a member of General Early's Staff, was
methodical and had preserved his Diary, which has been
published and from that and other sources General Early,
after the War, was enabled to make a most valued sketch
of the Campaigns. This was also published in 1866 and
styled, most characteristically, "Memoir of the last year of
the War for Independence in the Confederate States of
America." It is particularly valuable as it gives, what Gen-
eral Early alone could give, the reasons for the various
movements. There are no reports however to show how
well General Anderson did his part. The failure of the
Enemy to make any serious advance east of the Blue Ridge
may be fairly attributed to General Anderson's disposi-
tions when at Culpeper Court House. He was ready and
did respond promptly to Early's call for help. He was noble
in his willingness to co-operate with a junior in rank, when

VALLEY CAMPAIGN OF 1864 189

he could have, with miHtary propriety, superseded him.
That Early was successful with all the movements planned
and executed while General Anderson was with him, surely
warrants the inference that his co-operation was as valued,
as it was sincere. Though not taking part in any great bat-
tles during the summer of 1864, yet General Anderson's
services to his country were consonant with his previous
skillful and valorous record.

General Early in his Valley Campaign had a most check-
ered career. During it all, he showed great bravery and
what was more essential in a General, really masterly skill.
His initial operations which drove Hunter out of the Val-
ley, after a triumphal march through its entire length, were
brilliant and creditable. His sweeping down, crossing the
Potomac and marching to within sight of the dome of the
Federal Capitol, was gallant and well executed and aided
General Lee most essentially. His subsequent manoeuvres
in the lower Valley were effective of their objects, well con-
ceived and well executed. But one blot to it all, the
disastrous ending of the Battle of Cedar Creek. For this
he could not be censured, for all of his movements were
skillful and effective and victory rested upon his banners,
when a thoroughly unaccountable panic seized his Army and
they fled ingloriously, in absolute rout from a battlefield
which their intrepid valor had gloriously won. The dis-
aster was caused by the men being demoralized and scat-
tered when plundering the Enemy's camp.

A brave young officer writing of this retreat says with
candor and some humor: "The stampede of Early was un-
called for, unnecessary and disgraceful and I willingly as-
sume my share of the blame and shame. My only title to

fame rests upon my leading the Regiment in the

grandest Stampede of the Southern Army, the greatest
since Waterloo, and I hope to be forgiven for saying with
pardonable pride that I led them remarkably well to the

190 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

rear for a boy of eighteen. A General could not have done
better." This from a soldier with a magnificent record for
gallantry. His feelings then must have been those of a fel-
low soldier to whom he refers in another place in his most
admirable "History of Kershaw's Brigade:" "The way was
full of obstacles and one of the party nearly overcome, sat
with his elbows on his knees and his face in his hands, when
a comrade accosted him :

" 'Hello John, w^hat is the matter with you?'

" 'Oh, I was just thinking,' replied John.

" 'Well, what in the world were you thinking so deeply
about that you were lost to every environment?'

" 'Well, John, to tell you the truth, I was thinking that
I wished I was a woman !'

" 'Wish you was a woman ! Great Scott, John, are you
gone crazy? A brave soldier like you wishing to be a
woman ?'

" 'Now, John, I'll tell you the truth ; if I were a woman
I could just cry as much as I pleased and no one would
think that I was a fool.'

"I felt very much like John. I wished I was a woman
so that I could cry as much as I pleased."

In the same History, the author, Capt. D. Augustus Dick-
ert, further says most touchingly : "We passed the little
towns and villages of the Valley, the ladies coming to their
doors and looking on the retreat in silence. Were we
ashamed? Don't ask the pointed question, gentle reader,
for the soldiers felt as if they could turn and brain every
Federal soldier in the Army, with the butt of his rifle. But
not a reproach, not a murmur from these self-sacrificing
women of the Valley. They were silent but sad. Their
sons and husbands had all given themselves to the service
of their country, while rapine and the torch had already
done its work too thoroughly to fear it now or dread its

VALLEY CAMPAIGN OF 1864 191

consequences. But the presence alone of a foreign foe on
their threshhold was the bitterness of gall."

The men of the South ever have been and ever will be,
as unanimous in paying tribute to the glorious Southern
Womanhood of the War, as they were united and valorous
in their defence. What the chivalrous Captain Dickert says
of the Women of the Valley, applies equally to all the
Women of the Confederacy. Gov. W. A. Cameron, of Vir-
ginia, most beautifully paints her heroic devotion and un-
failing patriotism thus: "She gave the vital spark to the
spirit of endurance. Throughout the years of blood and
agony her patriotism burned clear upon the altars of sacri-
fice. She was an inspiration to the brave, a spur to the lag-
gard, a whip of scorn to the faint-hearted and the unfaith-
ful. She took sorrow to her bosom as a familiar friend,
masking the ache within her heart with a smile more pitiful
than tears. She endured privation without a murmur and
confronted danger without a tremor. She sweetened vic-
tory with her smiles and consecrated defeat with her tears.
To the sick and stricken she was an angel of mercy and of
grace. She was the epitome of all human excellencies — help-
meet, exemplar, inspirer, comforter."

Excuse, dear reader, this divergence to pay a tribute to
the great worth of the Women of the Confederacy. Gen-
eral Anderson certainly knew them and his spirit would say
that a tribute to these Women could never be inopportune.
The fact of the matter is, that if all the Generals, all the
Colonels, all the Captains, all the privates, every man of the
rank and file of the Confederate Army, were for all time to
chant paeans to these immortal Women, they could not
sound one-thousandth part of the praise and honor they so
richly deserve.

CHAPTER XIX.
Siege of Petersburg,

General Anderson returned from the Valley, Sept. 27,
1864, and on the next day, General Lee directed him to
move to the North side of the James River and take com-
mand of the troops and of the line of defence about Chapin's
Bluff, New Market, etc., and to push forward the construc-
tion of the line of works. He was directed to establish head-
quarters at the most convenient point to the lines and re-
port location thereof to Army Headquarters. Division Com-
manders were to report to General Anderson as to matters
of routine, but being nearer the General Commanding were
to report to him on matters appertaining to military opera-
tions. This position General Anderson and the First Corps
held and successfully carried out the duties entrusted to him
and to them.

The latter part of October, General Longstreet returned
and resumed command of the Corps, publishing the follow-
ing order, showing his confidence in General Anderson's
management of his Corps, during his necessary absence :

Headquarters ist Army Corps, A. N. V.
Oct. 19, 1864.
Genl. Orders No. 13.

The undersigned, with deep and grateful emotion re-
sumes command of his Army Corps. Although separated

SIEGE OF PETERSBURG 193

from it since the first action of the past eventful campaign,
the History of your share in that campaign is not unknown
to him. He has marked with pride and pleasure the success
which has attended your heroic efforts under the accom-
plished Lieut. Gen. R. H. Anderson, who has so worthily
led you. Soldiers, let us not go backwards! Let ist Corps
always be true to itself ! We have in the past a brilliant and
unsurpassed record ; let our future eclipse it in our eager-
ness for glory, our love of country, and our determination
to beat the Enemy.

(Signed) J. LONGSTREET,

Lt. General.

General Anderson was now assigned to the command of
the Corps previously commanded by General Beauregard,
composed of Hoke's and B. R. Johnson's Divisions, to which
Pickett's Division was afterwards added. Until near the
end of the defence of Petersburg, he did not command
parts of the lines actively assaulted. He had not command
of that part of the lines affected by the explosion at the
Crater and the subsequent Federal attack, which proved,
for them, so miserable a fiasco; so took no part in that
memorable engagement. He was at Culpeper Court House
when Grant made his first effort to capture the Weldon
Railroad, so was not in that.

After the failure of his positively aggressive movements,
Grant "rested his men" by making them use the intrenching
tool rather than the bayonet. The siege on both sides pro-
gressed slowly, with some few affairs of minor importance,
until the Spring of 1865. Grant, however, was steadily cir-
cling his lines around Lee's right flank, which stretched out
the Confederate lines for forty miles and left Lee with but
one railroad for his supplies. On that line he had 54,000
of the grandest fighters the World had ever seen and con-
fronting him was Grant with 107,000 valiant men.

194 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

During the winter of 1864-5 the Confederates, badly
equipped, wanting the absolute necessaries of life, suffered
untold miseries. Dr. H. A. White, in his Life of General
Lee, says: "Winter poured down its snows and its sleet
upon Lee's shelterless men in the trenches. Some of them
burrowed into the earth. Most of them shivered over the
feeble fires kept burning along the lines. Scanty and thin
were the garments of these heroes. Most of them were clad
in mere rags. Gaunt famine oppressed them every hour.
With dauntless hearts these gaunt-faced men endured the
almost ceaseless fire of Grant's mortar batteries. The frozen
fingers of Lee's Army of Sharpshooters clutched the musket
barrel with an aim so steady that Grant's men scarcely ever
lifted their heads from their bomb proofs."

General Lee's Report to the Secretary of War, Wednes-
day, February 6, 1865, shows officially the desperate and de-
plorable condition of the Army :

"All disposable force of the right wing of the Army has
been operating against the Enemy beyond Hatcher's Run
since Sunday. Yesterday, the most inclement day of the
winter, they had to be retained in line of battle, having been
in the same condition the two previous days and nights. I
regret to be obliged to state that under these circumstances,
heightened by assaults and fire of the enemy, some of the
men have been without meat for three days and all were
sufifering from reduced rations and scant clothing, exposed
to battle, cold, hail and sleet. I have directed Colonel Cole,
Chief Commissary, who reports that he has not a pound
of meat at his disposal, to visit Richmond and see if nothing
can be done. If some change is not made and the Com-
missary department reorganized, I apprehend dire results.
Fitz Lee's and Lomax's divisions are scattered because sup-
plies cannot be transported where their services are re-
quired. I had to bring W. H. F. Lee's division forty miles
Sunday night to get him in position. Taking these facts in

SEIGE OF PETERSBURG 195

connection with the paucity of our numbers, you must not
be surprised if calamity befalls us."

Feby. 6, 1865, two months before the final collapse of
the Confederacy, Gen. Robt. E. Lee was appointed Com-
mander-in-Chief of all the Armies of the Confederacy. His
high sense of patriotic duty and his devotion to the Cause,
alone, induced him to assume this additional load. He met
it like the noble man he was. In his first General order,
after assuming the command he said, in part : "Deeply im-
pressed with the difficulties and responsibilities of the situa-
tion and humbly invoking the guidance of Almighty God, I
rely for success upon the courage and fortitude of the Army,
sustained by the patriotism and firmness of the people ; con-
fident that their united efforts, under the blessing of Heaven,
will secure peace and independence." In his order of Feby.
14th he said of his soldiers, "The choice between War and
abject submission is before them. To such a proposal, brave
men, with arms in their hands can have but one answer.
They cannot barter manhood for peace, nor the right of
self-government for life or property. But justice to them
requires a sterner admonition to those who have abandoned
their comrades in the hour of peril."

The appointment was to General Lee a high and well
merited honor. But conferred too late. If it had been
given a year, or better still, two years earlier, the results of
the struggle may have been altered. But when made, it
was an empty honor, because utterly without opportuni-
ties. Our cause was really in its death throes. Defeat af-
ter defeat had overwhelmed the Confederacy. Lee had been
forcd back from Pennsylvania to Richmond ; Hood's Army
had been practically destroyed at Nashville. Sherman had
made his destructive march through Georgia and was about
starting on his illuminating raid through the Carolinas.
Every port had been closed. The poor depleted Confeder-
acy had nothing — neither sons to defend her nor munitions

196 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

to supply nor food to nourish them ; save a mere handful
of devoted patriots, who in spite of every trial and trouble
still upheld her battle flags. Even the great Lee could not
possibly have accomplished anything. But the great love of
his people for their peerless leader and their knowledge of
conditions, saved him from the slightest censure for fail-
ure. Placing him at the head of all the Armies was the
last forlorn hope of the Government at Richmond, expect-
ing his glorious record in the past to inspire the people. But
the Government leaders should have known that our people
were so completely exhausted that there was nothing for in-
spiration to arouse.

This assignment made Lee the Dictator of the Confed-
eracy. But his mental and moral composition had been
wrongly estimated. In his noble character there was no
material to make a Dictator. Thank God for that! This
last, hopeless, expiring effort was of no avail, nor could it
possibly have been. Even the great and beloved Robt. E.
Lee could not instill life into the wasted corpse of our pa-
triotic hopes.

Among the other expiring efforts of the Coonfederacy to
support itself, it was proposed to put the Slaves in the
Army, giving them their freedom at the conclusion of the
War. On this policy the authorities were moving with
great caution fearing to arouse the opposition of the soldiers
of the Army. It was very doubtful what the effect would
have been on the men in the ranks. They had fought gal-
lantly for high and noble principles and were proud of
having done so. To put on an equality with them an in-
ferior race, whom these men had always looked down upon,
was a very doubtful expedient. The leading Generals
were written to, to learn how the men under them would
look upon the plan. General Anderson, under date Feby.
20, 1865, answered : "The troops under my command ac-
quiesce in the proposed measure of enlisting such slaves as

SEIGE OF PETERSBURG 197

may volunteer to bear arms, in consideration of receiving
their freedom at the close of the War. They are prepared
for this or any other step which Congress and the President
may deem necessary or expedient." They, the fighting boys
of a fighting Army, under fighting Dick Anderson and fight-
ing Bob Lee, were so loyal, so trustful, had such unbounded
confidence in the ruling powers, that they — to continue their
glorious effort for the independence of the Confederacy,
by still fighting, were willing to accept, as the best for them
and their cause, any measure which the Confederate Gov-
ernment thought best to adopt, to save their cause and win
their freedom! These valiant men were the Soldiers of a
Republic and they had placed in authority over them the
Government at Richmond. Their faith in the wisdom and
reliance upon the integrity of the officials of this Govern-
ment was so great, that without question or hesitation they
gladly, patriotically accepted any measure suggested and
would attempt any task set them. It was this spirit which
made the Confederate Army strong enough to hold at bay
for four dismal and dispiriting years, three times their
number of brave, determined men, with resources as un-
limited as their valor was glorious, and with the sympathy
of the World. Where, in the history of the World, can its
parallel be found?

This grave situation was not without some humorous
episodes. Two of General Anderson's Couriers, his first
cousin, W. W. Anderson, and his friend, John Burgess,
conceived the plan of raising a company of negroes, from the
plantations of their people around Statesburg, S. C. The
measure had not been actually decided on by the Govern-
ment, but these two young men thought it wise to take time
by the forelock. So they prepared a formal petition to be
allowed to raise the Company. To do this they would have
to return home and how much the desire for a furlough
stimulated their patriotic wish to serve their country, is not

198 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

shown by any available records. One might risk an opin-
ion. The petition had to be forwarded through General
Anderson, so with a most commendable consideration for
the General's convenience, having access to his tent, they
placed it on top of the pile of papers awaiting the General's
attention. The petition named W. W. Anderson as Cap-
tain and John Burgess as First Lieutenant. Quietly waiting
a few days and hearing nothing from the petition, one of
them slipped into the General's tent to investigate, and alas !
found the petition at the bottom of the pile of papers. To
further kindly assist the General's memory and perhaps to
advance their own interests, it was placed again on top. Day
after day this ruse was kept up without a word from the
General, either of approval or disapproval. He did finally
forward it and it came back approved. But the General,
when he forwarded the paper approved, recommended John
Burgess for Captain and his first cousin, W. W. Ander-
son, for First Lieutenant — thus reversing the order of the
petition, because he did not wish to appear even to be guilty
of nepotism. But as the policy of enlisting the negroes was
never adopted, the gallant and patriotic young soldiers lost
their chances of raising the company.

When Petersburg was first assailed by the Federal forces,
General Anderson and his Corps had rushed to its rescue,
in support of the handful of troops with which General
Beauregard was holding the city and by such timely arrival,
backed by the devotion and bravery of his men, really saved
the city. So all through the defence, after his return from
helping Early in the Valley, he was constantly and success-
fully holding his part of the lines. There were, however,
no serious engagements in which his Corps, as a unit, acted.
He contributed his full share to the prolonged and won-
derful defence of that historic city, made by the Army of
Northern Virginia.

CHAPTER XX.
Last Days of Lee's Army.

Among the Army papers of General Anderson, which
have been preserved, there was found, being in his own
handwriting, the following unofficial Report. It was pre-
pared in response to the following request from Gen. Robt.
E. Lee, dated March 24, 1866: "I hope you will be able to
send me a report of the subsequent operations of the troops
you commanded from November, 1864, to April, 1865, and
from that period to the Surrender of the Army. If you can
give me a correct statement of the number of your effectives
or indeed of the effectives of any Corps, in any battles ; or
in the absence of that, your estimate, to the best of your
knowledge, it will be a great help to me."

This request makes it clear that General Lee was gather-
ing data for history, and that at one time he had intended
to write a history of the Army he so gloriously commanded.
What a loss to true history that his intention was never
consumated. From his knowledge, fairness and great per-
sonal honesty it would have been as near the truth as it
is possible for man to write.

"Account of Operations of Lieutenant General

R. H, Anderson and his Command, From October

19, 1864 to April 8, 1865,

"Upon General Longstreet resuming the command of his
Corps, I was assigned to the command of a corps composed

200 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

of B. R. Johnson's and Hoke's Divisions. Hoke's Division
was detached in Nortli Carolina and never joined me. John-
son's Division and a small body of reserves under Colonel

Archer constituted my command during the winter of 1864
and 1865. Johnson's Division numbered about five thou-
sand and Archer's battalion about two hundred and fifty
effective men when I took command of them. These troops
were posted in the trenches around Petersburg from Lieu-
tenants Run to the Appomattox.

'Tn the early part of the winter efforts were made to
strengthen the fortifications and construct good bomb proof
shelters for the troops all along the line, but the scarcity of
timber, the broken down condition of the teams and over-
tasked capacity of the Railroad all conspired to interpose
such insuperable difficulties that this design was greatly
nodified and finally altogether abandoned, our means of
transportation barely sufficing, after cold weather set in, to
keep up a scant supply of fuel and forage. The troops suf-
fered greatly throughout the unusually severe and protract-
ed winter from want of fuel, clothing, and provisions, and
were subjected to an incessant fire from the enemy. The
daily casualties were seldom less than five and frequently
amounted to ten or fifteen. Under all the harassing cir-
cumstances the troops generally presei*ved a spirit of great
fortitude and cheerfulness, but there were many who yielded
to the inducements to desert, which were frequently and
temptingly disseminated amongst them by the enemy. And
thus with the daily casualties and desertions my command
never increased much beyond its strength when I first
joined it.

By the return of the extra duty men and the arrival of
some conscripts the Division at one time approximated six
thousand men, but did not long retain that strength, whilst
Archer's battalion gradually dwindled away to a mere squad.

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 201

"There were but few incidents worthy of note during the
winter. Toward the end of October a body of the enemy,
taking advantage of a dark rainy night and replying to our
sentinels that they were relieved pickets returning, got into
a part of the works, but were driven out as soon as their
real character was discovered. The two lines of works
were very near at the point at which they entered (a few
hundred yards to the left of the 'Crater'), and after this
occurrence it was attempted at night to drive the enemy
out of his rifle pits and possess ourselves of them. Our
troops got possession of the pits and held them until day-
light, but were then forced to relinquish them and retire
to their own works. Deficiency of intrenching tools was the
cause of their being compelled to give up the pits.

"A few days after this occurrence the Division and the
whole country sustained a heavy loss in the death of Brig.
Gen'l. Gracie. This most indefatigable and brave officer,
whilst superintending some work on his line, incautiously
exposed himself and was killed. Several others who com-
posed a group around him were killed or wounded by the
same shell.

"Johnson's Division went into the trenches on the 15th
of June, 1864, and had been subjected to all the annoying
and depressing circumstances of close siege for nearly nine
consecutive months when the Commanding General deemed
it expedient to relieve them for the purposes of instruction,
exercise and the re-establishment of their health and
strength. Accordingly in the early part of March the Di-
vision was withdrawn from the trenches and posted on the
extreme right of the lines near Burgess's Mill. The com-
mand of all that portion of the lines being at the same time
conferred upon myself. The strength of the Division was
at this time, if my memory serves me correctly, six thou-
sand effective men. Diligent use was made of the short

202 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

space of time intervening between the transfer of the troops
and the commencement of active operations to prepare them
for the campaign. It had been hoped and expected that the
change would have had some effect in reducing desertion,
but it had not. Desertion was not checked and this caused
a daily drain from our strength.

"The depressed and destitute condition of the soldiers'
families was one of the prime causes of desertion, but the
chief and prevailing cause was a conviction amongst them
that our cause was hopeless and that further sacrifices were
useless.

"It was within the capabilities of the meanest soldier and
most unreflecting to calculate the chances of a further prose-
cution of the war and to perceive how immensely the odds
were against us. Our army (from what causes it is useless
to inquire), had received no accession of strength and was
in all points weaker than vv'hen it had marched the year
before to the battle of the Wilderness. That of the enemy
was much more powerful than it had been and his number,
his equipage, his transportation and his munitions were os-
tensibly exhibited to our half starved, poorly equipped and
depleted ranks, and disheartened and discouraged, they en-
tered upon the campaign of 1865 with but little of the spirit
of former days.

"On the 25th of March two brigades of Johnson's Di-
vision (Ransom's and Wallace's), under command of Gen-
eral Ransom, were detached to form a part of the force
with which it was designed to make an attack upon Hare's
Hill. They participated in the attack and were at first
successful, but were finally driven badk with heavy loss in
killed, wounded and prisoners. I think the loss was above
twelve hundred in the two brigades."

At a conference between President Davis and General
Lee, early in March, 1865, it was decided that General Lee
should march his army to Danville and there uniting with

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 203

General Johnston's Army, give battle in North Carolina to
Sherman, before Grant could reach him, and then turn on
Grant. This meant a retirement from Petersburg. General
Lee intended to move by the Cox Road, which however ran
so near the Federal left as to have probably defeated the
movement. To force the Enemy to withdraw from this
threatening position, General Lee determined on an attack
on Grant's center. Fort Steadman, on Hare's Hill, was
selected as the point of attack, and Gen. Jno. B. Gordon,
then commanding the Second Corps, was entrusted with the
execution of the assault. Ransom's and Wallace's Brigades
of Anderson's Corps were sent to assist and took a gallant
part in the actual assault. Fort Steadman was surprised
and captured, together with Batteries Nine Run and Eleven
on its flanks. The supporting columns, however, did not
support, so Gordon's men, who had made the captures,
found themselves not only subject to a terrible Artillery
fire, but an infantry attack from the Ninth Federal Corps.
This forced the Confederates back with heavy loss. Ran-
som's and Wallace's Brigades, lost, as said by General An-
derson, about 1,200 men, probably one-half of the number
they carried into the battle.

The failure of this assault required some adjustment of
the lines and changes of position of the Divisions and
Corps. General Anderson's Corps was sent to the right of
the line, and he placed in command of that part of the
line. Hoke's Division being on detached service in North
Carolina, it left only Gen. B. R. Johnston's Division as the
infantry of his command. "Immediately after, the enemy
felt our entire line by a strong line of skirmishes and got
possession for a while of a part of the line occupied by
Moody's (formerly Grade's) Brigade. The line was soon
recovered, but not without considerable loss.

"Several days passed in this way — the enemy frequently

204 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

feeling our lines, evidently under the impression that we
were about to retire from them.

"On the 29th of March the enemy moved a strong force
across Hatcher's Run and drove in our pickets, possessing
himself of the Quaker Road and Plank Road. I attacked
him at once with Wise's and Wallace's Brigades, but could
not drive him back, and recalled the troops to the trenches.

"On the 30th General Pickett joined me with his Di-
vision, but a few hours afterwards he was detached with
three of the brigades of his Division and two of Johnson's
Division (Ransom's and Wallace's), to unite with and sup-
port Fitz Lee's Cavalry at Five Forks.

"On the 31st another attempt was made to force the enemy
back — but failed to accomplish the aim."

General Anderson thus very briefly states, what was a
very brilliant affair, reflecting the greater credit upon the
Confederate forces, under General Anderson, engaged and
also upon that part of the Fifth (Warren's) Federal Corps,
commanded by Gen. J. L. Chamberlain, whose splendid
work, ultimately saved the day for the Federals. Wise's,
Grade's and Hunton's Brigades and McGowan's South
Carolina Brigade, were ordered to move out of their
entrenchments, get across the flank of Warren's Corps,
and as General Chamberlain graphically expresses it,
"smash it in." These four Brigades were thrown against
an entire Federal Army Corps and succeeded in driving two
Divisions thereof from the field in utter rout and were
only checked by the determined bravery of the remaining
parts of the Corps, under General Chamberlain. Not over
4,000 Confederates, routing two Divisions of about 9,000
men and part of the remaining Division of 6,500 men !
The Confederates found Warren's Corps preparing for an
attack on them. The average Confederate General and
Private was very much like Judge John C. West, of
Texas, who, in 1863, traveled thousands of miles, from

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 205

Texas to Virginia, to join the Fourth Texas Regiment in
Virginia — "A Texan in search of a fight." So these gal-
lant officers and men of Anderson's were like that Texan,
"In search of a fight," and without awaiting the Enemy's
attack, they charged the Yanks. Four small Brigades,
pitching into a whole Federal Army Corps !

From General Chamberlain's book, "The Passing of the
Armies," we extract the facts but condense the language :
Ayres' Federal Division was advancing, without skirmish-
ers, but in a wedge-like formation, guarding both flanks.
The Confederate assault was sudden and utterly unex-
pected and the blow fell without warning. McGowan's gal-
lant South Carolinians struck the Enemy square on their
left flank. General Hunton, whose Brigade was part of
the Confederate assaulting force, says : "That they were
not expecting to strike the Enemy so soon and that the
attack was not made by the usual order, but that on dis-
covering the Enemy so close, a gallant Lieutenant of his
Brigade sprang in front of the line, waving his sword and
shouting : 'Follow me boys,' whereupon his and all the men
of the three brigades on his right dashed forward to the
charge, overwhelming the Enemy and routing them in
panic." The routed Federals rushed through their second
line, Crawford's Division, carrying the men in like panic,
pressing them until they reached their lines on the Boydtown
Road, where they were reformed behind that part of the
Third line, Griffin's Division, under General Chamberlain,
when the whole Corps was rallied and the Confederate pur-
suit checked. History shows — of course it was not known
then — that Generals Warren and Griffin called upon Gen,
J. L. Chamberlain to save the honor of the Fifth Corps.
Adding to his Brigade, such troops as he could gather. Gen-
eral Chamberlain advanced to the attack and with masterly
skill and the greatest gallantry, drove the Confederates back
to their entrenchments, following them, occupied the White

206 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Oak Road, to the West of the general Confederate Hne.

A most interesting anecdote relating to General Ander-
son, at the time of the White Oak Road Battle, referred to
above, shows one of the many noble qualities which ever
animated him, has been kindly contributed by Maj. J. F.
J. Caldwell, of Newberry, S. C. It is so well told that it is
given verbatim :

*'It is somewhat embarrassing to me to write of the in-
cident which I am about to relate, because I am aware that
I malke myself liable to the charge of vaingloriousness by
those who do not know me ; but I think it my duty to in-
cur that imputation rather than fail to testify to the mag-
nanimity and kindness of a great soldier and excellent
man.

"It occurred in the afternoon of the thirty-first day of
March, 1865, when, after several hours of vigorous bat-
tle, General McGowan, on whose staff I served, sent me
to General Anderson. Our right flank was hard pressed,
and threatened with envelopment, by Warren's third di-
vision, sent in to engage our two brigades which had routed
his other two divisions. General Lee had sent Hunton's
and Wise's brigades to our assistance ; but they took posi-
tions between us and the breastworks, and General Mc-
Gowan's Brigade was 'out in the air.' General McGowan
requested me to request General Anderson to send a bat-
tery of artillery to protect our exposed flank and help us
in resisting the attack in our front. I rode by the shortest
route — through open ground — and of course was exposed
to the fire of the enemy along the line of fight. I found
General Anderson on horseback, in front of the works, and
attended by some of his staff. When I reached them I re-
quested Captain (or Major) Langdon C. Haskell, of that
staff', to introduce me to the General. My recollection is,
that General Anderson did not wait for the completion of
even that very brief ceremony, but interrupted it, exclaim-

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 207

ing, 'I did not think that you could come through that lire
alive. I said to Haskell, "That man will certainly be
killed." '

'T presented General McGowan's request. He responded
that it would have been well to have a battery at the point
indicated, but added, that it would be useless to attempt
now to put one into action there ; and he went on to say :
'Stay here with me. Your brigade will be back here in a
few minutes; and then you can join them.' 'But,' said I,
T must go back, and report to General McGowan.' He re-
joined: T will not consent to your exposure to that fire
again.' 'But,' I protested, 'my duty is all the same. And
the fire is not so very hot after all.' (And I still think
that the danger was not so great as it appeared to him.) He
repeated: 'Stay here with me.' But quickly perceiving my
worry, he said : 'Well, I will let you go, if you promise me
that you will not ride over the open ground, but will take
the somewhat longer route through the woods.' I promised
to do as he wished, and rode back to my post. But, as I
picked my way through the woods, I thought more of the
recent occurrence than of the battle to which I was re-
turning, thinking: 'Here is a second Sir Philip Sidney — a
valiant warrior, a fierce fighter, an officer of next to the
highest rank in our army, who, in the midst of battle and
amid all the cares and responsibilities of his high office, is
of so kind and tender a heart, that he is seriously concerned
for the safety of an officer of low rank, who, until now, was
utterly unknown to him, and had not the least claim to his
consideration.' Richard Heron Anderson was the very
'Flower of Chivalry' ; and he fully exemplified the often
quoted sentiment of Bayard Taylor:

" 'The bravest are the tenderest, —
'The loving are the daring.' "

208 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

"Here is a second Sir Philip Sidney." So Major Cald-
well characterizes Gen. R. H. Anderson. The very same
words used describing an equally tender and humane an-
cestor of the General's, his grandfather, Col. Richard
Anderson, of the Maryland Line of Revolutionary days, who
was wounded at the Battle of Green Swamp (generally
known as the Battle of Camden, S. C), and within twenty-
five miles of "Hill Crest," which afterwards became the
home of his descendants. It is told by Miss Emily Emer-
son Lentz as follows : "A story which rivals in beauty of
Christian feeling, the act of the dying Sir Philip Sidney,
who relinquished a cup of water to the parched lips of a
wounded soldier, is told of Captain Anderson on this occa-
sion. The two officers in their endeavors to resuscitate the
apparently dying Captain Anderson, solicited a draught of
water from a Tory sympathizer residing at a farm not far
from the field of battle. The water was refused by the Tory
and one of the indignant officers was in the act of putting
him to death, when Captain Anderson raised his feeble
voice and declared that he could not allow vengeance to be
slaked in the blood of his fellow countryman except on the
field of battle."

Genl. Richard H. Anderson had inherited the virtues as
well as the name of his noble ancestor. In the two great
Wars which have swept over our country, that of the Revo-
lution and that of the Confederacy, there was in each a
Richard Anderson of the same family, and each won laurels
and fame for chivalric, daring, gallant service.

After the disastrous defeat of Pickett at Five Forks,
Anderson gathered what scattered fragments of the com-
mand possible and with the Brigades he had brought up,
formed the remnants of his once splendid Corps. (Hoke
had been detached for service around Wilmington.) He
was cut off from Petersburg and knew of the evacuation of
the City, and was ordered to retreat Westwardly. He was

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 209

subsequently joined, near Amelia Court House, by General
Ewell, who had left Richmond with Kershaw's and G. W.
C. Lee's Divisions. April 5th General Lee sent him di-
rections how to move. April 6th the Enemy cut into the
line of march and the battle was fought at Sailor's Creek.

In the line of march Pickett's Division, leading Ander-
son's Corps, was ordered to follow close on Mahone's Di-
vision, the rear of Longstreet. But the road being obstruct-
ed with the straggling wagon train, Pickett lost the con-
nection with Mahone. Anderson was followed by Ewell,
while Gordon was bringing up the rear. General Lee's re-
port says : "About midday, immediately after crossing a lit-
tle stream, within about two miles of Sailor's Creek, the
enemy's cavalry made an attack upon a portion of General
Anderson's column, at the point where the wagon train
turned off to the right, causing some delay and confusion
in the train. The Cavalry was soon driven off and G. W. C.
Lee's Division, followed by General Kershaw's, closed upon
Anderson." The trains were turned into a road to the right
and nearer to the river and when Gordon came up he fol-
lowed them and thus escaped the subsequent disaster at
Sailor's Creek. This left Ewell as the rear guard and
Anderson checked by a strong force on his front, which had
occupied the gap between Pickett and Mahone. On con-
sultation between Anderson and Ewell, it was arranged that
Ewell should protect the rear, while Anderson assaulted the
forces in front and endeavored to cut his way through.
While meeting with some partial success at first, the over-
whelming numbers of the Enemy repulsed Anderson, pressed
heavily upon Ewell, overpowering both and capturing or
dispersing both Corps. Among the captured were General
Ewell and all of his Division and Brigade Commanders and
his entire Corps.

Longstreet says, referring to Anderson and Ewell in this
battle: "There was yet a way of escape from the closing

210 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

clutches of the Enemy, by filing to their right and marching
to the rear of the Command at Rice's Station; but they
were true soldiers and decided to fight, even to sacrifice their
Commands if necessary, to break or delay the pursuit until
the trains and rear guard could find safety beyond the High
Bridge." In this battle he says : "The Confederate rear"
(Ewell and Anderson) "was crushed to fragments."

So Anderson's last battle, three days before the final sur-
render of Lee's glorious Army, was a noble and heroic sacri-
fice to save the Army. "Fighting" Dick Anderson, true to
his soubriquet to the last, went down in an ineffable blaze
of refulgent glory, radiating from high duty well done.

The affair at Sailor's Creek on April 6th was speedily
followed on the 9th by the surrender of Lee's glorious
legions, to the superior numbers of General Grant. Num-
bers enabled him to strike the wounded Eagle, in front
and in rear, on the right flank and on the left flank.
With broken wings the bird of freedom bowed its head to
receive the shackles of its conqueror.

General Anderson recounts these events in his own lan-
guage in his paper from which we have quoted, and in clos-
ing said :

"On the afternoon of the ist of April I received orders
to move with all my remaining force to Church Crossing
near Ford's Depot and give assistance to our Cavalry who
were hard pressed by the enemy — General Pickett having
met with a reverse at Five Forks.

"I arrived with the troops at General Fitz Lee's Head-
quarters near Church Crossing at a little before daylight
but could learn nothing of General Pickett's command. The
enemy had only a strong force of Cavalry in our front, but
ours were in no condition to attack him until men and
horses had some rest, and whilst waiting for them to re-
cruit a little, information was brought that the enemy had
carried our lines at Petersburg and at the same time 1 re-

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 211

ceived orders to retire behind the Appomattox, crossing at
Bevil's Bridge.

"On the 3rd of April skirmished all day with the enemy
and arrived in the vicinity of Bevil's Bridge when General
Pickett and the remnant of his command (only a few hun-
dred men), rejoined me. Brig. Generals Ranson and Wal-
lace of Johnson's Division lost their entire Brigades at
Five Forks. I received orders to move towards Amelia
Court House keeping the south side of the Appomattox and
protecting the wagon trains.

"On the 4th, marched for Amelia Court House, skir-
mished all day, and encamped within four miles of it.
Continued the march on the 5th to and beyond Amelia
Court House, in the direction of Jetersville. The trains
were put upon another road, but had not gone ten miles
from the Court House before they were captured and the
Reserve ordnance and Medical wagons all destroyed.
Marched all night and halted a little before daybreak about
seven miles from Farmville.

"On the 6th continued the march to Farmville, skirmish-
ing continually and greatly impeded by wagon trains which
still blocked up the road. The detention produced by these
causes opened a wide distance between Mahone's Division
of Longstreet's Corps, which I was following, and the lead-
ing troops of my command and the enemy soon interposed
a strong force between me and Longstreet's Corps. At the
same time I received notice from General Gordon that he
was heavil}^ pressed and iu"ging the necessity of pushing
on.

General Ewell, coming up with his reserves, we united
our forces and attempted to drive the enemy off the road,
but the troops seemed to be wholly broken down and dis-
heartened. After a feeble effort to advance they gave way
in confusion and with the exception of one hundred and
fifty or two hundred men the whole of General Ewell's and

212 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

my command were captured. This occurred about five miles
from Farmville (Sailor's Creek). The 7th and 8th were
occupied by myself and such other officers as escaped in
endeavoring to get together the fragments of the command,
but the number above mentioned comprised the whole that
could be found. On the afternoon of the 8th when near
Appomattox Court House I was relieved from duty and di-
rected to repair to my home or any other place that I
might select and report thence to the Secretary of War.

"Part of these orders Providence has permitted me to
execute and part has been suspended indefinitely."

The quiet manner in which General Anderson thus re-
fers to his relief from command shows that he was satis-
fied with the necessity therefor and fully acquiesced in its
propriety.

On April 8, 1865, General Lee had only about 8,000 men
in ranks, though the formal surrender showed 28,356 men
paroled, the diflference being ineffectives and stragglers.
Longstreet's and A. P. Hill's Corps (the latter commanded
by Gen. Jno. B. Gordon), had nearly all of these men who
were in ranks. After Sailor's Creek, Anderson gathered
about 200 of his men and Ewell's, whose Corps had been
captured. There was no Corps left for General Anderson
and so his distinguished services were really unnecessary to
the skeleton of Lee's Army and it was proper that he should
have been relieved. It was a kindness to him, as it allowed
him to escape the surrender and would have saved his valu-
able services to the Confederacy if the end had not come so
soon.

Immediately on being relieved, General Anderson started
to join Gen. Joseph E. Johnston in North Carolina, to oflfer
his assistance to him. But in evading the toils of the Enemy,
who had then almost completely surrounded General Lee,
he had to pursue a very devious course of travel, and be-
fore he reached General Johnston, the surrender of his

LAST DAYS OF LEE'S ARMY 213

Army had taken place. Then he resumed his journey to
his home, relieved of the muUitude of cares and responsi-
bilities which had hung heavily on him for four long years,
all of which he had met as a man, a soldier, a hero, with the
nobility of a pure heart, a firm hand and unstained name.

CHAPTER XXI.

Vindication of Gfnfral Anderson From the Insinua-
tions OF Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, as to the Battle
of Five Forks.

The publicity attending the attempts of Gen. Fitzhugh
Lee, made in his Report of April 22, 1865 (of date after
he ceased to be a Confederate Officer), and in his evidence
at the Warren trial (sixteen years after the War), to im-
plicate and cast the blame of the Confederate failure at
Five Forks, on General Anderson, demands consideration
and requires a defence.

That General Anderson had nothing whatsoever to do
with this Battle is most clearly shown by the fact that in
his report to General Lee, already given, he makes no ref-
erence to the Battle of Five Forks, and only refers to his
command being ordered, after it ivas over, to Church Cross-
ing, near Ford Depot, which was to protect the remnants of
Pickett's and Fitzhugh Lee's commands which had escaped
capture in that disastrous affair. It is, therefore, sure that
he had no part therein, or any instructions which would have
connected him with the battle.

After a splendid career, rising grade by grade, every
promotion won by distinguished skill, he reached next to
the highest rank in the Confederate Army. He had been
loaded with well-merited honors, several times thanked by
General Lee for his services to Lee's Army, enabling it to

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 215

win victory and characterized all through for his aggres-
sive fighting qualities and his unflinching devotion to duty.
But, when the sun of the Confederacy had set forever,
General Anderson's conduct, as to one of the last battles of
the Army, Five Forks, was reflected on — and alas ! by a
comrade who knew him so well. Yes, one who fought
in many a campaign with and under him, has the enviable
distinction of being the only man in the Army of Northern
Virginia Avho ever said an unkind word of or made an
accusation, unjust as it was, against General Anderson.
That comrade, Maj. Genl. Fitzhugh Lee, in a paper which
has, how it is not known, found its way into the Official
Records of the War, attempts insidiously to throw the blame
of his own and Pickett's failure at the battle of Five Forks,
on General Anderson. The "paper" we call it, he calls it a
"Report," was dated ten days after the surrender of the
Army, of which he was an officer, at which date the Army
of Northern Virginia had closed its brilliant career. This
utterly robs it of its official character, but as it contains
invidious and injurious reflections on General Anderson,
it must be noticed, and the character and deeds of General
Anderson proved not open to a breath of censure, which
can easily be done. This is noticed and answered with the
deepest regret for many reasons, among which is the fact
that the accusing party is dead and cannot answer. How-
ever, while Gen. Fitzhugh Lee was alive, one of the lead-
ing figures in that battle exposed Gen. Fitzhugh Lee and
exonerated General Anderson, to which Gen. Fitzhugh Lee
made no reply, so he would hardly care now, were he alive,
to make reply. "De mortuis nil nisi bonum" (of the dead
let nothing be said but what is favorable), and only the
vindication of another and greater dead hero requires that
"De mortuis nil nisi verum" (of the dead let nothing be
said but what is true). Moreover in relating history, the
actors should be treated impersonally, and without restric-

216 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

tion from those finer feelings which govern men in their
social relations.

Gen. Fitz Lee, in that paper, without so stating in a
straightforward manly manner, by the adroit use of lan-
guage, clearly endeavors to create the following impres-
sions : First, That it was General Anderson's duty to have
supported Pickett and Fitz Lee at Five Forks, if such
support had been necessary; second, that he did not move
to give such support until too late; third, that when he
did move he came by a circuituous route, and fourth, that
if he had advanced in time, and by the direct route he would
have struck the rear of the attacking Federal forces and
possibly have changed the result of the battle.

The parts of this paper, which give evidence of Gen.
Fitz Lee desiring to create this impression are as follows :

"Report of Major General Fitzhugh Lee, Commanding
Cavalry Corps.

"Richmond, April 22nd, 1865.
"General Robert E. Lee:

"General, I comply with pleasure with the desire ex-
pressed by you to have a report of the last operations of the
Cavalry of your Army and have the honor to submit the
following :

* * * "Everything continued quiet until about 3 P. M.
when a report reached me of a large body of infantry
marching around and menacing our left flank. * * *

"The disastrous halt was made at Five Forks upon the
day of our retrograde movement from Dinwiddie Court
House, on account of the importance of the location as a
point of observation to watch and develop movements then
evidently in contemplation for an attack on our left flank
or upon our line of railroad communication, the importance
of preserving which intact, could not be overestimated.

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 217

* * * I remained in position on Hatcher's Run, near Five
Forks, during the night and was joined by the Cavalry,
which was driven back the previous afternoon and by
Lieut. Gen. Anderson with Wise's and Gracie's Brigades,
who, leaving the position at Burgess' Mill, had marched by
a circuitous route to our relief. Had he advanced up the
direct road it zvould have brought him on the flank and
rear of the infantry forming the enemy's right, zvhich at-
tacked our left at Five Forks, and probably changed the re-
sult of the unequal contact. Whilst Anderson was march-
ing, the Fifth Corps was marching back, and was enabled
to participate in the attack upon our lines the next day
whilst the services of the three infantry Brigades which
General Anderson reinforced us, by too late for use and
the five with Pickett by their absence, increased the dis-
parity between the contending forces upon the next day for
the possession of the lines circumvallating Petersburg." * * *

(The General is rather off in his deductions, for the
Fifth Corps, Warren's, is not recorded as taking part in
the assaults on Petersburg on April 2nd, and so the ab-
sence of the eight Brigades referred to, did not alter re-
sults.)

Fighting Dick Anderson, charged with not wanting to
fight and with neglect of duty ! A most cursory review of
his character and of his entire military career would prove
the utter falseness of such charges, even without going into
any details regarding the battle of Five Forks ! General
Anderson doubtless had faults — no man is without them — •
not excepting the great Apostle Paul — but he was a devotee
to duty, to duty at all hazards, to duty, if life itself was
the penalty.

Five Forks was a strategic position covering the ap-
proaches from the enemy's left to the South Side Railroad,
the only remaining line by which Lee could receive supplies
to support his Army in Petersburg. The enemy had grad-

218 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

ually worked round on Lee's right flank, until they were
ready to strike and close this last open line for supplies.
Gen. Fitzhugh Lee recognized its importance as shown in
his above cited Report and yet left his command, going two
or three miles to the rear, to enjoy the Rosser Shad Bake.
Grant sent Sheridan's and Warren's Corps, under com-
mand of General Sheridan, to accomplish this work. Lee
dispatched as large a force as his reduced numbers would
allow, Pickett with the Brigades of Stuart, Corse, and Terry
of his Division and those of Ransom and Wallace of B. R.
Johnson's Division, together with all the Cavalry under Fitz-
hugh Lee. General Fitzhugh, in his paper, generally de-
scribes the battle.

Fortunate was it for Gen. Fitz Lee that he had a report
from one of his Division Commanders in that battle or he
could not have described it. The sad truth of the matter
was that neither he nor Pickett were with their commands
when the battle took place. Pickett and Lee had placed
their troops in a good defensive position at Five Forks, and
then they went two or three miles to the rear to enjoy a
"Shad Bake" which General Rosser had prepared, the shad
having been caught by him in the Nottaway River. The
luscious shad and its comcomitants, were so very tempting
that the Generals heeded not the reports of Staff Officers
and Couriers sent by General Munford, urging Gen. Fitz
Lee's presence with his command, nor did it influence Gen-
eral Pickett, who was by the same messengers informed,
first, that his troops were seriously threatened, and after-
wards that they were being attacked. Neither left that lunch
until too late ! It may be very doubtful if the presence of
these General Officers with their commands, would have
changed the results, but their duty was the same. Pickett
only started to go to his command after the Federal Troops,
turning his left, had reached a position between the line and
the place of the "Shad Bake." Fitz Lee never crossed

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 219

Hatcher's Run to join his Cavalry, and only met the rem-
nants thereof when they were driven from the field of battle
to him. (See his Report.)

The following description, based upon information given
Gen. Fitz Hugh Lee after the surrender, fairly narrates
the general story of the battle of Five Forks :

"Everything continued quiet until about 3 P. M. when
reports reached me of a large body of infantry marching
around and menacing our left flank. I ordered Munford
to go in person, ascertain the exact conditions of affairs,
hold his command (he commanded Fitzhugh Lee's Division
of Cavalry), in readiness and if necessary, order it up at
once. (By General Munford's testimony and that of Gen.
Fitzhugh Lee, given at the Warren trial, this took place
about I o'clock, as Gen. Fitz Lee was riding off to the
"Shad Bake.") He soon sent for it, and it reached its
position just in time to receive the attack. A Division of
two small brigades of cavalry was not able to withstand
the attack of a Federal Corps of Infantry and that force
soon crushed in Pickett's left flank, swept it away, and be-
fore Rosser could cross Hatcher's Run the position at the
forks was seized and held and an advance towards the rail-
road made. It (the advance towards the railroad), was
repulsed by Rosser. Pickett was driven rapidly toward
the prolongation of the right of his line of battle by the
combined attacks of this infantry Corps and Sheridan's
Cavalry, maiking a total of over twenty-five thousand (25,-
000) men to which he was opposed with seven thousand
(7,000) confederates of all arms. Our forces were driven
back some miles, the retreat degenerating into a rout, be-
ing followed up principally by the Cavalry, whilst the in-
fantry corps held the position our troops were first driven
from, threatening an advance upon the railroad and para-
lyzing the force of reserve cavalry by necessitating its be-

220 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

ing stationary in an interposing position to check or retard
such ah advance."

While all this was happening at Five Forks where was
General Anderson? Just where his duty called him, and
where General R. E. Lee posted him. He, with the re-
mainder of B. R. Johnson's Division, was at Burgess' Mill,
about four miles east of Five Forks, the extreme right of
the Confederate's Hne around Petersburg. Gen. R. E. Lee
was extremely anxious about his right, so he placed in
charge thereof, one of his most reliable, devoted and skill-
ful officers, Lt. Gen. R. H. Anderson. Such was the situa-
tion at Five Forks and with General Anderson, four miles
distant, at Burgess' Mill.

The general situation being thus presented, one can more
clearly understand the argument refuting the unworthy im-
putation of Gen. Fitz Lee as to General Anderson.

1st. He endeavors to create the impression that it was
General Anderson's duty to have supported Pickett and Fitz
Lee at Five Forks if such support had been necessary.

In General Anderson's paper hereinbefore inserted, giving
account of his service during the final months of the War,
General Anderson not only says not one word of his having
any orders to support Pickett and Lee, but he does not
mention the battle. As the paper is a record of his services
and he makes no mention of Five Forks (until it is over
and he sent to aid the troops defeated thereat), it is evi-
dent that he never conceived that he had anything to do
with that battle. No record of any orders directing him to
give such support can be found in the War of the Rebel-
lion Records, nor is any known to have appeared in any
publication whatsoever, save Fitz Lee's insinuations. As he
had not received any such orders no blame can be attached
to him for not obeying any such hypothetical orders.

But it might be said that being in charge of the right of
the lines of defence, that it was his duty to aid any forces

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 221

in trouble in the vicinity of the right. It is very doubtful
if such would have been his duty, because he could hardly
be justified in withdrawing troops from a part of the line
which had been desperately attacked the day before and
still was in danger of a renewed attack, to voluntarily, on
his own judgment and at his own risks, move to assist in a
battle four miles distant. If, however, he should have done
so, he could not properly act until notified of the necessity
for his support. Gen. Fitz Lee commanded all the Cavalry
of the Army. He was then operating to the right of Lee's
Army. They, the Cavalry, were the eyes and ears of that
Army. Their duty was to have advised General Anderson
if his assistance was required. That Gen. Fitzhugh Lee
did not notify General Anderson is evident, primarily and
conclusively from General Anderson's paper; and then be-
cause Gen. Fitz Lee does not even claim to have sent to
General Anderson asking his support, and could not have
sent any such message, as his time and thoughts were fully
engrossed in that Rosser "Shad Bake." Further, his opin-
ion (proved sadly erroneous by subsequent developments)
of the reported Federal movements against his command at
Five Forks, was as he said that they were not serious enough
to cause him to forsake the Shad Bake to discharge his
duty. So, if he did not feel called upon to do that, he
could hardly have considered that a necessity had arisen
which required the co-operation of General Anderson. Fitz-
high Lee's not leaving the Shad Bake shows that he did
not think that there was any necessity for help, and if he
did feel that help was required, he certainly did not give
General Anderson notice. Or — we hesitate, in fact we de-
cline to characterize Gen. Fitzhugh Lee's action — if he
thought he needed Anderson's support and yet would not
abandon the Shad Bake and join his own men, who were
gallantly and desperately battling with a superior force of
the enemy.

222 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Then General Anderson, when he did move, after the de-
feat of Pickett and Lee at Five Forks, did so under orders
received about 5 145 P. M., to Church Crossing, and not to
Five Forks. Consider this carefully. He was ordered to go
to Church Crossing-. His troops moved at 6 :30 P. M. Gen.
B. R. Johnson in his report says : "At 4 P. M. heavy firing
was heard in the vicinity of Five Forks. At 5 :45 I received
orders from Lt. Gen. Anderson to move with Wise's and
Moody's and Hunton's Brigades to Church Crossing,
on the South Side Railroad, and at 6 :30 P. M. was in
motion. At 2 A. M. on the 2nd April we arrived at the
Crossing." Anderson, as ordered, moved to Church Cross-
ing, not to Five Forks. The only movement he was ordered
to miake was not one to support the battle at Five Forks.

There was but one man in the Army who had authority to
order General Anderson, the Commander in Chief, General
Lee. The hour at which the order was received from him,
being after the defeat at Five Forks, and he being directed
to march to Church Crossing, clearly shows that his move-
hient was to protect the routed troops driven from Five
Forks, and not to support them at Five Forks, where they
were attacked.

It is not impossible that either General Pickett or Fitz-
hugh Lee, or perhaps both, had been directed by Gen. R. E.
Lee to call on General Anderson, if his co-operation was
needed. If so, their absence from their commands and
presence at the Rosser Shad Bake, prevented their knowing
of their personal knowledge, of the necessity of such sup-
port, or of the importance of their calling for the same.
That they did not heed the warnings sent by General Mun-
ford, shows that they did not appreciate the danger or the
necessity for General Anderson's support, and hence could
not have sent to General Anderson asking therefor.

So there cannot attach one iota of blame to General An-

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 223

derson for his not moving to Five Forks to support the
troops there.

2nd. Fitz Lee charges that General Anderson did not
move to give such support until too late.

General Anderson could not move, giving up the defence
of that part of the lines around Petersburg to the com-
mand of which he had been assigned, until, either urgently
called for and even then he would have had to assume the
responsibility— or until ordered. He was never called, and
when he was ordered it was after the Confederates had been
routed at Five Forks, and even then not to give them sup-
port on the battlefield, but to go to the Church Crossing, in
which direction they were supposed to have been driven.
He had no call of duty or orders to go to Five Forks and
never even moved towards that point. Fie could not have
been "too late" to aid at Five Forks, when never ordered to
go there, nor attempted to do so.

3rd. He charges that when General Anderson did move,
he came by a circuituous route. If he had been ordered or
had moved to support Pickett and Fitzhugh Lee, at Five
Forks, he certainly took a circuituous route to reach that
point. But he was ordered to Church Crossing, on the
South Side Railroad, and did move straight to that point,
where he found Gen. Fitzhugh Lee when he arrived before
daylight the next morning. Doubtless Fitz Lee was mighty
glad to see him that morning. So the "circuituous route"
is a myth.

4th. He says that if Anderson had advanced in time, and
by the direct route he would have struck the rear of the
Federal forces and possibly changed the results of the battle.

It has been shown that Anderson had no orders nor
calls of any kind to make such movement. But if he had
. been inspired by some good spirit to have made the move
and at the exactly right time, what would have been the re-
sult? If General Anderson, with three small brigades, prob-

224 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

ably not over three thousand men, had so attacked, Sheridan
could easily have spared a strong enough force from his
27,000 men, who were engaged with only 7,000 Confeder-
ates, to have ' easily repulsed an attack made even by the
skillful and valorous "Fighting Dick Anderson."

At the trial of Gen. G. K. Warren, General Sheridan tes-
titied that if the force of Anderson had been thrown against
him, that Pickett would probably have taken him to Libby
Prison with four thousand of his men, instead of his cap-
turing numbers of Pickett's. Gen. Fitzhugh Lee makes a
similar statement when he said: "Had he (Anderson) ad-
vanced up the direct road it would have brought him on the
flank and rear of the infantry forming the enemy's right,
Vv'hich attacked our left at Five Forks, and probably changed
the result of the unequal contest." The remarkable concur-
rence of the testimony of Federal General Sheridan and
Confederate Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, sixteen years after the
occurrence of the event, can only be accounted for by their
having had a full and free conference regarding the battle,
before Sheridan gave his testimony. Evidently Fitzhugh
Lee had impressed General Sheridan by the version of the
Confederate movements on that occasion, which he wished
to perpetuate, and for which it is not unlikely that his pa-
per of April 23d was prepared. General Sheridan, unless
deceived as to the strength of General Anderson's command,
should have known that he could easily have spared the
troops to repulse such supposititous attack from General
Anderson. Sheridan, unfortunately and unjustly had very
little confidence in General Warren, commanding the Fed-
eral Infantry, serving with him. This may have led him,
however, to believe that a feeble attack on the rear of War-
ren's Corps would have demoralized it to such an extent
as to prevent 27,000 men from defeating 7,000. But it is
more probable that he was influenced by Gen. Fitz Lee's
account, Fitz Lee, it is sad to relate, did know that if any

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 225

order was given by Gen. R. E. Lee, through him, to be
transmuted to General Anderson to support the troops at
Five Forks, that it was never delivered. He also is pre-
sumed to have known that Anderson could not have moved
by the "direct road," the White Oak Road, because about
1 o'clock it was occvipied by McKenzie's Division of Fed-
eral Cavalry, and soon after, about 4 o'clock by Warren's
Corps. Neither of whom Anderson would have been likely
to be able to defeat. As before shown, Fitzhugh Lee knew
nothing, from his own experience, of the battle, being en-
gaged in the enjoyment of the luscious "Shad Bake." He
was guarding his throat from the feathery shad bones, and
not guarding the great Lee against the disaster which the
failure at Five Forks brought upon the Army of Northern
Virginia.

The problematically hopeful movement of General An-
derson, which he was never directed or called upon |;o make,
only existed in the brain of the distinguished Cavalry
Leader.

Thus we have clearly shown that General Anderson was
wrongly blamed by Gen. Fitzhugh Lee ; that he had nothing
to do with Five Forks, his assistance was never asked, nor
did his duty require it. General Anderson, when the battle
of Five Forks was being waged, four miles distant, was at
his assigned post of duty, doing his full duty, and doing it
well and properly.

Evidence as to Generals Pickett and Fitzhugh Lee's Absence

From Their Commands at the Battle of Five Forks and

Attendance at General Rosser's Shad Bake.

The following evidence shows :

That Generals Pickett and Fitz Lee, having placed their
commands in a strong position, left their troops, between
12 and I o'clock April i, 1865.

That they crossed Hatcher's Run and went to Gen. T. L.

226 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Rosser's Headquarters, some two or three miles in rear of
the line of battle.

That they went there, on invitation of General Rosser,
to partake of a Shad Bake.

That they, while there, were advised of the advance and
actual formation for attack of the enemy and did not then
rejoin their commands.

That after Pickett's troops had been defeated, about 5
o'clock at the earliest, he rejoined what was left if his Di-
vision, with much personal gallantry, exhibited in doing so,
and then was driven from the tield with them. That Fitz-
hugh Lee never crossed Hatcher's Run to join his Cavalry,
but that parts of his force were driven back to him.

That at least four hours was given by General Pickett
and Fitz Lee to the enjoyment of this Shad Bake, when the
fate of General Lee's Army rested upon the troops under
their command and direction.

From General Munford's unpublished Sketch of the Battle
of Five Forks:

"Very near i o'clock, while we were eating dinner, a
courier came with information to me of the stir on our
left with General Robert's pickets. Feeling the importance
of the information, I at once rode to Gen. Fitzhugh Lee's
headquarters. I found him mounted and on the point of
leaving. I handed him the duplicate sent me by the Adju-
tant of the Eighth Cavalry. He read it and said, 'Munford,
I wish you would go on in person and see what this means,
and if necessary, order up your division.' I started in a
few minutes, taking with me Capt. Harry Lee, and several
couriers, and as I was going to the front" (South or East)
"Gen. Fitz Lee and Gen. Pickett passed going North to-
wards the crossing of Hatcher's Run. * * * j found that
Roberts had been pushed from the White Oak Road and
that it was held by McKenzie's Federal Cavalry, east of us.
Within the next few minutes I discovered the Fifth (Fed-

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 227

eral) Corps forming. I instantly dispatched to General Fitz
Lee and to General Pickett, giving them this information,
and ordered my division to move to that point as quickly as
they could come through the woods over a very narrow
road. I sent Capt. Henry Lee, of my staff, a brother of
Gen. Fitz Lee, to bring up my men and to tell Gen. Pickett
and Gen. Fitz Lee what he personally had seen. He rode
the whole of the line of battle hoping to meet Gen. Pickett —
not being able to find General Pickett, he notified his staff
officers. Meanwhile I dispatched several other couriers, re-
peating this information and urging General Pickett and
General Fitzhugh Lee to come in person to the front, but
unfortunately the two Generals had gone to Rosser's head-
quarters, two miles oft". I will introduce, at the proper time
two letters from General Rosser, one published by him in
the Philadelphia Weekly Times, and the other written to
an officer of the Federal Army in good standing, which ex-
plains the cause and the effect of the absence of these offi-
cers from their commands :" * * *

"When I arrived at the Ford Road, having surmounted
the obstacles mentioned, and being still vigorously pressed
by Crawford, I met Gen. Geo. E. Pickett coming from the
wagon train. It was not far from Hatcher's Run. He gal-
loped up to me, and looking at the Federals asked, 'What
troops are those?' adding the very next moment, 'Do hold
them back till I pass to go to Five Forks.' " Which Gen-
eral Munford did. "Meantime General Pickett having
thrown himself forward upon his horse and leaning to the
right side, ran the gauntlet, under a hot fire for several hun-
dred yards, and dashed towards his broken lines. I did not
look at my watch but the attack was begun after 4 o'clock,
and we had been fighting and skirmishing over a rough
country for full two miles by actual measurement. The long
shadows were very perceptible as the sun was not far above
the tops of the trees."

228 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

From the testimony in the trial of Gen. G. K. Warren,
of the Federal Army, sixteen years after the War, the fol-
lowing testimony is taken :

Published records of said trial are in the Confederate
Museum at Richmond, Va.

Gen. Fitzhugh Lee: I personally remained in front from
nine until twelve o'clock. Everything being quiet I left
the line and rode down the road to the crossing of Hatcher's
Run to see General Pickett. I found him on the other side
of Hatcher's Run. He had ridden back to give some di-
rections about wagons (see Rosser letter). After talking
with him a little while I passed on still further down the
road, North, toward the Church road where our wagons
were, to see General Rosser in reference to ammunition and
rations for his command.

Question : Were you still North of Hatcher's Run when
you first heard firing? Answer: I was with General Rosser
north of Hatcher's Run, and I think that is one of the in-
cidents of the contest so far as I was personally concerned,
for as soon as I got information of the attack on the left"
(he must have referred to the attack which crushed Pick-
ett's left and not the preliminary advance, as he was ad-
vised of hours before by General Munford), "I immediate-
ly mounted my horse and before I could get to where the
road crosses Hatcher's Run to go to Dinwiddie Court House,
from my position North of it, I found that the road was
in possession of the enemy's infantry. I saw the infantry
myself. I rode up and was shot at. I rode back and moved
General Rosser's command up and attempted to force the
division across and was repulsed." Question: Was that
the spot where General Pickett crossed at that joint just
before? Answer: As I came galloping up the road, I saw
him crossing — I saw him throw himself down on his horse.
I heard the firing and knew that he was being shot at.
Question : He was lying down on his horse so as to protect

GEN. ANDERSON VINDICATED 229

himself from the fire? Answer: Yes. Question: Can you
fix the time when the Federal infantry got possession of
the Ford on that day ? Answer : I can only fix it in this
way : My report, written three weeks afterwards, stated that
the main attack began at 3 o'clock. I understood that there
was an hour and a half or two liours fighting on our left
before the road was reached. That would make it about
half past four or five."

Gen. Fitz Lee was then asked to state the hour the attack
began at Five Forks. His reply was: "I will answer that
question by simply stating it will be recollected that the
hour 3 P. M. was stated in my official report that I made
to Gen. Robert E. Lee three weeks after the occurrence.
I believe that was the particular hour from my conversa-
tion with those officers of my command who were upon the
left. Question : From reports made to you by your sub-
ordinate Commanders ? Answer : Yes. General Munford,
whom you examined will probably be able to give you a
more accurate answer than I can as to that."

He was not on the battlefield and personally knew noth-
ing except what he learned from others !

Extracts from Letters of Gen. T. L. Rosser

From his letter published in the Philadelphia Weekly
Times, April 5, 1895:

"I found Pickett at Five Forks and as the country was
too heavily wooded for the operations of Cavalry, I asked
permission to move back about a mile to his rear, on the
other side of Hatcher's Run and remove saddles and feed.
I had brought some excellent fresh shad from the Nottoway
River with me, and I invited General Pickett to go back
and lunch with me— he promised to be with me in an hour.
He and Fitz Lee came back to me. While we were at
lunch, Couriers came back from officers in command of the
pickets on the White Oak Road and other parallel roads,

230 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

reporting the advance of the enemy. Some time was spent
over the lunch, during which no firing was heard." (They
were three miles from where the fight began.) "And we
concluded that the enemy was not in much of a hurry to
find us at Five Forks. A courier sent to the Five Forks
from us, was fired at over the creek and came galloping
back — reporting the enemy were in the road in front of us
and in rear of our position at Five Forks. General Pickett
made an efifort to join his command. He came riding back
in a great hurry and called for the Dinwiddle Troops as
guide and rode off with them, but I think his troops were
routed before he reached them. The battle of Five Forks
was of short duration, but quite used up that portion of the
Army engaged. It seems to have been a surprise to General
Pickett. One would have supposed that he would have been
on the alert in the presence of the enemy he had been so
recently fighting."

Extract from his letter to Capt. A. S. Peckham, Washing-
ton, D. C:

"The day I spent on the Nottaway River I caught quite
a lot of very fine shad by dragging a borrowed seine, and
having them along with me in my ambulance, I invited Fitz
Lee and Pickett back to a Shad Bake. While we were en-
joying a most delightful meal the pickets reported the ad-
vance of the enemy on all the roads I was picketing. These
reports were made to Pickett and to Lee, and as the position
at Five Forks was considered well chosen and strong, but
little attention was given to the enemy's advance. * * *
Fitz Lee remained with me, about Sunset Pickett returned
and asked for the entire Dinwiddle Troop and again left
me, and I saw nothing more of him."

CHAPTER XXII.

The Confederacy's Chances of Success.

The question may now be asked : "If the Southern Con-
federacy ever had a reasonable chance of success !" It is
due to the patriots of the Confederacy to say, that the noble
and natural feelings which impelled them to resistance to
coercion, their scorn at the mere thought of yielding them-
selves to the oppression of an enemy, their devoted deter-
mination to defend their rights, banished from their minds
even the consideration of the material chances of success.
They were sure they were right and that they were justified
by the laws of God and of man, so they never halted to
weigh the hazard. So firmly were they convinced of the
justice and rightfulness of their cause, that they believed
that their antagonists must acknowledge it. State Sovereign-
ty and the consequent absolute right of Secession, was so
fixed in the belief of the people of the South, that they
could not conceive that it would be doubted by any, par-
ticularly by those States which in the past had several times
threatened a like course for themselves. Many thought
that "Secession was a peaceable remedy," which v;ould be
readily acknowledged by all the States which remained in
the Union. An honorable statesman and leader, voicing
this sentiment, said : "that he would drink all the blood
which would be spilled." How little these knew of the pur-
poses and objects of the Radical Party, which had placed

232 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Abraham Lincoln at the head of the Federal Government!
When the war ensued, the Confederates were still hopeful
and confident ; they felt that Right must prevail. They
had yet to learn the sad lesson, that "Providence was on
the side of strong Battalions."

They had, however, a few chances of success :

First, if the Union Rout at Bull Run, had been followed
by a prompt advance on Washington, the Confederacy might
have succeeded. At that time the war sentiment of the
North had not been crystalized, the Confederacy had many
sympathizers among its people, there were many avowedly
opposed to coercion, and many who conceded the legality
of secession. An invasion and the capture of the Capital
would probably have caused a cessation of the war. Whether
or not such movement was practicable need not be consid-
ered. But it is highly probable that if the Confederate Army
in Virginia had been commanded by the aggressive, fig-hting
Robert E. Lee, rather than the more cautious Joseph E.
Johnson and Beauregard, that it would have been attempted.

Second, there would have been a reasonable prospect of
success, if the Confederates had been able to continue a ht-
tle longer, the succession of glorious victories they had
achieved up to Chancellorsville. Such would have had so
depressing an effect on the Northern people as to have
broken their confidence in their leaders and demoralized
their finances.

Third, there would have been another reasonable pros-
pect of success if Gen. Albert Sidney Johnson had not been
mortally wounded at Shiloh? If he had lived, that battle
would most surely have culminated in a decisive Confederate
victory and thus have totally eclipsed Gen. U. S. Grant.
Then he never would have been entrusted with the command
of the Federal Army in Virginia. He was the only general
who handled the Union Army in Virginia so as to overcome
the veterans of Lee's Army. He saved the Union.

CHANCES OF SUCCESS 233

Fourth, there was always a sHm chance of success, min-
gled, to be sure, with a fond hope, that the Southern Con-
federacy would have been recognized by Great Britain and
France. With their moral backing and commercial as-
sistance, even without military help, the Southern Confed-
eracy would have succeeded in establishing its independence.
Napoleon was favorable, but Great Britain withheld her
approval. It does seem strange that Great Britain so de-
cided. She had everything to gain and little to lose. She
could have by such alliance have won the South's cotton,
and a large market for her manufactures. Her interest
certainly seemed to point to the immense advantage she
would have gained by her recognition of the Southern Con-
federacy. Why was it not given? Because of the preju-
dices and passions of many of her people against slavery.
That part of her people who would have gained the greatest
benefit was opposed by this misleading sentiment. The
South's friends were the Tory Party, and its enemies the
Liberal Party, which embraced the manufacturing and com-
mercial classes, who would have been directly benefited.
When the Tory Party, of which Disraeli was the leader,
was in power in 1863, Great Britain was on the point of
recognizing the Confederacy, when some local political meas-
ure was yielded by the Liberals and the vote failed in Par-
liament. The compromise was made, while the voting on the
question of the recognition of the Southern Confederacy was
actually going on, and Disraeli could only defeat it by per-
sonally leaving the Plouse, carrying with him such Tory
members as had not voted. So narrow were the chances of
recognition by Great Britain !

Fifth, there would have been a greater chance of success
if the Southern people had realized that Secession involved
a War of coercion and that it was not to be a peaceable sep-
aration. Then they could have prepared in advance for
the struggle.

234 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Sixth, there never would have been a War if the serfdom
of the African Negroes had been called by any other name
than "Slavery."

This designation was absolutely loathed by all free men,
and brought on the country which supported it, the hatred
and abhorrence of the enlightened world. The humane and
christianized status of the negro in the South was not thor-
oughly known, so it was assumed that the race was bur-
dened with all the wrongs and cruelties attached to known
slavery. As has been shown, the passions aroused by some
of the people of the United States from their utter ignor-
ance of true conditions, made impossible any peaceful set-
tlement of political differences between the sections and
thus brought on the war. This ill-fated epithet also antagon-
ized the more enlightened nations of the world against the
Southern Confederacy.

But all this is mere speculation. Momentous events,
changing the destiny of our country have happened, never
mind what were the "ifs". The South by some unforseen
and accidental chance may have succeeded. Its people be-
lieved they had a right to success and for it struggled most
nobly.

But alas ! the chances were slight with the tremendous
preponderance of numbers and facilities against it, backed
by the sympathy and aid of the world. It did not ! But
might does not make right. The decision of the sword
proved, not that the South was wrong or that its principles
were erroneous, but that the stronger power materially
crushed the weaker. It proved, not that its principles were
false, but that the Southern Confederacy had not the
strength to defend them.

"Might ! sing your triumphant songs !

Each song but sounds a shame.
Go down the world in loud-voiced throngs
To win from the future, fame.

CHANCES OF SUCCESS 235

"Our ballads, bo.rn of tears,

Will track you on your way,
And win the hearts of the future years

For the men who wore the gray.
"All lost ; but by the graves

Where martyred heroes rest.
He wins the most who honor saves —

Success is not the test.

"The world shall yet decide

In truth's clear, far-off light
That the soldiers who wore the gray and died

With Lee, were in the right."

— "Father Ryan."

CHAPTER XXIII.

General Anderson's Commands.

Regiments and Battalions of Infantry which served under
the command of General Richard H. Anderson during the
War, at different times and places :

Alabama: Regiments— 4th, 8tli, 9th, 10th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th,

41st, 43rd, 44th, 47th, 48th, 59th, 60th 15

Battalion— 23rd 1

Arkansas : Regiment — 3rd 1

Florida: Regiments — 1st, 2nd, 5th, 8th 4

Georgia: Regiments— 2nd, 3rd, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th,
ISth, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 27th,
28th, 48th, SOth 51st, 53rd, 59th, 64th, Cobb's Legion,

Philip's Legion 28

Battalions— 2nd, 10th - 2

Louisiana : Regiment — 1st 1

Mississippi : Regiments— 7th, 8th, 12th, 13th, 16th, 17th, 18th,

19th, 21st, 48th 10

North Carolina: Regiments— 8th, 17th, 24th, 25th, 31st, 35th,

36th, 40th, 42nd, 49th, 50th, 51st, 56th, 61st, 66th 15

South Carolina : Regiments— 1st (Regulars) 1st, (Gregg's) 1st
(Hagood's), 2nd, 2nd (Rifles) 3rd, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th,
11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 18th, 20th, 21st, 22nd,
23rd, 25th, 26th, 27tli, Palmetto Sharpshooters, Orr's

Rifles, Holcombe Legion 27

Battalions— 3rd, 4th, 7th 3

Texas : Regiments — 1st, 4th, 5th 3

Virginia: Regiments— 1st, 3rd, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 11th, 12th, 14th,
15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 24th, 26th, 28th, 29th, 30th,
32nd, 34th, 38th, 41st, 46th, 53rd, 56th, 57th, 59th, 61st-. 29

Total 139

133 Regiments — say averaging 1,000 men 133,000 soldiers

6 Battalions — say averaging 500 men 3,000 soldiers

136,000 soldiers

Or about one-eighth of the entire Confederate Army.
Besides these, various Batteries of Artillery and Regi-
ments of Cavalry were under his command.

CHAPTER XXIV.
His Career After the War.

The surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, was
soon followed by that of Johnston's Army in North Caro-
line and of all the other forces of the Confederacy. The
great War was over ! Not, alas ! as we of the South hoped
and strove for, but with the utter crushing of our bright
dream of Constitutional liberty, with the devastation of our
homes, with the destruction of the wealth gathered in years
of prosperity, and more than all, in tire holocast of the best
blood of the South. Thank God, however, without the
manhood of the Survivors being conquered. The Confed-
erates had fought a good fight ; they had nothing to be
ashamed of ; they had everything to be proud of. They had
proved their true worth. Their heads were bowed with
grief, not shame, and on their brows rested immortal crowns
of true glory. It is not for what one fights that counts,
but hozv he fights. The Confederate Soldier returned to his
ruined home, feeling that he had far exceeded his duty and
had won a title for gallantry and patriotic devotion, unsur-
passed in the history of the ages.

A just tribute was paid to the Confederate Armies by
Brevet Brig. Gen. Charles A. Whittier, of the U. S. Volun-
teers, in a paper read before the Military Historical So-
ciety of Massachusetts. This remarkable, fair and generous

238 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

eulogy was from one of those who fought against the Con-
federates, and was made relating to the Army of Northern
Virginia. He says : "It was composed of the best men of
the South." To this exception is respectfully taken, be-
cause he could not have known that the Army of Northern
Virginia did not embrace all "the best men," grand as they
were. The various Armies were mainly formed from the
States contiguous to the respective fields of operation. The
men of Lee's Army were principally drawn from Virginia,
North and South Carolina, while those of the Army of Ten-
nessee were largely and as to the first named State ex-
clusively, drawn from Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and
Georgia. The soldiers of the Trans-Mississippi were from
the States west of the great River. "The best men" were
in all the Armies.

"The Army of Northern Virginia will deservedly rank
as the best Army which has existed on this continent ; suf-
fering privations unknown to its opponents, it fought well
from the early Peninsula days to the surrender of that small
remnant at Appomattox. It seemed always ready, active,
mobile; without doubt it was composed of the best men of
the South, rushing to what they considered the defence of
their country against a bitter invader; and they took the
places assigned them, officer or private, and fought until
beaten by superiority of numbers. The North sent no such
army to the field and its patritism was of an easier kind,
there was no rallying cry which drove all the best — the
rich and the educated — to join the fighting Armies. All
avocations here" (in the North) "went on without inter-
ruption; the law, the clergy, educational institutions, mer-
chants and traders, suffered nothing from a dimunition of
their wor'king forces ; we had loyal leagues, excellent sani-
tary and Christian Commissions, great 'War' Governors
(Andrew Curtin and Morton), and secretaries, organizers
of victory ; we had a people full of loyalty and devotion to

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 239

the cause and of hatred for the neighbor who differed as
to the way in which the war should be conducted, never
realizing that the way was by going or sending their best
and brightest. As a matter of comparison, we have late-
ly read that from William and Mary College, Virginia,
thirty-two out of thirty-five professors and instructors
abandoned the college work and joined the Army in the
field. Harvard College sent one Professor from its large
corps of Professors and Instructors.

"We thought our own Massachusetts a pattern of loyalty
and patriotism during the War. Read the record of the
Massachusett's Volunteers, as published by the State, the
bounties paid (thirteen million dollars by the State and more
millions by the cities and towns — -a worthless expenditure —
to give Massachusetts a nominal credit, but of no service in
sending good fighting men to the front) ; the deserters; the
hosts of men who never joined their regiments, and there
is so much to be ashamed of ! An effort to fill the required
quota without reference to the good service to be rendered !
The enlisting Officers at one time put out their Posters with
something like this : 'Enlist in the heavy Artillery Regi-
ments. No marching, no fighting, comfortable quarters,
etc.!'" (General Whittier then furnishes a list of Massa-
chusetts Artillery and Infantry Regiments containing 20,-
957 men, of whom only 95 were killed in battle.) "This
does not indicate brilliant or useful service ; and yet the ma-
terial was probably better than that of any regiments of
the State. The same class of men in the South were in the
thickest of the fight and their intelligence and patriotism did
a great work. And what a power these twenty thousand
men I have mentioned would have been, with a little dis-
cipline and skill, added to the Army of the Potomac — an
Army Corps of twenty thousand men from Massachusetts
alone! If it was so with us, it is reasonable to suppose that
other Northern States pursued the same selfish policy."

240 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

The close of the great struggle found all the industries of
the South ruined, property wasted or destroyed, chaos reign-
ing. But the indomnitable spirits of the people had not been
subdued, in fact, they seemed strengthened by the fiery fur-
nace of trouble, so the men, nobly helped and grandly in-
spired by the women, put their hands to the ploughshare
and at once commenced the herculean task of rebuilding
their shattered fortunes. Social conditions were so upset
that it was hard for many, particularly those of the Profes-
sional classes to secure work in their accustomed spheres.
In no class did this direful situation press more heavily or
more disastrously than upon Officers of the old Army, who
having resigned therefrom, joined the Confederate Army.
This bore more particularly hard upon the older Ofiicers.
There was no field in which to exercise the training of their
lives. As a rule, the Army Ofiicers, like any other special
worker, was disqualified for any other avocation.

General Anderson, at the close of the war, was in his
forty-fifth year and had served the United States as a cadet
and as an Officer in its Army for twenty-three years. His
Profession was that of a soldier, and in such profession
he had won the most distinguished honors. He had passed
the active years of his manhood and turned on the down-
ward slope of life. His profession and largely his inherited
property, from the results of the war, had been lost. He,
the breadwinner of his family, was in a ruined land, his
profession closed to him and without any other industrial
training. Certainly the future was dark, dreary, hopeless.
He returned to his ancestral home. Hill Crest, and essayed
to plant a nearby plantation. To make a success of plant-
ing, one should have a thorough knowledge of all its de-
tails. General Anderson's previous career had not given
him the requisite agricultural training. Success for him
could only have been a miracle. As the days of miracles
had past, the good General had to abandon his planting op-

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 241

erations. No Insurance Company, seeking notoriety, offered
him a Presidency, so he went to Charleston to seek employ-
ment. Employment was hard to obtain, but his necessities
demanded it. So he, the trusted friend of Gen. Robert E.
Lee, the leader of thousands, a man who had given his
life for his State and her people, of the brightest intel-
lect, had to take work as a day laborer in the yards of the
South Carolina Railroad ! Just as soon as the President of
the road, Mr. W. J. Magrath, heard of it, he took the Gen-
eral into his office and gave him more congenial employ-
ment. Here "his unassuming deportment in attendance on
callers, deceived many who were unaware of the distin-
guished presence in which they stood — before the Hero of
an hundred battles — though his frankness, as he described
how his friend had kindly taken him in hand, bespoke the
true gentleman, which could not be disguised under the cir-
cumstances and reverses of his checkered career. His man-
ner, while in the connection referred to, resembled the soft-
ness associated with Christian attributes, rather than the
martial air of one who had gazed on the red lightning of so
many battlefields, with unflinching eyes. He was, par ex-
cellence, the spirit of true chivalry, manifest in self immola-
tion and the dedication of all his energies to the cause with
which his name will be hereafter linked in the annals of the
Southern Confederacy. He was of that small number who
look to no man for praise as a sustaining motive to the dis-
charge of duty ; the quintessence of conscientiousness, he
was unobstrusive even to the prejudice of a true and im-
partial record of the part he bore in times wherein he bore
so conspicuous a part."

A thoroughly characteristic incident, showing General
Anderson's kindliness and consideration for others, is told
by Dr. T. Grange Simons. Dr. Simons was a gallant sol-
dier of the Twenty-fifth Regiment, Hagood's Brigade, and
served during the latter part of the war in Anderson's

242 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. In 1870, there was a
Railroad Excursion to Cincinnati, which carried a number
of influential citizens from Charleston. On arriving at Cin-
cinnati, the hotel occupied by the excursionists was very
much crowded, so that the General, the Venerable Mr.
James G. Holmes, Dr. Simons, and Mr. Jas. G. Holmes, Jr.,
had to occupy the same room. "When they were dressing
in the morning after their arrival, Mr. Holmes took out of
his travelling bag a shoe brush to clean his shoes. Imme-
diately recognizing how difficult it would be for the old gen-
tleman to do this. General Anderson, with a surprised, yet
most earnest tone and manner, exclaimed : 'Oh ! Mr.
Holmes, allow me to polish your shoes,' and urged him to
consent. Mr. Holmes with equal politeness and firmness de-
clined." Dr. Simons says "that the incident impressed me
and I have referred to it, whenever General Anderson was
recalled to my mind. As General Lee's trusted friend and
Division" (and Corps) "Commander, they resembled each
other in manner and gentleness. With dignity and sweet
simplicity they were beyond compare."

While in Charleston, the Confederate Survivors honored
themselves by electing him the President of their Associa-
tion, which office he filled until his removal to Camden, It
was through the efforts of that Association, that a Monu-
ment was erected over his grave in St. Helena Churchyard,
Beaufort. He was also a beloved member of the Cincinnati,
by descent from his distinguished grandfather. Col. Richard
Anderson, of the Revolutionary Maryland Line, and whose
distinguished career we referred to our first chapter.

During his sojourn in Charleston, General Anderson had
the sad misfortune to lose his devoted wife. She passed
away August nth, 1872. During the happy days of peace,
during the horrid nightmare of War, during the terrible
years of troubles innumerable which followed, she had
shared with him all his hopes, his pleasures, his cares. Her

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 243

loss was a heart-rending blow to him, which he bore, as he
did every trial and vicissitude of life, with Christian forti-
tude.

His strict attention to his even humble duties in the Office
of the President of the Railroad, won him promotion and
he was given the responsible position of Agent of the Rail-
road at Camden. The faithlessness and dishonesty of a
trusted employee, involved him and he had to bear the re-
sponsibility and thus lost this employment.

Dec. 24, 1874, General Anderson married Miss Martha
Mellette, who survived him and cared for him lovingly in
his later years.

The only recognition the State of South Carolina ever
made of his distinguished service to and sacrifices for her,
was now given him in his appointment to the position of
Phosphate Inspector, with his office at Beaufort. There he
gained that which came to him wherever he was placed,
the love, respect and admiration of the entire community.
All admired the quiet dignity with which he bore the mis-
fortunes resting upon his latter years.

General Anderson had only occupied this position and
been in Beaufort a very few months, when on June 25,
1879, the reaper. Death, claimed him as its victim. The
day had been intensely hot. On his way home from his of-
fice, he stopped, as he often did, at the office of the Beaufort
Crescent. He had a package of lemons and told Editor S.
H. Rodgers, that he proposed making an iced lemonade, to
keep him cool. In the course of an hour or so, the news
reached the office, that General Anderson had suddenly
died from an attack of apoplexy. His many friends and
admirers quickly gathered at his home, doing all they pos-
sibly could and made all the arrangements for his burial,
saving his afflicted wife from all trouble and care. Mr. S.
H. Rodgers, who was greatly attached to the General, spent
the night as one of the watchers over all human that was

244 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

left of the distinguished Warrior. He was buried the next
day.

In his death General Anderson had his heart's wish ful-
filled. It was sudden, and he did not wish a lingering ill-
ness because of the trouble it would give others. His
friend, Mr. Benj. F. Cuttino, once attended Church with
General Anderson, and he noted that when the litany was
read and the imploration reached "from battle and murder
and from sudden death" that the General failed to make
the pleading, "Good Lord, deliver us." He asked why this
was and the General answered, "that he could not make that
prayer for when the time came for him to go, he did not
wish to be taken by any lingering illness, thereby giving
trouble and anxiety to others !

Telegraphic advice from Beaufort to the News and Cou-
rier contains the following graphic and touching account of
the burial of General Anderson:

"As the last rays of the setting sun glisters on the waters
of the boy and gilded the tree tops, the body of Fight-
ing Dick Anderson, was laid in its last resting place in the
Cemetery of St. Helena Church, Beaufort.

"During his short stay in this place, General Anderson
had won the good will and esteem of all the people of the
seacoast, to many of whom he was a comparative stranger,
and although his death was sudden, almost the entire popu-
lation of the city turned out to pay the last tribute of re-
spect to his memory.

"The funeral services took place this (June 27th), after-
noon at 6 o'clock. A half hour previous to that time the
Beaufort Volunteer Artillery, Capt. H. M. Stuart, com-
manding, marched up to the residence of the deceased. The
company turned out about forty, rank and file, and paraded
in full uniform as infantry, leaving two detachments at the

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 245

Armory in charge of the battery to fire the salute in honor
of the dead hero.

"The body was borne from the house to the hearse by the
following pallbearers : Col. Wm. Elliott, Judge J. H, Hud-
son, Col. Paul Hamilton, Col. F. Gantt, Messrs. John G.
Barnwell, Carlos Tracy, R. B. Fuller, James W. Moore and
W. J. Verdier. The funeral cortege was formed in the fol-
lowing order : First, Drum Corps ; second, Beaufort Artil-
lery ; third, hearse ; fourth, pallbearers ; fifth, citizens in car-
riages or on foot. Marching to the sound of muffled drums,
the cortege reached the Church, where the Artillery opened
ranks and presented arms, the pallbearers carrying in the
casket and depositing it in front of the chancel.

The Church was filled by the ladies of Beaufort. After
the Casket had been deposited in front of the chancel, the
Artillery marched into the middle aisle, faced inwards,
rested arms, and stood thus through the services. After
the services in the Church had been concluded, the remains
were borne to the Cemetery adjoining the Church, beside
the last resting place of John Barnwell, better known in
the early history of South Carolina as 'Tuscarora' John for
his Indian fighting. As the coffin was lowered into the
grave a salute of thirteen guns was fired from the Arsenal
and the bells of the church were tolled.

In the funeral cortege Dr. R. R. Sams, the color bearer
of the Beaufort Artillery carried the sword presented to
General Anderson by the State of South Carolina for his
services in the Mexican War.

"It is a noteworthy coincidence that General Anderson
was buried on the eve of Carolina Day, and it is a significant
fact that a large number of the Carolina soldiery, who paid
the last tribute of respect to his memory, were Northern
citizens who had settled in the State since the close of the
war."

The Rev. Dr. John Kershaw, who was at that time Rector

246 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

of St. Helena Church, said the funeral services over the
noble dead. Dr. Kershaw was near General Anderson in
his last battle of the war, Sailor's Creek, where he had last
gallantly met his earthly foes and now had the sad privilege
of praying to an Almighty Father to give grace to Fighting
Dick Anderson, who had fought his last fight, surrendering
to the universal conqueror, death, entered into his eternal
rest to receive the reward of an unblemished life.

The press of the Country teemed with eulogies of the
great hero, who having survived the dangers of a hundred
battle fields, was called from the paths of peace to his eter-
nal reward. From these only a few extracts can be made,
and these are selected from the newspapers of localities
where he had resided, and who the better knew his great
worth and could speak the words of truth from sympathetic
and appreciative hearts.

From an editorial in the Charleston, S. C, News and
Courier, the following has been selected :

"The day before the surrender, General Anderson's com-
mand having been reduced to less than 500 muskets, he
was relieved from duty with the Army of Northern Vir-
ginia by General Lee, in order that he might be free to make
his way to Johnston's Army, and give that distinguished of-
ficer the benefit of his eminent ability as a soldier. Before
he could reach General Johnston, having to make a long de-
tour, the capitulation of Johnston's Army had taken place,
and General Anderson went sadly to his old home near
Statesburg, in this State. How shall we speak of General
Anderson as a soldier? His valiant deeds speak for him.
At the Battle of Williamsburg he commanded Longstreet's
Division, his brother, who was his Aide de Camp, being

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 247

killed at his side. In the battles around Richmond he
won new fame, making the last and successful charge at
Gaines' Mill and winning his promotion to the rank of
Major General. At Sharpsburg he was wounded in the
thigh, but remained in command of his Division, until he
fell fainting from his horse. At Chancellorsville, with a
line of battle no stronger than a picket line, he held the
Confederate center, while Jackson executed his famous
flank movement. The men of Anderson's Division were ten
paces or more apart. Only the thick woods concealing their
weakness, deterred the enemy from making a crushing at-
tack. General Lee sent him thrice the order to press the
enemy, being unaware of his critical condition. At last, he
rode in person to the spot where General Anderson was.
Two attacks had been repelled; and a third was about to
be made. Jackson's guns opened at the critical moment and
created a diversion. Seeing for himself the position of af-
fairs, General Lee, usually so reserved and self-contained,
clasped General Anderson by the hand and said, "My noble
old soldier, I thank you from the bottom of my heart."
After the march through the burning woods to Spottsyl-
vania, and his successful repulse of the enemy. General Lee
wrote him and his command a warm letter of thanks. So
much of it as related to himself he suppressed. The rest
he published to the Corps. Three times he was personally
thanked by letter by General Lee and to few of even those
nearest to him was it known that such letters were writ-
ten? Brave as a Paladin of old; gentle and modest as a
woman ! At Cold Harbor, General Lee sent to ask him how
he was getting on. The answer was, "Give my compliments
to General Lee and tell him I have just repulsed the Enemy's
Thirteenth charge.'' To the latest hour of the Army of
Northern Virginia he was in the thick of the contest. What
shows the character of the man better than his terse ad-
vice to a superior Officer, who saw the enemy closing

248 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

in upon them v/ith overwhelming forces, an army against
two Divisions — "Fight, to be sure." Worthy Commander
was he of Anderson's Division, which never turned its
back upon the enemy, save at Gettysburg, and there the
men, disregarding the order to retire, were almost dragged
to the rear. "Fighting Dick Anderson" equal to any
emergency ; ready in every place, fit for every responsi
bility ; doing loyal service wherever he was placed ; free
from resentment when slighted, as President Davis chose
to slight him and giving to those whom he should have
commanded, cheerful aid and readiest obedience! South
Carolina had cause to be proud of him, to love him and
honor him. Yet was he almost a stranger amongst his
own people i * * *

It is too late to speak of what might have been and should
have been. There will be profound regret now that more
was not done by the State, for one to whom so heavy a
debt was due. For few positions in civil life was he quali-
fied. But he was well read and possessed of large informa-
tion. It was not in him to take part in a scramble for
preferment and they who pushed themselves to the front left
no room for General Anderson, the ranking Officer in the
Confederate service from South Carolina.

It is past — the sweet loving spirit is at rest. Carolina's
noble soldier sleeps in the bosom of the Mother he loved so
devotedly. Those who knew him as he was, and who live
after him, have in his life a model of Christian forbear-
ance and humility and knightly courtesy and truth ! So
tender and so true! God bless the memory of 'Fighting
Dick' Anderson."

The Camden Journal, S. C, July 3, 1879: After review-
ing most touchingly and sympathetically his splendid career
through a long and eventful life, says:

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 249

"Today this great man is no more. He sleeps his last
long sleep. He has traveled that road from whence no
traveler returns. But in the walks of life, while here with
us, he has left his footprints, and indeed are they worthy
of emulation and pattern. Quiet and unassuming, he meekly
bore the honors of which a hero might well be proud. The
plaudits of the public he did not seek, save by his stern and
inflexible love of duty. The glittering tinsel of the politi-
cal field had no charms for him, and the ever changing tide
of popular favor never drew him into its muddy and fickle
channel. The peaceful, the quiet, the certain path of the
Christian was his whole delight, and that seemed to govern
and control him. From a high and exalted eminence he
accepted an obscure competency without a murmur or re-
proach, weaving around him, in those quiet duties, the love
and esteem of all good men, with meshes stronger than
steel. Truly, in the language of our esteemed contemporary,
the News and Courier, he was " 'Brave as a Paladin of old,
gentle and modest as a woman.' To the people of Camden
he was particularly dear." For years he was amongst us,
with us. In our dark days he shared our troubles, in our
joys, he rejoiced with us. But a few months ago he left
us. He left no enemy behind him, but all were his friends.
His memory revives a tender chord of love in each and
every heart, and his death is felt by no limit of youth or
age. Gone forever ; Noble Son ! True always to his
Mother's call, in peace or war, storm or calm. * * * Peace
to his ashes. May the turf rest gently upon his soldierly,
manly grave. May the dews of Heaven fall lightly, and as
the waves of the great ocean mournfully come and go
nearer and nearer to his last resting place, may God keep
his spirit, and may a grateful people never forget him."

Rev. Frederick Jones, for many years Pastor of the Beau-

250 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

fort Baptist Church, writing to the Baptist Courier, says of
the late General R. H. Anderson: "But enough has been
said as to his valor and achievements, in the Secular Press ;
and our only purpose is to refer to some religious traits —
which were no less evident than his martial qualifications —
and of far more value to succeeding generations. He was,
beyond doubt a sincere and humble Christian. We gather
this from numerous and searching conversations we had
with him on the subject, and were not a little surprised at
his clear delineation of a practical and progressive Chris-
tian life. In the home of God, his bearing was always of
the most reverential and solemn character, a close listener,
he never failed to get something on which he could feast
and profitably consider during the ensuing week, while it
never could be said that he hid his light under a bushel.
I believe it was a great pleasure to him to bear public testi-
mony to the value of religion and while his native modesty
shrank from that prominence which an official character
would have given him in the Church, he was ever ready to
call Jesus Christ his Master. But we may also say that re-
ligion was an ever increasing joy to him, and especially so
as he felt himself growing old and nearing the confines of
the eternal world. But the most remarkable of all, was the
manner in which God saw fit to remove him from the world.
In a conversation at the table of his boarding house (where
he was ever more like an honored member of the family
than a boarder), he said in allusion to death: "I thank God
that I can express my readiness to depart, whenever God, in
His providence, may send for me; but if I could have my
way, I should like to go "quick as a lightning flash." I do
not wish to cause the trouble, which would inevitably at-
tend a long sickness.' And God seemed to have exactly met
the wish he expressed, for upon the return of his devoted
wife to the room which she had left for a moment to get
him a newspaper, she found him gone to the 'better land.' In

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 251

a moment he had been released from 'the tabernacle of
clay' apparently without the slightest trouble and just as
the setting Sun was passing beneath the horizon. Martial
fame is not insignificant, nor is personal popularity to be
undervalued ; but there are traits and facts which will live
and expand, when every material shall have crumbled into
dust."

(General Anderson was an Episcopalian and for many
years was a Vestryman in the Church of the Holy Cross,
Statesburg, S. C.)

After the news of the passing away of General Ander-
son reached Statesburg. his old home, his lifelong neigh-
bors assembled, July 3, 1879, at the Church of the Holy
Cross, just across the road from Hill Crest, the General's
old home. It was presided over by Dr. M. Reynolds, who
on taking the chair said :

"My acquaintance with our friend, the late General R. H.
Anderson, dates back nearly forty years ago, from the time
he completed his Military studies at West Point. His
friends, around his old home here, had not many oppor-
tunities of seeing much of him until after the close of his
active Military career — this embraces the Mexican War —
long and arduous services on the Frontier subsequently —
and then our great War.

"It is well known to all of us and to the country at large
how ably, meritously and heroically he discharged his
duties and bore himself on every theater of action to which
he was assigned in that stupendous struggle; those duties
were executed, so faithfully and so well, as to connect his
mame for all time with the history of his country, and so
as to make that name a household word in the homes of
South Carolina. But I will not bear upon that brilliant
career, it is stamped and engraved imperishably upon the

252 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

minds and hearts of his Countrymen, and high upon that
role, which depicts and ilhistrates the records of some,
whose fame will not be allowed to perish, no name wih
stand out in more luminous relief than that of General R.
H. Anderson.

"I saw much of him after the War, and it was during
these years that my estimate of him, in his matured man-
hood, was formed. My relations with him and his family
in the discharge of my professional duties, afforded me
many opportunities, which otherwise might not have existed,
of making up my opinion of his character and life under
those surroundings which are always most favorable for
arriving at a just estimate of men. Upon this phase of
his private life, it is needless to dwell. All who knew him
intimately, esteemed and loved him. One feature among
his many excellent traits and virtues always impressed me
forcibly, which was that pleasing blending and commingling,
in his mental constitution of benevolence, tenderness, almost
approaching that of woman, with the greatest firmness, in-
trepidity, and courage reaching the highest order of valor.
"I conceive that there was no man connected with the
eventful times through which he passed, who deserved more
of his State that General Anderson. How those services and
the sacrifices he made in relinquishing his position in the
Federal Army and a future which held out such material
advantages and brilliant prospects, has been requited, it is
bootless to dwell upon now. Few, perhaps can fully esti-
mate the hard effort it cost him to sever himself from old
Army friends and associates and shatter that esprit-de-corps,
which binds such together.

"He returned to his native State with a record unsur-
passed— and asked for nothing — absolutely nothing! Nor
was he willing that his intimate friends should present a
-claim in his behalf. He sought seclusion and the society
of a few companions, and like his illustrous contemporary

CAREER AFTER THE WAR 253

General Lee, who esteemed and loved him, withdrew as
much as possible from the common gaze of men. This
course was the result of his modest, retiring, unselfish
nature and a part of his intellectual and moral constitution.
"In the nature of our deceased friend existed nothing
having affinity with self assertion. I have never known a
man more entirely devoid of the element of selfishness —
nothing small or contracted touched the head or heart of
General Anderson. So much have I been constrained to
say on this sad occasion, and I wish to place this tribute, all
feeble, imperfect and inadequate as it is, upon his new-made
grave."

The following Preamble and Resolutions submitted by
Col. S. Sumter were then unanimously, and with deep feel-
ing, adopted :

'Tn view of the sad intelligence which has reached his
old home of the sudden and unlooked for death of the late"
General R. H. Anderson, we, his early friends, acquain-
tances and neighbors, have assembled here today, amid the
scenes of his birthplace and in view of the residence in
which he first saw the light and where his early days were
passed, to take cognizance of the mournful event and to
pass some tribute of respect to his memory.

"Be it therefore resolved : First, That in the death of
General R. H. Anderson we have been bereft as a com-
munity, of a valued friend, who formerly went in and out
amongst us ; the State deprived of one of its most estimable,
valued and patriotic citizens ; and the Church, of which
he was a member, of one, who frequently held the positions
of vestryman and delegate to her annual conventions.

"Second, That we shall always throughout the coming
future, retain a lively recollection of his many virtues and
distinguished worth; of his warm, affectionate and genial
disposition; of that renown which his military qualifications

254 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

secured; of the many excellencies of his private life, and
of the extent of his elevated patriotism.

"Third, That we deeply sympathize with his bereaved and
afflicted family under this heavy and sudden dispensation
of Divine Providence, and that a copy of these proceedings
be forwarded by the Chairman to the widow and family of
the deceased.

"Fourth, That in further tribute to the memory of Gen-
eral R. H, Anderson the above Preamble of Resolutions be
published in the News and Courier and our own County
Journals."

On Memorial Day, May, 1916, Mr. Marion W. Seabrook
was the orator at the celebration at the old Church of the
Holy Cross, at Statesburg, within view of Hill Crest, Gen-
eral Anderson's birthplace and home. He selected General
Anderson's life and services as his theme, and among the
many touching, true and deserved tributes which he paid to
the departed hero summed up all in these concise words :

'T assert that Richard Heron Anderson possessed all the
qualities of the great; the intellect and action of a genius;
the heart of a child in its tenderness ; the valor of a hero in
his bravery, and the gentleness of a woman in his demeanor.
These qualities combined with his excessive modesty made
him truly great; and, of all his characteristics, the greatest
was, he had learned to obey. His example was an inspira-
tion, his life a beacon light and his love of duty a sermon."

CHAPTER XXV.

Monument at Beaufort, S. C.

Some years after his death, a chaste but simple, a proper
tribute to the inherent quaHties of the man, monument was
erected over General Anderson's grave at Beaufort. Capt.
B. S. Sams, commanding the Beaufort Volunteer Artillery,
formerly Stuart's famous Confederate Battery, most kindly
furnishes an account of the incipiency and early efforts to
mark the resting place of General Anderson : "His grave
remained unmarked until 1887 — then wishing to remedy
the apparent neglect and also being desirous of identifying
the Beaufort Volunteer Artillery, then under my command,
with anything that might be done in the way of a suitable
tribute to General Anderson's civil and military worth, I
sought an interview with Capt. F. W. Dawson" (' most
gallant Confederate Veteran'), "Editor of the Charleston
News and Courier, and requested of him his assistance and
co-operation in the above. He met me very cordially, and
expressed much interest in my suggestions, and on the fol-
lowing day he wrote a strong editorial in his paper, in be-
half of our efforts. Captain Dawson also placed me in per-
sonal touch with Col. Zimmerman Davis, Maj. E. N. Thurs-
ton and Gen. T. A. Huguenin. From these gentlemen we
received valuable assistance, resulting, as I have stated, in
placing over General Anderson's grave in 1891, a substan-
tial and handsome granite sarcopagus, with a durable iron

256 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

enclosure. On the North face of the tomb the inscription
reads : 'Lieut. General Richard Heron Anderson, Confeder-
ate States Army.' On the South face: 'Born Oct. 7th, 1821
— died June 26th, 1879.' The tomb and enclosure is now
(1917) in perfect state of preservation.

The iron enclosure was the gift of Capt. Neils Christen-
sen, a resident of Beaufort, who had been a Union soldier
and had fought against General Anderson's troops at Gettys-
burg. The gift was prompted by a generous heart to honor
the gallant and great. The troops of 'Fighting Dick' were
much admired by the Union troops with which Capt. Chris-
tensen sei'ved, for their splendid fighting qualities. The
gift was a very handsome act on the part of Capt. Christen-
sen and particularly as it was bestowed when the war bit-
terness between the sections was still strong. It required a
broad-minded man to have done it then, and a liberal man
to have done it at any time.

The Veterans to whom Captain Dawson had referred Cap-
tain Sams subsequently presented the matter to the Survi-
vors Association of Charleston District, of which General
Anderson had been President, while living in Charleston,
which body took action in November, 1889, and early in
1890 the Association issued the following appeal for the
requisite funds to erect the monument :

"In Memoriam.
Lieut. Gen. Richard H. Anderson.

"At a meeting of the Survivors Association of Charles-
ton District, held in November last, the following resolution
was unanimously adopted :

"Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed by the
Chair in response to the suggestion of Captain Sams of the
Beaufort Artillery, which committee shall take such steps
as shall seem expedient, to raise funds for the erection of a

OQ

^

c

MONUMENT AT BEAUFORT 257

suitable monument to the memory of Lieut. Gen, Richard
H. Anderson, of South CaroHna, and that this committee
shall invite the co-operation of the several Associations of
Survivors, and of individuals, in this State and in the
other States.

Under this resolution the following committee was
appointed : Gen. B. H. Rutledge, chairman ; Col. R. M.
Sims, Major E. N. Thurston, Capt. E. R. White, Capt.
F. W. Dawson.

General Anderson was buried at Beaufort, South Caro-
lina, where he died, and his grave is marked by a plain
head-board. There is no other visible memorial of him
who rendered such heroic service to his State and the
Southern Confederacy, and who deservedly held an exalted
position in the regard and confidence of the troops he com-
manded, and of his illustrious commander, Gen. R. E, Lee.

General Anderson first commanded a brigade of South
Carolinians. In his division in the Army of Northern Vir-
ginia, were troops from Georgia, Virginia, Florida, Missis-
sippi and Alabama. At different times he commanded
troops from every Southern State. Everywhere, and on
all occasions he proved the fitness of the name by which he
was best known, that of "Fighting Dick Anderson".

"The committee feel that it will be unnecessary, and per-
haps unbecoming, to enlarge upon the reasons why the
last resting place of General Anderson should be marked
by a monumental shaft, which, in its strength and sim-
plicity, shall fitly symbolize the character of the dead soldier,
and, at the same time, shall bear witness to the loving re-
membrance of his comrades in arms. It is proper to say,
however, that there is no desire to incur any considerable
expense, or go beyond the bounds of what is proper as a
mark of the affection of his comrades and of his own undis-
puted worth.

"It is desirable that the monument shall be erected with-

258 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

out delay, and it is urged, therefore, that subscriptions to
the monument fund be forwarded at once to Capt. F. W.
Dawson, treasurer, Charleston, S. C. It is proposed to
close the list at the end of April next.

"Newspapers which approve of the object for which the
committee was appointed are requested to give to this cir-
cular such publicity as they deem appropriate.
"R. M. Sims,
E. R. White,

E. N. Thurston,

F. W. Dawson,

B, H. RuTLEDGE, Chairman."

Having been a member of the "Cincinnati" of Charleston
that Society contributed their share most generously to this
fund. The required amount having been contributed, the
monument was erected and it was unveiled Oct. 7, 1891.
Eleven years after the interment of the dead soldier, who
so peacefully rests from life's fitful fever in beautiful St.
Helena Church Yard, was this tribute paid to his memory.
The exercises commenced at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, and
in spite of the unpropitious weather, a great crowd was
present. A prayer was first delivered by the Rev. E. T.
Walker, which was followed by Dr. H. M. Stuart, War
Captain of Stuart's Battery, in the following brief but
most heartfelt words : "For the second time we meet at
this sacred spot. Here eleven years ago, with the sound of
the minute gun, and the tolling bell, we laid the war worn
soldier down to take his long rest under the shadow of this
old Church. Today we have gathered here a second time,
that with an enduring stone memorial, with garlands and
wreaths, we may pay a loving tribute to his memory, and
hand down to future generations the name of a pure Chris-
tion, a true gentleman and a brave soldier — General Richard
H. Anderson. The idea of this monument was first sug-

MONUMENT AT BEAUFORT 259

gested by Capt. R. S. Sams. He was ably seconded by the
late Editor Dawson, General Huguenin and others, and soon
we shall see unveiled before us the result of this sentiment
of love and reverence for him, who was admiringly called
by his men "Fighting Dick". When the order came "furl
that banner" I think how that brave spirit broke, when like
a true soldier he heard and obeyed. Have we not heard of
his brave struggle with adversity, and do we not remember
the dignified submission with which he lived out the last
year of his noble life among us in old Beaufort, until that
day when we met here full of the sacred memory of the
past and love for the dead.

"Soldier rest, thy warfare o'er ;
Sleep the sleep that knows no waking."

We have not only met to unveil this monument erected
to the memory of General Anderson, but that the honor of
guarding the sacred spot may be formally placed in the
keeping of the Company who had also the honor of bearing
him to rest in this spot. We have been fortunate in having
sent to us who raised this monument, one who shared
with General Anderson in the perils of that Lost Cause,
one whose name is well-known throughout our State, one
who shared with Rhett, Elliott and Mitchell in their glorious
defence of Sumter — Who so fit to?

The monument at this moment was unveiled by Misses
Lelia G. Sams and Lena P. Hay. Gen. T. A. Huguenin
then delivered the following address :

"After an absence of thirty years I come to you charged
with an important and very honorable duty. I come to
you, Citizens of Beaufort, and more especially the Beau-
fort Volunteer Artillei-y, to place in your hands for safe-
keeping and tender care, this monument, erected to the
memory of one of South Carolinia's most patriotic sons —
devoted to her in prosperity and adversity, whose long life

260 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

was a 'long sacrifice to duty' and who, time and time again,
risked that life for her and her cause. It mattered not
whether it was in the rugged approaches to the City of
Mexico, or the wild Western plains against a barbarous
enemy, or battling among the fair fields and flowing streams
of Virginia, his course was the same — where duty called
he was found — where life was in jeopardy, his was at
stake. In success, as in defeat, his heart never swerved ;
his purpose single and true, his object his country's welfare.
To such a man, my friends, we are assembled here today, the
Seventieth Anniversary of his birth, to do honor; to erect
in this enduring granite, a monument that will hand down to
generations yet unborn, the name and fame of General
Richard Heron Anderson.

"I do not come here altogether of my own accord. I come
also as a representative of the Survivors Association of
Charleston, to deliver this monument to you, because in
your midst his sacred and honored dust reposes, and be-
cause the Beaufort Volunteer Artillery was the first to
inaugurate the movement which has culminated in this
manifestation of the love and respect of South Carolina
for her gallant son. At the same time it gives me great
satisfaction to say that the consummation of this work is
due to the efforts of that gallant command, the Fourth
Brigade of Charleston, who, duly appreciating his services
and desirous of honoring his memory, lent its aid to secure
this lasting memento to the senior officer furnished by South
Carolina to the Confederate cause.

"I will not attempt to give to you a resume of his life
or services. To do this accurately would be impossible, for
with a modesty which was almost morbid, he strove 'to
hide his light under a bushel,' and the facts are not at-
tainable. Simplicity and modesty were so entwined with
his courage and patriotism to make his life and public ser-
vices unknown to all but eye witnesses of the actual events.

MONUMENT AT BEAUFORT 261

"It is related of him that after the battle of Chancellors-
ville and after he had been personally thanked by General
Lee on the field and had received a letter from General
Lee, commending him personally, as well as his Division,
for their gallant conduct, he published only so much of the
letter as related to the troops, and omitted entirely that
part that referred to his own valuable services ; so it is that
the record is wanting in the data which would place him in
the eyes of his countrymen at large in that high position in
which he was held by those who had the opportunity to
know him personally and at the same time who had the
ability to judge him correctly. His nearest relatives and
friends heard nothing of his deeds from him. To give an
example of his reticence and modesty it is related by one
near and dear to him that on a certain occasion after the
War, an officer, who had served on his Staff, complained
to General Anderson that a certain ofiicer, high in command
in Virginia, had withheld much of the honorable credit
which was due to himself, and that it needed but a few
words from him, given for publication, to correct these
errors. General Anderson, with a degree of gravity which
was almost stern replied, "It will ill become me to join in
the general scramble for honor and notoriety ; it fully suf-
fices me to know that in every battle in which I was en-
gaged I did my duty as a soldier, and that I enjoyed the
confidence of the men I commanded." And so it is, he did
his duty faithfully ; he asked no reward but the satisfaction
of conscience; he fought not for praise, but in obedience to
his Country's call. His private life was as pure as his
public services were distinguished. The State of South
Carolina in her day of power and prosperity honored him by
presenting him with a valuable sword on his return from
Mexico. I sincerely trust that the day will come when the
State will erect a Temple of Fame at Columbia, in which

262 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

no prouder name will be inscribed than that of Richard
Heron Anderson.

"The modest gentleman, the unassuming warrior sleeps
his last sleep in the bosom of his native State he loved
and served so well. Now we can say :

"You rest in the land of the cypress and pine,
Where the jessamine blooms and the gay woodbine ;
Where the moss drops low from the green oak tree,
Oh ! that sun bright land is the land for thee."

Capt. Thomas Talberd, Commanding Officer of the Beau-
fort Volunteer Artillery, and for that Company, gracefully
and most earnestly accepted the trust.

The crowning tribute to the great departed was thus
paid. Requicscat in pace. Like the everlasting granite of
his sarcopagus, may his fame ever live, cherished in the
hearts of the people he so faithfully served and whose lib-
erties he so valiantly defended. Too much cannot be done
by South Sarolina to repay the tremendous debt she owes
a son, whose sword was wielded to defend her homes,
whose skill directed momentous events and whose gallantry
was ever an inspiration to his compatriots to deeds of
heroic valor.

CHAPTER XXVI.

General Anderson's Character.

The story of General Anderson's eventful life has been
told. It is the story of a noble man, possessed of all the
attributes which constitute true greatness. One utterly with-
out that self-assertion, which alas ! seems so necessary to
win recognition and gain the plaudits of mankind. Its
valued lessons will be lost and its impress fail, unless the
tale be concluded by showing, in the strongest light, those
qualities which made him so grand a man. All that was
mortal of him has been reverently placed beneath the sod.
But the fame of his glorious deeds still lives. Its influence
for good and as a high example, will be lost to mankind,
were it allowed to rest with his body in the dust of his
mother. South Carolina. That fame it is our precious duty
to preserve, those noble qualities which made him the be-
loved man, the pious Christian, the gallant soldier, the skill-
ful General. If his good deeds die with him he has lived
in vain. Let us, therefore, see that his splendid life shall
be ever a beacon to illumine the pathway of untold genera-
tions, that they might live in the light of his sterling man-
hood and emulate his many virtues.

The most conspicuous quality in the character of General
Anderson was a gentle modesty, a quiet retirement, utter
absence of self-assumption or glorification. So, his aim in

264 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

life was always to do — to achieve, not to win praise from
his deeds.

Once General Longstreet asked him if he could capture
a certain important and ably defended position. General
Anderson did not say, "/ can do it," but with true modesty
answered, "that if any troops could, the men of my Brigade
can." So, leading them, his Brigade did capture it. When,
after the War he was occupying an humble position in the
Office of the President of the South Carolina Railroad,
everyone who came in, was struck by the extreme modesty
and gentle courtesy with which he, the great General,
welcomed all visitors, high or low, rich or poor.

For worldly success he was too retiring. He never did
the least to fix attention on himself or on his magnificent
achievements. All his army papers bear witness to this
characteristic. When sent by General Lee to assist General
Early in his Valley Campaign of 1864, though ranking
General Early and entitled thereby to the supreme com-
mand, he never claimed it, in fact, declined it, but most
cordially and efficiently rendered General Early all the
counsel he could give or the aid his brave men could put
forth. (It may be recalled that so long as he was with
General Early, success crowned General Early's every move-
ment.) Many, many other instances could be cited to show
this innate modesty. All who knew him bear witness to it
and to his retiring disposition (except in the face of the
enemy), and as to its being a most prominent characteristic.
But it was blended with the utmost determination. It was
the polish on the surface of the granite firmness of a
determined character.

He was ever grateful for any favors extended to him,
and always spoke with the deepest feeling of those who
helped him in the struggles of his latter years. He was as
truly unselfish as he was absolutely devoid of any other
narrowness. He was broad, nothing small or illiberal ever

GENERAL ANDERSON'S CHARACTER 265

touched his heart. That he was affectionate, the letter to
his father, writing of his brother's sad death at the Battk
of Williamsburg, most strikingly testifies. None but a
man with a loving heart could pen such words.

He loved his country and was anxious to serve her in
trouble in the hour of danger and in her days of prosperity.
When the fall of the Confederacy ruined his people and
deprived him of his profession and his support, the Khedive
of Egypt offered him rank, emolument and honor in his
Army, but General Anderson declined, saying to a friend
concerning the same, that he thought best to stick to South
Carolina for she was not yet out of her troubles.

He was generous — that true generosity which shows itself
in consideration of others. What more noble or more con-
siderate, can be found than his careful anxiety for the
safety of a stranger, the brave Capt. J. F. J. Caldwell, when
he exposed himself, to carry a message from General
McGowan to General Anderson at the battle of March 31,
1865 ^ His broad, noble. Christian generosity was shown by
his never bearing malice to those who had slighted or in-
jured him. His heart was too large to hold petty feelings
of unkindness to others.

He was chivalric, in that highest type of chivalry — self-
immolation — and in his bearing, without a murmur, the
troubles which so heavily rested upon him, when, having
sacrificed a lifelong profession, in his duty to South Car-
olina, was brought almost to starvation thereby. He was,
however hard fortune bore upon him, always the courteous
knight. "Brave as a Paladin of old, gentle and modest as
a woman." Richard H. Anderson, the man, was by inheri-
tance, by culture, by self-control and education, by his
nature and by his accomplishments the highest type of the
old-time Southern Gentleman ; a type of man created by the
old-time civilization of the South, and which has passed
away with the conditions which created it.

266 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

He was not only chivalrous, generous, considerate, but by
the manner he bore his many trials, higher and nobler —
Christ-like. He was a Christian, as surely as he was a
gentleman. He was ever deeply pious and took an active
interest in his Church and in all that made Christianity prac-
tical in a man's life. Only his intimates and friends knew
the man and the Christian in Richard H. Anderson. The
world knew him as the Soldier and the General.

As a Soldier he was conspicuous for his bravery — not
impetuously, but steadfastly gallant. This was oft displayed
during his service in the Mexican War, and during all the
years when he was active on the frontier; and during his
entire career in the Confederate Army. His gallantry was
pre-eminent, and without it, he never could have reached
the distinction he attained.

Reared at West Point, under the splendid discipline of
the Country's superb Military College, two of its lessons
were deeply impressed upon Cadet Anderson and were car-
ried with him all through his life: Duty, as General Lee
expresses it, "the noblest word in the English language,"
and obedience — Duty and obedience. All through his
career General Anderson was noted for his faithfulness to
duty. He was ever ready for duty, and everything else
was pushed aside if it conflicted with his duty. Never did
he vary from this, and having this high principal deeply
embedded in his heart, no single instance in his entire career
can be cited when the siren call of pleasure or profit or
indolence or fear, ever swerved him from the path of duty.
Embraced in duty is obedience. He was ever ready to obey,
without question, any order from those in authority over
him. When before the Battle of Chancellorsville, he, with
his Division, was sent to check and hold back the over-
whelming forces of General Hooker, as he lay, the lion in
the path, he was asked what he proposed to do. His answer,
brief and laconic, was: "Fight! General Lee says so" —

GENERAL ANDERSON'S CHARACTER 267

"Fight" never mind the odds against him. "Fight," however
outnumbered he may have been — but "Fight," not because
it was prudent, but "Fight" — because "General Lee says
so." When, later on, in the great battle which followed,
he held a long line with a scant line of skirmishers, which
the enemy could easily have run over, he deemed that it
was not his place to question, not his part to call for rein-
forcements, but to stand against the enemy — because Gen-
eral Lee ordered him to do so. After he had held his
ground for long hours, and just as the guns of Stonewall
Jackson opened in the enemy's rear, General Lee, usually
reserved and self-composed, rode up, and clasping him by
the hand said : "My noble old soldier ! I thank you from
the bottom of my heart."

He was cool in the face of every danger, and heroic when
it came. He was not a fiery, impetuous fighter, but struck
hard, and being cool and clear headed, knew where to
strike so as to attain the very best results. Seldom his
blows were fruitless.

But he shone must illustrously as a leader of men — as a
General. As such he was eminently skillful and absolutely
safe. Twice by his generalship he saved the fortunes of
the Army of Northern Virginia, the operations of General
Lee and the life of the Confederacy, once by his own
initiative and without directions from higher authority. At
Spottsylvania, after a long, fatiguing, dreary night's march,
he learned of the enemy's approach in heavy force, when
General Lee did not apprehend it to be there, he moved up
his Corps promptly, and as General Grant says in his
"Memoirs", totally defeated his movement, Lee and Grant
had been fighting in the Wilderness. Grant made a flank
march to strike Lee's rear at Spottsylvania Court House.
Had Grant been successful he would have been between Lee
and Richmond and nearer the Capital, which he could have
captured before Lee could have interposed his army for its

268 LIFE OF GEN. RICHARD H. ANDERSON

protection. So General Anderson's masterly skill saved
Lee's army from overwhelming disaster and Richmond from
capture. General Anderson rose, grade by grade, not be-
cause of any political or friendly partiality, but from his
skill, joined, as it was, to his other sterling qualities. The
skillful handling of the troops of his own and other Bri-
gades under his command, at the Battles of Williamsburg
and Seven Pines, won him promotion to be a Major
General, and his subsequent career pointed him out as the
most fitting general officer in the Army, to replace Long-
street, when that distinguished leader fell wounded in the
Wilderness, and won him his commission as Lieutenant
General.

General Anderson was never spectacular, but was always
a determined fighter — both determined and a fighter. His
soubriquet of "Fighting Dick" was won by this character-
istic, and he was always true to the reputation as such, which
he won at Seven Pines. At the Second Battle of Cold
Harbor General Lee sent to ask him how he was getting on.
General Anderson's reply was: "Give my compliments to
General Lee and tell him I have just repulsed the enemy's
thirteenth charge" — what determination ! To stand thirteen
charges and wait quietly for the next! General Anderson
certainly had the same bull dog courage which characterized
Gen. Robt. E. Lee, and both were alike in their gentleness.
In some respects General Anderson greatly resembled Gen-
eral Lee. Both were fighters, both were determined fighters,
both were quiet and retiring in their manners, neither sought
the applause of the world, and both were actuated by one
ambition, the highest and noblest, to serve the Southern
Confederacy with the utmost faithfulness, and serve it to
the bitter end.

Thus we see General Anderson, a man unselfish, gentle,
modest; a Christian, pure, earnest, devout; a soldier of
undaunted courage; a general, prudent, bold, skillful, sue-

GENERAL ANDERSON'S CHARACTER 269

cessful. Such was "Fighting Dick Anderson," the ranking
officer in that glorious band of heroes which South Carohna
furnished to defend the Southern Confederacy and to main-
tain her rights — and worthy to rank above them all. He was
South Carolina's Confederate beacon light, who shone by
his own brilliancy, and not a steeple illumined only by the
praise of mankind. He stands forever, not by what is told
of him, not what he told himself, but simply and grandly
by what he nobly achieved — and did it so, as to deserve that
true fame, which Carolinians should ever be zealous and
proud to award to one of the greatest Sons the State
ever produced.

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