Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of Marcus Tullius Cicero"

See other formats









Hunc igitur spectemus. Hoc propositum sit nobis exemplum. 
Ille se profecisse sciat, cui Cicero valde placebit. 

Quintil. Instit. 1. x. 1. 






.-J _J 





A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

1 his year opens to us a new scene in Cicero's life, 
and presents him in a character, which he had never 
before sustained, of the governor of a province, and 
general of an army. These preferments were, of all 
others, the most ardently desired by the great, for 
the advantages which they afforded, both of acquir- 
ing power and amassing wealth : for their command, 
though accountable to the Roman people, was ab- 
solute and uncontrollable in the province : where 
they kept up the state and pride of sovereign princes, 
and had all the neighbouring kings paying a court 
to them, and attending their orders. If their genius 
was turned to arms, and fond of martial glory, they 
could never want a pretext for war, since it was 
easy to drive the subjects into rebellion, or the ad- 
joining nations to acts of hostility, by their oppres- 
sions and injuries, till, from the destruction ofanum- 
ber of innocent people, they had acquired the title 
of emperor, and with it the pretension to a triumph ; 
without which, scarce any proconsul was ever known 
to return from a remote and frontier province.* Their 

* While the ancient discipline of the Republic subsisted, no general could pretend 
to a triumph, who had not enlarged the bounds of the empire by his conquests, and ' 
killed, at least, five thousand enemies in battle, without any considerableloss of his own 
soldiers-. This was expressly enacted by an old law : in support of which a second 
■was afterwards provided, that made it penal for any of their triumphant commander* 
to give a false account of the number of slain, either on the enemy's side, or their own ; 
and obliged them, upon their entrance into the city, to take an oath before the quaes- 
tors or public treasurers, that (he accounts, which they had sent to the senate, of each 
number, were true. [Val. Max. 2. 8.] Tint these laws had long been neglected and 
treated as obsolete ; and the honour of a triumph usually granted, by intrigue and fac- 
tion, to every general of any credit, who had gained some little advantage against pi - 
rates or fugitives, or repelled the incursions of the wild barbarian*, who bordered upon 
the distant province*. 

\OL. U. B ' 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. $6. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

opportunities of raising money were as immense as 
their power, and bounded only by their own appe- 
tites : the appointments from the treasury, for their 
equipage, plate, and necessary furniture, amounted 
as it appears from some instances, to near a hundred 
and fifty thousand pounds :* and besides the reve- 
nues of kingdoms, and pay of armies, of which they 
had the arbitrary management, they could exact 
what contributions they pleased, not only from the 
cities of their own jurisdiction, but from all the 
states and princes around them, who were under the 
protection of Rome. But while their primary care 
was to enrich themselves, they carried out with them 
always a band of hungry friends and dependents, 
as their lieutenants, tribunes, prefects, with a crew 
of freedmen and favourite slaves, who were all like- 
wise to be enriched by the spoils of the province, 
and the sale of their master's favours. Hence flowed 
all those accusations and trials for the plunder of 
the subjects, of which we read so much in the Ro- 
man writers: for as few or none of the proconsuls 
behaved themselves with that exact justice, as to 
leave no room for complaint, so the factions of the 
city, and the quarrels of families, subsisting from 
former impeachments, generally excited some or 
other to revenge the affront in kind, by undertaking 
the cause of an injured province, and dressing up an 
impeachment against their enemy. 

But whatever benefit or glory this government 
seemed to offer, it had no charms for Cicero : the 
thing itself was disagreeable to his temper,'}' nor 
worthy of those talents, which were formed to sit at 
the helm, and shine in the administration of the 
whole Republic : so that he considered it only as an 

* Nonnc II. S. centies et octanes — quasi vasarii nomine — ex acrajio tibi attributum, 
Romce in quaestu reliquisti ? in Pison. 35. 

t Totuin negotiuin non est (lignum viribusnostris, qui majora onera in Rep. susti- 
nere et possim etsoleam. Ep. Fam. -2. xi. 

O rem muiiroe aptam meis moribus, &.c. Ad Alt. 5. 10. 

Sed est incredibile, q'uam me negotii tcrdeat, non babel satis magnum rampum tile 
tibi nori igiwtus cuitfns anilui mei. lb. 15, 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpkius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

honourable exile, or a burthen imposed by his coun- 
try, to which his duty obliged him to submit. His 
first care, therefore, was to provide, that this com- 
mand might not be prolonged to him beyond the usual 
term of a year; which was frequently done, when 
the necessities of the province, the character of the 
man, the intrigues of parties, or the hurry of other 
business at home, left the senate neither leisure nor 
inclination to think of changing the governor: and 
this was more likely to happen at present, through 
the scarcity of magistrates, who were now left ca- 
pable, by the late law, of succeeding him. Before 
his departure, therefore, he solicited all his friends 
not to suffer such a mortification to fall upon him ; 
and, after he was gone, scarce wrote a single letter 
to Rome, without urging the same requests, in the 
most pressing terms : in his first to Atticus, within 
three days from their parting: " Do not imagine," 
says he, " that I have any other consolation in this 
" great trouble, than the hopes that it will not be 
"continued beyond the year : many who judge of 
" me by others, do not take me to be in earnest ; but 
*' you, who know me, will use all your diligence, es- 
" pecially when the affair is to come on."* 

He left the city about the first of May, attended 
by his brother and their two sons : for Quintus had 
quitted his commission under Caesar, in order to ac- 
company him into Cilicia, in the same capacity of 
his lieutenant. Atticus had desired him, before he 
left Italy, to admonish his brother, to shew more 
complaisance and affection to his wife Pomponia, 
who had been complaining to him of her husband's 
peevishness and churlish carriage; and, lest Cicero 
should forget it, he put him in mind again, by a let- 
ter to 'him on the road, that, since all the family were 
to be together in the country, on this occasion of his 

* Noli putare mihi aliam consolationem esse hujus ingentis molestias, nisi quod 
spero non longiorem annua fore. Hoc me ita velle raulti non credunl ex consuetudine 
aliorum. Tu cpii scis, onmeiu diligenti-am adhibebis ; turn scilicet, curu id agi debe^ 
bit. lb. 3. 

B 2 


A. Urb. 702. Ck. 56. Cois.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

going abroad, he would persuade Quintus to leave 
his wife, at least, in good humour at their parting : 
in relation to which, Cicero sends him the following 
account of what passed : 

" When I arrived at Arpinum, and my brother 
" was come to me, our first and chief discourse was 
" on you ; which gave me an opportunity of falling 
" upon the affair of your sister, which you and I had 
" talked over together at Tusculum : I never saw 
** any thing so mild and moderate as my brother was 
**■ without giving the least hint of his ever having 
" had any real cause of offence from her. The 
"next morning we left Arpinum; and that day 
being a festival, Quintus was obliged to spend it at 
Arcanum, where I dined with him, but went on 
afterwards to Aqninum. You know this villa of 
his : as soon as we came thither, Quintus said to his 
wife, in the civitest terms, Do you, Poinponia, in- 
vite the women, and I will send to the men : (no- 
thing, as far as I saw, could be said more obligingly, 
" either in his words or manner:) to which she re- 
" plied, so as we all might hear it, I am but a stran- 
" ger here myself: referring, I guess, to my brother's 
" having sent Statius before us to order the dinner : 
" upon which, See, says my brother to me, what I 
am forced to bear every day. This, you will say, 
was no great matter. Yes, truly, great enough to 
give me much concern ; to see her reply so absurd- 
" ly and fiercely, both in her words and looks ; but 
* : I dissembled my uneasiness. When we sat down 
" to dinner, she would not sit down with us : and 
" when Quintus sent her several things from the 
" table, she sent them all back: in short, nothing 
" could be milder than my brother, or ruder than 
your sister: yet I omit many particulars, which 
gave more trouble to me than to Quintus him- 
self. I went away to Acjuinum ; he staid at Ar- 
canum : but when he came to me early the next 
" morning, he told me, that she refused to lie with 









A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marccllus 

■" him that night; and, at their parting, continued in 
*<■ the same humour in which 1 had seen her. In a 
'" word, you may let her know, from me, that, in my 
" opinion, the fault was all on her side that day. I 
" have been longer, perhaps, than was necessary, in 
f my narrative, to let you see, that there is occasion 
44 also, on your part, for advice and admonition.'"* 

One cannot help observing, from this little inci- 
dent, what is continued by innumerable instances 
in the Roman story, that the freedom of a divorce, 
which was indulged without restraint at Rome, to 
the caprice of either party, gave no advantage of 
comfort to the matrimonial state; but, on the con- 
trary, seems to have encouraged rather a mutual per- 
verseness and obstinacy ; since, upon any little dis- 
gust, or obstruction given to their follies, the expe- 
dient of a change was ready always to flatter them 
with the hopes of better success in another trial : for 
there never was an age or country, where there was 
so profligate a contempt and violation of the nuptial 
bond, or so much lewdness and infidelity, in the 
great of both sexes, as at this time in Rome. 

Cicero spent a few days, as he passed forward, 
at his Cuman villa, near Baiae, where there was such 
a resort of company to him, that he had, he says, a 
kind of a little Rome about him : Hortensius came 
among the rest, though much out of health, to pay 
his compliments, and wish him a good voyage; and, 
at taking leave, when he asked what commands he 
had for him in his absence, Cicero begged of him 
only to use all his authority, to hinder his govern- 
ment from being prolonged to him.f In sixteen days 
from Rome, he arrived at Tarentum, where he had 
promised to make a visit to Pompey, who was 
taking the benefit of that soft air, for the recovery of 

* Ad'Att. 5. 1. 

t In Cumano cum cssem, venit ad me, quod mihi pergratum fuit, nosfer Horten- 
sius : cui, deposcenti mca mandata, eastern universe mandavi ; illud proprie, ne pa- 
teretur, quantum esset in ipso, prorogari nobis provincial!! — habuinius iu Curjtano 
quasi pusiilam Roraaiu : tanta erat in his locis multitude). lb. 'i. 


A. Utb. 70^. Cie. 56, Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcelins. 

his health, at one of his villas in those parts ; and had 
invited and pressed Cicero to spend some days with 
him upon his journey : they proposed great satisfac- 
tion on both sides from this interview, for the op- 
portunity of conferring together, with all freedom, 
on the present state of the Republic, which was to 
be their subject : though Cicero expected, also, to 
get some lessons of the military kind, from this re- 
nowned commander. He promised Atticus an ac- 
count of this conference ; but the particulars being 
too delicate to be communicated by letter, he ac- 
quainted him only, in general, that he found Pom- 
pey an excellent citizen, and provided for all events 
which could possibly be apprehended. * 

After three days' stay with Pompey, he proceeded 
to Brundisium, where he was detained for twelve 
days, by a slight indisposition, and the expectation 
of his principal officers, particularly of his lieute- 
nant Pontinius, an experienced leader, the same 
who had triumphed over the Allobroges, and on 
whose skill he chiefly depended in his martial af- 
fairs. From Brundisium, he sailed to Actium, on 
the fifteenth of June ; whence, partly by sea, and 
partly by land, he arrived at Athens on the twenty- 
sixth.f Here he lodged in the house of Aristus, the 
principal professor of the Academy; and his brother 
not far from him, with Xeno, another celebrated phi- 
losopher of Epicurus's school ; they spent their time 
very agreeably ; at home, in philosophical disquisi- 
tions ; abroad, in viewing the buildings and antiqui- 
ties of the place, with which Cicero was much de- 

* Nos Tarenti, quos cum Pompeio ha~Koyov; de Repub. habuerimus ad te perscribe- 
mus. lb. 5. 

Tarentura venia. d. xvKal. Jun. quod Pontinium statueram expectarc, commodis- 
siiiunn duxi dies eos — cum Pompeio consumere ; eoque magis, quod ei gratum esse 
id videbam, qui etiam a me petierit, ut secum et apud se cssem quotidie : quod 
concessi libenter, multos enim ejus prreelaros de Repub. sermoncs accipiam: iustruar 
etiam cousiliis idoneis ad hoc nostrum negotium. lb. 6. 

E'o, cum triduuni cum Pompeio et apud Pompeium fuissem, proficiscebar Brun- 
disium. — Civein 'Hum egregium relinquebam > et ad hscc, quse tiinentur, propulsanda 
paratissimum. lb. 7. 

f Ad Att. 5. 8, 9, 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellui. 

lighted : there were several other men of learning, 
both Greeks and Romans, of the party ; especially 
Gall us Caninius ; and Patro, an eminent Epicurean, 
and intimate friend of Atticus.* 

There lived at this time, in exile, at Athens, C. 
Memmius, banished upon a conviction of bribery, 
in his suit for the consulship; who, the day before 
Cicero's arrival, happened to go away to Mitylene. 
The figure which he had borne in Rome, gave him 
great authority in Atheus; and the council of Areo- 
pagus had granted him a piece of ground to build 
upon, where Epicurus formerly lived, and where 
there still remained the old ruins of his walls. But 
this grant had given great offence to the whole body 
of the Epicureans, to see the remains of their master 
in danger of being destroyed. They had written to 
Cicero, at Rome, to beg him to intercede with (Mem 
niius, to consent to a revocation of it ; and now at 
Athens, Xeno and Patro renewed their instances, 
and prevailed with him to write about it, in the 
most effectual maimer ; for though Memmius had 
laid aside his design of building, the Areopagites 
would not recal their decree without his leave.t Ci- 
cero's letter is drawn with much art and accuracy: 
he laughs at the trifling zeal of these philosophers, 
for the old rubbish and paltry ruins of their founder, 
yet earnestly presses Memmius, to indulge them in 
a prejudice, contracted through weakness, not wick- 
edness ; and, though he professes an utter dislike of 
their philosophy, yet he recommends them, as ho- 
nest, agreeable, friendly men, for whom he enter- 
tained the highest esteem.J From this letter one 

* Valde me Athense delectarunt : urbs duntaxat, et urbis ornamentum, etbominum 
amorcs in te, et in nos quredam benevolentia ; sed multum et pbilosopbia — si quid est., 
est in Aristo apud quem eram, nam Xenonem tuum — Quinto concesseram — Ad Att. 5. 
x. Ep. Fam.2. 8.13. 1. 

t Visum est Xenoni, et post, ipsi Patroni, me ad Memmium scribere, qui pridie, 
quam ego Athenas veni, Mitylenas profectus erat, — non enim dubitabat Xeno, quia 
ab Areopagitis invito Memmio impetrari now posset. Memmius autcm aedificandi 
consilium abjeeisset, sed erat Patroni iratus, itaque scripsi ad eum accurate. Ad 
Att. 5. 11. 

+ Ep. Fain. 13. 1, 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

may observe, that the greatest difference in philo- 
sophy made no difference of friendship among the 
great of these times. There was not a more de- 
clared enemy to Epicuruss doctrine than Cicero: 
he thought it destructive of morality, and pernicious 
to society ; but he charged this consequence to the , 
principles, not the professors, of them ; with many 
of whom he held the strictest intimacy, and found 
them to be worthy, virtuous, generous friends, and 
lovers of their country : there is a jocose letter to 
Trebatius, when he was with Caesar in Gaul, upon 
his turning Epicurean, which will help to confirm 
this reflection. 


"I was wondering, why you had given over 
" writing to me ; till Pansa informed me that you 
•' were turned Epicurean. O rare camp! whatwould 
" you have done if I had sent you to Tarentum, in- 
*' stead of Samarobriva? I besran to think the worse 
" of you, ever since you made my friend Seius your 
*' pattern. But. with what face will you now pre- 
" tend to practise the law, when you are to do every 
" thing for your own interest, and not for your cli- 
" ents? and what will become of that old form and 
" test of fidelity ; as true men ought to act truly 
" with one another ? what law will you allege for 
" the distribution of common right, when nothing 
" can be common with those who measure all things 
" by their pleasure? with what face can you swear 
"by Jupiter; when Jupiter, you know, can never 
" be angry with any man? and what will become of 
•* your people of Ulubrae ; since you do not allow a 
'* wise man to meddle with politics ? wherefore, if 
" you are really gone off" from us, I am sorry for it: 
" but if it be convenient to pay this compliment to 
'* Pansa, I forgive you ; on condition, however, that 
41 you write me word what you are doing, and what 


A. t'rb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

" you would have me do for you here."* The 
change of principles in Trebatius, though equivalent 
in effect to a change of religion with us, made no 
alteration in Cicero's affection for him. This was 
the dictate of reason to the best and wisest of the 
heathens ; and may serve to expose the rashness of 
those zealots who, with the light of a most Divine 
and benevolent religion, are perpetual! y insulting and 
persecuting their fellow Christians, for differences 
of opinion, which, for the most part, are merely 
speculative, and without any influence on life, or 
the good and happiness of civil society. 

After ten days spent at Athens, where Poutinius 
at last joined him, Cicero set sail towards Asia. 
Upon leaving Italy, he had charged his friend C02- 
lius with the task of sending him the news of Rome ; 
which Ccelius performed very punctually, in a series 
of letters which make a valuable part in the collec- 
tion of his familiar epistles ; they are polite and en- 
tertaining; full of wit and spirit; yet not flowing 
with that easy turn and elegance of expression, 
which we always find in Cicero's. The first of them, 
with Cicero's answer, will give us a specimen of the 


" According to my promise at parting, to send 
" you an account of all the news of the town, I have 
" provided one to collect it for you so punctually, 
44 that 1 am afraid, lest you should think my dili- 
" gence at last too minute : but I know how curious 
" you are; and how agreeable it is to all, who are 
"abroad, to be informed of every thing that passes 
" at home, though ever so trifling. I beg of you, 
" however, not to condemn me of arrogance, for 
" deputing another to this task ; since, as busy as 
" I now am, and as lazy as you know me to be in 

writing, it would be the greatest pleasure to me, 

. * Ep. Fain. 7. 12. 



A- 1 "... "-- I 3c. Ccs». — Senr. Sulpiciu* Kului. M. Claudius JIarceliuj. 

" to be employed in any thing that revives the remem- 
■• brance of you : but the packet itself, which 1 have 
" sent, will, I imagine, readily excuse rae : for what 
" leisure would it require, not only to transcribe, 
" but to attend even to the contents of it? there are 
*' all the decrees of the senate, edicts, plays, ru- 
l * moors: if the sample does not please you, pray 
4 * let me know it, that 1 may not give you trouble 
M at my cost. If any thin:* important happens in 
'• the Republic, above the reach of these hackney 
M writers, I will send you an account of it myself; 
" in what was transacted ; what specula- 
"• tions are raised upon it : what effects apprehend- 
M ed : at present, there is no great expectation of 

thins: as to those rumours, which were - 

" warm at Cuma?. of assembling the colonies be- 

'• yond the Po. when I came to Rome, I heard not 

'• a syllable about them. Marcellus, too. because 

M he has not yet made any motion for a successor to 

" the two Gauls, but puts it off, as he told me him- 

u self, to the rirst of June, has revived the same talk 

roncernrag him, which was stirring when we were 

I Rome together. If you saw Pornpey, as you 

'• designed to do, pray send me word in what temper 

M von found him : what conversation he had with 

*• von : what inclination he shewed : for he is apt to 

'• think one thing, and sav another; vet has not \Mt 

conceal what he really means. As for 

**C - . there are many ugly reports about him; 

ut propagated only in whispers: some say. that 

M he b - stall his horse; which I take, indee !, to 

"be true: 5, that the seventh legion has been 

'• beaten; and that - - besieged by the 

M 1 tci. and cut c m the rest of his army. 

'• i a thine yet certain; nor are these uncer- 

** i - • ubEcly talked of; but among th 

•• • i knoi , told openly by way of seer«- - 

•1 - \ermer, - m, without clapping 

M his lie; his mouth. On the twenty-first of 


A. L'rb. 702. Cic. 56. Com* — Saw. SalpiciBl Rufus. M. Claudius Marccliu*. 

44 May, the mob, under the rostra, sent about a re- 

" port, (may it fall on their own heads) which 

" was warmly propagated through the Forum and 

" the whole city, that you were killed upon the road 

" by Q. Pompeius : but I, who knew him to be then 

" at Bauli, and in such a starving condition, that I 

" could not help pitying him, being forced to turn 

" pilot for his bread, was not concerned about it ; 

" and wished only, that if any real dangers threat- 

" ened you, we might be quit for this lie: your 

" friend Plancus Bursa is at Ravenna, where he has 

" had a large donative from Caesar ; but is not yet 

" easy, nor well provided. Your books on govern- 

" ment are applauded by all people.'"* 


" How! was it this, think you, that I charged you 
" with; to send me the matches of gladiators ; the 
" adjournments of causes; and Chrestus's news-let- 
" ter; and what nobody dares mention to me when 
" at Rome? see how much I ascribe to you in my 
" judgment: nor indeed without reason, fori have nc- 
" ver yet met with a better head for politics ; J would 
" not have you write what passes every day in pub- 
" lie, though ever so important, unless it happen to 
" affect myself : others will write it; many bring ac- 
" counts of it ; and fame itself conveys a great part 
" to me : I expect from you, neither the past, nor 
" the present; but as from one, who sees agreat way 
11 before him, the future only; that when 1 have be- 
" fore me, in your letters, the plan of the Republic, 
" I maybe abletojudge what a sort of edifice it will 
" be. Nor have I hitherto, indeed, any cause to 
complain of you : for nothing has yet happened, 
which you could foresee better than any of us; 
" especially myself, who spent several days with 
" Pompey, in conversing on nothing else but the Re- 

* Fp. Fam. R. 1. 




A. Urb. 703. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus, 

" public ; which it is neither possible nor proper for 
" me to explain by letter : take this only from me: 
" that Pompey is an excellent citizen, prepared, 
" both with courage and counsel, for all events which 
" can be foreseen i wherefore give yourself up to the 
" man ; believe me, he will embrace you; for he now 
" holds the same opinion with us, of good and bad 
*.' citizens. After I had been ten days at Athens, 
" where our friend Gallus Caninius was much with 
" me, I left it on the sixth of July, when I sent away 
" this letter. As I earnestly recommend all my af- 
" fairs to you, so nothing more particularly, than that 
" the tiuie of my provincial command be not pro- 
" longed. This is every thing to me ; which, when, 
" and how, and by whom it is to be managed, you 
" will be the best able to contrive. Adieu."* 

He landed at Ephesus on the twenty-second of 
July, after a slow but safe passage of fifteen days ; 
the tediousness of which was agreeably relieved by 
touching, on the way, at several of the islands of the 
iEgeansea, of which he sends a kind of journal to 
Atticus.'l' Many deputations from the cities of Asia, 
and a great concourse of people, came to meet him 
as far as Samos ; but a much greater still was ex- 
pecting his landing at Ephesus. The Greeks flock- 
ed eagerly, from all parts, to see a man so celebrated 
through the empire, for the fame of his learning and 
eloquence ; so that all his boastings, as he merrily 
says, of many years past, were now brought to the 
test.J After reposing himself, for three days, at 
Ephesus, he marched forward towards his province ; 
and on the last of July arrived at Laodicea, one of 
the capital cities of his jurisdiction. From this mo- 
ment, the date of his government commenced, which 
he bids Atticus take notice of, that he might know 

* Ep. Fara. 2. 8. 

t Ephesum vemraus a. d. xi. Kal. Scxt. Ad. Alt. 5. IS. rid. it. ib. 12. 

% De ccmcursu tegationum, privatonun, ot de incredibili niultitudine, qua> niihi 
jam Sami, sed niirabilem in mod um Ephesi prxsto fin!, ant te audisse puto — -ex quo 
ie intrlligcre crrto scio luulloiuiu aunorum ostehtationes mcas nunc in discrimen esse 
adductas. ib. 13. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Cosj.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

how to compute the precise extent of his annual 

It was Cicero's resolution, in this provincial com- 
mand, to practise those admirable rules, which he 
had drawn up formerly for his brother; and, from 
an employment, wholly tedious and disagreeable to 
him, to derive fresh glory upon his character, by 
leaving the innocence and integrity of his administra- 
tion as a pattern of governing to ail succeeding pro- 
consuls. It had always been the custom, when any 
governors went abroad to their provinces, that the 
countries, through which they passed, should defray 
all the charges of their journey : but Cicero no sooner 
set his foot on foreign ground, than he forbad all ex- 
pense whatsoever, public or private, to be made 
either upon himself, or any of his company, which 
raised a great admiration of him in all the cities of 
Greece.f In Asia he did the same, not suffering 
his officers to accept what was due to them, even by 
law, forage and wood for firing, nor any thing else, 
but mere house-room, with four beds, which he re- 
mitted also, as oft as it was practicable, and obliged 
them to lodge in their tents ; and, by his exam- 
ple, and constant exhortations, brought his lieute- 
nants, tribunes, and prefects, so fully into his mea- 
sures, that they all concurred with him, he says, 
wonderfully, in a jealous concern for his honour. J 

Being desirous to put himself at the head of his 
army, before the season of action was over, he spent 

* Laodiceam veni prid. Kal. Sextiles. Ex hoc die clavum anni movebis. lb. 15. 

t Ego — quotidie meditor, praeeipi^ meis; faciam denique ut summa modestia et 
sinnma abstinentia munus hoc extraordinarium traducanius. lb. 9. 

Adhuc sumptus nee in me aut publice aut privatiin, nee in quemquam comitum. 
Nihil accipitur lege Julia, nihil ah hospite, persuasum est omnibus meis serviendum 
esse famas meae. Belle adhuc. Hoc animadversum GraBcorum laude et multo ser- 
mone celebratur. lb. 10. 

IS T os adhuc iter per Groeciam summa cum admiratione feciraus. lb. 11. 

J Levantur misers; civitates, quod nullus fit sumptus in nos, neque in Legates, 
neque in QuiBstofiean, neque in quemquam. — Scito, non modo nos foenuin, aut quod 
lege Julia dari solet, non accipere, sed ne ligna quidem, nee prater quatuor lectos, 
et tectum, quemquam accipere quidquam : multis locis ne tectum quidem, et in ta- 
bernaculo inanere plorumque. Ad Att. 5. 16. 

Ut nullus teruncius insumatur in quemquam ; id fit etiam et legatorum et tribuno- 
romet p-r#fectorumdiligeutia. Namomncs roiriiice rv(JtfyfoQfo%$riv gloria mea,'. lb. 17. 


A. Url). 702. Cic. 56". Coss.—Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

but little time in visiting the cities of his jurisdiction, 
reserving the winter months for settling the civil af- 
fairs of the province.* He went, therefore, to the 
camp, at Iconium, in Lycaonia, about the twenty- 
fourth of August, where he had no sooner reviewed 
the troops, than he received an account from An- 
tiochus, king of Comagene, (which was confirmed 
from the other princes of those parts) that the Par- 
tisans had passed the Euphrates, with a mighty 
force, in order to invade the Roman territory, under 
the conduct of Pacorus, the kings son. Upon this 
news, he marched towards Cilicia, to secure his pro- 
vince from the inroads of the enemy, or any commo- 
tions within : but, as all access to it was difficult, 
except on the side of Cappadocia, an open country, 
and not well provided, he took his route through 
that kingdom, and encamped in that partofit, which 
bordered upon Cilicia, near to the town of Cybistra, 
at the foot of Mount Taurus. His army, as it is 
said above, consisted of about twelve thousand foot, 
and two thousand six hundred horse, besides the 
auxiliary troops of the neighbouring states, and es- 
pecially of Deiotarus, king of Galatia, the most 
faithful ally of Rome, and Cicero's particular friend, 
whose whole forces he could depend upon at any 

While he lay in this camp, he had an opportunity 
of executing a special commission, with which he 
was charged by the senate, to take Ariobarzanes, 
king of Cappadocia, under his particular protec- 
tion, and provide for the security of his person and 

* Erat mihi in animo recta proficisci ad exercitum, aestivos menses reliquos ret 
militari dare, hibernos jurisdiction}. lb. 14. 

t In castra veni. a. d. vii. Kal. Sept. ad d. iii. exercitum lustravi. Ex his castris 
cum graves de Partliis nuncii venirent, perrexi in Ciliciam, per Cappadocia; partem 
earn, quae Ciliciam attingit — 

Regis Antiochi Comagcni Iegatis primi mihi nunciarunt Partliorum magnas copias 
Enphralem transire coepisse.— Cum exercitum in Ciliciam ducerem — mihi littene red- 
ditsc sunt, a Tarcondimoto, qui fidelissimus socius trans Taurum Populi Rom. existi- 
matur. Pacorum Orodi Regis Partliorum iilium, cum permagno equitatu transisse 
Errphratem, &c. Ep. Fam. 15. 1. 

Eodem die ab Jambliclio, Pliylarcho Arabum — litters de eisdem rebus, &c. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic 56. Coss.— Serv. SulpiciusRufus. M. Claudius MarceJius. 

government: in honour of whom the senate had de- 
creed, what they had never done before to any fo- 
reign prince, that his safety was of great concern to 
the senate and people of Rome. His father had 
been killed by the tteachery of his subjects, and a 
conspiracy of the same kind was apprehended against 
the son ; Cicero, therefore, in a council of his offi- 
cers, gave the king an account of the decree of the 
senate, and that in consequence of it, he was then 
ready to assist him with his troops and authority, in 
any measures that should be concerted for the safety 
and quiet of his kingdom. — The king, after great 
professions of his thanks and duty to the senate, for 
the honour of their decree, and to Cicero himself, for 
his care in the execution of it, said, that he knew no 
occasion for giving him any particular trouble at that 
time ; nor had any suspicion of any design against 
his life or crown ; upon which Cicero, after congra- 
tulating him upon the tranquillity of his affairs, ad- 
vised him, however, to remember his father's fate, 
and, from the admonition of the senate, to be particu- 
larly vigilant in the care of his person, and so they 
parted. But the next morning, the king returned 
early to the camp, attended by his brother and coun- 
sellors, and, with many tears, implored the protec- 
tion of Cicero, and the benefit of the senate's decree; 
declaring, that he had received undoubted intelli- 
gence of a plot, which those, who were privy to it, 
durst not venture to discover till Cicero's arrival in 
the country; but, trusting to his authority, had now 
given full information of it; and that his brother, who 
was present, and ready to confirm what he said, had 
been solicited to enter into it by the offer of the 
crown ; he begged, therefore, that some of Cicero's 
troops might be left with him for his better guard 
and defence. Cicero told him, that under the pre- 
sent alarm of the Parthian war, he could not possi- 
bly lend him any part of his army ; that since the 
conspiracy was detected, his own forces would be 


A. L r rb. 702. - Cic. 56. Coss.— Sefv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius MarceJlus. 

sufficient for preventing the effects of it; that he 
should learn to act the king, by shewing a proper 
concern for his own life, and exert his regal power 
in punishing the authors of the plot, and pardoning 
ail the rest ; that he need not apprehend any farther 
danger when his people were acquainted with the 
senate's decree, and saw a Roman army so near to 
them and ready to put it in execution : and having 
thus encouraged and comforted the king, he march- 
ed towards Ciiicia, and gave an account of this acci- 
dent, and of the motions of the Parthians, in two 
public letters to the consuls and the senate; he add- 
ed a private letter also to Cato, who was a particu- 
lar favourer and patron of Ariobarzanes, in which 
he informed him, that he had not only secured the 
king's person from any attempt, but had taken care, 
that he should reign, for the future, with honour and 
dignity, by restoring to his favour and service his 
old counsellors, whom Cato had recommended, and 
who had been disgraced by the intrigues of his 
court ; and by obliging a turbulent young priest of 
Bellona, who was the head of themalecontents, and 
the next in power to the king himself, to quit the 

This king, Ariobarzanes, seems to have been poor, 
even to a proverb : 

Mancipiis locuples, cget ceris Cappadocum rer. 

Hor. Ep. 1. 6. 

For he had been miserably squeezed and drained 
by the Roman generals and .governors ; to whom 
he owed vast sums, either actually borrowed, or 
stipulated to be paid for particular services. It 
was a common practice with the greatat Rome, to 
lend money at exorbitant interest, to the princes 
and cities, dependent on the empire which was 
thought an useful piece of policy to both sides; to 
the princes, for the opportunity of engaging to their 
interests the most powerful men of the Republic, 

* Ep. Fan). 15. 2,3,4. 


A. Urb. 70%. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M, Claudius Marcellus. 

by a kind of honourable pension ; to the Romans, 
for the convenience of placing their money where it 
was sure to bring- the greatest return of profit. The 
ordinary interest of these provincial loans was one 
per cent, by the month, with interest upon interest : 
this was the lowest; but, in extraordinary or ha- 
zardous cases, it was frequently four times as much. 
Pompey received monthly from this very king, 
above six thousand pounds sterling, which yet was 
short of his full interest. Brutus, also, had lent 
him a very large sum, and earnestly desired Cicero 
to procure the payment of it, with the arrears of 
interest: but Pompey 's agents were so pressing, 
and the king so needy, that though Cicero solicited 
Brutus's affair very heartily, he had little hopes of 
getting any thing for him : when Ariobarzanes came, 
therefore, to offer him the same present of money 
which he had usually made to every other governor, 
he generously refused it, and desired only, that, in- 
stead of giving it to him, it might be paid to Bru- 
tus ; but the poor prince was so distressed that he 
excused himself, by the necessity which he was un- 
der of satisfying some other more pressing demands; 
so that Cicero gives a sad account of his negotiation, 
in a long letter to Atticus, who had warmly recom- 
meuded Brutus's interests to him. 

" I come now," says he, " to Brutus; whom, by 
" your authority, I embraced with inclination, and 
" began even to love ; but — what am I going to 
" say? I recal myself, lest I offend you — do not 
" think, that I ever entered into any thing more wil- 
" lingly, or took more pains, than in what he re- 
commended to me. He gave me a memorial of 
the particulars, which you had talked over with 
me before. I pursued your instructions exactly ; 
in the first place, I pressed Ariobarzanes, to give 
4 that money to Brutus which he promised to me : 
4 as long as the king continued with me, all things 
1 looked well ; but he was afterwards teazed by six 

VOL. I}. C 




A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Mareellus. 

" hundred of Pompey's agents ; and Ponipey, for 
" other reasons, can do more with him than all the 
"world besides; but especially, when it is ima- 
" gined that he is to be sent to the Parthian war: 
" they now pay Pompey thirty-three Attic talents 
" per month, out of the taxes, though this falls 
" short of a month's interest ; but our friend Cnseus 
" takes it calmly ; and is content to abate somewhat 
" of the interest, without pressing for the principal. 
" As for others, he neither does, nor can pay any 
" man : for he has no treasury, no revenues : he 
" raises taxes by Appius's method of capitation : 
" but these are scarce sufficient for Pompey's 
" monthly pay : two or three of the king's friends 
" are very rich ; but they hold their own as closely 
" as either you or I.— I do not forbear, however, to 
"ask, urge, and chide him, by letters: king Deio- 
" tarus also told me, that he had sent people to 
" him on purpose, to solicit for Brutus ; but they 
" brought him word back, that he had really no mo- 
" ney : which I take, indeed, to be the case; that 
" nothing is more drained than his kingdom ; nothing 
" poorer than the king."* 

But Brutus had recommended another affair of 
the same nature to Cicero, which gave him much 
more trouble. The city of Salamis, in Cyprus, owed 
to two of his friends, as he pretended, Scaptius and 
Matinius, above twenty thousand pounds sterling, 
upon bond, at a most extravagant interest; and he 
begged of Cicero to take their persons and concerns 
under his special protection. Appius, who was 
Brutus's father-in-law, had granted every thing 
which was asked to Scaptius ; a prefecture in Cy- 
prus, with some troops of horse, with which he mi- 
serably harassed the poor Salaminians, in order to 
force them to comply with his unreasonable de- 
mands : for he shut up their whole senate in the 

Ad Att. 6. 1. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

council-room, till five of them were starved to death 
with hunger.* Brutus laboured to place him in the 
same degree of favour with Cicero: but Cicero be- 
ing informed of this violence at Ephesus, by a de- 
putation from Salamis, made it the first act of his 
government to recal the troops from Cyprus, and 
put an end to Scaptius's prefecture, having laid it 
down for a rule, to grant no command to any man 
who was concerned in trade, or negotiating money 
in the province: to give satisfaction, however, to 
Brutus, he enjoined the Salaminians to pay off 
Scaptius's bond, which they were ready to do, ac- 
cording to the tenour of his edict, by which he had 
ordered, that no bonds in his province should carry 
above one per cent, by the month. Scaptius re- 
fused to take the money on those terms, insisting 
on four per cent, as the condition of his bond ex- 
pressed ; which, by computation, almost doubled 
the principal sum ; while the Salaminians, as they 
protested to Cicero, could not have paid the origi- 
nal debt, if they had not been enabled to do it by his 
help, and out of his own dues, that he had remitted 
to them ; which amounted to somewhat more than 
Scaptius's legal demand. f 

This extortion raised Cicero's indignation ; and, 
notwithstanding the repeated instances of Brutus 
and Atticus, he was determined to over-rule it; 
though Brutus, in order to move him the more ef- 
fectually, thought proper to confess, what he had 
all alons: dissembled, that the debt was reallv his 
own, and Scaptius only his agent in it.J This sur- 

* Fuerat enim pracfectus Appio, et quidem habuerat turmas equitum, quibus in- 
cliisuni in curia Senatum Salamine obsederat, ut fame senatores quinque moreren- 
tur. lb. 

t Iraque ego, quo die tetigi provinciam, cum mihi Cyprii legati Ephesum obviam 
venissent, litteras misi, ut equiles ex insula statim decederent — Ad Att. 6. 1. con- 
feceram, ut solverent centesimis — at Scaptius quaternas postulabat — lb. homines 
non modo non recusare, sed etiam dicere, se a me solvere. Quod enim Praetori 
dare consuescent, quoniam ego non acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare ; atque 
etiam minus esse aliquanto in Sceptii nomine, quam in vectigali praetorio — lb. 5. 21. 

t Atque hoc tempore ipso impingit mihi epistolam Scaptius Bruti, rem illam suo 
periculo esse : quod nee mihi unquam Brutus dixerat nee tibi — lb. liunquairt ex illo 
aiulivi illam peeuniam esse suam— lb. 

c 2 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpieius Ruf us. M. Claudius Marcdlus. 

prised Cicero still more, and though he had a warm 
inclination to oblige Brutus, yet he could not con- 
sent to so flagrant an injustice, but makes frequent 
and heavy complaints of it in his letters to Atticus. — 
" You have now," says he, in one of them, " the 
"ground of my conduct; if Brutus does not ap- 
" prove it, I see no reason why we should love him ; 
" but I am sure it will be approved by his uncle 
" Cato."* In another— "if Brutus thinks that I 
' ought to allow him four per cent, when, by edict, 
" I have decreed but one through all the province, 
" and that to the satisfaction of the keenest usurers; 
" if he complains, that I denied a prefecture to one, 
" concerned in trade, which I denied, for that rea- 
" son, to your friend Lenius, and to Sex. Statius, 
" though Torquatus solicited for the one, and Pom- 
" pey himself for the other, yet without disgusting 
" either of them ; if he takes it ill that I recalled 
" the troops of horse out of Cyprus, I shall be sorry, 
" indeed, that he has any occasion to be angry with 
" me; but much more, not to find him the man that 
" I took him to be. — I would have you to know, 
" however, that I have not forgot what you inti- 
" mated to me in several of your letters, that if I 
" brought back nothing else from the province, but 
" Brutus's friendship, that would be enough : let it 
" be so, since you will have it so : yet it must al- 
" ways be with this exception, as far as it can be 
" done, without my committing any wrong — ."-(■ In 
a third — "Row, my dear Atticus ! you, who ap~ 
" plaud my integrity and good conduct, and are 

* Habes rneam causam : quas si Bruto non probaiur, nescio cur ilium airsemus : sed 
avunculo ejus certe probabitur. — lb. 5- 21. 

t Si Brutus putabit me quaternas centesiruas oportuisse decernere, qui in tota 
provincia singulas observarem, itaque edixissem, idque etiam accrbissimis fuenerato- 
ribus probaretur ; si pra:fecturam negotiator! denegatam queretur, quod ego Torqua- 
to nostro in tuo Lenio, Pompeio ipsi in S. Statio negavi, etiis probavi ; si equites 
deductos moleste feret; accipiam equidein dolorem, niihi ilium irasci, sed multo ma- 

jorem, non esse earn talem, qualem pntassem Sed plane te intelligere volui, mibi 

non excidisse illud, quod tu ad me quibusdarn litteris scripsisses, si nihil aliud de hac 
Provincia nisi illius benevolentiam deportassem, mibi id satis esse. Sit sane, quo- 
niam ita tu via sed tamen cum eo credo, quod sine peccato meo fiat. lb. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellns. 

" vexed sometimes, you say, that yon are not with 
" me; how cansuch a thing, as Ennius says, come 
" out of your mouth, to desire me to grant troops 
"to Scaptius, for the sake of extorting money? 
" could you, if you were with me, sutler me to do 
" it, if I would? — if I really had done such a thing, 
" with what face could 1 ever read again, or touch 
" those books of mine, with which you are so much 
" pleased ?"* He tells him, likewise, in confidence, 
that all Brutus's letters to him, even when he was 
asking favours, were unmannerly, churlish, and arro- 
gant; without regarding either what, or to whom he 
was writing; and if he continued in that humour — 
" you may love him alone," says he, " if you please; 
" you shall have no rival of me; but he will come, 
" I believe, to a better mind."f But to shew, after 
all, what a real inclination he had to oblige him, he 
never left urging king Ariobarzanes, till he had 
squeezed from him a hundred talents, in part of 
Brutus's debt, or about twenty thousand pounds; 
the same sum, probably, which had been destined 
to Cicero himself.J 

While he lay encamped in Cappadocia, expecting 
what way the Parthians would move, he received 
an account, that they had taken a different route, 
and were advanced to Antioch in Syria, where they 
held C. Cassius blocked up ; and that a detach- 
ment of them had actually penetrated into Cilicia, 
but were routed, and cut off by those troops which 

* Ain' tandem Attice, laudator integritatis et elegantise nostra ? ausus es hoc ex 
ore tuo, inquit Ennius, ut equites Scaptio ad pecuniam cogendam darem, me rogare ? 
an tu, si raecum esses, qui scribis morderi te interdum quod non simul sis, paterere 

me id facere, si vellem ? et ego audebo legere unquam, aut attingere eos libros, 

quos tu dilaudas ? si tale quid fecero ? Ad Att. 6. 2. 

t Ad me etiam, cum rogat aliquid, contumaciter, arroganter, clkoivwtw; solet 
icribere ib. 6. 1. 

Omnino (soli enim sumus) nullus unquam ad me litteras rnisit Brutus — in quibus 
non esset arrogans, axoivairirov aliquid — in quo tamen ille mihi risum magis quani 
stomachum movere solet. Sed plane parum cogitat, quid scribat, aut ad quem— 
ib. 6. 3. 

t Bruti tui causa, ut saepe ad te scripsi, feci omnia Ariobarzanes non in Pom- 

peium prolixior per ipsum, quaw per ine in Brutum — pro ratione pecuniiE liberius est 
Brutus tractatus, quam Pompeius. Bruto curata hoc anno talenta circiter c. Pom- 
peio in sex mensibus promissa cc. ib.— 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. Iff. Claudius Marceilus. 

were left to guard the country. Upon this he pre- 
sently decamped, and, by great jonrnies over Mount 
Taurus, marched in all haste to possess himself of 
the passes of Amanus ; a great and strong mountain, 
lying between Syria and Cilicia, and the common 
boundary of them both. By this march, and the 
approach of his army to the neighbourhood of Syria, 
the Parthians being discouraged, retired from An- 
tioch ; which gave Cassius an opportunity of failing 
upon them in their retreat, and gaining a considera- 
ble advantage, in which one of their principal com- 
manders, Osaces, was mortally wounded.* 

In the suspense of the Parthian war, which the 
late disgrace of Crassus had made terrible at Rome, 
Cicero's friends, who had no great opinion of his 
military talents, were in some pain for his safety and 
success: but now that he found himself engaged, 
and pushed to the necessity of acting the general, 
he seems to have wanted neither the courage nor 
conduct of an experienced leader. In a letter to 
Atticus, dated from his camp — " We are in great 
" spirits," says he, " and, as our counsels are good, 
" have no distrust of an engagement : we are se- 
curely encamped, with plenty of provisions, and 
in sight almost of Cilicia ; with a small army in- 
deed, but, as I have reason to believe, entirely 
well affected to me ; which I shall double by the 
accession of Deiotarus, who is upon the road to 
join me : I have the allies more firmly attached to 
me, than any governor ever had : they are won- 
" derfully taken with my easiness and abstinence: 
'* we are making new levies of citizens, and esta- 
" blishing magazines : if there be occasion for fight- 
" ing, we shall not decline it; if not, shall defend 


* Itaque confestim iter in Ciliciam feci per Tauri pylas. Tarsum veni a. d. iii. 
Non Oct. hide ad Amanum contendi, qui Syriam a Cilicia in aquarum divortio di- 
vidit — rumore adventus nostri, et Cassio, qui Autiochia tenebatur, animus accessit, 
et Farthis timor injectus est. Itaque eos cedentes al> bppido Cassius inserutus rem 
r>i j ne gessit. Qua in fuga magna auctoritate Osaces, dux Parthorain, vulnus accepit, 
foque interiit paucis post die bus. Ad Att. b. 20. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serr. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

" ourselves by the strength of our posts : wherefore, 
" be of good heart, for I see, as much as if you 
" were with me, the sympathy of your love for me." 5 
But the danger of the Parthians being over, for 
this season, Cicero resolved, that his labour should 
not be lost, and his army dismissed, without at- 
tempting something of moment. The inhabitants 
of the mountains, close to which he now lay, were 
a fierce, untamed race of banditti, or freebooters, 
who had never submitted to the Roman power, but 
lived in perpetual defiance of it, trusting to their 
forts and castles, which were supposed to be im- 
pregnable from the strength of their situation. He 
thought it, therefore, of no small importance to the 
empire, to reduce them to a state of subjection ; and, 
in order to conceal his design, and take them un- 
provided, he drew off his forces, on pretence of 
marching to the distant parts of Cilicia; but, after 
a day's journey, stopped short, and having refreshed 
his army and left his baggage behind, turned back 
again in the night with the utmost celerity, and 
reached Amanus before day, on the thirteenth of 
October. He divided his troops among his four 
lieutenants, and himself, accompanied by his bro- 
ther, led up one part of them, and so coming upon 
the natives by surprise, they easily killed or made 
them all prisoners : they took six strong forts, and 
burned many more; but the capital of the moun- 
tain, Erana, made a brave resistance, and held out 
from break of day to four in the afternoon. Upon 
this success, Cicero was saluted emperor, and sat 
down again at the foot of the hills, where he spent 
five days, in demolishing the other strong-holds, and 
wasting the lands of these mountaineers. In this 
place, his troops were lodged in the same camp, 
which Alexander the Great had formerly used, 
when he beat Darius at Issus ; and where there re- 

* lb. *. 18. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Cos*.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius MarcellnJ. 

mained three altars, as the monument of his victory, 
which bore his name to that day : a circumstance, 
which furnished matter for some pleasantry, in his 
letters to his friends at Rome.* 

From Amanus, he led his army to another part 
of the highlands, the most disaffected to the Roman 
name, possessed by a stout and free people, who 
had never been subject even to the kings of that 
country. Their chief town was called Pindenissum, 
situated on a steep and craggy lull, strongly forti- 
fied by nature and art, and provided with every 
thing necessary for defence : it was the constant 
refuge of all deserters, and the harbour of foreign 
enemies, and at that very time was expecting, and 
prepared to receive, the Parthians; Cicero, resolving 
therefore to chastise their insolence, and bring them 
under the Roman yoke, laid siege to it in form ; and 
though he pushed it on with all imaginable vigour, 
and a continual battery of his engines, yet it cost 
him above six weeks to reduce it to the necessity of 
surrendering at discretion. The inhabitants were 
sold for slaves, and when Cicero was writing the ac- 
count from his tribunal, he had already raised about 
a hundred thousand pounds by that sale: all the 
other plunder, excepting the horsey, was given to 
the soldiers. In his letter upon it to Atticus, " the 
" Pindenisians," says he, " surrendered to me on 
" the Saturnalia, after a siege of seven-and-forly 

* Qui mons erat hostium plenus sempiternorum. Hie a. d. 111. idus Octob. 
magnum numerum hostium occidimus. Castella muditissima, nocturno Pontinii 
adventu, nostro matutino cepimus, incendimus. Imperatores appeljati siiinus. Cas- 
tra paucos dies habuimus, ea ipsa, quae contra Darium habuerat apud Issum Alex- 
ander, Irnperator baud paullo melior, quam aut tu aut ego. Ibi dies quinque mo- 
rati, direpto et vastato Amano, hide discessimus. Ad Att. 5. 20. 

Expedite exercitu ita noetu iter feci, ut ad 111. Id. Octob. cum lucisceret, in 
Amanuin asceiidercm, distributisque cohortibus et auxiliis, cum aliis Quintus frater 
Legatus, niccum simul, aliis C Pontinius Legatus, reliquis M. Anneius, et M. Tullius 
Legati prseesscnt: plerosque nee opinantes oppressimus — Eranam autem, qua* fuit 
non vici instar, sed urbis, quod erat Amani caput — acriter et din repugaahtibus, 
Pontinio illam partem Amani tenente, ex antelucano tempore usque ad horam diei 
decimam, magna inultitudine hostium occisa, cepimus, castellaque sex ca|)la : com- 
plura incendimus. His rebus ita gestis, castra in radicibus Amani habuimus apud 
aras Alexandri quatriduum : et in reliquiis Amani delendis, agrisque va<-tandis — id 
tempus omne consumsimus — Ep. Fam. 15. 4. vid. ib. 2. 10. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

4 ' days : but what the plague, you will say, are these 
" Pindenisians ! I never heard of their name before. 
" How can I help that? could I turn Cilicia into 
" iEtolia or Macedonia? take this, however, for 
" certain, that no man could do more, than I have 
" done, with such an army,"&c* After this action, 
another neighbouring nation, of the same spirit and 
fierceness, called Tiburani, terrified by the fate of 
Pindenissum, voluntarily submitted, and gave hos- 
tages; so that Cicero sent his army into winter 
quarters, under the command of his brother, into 
those parts of the province, which were thought 
the most turbulent, j" 

While he was engaged in this expedition, Papirius 
Paetus, an eminent wit and Epicurean, with whom 
lie had a particular intimacy and correspondence 
of facetious letters, sent him some military instruc- 
tions in the way of raillery ; to which Cicero an- 
swered, in the same jocose manner : " Your letter," 
says he, " has made me a complete commander: 
" I was wholly ignorant before of your great skill 
" in the art of war ; but perceive, that you have 
" read Pyrrhus and Cineas. Wherefore I intend 
to follow your precepts, and withal, to have some 
ships in readiness on the coast; for they deny 
" that there can be any better defence against the 
"Parthian horse. But raillery apart; you little 
" think what a general you have to deal with : for, 

* Confectis his rebus ad oppidum Eleutherocilicum, Pindenissum, exercitum ad- 
duxi: quod cum esset altissimo et munitissirao loco, ab iisque incoleretur, qui ne 
Regibus quidem unquam paruissent: cum et fugitivos reciperent, et Parthorum ad- 
ventum acerrime expectarent : ad existimationem imperii pertinere arbitratus sum 
comprimere eorum audaciam — vallo et fossa circumdedi, sex castellis, castrisque 
maximis sepsi, aggere, vineis, turribus oppugnavi, ususque tormentis multis, multis 
sagittariis, magno labore meo — septimo quadragesimo die rem confeci. Ep. Fam. 
15. 4. 

Qui (malum) isti Pindenissse ? qui sunt? inquies : nomen audivi mmquam. 
Quid ego faciam? potui Ciliciam, /Ftoliam, aut Macedonian] reddere? hoc jam 
sic habeto, nee hoc exercitu hie tanta negotia geri potuisse, &c. Ad Att. 5. 20. 

MancipJa va?nibant Saturnalibus tertiis, cum lnec scribebam in tribunali, res erat 
ad H. S. cxx. lb. 

t His erant finitiini pari scelere et audacia Tiburani : ab his, Pindenisso capto, 
obsides accepi, exercitum in hiberna dimisi. Q. Fratrem ncgotio prn:posui, ut in 
vicis aut captu aut inalo pacatis exercitus collocaietur. Ep. Fam. 15. 4i 



A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Cos*.— Serv. Sulpiciua Rufus. M. Claudius MarceHw. 

" in this government, I have reduced to practice, 
" what I had worn out before with reading, the 
" whole institution of Cyrus," &c* These martial 
exploits spread Cicero's fame into Syria, where Bi- 
bulus was just arrived to take upon him the com- 
mand ; but kept himself close within the gates of 
Antioch, till the country was cleared of all the Par- 
tisans : his envy of Cicero's success, and title of 
emperor, made him impatient to purchase the same 
honour by the same service, on the Syrian side of 
the mountain Amanus ; but he had the misfortune 
to be repulsed in his attempt, with the entire loss 
of the first cohort, and several officers of distinction, 
which Cicero calls an ugly blow, both for the time 
and the effect it.f 

Though Cicero had obtained what he calls a just 
victory at Amanus, and, in consequence of it, the 
appellation of emperor, which he assumed from this 
time ; yet he sent no public account of it to Rome, 
till after the affair of Pindenissum, an exploit of 
more eclat and importance; for which he expected 
the honour of a thanksgiving, and began to entertain 
hopes even of a triumph. His public letter is lost, 
but that loss is supplied by a particular narrative of 
the whole action, in a private letter to Cato: the de- 
sign of paying this compliment to Cato, was to en- 
gage his vote and concurrence to the decree of the 
supplication; and, by the pains which he takes to 
obtain it, where he was sure of gaining his point 
without it, shews the high opinion which he had of 
Cato's authority, and how desirous he was to have 
the testimony of it on his side. But Cato was not 
to be moved from his purpose by compliments or 
motives of friendship : he was an enemy, by principle, 
to all decrees of this kind, and thought them bestow- 

* Ep. Fam. 9. 25. 

t Erat in Syria nostrum nomcn in gratia. Vcnit interim Bibulus. Credo voluif 
appellatione liac inani nobis esse par. In eodem Amnno cap-pit lanreolam in mus- 
taceo quasrere. Al ille cohorteni primam totam perdidit — sane plagara odiosam 
accepciat lum re turn tempore. Ad Alt. 5. CO. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Cos*.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellui. 

ed too cheaply, and prostituted to occasions unwor- 
thy of them : so that when Cicero's letters came un- 
der deliberation, though he spoke with all imaginable 
honour and respect of Cicero, and highly extolled 
both his civil and military administration, yet he 
voted against the supplication ; which was decreed, 
however, without any other dissenting voice* except 
that of Favonius, who loved always to mimic Cato, 
and of Hirrus, who had a personal quarrel with Ci- 
cero : yet, when the vote was over, Cato himself as- 
sisted in drawing up the decree, and had his name 
inserted in it ; which was the usual mark of a parti- 
cular approbation of the thing, and friendship to the 
person in whose favour it passed.* ButCato's an- 
swer to Cicero's letter will shew the temper of the 
man, and the grounds on which he acted on this 


" In compliance with what both the Republic and 
" our private friendship require of me, I rejoice that 
" your virtue, innocence, diligence, approved in the 
" greatest affairs, exerts itself every where with 
" equal vigour; at home in the gown, abroad in 
" arms. I did all, therefore, that I could do, agrce- 
" ably to my own judgment, when, in my vote and 
" speech, I ascribed to your innocence and good 
" conduct the defence of your province ; the safety 
" of the kingdom and person of Ariobarzanes ; the 
" recovery of the allies to their duty and affection to 
" our empire. I am glad, however, that a supplica- 
" tion is decreed; if, where chance has no part, but 

* Nunc publice litteras Romam ruittere parabam. Uberiores crunt, quam si ex 
Amano misissem. lb. 

Deinde de triumplio,quem video, nisi Reipub. tempora impedient, eliropo-Tw. Ad 
Att.7. 1. 

Ei porro assensus est units, familiaris meus Favonius; alter iratus Hirrus. Cafo 
autent et scribendo aftuit — lb. 

Res ipsa declarat, tibi ilium honorem supplicatiouis jucunduni fuisse, quod .scri- 
bendo affuisti. Hrcc enim Senatus consulta non ignore ab amicissimis ejus, cuju* 
de honore agitur, scribi soleic. Ep. Fani. 16. 6. 


A. Urb. 702.- Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marceilas, 

" the whole was owing to your consummate pru- 
" dence and moderation, you are better pleased,. 
" that we should hold ourselves indebted to the 
" gods, than to you. But if you think that a suppli- 
" cation will pave the way to a triumph, and for that 
" reason choose that fortune should have the praise 
" rather than yourself; yet a triumph does not al- 
" ways follow a supplication, and it is much more 
" honourable than any triumph, for the senate to 
" decree, that a province is preserved to the empire 
" by the mildness and innocence of the general, 
" rather than by the force of arms, and the favour of 
" the gods. This was the purpose of my vote ; and 
" I have now employed more words than it is my 
" custom to do, that you might perceive, what I 
" chiefly wish to testify, how desirous I am to con- 
" viuce you, that, in regard to your glory, I had a 
" mind to do what I took to be the most honourable 
" for you ; yet .rejoice to see that done, which you 
" are the most pleased with. Adieu, and still love 
" me ; and, agreeably to the course which you have 
" begun, continue your integrity and diligence to the 
" allies and the Republic."* 

Ciesar was delighted to hear of Cato's stiffness, 
in hopes that it would create a coldness between 
him and Cicero ; and, in a congratulatory letter to 
Cicero, upon the success of his arms, and the sup- 
plication decreed to him, took care to aggravate the 
rudeness and ingratitude of Cato. f Cicero himself 
was highly disgusted at it; especially when Cato, 
soon afterwards, voted a supplication to his son-in- 
law, Bibulus, who had done much less to deserve 
it. " Cato," says he, " was shamefully malicious ; 
" he gave me what I did not ask, a character of in- 
" tegrity, justice, clemency ; but denied me what I 
41 did: — yet this same man voted a supplication of 

* Kp. Fam. 15. 5. 

t Itaque Cvesar iis litteris, quibus mihi gjatulatur, et omnia poilicetur, quo mocfo 
«*ultat Catoiii5 in me injratissinii injuria. Ad Att. 7. 2. 


A. Urb, 702. Cic. 5G. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

" twenty days to Bibulus. Pardon me, if I cannot 
" bear this usage;"* — yet, as he had a good opinion 
of Cato in the main, and a farther suit to make to 
the senate, in the demand to a triumph, he chose to 
dissemble his resentment, and returned him a civil 
answer, to signify his satisfaction and thanks for 
what he had thought fit to do.f 

Cicero's campaign ended just so, as Coelius had 
wished in one of his letters to him ; with fighting 
enough to give a claim to the laurel, yet without the 
risk of a battle with the Parthians.J During these 
months of action, he sent away the two young Ci- 
ceros, the son and nephew, to king Deiotarus's 
court, under the conduct of the king's son, who came 
on purpose to invite them. They were kept strictly 
to their books and exercises, and made great pro- 
ficiency in both ; though the one of them, as Cicero 
says, wanted the bit, the other the spur. — Their tu- 
tor, Dionysius, attended them, a man of great learn- 
ing and probity, but, as his young pupils complain- 
ed, horribly passionate. |j Deiotarus himself was 
setting forward to join Cicero, with all his forces, 
upon the first news of the Parthian irruption. He. 
had with him thirty cohorts, of four hundred men 
each, armed and disciplined after the Roman man- 
ner, with two thousand horse: but the Parthian 
alarm being over, Cicero sent couriers to meet him 
on the road, in order to prevent his marching to no 
purpose, so far from his own dominion. § The old 

* Aveo scire — Cato quid agat : qui qnidem in me turpiter ma'.evolas. Pedii 
integritatis, justitiae, dementia", ndei testimonium, quod non qurerebam, quod pos- 
tulate™, negavit at hie idem Bibulo dieruin viginti. Ignosce mihi, non possum 

hcec ferre ib. 

t Ep. Fain. 15. 6. 

J Ut optasti, ita est; velles enim, ais, tanturamodo at haberem negotii quod esse-t 
ad laureolam satis. Parthos times, quia ditHdis copiis nostris. Ep. Fatu. L l. 10.8. 5. 

|| Cicerones nostros Deiotarus Alius, qui Rex a Senatu appellatus est, secum in 
recrnum. Duiu in aestivis nos essemus, ilium pucris locum esse bellissiiuum duximus. 
Ad Att. 5. 17. 

Cicerones pueri amant inter se, discunt, exercentur : sed alter — franis eget, alter 
calcaribus — Dionysius mihi quidem in amoribus est. Pueri autem aiunt euiii furenter 
jrasci. Sed homo nee doctior, noc sanctior fieri potest. Ib. t>. 1. 

§ Mihi iamen cum Deiutaro conveuit, ut ill? in mess castrb esset cum omnibus 


A. Urb. 702. ' Cic. SO. Coss.— Serv.Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

king, however, seems to have brought the children 
back again in person, for the opportunity of paying 
his compliments, and spending some time with his 
friend, for, by what Cicero intimates, they appear to 
have had an interview.* 

The remaining- part of Cicero's government was 
employed in the civil affairs of the province, where 
his whole care was, to ease the several cities and 
districts of that excessive load of debts, in which the 
avarice and rapaciousness of former governors had 
involved them, tie laid it down for the fixed rule of 
his administration, not to suffer any money to be ex- 
pended, either upon himself or his officers: and, 
when one of his lieutenants, L.Tullius, in passing 
through the country, exacted only the forage and 
firing, which was due by law, and that but once 
a-day, and not, as all others had done before, from 
every town and village through which they passed, 
he was much out of humour, and could not help 
complaining of it, as a stain upon his government, 
since none of his people besides had taken even a 
single farthing. All the wealthier cities of the pro- 
vince used to pay, to all their proconsuls, large 
contributions for being exempted from furnishing 
winter quarters to the army.— Cyprus alone paid 
yearly, on this single account, two hundred talents, 
or about forty thousand pounds : but Cicero remit- 
ted this whole tax to them, which alone made a vast 
revenue; and applied all the customary perquisites 
of his office to the relief of the oppressed province: 
yet for all his services and generosity, which amazed 
the poor people, he would accept no honours, but 
what were merely verbal ; prohibiting all expensive 
monuments, as statues, temples, brazen horses, &c. 

suis copiis, habet autem cohortes quadvingenarias nostra arniatura triginta ; equitum 
duo ruillia — lb. 

Deiotarum confestim jam ad me venientem cum magno ct firnio equitatu et pedi- 
taiu, et cum omnibus suis copiis, certiorcm feci, non vidcri esse causain cur abessct 
a regno— Ep. Fam. 15. 4, 

* I), iotarns milii narravit, &c. Ad Alt. C>. 1. 5. 21. 


Jk.Vvb.709. Cic. 56, Cosa Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M .Claudius Marccllus. 

which, by the flattery of Asia, used to be erected of 
course to al! governors, though ever so corrupt and 
oppressive. While he was upon his visitation of the 
Asiatic districts, there happened to be a kind of fa- 
mine in the country ; yet wherever he came, he not 
only provided for his family, at his own expense, 
but prevailed with the merchants and dealers, who 
had any quantity of corn in their storehouses, to 
supply the people with it on easy terms ;* living 
himself, all the while, splendidly and hospitably, 
and keeping an open table, not only for ail the Ro- 
man officers, but the gentry of the province. f In 
the following letter to Atticns, he gives him a sum- 
mary view of his manner of governing. 

" I see," says he, " that you are much pleased 
"* with my moderation and abstinence; but you would 
" be much more so, if you were with me, especi- 
*' ally at Laodicea, where I did wonders at the ses- 
" sions, which I have just held, for the affairs of the 
4t dioceses, from the thirteenth of February to the 
*' first of May. Many cities are wholly freed from 
" all their debts, many greatly eased, and all, by 
" being allowed to govern themselves by their own 
" laws, have recovered new life. There are two 
" ways by which I have put them into a capacity of 
freeing, or of easing themselves at least of their 
debts ; the one is, by suffering no expense at all 
" to be made on the account of my government. 

* Cave putes quicquam homines magis unquam esse miratos, quam nullum terun- 
tium, me obtinente provinciam, sumtus factum esse, nee in Remp. nee in queraquam 
ineorum, praeterquam in L. Tullium, Legatum. Is casteroqui abstinens (sed Julia 
lege transitans, semel tamen in diem, non ut alii solebant omnibus vicis) tacit ut iniiii 
excipiendus sit, cum teruntium nego sumtus factum. Praeter eum accepit nemo. 
Has sordes a nostro Q. Titinnio accepimus. Ad Att. 5. 21. 

Civitates locupletes, ne in hibena inilites reciperent, magnas pecunias dabant. 
Cyprii talenta Attica cc. Qua ex insula (non uweg^oXixSj sed verisshne loquor) num- 
ruus nullusme obtinente erogabitur. Ob hsec benefieia, quibus obstupescuut, nullos 
honores mihi, nisi verborum, decerni sino. Statuas, fana rsSgiwara, prohibeo — lb. 

Fames, qua; erat in hac mea Asia, mihi optanda fuerit. Quacunque iter feci, 
nulla vi, — auctoritate et cohortatione perfeci, ut et Graeci et Cives Romani, qui fru- 
nientum compresserant, magnum numerum populis pollicerentur — lb. 

t Ita vivam, ut maximos sumptus facio. Miriiite delector hoc institute Ad 
Att. 5. 1.5. 



A. Urb. 702. ' Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpirius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

" When I say none at all, I speak not hyperboii- 
" cally ; there is not so much as a farthing : it is in- 
" credible to think what relief they have found from 
" this single article. The other is this: their own 
"Greek magistrates had strangely abused and 
" plundered them. I examined every one of them, 
" who had borne any office for ten years past : they 
" all plainly confessed; and, without the ignominy 
" of a public conviction, made restitution of the mo- 
" ney which they had pillaged : so that the people, 
" who had paid nothing to our farmers for the pre- 
" sent lustrum, have now paid the arrears of the last, 
" even without murmuring. This has^placed me in 
*' high favour with the publicans: a grateful set of 
" men, you'll say : I have really found them such.— 
" The rest of my jurisdiction shall be managed with 
" the same address; and create the same admiration 
" of my clemency and easiness. There is no diffi- 
" culty of access to me, as there is to all other pro- 
" vincial governors ; no introduction by my cham- 
" berlain : I am always up before day, and walking 
" in my hall, with my doors open, as I used to do 
" when a candidate at Rome: this is great and gra- 
" cions here; though not at all troublesome to me, 
" from my old habit and discipline,"! &c. 

This method of governing gave no small umbrage 
to Appins; who considered it as a reproach upon 
himself, and sent several querulous letters to Cicero, 
because he had reversed some of his constitutions: 
" And no wonder/' says Cicero, " that he is dis- 
" pleased with my manner, for what can be more 
" unlike, than his administration and mine? Un- 
" dvr him the province was drained by expenses 
" and exactions ; under me, not a penny levied for 
"public or private use: what shall I say of his 
" praefects, attendants, lieutenants? of their plun- 
" ders, rapines, injuries? whereas now, there is not 
" a single family governed with such order, disci- 

* lb. 6. 2. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic.SG. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Mareellus. 

" pline, and modesty, as my province. This some of 
" Appius's friends interpret ridiculously ; asi f I was 
" taking pains to exalt my own character, in order to 
" depress his ; and doing all this, not for the sake of 
" my own credit, but of his disgrace.'* But the 
truth was, that, from the time of his reconciliation 
with Appius, he had a sincere desire to live on good 
terms with him ; as well out of regard to the splen- 
dour of his birth and fortunes, as to his great al- 
liances ; for one of his daughters was married to 
Pompey's son, and another to Brutus : j" so that, 
though their principles and maxims were totally 
different, yet he took care to do every thing with the 
greatest professions of honour and respect towards 
Appius, even when he found it necessary to rescind 
his decrees ; considering himself only, he says, as a 
second physician called in to a case of sickness, 
where he found it necessary to change the method 
of cure, and when the patient had been brought low 
by evacuations, and blood-letting, to apply all kinds 
of lenitive and restoring medicines.]; 

As soon as the government of Cilicia w r as allot- 
ted to him, he acquainted Appius with it by letter, 
begging of him, that, as no man could succeed to it 
with a more friendly disposition than himself, so 
Appius would deliver up the province to him, in 
such a condition, as one friend would expect to re- 
ceive it from another :§ in answer to which, Appius, 

* Quid enim potest esse tam dissimile, quam illo imperante, exhaustam esse 
sumptibus et jacturis provinciam, nobis earn obtinentibus, nummum nullum esse 
erogatum nee privatim nee publice, &c. lb. 6. 1. 

+ Ego Appium, ut tecum saepe locutus sum, valde diligo. Meque ab eo diligi 
statini coeptum esse, ut simultatem deposuimus, sensi — jam me Pompeii totum esse 
scis : Brutum a me amari intelligis. Quid est causas, cur mihi non in optatis e* 
complecti hominem, fiorentem estate, opibus, lionoribus, ingenio liberis, propinquis, 
amnibus, amicis. Ep. Fam. 2. 13. 

X Ut si Medicus, cum acgrotus alii medico traditus sit, irasci velit ei medico, qui 
sibi successerit, si quae ipse in curando constituent mutet ille. Sic Appius, cum 
i£ a^cufij-eu; provinciain curarit, sanguinem miserit,&c. Ad Att. 6. 1. 

§ Cum contra voluntatem meam — accidisset, ut mihi cum imperio in Provinciara 
ire necesse esset — haec una consolatio occurrebat, quod neque tibi amicior, quam ego 
sum, quisquam posset succedere, neque ego ab ullo Provinciain accipere, qui mallet 
earn mihi quam maxime aptam explicatamque, &c. Ep. Fain. 3. 2. 



A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Cos*.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus, 

having intimated some desire of an interview, Cicero 
took occasion to press it with much earnestness, as 
a thing of great service to them both ; and that it 
might not be defeated, gave him an account of all his 
stages and motions, and offered to regulate them in 
such a manner, as to make the place of their meet- 
ing the most agreeable to Appius's convenience : but 
Appius being disgusted with the first edicts, which 
Cicero published, resolved, for that reason, to disap- 
point him; and, as Cicero advanced into the pro- 
vince, retired still to the remoter parts of it, and con- 
trived to come upon him, at last, so suddenly, that 
Cicero had not warning enough given to go out and 
meet him ; which Appius laid hold of, as a fresh 
ground of complaint against Cicero's pride, for re- 
fusing that common piece of respect to him.f 

This provoked Cicero to expostulate with him 

with great spirit — " I was informed," says he, " by 

" one of my apparitors, that you complained of me 

" for not coming out to meet you : I despised you, 

" it seems, so as nothing could be prouder — when 

" your servant came to me, near midnight, and told 

" me, that you would be with me at Iconium before 

" day, but could not say by which road, when there 

" were two ; I sent out your friend Varro by the one, 

" and Q. Lepta, the commander of my artillery, by 

" the other, with instructions to each of them, to 

*' bring me timely notice of your approach, that I 

" might come out in person to meet you. Lepta 

" came running back presently in all haste to ac- 

" quaint me, that you had already passed by the 

" camp ; upon which I went directly to Iconium, 

" where you know the rest. Did I then refuse to 

" come out to you ? to Appius Claudius ; to an em- 

"peror; then, according to ancient custom; and, 

" above all, to my friend ? I, who of all men, am apt 

* me libenter ad earn partem provincial primum esse venturuin, quo te rnaxime 

velle arbitrarer, &c. lb. 5. 

Appius noster, cum me adveutare videt, profeclus est Tarsuiu usque Laodicea. 
Ad Att. 5. 17. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpiclus Rufus. M. Claudiu* Marcellus. 

" to do more in that way than becomes ray dignity? 
•' but enough of this. The same man told me, like- 
" wise, that you said, What! Appins went out to 
" meet Lentulus ; Lentulus to Appius; but Cicero 
" would not come out to Appius. Can you then be 
" guilty of such impertinence? a man, in my judg- 
" ment, of the greatest prudence, learning, expe- 
" rience; and, I may add, politeness too, which the 
" Stoics rightly judge to be a virtue? do you ima- 
" gine, that your Appiuses and Lentuluses are of 
" more weight with me than the ornaments of vir- 
" tue? before I had obtained those honours, which, 
'« in the opinion of the world, are thought to be the 
" greatest, I never fondiy admired those names of 
" your's : I looked indeed upon those, who had left 
" them to you, as great men ; but after I had ac- 
" quired, and borne the highest commands, so as to 
" have nothing more to desire, either of honour or 
" glory, I never, indeed, considered myself as your 
" superior, but hoped, that I was become your equal : 
" nor did Pompey, whom I prefer to all men who 
" ever lived, nor Lentulus, whom I prefer to myself, 
" think otherwise: if you, however, are of a differ- 
" ent opinion, it will do you no harm to read, with 
" some attention, what Athenodorns says on this 
"subject, that you may learn wherein true no- 
" bility consists. But to return to the point: I de- 
" sire you to look upon me, not only as your friend, 
" but a most affectionate one : it shall be my care, 
** by all possible services, to convince you, that I am 
" truly so : but if you have a mind to let people see, 
" that you are less concerned for my interests, in 
" my absence, than my pains for your's deserved, I 
free you from that trouble ; 

" For I have friends enough to serve and love 

" Both me and mine, and above all,. Great Jove. lb. 1. 174. 

But, if you are naturally querulous, you shall not 
still hinder my good offices and wishes for you : 
all that you will do, is to make me less solicitous 




A. Urb. 702, Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Fvufus. M. Claudius Marcelluj. 

" how you take them. I have written this with more 
" than my usual freedom, from the consciousness 
" of my duty and affection, which, being contracted 
" by choice and judgment, it will be in your power 
" to preserve, as long as you think proper. Adieu."* 
Cicero's letters to Appius make one book of his 
familiar epistles, the greatest part of which are of 
the expostulatory kind, on the subject of their mu- 
tual jealousies and complaints : in this slippery 
state of their friendship, an accident happened at 
Rome, which had like to have put an end to it. His 
daughter Tullia, after parting from her second hus- 
band Crassipes, as it is probably thought, by di- 
vorce,'!' was married, in her father's absence, to a 
third, P.Cornelius Dolabella: several parties had 
been offered to her, and, among them, Ti. Claudius 
Nero, who afterwards married Livia, whom Au- 
gustus took away from him : Nero made his pro- 
posals to Cicero in Cilicia, who referred him to the 
women, to whom he had left the management of 
that affair; but, before those overtures reached 
them, they had made up the match with Dolabella, 
being mightily taken with his complaisant and ob- 
sequious ad dress. J He was a nobleman of patrician 
descent, and of great parts and politeness ; but of a 
violent, daring, ambitious temper, warmly attached 
to Caesar; and, by a life of pleasure and expense, 
which the prudence of Tullia, it was hoped, would 
correct, greatly distressed in his fortunes ; which 
made Cicero very uneasy, when he came afterwards 
to know it.§ Dolabella, at the time of this mar- 

* Ep. Fam. 3. 7. 

t What confirms this notion is, that Cra3sipes appears to have been alive at this 
time, and under Cicero's displeasure : who mentions him as the only senator, besides 
Ilirrus, to whom he did not think fit to write about the affair of his supplication. 
Ad Att. 7. 1. 

} Ego dum in provincia omnibus rebus Appium orno, subito sum factus accusa- 
toris (Jus socer — sed crede mihi nihil minus putaram ego, qui de Ti. Nerone, qui 
ruecon egerat, certos homines ad mulieres miseram, qui Romain venerunt factis spon- 
salibus. Sed hoc spero melius. Mulieres quidem valde intelligo delectari obsequio 
et comitate adolescentis. Ad Att. 6. 6. 

§ Gener est suavis — quantumvis vel ingenii, vel humanitatis; satis. Reliqua qua 
nosti frrcnda. Ad Att, 7. 3. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcelius. 

riage, for which he made way also by the divorce of 
his first wife,* gave a proof of his enterprising ge- 
nius, by impeaching Appius Claudius, of practices 
against the state, in his government of Cilicia, and 
of bribery and corruption in his suit for the consul- 
ship. This put a great difficulty upon Cicero, and 
made it natural to suspect, that he privately favour- 
ed the impeachment, where the accuser was his son- 
in-law: but in clearing himself of it to Appius, 
though he dissembled a little, perhaps, in disclaim- 
ing any part or knowledge of that match, yet he was 
very sincere in professing himself an utter stranger 
to the impeachment, and was, in truth, greatly dis- 
turbed at it. But, as from the circumstance of his 
succeeding to Appius in his government, he was of 
all men the most capable of serving or hurting him 
at the trial, so Pompey, who took great pains to 
screen Appius, was extremely desirous to engage 
him on their side, and had thoughts of sending one 
of his sons to him for that purpose : but Cicero saved 
them that trouble, by declaring early and openly for 
Appius, and promising every thing from the pro- 
vince that could possibly be of service to him ; 
which he thpught himself obliged to do the more 
forwardly, to prevent any suspicion of treachery to 
his friend, on the account of his hew alliance :\ so 
that Appius, instead of declining a trial, contrived 
to bring it on, as soon as he could ; and, with that 

J)oIabellam a fe gaudeo primum laudari, de'mde etiam amari. Nam ea quae spe- 
rasTullia? mex prudentia posse temperari, scio cui tua3 epistote respondeant. £p. 
Earn. 2. 15. it. 8. 13. 

Hac oblectabar specula, Dolabellam raeum fore ab iis molestiis, quas libertate sua 
contraxerat, liberum. lb. 16. 

* Illud mihi occurrit, quod inter postulationem, et norainis delationem uxor a Do- 
labella discessit. lb. 8. 6. 

t Pompeius dicitur valde pro Appio laborare, ut etiam putent alterutrum de filii sad 
te missurum. lb. — 

Post hoc negotium autem ct temerilatem nostri Dolabellae deprecatorem me pro 
illius periculo prasbeo. lb. 2. 13. 

Tamen hac mihi ailinitate nimtiata, non majore equidem studio, sed acrius, aper- 
tius, significantius dignitatem tuam defend issem — nam ut vehis nostra simultas antea. 
stimulabat me, ut cavcrem ne cui suspicionem fictc reconciliataa gratis darem : sic 
affinitas novaiu curam affert cavendi. lb, 3. 12. 


A.Urb.702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serr. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

view, having dropped his pretensions to a triumph, 
entered the city, and offered himself to his judges, 
before his accuser was prepared for him, and was 
acquitted, without any difficulty, of both the indict- 

In a little time after his trial, he was chosen cen- 
sor, together with Piso, Caesar's father-in-law, the 
last who bore that office durinsr the freedom of the 
Republic. Clodius's law, mentioned above, which 
had greatly restrained the power of these magis- 
trates, was repealed the last year, by Scipio, the 
consul, and their ancient authority restored to them,* 
which was now exercised with great rigour by Ap- 
pius ; who, though really a libertine, and remarkable 
for indulging himself in all the luxury of life, yet, by 
an affectation of severity, hoped to retrieve his cha- 
racter, and pass for an admirer of that ancient disci- 
pline, for which many of his ancestors had been 
celebrated. Ccelius gives a pleasant account of him 
to Cicero : " Do you know," says he, " that the cen- 
" sor, Appius, is doing wonders amongst us, about 
" statues and pictures, the number of our acres, and 
" the payment of debts? he takes the censorship for 
" soap or nitre, and thinks to scour himself clean 
" with it; but he is mistaken : for while he is labour- 
" ingto wash out his stains, he opens his very veins 
" and bowels, and lets us see him the more intimate- 
" ly: run away to us, by all the gods, to laugh at 
" these things: Drusus sits judge upon adultery, 
"by the Scantinian law; Appius on statues and 
" pictures. "j- But this vain and unseasonable at- 
tempt of reformation, instead of doing any good, 
served only to alienate people from Pompey's cause, 
with whom Appius was strictly allied: whilst his 
colleague, Piso, who foresaw that effect, chose to sit 

* Dio, p. 147. 

t Scis Appium Censorrm hie ostenta facerc ? dc signis et tahulis, de agri modo, 
et sere alieno acerrime agere ? persuasum est ei, censuram lomentuni aut nitrum esse. 
Enure mihi vidctur. Nam sordes eluere vult, venas sibi omnes et viscera aperit. 
CarEe per Decs, et quara primum ha;c risuin veni. Legis ScantiniaJ judicium apud 
Drusum Jicri. Appium dc tabuii; et signis ageic. Ep. Fam. 8. 14. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudiug Marcellus. 

still, and suffer him to disgrace the knights and se- 
nators at pleasure, which he did with great freedom ; 
and, among others, turned Sallust, the historian, out 
of the senate, and was hardly restrained from put- 
ting the same affront upon Curio, which added still 
more friends and strength to Caesar.* 

As to the public news of the year, the grand affair, 
that engaged all people's thoughts, was the expecta- 
tion of a breach between Caesar and Pompey, which 
seemed now unavoidable, and in which all men were 
beginning to take part, and ranging themselves on 
the one side or the other. On Pompey 's there was 
a great majority of the senate and the magistrates, 
with the better sort of all ranks : on Caesar's, all the 
criminal and obnoxious, all who had suffered punish- 
ment, or deserved it ; the greatest part of the youth, 
and the city mob ; some of the popular tribunes, and 
all who were oppressed with debts ; who had a 
leader fit for their purpose, daring, and well pro- 
vided, and wanting nothing but a cause. This is 
Cicero's account; and Ccelius's is much the same: 
" I see," says he, " that Pompey will have the se- 
" nate, and all who judge of things ; Caesar all who 
44 live in fear and uneasiness ; but there is no com- 
" parison between their armies."f Caesar had put 
an end to the Gallic war, and reduced the whole 
province to the Reman yoke ; but though his com- 
mission was near expiring, he seemed to have no 
thoughts of giving it up, and returning to the con- 
dition of a private subject : he pretended that he 
could not possibly be safe, if he parted with his ar- 
my, especially while Pompey held the province of 

* Dio.1.40. p. 150. 

t Hoc video, cum homine audaciisimo, paratissimoque negotium esse : omnei 
damnatos, omnes ignominia affectos, onines damnatione ignominiaque dignos iliac 
facere. Oranem fere juventutem, omnem illam urbanam ac perditam plebem ; Tri- 
bunos valentes — omnes, qui sere alieno premantur — causam solam ilia causa non 
babet, ccsteris rebus abundat. Ad Alt. 7. 3. 

In hac discordia video, Cn. Poinpeium Senatum, quique res judicant, secura habi- 
turum : ad Cresarem omnes, qui cum timore aut mala spe vivant ad Cmsarera acces- 
suros. Exercikim conferendum non esse. fEp. Fain. 8. 11. ( 


A. Urb. 702'. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius MarceHtf*) 

Spain, prolonged to him for five years.* The senate, 
in the meanwhile, in order to make him easy, had 
consented to let him take the consulship, without 
coming to sue for it in person : but when that did 
not satisfy him, (he consul, M. Marcellus, one of his 
fiercest enemies, moved them to abrogate his com- 
mand directly, and appoint him a successor; and, 
since the war was at an end, to oblige him to disband 
his troops, and to come likewise in person to sue for 
the consulship, nor to allow the freedom of the city 
to his colonies beyond the Po : this related particu- 
larly to a favourite colony, which Ctesar, when con- 
sul, had settled at Comum, at the foot of the Alps, 
with the freedom of the city granted to it by the Va- 
tinian law.f All the other colonies on that side of 
the Po, had before obtained from Pompey's father 
the rights of Latium, that is, the freedom of Rome 
to those, who had borne an annual magistracy in 
them ; but M. Marcellus, out of a singular enmity 
to Caesar, would allow no such right to his colony of 
Comum ; and, having caught a certain Comensian 
magistrate, who was acting the citizen at Rome, he 
ordered him to be seized, and publicly whipped ; an 
indignity, from which all citizens were exempted by 
law ; bidding the man go and shew those marks of 
his citizenship to Caesar.f Cicero condemns this 
act as violent and unjust; " Marcellus," says he, 
" behaved shamefully in the case of the Comensian; 
" for if the man had never been a magistrate, he 
" was yet of a colony beyond the Po, so that Pom- 
" pey will not be less shocked at it than Caesar 
" himself."§ 

The other consul, Serv. Sulpicius, was of a more 
candid and moderate temper; and, being unwilling 

* Cscsari autem persuasum est, se salvum esse non posse, si ab exercitu receiserit. 
Fertillam tamen conditionein, utanibo exercilus tradant. lb. 

+ Sueton. J. Cses. c. 28. Strabo, 1. 5. 326. 

i Appian, 2. 443. 

§ Marcellus focde dc Comensi : etsi ille Magistratum non gesserit, erat (amen 
traiupadaaug. Iia ruihi videtur non minus stomachi noutro, ac C;esaii movisse. 
Ad Att.j. 11. 


A. Urb.?02. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius E-ufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

to give such a handle for a civil war, opposed and 
over-ruled the motions of his colleague, by the help 
of some of the tribunes : nor was Pompey himself 
disposed to proceed so violently, or to break with 
Caesar on that foot ; but thought it more plausible 
to let his term run out, and his command expire of 
itself, and so throw upon him the odium of turning 
his arms against his country, if he should resolve to 
act against the senate and the laws. This counsel 
prevailed, after many warm contestations, in which 
the summer was chiefly spent, and a decree was of- 
fered, on the last of September, that the consuls 
elect, L. Paul us and C. Marcellus, should move the 
senate on the first of March, to settle the consular 
provinces; and, if any magistrate should interpose, 
to hinder the effect of their decrees, that he should 
be deemed an enemy to the Republic ; and if any 
one actually interposed, that this vote and resolution 
should be entered into the journals, to be consider- 
ed some Other time by the senate, and laid also be- 
fore the people. But four of the tribunes gave their 
joint negative to this decree, C. Ccelius, L. Vincius, 
P. Cornelius, and C. Vibius Pansa. In the course 
of these debates, Pompey, who affected great mo- 
deration, in whatever he said of Caesar, was teazed 
and urged, on all sides, to make an explicit decla- 
ration of his sentiments. When he called it unjust 
to determine any thing about Caesar's government, 
before the first of March, the term prescribed to it 
by law, being asked, what, if any one should then 
put a negative upon them, he said, there was no dif- 
ference whether Caesar refused to obey the decrees 
of the senate, or provided men to obstruct them : 
" What," says another, " if he should insist on being 
"consul, and holding his province too?" "What," re- 
plied Pompey, " if my son should take a stick and 
" cudgel me ?" intimating the one to be as incredible, 
and as impious also as the other.* 

* Cum interrogaretur, si qui tumintercederent: dixit hoc nihil interesse, utrum C 
Caesar Senatui dido audicns futurus non esset, au paiaret, qui Senatum decciucrt: non 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss.— Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. CJaudiui Metellus. 

Cicero's friend, Ccelius, obtained the sedileship this 
summer from his competitor Hirrus, the same who 
had opposed Cicero in the augurate, and whose dis- 
appointment gave occasion to many jokes between 
them in their letters.* In this magistracy, it being 
customary to procure wild beasts, of all kinds, from 
different parts of the empire, for the entertainment 
of the city, Ccelius begged of Cicero to supply 
him with panthers from Cilicia, and to employ the 
Cybarites, a people of his province famed for hunt- 
ing, to catch them : " for it would be a reflection 
" upon you," says he, " when Curio had ten panthers 
** from that country, not to let me have many more." 
He recommends to him, at the same time, M. Fe- 
ridius, a Roman knight, who had an estate in Cilicia, 
charged with some services or quit-rent to the neigh- 
bouring cities, which he begs of him to get discharged, 
so as to make the lands free:f he seems, also, to have 
desired Cicero's consent to his levying certain con- 
tributions upon the cities of his province, towards 
defraying the expense of his shows at Rome, a pre- 
rogative, which the sediles always claimed, and some- 
times practised ; though it was denied to them by 
some governors, and particularly by Quiutus Cicero, 
in Asia, upon the advice of his brother ;J in answer 
to all which, Cicero replied, that he was sorry to find 
that his actions were so much in the dark ; that it 
was not yet known at Rome, that not a farthing had 
been exacted in his province, except for the payment 
of just debts : that it was neither fit for him to ex- 
tort money, nor for Ccelius to take it, if it were de- 
signed for himself; and admonished him, who had 
undertaken the part of accusing others, to live hini- 

pateretur. Quid si, inquit alius, et Consul esse et exercitum habere volet? at ille 
quam clementer. Quid si filius raeus fustem milu impingere volet ? Ep. Fam. 8. 8. 

* Ep. Fam. 2. 9, 10. it. 8. 2, 3. 9. 

t Fere litteris omnibus tibi de Pantlieris scripsi. Turpe tibi erit, Patischum Curioni 
decern Paiitheras misisse, te non multis partibus plures, &c. Ep. Fam. 8, 9. 

M. Feridium — tibi commendo. Agros, quos fructuarios liabent civitates, vult tu© 
beneficio, quod tibi facile et. honest um factu est, • immune* esse. lb. 

t Ad Qu*n!. Fiat. i.%. f 9. 


A. Urb. 702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv.SulpiciusRufus. M. Claudius Marcellus. 

self with more caution — and, as to panthers, that it 
was not consistent with his character to impose the 
charge of hunting them upon the poor people.* But, 
though he would not break his rules for the sake of 
his friend, yet he took care to provide panthers for 
him at his own expense ; and says, pleasantly, upon 
it, "that the beasts made a sad complaint against 
" him, and resolved to quit the country, since no 
" snares were laid in his province for any other crea- 
" ture but themselves.''^ 

Curio likewise obtained the tribunate this summer, 
which he sought with no other design, as many ima- 
gined, than for the opportunity of mortifying Caesar, 
against whom he had hitherto acted with great fierce- 
ness.;]: But Cicero, who knew, from the temper and 
views of them both, how easy it would be to make 
up matters between them, took occasion to write a 
congratulatory letter to him upon this advancement, 
in which he exhorts him, with great gravity, to con- 
sider into what a dangerous crisis his tribunate had 
fallen, not by chance, but his own choice ; what vio- 
lence of the times, what variety of dangers, hung 
over the Republic ; how uncertain the events of 
things were ; how changeable mens' minds ; how 
much treachery and falsehood in human life — he 
begs of him, therefore, to beware of entering into any 
new councils, but to pursue and defend what he 
himself thought right, and not suffer himself to be 
drawn away by the advice of others — referring, 
without doubt, to M. Antony, the chief companion 
and corrupter of his youth. In the conclusion, he 
conjures him to employ his present power to hinder 
his provincial trouble from being prolonged by any 

* Rescripsi,memolesteferre, si ego in tenebris laterem, nee audiretur Romre, nul- 
lum in mea provincia nummum nisi in a;s alienum erogari ; docuique nee milii conci- 
liare pecuniam licere, nee illicapere: monuique eum, &c. Ad Att. 6. 1. 

t De Pantheris, per eos, qui venari solent, agitur mandato meo diligenter : sed 
mira paucitas est : et eas, quae sunt, valde aiunt queri, quod nihil cuiquaiu insidiaruin 
in mea provincia nisi sibi fiat. Ep. Fani. 2. 11. 

t Sed ut spero et volo, et ut se fert ipse Curio, bonos et Senatura malet. Totus ut 
nunc est, hoc scatmit. lb. 8. 4. 


A.Urb.702. Cic. 56. Coss. — Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. M. Claudius Marcellur, 

new act of the senate .* Cicero's suspicions 

were soon confirmed, by letters from Rome, whence 
Ccelius sent him word of Curio's changing sides, and 
declaring" himself for Caesar: in answer to which, Ci- 
cero says, "the last page of your letter, in your own 
" hand, really touched, me. What do you say? is 
" Curio turned advocate for Caesar? who would have 
" thought it besides myself? for let me die, if I did 
" not expect it? Good gods ! how much do 1 long 
to be laughing with you at Rome."f 


A. Fib. 703. Cie. 57. Coss. — L. iEmilius Paulus. C Claudius Marcellus. 

The new consuls being Cicero's particular friends, 
he wrote congratulatory letters to them both, upon 
their election, in which he begged the concurrence 
of their authority to the decree of his supplication: 
and, what he had more at heart, that they would not 
suffer any prolongation of his annual term; in which 
they readily obliged him, and received his thanks 
also by letter for that favour.J It was expected, that 
something decisive would now be done, in relation 
to the two Gauls, and the appointment of a succes- 
sor to Caesar, since both the consuls were supposed 
to be his enemies ; but all attempts of that kind were 
still frustrated by the intrigues of Caesar; for when 
C. Marcellus began to renew the same motion, which 
his kinsman's had made the year before, he was ob- 
structed by his colleague Paulus, and the tribune 
Curio, whom Caesar had privately gained, by im- 
mense bribes, to suffer nothing prejudicial to his 
interest to pass during their magistracy. § He is said 
to have given Paulus about three hundred thousand 

* Ep. Fam. 2. 

t Extrema pagclla pupugit roc tap. chirographo. Quid ais? Coesarem nunc do 
fendit Curio? quis hoc pu tare t prater me? nam ita vivara, putavi, lb. 13. 
t Ep. Fain. 15. 7. JO, 11, 12, 13. 
$ Sueton: J. Cas. 29. 


A. Urb- 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. iEmilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marccllus. 

pounds, and to Curio much more* The first wanted 
it to defray the charges of those splendid buildings, 
which he had undertaken to raise at his own cost ; 
the second, to clear himself of the load of his debts, 
which amounted to about half a million ;f for he had 
wasted his great fortunes so effectually, in a few 
years, that he had no other revenue left, as Pliny 
says, but in the hopes of a civil war;J These facts 
are mentioned by all the Roman writers — 

Moment umque fuit mututus Curio rerum, 

Gallorum captus spoliis et Casaris auro. Lucan. 4. 819. 

Caught by the spoils of Gaul, and Caesar's gold, 
Curio turn'd traitor, and his country sold — 

and Servius applies that passage of Virgil, " ven- 
" didit hie auro pat nam," to the case of Curio's sell- 
ing Rome to Csesar. 

Cicero, in the mean time, was expecting, with im- 
patience, the expiration of his annual term, but, be- 
fore he could quit the province, he was obliged to 
see the account of all the money, which had passed 
through his own or his officer's hands, stated and 
balanced ; and three fair copies provided, two to be 
deposited in two of the principal cities of his juris- 
diction, and a third in the treasury at Rome. 

That his whole administration, therefore, might be 
of a piece, he was very exact and punctual in ac- 
quitting himself of his duty, and would not indulge 
his officers in the use of any public money beyond 
the legal time, or above the sum prescribed by law, 
as appears from his letters to some of them who de- 
sired it.§ Out of the annual revenue, which was 

* Appian. 1. ii. p. 443. 

t Sexcenties sestertium saris alieni. Val. Max. 9. 1. 

$ Qui nihil in censu liabuerit, praster discordiam principum. Plin. Hist. 1.36. 15. 

§ Laodiceae me praedes accepturum arbitror omnis publico pecuniae — nihil est, quod 
in isto genere cuiquam possim commodare, &c. Ep. Fam. 2. 17. 

Hlud quidem ccrte factum est, quod lex jubebat, tit apud duas civitates, Laodi- 
censem, et Apameensem, quae nobis maximae videbantur— rationes confectas et con- 
solidatas deponerenius, &c. lb. 5. 20. 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. iEmilius Paulus. C. Claudiu» Marcellus. 

decreed to him for the use of the province, he remit- 
ted to the treasury all that he had not expended, to 
the amount of above eight hundred thousand pounds. 
" This," says he, "makes my whole company groan; 
" they imagined, that it should have been divided 
" among themselves, as if I ought to have been a 
" better manager for the treasures of Phrygia and 
" Cilicia, than for our own. But they did not move 
" me ; for my own honour weighed with me the 
" most : yet, I have not been wanting, to do every 
" thing in my power, that is honourable and gene- 
" rons to them all."* 

His last concern was, to what hands he should 
commit the government of his province upon his 
leaving it, since there was no successor appointed 
by the senate, on account of the heats among them 
about the case of Caesar, which disturbed all their 
debates, and interrupted all other business. He had 
no opinion of his quaestor, C. Ccelius, a young man 
of noble birth, but of no great virtue or prudence ; 
and was afraid, after his glorious administration, 
that, by placing so great a trust in one of his cha- 
racter, he should expose himself to some censure. 
But he had nobody about him of superior rank, who 
was willing to accept it, and did not care to force it 
upon his brother, lest that might give a handle to 
suspect him of some interest or partiality in the 
choice/)* He dropped the province, therefore, af- 
ter some deliberation, into Coelius's hands, and 
set forward immediately upon his journey towards 

* Cum eniin rectum et gloriosum putarem ex annuo sumptu, qui mibi decretus 
esset. Me C Ccelio Qufestori relinquere annuum, referre in serarium ad II. S. cio 
ingemuit nostra cohors, omne illud putans distribui sibi oportere ; ut ego amicior in- 
i eiiirer Phrygum aut Cilicum serariis, quam nostra. Sed me non moverunt ; nam 
inea laus a pud me plurimum valuit. Ncc tamen quicquam honorifice in quemquam 
fieri potuit, quod praetermiserim. Ad Att. 7. 1. 

t Ego de provincia decedens Qua;storem Coslium praeposui provincial. Puerum? 
inqvlies. AtQu;pstorein; atnobilemadolescentem ; at omnium fere exemplo. Neque 
erat superiore lionore usus, quem praeficerem, Pontinius nmlto ante discesserat. At 
Quinto fratre impetrari non poterat: quem tamen si reliquissem, dicerent iniqui, 
non me plane post annum, ut Senatus voluisset, de provincia decessisse, quoniani al- 
teram me reliquissem. Ep. Fam. 2. Id. vid. it. Ad Att. C. .5, 6. 


A. Drb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. iEmiiius Paul us. C. Claudius Marcellu*. 



But before lie quitted Asia, he begged of Atticus, 
by letter, to send him a particular detail of all the 
news of the city — " There are odious reports," says 
he, " about Curio and Paulus ; not that I see any 
danger, while Porapey stands, or I may say, in- 
deed, while he sits, if he has but his health ; but, 
in truth, I am sorry for my friends Curio and Pau- 
lus. If you are now, therefore, at Rome, or as 
soon as you come thither, I would have you send 
" me a plan of the whole Republic, which may meet 
" me on the road, that I may form myself upon it, 
" and resolve what temper to assume on my coming 
" to the city ; for it is some advantage not to come 
" thither a mere stranger."* We see what a confi- 
dence he placed in Pompey, on whom, indeed, their 
whole prospect, either of peace with Caesar, or of 
success against him, depended : as to the intimation 
about his health, it is expressed more strongly in 
another letter : " all our hopes," says he, "hang up- 
" on the life of one man, who is attacked every year 
" by a dangerous fit of sickness.''^ His constitution 
seems to have been peculiarly subject to fevers; the 
frequent returns of which, in the present situation of 
affairs, gave great apprehension to all his party : in 
one of those fevers, which threatened his life for 
many days successively, all the towns of Italy put 
up public prayers for his safety ; an honour, which 
had never been paid before to any man, while Rome 
was free. J 

Upon taking leave of Cilicia, Cicero paid a visit 
to Rhodes, for the sake, he says, of the child ren.§ 

* Hue odiosa aft'erebantur de Curione, de Paulo : non quo ullum periculum vi- 
deam stante Pompeio, vel etiam sedente, valeat modo. Sed mehercule Curionis et 
Pauli lneomm familiarium vicem doleo. Formam igitur mihi totius Reip. si jam es 
Horns;, aut cum eris, velim mittas, quse mihi obviam veniat. Ex qua me fingere pos- 
sum, &c. Ad Att. (5. 3. 

t In unius hominis, quotannis periculose segrotantis, anima, positas onmes nos- 
tras spes habemns. lb. 8. 2. 

$ Quo quidem tempore universa Italia vota pro salute ejus, primo omnium civiurrii 
mscepit. Veil. Pat. 2. 43. Dio, p. 155. 

j Rbodum volo puerorum causa. Ad Att. 6. 7, 


A. Urb. 705. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. iEmilius Paulus. C. Claudius Mareellus. 

His design was to give them a view of that flourish- 
ing isle, and a little exercise, perhaps, in that cele- 
brated school of eloquence, where he himself had 
studied with so much success under Molo. Here 
lie received the news of Hortensius's death,* which 
greatly affected him, by recalling to his mind the 
many glorious struggles, that they had sustained 
together at the bar, in their competition for the prize 
of eloquence. Hortensius reigned absolute in the 
Forum, when Cicero first entered it ; and, as his su- 
perior fame was the chief spur to Cicero's industry, 
so ihe shining specimen, which Cicero soon gave of 
himself, made Hortensius, likewise, the brighter for 
it, by obliging him to exert all the force of his genius, 
to maintain his ground against his young rival. They 
passed a great part of their lives in a kind of equal 
contest and emulation of each other's merit: but 
Hortensius, by the superiority of his years, having 
first passed through the usual gradation of public 
honours, and satisfied his ambition, by obtaining the 
highest, began to relax somewhat of his old con- 
tention, and give way to the charms of ease and 
luxury, to which his nature strongly inclined him,f 
till he was forced, at last, by the general voice of 
the city, to yield the post of honour to Cicero; who 
never lost sight of the true point of glory, nor was 
ever diverted by any temptation of pleasure from 
his steady course and laborious pursuit of virtue. 
Hortensius published several orations, which were 
extant long after his death ; and, it were much to be 
wished, that they had remained to this day, to en- 
able us to form a judgment of the different talents of 
these two great men ; but they are said to have owed 
a great part of their credit to the advantage of his ac- 
tion, which yet was thought to have more of art than 

* Cum c Cilicia decedens Rhodum venissem, et eo mihi de Q. Hortensii morte es- 
set allatum ; opinione omnium majorem animo cepi dolorem. Brut. init. 

t Nam is post Consulatum — summum illud suum stadium remisit, quo a puero 
fticrat, incensus ; atque in omnium rerum abundautia voluit bealius, ut ipse putabat, 
reraissius certe vivere, Brut. p. 443, 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Com.— L. iEmilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcellus. 

was necessary to an orator, so that his compositions 
were not admired so much bv the reader, as thev 
had been by the hearer;* while Cicero's more valued 
productions made all others of that kind less sought 
for, and consequently the less carefully preserved. 
Hortensius, however, was generally allowed, by the 
ancients, and by Cicero himself, to have possessed 
every accomplishment which could adorn an ora- 
tor — elegance of style ; art of composition ; fertility 
of invention ; sweetness of elocution; gracefulness 
of action. f These two rivals lived, however, always 
with great civility and respect towards each other, 
and were usually in the same way of thinking and 
acting in the affairs of the Republic; till Cicero, in 
the case of his exile, discovered the plain marks of 
a lurking envy and infidelity in Hortensius : yet his 
resentment carried him no farther, than to some 
free complaints of it to their common friend Atticus, 
who made it his business to mitigate this disgust, 
and hinder it from proceeding to an open breach ; 
so that Cicero, being naturally placable, lived again 
with him, after his return, on the same easy terms 
as before, and lamented his death at this time with 
great tenderness, not only as the private loss of a 
friend, but a public misfortune to his country, in 
being deprived of the service and authority of so ex- 
perienced a statesman at so critical a conjuncture. J 
From Rhodes he passed on to Ephesus, whence 
he set sail, on the first of October, and after a tedi- 

* Motus et gestus etiam plus artis habebat, quam erat oratori satis. Brut. 425. 
dicebat melius quam scripsit Hortensius. Orat. p. 261. 

Ejus scripta tantum intra famam sunt, qui din princeps oratorum — existimatus est, 
novissime quoad vixit, secundus ; ut appareat placuisse aliquid eo dicente, quod le- 
gentes non invenimus. Quint, xi. 3. 

t Erat in verborum splendore elegans, compositione aptus, facultate copiosus : — 
nee praetermittebat fere quicquam, quod erat in causa — vox canora et suavis. 
Brut. 425. 

t Nam et amico amisso cum consuetudine jucunda, turn multorum officiorum con- 
junctione me privatum videbam — augebat etiam molestiain, quod magna sapientiuru 
civium bonorumque penuria, vir egregius, conjunct! ssiniusque mecum consiliorum 
omnium societate alienissimo Reipub. tempore extinctus. Brut. init. 



A. Urb. 703. Cic .57. Coss.— L. JEmilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcellus. 

ous passage, landed at Athens, on the fourteenth.* 
Here he lodged again in his old quarters, at the 
house of his friend Aristus. His predecessor, Ap- 
pius, who passed also through Athens, on his re- 
turn, had ordered a new portico or vestibule to be 
built at his cost, to the temple of the Eleusiniau 
Ceres ; which suggested a thought, likewise, to Ci- 
cero, of adding some ornament of the same kind to 
the academy, as a public monument of his name, as 
well as of his affection for the place; for he hated, 
he says, those false inscriptions of other people's 
statues, j" with which the Greeks used to flatter their 
new masters, by effacing the old titles, and inscrib- 
ing them anew to the great men of Rome. He ac- 
quainted Atticus with his design, and desired his 
opinion upon it ; but, in all probability, it was ne- 
ver executed, since his stay at Athens was now very 
short, and his thoughts wholly bent on Italy : for 
as all his letters confirmed to him the certainty of a 
war, in which he must necessarily bear a part, so 
he was impatient to be at home, that he might 
have the clearer view of the state of affairs, and take 
his measures with the greater deliberation. J Yet 
he was not still without hopes of peace, and that he 
should be able to make up the quarrel between the 
chiefs; for he was, of all men, the best qualified to 
effect it, on account, not only of his authority, but 
of his intimate friendship with them both ; who se- 
verally paid great court to him at this time, and 
reckoned upon him as their own, and wrote to 

* Prid. id. Octob. Athenas venimus, cum sane adversis ventis usi essemus — Ep. 
Fam. 14. 5. 

t Audio Appium isrpowuXaiov, Eleusine facere. Num inepti fuerimus, si nos quoque 

Academiffi fecerimus ? equidem valde ipsas Athenas amo. Volo esse aliquod 

monumentum. Odi falsas inscriptiones alienarum statuarum. Sed ut tibi placebit. 
Ad Att. 6. 1. 

i Cognovi ex multorum amicorum litteris — ad anna rem spectare. Ut mihi cum 
venero, dissimulare non liceat, quid sentium. Sed quum subeunda fortuna est, eo 

citius dabimus operam ut veniamus, quo facilius de tota re deliberemus Ep. 

Fam. 14. 5, 

Sive etiim ad concordiam res adduci potest, sive ad bonorum victoriam, utriusve 
rei me aut adjutorem esse velim, aut certe non expertem. Ad Att. 7. 3. 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. ^milius Paulus. C Claudius Marcelhu. 

him with a confidence of his being a determined 

In his voyage from Athens towards Italy, Tiro, 
one of his slaves, whom he soon after made free, 
happened to fall sick, and was left behind at Patrae 
to the care of friends and a physician. The men- 
tion of such an accident will seem trifling to those 
who are not acquainted with the character and ex- 
cellent qualities of Tiro, and how much we are in- 
debted to him for preserving and transmitting to 
posterity the precious collection of Cicero's letters, 
of which a great part still remain, and one entire 
book of them written to Tiro himself; several of 
which relate to the subject of this very illness. Tiro 
was trained up in Cicero's family, among the rest 
of his young slaves, in every kind of useful and 
polite learning, and, being a youth of singular parts 
and industry, soon became an eminent scholar, and 
extremely serviceable to his master, in all his affairs, 
both civil and domestic. " As for Tiro," says he 
to Atticus, " I see you have a concern for him : 
" though he is wonderfully useful to me, when he 
" is well, in every kind both of my business and 
" studies, yet, I wish his health, more for his own 
" humanity and modesty, than for any service which 
" I reap from him."t But his letter to Tiro him- 
self will best shew what an affectionate master he 
was : for from the time of leaving him, he never 
failed writing to him by every messenger or ship 
which passed that way, though it were twice or 
thrice a day, and often sent one of his servants ex- 
press to bring an account of his health : the first 
of these letters will give us a notion of the rest. 

* Ipsum tamen Pompeium separatim ad concordiani hortabor. lb. 

Me autem uterque numerat suum. Nisi forte simulat alter. Nam Pompeius non 
dubitat (vere enim jiidicat) ea, quae de Repub. nunc sentiat, mihi valde probari. 
Utriusque autem accepi litteras ejusmodi — ut neuter quemquam omnium pluris facere 
quam me videretur. lb. 7. 1. 

t De Tirone video tibi cune esse. Quern quidem ego, et si mirabiles utilitates 
mihi praebet, cum valet, in omni genere vel negotiorum vel studiorum meorum, tamen 
propter humanitatem et modestiam malo salvum, quam propter usum meum. Ad 
Att. 7. 5. 



A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. jEmilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcellus, 


" I thought that I should have been able to bear 
" the want of you more easily; but in truth I cannot 
" bear it : and though it is of great importance to 
" my expected honour to be at Rome as soon as 
" possible, yet I seem to have committed a sin when 
" I left you. But since you were utterly against 
" proceeding in the voyage, till your health was con- 
" firmed, I approved your resolution ; nor do I now 
" think otherwise, if you continue in the same mind. 
" But after you have begun to take meat again, if you 
" think that you shall be able to overtake me, that 
" is left to your consideration. I have sent Mario 
" to you, with instructions, either to come with you 
i,j to me as soon as you can, or if you should stay 
" longer, to return instantly without you. Assure 
" yourself, however, of this, that, as far as it can be 
" convenient to your health, I wish nothing more 
" than to have you with me ; but if it be necessary 
" for the perfecting your recovery, to stay awhile 
" longer at Patrae, that I wish nothing more than 
" to have you well. If you sail immediately you 
" will overtake me at Leucas : but if you stay 
" to establish your health, take care to have good 
" company, good weather, and a good vessel. Ob- 
" serve this one thing, my Tiro, if you love rue, that 
" neither Mario's coming, nor this letter, hurry 
" you. By doing what is most conducive to your 
" health, you will do what is most agreeable to me : 
" weigh all these things by your own discretion. 
" I want you ; yet so as to love you ; my love makes 
" me wish to see you well ; my want of you, to see 
"you as soon as possible: the first is the better; 
" take care, therefore, above all things, to get well 
" again; of all your innumerable services to me, 
" that will be the most acceptable. — The third of 
" November."* 

* Ep. Fam. 16. 1. 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss. — L. iEmilius Paulus. C Claudius Marcellus. 

By the honour that he mentions in the letter, he 
means the honour of a triumph, which his friends 
encouraged him to demand for his success at Ama- 
nus and Findenissum : in writing upon it to Atticus, 
he says, " consider what you would advise me with 
" regard to a triumph, to which my friends invite 
" me : for my part, if Bibulus, who, while there was 
" a Parthian in Syria, never set a foot out of the 
" gates of Antioch, any more than he did upon a 
" certain occasion out of his own house, had not 
" solicited a triumph, I should have been quiet ; 
-" but now it is a shame to sit still.' * Again, " as to 
" a triumph, I had no thoughts of it before Bibu- 
" lus's most impudent letters, by which he obtained 
" an honourable supplication. If he had really 
" done all that he has written, I should rejoice at 
" it, and wish well to his suit : but for him, who 
" never stirred beyond the walls, while there was 
" an enemy on this side the Euphrates, to have such 
" an honour decreed; and for me, whose army in- 
" spired all their hopes and spirits into his, not to 
" obtain the same, will be a disgrace to us ; I say to 
" us; joining you to myself: wherefore I am deter- 
" mined to push at all, and hope to obtain all."f 

After the contemptible account which Cicero 
gives of Bibulus's conduct in Syria, it must appear 
strange to see him honoured with a supplication, 
and aspiring even to a triumph ; but this was not 
for any thing that he himself had done, but for 
what his lieutenant Cassius had performed in his 
absence against the Parthians ; the success of the 
lieutenants being ascribed always to the auspices 
of the general, who reaped the reward and glory 
of it ; and as the Parthians were the most danger- 

* Ad Att. 6. 8. 

+ De triumpho, nulla me cupiditas unquam tenuit ante Bibuli impudentissimas 
literas, quas amplissiina supplicatio consecuta est. A quo si ea gesta sunt, quae 
scripsit, gauderem et honori faverem. Nunc ilium, qui pedem porta, quoad hostis 
cis Euphratem fuit, non extulerit, honore augeri, me, in cujus exercitu spem illius 
exercitus habuit, idem non assequi, dedecus est nostrum; nostrum, inquam, ie con- 
jungens. Itaque omnia experiar, et, ut spero, assequar, Ad Att. 7. 2. 


A. Urb. 703. Ck. 57. Coss.— L. .Emilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcellus. 

ous enemies of the Republic, and the more parti- 
cularly dreaded at this time, for their late defeat 
of Crassus, so any advantage gained against them 
was sure to be well received at Rome, and repaid 
with all the honours that could reasonably be de- 

Whenever any proconsul returned from his pro- 
vince, with pretensions to a triumph, his fasces, or 
ensigns of magistracy, were wreathed with laurel : 
with this equipage, Cicero landed at Brundisium, 
on the twenty-fifth of November, where his wife 
Tereutia arrived at the same moment to meet him, 
so that their first salutation was in the great square 
of the city. From Brundisium he marched forward 
by slow stages towards Rome, making it his busi- 
ness, on the road, to confer with all his friends of 
both parties, who came out to salute him ; and to 
learn their sentiments on the present state of affairs ; 
from which he soon perceived, what of all things he 
most dreaded, an universal disposition to war. But 
as he foresaw the consequences of it more coolly 
and clearly than any of them, so his first resolution 
was to apply all his endeavours and authority to 
the mediation of a peace. He had not yet declared 
for either side ; not that he was irresolute which of 
them to choose, for he was determined within him- 
self to follow Pompey ; but the difficulty was, how 
to act, in the mean time, towards Caesar, so as to 
avoid taking part in the previous decrees, which 
were prepared against him, for abrogating his com- 
mand, and obliging him to disband his forces on 
pain of being declared an enemy : here he wished 
to stand neuter awhile, that he might act the medi- 
ator with the better grace and effect.* 

* Brundisium venimus vii Kal. Deccmb. — Terentia vcro, quas quidem eoderu tem- 
pore ad portam Brundisinam venit, quo ego in portum, mihique obvia in Foro fuit. 

Mibi s-Ka^a; unum erit, quod a Pompeio gubcrnabitur — die M. Tulli 
i'w. Pcimpeio assentio — lb. 3. 

Nunc incido in ducrimen ipsum, — dabuut operani, ut eliciant senlentiam meam — 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. jEmilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcellus. 

Iii this disposition he had an interview with Pom- 
pey, on the tenth of December, of which he gives the 
following account: "We were together," says he, 
" about two hours. He seemed to be extremely 
" pleased at my return ; exhorted me to demand a 
" triumph ; promised to do his part in it ; advised 
" me not to appear in the senate before I had 
" obtained it, lest I should disgust any of the tri- 
" bunes by declaring my mind : in a word, nothing 
" could be more obliging than his whole discourse 
" on this subject. But, as to public affairs, he 
" talked in such a strain, as if a war was inevitable, 
" without giving,the least hopes of an accommodation. 
" He said, that he had long perceived Caesar to be 
" alienated from him, but had received a very late 
" instance of it ; for that Hirtius came from Caesar, 
" a few days before, and did not come to see him ; 
" and when Balbus promised to bring Scipio an 
" account of his business, the next morning, before 
" day, Hirtius was gone back again to Caesar in the 
" night : this he takes for a clear proof of Caesar's 
" resolution to break with him. In short, I have no 
" other comfort, but in imagining, that he, to whom 
" even his enemies have voted a second consulship, 
" and fortune given the greatest power, will not be 
" so mad as to put all this to hazard: yet, if he 
" begius to rush on, I see many more things to be 
" apprehended than I dare venture to commit to 
" writing ; at present, I propose to be at Rome on 
" the third of January."* 

There is one little circumstance frequently touched 
in Cicero's letters, which gave him a particular un- 
easiness in his present situation, viz. his owing a 
sum of money to Caesar, which he imagined might 
draw some reproach upon him, since he thought it 

tu autem de nostro statu cogitabis : primum quo artificio tueamur benevolentiam 
Caesaris — lb. 1. 
* Ad Att. 7. 4. 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. /Emilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcelhis. 

dishonourable and indecent, he says, to be a debtor 
to one, against whom we were acting in public af- 
fairs : yet to pay it at that time would deprive him 
of a part of the money which he had reserved for 
his triumph.* He desires Atticus, however, very 
earnestly, to see it paid, which was done, without 
doubt, accordingly, since we meet with no farther 
mention of it : it does not appear, nor is it easy to 
guess, for what occasion this debt was contracted, 
unless it was to supply the extraordinary expense 
of his buildings after his return from exile, when he 
complained of being in a particular want of money 
from that general dissipation of his fortunes. 

Pompey, finding Cicero wholly bent on peace, 
contrived to have a second conference with him, be- 
fore he reached the city, in hopes to allay his fears, 
and beat him off from that vain project of an accom- 
modation, which might help- to cool the zeal of his 
friends in the senate: he overtook him, therefore, 
at Lavernium, and came on with him to Formiae, 
where they spent a whole afternoon iu a close 
conversation. Pompey strongly discouraged all 
thoughts of a pacification, declaring, that there 
could be none but what was treacherous and dan- 
gerous ; and that, if Caesar should disband his army, 
and take the consulship, he would throw the Re- 
public into confusion ; but he was of opinion, that 
when he understood their preparations against him, 
he would drop the consulship, and hold fast his 
army : but if he was mad enough to come forward 
and act offensively, he held him in utter contempt, 
from a confidence in his own troops, and those of 
the Republic. They had got with them the copy 
of a speech, which Antony, one of the new tribunes, 
made to the people, four days before ; it was a per- 

* Illud lanien non desinam, dam adesse te putabo, do Ca?saris nomine rogare, 
ut confectiun relinquas. lb. 5. 6. 

Mihi aulem molestissimum est, quod solvendi sunt nuiunii Ca^sari, et instrumentum 
triumphi eo conferendum. Est eniin a.f/.otfov, vj-n-rt<i>-mvof/.vnv j^s^sixmv esse — ib. 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 57. Coss.— L. ^Emilius Paulus. C. Claudius Marcellus. 

petual invective on Pompey's conduct, from his first 
appearance in public, with great complaints against 
the violent and arbitrary condemnation of citizens, 
and the terror of his arms. After reading it over 
together, " what think you," says Pompey, " would 
" Caesar himself do, if in possession of the Republic, 
" when this paltry, beggarly fellow, his quaestor, 
" dares to talk at this rate?" On the whole, Pom- 
pey seemed not only not to desire, but even to dread 
a peace.* 

Cicero, however, would not still be driven from 
the hopes and pursuit of an accommodation ; the 
more he observed the disposition of both parties, the 
more he perceived the necessity of it: the honest, 
as they were called, were disunited among them- 
selves ; many of them dissatisfied with Pompey ; 
all fierce and violent; and denouncing nothing but 
ruin to their adversaries ; he clearly foresaw, what 
he declared without scruple to his friends, that 
which side soever got the better, the war must ne- 
cessarily end in a tyranny; the only difference was, 
that if their enemies conquered, they should be 
proscribed; if their friends, be slaves. Though he 
had an abhorrence, therefore, of Caesar's cause, yet 
his advice was, to grant him his own terms, rather 
than try the experiment of arms, and prefer the 
most unjust conditions to the justestwar; since, 
after they had been arming him against them- 
selves, for ten years past, it was too late to think 
of fighting, when they had made him too strong for 

* lb. 7, 8. 

t De Repup. quotidie raagis timeo. Non enim boni, ut putant, consentiunt. 
Quos ego Equites Romanos, qqps Senatores vidi, qui acerrime turn cretera, turn hoc 
Iter Pompeii vitupefarent. Pace opus est, ex victoria cum multa mala, t urn certe 
Tyrannus existet. lb. 7. 5. 

Ut si victus eris, proscribare ; si vicaris, tamen servias. lb. 7. 7. 

Ad pacem hortari non desino, qua? vel injusta utilior est, quam justissimum belluin. 
II). 7. 14. 

Mallem tantas ei vires non dedisset, quam nunc tarn valenti resisteret. lb. 7. 3. 

Nisi forte hasc illi turn arma dedimus, ut nunc cum bene parato pugnaremus, 
lb. 7. 6. 


A.Urb.704. Cic.58. Coss.—C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

This was the sum of his thoughts and counsels, 
when he arrived at Rome, on the fourth of January, 
where he found the two new consuls entirely de- 
voted to Pompey's interests. On his approach to- 
wards the city, great multitudes came out to meet 
him, with all possible demonstrations of honour : 
his last stage was from Pompey's villa, near Alba, 
because his own, at Tusculum, lay out of the great 
road, and was not commodious for a public entry : 
on his arrival, as he says, he fell into the very flame 
of civil discord, and found the war in effect pro- 
claimed ;* for the senate, at Scipio's motion, had 
just voted a decree, that Caesar should dismiss his 
army by a certain day, or be declared an enemy ; 
and when M. Antony and Q. Cassius, two of the 
tribunes, opposed their negative to it, as they had 
done to every decree proposed against Caesar, and 
could not be persuaded by the entreaties of their 
friends, to give way to the anthority of the senate, 
they proceeded to that vote, which was the last 
resort in cases of extremity, that the consuls, prae- 
tors, tribunes, and all who were about the city with 
proconsular power, should take care that the Re- 
public received no detriment. As this was sup- 
posed to arm the magistrates with an absolute 
power to treat all men as they pleased, whom they 
judged to be enemies, so the two tribunes, toge- 
ther with Curio, immediately withdrew themselves 
upon it, and fled in disguise to Caesar's camp, on 
pretence of danger and violence to their persons, 
though none was yet offered or designed to them.j" 

M. Antony, who now began to make a figure in 

* Ego ad urbem acccssi prid. non. Jan. obriam milii sic est proditum, ut nihil 
possit fieri ornatius. Sed incidi in ipsam flamrriam civilis discordiae vel potius 
belli Ep. Fam. 16. 11. 

Ego in Tusculanum nihil hoc tempore. Devium est toij airavrSig-i, &c. Ad 
Att. 7. 5. 

t Antonius quidem noster et Q. Cassius, nulla vi expulsi, ad Cassarem cum 
Curione profecti erant; postea quam Senatus Consulibus Praetoribus, Tribunis plebis 
ct nobis qui Proconsules sumus, negotium dederat, ut curaremus, nc quid Rc>p. 
detriment! capcret — Ep. Fam. 16. 11. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus^. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus, 

the affairs of Rome, was of an ancient and noble 
extraction : the grandson of that celebrated states- 
man and orator, who lost his life in the massacres 
of Marius and China: his father, as it is already 
related, had been honoured with one of the most 
important commissions of the Republic ; but, after 
an inglorious discharge of it, died with the charac- 
ter of a corrupt, oppressive, and rapacious com- 
mander. The son, trained in the discipline of such 
a parent, whom he lost when he was very young, 
launched out at once into all the excess of riot and 
debauchery, and wasted his whole patrimony be- 
fore he had put on the manly gown ; shewing him- 
self to be the genuine son of that father, who was 
born, as Sallust says, to squander money, without 
ever employing a thought on business, till a present 
necessity urged him. His comely person, lively 
wit, insinuating address, made young Curio infi- 
nitely fond of him ; so that, in spite of the commands 
of a severe father, who had often turned Antony 
out of doors, and forbidden him his house, he could 
not be prevailed with to forsake his company ; but 
supplied him with money for his frolics and amours, 
till he had involved himself, on his account, in a 
debt of fifty thousand pounds. This greatly af- 
flicted old Curio ; and Cicero was called in to heal 
the distress of the family, whom the son entreated, 
with tears in his eyes, to intercede for Antony, as 
well as for himself, and not suffer them to be parted : 
but Cicero, having prevailed with the father to make 
his son easy, by discharging his debts, advised him 
to insist upon it, as a condition, and to enforce it by 
his paternal power, that he should have no farther 
commerce with Antony.* This laid the foundation 

* Tenesne raemoria prajtextatum te decoxisse ? nemo unquam puc-r emptus li- 

bidinis causa tam fuit in domini potestate, quam tu in Curionis. Quoties te pater 

ejus domo suo ejecit ? scisne me de rebus mihi notissimis dicere? recordare 

tempus illud, cum pater Curio moerens jacebat in lecto; films se ad pedes meos 
prosternens, lacrymans te mihi commendabat, orabat, ut te contra patrem suum, si 
H-S. sexagies peteret defenderem : tantum enim se pro te intercessisse : ipse autem 
atnore ardens conlirmabat, quod desiderium tui disci dii ferre non posset — quo ego 


A. Urb.?04. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Crus. 

of an early aversion in Antony to Cicero, increased 
still by the perpetual course of Antony's life, which 
fortune happened to throw among Cicero's invete- 
rate enemies : for, by the second marriage of his mo- 
ther, he became son-in-law to that Lentulus, who 
was put to death for conspiring with Catiline, by 
whom he was initiated into all the cabals of a trai- 
torous faction, and infected with principles perni- 
cious to the liberty of Rome. To revenge the 
death of this father he attached himself to Clodius, 
and, during his tribunate, was one of the ministers 
of all his violences ; yet was detected, at the same 
time, in some criminal intrigue in his family, inju- 
rious to the honour of his patron.* From this edu- 
cation in the city, he went abroad, to learn the art 
of war under Gabinius, the most profligate of all 
generals; who gave him the command of his horse 
in Syria, where he signalized his courage in the 
restoration of King Ptolemy, and acquired the first 
taste of martial glory, in an expedition undertaken 
against the laws and religion of his country .f From 
Egypt, instead of coming home,, where his debts 
would not suffer him to be easy, he went to Caesar 
into Gaul, the sure refuge of all the needy, the des- 
perate, and the audacious: and, after some stay in 
that province, being furnished with money and cre- 
dit by Caesar, he returned to Rome, to sue for the 
quaestorship.^ Caesar recommended him, in a press- 
ing manner, to Cicero, entreating him to accept Au- 
tony's submission, and pardon him for what was 
past, and to assist him in his present suit ; with 

tempore tanta mala florentissimre familiae sedavi vcl potius sustuli : patri persuasi, ut 
ses alienum filii dissolveret, &c. [Philip. 2. 18. — ] M. Antonius, perdunda> pe- 
cuniae genitus, vacuusque curis, nisi instantibus. Sallust. Hist. Fragm. 1. iii. 

* Te domi P. Lentuli educatuni — [Philip. 2. 7.] Intimus erat in tribunatu Clo- 
dio- — ejus omnium incendiorum fax — cujus etiam domi quiddam jam turn molitus 
est, &c. lb. 19. 

t Inde iter Alexandriam, contra Senatus auctoritatem, contra Rempub. et reli- 
giones: sed habebat ducem Gabinium, &c. lb. 

$ Prius in ultimam Galliam ex iEgypto quam domum — venisti e Gallia ad Qujcs- 
turam petendam, — lb. — Vid. Plut. in Anton. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Cms. 

which Cicero readily complied, and obliged Antony 
so highly by it, that he declared war presently 
against Clodius, whom he attacked with great fierce- 
ness in the Forum, and would certainly have killed, 
if he had not found means to hide himself under 
some stairs. Antony openly gave out, that he owed 
all this to Cicero's generosity, to whom he could 
never make amends for former injuries, but by the 
destruction of his enemy, Clodius.* Being chosen 
quaestor, he went back immediately to Caesar, with- 
out expecting his lot, or a decree of the senate, to 
appoint him his province: where, though he had all 
imaginable opportunities of acquiring money, yet, 
by squandering as fast as he got it, he came a se- 
cond time empty and beggarly to Rome, to put in 
for the tribunate : in which office, after the exam- 
ple of his friend Curio, having sold himself to Cae- 
sar, he was, as Cicero says/ as much the cause of 
the ensuing war, as Helen was of that of Troy.f 

It is certain, at least, that Antony's flight gave 
the immediate pretext to it, as Cicero had foretold: 
" Caesar," says he, " will betake himself to arms, 
" either for our want of preparation, or if no regard 
" be had to him at the election of consuls : but 
" especially if any tribune, obstructing the delibe- 
" rations of the senate, or exciting the people to 
" sedition, should happen to be censured or over- 
" ruled, or taken off, or expelled, or, pretending to 
" be expelled, run away to him."J In the same let- 
ter, he gives a short but true state of the merit of 

* Acceperam jam ante Csesaris litteras, ut mihi satisfieri paterer a te — postea cus- 
toditus sum a te, tu a me observatus in petitione Quassturae, quo quidem tempore P. 
Clodiura — in foro es conatus occidere — ita prasdicabas, te non existimare, nisi ilium 
interfecisses, unquam mihi pro tuis in me injuriis satis esse facturum lb. 20. 

Cum se ille fugiens in scalarum tenebras abdidisset, &c. Pro Mil. 15. 

t Deinde sine Senatus consulto, sine sorte, sine lege ad Caasarem cucurristi. Id 
cnim unum in terris egestaris, aeris alieni, nequitiae, perditis vitaj rationibus perfu- 
gium esse ducebas — advolasti egens ad Tribunatum, ut in eo Magistratu, si posses, 

viri tui similis esse ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic Reipub. causa belli, &c. 

Philip. 2. 21. 22. 

i Aut addita causa, si forte Tribunus pleb. Senatum impediens, aut populum in- 
citans notatus, aut Senatus consulto circumscriptus, aut sublatus aut expulsus sit, 
dicensve se expulsum ad se confugerit. Ad Att. 7. 9. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic, 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crua. 

his cause: "What," says he, "can be more impu- 
" dent? You have held your government ten years, 
" not granted to you by the senate, but extorted by 
" violence and faction : the full term is expired, not 
" of the law, but of your licentious will : but allow 
" it to be a law ; it is now decreed, that you must 
" have a successor : you refuse, and say, have some 
" regard to me : do you first shew your regard to 
" us: will you pretend to keep an army longer than 
" the people ordered, and contrary to the will of 
" the senate?"* But Caesar's strength lay not in the 
goodness of his cause, but of his troops :f a consi- 
derable part of which he was now drawing together 
towards the confines of Italy, to be ready to enter 
into action at any warning: the flight of the tri- 
bunes gave him a plausible handle to begin, and 
seemed to sanctify his attempt ; but " his real mo- 
" tive," says Plutarch, " was the same that ani- 
" mated Cyrus and Alexander before him to dis- 
" turb the peace of mankind ; the unquenchable 
" thirst of empire, and the wild ambition of being 
" the greatest man in the world, which was not pos- 
" sible, till Pompey was first destroyed. "J Laying 
hold, therefore, of the occasion, he presently passed 
the Rubicon, which was the boundary of his pro- 
vince on that side of Italy, and marching forward, 
in an hostile manner, possessed himself, without re- 
sistance, of the next great towns in his way, Ari- 
minum, Pisaurum, Ancona, Aretium, &c.§ 

In this confused and disordered state of the city, 
Cicero's friends were soliciting the decree of his 
triumph, to which the whole senate signified their 

* lb. it. Ep. Fam. 16. 11. 

t Alterius dtcis causa mclior videbatur, alterius crat firmior. Ilic omnia spe- 
ciosa, illic valentia. Pompeium Senatus auctoritas, Caesarein militum armavit fidu- 
cia. Veil. Pat. 2. 49. 

t Plut. in Anton. 

§ An Hie id faciat, quod paullo ante decretum est, ut exercitum citra Rubiconem, 
qui finis est Gallise, educeret? Philip. 6. 3. 

Itaque cum Casax amentia quadam raperetur, et — Ariminum, Pisaurum, Anco- 
nam, Aretium occupavisset, urbem reliquimus. Ep. Fam. 16. 12. 


A. Urb. 704. Cie. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

ready consent: but the consul Lentulus, to make 
the favour more particularly his own, desired that 
it might be deferred for a while, till the public affairs 
were better settled, giving his word, that he would 
then be the mover of it himself.* But Caesar's sud- 
den march towards Rome, put an end to all farther 
thoughts of it, and struck the senate with such a 
panic, that, as if he had been already at the gates, 
they resolved presently to quit the city, and retreat 
towards the southern parts of Italy. All the princi- 
pal senators had particular districts assigned to their 
care, to be provided with troops and all materials of 
defence against Caesar. Cicero had Capua, with the 
inspection of the sea-coast from Formiae ; he would 
not accept any greater charge for the sake of pre- 
serving his authority in the task of mediating a 
peace ;| and for the same reason, when he perceived 
his new province wholly unprovided against an 
enemy, and that it was impossible to hold Capua 
without a strong garrison, he resigned his employ- 
ment, and chose not to act at all.J 

Capua had always been the common seminary or 
place of educating gladiators for the great men of 
Rome ; where Caesar had a famous school of them 
at this time, which he had long maintained under 

* Nobis tamen inter has turbas Senatus frequens flagitavit triumphum : sed Len- 
tulus consul, quo majus suum beneficium faceret, simul atque expedisset qua? esscnt 
necessaria de Repub. dixit se relaturum. Ep. Fam. 16. 11. 

t Ego negotio praesum non turbulento : vult enim me Pompeius esse, quem tota 
haec Campana et maritima orahabeat ira-w-ieo'srov ad quem delectus et summa negodi 
referatur. Ad Att. 7. 11. 

Ego ad hue orae mari tunas praesuma Formiis. Nullum majus negotium suscipere 
▼olui, quo plus apud ilium meje Jitterae cohortationesque ad pacem valerent. Ep. 
Fam. 16. 12. 

i Nam certe neque turn peccavi, cum imparatam jam Capuam, non solum ignaviae 
delectus, sed etiam perfidias suspicionem fugiens, accipere nolui. Ad Att. 8. 12. 

Quod tibi ostenderam, cum a me Capuam rejiciebam : quod feci non vitandi one- 
ris causa, sed quod videbam teneri illam urbem sine exercitu non posse. Ep. Cic. 
ad Pomp. Ad Att. 8. 11. 

As Cicero, when proconsul of Cilicia, often mentions the Dioceses that were an- 
nexed to his government, (Ep. Fam. 13. 67.) so in this command of Capua he calls 
himself the Episcopus of the Campanian coast : which shews, that these names, which 
were appropriated afterwards in the Christian church to characters and powers eccle- 
siastical, carried with them, in their original use, the notion of a real authority and 


A. Urb. 70 1. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Ci uj. 

the best masters for the occasions of his public 
shows in the city ; and as they were very numerous 
and well furnished with arms, there was reason to ap- 
prehend that they would break out, and make some 
attempt in favour of their master, which might have 
been of dangerous consequencein the present circum- 
stances of the Republic ; so that Pompey thought it 
necessary to take them out of their school, and dis- 
tribute them among the principal inhabitants of the 
place, assigning two to each master of a family, by 
which he secured them from doing any mischief.* 

While the Pompeian party was under no small de- 
jection on accountof Pompey's quitting the city, and 
retreating from the approach of Caesar, T. Labienus, 
one of the chief commanders on the other side, de- 
serted Caesar, and came over to them, which added 
some new life to their cause, and raised an expecta- 
tion, that many more would follow his example. 
Labienus had eminently distinguished himself in the 
Gallic war, where, next to Caesar himself, he had 
borne the principal part ; and, by Caesar's favour, 
had raised an immense fortune; so that he was much 
caressed, and carried about every where, by Pom- 
pey, who promised himself great service from his 
fame and experience, and especially from his credit 
in Caesar's army, and the knowledge of all his coun- 
sels : but his account of things, like that of all de- 
serters, was accommodated rather to please, than to 
serve his new friends ; representing the weakness of 
Caesar's troops, their aversion to his present designs, 
the disaffection of the two Gauls, and disposition 
to revolt ; the contrary of all which was found 
to be true in the experiment : and as he came to 
them single, without bringing with him any of those 
troops with which he had acquired his reputation, 
so his desertion had no other effect than to ruin 

* Gladiatores Caesaris, qui Capuse sunt — sane commode Pompeius distribuit, bi- 
nos singulis patribus familiarum. Scutorum in ludo Iao fuerunt eruptionem facturt 
fuisse dicebantur— sane multum in eo Reip. provisum est. Ad Att. 7. 14, 


A. Urb. 704. Cic 58. Coss.—C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Orus. . 

his own fortunes, without doing any service to 

But what gave a much better prospect to all ho- 
nest men, was the proposal of an accommodation, 
which came about this time from Caesar; who, while 
he was pushing on the war with incredible vigour, 
talked of nothing but peace, and endeavoured parti- 
cularly to persuade Cicero, that he had no other 
view than to secure himself from the insults of his 
enemies, and yield the first rank in the state to Pom- 
pey. t The conditions were, that Pompey should go 
to his government of Spain, that hie new levies should 
be dismissed, and his garrisons withdrawn, and that 
Caesar should deliver up his provinces, the farther 
Gaul to Domitius, the hither to Considius, and sue 
for the consulship in person, without requiring the 
privilege of absence. These terms were readily em- 
braced in a grand counsel of the chiefs, at Capua, 
and young L. Caesar, who brought them, was sent 
back with letters from Pompey, and the addition 
only of one preliminary article, that Caesar, in the 
meanwhile, should recal his troops from the towns 
which he had seized, beyond his own jurisdiction, 
so that the senate might return to Rome, and settle 
the whole affair with honour and freedom.^ Cicero 
was present at this council, of which he gave an ac- 
count to Atticus : " I came to Capua," says he, 

* Maximarn autem plagam accepit, quod is, qui summam auctoritatem in illius 
t-xercitu habebat, T. Labienus socius sceleris esse noluit : reliquit ilium, et nobiscum 
est: multique idem facturi dicuntur. Ep. Earn. 16. 12. 

Aliquantum animi videtur attulisse nobis Labienus. Ad Att. 7. 13. 

Labienum secum habet (Pompeius) non dubitantem de imbecillitate Caesaris copi- 
arum : cujus adventu Cnaeus noster multo animi plus habet. lb. 7. 1 6. 

Nam in Labieno parum est dignitatis. lb. 8. 2. 

1 -fnrtis in armis 

Ctesjreis Labienus erect : nunc transfuga vilis. Lucan. 5. 345. 

t Balbus major ad me scribit, nihil malle Ctesarem, quani principe, Pompeio, sine 
metu vivere. Tu, puto, hsc credis. Ad Att. 8. 9. 

$. Femntur onmino conditiones ab illo, ut Pompeius eat in Hispaniam; dilectus, 
qui sunt habit i, et praesidia nostra dhuittantur : se ulteriorem Galliam Domitio, cite- 
riorem Considio Noniano — traditurum. Ad Consulatus petitionem se venturum ; 
neque se jam velle, absente se, rationem sui haberi. Ep. Fam. 16. 12. Ad Att. 7. 14. 

Accepimus conditiones ; sed ita, ut removeat prsesidia ex iis locis, quse occupavit, 
ut sine metude iis ipsis conditionibu.s Roma; Senatus haberi po&sit. lb. 



A. Urb. 704'. Cic. 58. Coss.—C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulua Crtw. 


yesterday, the twenty-sixth of January, where I 
met the consuls, and many of our order : they all 
wished that Caesar would stand to his conditions, 
* and withdraw his troops : Favonius alone was 
against all conditions imposed by Caesar, but was 
little regarded by the council ; for Cato himself 
would now rather live a slave, than fight ; and de- 
" clares, that i f Caesar recal his garrisons, he will at- 
" tend the senate, when the conditions come to be 
settled, and not go to Sicily, where his service is 
more necessary, which I am afraid will be of ill 
"consequence: — there is a strange variety in our 
■" sentiments ; the greatest part are of opinion, that 
" Caesar will not stand to his terms, and that these 
11 offers are made only to hinder our preparations : 
but I am apt to think that he will withdraw his 
troops : for he gets the better of us by being made 
consul, and with less iniquity, than in the way which 
he is now pursuing ; and we cannot possibly come 
off without some loss ; for we are scandalously un- 
provided both with soldiers and with money, since 
"all that, which was either private in the city, or 
" public in the treasury, is left a prey to him."* 

During the suspence of this treaty, and the ex 
pectation of Caesar's answer, Cicero began to con- 
ceive some hopes that both sides were relenting, and 
disposed to make up the quarrel — Caesar, from a re- 
flection on his rashness, and the senate on their want 
of preparation : but he still suspected Caesar, and the 
sending a message so important by a person so in- 
significant as young Lucius Caesar, looked, he says, 
as if he had done it by way of contempt, or with a 
view to disclaim it, especially when, after offering 
conditions, which were likely to be accepted, he 
would not sit still to wait an answer, but continued 
his inarch, with the same diligence, and in the same 
hostile manner, as beforcf His suspicions proved 

* Ad Att. 7. 15. 

t Spero in prrcsenti* pacem nos habere. Nam et ilium fnroris, et hunc nostrum 
4,-opianmi suppoenitet, lb. 





A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

true; for by letters, which came soon after from 
Furmus and Curio, he perceived that they made a 
mere jest of the embassy.* 

It seems very evident that Caesar had no real 
thoughts of peace, by his paying no regard to Pom- 
pey's answer, and the trifling reasons which he gave 
for slighting it :f but he had a double view in offer- 
ing those conditions ; for, by Pompey's rejecting 
them, as there was reason to expect, from his known 
aversion to any treaty, he hoped to load him with 
the odium of the war ; or, by his embracing them, 
to slacken his preparations, and retard his design of 
leaving Italy ; whilst he himself, in the mean time, 
by following him, with a celerity that amazed every 
body, J might chance to come up with him before he 
could embark, and give a decisive blow to the war ; 
from which he had nothing to apprehend, but its 
being drawn into length. "I now plainly see," says 
Cicero, " though later indeed than I could have 
" wished, on account of the assurances given me by 
" Balbus, that he aims at nothing else, nor has ever 
" aimed at any thing from the beginning, but Pom- 
" pey's life."§ 

If we consider this famous passage of the Rubi- 
con, abstractedly from the event, it seems to have 
been so hazardous and desperate, that Pompey 

Taraen vereor ut his ipsis (Caesar) contentus sit. Nam cum ista mandata dedisset 
L. Caesari, debuit esse paulloquietior, dum responsa referrentur. lb. 7. 17. 

Caesarem quidem, L. Ca?sare cum mandatis de pace misso, tamen aiwnt acerrime 
loca occupare. lb. 18. 

L. Caesarem vidi ut id ipsum mihi ille videatur irridendi causa fecisse, qui tan- 

tis de rebus huic mandata dederit, nisi forte non dedit, et hie sermone aliquo arrepto 
pro mandatis abusus est. lb. 13. 

* Accepi litteras tuas, Philotimi, Furnii, Curionis ad Furnium, quibus irridet L. 
Caesaris Iegationem. lb. 19. 

t Caes. Comment, de Bell. civ. 1. 1. 
_ I O celeritatem incredibilem ! Ad Att. 7. 22. Cicero calls him a monster of 
vigilance and celerity [lb. 8. 9.]; for, from his passage of the Rubicon, though he 
■was forced to take in all the great towns on his road, and spent seven days before 
Corfinium, yet in less than two months he marched through the whole length of Italy, 
end came before the gates of Brundisium before Pompey could embark on the 9th 
of March. Ad Att. 9. 13. 

§ Intelligo serins equidem quam vellem, propter epistolas sermonesque Balbi, sed 
video plane nihil aliud agi, nihil actum ab initio, quam ut hunc occiderit. Ad Att. 9. b. 

F 2 


A. Urb. 704. Cie. 58. Coss.— C. Claudias Marcellus. L. (5ojn. Lentulus Crus. 

might reasonably contemn the thought of it, as of an 
attempt too rash for any prudent man to venture 
upon. If Caesar's view, indeed, had been to possess 
himself only of Italy, there could have been no diffi- 
culty in it : his army was undoubtedly the best 
which was then in the world ; flushed with victory, 
animated with zeal for the person of their general, 
and an over-match for any which could be brought 
against it into the field : but. this single army was 
all that he had to trust to ; he had no resource : the 
loss of one battle was certain ruin to him ; and yet, 
he must necessarily run the risk of many, before he 
could gain his end: for the whole empire was armed 
against him ; every province offered a fresh enemy, 
and a fresh field of action, where he was like to be 
exposed to the same danger as on the plains of Phar- 
salia. But, above all, his enemies were masters of 
the sea, so that he could not transport his forces 
abroad, without the hazard of their being destroyed 
by a superior fleet, or of being starved at land by 
the difficulty of conveying supplies and provisions 
to them : Pompey relied chiefly on this single cir- 
cumstance, and was persuaded, that it must neces- 
sarily determine the war in his favour;* so that it 
seems surprising, how such a superiority of advan- 
tage, in the hands of so great a commander, could 
possibly fail of success; and we must admire rather 
the fortune than the conduct of Csesar, for carrying 
him safe through all these difficulties to the posses- 
sion of the empire. 

Cicero seldom speaks of his attempt, but as a kind 
of madness, f and seemed to retain some hopes, to 
the last, that he would not persist in it : the same 
imagination made Pompey and the senate so reso- 
lute to defy, when they were in no condition to op- 
pose him. Caesar, on the other hand, might pro- 

* Existimat, (Fompeius) qui mare teneat, eum necesse reran potiri — itaquenavalis 
apparatus ei semper antiqaissima tura fuit. lb. 10. 8. 

t Cum Caesar amentia quaJain raperetur. Ep. Fain. 16; 12. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 68. Coss. — C. Claudius Marccllns. L. Corn. Lentulus Cius. 

bably imagine, that their stiffness proceeded from a 
vain conceit of their strength, which would induce 
them to venture a battle with him in Italy; in which 
case he was sure enough to beat them : so that both 
sides were drawn farther, perhaps, than they in- 
tended, by mistaking each other's views. Caesar, I 
say, might well apprehend, that they designed to 
try their strength with him in Italy; for that was 
the constant persuasion of the whole party, who 
thought it the best scheme which could be pursued: 
Pompey humoured them in it, and always talked 
big to keep up their spirits; and though he saw, 
from the first, the necessity of quitting Italy, yet he 
kept the secret to himself, and wrote word, at the 
same time, to Cicero, that he should have a firm 
army in a few days, with which he would march 
against Caesar into Picenum, so as to give them an 
opportunity of returning to the city* The plan of 
the war, as it was commonly understood, was to 
possess themselves of the principal posts of Italy, 
and act chiefly on the defensive, in order to distress 
Caesar, by their different armies, cut off his oppor- 
tunities of forage, hinder his access to Rome, and 
hold him continually employed, till the veteran 
army from Spain, under Pompey's lieutenants, 
Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, could come up to 
finish his overthrow.-]- This was the notion which 
the senate entertained of the war ; they never con- 
ceived it possible, that Pompey should submit to 
the disgrace of flying before Caesar, and giving up 

* Omnes nos a^oa-^Mnroui, expertes sui tanti et tarn inusitiiticonsilii relinquebaf. 
Ad Att. 8. 8. 

Pompeius — ad ine scribit, paucis diebus se firmum exercitum habiturum, speinque 
affert, si in Picenum agrum ipse venerit, nos Romam redituros esse. lb. 7. 16. 

t Suscepto autem bello, aut tenenda sit urbs, aut ea relicta, ille commeatu et re- 
liquis copiis intercludendus. Ad Att. 7. 9. 

Sin autem ille suis conditionibus stare noluerit, bellum paratum est : — tantum- 
modo ut eum intercludamus, ne ad urbein possit accedere : quod sperabamus fieri 
posse: dilectus enim magnos habebanms — ex Hispaniaque sex legiones et magna 
auxilia, Afranio et Petreio ducibus, habet a tergo. Videtur, si insanict, posse op- 
priirii, modo ut urbe salva. Ep. Fam. 16. 12. 

Sum ma autem spes Afraniura cum magnis copiis adventare. Ad Att. 8. 3. 


A. Urb. 70i. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Crus. 

Italy a prey to his enemy. In this confidence Do- 
mitius, with a very considerable force, and some of 
the principal senators, threw himself into Corfinium, 
a strong' town at the foot of the Appennine, on the 
Adriatic side, where he proposed to make a stand 
against Caesar, and stop the progress of his march ; 
but he lost all his troops in the attempt, to the 
number of three legions, for want of knowing Pom- 
pey's secret. Pompey, indeed, when he saw what 
Domitius intended, pressed him earnestly, by se- 
veral letters, to come away and join with him, tell- 
ing him, that it was impossible to make any oppo- 
sition to Caesar, till their whole forces were united ; 
and that, as to himself, he had with him only the 
two legions which were recalled from Caesar, and 
were not to be trusted against him: and if Domitius 
should entangle himself in Corfinium, so as to be 
precluded by Caesar from a retreat, that he could 
not come to his relief with so weak an army, and 
bade him, therefore, not to be surprised to hear of 
his retiring, if Caesar should persist to march towards 
him :* yet Domitius, prepossessed with the opinion, 
that Italy was to be the seat of the war, and that Pom- 
pey would never suffer so good a body of troops, 
and so many of his best friends to be lost, would 
not quit the advantageous post of Corfinium, but 
depended still on being relieved ; and when he was 
actually besieged, sent Pompey word, how easily 
Caesar might be intercepted between their two ar- 

Cicero was as much disappointed as any of the 
rest ; he had never dreamt of their being obliged 
to quit Italy, till, by Poinpcy's motions, he per- 

* Nos disjecta manu pares adversariis esse non possumus. — 

Quamobrem nolito commoveri, si audieris nie regredi, si forte Cajsar ad me veniet. 
— etiam atque etiam te hortor, utcuraomni copia quam primum ad me venias. Vid. 
Epist. Pomp, ad Domit. Ad Att. 8. 12. 

t Domitius ad Pompeium — mittit, qui petaut atque orent, ut sibi subveniat: Cas- 
saretn duobus exereitibus, et locorum angustiis intercludi posse, frumeiUoque pro- 
hiberi, &c. 

Cjds. Comment, dc Bell. cir. 1. L 


A. Urb. 7 04. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Leululus Crus. 



ceived, at last, his intentions ; of which he speaks, 
with great severity, in several of his letters, and begs 
Atticus's advice upon that new face of their affairs ; 
and to enable Atticus to give it the more clearly, he 
explains to him, in short, what occurred to his own 
mind on the one side and the other. " The great 
" obligations," says he, "which I am under to Pom- 
" pey, aud my particular friendship with him, as 
" well as the cause of the Republic itself, seem to 
" persuade me, that I ought to join my counsels and 
" fortunes with his. Besides, if I stay behind, 
" and desert that band of the best and most emi- 
nent citizens, I must fall under the power of a 
single person, who gives me many proofs, indeed, 
of being my friend, and whom, as you know, I 
" had long ago taken care to make such, from a 
" suspicion of this very storm which now hangs 
" over us ; yet it should be well considered, both 
" how far I may venture to trust him, and, suppos- 
" ing it clear that I may trust him, whether it be 
" consistent with the character of a firm and honest 
" citizen to continue in that city, in which he has 
" borne the greatest honours, and performed the 
" greatest acts, and where he is now invested with 
" the most honourable priesthood, when it is to be 
attended with some danger, and perhaps with 
some disgrace, if Fompey should ever restore the 
Republic. These are the difficulties on the one 
" side ; let us see what there are on the other: no- 
"■ thing has hitherto been done by our Pompey, 
" either with prudence or courage; I may add, also, 
" nothing but what was contrary to my advice and 
" authority : I will omit those old stories, how he 
" first nursed, raised, and armed this man against 
" the Republic ; how he supported him in carrying 
" his laws by violence, and without regard to the 
" auspices ; how he added the farther Gaul to his 
" government, made himself his son-in-law, assisted 
" as augur in the adoption of Clodius, was more 





A. Urb. 704. Cie. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Cm?* 

" zealous to restore me, than to prevent my being 
" expelled, enlarged the term of Caesar's command, 
" served him in all his affairs in his absence, nay, 
" in his third consulship, after he began to espouse 
" the interests of the Republic, how he insisted, that 
" the ten tribunes should jointly propose a law to 
" dispense with his absence in suing for the consul- 
" ship, which he confirmed afterwards by a law of 
" his own, and opposed the consul Marcellus, when 
" he moved to put an end to his government on the 
" first of March : but to omit, I say, all this, what 
" can be more dishonourable, or shew a greater 
" want of conduct, than this retreat, or rather 
"shameful flight from the citv? what conditions 
" were not preferable to the necessity of abandon- 
ing our country ? the conditions, I confess, were 
" bad ; yet what can be worse than this? but Pom- 
" P e y> you'll say, will recover the Republic: when? 
M or what preparation is there for it ? is not all Pi- 
" cenum lost ? is not the way left open to the city ? 
" is not all our treasure, both public and private, 
" given up to the enemy? In a word, there is no 
" party, no forces, no places of rendezvous for the 
" friends of the Republic to resort to ; Apulia is 
" chosen for our retreat ; the weakest and remotest 
" part of Italy, which implies nothing but despair, 
" and a design of flying by the opportunity of the 
" sea," &c. # In another letter, " there is but one 
" thing wanting," says he, "to complete our friend's 
" disgrace ; his failing to succour Domitius : no- 
" body doubts but that he will come to his relief; yet 
" I am not of that mind. Will he then desert such 
" a citizen, and the rest, whom you know to be 
" with him ? especially when he has thirty cohorts 
" in the town? yes, unless all things deceive me, he 
" will desert him; he is strangely frightened; means 
" nothing but to fly ; yet you, for I perceive what 
" your opinion is, think, that I ought to follow thin 

* Ad Att, 8. 3. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentuius Cru3. 

" man. For my part, I easily know, whom I ought 
" to fly, not whom I ought to follow. As to that 
" saying of mine, which yon extol, and think wor- 
" thy to be celebrated, that I had rather be con- 
" quered with Poinpey, than conquer with Caesar, 
" it is true, I still say so ; but with such a Pompey 
" as he then was, or as I took him to be: but, as for 
" this man, who runs away before he knows from 
" whom, or whither; who has betrayed us and ours, 
" given up his country, and is now leaving Italy ; if 
" I had rather be conquered with him, the thing is 
" over, I am conquered," &c* 

There was a notion, in the meanwhile, that uni- 
versally prevailed through Italy, of Caesar's cruel 
and revengeful temper, from which horrible effects 
were apprehended: Cicero himself was strongly pos* 
sessed with it, as appears from many of his letters, 
where he seems to take it for granted, that he would 
be a second Phalaris, not a Pisistratus ; a bloody, 
not a gentle tyrant. This he inferred from the vio- 
lence of his past life ; the nature of his present en- 
terprise; and, above all, from the character of his 
friends and followers ; who were, generally speak- 
ing, a needy, profligate, audacious crew ; prepared 
for every thing that was desperate/f It was affirm- 
ed, likewise, with great confidence, that he had 
openly declared, that he was now coming to revenge 
the deaths of Cn. Carbo, M. Brutus, and all the other 
Marian chiefs, whom Pompey, when acting under 
Sylla, had cruelly put to death for their opposition 
to the Syllan cause.J But there was no real ground 
for any of these suspicions : for Caesar, who thought 

* Ad Att. 3. 7. 

t Istum cujus 4>ttXttfia-jU.ov times, omnia teterrime facturum puto. Ad Att. 7. 12. 

Incertum est Phalarimne an Pisistratum sit imitaturus — lb. 20. 

Nam caedem video si vicerit et regnum non modo Romano homini sed ne 

Persaj quidem tolerabile — lb. 10. 8. 

Qui hie potest se gerere non perdite ? vita, mores, ante facta, ratio suscepti nego- 
tii, socii — lb. 9. 2. it. 9. 19. 

X Alque eum loqui quidam alSivrmH: narrabant; Cn. Carbonis, M. Bruti se poena* 
persequi,&c. Ad Att. 9. 14. 


A.Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.—C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Cru». 

tyranny, as Cicero says, the greatest of goddesses, 
and whose sole view it had been, through life, to 
bring his affairs to this crisis, and to make a bold 
push for empire, had, from the observation of past 
times, and the fate of former tyrants, laid it down 
for a maxim, that clemency in victory was the best 
means of securing the stability of it.* Upon the 
surrender, therefore, of Corfinium, where he had the 
first opportunity of giving a public specimen of him- 
self, he shewed a noble example of moderation, by 
the generous dismission of Domitius, and all the 
other senators who fell into his hands ; among whom 
was Lentulus Spinther, Cicero's particular friend.f 
This made a great turn in his favour, by easing peo- 
ple of the terrors which they had before conceived 
of him, and seemed to confirm, what he affected every 
where to give out, that he sought nothing by the war 
but the security of his person and dignity. Pom- 
pey, on the other hand, appeared every day more 
and more despicable, by flying before an enemy, 
whom his pride and perverseness was said to have 
driven to the necessity of taking arms. — " Tell me, I 
' beg of you," says Cicero, " what can be more 
wretched, than for the one to be gathering ap- 
plause from the worst of causes, the other giving 
" offence in the best ? the one to be reckoned the 
" preserver of his enemies, the other the deserter of 
" his friends? and, in truth, though I have all the 
" affection which I ought to have for our friend 
" Cnaeus, yet, I cannot excuse his not coming to the 
" relief of such men: for if he was afraid to do it, 
" what can be more paltry? or if, as some think, he 
" thought to make his cause the more popular, by 

* -rijy 9e5v jUE'/iVtw aiur i^iiv rv^amia. Ad Att. 7. 11. 

Tentemus hoc modo, si possumus, omnium voluntates recupeiare, ct diuturna vic- 
toria uti : quoniam reliqui crudelitate odium efFugcre non potucrunt, neque victoriam 
diutius tenere. prater nnum L, Syllam, qucm imitaturus non sum. Htc nova sit 
ratio vincendi; ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muuiamus. Ep. Ca-s. ad Opp. 
Att. 9. 7. 

t Crcs. Comment. I. i. Pint, in Cues.-—* 



A. Urb. 704. Clc. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

*i their destruction, what can be more unjust?"* &c. 
From this first experiment of Caesar's clemency, Ci- 
cero took occasion to send him a letter of compli- 
ment, and to thank him particularly for his generous 
treatment of Lentulus, who, when consul, had been 
the chief author of his restoration : to which Caesar 
returned the following answer: 


" You judge rightly of me, for I am thoroughly 
" known to you, that nothing is farther removed 
" from me than cruelty ; and, as I have a great plea- 
" sure from the thing itself, so I rejoice and triumph 
" to find my act approved by you : nor does it at 
" all move me, that those, who were dismissed by 
" me, are said to be gone away to renew the war 
" against me ; for I desire nothing more, than that I 
" may always act like myself; they like themselves. 
" I wish that you would meet me at the city, that I 
" inajr use your counsel and assistance, as I have 
*' hitherto done in all things. Nothing, I assure 
" you, is dearer to me than Dolabella; I will owe 
" this favour therefore to him : nor is it possible for 
il him, indeed, to behave otherwise, such is his hu- 
** inanity, his good sense, and his affection to me. 

" Adieu."t 

When Pompey, after the unhappy affair of Cor- 
finium, found himself obliged to retire to Brundi- 
sium, and to declare, what he had never before di- 
rectly owned, his design of quitting Italy, and carry- 
ing the war abroad ;J he was very desirous to draw 
Cicero along with him, and wrote two letters to him 
at Formiae, to press him to come away directly ; but 

* Sed obsecro te quid hoc miserius, quam alteram plausus in fcedissima causa 
quaerere; alteram offensiones in optima? alteram existimari conservatorem inimico- 
rum, alteram desertorem amicorum? et mehercule quanivis amemus Cnasum nos- 
trum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris non subvenit, laudare 
non possum. Nam sive timuit quid ignavius ? sive, ut qtiidam putant, meliorem 
suam causam illorum ca;de fore putavit, quid injustius ? Ad Att. 8. 9. 

t Ad Att. 9. 16. 

| Qui amisso Corfinio dcnique me certiorein consilii sui fecit. lb. 9. 2. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 68. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulu* Crti3. 

Cicero, already much out of humour with him, was 
disgusted still the more by his short and negligent 
manner of writing, upon an occasion so important :* 
the second of Pompey's letters, with Cicero's an- 
swer, will explain the present state of their affairs, 
and Cicero's sentiments upon them. 



" If you are in good health, I rejoice : I read your 
" letter with pleasure : for I perceived in it your an- 
" cient virtue, by your concern for the common 
" safety. The consuls are come to the army, which 
" I had in Apulia : I earnestly exhort you, by your 
" singular and perpetual affection to the Republic, 
" to come also to us, that, by our joint advice, we 
" may give help and relief to the afflicted state. I 
" would have you make the Appian May your road, 
" and come in all haste to Brundisium. Take care 
" of your health." 


" When I sent that letter, which was delivered to 
" you at Canusium, I had no suspicion of your cross- 
ing the sea for the service of the Republic, and 
was in great hopes, that we should be able, either 
to bring about an accommodation, which to me 
seemed the most useful, or to defend the Republic 
with the greatest dignity in Italy. In the mean- 
" time, before my letter reached you, being informed 
" of your resolution, by the instructions which you 
" sent to the consuls, I did not wait till I could have 
" a letter from you, but set out immediately towards 
" you with my brother and our children for Apulia. 
" When we were come to Theanum, your friend C. 
" Messius, and many others, told us, that Caesar was 
" on the road to Capua, and would lodge that very 

* Epistolarum Pompeii duarum, quas ad me misit, negligentiam mcamque in sen- 
Lendo diligentiam, volui tibi notam esse : carum exempla ad te misi. lb. 8. 11. 



A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Cos*.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Crus. 

" Bight at iEsernia : I was much disturbed at it, be- 
" cause, if it was true, I not only took my journey 
" to be precluded, but myself also to be certainly a 
" prisoner. I went on, therefore, to Cales, with in- 
" tent to stay there, till I could learn from iEsernia 
" the certainty of my intelligence: at Cales there 
" was brought to me a copy of the letter, which you 
" wrote to the consul Lentulus, with which you sent 
" the copy also of one that you had received from 
" Domitius, dated the eighteenth of February, and 
" signified, that it was of great importance to the 
" Republic, that all the troops should be drawn to- 
" gether, as soon as possible, to one place ; yet, so 
" as to leave a sufficient garrison in Capua. Upon 
" reading these letters, I was of the same opinion 
" with all the rest, that you were resolved to march 
" to Corfinium with all your forces, whither, when 
" Caesar lay before the town, I thought it impossible 
" for me to come. While this affair was in the ut- 
" most expectation, we were informed, at one and 
" the same time, both of what had happened at Cor- 
" finium, and that you were actually marching to- 
M wards Brundisium : and when I and my brother 
" resolved, without hesitation, to follow you thither, 
" we were advertised by many, who came from Sam- 
" nium and Apulia, to take care that we did not fall 
" into Caesar's hands, for that he was upon his march 
" to the same places where our road lay, and would 
" reach them sooner than we could possibly do. 
" This being the case, it did not seem advisable to 
** me, or my brother, or any of our friends, to run 
" the risk of hurting, not only ourselves, but the 
" Republic, by our rashness; especially when we 
" could not doubt, but that, if the journey had been 
" safe to us, we should not then be able to overtake 
" you. In the meanwhile, I received your letter, 
" dated from Canusium, the twenty-first of Febru- 
" ary, in which you exhort me to come in all haste 
" to Brundisium : but as 1 did not receive it till the 


A. Urb, 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L, Corn. Lerrfulus Crss, 

" twenty-ninth, I made no question but that you 
" were already arrived at Brundisium, and all that 
" road seemed wholly shut up to us, and we our- 
" selves as surely intercepted as those who were 
" taken at Corfinium : for we did not reckon them 
" only to be prisoners, who were actually fallen into 
" the enemy's hands, but those too not less so, who 
" happen to be inclosed within the quarters and 
" garrisons of their adversaries. Since this is our 
" case, I heartily wish, in the first place, that I had 
*' always been with you, as I then told you when I 
" relinquished the command of Capua, which I did 
" not do for the sake of avoiding trouble, but be- 
" cause I saw that the town could not be held with- 
" out an army, and was unwilling that the same ac- 
" cident should happen to me, which, to my sorrow, 
" has happened to some of our bravest citizens at 
" Corfuiium : but since it has not been my lot to be 
" with you, I wish that I had been made privy to 
" your counsels; for I could not possibly suspect, 
"and should sooner have believed any thing, than 
" that, for the good of the Republic, under such a 
" leader as you, we should not be able to stand our 
" ground in Italy : nor do I now blame your con- 
" duct, but lament the fate of the Republic; and 
" though I cannot comprehend what it is which you 
" have followed, yet, I am not the less persuaded, 
" that you have done nothing, but with the greatest 
" reason. You remember, I believe, what my opi- 
" nion always was ; first, to preserve peace, even on 
" bad conditions; then about leaving the city ; for 
" as to Italy, you never intimated a tittle to me 
" about it : but I do not take upon myself to think, 
" that my advice ought to have been followed ; I 
" followed yours ; nor that for the sake of the Re- 
" public, of which I despaired, and which is now 
" overturned, so as not to be raised up again with- 
" out a civil and most pernicious war: I sought 
" you : desired to be with you ; nor will I omit the 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Cms. 

** first opportunity which offers of effecting it. I 
" easily perceived, through all this affair, that I did 
" not satisfy those who are fond of fighting : for I 
" made no scruple to own, that I wished for nothing 
" so much as peace ; not but that I had the same 
" apprehensions from it as they ; but I thought them 
" more tolerable than a civil war: then, after the war 
" was begun, when I saw that conditions of peace 
" were offered to you, and a full and honourable an- 
" swer given to them, I began to weigh and delibe- 
" rate well upon my own conduct, which, consider- 
" ing your kindness to me, I fancied that I should 
" easily explain to your satisfaction : I recollected 
" that I was the only man, who, for the greatest ser- 
" vices to the public, had suffered a most wretched 
" and cruel punishment : that I was the only one, 
who, if I offended him, to whom, at the very time 
" when we were in arms against him, a second con- 
sulship and most splendid triumph was offered, 
should be involved again in all the same struggles ; 
so that my person seemed to stand always ex- 
posed, as a public mark, to the insults of profli- 
" gate citizens: nor did I suspect any of these things 
" till I was openly threatened with them : nor was 
" I so much afraid of them, if they were really to 
" befal me, as I judged it prudent to decline them, 
" if they could honestly be avoided. You see, in 
" short, the state of my conduct while we had any 
" hopes of peace; what has since happened deprived 
" me of all power to do any thing: but to those 
" whom I do not please, I can easily answer, that I 
" never was more a friend to C.Caesar than they, 
" nor they ever better friends to the Republic than 
" myself: the only difference between me and them, 
" is, that as they are excellent citizens, and I not far 
" removed from that character, it was mv advice to 
" proceed by way of treaty, which I understood to 
" be approved also by you ; theirs by way of arms ; 
" and since this method has prevailed, it shall be my 





A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marccllus. L. Corn. Lentulus Cruj, 

" care to behave myself so, that the Republic may 
" not want in me the spirit of a true citizen, nor you 
" of a friend. Adieu."* 

The disgust which Pompey's management had 
given him, and which he gently intimates in this let- 
ter, was the true reason why he did not join him at 
this time: he had a mind to deliberate a while 
longer, before he took a step so decisive : this he 
owns to Atticus, where, after recounting all the par- 
ticulars of his own conduct, which were the most 
liable to exception, he adds, " I have neither done 
" nor omitted to do any thing, which has not both 
" a probable and prudent excuse — and, in truth, was 
" willing to consider a little longer what was right 
" and fit for me to do."f The chief ground of his 
deliberation was, that he still thought a peace pos- 
sible, in which case Pompey and Caesar would be 
one again, and he had no mind to give Caesar any 
cause to be an enemy to him, when he was become 
a friend to Pompey. 

While things were in this situation, Caesar sent 
young Balbus after the consul Lentulus, to endea- 
vour to persuade him to stay in Italy, and return 
to the city, by the offer of every thing that could 
tempt him : he called upon Cicero on his way, who 
gives the following account of it to Atticus : 
" Young Balbus came to me on the twenty-fourth 
" in the evening, running in all haste, by private 
" roads, after Lentulus, with letters and instructions 
" from Caesar, and .the offer of any government, if 
" he will return to Rome ; but it will have no effect, 
" unless they happen to meet : he told me that Cae- 
"sar desired nothing so much as to overtake Pom- 
" pey — which I believe; and to befriends with him 
" again — which I do not believe; and begin to fear, 
" that all his clemency means nothing else, at last, 

* Ad Att. 8. 11. 

t Nihil praeteriuissum est, quod non habeat sapierttem excusationem et plane 

quid rectum, et quid faciendum mihi cssct, diutius cogitare malui. lb. 8. 12. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulu* Crus. 

" but to give that one cruel blow. The elder Balbus 
" writes me word, that Caesar wishes nothing more 
" than to live in safety, and yield the first rank 
" to Pompey. You take him, I suppose, to be in 
" earnest.'* 

Cicero seems to think, that Lentulus might have 
been persuaded to stay, if Balbus and he had met 
together ; for he had no opinion of the firmness of 
these consuls, but says of them both, on another 
occasion, that they were more easily moved by 
every wind, than a feather or a leaf. He received 
another letter, soon after, from Balbus, of which 
he sent a copy to Atticus, that he might pity him, 
he says, to see what a dupe they thought to make 
of him.f 


" I conjure you, Cicero, to think of some me- 
" thod of making Caesar and Pompey friends again, 
" who, by the perfidy of certain persons, are now 
" divided ; it is a work highly worthy of your vir- 
" tue: take my word for it, Caesar .will not only be 
" in your power, but think himself infinitely obliged 
" to you, if you would charge yourself with this 
" affair. I should be glad if Pompey would do so 
" too ; but, in the present circumstances, it is what 
" I wish rather than hope, that he may be brought 
" to any terms : but, whenever he gives over fly- 
" ing and fearing Caesar, I shall not despair, that 
" your authority may have its weight with him. 
" Caesar takes it kindly, that you were for Lentu- 
" lus's staying in Italy, and it was the greatest ob- 
" ligation which you could confer upon me : for I 
" love him as much as I do Caesar himself; if he 
" had suffered me to talk to him as freely as we 
" used to do, and not so often shunned the oppor- 

* Ad Att. 8. 9. 

t Nee me Consules movent, qui ipsi pluma aut folio facilius moventur ut 

•if em meam dolercs, eum nic derideri videres. lb. 8. 15. 

VOL. II. G . 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Cora. Lentulus Cms, 

" tnnities which I sought of conferring with him, I 
" should have been less unhappy than I now am : 
" for, assure yourself, that no man can be more 
" afflicted than I, to see one, who is dearer to me 
" than myself, acting his part so ill in his consul- 
" ship, that he seems to be any thing rather than a 
" consul : but should he be disposed to follow your 
" advice, and take your word for Caesar's good in- 
" tentions, and pass the rest of his consulship at 
" Rome, I should begin to hope, that, by your au- 
" thority, and at his motion, Ppinpey and Caesar 
" may be made one again, with the approbation 
" even of the senate. Whenever this can be brought 
" about. I shall think that I have lived long enough : 
" you will entirely approve, I am sure, what Caesar 
" did at Corfinium : in an affair of that sort, nothing 
" could fall out better, than that it should be trail s- 
" acted without blood. I am extremely glad, that 
" my nephew's visit was agreeable to you : as to 
" what he said on Caesar's part, and what Caesar 
" himself wrote to you, I know Caesar to be very 
" sincere, in it, whatever turn his affairs may 
" take/'* 

Caesar, at the same time, was extremely solicitous, 
not so much to gain Cicero, for that was not to be 
expected, as to prevail with him to stand neuter. 
He wrote to him several times to that effect, and 
employed all their common friends to press him 
with letters on that head :f who, by his keepings 
such a distance, at this time, from Pompey, ima- 
gining that they had made some impression, began 
to attempt a second point with him, viz. to per- 
suade him to come back to Rome, and assist in 
the councils of the senate, which Caesar designed 
to summon at his return from following Pom- 

* Ad Att. 8. 15. 

t Quod queens quid Ccesar ad me scripserif. Quod ssepe : gratissimum sibi esse 
quod quietiin: uratque ut in eo perseverem. Balbus minor h.xc eadem niandata. 
lb. 8. 11. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulut Cru». 

pey: with this view, in the hurry of his march to- 
wards Brundisium, Caesar sent him the following 
letter : 


" When I had but just time to see our friend 
*' Furnius, nor could conveniently speak with, or 
" hear him, was in haste, and on my march, having 
" sent the legions before me, yet I could not pass 
" by without writing, and sending him to you with 
" my thanks : though I have often paid this duty 
" before, and seem likely to pay it oftener, you de- 
44 serve it so well of me. I desire of you, in a spe- 
u cial manner, that as I hope to be in the city 
" shortly, I may see you there, and have the bene- 
" fit of your advice, your interest, your authority, 
" your assistance in all things. But to return to the 
" point : you will pardon the haste and brevity of 
" my letter, and learn the rest from Furnius." To 
which Cicero answered. 


" Upon reading your letter, delivered to me by 
" Furnius, in which you pressed me to come to the 
" city, I did not so much wonder at what you there 
" intimated, of your -desire to use my advice and 
" authority, but was at a loss to find out what you 
" meant by my interest and assistance; yet I flat- 
" tered myself into a persuasion, that, out of your 
" admirable and singular wisdom, you were desir- 
" ous to enter into some measures for establishing 
" the peace and concord of the city ; and, in that 
" case, I looked upou my temper and character 
" as fit enough to be employed in such a delibera- 
" tion. If the case be so, and you have any con- 
" cern for the safety of our friend Pompey, and of 
" reconciling him to yourself, and to the Republic, 
" you will certainly find no man more proper for 
" such a work than I am, who, from the verv first, 

g 2 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Leatulu» Cru*. 

" have always been the adviser of peace, both to 
" him and the senate ; and, since this recourse to 
" arms, have not meddled with any part of the war, 
" but thought you to be really injured by it, while 
" your enemies and enviers were attempting to de- 
V prive you of those honours, which the Roman 
" people had granted you. But as, at that time, 
" I was not only a favourer of your dignity, but an 
" encourager also of others to assist you in it: so 
" now the dignity of Pompey greatly affects me: 
" for, many years ago, I made choice of you two, 
" with whom to cultivate a particular friendship, 
" and to be, as I now am, most strictly united. 
" Wherefore I desire of you, or. rather beg and im- 
" plore, with all my prayers, that, in the hurry of 
" your cares, you would indulge a moment to this 
" thought, how by your generosity, I may be per- 
" mitted to shew myself an honest, grateful, pious 
" man, in remembering an act of the greatest kind- 
" ness to me. If this related only to myself, I 
" should hope still to obtain it from you : but it 
" concerns, 1 think, both your honour and the Re- 
" public, that, by your means, I should be allowed 
" to continue in a situation the best adapted to pro- 
" mote the peace of you two, as well as the gene- 
" ral concord of all the citizens. After I had sent 
" my thanks to you before, on the account of Len- 
" tulus, for giving safety to him who had given it 
" to me; yet, upon reading his letter, in which he 
" expresses the most grateful sense of your libe- 
" rality, I took myself to have received the same 
" grace from you, which he had done: towards 
" whom, if by this you perceive me to be grateful, 
" let it be your care, I beseech yon, that I may be 
" so too towards Pompey."* 

Cicero was censured for some passages of this 
letter, which Caesar took care to make public, viz. 

* Ad Alt. 9. 6. 11. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic 68. Cos«. — C, Claudiu* Marcellu*. L. Com. Lentulu* Cm*. 

the compliment on Caesar's admirable wisdom ; and, 
above all, the acknowledgment of his being injured 
by his adversaries in the present war: in excuse of 
which, he says, that he was not sorry for the pub- 
lication of it, for he himself had given several co- 
pies of it; and, considering what had since hap- 
pened, was pleased to have known to the world 
how much he had always been inclined to peace ; 
and that, in urging Caesar to save his country, he 
thought it his business to use such expressions as 
were the most likely to gain authority with him, 
without fearing to bethought guilty of flattery, in 
urging him to an act for which he would gladly 
have thrown himself even at his feet.* 

He received another letter, on the same subject, 
and about the same time, written jointly by Balbus 
and Oppius, two of Caesar's chief confidents. 


" The advice, not only of little men, such as we 
" are, but even of the greatest, is generally weighed, 
" not by the intention of the giver, but the event ; 
" yet, relying on your humanity, we will give you 
" what we take to be the best, in the case about 
" which you wrote to us ; which, though it should 
" not be found prudent, yet certainly flows from 
11 the utmost fidelity and affection to you. If we 
" did not know from Caesar himself, that, as soon 
" as he comes to Rome, he will do what in our 
"judgment we think he ought to do, treat about 
11 a reconciliation between him and Pompey, we 
" should give over exhorting you to come and take 
" part in those deliberations; that, by your help, 

* Epistolam meam quod pervulgatam scribis esse non fero moleste. Quin etiam 
pse multis dedi describendam. Ea enira et acciderunt jam et impendent, ut tes- 
aturn esse velim de pace quid senserim. Cum auterii eum hortarer, eum praesertim 
bouiinem, non videbar ullo modo facilius niotums, quam si id, quod eum hortarer, 
convenire ejus sapiential dicerem. Earn si admirabilem dixi, cum eum ad salutein 
patria? hortarer, non sum veritus, ne vidercr assentiri, cui tali in re lubcnter me ad 
pedes abjecissem, &x. lb. 8. 9. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Crus. 

" who have a strict friendship with them both, the 
" whole affair may be settled with ease and dignity: 
" or if, on the contrary, we believed that Caesar 
" would not do it, and knew that he was resolved 
" upon a war with Pompey, we should never try 
" to persuade you to take arms against a man to 
" whom you have the greatest obligations, in the 
" same manner as we have always entreated you 
" not to fight against Caesar. But since, at present, 
" we can only guess rather than know what Caesar 
" will do, we have nothing to offer but this, that 
" it does not seem agreeable to your dignity, or 
" your fidelity, so well known to ail, when you are 
" intimate with them both, to take arms against 
" either: and this we do not doubt but Caesar, ac- 
cording to his humanity, will highly approve; 
" yet if you judge proper, we will write to him, to 
" let us know what he will really do about it; and 
" if he returns us an answer, will presently send 
" you notice, what we think of it, and give you 
" our word, that we will advise only what we take 
" to be most suitable to your honour, not to Caesar's 
" views ; and are persuaded, that Caesar, out of his 
" indulgence to his friends, will be pleased with it."* 
This joint letter was followed by a separate one from 


" Immediately after I had sent the common let- 
" ter from Oppius and myself, I received one from 
" Caesar, of which I have sent you a copy ; whence 
" you will perceive how desirous he is of peace, and 
"to be reconciled with Pompey, and how far re- 
" moved from all thoughts of cruelty. It gives me 
" an extreme joy, as it certainly ought to do, to see 
" him in these sentiments. As to yourself, your 
" fidelity, and your piety, I am entirely of the same 

* Ad Alt. 0. 8. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Ma.cellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

mind, my dear Cicero, with you, that you cannot, 
consistently with your character and duty, bear 
arms against a man to whom you declare your- 
self so greatly obliged : 'hat Caesar will approve 
this resolution, I certainly know, from his singular 
humanity; and that you will perfectly satisfy him, 
by taking no part in the war against him, nor 
joining yourself to his adversaries : this he will 
think sufficient, not only from you, a person of 
such dignity and splendour, but has allowed it even 
to me, not to be found in that camp, which is likely 
to be formed against Lentulus and Pompey, from 
whom I have received the greatest obligations : 
' It was enough,' he said, < if I performed my 
part to him in the city and the gown, which I 
might perform also to them if I thought fit:' where- 
fore, I now manage all Lentulus's affairs at Rome, 
and discharge my duty, my fidelity, my piety, to 
them both : yet, in truth, I do not take the hopes 
of an accommodation, though now so low, to be 
quite desperate, since Caesar is in that mind in 
which we ought to wish him: one thing would 
please me, if you think it proper, that you would 
write to him, and desire a guard from him, as 
you did from Pompey, at the time of Miio's trial, 
with my approbation : I will undertake for him, 
if I rightly know Caesar, that he will sooner pay 
a regard to your dignity, than to his own interest. 
How prudently I write these things, I know not; 
but this I certainly know ; that whatever I write, 
I write out of a singular love and affection to you : 
for let me die, (so as Caesar may but live) if I have 
not so great an esteem for you, that few are equally 
dear to me. When you have taken any resolution 
in this affair, I wish that you would let me know 
it, for T am exceedingly solicitous that you should 
discharge your duty to them both, which, iu truth, 
I am confident you will discharge. Take care of 
your health."* 

* Ad Att. 9. 8. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

The offer of a guard was artfully insinuated; for 
while it carried an appearance of honour and respect 
to Cicero's person, it must necessarily have made 
him Caesar's prisoner, and deprived him of the li- 
berty of retiring, when he found it proper, out of 
Italy: but he was too wise to be caught by it, or to 
be moved in any manner by the letters themselves, 
to entertain the least thought of going to Rome, 
since, to assist in the senate, when Pompey and the 
consuls were driven out of it, was, in reality, to 
take part against them. What gave him a more 
immediate uneasiness, was the daily expectation of 
an interview with Caesar himself, who was now re- 
turning from Brundisium by the road of Formiae, 
where he then resided ; for though he would gladly 
have avoided him, if he could have contrived to do 
it decently, yet, to leave the place just when Caesar 
was coming to it, could not fail of being interpreted 
as a particular affront: he resolved, therefore, to wait 
for him, and to act on the occasion with a firmness 
and gravity, which became his rank and character. 

They met, as he expected, and he sent Atticus 
the following account of what passed between them: 
" My discourse with him," says he, " was such, as 
" would rather make him think well of me than 
" thank me. I stood firm in refusing to go to Rome, 
" but was deceived in expecting to find him easy ; 
" for I never saw any one less so : he was condemned, 
" he said, by my judgment ; and, if I did not come, 
V others would be the more backward : I told him 
" that their case was very different from mine. After 
" many things said, on both sides, he bade me come, 
" however, and try to make peace : ' Shall I do it,' 
" says I, ' in my own way?' ' Do you imagine,' replied 
" he, ' that I will prescribe to you ?' ' I will move the 
" senate then,' says I, ' for a decree against yourgoing 
" to Spain, or transporting your troops into Greece, 
" and say a great deal besides, in bewailing the case 
" of Pompey :' ' I will not allow,' replied he, ' such 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Cms. 

" things to be said:' ' So I thought,' says I, * and 
" for that reason will not come ; because I must 
" either say them, and many more, which I cannot 
" help saying, if I am there, or not come at all.' 
*■ The result, was, that, to shift off the discourse, 
" he wished me to consider of it ; which 1 could 
" not refuse to do, and so we parted. I am per- 
" suaded, that he is not pleased with me; but I am 
" pleased with myself: which 1 have not been be- 
" fore of a long time. As for the rest, good gods, 
" what a crew he has with him ! what a hellish band ! 
44 as you call them : what a deplorable affair ! what 
" desperate troops ! what a lamentable thing, to 
" see Servius's son, and Titinius's, with many more 
" of their rank, in that camp, which besieged Pom- 
" pey ! He has six legions ; wakes at all hours ; 
!' fears nothing: I see no end of this calamity. His 
" declaration at the last, which I had almost forgot, 
" was odious; that if he was not permitted to use my 
" advice, he would use such as he could get from 
" others, and pursue all measures which were for 
" his service."* From this conference, Cicero went 
directly to Arpinum, and there invested his son, at 
the age of sixteen, with the manly gown: he resolved 
to carry him along with him to Pompey's camp, and 
thought it proper to give him an air of manhood 
before he enlisted him into the war ; and since he 
could not perform that ceremony at Rome, chose 
to oblige his countrymen, by celebrating this festi- 
val in his native city.f 

While Caesar was on the road towards Rome, 
young Quintus Cicero, the nephew, a tiery, giddy 
youth, privately wrote to him to offer his service, 
with a promise of some information concerning his 
uncle; upon which being sent for, and admitted to 
an audience, he assured Caesar, that his uncle was 

* Ad Att. 9. 18. 

t Ego raeo Ciceroni, quoniain Roma carcmus, Arpini potissimmn togam puraiu 
dedi, idque municipibu* noslris fait gratum. lb. 19. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. j8. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulu» Cruo. 

utterly disaffected to all his measures, and deter- 
mined to leave Italy and go to Pompey. The boy 
was tempted to this rashness by the hopes of a con- 
siderable present, and gave much uneasiness by it, 
both to the father and the uncle, who had reason 
to fear some ill consequence from it :* but Ceesar, 
desiring still to divert Cicero from declaring against 
him, and to quiet the apprehensions which he might 
entertain for what was past, took occasion to signify 
to him, in a kind letter from Rome, that he retained 
no resentment of his refusal to come to the city, 
though Tullus and Servius complained, that he had 
not shewn the same indulgence to them: — Ridicu- 
lous men, says Cicero, who, after sending their sons 
to besiege Pompey, at Brundisium, pretend to be 
scrupulous about going to the senate.| 

Cicero's behaviour, however, and residence in 
those villas of his, which were nearest to the sea, 
gave rise to a general report, that he was waiting 
only for a wind to carry him over to Pompey ; 
upon which, Caesar sent him another pressing- 
letter, to try, if possible, to dissuade him from that 


" Though I never imagined that you would do 
" any thing rashly, or imprudently, yet, moved by 
" common report, I thought proper to write to you, 
*' and beg of you, by our mutual affection, that you 
" would not run to a declining cause, whither you 
" did not think fit to go while it stood firm. For 
" you will do the greatest injury to your friendship, 

* Litteras ejus ad Caasarem missas ita graviter tulimus, ut te quidem celaremus — 
tantum scito post Hirlium conventum, arcessitum ab Caesare ; cum eo de inco animo 
ab suis consiliis alieuissimo, et consilio relinquendi Italiam. lb. 10. 4, 5, &c. 

Quintum puerum accepi veliementer. Avaritiam video fuissc, et spein inagiii 
congiarii. Magnum hoc malum est. lb. 10. 7. 

+ Cffisar mihi ignoscit per litteras. quod non Romam vcnerim, se sequc in op(i- 
mam partem id accipere dicit. Facile patioi, quod scribit, secum Tulluni et Servium 
queslos esse, qui cum filios misissent ad Cn. Pompeiuin circumsidendun), ipsi in 
Senaluin venire dubitarcnt. lb. 10. 3. 


A. Urb. 704. CLg. 58. Co3».— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lcntulus Cru*. 

" and consult but ill for yourself, if you do not 
" follow where fortune calls ; for all things seem 
" to have succeeded most prosperously for us, most 
" unfortunately for them : nor will you be thought 
" to have followed the cause, (since that was the 
" same, when you chose to withdraw yourself from 
" their counsels) but to have condemned some act 
" of mine; than which you can do nothing that could 
" affect me more sensibly, and what I beg, by the 
" rights of our friendship, that you would not do. 
*' Lastly, what is more agreeable to the character 
" of an honest, quiet man, and good citizen, than 
" to retire from civil broils ? from which some, who 
" would gladly have done it, have been deterred by 
" an apprehension of danger: but you, after a full 
" testimony of my life, and trial of my friendship, 
" will find nothing more safe or more reputable, than 
" to keep yourself clear from all this contention. — 
" The 16th of April, on the road."* 

Antony, also, whom Caesar left to guard Italy, 
in his absence, wrote to him to the same purpose, 
and on the same day. 


" If I had not a great esteem for you, and much 
" greater indeed than you imagine, I should not be 
" concerned at the report, which is spread of you, 
" especially when I take it to be false. But, out 
" of the excess of my affection, I cannot dissemble, 
" that even a report, though false, makes some iin- 
" pression on me. I cannot believe that you are 
" preparing to cross the sea, when you have such 
" a value for Dolabella, and your daughter Tuliia, 
" that excellent woman, and are so much valued 
" by us all, to whom, in truth, your dignity and 
" honour are almost dearer than yourself; yet, I 

* Ad Att. x. 8. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Cms. 

"did not think it the part of a friend, not to be 
" moved by the discourse even of ill-designing 
" men, and wrote this with the greater inclination, 
" as I take my part to be the more difficult on the 
" account of our late coldness, occasioned rather 
" by my jealousy, than any injury from you. For 
" I desire you to assure yourself, that nobody is 
" dearer to me than yon, excepting my Caesar, and 
" that 1 know, also, that Csesar reckons M. Cicero 
" in the first class of his friends. Wherefore I beg 
" of you, my Cicero, that you will keep yourself free 
" and undetermined, and despise the fidelity of that 
" man who first did you an injury, that he might 
" afterwards do you a kindness : nor fly from him, 
" who, though he should not love you, which is 
" impossible, yet will always desire to see you in 
" safety and splendour. I have sent Calpurhius to 
" you with this, the most intimate of my friends, 
" that you might perceive the great concern which 
" I have for your life and dignity."* 

Coelius also wrote to him, on the same subject ; 
but finding, by some hints in Cicero's answer, that 
he was actually preparing to run away to Pompey, 
he sent him a second letter, in a most pathetic, or, 
as Cicero calls it, lamentable strain,)" in hopes to 
work upon him, by alarming all his fears. 


" Being in a consternation at your letter, by 
" which you shew that you are meditating nothing 
" but what is dismal, yet neither tell me directly 
44 what it is, nor wholly hide it from me, I presently 
" wrote this to you. By all your fortunes, Cicero, 
44 by your children, I beg and beseech you, not to 
44 take any step injurious to your safety : for I call 
44 the gods and men, and our friendship, to witness, 
" that what 1 have told, and forewarned you of, 

II'. t M. Cceli epislolam scriptara miserabiliter. lb. x. 9. 


t ( 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcelius. L. Corn. Lentukw Crm. 

44 was not any vain conceit of ray own,, but after I 
" had talked with Caesar, and understood from him, 
4t how he resolved to act after his victory, I in- 
" formed you of what I had learnt. If you imagine 
" that his conduct will alwavs be the same, in dis- 
" missing his enemies, and offering conditions, yon 
44 are mistaken ; he thinks, and even talks, of no- 
*' thing but what is fierce and severe, and is gone 
44 away much out of humour with the senate, and 
44 thoroughly provoked by the opposition which he 
44 has met with, nor will there be any room for 
mercy. Wherefore, if you yourself, your only son, 
your house, your remaining hopes, be dear to 
you : if I, if the worthy man, your son-in-law, 
44 have any weight with you, you should not desire 
44 to overturn our fortunes, and force us to hate or 
44 to relinquish that cause in which our safety coii- 
44 sists, or to entertain an impious wish agaiust 
44 your's. Lastly, reflect on this, that you have al- 
" ready given all the offence which you can give, by 
44 staying so long behind; and now to declare against 
44 a conqueror, whom you would not offend, while 
44 his cause was doubtful, and to flv after those who 
44 run away, with whom you would not join, while 
44 they were in condition to resist, is the utmost 
44 folly. Take care, that while you are ashamed not 
44 to approve yourself one of the best citizens, you 
44 be not too hasty in determining what is the best. 
44 But if I cannot wholly prevail with you, yet wait, 
44 at least, till you know how we succeed in Spain, 
*' which I now tell you, will be our's, as soon as 
44 Caesar comes thither. What hopes they may have 
44 when Spain is lost, I know not; and what your 
44 view can be in acceding to a desperate cause, by 
44 my faith I cannot find out. As to the thing, 
44 which you discover to me by your silence about 
44 it, Caesar has been informed of it; and, after the 
44 first salutation, told me, presently, what he had 
44 heard of you : T denied that 1 knew any thing of 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentuluj Cms. 

" the matter, but begged of him to write to you in 
** a manner the most effectual to make you stay. 
" He carries me with him into Spain : if he did 
** not, I would run away to you wherever you are, 
" before I came to Rome, to dispute this point with 
" you in person, and hold you fast even by force. 
" Consider, Cicero, again and again, that you do 
" not utterly ruin both you and your's : that you 
" do not, knowingly and willingly, throw yourself 
*' into difficulties, whence you see no way to ex- 
" tricate yourself. But if either the reproaches of 
" the better sort touch you, or you cannot bear 
" the insolence and haughtiness of a certain set of 
" men, I would advise you to choose some place re- 
" mote from the war, till these contests be over, 
'* which will soon be decided : if you do this, I shall 
*' think that you have done wisely, and you will 
" not offend Caesar."* 

Coelius's advice, as well as his practice, was 
grounded upon a maxim, which he had before ad- 
vanced, in a letter to Cicero, " that in a public dis- 
" sension, as long as it was carried on by civil me- 
" thods, one ought to take the honester side; but 
" when it came to arms, the stronger ; and to judge 
" that the best which was the safest. "f Cicero was 
not of his opinion, but governed himself in this, as 
he generally did, in all other cases, by a contrary 
rule; that where our duty and our safety interfere, 
we should adhere always to what is right, what- 
ever danger we incur by it. 

Curio paid Cicero a friendly visit of two days, 
about this time, on his way towards Sicily, the 
command of which Csesar had committed to him. 
Their conversation turned on the unhappy condi- 
tion of the times, and the impending miseries of the 

* Ep. Fam. 8. 16. 

t Illud te non arbitror fugere ; quin homines in dissensione do mes tica deheant, 
quamdiu civiliter sine armis eernetur, honesliorem sequi partem : ubi ad bellum et 
castra v( ntuin si(, finiHOrem ; et id melius statuere, quod tutius sit. Ep Fam. 8. 14. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

war, in which Curio was open, and without any re- 
serve, in talking of Caesar's views : he exhorted 
Cicero to chuse some neutral place for his retreat ; 
assured him, that Caesar would be pleased with it; 
offered him all kind of accommodation and safe 
passage through Sicily: made not the least doubt, 
but that Caesar would soon be master of Spain, and 
then follow Pompey with his whole force ; and that 
Pompey's death would be the end of the war: but 
confessed withal, that he saw 'no prospect or glim- 
mering of hope for the Republic ; said, that Caesar 
was so provoked by the tribune Metellus, at Rome, 
that he had a mind to have killed him, as many of 
his friends advised ; that if he had done it, a great 
slaughter would have ensued ; that his clemency 
flowed, not from his natural disposition, but because 
he thought it popular : and if he once lost the af- 
fections of the people, he would be cruel: that 
he was disturbed to see the people so disgusted 
by his seizing the public treasure ; and though he 
had resolved to speak to them before he left Rome, 
yet he durst, not venture upon it, for fear of some 
affront; and went away, at last, much discom- 

The leaving the public treasure at Rome a prey 
to Caesar, is censured, more than once, by Cicero, 
as one of the blunders of his friends :| but it is a 
common case, in civil dissensions, for the honester 
side, through the fear of discrediting their cause, 
by any irregular act, to ruin it by an unseasonable 
moderation. The public money was kept in the 
temple of Saturn ; and the consuls contented them- 
selves with carrying away the keys, fancying, that 
the sanctity of the place would secure it from vio- 
lence ; especially when the greatest part of it was a 
fund of a sacred kind, set apart by the laws for oc- 
casions only of the last exigency, or the terror of a 

* Ad Att.x. 4. f lb. 7. 12,. 13. 


A. Urb. 704. . Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentalus Cms, 

Gallic invasion.* Pompey was sensible of the mis- 
take, when it was too late, and sect instructions 
to the consuls to go back and fetch away this sacred 
treasure: but Caesar was then so far advanced, that 
they durst not venture upon it; and Lentulus coldly 
sent him word, that he himself should first march 
against Caesar into Picenum, that they might be able 
to do it with safety-t Caesar had none of these 
scruples ; but, as soon as he came to Rome, ordered 
the doors of the temple to be broken open, and the 
money to be seized for his own use; and had like 
to have killed the tribune Metellus, who, trusting 
to the authority of his office, was silly enough to 
attempt to hinder him. He found there an immense 
treasure, both in coin and wedges of solid gold, re- 
served from the spoils of conquered nations, from 
the time even of the Punic war; " for the Republic," 
as Pliny says, " had never been richer than it was 
" at this day.!'J 

Cicero was now impatient to be gone, and the 
more so, on account of the inconvenient pomp of 
his laurel, and lictors, and style of emperor; which 
in a time of that jealousy and distraction, exposed 
him too much to the eyes of the public, as well as 
to the taunts and raillery of his enemies.^ He re- 
solved to cross the sea to Pompey ; yet knowing 
all his motions to be narrowly watched, took pains 
to conceal his intention, especially from Antony, 
who resided, at this time, in his neighbourhood, and 
kept a strict eye upon him. He sent him word, 
therefore, by letter, that he had no design against 
Caesar ; that he remembered his friendship, and his 
son-in-law Dolabella; that if he had other thoughts, 

* I)io. p. 161. 

t C. Cassius — attulit mandata ad Consules, ut Romam venlrent, pecuniam de 
sanctiore aerario auferrent. — Consul rescripsit, ut prius ipse in Picennm. Ad. Att. 
7. 21. 

t Nee fuit aliis teraporibus Respub. loeupletior. Plin. Hist. S3. 3. 

§ Accedit etiara molesta bsec pompa lictorum meorum, nomenque imperii quo 
appellor. Sed incurrit hrcc nostra laurus non solum in oculos, sed jam etiara in 
votulas malerolorum. Ep. Fain. 2. 16. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentuhis Crus. 

he could easily have been with Pompey ; that his 
chief reason for retiring, was to avoid the uneasi- 
ness of appearing in public with the formality of 
his lictors* But Antony wrote him a surly an- 
swer; which Cicero calls a laconic mandate, and 
sent a copy of it to Atticus, to let him see, he says, 
how tyrannically it was drawn. 

" How sincere is your way of acting? for he, who 
" has a mind to stand neuter, stays at home; he, 
" who goes abroad, seems to pass a judgment on 
" the one side or the other. But it does not belong 
" to me to determine, whether a man may go 
" abroad or not. Caesar has imposed this task 
" upon me, not to suffer any man to go out of 
" Italy. Wherefore, it signifies nothing for me to 
" approve your resolution, if I have no power to 
" indulge you in it. I would have you write to 
" Caesar, and ask that favour of him : I do not 
" doubt but you will obtain it, especially since you 
" promise to retain a regard for our friendship. "f 

After this letter, Antony never came to see him, 
but sent an excuse, that he was ashamed to do it, 
because he took him to be angry with him, giving 
him to understand, at the same time, by Treba- 
tius, that he had special orders to observe his mo- 

These letters give us the most sensible proof of 
the high esteem and credit in which Cicero flow- 
rished, at this time, in Rome : when, in a contest 
for empire, which force alone was to decide, we see 
the chiefs on both sides so solicitous to gain a man 
to their party, who had no peculiar skill in arms or 
talents for war : but his name and authority was the 

* Cum ego ssepissime scripsissem, nihil me contra Cwsarii rationes cogitare ; 
meminisse me generi mei, meminisse amicitias, potuisse si aliter sentirem, esse cum 
Pompeio/me autem, quia cum lictoribus invitus cusarem, abesse velle. Ad Att. x. 10. 

t Ad Att. x. 10. 

X Nominatim de me sibi hnperatum elicit Antonius, nee me tamen ipse adhuc 
viderat, sed hoc Trebatio narravit. lb. x. Is?. 

Antonius — ad me misit, se pudore deterritum ad me nori venisse, quod me sibi 
succensere putaret. lb. x. 15. 



A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Cms.. 

acquisition which they sought ; since, whatever was 
the fate of their arms, the world, they knew, would 
judge better of the cause which Cicero espoused. 
The same letters will confute, likewise, in a great 
measure, the common opinion of his want of re- 
solution in all cases of difficulty, since no man 
could shew a greater than he did on the pre- 
sent occasion, when, against the importunities of 
his friends, and all the invitations of a success- 
ful power, he chose to follow that cause which 
he thought the best, though he knew it to be the 

During Caesar's absence in Spain, Antony, who 
had nobody to control him at home, gave a free 
course to his natural disposition, and indulged him- 
self, without reserve, in all the excess of lewdness 
and luxury. Cicero, describing his usual equipage 
in travelling about Italy, says, " he carries with 
*' him, in an open chaise, the famed actress, Cytheris; 
" his wife follows in a second, with seven other close 
" litters, full of his whores and boys. See by what 
base hands we fall ; and doubt, if you can, whe- 
ther Caesar, let him come vanquished or victo- 
rious, will not make cruel work amongst us at 
" his return. For my part, if I cannot get a ship, 
" I will take a boat, to transport myself out of their 
" reach ; but I shall tell you more after 1 have 
" had a conference with Antony.* Among Antony's 
other extravagances, he had the insolence to ap- 
pear sometimes in public, with his mistress, Cytheris, 
in a chariot drawn by lions. Cicero, alluding to 
this, in a letter to Atticus, tells him jocosely, that 
he need not be afraid of Antony's lions ;| for though 

* Hie tamen Cytheridem secum lectica aperta portat, altera uxorem : septem 
praeterea conjuncta: lectica? sunt amicarum, an aniicorum ? vide quam turpideto 
pereamus : et dubita, si potes, quin ille seu victus, seu victor redierit, ca?dem factu- 
rus sit. Ego vero vel lintriculo, si navis non erit, eripiam me ex istorum parricidio. 
Sed plurH scribam cum ilium convener©. lb. x. 10. 

t Tu Antonii leones pertiniescas, cave. Nihil est illo horninc jucundius. lb. 
x> 13. 




A. Urb.704. Cic. 58. Coss.—C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. LentulusCrus. 

the beasts were so fierce, the master himself was 
very tame. 

Pliny speaks of this fact, as a designed insult on 
the Roman people ; as if, by the emblem of the lions, 
Antony intended to give them to understand, that 
the fiercest spirits of them would be forced to sub- 
mit to the yoke.* Plutarch also mentions it; but 
both of them place it after the battle of Pharsalia, 
though it is evident, from this hint of it given by 
Cicero, that it happened long before. 

Whilst Cicero continued at Formiae, deliberating 
on the measures of his conduct, he formed several 
political theses, adapted to the circumstances of 
the times, for the amusement of his solitary hours : 
Whether a man ought to stay in his country, 
when it was possessed by a tyrant ? whether one 
ought not by all meaus, to attempt the dissolution 
of the tyranny, though his city, on that aecount, 
was exposed to the utmost hazard ? whether there 
was not cause to be afraid of the man who should 
dissolve it, lest he should advance himself into the 
other's place ? whether we should not help our 
country by the methods of peace, rather than war? 
whether it be the part of a citizen to sit still in a 
neutral place, while his country is oppressed, or to 
run all hazards for the sake of the common liberty? 
whether one ought to bring a war upon his city, 
and besiege it, when in the hands of a tyrant? 
whether a man, not approving the dissolution of 
a tyranny by war, ought not to join himself, how- 
ever, to the best citizens? whether one ought to 
act with his benefactors and friends, though they 
do not, in his opinion, take right measures for the 
public interest? whether a man, who has done great 
services to his country, and, for that reason, has 

* Jugo subdidit eos, primusque Romas ad currum junxit Antonius ; et quidem 
civili bello cum dimicatum esset in Pharsalicis campis ; non sine ostento quodam 
temporum, generosos spiritus jugum subire illo prodigio significante : nam quod it* 
rectus est cum mirna Cytheride, supra monstra etiam illarum calamitatum fuit. 
Tlin. Hist. 8. 16. 

H 2 


A. Urb. 704. Cie. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcelhas. L. Com. Lenttdus Cms. 

been envied and cruellv treated, is still boiftid to 
expose himself to fresh dangers for it, or may not 
be permitted, at last, to take care of himself and 
his family, and give up all political matters to the 
men of power ? — " By exercising myself," says he, 
" in these questions, and examining them on the 
" one side and the other, I relieve my mind from 
" its present anxiety, and draw out something which 
" may be of use to me."* 

From the time of his leaving the city, together 
with Pompey and the senate, there passed not a 
single day in which he did not write one or more 
letters to Atticus,f the only friend whom he trusted 
with the secret of his thoughts. From these letters 
it appears that the sum of Atticus's advice to him 
agreed entirely with his own sentiments, that, if 
Pompey remained in Italy, he ought to join with 
him; if not, should stay behind, and expect what 
fresh accidents might produce.^ This was what 
Cicero had hitherto followed : and as to his future 
conduct, though he seems sometimes to be a little 
wavering and irresolute, yet the result of his deli- 
berations constantly turned in favour of Pompey. 
His personal affection for the man, preference of his 
cause, the reproaches of the better sort, who began 
to censure his tardiness, and, above all, his grati- 
tude for favours received, which had ever the greatest 
weight with him, made him resolve, at all adven- 
tures to run after him ; and, though he was displeased 
with his management of the war, and without anv 
hopes of his success ;§ though he knew him before 

* In his ego me consultationibus exercens, disserens in utramque partem, turn 
Graece turn Latine, abduco parumper animura a inolestiis etrou ■Grgovgyou rl delibero. 
Ad. Att. 9. 4. 

t Hujus auteni epistolae non solum ea causa est, ut ne quisamedies intermittetur, 
quin dem at 1e litteras, sed. lb. 8. 12. 

Alteram tibi eodeni die banc epistolam dictavi, et pridie dederam mea manu lon- 
giorem. lb. x. 3. 

t Ego quidem tibi non sim auctor, si Pompeius Italiain relinquit, te quoque pro- 
fugere, sunirao cnim periculo facies, nee Rcipub. pruueris; cui quidem posteriui 
poteris prodessc, si manseris, &c. lb. 9. 10. 

§ Ingrati animi crimen horrco. lb. 9. 2. 5. 7. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 53. Cos3.—C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Crus. 

to be no politician, and now perceived him, he says, 
to be no general ;•. yet, with all his faults, he could 
not endure the thought of deserting him, nor hardly 
forgive himself for staying so long behind him : 
" For, as in love," says he, " any thing dirty and iii- 
" decent in a mistress will stifle it for the present, 
" so the deformity of Pompey's conduct put me out 
" of humour with him ; but now that he is gone, my 
" love revives, and I cannot bear his absence," &c.* 
What held him still a while longer, was the tears 
of his family, and the remonstrances of his daugh- 
ter Tnllia, who intreated him to wait only the issue 
of the Spanish war, and urged it as the advice of 
Atticus.t He was passionately fond of this daugh- 
ter, and with great reason ; for she was a woman of 
singular accomplishments, with the utmost affection 
ami piety to him. Speaking of her to Atticus, 
" How admirable," says he, " is her virtue? how 
" does she bear the public calamity ? how her do- 
" mestic disgusts ? what a greatness of mind did 
" she shew at my parting from them ? in spite of 
" the tenderness of her love, she wishes me to do 
" nothing but what is right, and for my honour. "J 
But, as to the affair of Spain, he answered, that 
whatever was the fate of it, it could not alter the 
case with regard to himself; for if Caesar should be 
driven out of it, his journey to Pompey would be 
less welcome and reputable, since Curio himself 

Nee mehercule hoc facio Reipub. causa, quam funditus deletam puto, sed nequis 
me putet ingratum in eum, qui me levavit iis incommodis, quibus ipse affecerat. 
lb. 9. 19 — 

Fortunas sunt committenda omnia. Sine spe conamur ulla. Si melius quid acci- 
dent mirabimur. *Ib. x. "2. 

* Sicut Iv toT? ipuTocoT?, alienant immundse, insulste, indecorae ; sic me illius- 
fngae, negligentiwque deforruiifts avertit ab ainore — nunc emergit amor, nunc deside- 
rium ferre non possum. lb. 9. 10. 

t Sed cum ad me meaTullia se'ribat, orans ut quid in Hispania geratur expectem, 
et semper adscribat idem videri tibi. lb. x. 8. 

Laeiymse internum molliunt, precantium, ut de Hispaniis expecte- 
mus. lb. x, 9. 

% Cujus quideni virtus mirifica. Qoomodo ilia fert publicam cladem ? quomodo 
domesticas trica3 ? quantus autem animus in discessu nostro ? sit a-Togyh, sit suimua 
awn^;;' tamen uos recte favere etbene audire vult. lb. x. 8, 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Cobs.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulu*. Crut. 

would run over to him ; or if the war was drawn 
into length, there would be no end of waiting ; or, 
lastly, if Pompey's army should be beaten, instead 
of sitting still, as they advised, he thought just the 
contrary, and should chuse the rather to run away 
from the violence of such a victory. He resolved, 
therefore, he says, to act nothing craftily ; but, what- 
ever became of Spain, to find out Pompey as soon 
as he could, in conformity to Solon's law, who made 
it capital for a citizen not to take part in a civil dis- 


Before his going off, Servius Sulpicius sent him 
word, from Rome, that he had a great desire to 
have a conference with him, to consult in common 
what measures they ought to take. Cicero con- 
sented to it, in hopes to find Servius in the same 
mind with himself, and to have his company to 
Pompey's camp: for, in answer to his message, he 
intimated his own intention of leaving Italy ; and, 
if Servius was not in the same resolution, advised 
him to save himself the trouble of the journey, 
though, if he had any thing of moment to commu- 
nicate, he would wait for his coming.f But, at 
their meeting, he found him so timorous and de- 
sponding, and so full of scruples upon every thing 
which was proposed, that, instead of pressing him 
to the same conduct with himself, he found it ne- 
cessary to conceal his own design from him. " Of 
44 all the men," says he, " whom I have met with, he 

* Si pelletur, quam gratus aut quam honestus turn erit ad Pompeium noster ad- 
ventus, cum ipsum Curionera ad ipsum transiturum putem ? si trahitur bellum, quid 
expectem, aut quam diu ? relinquitur, ut si vincimur in Hispania, quiescamus. Id 
ego contra puto : istum enim victorem relinquendum magis puto, quam victum. Ibid. 

Astute nihil sum acturus ; fiat in Hispania quidlibet. lb. x. 6. 

Ego vero Solonis — legem negligam, qui capite sanxit, si qui in seditione non alte- 
rius utrius partis fuisset. lb. x. 1. 

t Sin autera tibi homini prudentissimo videtur utile, esse, nos colloqui, quan- 
quam longius etiam cogitabam ab urbe discedere, cujus jam etiam nomen invitus 
audio, tamen propius accedam. Ep. fain. 4. 1. 

Restat ut discedendum putem ; in quo reliqua videtur esse deliberatio, quod con- 
silium in discessu, quae loca sequamur — si habes jam statutum, quid tibi agendum 
putes, in quo non sit conjunctum consilium tuum cum meo, supersedeas hoc labore 
uiner'uB. It. 4. 2. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 53. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Com. Lentulus Criu, 

" is alone a greater coward than C. Marcellus, who 
** laments his having been consul, and urges An- 
" tony to hinder my going, that he himself may stay 
" with a better grace."* 

Cato, whom Pompey had sent to possess himself 
of Sicily, thought fit to quit that post, and yield up 
the island to Curio, who came likewise to seize it, on 
Caesar's part, with a superior force. Cicero was 
much scandalized at Cato's conduct, being per- 
suaded that he might have held his possession with- 
out difficulty, and that all honest men would have 
flocked to him, especially when Pompey 's fleet was 
so near to support him : for if that had but once ap- 
peared on the coast, and begun to act, Curio him- 
self, as he confessed, would have run away the first. 
" I wish,' 1 says Cicero, " that Cotta may hold out 
" Sardinia, as it is said he will : for, if so, how base 
u will Cato's act appear."! 

In these circumstances, while he was preparing 
all things for his voyage, and waiting only for a 
fair wind, he removed from his Cuman to his Pom- 
peian villa, beyond Naples, which, not being so 
commodious for an embarkment, would help to 
lessen the suspicion of his intended flight.J: Here 
he received a private message from the officers of 
three cohorts, which were in garrison at Pompeii, 
to beg leave to wait upon him the day following, 
in order to deliver up their troops and the town 
into his hands; but, instead of listening to the 
overture, he slipped away the next morning, before 
day, to avoid seeing them ; since such a force, or a 

* Servii consilio nihil expeditur. Omnes captiones in omni ser.tentia occurrunt. 
Unum C. Marcello cognovi timidiorem, quem Consulem fuisse poenitet — qui etiarn 
Antonium confirmasse dicitur, ut me impediret, quo ipse, credo, honestius. Ad 
Att. x. 15. 

t Curio mecum vixit— Siciliae diffidens, si Pompeius navigare coepisset. lb. x. 7. 

Curio — Pompeii classem timebat : quae si esset, se de Sicilia abiturum. lb. x. 4. 

Cato qui Sicilian) tenere nullo negotio potuit, et si tenuisset, omnes boni ad eum 
se contulissent, Syracusis profectus est a. d. 8. Kal. Maii — utinam, quod aiunt, 
Cotta Sardiniam teneat. Est enim rumor, O, si id fuerit, turpem Catonem ! lb. 
x. 16. 

t Ego ut minuerem suspicionem profectionis, — profectus sum in Pompeianum 
a. d. 1111 Id. Ut ibi essem, dum quaB sd navigandum opus essent, pararentur. lb 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss. — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crm, 

greater, could be of no service there ; and he was 
apprehensive that it was designed only as a trap for 
him. # 

Thus, pursuing at last the result of all his delibe- 
rations, and preferring the consideration of duty to 
that of his safety, he embarked to follow Pompey : 
and though, from the nature of the war, he plainly 
saw, and declared, that it was a contention only for 
rule; yet he thought Pompey the modester, honester, 
and j uster king of the two; and if he did not conquer, 
that the very name of the Roman people would be 
extinguished ; or if he did, that it would still be after 
the manner and pattern of Sylla, with much cruelty 
and blood. t With these melancholy reflections, he 
set sail on the eleventh of June,J rushing, as he tells 
us, knowingly and willingly into voluntary destruc- 
tion, and doing just what cattle do when driven by 
any force, running after those of his own kind ; " For, 
" as the ox," says he, " follows the herd, so I follow 
" the honest, or those at least who are called so, 
'•' though it be to certain ruin."§ As to his brother 

* Cum ad villain venissem, ventum est ad me, Centuriones trium cohottium, quae 
Ponipeiis sunt, me velle postridie ; haec mecum Ninnius noster, velle eos mihi se, et 
oppidum tradere. At ego tibi postridie a villa ante luceui, ut me omniiio illi non vi- 
derent. Quid enim erat in tribus cohortibus? quid si plures, quo apparatu? — et 
simul fieri poterat, ut tentaretnur. Omnem igitur suspicionem sustuli. Ibid. 

t Domiuatio quaesita ab utroque est. lb. 8. 11. 

Regnandi contentio est ; in qua pulsus est modestior Rex et probrior et integrior; 
et is, qui nisi vincit, nonien populi Romani deleatur necesse est : sin autem vincit 
Syllano more, cxemploque vincet. lb. x. 7. 

% a. d. III. Id. Jun. Ep. Fam. 14. 7. It is remarkable, that, among the rea- 
sons which detained Cicero in Italy longer than he intended, he mentions the tem- 
pestuous weather of the Equinox, and the calms that succeeded it ; yet this was about 
the end of May [ad Att. x. 17, 18.] which shews what a strange confusion there was 
at •this time in the Roman Calendar; and what necessity for that reformation of it, 
which Caesar soon after effected, in order to reduce the computation of their months 
to the regular course of the seasons, from which they had so widely varied. Some 
of the commentators, for want of attending to this cause, are strangely puzzled to 
account for the difficulty ; and one of them ridiculously imagines, that, by the Equi- 
nox, Cicero covertly means Antony, who used to make his days and nights equal, by 
sleeping as much as he waked. 

§ Ego prudens ac sciens ad pestem ante oculos positam turn profectus. Ep. 
Earn. 6. 6. 

Prudens et sciens tanquam ad interitum ruerem voluntarium. [pro M. Marcel. 5.] 
quid ergo acturus es ? idem, quod pecudes, quae dispulsse sui generis sequuntur greges. 
Ut bos armenta, sic ego bonus viros, auteos, quicunque dicentur boni, sequar, etiam 
si rurnt. Ad Att. 7. 7. 


.A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellu*. L. Com. Lentulus Crus. 

Quintus, he was so far from desiring his company 
in this flight, that he pressed him to stay in Italy, on 
account of his personal obligations to Caesar, and the 
relation that he had borne to him: yet Quintus would 
not be left behind ; but declared that he would fol- 
low his brother whithersoever he should lead, and 
think that party right which he should chnse for him.* 

What gave Cicero a more particular abhorrence of 
the war, into which he was entering, was, to seePom- 
pey, on all occasions, affecting to imitate Sylla, and 
to hear him often say, with a superior air, " could 
" Sylla do such a thing, and cannot I do it?" as if 
determined to make Sy lla's victory the pattern of his 
own. He was now in much the same circumstances 
in which that conqueror had once been ; sustaining 
the cause of the senate by his arms, and treated as 
an enemy by those who possessed Italy ; and, as he 
flattered himself with the same good fortune, so he 
was meditating the same kind of return, and threat- 
ening ruin and proscription to all his enemies. This 
frequently shocked Cicero, as we find from many of 
his letters, to consider with what cruelty and effu- 
sion of civil blood the success,even of his ownfriends, 
would certainly be attended. ]~ 

We have no account of the manner and circum- 
stances of his voyage, or by what course he steered 
towards Dyrrhachium : for, after his leaving Italy, 
all his correspondence with it was in great measure 
cut off; so that from June, in which he sailed, we ftnd 
an intermission of about nine months in the series of 
his letters, and not more than four of them written to 
Atticus during the continuance of the war.J: He ar- 
rived, however, safely in Pompey's camp with his 

* Fratrem — socium hujus Fortunn; esse non erat squum : cui magis etiam Ca?sar 
irascetur. Sed impetrare non possum, tit maneat. [lb. 9. 1.] frater, quicquid mihi 
placeret, id rectum se putare aiebat. lb. 9. 6. 

t Quam crebro illud, Sylla potuit, ego non potero ? — 

Ita Syllaturit animus ejus, et proscripturitdiu. [Att. 9. x.] Cnreus noster Syllani 
regni siinilitudinem concupivit. IjSai*; trot \iyoi. [lb. 7.] ut non nominatim sed ge- 
neratiin proscriptio esseti nfonuata. lb. xi. 6". 

t Vid. Ad Att. xi. 1, % 3, 4. 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss — C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crui. 

son, his brother, and nephew, committing the for- 
tunes of the whole family to the issue of that cause : 
and that he might make some amends for coming so 
late, and gain the greater authority with his party, 
he furnished Pompey, who was in great want of 
money, with a large sum, out of his own stock, for 
the public service.* 

But, as he entered into the war with reluctance, 
so he found nothing in it but what increased his dis- 
gust : he disliked every thing which they had done, 
or designed to do ; saw nothing good amongst them 
but their cause ; and that their own counsels would 
ruin them : for all the chiefs of the party, trusting 
to the superior fame and authority of Pompey, and 
dazzled with the splendour of the troops, which the 
princes of the east had sent to their assistance, as- 
sured themselves of victory ; and, without reflect- 
ing on the different character of the two armies, 
would hear of nothing but fighting. It was Cicero's 
business, therefore, to discourage this wild spirit, 
and to represent the hazard of the war, the force of 
Caesar, and the probability of his beating them, if 
ever they ventured a battle with him : but all his re- 
monstrances were slighted, and he himself reproach- 
ed as timorous and cowardly by the other leaders : 
though nothing afterwards happened to them, but 
what he had often foretold. f This soon made him 
repent of embarking in a cause so imprudently con- 
ducted ; and it added to his discontent, to find him- 
self even blamed by Cato for coming to them at all, 
and deserting that neutral post, which might have 
given him the better opportunity of bringing about 
an accommodation. J 

* Etsi egeo rebus omnibus, quod is quoque in angustiis est, quicum sumus,~cui 
magnam dedimus pecuniam mutuant, opinantes nobis, constitutes rebus, earn rem 
etiam honori fore. [lb. xi. 3.] si quas habuimus facultates, eas Pompeio turn, cum 
id videbamur sapienter t'acere, detulinms. lb. 13. 

t Quippe mihi nee quae accidunt, nee qure aguntur, ullo modo probantur. [ib. xi. 
4.] nihil boni prater causam. [Ep. Fam. 7. 3.] itaque ego, queni turn fortes i 113 viri, 
Domitii et Lentuli, timidum esse dicebant, &c. [ib. 6. 21.] quo quidem in bello, 
nihil adversi accidit non praedicente me. Ib. 6. 

t Cujus me mei facti poenituit, non tam propter periculurn ineum, quam prop- 
ter vitia multa, quaj ibi offendi, quo veneram. Ib. 7. ."!. -Plut. in Cir, 


A. Urb. 704. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. Lentulus Crus. 

In this disagreeable situation he declined all em- 
ployment, and finding his counsels wholly slighted, 
resumed his usual way of raillery, and what he could 
not dissuade by his authority, endeavoured to make 
ridiculous by his jests. This gave occasion, after- 
wards, to Antony, in a speech to the senate, to cen- 
sure the levity of his behaviour in the calamity of a 
civil war, and to reflect not only upon his fears, but 
the unseasonableness also of his jokes : to which 
Cicero answered, that though their camp, indeed, 
was full of care and anxiety, yet, in circumstances 
the most turbulent, there were certain moments of 
relaxation, which all men, who had any hunianity 
in them, were glad to lay hold on : but while An- 
tony reproached him, both with dejection and jok- 
ing at the same time, it was a sure proof that he had 
observed a proper temper and moderation in them 

Young Brutus was also in Pompey's camp, where 
he distinguished himself by a peculiar zeal : which 
Cicero mentions as the more remarkable, because he 
had always professed an irreconcileable hatred to 
Pompey, as to the murderer of his father/f" But he 
followed the cause, not the man : sacrificing all his 
resentments to the service of his country, and look- 
ing now upon Pompey as the general of the Repub- 
lic, and the defender of their common liberty. 

* Ipse fugi adhuc omne munus, eo magis, quod ita nihil poterat agi, ut mihi et 
ineis rebus aptum esset. [Att. xi. 4.] Quod autem idem moestitiam meam repre- 
hendit, idem jocum ; ruagno argumento est, me in utroque fuisse moderatum. Phil. 
2. 16. 

Some of Cicero's sayings on this occasion, are preserved by different writers. 
When Pompey put him in mind of his coming so late to them : " How can I come 
" late," said he, " when I find nothing in readiness among you ?" — and, upon Pom- 
pey 's asking him, sarcastically, where his son-in-law Dolabella was; " He is with 
" your father-in-law," replied he. To a person newly arrived from Italy, and in- 
forming them of a strong report, at Pome, that Pompey was blocked up by Caesar ; 
" And you sailed hither, therefore," said he, " that you might see it with your own 
" eyes." And even after their defeat, when Nonnius was exhorting them to cou- 
rage, because there were seven eagles still left in Pompey's camp : " You encourage 
«' well," said he, " if we were to fight with jackdaws." By the frequency of these 
splenetic jokes, he is said to have provoked Pompey, so far as to tell him, " I wish 
" that you would go over to the other side, that you may begin to fear us." Vid. 
Macrob. Saturn. 2. 3. Plut. in Cic. 

t Brutus amicus in causa versatur acriter. Ad Att. xi. 4. 

Vid. Plut. in Brut, et Pomp. 


A. Urb. 70t. Cic.58. Coss.—C. Claudius Marcellns. L: Corn. I&ltahi Cms. 

During the course of this war, Cicero never speaks 
of Pompey's conduct, but as a perpetual succession 
of blunders. His first step of leaving Italy was con- 
demned, indeed, by all, but particularly by Aniens ; 
yet to us, at this distance, it seems not oiilv to have 
been prudent, but necessary.* What shocked peo- 
ple so much at it, was the discovery that it made of 
his weakness and want of preparation ; and after the 
security, which he had all along affected, and the 
defiance so oft declared against his adversary, it 
made him appear contemptible to run away at last 
on the first approach of Caesar : " Did you ever see," 
says Ccelius, " a more silly creature than this Ponl- 
" pey of your's : who, after raising all this bustle, is 
" found to be such a trifler? or did you ever read 
" or hear of a man more vigorous in action, more 
" temperate in victory, than ourCaesar?"f 

Ponipey had left Italy about a year before Caesar 
found it convenient to go after him; during which 
time he had gathered a vast fleet from all the mari- 
time states and cities dependent on the empire, with- 
out making any use of it to distress an enemy who 
had no fleet at all : he suffered Sicily and Sardinia 
to fall into Caesar's hands without a blow ; and the 
important town of Marseilles, after having endured 
a long siege for its affection to his cause: but his 
capital error was the giving up Spain, and neglect- 
ing to put himself at the head of the best army that 
he had, in a country devoted to his interests, and 
commodious for the operations of his naval force : 
when Cicero first heard of this resolution, he thought 
it monstrous ;$ and, in truth, the committing that 

Quorum duxquani atrr^etrfiynToi; , tu quoque animadvertis, cui ne Picena quidem 
nota sunt : quam autem sine consilio, res testis. Ad Att. 7. 13. 

Si iste Italiam relinquet, faciet omnino male, et ut ego existime aXoyiVwf, &c 
lb. 9, 10. 

t Ecquando td liominem ineptiorem quam tuum Cn. Poinpeium vidisti? qui tantas 
turbas, qui tam nugax esset commorit? ecquem autem Cassare nostro acriorem in 
rebus agendis, eodem in victoria temperatiorcni, aut iegisti aut audisti ? Ep. Fam. 

X Omnis haec classis Alexandria, Colchis, Tyro, Sidone, Cypfo, Paraphilia, Lycia, 
Rliodo, &c. ad tntercludendos Italia; commeatus — comparatur — Ad Att. <>. 9. 

Nuncianl /Egyptum — cogitare ; Hispamam abjecisse. Monstrauarraat. Ad Att, 
9. [1. 


A. i)ri>. TO*i. Cic. 58. Coss.— C. Claudius Marcellus. L. Corn. LeniuIus'Cius. 

war to his lieutenants against the superior genius 
and ascendant of Caesar, was the ruin of his best 
troops and hopes at once. 

Some have been apt to wonder, why Caesar, after 
forcing' Poinpey out of Italy, instead of crossing the 
sea after him, when he was in no condition to resist, 
should leave him for the space of a year to gather 
armies and fleets at his leisure, and strengthen him- 
self with all the forces of the east. But Caesar had 
good reasons for what he did : lie knew, that all the 
troops, which could be drawn together from those 
countries, were no match for his ; that if he had pur- 
sued him directly to Greece, and driven him out of 
it, as he had done out of Italy, he should have driven 
him probably into Spain, where, of all places, he 
desired the least to meet him; and where, in all 
events, Poinpey had a sure resource, as long as it 
was possessed by a firm and veteran army : which 
it was Caesar's business, therefore, to destroy, in the 
first place, or he could expect no success from the 
war; and there was no opportunity of destroying it 
so favourable, as when Poinpey himself was at such 
a distance from it. This was the reason of his 
marching back with so much expedition, to find, 
as he said, an army without a general, and return 
to a general without an army.* The event shewed, 
that he judged right; for within forty days from the 
first sight of his enemy in Spain, he made himself 
master of the whole province. t 

A. Urb. 705. Cic. 59. Coss.— C. Julius fear II. P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus. 

After the reduction of Spain, he was created dic- 
tator by M. Lepidus, then praetor at Rome, and by 
his dictatorial power declared himself consul, with 
P. Servilius Isauricus ; but he was no sooner iu- 

* Ire se ad exercitum sine duce, et inde reVtersurum ad duceni sine exercitu. 
Sueton. J. Caesi 34. 
t Caes. Comm. 1. 2. 


A. Urb. 70o. Cic. 59. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar II. P. Servilius Vatia Isauncut. 

vested with this office, than he inarched to Brundi- 
sium, and embarked on the fourth of January, in 
order to find out Pompey. The carrying about in 
his person the supreme dignity of the empire, added 
no small authority to his cause, by making the cities 
and states abroad the more cautious of acting against 
him, or giving them a better pretence, at least, for 

opening their gates to the consul of Rome .* 

Cicero, all this while despairing of any good from 
the war, had been using all his endeavours to dis- 
pose his friends to peace, till Pompey forbade any 
farther mention of it in council, declaring that he 
valued neither life nor country, for which he must 
be indebted to Caesar, as the world must take the 
case to be, should he accept any conditions in his 
present circumstances.! He was sensible that he 
had hitherto been acting a contemptible part, and 
done nothing equal to the great name which he had 
acquired in the world ; and was determined, there- 
fore, to retrieve his honour before he laid down his 
arms, by the destruction of his adversary, or to 
perish in the attempt. 

During the blockade of Dyrrhachium, it was a 
current notion, in Caesar's army, that Pompey would 
draw off his troops into his ships, and remove the 
war to some distant place. Upon this Dolabella, 
who was with Caesar, sent a letter to Cicero, into 
Pompey's camp, exhorting him, that if Pompey 
should be driven from these quarters, to seek some 
other country, he would sit down quietly at Athens, 
or any city romote from the war : that it was time to 
think of his own safety, and be a friend to himself, 
rather than to others : that he had now fully satis- 
fied his duty, his friendship, and his engagements to 

* Illi se daturos negare, neque portas Consuli prsclusuros. Caes. Comra. 1. 3. 590. 

t Desperans victoriam, primum ccepi suadere pacem, cujus fueram semper auc- 
tor; deinde cum ab ea sententia Poinpeius valde abhorreret. Ep. Fani. 7.3. 

Vibullius — de Caesaris mandatis agere instituit ; cum ingressum is sermonem Pom- 
peius interpelJavif, etloqui plura prohibuit. Quid milii, inquit, aut vita aut civilate 
opus est, quam beneiicio Claris habere videbor? Cres. Coinm. 3. 596. 


A. Urb. 705. Cic. 59. Coss. — C. Julius Caesar II. P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus 

that party, which he had espoused in the Republic : 
that there was nothing left, but to be where the Re- 
public itself now was, rather than by following that 
ancient one to be in none at all — and that Caesar 
would readily approve this conduct :* but the war 
took a quite different turn; and, instead of Pompey 's 
running away from Dyrrachium, Caesar, by an un- 
expected defeat before it, was forced to retire the 
first, and leave to Pompey the credit of pursuing 
him, as in a kind of flight, towards Macedonia. 

While the two armies were thus employed, Ccelius, 
now praetor at Rome, trusting to his power, and the 
success of his party, began to publish several vio- 
lent and odious laws, especially one for the cancel- 
ling of all debts. f This raised a great flame in the 
city, till he was over-ruled and deposed from his 
magistracy by the consul Servilius and the senate : 
but, being made desperate by this affront, he re- 
called Milo, from his exile at Marseilles, whom 
Caesar had refused to restore: and, in concert with 
him, resolved to raise some public commotion in 
favour of Pompey. In this disposition he wrote his 
last letter to Cicero; in which, after an account of 
his conversation, and the service which he was pro- 
jecting, " you are asleep," says he, " and do not 
" know how open and weak we are here : what are 
" you doing ? are you waiting for a battle, which is 
" sure to be against you? I am not acquainted with 
" your troops ; but our's have been long used to fight 
" hard, and to bear cold and hunger with ease/'J 
But this disturbance, which began to alarm all Italy, 
was soon ended, by the death of the authors of it, 

* Illud autem a te peto, ut, si jam iile evitaverit. hoc periculum, et se abdiderit in 
classem, hi tuis rebus consulas : et aliquando tibi potius quam cuivis sis amicus. 
Saris factum est jam a te vel officio, vel familiaritati ; satis factum etiam partibus, et 
ei Reipub. quam tu probabas. Reliquum est, ubi nunc est Respub. ibi simus potius, 
quam dum veterem illam sequamur, simus in nulla. Ep. Fain. 9. 9. 

t Caes. Comm. 3. 600. 

t Vos dormitis, nee hsec adhuc mihi videmini intelligerc, quam nos pateamus, et 

quam simus imbecilli quid istic facitis? praelium expectatis, quod formissimuni 

est? vestras copias non novi. Nostri valde depugnare, et facile algere et esurire 
eonsueverint. Ep. Fam. 8. 17. 


A. Urb. 705- ' Cic. 59. Coss.— C. Julius Cjesar II. P. Servilius Vatia Isaurlcu*. 

Milo and Ccelius, who perished in their rash attempt, 
being- destroyed by the soldiers; whom they were 
endeavouring to debauch. They had both attached 
themselves very early to the interests and the autho- 
rity of Cicero, and were qualified by their parts and 
fortunes, to have made a principal figure in the Re- 
public, if they had continued in those sentiments, 
and adhered to his advice ; but their passions, plea- 
sures, and ambition got the ascendant ; and, through 
a factious and turbulent life, hurried them on to this 
wretched fate. 

All thoughts of peace being now laid aside, Cice- 
ro's next advice to Pompey was to draw the war 
into length, nor ever to give Caesar the opportunity 
of a battle. Pompey approved this counsel, and 
pursued it for some time, till he gained the advantage 
above mentioned before Dyrrachium ; which gave 
him such a confidence in his own troops, and such 
a contempt of Caesar's, that " from this moment," 
says Cicero, " this great man ceased to be a gene- 
" ral ; opposed a raw, new-raised army to the most 
" robust and veteran legious; was shamefully beaten; 
" and, with the loss of his camp, forced to fly away 
" alone."* 

Had Cicero's advice been followed, Caesar must 
inevitably have been ruined ; for Pompey's fleet 
would have cut off all supplies from him by sea ; 
and it was not possible for him to subsist long at 
land, while an enemy, superior in number of troops, 
was perpetually harassing him, and wasting the 
country : and the report every where spread, of his 
flying from Dyrrachium, before a victorious army, 
which was pursuing him, made his march every way 
the more difficult, and the people of the country more 
shy of assisting him ; till the despicable figure that 

* Cuin ah ra srntentia Pompeius valde abhorreret, suadere institui, ut bellum 
duceret : hoc interdum probabat et in ea senlentia videbatur fore, et fuisset fortasse, 
nisi qnadam ex pugna corpisset militibus suis confidere. Ex eo tempore vir illc 
summits nullus Impeiator fuit: victus turpissinie, amissis etiam castris, solus fugit. 
Ep. Fain. ?. 3. 


A. Urb. 705. Cic. 59. Coss.— C Julius Caesar II. P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus. 

he seemed to make, raised such an impatience for 
fighting, and assurance of victory, in the Pompeian 
chiefs, as drew them to the fatal resolution of giving 
him battle at Pharsalia. There was another motive, 
likewise, suggested to us by Cicero, which seems to 
have had no small influence in determining Pom- 
pey to this unhappy step ; his superstitious regard 
to omens, and the admonitions of diviners ; to which 
his nature was strongly addicted. The Haruspices 
were all on his side, and flattered him with every 
thing that was prosperous ; and, besides those in his 
own camp, the whole fraternity of them at Rome 
were sending him perpetual accounts of the fortu- 
nate and auspicious significations which they had 
observed in the entrails of their victims.* 

But, after all, it must needs be owned, that Pom- 
pey had a very difficult part to act, and much less 
liberty of executing what he himself approved, than 
in all the other wars in which he had been engaged. 
In his wars against foreign enemies, his power was 
absolute, and all his motions depended on his own 
Avill ; but in this, besides several kings and princes 
of the east, who attended him in person, he had with 
him, in his camp, almost all the chief magistrates 
and senators of Rome ; men of equal dignity with 
himself, who had commanded armies, and obtained 
triumphs, and expected a share in all his counsels, 
and that, in their common danger, no step should 
be taken, but by their common advice : and, as they 
were under no engagement to his cause, but what 
was voluntary, so they were necessarily to be hu- 
moured, lest, through disgust, they should desert 
it. Now these were all uneasy in their present situ- 
ation, and longed to be at home, in the enjoyment of 
their estates and honours ; and, having a confidence 
of victory, from the number of their troops, and the 

* Hoc civili bello, Dii immortales ! quae nobis in Grseciam Roma, responsa 

Haruspicum missa sunt ? quae dicta Pompeio ? etenim ille admodum extis ct 

©stcntis inovebatur. De Divin. 2. 24. 



A. Urb. 705. CIc. 59. Cos*.— C Julius Cassar II. P. Servilius Valia Isauricui. 

reputation of their leader, were perpetually teazing 
Pompey to the resolution of a battle ; charging him 
with a design to protract the war, for the sake of 
perpetuating his authority, and calling him another 
Agamemnon, who was proud of holding so many 
kings and generals under his command;* till, being 
unable to withstand their reproaches any longer, 
he was driven, by a kind of shame, and against his 
judgment, to the experiment of a decisive action. 

Caesar was sensible of Pompey 's difficulty, and 
persuaded that he could not support the indignity 
of shewing himself afraid of fighting ; and from that 
assurance, exposed himself often more rashly than 
prudence would otherwise justify : for his besieging 
Pompey at Dyrrhachium, who was master of the 
sea, which supplied every thing to him that was 
wanted, while his own army was starving at land ; 
and the attempt to block up entrenchments so widely 
extended, with much smaller numbers than were 
employed to defend them, must needs be thought 
rash and extravagant, were it not for the expectation 
of drawing Pompey by it to a general engagement : 
for when he could not gain that end, his perse- 
verance in the siege had like to have ruined him, and 
would inevitably have done so, if he had not quitted 
it, as he himself afterwards owned .f 

It must be observed, likewise, that, while Pom- 
pey had any walls orintrenchments between him and 
Caesar, not all Caesar's vigour, nor the courage of 
his veterans, could gain the least advantage against 
him ; but, on the contrary, that Caesar was baffled 
and disappointed in every attempt. Thus, at Brim- 

* Ka; \<rii raifo avrov Qam\itt y.tu Ayafxefjivova xa.\ovvrt»v, oti jtaxEivoc 8<t(rikia>v ha. rot 
vrdhifjLW ?{Ytv; 1£eV»i rSiv cixEimv \oyta-fxSiv, xal eve&hxev ai/Tot?. App. p. 470. 

Milites otium, socii moram, principes ambitum ducis increpabant. Flor. 1. 4. 2. 
Bio, p. 185. Plut. in Pomp. 

t Caesar pro natura ferox, et conficiendae rei cupidus, ostentare aciem, provocare, 
lacessere ; nunc obsidione castrorum, quae sedecim millinm vallo obduxerat ; (sed 
quid his obesset obsidio, qui patente mari omnibus copiis abundarent ?) nunc expng- 
natione Dyrrachii irrita, &c. Flor. 1. 4. c. 2. 

«»/i*»Xoy« ts (AtTttytvtiiriiiiv m^ o; Av/jmy/w c-TjaiWEJewraf, &c. App. p. 4€3. 


A. Urb. 705. Cic. 59. Cos».— C. Julius Caesar II. P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus. 

disium, he could make no impression upon the town, 
till Pompey, at full leisure, had secured his retreat, 
and embarked his troops : and at Dyrrhachium, the 
only considerable action which happened between 
them, was not only disadvantageous, but almost 
fatal to him. Thus far, Pompey certainly shewed 
himself the greater captain, in not suffering a force, 
which he could not resist in the field, to do him any 
hurt, or carry any point against him, since that de- 
pended on the skill of the general. By the help of 
entrenchments, he knew how to make his new-raised 
soldiers a match for Caesar's veterans ; but when he 
was drawn to encounter him on the open plain, he 
fought against insuperable odds, by deserting " his 
" proper arms," as Cicero says, " of caution, coun- 
" sel, and authority, in which he was superior, and 
" committing his fate to swords and spears, and 
" bodily strength, in which his enemies far excelled 
" him."* 

Cicero was not present at the battle of Pharsalia, 
but was left behind at Dyrrhachium, much out of 
humour, as well as out of order. His discontent to 
see all things going wrong on that side, and con- 
trary to his advice, had brought upon him an ill 
habit of body, and weak state of health, which made 
him decline all public command ; but he promised 
Pompey to follow, and continue with him, as soon 
as his health permitted ;f and, as a pledge of his sin- 
cerity, sent his son, in the meanwhile, along with 
him, who, though very young, behaved himself gal- 
lantly, and acquired great applause by his dexterity 
of riding and throwing the javelin, and performing 
every other part of military discipline, at the head 

* Non iis rebus pugnabamus, quibus valere poteramus, consilio, auctoritate, causa, 
quae erant in nobis superiora; sed lacertis et viribus, quibus pares non fuiinus. Ep. 
Fam. 4. 7. 

Dolebamque pilis et gladiis, non consiliis neque auctoritatibus nostris de jure pub- 
lico disceptari. Ep. Fam. 6. 1. 

t Ipse fugi adhuc orane munus, eo magis, quod nihil ita poterat agi, ut niihi et raeis 
rebus aptum esset — me conficit sollicitudo, ex qua etiam summa infirmitas corporis ; 
qua levata, ero cum eo, qui negotium gerit, estque in magna spe. Ad Att. xi. 4. 



A. Urb. 705. Gic. 59. Cos*. — C. Julius Ceesar II. P. Servilius Vatia Itauricu*. 

of one of the wings of horse, of which Pompey had 
given him the command.* Cato staid behind, 
also, in the camp at Dyrrhachium, which he com- 
manded with fifteen cohorts, when Labienus brought 
them the news of Pompey 's defeat; upon which Cato 
offered the command to Cicero, as the superior in 
dignity; and, upon his refusal of it, as Plutarch 
tells us, young Pompey was so enraged, that he 
drew his sword, and would have killed him upon the 
spot, if Cato had not prevented it. This fact is not 
mentioned by Cicero, yet seems to be referred to in 
his speech for Marcellus, where he says, that in the 
very war he had been a perpetual assertor of peace, 
to the hazard even of his life.f But the wretched 
news from Pharsalia threw them all into such a con- 
sternation, that they presently took shipping, and 
dispersed themselves severally, as their hopes or in- 
clinations led them, into the different provinces of 
the empire. J The greatest part, who were deter- 
mined to renew the war, went directly into Afric, 
the general rendezvous of their scattered forces: 
whilst others, who were disposed to expect the far- 
ther issue of things, and take such measures as for- 
tune offered, retired to Achaia: but Cicero was re- 
solved to make this the end of the war to himself, 
and recommended the same conduct to his friends, 
declaring, that as they had been no match for Csesar 
when entire, they could not hope to beat him, when 
shattered and broken :§ and so, after a miserable 
campaign r(- pf about eighteen months, he committed 
himself, without hesitation, to the mercy of the con- 
queror, and landed again at Brundisium about the 
end of October. 

* Quo taraen in bello cum te Pompeius alffi alteri prsefecisset, magnam laudora et 
a sumrao viro et ab exercitu consequebare, equitando, jaculando, omni militari labors 
tolerando : atque ea quidem tua laus pariter cum Rcpub. cecidit. De Offic. 2. 13. 

t Multa de pace dixi, et in ipso bello, eadem etiam cum capitis mei periculo sensi. 
Pro Marcell. 5. 

t Paucis sane post diebus ex Pharsalica fuga venisse Labienum : qui cum interi- 
tum exercitus nunciavisset — naves subito perterriti conscendistis. De Divin. 1. 3V. 

$ Hunc ego belli mihi finem feci : nee putavi, cum integri pares non fuissemus, 
fractos superiores fore. Ep. Fam. 7. 3. 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Cost.— C.Jul. Ceesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 


Cicero no sooner returned to Italy, than he be- 
gan to reflect, that he had been too hasty in coming 
home, before the war was determined, and without 
any invitation from the conqueror; and in a time of 
that general licence, had reason to apprehend some 
insult from the soldiers, if he ventured to appear 
in public with his fasces and laurel ; and yet to 
drop them, would be a diminution of that honour, 
which he had received from the Roman people, 
and the acknowledgment of a power superior to 
the laws : he condemned himself, therefore, for not 
continuing abroad, in some convenient place of re- 
tirement, till he had been sent for, or things were 
better settled.* What gave him the greater reason 
to repent of this step, was a message which he re- 
ceived from Antony, who governed all in Caesar's 
absence, and with the same churlish spirit with 
which he would have held him before in Italy 
against his will, seemed now disposed to drive him 
out of it; for he sent him the copy of a letter from 
Caesar, in which Caesar signified, that he had heard 
that Cato and Metellus were at Rome, and appeared 
openly there, which might occasion some disturb- 
ance : wherefore he strictly enjoined, that none 
should be suffered to come to Italy without a spe- 
cial licence from himself. Antony, therefore, de- 
sired Cicero to excuse him, since he could not help 
obeying Caesar's commands ; but Cicero sent L. 
Lamia to assure him that Caesar had ordered Dola- 
bella to w r rite to him to come to Italy as soon as 
he pleased; and that he came upon the authority 

* Ego vero et incaute, ut scribis, celerius quam oportuit, feci, &c. Ad Att. xi. 9. 

Quare voluntatis me meae nunquam poenitebit, consilii poenitet. In oppido aliquo 
Kiallem resedisse, quoad arcesserer. Minus sernionis subiissem : minus accepissem 
doloris : ipsum hoc non me angeret. Brundisii jacere in omnes partes est moles- 
turn. Propius accedere, ut suades, quomodo sine lictoribus, quos populus dedit, 
possum? qui mihi incolumi adimi non possunt. Ad Att. xi. 6. 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.—C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

of Dolabella's letter : so that Antony, in the edict, 
which he published to exclude the Pompeians 
from Italy, excepted Cicero by name; which added 
still to his mortification, since all his desire was 
to be connived at only, or tacitly permitted, with- 
out being personally distinguished from the rest 
of his party.* 

But he had several other grievances of a domes- 
tic kind, which concurred also to make him un- 
happy : his brother Quintus, with his son, after 
their escape from Pharsalia, followed Caesar into 
Asia, to obtain their pardon from him in person. 
Quintus had particular reason to be afraid of his 
resentment, on account of the relation which he 
had borne to him, as one of his lieutenants in Gaul, 
where he had been treated by him with great gene- 
rosity ; so that Cicero himself would have dis- 
suaded him from going over to Pompey, but could 
not prevail : yet in this common calamity, Quintus, 
in order to make his own peace the more easily, 
resolved to throw all the blame upon his brother, 
and, for that purpose, made it the subject of all his 
letters and speeches to Caesar's friends, to rail at 
him in a manner the most inhuman. 

Cicero was informed of this from all quarters, 
and that young Quintus, who was sent before to- 
wards Caesar, had read an oration to his friends, 
which he had prepared to speak to him against his 
uncle. Nothing, as Cicero says, ever happened 
more shocking to him ; and, though he had no small 
diffidence of Caesar's inclination, and many enemies 
labouring to do him ill offices, yet his greatest con- 
cern was, lest his brother and nephew should hurt 

* Sed quid ego de lictoribus, qui psene ex Italia decedere sim jussus ? nam ad 
me misit Antonius exemplum Caesaris ad se literarum ; in quibus erat, se audisse, 
Catonem et L. Metellum in Italiam venisse, Romas ut essent palam, &c. Turn 
ille edixit ita, ut me exciperet et. Labium nominatim. Quod sane nollem. Poterat 
enim sine nomine, re ipsa excipi. O multas graves offensiones! Ad Att. xi. 7. 


A. Urb. 706. Cic 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antoniu* Mag. Equit. 

themselves rather than him, by their perfidy :* for, 
under all the sense of this provocation, his beha- 
viour was just the reverse of theirs; and having 
been informed that Caesar, in a certain conversation, 
had charged his brother with being the author of 
their going away to Pompey, he took occasion to 
write to him in the following terms : 

" As for my bother, I am not less solicitous for 
" his safety, than my own ; but, in my present situa- 
" tion, dare not venture to recommend him to you : 
" all that I can pretend to, is, to beg that you 
" will not believe him to have ever done any thing 
" towards obstructing my good offices, and affec- 
" tion to you ; but rather, that he was always the 
" adviser of our union, and the companion, not the 
" leader, of my voyage : wherefore, in all other re- 
" spects, I leave it you to treat him, as your own 
" humanity, and his friendship with you, require ; 
" but 1 intreat you, in the most pressing manner, 
" that I may not be the cause of hurting him with 
" you, on any account whatsoever. "f 

He found himself, likewise, at this time, in some 
distress for want of money, which, in that season of 
public distraction, it was very difficult to procure, 
either by borrowing or selling ; the sum which he 
advanced to Pompey had drained him ; and his 
wife, by her indulgence to stewards, and favourite 
servants, had made great waste of what was left at 
home ; and, instead of saving any thing from their 
rents, had plunged him deeply into debt ; so that 
Atticus's purse was the chief fund which he had 
to trust to for his present support.^ 

* Quintus misit filium non solum sui deprecatorem, sed etiara accusatorem mei— 
neque vero desistet, ubicunque est omnia in me maledicta conferre. Nihil mihi 
unquam tam incredibile accidit, nihil in his malis tam acerbum. Ad Att. xi. 8. 

Epistolas mihi legerunt plenas omnium in me probrorum — ipsi enim illi putavi 
perniciosum fore, si ejus hoc tantum scelus percrebuisset. lb. 9. 

Quintum filium — volumen sibi ostendisse orationis, quam apud Cassarem contra 
me esset'habiturus — multa postea Patris, consimili scelere Patrem esse locutum. lb. 10. 

♦ Cum mihi litterae a Balbo minore missae essent, Csesarem existimare, Quintum 
fratrem lituum meae profectionis fuisse, sic enim scripsit. lb. 12. 

J Velim consideres ut sit, unde nobis suppeditentur sumtu* necessarii. Si quai 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Bquit. 

The conduct of Dolablella was a further mortifi- 
cation to him ; who, by the fiction of an adoption 
into a plebeian family, had obtained the tribunate 
this year, and was raising great tumults and disor- 
ders in Rome, by a law, which he published, to ex- 
punge all debts. Laws of that kind had been often 
attempted by desperate or ambitious magistrates; 
but were always detested by the better sort, and 
particularly by Cicero, who treats them as perni- 
cious to the peace and prosperity of states, and 
sapping the very foundations of civil society, by 
destroying all faith and credit among men.* No 
wonder, therefore, that we find him taking this af- 
fair so much to heart, and complaining so heavily 
in many of his letters to Atticus, of the famed acts 
of his son-in-law, as an additional source of afflic- 
tion and disgrace to him.f Dolabella was greatly 
embarrassed in his fortunes, and, while he was with 
Caesar abroad, seems to have left his wife destitute 
of necessaries at home, and forced to recur to her 
father for subsistence. Cicero, likewise, either 
through the difficulty of the times, or for want of 
a sufficient settlement on Dolabella's part, had not 
yet paid all her fortune ; which it was usual to do 
at three different payments, within a time limited by 
law : he had discharged the two first, and was now 
preparing to make the third payment, which he 
frequently and pressingly recommends to the care 
of Atticus.f But Dolabella's whole life and cha- 
racter were so entirely contrary to the manners 

habuimus facilitates, eas Pompeio, turn, cum id videbamur sapienter facere, detuli- 
mus. Ad Att. xi. 13. 2. 22, &c. 

* Nee enim ulla res vehdmentius Rempub. continet, quam fides ; qua? esse nulla 
potest, nisi erit necessaria solutio rerum creditarum, &c. de Offic. 2. 24. 

t Quod me audis fractiorem esse animo ; quid putas, cum videas accessisse ad 
superiores aegritudines praeclaras generi actiones? Ad Att. xi. 12. 

Etsi omnium conspectum horreo, praBsertim hoc genero. lb. 14, 15, &c. 

$ De dote, quod scribis, per omnes Deos te obtestor, ut totani rem suscipias, et 

illam miseram mea culpa tueare meis opibus, si quae sunt; tuis, quibus tibi non 

molestum erit facultatibu*. lb. xi. 2. 

Dc pensione altera oro tc, omni cura considera quid faciendum sit. lb. 4. 


A. f rb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

and temper both of Cicero and Tullia, that a di- 
vorce ensued between them not long after, though 
the account of it is delivered so darkly, that it is 
hard to say at what time or from what side it first 

In these, circumstances, Tullia paid her father a 
visit at Brundisium, on the thirteenth of June: but 
his great love for her made their meeting only the 
more afflicting to him in that abject state of their 
fortunes : " I was so far," says he, " from taking 
" that pleasure which I ought to have done from 
" the virtue, humanity, and piety of an excellent 
" daughter, that I was exceedingly grieved to see 
*' so deserving a creature in such an unhappy con- 
" dition, not by her own, but wholly by my fault: 
" I saw no reason, therefore, for keeping her longer 
44 here, in this our common affliction ; but was wil- 
" ling to send her back to her mother, as soon as 
" she would consent to it. 5 '* 

At Brundisium he received the news of Pom- 
pey's death, which did not surprise him, as we find 
from the short reflection that he makes upon it. — ■ 
" As to Pompey's end," says he, " I never had any 
" doubt about it : for the lost and desperate state 
" of his affairs had so possessed the minds of all the 
" kings and states abroad, that whithersoever he 
44 went, I took it for granted that this would be 
" his fate: I cannot, however, help grieving at it; 
" for I knew him to be an honest, grave, and wor- 
41 thy man."t 

This was the short and true character of the man, 
from one who perfectly knew him ; not heightened, 


Tullia mea ad rue venit prid. id. Jun. Ego autera ex ipsius virtute, humanitate, 
pietate non modo earn voluptatem non cepi, quam capere ex singulari iilia debui, 
sed etiam incredibili sum dolore affeclus, tale ingeniuni in tarn misera fortuna ver- 
sari. Ad Att. xi. 17. Ep. Fam. 14. 11. 

t De Pompeii exitu mihi diibium nunquam fuit : tanta enim despcratio rerum 
ejus omnium Re gum et populorum aniruos occuparat, ut quocunque venisset, hoc 
putarem futurum. Non possum ejus casum non dolere : hominem enim integrum ct 
e.astum et gravcin cognovi. Ad Att. xi. 6. 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Csesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

as we sometimes find it, by the shining colours of 
his eloquence ; nor depressed by the darker strokes 
of his resentment. Pompey had early acquired 
the surname of the Great, by that sort of merit, 
which, from the constitution of the Republic, ne- 
cessarily made him great ; a fame and success in 
war, superior to what Rome had ever known in the 
most celebrated of her generals. He had triumphed 
at three several times over the three different parts 
of the known world, Europe, Asia, Africa; and, 
by his victories, had almost doubled the extent, as 
well as the revenues, of the Roman dominion ; for, 
as he declared to the people on his return from the 
Mithridatic war, he had found the lesser Asia the 
boundary, but left it the middle of their empire. 
He was about six years older than Caesar; and 
while Caesar, immersed in pleasures, oppressed with 
debts, and suspected by all honest men, was hardly 
able to shew his head, Pompey was flourishing in 
the height of power and glory, and, by the consent 
of all parties, placed at the head of the Republic. 
This was the post that his ambition seemed to aim 
at, to be the first man in Rome ; the leader, not 
the tyrant, of his country ; for he more than once 
had it in his power to have made himself the master 
of it, without any risk, if his virtue, or his phlegm 
at least, had not restrained him : but he lived in a 
perpetual expectation of receiving, from the gift of 
the people, what he did not care to seize by force ; 
and, by fomenting the disorders of the city, hoped 
to drive them to the necessity of creating him dic- 
tator. It is an observation of all the historians, that 
while Caesar made no difference of power, whether 
it was conferred or usurped ; whether over those 
who loved, or those who feared him ; Pompey 
seemed to value none but what was offered ; nor to 
have any desire to govern, but with the good will of 
the governed. What leisure he found from his wars, 
he employed in the study of polite letters, and espe- 


A. Urb. 706. Cic 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

cially of eloquence, in which he would have acquired 
great fame, if his genius had not drawn him to the 
more dazzling glory of arms : yet he pleaded several 
causes with applause, in the defence of his friends 
and clients; and some of them in conjunction with 
Cicero. His language was copious and elevated ; 
his sentiments just; his voice sweet ; his action 
noble and full of dignity. But his talents were bet- 
ter formed for arms than the gown : for though 
in both he observed the same dicipline, a perpe- 
tual modesty, temperance, and gravity of outward 
behaviour; yet in the licence of camps, the exam- 
ple was more rare and striking. His person was 
extremely graceful, and imprinting respect ; yet, 
with an air of reserve and haughtiness, which be- 
came the general better than the citizen. His parts 
were plausible, rather than great; specious rather 
than penetrating; and his view of politics but nar- 
row : for his chief instrument of governing was dis- 
simulation ; yet he had not always the art to con- 
ceal his real sentiments. As he was a better sol- 
dier than a statesman, so what he gained in the 
camp, he usually lost in the city; and though adored 
when abroad, was often affronted and mortified at 
home ; till the imprudent opposition of the senate 
drove him to that alliance with Crassus and Caesar, 
which proved fatal both to himself and the Repub- 
lic. He took in these two, not as the partners, 
but the ministers rather of his power ; that, by 
giving them some share with him, he might make 
his own authority uncontrollable : he had no rea- 
son to apprehend that they could ever prove his 
rivals ; since neither of them had any credit or 
character of that kind, which alone could raise 
them above the laws ; a superior fame and expe- 
rience in war, with the malitia of the empire at 
their devotion. All this was purely his own, till 
by cherishing Caesar, and throwing into his hands 
the only thing which he wanted, arms and military 


A. Urb. 706. Cic 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Ctesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. EqaiJ. 

command, he made him, at last, too strong for him- 
self, and never began to fear him till it was too 
late. Cicero warmly dissuaded both his union and 
his breach with Caesar; and, after the rupture, as 
warmly still, the thought of giving him battle: if 
any of these counsels had been followed, Pompey 
had preserved his life and honour, and the Repub- 
lic its liberty. But he was urged to his fate by a 
natural superstition, and attention to those vain 
auguries, with which he was flattered bv all the 
Haruspices. He had seen the same temper in 
Marius and Sylla, and observed the happy effects 
of it: but they assumed it only out of policy, he 
out of principle. They used it to animate their 
soldiers, when they had found a probable oppor- 
tunity of fighting; but he, against all prudence and 
probability, was encouraged by it to fight to his 
own ruin. He saw all his mistakes at last, when 
it was out of his power to correct them; and, in 
his wretched flight from Pharsalia, was forced to 
confess, that he had trusted too much to his hopes, 
and that Cicero had judged better, and seen farther 
into things than he. The resolution of seeking re- 
fuge in Egypt, finished the sad catastrophe of this 
great man : the father of the reigning prince had 
been highly obliged to him for his protection at 
Rome, and restoration to his kingdom ; and the son 
had sent a considerable fleet to his assistance, in 
the present war: but, in this ruin of his fortunes, 
what gratitude was there to be expected from a 
court governed by eunuchs and mercenary Greeks? 
all whose politics turned, not on the honour of the 
king, but the establishment of their own power ; 
which was likely to be eclipsed by the admission of 
Pompey. How happy had it been for him to have 
died in that sickness, when all Italy was putting 
up vows and prayers for his safety ; or if he had 
fallen, by the chance of war, on the plains of Phar- 
salia, in the defence of his country's liberty, he had 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Cuts.— G. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

died still glorious, though unfortunate: but, as if 
he had been reserved for an example of the insta- 
bility of human greatness, he, who a few days be- 
fore commanded kings and consuls, and all the 
noblest of Rome, was sentenced to die by a council 
of slaves; murdered by abase deserter; cast out 
naked and headless on the Egyptian strand ; and, 
" when the whole earth," as Velieius says, " had 
*' scarce been sufficient for his victories, could not 
" find a spot upon it at last for a grave." His body 
was burnt on the shore by one of his freedmen, 
with the planks of an old fishing-boat ; and his ashes 
being conveyed to Rome, were deposited, privately, 
by his wife Cornelia, in a vault of his Alban villa. 
The Egyptians, hovever, raised a monument to him 
on the place, and adorned it with figures of brass, 
which being defaced afterwards by time, and buried 
almost in sand and rubbish, was sought out and 
restored by the Emperor Hadrian.* 

* Hujus viri fastigium tantis auctibus fortuna extullt, ulprirtmm ex Africa, iterum 
ex Europa, tertio ex Asia triumpharet ; et quot partes (en arum Orbis sunt, totidem 
faceret monumenta victoriae [Veil. Pat. 2. 40.] Ut ipse in condone dixit. Asiam 
ultimam provinciarum accepisse mediam patriae reddidisse. [Plin. Hist. 7. 26. I lor. 
3. 5.] Potential qua? honoris causa ad eum deferretur, non ut ab eo occuparetur, 
cupidissimus. [Veil. Pat. 2 29. Dio, p. 178.] Meus auteni sequalis Cn. Pompeius, 
vir ad omnia summa natus, majorem dieendi gloriam habuisset, nisi eum majoris glo- 
rias cupiditas ad bellicas laudes abstraxisset. Erat oratione satis amplus : rem pru- 
denter videbat : actio vero ejus habebat et in voce magnum splendorem, ct in motu 
yjmmam dignitatem. [Brut. 354. vid. it. pro Balb. 1, 2.*] Forma excellens, non ea, 
qua flos commendatur aetatis, sed ex dignitate constanti. [Veil. Pat. 2. 29.] Illud 
os probum, ipsumque honorem eximiae frontis. [Plin. Hist. 7. 12.] Solet eniiu 
aliud sentire et loqui, neque tantum valere ingenio, ut non appareat quid cupiat. 
[Ep. Fam. 8. 1.] Ille aluit, auxit, armavit— ille Galliae ulterioris adjunctor— ille 
provincial propagator; ille absentis in omnibus adjutor. [Ad Att. 8.3.] Aluerat 
Cassarem, eundem repente timere coBperat. [lb. 8.] Ego nihil pratermisi^ quantum 
facere, nitique potui, quin Pompeium a Caesaris conjunctione avocarein — idem ego, 
cum jam omnes opes et suas et populi Roinani Pompeius ad Caesarem detulisset, 
seroque easentire coepisset, quae ego ante multo provideram — pacis, concordte', compo- 
sitionis auctor esse non destiti ; meaque ilia vox est nota multis, Utinam, Pompei, cum 
Caesare societatem aut nunquam coisses, aut nunquam diremisses! — heecrnea, Antoni, 
et de Pompeio et de Repub. consilia fuerunt : quae si valuisseut, Respub. staret. [Phil. 
2. 10.] Multi testes, me et initio ne conjungeret se cum Caesare, monuisse Pom- 
peium, et postea, ne sejungeret, &c. [Ep. Fam. 6- 6.] Quid vero singularis ille vir 
ac paene divinus de me senserit, sciunt, qui eum de Pharsalica fuga Paphum pro- 
secuti sunt : nunquam ab eo mentio de mc nisi honorifica — cum me vidisse plus 
fateretur, se speravisse meliora. [lb. 15.] Qui si mortem turn obisset, in amplis- 
simis fortunis occidisset ; is propagatione vitae quot, quantas, quam incredibiles 
bausit calamitates? [Tuse. Disp. 1. 35.] In Pelusiaco littore, imperio vilissimi 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Cffisar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

On the news of Pompey's death, Caesar was de- 
clared dictator the second time in his absence, and 
M. Antony, his master of the horse, who, by virtue 
of that post, governed all things absolutely in Italy. 
Cicero continued all the while at Brundisium, in 
a situation wholly disagreeable, and worse to him, 
he says, than any punishment: for the air of the 
place began to affect his health, and, to the unea- 
siness of mind, added an ill state of body:* yet, to 
move nearer towards Rome, without leave from his 
new masters, was not thought advisable ; nor did 
Antony encourage it; being pleased rather, we may 
believe, to see him well mortified : so that he had 
no hopes of any ease or comfort, but in the ex- 
pectation of Caesar's return, which made his stay 
in that place the more necessary, for the oppor- 
tunity of paying his early compliments to him at 

But what gave him the greatest uneasiness was, 
to be held still in suspense, in what touched him the 
most nearly, the case of his own safety, and of Cae- 
sar's disposition towards him : for, though all Cae- 
sar's friends assured him not only of pardon, but of 
all kind of favour, yet he had received no intimation 
of kindness from Caesar himself, who was so em- 
barrassed in Egypt, that he had no leisure to think 
of Italy, and did not so much as write a letter thi- 
ther from December to June ; for as he had rashly, 

Regis, consiliis spadonum, et ne quid malis desit, Septiniii desertoris sui gladio 
trucidator. [Flor. 4. 2. 52.] ^Egyptum peterc proposuit, memor bcneficiorura quae 
in Patrem ejus Ptolemjei, — qui turn regnabat, contulerat — Princeps Romani nominis, 
imperio, arbitrioque .Egyptii mancipii jugulatus est — in tantuin in illo viro a se dis- 
cordante fortuna, ut cui modo ad victoriara terra defuerat, deesset ad sepulturara. 
Veil. Pat. 2. 54. vid. Dio, p. 186. it. Appian. 2. 481. 

Provida Pompeio dederat Campania febres 
Optandas. Sed multa; urbes, et publica vota 
Vicerunt. Igitur fortuna ipsius et Urbis 
Servatum victo caput abstulit. Juv. x. 285. 

* Quodvis enim supplicium levius esj hac permansionc. Ad. Att. xi. 18. 
Jam enim corpore vix sustineo gravitatem hujus cceli, qui mihi laborem affert, in 
dolorc. lb. 22. 


A. Urb.706. Cic. 60. Cass.— C. Jul. Csesar Dictat. II. M. Antoniu. Mag. Equit. 

and out of gaiety, as it were, involved himself there 
in a most desperate war, to the hazard of all his for- 
tunes, he was ashamed, as Cicero says,* to write any 
thing about it, till he had extricated himself out of 
that difficulty. 

His enemies, in the mean time, had greatly strength- 
ened themselves in Afric, where P. Varus, who first 
seized it on the part of the Republic, was supported 
by all the force of King Juba, Pompey's fast friend, 
and had reduced the whole province to his obedi- 
ence : for Curio, after he had driven Cato out of 
Sicily, being ambitious to drive Varus also out of 
Afric, and having transported thither the best part 
of four legions, which Caesar had committed to him, 
was, after some little success upon his landing, en- 
tirely defeated and destroyed, with his whole army, 
in an engagement with Sabura, King Juba's general. 

Curio was a young nobleman of shining parts, ad- 
mirably formed, by nature, to adorn that character, 
in which his father and grandfather had flourished 
before him, of one of the principal orators of Rome. 
Upon his entrance into the Forum, he was committed 
to the care of Cicero ; but a natural propension to 
pleasure, stimulated by the example and counsels of 
his perpetual companion Antony, hurried him into 
all the extravagance of expense and debauchery: for 
Antony, who always wanted money, with which Cu- 
rio abounded, was ever obsequious to his will, and 
ministering to his lusts, for the opportunity of grati- 
fying his own ; so that no boy, purchased for the use 
of lewdness, was more in a master's power, than 
Antony in Curio's. He was equally prodigal of his 
money, and his modesty ; and not only of his own, 
but of other people's: so that Cicero, alluding to the 
infamous effeminacy of his life, calls him, in one of 
his letters, Miss Curio. But when the father, by 
Cicero's advice, had obliged him, by his paternal au- 

* Ille enim ita videtur Alexandriam tenere, ut eum scibere etiam pudcat de illi$ 
rebus. lb. xi. 15. 

Nee post idus Decemb. ab ijlo datas ullas litteras. lb. 17", 


A. t'rb. 706. Cic <>0. Cos,. — C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. [I. If. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

thority, to quit the familiarity of Antony, he reformed 
his conduct, and, adhering to the instructions and 
maxims of Cicero, became the favourite of the city, 
the leader of the young nobility, and a warm as- 
sertor of the authority of the senate, against the 
power of the triumvirate. After his father's death, 
upon his first taste of public honours, and admission 
into the senate, his ambition and thirst of popularity- 
engaged him in so immense a prodigality, that to 
supply the magnificence of his shows and plays, with 
which he entertained the city, he was soon driven to 
the necessity of selling himself to Casar, having no 
revenue left, as Pliny says, but from the discord of 
his citizens. For this, he is considered commonly, 
by the old writers, as the chief instrument, and the 
trumpet, as it were, of the civil war, in which he 
justly fell the first victim ; yet, after all his luxury 
and debauch, fought and died with a courage truly 
Roman, which would have merited a better fate, if it 
had been employed in a better cause ; for, upon the 
loss of the battle, and his best troops, being admo- 
nished by his friends to save himself by flight, he 
answered, " That, after losing an army, which had 
" been committed to him by Caesar, he could never 
" shew his face to him again;" and so continued 
fighting till he was killed among the last of his sol- 

* Haxtd aliurn tanla cicem tul'd indole Eoma. Lucan. 4. 814. 
Una farailia Curionum, in qua tres continua serie oratores extiterunt. Plin. Hut. 

7. 41. 

Naturamhabuit admirabilem ad dkendnm. Brut. 406. 

Nemo unquam put-r, emptus libidinis causa, tarn fuit in domini potestate, quain 
tu in Cnrioni*. [Philip. 2. lb.] duce filiola Curionis. [Ad Att. 1. 14.] 

Virnobilis, eloquens, audax, sun; aliena^pie ft fortune et pudicitiffi prodjgua 
cujus aniincvoluptatibus v. ; l libidinibus, neque opes ulla; nequc cupiditates sullkere 
possent [Veil. Pat. 248.] 

.N'isi rueis puer oliin fidetiflHinu atque aruantissimis consiliis paruisses. [Ep. 
Fam. 2. l.] 

Belle autem civili— non alius rnajorem quam C. Curio subjecit facem. Veil. Pat. 

2. 4J; 

Quid nunc rottra tibi jrrosunt turbata, furumrpie 
Untie tribunttiapUbeiui tigmfei dree 

Airnn dab> ,o\e. 

Lucan 1. no<». 


A Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Ca>sar U. M. tafcwta Bf*g. Equit. 

Curio's death happened before the battle of Phar- 
salia, while Caesar was engaged in Spain,* by which 

means Africa fell entirely into the hands of the Poiu- 
peians, and became the general rendezvous ot all 
that party: hither Seipio, Gato, and Labienus con- 
veyed the remains of their scattered troops from 
Greece, as Afranius and Pet reins likewise did from 
Spain ; till, on the whole, they hail brought together 
again a more numerous army than Caesar's, ami were 
in such high spirits, as to talk oi' coming oyer with 
it into Italy, before Cesar could return from Alex- 
andria.'!' This was confidently given out, and ex- 
pected at Rome; and, in that ease, Cicero was sure 
to be treated as a deserter; for, while (\esar looked 
upon all men as friends, who did not aet against him, 
and pardoned even enemies, who submitted to his 
power ; it. was a declared law, on the other side, to 
consider all as enemies who were not actually in 
their camp : J so that Cicero had nothing now to 
wish, either for himself, or the Republic, but, in 
the first, place, a peace, of whieh he had still some 
hopes ;§ or else, that Caesar might conquer ; whoso 
victory was like to prove the more temperate of the 
two: which makes him often lament the unhappy si- 
tuation to which he was reduced, where nothing 
could be of anv service to him, but what he had al- 
ways abhorred. || 

Under this anxiety of mind, it was an additional 

At Curio, nunquam amisso exercitu, quern a Csasare fideisute commiseurn accepe 
rat, se id ejus conspecturn reversurutn, continual, atque ita pnelians iuterficitur. Bell. Civ. •:. 


* — Antejaces, juam dita duces Phanalia confirt, 
Spectandumque tihi helium civil* tugatum est. Lucan. ib. 

t E autom ox Africa jam affuturi videntur, A.d Ait- \i. 15. 

t Te mini dicere audiebamusi hos oinnes adversaribs putarc, nisi qui noblscnm 

cssoiu : teomnes, qui contra te nonessent, tuos. J'ro Ligar. \i. it. ail Ait. \i. (>. 
§ Est autem, unum, <iuo<l mihi sit optanduni, si quid agl de pace posslt ■ quod 

nulla equldem habeo in spe ■ sed quia in leviter interdum ilgniflcaa, cogfa me iperare 

quod optandumvix est. Ad An. xi. 19. it I'- 
ll Mihi cum omnia sunt intolerabilia ad dolorem, turn maxlrae, quod in eamcauiua 
nissc me video, ut ca sola utllia raUil ease vidoantur, quae scropei nolui, Ail Ait. 

■I •} 





A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonlus Mag. Equit. 

exaction to him to hear that his reputation was at- 
tacked at Rome, for submitting so hastily to the con- 
queror, or putting himself rather at all into his power. 
Some condemned him for not following Pompey ; 
some more severely for not going to Afric, as the 
greatest part had done; others, for not retiring with 
many of his party to Achaia ; till they could see the 
farther progress of the war. As he was always ex- 
tremely sensible of what was said of him by honest 
men, so he begs of Atticus to be his advocate ; and 
gives him some hints, which might be urged in his 
defence. As to the first charge, for not following 
Pompey, he says, that Pompey's fate would extenu- 
ate the omission of that step : of the second, that 
though he knew many brave men to be in Afric, yet 
it was his opinion, that the Republic neither could, 
nor ought to be defended by the help of so barbar- 
ous and treacherous a nation : as to the third, he 
wishes indeed that he had joined himself to those in 
Achaia, and owns them to be in a better condition 
than himself, because they were many of them toge- 
ther ; and whenever they returned to Italy, would 
be restored to their own at once ; whereas he was 
confined like a prisoner of war to Brundisium, with- 
out the liberty of stirring from it till Caesar arrived.* 
While he continued in this uneasy state, some of 
his friends, at Rome, contrived to send him a letter 
in Caesar's name, dated the ninth of February, from 
Alexandria, encouraging him to lay aside all gloomy 
apprehensions, and expect every thing that was kind 
and friendly from him : but it was drawn in terms so 
light and general, that instead of giving him any sa- 
tisfaction, it made him only suspect, what he per- 
ceived afterwards to be true, that it was forged by 

* Dicebar debuisse cum Pompeio proficisci. Exitus illius minuit ejus officii prae- 
te.rmissi reprehensionem. Sed ex omnibus nihil magis desideratur, quam quod in 
Africam non ierim. Judicio hoc sum usus, non esse barbaris auxiliis fallacissimae 
gentis Rempub. defemlendaiu — extremum est eorum, qui in Achaia sunt. Ii tamen 
ipsi se hoc melius habent, quam nos, quod et multi sunt uno in loco, et cum in Ita- 
lians venerint, domum statim venerint. H;ec tu perge, ut facis, mitigare et probaie 
quam plurirrus. Ad Att, xi. 7. 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

Balbus or Oppius, on purpose to raise his spirits, 
and administer some little comfort to him.* All his 
accounts, however, confirmed to him the report of 
Caesar's clemency and moderation, and his granting 
pardon, without exception, to all who asked it; and 
with regard to himself, Caesar sent Quintus's virulent 
letters to Balbus, with orders to shew them to him, 
as a proof of his kindness and dislike of Quintus's 
perfidy. But Cicero's present despondency, which 
interpreted every thing by his fears, made him sus- 
pect Caesar the more, for refusing grace to none ; as 
if such a clemency must needs be affected, and his 
revenge deferred only to a season more convenient : 
and as to his brother's letters, he fancied that Caesar 
did not send them to Italy because he condemned 
them, but to make his present misery and abject con- 
dition the more notorious and despicable to every 

But, after a long series of perpetual mortifica- 
tions, he w r as refreshed at last by a very obliging 
letter from Caesar, who confirmed to him the full 
enjoyment of his former state and dignity, and bade 
him resume his fasces and style of emperor as be- 
fore.^ Caesar's mind was too great to listen to 
the tales of the brother and nephew ; and, instead 
of approving their treachery, seems to have granted 
them their pardon on Cicero's account, rather than 
their own ; so that Quintus, upon the trial of Cae- 
sar's inclination, began presently to change his note, 

* Ut me ista epistola nihil consoletur : nam et exigue scripta est et magnas suspi- 
ciones habet, non esse ab illo. Ad Att. xi. 16. 

Ex quo intelligis, illud de litteris a. d. v. Id. Feb. datis (quod inane esset, etiara 
si verum esset) non verum esse. lb. 17. 

t Omnino dicitur nemini negare: quod ipsum est suspectum, notionem ejus dif- 
ferri. lb. 20. 

Diligenter mini fasciculum reddidit Balbi tabellarius — quod ne Caesar quidem ad 
istos videtur misisse, quasi quo Ulius improbitate offenderetur, sed credo, uti notiora 
nostra mala essent. lb. 22. 

t Redditse mini tandem sunt a Caesare littera? satis liberales. Ep. Fam. 14. 23. 

Qui ad me ex iEgypto litteras misit, ut essem idem, qui fuissem : qui cum ipse Im- 
perator in toto imperio populi Romani unus esset, esse me alterum passus est : a quo 
— concessos fasces laureatos tenui, quoad tenendos putavi. Pro Ligar. 3. 

K 2 


A. Urb. 706. Cic. 60. Coss.— C. Jul Csesar Dictat II. M. Antonius Mag. Equit. 

and to congratulate with his brother on Caesar's af- 
fection and esteem for him.* 

Cicero was now preparing to send his son to 
wait upon Caesar, who was supposed to be upon his 
journey towards home ; but the uncertain accounts 
of his coming diverted him awhile from that thought ;t 
till Caesar himself prevented it, and relieved him, 
very agreeably, from his tedious residence at Brun- 
disium, by his sudden and unexpected arrival in 
Italy ; where he landed, at Tarentum, in the month 
of September; and, on the first notice of his com- 
ing forward towards Rome, Cicero set out on foot 
to meet him. 

We may easily imagine, what we find, indeed, 
from his letters, that he was not a little discom- 
posed at the thoughts of this interview, and the 
indignity of offering himself to a conqueror, against 
whom he had been in arms, in the midst of a licen- 
tious and insolent rabble : for though he had reason 
to expect a kind reception from Caesar, yet he hard- 
ly thought his life, he says, worth begging ; since 
what was given by a master, might always be taken 
away again at pleasure.^ But, at their meeting, he 
had no occasion to say or do any thing that was be- 
low his diguity; for Caesar no sooner saw him, than 
he alighted and ran to embrace him; and walked 
with him alone, conversing very familiarly for seve- 
ral furlongs.§ 

From this interview, Cicero followed Caesar to- 
wards Rome : he proposed to be at Tusculum on 
the seventh or eighth of October ; and wrote to his 
wife to provide for his reception there, with a large 

* Scd mihi valde Quintus gratulatur. Ad Att. xi. 23. 

t Ego cum Sallustio Ciceronem ad Ca3sarem mittere cogitabam. lb. 17. 

De illius Alexandria discessu nihil adhuc rumoris : contraque opinio — itaquc nee 
mitto, ut constilueram, Ciceronem. lb. 18. 

$ Sed non adducor, quemquam bonum ullam salutem mihi tanti fuisse putare, nt 
earn peterem ab illo. Ad Att. xi. 16. 

Sed — ab hoc ipso quae dantur, ut a Domino, rursus in ejusdem sunt potestate. 
lb. 20. 

§ Plut. in Cic. 


A.Urb, 706. Cic60. Coss.— C. Jul. Caesar Dictat. II. ML AntoniusMag. Equit. 

company of friends, who designed to make some 
stay with him.* From Tusculum he came after- 
wards to the city, with a resolution to spend his 
time in study and retreat, till the Republic should 
be restored to some tolerable state; having made his 
peace again, as he writes to Varro, with his old 
friends, his books, who had been out of humour with 
him for not obeying their precepts ; but, instead of 
living quietly with them, as Varro had done, com- 
mitting himself to the turbulent counsels and ha- 
zards of war, with faithless companions.^ 

On Caesar's return to Rome he appointed P. Va- 
tinius and Q. Fufius Calenus, consuls for the three 
last months of the year: this was a very unpopular 
use of his new power, which he continued, how- 
ever, to practise through the rest of his reign ; cre- 
ating these first magistrates of the state, without any 
regard to the ancient forms, or recourse to the peo- 
ple, and at any time of the year ; which gave a sen- 
sible disgust to the city, and an early specimen of 
the arbitrary manner in which he designed to govern 

A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C Julius Ca;sarIII. M. .Emilius Lepidus. 

About the end of the year, Caesar embarked for 
Afric, to pursue the war against Scipio, and the 
other Pompeian generals, who, assisted by king 
Juba, held the possession of that province with a 
vast army. As he was sacrificing for the success of 
this voyage, the victim happened to break loose, 
and run away from the altar ; which being looked 
upon as an unlucky omen, the aruspex admonished 
him not to sail before the winter solstice : but he 
took ship directly, in contempt of the admonition ; 

* Ep. Fam. 14. 20. 

t Scito enim me posteaquam in urbem venerim, redisse cum veteribus amicis, id 
est, cum libris nostris in gratiam — ignoscunt mihi, revocant in consuetudinem pristi 
nam, teque, quod iu ea permanseris, sapientiorem, quam me dicuct fuisse, ficc. Ep» 
Fain. 9. 1. 


A.Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. .-Eniilius Lepidu*. 

and, by that means, as Cicero says, came upon his 
enemies unprepared, and before they had drawn 
together all their forces.* Upon his leaving the city, 
he declared himself consul, together with M. Lepi- 
dus, for the year ensuing ; and gave the government 
of the Hither Gaul to M. Brutus ; of Greece, to 
Servius Sulpicius ; the first of whom had been in 
arms against him at Pharsalia ; and the second was 
a favourer, likewise, of the Pompeian cause, and a 
great friend of Cicero, yet seems to have taken no 
part in the war.f 

The African war now held the whole empire in 
suspense; Scipio's name was thought ominous and 
invincible on that ground: but while the general at- 
tention was employed on the expectation of some 
decisive blow, Cicero, despairing of any good from 
either side, chose to live retired, and out of sight; and, 
"whether in the city or the country, shut himself up 
with his books; which, as he often says, had hi- 
therto been the diversion only, but were now be- 
come the support of his life.J In this humour of 
study, he entered into a close friendship and corres- 
pondence of letters with M. Terentius Varro ; a friend- 
ship equally valued on both sides, and, at Varro's de- 
sire, immortalized by the mutual dedication of their 

* Quid? ipse Caesar, cum a summo haruspice moneretur, neiriAfricam ante bru- 
mam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco otnnes adversari- 
orum copiae convenissent. De Divin. 2. 24. 

Cum immolanti aufugisset hostia profectionem adversus Scipionem et Jubam non 
distulit. Sueton. J. Caes. 59. 

Hirtius, in his account of this war, says, that Caesar embarked at Lilybaeum for 
Afric on the 6th of the kalends of Jan. [De Bell. Afric. init.] That is, on the 27th 
of our December: whereas Cicero, in the passage just cited, declares him to have 
posed over before the solstice on the shortest day. But this seeming contradiction 
is entirely owing to a cause already intimated, the great confusion that was intro- 
duced, at this time, into the Roman kalendar, by which the months were all trans- 
posed from their stated seasons ; so that the 27th of December, on which, accord- 
ing to their computation, Caesar embarked, was in reality coincident, or the same 
with our 8th of October, and consequently above two months before the solstice, or 
shortest day. All which is clearly and accurately explained in a learned dissertation, 
published by a person of eminent merit in the University of Cambridge, who choosci 
to conceal his name. See Bibliothec. Literar. No. VIII. Lond. 1724. 4to. 

t Brutum Galliae prafecit; Sulpicium Gratia?. Ep. Fam. (>. 6. 

t A quibus antea delectationem modo pctebamus, nunc vero cliam salutpni. Ep. 
Fam. 9. 2. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Csesar HI. M. JEmilius Lepidus. 

learned works to each other; of Cicero's Academic 
Questions to Varro ; of Varro's Treatise on the Latin 
Tongue to Cicero. Varro was a senator of the first 
distinction, both for birth and merit ; esteemed the 
most learned man of Rome ; and though now above 
fourscore years old, yet continued still writing and 
publishing books to his eighty-eighth year.* He was 
Pompey's lieutenant in Spain, in the beginning of 
the war : but after the defeat of Afranius and Petre- 
ius, quitted his arms, and retired to his studies ; so 
that his present circumstances were not very differ- 
ent from those of Cicero; who, in all his letters to 
him, bewails, with great freedom, the utter ruin of 
the state ; and proposes that they should live toge- 
ther in a strict communication of studies, and avoid, 
at least, the sight, if not the tongues of men ; yet so, 
that, if their new masters should call for their help 
towards settling the Republic, they should run with 
pleasure, and assist, not only as architects, but even 
as masons, to build it up again : or if nobody would 
employ them, should write and read the best forms 
of government, and as the learned ancients had done 
before them, serve their country, if not in the senate 
and Forum, yet by their books and studies, and by 
composing treatises of morals and laws.f 

In this retreat, he wrote his book of Oratorial 
Partitions, or the art of ordering and distributing the 
parts of an oration, so as to adapt them in the best 
manner to their proper end, of moving and persuad- 
ing an audience. It was written for the instruction 
of his son, now about eighteen years old, but seems 
to have been the rude draught only of what lie in- 
tended, or not to have been finished, at least to his 
satisfaction ; since we find no mention of it in any of 

* Nisi M. Varronemscirem octogesimo octavo vitae anno prodidisse, &c. Plin. 

Hist. 29. 4. 

t Non deesse si quis adhibere volet, non raodo ut Architectos, verum etiam ut fa- 
bros, ad eedificandam Rempub. et potius libenter accurrere; si nemo utetur opera, 
tatnen et scribere et le^ere 7roXi1eia; ; et si minus in curia atque in foro, at in litteris et 
libris, ut doctissimi veteres fecerunt, navare Rempub. *et de moribus et legibus quae- 
irrc. Mihi baec videntur. Ep. Fam. 9. 2. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. /Emilias Lepidus, 

his letters, as of all his other pieces which were pre- 
pared for the public. 

Another fruit of this leisure was his dialogue on 
famous orators, called Brutus, in which he gives a 
short character of all who had ever flourished, either 
in Greece or Rome, with any reputation of eloquence 
down to his own times ; and as he generally touches 
the principal points of each man's life, so an atten- 
tive reader may find in it an epitome, as it were, of 
the Roman history. The conference is supposed to 
be held with Brutus and Attic us, in Cicero's garden 
at Rome, under the statue of Plato,* whom he always 
admired, and usually imitated in the manner of his 
dialogues; and in this seems to have copied from him 
the very form of his double title ; Brutus, or of Fa- 
mous Orators ; taken from the speaker and the sub- 
ject, as in Plato's piece, called Phaedon, or of the 
Soul. This work was intended as a supplement, or 
a fourth book to the three which he had before pub- 
lished on the complete orator. But though it was 
prepared and finished at this time, while Cato was 
living, as it is intimated in some parts of it, yet, as it 
appears from the preface, it was not made public till 
the year following, after the death of his daughter 

As, at the opening of the war, we found Cicero in 
debt to Caesar, so now we meet with several hints, in 
his ^letters, of Caesar's being indebted to him. It 
arose, probably, from a mortgage that Cicero had 
upon the confiscated estate of some Pompeian, 
which Caesar had seized ; but of what kind soever it 
was, Cicero was in pain for his money ; he saw but 
three ways, he says, of getting it; by purchasing the 
estate at Caesar's auction, or taking an assignment 
on the purchaser, or compounding for half with the 
brokers or money-jobbers of those times, who would 
advance the money on those terms. The first he 

* Cum idem placuissct illis", turn in pralulo, propter Platonis Statuano conscdi- 
inuj. Brut. '2ii. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. .Emilius Lepidus. 

declares to be base, and that he would rather lose 
his debt, than touch any thing confiscated : the se- 
cond bethought hazardous, and that nobody would 
pay any thing in such uncertain times: the third he 
liked the best, but desires Atticus's advice upon it.* 
He now at last parted with his wife Terentia, 
whose humour and conduct had long been uneasy 
to him ; this drew upon him some censure, for put- 
ting away a wife, who had lived with him above 
thirty years, the faithful partner of his bed and for- 
tunes, and the mother of two children, extremely 
dear to him. But she was a woman of an imperious 
and turbulent spirit, expensive and negligent in her 
private affairs, busy and intriguing in the public, 
and, in the height of her husband's power, seems to 
have had the chief hand in the distribution of all 
his favours. He had easily borne her perverseness, 
in the vigour of health, and the flourishing state of 
his fortunes ; but, in a declining life, soured by a 
continual succession of mortifications from abroad, 
the want of ease and quiet at home was no longer 
tolerable to him ; the divorce, however, was not 
likely to cure the difficulties in which her manage- 
ment had involved him : for she had brought him a 
great fortune, which was all to be restored to her at 
parting: this made a second marriage necessary, in 
order to repair the ill state of his affairs ; and his 
friends, of both sexes, were busy in providing a fit 
match for him. Several parties were proposed to 
him, and, among others, a daughter of Pompey the 
Great, for whom he seems to have had an inclina- 
tion : but a prudential regard to the times, and the 
envy and ruin under which that family then lay, in- 
duced him, probably, to drop it.f What gave his 
enemies the greater handle to rally him was, his 

* Nomeu.iIIud, quod a Cassare, tres habet conditiones ; aut emtionem ab hasta ; 
(perdere malo : — ) aut delegationem a mancipe, annua die : (quis erit, cui credam ? — ) 
aut Vecteni conditionem, seiuisse, cwi^ai igitur. Ad Att. 12. 3. 

t De Pompeii magni filia tibi rcscripsi, nihil me hoc tempore cogitare. Alteram 
vero illam, quam tu scribis, puto nosti'. Nihil vidi fecdius. lb. 12, 11. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. iEinilius JLepidus. 

marrying a handsome young woman, named Publi- 
lia, of an age disproportioned to his own, to whom 
he was guardian ; but she was well allied and rich : 
circumstances very convenient to him at this time, 
as he intimates in a letter to a friend, who congra- 
tulated with him on his marriage. 

" As to your giving me joy," says he, " for what 
" I have done, I know you wish it : but I should 
" not have taken any new step in such wretched 
" times, if, at my return, I had not found my pri- 
" vate affairs in no better condition than those of the 
" Republic. For when, through the wickedness of 
" those, who, for my infinite kindness to them, 
" ought to have had the greatest concern for my 
" welfare, I found no safety or ease from their in- 
" trigues and perfidy within my own walls, I thought 
" it necessary to secure myself by the fidelity of 
" new alliances against the treachery of the old."* 

Caesar returned victorious from Afric, about the 
end of July, by the way of Sardinia, where he spent 
some days ; upon which Cicero says, pleasantly, in 
a letter to Varro, he had never seen that farm of his 
before, which, though one of the worst that he has, 
he does not yet despise.^ The uncertain event of the 
African war had kept the senate under some re- 
serve ; but they now began to push their flattery 
beyond all the bounds of decency, and decreed more 
extravagant honours to Caesar, than were ever given 
before to man, which Cicero oft rallies with great 

* Ep. Fam. 4. 14. 

In cases of divorce, where there were children, it was the custom for each party 
to make a settlement, by will, on their common offspring, proportionable to their 
several estates : which is the meaning of Cicero's pressing Atticus so often, in his 
letters, to putTerentia in mind of making her will, and depositing it in safe hands. 
Ad Att. xi. 21, 22. 24: xii. 18. 

Terentia is said to have lived to the age of an hundred and three years ; [Val. 
Max. 8. 13. Plin. Hist. 7. 48.] and took, as St. Jerome says, for her second husband, 
Cicero's enemy, Sallust ; and Messala for her third. Dio Cassius gives her a fourth, 
Vibius Rufus ; who was consul in the reign of Tiberius, and valued himself for the 
possession of two things, which had belonged to the two greatest men of the age be- 
fore him, Cicero's wife, and Caesar's chair, in which he was killed. Dio, p. 612. 
Hieron. Op. To. 4. par. 2. p. 190. 

t Mud enim adhuc praedium suum non inspexit : nee ullum habet detenus, scd 
lanien non contemnit. Ep. Fam. 9. 7. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Csesar III. M. .^mil'ius Lepidus. 

spirit : and, being determined to bear no part in that 
servile adulation, was treating about the purchase 
of a house at Naples, for a pretence of retiring still 
farther and oftener from Rome. But his friends, 
who knew his impatience under their present sub- 
jection, and the free way of speaking which he was 
apt to indulge, were in some pain lest he should for- 
feit the good graces of Caesar and his favourites, and 
provoke them too far by the keenness of his rail- 
lery.* They pressed him to accommodate himself 
to the times, and to use more caution in his dis- 
course, and to reside more at Rome, especially when 
Caesar was there, who would interpret the distance 
and retreat which he affected, as a proof of his aver- 
sion to him. 

But his answers, on this occasion, will shew the 
real state of his sentiments and conduct towards 
Caesar, as well as of Caesar's towards him. Writing 
on this subject to Papirius Paetus, he says, " You 
" are of opinion, I perceive, that it will not be al- 
" lowed to me, as I thought it might be, to quit 
" these affairs of the city ; you tell me of Catulus, 
" and those times ; but what similitude have they to 
" these? I myself was unwilling, at that time, to 
" stir from the guard of the state; for I then sat at 
" the helm, and held the rudder, but am now scarce 
" thought worthy to work at the pump : would the 
*■* senate, think you, pass fewer decrees, if I should 

* Some of his jests on Caesar's administration are still preserved ; which shew, 
that his friends had reason enough to admonish him to be more upon his guard. Cassar 
had advanced Liberius, a celebrated mimic actor, to the order of knights; but when 
he stepped from the stage into the theatre, to take his place on the equestrian benches, 
none of the knights would admit him to a seat among them. As he was march- 
ing oft*, therefore, with disgrace, happening to pass near Cicero, " I would make 
" room for you here," says Cicero, " on our bench, if we were not already too much 
" crowded ;" alluding to Caesar's filling up the senate also with the scum of his crea- 
tures, and even with strangers and barbarians. At another time, being desired by a 
friend, in a public company, to procure for his son the rank of a senator, in one of 
the corporate towns of Italy, " He shall have it," says he, " if you please, at Home, 
" but it will be difficult at Pompeii." An acquaintance, likewise, from Laodicea, 
coming to pay his respects to him, and being asked what business had brought him 
to Rome, said, that he was sent upon an embassy to Cassar, to intercede with him for 
the liberty of his country ; upon which Cicero replied, " If you succeed, you shall 
" be an ambassador also for us." Macrob. Saturn. 2, 3. Sueton. c. 76. 


A. Urh. 707. Cic. 61- Coss.— C. Julius Csessar III. M. ^Emitius Lepidfls, 

" live at Naples? While I am still at Rome, and 
" attend the Forum, their decrees are all drawn at 
" our friend's house; and, whenever it comes into 
" his head, my name is set down, as if present at 
" drawing them ; so that I hear from Armenia and 
" Syria of decrees, said to be made at my motion, 
" of which I had never heard a syllable at home. 
" Do not take me to be in jest ; for 1 assure you that 
*' I have received letters from kings, from the re- 
" motest parts of the earth, to thank me for giving 
" them the title of king ; when, so far from know- 
" ing that any such title had been decreed to them, 
" I knew not even that there were any such men in 
" being. What is then to be done? why, as long as 
" our master of manners continues here, I will fol- 
" low your advice ; but as soon as he is gone, I will 
" run away to your mushrooms," &c* 

In another letter, " since you express," says he, 
44 such a concern for me in your last, be assured, 
" my dear Paetus, that whatever can be done by art, 
" (for it is not enough to act with prudence, some 
" artifice also must now be employed,) yet, what- 
" ever, I say, can be done by art, towards acquiring 
" their good graces, I have already done it with the 
" greatest care; nor, as I believe, without success: 
" for I am so much courted by all, who are in 
" any degree of favour with Caesar, that I begin to 
" fancy that they love me: and though real love is 
" not easily distinguished from false, except in the 
" case of danger, by which the sincerity of it may 
" be tried, as of gold by fire; for all other marks 
" are common to both ; yet I have one argument to 
" persuade me that they really love me; because 
" both my condition and theirs is such, as puts them 
" under no temptation to dissemble; and as for him, 
" who has all power, I see no reason to fear any 
" thing, unless that all things become of course un- 

Ep. Fam. 9. 15- Pragfecfus morum, or master of the public manners, was one 
of the new titles which the senate had decreed to Csesar. 


A. Urb. 70?. Ck. 61. CW— C Julius Ossar III. M. ^EmUius Lepidus. 

* c certain, when justice and right are once deserted ; 
" nor can we be sure of any tiling that depends on 
" the will, not to say the passion of another. Yet I 
" have not, in any instance, particularly offended 
" him, but behaved myself all along with the great- 
" est moderation : for, as once I took it to be my 
** duty to speak my mind freely in that city, which 
** owed its freedom to me ; so now, since that is lost, 
" to speak nothing that may offend him, or his prin- 
" cipal friends : but if 1 would avoid all offence, of 
" things said facetiously, or by way of raillery, I 
" must give up all reputation of wit ; which J would 
" not refuse to do, if I could. But as to Caesar 
" himself, he has a very piercing judgment; and as 
'* your brother Servius, whom I take to have been 
" an excellent critic, would readily say, ' this verse 
" is not Plautus's, that verse is;' having formed his 
" ears, by great use, to distinguish the peculiar style 
" and manner of different poets, so Caesar, I hear, 
11 who has already collected some volumes of apo- 
" thegms, if any thing be brought to him for mine, 
" which is not so, presently rejects it: which he 
" now does the more easilv, because his friends live 
" almost continually with me ; and in the variety of 
*' discourse, when any thing drops from me, which 
** they take to have some humour or spirit in it, they 
" carry it always to him, with the other news of the 
** town, for such are his orders : so that if he hears 
" any thing besides of mine, from other persons, he 
■" does not regard it. I have no occasion, therefore, 
" for your example of JEnomaus, though aptly ap- 
" plied from Accius : for what is the envy which you 
" speak of? or what is there in me to be envied now ? 
but suppose there was every thing : it has been the 
constant opinion of philosophers, the only men, in 
" my judgment, who have a right notion of virtue, 
" that a wise man has nothing more to answer for, 
" than to keep himself free from guilt; of which I 
" take myself to be clear, on a double account ; bc- 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Ceesar III. M. .Emilius Lepidus. 

" cause I both pursued those measures which were 
" the justest, and when 1 saw that I had not strength 
" enough to carry them, did not think it my business 
V to contend by force with those who were too 
" strong for me. It is certain, therefore, that I can- 
" not be blamed, in what concerns the part of a good 
" citizen: all that is now left, is not to say or do 
" any thing foolishly and rashly against the men in 
" power ; which I take also to be the part of a wise 
"man. As for the rest, what people may report to 
" be said by me, or how he may take it, or with 
" what sincerity those live with me, who now so as- 
" siduously court me, it is not in my power to an- 
" swer. 1 comfort myself, therefore, with the con- 
" sciousness of my former conduct, and the mode- 
" ration of my present; and shall apply your simi- 
" litucle from Accius, not only to the case of envy, 
" but of fortune, which I consider as light and weak, 
" and what ought to be repelled by a lirm and great 
" mind, as waves by a rock. For since the Greek 
" history is full of examples, how the wisest men 
"have endured tyrannies at Athens or Syracuse; 
" and, when their cities were enslaved, have lived 
" themselves in some measure free, why may not I 
•' think it possible to maintain my rank so, as neither 
" to offend the mind of any, nor hurt my own dig- 
" nity ?"* &c. 

Psetus having heard, that Caesar was going to di- 
vide some lands in his neighbourhood to the soldiers, 
began to be afraid for his own estate, and writes to 
Cicero, to know how far that distribution would 
extend : to which Cicero answers, " Are not you a 
" pleasant fellow, who, when Balbus has just been 
" with you, ask me what will become of those towns 
" and their lands? as if either 1 knew any thing that 
" Balbus does not; or if at any time I chance to 
" know any thing, I do not know it from him : nay, 
" it is your part, rather, if you love me, to let me 

* Ep. Fara. 9. 16. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss. — C. Julius Cresar III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. 

i I 





know what will become of me: for you had it in 
your power to have learnt it from him, either so- 
ber, or at least when drunk. But as for me, my 
" dear Psetus, I have done inquiring about those 
"things: first, because we have already lived near 
four years by clear gain, as it were; if that can be 
called gain, or this life, to outlive the Republic : 
secondly, because I myself seem to know what 
will happen ; for it will be whatever pleases the 
strongest; which must always be decided by arms: 
" it is our part, therefore, to be content with what 
" is allowed to us : he who cannot submit to this, 
" ought to have chosen death. They are now mea- 
" suring the fields of Veia? and Capenae : this is not 
"far from Tusculum : yet I fear nothing : I enjoy 
it whilst I may; wish that I always may; but if it 
should happen otherwise, yet, since, with all my 
courage and philosophy, I have thought it best to 
live, I cannot but have au affection for him by 
" whose benefit I hold that life: who, if he has an 
" inclination to restore the Republic, as he himself, 
'• perhaps, may desire, and we all ought to wish, 
yet he has linked himself so with others, that he 
has not the power to do what he would. But I 
proceed too far ; for I am writing to you : be as- 
" sured, however, of this, that not only I, who have 
" no part in their councils, but even the chief, him- 
self, does not know what will happen. We are 
slaves to him, he to the times : so neither can he 
know what the times will require, nor we what 
he may intend,"* &c. 
The chiefs of the Caesarian party, who courted 
Cicero so much at this time, were Balbus, Oppius, 
Matius, Pansa, Hirtius, Dolabella : they were all 
in the first confidence with Caesar, yet professed the 
utmost affection for Cicero; were every morning at 
his levee, and perpetually engaging him to sup with 
them ; and the two last employed themselves in a 

* Ep. Fam, 9. 17. 




A. Urh. 707. Cic. 61. Coss. — C. Julius Caesar III. M. iEinUius Lepidus. 

daily exercise of declaiming at his house, for the 
benefit of his instruction ; of which he gives the fol- 
lowing account, in his familiar way, to Paetus : — 
" Hirtius and Dolahella are my scholars in speak- 
" ing ; my masters in eating : for you have heard, I 
" guess, how they declaim with me, I sup with 
" them." In another letter he tells him, that as king 
Dionysius, when driven out of Syracuse, turned 
schoolmaster at Corinth, so he, having lost his 
kingdom of the Forum, had now opened a school — 
to which he merrily invites Paetus, with the offer of a 
seat and cushion next to himself, as his usher.* But 
to Varro, more seriously, " I acquainted you," says 
he, " before, that I am intimate with them all, and 
" assist at their councils : I see no reason why I 
" should not — for it is not the same thing to bear 
" what must be borne, and to approve what ought 
tc not to be approved." And, again : " I do not for- 
" bear to sup with those who now rule : what can I 
" do? we must comply with the times. "f 

The only use which he made of all this favour 
was, to screen himself from any particular calamity 
in the general misery of the times, and to serve 
those unhappy men, who were driven from their 
country and their families, for their adherence to 
that cause, which he himself had espoused. Caesar 
was desirous, indeed, to engage him in his measures, 
and attach him insensibly to his interests: but he 
would bear no part in an administration, established 
on the ruins of his country ; nor ever cared to be 
acquainted with their affairs, or to inquire what 
they were doing: so that, whenever he entered into 

* Hirtium ego ct Dolabellam dicendi discipulos habeo, cocnandi magi^tros : puto 
enim te audisse — illos apud me declamitare, me apud eos coenitare. lb. 16. 

Ut Dionysius Tyrannus, cum Syracusis pulsus esset, Corinthi dicitm' ludum ape- 
ruisse, sic ego — amisso regno forensi, ludum quasi habere coeperim — sella tibi erit in 
Judo, tanquarn bypodidasculo, proxima : earn pulvinns sequetur. lb. 18. 

t Ostentavi tibi, me istis esse familiarem, et consiliis eorum interesse. Quod ego 
cur nolim nihil video. Non enim est idem, fcrre si quid ferendum est, et probare, si 
quid probandum non est. lb. 6. 

Non desino apud istos, qui nunc dominantur, crenitarc. Quid faciam ? tempon 
serviendum est. lb. 7. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— Q. Julias Cffisar III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. 

their councils, as lie signifies above to Varro, it was 
only when the case of some exiled friend required 
it, i'or whose service he scrupled no pains of solicit- 
ing, and attending- even Caesar himself; though he 
was sometimes shocked, as he complains, by the 
difficulty of access, and the indignity of waiting in 
an antichamber; not, indeed, through Caesar's fault, 
who was always ready to give him audience, but 
from the multiplicity of his affairs, by whose hands 
all the favours of the empire were dispensed.* Thus, 
in a letter to Ampins, whose pardon he had pro- 
cured, " I have solicited your cause," says he, " more 
" eagerly than my present situation would well jus- 
" tify : for my desire to see you, and my constant 
" love for you, most assiduously cultivated on your 
" part, overruled all regard to the present weak con- 
" dition of my power and interest. Every thing that 
" relates to your return and safety is promised, con- 
" firmed, fixed, and ratified : I saw, knew, was pre- 
" sent at every step : for, by good luck, I have all 
" Caesar's friends engaged to me by an old acquaint- 
" ance and friendship; so that, next to him, they 
" pay the first regard to me. Pansa, Hirtius, Balbus, 
" Oppius, Matins, Postnmius, take all occasions to 
" give me proof of their singular affection. If this 
" had been sought and procured by me, I should 
" have no reason, as things now stand, to repent of 
" my pains : but I have done nothing with the view 
" of serving the times ; 1 had an intimacy of long 
" standing- with them all ; and never gave over soli- 
" citing them on your behalf: I found Pansa, how- 
" ever, the readiest of them all to serve you, and 
" oblige me; who has not only an interest, but au- 
" thority wish Cajsar/'t &c. 

But while he was thus caressed by Caesar's friends, 
he was not less followed, we may imagine, by the 

* Quod sitardius fit quam volumns, magnis occnpationibus ejus, a quo omnia pe- 
tuntur, aditns ad euro difficiliore* iueruut. Ep. Faru. 6. 13. 

t ib. 6. it. 


A. Urb. 707.. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. 

friends of the Republic: these had always looked 
upon him as the chief patron of their liberty, whose 
counsels, if they had been followed, would have 
preserved it, and whose authority gave them the 
only hopes that were left, of recovering it: so that 
his house was as much frequented, and his levee as 
much crowded, as ever ; since people now flocked, 
he says, to see a good citizen, as a sort of rarity.* In 
another letter, giving a short account of his way of 
life, he says, " Early in the morning, I receive the 
" compliments of many honest men, but melancholy 
" ones, as well as of these gay conquerors; who 
" shew indeed a very officious and affectionate re- 
" gard to me. When these visits are over, I shut 
" myself up in my library, either to write or read : 
" here some, also, come to hear me, as a man of 
" learning, because I am somewhat more learned 
" than they: the rest of my time I give to the care 
" of ray body ; for I have now bewailed my country 
" longer, and more heavily, than any mother ever 
" bewailed her only son."t 

It is certain, that there was not a man in the 
Republic so particularly engaged, both by principle 
and interest, to wish well to its liberty, or who had 
so much to lose by the subversion of it as he : for, 
as long as it was governed by civil methods, and 
stood upon the foundation of its laws, he was, un- 
doubtedly, the first citizen in it ; had the chief in- 
fluence in the senate ; the chief authority with the 
people: and, as all his hopes and fortunes were 
grounded on the peace of his country, so all his 
labours and studies were perpetually applied to the 

* Cum salutationi nos dedimus amicorum : qua; fit hoc etiam frcquentius, quam 
solebat, quod quasi avem albam, videntur bene sentientem civem videre, abdo me in 
Bibliothecam. lb. 7. 28. 

t Ifac igitur est nunc vita nostra. Mane salutamus domi et bonos viros multos, sed 
tristes, et bos laetos victores ; qui me quidem perofficiose et peramantcr observant. 
Ubi salutatio defluxit, litteris me involvo, aut scribo aut lego. Veniunt etiam qui me 
audiunt, quasi doctum hominem, quia paullo sura, quam ipsi, doctior. Inde corpon 
omne tcmpus datur. Patriam eluxi jam gravius et diutius quam ulla mater unirum 
filinm. Ep. Fam. 9. 20. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.—C Julius C<esar III. M. ^Einiliui Lepidu*. 

promotion of it: it is no wonder, therefore, in the 
present situation of the city, oppressed by arms, 
and a tyrannical power, to find him so particularly 
impatient under the common misery, and expressing 
so keen a sense of the diminution of his dignity, and 
the disgrace of serving, where he had been used to 

Csesar, on the other hand, though he knew his 
temper and principles to be irreconcileable to his 
usurped dominion, yet, out of friendshipto the man, 
and a reverence for his character, was determined 
to treat him with the greatest humanity ; and, by 
all the marks of public favour, to make his life 
not only tolerable, but easy to him : yet, all that 
he could do, had no other effect on Cicero, than 
to make him think and speak sometimes favour- 
ably of the natural clemency of their master ; and 
to entertain some hopes from it, that he would one 
day be persuaded to restore the public liberty : 
but, exclusive of that hope, he never mentions his 
government, but as a real tyranny ; or his person, 
in any other style, than as the oppressor of his 

But he gave a remarkable proof, at this time, of 
his being no temporiser, by writing a book in praise 
ofCato; which he published within a few months 
after Cato's death. He seems to have been left a 
guardian to Cato's son ; as he was also to young 
Lucullus, Cato's nephew :* and this testimony of 
Cato's friendship and judgment of him, might in- 
duce him the more readily to pay his honour to 
his memory. It was a matter, however, of no 
small deliberation, in what manner he ought to treat 
the subject ; his friends advised him not to be too 
explicit and particular, in the detail of Cato's 
praises ; but to content himself with a general en- 
comium, for fear of irritating Caesar, by pushing the 

» Ad Att. xiii. 6. De Fin. 3. «. 
L 2 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss. — C. Julius Caesar III. M iEinilius Lepidus. 

argument too far. In a letter to Atticus, he calls? 
this " a'n Archimedean problem ; but 1 cannot hit 
" upon any thing," says he, " that those friends of 
" your's will read with pleasure, or even with pa- 
" tience ; besides, if I should drop the account of 
" Cato's votes and speeches in the senate, and of 
" his political conduct in the state, and give a slight 
" commendation only of his constancy and gravity, 
" even this may be more than they will care to hear : 
" but the man cannot be praised, as he deserves, 
" unless it be particularly explained, how he fore- 
" told all that has happened to us ; how he took 
" arms to prevent its happening; and parted with 
" life rather than see it happen."* These were the 
topics, which he resolved to display with all his 
force; and from the accounts given of the works by 
antiquity, it appears, that he had spared no pains to 
adorn it, but extolled Cato's virtue and character to 
the skies.t 

The book was soon spread into all hands; and 
Caesar, instead of expressing any resentment, af- 
fected to be much pleased with it; yet declared,, 
that he would answer it : and Hirtius, in the mean- 
while, drew up a little piece in the form of a letter 
to Cicero, filled with objections to Cato's character* 
but with high compliments to Cicero himself, which 
Cicero took care to make public, and calis it a spe- 
cimen of what Caesar's work was like to be.J Bru- 
tus also composed and published a piece on the 
same subject; as well as another friend of Cicero, 

* Sed de Catons <srgo£x>i,i«t a^i.MflSsisv est. Nnn asscquor ut scribam-, quod tut 
convivse non modo libenter, sed etiain aequo anirao legere possint. Quin etiaiu si 
a sententiis ejus dictis, si ab omni voiuntate, consiliisqtfe quae de Repub. habuit, 
recedam ; 4iX»x que vclim gravitatetn constantiaraque ejus laudare, hoc ipsum ano-jo-p.* 
sit. Sed vere laudari ille vir non potest, nisi haec ornata sint, quod ille ea, qua? nunc 
sunt, et futura viderit, et ne fierent contenderit, et facta ne videret, vitani reliquerit. 
Ad Att. 12.4. 

t M. Ciceronis libro, quo Catonem coelo aquavit, &c. Tacit. Ann. 4. 34. 

+ Qualis futura sit Cassaris vituperatio contra laudationera mean) perspexi K eo- 
libro, quern Hirtius ad me misit, in quo colligit vilia Catonis, sed cum aiaximis laudi- 
bus meis. Itaque misi librum ad Muscarn, ut tuis librariis daret. Voio eum di» 
,uigari, &c. Ad Att. 12. 40. it. 41. 


At Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.—C Julius Caesar III. M. ^Emilius Lepidus. 

Fabius Gallus :* but these were but little considered 
in comparison of Cicero's : and Brutus had made 
some mistakes in his account of the transactions, 
in which Cato had been concerned, especially in 
the debates on Catiline's plot ; in which he had 
given him the first part and merit, in derogation 
even of Cicero himself.'}" 

Caesar's answer was not. published till the next 
year, upon his return from Spain, after the defeat 
of Pompey's sons. It was a laboured invective; 
answering Cicero's book, paragraph by paragraph, 
and accusing Cato with all the art and force of his 
rhetoric, as if in a public trial before judges: J yet 
with expressions of great respect towards Cicero ; 
whom for his virtues and abilities, he compared to 
Pericles and Theramenes of Athens :§ and in a let- 
ter upon it to Balbus, which was shewn, by his 
order, to Cicero, he said, that by the frequent read- 
ing of Cicero's Cato, lie was grown more copious ; 
but, after he had read Brutus's, thought himself 
even eloquent. || 

These two rival pieces were much celebrated in 
Home; and had their several admirers, as different 
parties and interests disposed men to favour the 
subject of the author of each : and it is certain, that 
they were the principal cause of establishing and 
propagating that veneration, which posterity has 
since paid to the memory of Cato. For his name 
being thrown into controversy, in that critical pe- 
riod of the fate of Home, by the patron of liberty on 

* Catonem tuum milri mitte. Cupio enim legere. Ep. Fam. 7. 24. 

t Catonem primuin sentcntiam putat de animadversione dixisse, quam omnes 
ante dixerant prater Cresarem, &c. Ad Att. 12. 21. 

From this and oi.her particulars, which are mentioned in the same letter, we may- 
observe, that Sallust had probably taken his account of the debates upon Catiline's 
Accomplices, from Brutus's Life of Cato, and chosen to copy even his mistakes, 
rather than do justice to Cicero on that occasion. 

t Ciceronis libro — quid aliud Dictator Caesar, quam rescripta oratione, velut apud 
judices respondit? Tacit. Ann. 4. 34. it. Quintil.3. 7. 

$ Plut. in Cic. 

|| Legi epistolam : multa de meo Catone, quo ssepissime Iegendo se dicit eopiosiorera 
jfactumj Bruti Catone leclo, se sibi visum disertum. Ad Att. 13. 46. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius C<esar III. M. .<Emilius Lepidus. 

the one side, and the oppressor of it on the other, 
became, of course, a kind of political test to all suc- 
ceeding ages, and a perpetual argument of dispute 
between the friends of liberty, and the flatterers of 
power. But if we consider his character without 
prejudice, he was certainly a great and worthy man: 
a friend to truth, virtue, liberty; yet falsely mea- 
suring all duty by the absurd rigour of the stoical 
rule, he was generally disappointed of the end, 
which he sought by it, the happiness both of his 
private and public life. In his private conduct, he 
was severe, morose, inexorable ; banishing all the 
softer affections, as natural enemies to justice, and 
as suggesting false motives of acting, from favour, 
clemency, and compassion; in public affairs he was 
the same; had but one rule of policy, to adhere to 
what was right : without regard to times or cir- 
cumstances, or even to a force that could control 
him: for instead of managing the power of the great, 
so as to mitigate the ill, or extract any good from 
it, he was urging it always to acts of violence by a 
perpetual defiance; so that, with the best intentions 
in the world, he often did great harm to the Repub- 
lic. This was his general behaviour; yet, from 
some particular facts explained above, it appears, 
that his strength of mind was not always impreg- 
nable, but had its weak places of pride, ambition, and 
party zeal ; which, when managed and flattered to 
a certain point, would betray him sometimes into 
measures, contrary to his ordinary rule of right 
and truth. The last act of his life was agreeable 
to his nature and philosophy : when he could no 
longer be what he had been, or when the ills of 
life overbalanced the good, which by the princi- 
ples of his sect was a just cause for dying,* he put 

* In quo enim plura sunt, quae secundum naturam runt, hujus officium est iir vita 

manere : in quo autetn aut sunt plura contraria aut fore v ideiitur, hujus ofhcium c 
vita excedere. De-Fin. 3.18. 
Vetus est enimjubi non sis, qui fueris, non esse cur relis vivere. Ep. Fain. 7. 3. 


A. Urb.?07. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. 

an end to his life, with a spirit and resolution 
which would make one imagine that he was glad 
to have found an occasion of dying in his proper 
character. On the whole, his life was rather ad- 
mirable than amiable ; fit to be praised rather than 

As soon as Cicero had published his Cato, he 
wrote his piece called the Orator, at the request of 
Brutus ; containing the plan or delineation of what 
he himself esteemed the most perfect eloquence or 
manner of speaking. He calls it the fifth part or 
book, designed to complete the argument of his 
Brutus, and the other three, on the same subject. It 
was received with great approbation ; and, in a let- 
ter to Lepta, who had complimented him upon it, he 
declares, that whatever judgment he had in speak- 
ing, he had thrown it all into that work, and was con- 
tent to risk his reputation on the merit of it.f 

He now likewise spoke that famous speech of 
thanks to Caesar, for the pardon of M. Marcellus ; 
which was granted upon the intercession of the se- 
nate. Cicero had a particular friendship with all 
the family of the Marcelli, but especially with this 
Marcus; who, from the defeat of Pompey, at Phar- 
salia, retired to Mitylene in Lesbos, where he lived 
with so much ease and satisfaction to himself in a 
philosophical retreat, that Cicero, as it appears 
from his letters, was forced to use all his art and 
authority to pers'uade him to return, and take the be- 
nefit of that grace, which they had been labouring 
to attain for him.J But how the affair was transact 


* Cato sic abiit e vita, ut causam moriundi nactum se esse gauderet. — cum vero 
causani justam Deus ipse dederit, ut tunc Socrati nunc Catoni, &c. Tusc. Quaes t. 

Catoni — moriundumpotius, quam Tyranni vultus adspiciendus fuit. De Offic. 1.31. 

Non immaturus decessit: vixit enim, quantum debuit vivere. Senec. Consol. ad 
Marc. 20. 

t Ita tres erunt de oratore : quartus Brutus; quintus, orator. De Div. 2. 1. 

Oratorem meum tantopere a te probari, vehementer gaudeo : mihi quidem sic pcr- 
viadeo, me quicqujd habuerim judicii in dicendo, in ilium librum contulisse. Ep. 
Fam. 6. 18. 

t Ep. Fam. 4. 7, 8, 9. 


,A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss. — C Julius Cicsar III. M. JEmiliitt LepWu*. 

ed, we may learn from Cicero's account of it to Serv. 
Sulpicius, who was then proconsul of Greece — 
" Your condition," says he, " is better than our's, in 
" this particular, that you dare venture to write your 
" grievances, we cannot even do that with safety : 
" not through any faultof the conqueror, than whom 
" nothing can be more moderate, but of victory it- 
It self, which, in civil wars, is always insolent: we 
" have had the advantage of you, however, in one 
"thing; in being acquainted, a little sooner than 
" you, with the pardon of your colleague Marcellus : 
" or rather indeed, in seeing how the whole affair 
" passed; for I would have you believe, that, from 
" the beginning of these miseries, or ever since the 
" public right has been decided by arms, there has 
" nothing been done, besides this, with any dignity. 
" For Caesar himself, after having complained of the 
" moroseness of Marcellus, for so he called it, and 
" praised, in the strongest terms, the equity and 
" prudence of your conduct, presently declared, be- 
ft yond all our hopes, that whatever offence he 
" had received from the man, he could refuse no- 
" thing to the intercession of.the senate. What the 
" senate did was this : upon the mention of Marcel- 
" lus, by Piso, his brother Caius having thrown him- 
" self at Caesar's feet, they all rose up, and went for- 
" ward, in a supplicating manner, towards Caesar: 
" in short, this day's work appeared to me so decent, 
" that I could not help fancying that 1 saw the image 
" of the old Republic reviving: when all, therefore, 
" who were asked their opinions before me, had re- 
" turned thanks to Caesar, excepting Volcatius, (for 
" he declared, that he would not have done it, 
" though he had been in Marcellus's place,) I, as 
" soon as I was called upon, changed my mind ; for 
" I had resolved with myself to observe an eternal 
" silence, not through any laziness, but the loss of 
" my former dignity ; but Cesar's greatness of mind, 
" and the laudable zeal of the senate, got the better 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.—C. Julius Cajsar III. M. JEmilius Lepidus. 

M of my resolution. I gave thanks, therefore, to 
" Caesar, in a Song speech, and have deprived my- 
" self by it, I fear, on other occasions, of that honest 
" quiet, which was my only comfort in these un- 
" happy times : but since I have hitherto avoided 
" giving him offence, and if I had always continued 
" silent, he would have interpreted it, perhaps, as a 
" proof of my taking the Republic to be ruined, 
" I shall speak for the future not often, or rather, 
** very seldom; so as to manage, at the same time, 
" both his favour, and my own leisure for study."* 

Caesar, though he saw the senate unanimous in 
their petition for Marceilus, yet took the pains to 
call for the particular opinion of every senator upon 
it : a method never practised, except in cases of de- 
bate, and where the house was divided: but he 
wanted the usual tribute of flattery upon this act of 
grace, and had a mind, probably, to make an experi- 
ment of Cicero's temper, and to draw from him espe- 
cially some incense on the occasion ; nor was hedis- 
appointed of his aim ; for Cicero, touched by his ge- 
nerosity, and greatly pleased with the act itself, on 
the account of his friend, returned thanks to him in a 
speech, which, though made upon the spot, yet, for 
elegance of diction, vivacity of sentiment, and polite- 
ness of compliment, is superior to any thing extant 
of the kind in all antiquity. The many fine things 
which are said in it of Caesar have given some handle, 
indeed, for a charge of insincerity against Cicero ; 
but it must be remembered, that he was delivering a 
speech of thanks, not only for himself, but in the 
name and at the desire of the senate, where his sub- 
ject naturally required the embellishments of ora- 
tory ; and that all his compliments are grounded on 
a supposition, that Caesar intended to restore the Re- 
public : of which he entertained no small hopes at 
this time, as he signifies in a letter to one of Caesar's 

* Ep. Fam. i. 


A. Urb. 70t. Cic. 61. Coss. — C. Julius Caesar III. M. iEvnilius Lepidus. 

principal friends.* This, therefore, herecommends,, 
enforces, and requires from him in his speech, with 
the spirit of an old Roman ; and no reasonable man 
will think it strange, that so free an address to a con- 
queror, in the height of all his power, should want 
to be tempered with some few strokes of flattery. But 
the following passage from the oration itself will jus- 
tify the truth of what I am saying. 

" If this," says he, " Caesar, was to be the end of 
" your immortal acts, that, after conquering all your 
" enemies, you should leave the Republic in the con- 
" dition in which it now is ; consider, I beseech you, 
" whether your divine virtue would not excite rather 
" an admiration of you, than any real glory ; for glory 
" is the illustrious fame of many and great services, 
" either to our friends, our country, or to the whole 
" raceof mankind. This part, therefore, still remains: 
'•' there is one act more to be performed by you ; to 
'■' establish the Republic again, that you may reap 
" the benefit of it yourself in peace and prosperity. 
" When you have paid this debt to your country, and 
" fulfilled the ends of your nature by a satiety of liv- 
" ing, you may then tell us, if you please, that you 
" have lived long enough : yet what is it, after all, 
" that we can really call long, of which there is an 
" end? For, when that end is once come, all past 
" pleasure is to be reckoned as nothing, since no more 
" of it is to be expected. Though your mind, I know, 
" was never content with these narrow bounds of life, 
" which nature has assigned to us, but inflamed al- 
" ways with an ardent love of immortality : nor is 
" this, indeed, to be considered as your life, which is 
" comprised in this body and breath ; but that — 
" that, I say, is your life, which is to flourish in the 
" memory of all ages : which posterity will cherish, 
" and eternity itself propagate. It is to this that you 

must attend; to this that you must form yourself; 


* Sperare tainen videor, Caesari, college nostro, fore curas ct esse, uthabcamu* 
aliquam Rempublicam. Ep. Fam. 13. 68. 


A. Urb.707. Qc. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. JEmilius Lepidus. 

' which has many things already to admire, yet 
; wants something still, that it may praise in you. 
Posterity will he amazed to hear and read of your 
commands, provinces; the Rhine, the ocean, the 
Nile; your innumerable battles, incredible victo- 
ries, infinite monuments, splendid triumphs ; but, 
unless this city be established again by your wis- 
dom and counsels, your name indeed will wander 
far and wide ; yet will have no certain seat or place 
at last where to fix itself. There will be also 
amongst those, who are yet unborn, the same con- 
troversy that has been amongst us ; when some 
will extol your actions to the skies, others, perhaps, 
will find something defective in them ; and, that 
one thing above all, if you should not extinguish 
this ilame of civil war, by restoring liberty to your 
country: for the one may be looked upon as the 
effect of fate, but the other is the certain act of 
wisdom. Pay a reverence, therefore, to those 
judges, who will pass judgment upon you in ages 
to come, and with less partiality, perhaps, than we; 
since they will neither be biassed by affection or 
party, nor prejudiced by hatred or envy to you : 
and though this, as some falsely imagine, should 
then have no relation to you, yet it concerns you 
certainly, at tiie present, to act in such a manner, 
that no oblivion may ever obscure the lustre of your 
praises. Various were the inclinations of the ci- 
tizens, and their opinions wholly divided; nor did 
we differ only in sentiments and wishes, but in 
arms also and camps ; the merits of the cause 
were dubious, and the contention between two ce- 
lebrated leaders: many doubted what was the best; 
many what was convenient; many what was de- 
cent ; some also what was lawful," &c* 
But though Caesar took no step towards restor- 
ing the Republic, he employed himself this summer 
in another work of general benefit to mankind, the 

* Fro M. Marcel!. 8,!', 10. 


A. lirb. 707. Cic. 61. Cass.— C. Julius Caesar HI. M. .Emilius Lepiditt. 

reformation of the kalendar ; by accommodating the 
course of the year to the exact course of the sun; 
from which it had varied so widely, as to occasion a 
strange confusion in all their accounts of time. 

The Roman year, from the old institution of No- 
ma, was lunar; borrowed from the Greeks; amongst 
whom it consisted of three hundred and fifty-four 
days: Noma added one more to them, to make the 
whole number odd, which was thought the more for- 
tunate ; and to till up the deficiency of his year, to 
the measure of the solar course, inserted likewise, or 
intercalated, after the manner of the Greeks, an ex- 
traordinary month of twenty-two days, every second 
year, and twenty-three every fourth, between the 
twenty-third and twenty-fourth day of February :* 
he committed the care of intercalating this month, 
and the supernumerary day, to the college of priests ; 
who, in process of time, partly by a negligent, partly 
a superstitious, but chiefly by an arbitrary abuse 
of their trust, used either to drop or insert them, as 
it was found most convenient to themselves or their 
friends, to make the current year longer or shorter. f 
Thus Cicero, when harassed by a perpetual course 
of pleading, prayed that there might be no interca- 
lation to lengthen his fatigue; and when proconsul 
of Cilicia, pressed Atticus to exert all his interest, to 
prevent any intercalation within the year; that it 
might not protract his government, and retard his 
return to Rome. J Curio, on the contrary, when he 
could not persuade the priests to prolong the year of 
his tribunate by an intercalation, made that a pre- 

* This was usually called intcrcalaiis, though Plutarch gives it the name of Mer- 
cecionius, which none of the Roman writers mention, except that Festus speaks of 
some days under the title of Macedonia?, because the merces or wages of workmen 
were commonly paid upon them. 

t Quod institutum perite a Nunra posteriorum Pontificum negligentia dissolutum 
est. De Leg. 2. 12. vid. Censorin. de die Nat. c. 20. Macrob. Saturn. 1. 11. 

J Xos hie in multitudine ct eclebri'tate judiciorum— ila destinemur, ut quotidie 
vota faciamus ne intercaletur. Ep. Fam. 7. 2. 

Perfortunas primmn illud prsefulci atque pramuui quaeso, ut sinius anuui ; ne in- 
tercaletur (juideni. Ad Alt. 5.13. it. 9. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. JEnuIius Lepidus. 

tence for abandoning the senate, and going over to 

This licence of intercalating introduced the confu- 
sion abovenientioned, in the computation of their 
time; so that the order of all their months was trans- 
posed from their stated seasons ; the winter months 
carried back into autumn, the autumnal into sum- 
mer : till Caesar resolved to put an end to this dis- 
order, by abolishing the source of it, the use of inter- 
calations ; and, instead of the lunar, to establish the 
solar year, adjusted to the exact measure of the 
sun's revolution in the zodiac, or to that period of 
time in which it returns to the point from which it 
set out ; and as this, according to the astronomers of 
that age, was supposed to be three hundred and 
sixty-five days and six hours, so he divided the 
days into twelve artificial months, and to supply 
the deficiency of the six hours, by which they fell 
short of the sun's complete course, he ordered a day 
to be intercalated after every four years, between the 
twenty-third and twenty-fourth of February. f 

But to make this new year begin, and proceed re- 
gularly, he was forced to insert into the current year, 
two extraordinary months, between November and 
December ; the one of thirty-three, the other of thir- 
ty-four days; besides the ordinary intercalary month 
of twenty-three days, which fell into it of course; 
which were all necessary to fill up the number of 
days that were lost to the old year, by the omission 
of intercalations, and to replace the months in their 
proper seasons.']; All this was effected by the care 
and skill of Sosigenes, a celebrated astronomer of 
Alexandria, whom Caesar had brought to Rome for 

* Lcvissirae enim, quia dc intercalando non obtinueraf, transfugit ad populum et 
pro Cresare loqui ccepit. Ep. Fam. 8. 6. Bio, p. 148. 

t This day was called Bissextus, from its being a repetition or duplicate of the 
Sixth of the Kalends of March, which fell always on the 24th ; and hence our In- 
tercalary or Leap-year is still called Bissextile. 

$ Quo autem magis in posterum ex Kalendis Januariis nobis temporum ratio con- 
grueret, inter Novembrem et Decembrem mensem adjecit duos alios : fuitque is an- 
nus — xv. mensium cum Intercalario, qui ex consuetudiae eum annum inciderat> 
Sueton. J. Ca;s. 40. 


A. Urb. 707. CIc. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Coesar III. M. ^milins Lepidus. 

that purpose ;* and a new kalendar was formed upon 
it by Fiavius, a scribe, digested according to the 
order of the Roman festivals, and the old manner of 
computing their days by Kalends, Ides, and Nones; 
which was published and authorized by the dictator's 
edict, not long after his return from Afric. This 
year, therefore, was the longest that Rome had ever 
known, consisting of fifteen months, or four hundred 
and forty-five days, and is called the last of the con- 
fusion,! because it introduced the Julian, or solar 
year, with the commencement of the ensuing Janu- 
ary, which continues in use to this day in all Christ- 
ian countries, without any other variation than that 
of the old and new style. J 

Soon after the affair of Marcellus, Cicero had ano- 
ther occasion of trying both his eloquence and in- 
terest with Caesar, in the cause of Ligarius, who was 
now in exile on the account of his having been in arms 
against Caesar, in the African war, in which he had 
borne a considerable command. His two brothers, 
however, had always been on Caesar's side ; and be- 
ing recommended by Fansa, and warmly supported 
by Cicero, had almost prevailed for his pardon, of 
which Cicero gives the following account in a letter 
to Ligarius himself. 


" I would have you to be assured that I employ 
" my whole pains, labour, care, study, in procuring 

* Plin. Hist. N. 18. 25. ' 

t Adnitente sibi M. Flavio scriba, qui scriptos dies singulos ita ad Dictatorem de- 
tulit, ut et ordo eomm inveniri facilitate posset, et invcnto certus status perseveraret 
— eaque re factum est, ut annus confusionis ultimus in quadringentos quadraginta 
tres dies tenderetur. Macrob. Saturn. 1. 14. Dio, 227. 

Macrobius makes this year to consist of 443 days, but he should have said 445, 
since, according to all accounts, ninety days were added to the old year of 355. 

t This difference of the old and new style was occasioned by a regulation made by 
Pope Gregory, A. D. 1582 ; for it having been observed, that the computation of 
the Vernal Equinox was fallen back ten days from the time of the council of Nice, 
when it was found to be on the 21st of March ; according lo which all the festivals of 
the church were then solemnly settled ; Pope Gregory, by the advice of astrono- 
mers, caused ten days to be entirely sunk and thrown* out of the current year, be- 
tween the 4th and 15th of October. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. ^Emilius Lepidus. 

" your restoration ; for as I have ever had the great- 
" est affection for you, so the singular piety and love 
" of your brothers, for whom, as well as yourself, I 
" have always professed the utmost esteem; never 
" suffer me to neglect any opportunity of my duty 
" and service to you. But what I am now doing, or 
'.' have done, I would have you learn from their let- 
" ters, rather than mine ; but as to what I hope, and 
" take to be certain in your affair, that I chuse to ac- 
" quaint you with myself; for if any man be timor- 
" ous in great and dangerous events, and fearing al- 
V ways the worst, rather than hoping the best, I am 
" he ; and if this be a fault, confess myself not to be 
" free from it ; yet, on the twenty-seventh of No- 
" vember, when, at the desire of your brothers, I 
" had been early with Caesar, and gone through the 
" trouble and indignity of getting access and audi- 
" ence, when your brothers and relations had thrown 
" themselves at his feet, and I had said what your 
" cause and circumstances required, I came away, 
" persuaded that your pardon was certain; which I 
" collected, not only from Caesar's discourse, which 
" was mild and generous, but from his eyes, and 
" looks, and many other signs, which I could better 
" observe than describe. It is your part, therefore, 
" to behave yourself with firmness and courage ; and 
" as you have borne the more turbulent part pru- 
" dently, to bear this calmer state of things cheer- 
" fully: I shall continue still to take the same pains 
" in your affairs, as if there was the greatest diffi- 
" culty in them, and will heartily supplicate in your 
" behalf, as I have hitherto done, not only Caesar 
" himself, but all his friends, whoml have ever found 
" most affectionate to me. Adieu."* 

While Ligarius's affair was in this hopeful way, 
Q. Tubero, who had an old quarrel with him, being 
desirous to obstruct his pardon, and knowing Caesar 

* Ep. Fam. 6. 14. 


A. Urb. 70r. Oic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Cresar III. M. iEmilius Lepidus. 

to be particularly exasperated against all those who, 
through an obstinate aversion to him, had renewed 
the war in Afric, accused him, in the usual forms, of 
an uncommon zeal and violence in prosecuting that 
war. Caesar privately encouraged the prosecution, 
and ordered the cause to be tried in the Forum, 
where he sat upon it in person, strongly prepossess- 
ed against the criminal, and determined to lay hold 
on any plausible pretence for condemning him ; but 
the force of Cicero's eloquence, exerted with all his 
skill, in a cause which he had much at heart, got 
the better of all his prejudices, and extorted a par- 
don from him against his will. 

The merit of this speech is too well known, to 
want to be enlarged upon here : those who read it, 
will find no reason to charge Cicero with flattery : 
but the free spirit which it breathes, in the face of 
that power to which it was suing for mercy, must 
give a great idea of the art of the speaker, who could 
deliver such bold truths without offence, as well as 
of the generosity of the judge, who heard them not 
only with patience, but approbation. 

" Observe, Caesar," says he, " with what fidelity I 
" plead Ligarius's cause, when I betray even my own 
" by it. O that admirable clemency, worthy to be 
" celebrated by every kind of praise, letters, monu- 
" ments ! M. Cicero defends a criminal before you, 
" by proving him not to have been in those senti- 
" ments, in which he owns himself to have been: 
" nor does he yet fear your secret thoughts, or, while 
" he is pleading for another, what may occur to you 
" about himself. See, I say, how little he is afraid 
" of you. See with what a courage and gaiety of 
" speaking your generosity and wisdom inspire me. 
" I will raise my voice to such a pitch, that the whole 
" Roman people may hear me. After the war was 
11 not only begun, Caesar, but in great measure 
" finished, when I was driven by no necessity, I went 
" by choice and judgment to join myself with those 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Cresar III. M. jEmilius Lepidus. 

" who had taken arms against you. Before "whom 

" do I say this ? why before him, who, though he 

" knew it to be true, yet restored me to the Re- 

" public, before he had even seen me ; who wrote to 

" me from Egypt, that I should be the same man 

" that I had always been ; and when he was the 

" only emperor within the dominion of Rome, suf- 

" fered me to be the other ; and to hold my laurelled 

" fasces, as long as I thought them worth holding.* 

" Do you then, Tubero, call Ligarius's conduct 

" wicked ? for what reason ? since that cause has 

" never yet been called by that name: some, indeed, 

"call it mistake; others fear; those who speak 

" more severely, hope, ambition, hatred, obstinacy ; 

" or, at the worst, rashness ; but no man, besides 

" you, has ever called it wickedness. For my part, 

" were I to invent a proper and genuine name for 

" our calamity, I should take it for a kind of fatality 

" that had possessed the unwary minds of men; so 

" that none can think it strange, that all human 

" counsels were overruled by a divine necessity. 

" Call us theu, if you please, unhappy, though we 

" can never be so, under this conqueror: but I speak 

'* not of us who survive, but of those who fell ; let 

" them be ambitious ; let them be angry ; let them be 

" obstinate ; but let not the guilt of crime, of fury, of 

" parricide, ever be charged on Cn. Pompey, and on 

" many of those who died with him. When did we 

" ever hear any such thing from you, Caesar? or 

" what other view had vou in the war, than to de- 

"fend yourself from injury? — you considered it, 

" from the first, not as a war, but a secession; not as 

" an hostile, but civil dissension : where both sides 

"wished well to the Republic, yet through a dif- 

" ference, partly of counsels, partly of inclinations, 

" deviated from the common good ; the dignity of 

" the leaders was almost equal ; though not, per- 

" haps, of those who followed them : the cause was 

* Pro Ligar. 3. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. Gl. Coss.— C. Julius Csesar III. M. /Emilius Lepidu«. 

then dubious, since there was something which 
one might approve on either side ; but now, that 
must needs be thought the best, which the gods 
" have favoured ; and, after the experience of your 
" clemency, who can be displeased with that vic- 
" tory, in which no man fell, who was not actually 
" in arms ?",* 

This speech was soon made public, and greedily 
bought by all : Atticus was extremely pleased with 
it, and very industrious in recommending it ; so that 
Cicero says, merrily, to him by letter, " you have sold 
" my Ligarian speech finely : whatever I write for 
V the future, I will make you the publisher :" and 
again, " your authority, I perceive, has made my 
" little oration famous: forBalbusand Oppius write 
*' me word, that they are wonderfully taken with it, 
*? and have sent a copy to Csesar."')" The success 
which it met with, made Tubero ashamed of the 
figure that he made in it ; so that he applied to 
Cicero, to have something inserted in his favour, 
with the mention of his wife, and some of his family, 
who were Cicero's near relations : but Cicero ex- 
cused himself, because the speech was got abroad : 
nor had he a mind, he says, to make any apology for 
Tubero's conduct. J 

Ligarius was a man of distinguished zeal for the 
liberty of his country : which was the reason both 
of Cicero's pains to preserve, and of Caesar's averse- 
ness to restore him. After his return, he lived in 
arreat confidence with Brutus, who found him a fit 
person to bear a part in the conspiracy against 
Ccesar ; but, happening to be taken ill near the time 
of its execution, when Brutus,in a visit to him, began 

• * Pro Li gar. 6. 

t Ligarianam praeclare vendidiati. Posthac quicquid scripsero, tibi praeconium 
dcferam. Ad Att. 13.12. 

Ligarianam, ut video, prseclare auctoritas tua commendavit. Scripsit enim ad me 
Balbus et Oppius, mirifice se probare, ob eamque causam ad Caesarem earn se ora- 
tlunculam misisse. lb. 19. 

% Ad Ligarianam de uxore Tuberonis, et privigna, neque possum jam addere, est 
enim res pervulgata, neque Tuberonem volo defendere. Mirifice est enim <fi\aiTioc. 
lb. 20. 


A. Urb. 707. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. 

to lament that he was fallen sick in a very unlucky 
hour, Ligarius, raising himself presently upon his 
elbow, and taking Brutus by the hand, replied : 
" Yet still, Brutus, if you mean to do any thing 
" worthy of yourself, I am well :" # nor did he disap- 
point Brutus's opinion of him, for we find him after- 
wards in the list of the conspirators. 

In the end of the year, Caesar was called away 
in great haste into Spain, to oppose the attempts of 
Pompey's sons, who, by the credit of their father's 
name, were become masters again of all that pro- 
vince; and with the remains of the troops, which 
Labienus, Varus, and the other chiefs, who escaped, 
had gathered up from Afric, were once more in con- 
dition to try the fortune of the field with him : where 
the great danger to which he was exposed, from this 
last effort of a broken party, shews how desperate 
his case must have been, if Pompey himself, with an 
entire and veteran army, had first made choice of 
this country for the scene of the war. 

Cicero all this while passed his time, with little 
satisfaction, at home, being disappointed of the ease 
and comfort which he expected from his new mar- 
riage : his children, as we may imagine, while their 
own mother was living, would not easily bear with 
a young mother-in-law in the house with them. The 
son, especially, was pressing to get a particular ap- 
pointment settled for his maintenance, and to have 
leave also to go to Spain, and make a campaign 
under Caesar, whither his cousin Quintus was already 
gone. Cicero did not approve this project, and en- 
deavoured by all means to dissuade him from it ; 
representing to him, that it would naturally draw a 
just reproach upon them, for not thinking it enough 
to quit their former party, unless they fought against 
it too ; and that he would not be pleased to see his 
cousin more regarded there than himself; and pro- 

* Plut. in Brut. 



A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul, Caesar Diet. III. M. iEmilius Lepidua. Mag. Equit. 

mising, withal, if he would consent to stay, to make 
him an ample and honourable allowance.* This 
diverted him from the thoughts of Spain, though not 
from the desire of removing from his father, and 
taking a separate house in the city, with a distinct 
family of his own: but Cicero thought it best to 
send him to Athens, in order to spend a few years 
in the study of philosophy and polite letters ; and, to 
make the proposal agreeable, offered him an appoint- 
ment, that would enable him to live as splendidly as 
any of the Roman nobility, who then resided there, 
Bibulns, Acidinus, or Messala.f This scheme was 
accepted, and soon after executed ; and young Ci- 
cero was sent to Athens, with two of his father's 
freedmen, L. Tullius Montanus, and Tullius Mar- 
cianus, as the intendants and counsellors of his 
general conduct, while the particular direction of 
his studies was left to the principal philosophers of 
the place ; and, above all, to Cratippus, the chief of 
the peripatetic sect. J 

In this uneasy state, both of his private and public 
life, he was oppressed by a new and most cruel 
affliction, the death of his beloved daughter Tullia ; 
which happened soon after her divorce from Dola- 
bella, whose manners and humour were entirely dis- 
agreeable to her. Cicero had long been deliberating 
with himself and his friends, whether Tullia should 
not first send the divorce ; but a prudential regard 
to Dolabella's power, and interest with Caesar, which 
was of use to him in these times, seems to have 

* De Hispania duo attuli ; primum idem, quod tibi, me vereri, vituperationem .- 
hon satis esse sibaec arma reliquissemus ? etiam contraria ? deinde fore ut angeretur, 
cum a fratre familiaritate et omni gratia vinceretur. Velim magis liberalitate uti mea 
guana sua libertate. Ad Att. 12. 7. 

t Prffistabo nee Bibulum, nee Acidinum, nee Messalam, quosAthenis futuros au- 
dio, majores sumptus facturos, quam quod ex eis mercedibus accipietur. lb. 32. 

t L. Tullium Montanum nosti, qui cum Cicerone profectus est. lb. 52, 53. 
Quanquam te, Marce fili, annum jam audientem Cratippum, &cci De Offic. 1. 1. 
it. 2. 2. rr 


A.Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. /Emilius Lepidu*. Mag. Equit 

withheld him. # The case was the same with Dola- 
bella ; he was willing enough to part with Tullia, 
but did not care to break with Cicero, whose friend- 
ship was a credit to him, and whom gratitude obliged 
him to observe and reverence; since Cicero had 
twice defended and preserved him in capital causes :f 
so that it seems most probable, that the divorce was 
of an amicable kind, and executed at last by the 
consent of both sides : for it gave no apparent in- 
terruption to the friendship between Cicero and 
Dolabella, which they carried on with the same 
shew of affection and professions of respect toward 
each other, as if the relation had still subsisted. 

Tullia died in child-bed, at her husband's house; J 
which confirms the probability of their agreement in 
the divorce : it is certaiu, at least, that she died in 
Rome ; where Cicero was detained, he says, by the 
expectation of the birth, and to receive the first pay- 
ment of her fortune back again from Dolabella, who 
was then in Spain ; she was delivered, as it was 
thought, very happily, and supposed to be out of 
danger ; when an unexpected turn in her case put 
an end to her life, to the inexpressible grief of her 
father. § 

We have no account of the issue of this birth, 
which writers confound with that which happened 
three years before, when she was delivered, at the 
end of seven months, of a puny male child: but 
whether it was from the first, or the second time of 
her lying-in, it is evident, that she left a son by Do- 

* Te oro ut de hac misera cogites — melius quidem in pessimis nihil fuit discidio— 
nunc quidem ipse videtur denunciare — placet milii igitur, et idem tibi nunciura 
remitti, &c. Ad Att. xi. ^3. Vid. ib. 3. 

Quod scripsi de nuncio remittendo, qua? sit istius vis hoc tempore, et quae con* 
citatio multitudinis, ignoro. Si metuendus iratus est, quies tamen ab illo fortasse 
nascetur. Ep. Fam. 14. 13. 

t Cujus ego salutem duobus capitis, judiciis summa contentione defendi. Ep. 
Fam. 3. x. 

t Plut. in Cic. 

§ Me Romae tenuit omnino Tullia meae partus : sed cum ea, quernadmodurn spfero 
satis firma sit, teneor tamen, dum a Dolabella? procuratoribus exigam primara pensio- 
nern. Ep. Fam. 6. 18. 


A. Urb.708. Cic.62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. jErnilius Lepidus. Mag. Equif. 

labella, who survived her, and whom Cicero men- 
tions more than once, in his letters to Atticus, by 
the name of Lentulus:* desiring him to visit the 
child, and see a due care taken of him, and to assign 
him what number of servants he thought proper.t 

Tullia was about two and thirty years old at the 
time of her death ; and, by the few hints which are 
left of her character, appears to have been an excel- 
lent and admirable woman : she was most affection- 
ately and piously observant of her father; and, to 
the usual graces of her sex, having added the more 
solid accomplishments of knowledge and polite let- 
ters, was qualified to be the companion, as well as 
the delight of his age ; aud was justly esteemed not 
only as one of the best, but the most learned of the 
Roman ladies. It is not strange, therefore, that the 
loss of such a daughter, in the prime of her life, and 
the most comfortless season of his own, should af- 
fect him with all that grief which the greatest cala- 
mity could imprint on a temper naturally timid and 

Plutarch tells us, that the philosophers came from 
all parts to comfort him ; but that can, hardly be 
true, except of those who lived in Rome, or in his 
own family ; for his first care was, to shun all com- 
pany as much as he could, by removing to Atticus's 
house; where he lived chiefly in the library, endea- 
vouring to relieve his mind, by turning over every 
book which he could meet with, on the subject of 

* The father's names were Puhlius Cornelius Lentulus Dolabella : the two last 
being surnames, acquired, perhaps, by adoption, and distinguishing the different 
branches of the Cornelian family. 

t Yelim aliquando, cum erit tuum commodum, Lentulum puerum visas, eique de 
mancipiis, quae tibi videbitur, attribuas. Ad Att. 12. '28. 

Quod Letulum invisis, valde gratum. lb. 30. Vid. etiam 18. 

N. B. Mr. Bayle declares himself surprised, to find Asconius Psed. so ill informed 
of the history of Tullia, as to teli us, that, after Piso's death, she was married to P. 
Lentulus, and died in child-bed at his house. In which short account, there are con- 
tained, he says, two or three lies. But Plutarch confirms the same account ; and the 
mistake will rest, at last, not on Asconius, but on Mr. Bayle himself, who did not 
reflect, from the authorit}- of those ancients, that Lentulus was one of Dolabella's 
names, by which she was called indifferently, as well as by any of the rest. See. 
Bay I. Diction, Artie. Tullia. not. k. 


A. Urb. T08. Cic. 6?.— C.Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. ^Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

moderating grief;* but finding his residence here too 
public, and a greater resort to him than he could 
bear, he retired to Astura, one of his seats near 
Antium, a little island on the Latian shore, at the 
mouth of a river of the same name, covered with 
woods and groves, cut out into shady walks ; a scene 
of all others, the fittest to indulge melancholy, and 
where he could give a free course to his grief. 
" Here," says he, " I live without the speech of 
" man ; every morning early I hide myself in the 
" thickest of the wood, and never come out till the 
"evening: next to yourself, nothing is so dear to 
" me as this solitude: my whole conversation is with 
" my books ; yet that is sometimes interrupted by 
" my tears, which I resist as well as I can, but am 
" not yet able to do much."f 

Atticus urged him to quit this retirement, and di- 
vert himself with business, and the company of his 
friends ; and put him gently in mind, that, by afllict- 
ing himself so immoderately, he would hurt his cha- 
racter, and give people a handle to censure his weak- 
ness : to which he makes the following answer : 

" As to what you write, that you are afraid lest 
" the excess of my grief should lessen my credit and 
" authority, I do not know what men would have of 
" me. Is it, that I should not grieve? that is im- 
" possible ; or that 1 should not be oppressed with 
" grief? who was ever less so? When I took refuge 
" at your house, was any man ever denied access to 
" me? or did any one ever come, who had reason to 
"complain of me? 1 went from you to Astura, 
** where those gay sparks, who find fault with me, 
" are not able even to read so much as 1 have writ- 
* e ten : how well, is nothing to the purpose ; yet it is 

• Me Mihi non defuisse tu testis es, nihil enim de mccrore minuendo ab ullo 
scriptum est, quod ego nondomi tare legerhn. Ad Att. 12. 14. 

t In hac solitudine careo omnium colloquio, cumque mane in silvam me abstrusi 
densam et asperam, non exeo hide ante vesperum. Secundum te, nihil mihi amicius 
solitudine. In ea mihi omnia sermo est cum litteris; eum tanien interpellat rletus; 
cui repugno quoad possum, sed adhuc pares non sumus. lb 15. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Ctesar Diet. III. M. .Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit.' 

'•' of a kind which nobody could write with a dis- 
" ordered mind. I spent a month in my gardens 
" about Rome, where I received all who came with 
" the same easiness as before. At this very moment, 
" while I am employing my whole time in reading 
" and writing, those who are with me are more fa- 
" tigued with their leisure, than I with my pains. If 
" any one asks, why I am not at Rome? because it is 
" vacation time ; why not in some of my villas, more 
" suitable to the season? because I could not easily 
" bear so much company. I am where he, who has 
" the best house at Baise, chooses to be, in this part 
" of the year. When I come to Rome, nobody shall 
" find any thing amiss, either in my looks or dis- 
" course: as to that cheerfulness with which we used 
" to season the misery of these times, I have lost it, 
" indeed, for ever ; but will never part with my con- 
" stancy and firmness, either of mind or speech,"* &c. 
All his other friends were very officious, likewise, 
in making their compliments of condolence, and 
administering arguments of comfort to him : among 
the rest, Caesar himself, in the hurry of his affairs 
in Spain, wrote him a letter on the occasion dated 
from Hispalis, the last of April.f Brutus wrote 
another, so friendly and affectionate, that it greatly 
moved him :J Lucceius, also, one of the most es- 
teemed writers of that age, sent him two ; the first 
to condole, the second to expostulate with him for 
persevering to cherish an unmanlyand useless grief :§ 
but the following letter of Ser. Sulpicius is thought 
to be a master-piece of the consolatory kind. 


" I was exceedingly concerned, as indeed I ought 
" to be, to hear of the death of your daughter Tul- 

* Ad Att. 12. 40. 

t A Caesare litteras accepi consolatorias, datas prid. Kal. Maii, Hispali. Ad Att; 
13. 20. 

J Bruti litterae scriptae et prudenter et amice, raultas taraan mihi Iacrimas attule- 
runt. lb. 12. 13. 

i Vid. Ep. Fam. 5. 13, 14. 


A. Urb. 70S; Cic. 62.— C. Jul. C<esar Diet. III. M. .Smilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

lia; which I looked upon as an affliction common 
to us both. If I had been with yon, I would have 
made it my business to convince you what a real 
share I take in your grief. Though that kind of 
consolation is but wretched and lamentable, as it 
is to be performed by friends and relations, who 
are overwhelmed with grief, and cannot enter upon 
their task without tears, and seem to want comfort 
rather themselves, than to be in condition to admi- 
nister it to others. I resolved, therefore, to write to 
you, in short, what occurred upon it to my own 1 
mind ; not that I imagined, that the same] things 
would not occur also to yon, but that the force of 
your grief might possibly hinder your attention to 
them. What reason is there, then, to disturb your J 
self so immoderately on this melancholy occasion ? 
Consider how fortune has already treated us ; how 
it has deprived us of what ought to be as dear to 
us as children ; our country, credit, dignity, ho- 
nours. After so miserable a loss as this, what ad- 
dition can it possibly make to our grief, to suffer 
one misfortune more ? or how can a mind, after 
being exercised in such trials, not grow callous, 
and think every thing else of inferior value ? But 
is it for your daughter's sake that you grieve ? yet 
how often must you necessarily reflect, as I myself 
frequently do, that those cannot be said to be hard- 
ly dealt with, whose lot it has been, in these times, 
without suffering any affliction, to exchange life for* 
death. For what is there, in our present circum- 
stances, that could give her any great invitation to 
live ? what business ? what hopes ? what prospect of 
comfort before her ? was it to pass her days in the' 
married state, with some young man of the first 
quality? (for you, I know, on the account of your* 
dignity, might have chosen what son-in-law you 
pleased out of all our youth, to whose fidelity you* 
might safely have trusted her :) was it then for the 
sake of bearing children, whom she might have 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. JEiuilius Lepidus. Mag. Eqtiit. 

" had the pleasure to see flourishing afterwards, in 
" the enjoyment of their paternal fortunes, and rising 
" gradually to all the honours of the state, and using 
" the liberty, to which they were born, in the pro- 
"tectionof their friends and clients? but what is 
" there of all this, which was not taken away, before 
" it was even given to her? But it is an evil, you will 
*' say, to lose our children : it is so ; yet it is much 
" greater to suffer what we now endure. I cannot 
" help mentioning one thing, which has given me 
" no small comfort, and may help also, perhaps, to 
" mitigate your grief. On my return from Asia, 
" as 1 was sailing from iEgina towards Megara, I 
" began to contemplate the prospect of the countries 
" around me : iEgina was behind, Megara before 
" me ; Pirseeus on the right, Corinth on the left-; all 
" which towns, once famous and flourishing, now lie 
u overturned, and buried in their ruins : upon this 
" sight I could not but think presently within my- 
" self, alas ! how do we poor mortals fret and vex 
" ourselves, if any of our friends happen to die, or to 
" be killed, whose life is yet so short, when the car- 
" casses of so many noble cities lie here exposed 
" before me in one view ? Why wilt thou not then 
" command thyself, Servius, and remember that 
" thou art born a man ! Believe me, I was not a lit-' 
" tie confirmed by this contemplation: try the force 
" of it, therefore, if you please, upon yourself; and 
" imagine the same prospect before your own eyes. 
" But to come nearer home : when you consider how 
" many of our greatest men have perished lately at 
" once; what destruction has been made in theem- 
" pire; what havock in all the provinces; how can 
" you be so much shocked to be deprived of the fleet- 
" ing breath of one little woman ? who, if she had not 
" died at this time, must necessarily have died a few 
*' years after, since that was the condition of her 
" beinsj; born. But recal vour mind from reflections 
" of this kind, to the consideration of yourself; 


A. Urb.708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. jEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

" aud think rather on what becomes your character 
" and dignity : that your daughter lived as long as 
" life was worth enjoying, as long as the Republic 
" stood ; had seen her father praetor, consul, augur; 
" been married to the noblest of our youth ; had 
" tasted every good in life : and when the Re- 
" public fell, then quitted it : what ground is there 
" then, either for you or her, to complain of fortune 
" on this account? In short, do not forget that you 
" are Cicero ; one who has been used always to 
" prescribe and give advice to others; nor imitate 
** those paltry physicians, who pretend to cure 
" other people's diseases, yet are not able to cure 
" their own ; but suggest rather to yourself the 
" same lesson, which you would give in the same 
" case. There is no grief so great which length 
" of time will not alleviate : but it would be shame- 
" ful in you to wait for that time, and not to pre- 
«* vent it by your wisdom: besides, if there be any 
" sense in the dead, such was her love and piety 
" to you, that she must be concerned to see how 
" much you afflict yourself. Give this therefore 
" to the deceased ; give it to your friends ; give it 
" to your country; that it may have the benefit of 
" your assistance and advice, whenever there shall 
*' be occasion. Lastly, since fortune has now made 
" it necessary to us to accommodate ourselves to our 
" present situation, do not give any one a handle 
** to think that you are not so much bewailing your 
" daughter, as the state of the times, and the victory 
" of certain persons. I am ashamed to write any 
" more, lest I should seem to distrust your pru- 
" dence; and will add, therefore, but one thing far- 
** ther, and conclude. We have sometimes seen you 
" bear prosperity nobly, with great honour and ap- 
" plause to yourself; let us now see that you can 
" bear adversity with the same moderation, and 
" without thinking it a greater burthen than you 
" ought to do : lest, in the number of all your other 


A. Uri. 708. Cic. 62-.— C.Jul. Ceesar Diet. III. M. JEmilius Lepidus. Mag.Equit. 

** virtues, this one, at last, be thought to be wanting. 
" As to myself, when I understand that your mind 
" is grown more calm and composed, I will send 
44 you word how all things go on here, and what is 
" the state of the province. Adieu."* 

His answer to Sulpicius was the same in effect 
with what he gave to all his friends ; that his case 
was different from all the examples which he had 
been collecting for his own imitation, of men who 
had borne the loss of children with firmness ; since 
they lived in times when their dignity in the state 
was able, in great measure, to compensate their mis- 
fortune : " But for me," says he, " after I had lost 
" all those ornaments which you enumerate, and 
" which I had acquired with the utmost pains, I 
" have now lost the only comfort that was left to me. 
" In this ruin of the Republic, my thoughts were 
" not diverted by serving either my friends or my 
" country ; I had no inclination to the Forum ; could 
*' not bear the sight of the senate ; took myself, as 
" the case in truth was, to have lost all the fruit of 
" my industry and fortunes: yet, when I reflected, 
" that all this was common to you, and to many 
" others, as well as to myself, and was forcing my- 
" self therefore to bear it tolerably, I had still, in 
" Tullia, somewhat always to recur to, in which 
*' I could acquiesce; and in whose sweet conver- 
" sation I could drop all my cares and troubles : 
41 but by this last cruel wound, all the rest, which 
4 * seemed to be healed, are broken out again afresh : 
" for as I then could relieve the uneasiness which 
" the Republic gave me, by what I found at home; 
" so I cannot now, in the affliction which I feel at 
" home, find any remedy abroad ; but am driven, as 
" well from my house as the Forum ; since neither 
" my house can ease my public grief, nor the public 
4t my domestic one."t 

* Kp. Fam. 4. 5. 

t Ep. Fara. 4. 6. it. Ad Att. 12. 23. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic, 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. ITI. M. ^Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

The remonstrances of his friends had but little 
effect upon him ; all the relief that he found "was 
from reading and writing, in which he continually 
employed himself; and did what no man had ever 
done before him, draw up a treatise of consolation 
for himself; from which he professes to have re- 
ceived his greatest comfort ; though he wrote it, 
he owns, at a time when, in the opinion of the phi- 
losophers, he was not so wise as he ought to have 
been : " But I did violence," says he, " to my nature ; 
" to make the greatness of my sorrow give place to 
" the greatness of the medicine : though I acted 
" against the advice of Chrysippus, who dissuades 
" the application of any remedy to the first assaults 
" of grief."* In this work he chiefly imitated Crantor, 
the academic, who had left a celebrated piece on the 
same subject ; yet he inserted also whatever pleased 
him, from any other author who had written upon it ;f 
illustrating his precepts, all the way, by examples 
from their own history, of the most eminent Romans 
of both sexes, who had borne the same misfortune 
with a remarkable constancy. This book was much 
read by the primitive fathers, especially Lactantius, 
to whom we are obliged for the few fragments which 
remain of it : for as the critics have long since ob- 
served, that piece, which we now see in the collection 
of his writings under the title of Consolation, is un- 
doubtedly spurious. 

But the design of this treatise was, not only to 
relieve his own mind, but to consecrate the virtues 

* Feci, quod ante me nemo, ut ipse me per litteras consolarer — affirmo tibi nullum 
consolationem esse talem. Ad Att. 12. 14. it. ib.|28. 

Quid ego de consolatione dicam? qua? mini quidem ipsi sane aliquantum medetur, 
ceteris item multum illam profuturam puto. De Divin. 2. 1. 

In consolationis libro, quern in medio, (non enim sapientes eramus) moerore et do- 
lore conscripsimus : quodque vetat Chrysippus, ad recentes quasi tumores animi re- 
medium adhibere, id nos fecimus, naturaeque vim adtulimus, ut magnitudini medicinae 
doloris magnitudo concederet. Tusc. Disp. 4. 29. 

t Crantorem sequor. Plin Praef. Hist. N. 

Neque tamen progredior longius, quam mihidoctissimi homines concedunt, quorum 
seripta omnia, quaecunque sunt in earn seutentiam non legi solum — sed in niea etianr 
scripta transtuli. Ad Att. 12. 21. it. 22. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Csesar Diet. III. M. ./Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Eqait. 

and memory of Tullia to all posterity : nor did his 
fondness for her stop here; but suggested the pro- 
ject of a more effectual consecration, by building 
a temple to her, and erecting her into a sort of deity. 
It was an opinion of the philosophers, which he him- 
self constantly favoured, and, in his present circum- 
stances, particularly indulged, that the souls of men 
were of heavenly extraction, and that the pure and 
chaste, at their dissolution from the body, returned 
to the fountain from which they were derived, to 
subsist eternally in the fruition and participation of 
the Divine Nature; whilst the impure and corrupt 
were left to grovel below in the dirt and darkness of 
these inferior regions. He declares, therefore, that 
as the wisdom of the ancients had consecrated and 
deified many excellent persons of both sexes, whose 
temples were then remaining ; the progeny of Cad- 
mus, of Amphitryon, of Tyndarus ; so he would 
perform the same honour to Tullia; who, if any 
creature had ever deserved it, was of all the most 
worthy of it. " I will do it, therefore," says he, 
" and consecrate thee, thou best and most learned 
" of women, now admitted into the assembly of the 
" gods, to the regard and veneration of all mor- 
" tals."* 

In his letters to Atticus we find the strongest ex- 
pressions of his resolution and impatience co see 
this design executed : "I will have a temple," says 

* Non enini omnibus illi sapientes arbitrati sunt eundein cursum in coelum patere. 
Nam vitiis et sceleribus contaminates deprimi in tenebras, atque in cccno jacere do- 
cuerunt; castosautem animos, puros, integros, incorruptos, bonis etiam studiis atque 
artibus expolitos leni quodam ac facili lapsu ad deos, id est, ad naturam sui similem 
pervolare — Fragm. Consolat. ex Lactantio — 

^ Cum vero et mares et fecminas complures ex hominibus in deorum numero esse 
videamus et eorum in urbibus atque agris augustissima teiupla veneremur, assentiamur 
eorum sapientiae, quorum ingeniis et inventis oninem vitam legibus et institutis excul- 
tam constitutamque habemus. Quod si ullum unquam animal consecrandum fuit 
illud profecto fuit. Si Cadmi, aut Amphytrionis progenies, aut Tyndari in ccelum 
tollenda fama fuit, huic idem honos certe dicandus est. Quod quidem faciam ; teque 
omnium optimam doctissimamque, approbantibus diis ipsis, in eorum caetu locatam 
ad opinionem omnium mortalium consecrabo. lb. — Vid. Tusc Disp. 1. 1. c. xi. 


-A. Urb. 708. Cic 62 — C. Jul. Cssar Diet. III. M. iEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

he; "it is not possible to divert me from it— if 
" it be not finished this summer, I shall not think 
" myself clear of guilt — I am more religiously 
" bound to the execution of it, than any man ever 
** was to the performance of his vow."* He seems 
to have designed a fabric of great magnificence; for 
he had settled the plan with his architect, and con- 
tracted for pillars of Chian marble, with a sculptor 
of that isle ; where both the work and the materials 
were the most esteemed of any in Greece.f One 
reason that determined him to a temple rather than 
a sepulchre, was, that in the one he was not limited 
in the expense, whereas, in the other, he was con- 
fined by law to a certain sum, which he could not 
exceed, without the forfeiture of the same sum also 
to the public : yet this, as he tells us, was not the 
chief motive, but a resolution, that he had taken, of 
making a proper apotheosis.J The only difficulty 
was, to find a place that suited his purpose : his 

* Fanum fieri volo, neque mihi erui potest. [Ad Att. 12. 56.] Redeo ad Fanum, 
nisi hac restate absolutum erit — scelere me liberatum non putato. [lb. 41.] Ego me 
majore religione, quam quisquamfuit ullius voti, obstrictum puto. lb. 45. 

t De Fano illo die, — neque de genere dubito, placet enim mihi Cluatii. [lb. 18. "J 
Tu tamen cum Apella Chio confice de columnis. [lb. 19.] Vid. Plin. Hist. N. 56. 
5, 6. 

t Nunquam mihi venit in mentem, quo plus insumtum in monumentum esset, quam 
nescio quid, quod lege conceditur, tantundem populo dandum esse : quod non mag- 
nopere moveret, nisi nescio quomodo, akoyox; fortasse. Noilem illud ullo nomine nisi 
Fani appellari. [Att. 12. 55.] Sepulcri similitudinem effugere non tain propter poe- 
nam legis studeo, quam ut maxime assequar aizroSBvtrtv. lb. 56. 

This fact seems to confirm what the author of the book of Wisdom observes on the 
origin of idolatry; that it was owing to the fond affection of parents, seeking to do 
honour to their deceased children. "The father," says he, " oppressed with an un- 
" expected grief for the sudden death of his child, after making an image of him, be- 
" gaii to worship him as a god, though he was but a dead man, and enjoined certain 
'* rites and mysteries to his servants and dependants." [Wisd. xiv. 15.] But it was 
not Cicero's real thought, after all, to exalt his daughter into a deity : he knew it to 
be absurd, as lie often declares, to pay divine honours to dead mortals ; and tells us, 
how their very publicans had decided that question in Boeotia : for, when the lands 
of the immortal gods were excepted out of their lease, by the law of the censors, they 
denied that any one could be deemed an immortal god who had once been a man ; 
and sq made the lands of Amphiaraus and Trophonius pay the same taxes with the 
rest [de Nat. Deor. 5. 19.] : yet, in a political view, he sometimes recommends the 
worship of those sons of men, whom their eminent services to mankind had advanced 
to the rank of inferior gods, as it inculcated, in a manner the most sensible, the doc- 
trine of the soul's immortality, [de Leg. 2. xi.] And since a temple was the most 
ancient way of doing honour to those dead who had deserved it, [Plin. Hist. 27.] 
lie considered it as the most effectual method of perpetuating the memory and praises 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. CaisarDict. III. M. iEmilius Lepidu9. Mag. Equit. 

first thought was to purchase certain gardens cross 
the Tiber, which, lying near the city, and in the 
public view, were the most likely to draw a resort 
of votaries to his new temple. He presses Atticus, 
therefore, to buy them for him, at any rate, without 
regard to his circumstances ; since he would sell, 
or mortgage, or be content to live on little, rather 
than be disappointed. Groves and remote places, 
he says, were proper only for deities of an estab- 
lished name and religion ; but for the deification of 
mortals, public and open situations were necessary, 
to strike the eyes, and attract the notice of the peo- 
ple. But he found so many obstructions in all his 
attempts of purchasing, that, to save trouble and 
expense, Atticus advised him to build, at last, in 
one of his own villas ; to which he seemed inclined, 
lest the summer should pass without doing any 
thing : yet he was irresolute still, which of his villas 
he should choose, and discouraged by reflecting 
on the change of masters to which all private estates 
were exposed, in a succession of ages, which might 
defeat the end of his building, and destroy the ho- 
nour of his temple, by converting it to other uses, 
or suffering it to fall into ruins.* 

But after all his eagerness and solicitude about 
this temple, it was never actually built by him ; 
since we find no mention of it in any of the ancient 
writers ; which could not have been omitted, if a 
fabric so memorable had ever been erected.f It is 

of Tullia, and was willing to take the benefit of the popular superstition, and follow 
the example of those ancients, who had polished and civilized human life, by conse- 
crating such patterns of virtue to the veneration of their fellow-citizens. Vid. Mon- 
gault. not. 1. AdAtt. 12. 18. • 

* Sed ineunda nobis ratio, est, quemadmodum in omni mutatione dominorum, qui 
innumerabiles fieri possunt in infinita posteritate — illud quasi consecratum remanere 
possit. Equidem jam nihil egeo vectigalibus , et par vo contentus esse possum. Co- 
gito interdum trans Tiberim hortos aliquos parare, et quidem ob hanc causam max- 
ime nihil enim video quod tam celebre esse posset. [Ad Att. 12. 19.] de hortis, etiam 
atque etiam te rogo. [ib. 22.] ut saepe locuti sumus, commutationes dominorum re- 
formido. [ib. 36.] celebritatem require Ib. 37. 

t Coelius Rhodiginus- tells us, that in the time of Sixtus the 4th, there was found, 
near Rome, on the Appian way, over against the tomb of Cicero; the body of a wo- 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. iEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Eqiiit. 

likely that, as his grief evaporated, and his mind 
grew more calm, he began to consider his project 
more philosophically, and to perceive the vanity of 
expecting any lasting glory from such monuments, 
which time itself, in the course of a few ages, must 
necessarily destroy : it is certain, at- least, that, as 
he made no step towards building it this summer, 
so Caesar's death, which happened before the next, 
gave fresh obstruction to it, by the hurry of affairs, 
in which it engaged him ; and though he had not 
still wholly dropped the thoughts of it, but con- 
tinued to make a preparation, and to set apart a 
fund for it,* yet, in the short and busy scene of 
life, which remained to him, he never had leisure 
enough to carry it into execution. 

He was now grown so fond of solitude, that all 
company was become uneasy to him ; and when his 
friend Philippus, the father-in-law of Octavius, hap- 
pened to come to his villa, in that neighbourhood, 
he was not a little disturbed at it, from the appre- 
hension of being teazed with his visits ; and he tells 
Atticus, with some pleasure, that he had called 
upon him only to pay a short compliment, and went 
back again to Rome, without giving him any trou- 
ble.! His wife Publilia also wrote him word, that 
her mother and brother intended to wait upon him, 
and that she would come along with them, if he 
would give her leave, which she begged in the most 

man, wlrose hair was dressed up in network of gold, and which, from the inscription, 
was thought to be the body of Tullia. It was entire, and so well preserved by spices, 
as to have suffered no injury from time ; yet when it was removed into the city, it 
mouldered away in three days. But this was only the hasty conjecture of some 
learned of that time, which, for want of authority to support it, soon vanished of it- 
self; for no inscription was ever produced to confirm it, nor has it been mentioned, 
that I know of, by any other author, that there was any sepulchre of Cicero on the 
Appian way. Vid. Ccel. Rhod. Lection, antiq. 1. 3. c. 24. 

* Quod ex istis fructuosis rebus receptum est, id ego ad illud fanum sepositum pu- 
tabam. Ad Att. 15. 15. 

t Milii adliuc nihil prius fuit hac solitudine, quam vereor, ne Philippus tollat : 
heri enim vesperi venerat. lb. 12. 16. 

Quod eram veritus, non obturbavit Philippus ; nam ut heri me salutavit, statim 
Romam profectus est. lb. 18. 



A. Urb. 708. Cic. 02.— C. Jul. Ca-sarDict. III. M. iEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit, 

earnest and submissive terms : but his answer 

was, that he was more indisposed than ever to re- 
ceive company, and would not have them come ; 
and lest they should come without leave, he desires 
Atticus to watch their motions, and give him notice, 
that he might contrive to avoid them.* A denial 
so peremptory confirms what Plutarch says, that 
his wife was now in disgrace with him, on account 
of her carriage towards his daughter, and for seem- 
ing to rejoice at her death ; a crime which, in the 
tenderness of his affliction, appeared to him so hei- 
nous, that he could not bear the thoughts of seeing 
her any more ; and though it was inconvenient to 
him to part with her fortune at this time, yet he re- 
solved to send her a divorce, as a proper sacrifice to 
the honour of Tullia.t 

Brutus, likewise, about this time, took a resolu- 
tion of putting away his wife Claudia, for the sake 
of taking Porcia, Bibuius's widow, and his uncle 
Cato's daughter. But he was much censured for 
this step ; since Claudia had no stain upon her dia- 
meter, was nobly born, the sister of Appius Clau- 
dius, and nearly allied to Pompey ; so that his mo- 
ther, Servilia, though Cato's sister, seems to have 
been averse to the divorce, and strongly in the in- 
terests of Claudia, against her niece. Cicero's ad- 
vice upon it was, that if Brutus was resolved upon 
the thing, he should do it out of hand, as the best 
way to put an end to people's talking, by shewing 
that it was not done out of levity or complaisance 
to the times, but to take the daughter of Cato, 

* Publilia ad me scripsit, matrem suam cum Publilio ad me venturam, et se una, 
si ego paterer : orat multis et supplicibus verbis ut liceat, et ut sibi rescribam — re- 
scripsi, me etiam gravius esse affectum, quam turn, cum illi dixissem, me solum esse 
velle, quare nolle me boc tempore earn ad me venire — te coc nunc rogo ut explores. 
lb. 38. 

t This affair of Publilia's divorce is frequently referred to, though with some ob- 
scurity, in his letters; and we find Atticus employed by him afterwards to adjust 
with the brother Publilius, the time and manner of paying back the fortune. YicL 
Ad Att. 13. 34. 47. 16. 2. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Csesar Diet. III. M. ^Eiuilius Lepidus. Mag.Equit< 

whose name was now highly popular:* which Bru- 
tus soon after complied with, and made Porcia his 

There happened another accident this summer, 
which raised a great alarm in the city ; the surpris- 
ing death of Marcellus, whom Caesar had lately par- 
doned. He had left Mitylene, and was come as far 
as Piraeeus, on his way towards Rome ; where he 
spent a day with his old friend and colleague, Serv. 
Sulpicius, intending to pursue his voyage the day fol- 
lowing by sea ; but in the night, after Sulpicius had 
taken leave of him, on the twenty-third of May, he 
was killed by his friend and client, Magi us, who 
stabbed himself instantly with the same poignard ; 
of which Sulpicius sent the following account to 


" Though I know that the news, which I am go- 
" ing to tell you, will not be agreeable, yet since 
" chance and nature govern the lives of us all, I 
" thought it my duty to acquaint you with the fact, 
" in what manner soever it happened. On the twen- 
" ty-second of May I came by sea from Epidaurus 
" to Piraeeus, to meet my colleague Marcellus, and 
" for the sake of his company, spent that day with 
" him there. The next day, when I took my leave 
" of him, with design to go from Athens into Bceotia, 
" to finish the remaining part of my jurisdiction, he, 
" as he told me, intended to set sail, at the same time, 
" towards Italy. The day following, about four in 
" the morning, when I was preparing to set out from 
" Athens, his friend, P. Postumius, came to let me 
" know, that Marcellus was stabbed by his compa- 
" nion P. Magius Cilo, after supper, and had receiv- 

* A te expecto si quid de Bruto: quanquam Nicias confcetum putabat, sed divor- 
tium non probari. Ad Att. 13. 9. 

Brutus si quid— curabis ut sciam. Cui quidem quam primum agendum puto prae- 
sertini si statuit ; sermunculum enim omnem aut restinxerit aut sedarit. lb 10 

N 2 




A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. .Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit, 

" ed two wounds, the one in his stomach, the other 
" in his head near the ear, but he was in hopes still 
" that he might live; that Magius presently killed 
" himself; and that Marcellus sent him to inform me 
" of the case, and to desire that I would bring some 
physicians to him. I got some together immedi- 
ately, and went away with them before break of 
day : but when I was come near Piraeeus, Acidi- 
nus's boy met me with a note from his master, in 
which it was signified, that Marcellus died a little 
before day. Thus a great man was murdered by a 
base villain ; and he, whom his very enemies had 
spared on the account of his dignity, received his 
death from the hauds of a friend. I went forward, 
however, to his tent, where I found two of his 
" freedmen, and a few of his slaves ; all the rest, they 
" said, were fled, being in a terrible fright, on the 
" account of their master's murder. I was forced to 
carry his body with me into the city, in the same 
litter in which I came, and by my own servants, 
where I provided a funeral for him, as splendid as 
" the condition of Athens would allow. 1 could not 
" prevail with the Athenians to grant a place of bu- 
" rial for him within the city : they said, that it was 
" forbidden by their religion, and had never been in- 
" dulged to any man : but they readily granted what 
" was the most desirable in the next place, to bury 
" him in auy of their public schools that I pleased. 
" I chose a place, therefore, the noblest in the uni- 
" verse, the School of the Academy, where I burnt 
" him ; and have since given orders that the Athe- 
" nians should provide a marble monument for him 
in the same place. Thus I have faithfully per- 
formed to him both when living and dead, every 
duty which our partnership in office, and my par- 
ticular relation to him, required. Adieu. The 
thirtieth of May, from Athens."* 
M. Marcellus was the head of a family, which, for 

* Ep. Fain. 4. 12. 


A. Urb. 708. Cie. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. ^EmiliusLepldus. Mag. Equit. 

a succession of many ages, had made the first figure 
in Rome, and was himself adorned with all the vir- 
tues that could qualify him to sustain that dignity 
which he derived from his noble ancestors. He had 
formed himself in a particular manner for the bar, 
where he soon acquired great fame ; and, of all the 
orators of his time, seems to have approached the 
nearest to Cicero himself, in the character of a com- 
plete speaker. His manner of speaking was elegant, 
strong, and copious ; with a sweetness of voice, and 
propriety of action, that added a grace and lustre to 
every thing that he said. He was a constant ad- 
mirer and imitator of Cicero; of the same principles 
in peace, and on the same side in war; so that Ci- 
cero laments his absence, as the loss of a companion 
and partner in their common studies and labours of 
life. Of all the magistrates, he was the fiercest op- 
poser of Ca?sar's power, and the most active to re- 
duce it; his high spirit, and the ancient glory of his 
house, made him impatient under the thought of re- 
ceiving a master; and when the battle of Pharsalia 
seemed at last to have imposed one upon them, he re- 
tired to Mitylene, the usual resort of men of learn- 
ing ; there to spend the rest of his days in a studious 
retreat; remote from arms, and the hurry of war ; and 
determined neither to seek nor to accept any grace 
from the conqueror. Here Brutus paid him a visit, 
and found him, as he gave an account to Cicero, as 
perfectly easy and happy, under all the misery of 
the times, from the consciousness of his integrity, as 
the condition of human life could bear; surrounded 
with the principal scholars and philosophers of 
Greece, and eager in the pursuit of knowledge; so 
that, in departing from him towards Italy, he seem- 
ed, he said, to be going himself into exile, rather 
than leaving Marcellus in it.* 

* Mihi, irtquit, Marcellus satis est notus. Quid igitur de illojudicas ? — quod lia- 
&turus«s similem tui — ita est, et vehementer placet. Nam et didicit, et omissis ca> 
teris studiis id egit unum, seseque quotidianis commentationibus acerrime exercuit. 
Itaqueetlectis utitur verbis et frequentibus ; et splendore vocis, dignitalc motus fit 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Csesar Diet. III. M. jEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit 

Magius, who killed him, was of a family which 
had borne some of the public offices, and had him- 
self been quaestor;* and, having attached himself 
to the fortunes of Marcel] us, and followed him 
through the wars and his exile, was now returning 
with him to Italy. Sulpicius gives no hint of any 
cause that induced him to commit this horrid act: 
which, by the immediate death of Magius, could 
never be clearly known. Cicero's conjecture was, 
that Magius, oppressed with debts, and apprehend- 
ing some trouble on that score at his return, had 
been urging Marcellus, who was his sponsor for 
some part of them, to furnish him with money to pay 
the whole; and, by receiving a denial, was provoked 
to the madness of killing his patron, f Others assign 
a different reason, as the rage of jealousy, and the 
impatience of seeing others more favoured by Mar- 
cellus than himself. + 

As soon as the news reached Rome, it raised a 
general consternation ; and from the suspicious na- 
ture of the times, all people's thoughts were pre- 
sently turned on Caesar, as if he were privately the 
contriver of it : and from the wretched fate of so 
illustrious a citizen, every man began to think him- 
self in danger: Cicero was greatly shocked at it, 

speciosum et illustre, quod dicitur ; omniaque sic suppctunt, ut ei nullara deesse vir- 
tutem oratoris putem. Brut. 367. 

Dolebani, Patres conscripti, — illoaemulo atque imitatore studiorum meorum, quasi 
quodam socio a me et comite distracto — quis enim est illo aut nobilitate, aut probi- 
tate, autoptimarum artiuni studio, aut innocentia, aut ullo genere laudis praestantior ? 
- — pro Marcel. 1. 

Nostri enim sensus, ut in pace semper, sic turn etiam in bello congruebant. lb. 6. 

Qui hoc tempore ipso — in hoc conimuni nostro et quasi fatali malo, consoletur se 
cum conscientia optima? mentis, turn etiam usurpatione ac renovatione doctrinas. 
Vidi enimMitylenis nuper virum, atque ut dixi, vidi plane virum. Itaque cum eum 
antea tui similem in dicendo viderim: turn vero nunc doctissimo viro, tibique ut in- 
tellexi, amicissimo Cratippo, instructum omni copia, multo videbam similiorem. Brut, 
ib. vid. Senec. Consolat. ad Helv. p.79. 

* Vid. Pigh. Annal. A. U. 691. 

+ Quanquam nihil habeo quod duhitem, nisi ipsi Magio qua? fnerit causa amentia;. 
Pro quo quidem etiam sponsor Sunii factus est. Nimirum id fait. Solvendo enim 
non erat Credo eum a Marcello petiisse aliquid, et ilium, ut erat, constantius re- 
spondisse. Ad Att. 13. 10. 

i Indiguatus aliquem amicorum ab eo sibi praferri. Val. Max. 9. 11. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C.Jul. Czesar Diet. III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equil. 

and seemed to consider it as the prelude of some 
greater evil to ensue: and Atticus, signifying his 
concern upon it, advises him to take a more parti- 
cular care of himself, as being the only consular se- 
nator left, who stood exposed to any envy.* But 
Caesar's friends soon cleared him of all suspicion ; 
as, indeed, the fact itself did, when the circumstances 
came to be known, and fixed the whole guilt of it on 
the fury of Magius. 

There appeared, at this time, a bold impostor, 
who began to make a great noise and figure in Italy, 
by assuming the name, and pretending to be the 
grandson of Caius Marius ; but apprehending that 
Caesar would soon put an end to his pretensions, and 
treat him as he deserved, he sent a pathetic letter 
to Cicero, by some young fellows of his company, to 
justify his claim and descent, and to implore his 
protection against the enemies of his family ; con- 
juring him, by their relation, by the poem which he 
had formerly written in praise of Marius, by the elo- 
quence of L. Crassus, his mother's father, whom he 
had likewise celebrated, that he would undertake 
the defence of his cause : Cicero answered him very 
gravely, that he could not want a patron, when his 
kinsman, Csesar, so excellent and generous a man, 
was now the master of all ; yet that he also should 
be ready to favour him.t But Caesar, at hisretnrn, 
knowing him to be a cheat, banished him out of 
Italy ; since, instead of being what he pretended to 
be, he was found to be only a farrier, whose true 
name was Herophilus. J 

* Minime miror te et graviter ferre dc Marcello, ct plura vcreri periculi genera. 
Quis enim hoc timeret, quod neque acciderat antea, nee yidebatur natura ferre, ut 
aecidere posset. Omnia igitur metuenda, &c. AdAtt. 13. 10. 

t Heri — quidam Urbani, ut videbantur, ad me mandata et litteras attulerunt, a 
C. Mario, C. F. C. N. niultis verbis agere mecmn per cognationem, quaj mihi secum 
esset, per eum Marium, qucm scripsissem, per eloquentiain L. Crassi avi sui, ut se 
det'enderein — rescripsi nihil ei Patrono opus esse, quoniam Caesaris, propinqui ejus, 
onmis potestas esset, viri optiini ct hominls liberalissimi : mo tanien ei fautunuu. — 
Ad Att. 12 49. 

J Herophilus equarius medicus, C. Marium septies Consulera avum sibi vendi- 
cando, itase cxtulit, ut colonia: vcteranoruin complures ct niuuicipia splendida, col- 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. ^Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

Ariarathes, the brother and presumptive heir of 
Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, came to Rome 
this year, and as Cicero had a particular friendship 
with his family, and, when consul, had, by a decree 
of the senate, conferred upon his father the honour 
of the regal title, he thought proper to send a servant 
to meet him on the road, and invite him to his house; 
but he was already engaged by Sestius, whose office 
it then was to receive foreign princes and ambas- 
sadors at the public expense, which Cicero was not 
displeased with in the present state of his domestic 
affairs : " He comes," says he, " I guess, to pur- 
" chase some kingdom of Csesar, for he has not at 
" present a foot of land of his own." * 

Cicero's whole time, during his solitude, was em- 
ployed in reading and writing: this was the business 
both of his days and nights : it is incredible, he says, 
how much he wrote, and how little he slept; and if 
he had not fallen into that way of spending his time, 
he should not have known what to do with himself. \ 
His studies were chiefly philosophical, which he had 
been fond of from his youth, and, after a long inter- 
mission, now resumed with great ardour ; having 
taken a resolution, to explain to his countrymen, in 
their own language, whatever the Greeks had taught 
on every part of philosophy, whether speculative or 
practical : for being driven, as he tells us, from the 
public administration, he knew no way so effectual 
of doing good, as by instructing the minds, and re- 
forming the morals of the youth ; which, in the li- 
cence of those times, wanted every help to restrain 

legiaque fere omnia patronum adoptarent — CEeterum decreto Cresaris extra Italiara 
relegatus, &c, Val. Max. 9. 15. 

* Ariarathes Ariobarzani films Romam venit. Vult, opinor, regnum aliquod 
emere a Csesare : nam, quo modo nunc est, pedem ubi ponat in suo non liabet. Oni- 
nino eum Sestius noster parochus publicus occupavit : quod quidem facile patior. 
Yerumtamen quodmihi, summo beneficiomeo, magna cum fratribus illius neccssitudo 
est, invito eum per litteras, ut apud me diversetnr. Ad Att. 13. 2. 

t Credibile non est, quantum scribam die, quin etiam uoctibus. Nihil enim 
somni. lb. 26. 

Nisi mihi hoc venisset in rnentem, scribere ista nescio quaa, quo verlcrcm rue non 
haberem. lb. 10. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C.Jul. Ceesar Diet. III. M. iEmilius Lepidtis. Mag. Equit.- 

and correct them. " The calamity of the city," says 
he, " made this task necessary to me : since, in the 
' confusion of civil arms, 1 could neither defend it 
' after my old way ; nor, when it was impossible 
' for me to be idle, could I find any thing better, 
' on which to employ myself. My citizens, there- 
' fore, will pardon, or rather thank me, that when 
'the government was fallen into the power of a 
' single person, I neither wholly hid, nor afflicted 
' myself unnecessarily, nor acted in such a manner 
' as to seem angry at the man, or the times ; nor 
' yet flattered or admired the fortune of another, so 
' as to be displeased with my own. For I had learnt 
' from Plato and philosophy, that these turns and 
' revolutions of states are natural: sometimes into 
' the hands of a few, sometimes of the many, some- 
1 times of one : as this was the case of our own Re- 
' public, so, when I was deprived of my former post 
' in it, I betook myself to these studies, in order to 
' relieve my mind from the sense of our common 
' miseries, and to serve my country, at the same 
' time, in the best manner that I was able: for my 
' books supplied the place of my votes in the senate; 
' and of my speeches to the people; and I took up 
' philosophy, as a substitute for my management 
' of the state."* 

He now published, therefore, in the way of dia- 
logue, a book, which he called Hortensius, in honour 
of his deceased friend ; where, in a debate of learn- 
ing, he did, what he had often done in contests of 
the bar, undertake the defence of philosophy against 
Hortensius, to whom he assigned the part of arraign- 
ing it. f It was the reading of this book, long since 
unfortunately lost, which first inflamed St. Austin, 
as he himself somewhere declares, to the study of 

* Divin. 2. 2.— deFin. 1. 3. 

t Cohortati sumus, utmaxime potuimus, ad philosophic studium eo Iibro, qui est 
jnscriptus, Hortensius — de Divin. 2. 1. 

Nos auteni universe philosophic vituperatoribus respondhnus in Hortensio. Tusc. 
Disp. 2. 2. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M.^Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

the Christian philosophy ; and if it had yielded 
no other fruit, yet happy it was to the world that 
it once subsisted, to he the instrument of raising up 
so illustrious a convert and champion to the church 
of Christ.* 

He drew up also, about this time, in four books, 
a particular account and defence of the philosophy 
of the Academy, the sect which he himself followed; 
being, as he says, of all others, the most consistent 
with itself, and the least arrogant, as well as most 
elegant, f He had before published a work, on the 
same subject, in two books : the one called Catulus, 
the other Lucullus ; but, considering that the ar- 
gument was not suited to the characters of the 
speakers, who were not particularly remarkable for 
any study of that sort, he was thinking to change 
them to Cato and Brutus ; when Attic us, happening 
to signify to him that Varro had expressed a desire 
to be inserted in some of his writings, he presently 
reformed his scheme, and enlarged it into four 
books, which he addressed to Varro ; taking upon 
himself the part of Philo, of defending the prin- 
ciples of the Academy, and assigning to Varro that 
of Antiochus, of opposing and confuting them, and 
introducing Atticus as the moderator of the dispute. 
He finished the whole with great accuracy ; so as to 
make it a present worthy of Varro ; and if he was 
not deceived, he says, by a partiality and self-love, 
too common in such cases, there was nothing on the 
subject equal to it, even among the Greeks. J All 

* It is certain, that all the Latin Fathers made great use of Cicero's writings : and 
especially Jerome, who was not so grateful as Austin, in acknowledging the benefit ; 
for, having conceived some scruples, on that score, in his declining age, he endea- 
voured to discourage his disciples from reading them at all ; and declared, that he 
had not taken either Cicero, or Maro, or any heathen writer into his hands for 
above fifteen years ; for which his adversary Ruffinus rallies him very severely. 
Vid. Hieron. Op. Tom. 4. par. 2. p. 414. it. par. 1. p. 2B8. Edict. Benedict. — 

t Quod genus philosophandi minime arrogans, maximeque et constans, et elegans 
arbitraremur, quatuqr Academicis libris ostendimus. DeDivin. 2. 1. 

} Ergo illam 'ft>ta5ti/w.utr,v, in qua homines, nobiles illi quidem, sed nullo modo 
philologi, nimis acute loquuntur, ad Varroncm transfcramus — Catulo ct Lucullo alibi 
reponcmus, — Ad Att. 13. 12. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Csesar Diet. III. M. yEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

these four books, excepting part of the first, are now 
lost; whilst the second book of the first edition, 
which he took some pains to suppress, remains still 
entire, under its original title of Lncullus. 

He published, likewise, this year, one of the no- 
blest of his works, and on the noblest subject in phi- 
losophy, his treatise, called De Finibus, or of the 
chief good and ill of man; written in Aristotle's 
manner;* in which he explained, with great ele- 
gance and perspicuity, the several opinions of all the 
ancient sects on that most important question. It is 
there inquired, he tells us, what is the chief end to 
which all the views of life ought to be referred, in 
order to make it happy; or what it is, which nature 
pursues as the supremegood, and shuns as the worst 
ofills.t The work consists of five books: in the 
two first, the Epicurean doctrine is largely opened 
and discussed, being defended by Torquatus, and 
confuted by Cicero, in a conference, supposed to be 
held in his Cuman Villa, in the presence of Triarius, 
a young gentleman, who came with Torquatus to 
visit him. The two next explain the doctrine of the 
Stoics, asserted by Cato, and opposed by Cicero, in 
a friendly debate, upon their meeting accidentally 
in Lucullus's library. The fifth contains the opini- 
ons of the Old Academy, or the Peripatetics, ex- 
plained by Piso, in a third dialogue, supposed to be 
held at Athens, in the presence of Cicero, his bro- 
ther Quintus, cousin Lucius, and Atticus. The 
critics have observed some impropriety in this last 
book, in making Piso refer to the other two dia- 

Quod ad me de Yarrone scripseras, totam Academiam ab bominibus nobilissimi* 
abstidi ; transtuli gd nostrum sodalem, et ex duobus libris contuli in quatuor — libri 
quidem ita exierunt, (nisi me forte communis <pi\avTia decipit) ut in tali generc ne 
apud Grrecos quidem quicquam simile. lb. 13. vide it. ib. 16. 19. 

* Quae autem liis temporibus seripsi 'ajij-totIxsiov niorem liabent — ita confeci quin- 
que libros wsgl rsXiv. Ib. 19. 

t Turn id, quod his libris quaeritur, quid sit finis, quid extremum quid ultimuin. 
quo sint omnia bene vivendi, recteque faciendi consilia referenda. Quid sequatur 
natura, ut sumrnurn ex rebus expetcudis; quidfucfiat ut extremum malorum. De Fin, 

J. 4, 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C.Jul. CssarDict. III. M. jEmilius Lepidus. Mag.Equit, 

logues, of which he had no share, and could not be 
presumed to have any knowledge.* But if any in- 
accuracy of that kind be really found in this, or any 
other of his works, it may reasonably be excused by 
that multiplicity of affairs, which scarce allowed 
him time to write, much less to revise what he wrote: 
and, in dialogues of length, composed by piece-meal, 
and in the short intervals of leisure, it cannot seem 
strange, that he should sometimes forget his artifi- 
cial, to resume his proper character; and enter in- 
advertently into a part, which he had assigned to 
another. He addressed this work to Brutus, in re- 
turn for a present of the same kind, which Brutus 
had sent to him a little before, a treatise upon virtue. "f 
Not long after he had finished this work, he pub- 
lished another of equal gravity, called his Tusculan 
Disputations, in five books also, upon as many dif- 
ferent questions in philosophy, the most important 
and useful to the happiness of human life. The first 
teaches us how to contemn the terrors of death, and 
to look upon it as a blessing, rather than an evil; the 
second, to support pain and affliction with a manly 
fortitude; the third, to appease all our complaints and 
uneasiness under the accidents of life ; the fourth, 
to moderate all our other passions ; the fifth, to 
evince the sufiiciency of virtue to make man happy. 
It was his custom, in the opportunities of his leisure, 
to take some friends with him into the country ; 
where, instead of amusing themselves with idlesports 
of feasts, their diversions were wholly speculative ; 
tending to improve the mind, and enlarge the under- 
standing. In this manner he now spent five days at 
his Tusculan Villa, in discussing with his friends the 
several questions just mentioned : for, after employ- 
ing the mornings in declaiming and rhetorical exer- 
cises, they used to retire, in the afternoon, into a 
gallery, called the Academy, which he had built for 

* Vid. Praefat. Davis in Lib. de Fin. t De Fin. 1. 3. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. jEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

the purpose of philosophical conferences : where, 
after the manner of the Greeks, he held a school, as 
they called it, and invited the company to call for 
any subject, that they desired to hear explained; 
which being proposed, accordingly, by some of the 
audience, became immediately the argument of that 
day's debate. These five conferences, or dialogues, 
he collected afterwards into writing, in the very 
words and manner in which they really passed, and 
published them under the title of his Tusculan Dis- 
putations, from the name of the Villa, in which they 
were held.* 

He wrote also a little piece, in the way of a Fune- 
ral Encomium, in praise of Porcia; the sister of 
Cato, the wife of Domitius Ahenobarbus, Csesar's 
mortal enemy : which shews how little he was still 
disposed to court the times. Varro and Lollius at- 
tempted the same subject ; and Cicero desires At- 
ticus to send him their compositions : but all the 
three are now lost : though Cicero took the pains to 
revise and correct his, and sent copies of it after- 
wards to Domitius the son, and Brutus the nephew 
of that Porcia. t 

Csesar continued all this while in Spain, pursuing 
the sons of Pompey, and providing for the future 
peace and settlement of the province ; whence he 
paid Cicero the compliment of sending him an ac- 
count of his success with his own hand. Hirtius 
also gave him early intelligence of the defeat and 
flight of the two brothers ; which was not disagreea- 
ble to him; for though he was not much concerned 
about the event of the war, and expected no good 

* In Tusculano, cum essent coniplures mecum familiares — ponere jubebam, de 
quo quis audire vellet ; ad id aut sedens aut ainbulans disputabani. Itaque dierum 
quinque Scbolas, ut Gneci appellant, in totidem libros contuli. Tusc. Disp. 1. 4. 

Itaque cum ante meridiem dictioni operam dedissemus — post meridiem in acade- 
miam descendimus : in qua disputationem babitam non quasi narrantes exponimus, 
sed eisdem fere verbis ut actum disputatumque est. lb. 2. 3. 3. 3. 

t Laudationem Porciae tibi misi correctam : ac eo properavi ; ut si forte aut Dona- 
tio filio aut Bruto mitteretur, base mitteretur. Id si tibi erit commodum, magnopere 
cures velim ; et vclim M. Varronis, Lolliique mittaa laudationem. Ad Att. 13. 48 
It. lb. 37. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Ceesar Diet. III. M. ^milius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

from it on either side, yet the opinion which he had 
conceived of the fierceness and violence of the young 
Pompeys, especially of the elder of them, Cnaeus, 
engaged his wishes rather for Caesar. In a letter to 
Atticus, " Hirtius," says he, " wrote me word, that 
" Sextus Pompey had withdrawn himself from Cor- 
" duba into the hither Spain ; and that Cnaeus too 
" was fled, I know not whither, nor in truth do I 
" care :"* and this indeed seems to have been the 
common sentiment of all the Republicans ; as Cas- 
sius himself, writing to Cicero on the same subject, 
declares still more explicitly; " May I perish," says 
he, " if I be not solicitous about the event of things 
" in Spain; and would rather keep our old and cle- 
" ment master, than try a new and cruel one. You 
" know what a fool Cnaeus is ; how he takes cruelty 
" for a virtue : how he has always thought that we 
" laughed at him : I am afraid, lest he should take 
" into his head to repay our jokes, in his rustic man- 
" ner, with the sword. "j" 

Young Quin tus Cicero, who made the campaign 
along with Caesar, thinking to please his company, 
and to make his fortunes the better amongst them, 
began to play over his old game, and to abuse his un- 
cle again in all places. Cicero, in his account of it 
to Atticus, says, " there is nothing new, but that 
" Hirtius has been quarrelling, in my defence, with 
" our nephew, Quintus, who takes all occasions of 
saying every thing bad of me, and especially at 
public feasts; and when he has done with me, falls 
" next upon his father : he is thought to say nothing 
" so credible, as that we are both irreconcileable to 
" Caesar : that Caesar should trust neither of us ; and 
" even beware of me : this would be terrible, did I 

* Hirtius ad me scripsit, Sex. Poiupeium Corduba exisse, et fugisse in Hispaniam 
citeriorem ; Cnaeum fugisse nescio quo, neque enim euro. Ad Att. 12. 37. 

t Peream, nisi sollicitus sura ? ac malo veterem ac clementem dominum habere, 
quam novum et crudelem experiri. Scis, Cnseus quam sit f'atuus; scis quomodo cru- 
delitatem virtutem putet; scis quam se semper a nobis derisum putet. 

Vereor, ne nos rustice gladio velit ayrifAvurv^ia-at. Ep, Fam. 15. 19. 



A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62. — C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. ^Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

" not see that our king is persuaded that I have no 
" spirit left."* 

Atticus was always endeavouring to moderate 
Cicero's impatience under the present government, 
and persuading him to comply more cheerfully 
with the times, nor to reject the friendship of Cae- 
sar, which was so forwardly offered to him; and 
upon his frequent complaints of the slavery and 
indignity of his present condition, he took occa- 
sion to observe, what Cicero could not but own to 
be true; that if to pay a particular court and ob- 
servance to a man, was the mark of slavery, those 
in power seemed to be slaves rather to him, 
than he to them-t With the same view he was now 
pressing him, among his other works, to think of 
something to be addressed to Caesar ; but Cicero 
had no appetite to this task ; he saw how difficult it 
would be to perform it, without lessening his cha- 
racter, and descending to flattery ; yet being urged 
to it also by other friends, he drew up a letter, which 
was communicated to Hertius and Balbus, for their 
judgment upon it, whether it was proper to be sent 
to Caesar? The subject seems to have been some 
advice, about restoring the peace and liberty of the 
Republic, and to dissuade him from the Parthian 
war, which he intended for his next expedition, tilt 
he had finished the more necessary work of settling 
the state of things at home. There was nothing in 
it, he says, but what might come from the best of 
citizens. It was drawn, however, with so much 
freedom, that though Atticus seemed pleased with 
it, yet the other two durst not advise the sending it, 
unless some passages were altered or softened, which 
disgusted Cicero so much, that he resolved not to 

* Novi sane nihil, nisi Hirtium cum Quinto acerrime pro me litigasse ; omnibus 
eum locis facere, maximeque in eonviviis ; cum multa de me, turn redire ad patrem : 
nihil autein ab eo tarn a£io7r»Waij dici, quam alienissimos nos esse a Cajsare; fidem 
nobis habendam non esse : me vero cavendum. ^>oBe^iv h, nisi viderem scire Regem, 
me animi nihil habere. Ad Att. 13. 37. 

t Et si mehercule, ut tu intelligis, magis mihi isti seryiunt, si observare servire 
e*t. Ad Att. 13. 49. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. /Emilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

write at all ; and when Atticus was still urging* him 
to be more complaisant, he answered with great 
spirit in two or three letters.* 

" As for the letter to Caesar," says he, " I was 
" always very willing that they should first read it ; 
" for otherwise, I had both been wanting in civility 
" to them, and, if I had happened to give offence, 
" exposed myself also to danger. They have dealt 
" ingenuouslv and kindlv with me, in not concealing; 
" what they thought; but what pleases me the most 
" is, that, by requiring so many alterations, they 
" give me an excuse for not writing at all. As to 
" the Parthian war, what had I to consider about 
" it, but that which I thought would please him ? 
" for what subject was there else for a letter, but 
" flattery? or if I had a mind to advise, what I really 
" took to be the best, could I have been at a loss for 
" words? there is no occasion, therefore, for any 
" letter : for where there is no great matter to be 
" gained, and a slip, though not great, may make us 
" uneasy, what reason is there to run any risk? 
" especially when it is natural for him to think, that 
" as I wrote nothing to him before, so I should have 

written nothing now, had not the war been wholly 

ended: besides, I am afraid lest he should imagine 
" that I sent this as a sweetener for my Cato : in 
" short, I was heartily ashamed of what I had writ- 
" ten, and nothing could fall out more luckily than 
" that it did not please."t 

Again, " As for writing to Caesar, I swear to you, 
" I cannot do it ; nor is it yet the shame of it that 
" deters me, which ought to do it the most : for how 

* Epistolam ad Crcsarem mitti, video tibi placere — mihi quidem hoc idem max- 
ime placuit, et eo magis, quod nihil est in ea nisi optimi civis ; sed ita optimi, ut 
tempora, quibus parere omnes to-oXitixoi praecipiunt. Sed scis ita nobis esse visum, 
ut isti ante legerent. Tu igitur id curabis. Sed nisi plane intelliges iis placere, 
niittendanon est. Ad. Att. 12. 51. 

De epistola ad Caesarem, ksh^uco,. Atque id ipsum, quod isti aiunt ilium scribere, 
se, nisi constitutis rebus, non iturum in rarthos, idem ego suadebam in ilia epistola. 
lb. 13. 31. 

t Ad Att. 13. -27. 



A. Urb. 708. Cie. 62.— C. Jul. Caesar Diet, III. M. ^Erailius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

! mean would it be to flatter, when even to live is 
1 base in me ? but it is not, as I was saying, this 
shame which hinders me, though I wish it did, for 
; I should then be, what I ought to be ; but I can 
think of nothing to write upon. As to those ex- 
hortations addressed to Alexander by the elo- 
quent and the learned of that time, you see on 
what points they turn : they are addressed to a 
youth, inflamed with the thirst of true glory, and 
desiring to be advised how to acquire it. On an 
occasion of such dignity, words can never be want- 
ing ; but what can I do on my subject ? Yet I had 
scratched, as it were, out of the block, some faint 
resemblance of an image ; but because there were 
some things hinted in it, a little better than what 
we see done every day, it was disliked : I am not 
at all sorry for it ; for had the letter gone, take 
my word for it, I should have had cause to repent. 
Fordo you not see that very scholar of Aristotle, 
a youth of the greatest parts and the greatest mo- 
desty, after he came to be called a king, grow 
proud, cruel, extravagant? Do you imagine that 
this man, ranked in the processions of the gods, 
and enshrined in the same temple with Romulus, 
will be pleased with the moderate style of my 
letters? It is better that he be disgusted at my 
not writing, than at what I write: in a word, let 
him do what he pleases ; for that problem, which 
I once proposed to you, and thought so difficult, 
in what way I should manage him, is over with 
me ; and in truth, I now wish more to feel the 
effect of his resentment, be it what it will, than I 
was before afraid of it." * "I beg of you, there- 
fore," says he in another letter, " let us have no 
more of this, but shew ourselves at least half 
free, by our silence and retreat." f 

* Ad Att. 13. 28. 

t Obsecro, abjiciamus ista ; et semiliberi sallcm simus ; quo J assequeinur et ta- 
cendo, et latendo. — lb. 31. 



A.Urb. 708. Cic. 6"2.~~ C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. JEmMim Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

From this little fact, one cannot help reflecting 
on the fatal effects of arbitrary power upon the 
studies and compositions of men of genius, and on 
the restraint that it necessarily lays on the free 
course of good sense and truth among men. It had 
yet scarce shewn itself in Rome, when we see one 
of the greatest men, as well as the greatest wits, 
which that Republic ever bred, embarrassed in the 
choice of a subject to write upon \ and, for fear of 
offending, choosing not to write at all ; and it was 
the same power, which, from this beginning, gra- 
dually debased the purity both of the Roman\vit 
and language, from the perfection of elegance, to 
which Cicero had advanced them, to that state of 
rudeness and barbarism, which we find in the pro- 
ductions of the lower empire. 

This was the present state of things between 
Caesar and Cicero ; all the marks of kindness ou 
Caesar's part, of coldness and reserve on Cicero's. 
Caesar was determined never to part with his power, 
and took the more pains, for that reason, to make 
Cicero easy under it ; he seems, indeed, to have 
been somewhat afraid of him ; not of his engaging in 
any attempt against his life ; but lest, by his insinu- 
ations, his railleries, and his authority, he should 
excite others to some act of violence : but what he 
more especially desired and wanted, was to draw 
from him some public testimony of his approbation ; 
and to be recommended by his writings to the fa- 
vour of posterity. 

Cicero, on the other hand, perceiving no step 
taken towards the establishment of the Republic, 
but more and more reason every day to despair of 
it, grew still more indifferent to every thing else : 
the restoration of public liberty was the only con- 
dition on which he could entertain any friendship 
with Caesar, or think and speak of him with any 
respect : without that, no favour could oblige him ; 
since, to receive them from a master, was an affront 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Cjesar Diet. III. M. JEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

to his former dignity, and but a splendid badge of 
servitude : books, therefore, were his only comfort; 
for while he conversed with them, he found himself 
easy, and fancied himself free: thus, in a letter to 
Cassius, touching upon the misery of the times, he 
adds — " What is become then, you will say, of 
"philosophy? why, yours is in the kitchen; but 
" mine is troublesome to me : for I am ashamed to 
" live a slave ; and feign myself therefore to be doing 
" something else, that I mav not hear the reproach 
" of Plato."* 

During Caesar's stay in Spain, Antony set forward 
from Italy, to pay his compliments to him there, or 
to meet him at least on the road in his return to- 
wards home : but when he had made about half of 
the journey, he met with some despatches, which 
obliged him to turn back, in all haste, to Rome. 
This raised a new alarm in the city ; and especially 
among the Pompeians, who were afraid that Caesar, 
having now subdued all opposition, was resolved, 
after the example of former conquerors, to take his 
revenge in cool blood on all his adversaries ; and 
had sent Antony back, as the properest instrument 
to execute some orders of that sort. Cicero himself 
had the same suspicion, and was much surprised at 
Antony's sudden return ; till Balbus and Oppius 
eased him of his apprehensions, by sending him an 
account of the true reason of it:| which, contrary 
to expectation, gave no uneasiness at last to any 
body, but to Antony himself. Antony had bought 
Pompey's houses in Rome, and the neighbourhood, 
with all their rich furniture, at Caesars auction, 
soon after his return from Egypt ; but, trusting to 
his interest with Caesar, and to the part which he 

* Ubi igitur, inquies, Philosophia ? tua quidem in culina ; mea niolesta est. 
Pudet enim servire. Itaque facio me alias res agere, ne convicium Platonis audiam. 
Ep. Fam. 15. 18. 

t Heri cum ex aliorum littcris ccgnovissem de Antonii adventu, admiratus sum 
nihil esse in tuis. Ad Att. 12. 18. 

De Antonio Balbus quoque ad me cum Oppio conscripsit, idque, tibi placuisse, 
ne perturbarer. Illis egi gratlas. — lb. 19. 



A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62.— C. Jul. Cassar Diet. III. M. iEmilius Lepidus. Mag. Equit, 

had borne iu advancing him to his power, never 
dreamt of being obliged to pay for them ; but Caesar, 
being disgusted by the account of his debauches and 
extravagances in Italy, and resolved to shew him- 
self the sole master, nor suffer any contradiction 
to his will, sent peremptory orders to L. Plancus, 
the praetor, to require the immediate payment of 
Antony, or else to levy the money upon his sureties, 
according to the tenor of their bond. This was the 
cause of his quick return, to prevent that disgrace 
from falling upon him, and find some means of com- 
plying with Caesar's commands : it provoked him, 
however, to such a degree, that, in the height of his 
resentment, he is said to have entered into a design 
of taking away Caesar's life ; of which Caesar himself 
complained openly in the senate.* 

The war being ended in Spain, by the death of 
Cnaeus Pompey and the flight of Sextus, Caesar fi- 
nished his answer to Cicero's Cato, in two books, 
which he sent immediately to Rome, in order to be 
published. This gave Cicero, at last, the argument 
of a letter to him, to return thanks for the great ci- 
vility with winch he had treated him in that piece, 
and to pay his compliments likewise, in his turn, 
upon the elegance of the composition. This letter 
was communicated again to Balbus and Oppius, 
who declared themselves extremely pleased with it, 
and forwarded it directlv to Caesar. In Cicero's ac- 
count of it to Atticus, " I forgot," says he, " to send 
" you a copy of what I wrote to Caesar : not for the 
"■ reason, which you suspect, that I was ashamed to 
" let you see how well I could flatter : for, in truth, 
" I wrote to him no otherwise than as if I was writ- 
" ing to an equal; for I really have a good opinion of 

* Appellatuses de pecunia, quam pro domo, pro horlis, prosectione debebas. — et 
ad teetadpraedestuoa milites ruisit. [Phil. 2. 29.]idcirco urbem terrore noctumo, Ita- 
lian) multornm die-rum metu perturbasti — ne L. Plancus prredes tuos venderet — [lb. 
31.] qiiin hisipsis temporibus domi Csesaris percussor ab isto missus, deprehensus di- 
cebatur esse cum sica. De quo Caesar in Seriatu, aperte in te iuvchens, questus est. 
lb. 29. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62,— C. Jul. Caesar Diet. III. M. ^miiius Lepidus. Mag. Equit. 

" his two books, as I told you, when we were toge- 
" ther; and wrote, therefore, both without flattering 
" him, and yet so, that he will read nothing, I be- 
" lieve, with more pleasure."* 

A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62. Coss.— Q. Fabius Maximus. C. Trebonius. 

CjEsar returned to Rome about the end of Sep- 
tember; when, divesting himself of the consulship, 
he conferred it on Q. Fabius Maximus, and C. Tre- 
bonius, for the three remaining months of the year.f 
His first care, after his arrival, was to entertain the 
city with the most splendid triumph which Rome 
had ever seen; but the people, instead of admiring 
and applauding it, as he expected, were sullen and 
silent ; considering it, as it really was, a triumph 
over themselves ; purchased by the loss of their li- 
berty, and the destruction of the best and noblest 
families of the Republic. They had before given 
the same proof of their discontent at the Circensiau 
games, where Caesar's statue, by a decree of the se- 
nate, was carried in the procession, along with those 
of the gods : for they gave none of their usual accla- 
mations to the favourite deities, as they passed, lest 
they should be thought to give them to Caesar. At- 
ticus sent an account of it to Cicero, who says, ie 
answer to him, " Your letter was agreeable, though 
" the show was so sad : — the people, however, be- 
" haved bravely who would not clap even the god- 
" dess Victory, for the sake of so bad a neighbour. "J 

* Conscripsi de his libris epistolam Caesari, qua; deferretur ad Dolabellam: sed 
ejus exemplum misi ad Balbum et Oppium, scripsique ad eos, ut turn deferri ad Do- 
labellam juberent uieas litteras, si ipsi exemplum probassent, ita niihi rescripseruHt, 
nihil unquam se legisse melius. Ad Att. 13. 50. 

Ad Caesarem qui misi epistolam, ejus exemplum fugit me turn tibi mittere ; nee id 
fuit quod suspicaris, ut me puderet tui — nee mehercule scripsi aliter, ac si 7rjo: la-ov 
opoiov que scriberem. Bene enim existimo de illis libris, ut tibi coram. Itaque 
scripsi et a.Ko'kanivTt»s, ettainen sic, ut nihil eum existimem lecturum libentius. lb. 51. 

+ Utroque anno binos consules substituit sibi in ternos novissimos menses. Suet. 
J. Ca-s. 76. 

f Suavcs tuas litteras! etsi acerba pompa — popultim vcro praeclttrum, quod piop^ 
ter tain malum vicinum, ne victorias ploditur. Ad Att. 13. 44. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62. Coss.— Q. Fabius Maximus. C. Trebonius. 

Caesar, however, to make amends for the unpopula- 
rity of his triumph, and to put the people into good 
humour, entertained the whole city, soon after, with 
something more substantial than shows — two public 
dinners, with plenty of the most esteemed and costly 
wines of Chios and Falernum.* 

Soon after Caesar's triumph, the consul Fabius, 
one of his lieutenants in Spain, was allowed to tri- 
umph too, for the reduction of some parts of that 
province, which had revolted : but the magnificence 
of Caesar made Fabius's triumph appear contempti- 
ble ; for his models of the conquered towns, which 
were always a part of the show, being made only of 
Avood, when Caesar's were of silver or ivory, Chry- 
sippus merrily called them the cases only of Ccesar's 

Cicero resided generally in the country, and with- 
drew himself wholly from the senate :f but, on Cae- 
sar's approach towards Rome, Lepidus began to 
press him, by repeated letters, to come and give them 
his assistance ; assuring him, that both he and Cae- 
sar would take it very kindly of him. He could not 
guess for what particular service they wanted him, 
except the dedication of some temple, to which the 
presence of-three augurs was necessary.^ But what- 
ever it was, as his friends had long been urging the 
same advice, and persuading him to return to public 
affairs, he consented, at last, to quit his retirement 
and come to the city ; where, soon after Caesar's arri- 
val, he had an opportunity of employing his autho- 

* Quid non et Caesar dictator triumphi sui coena vini Falerni amphoras, Chii cados 
in convivia distribuit ? idem in Hispaniensi triumpho Chium et Falernum dedit. 
Plin. Hist. 14. 15. 

Adjecitpost Hispaniensem victoriam duo prandia. Sueton. 38. 

t Ut Chrysippus, cum in triumpho Csesaris eborea oppida essent translata, et post 
dies paucos Fabii Maxinii lignea, thecas esse oppidorum Caesaris dixit. Quintil. 6. 3. 
Dio, 234. 

$ Cum his temporibus non sane in Senatum ventitarem. Ep. Fam. 13. 77. 

§ Ecce tibi.orat Lepidus, ut veniam. Opinor augures nil habere ad Templum 
effandum. Ad Att. 13. 42. 

Lepidus ad me heri— litteras rrrisit. Rogat magnopere ut sim Kalend. in Senatu, 
me et sibi et Crcsari vehementergratum esse facturum. lb. 47. 


A, Urb. 708. Cic. 62. Coss. — Q. Fabius Maximus. C. Trebonius. 

rity and eloquence, where he exerted them always 
with the greatest pleasure, in the service and defence 
of an old friend, king Deiotarus. 

This prince had already been deprived, by Cae- 
sar, of part of his dominions, for his adherence to 
Pompey, and was now in danger of losing the rest, 
from an accusation preferred against him by his 
grandson, of a design pretended to have been formed 
by him against Caesars life, when Caesar was en- 
tertained at his house, four years before, on his re- 
turn from Egypt. The charge was groundless and 
ridiculous ; but, under his present disgrace, any 
charge was sufficient to ruin him ; and Caesar's coun- 
tenancing it, so far as to receive and hear it, shewed 
a strong prejudice against the king, and that he 
wanted only a pretence for stripping him of all that 
remained to him. Brutus likewise interested him- 
self very warmly in the same cause; and when he 
went to meet Caesar on his road from Spain, made 
an oration to him, at Nicaea, in favour of Deiotarus, 
with a freedom which startled Caesar, and gave him 
occasion to reflect on what he had not perceived so 
clearly before, the invincible fierceness and vehe- 
mence of Brutus's temper.* The present trial was 
held in Caesar's house, where Cicero so' manifestly 
exposed the malice of the accuser, and the innocence 
of the accused, that Caesar, being determined not to 
acquit, yet ashamed to condemn him, chose the ex- 
pedient of reserving his sentence to farther delibe- 
ration, till he should go in person into the east, and 
inform himself of the whole affair upon the spot. 
Cicero says, that Deiotarus, neither present nor ab- 
sent, could ever obtain any favour or equity from 
Caesar : and that as often as he pleaded for him, 

* Ad Att. 14. 1. The Jesuits, Catrou and Rouilie, take Nicaea, where Brutus 
made this speech, to be the capital of Bithynia, Deiotarus's kingdom : but it was a 
city on the Ligurian coast, still called Nice, where Brutus met Caesar on his last re- 
turn from Spain, and when he was not able to prevail for Deiotarus, Cicero was 
forced to undertake the cause as soon as Caesar came to Rome. Vid. Hist. Tom. 17. 
p. 91. not. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic.62. Coss.— Q. Fabius Maximu*. C.Trebomus. 

which he was always ready to do, he could never 
persuade Caesar to think any thing reasonable that 
he asked for him.* He sent a copy of his oration to 
the king; and, at Dolabella's request, gave another 
likewise to him : excusing it as a trifling perform- 
ance, and hardly worth transcribing; " but I had a 
" mind," says he, " to make a slight present to my 
" old friend and host, of coarse stuff indeed, yet such 
" as his presents usually are to me."t 

Some little time after this trial, Caesar, to shew 
his confidence in Cicero, invited himself to spend a 
day with him at his house in the country, and chose 
the third dav of the Saturnalia for his visit ; a sea- 
son always dedicated to mirth and feasting amongst 
friends and relations.^ Cicero gives Atticus the fol- 
lowing account of the entertainment, and how the 
day passed between them : — " O this guest," says 
he, " whom I so much dreaded ! yet I had no rear 
" son to repent of him : for he was well pleased with 
" his reception. When he came the evening before, 
" on the eighteenth, to my neighbour Philip's, the 
" house was so crowded with soldiers, that there 
was scarce a room left empty for Caesar to sup in: 
there were about two thousand of them, which 
gave me no small pain for the next day : but Barba 
Cassius relieved me; for he assigned me a guard, 
*' and made the rest encamp in the field: so that my 
" house was clear. On the nineteenth, he staid at 
" Philip's till one in the afternoon, but saw nobody ; 
" was settling accounts, I guess, with Balbus ; then 
*' took a walk on the shore ; bathed after two ; heard 

* Quis enim cuiquam inhnicitiqr, quam Deiotaro Caesar ? — a quo nee praesens, ncc 
absens Rex Deiotarus quidquam asqui boni impetravit — ille nunquam, semper enim 
absenti affui Deiotaro, quicquam sibi, quod nos pro illo postularemus, a-quuin dixit 
videri. Philip. 2. 37. 

t Oratiunculain pro Deiotaro, quam roquirebas — tibi misi. Quam velim sic Iegas, 
ut causam tcnuem et inopem, nee scriptione magno opere dignam. Sed cgohospiti 
veteri et amico munusculum iuittere volui levidense, crasso lilo, cujusmodi ipsius so- 
lent esse munera. Ep. Fam. 9. 1 2. 

X Tlw,s festival, after C«sar's reformation of the Ualendar, begau on the 17th De- 
cember, ani lasted three days. Macrob. Saturn. 1. x. 




A.Urb. 708. Cic. 62. Coss.— -Q. Fabius Maximus. C. Trebonius. 

" the verses on Mamurra,* at which he never 
" changed countenance ; was rubbed, anointed, sat 
" down to table. Having taken a vomit just before, 
" he eat and drank freely, and was very cheerful :f 
" the supper was good and well served : 

" But our discourse at table, as we eat, 

" For taste and seasoning still excell'd our meat.}; 

" Besides Caesar's table, his friends were plentifully 
" provided for in three other rooms ; nor was there 
" any thing wanting to his freedmen of lower rank, 
" and his slaves ; but the better sort were elegantly 
" treated. In a word, I acquitted myself like a 
" man : yet, he is not a guest to whom one would say, 
" at parting, pray call upon me again, as you return: 
" once is enough : we had not a word on business, 

* Mamurra was a Roman knight, and general of the artillery to Caesar, in Gaul ; 
■where he raised an immense fortune, and is said to have been the first man in Rome, 
who incrusted his house with marble, and made all his pillars of solid marble. [Plin. 
Hist. 36. 6.] He was severely lashed, together with Ceesar himself, for his excessive 
luxury, and more infamous vices, by Catullus ; whose verses are still extant, and the 
same, probably, that Cicero here refers to, as being first read to Caesar at his house. 
Vid. Catull. 27. 55. 

The reader, perhaps, will not readily understand the time and manner of Caesar's 
passing from Philip's house to Cicero's in this short account of it: but it must be re- 
membered, that their villas were adjoining to each other on the Formian coast, near 
Cajeta; so that when Caesar came out of Philip's at one, he took a walk on the 
shore for about an hour, and then entered into Cicero's : where the bath was prepared 
for him, and, in bathing, he heard Catullus's verses ; not produced by Cicero, for 
that would not have been agreeable to good manners, but by some of his own friends, 
who attended him, and who knew his desire to see every thing that was published 
against hiin, as well as his easiness in slighting or forgiving it. 

t The custom of taking a vomit, both immediately before and after meals, which 
Cicero mentions Caesar to have done on different occasions, [pro Deiot. 7.] was very 
common with the Romans, and used by -them as an instrument both of their luxury 
and of their health : they vomit, says Seneca, that they may eat, and eat that they 
may vomit. [Consol. ad Helo. 9.] By this evacuation before eating, they were 
prepared to eat more plentifully ; and by emptying themselves presently after it, pre- 
vented any hurt from repletion. Thus Vitellius, who was a famous glutton, is said 
to have preserved his life by constant vomits, while he destroyed all his companions, 
who did not use the same caution. [Sueton. ^.2. Dio. 65. 734.] And the practice 
was thought so effectual for strengthening the constitution, that it was the constant 
regimen of ajl the Atjiletae, or the professed wrestlers, trained for the public shows, in 
order to make them more robust- So that Caesar's vomiting before dinner was a sort 
of compliment to Cicero, as it intimated a resolution to pass the day cheerfully, and 
to eat and drink freely with him. 

t This is a citation from Lucilius, of an hexameter verse, with part of a second, 
which is not distinguished from the text, in the editions of Cicero's Letters. 

Sed bene cocto ct condito aermone bono, et si queens libeiUcr. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62. Coss.— Q. Fabius Maximus. C. Trebonius. 

" but many on points of literature: in short, he was 
" delighted with his entertainment, and passed the 
" day agreeably. He talked of spending- one day 
" at Puteoli; another at Baiae. Thus youseethe man- 
" ner of my receiving him ; somewhat troublesome, 
" indeed, but not uneasy to me. I shall stay here a 
" little longer, and then to Tusculum. As he pass- 
" ed by Dolabella's villa, his troops marched close 
" by his horse's side, on the right and left; which 
" was done no where else. I had this from Ni- 

" cias."* 

On tlielast of December, when the consul Trebo- 
nius was abroad, his colleague, Q. Fabius, died sud- 
denly ; and his death being declared in the morning, 
C. Caninius Rebilus was named by Caesar to the va- 
cancy at one in the afternoon, whose office was to 
Continue only through the remaining part of that day. 
This wanton profanation of the sovereign dignity of 
the empire, raised a general indignation in the city ; 
and a consulate so ridiculous gave birth to much 
raillery, and many jokes, which are transmitted to 
us by the ancients ;f of which, Cicero, who was the 
chief author of them, gives us the following speci- 
men, in his own account of the fact. 


" I no longer either advise or desire you to come 
li home to us, but want to fly some whither myself, 
" where I may hear neither the name nor the acts of 
" these sons of Pelops. It is incredible how meanly 
" I think of myself, for being present at these trans- 
" actions. You had surely an early foresight of 
" what was coming on, when you ran away from this 
'" place : for though it be vexatious' to hear of such 
" things, yet that is more tolerable than to see them. 
" It is well that vou were not in the field, when, at 

* Ad Att. 13. 52. t Macrob. Saturu. 2. 3. Dio, p. 236. 


A. Urb. 708. Cic. 62. Coss.— Q. Fabius Maximus. C. Trebonius. 

" seven in the morning, as they were proceeding to 
" an election of quaestors, the chair of Q. Maximus, 
" whom they called consul,* was set in its place; but 
" his death being immediately proclaimed, it was 
" removed ; and Caesar, though he had taken the au- 
" spices for an assembly of the tribes, changed it to 
" an assembly of the centuries, and at one in the af- 
" ternoon, declared a new consul, who was to govern 
" till one the next morning. I would have you to 
" know, therefore, that whilst Caninius was consul, 
" nobody dined : and that there was no crime com- 
** mitted in his consulship, for he was so wonder- 
«f fully vigilant, that through his whole administra- 
*- tion he never so much as slept. These things seem 
" ridiculous to you, who are absent; but, were you 
" to see them, you would hardly refrain from tears. — 
" What if I should tell you the rest ? For there are 
" numberless facts of the same kind, which I could 
" never have borne, if I had not taken refuge in the 
" port of philosophy, with our friend Atticus, the 
" companion and partner of my studies," &cf 

Caesar had so many creatures and dependants, 
who expected the honour of the consulship from 
him, as the reward of their services, that it was im- 
possible to oblige them all in the regular way, so that 
he was forced to contrive the expedient of splitting 
it, as it were, into parcels, and conferring it for a 
few months, or weeks, or even days, as it happen- 
ed to suit his convenience : and, as the thing itself 
was now but a name, without any real power, it was 
of little moment for what term it was granted ; since 
the shortest gave the same privilege with the longest, 
and a man once declared consul, enjoyed ever after 
the rank and character of a consular senator. J 

* Cicero would not allow a consul of three months, so irregularly chosen, to be 
properly called a consul : nor did the people themselves acknowledge him : for, as 
Suetonius tells us, [in J. Caes. 80.] when, upon Fabius's entrance into the theatre, 
his officers, according to custom, proclaimed his presence, and ordered the people to 
make way for the consul, the whole assembly cried out " He is no consul." 
t Ep. Fam. 7. 30. J Vid. Dio, p. 240. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Cssar V. M. Anlonius. 

On the opening of the new year, Caesar entered 
into his fifth consulship, in partnership with M. An- 
tony: he had promised it all along- to Dolabella, 
but, contrary to expectation, took it at last to him- 
self. This was contrived by Antony, who, jealous 
of Dolabella, as a rival in Caesar's favour, had been 
suggesting somewhat to his disadvantage, and la- 
bouring to create a diffidence of him in Caesar ; 
which seems to have been the ground of what is 
mentioned above, — Caesar's guarding himself so par- 
ticularly, when he passed by his villa. Dolabella 
was sensibly touched with this affront, and came 
full of indignation to the senate ; where, not daring 
to vent his spleen on Caesar, he entertained the as- 
sembly with a severe speech against Antony, which 
drew on many warm and angry words between 
them ; till Caesar, to end the dispute, promised to 
resign the consulship to Dolabella, before he went 
to the Parthian war: but Antony protested, that, 
by his authority as augur, he would disturb that 
election, whenever it should be attempted;* and de- 
clared, without any scruple, that the ground of his 
quarrel with Dolabella, was for having caught him 
in an attempt to debauch his wife Antonia, the 
daughter of his uncle : though that was thought to 
be a calumny, contrived to colour his divorce with 
her, and his late marriage with Fulvia, the widow 
of Clodius.f 

Caesar was now in the height of all his glory, and 
dressed, as Florus says, in all his trappings, like a 
victim destined to sacrifice.;]: He had received from 
the senate the most extravagant honours, both hu- 
man and divine, which flattery could invent ; a tem- 
ple, altar, priest; his image carried in procession 

* Cum Caesar ostendisset, se, priusquam proficisceretur, Dolabellam Consulem 
esse jussurum— hie bonus Augur eo se sacerdotio praeditum esse dixit, ut coniitia 
auspiciisvel impedire vel vitiare posset, idque se facturum assevcravit. Philip. 2. M. 

t Frequentissirao Senatu — liauc tibi esse cum Dolabella causanJ odii dicere ausus 
es, quod ab eo, sorori et uxori tuae stuprum oblatum esse comperisses. Philip. 2. 38. 

X Quae omnia, velut infuke, in dcstinalam Diorti vjctimara cotigcicbantur. I. 4. 
2. 92. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius. 

with the gods ; his statue among the kings ; one 
of the months called after his name, and a perpe- 
tual dictatorship.* Cicero endeavoured to restrain 
the excess of this complaisance, within the bounds 
of reason,f but in vain ; since Caesar was more for- 
ward to receive, than they to give ; and, out of the 
gaiety of his pride, and to try, as it were, to what 
length their adulation would reach, when he was 
actually possessed of every thing which carried with 
it any real power, was not content still without a 
title, which could add nothing but envy, and popu- 
lar odium, and wanted to be called a king. Plu- 
tarch thinks it a strange instance of folly in the peo- 
ple, to endure, with patience, all the real effects of 
kingly government, yet declare such an abhorrence 
to the name. But the folly was not so strange in 
the people as it was in Caesar: it is natural to the 
multitude to be governed by names, rather than 
things, and the constant art of parties to keep up 
that prejudice ; but it was unpardonable, in so great 
a man as Caesar, to lay so much stress on a title, 
which, so far from being an honour to him, seemed 
to be a diminution rather of that superior dignity 
which he already enjoyed. 

Among the other compliments that were paid to 
him, there was a new fraternity of Luperci insti- 
tuted to his honour, and called by his name, of 
which Antony was the head. Young Quintus Ci- 
cero was one of this society, with the consent of his 
father, though to the dissatisfaction of his uncle, 
who considered it not only as a low piece of flattery, 
but an indecency for a young man of family to be 
engaged in ceremonies so immodest, of running 
naked and frantic about the streets. J The festival 
was held about the middle of February ; and Caesar, 
in his triumphal robe, seated himself in the rostra, 

* Flor. ib. Sueton. J. Caes. 76- t Plut. in Cees. 

t Quintus Pater quartum vel potius miilesimum nihil sapit, qui laetetur Luperco 
filio et Statio, ut ccrnat duplici dedecore cumulatain domum. Ad Att. 1?. 5. 


A. Urb.709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius. 

in a golden chair, to see the diversion of the run- 
ning ; where, in the midst of their sport, the consul 
Antony, at the head of his naked crew, made him 
the oner of a regal diadem, and attempted to put 
it on his head ; at the sight of which a general groan 
issued from the whole Forum ; till, upon Caesar s 
slight refusal of it, the people testified their joy, by 
an universal shout. Antony, however, ordered it 
to be entered in the public acts, that, by the com- 
mand of the people, he had offered the kingly name 
and power to Caesar, and that Caesar would not ac- 
cept it.* 

While this affair of the kingly title amused and 
alarmed the city, two of the tribunes, Marulius and 
Caesetius, were particularly active in discouraging 
every step and attempt towards it ; they took off the 
diadem which certain persons had privately put 
upon Caesar's statue, in the rostra, and committed 
those to prison who were suspected to have done it, 
and publicly punished others for daring to salute 
him in the streets by the name of king ; declaring, 
that Caesar himself refused and abhorred that title. 
This provoked Caesar beyond his usual temper and 
command of himself, so that he accused them to 
the senate, of a design to raise a sedition against 
him, by persuading the city, that he really affected 
to be a king : but when the assembly was going to 
pass the severest sentence upon them, he was con- 
tent with deposing them from their magistracy, and 
expelling them from the senate,^ which convinced 
people still the more of his real fondness for a name 
that he pretended to despise. 

He had now prepared all things for his expedition 
against the Parthians ; had sent his legions before 

* Sedebat in Rostris collega tuus, amictus toga purpurea, in sella aurea, coronatus: 
adscendis, accedis ad sellam — diadenia ostendis : gemitus toto foro — tu diadema im- 
ponebas cum plangore populi, ille cum plausu rejiciebat — at enim adscribi jussit in 
Fastis ad Lupercalia, C. Caesari, Dictatori perpetuo M. Antonium Consulem populi 
jussu regnum detulisse, Csesarem uti noluisse. [Philip. 2. 54. J Quod ab eo ita re- 
pulsum erat, ut non offensus videretur. Veil. Pat. 2. 56. 

t Sueton. J. Cees. 79. Dio, p. 245- -A pp. 1. 2. p. 496. Veil. Pat. 2. 68. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius. 

him into Macedonia ; settled the succession of all 
the magistrates for two years to come ;* appointed 
Dolabella to take his own place, as consul of the 
current year; named A. Hirtius and C. Pansa for 
consuls of the next ; and D. Brutus and Cn. Plan- 
cus for the following year : but before his depar- 
ture, he resolved to have the regal title conferred 
upon him by the senate, who were too sensible of 
his power, and obsequious to his will, to deny him 
any thing : and to make it the more palatable, at 
the same time, to the people, he caused a report to 
be industriously propagated through the city, of an- 
cient prophecies found in the Sibylline books, that 
the Parthians could not be conquered but by a king ; 
on the strength of which, Cotta, one of the guardians 
of those books, was to move the senate, at their next 
meeting, to decree the title of king to him.f Cicero, 
speaking afterwards of this design, says — It was ex- 
pected that some forged testimonies would be pro- 
duced, to shew that he, whom we had felt in reality 
to be a king, should be called also by that name, 
if we would be safe ; but let us make a bargain 
with the keepers of those oracles, that they bring 
any thing out of them rather than a king, which 
neither the gods nor men will ever endure again at 
Rome. J 

One would naturally have expected, after all the 
fatigues and dangers through which Caesar had made 
his way to empire, that he would have chosen to 
spend the remainder of a declining life in the quiet 
enjoyment of all the honours and pleasures which 
absolute power, and a command of the world, could 

* Etiamne Consules et Tribunos plebis in biennium, quos ille voluit ? Ad Att. 
14. 6. 

t Proximo autem Senatu, L. Cottam quindecimvirum sententiara dicturum ; ut 
quoniam libris fatalibus contineretur, Parthos non nisi a Rege posse vinci, Caesar 
Rex appellaretur. Sueton. c. 79. Dio, p. 247. 

$ Quorum interpres nuper falsa quaedam hominum fama dicturus in Senatu puta- 
Ijatur, eum, quern re vera Regem habebamus, appellandum quoque esse Regem, si 
salvi esse vellemus — cum antistitibus agamus, ut quidvis potius ex illis libris, quam 
Regem proferant, quern Remse poslhac nee Dii nee bomines esse patientnr. Dc 
Divin. 2. 54. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. <>3. Coss.— C. Julius Casar V. M. Antonius. 

bestow : but, in the midst of all this glory, he was 
a stranger still to ease : he saw the people generally 
disaffected to him, and impatient under his govern- 
ment ; and though amused awhile with the splen- 
dour of his shows and triumphs, yet regretting se- 
verely, in cool blood, the price that they had paid 
for them ; the loss of their liberty, with the lives of 
the best and noblest of their fellow-citizens. This 
expedition, therefore, against the Parthians, seems 
to have been a political pretext for removing himself 
from the murmurs of the city, and leaving to his 
ministers the exercise of an invidious power, and 
the task of taming the spirits of the populace; 
whilst he, by employing himself in gathering fresh 
laurels in the east, and extending the bounds and 
retrieving the honour of the empire against its most 
dreaded enemy, might gradually reconcile them to 
a reign that was gentle and clement at home, suc- 
cessful and glorious abroad. 

But his impatience to be a king defeated all his 
projects, and accelerated his fate, and pushed on 
the nobles, who had conspired against his life, to 
the immediate execution of their plot, that they 
might save themselves the shame of being forced to 
concur in an act which they heartily detested :* and 
the two Brutuses, in particular, the honour of whose 
house was founded in the extirpation of kingly go- 
vernment, could not but consider it as a personal 
infamy, and a disgrace to their very name, to suffer 
the restoration of it. 

There were above sixty persons said to be en- 
gaged in this conspiracy,! the greatest part of them 
of the senatorian rank ; but M. Brutus and C. Cas- 
sius were the chief in credit and authority, the first 
contrivers and movers of the whole design. 

M. Junius Brutus was about one and forty years 

* Quae causa conjuratis fuit maturandi destinata ncgotia, ne assentiri uecesse esset. 
Sueton. J. Caes. 80. Dio, p. 247. 

t Conspiratum est in euni a Sexaginta araplius, C. Cassio, Marcoque et Decimo 
Bruto principibus couspirationis. hueton. 80. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius. 

old, of the most illustrious family of the Republic, 
deriving his name and descent in a direct line from 
that first consul, L. Brutus, who expelled Tarquin* 
and gave freedom to the Roman people.* Having 
lost his father when very young, he was trained with 
great care by his uncle Cato, in all the studies of 
polite letters, especially of eloquence and philoso- 
phy, and, under the discipline of such a tutor, im- 
bibed a warm love for liberty and virtue. He had 
excellent parts, and equal industry, and acquired 
an early fame at the bar; where he pleaded several 
causes of great importance, and was esteemed the 
most eloquent and learned of all the young nobles 
of his age. His manner of speaking was correct, 
elegant, judicious, yet wanting that force and copi- 
ousness which is required in a consummate orator. 
But philosophy was his favourite study; in which, 
though he professed himself of the more moderate 
s^ect of the old academy, yet, from a certain pride 
and gravity of temper, he affected the severity of the 
stoic, and to imitate his uncle Cato, to which he 
was wholly unequal : for he was of a mild, merci- 
ful, and compassionate disposition ; averse to every 
thing cruel, and was often forced, by the tenderness 
of his nature, to confute the rigour of his principles. 
While his mother lived in the greatest familiarity 
with Caesar, he was constantly attached to the op- 

* Some of the ancient writers call in question this account of Brutus's descent ; 
particularly Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the most judicious and critical of them, 
who alleges several arguments against it, which seem to be very plausible : yet, 
while Brutus lived, it was universally allowed to him. Cicero mentions it, in his 
public speeches, and other writings, as a fact that nobody doubted; and often 
speaks of the image of old Brutus, which Marcus kept in his house, among those of 
his ancestors : and Atticus, who was peculiarly curious in the antiquities of the Ro- 
man families, drew up Brutus's genealogy for him, and deduced his succession from 
that old hero, in a direct line, through all the intermediate ages, from father to son* 
Corn Nep. vit. Att. 18. — Tusc. Disp. 4. t. 

He was born in the consulship of L. Cornelius China III. and Cn. Papirius Carbo, 
A. U. 668. which fully confutes the vulgar story of his being commonly believed to 
be Caesar's son ; since he was but fifteen years younger than Caesar himself; whose 
familiarity with his mother, Servilia, cannot be supposed to have commenced till 
many years after Brutus was born, or not till Caesar had lost his first wife Cornelia, 
whom he married when he was very young, and always tenderly loved ; and whose 
filneral oration he made when he was quaestor, and consequently thirty years old. 
Vid. Sueton. J. Cass. c. 1. 6. 50. It. Brut. p. 34o. 447. et Corradi notas. 



A. Urb. 709, Cic. 63. Coss.-^-C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antoain*. 

posite party, and firm to the interests of liberty : for 
the sake of which he followed Pompey, whom he 
hated, and acted on that side with a distinguished 
zeal. At the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar gave parti- 
cular orders to find out and preserve Brutus ; being 
desirous to draw him from the pursuit of a cause 
that was likely to prove fatal to him ; so that when 
Cato, with the rest of the chiefs, went to renew the 
war in Afric, he was induced, by Caesar's generosity, 
and his mother's prayers, to lay down his arms, and 
return to Italy. Caesar endeavoured to oblige him 
by all the honours which his power could bestow : 
but the indignity of receiving from a master, what 
he ought to have received from a free people, shocked 
him much more than any honours could oblige ; and 
the ruin, in which he saw his friends involved, by 
Caesar's usurped dominion, gave him a disgust, which 
no favours could compensate. He observed, there- 
fore, a distance and reserve through Caesar's reign ; 
aspired to no share of his confidence, or part in his 
councils ; and, by the uncourtly vehemence with 
which he defended the rights of King Deiotarus, 
convinced Caesar that he could never be obliged, 
where he did not find himself free. He cultivated, 
all the while, the strictest friendship with Cicero, 
whose principles, he knew, were utterly averse to 
the measures of the times, and in whose free con- 
versation he used to mingle his own complaints, on 
the unhappy state of the Republic, and the wretched 
hands into which it was fallen: till, animated by 
these conferences, and confirmed by the general 
discontent of all the honest, he formed the bold de- 
sign of freeing his country by the destruction of 
Caesar. He had publicly defended Milo's act of 
killing Clodius, by a maxim which he maintained to 
be universally true, that those who live in defiance of 
the laws, and cannot be brought to a trial, ought 
to betaken off without atrial. The case was ap- 
plicable to Caesar in a much higher degree than to 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Ca-sar V. M. Antonius. 

Clodius, whose power had placed him above the 
reach of the law, and left no way of punishing him, 
but by an assassination. This, therefore, was Bru- 
tus's motive ; and Antony did him the justice to say, 
that he was the only one of the conspiracy who en- 
tered into it out of principle; that the rest, from pri- 
vate malice, rose up against the man, he alone against 
the tyrant.* 

C. Cassius was descended likewise from a family 
not less honourable or ancient, nor less zealous for 
the public liberty, than Brutus's: whose ancestor, 
Sp. Cassius, after a triumph and three consulships, 
is said to have been condemned, and put to death by 
his own father, for aiming at a dominion. He shewed 
a remarkable instance, when a boy, of his high spirit 
and love of liberty ; for he gave Sylla's son, Faustus, 
a box on the ear, for bragging, among his school- 
fellows, of his father's greatness and absolute power ; 
and when Pompey called the boys before him, to 
give an accouut of their quarrel, he declared, in his 
presence, that if Faustus should dare to repeat the 
words, he would repeat the blow. He was quaestor 
to Crassus, in the Parthian war, where he greatly 
signalized both his courage and skill ; and if Crassus 
had followed his advice, would have preserved the 
whole army ; but, after their miserable defeat, he 
made good his retreat into Syria, with the remains of 
the broken legions ; and when the Parthians, flushed 
with success, pursued him thither, soon after, and 
blocked him up in Antioch, he preserved that city 

* Natura admirabilis, et exquisita doctrina, et singularis industria. Cum cnim ' 
in maxiruis causis versatus esses — [Brut. 26.] quo magis tuum, Brute, judicium pro- 
bo, qui eoruni, id est, ex vetere academia, philosopborum sectam secutus es, quo- 
rum in doctrina et praeceptis disserendi ratio conjungitur cum suavitate dicendi et 
copia. [Brut. 219.] Nam cum inambularem in Xysto — M. ad me Brutus, ut con- 
sueverat, cum T. Pomponio venerat — [Brut. 15.] turn Brutus— itaque doleo et illius 
consilio et tuavoce populum Rom. carere tamdiu. Quod cum per se dolendum est, 
turn multo magis consideranti, ad quos ista non translate suit, sed nescio quo pacto 
devenerint. Brut. 269. 

'AX\' 'AvIom'ou ye xm TToXXoi;; a.x.ova-a.1 Xjyovro?, i? /ixo'vov otot-ro BgouTov tiriQto-Bat KaiVagi, 
ltfpa.y§h?a. tr, Xa/nfffo'-nili x«i w tyamfAivoi Ka\i -rnj 7rjtt^£a'f. Vict Plut. ill Brut. p. 
997. it. App. p. 498. 



A. Ui-b. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius.Caesar V. M. AiUoniiu. 

and province from falling into their hands ; and, 
watching his opportunity, gained a considerable vic- 
tory over them, with the destruction of their general. 
In the civil war, after the battle of Pharsalia, he 
sailed with seventy ships to the coast of Asia, to 
raise fresh forces in that country, and renew the war 
against Caesar ; but, as the historians tell us, hap- 
pening to meet with Caesar crossing the Helles- 
pont, in a common passage-boat, instead of de- 
stroying him, as he might have done, he was so 
terrified by the sight of the conqueror, that he 
begged his life, in an abject manner, and delivered 
up his fleet to him. But Cicero gives us a hint of 
a quite different story, which is much more proba- 
ble, and worthy of Cassius ; that, having got in- 
telligence where Caesar designed to land, he lay 
in wait for him, in a bay of Cilicia, at the mouth 
of the river Cydnus, with a resolution to destroy 
him ; but Caesar happened to land on the opposite 
shore before he was aware, so that, seeing his pro- 
ject blasted, and Caesar secured in a country, where 
all people were declaring for him, he thought it 
best to make his own peace too, by going over to 
him with his fleet. He married Tertia, the sister 
of Brutus, and though differing in temper and phi- 
losophy, was strictly united with him in friendship 
and politics, and the constant partner of all his 
counsels. He was brave, witty, learned ; yet pas- 
sionate, fierce, and cruel : so that Brutus was the 
more amiable friend — he the more dangerous enemy. 
In his latter years he deserted the stoics, and be- 
came a convert to Epicurus, whose doctrine he 
thought more natural and reasonable ; constantly 
maintaining, that the pleasure which their master 
recommended, was to be found only in the habi- 
tual practice of justice and virtue. While he pro- 
fessed himself, therefore, an Epicurean, he lived like 
a stoic ; was moderate in pleasures, temperate in 
diet, and a water-drinker through life. He at- 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.—C. Julius CsesarY. M. Antonius. 

tacbed himself very early to the observance of Cicero, 
as all the young nobles did, who had any thing 
great or laudable in view : this friendship was con- 
firmed by a conformity of their sentiments in the 
civil war, and in Caesars reign ; during which, seve- 
ral letters passed between them, written with a 
freedom and familiarity, which is to be found only 
in the most intimate correspondence. In these letters, 
though Cicero rallies his Epicureanism, and change 
of principles, yet he allows him to have acted always 
with the greatest honour and integrity ; and plea- 
santly says, that he should begin to think that sect 
to have more nerves than he imagined, since Cassius 
had embraced it. The old writers assign several 
frivolous reasons of disgust, as the motives of his 
killing Caesar: that Caesar took a number of lions 
from him, which he had provided for a public show ; 
that he would not give him the consulship ; that he 
gave Brutus the more honourable praetorship, in pre- 
ference to him. But we need not look farther for 
the true motive, than to his temper aud principles: 
for his nature was singularly impetuous and violent, 
impatient of contradiction, and much more of sub- 
jection, and passionately fond of glory, virtue, li- 
berty : it was from these qualities that Caesar appre- 
hended his danger; and, when admonished to beware 
of Antony and Dolabella, used to say, that it was 
not the gay, the curled, andthe jovial, whom he had 
cause to fear, but the thoughtful, the pale, and the 
lean ; meaning Brutus and Cassius.* 

* C Cassius in ea familia natus, quae non modo domiuatum, sed lie potentiara 
quidem cujusquaui ferre potuit. £Philip. 2. 11.] Quera ubi priumra niagistralu 
abiit, damnatumque constat. Sunt qui patrcm actorem ejus supplicii ferant. Eum 
cognita dorai causa, verberasse ac necassc, peculiumque filii Cereri consecravisse. 
[L\v. 2. 41.] Cujus filium, Faustum, C. Cassius condiscipulum suiun iu 
scviptioneui paternain laudantem — colapho percussit, [Va. Max. o. 1. vid. Plut. 
in Brut.] Reliquias legionura C Cassius — Quaestor conservavit, Syriamque adco 
in populi Romani potestate retinuit, ut transgressos, in eum Parthus, fi-lici ri-rum 
cventu fugarct ac funderet. [Veil. Pat. "2. 46. it. Philip, xi. 14.] o : Jl e^yov Irteov 
r,yjZ[JL3.i ~uyr,'; iv Ln'o^ji Jcai^M yEvs^ai jUaXXov, ri KaTO-tn t;v TroXE^jKiuraTSV Efri rcn;p2v Sooo- 
ju/'jovt* a.vTct^a.7H.2vjy KaiVaji i-wri/yoUTa, |U.w8' \% yeTpa; 1x9e:'v IvTOTrnva.;^ o S' outw; EauTov 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Cicsar V. .M. Antonius. 

The next in authority to Brutus and Cassius, 
though very different from them in character, were 
Decimus Brutus and C. Trebonius : they had both 
been constantly devoted to Caesar, and were singu- 
larly favoured, advanced, and entrusted by him in all 
his wars : so that, when Caesar marched first into 
Spain, he left them to command the siege of Mar- 
seilles — Brutus by sea, Trebonius by land ; in which 
they acquitted themselves with the greatest courage 
and ability, and reduced that strong place to the ne- 
cessity of surrendering at discretion. Decimus was 
of the same family with his name-sake, Marcus ; 
and Caesar, as if jealous of a name that inspired an 
aversion to kings, was particularly solicitous to gain 
them both to his interest, and seemed to have suc- 
ceeded to his wish in Decimus ; who forwardly em- 
braced his friendship, and accepted all his favours; 
being named by him to the command of Cisalpine 
Gaul, and to the consulship of the following year, 
and the second heir even of his estate, in failure of 
the first. He seems to have had no peculiar cha- 
racter of virtue, or patriotism, nor any correspon- 
dence with Cicero, before the act of killing Caesar; 
so that people, instead of expecting it from him, were 
surprised at his doing it ; yet he was brave, gene- 
rous, magnificent, and lived with great splendour, in 
the enjoyment of an immense fortune ; for he kept a 
numerous baud of gladiators, at his own expense, for 
the diversion of the city ; and, after Caesar's death, 

Tunv. [Ap. % 483. it. Dio, 1. 4<2. 188. Sueton. J. Caes. 63.] C. Cassius— sine his 
clarissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad ostium tluminis Cydni confecisset, si ille ad 
earn ripam, quam constituerat, non ad contrariam naves appulisset. [Philip. 2. 11.] 
e quibus Brutuni aniieum habere malles, inimicum magis timeres Cassium. [Veil. 
Pat. 2. 72.] xtiovr.v vero et a-r»pa£i'av virtute, justitia, rS naXx parari, et verum ct. pro- 
babile est. Ipse enim Epicurus — dicit out icr-riv nSsa'j anu tw xaXSj xa.1 lixaiwq, {>jy. 
[Ep. Fam. 15. 19.] Cassius tota vita aquam bibit. [Senec. 547.] Quanquam 
quicum Icquor? cum uno fortissimo viro; qui postea quam forum attigisti, nihil fe- 
dsti nW\ plenissfrninri amplissimal dignitatis. In i«ta ipsa alois-u meiuo ne plus ner; 
voram sit, quam ego putarim, si modo earn tu probas. [Ep. Fan). 15. 36. J piffe; 
rendo ConsulatumCassium oflFehderat. Veil. i'at. 2. 56. it. Plut. in Brut. Ami. 408. 


A, Urb. 709. Cic. 60. Coss. — C. Julius Cajsar V. M. Antonius. 

spent about four hundred thousand pounds of his 
own money, in maintainingan army against Antony.* 

Trebonius had no family to boast of, but was 
wholly a new man, and the creature of Caesars 
power, who produced him, through all the honours 
of the state, to his late consulship of three months. 
Antony calls him the son of a buffoon ; but Cicero, 
of a splendid knight. He was a man of parts, pru- 
dence, integrity, humanity ; was conversant also in 
the politer arts, and had a peculiar turn to wit and 
humour; for, after Caesar's death, he published a vo- 
lume of Cicero's sayings, which lie had taken the 
pains to collect ; upon which Cicero compliments 
him, for having explained them with great elegance, 
and given them a fresh force and beauty, by his hu- 
mourous manner of introducing them. As the histo- 
rians have not suggested any reason that should move 
either him or Decimus to the resolution of killing a 
man, to whom they were infinitely obliged, so we 
may reasonably impute it, as Cicero does, to a great- 
ness of soul, and superior love of their country, 
which made them prefer the liberty of Rome to the 
friendship of any man; and choose rather to be the 
destroyers, than the partners of a tyranny.t 

The rest of the conspirators were partly young 
men, of noble blood, eager to revenge the ruin of 
their fortunes and families : partly men obscure, 
and unknown to the public ;* yet, whose fidelity 

* Adjectis etiam consiliariis caidis, familiarissimis omnium, et fortuna partium ejus 
in summuni evectis fastigium, D. Bruto et C. Trebonio, aliisque clari nominis viris, 
[Veil. Pat. 2. 56.] Pluresque percursorum in tutoribus filii nomiuavit : Dccimum 
Brutum etiam in secundis heredibus. [Sueton. J. Caes. 83.] Vid. des. Comm. de 
Bell, civil. 1. 2. Plut. in Brut. App. p. 497. 518. Dio, I. 44. 247, &c. D. Bru- 
tus — cum Cjtsaris primus omnium amicorum fuisset, interfector fuit. Veil. Pat. 2. C4. 

t Scurrwo filium appellat Antonius. Quasi vero ignotis nobis fuerit splendidus 
Eques Romanus Trebonii pater. [Philip. 13. 10.] Trebonii — consilium, ingenium, 
humanitatem, innocentiam, magnitudinem animi in patria liberanda quis ignorat ? 
[Philip, xi. 4.] liber iste, quem mihi misisti, quantam habet declarationem anions 
tui? primum, quod tibi fatetum videtur quicquid ego dixi, quod aliis fortasse non 
item : deinde, quod ilia sive faceta sunt, sive sic fiunt narrante te venustissinia. Quin 
etiam antequam ad me veniatur, risus oninispame consumitur, &c. [Ep. Fain. 15. 21. 
it. 12. 16.] Qui libertatem popnli Komani unius amicitise praeposuit, dcpulsorque 
doniinalus,quam partieeps esse maluit. Philip. 2. 11. 

Jlri tot homhubus, partim ohscurb, partim adolesccntibus, &c. Philip. 1. 11. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Cassar V. M. Antowtfs. 

and courage had been approved by Brutus and 
Cassius. It was agreed by them all, in council, to ex- 
ecute their design in the senate, which was summon- 
ed to meet on the Ides, or fifteenth of March : they 
knew, that the senate would applaud it when done, 
and even assist, if there was occasion, in the doing 
it;*' and there was a circumstance which peculiarly 
encouraged them, and seemed to be even ominous ; 
that it happened to be Pompey's senate-house, in 
which their attempt was to be made, and where 
Caesar would, consequently, fall at the foot of Pom- 
pey's statue, as a just sacrifice to the manes of that 
great man.f They took it also for granted, that the 
city would be generally on their side, yet, for their 
greater security, D. Brutus gave orders to arm his 
gladiators that morning, as if for some public show, 
that they might be ready, on the first notice, to se- 
cure the avenues of the senate, and defend them 
from any sudden violence ; and Pompey's theatre, 
which adjoined to his senate-house, being the pro- 
perest place for the exercise of the gladiators, would 
cover all suspicion that might otherwise arise from 
them. The only deliberation that perplexed them, 
and on which they were much divided, was, whether 
they should not kill Antony also, and Lepidus, to- 
gether with Caesar; especially Antony, the more 
ambitious of the two, and the more likely to create 
fresh danger to the commonwealth. Cassius, with 
a majority of the company, was warmly for killing 
him; but the two Brutuses as warmly opposed, and 
finally overruled it; they alleged, that to shed 
more blood than was necessary, would disgrace 
their cause, and draw upon them an imputation of 
cruelty ; and of acting not as patriots, but as the 
partisans of Pompey ; not so much to free the city, 
as to revenge themselves on their enemies, and get * 

* i'C t2v @cu\svtz:'j, el Ha. y.r, r rTfc[/.i.'boii\i, 'st^v/a.c/:;, on jSoisv -rl Cfy n i o-yvswiXn^-o/xi- 
voov. App. 49^. 

tPostquam Senatus idibus Martiisin Pompeii curiam edictus. est, facile tern ■ . 
pt lociun pratuleruat. Sue'ton. t$0. 


A. Urb. 709. Ck. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Csesar V. M. Antonius. 

the dominion of it into their hands. But what 
weighed with them the most, was a v,ain persuasion, 
that Antony would be tractable, and easily recon- 
ciled, as soon as the affair was over : but this lenity 
proved their ruin ; and, by leaving their work im- 
perfect, defeated all the benefit of it ; as we find 
Cicero afterwards often reproaching them in his 
letters * 

Many prodigies are mentioned by the historians 
to have given warning of Caesar's death :f which, 
having been forged by some, and credulously re- 
ceived by others, were copied, as usual, by all, to 
strike the imagination of their readers, and raise an 
awful attention to an event, in which the gods were 
supposed to be interested. Cicero has related one 
of the most remarkable of them ; that as Caesar was 
sacrificing, a little before his death, with great pomp 
and splendour, in his triumphal robes, and golden 
chair, the victim, which was a fat ox, was found to 
be without a heart: and when Caesar seemed to be 
shocked at it, Spurinna, the Haruspex, admonished 
him to beware, lest through a failure of counsel, his 
life should be cut off, since the heart was the seat 
and source of them both. The next day he sacri- 
ficed again, in hopes to find the entrails more propi- 
tious ; but the liver of the bullock appeared to want 
its head, which was reckoned also among the dire- 
ful omeus.J These facts, though ridiculed by Ci- 

* Plut. in Cass. App. 499. 502. Dio, 247, 248. Quam vellem ad illas pulcherri- 
mas epulas me Idibus Martiis invitasses. Reliquiarum nihil haberemus. Ep. Fara. 
x. 28. 12. 4. ad Brut. 2. 7. 

t Sed Cffisari futura caades evidentibus prodigiis denunciata est, &c. Sueton. 81. 
Plut. in vit. 

J De Divin. 1. 52. 2. 1(5. These cases of victims found sometimes without a 
heart or liver, gave rise to a curious question among those who believed the reality 
of this kind of divination, as the stoics generally did, how to account for the cause 
of so strange a phenomenon. The common solution was, that the gods made such 
changes instantaneously, in the moment of sacrificing, by annihilating or altering 
the condition of the entrails so, as to make them correspond with the circumstances 
of the sacrificer, and the admonition which they intended to give. [De Divin. ib.j 
But this was laughed at by the naturalists, as wholly unphilosophical, who thought 
it absurd to imagine, that the Deity could either annihilate or create; either reduce 
any thing to nothing, or form any thing out of nothing. What seems the most pro- 


A. Urb. 709. Cic 63. Coss.— C Julius Caesar V. M. Antonim. 

cero, were publicly affirmed and believed at the 
time, and seem to have raised a general rumour 
through the city, of some secret danger that threat- 
ened Caesar's life ; so that his friends, being alarmed 
at it, were endeavouring to instil the same appre- 
hension into Caesar himself; and had succeeded so 
far, as to shake his resolution of going that day to 
the senate, when it was actually assembled, by his 
summons, in Pompey's senate-house; till D. Bru- 
tus, by rallying those fears, as unmanly and unwor- 
thy of him, and alleging, that his absence would 
be interpreted as an affront to the assembly, drew 
him out against his will, to meet his destined fate.* 

In the morning of the fatal day, M. Brutus and 
C. Cassius appeared, according to custom, in the 
Forum, sitting in their praetorian tribunals, to hear 
and determine causes; where, though they had dag- 
gers under their gowns, they sat with the same calm- 
ness, as if they had nothing upon their minds; till 
the news of Caesar's coming out to the senate called 
them away to the performance of their part in the 
tragical act, which they executed, at last, with such 
resolution, that, through the eagerness of stabbing 
Caesar, they wounded even one another. f 

Thus fell Caesar, on the celebrated Ides of March, 
after he had advanced himself to a height of power, 
which no conqueror had ever attained before him ; 
though, to raise the mighty fabric, he had made more 
desolation in the world, than any man, perhaps, who 
ever lived in it. He used to say, that his conquests 
in Gaul had cost about a million and two hundred 
thousand lives ;J and if we add the civil wars to the 

bable, is, that if the facts really happened, they were contrived by Caesar's friends;, 
and the heart conveyed away by some artifice, to give them a bettor pretence of 
enforcing their admonitions, and putting Cajsar upon his guard against dangers, 
which they really apprehended, from quite different reasons, than the pretended 
denunciations of the gods. 

* Plut. in J. Caes. 

1 lb. in Brut. App. '1. SO. - ). « 

| Uudecies ccntcna el nonaginta duo houiiiiuni inillia pegisa piaeiiis ab co — quod 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius. 

account, they could not cost the Republic much less, 
in the more valuable blood of its best citizens : yet 
when, through a perpetual course of faction, vio- 
lence, rapine, slaughter, he had made his way at last 
to empire, he did not enjoy the quiet possession of 
it above five months.* 

He was endowed with every great and noble qua- 
lity that could exalt human nature, and give a man 
the ascendant in society : formed to excel in peace, 
as well as war : provident in counsel ; fearless in 
action ; and executing what he had resolved with 
an amazing celerity : generous beyond measure to 
his friends ; placable to his enemies ; and for parts, 
learning, eloquence, scarce inferior to any man. His 
orations were admired for two qualities, which are 
seldom found together, strength and elegance : Ci- 
cero ranks him among the greatest orators that Rome 
ever bred : and Quintilian says, that he spoke with 
the same force with which he fought; and if he had 
devoted himself to the bar, would have been the only 
man capable of rivalling Cicero. Nor was he a mas- 
ter only of the politer arts, but conversant also with 
the most abstruse and critical parts of learning; and, 
among other works which he published, addressed 
two books to Cicero, on the analogy of language, or 
the art of speaking and writing correctly.^ He was 
a most liberal patron of wit and learning, whereso- 
ever they were found ; and, out of his love of those 
talents, would readily pardon those who had em- 
ployed them against himself; rightly judging, that 
by making such men his friends, he should draw 
praises from the same fountain, from which he had 

ita esse confessus est ipse, bellorum civilium stragem non prodendo. Plin. Hist. 
7. 25. 

* Neque ill! tanto viro— plusquam quinque mensium principalis quies contigit. 
Veil. Pat. 2. 56. 

t It was in the dedication of this piece" to Cicero, that Csesar paid him the compli- 
ment, which Pliny mentions, of his having acquired a laurel, superior to that of all 
triumphs, as it was more glorious to extend the bounds of the Roman wit, than of 
their empire. Hist. N. 7.30. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. AntoniuJ. 

been aspersed. His capital passions were ambition, 
and love of pleasure, which he indulged in their turns 
to the greatest excess : yet the first was always pre- 
dominant, to which he could easily sacrifice all the 
charms of the second, and draw pleasure even from 
toils and dangers, when they ministered to his glory. 
For he thought tyranny, as Cicero says, the greatest 
of goddesses, and had frequently in his mouth a 
verse of Euripides, which expressed the image of his 
soul, that if right and justice were ever to be violated, 
they were to be violated for the sake of reigning. 
This was the chief end and purpose of his life; the 
scheme that he had formed from his early youth ; 
so that, as Cato truly declared of him, he came with 
sobriety and meditation to the subversion of the Re- 
public. He used to say, that there were two things 
necessary to acquire and to support power — soldiers 
and money, which yet depended mutually on each 
other: with money, therefore, he provided soldiers, 
and with soldiers extorted money: and was of all 
men the most rapacious in plundering both friends 
and foes ; sparing neither prince nor state, nor tem- 
ple, nor even private persons, who were known to 
possess any share of treasure. His great abilities 
would necessarily have made him one of the first 
citizens of Rome; but, disdaining the condition of 
a subject, he could never rest till he had made him- 
self a monarch. In acting this last part, his usual 
prudence seemed to fail him, as if the height, to 
which he was mounted, had turned his head, and 
made him giddy; for, by a vain ostentation .of his 
power, he destroyed the stability of it ; and, as 
men shorten life by living too fast, so, by an intem- 
perance of reigning, he brought his reign to a vio- 
lent end,*' 

* De Caesare et ipse ifa judico — ilium omnium fere Oratorum latino loqui clegan- 
(ishiine — et id — lmiltis litteris, et iis quidera reconditis et exquisitis, summoque stu- 
dio ac diligentia est consecutus. — [Brut. 570.] C. vero Csesar si foro tantuiu va- 
cassfct, non alius ex nostris contra Ckeioncm nominarelur, tanta in eo vis est, id 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius. 

It was a common question after his death, and 
proposed as a problem by Livy, whether it was of 
service to the Republic that he had ever been born.* 
The question did not turn on the simple merit of 
his acts, for that would bear no dispute, but on the 
accidental effects of them ; their producing the set- 
tlement under Augustus, and the benefits of that 
government, which was the consequence of his ty- 
ranny. Suetonius, who treats the characters of the 
Caesars with that freedom, which the happy reigns 
in which he lived indulged, upon balancing the ex- 
act sum of the virtues and vices, declares him, on 
the whole, to have been justly killed ;f which ap- 
pears to have been the general sense of the best, the 
wisest, and the most disinterested in Rome, at the 
time when the fact was committed. 

The only question which seemed to admit any 
dispute was, whether it ought to have been com- 
mitted by those who were ihe leaders in it;J some 
of whom owed their lives to'Csesar, and others had 
been loaded by him with honours to a degree that 
helped to increase the popular odium ; particularly 

acumen, ca concitatio, ut ilium eoden animo dixisso, quo bellavit, appareat. [Quin- 
til. x. 1.] C Ca;sar, in libris, quos ad M. Ciceronem de analogia conscripsit. — [A. 
Gell. 19. 8.] Quin etiam in maximis occupationibus cum ad te ipsum, inquit, de 
ratione latine loquendi accuratissime scripserit. [Unit. 370. vid. it. Sueton. 56.] 
In Csesare hasc sunt, mitis, clemensque natura — accedit, quod mirince ingeniis excel- 
lentibus, quale tuum est, deiectatur — eodum fonte se bausturum intelligit laudes suas, 
e quo sit leviter aspersus. [Ep. Fam. 6. 6.] w 0e2v peyia-rw Sio-r e^eiv rugamtia . 
[Ad. Att. 7. 11. J Ipse auteni in ore semper graecos versus de Phcenlssis habe- 




Nam si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia 
Violandum est : aliis rebus pietutem colas. 

[Offic. 3. 21.] 

Calo dixit, C Caesarem ad everlendam Rempublieam, sobrium accessisse. [Quin- 
til. 1. 8. 2.] Abstinentiam neque in imperiis neque in magistratibus praestitit — in 
Gallia fana, templaque Deum donis rcferta expilavit : urbes diruit, saepius ob praj- 
dam quam delictum — evidentissimis rapinis, ac sacrilegiis onera bellorum civilium — ■ 
sustinuit. Sueton. c. 54. vid. it. Dio, p. 208. 

* Vid. Senec. Natur. Qua-st. 1. 5. 18. p. 766- 

t Pragravant tamen cetera facta, dictaque ejus, ut et abusus dominatione et jure 
casus existimetur. Sueton. c. 76. 

t Disputari de M. Bruto solet, an debuerit accipere a D. Julio vitam^ cum occi- 
dendum eitm judicarct. Seuec. dc Benef. 1. 2. 20. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss— C. Julius Cssar V. M. Antonius. 

D. Brutus, who was the most cherished by him of 
them all, and left by his will, the second heir of his 
estate :* for, of the two Brutuses, it was not Mar- 
cus, as it is commonly imagined, but Decimus, who 
was the favourite, and whose part in the conspiracy 
surprised people the most.f But this circumstance 
served only for a different handle to the different 
parties, for aggravating either their crime or their 
merit. Caesar's friends charged them with base in- 
gratitude, for killing their benefactor, and abusing 
the power which he had given, to the destruction of 
the giver. The other side gave a contrary turn to 
it, extolled the greater virtue of the men, for not 
being diverted, by private considerations, from doing 
an act of public benefit : Cicero takes it always in 
this view, and says that the Republic was the more 
indebted to them, for preferring the common good 
to the friendship of any man whatsoever ; that, as to 
the kindness of giving them their lives, it was the 
kindness only of a robber, who had first done them 
the greater wrong, by usurping the power to take 
it : that, if there had been any stain of ingratitude 
in the act, they could never have acquired so much 
glory by it ; and though he wondered, indeed, at 
some of them, for doing it, rather than ever ima- 
gined that they would have done it ; yet he admired 
them so much the more, for being regardless of 
favours, that they might shew their regard to their 

Some of Caesar's friends, particularly Pansa and 

* Appian. 2. 518. 
t Etsi est enim Brutorum commune factum et laudis societas aqua, Decimo tamen 
iratiores erant ii, qui id factum dolebant, quo minus ab eo rem illam dicebant fieri 
debuisse. Philip, x. 7. 

X Quod est aliud beneficium — latronum, nisi ut commemorare possint, iis se de- 
disse vitani, quibus non ademerint? quod si csset beneficium, nunquam ii qui ilium 
interfeccrunt, a quo erant servati, — tantam essent gloriam consecuti. Philip. 2. 3. 

Quo etiatn majorem ei Rcspub. gratiam debet, qui libertatem' populi Romani 
unius amicitia; pneposuit, depulsorque dominatus quam particeps esse maluit — admi- 
ratus sum ob earn causam, quod immeinor beneficiorum, mcinor patriae fuisset. 
lb. 11. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Com.— C. Julius Caesar V. IVL Antonius. 

Hirtius, advised him always to keep a standing 
guard of praetorian troops, for the defence of his 
person ; alleging that a power acquired by arms 
must necessarily be maintained by arms ; but his 
common answer was, that he had rather die once 
by treachery, than live always in fear of it.* He 
used to laugh at Sylla, for restoring the liberty of the 
Republic, and to say, in contempt of him, that he 
did not know his letters.f But, as a judicious wri- 
ter has observed, Sylla had learnt a better grammar 
than he, which taught him to resign his guards and 
his government together: whereas Caesar, by dis- 
missing the one, yet retaining the other, committed 
a dangerous solecism in politics :J for he strength- 
ened the popular odium, and consequently his own 
danger, while he weakened his defence. 

He made several good laws during his adminis- 
tration, all tending to enforce the public discipline 
and extend the penalties of former laws. — The most 
considerable, as well as the most useful, of them was, 
that no praetor should hold any province more than 
one year, nor a consul more than two.§ This was 
a regulation that had been often wished for, as Ci- 
cero says, in the best of times, and what one of the 
ablest dictators of the old Republic had declared 
to be its chief security, not to suffer great and arbi- 
trary commands to be of long duration, but to limit 
them at least in time, if it was not convenient to 
limit them in power :|| Caesar knew, by experience, 

* Laudandum experientia. consilium est Pansas atque Hirtii : qui semper praedix- 
erant Cassari, lit principatum armis quassitum armis tencret. Ille dictitans, mori se 
quam timeri malle. Veil. Patt. 2. 57. 

Insidias undique imminentes subire semel confessum satius esse, quam cavere sem- 
per. Sueton. c. 86. 

t Nee minoris impotentiae voces propalavn edebat. — Syllam nescisse lilteras, qui 
Dictaturam deposuerit. Sueton. 77. 

| Vid. Sir H. Savile's Dissertat. de Militia Rom. at the end of his translation of 

§ Philip. 1. 8. Sueton. J. Ca;s. 42. 43. 

|| Qua? lex melior, utilior, optima etiam Itepub. saepius flacritata, quam ne Praeto- 
rian provinciiE plus quam annum, neve plus quam biennium consulares obtinerentur? 
Philip. 1.8. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— C. Julius Caesar V. M. Antonius- 

that the prolongation of these extraordinary com- 
mands, and the habit of ruling kingdoms, was the 
readiest way, not only to inspire a contempt of the 
laws, but to give a man the power to subvert them ; 
and he hoped, therefore, by this law, to prevent 
any other man from doing what he himself had 
done, and to secure his own possession from the 
attempts of all future invaders. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

Cicero was present at the death of Caesar in the 
senate; where he had the pleasure, he tells us, to 
see the tyrant perish as he deserved.* By this ac- 
cident, he was freed at once from all subjection to 
a superior, and all the uneasiness and indignity of 
managing a power, which every moment could op- 
press him. He was now, without competition, the 
first citizen in Rome; the first in that credit and au- 
thority both with the senate and people, which il- 
lustrious merit and services will necessarily give in 
a free city. The conspirators considered him as 
such, and reckoned upon Jinn as their sure friend : 
for they had no sooner finished their work, than 
Brutus, lifting up his bloody dagger, called out 
upon him by name, to congratulate with him on the 
recovery of their liberty :f and when they all ran out, 
presently after, into the Forum, with their daggers in 
their hands, proclaiming liberty to the city, they 

Mamercus iEmilius — maximam autem, ait, ejus custodiam esse, si magna imperia 
diuturna nonessent, et temporis modus imponeretur, quibus juris impoiii non posset. 
Liv. 1. 4. 24. 

* Quid mihi attulerit ista domini mutatio, prater lsetitiam quam oculis cepi, justo 
interitu Tyrauni ? AdAtt. 1+. 14. 

t Coesare interfecto — statim cruentum alte extollens M. Brutus pugionem, Cice- 
ronem nominatim exclamavit, atque ei recuperatani libertatem est gratulatus. Philip. 
2. 12. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

proclaimed, at the same time, the name of Cicero; 
in hopes to recommend the justice of their act by 
the credit of his approbation.* 

This gave Antony a pretence to charge him af- 
terwards, in public, with being privy to the conspi- 
racy, and the principal adviser of it:f but it is cer- 
tain that he was not at all acquainted with it; for 
though he had the strictest friendship with the chief 
actors, and they the greatest confidence in him, yet 
his age, character, and dignity, rendered him wholly 
unfit to bear a part in an attempt of that nature, and 
to embark himself in an affair so desperate, with a 
number of men, who, excepting a few of their lead- 
ers, were all either too young to be trusted, or too 
obscure, even to be known by him.J He could have 
been of little or no service to them in the execution 
of the act, yet of much greater in justifying it after- 
wards to the city, for having had no share in it, nor 
any personal interest, to make his authority sus- 
pected. These were the true reasons, without doubt, 
why Brutus and Cassius did not impart the design 
to him: had it been from any other motive, as 
some writers have suggested, or had it admitted 
any interpretation injurious to his honour, he must 
have been often reproached with it by Antony, and 
his other adversaries of those times, who were so 
studius to invent and propagate every calumny that 
could depress his credit. I cannot, however, entirely 
acquit him of being, in some degree, accessary to 
the death of Caesar: for it is evident, from several 
of his letters, that he had an expectation of such an 
attempt, and from what quarter it would come; 
and not only expected, but wished it: he prophe- 
sied, very early, that Caesar's reign could not last 

* Dio, p. 249. 

t Caesarem meo consilio interfectura. [Philip. 2, 11.] Vestri enim pulcherrimi 
facti ille furiosus me principem dicit fuisse. Utinam quidero fuisseui, raolestus nobis 
non esset. Ep. Fam. 12. 3. it. 2. 

+ Quam verisimile porro est, in tot hominibus partim obscuris, partim adolescenti- 
bus, neminem occultantibus, meura noinen latere potuisse? Philip. 2. 11. 



A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

six months, but must necessarily fall, either by vio- 
lence, or of itself; and hoped to live to see it:* he 
knew the disaffection of the greatest and best of the 
city : which they expressed with great freedom in 
their letters, and with much more, we may imagine, 
in their private conversation; he knew the tierce 
and haughty spirit of Brutus and Cassius, and their 
impatience of a master ; and cultivated a strict cor- 
respondence with them both, at this time, as if for 
the opportunity of exciting them to some act of vi- 
gour. On the news, that Atticus sent him, of Caj- 
sar's image being placed in the temple of Quirinus, 
adjoining to that of the goddess Salus; " 1 had ra- 
" ther," says he, " have him the comrade of Romu- 
" lus, than of the goddess Safety :"f referring to Ro- 
mulus's fate of being killed in the senate. In ano- 
ther letter, it seems to be intimated, that Atticus 
and he had been contriving, or talking at least toge- 
ther, how Brutus might be spirited up to some at- 
tempt of that kiud, by setting before him the fame 
and glory of his ancestors : " Does Brutus then tell 
" us,"' says he, " that Caesar brings with him glad ti- 
" dings to honest men ? where will he find them ? 
" unless he hangs himself. But how securely is he 
" now entrenched on all sides ? What use then of 
" your fine invention ; the picture of old Brutus and 
" Ahala with the verses under, which I saw in your 
" gallery? Yet, what after all can he do?"J One 

* Jam intelliges id regnum vix semestre esse posse — nos tamen hoc confirmamus 
illo augurio, quo diximus : nee nos fallit, nee aliter accidet. Corruat iste necesse 
est, aut per adversarios, aut ipse per se — id spero vivis nobis fore. Ad Att. x. 8. 

t Eum <rvnaov Quirino malo, quam Saluti. Ad Att. 12. 15. 

} Itane nunciat Brutus, ilium ad bonos viros tbayyixia sed ubi eos ? nisi forte se 
suspendit ? hie autem ut fultum est ! ubi igitur fliXorij^vn^tt illud tuum quod vidi in 
Parthenone, Ahalam et Brutum ? sed quid faciat ? Ad Att. 13. 40. 

Parthenone is supposed to denote some room or gallery in Brutus's, or more pjo- 
bably in Atticus's house, adorned with the images or portraits of the great men of 
Rome, under each of which, as Cornelius Nepos tells us, [in vit. Att. c. 18.] At- 
ticus had severally described their principal acts and honours, in four or five verses 
of his own composing ; where the contemplation of these figures of old Brutus and 
Ahala, joined together in one picture, with the verses under, had given a handle 
perhaps to a conversation between Cicero and him, how Brutus might be incited, 
by the example of those great ancestors, to dissolve the tyranny of Csesar. It seems • 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antoniu*. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

caunot help observing, likewise, in his pieces ad- 
dressed about this time to Brutus, how artfully he 
falls into a lamentation of the times, and of the 
particular unhappiness of Brutus himself, in being 
deprived by them of all the hopes and use of his 
great talents ; putting him in mind, at the same time, 
of his double descent from ancestors, who had ac- 
quired immortal glory by delivering Rome from ser- 
vitude. Thus he concludes his treatise on famous 

" When I look upon you, Brutus, I am grieved to 
" see your youth, running, as it were, in full career 
" through the midst of glory, stopped short by the 
" wretched fate of your country. This grief sits 
" heavy upon me, and on our common friend Atti- 
" cus, the partner of my affection, and good opi- 
" nion of you : we heartily wish you well ; wish to 
" see you reap the fruit of your virtue, and to live in 
" a republic, that may give you the opportunity 
" not only to revive, but to increase the honour and 
" memory of the two noble families from which you 
" descend; — for theForum was wholly your's ; your's 
" all that course of glory : you, of all the young 
" pleaders brought thither, not only a tongue ready 
" formed by the exercise of speaking, but had en- 
44 riched your oratory by the furniture also of the 
44 severer arts: and, by the help of the same arts, 
44 had joined to a perfection of eloquence the orna- 
44 ment of every virtue. We are doubly sorry, 
44 therefore, on your account, that you want the 
44 benefit of the republic ; — the republic of you : 
44 but though this odious ruin of the city extinguishes 
44 the use of your abilities, go on still, Brutus, to 
44 pursue your usual studies," &c. 

also, very probable, that this very picture of Atticus's invention, as Cicero calls it, 
might give occasion to the thought and coinage of that silver medal or denarius, 
which is still extant with the heads and names of those two old patriots ; Brutus 
on the one side, Ahala on the other. Vid. Thesaur. Morell. in Fam. Junia. Tab, 
1. I. 

Q 2 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

These passages seem to give a reasonable ground 
to believe that Cicero, though a stranger to the par- 
ticular counsels of the conspirators, had yet a gene- 
ral notion of their design, as well as some share in 
promoting it. In his reply to Antony's charge, he 
does not deny his expectation of it, freely owns his 
joy for it, and thanks him for giving him an honour, 
which he had not merited, of bearing a part in it. 
He calls it the most glorious act which had ever 
been done, not only in that, but in any other city; 
in which men were more forward to claim a share 
which they had not, than to dissemble that which 
they had : that JBrutus's reason for not calling upon 
him, was to signify, that he was then emulating his 
praises, by an act, not unlike to what he had done : 
that if to wish Caesar's death was a crime, to rejoice 
at it was the same ; there being no difference be- 
tween the adviser and the approver : yet, excepting 
Antony, and a few more, who were fond of having 
a king, that there was not a man in Rome who did 
not desire to see the fact committed ; that all honest 
men, as far as it was in their power, concurred in it; 
that some, indeed, wanted the counsel, some the 
courage, some the opportunity, but none the will 
to do it,* &c. 

The news of this surprising fact raised a general 
consternation through the city ; so that the first 
care of the conspirators was to quiet the minds of 
the people, by proclaiming peace and liberty to all, 
and declaring that no farther violence was intended 
to any. They marched out, therefore, in a body, 
with a cap, as the ensign of liberty, carried before 
them on a spear,f and, in a calm and orderly man- 

* Ecquis est igitur, qui te excepto, et iis, qui ilium regnare gaudebant, qui illud 
aut fieri nolueri, aut factum improbarit ? omnes enim in culpa. Etenim omnes boni, 
quantum in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt. Aliis consilium, aliis animus, aliis 
occasio defuit; voluntas nemini, &c. Philip. 2. 12. 

t A cap was always given to slaves, when they were made free ; whence it became 
the emblem of liberty : to expose it, therefore, on a spear, was a public invitation to 
the people, to embrace the liberty that was offered to them by the destruction of their 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonlus. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

ner, proceeded through the Forum ; where, in the 
first heat of joy, for the death of the tyrant, seve- 
ral of the young nobility, who had borne no part 
in the conspiracy, joined themselves to the com- 
pany, with swords in their hands, out of an ambi- 
tion to be thought partners in the act; but they paid 
dear, afterwards, for that vanity, and, without any 
share of the glory, w r ere involved in the ruin which 
it drew upon all the rest. Brutus designed to have 
spoken to the citizens from the rostra ; but, perceiv- 
ing them to be in too great an agitation to attend to 
speeches, and being uncertain what way the popular 
humour might turn, and knowing that there were 
great numbers of Caesar's old soldiers in the city, 
who had been summoned from all parts to attend 
him to the Parthian war, he thought proper, with 
his accomplices, under the guard of Decimus's gla- 
diators, to take refuge in the capitol.* Being here 
secured from any immediate violence, he summoned 
the people thither in the afternoon ; and in a speech 
to them, which he had prepared, justified his act, 
and explained the motives of it, and in a pathetic 
manner, exhorted them to exert themselves in the 
defence of their country, and maintain the liberty 
now offered to them, against all the abettors of the 
late tyranny. Cicero presently followed them into 
the capitol, with the best and greatest part of the 
senate, to deliberate on the proper means of improv- 
ing this hopeful beginning, and establishing their 
liberty on a solid and lasting foundation. 

Antony, in the mean while, shccked by the har- 

tyrant. There was a medal likewise struck on this occasion, with the same device, 
which is still extant. The thought, however, was not new ; for Saturninus, in his 
sedition, when he had possessed himself of the capitol, exalted a cap also on the top 
of a spear, as a token of liberty to all the slaves, who would join with him ; and 
though Marius, in his sixth consulship, destroyed him for that act, by a decree of the 
senate, yet he himself used the same expedient afterwards to invite the slaves to take 
arms with him against Sylla, who was marching with his army into the city, to attack 
him. Val. Max. 8. 6. 
* App. 2. p. 503. Dio, p. 250. Plut. in Cies. et Brut. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabeila. 

diness of the act, and apprehending some danger to 
his own life, stripped himself of his consular robes, 
and fled home in disguise, where he began to fortify 
his house, and kept himself close all that day,* till, 
perceiving the pacific conduct of the conspirators, 
he recovered his spirits, and appeared again the 
next morning in public. 

While things were in this situation, L. Cornelius 
China, one of the praetors who was nearly allied to 
Caesar, made a speech to the people in praise of the 
conspirators ; extolling their act as highly meritori- 
ous, and exhorting the multitude to invite them 
down from the capitol, and reward them with the 
honours due to the deliverers of their country; then, 
throwing off his praetorian robe, he declared that he 
would not wear it any longer, as being bestowed 
upon him by a tyrant, and not by the laws. But 
the next day, as he was going to the senate, some of 
Caesar's veteran soldiers, having gathered a mob of 
the same party, attacked him in the streets with vol- 
lies of stones, and drove him into a house, which 
they were going presently to set on fire, with design 
to have burnt him in it, if Lepidus had not come 
to his rescue with a body of regular troops, f 

Lepidus was, at this time, in the suburbs of Rome, 
at the head of an army, ready to depart for the go- 
vernment of Spain, which had been assigned to him 
by Caesar, with a part of Gaul. In the night, there- 
fore, after Caesars death, he filled the Forum with his 
troops, and finding himself superior to any man in 
power, began to think of making himself master 
of the city, and taking immediate revenge on the 
conspirators; but, being a weak and vain man, An- 
tony easily diverted him from that design, and ma- 
naged him to his own views : he represented the 

* Qua? tuafuga? qute formido praeclaro illo die ? qure propter conscientiain scele- 
rum desperado vita? r 1 cum ex ilia fuga— clam te doinum rccepisti. Philip. 2. 35- 
Vid. Dio, p. -259. App. 502, 503. 

t Pint, in Brut. App. p. 504 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

hazard and difficulty of the attempt, while the se- 
nate, the city, and all Italy were against them; that 
the only way to effect what they wished* was to dis- 
semble their real purpose ; to recommend pacific 
counsels, and lull their adversaries asleep, till they 
had provided a strength sufficient to oppress them ; 
and that, as soon as things were ripe, he would join 
with him very heartily in avenging Caesar's death. 
With these remonstrances he pacified him ; and, to 
render their union the firmer, and to humour his va- 
nity at the same time, gave his daughter in marriage 
to Lepidus' sou, and assisted him to seize the high 
priesthood, vacant by Caesar's death, without any re- 
gard to the ordinary forms of election.* Having 
thus gained Lepidus into his measures, he made use 
of his authority and his forces, to harass aud terrify 
the opposite party, till he had driven the conspirators 
out of the city; and when he had served his pur- 
poses with him at home, contrived to send him to 
his government, to keep the provinces and the com- 
manders abroad in proper respect to them ; and 
that, by sitting down with his army in the nearest 
part of Gaul, he might be ready for any event, which 
should require his help in Italy. 

The conspirators, in the meanwhile, had formed 
no scheme beyond the death of Caesar ; but seemed 
to be as much surprised and amazed at what they 
had done, as the rest of the city : they trusted en- 
tirely to the integrity of their cause ; fancying that 
it would be sufficient of itself to effect all that they 
expected from it, and draw an universal concur- 
rence to the defence of their common liberty ; and 
taking it for granted that Caesar's fate, in the height 
of all his greatness, would deter any of his partizans 
from aiming at the same power : they placed withal 
a great confidence in Cicero's authority, of which 
they assured themselves as their own, and were not 

* Dio, p. 249, 250, 257. 269. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cos*.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

disappointed ; for, from this moment, he resolved^ 
at all adventures, to support the credit of the men 
and their act, as the only means left of recovering the 
republic. He knew that the people were all on 
their side; and, as long as force was removed, that 
they were masters of the city. His advice, there- 
fore, was, to use their present advantage, and, in the 
consternation of Caesar's party, and the zeal and 
union of their own, that Brutus and Cassius, as prae- 
tors, should call the seuate into thecapitol, and pro- 
ceed to some vigorous decrees, for the security of 
the public tranquillity.* But Brutus was for march- 
ing calmly, and with all due respect to the authority 
of the consul ; and, having conceived hopes of An- 
tony, proposed the sending a deputation to him, to 
exhort him to measures of peace ; Cicero remon- 
strated against it, nor would be prevailed with to 
bear a part in it ; he told them, plainly, that there 
could be no safe treaty with him ; that, as long as 
he was afraid of them, he would promise every 
thing; but, when his fears were over, would be like 
himself, and perform nothing : so that, while the 
other consular senators were going forwards and 
backwards in this office of mediation, he stuck to his 
point, and staid with the rest in the capitol, and did 
not see Antony for the two first days.f 

The event confirmed what Cicero foretold : An- 
tony had no thoughts of peace, or of any good to the 
republic ; his sole view was to seize the govern- 
ment to himself, as soon as he should be in condi- 
tion to do it: and then, on pretence of revenging 
Caesar's death, to destroy all those who were likely 
to oppose him. As his business, therefore, was to 

* Meministi nic clamare, illo ipso priirio Capitolino die, Senatum in Capitolium a 
Prastoribus vocari ? Dii immortales, quae turn opera effici potuerunt, Stantibus 
omnibus bonis, etiam sat bonis, fractis Intronibus ? Ad Att. 14. 10. 

t Dicebam illis in Capitolino liberatoribus nostris, cum me ad te ire vellent, ut ad 
defendendam Rempub. te adhortarer, quoad metueres, omnia te promissurum, simul 
ac timere desiisses similem te futurum tui. Itaque cum caeteri Consulares irent, 
redirent, in sententia mansi ; neque te illo die, neque postero, vidi. Philip. 2. 35. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

gain time, by dissembling and deceiving the repub- 
lican party into a good opinion of him ; so all his 
answers were mild and moderate, professing a sin- 
cere inclination to peace, and no other desire than 
to see the republic settled again on its old basis. Two 
days passed in mutual assurances, from both sides, 
of their disposition to concord and amity ; and An- 
tony summoned the senate on the third, to adjust 
the conditions of it, and confirm them by some so- 
lemn act. Here Cicero, as the best foundation of 
a lasting quiet, moved the assembly, in the first 
place, after the example of Athens, to decree a ge- 
neral amnesty, or act of oblivion, for all that was 
passed ; to which they unanimously agreed. An- 
tony seemed to be all goodness ; talked of nothing 
but healing measures ; and, for a proof of his since- 
rity, moved, that the conspirators should be invited 
to take part in their deliberations, and sent his son 
as an hostage for their safety: upon which they all 
came down from the capitol ; and Brutus supped 
with Lepidus, Cassius with Antony, and the day 
ended to the universal joy of the city, who imagined 
that their liberty was now crowned with certain 

There were several things, however, very artfully 
proposed and carried by Antony, on the pretence 
of public concord, of which he afterwards made a 
most pernicious use ; particularly, a decree for the 
confirmation of all Caesars acts : this motion was 
suspected by many, who stuck upon it for some 
time, and called upon Antony to explain it, and 

* In quo templo quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamenta pacis, Atheniensiumque 
renovavi vctus exemplum : gnecum etiam verbum usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis 
discordiis erat usa civitas ilia, atque omnem inemoriam discordiarum oblivione sem- 
piterna delendam censui. Pra;clara turn oratio M. Antonii, egregia etiam voluntas : 
pax denique per eum et per liberos ejus cum prastantissimis civibus coiifirmata 
est. Philip. 1. 1. 

Qua; fuit oratio de concordia ? — tuus parvulus filius in Capitolium a te missus pacis 
obses fuit. Quo Senatus die tetior ? quo populus Romanus ? — turn denique liberati 
per viros fortissimos videbamur, quia, at illi voluerant, libertatcm pax 
Jb. 13. Vid. Plut. in Brut.— , 


A. Urb% 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

specify who far it was to extend : he assured them, 
that no other acts were meant than what were 
known to every body, and entered publicly on 
Caesar's register : they asked if any persons were 
to be restored from exile? He said, one only, and 
no more : whether any immunities were granted to 
cities or countries ? He answered, none ; and con- 
sented, that it should pass with a restriction, pro- 
posed by Ser. Sulpicius ; that no grant, which was 
to take place after the Ides of March, should be 
ratified."* This was generally thought so reason- 
able, and Antony's seeming candour had made such 
an impression, that those who saw the mischief of 
it, durst not venture to oppose it: especially as 
there was a precedent for it in the case of Sylla ; 
and, as it was supposed to relate chiefly to the 
veteran soldiers, whom it was not possible to oblige 
or keep in good humour, without confirming the pri- 
vileges and possessions which Caesar had granted 
to them. But Brutus and his friends had private 
reasons for entertaining a better opinion of Antony 
than his outward conduct would justify : Caesar 
had used him roughly on several occasions ;j" and 
they knew his resentment of it ; and that he had 
been engaged with Trebonius, on Caesar's last re- 
turn from Spain, in a design against his life : and, 
though he did not perform that engagement, yet 
they thought it an obligation, as well as a proof of 
his continuing in the same mind, that he had not 
discovered it, which was the reason of their sparing 
him, when Caesar was killed, and of Trebonius's 
taking him aside, on pretence of business, lest his 
behaviour, on that occasion, might provoke them to 
kill him too.J 

* Summa consHantia ad ea, quae quaesita erant, respondebat : nihil turn, nisi quod 
erat notum omnibus, in C. Caesaris eommentariis reperiebatur : num qui exules resti- 
tuti? unum aiebat, praeterea neminem. Num immunitates data?? nulla?, respon- 
debat. Assentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio voluit, ne qua tabula post Idus Martias 
ullius decreti Caesaris aut beneficii figeretur. Philip. 1. 1. 

t Philip. 2. 29. 

i Quanquam si internci Casarem voluisse crimen est, vide quarso, Antoni, quid 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6S. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

But, as Cicero often laments, they had already 
ruined their cause, by giving Antony leisure to re- 
collect himself, and gather troops about him, by 
which he forced upon them several other decrees 
against their will ; one of them in favour of the 
veteran soldiers, whom he Jiad drawn up, for that 
purpose, in arms about the senate :* and another 
still worse, for the allowance of a public funeral 
to Caesar ; which Atticus had been remonstrating 
against, both to Cicero and Brutus, as pernicious to 
the peace of the city ; but it was too late to prevent 
it: Antony was resolved upon it, and had provided 
all things for it, as the best opportunity of inflaming 
the soldiers and the populace, and raising some 
commotions to the disadvantage of the Republican 
cause : in which he succeeded so well, that Brutus 
and Cassius had no small difficulty to defend their 
lives and houses from the violence of this mob.j" In 
this tumult, Helvius Cinna, one of the tribunes, and 
a particular friend of Caesar, was torn in pieces by 
the rabble; being mistaken, unluckily, for the prae- 
tor of that name, who, as it is said above, had ex- 
tolled the act of killing Caesar in a speech from the 
rostra : this so alarmed all those who had any simi- 
litude of name with any of the conspirators, that 
Caius Casca, another senator, thought fit, by a pub- 
lic advertisement, to signify the distinction of his 
person and principles from Publius Casca, who 
gave the first blow to Caesar.J 

tibi futumm sit, quein et Narbone hoc consilium cum C Trebonio cepisse notissimum 
est, et ob ejus consilii societatein, cum interficeretur Caesar, turn te a Trebonio vidi- 
mus sevocari. lb. 14. 

* Nonne omni ratione veterani, qui arraati aderant, cum pra?sidii nos nihil habe- 
remus, defendendi fuerunt? Ad Att. 14. 14. 

t Meministine te clamare, causain periisse, si funere elatus esset? at ille etiam in 
foro combustus, laudatusque miserabiliter : servique et egentes in tecta nostra cum 
facibus immissi. Ad Att 14. 10. 14. Plut. in Brut. 

t C. Helvius Cinna Trib. pi. ex funere C Cajsaris domum suam petens, populi 
manibus discerptus est, pro Cornclio Cinna, in quern sasvire se existimabat, iratus ei, 
quod cum affinis esset Caesaris, adversus eum nefarie raptum, impiam pro rostris 
orationem habuisset. Val. Max. 9. 9. vid. Die, p. i.'o'7, 268. it. Plut. in Ca?s. 
el Brut. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonlus. P. Cornelius Dolabelfa. 

We are not to imagine, however, as it is com- 
monly believed, that these violences were owing to 
the general indignation of the citizens against the 
murderers of Caesar, excited either by the spectacle 
of his body, or the eloquence of Antony, who made 
the funeral oration : for, it is certain, that Caesar, 
through his whole reign, could never draw from the 
people any public signification of their favour ; but, 
on the contrary, was constantly mortified, by the 
perpetual demonstrations of their hatred and disaf- 
fection to him. The case was the same after his 
death : the memory of his tyranny was odious, aud 
Brutus and Cassius, the real favourites of the city : 
as appeared on all occasions, wherever their free 
and genuine sense could be declared, in the public 
shows and theatres ;* which Cicero frequently ap- 
peals to, as a proper encouragement to all honest 
men, to act with spirit and vigour, in the defence of 
their common liberty. What happened, therefore, 
at the funeral, was the effect of artifice and faction ; 
the work of a mercenary rabble ; the greatest part 
slaves and strangers, listed and prepared for vio- 
lence, against a party unarmed, and pursuing pacific 
counsels, and placing all their trust and security in 
the justice of their cause. Cicero calls it a con- 
spiracy of Caesar's freed men,f who were the chief 
managers of the tumult: in which the Jews seem 
to have borne a considerable part ; who, out of 
hatred to Pompey, for his affront to their city and 
temple, were zealously attached to Caesar, and, 
above all the other foreigners in Rome, distinguish- 
ed themselves by the expressions of their grief for 
his death ; so as to spend whole nights at his 

* Omnes enim jam cives de Reipub. salute una et mente et voce consentiunt. 
Philip. 1. 9. 

Quid enim gladiatoribus clamores innumerabilium civium ; quid populi versus i 
quid Pompeii statute plausus infinitus ? quid iis tribunis plebis, qui vobis adversan- 
tur ? pammne haec significant, incredibiliter consenticntem populi Romani volunta- 
tem? &c. lb. 15. Ad Att. 14. 2. 

t Nam ista quidem libertorum Csesaris conjuratio facile opprimeretur, si recte 
saperet Antonius. Ad Att. 14. 5. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

monument, in a kind of religious devotion to his 

The first taste of Antony's perfidy was a clear 
warning to the conspirators what little reason they 
had to depend upon him, or to expect any safety in 
the city, where he had the sovereign command, with- 
out a guard for their defence ; which, though D. 
Brutus demanded for them, they could not obtain : 
whilst Antony, to alarm them still the more, took 
care to let them know, that the soldiers and the 
populace were so enraged, that he did not think it 
possible for any of them to be safcf They all, 
therefore, quitted Rome : Trebonius stole away pri- 
vately for Asia, to take possession of that province, 
which had before been assigned to him ; being afraid 
of being prevented by the intrigues of Antony : D. 
Brutus, for the same reason, possessed himself of 
the Cisalpine or Italic Gaul, which had been con- 
ferred upon him likewise by Caesar, in order to 
strengthen himself there against all events, and by 
his neighbourhood to Rome, to encourage and pro- 
tect all the friends of liberty : M. Brutus, accom- 
panied by Cassius, retired to one of his villas near 
Lanuvium, to deliberate about their future conduct, 
and to take such measures, as the accidents of the 
times and the motions of their enemies should make 

But as soon as the conspirators were gone, An- 
tony resumed his mask, and, as if the late violences 
had been accidental only, and the sudden transport 
of a vile mob, professed the same moderation as be- 
fore, and affected to speak with the greatest respect 

* In summo publico luctu exterarum gentium, multitudo circulatim, suo quseque 
more, lamentata est, praecipueque Judsei, qui etiam noctibus continuis bustum fre- 
quentarunt. Sueton. J. Caes. 84. 

t Heri apud me Hirtius fuit; qua mente Antonius esset, demonstravit, pessima 
scilicet et infidelissima. Nam se neque uiihi provinciam dare posse aiebat, neque 
arbitrari, tuto in urbe esse quemquam nostrum, adeo esse militum concitatos animos 
et plebis. Quorum utrumque esse falsum puto vos animadvertere — placitum est 
mihi postulare, ut liceret nobis esse Romae publico prassidio : quod illos nobis con- 
cessuros non puto. Ep. Fam. xi. t. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

of Brutus and Cassius; and, by several seasonable 
acts, proposed by him to the senate, appeared to 
have nothing so much at heart as the public con- 
cord : among other decrees, he offered one, which 
was prepared and drawn up by himself, to abolish, 
for ever, the name and office of Dictator : this 
seemed to be a sure pledge of his good intentions, 
and gave an universal satisfaction to the senate ; 
who passed it, as it were, by acclamation, without 
putting it even to the vote ; and decreed the thanks 
of the house for it to Antony, who, as Cicero after- 
wards told him, had fixed an indelible infamy, by it, 
on Caesar, in declaring to the world, that, for the 
odium of his government, such a decree was be- 
come both necessary and popular." * 

Cicero also left Rome soon after Brutus and Cas- 
sius, f not a little mortified to see things take so 
wrong a turn, by the indolence of their friends ; 
which gave him frequent occasion to say, that the 
Ides of March had produced nothing which pleased 
him, but the fact of the day ; which was executed, 
indeed, with manly vigour, but supported by childish 
counsels. J Ashe passed through the country, he 
found nothing but mirth and rejoicing in all the 
great towns, on the account of Caesar's death: " It 
" is impossible to express," says he, " what joy there 
" is every where: how all people flock about me : 
" how greedy they are to hear an account of it from 
" me : yet, what strange politics do we pursue ! 
" What a solecism do we commit ! To be afraid of 
" those, whom we have subdued ; to defend his 
" acts, for whose death we rejoice ; to suffer ty- 

* Dictaturam, qua; vim jam regis potestatis obsederat, funditiis e Repub. sustulit. 
De qua ne sententias quidem diximus — eique aniplissimis verbis per S. C gratias 
egimus — maximum autem illud, quod DictaturaB nomen sustulisti : haec inusta est a 
te — mortuo Caesari nota ad ignominiam senipiternam, &c. Philip. 1.1, 15. 

t Itaque cum teneri urbem a parricidis viderem, nee te in ea, nee Cassium tuto 
esse posse, eamque armis oppressam ab Antonio, mihi quoque ipsi esse excedenduin 
putavi. Ad Brut. 15. 

} Sed taracn adhuc me nihil delectat prater Idus martias. [Ad Att. 14. 6, 21-] 
Itaque stulta jam Iduurn martiarum est consolatio. Animis enim usi sumus virili- 
Ims ; consilii*, mihi crede, pnerilibus. lb. 15. 4. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

M ranny to live, when the tyrant is killed ; and the 
" republic to be lost,when our liberty is recovered."* 
Atticus sent him word of some remarkable ap- 
plause, which was given to the famed comedian, 
Publius, for what he had said upon the stage, in fa- 
vour of the public liberty ; and that L. Cassius, the 
brother of the conspirator, then one of the tribunes, 
was received with infinite acclamations upon his en- 
trance into the theatre ; f which convinced him only 
the more of the mistake of their friends in sitting still, 
and trusting to the merit of their cause, while their 
enemies were using all arts to destroy them. This 
general inclination, which declared itself so freely on 
the side of liberty, obliged Antony to act with cau- 
tion, and, as far as possible, to persuade the city, that 
he was on the same side too : for which end he did 
another thing, at this time, both prudent and popu- 
lar, in putting to death the impostor Marius, who 
was now returned to Rome, to revenge, as he gave 
out, the death of his kinsman Caesar: where, sig- 
nalising himself at the head of the mob, he was the 
chief incendiary at the funeral, and the subsequent 
riots, and threatened nothing less than destruction 
to the whole senate : but Antony, having served his 
main purpose with him, of driving Brutus and the 
rest out of the city, ordered him to be seized and 
strangled, and his body to be dragged through the 
streets :£ which gave him fresh credit with the re- 
publicans ; so thatBrutus, together with Cassius and 
other friends, had a personal conference with him 
about this time, which passed to mutual satisfaction.^ 

* Dici enim non potest quantopere gaudeant, ut ad me concurrant, ut audire cu- 
piant verba mea ea de re — sic enim ir-swoXiTE^ES'tt, ut victos metueremus — nihil 
enim tam o-o'Xoocov quam -rufawoxTo'vov? in coelo esse, Tyranni facta defendi. Ad Att. 

O Dii boni ! vivit tyrannis, tyrannus occidit. Ejus interfecti morte laetamur, cujus 
facta defendimus. lb. 9. 

t Ex priore theatrum, Publiumque cognovi, bona signa consentientis multitudinis. 
Plausus vero, L Cassio datu3 facetus mihi quidem visus est. Ad Att. 14. 2. 

Infinito fratris tuiplausu dirumpitur. Ep Fam. 12. 2. 

t Uncus impactus est fugitivo illi, qui C. Marii nomen invaserat. Philip, t. 2. 

§ Antonii colloquium cum nostris Heroibus pro re nata non incommodum. Ad 
Att. 14. 


A. Urb. 703. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

By these arts, Antony hoped to amuse the con- 
spirators, and induce them to lay aside all vigorous 
counsels; especially, what he most apprehended, 
that of leaving Italy, and seizing some provinces 
abroad, furnished with troops and money; which 
might put them into a condition to act offensively : 
with the same view he wrote an artful letter to Ci- 
cero, to desire his consent to the restoration of S. 
Clodius, the chief agent of P. Clodius, who had 
been several years in banishment, for outrages com- 
mitted in the city ; chiefly against Cicero himself, 
on whose account he was condemned. Antony, by 
his marriage with Fulvia, the widow of P. Clodius, 
became the protector of all that family, and the tu- 
tor of young Publius, her son ; which gave him a 
decent pretence of interesting himself in this affair. 
He assures Cicero, that he had procured a pardon 
for S. Clodius from Caesar; but did not intend to 
have made use of it, till he had obtained his con- 
sent : and, though he thought himself now obliged 
to support all Caesar's acts, yet he would not insist 
on this against his leave — that it would be an obli- 
gation to young Publius, a youth of the greatest 
' hopes, to let him see, that Cicero did not extend his 
revenge to his father's friends. " Permit me," says 
he, " to instil these sentiments into the boy ; and 
" to persuade his tender mind, that quarrels are not 
" to be perpetuated in families : and though your 
" condition, I know, is superior to all danger; yet 
" you would chuse, 1 fancy, to enjoy a quiet and 
" honourable, rather than a turbulent old age. Lastly, 
" I have a sort of right to ask this favour of you; 
" since I never refused any thing to you : if I do 
" not however prevail with you, I will not grant it 
" to Clodius ; that you may see how great your au- 
" thority is with me : shew yourself the more plac- 
" able on that account " * 

* Ad Att. 14. after letter the 13th. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cos*. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

Cicero never hesitated about giving his consent, 
to what Antony could and would have done without 
it: the thing itself he knew was scandalous, and 
the pardon said to be granted by Caesar a forgery; 
and that Caesar would never have done it, or suffered 
it to be done; and so many forgeries of that kind be- 
gan to be published every day from Caesar's books, 
that he was almost tempted, he says, to wish for 
Caesar again.* He answered him, however, with 
great civility, and in a strain of complaisance' which 
corresponded but little with his real opinion of the 
man : but Antony's public behaviour had merited 
some compliments : and, under the present state of 
his power, and the uncertain condition of their own 
party, Cicero resolved to observe all the forms of an 
old acquaintance with him; till, by some overt act 
against the public interest, he should be forced to 
consider him as an enemy. f 

Antony made him but a cold reply; having 
heard, perhaps, in the mean time, of something 
which did not please him in his conduct. He told 
him only that his easiness and clemency were agree- 
able to him, and might, hereafter, be a great plea- 
sure to himself. J 

Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, was in Rome 
when Caesar was killed; but, being terrified by that 
accident, and the subsequent disorders of the city, 
she ran away presently, with great precipitation. 
Her authority and credit with Caesar, in whose 
house she was lodged, made her insolence intolera- 

* Antonius ad me scripsit de restitutione S. Ciodii : quain honorifice quod ad me 
attinet, ex ipsius litteris cognosces — quam dissolute, quam turpiter, quamque ita per- 
niciose, ut nonnunquam etiam Caesar desiderandus esse videatur, facile existimabis ; 
quae enim Caesar nunquam neque fecisset, neque passus esset, ea nunc ex falsis ejus 
coramentariis proferuntur. Ego autem Antonio facillimum me prasbui. Etcnini ille, 
quoniam semel induxit in aniinum sibi licere quod vellet, fecisset nihilo minus me 
invito. Ad Att. 14. 13. 

t Ego tamen Antonii inveteratain sineulla offensione aniicitiamretinere sane volo. 
Ep. Fam. 16. 23. 

Cui quidem ego semper amicus fui, antequam ilium intellcu non modo aperte, sed 
etiam libenter cum Repub. bellum gerere. lb. xi. 5. 

X Antonius ad me tantum de Clodio rescripsit, raeam lenitatem et elementiam et 
sibi esse gratam et mihi magnse voluptati fore. Ad Att. 14. 19. 



A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cosi.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

ble to the Romans, whom she seems to have treat- 
ed on the same foot with her own Egyptians ; as 
the subjects of absolute power, and the slaves of a 
master, whom she commanded. Cicero had a con- 
ference with her in Caesar's gardens ; where the 
haughtiness of her behaviour gave him no small of- 
fence. Knowing his taste and character, she made 
him the promise of some present, very agreeable, but 
disobliged him the more by not performing it: he 
does not tell us what it was ; but from the hints, 
which he drops, it seems to have been statues or cu- 
riosities from Egypt, for the ornament of his library ; 
a sort of furniture which he was peculiarly fond of. 
But her pride being mortified by Caesar's fate, she 
w r as now forced to apply to him, by her ministers, 
for his assistance in a particular suit, that she was 
recommending to the senate, in which he refused to 
be concerned. The affair seems to have related to 
her infant son, whom she pretended to be Caesar's, 
and called by his name, and was labouring to get hhn 
acknowledged as such at Rome, and declared the 
heir of her kingdom, as he was, the year following, 
both by Antony and Octavius, though Caesar's 
friends were generally scandalized at it, and Oppius 
thought it worth while to write a book, to prove that, 
the child could not be Caesar's.* Cleopatra had 
been waiting to accompany Caesar into the east, in 
order to preserve her influence over him, which was 
very great; for, after his death, Helvius Cinna, one 
of the tribunes, owned, that he had a law ready pre- 
pared, and delivered to him by Caesar, with orders to 
publish it, as soon as he was gone, for granting to 
him the liberty of taking what number of wives, and 
of what condition he thought fit, for the sake of 
propagating children.f This was contrived, pro- 

* Quorum C. Oppius, quasi plane defensione ac patrocinio res egeret, librum edi» 
dit, non esse Cajsaris filium, quem Cleopatra dicat. Sueton. J. Cass. 52- vid. Dio, p. 
227, 345. 

t Helvius Cinna — confessus est, habuisse se scriptam paratamque legem, quam 
Caesar ferre jussisset cum ipse abesset, ut uxores liberorum qusrendorum causa, quas 
et quot dusere veller, liceret. Sueton. ib. Dio, 2-13. 


A. Urb.?09. Clc. 63. Coss.— -M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabel la. 

bably, to save Cleopatra's honour, and to legitimate 
his issue by her; since polygamy, and the marriage 
of a stranger, were prohibited by the laws of Rome. 

Cicero touches these particulars in several places, 
though darkly and abruptly, according to the style 
of his Letters to Atticus. " The flight of the 
" queen," says he, " gives me no pain. I should be 
" glad to hear what farther news there is of her, and 
"her young Caesar. I hate the queen : her agent, 
" Ammonius, the witness and sponsor of her pro- 
" mises to me, knows that I have reason : they were 
" things only proper for a man of letters, and suita- 
" ble to my character; so that I should not scruple 
" to proclaim them from the rostra. Her other agent, 

Sara, is not only a rascal, but has been rude to 

me. J never saw him at my house but once, and 
" when I asked him, civilly, what commands he had 
" for me, he said, that he came to look for Atticus. 
" As to the pride of the queen, when I saw her in 
" the gardens, I can never think of it without re- 
" sentment: I will have nothing, therefore, to do 
" with them: they take me to have neither spirit, nor 
" even feeling left."* 

Antony having put his affairs into the best train 
that he could, and appointed the first of June for a 
meeting of the senate, in order to deliberate on the 
state of the Republic, took the opportunity of that 
interval to make a progress through Italy, for the 
sake of visiting the quarters of the veteran soldiers, 
and engaging them to his service, by all sorts of 
bribes and promises. He left the government of the 
city to Dolabella, whom Caesar, upon his intended 

* Reginae fuga mihi non niolesta. [Ad Att. 14. 8.] de Regina velim, atque etiam 
de Caesare illo. [ib. 20.] Reginam odi. Me jure facere scit sponsor promissorum 
ejus Ammonius; quae quidem erant^iXoXoya et dignitatis meae, ut vel in concionedi- 
cere auderem. Saram autem, prseterquam quod nefarium hominem cognovi, praete- 
rea in me contumacem. Semel eum omnino domi meaj vidi. Cum fiXotygwaif ex eo 
quaererem, quid opus esset, Atticum se dixit quaerere. Superbiam autem ipsius Re- 
ginas, cum esset trans Tiberim in hortis, coinmemorare sine magno dolore non possum. 
Nihil igitur cum istis : nee tarn animum me, quam vix stomachum habere arbitrantur. 
Ib. 15. 15. 

R 2 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cos*.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

expedition to Parthia, had designed and nominated 
to the consulship: and though Antony had protest- 
ed against that designation, and resolved to obstruct 
its effect, yet, after Caesar's death, when Dolabella, 
by the advantage of the general confusion, seized the 
ensigns of the office, and assumed the habit and cha- 
racter of the consul, Antony quietly received and 
acknowledged him as such, at the next meeting of 
the senate.* 

Cicero had always kept up a fair correspondence 
with his son-in-law, though he had long known him 
to be void of all virtue and good principles : but he 
had now greater reason than ever for insinuating 
himself, as far as he was able, into his confidence, 
in order to engage him, if possible, to the interests of 
the republic, and use him as a check upon the de- 
signs of his colleague Antony ; in which he had the 
greater prospect of success, on the account of their 
declared enmity to each other. Dolabella greatly 
confirmed these hopes; and, as soon as Antony had 
left the city, made all honest men think themselves 
sure of him, by exerting a most severe, as well as 
seasonable, act of discipline, upon the disturbers of 
the public tranquillity. For the mob, headed by 
the impostor Marius, and the freed men of Caesar, 
had erected an altar in the Forum, on the spot where 
Caesar's body was burnt, with a pillar of Numidian 
marble, twenty feet high, inscribed to the father of 
his country. Here they performed daily sacrifices 
and divine rites, and the humour of worshipping at 
this new altar began to spread itself so fast among 
the meaner sort, and the slaves, as to endanger the 
peace and safety of the city : for the multitudes 
which flocked to the place, fired with a kind of en- 
thusiastic rage, ran furious about the streets, com- 
mitting all sorts of outrage and violence against the 
supposed friends of liberty. But Dolabella put an 

* Tuum Collegam, depositis ininiicitiis, oblitusauspicia, te ipsoAugure mmciante, 
illo prirao die Collegam tibi esse voluisti. Philip. 1. 13. 


A. Urb 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

end to the evil at once, by demolishing the pillar and 
the altar, and seizing the authors of the disorders, 
and causing such of them as were free to be thrown 
down theTarpeian rock, and the slaves to be cruci- 
fied. This gave an universal joy to the city; the 
whole body of the people attended the consul to his 
house, and in the theatres gave him the usual testi- 
mony of their thanks, by the loudest acclamations.* 
Cicero was infinitely pleased with this act, and en- 
joyed some share of the praise, since it was generally 
imputed to the influence of his counsels : in a letter 
upon it to Atticus: " O my admirable Dolabella !" 
says he, " I now call him mine ; for, believe me, 
" I had some doubt of him before ; the fact affords 
" matter of great speculation ; to throw them down 
" the rock ; to crucify ; demolish the pillar; pave the 
" area ; in short, it is heroic. He has extinguished 
" all appearance of that regret for Caesar, which was 
" spreading every day so fast, that I began to appre- 
" hend some danger to our tyrant-killers : but 1 now 
" agree with you, and conceive better hopes," &c.f 
Again: "O the brave act of Dolabella! what a 
" prospect does it give us? I never cease praising 
" and exhorting him — our Brutus, 1 daresay, might 
" now walk safely through the Forum, with a crown 
" of gold upon his head ; for who dares molest him, 
" when the rock or the cross is to be their, fate ? and 
" when the very lowest of the people give such 
"proofs of their applause and approbation ?"J He 

* Plebs — postea solidam columnam prope viginti pedum lapidis Numidici iu Foro 
statuit, scripsitque Parenti Patrias, apud eandem longo tempore sacrifieare, vota sus- 
cipere, controversias quasdam, interposito per Csesarem jurejurando, distrahere per- 
severavit. Sueton. J. Cass. 85. 

Manabat enim illud malum urbanum, et ita corroborabatur quotidie, lit ego quidem 
eturbiet otio diffideremurbano. Ep. Fam. 12. 1. 

Nam cum serperet in urbe infinitum malum — et quotidie magis magisque perditi 
homines, cumsui similibusservis, tectis et templis urbis minarentur ; talis animadver- 
sio fuit Dolabellae, cum in audaces seeleratosque servos, turn in impuros et nefarios 
cives, talisque eversio iilius execratse columnas, &c. Philip. 1. 2 — recordare quaeso, 
Dolabella, consensum ilium theatri. Vid.ib. 12. 

t Ad Att. 14. 15. 

t O Dolabellae nostri &g(crviutv quanta est. avaSsa^wj? equidem laudare eum et 
fcortari non desisto— raihi quidem videtur Brutus noster jam vel coronam auream per 


A.Urb. 709 Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. 1\ Cornelius Dolabella. 

wrote, at the same time, from Baise, the following 
letter to Dolabella himself. 


** Though I was content, my Dolabella, with 
your glory, and reaped a sufficiency of pleasure 
'• from it, yet I cannot but own, that it gives me 
an inexpressible joy, to find the world ascribing 
1 to me also some share in your praises. I have 
1 met with nobody here, though I see so much com- 
( pany every day, (for there are many worthy men 
; now at this place, for the sake of their health, aud 
: many of my acquaintance from the great towns) 
1 who, after extolling you to the skies, does not 
' give thanks presently to me; not doubting, as 
' they all say, but it is by my precepts and advice, 
' that you now shew yourself to be this admirable 
1 citizen, and singular consul : and though I could 
' assure them, with great truth, that what you are 
' doing flows wholly from yourself, and your own 
' judgment, and that you want not the advice of any 
' one ; yet I neither wholly assent, lest I should de- 
' rogate from your merit, by making it seem to pro- 
' ceed from my counsel ; nor do I strongly deny it, 
' being myself, perhaps, more greedy of glory than 
' I ought to be. But that can never be a diminu- 
' tion to you, which was an honour even to Aga- 
1 memnon, the king of kings, to have a Nestor for 
' his counsellor ; while it will be glorious to me, to 
' see a young consul, the scholar, as it were, of my 
1 discipline, flourishing in the midst of applause. 
' L. Caesar, when I visited him lately sick at Naples, 
' though oppressed with pain in every part of his 
body, yet, before he had even saluted me, could 
not forbear crying out, O my Cicero ! I congra- 

forum ferre posse ; quis enim audeat violare, proposita cruce aut saxo ? pnEsertira 
tantis plausibus, tanta approbatione infimorum ? lb. 16. 


A. Uib. 709. Cic. 63. Co»s — M. Autonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" tulate with you on account of the authority which 

" you have with Dolabella; for if I had the same 

" credit with my sister's son, Antony, we should all 

" now be safe : but as to your Dolabella, I both con- 

" gratulate with him, and thank him ; since, from the 

" time of your consulship, he is the only one, whom 

" we can truly call a consul: he then enlarged upon 

" your act, and the manner of it ; and declared, that 

" nothing was ever greater, nothing nobler, nothing 

" more salutary to the state ; and this, indeed, is 

" the common voice of all. Allow me, therefore, 

" I beg of you, to take some share, though it be a 

" false one, in the possession of another man's glory ; 

" and admit me, in some degree, into a partnership 

" of your praises. But, to be serious, my Dolabella, 

" for hitherto I have been joking, I would sooner 

" transfer all the credit that 1 have to you, if I really 

" have any, than rob you of any part of your's ; for, 

" as I have always had that sincere affection for you, 

11 to which you have been no stranger, so now I am 

" so charmed by your late conduct, that no love was 

" ever more ardent. For, believe me, there is nothing, 

" after all, more engaging, nothing more beautiful, 

" nothing more lovely than virtue. I have ever loved 

" M. Brutus, you know, for his incomparable pnrts, 

" sweet disposition, singular probity, and firmness 

" of mind : yet, on the Ides of March, such an ac- 

" cession was made to my love, that I was surprised 

" to find any room for increase in that, which I had 

" long ago taken to be full and perfect. Who could 

" have thought it possible, that any addition could 

" be made to my love of you? Yet so much has 

" been added, that I seem but now at last to love, 

" before to have only esteemed you. What is it, 

" therefore, that I must now exhort you to ? Is it 

" to pursue the path of dignity and glory ? And as 

" those do, who use to exhort, shall I propose to you 

" the examples of eminent men ? I can think of none 

" more eminent than yourself. You must imitate, 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" therefore, yourself; contend with yourself; for, 
" after such great things done, it would be a disgrace 
" to you not to be like yourself. Since this then is 
" the case, there is no occasion to exhort, but to con- 
" gratulate with you : for that has happened to you, 
" which scarce ever happened to any man ; that, by 
" the utmost severity of punishing, instead of acqui- 
" ring odium, you are become popular ; and not only 
" with the better sort, but the very meanest of the 
" city. If this was owing to fortune, I should con- 
" gratulate your felicity ; but it was owing to the 
" greatness of your courage, as well as of your parts 
" and wisdom. For I have read your speech to the 
" people : nothing was ever more prudent: you enter 
" so deliberately and gradually into the reason of 
" your act, and retire from it so artfully, that the 
" case itself, in the opinion of all, appears to be ripe 
" for punishment. You have freed us, therefore, 
" both from onrdanger and our fears, and have done 
" an act of the greatest service, not only to the pre- 
" sent times, but for the example of it also to poste- 
" rity. You are to consider, that the republic now 
" rests upon your shoulders : and that it is your 
" part, not only to protect, but to adorn those men, 
" from whom we have received this beginning of our 
" liberty : but of this we shall talk more fully when 
" we meet again, as I hope we shall shortly ; in the 
" meanwhile, since you are the common guardian, 
" both of the republic, and of us all, take care, my 
" dear Dolabella, that you guard more especially 
" your own safety."* 

In this retreat from Rome, he had a mind to make 
an excursion to Greece, and pay a visit to his son at 
Athens, whose conduct did not please him, and 
seemed to require his presence to reform and set it 
right."}* B ut the news of Dolabella's behaviour, and 

* Ep. Fam. 9. 14. 

t Quod sentio valde esse utile ad confirmationem Ciceronis, meilluc venire. [Ad. 
Att. 14. 13.] Magni interest Ciceronis, vel raea potius, vel mehercule utriusquc, 
me intervenire disCenti. lb. 16. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

the hopes which it gave, of gaining the only thing 
that was wanted, a head and leader of their cause, 
armed with the authority of the state, made him re- 
solve to stay, at least till after the first of June, lest 
his absence should be interpreted as a kind of de- 
sertion ; nor did he ever intend, indeed, to leave 
Italy, till he could do it without censure, and to the 
full satisfaction of Brutus, whom he was determined 
never to desert on any occasion.* 

He had frequent meetings and conferences all this 
while with his old friends of the opposite party, the 
late ministers of Caesar's power; Pansa, Hirtius, 
Balbus, Matins, &c. : but Caesar's death, on which 
their sentiments were very different from his, had, 
in great measure, broken their former confidence ; 
and, though the popularity of the act made them 
somewhat shy of speaking their minds freely about 
it, yet he easily perceived that they were utterly dis- 
pleased with it, and seemed to want an occasion of 
revenging it. Pansa and Hirtius, as has been said, 
were nominated by Caesar to the consulship of the 
next year, and, as Caesar's acts were ratified by the 
senate, were to succeed to it of course. This made 
Brutus and Cassius press Cicero earnestly to gain 
them, if possible, to the republican side; but espe- 
cially Hirtius, whom they most suspected. But 
Cicero seems to have had little hopes of success : his 
account of them to Atticus, is, that there was not 
one of them who did not dread peace more than war; 
that they were perpetually lamenting the miserable 
end of so great a man, and declaring that the Re- 
public was ruined by it; that all his acts would be 
made void, as soon as peoples fears were over, and 
that clemency was his ruin : since, if it had not been 
for that, he could not have perished in such a mau- 

* Nunc auteni videmur habituri duceni, quod unum Municipia, bonique deside- 
rant. lb. 20. 

Nee vero decedam, nisi cum tu me id honeste putabis facere posse. Bruto certe 
meo nullo loco de ero. lb. 15. — Vid. 16. 13. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

ner : and of Hirtius in particular: " He warmly 
" loves him," says he, " whom Brutus stabbed : as 
" to their desiring me to make him better, I am doing; 
" my endeavour : he talks very honestly, but lives 
"with Balbus; who talks honestly too: how far 
" they are to be trusted, you must consider."* 

But of all this set of men, Matins was the most 
open and explicit in condemning the act of the con- 
spirators, so as to put Cicero out of humour with him, 
as a man irreconcileable to the liberty of the Re- 
public. Cicero called upon him, on his way from 
Rome into the country, and found him sullen, de- 
sponding, and foreboding nothing but wars and de- 
solation, as the certain consequence of Caesar's 
death. Among other particulars of their conversa- 
tion, Matius told him something which Caesar had 
latelv said both of him and Brutus: that he used tr 
say to Brutus, it was of great consequence which 
way he stood inclined, since whatever he had a 
mind to, he pursued with an impetuous eagerness; 
that he had remarked this of him more especially, 
in his pleading for Deiotarus at Nicaea ; where he 
spoke with a surprising vehemence and freedom : 
and of Cicero, that when he was attending Caesar, 
in the cause of Sestius, Caesar perceiving him sit- 
ting in the room, and waiting till he was called, said, 
" Can I doubt of my being extremely odious, when 
" Cicero sits waiting, and cannot get access to me ? 
" yet if any man be easy enough to forgive it, it is he, 
" though I do not question but that he really hates 
" me."t 

* Minime enirn obscurura est, quid isti moliantur; meus vero discipulus, quihodie 
apud me coenat, valde amat ilium, quem Brutus noster sanciavit, et si quasris, per- 
spexi enim plane, timent otiura. vwoQeo-iv autem hanc habent, eamque prae se ferunt, 
virum elarissimum interfectum, totam Rempub. illius interitu perturbatam : irrita 
fore, quae ille egisset, simul ac desistemus timere. Clementiam illi malo fuisse : qua 
si usus non esset, nihil illi tale accidere potuisse. Ad Att. 14. 22. 

Quod Hirtium per me meliorem fieri volunt, do equidem operam, et ille optime 
loquitur, sed vivit habitatque cum Balbo : qui item bene loquitur. Quid credas 
videris. lb. 20. 21. 

tDe Bruto nostra — Csesarem solitnm dicere. Magni refert hie quid velit : sed 
quicquid vult, valde vult. Idque eum animadvertiise emu pro Deiotaro Nicaa« 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

There were several reasons, however, which made 
it necessary to these men, to court Cicero, at this 
time, as much as ever ; for, if the Republic hap- 
pened to recover itself, he was of all men the most 
capable to protect them on that side : if not, the 
most able to assist them against Antony, whose de- 
signs and success they dreaded still more ; for, if 
they must have a new master, they were disposed, 
for the sake of Caesar, to prefer his heir and nephew 
Octavius. We find Hirtius and Pansa, therefore, 
very assiduous in their observance of him: they spent 
a great part of the summer with him at different 
times, in his villas, giving him the strongest assu- 
rances of their good intentions and disposition to 
peace, and that he should be the arbiter of their 
future consulship : and, though he continued still to 
have some distrust of Hirtius, yet Pansa wholly^ 
persuaded him that he was sincere.* 

Brutus and Cassius continued still near Lanu- 
vium, in the neighbourhood of Cicero's villa, at As- 
tura, of which, at Cicero's desire, they sometimes 
made use.t Being yet irresolute what measures 
they should take, they kept themselves quiet and 
retired, expecting what time and chance would offer, 
and waiting particularly to see what humour the con- 
suls would be in at the next meeting of the senate, 
with regard to themselves and the republic : and, 
since they were driven from the discharge of their 
praetorship, in the city, they contrived to put the 
people in mind of them, from time to time, by their 
edicts, in which they made the strongest professions 

dixerit, valde vehementer eura visum, et libere dicere. Atque etiaru proxime cum 
Sestii rogatu apud eum fuissem, expectaremque sedens quoad vocarer, dixisse cum; 
ego dubitem quin summo in odio sim, cum M. Cicero sedeat, nee suo commodo rue 
convenire possit? Atqui si quisquam estfacilis, hie est : tamen non dubito, quin me 
male oderit. Ad Att. 14. 1. 

* Cum Pansa vixi in Pompeiano. Is plane mihi probabat, se bene sentire et 
cupere pacem, &c. Ad Att. 14. 20. it. 15. 1. 

t Velim mehercule Asturae Brutus. [Ad Att. 14. 11.] Bruttun apud me fuisse 
gaudeo : modo et libenter fuerit et sat diu. lb. 15. 3. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

of their pacific disposition, and declared that their 
conduct should give no handle for a civil war, and 
that they would submit to a perpetual exile, if it 
would contribute in any manner to the public con- 
cord, being content with the consciousness of their 
act, as the greatest honour which they could enjoy.* 
Their present design was to come to Rome on the 
first of June, and take their places in the senate, if 
it should be thought advisable, or to present them- 
selves, at least, in the rostra, and try the affections 
of the people, for whom Brutus was preparing a 
speech. They sent to know Cicero's opinion of this 
project, with the copy also of that speech which 
Brutus made in the capital, on the day of Caesar's 
death, begging his revisal and correction of it, in 
order to its being published. Cicero, in his account 
pf it to Atticus, says, " The oration is drawn with the 
" utmost elegance both of sentiments and style ; 
" yet, were 1 to handle the subject, I should work 
" it up with more fire. You know the character of 
" the speaker ; for which reason I could not cor- 
" rect it: for, in the style in which our friend would 
" excel, and according to the idea which he has 
" formed of the best manner of speaking, he has 
" succeeded so well, that nothing can be better : 
" but, whether I am in the right or the wrong, J am 
" of a quite different taste. 1 wish, however, that 
" you would read it, if you have not already, and 
" let me know what you think of it ; though I am 
" afraid, lest, through the prejudiceof your name, you 
" should shew too much of the attic in your judgment: 
" yet, if you remember the thunder of Demosthenes, 
" you will perceive that the greatest force may con- 
" sist with the perfection of attic elegance. "j" 

* Testati edictis, libenter se vel in perpetuo exilio victuros, duni Reipub. constaret 
concordia, nee tillum belli civilis praebituros materiam, plurinmm sibi honoris esse in 
conscientia facti sui, &c. [Veil. Pat. 2. 62.] Edictum Bruti et Cassii probo. [Ad 
Att. 14. 20.] l)e quibus tu bonani spem te habere significas propter edictorum 
hnroanitatem. lb. 15. 1. 

t Ad Att. 15. 1. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

Atticus did not like the speech ; he thought the 
manner too cold and spiritless for so great an occa- 
sion, and begged of Cicero to draw up another, to 
be published in Brutus's name : but Cicero would 
not consent to it, thinking the thing itself improper, 
and knowing that Brutus would take it ill.* In one 
of his letters on the subject, " Though you may 
" think me in the wrong," says he, " to imagine 
" that the republic depends on Brutus, the fact is 
" certainlv so: there will either be none at all, or 
" it will be saved by him and his accomplices. As 
" to your urging me to write a speech for him, take 
" it from me, my Atticus, as a general rule, which 
" by long experience I have found to be true, that 
" there never was a poet or orator who thought any 
" one preferable to himself; this is the case even 
" with bad ones : what shall we think, then, of 
" Brutus, who has both wit and learning? especial- 
" ly after the late experiment of him, in the case of 
" the edict. I drew up one for him at your desire : 
" I liked mine ; he his : besides, when, at his ear- 
" nest solicitation, I addressed to him my treatise 
" on the best manner of speaking, he wrote word, 
" not only to me, but to you too, that the kind of 
" eloquence which I recommended did not please 
" him. Let every one, therefore, compose for him- 

" self 1 wish only, that it may be in his power 

" to make a speech at all : for if ever he can appear 
" again with safety at Rome, we have gained the 
" victory .f 

In this interval, a new actor appeared on the 
stage, who, though hitherto but little considered, 
soon made the first figure upon it, and drew all 
people's eyes towards him, the young Octavius, 
who was left, by his uncle Caesar, the heir of his 
name and estate. He had been sent, a few months 
before, to Apollonia, a celebrated academy, or 

* lb. 3. 4. t lb. 14. 20. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antontus. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

school of learning, in Macedonia, there to wait for 
his uncle, on his way to the Parthian war, in which 
he was to attend him ; but the news of Caesar's 
death soon brought him back to Italy, to try what 
fortunes he could carve for himself, by the credit of 
his new name, and the help of his uncle's friends. 
He arrived at Naples on the eighteenth of April, 
whither Balbus went the next morning to receive 
him, and returned the same day to Cicero, near 
Cuma?, having first conducted Octavius to the ad- 
joining villa of his father-in-law, Philip : Hirtius 
and Pansa were with Cicero at the same time, to 
whom they immediately presented Octavius, with 
the strongest professions, on the part of the young- 
man, that he would be governed entirely by his 

The sole pretension which he avowed, at present, 
was to assert his right to the succession of his un- 
cle's estate, and to claim the possession of it: but 
this was thought an attempt too hardy and danger- 
ous for a mere boy, scarce yet above eighteen years 
old : for the republican party had great reason to 
be jealous of him, lest, with the inheritance of the 
estate, he should grasp at the power of his uncle ; 
and Antony still more, who had destined that suc- 
cession to himself, and already seized the effects, 
lest, by the advantage of all that wealth, Octavius 
might be in a condition to make head against him. 
The mother, therefore, and her husband Philip, out 
of concern for his safety, pressed him to suspend 
his claim for awhile, and not assume an invidious 
name, before he could see what turn the public af- 
fairs would take : but he was of too great a spirit 
to relish any suggestions of caution ; declaring it 
base and infamous to think himself unworthy of a 

* Octavius Neapolim venit a. d. xim Kal. ibi eum Balbus mane postridie ; 
eodemque die mecum in Cumano. [Ad Att. 14. 10.] Hie mecum Balbus, Hirtius, 
Pansa. Modo venit Octavius, et quideni in proximam villain Philippi mihi totus 
deditus. lb. 11. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 6S. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

name, of which Caesar had thought him worthy :* 
and there were many about him constantly pushing 
him on, to throw himself upon the affections of the 
city, and the army, before his enemies had made 
themselves too strong for him ; so that he was on 
fire to be at Rome, and to enter into action ; being 
determined to risk all his hopes on the credit of his 
name, and the friends and troops of his uncle. 

Before he left the country, Cicero, speaking of 
him to Atticus, says, " Octavius is still with us, 
" and treats me with the greatest respect and friend- 
11 ship : his domestics give him the name of Caesar : 
" Philip does not; nor for that reason do I. It is 
" not possible for him, in my opinion, to make a 
" good citizen ; there are so many about him who 
" threaten the death of our friends : they declare, 
" that what they have done can never be forgiven. 
V What will be the case, think you, when the boy 
" comes to Rome, where our deliverers cannot shew 
" their heads? who yet must ever be famous, nay, 
" happy too, in the consciousness of their act : but 
" as for us, unless I am deceived, we shall be un- 
" done. I long, therefore, to go abroad, where I 
" may hear no more of these Pelopidae, &c."'f~ 

As soon as Octavius came to Rome, he was pro- 
duced to the people by one of the tribunes, and 
made a speech to them from the rostra, which was 
now generally possessed by the enemies of Brutus, 
who were perpetually making use of the advantage, 
to inflame the mob against him : " Remember," 
says Cicero, " what I tell you: this custom of se- 
" ditious harangues is so much cherished, that those 

* Non placebat Atiae matri, Philippoque vitrico, adiri nomen invidiosas fortume 
Casaris — sprevit ccelestis animus humana consilia — dictitans, nefas esse, quo nomine 
Cffisari dignus esset visus, sibimet ipsum videri indignum. Veil. Pat. 2. 60. 

t Nobiscum hie perhonorifice et amice Octavius : quern quidem sui Cagsarem salu- 
tabant Philippus non: itaque ne nos quidem: quern nego posse bonum civem, ita 
multi circumstant, qui quidem nostris mortem minitantur. Negant hasc ferri posse, 
quid censes, cum Romam puer venerit, ubi nostri liberatores tuti esse non possunt ? 
qui quidem semper erunt clari : conscientia vero facti sui etiam bead : sed nos, nisi 
me fallit, jacebimus. Itaque aveo exire, ubi nee Pelopidarum. Ad- Att. 14. 12. 


A.Urb:709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" heroes of our's, or rather gods, will live, indeed, 
" in immortal glory, yet not without envy, and even 
" danger: their great comfort, however, is, the con- 
" sciousness of a most glorious act : but what com- 
" fort for us, who, when our king is killed, are not 
" yet free? But fortune must look to that, since 
" reason has no sway."* 

Octavius seconded his speech, by what was like 
to please the inferior part of the city much better ; 
the representation of public shows and plays, in 
honour of his uncle's victories. Casar had promised 
and prepared for them in his life time; but those 
whom he had entrusted with the management, 
durst not venture to exhibit them after his death, 
till Octavius, as his heir and representative, under- 
took the affair, as devolved of course upon himself. *]* 
In these shows, Octavius brought out the golden 
chair, which, among the other honours decreed to 
Caesar, when living, was ordered to be placed in the 
theatres and circus, as to a deity, on all solemn oc- 
casions.^ But the tribunes ordered the chair to be 
taken away, upon which the body of the knights 
testified their applause by a general clap. Atticus 
sent an account of this to Cicero, which was very 
agreeable to him:§ but he was not at all pleased 
with Octavius's conduct, since it indicated a spirit 
determined to revive the memory, and to avenge 
the death of Caesar ; and he was the less pleased 
to hear, also, that Matins had taken upon him the 
care of these shows; || since it confirmed the sus- 
picion which he had before conceived of Matius, 
and made him apprehensive that he would be an 

* Sed memento, sic alitur consuetudo perditarum concionum, ut nostri illi non 
Heroes, sed Dii, futuri quidem in gloria sempiterna sint, sed non sine invidia, ne 
sine periculo quidem : verum illis nwgna consolatio, conscientia rnaximi et clarissimi 
facti : nobis quae, qui interfecto Rege liberi non suinus ? sed hax fortuna viderit, 
quoniam ratio non gubernat. Ad Att. 14. 11. 

t Ludos autem victoria; Csesaris non audentibus facere, quibus obtigerat id mu- 
nus, ipse edidit. Sueton. Aug. x. Dio, p. 272. 

t Dio, 44. 243. 

$ De Sella Caesaris, bene Tribuni. Praaclaros etiam xiv ordines. Ad Att. 15. 3. 

fl Ludorum ejus apparatus, et Matius ac Postumius procurators non placent. Ad 
Att. 15.2. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

ill counsellor to young Octavius, in which light he 
seems to have represented him to Brutus. Matius 
was informed of these suspicions, and complained 
to their common friend Trebatius, of Cicero's un- 
kind opinion and unfriendly treatment of him, 
which gave occasion to the following apology from 
Cicero, and the answer to it from Matius, which is 
deservedly valued, not only for the beauty of its 
sentiments and composition, but for preserving to 
us a name and character, which was almost lost to 
history, of a most esteemed and amiable person, 
who lived in the first degree of confidence with 
Caesar, and for parts, learning, and virtue, was scarce 
inferior to any of that age. 

Cicero takes pains to persuade Matius that he 
had said nothing of him but what was consistent 
with the strictest friendship ; and, to gain the easier 
credit with him, prefaces his apology with a detail 
and acknowledgment of Matius's perpetual civili- 
ties, and observance of him through life, even when 
in the height of his power and credit with Caesar : 
but when he comes to the point of the complaint, 
he touches it very tenderly, and observes only, in 
general, that as Matius's dignity exposed every 
thing which he did to public notice, so the malice 
of the world interpreted some of his acts more 
hardly than thev deserved : that it was his care al- 
wavs to &ive the most favourable turn to them. — 
" But you," says he, " a man of the greatest learn- 
" ing, are not ignorant, that, if Caesar was in fact 
" a king, as I indeed looked upon him to have 
" been, there are two ways of considering the case 
"of your duty: either that, which I commonly 
" take, of extolling your fidelity and humanity, 
" in shewing so much affection even to -a dead 
" friend ; or the other, which some people use, 
" that the liberty of our country ought to be pre- 
" ferred to the life of any friend. I wish that you 
" had heard with what zeal I used to defend yon 



A. Urb.709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelias Doiabelkt. 

" in these conversations : but there are two things 
" especially, that make the principal part of your 
" praise, which no man speaks of more frequently 
" or more freely than 1 ; that you, of all Caesar's 
" friends, were the most active, both in dissuading 
" the civil war, and in moderating the victory ; in 
" which I have met with nobody who does not 
"agree with me,* &c. 


" Your letter gave me great pleasure, by letting 
■" me see, that you retain still that favourable opinion 
" of me, which I had always hoped and wished ; and 
" though I had never indeed any doubt of it, yet, 
" for the high value that I set upon it, I was very 
■?' solicitous that it should remain always inviolable : 
" I was conscious to myself that I had done no- 
" thing which could reasonably give offence to any 
" honest man ; and did not imagine, therefore, that 
" a person of your great and excellent accomplish- 
" ments could be induced to take any without rea- 
" son, especially against one who had always pro- 
" fessed, and still continued to profess, a sincere 
" good will to you. Since all this then stands just 
" as I wish it, I will now give an answer to those 
" accusations, from which you, agreeably to your 
" character, out of your singular goodness and 
" friendship, have so often defended me. I am no 
** stranger to what has been said of me by certain 
" persons since Caesar's death : they call it a crime 
" in me, that I am concerned for the loss of an in- 
" timate friend, and sorry that the man whom I 
" loved met with so unhappy a fate : they say, 
" that our country ought to be preferred to any 
" friendship, as if they had already made it evident 
" that his death was of service to the republic: 
" but I will not deal craftily : I own myself not to 

* Ep. Faiu. xi. S7. 


A.Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Com.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

11 be arrived at that degree of wisdom : nor did I 
"■ yet follow Caesar in onr late dissensions, but my 
" friend ; whom, though displeased with the thing, 
" I could not desert : for I never approved the 
"civil war, or the cause of it: but took all pos- 
" sible pains to stifle it in its birth. Upon the 
" victory, therefore, of a familiar friend, I was not 
" eager either to advance or to enrich myself: an 
" advantage which others who had less interest 
" with him than I abused to great excess. Nay, 
" my circumstances were even hurt by Caesar's law, 
" to whose kindness, the greatest part of those, who 
" now rejoice at his death, owed their very conti- 
" nuance in the city. I solicited the pardon of the 
" vanquished, with the same zeal as if it had been 
" for myself. Is it possible, therefore, for me, who 
" laboured to procure the safety of all, not to be 
" concerned for the death of him from whom I 
" used to procure it? especially, when the very 
" same men, who were the cause of making him 
" odious, were the authors, also, of destroying him. 
" But I shall have cause, they say, to repent for 
" daring to condemn their act. Unheard-of inso- 
" lence! that it should be allowed to some to glory 
in a wicked action, yet not to others even to 
grieve at it without punishment! But this was 
always free eveu to slaves, to fear, rejoice, and 
" grieve by their own will, not that of another ; 
" which yet these men, who call themselves theau- 
" tbors of liberty, are endeavouring to extort from 
" us by the force of terror. But they may spare 
" their threats ; for no danger shall terrify me from 
" performing my duty and the offices of humanity : 
" since it was always my opinion, that an honest 
" death was never to be avoided, often even to be 
V sought. But why are they angry with me, for 
" wishing only that they may repent of their 
act? I wish that all the world may regret Cae- 
sar's death. But I ought, they say, as a member 

s 2 





A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antomus. P. Cornelias Dolabella. 

" of civil society, to wish the good and safety of 
«« the republic. If my past life and future hopes 

V do not already prove that I wish it, without 
" my saying so, I will not pretend to evince it by 
" argument. 1 beg of yon, therefore, in the strong- 
" est terms, to attend to facts rather than to words ; 
" and if you think it the most useful to one in my 
" circumstances, that what is right should take 
" place, never imagine that I can have any union or 

V commerce with ill-designing men. I acted the 
" same part in my youth, where to mistake would 
"have been pardonable; shall I then undo it all 
••' again, and renounce my principles in my declin- 
" ing age? No; it is my resolution to do nothing 
" that can give any offence, except it be when I 
" lament the cruel fate of a dear friend and illus- 
" trious man. If I were in different sentiments, I 
" would never disown what I was doing; lest I 
" should be thought, not only wicked for pursu- 
" ing what was wrong, but false and cowardly 
" for dissembling it. But I undertook the care of 
" the shows, which young Caesar exhibited for the 
" victory of his uncle : this was an affair of private, 
" not of public duty; it was what I ought to have 
" performed to the memory and honour of my dead 
" friend ; and what I could not, therefore, deny to 
11 a youth of the greatest hopes, and so highly 
" worthy of Caesar. But I go often also to the con- 
" sul Antony's, to pay my compliments: yet you vyill 
" find those very men go oftener to ask and receive 
" favours, who reflect upon me for it, as disaffected 
"to my country. But what arrogance is this? 
" When Caesar never hindered me from visiting 
" whom I would ; even those whom he did not care 
" for; that they, who have deprived me of him, 
" should attempt, by their cavils, to debar me from 
** placing my esteem where I think proper. But I 
" am not afraid, that either the modesty of my life 
•' should not be sufficient to confute all false re- 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" ports of me, for the future, or that they, who do 
" not love me, for my constancy to Caesar, would 
" not choose to have their friends resemble me, ra- 
" ther than themselves. For my own part, if I 
" could have my wish, I would spend the remain- 
" der of my days in quiet at Rhodes: but if any 
" accident prevent me, will live in such a manner, 
" at Rome, as always to desire that what is right 
" may prevail. I am greatly obliged to our friend 
" Trebatius, for giving me this assurance of your 
" sincere and friendly regard for me, and for making 
" it my duty to respect and observe a man, whom 
" I had esteemed always before with inclination. 
" Take care of your health, and preserve me in 
" your affection."* 

Antony, all this while, was not idle ; but pushed 
on his designs with great vigour and address : in his 
progress through Italy, his business was to gather 
up ■ Caesar's old soldiers from the several colonies 
and quarters in which they were settled; and by 
large bribes, and larger promises, to attach them to 
his interests, and draw great bodies of them to- 
wards Rome, to be ready for any purpose that his 
affairs should require. In the city, likewise, he 
neglected no means which his consular authority 
offered, how unjust or violent soever, of strength- 
ening his power; and let all people now see, for 
what ends he had provided that decree, to which 
the senate had consented for the sake of peace, of 
confirming Caesar's acts: for being the master, both 
of Caesar's papers and of his secretary Faberius, 

* Ep. Fam. xi. 28. This Cn. Matins lived long afterwards in such favour and 
farai|iarity with Augustus, as to be distinguished by the title of Augustus's friend. 
Yet lie seems to have declined all public honours and business, and to have spent 
the remainder of his days in an elegant and pleasurable retreat ; employing his time 
and studies in the improvements of gardening and planting, as well as in refining 
the delicacy of a splendid and luxurious life, which was the general taste of that age. 
For he first taught how to inoculate and propagate some of their curious and foreign 
fruits ; and introduced the way of cutting trees and groves into regular forms : on 
which subjects he published several books, which are mentioned by the later writers. 
Vid. Columel. de re rust. 1. 12. c. 11. init. I'lin. Hist. 1. 12. '.'. lb. 14. 


A. fjrb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Autonius. P. Cornelius Dolabcik. 

by whose hand they were written,* he had an op- 
portunity of forging and inserting at pleasure what- 
ever he found of use to him ; which he practised 
without any reserve or management; selling pub- 
licly for money whatever immunities were desired, 
by countries, cities, princes, or private men, on pre- 
tence that they had been granted by Caesar, and en- 
tered into his books. This alarmed and shocked 
all honest men, who saw the mischief, but knew no 
remedy: Antony had the power, and their own de- 
cree had justified it: Cicero complains of it heavi- 
ly, in many of his letters, and declares it a thou- 
sand times better to die than to suffer it.f " Is it 
" so, then?" says he : " is all that our Brutus has 
" done come to this, that he might live at last at 
" Lanuvium, that Trebouius might steal away, 
" through private roads, to his province ? That all 
" the acts, writings, sayings, promises, thoughts of 
" Caesar, should have greater force now, than when 
V he himself was living?" All which he charges to 
that mistake of the first day, in not summoning 
the senate into the capitol, where they might have 
done what they pleased, when their own party was 
uppermost, and these robbers, as he calls them, 
dispersed and dejected .J 

Among the other acts which Antony confirmed, 
on the pretence of their being ordered by Caesar, 
he granted the freedom of the city to all Sicily, and 
restored to king Deiotarus all his former domi- 
nions. Cicero speaks of this with great indigna- 
tion : " O my Atticus," says he, " the Ides of March 
" have given us nothing but the joy of revenging 
" ourselves ou him, whom we had reason to hate — 
" it was a brave act, but left imperfect — you know 

* ret, l?t!>(AVr)fJ.a.Ta. t ocv BiBov\luy.l\io!\i i Avtmvio; lywt, xzi rov ■yfttfxy.a.Tia tov Ka<0"i£»; 
^a$i giov if warn* oi •artSiy.tvm. App. I. 3. 529. 

t Ep. Fam. 12. 1. Ad Att. 14. 9. 

{ Itauc vero ? hoc meus ct tuus Brutus egit, ut Lanuvii esset? ut Trebonius iti- 
neribus deviis proticisceretur in provincial!) ? tit omnia factn, script*, dicta, promistt, 
cogitate Caesaris plus valerent, quam ii ipse viveret? &c. Ad Alt. 11. 10. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antoiiius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" what a kindness I have for the Sicilians — that I 
" esteem it an honour to be their patron : Cassar 
" granted them many privileges, which I did not 
" dislike; though his giving them the rights of La- 
" tium was intolerable: yet that was nothing to 
" what Antony has done, who, for a large sum of 
" money, has published a law, pretended to be 
" made by the dictator, in an assembly of the peo- 
" pie, though we never heard a syllable of it in his 
" life-time, which makes them all citizens of Rome. 
" Is not Deiotarus's case just the same? He is 
V worthy, indeed, of any kiugdom, but not by the 
" grant of Fulvia : there are a thousand instances 
" of the same sort."* When this last act was hung 
up, as usual, in the capitol, among the public 
monuments of the city, the forgery appeared so 
gross, that the people, in the midst of their concern, 
could not help laughing at it, knowing that Caesar 
hated no man so much as Deiotarus. But the bar- 
gain was made in Fulvia's apartments, for the sum 
of eighty thousand pounds, by the king's agents at 
Rome, without consulting Cicero, or any other of 
their master's friends : yet the old king, it seems, 
was beforehand with them, and no sooner heard of 
Caesar's death, than he seized upon his dominions 
again by force. " He knew it," says Cicero, " to 
" be an universal right, that what tyrants had for- 
" cibly taken away, the true owners might recover, 
*• whenever they were able: — he acted like a man, 
"but we contemptibly; who, whilst we hate the 
'• author, yet maintain his acts."| By these methods 
Antony presently amassed infinite sums of money ; 
for though, at the time of Caesars death, he owed, 

* Ad Att. 14. 12. 

t Syngrapha H. S. centies per legatos, — sine nostra, sine reliquorum hospitum 
Regis sententia, facta in gynreceo: quo in loco plurimae res venierunt, et veneunt — 
Rex enira ipse sua sponte, nullis coinmentariis Caesaris, simul atque audivit ejus in- 
teritum, suomarte res suas recuperavit. Sciebal homo sapiens, jus semper hoc fuisse, 
nt, qua? Tyranni eripuissent, ea Tyrannis interfectis, ii quibus erepla essent, recu- 
perarent — llle vir fuit, nos quidem contcmnendi, qui auctorem odimus, acla defeji- 
dimus. Philip. '.'. 37. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

as Cicero told him, above three hundred thousand 
pounds, yet, within less than a fortnight after it, he 
had paid off the whole debt.* 

There was another instance of his violence, which 
gave still greater offence to the city, his seizing the 
public treasure, which Caesar had deposited, for the 
occasions of the government, in the temple of Opis, 
amounting to above five millions and a half of our 
money, besides what Calpurnia, Caesar's wife, from 
his private treasure, had delivered into his hands, 
computed at about another million. This was no 
extraordinary sum, if we consider the vastness of 
the mine from which it was drawn, the extent of 
the Roman empire, and that Caesar was, of all men, 
the most rapacious in extorting it: Cicero, allud- 
ing to the manner in which it was raised, calls it a 
bloody and deadly treasure, gathered from the 
spoils and ruin of the subjects ; which, if it were 
not restored, as it ought to be, to the true owners, 
might have been of great service to the public, to- 
wards easing them of their taxes. j" 

But Antony, who followed Caesar's maxims, took 
care to secure it to himself: the use of it was to 
purchase soldiers, and he was now in condition to 
outbid any competitor : but the first purchase that 
he made with it, was of his colleague Dolabella, 
who had long been oppressed with the load of his 
debts, and whom, by a part of this money, and the 
promise of a farther share in the plunder of the em- 
pire, he drew entirely from Cicero and the republi- 
can party, into his own measures. This was an ac- 
quisition worth any price to him : the general incli- 
nation both of the city and the country was clearly 
against him : the town of Puteoli, one of the most 
considerable of Italy, had lately chosen the two 

* Tu autem quadringenties H. S. quod Idibus niartiis, debuisti, quonaiu rnodo ante 
Kalcndas Aprilis debere desisti? Philip. 2. 37. 

t Ubi cstsepties niillies U.S. quod in tabulis, qua? sunt ad Opis patebat? funestse 
illius quidem pecuniae, sed tainen, si iis, quorum erat, non rederetur, qua: nos a tri- 
bulis posset vindicare. Philip. 2. 37. it. Philip. 1. 7. it. Plut. in Ant. 


A. Uib. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

Brutuses and Cassius for their patrons,* and there 
wanted nothing but a leader to arm the whole em- 
pire in that cause: Dolabella seemed to be that 
very person, till bribed, as Cicero says, by force of 
money, he not only deserted but overturned the 

These proceedings, which were preparatory to 
the appointed meeting of the senate, on the first of 
June, began to open Brutus's eyes, and convince 
him of the mistake of his pacific measures, and fa- 
vourable thoughts of Antony : he now saw that there 
was no good to be expected from him, or from the 
senate itself, under his influence; and thought it 
time, therefore, in concert with Cassius, to require 
an explicit account of his intentions, and to expos- 
tulate with him gently in the following letter: — 


" If we were not persuaded of your sincerity and 
" good will to us, we should not have written this 
"to you; which, out of the kind disposition that 
" you bear to us, you will take, without doubt, in 
" good part. We are informed that a great mul- 
" titude of veteran soldiers is already come to Rome, 
" and a much greater expected there on the first of 
June. If we could harbour any suspicion or 
fear of you, we should be unlike ourselves: yet 
surely, after we had put ourselves into your 
power, and, by your advice, dismissed the friends 
" whom we had about us, from the great towns, 
*' and that not only by public edict, but by private 
" letters, we deserve to be made acquainted with 
" your designs, especially in an affair which relates 

* Vexavit Puteolanos, quod Cassium et Brutos Patronos adoptassent. Philip. 
% 41. 

t Ut ilium oderim, quod cum Rempub. me auctore defendere coepisset, non modo 
d<=scrucrit, emptus pecunia, sed etiam quantum in ipso fuit, cverterit. Ad Att. 
16. 15. 




A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 



" to ourselves. We beg- of you, therefore, to let us 
" know what your intentions are with regard to us. 
" Do you think that we can be safe in such a 
" crowd of veterans, who have thoughts, we hear, 
"even of rebuilding the altar, which no man can 
" desire or approve who wishes our safety and ho- 
" nour ? That we hud no other view from the first 
but peace, nor sought any thing else but the 
public liberty, the event shews. Nobody can 
deceive us but you, which is not certainly agreea- 
ble to your virtue and integrity; but no man else 
has it in his power to deceive us. We trusted, 
" and shall trust, to you alone. Our friends are 
" under the greatest apprehensions for us ; for 
" though they are persuaded of your integrity, yet 
" they reflect, that a multitude of veterans may 
" sooner be pushed on to any violence by others, 
" then restrained by you. We desire an explicit 
" answer to all particulars ; for it is silly and trifling 
" to tell us, that the veterans are called together 
" because you intend to move the senate in their 
" favour in June : for who do you think will hinder 
" it, when it is certain that we shall not? — Nobody 
" ought to think us too fond of life, when nothing 
". can happen to us, but with the ruin and confusion 
" of all things."* 

During Cicero's stay in the country, where he 
had a perpetual resort of his friends to him, and 
where his thoughts seemed to be always employed 
on the republic, yet he found leisure to write seve- 
ral of those philosophical pieces, which still subsist 
both to the pleasure and benefit of mankind. For 
he now composed his Treatise on the Nature of the 
Gods, in three books, addressed to Brutus : con- 
taining the opinions of all the philosophers who 
had ever written any thing on that argument : to 
which he bespeaks the attention of his readers, as 

* £p. I'am. xi. 2. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.-— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

to a subject of the last importance; which would 
inform them, what they ought to think of religion, 
piety, sanctity, ceremonies, faith, oaths, temples, &c. 
since all these were included in that single question 
of the gods.* He drew up, likewise, his discourse 
on Divination, or the foreknowledge and prediction 
of future events, and the several ways by which it 
was supposed to be acquired or communicated to 
man : where he explains, in two books, whatever 
could be said for aud against the actual existence of 
the thing itself. Both these pieces are written in 
the way of dialogue ; of which he gives the follow- 
ing account : — " Since Carneades," says he, " has 
*' argued both acutely and copiously against divina- 
" tion, in answer to the stoics, I am now inquiring 
" what judgment we ought to form concerning it: 
" and, for fear of giving my assent rashly to a thing, 
44 either false in itself, or not sufficiently understood, 
" 1 think it best to do, what I have already done, 
44 in my three books on the Nature of the Gods, 
" weigh and compare diligently all the arguments 
4C with each other: for as rashness of assent and 
" error is in all cases shameful, so most of all in 
" that, where we are to judge what stress is to be 
'■' laid on auspices, and things of a divine and reli- 
" gious nature ; for the danger is, lest, either by 
44 neglecting them, we involve ourselves in an iin- 
44 piety, or by embracing them, in an old woman's 
44 superstition. "I He now also wrote his piece on 
the advantages of old age, called Cato, from the 
chief speaker in the dialogue: he addressed it to 
Atticus, as a lecture of common comfort to them 
both, in that gloomy scene of life on which they were 
entering ; having found so much pleasure, he says, 
in writing it, that it not only eased him of all the 
complaints of age, but made age itself even agreea- 
ble and cheerful to him. J He added, soon after, 

* Pe Nat. Deor. 1.6. t De Divin. 1. 4. 

* Mini quidcin ita jucunda hujus iibri confectio, fuit, ul non modo onines abstersc- 


A. Urb. 70?. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Autonius. P. Cornelius DoLibella. 

another present of the same kind to Atticus, a Trea- 
tise on Friendship : a subject, he says, both worthy to 
be known to all, and peculiarly adapted to the case 
of their particular intimacy : " For, as I have already 
" written of age, an old man to an old man ; so now, 
'* in the person of a sincere friend, I write on friend- 
" ship to my friend." This is written also in dia- 
logue, the chief speaker of which is Laelius : who, 
in a conversation with his two sons-in-law, Fanning 
and Screvola, upon the death of P. Scipio, and the 
memorable friendship that had subsisted between 
them, took occasion, at their desire, to explain to 
them the nature and benefits of true friendship. 
Sqaeyiola, who lived to a great age, and loved to 
retail his old stories to his scholars, used to relate 
to them, with pleasure, all the particulars of this 
dialogue, which Cicero having committed to his 
memory, dressed up afterwards in his own manner, 
into the present form.* Thus this agreeable book, 
which, when considered onlv as an invention or es- 
say, is one of the most entertaining pieces in anti- 
quity, must needs affect us more warmly, when it 
is found at last to be a history, or a picture drawn 
from the life, exhibiting the real characters and 
sentiments of the best and greatest men of Rome. 
lie now also wrote his discourse on Fate ; which 
Avas the subject of a conversation with Hirtius, in his 
villa near Puteoli, where they spent several days to- 
gether in May : and he is supposed to have finished, 
about the same time, a translation of Plato's famous 
dialogue, called Timgeus, on the Nature and Origin 
of the Universe. 

But he was employing himself also upon a work 
of a different sort, which had been long upon his 

rit seneclutis niolcstias, sed effecerit mollem etiam et jucundam senectutem. 
Cato. 1. 

* Digna mihi res turn omnium cognitionc, turn nostra familiaritate visa est— scd ut 
turn ad senem series de Senectute, sic hoc libro ad amicuni amicissimus de amicitia 
scripsi — ct cum Sca;voIa — exposuit nobis sermonem I^a'lii dc amicitia, habitum ab 
illo sccuui, ct cum altera genera C Fannio, &.c. Dc Amicit. 1. 


A. Urb. 709. Ck. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabetla. 

hands— A History of his Own Times, or rather of 
his own conduct; full of free and severe reflections 
on those who had abused their power, to the op- 
pression of the republic, especially Csesarand Cras- 
sus. This he calls his Anecdote : a work not to 
be published, but to be shewn only to a few friends, 
in the manner of Theopompus an historian, famed 
for his severe and invective style.* Atticus was 
urging him to put the last hand to it, and to continue 
it down through Caesar's government: but he chose 
to reserve this last part for a distinct history, in 
which he designed to vindicate, at large, the juslice 
of killing a tyrant. We meet with several hints of 
this design in his letters : in one to Atticus, he says, 
" I have not yet polished my Anecdote to my 
" mind : as to what you would have me add, it will 
" require a separate volume; but, believe me, 1 could 
" speak more freely and with less danger against 
" that detested party, whilst the tyrant himself was 
" alive, than now, when he is dead. For he, I know 
not why, indulged me wonderfully : but now, 
which way soever we stir, we are called back, not 
only to Caesar's acts, but to his very thoughts/' — 
Again: " I do not well understand what you would 
" have me write : is it, that the tyrant was killed 
" according to the strict laws of justice? Of that 
" I shall both speak and write my thoughts fully on 
" another occasion."! His other friends also seem 
to have had some notice of this work ; for Trebonius, 
in a letter to him from Athens, after reminding him 
of his promise to give him a place in some of his 
writings, adds, " I do not doubt, but that if you 

* Ad Att. 2- 6. Dion. Halic. Proccm. 1. 

t Librum meum ilium avEjtSo-rov nonduni, ut volui, perpolivi. Ista vero, qua? tn 
contexi vis, aliud quoddam separatum voluiiien exspectant. Ego autem, credas mihi 
velim, minore periculo existimo contra Mas nefarias partes vivo tyranno dici potuisse, 
quam mortuo. Hie enim nescio quo paeto ferebat me quidem mirabiliter. Nunc 
quacunque nos conimovimus, ad Cassaris non modo acta, verum etiam cogitata 
revocainur. [Ad Att. 14. 17.] Sed parum inteliigo quid me velis scribere — an sic 
ut in tyrannum jure optimo cajsuni ? nuilta dicentur, mulla scribentur a nobis, sed 
alio modo ac tempore. lb. Id. 3. 




A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabell*. 

" write any thing on the death of Caesar, you will 
" give me not the least share, both of that act, and 
" of your affection."* Dion Cassius says, that he 
delivered this book, sealed up, to his son, with strict 
orders not to read or publish it till after his death ; 
but, from this time, he never saw his son, and left 
the piece probably unfinished : though some copies 
of it afterwards got abroad, from which his commen- 
tator, Asconius, has quoted several particulars.f 

In the end of May he began to move towards 
Rome, in order to assist at the senate on the first 
of June, and proposed to be at Tusculum on the 
twenty-sixth, of which he gave Atticus notice. There 
passed all the while a constant, commerce of letters 
between him and Brutus, who desired a personal 
conference with him at Lanuvium : in which Cicero 
resolved to humour him, though he did not think it 
prudent at that time, when, without any particular 
use, it would only give jealousy to Antony. But 
the nearer he came to the city, the more he was dis- 
couraged from the thoughts of entering it : he un- 
derstood that it was filled with soldiers : that Anto- 
ny came thither attended by a strong body of them : 
that all his views were bent on war: and that he 
designed to transfer the province of Gaul from 
D. Brutus to himself, by a vote of the people.;]; 
Hirtius dissuaded his going, and resolved to stay 
away himself; Varro sent him word that the ve- 
terans talked desperately against all those who did 
not favour them ; Graeceius also admonished him, 
on the part of C. Cassius, to be upon his guard, 
for that certain armed men were provided for some 
attempt at Tusculum. All these informations de- 
termined him at last not to venture to the senate, 

* Namquc illnd non dubito, quin, si quid de interitu Cwsaris scribas, non patiaris 
me minimal!) partem ct rei et amoris tui ferre. Ep. Fam. 12. 16. 

t Vid. Dio, p. 96. it. Ascon. in Tog. cand. 

X Puto enim nobis Lanuvium eundum, non sine multo sermone. — Bmto enim 
placere, se a me conveairi. rem odiosam et inexplieabilem ! puto me ergo iturum — 
Antonii consilia narras turbulcnta— sed mihi totum ejus consilium ad bellum spec.tar» 
videtur, si quidem D. Bruto provincia eripitur. Ad Att. 15. 4. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

but to withdraw himself from that city, where he 
had not only flourished, he says, with the greatest, 
but lived even a slave, with some dignity.* The 
major part of the senate followed his example, and 
fled out of the city, for fear of some violence, leaving 
the consuls, with a few of their creatures, to make 
what decrees they thought fit.t 

This turn of affairs made Cicero resolve to prose- 
cute what he had long been projecting, his voyage to 
Greece, to spend a few months with his son at Athens. 
He despaired of any good from these consuls, and 
intended to see Rome no more till their successors 
entered into office; in whose administration he be- 
gan to place all his hopes. He wrote, therefore, to 
Dolabella, to procure him the grant of an honorary 
lieutenancy ; and lest Antony, an angry man, as he 
calls him, should think himself slighted, he wrote to 
him too on the same subject. Dolabella imme- 
diately named him for one of his own lieutenants, 
which answered his purpose still better, for, without 
obliging him to any service, or limiting him to any 
time, it left him at full liberty to go wherever he 
pleased ; so that he readily accepted it, and pre- 
pared for his journey. J He heard, in the meanwhile, 
from Balbus, that the senate would be held again on 
the fifth : when commissions would be granted se- 
verally to Brutus and Cassius, to buy up corn in 
Asia and Sicily, for the use of the republic : and 
that it would be decreed also, at the same time, that 

* Hirtiusjam in Tusculano est ; mihique, ut absim, vebementer auctor est; et 
ille quidem periculi causa — Varro autem noster ad me epistolam misit — in qua 
scriptum erat, veteranos eos, qui rejiciantur — improbissirae loqui ; ut magno periculo- 
Romae sint futuri, qui ab eorum partibus dissentire videantur. lb. 5. 

Graeceius ad me scripsit, C. Cassium ad se scripsisse, homines comparari, qui in 
Tusculanum armati mitterentur. — Id quidem mihi non yidebatur; sed cavenduro 
tamen. lb. 15. 8. 

Mihi vero deliberatum est, ut nunc quidem est, abesse ex ea urbe, in qua non 
rnodo florui cum summa, verum etiam servivi cum aliqua dignitate. lb. 5. 

t Kalendis Juniis cum in Senatura, ut erat constitutum, venire vellernus, metu per 
territi repente diffugimus. Philip. 2. 42. 

X Etiam scripsi ad Antonium de legatione, ne, si ad Dolabellam solum scripsis- 
sem, iracundus homo commoveretur.— [Ad Att. 15. 8.] Sed heus tu>— Dolabella 
me sibi legavit, &c. lb. 11. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.—M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabell«. 

provinces should be assigned to them with the other 
praetors, at the expiration of the year.* 

Their case, at this time, was very remarkable ; it 
being wholly new in Rome to see praetors driven out 
of the city, where their residence was absolutely ne- 
cessary, and could not legally be dispensed with for 
above ten days in the year : but Antony readily pro- 
cured a decree to absolve them from the laws;| 
being glad to see them in a situation so contemptible ; 
stripped of their power, and suffering a kind of exile, 
and depending, as it were, upon him for their pro- 
tection : their friends, therefore, at Rome, had been 
soliciting the senate for some extraordinary employ- 
ment to be granted to them, to cover the appearance 
of a flight, and the disgrace of living in banishment, 
when invested with one of the first magistracies of 
the republic.^ 

This was the ground of the commission just men- 
tioned, to buy corn ; which seemed, however, to be 
below their character, and contrived as an affront to 
them by Antony, who affected still to speak of them 
always with the greatest respect.§ But their friends 
thought any tiling better for them than to sit still in 
Italy, where their persons were exposed to danger 
from the veteran soldiers, who were all now in mo- 
tion ; and that this employment would be a security 
to them for the present, as well as an opportunity of 
providing for their future safety, by enabling them 
to execute what they were now meditating, a design 
of seizing some provinces abroad, and arming them- 
selves in defence of the republic ; which was what 

* A Balbo rcdditse mihi littcnr, fore Nonis Senatum, ut Brutus in Asia, Cassius in 
Sicilia, frumentum emendum et ad urbem mittendum curarent. O rem miseram! 
ait, eodeni tempore decretum iri, uti is et reliquis Pratoriis provincial decernantur. 
lb. 9. 

t Cur M. Brutus, te referente, legibus est solutus, si ab urbe plusquam decern 
dies abfuisset? Philip. '2. 13. 

J Ka< avroTs £i? il'Sj^i'ruiia.v h &ovhh cnov <ppovTi&a.t •n^otnirafyv iW fMi to Iv (jlico) qtvyiiv vof^i^oivro. Appian. Bell. Civ. I. 4. o'2S>. it. I. 3. 530. 

§ Frumentum imponere — quod liiunus in Rep. sordidius ? [Ad Att. 15.x.] Patriae 
liberatores urbe carebant — quos tamen ipsi Consules et in eoncionibus et in oinni 
sermone laudabant. Philip. 1. 2. 


A.Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cos&^-M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

their enemies were most afraid of, and charged them 
with publicly, in order to make them odious. Cicero, 
in the mean time, at their desire, had again recom- 
mended their interests to Hirtius, who gave him the 
following answer : — 

" I wish that Brutus and Cassius could be pre- 
" vailed with, by you, as easily to lay aside all crafty 
" counsels, as they can obtain, by you, from me, 
" whatever they desire. They were leaving Italy, 
*' you say, when they wrote to you: whither? or 
" wherefore? do not let them go, I beseech you, my 
" dear Cicero, nor suffer the republic to be wholly 
" lost; though overwhelmed indeed already by 
" these rapines, burnings, murders. If they are 
". afraid of any thing, let them be upon their guard; 
but act nothing offensively : they will not, I am 
confident, gain a tittle the more by the most vi- 
gorous, than the most pacific measures, if they use 
" but caution. The things which are now stirring 
cannot last long ; but, if made the subject of war, 
will acquire present strength to hurt. Let me 
know your opinion of what may be expected from 
" them." — Cicero sent him word, that he would be 
answerable for their attempting nothing desperate; 
and was informed, at the same time, by Balbus, that 
Servilia, Brutus's mother, had undertaken that they 
should not leave Italy.* 

Servilia, though sister to Cato, had been one of 
Csesar's mistresses, and, next to Cleopatra, the most 
beloved of them all : in the civil war, he gave her 
several rich farms out of his Pompeian confiscations, 
and is said to have bought a' single jewel for her at 
the price of about 50,000/. f She was a woman of 
spirit and intrigue, in great credit with the Caesarian 
party, and at this very time possessed the estate and 
villa of Pontius Aquila, one of the conspirators, 

* Cui rescripsi nihil illos callidius cogitare, idque confirmavi — Balbus ad me — 
Serviliam confirmare non discessuros. Ad Att. 15. 6. 

t Ante alias dilexitM. Bruti matrem Serviliam, — cm" Sexagies H. S. margaritam 
mereatus est, &c. Sueton. J. Ca?s. 50. 





A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss — M. Antonius. V. Cornelius Dolabella. 

which had been confiscated, and granted to her by 
Caesar. Cicero reckons it among the solecisms of 
the times, that the mother of the tyrant-killer should 
hold the estate of one of her son's accomplices :* 
yet she had such a share in all the counsels of 
Brutus, that it made Cicero the less inclined to enter 
into then), or to be concerned with one whom he 
could not trust: " When he is influenced so much," 
says he, " by his mother's advice, or at least her en- 
" treaties, why should I interpose myself ?"f 

At their desire, however, he went over to them at 
Antium, to assist at a select council of friends, called 
to deliberate on what was proper for them to do, 
with regard to this new commission. There were 
present, among others, Favonius, Servilia, Porcia, 
Brutus's wife, and his sister Tertulla, the wife of 
Cassius : Brutus was much pleased at his coming ; 
and, after the first compliments, begged him to de- 
liver his opinion to the company, on the subject of 
their meeting. Upon which he presently advised, 
what he had been considering on the road, that 
Brutus should go to Asia, and undertake the affair 
of the corn ; that the only thing to be done at pre- 
sent was, to provide for their safety ; that their safety 
was a certain benefit to the republic. — Here Cas- 
sius interrupted him, and, with great fierceness in 
his looks, protested that he would not go to Sicily, 
nor accept as a favour what was intended as an af- 
front ; but would go to Achaia. — Brutus said that 
he would go to Rome, if Cicero thought it proper 
for him : but Cicero declared it impossible for him 
to be safe there : — " But supposing," says he, 
" that I could be safe :" " Why then," says Cicero, 
" I should advise it by all means, as the best thing 
*-' which you could do, and better than any pro- 
" vince." — After much discourse, and complaiuing 

* Quin etiam hoc ipso tempore multa vtsroa-oXoina. : Pontii Neapolitanum a niatre 
tyrannoctoni possideri. Ad Att. 14. 21. 

t Matris consilio cum utatur, vel etiam precibus, quid me interponam ? Ad Att. 
15. x. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

for the loss of their opportunities, for which Cassius 
laid all the blame on D. Brutus, Cicero said, that 
though that was true, yet it was in vain to talk of 
what was past; and, as the case then stood, he saw 
nothing- left but to follow his advice : to which they 
all at last seemed to agree, especially when Servilia 
undertook, by her mediation, to get the affair of the 
corn left out of their commission : and Brutus con- 
sented that the plays and shows, with which he was 
to entertain the city shortly, as praetor, should be 
given by proxy in his absence. Cicero took his 
leave, pleased with nothing in the conference but 
the consciousness of having done his duty ; for as 
to the rest, he gave all, he says, for lost; found the 
vessel, not only broken, but shattered to pieces; 
and neither prudence, reason, or design in what they 
were doing: so that if he had any doubt before, he 
had none now, but longed to get abroad as soon as 

Octavius, upon his coming to Rome, was very 
roughly received by Antony, who, despising his age 
and want of experience, was so far from treating 
him as Caesar's heir, or giving him possession of 
his estate, that he openly threatened and thwarted 
him in all his pretensions, nor would suffer him to 
be chosen tribune, to which he aspired, with the 
seeming favour of the people, in the room of that 
China who was killed at Caesar's funeral, f This 
necessarily drew the regard of the republican party 
towards him, and Cicero began to take the more 
notice of him, in proportion as Antony grew more 
and more formidable : at present, he gives the fol- 
lowing account of him. " Octavianus, I perceive, 
" has parts and spirit, and seems to be affected, as 
" we could wish, towards our heroes: but how far 

* Ad Att. 15. 11.12. 

t In locum Tribuni pi. forte demortui eandidatum petitorem se ostendit — sed ad- 
versante conatibus sim M. Antonio Consule : — Sueton. August, x. Dio, 272. App. 

T 2 


A. Urb. 709. Ck. 03. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" we may trust his age, name, succession, educa- 
t* tion, is a matter of great deliberation : his father- 
" in-law, who came to see me at Astura, thinks not 
" at all. He must be cherished, however, if for no- 
" thing else, yet to keep him at a distance from 
" Antony. Marcellus acts nobly, if he instils into 
" him a good disposition towards our friends : he 
" seemed to be much influenced by him, but to have 
" no confidence in Pansa and Hirtius : his natural 
" disposition is good, if it does but hold."* 

In the midst of these affairs, with which his mind, 
as he complains, was much distracted, he pursued 
his literary studies with his usual ardour; and, to 
avoid the great resort of company which interrupt- 
ed him at his house near Baiae, he removed to his 
Pompeian villa, on the south side of Naples. Here 
he began his Book of Offices, for the use and in- 
struction of his son, designed, he says, to be the 
fruit of this excursion : he composed also an Ora- 
tion, adapted to the state of the times, and sent it 
to Atticus, to be suppressed or published at his dis- 
cretion, promising him, withal, to finish, and send 
him, in a short time, his secret history, or Anecdote, 
in the manner of Heraclides, to be kept close in 
his cabinet. j" 

Before he could leave Italy, he was obliged to 
return to Tusculum, to settle his private affairs, 
and provide his equipage, and wrote to Dolabella, 
to give orders for the mules and other necessaries, 
which the government used to furnish to those who 
went abroad with a public character. J Here Atti- 
cus and he took leave of each other, with all pos- 

* Ad Att. 15. 12. 

t Nos hie 4>iXocrocf)iju/ixEva (quid enim aliud ?) et ts weji tou jwSiikovto? magnifice 
explicamus, irpoa-<pa> que Ciceroni; qua de re enim potius pater filio? Deinde 
alia. Quid quaeres ? Extabit opera peregrinatioriis hujus. — Ego autem in Pompei- 
anum p'operabam, non quod hoc loco quidquam pulchrius, sed interpellatores illic 
minus molesti — 

Orationem tibi niisi. Ejus custodiendas et proferenda? arbitrium tuum — jam probo 
'H£a*XEi$iov, praesertim cum tu tantopere delectere — enitar igitur. Ad Att. 15. 13. 
it. 14. 

t lb. 18. 


A. Urb. 709. Clc. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. CoriieJius Dolabella. 

sible marks of the most sincere and tender affec- 
tion. The unsettled condition of the times, and the 
uncertainty when, or in what circumstances, they 
should meet again, raised several melancholy re- 
flections in them both, which, as soon as they part- 
ed, drew many tears from Atticus, of which he 
gave Cicero an account in his next letter, with a 
promise to follow him into Greece. Cicero an- 
swered him with equal tenderness : " It moved me," 
says he, " to hear of the tears which you shed after 
"you^eft me: had you done it in my presence, 
" I should have dropped, perhaps, all thoughts of 
" my journey. That part, however, pleases me, 
" where you comfort yourself with the hopes of 
" our meeting again shortly ; which expectation, 
" indeed, is what chiefly supports me : I will write 
" to you perpetually; give you an account of every 
" thing which relates to Brutus ; send you, very 
" shortly, my Treatise on Glory, and finish for you 
" the other work, to be locked up with your trea- 
" sure,"* &c. 

These little passages from familiar letters, illus- 
trate more effectually the real characters of men, 


Te, ut a me discesseras, lacrymasse, moleste ferebam. Quod si me praesente 
fecisses, consilium totius itineris fortasse mutassem. Sed illud pneclare, quod te 
consolata est spes brevi tempore congrediendi : quae quidem exspectatio me maxi- 
me sustentat. Meae tibi litterae non deerunt. De Bruto scribam ad te omnia. Li- 
brum tibi celeriter mittam de gloria. Excudara aliquid 'HfaxXei'Siov, quod lateat in 
thesauris tuis. lb. 27. 

N. B. The Treatise, here mentioned, on Glory, which he sent soon after to Atticus, 
and published in two books, was actually preserved, and subsisting, long after the 
invention of printing, yet happened to perish, unhappily, for want of being pro- 
duced into public light by the help of that admirable art. — Raimundus Superantius 
made a present of it to Petrarch, who, as he tells the story, in one of his epistles, 
lent it to his schoolmaster, who being old and poor, pawned it, for the relief of his 
necessities, into some unknown hand, whence Petrarch could never recover it, upon 
the old man's death. About two centuries after, it appeared to have been in the pos- 
session of Bernardus Justinianus, and was mentioned in the catalogue of his books, 
which he bequeathed to a monastery of nuns : but when it could not be found in 
that monastery, after the strictest search, it was generally believed that Petrus 
Alcyonius, who was physician to that house, and had the free use of the library, 
had stolen it; and after transcribing as much of it as he could into his own writings, 
had destroyed the original, for fear of a discovery : it being observed, by the 
critics, that in his book De Exilio there were many bright passages, not well con- 
nected with the rest of the work, which seemed to be above his taste and genius. 
Vid. Petrarch. Epist. 1. 15- 1. Rer. Senilium. Paull. Manut. Not. Ad Att. 15. 27. 
Bayle Diet, in Alcyonius. Menagiana. Vol. IV. p. 86. 


A. Urb. 70y. Cic.63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dokbella. 

than any of their more specious and public acts. — 
It is commonly thought the part of a statesman to 
divest himself of every thing natural, and banish 
every passion that does not serve his interest or am- 
bition : — but here we see a quite different charac- 
ter : one of the greatest statesmen of the world 
cherishing and cultivating in himself the soft and 
social affections of love and friendship, as knowing 
them to be designed equally by nature, for the com* 
fort, as well of public as private life. 

Atticus, likewise, whose philosophy wasfcas in- 
compatible as ambition, with all affections tbat did 
not terminate in himself, was frequently drawn, by 
the goodness of his nature, to correct the vicious- 
ness of his principle. He had often reproved Cicero 
for an excess of love to his daughter Tullia, yet 
he no sooner got a little Attica of his own, than 
he began to discover the same fondness, which 
gave Cicero occasion to repay his raillery with 
great politeness. " I rejoice," says he, " to per- 
" ceive that you take so much delight in your little 
" girl. I love her already myself, and know her 
" to be amiable, though 1 have never seen her. — 
" Adieu then to Patro, and all your Epicurean 
"school." In another letter: " 1 am mightily 
" pleased with the fondness that you express for 
" your little daughter ; and to see you feel, at last, 
" that the love of our children does not flow from 
" habit or fashion, but from nature : for if that be 
" not so, there can be no natural conjunction be- 
'■' tween one man and another, without which all 
" society must necessarily be dissolved."* 

There was now great expectation of the shows 
and plays, which Brutus, as praetor of the city, 
wasg;oing to exhibit, according to annual custom, 
in honour of Apollo, on the third of July ; and all 

* Filiolaro tibijam Romas jucundam esse gaudeo; eamque, quain imnquam vidi, 
tamen el amo, et amabilem esse certo scio. Etiaru atque etiaiu valete Patron et tui 
condiscipuli. Ad Att. 5. 19.— it. 7. 20. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

people were attentive and impatient to see in what 
manner they would be received. Brutus wrote to 
Cicero, to beg that he would grace them with his 
presence: but Cicero thought the request absurd, 
nor at all agreeable to Brutus's usual prudence. 
His answer was, that he was got too far upon his 
journey to have it now in his power ; and that it 
would be very improper for him, who had not been 
in Rome since it was filled with soldiers, not so 
much out of regard to his danger as his dignity, 
to run thither on a sudden to see plays: that, in 
such times as these, though it was reputable for 
those to give plays, whose office required it, yet for 
his seeing them, as it was not necessary, so neither 
would it be thought decent — .* He was heartily 
solicitous, however, that they might meet with all 
imaginable encouragement, and charged Atticus 
to send him a particular account of what passed, 
on each day, from their first opening. 

The success of them answered all their hopes, for 
they were received with an incredible applause by 
all ranks, though Antony's brother Caius, as the 
next pra?tor in office, presided at them : one of the 
plays was Tereus, a tragedy of Accius ; which, 
having many strokes in it on the characters and 
acts of tyrants, was infinitely clapped by the people. 
Atticus performed his part to Cicero, and sent him 
a punctual account of what passed every day ; 
which he constantly communicated to Brutus, who 
was now in his neighbourhood — in Nesis, a little 
isle, on the Campanian shore, the seat of young 
Lucullus. — In his answer to Atticus, " Your let- 
" ters," says he, " were very acceptable to Brutus : 
" I spent several hours with him, soon after I re- 

* In quibus unum alienum summa sua prudentia, id est illud, ut spectem ludos 
suos. Rescripsi scilicet, primum me jam profectum, ut non integrum sit. Dein 
aTOTT'MTarov esse, me, qui Roniam omnino post haec anna non accesSerirn, neque id 
tarn periculi mei causa fecerim, quain dignitatis, subito ad ludos venire. Tali enim 
tempore ludos facere illi honestum est, cui necesse est : spectare mihi, ut non est 
necesse, sic ne honestum quidem est. Equidem illos celebrari, et esse quam gratis- 
simos mirabiliter cupio. Ad Att. 15. 26. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

" ceived them: he seemed to be delighted with the 
"account of Tereus ; and thought himself more 
" obliged to the poet Accius, who made it, than to 
" the praetor Antony, who presided at it. But the 
" more joy you send us of this sort, the more in- 
" dignation it gives me, to see the Roman people 
" employ their hands in clapping plays, not in de- 
" fending the republic. This, perhaps, may pro- 
" voke our enemies to discover themselves, before 
" they intended it ; yet, if they be but mortified, 1 
" care not by what means."* In a speech made 
afterwards to the senate, he urges this judgment of 
the city, as a proper lesson to Antony, to teach him 
the way to glory. " O happy Brutus," says he, 
" who, when driven from Rome, by force of arms, 
" resided still in the hearts and bowels of his citi- 
" zens, who made themselves amends for the absence 
" of their deliverer, by their perpetual applauses and 
" acclamations."')' 

But there was one thing, which, through the in- 
advertency of Brntus's managers, or the contrivance 
of the praetor Antony, gave Brutus some uneasi- 
ness ; that, in the edict for proclaiming his shows, 
the month, instead of Quintilis, was styled July, by 
its new name, lately given to it in honour of Caesar: 
for it raised great speculation, and was thought 
strange, that Brutus, by edict, should acknowledge 
and confirm an act, contrived to perpetuate the ho- 
nour of tyranny. This little circumstance greatly 
disturbed him, imagining, that it would be reflected 
upon as a mean condescension ; and since it could 

* Bruto tuffi litterae grate crant. Fui eniui apud ilium multas horas in Neside, 
cum paullo ante tuas litleras accepissem. Delectari mihi Tereo videbatux; et habere 
majorem Accio, quam Antonio, gratiam. Mihi autem quo lajtiora sunt, eoplus sto- 
mach! et molestise est, populum Iiomanum manus suas, non in defendenda Repuh. 
sed in plaudendo consumere. Mihi quideni videntur, istorum animi incendi etiam 
ad repncsentandam improbitutem suam. Sed tamen duin modo doleant aliquid, 
doleant quodlibet. Ad Att. 16. 2. 

+ Quid? Apollinarium ludorum plausus, vel testimonia potius, et judicia populi 
Roniani paruin magna videbantur ? O beatos iilos, qui emu adesse ipsis propter vim 
arinoruni non licebat, aderant tamen, ct in medullis populi Roniani ac visceribus 
haerebant ! nisi forte Accio turn plaudi— et non Bruto putabatis, &c. Philip. 1. !.;>. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

not be remedied as to the plays, he resolved to cor- 
rect it for the rest of the shows ; and gave immediate 
orders, that the huntings of the wild beasts, which 
were to follow, should be proclaimed for the thir- 
teenth of Quintilis* 

While Cicero continued in these parts, he spent 
the greatest share of his time with Brutus ; and as 
they were one day together, L. Li bo came to them, 
with letters just received from yonng S. Pompey, 
his son-in-law, with proposals of an accommodation, 
addressed to the consuls, on which he desired their 
opinion. Cicero thought them drawn with great 
gravity and propriety of expression, excepting a 
few inaccuracies, and advised only to change the 
address ; and, instead of the consuls, to whom alone 
they were directed, to add the other magistrates, 
with the senate and people of Rome, lest the consuls 
should suppress them, as belonging only to them- 
selves. These letters brought, in substance, that 
Pompey was now master of seven legions : that as 
he had just stormed a town called Borea, he re- 
ceived the news of Caesar's death, which caused a 
wonderful joy, and change of affairs through the 
province of Spain, and a concourse of people to 
him from all parts. The sum of his demands was, 
that all who had the command of armies should 
dismiss them; but to Libo he signified, that, unless 
his father's estate and house at Rome, which An- 
tony now possessed, were restored to him, he would 
agree to nothing.f 

This overture from Pompey was procured chiefly 
by the management of Lepidus:J who, having the 
province of Spain assigned to him, where Pompey 
was very strong, had no mind to be engaged in a 
war at such a distance from Rome, and drawn off 

* Quam ille doluit de Nonis Juliis ! mirifice est conturbatus. Itaque sese scrip- 
turum aiebat, ut venationem etiam, quae postridie ludos Apollinares futura est, proscri- 
berent, 111 Id. Quintil. — Ad Att. 16. 4. 


t Philip. 5. 13, 14, &c. it. Philip. 13. 4, 5, &c. 


A. Urb. 709. CIc. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

from attending to the main point in view, the event 
of affairs in Italy : for which purpose, on pretence of 
the public quiet, he made the offer of a treaty and 
honourable terms to Pompey, and that, on condition 
of laying down his arms, and quitting the province, 
he should be restored to all his estates and honours, 
and have the command of the whole naval power of 
Rome, in the same manner as his father had it be- 
fore him : all which was proposed and recommend- 
ed to the senate by Antony himself.* Where, to 
preserve a due respect to Caesar's acts, by which 
Pompey's estates had been confiscated, it was de- 
creed, that the same sum for which they had been 
sold, should be given to him by the public, to ena- 
ble him to purchase them again. This amounted 
to above five millions and a half of our money, ex- 
clusive of his jewels, plate, and furniture; which 
being wholly embezzled, he was content to lose.f 
On these terms, ratified by the authority of the 
senate, Pompey actually quitted Spain, and came 
to Marseilles. The project was wisely concerted 
by Lepidus and Antony ; for while it carried a shew 
of moderation, and disposition to peace, it disarmed 
a desperate enemy, who was in condition to give a 
great obstruction to their designs, and diversion to 
their arms, at a time when the necessity of their in- 
terests required their presence and whole attention 
at home, to lay a firm foundation of their power, in 
the heart and centre of the empire. 

There happened an incident at this time of a 
domestic kind, which gave some pleasure both to 
Cicero and Atticus ; the unexpected conversion of 
their nephew Quintus. He had long ago deserted 

* App. p. 528. Dio, 1. 45. 475. 

t Salvis enim actis Cassaris, quae concordia; causa defendimus, Pompeio sua donius 
patebit, eamque non minoris, quara Antonius emit, redimet — decrevistis taut a in pe- 
cuniam Pompeio, quantam ex bonis patriis in prasdse dissipatione inimicus victor 
redegisset — nam, argentum, vestem, supellectileni, vinum amittet aequo aniino, qua; 
ille belluo dissipavit — atque illud septies niillies, quod adolesccnti, Patris conscripti, 
spopondistis, ita describetur, ut videatur a vobis Cn. Pompeii films in patiimonio sue 
collocatus. Philip. 13. 5. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

his father and uncle, and attached himself wholly 
to Caesar, who supplied him liberally with money : 
on Caesar's death he adhered still to the same cause, 
and was in the utmost confidence with Antony ; 
and, as Atticus calls him, his right hand ;* or the 
minister of all his projects in the city : but upon 
some late disgust, he began to make overtures to 
his friends, of coming over to Brutus, pretending to 
have conceived an abhorrence of Antony's designs ; 
and signifying to his father, that Antony would have 
engaged him to seize some strong post in the city, 
and declare him dictator, and, upon his refusal, was 
become his enemy. f The father, overjoyed at this 
change, carried his son to Cicero, to persuade him 
of his sincerity, and to beg his intercession also with 
Atticus, to be reconciled to him : but Cicero, who 
knew the fickleness and perfidy of the youth, gave 
little credit to him ; taking the whole for a contri- 
vance only to draw money from them : yet, in com- 
pliance with their request, he wrote what they 
desired to Atticus, but sent him another letter, at 
the same time, with his real thoughts on the matter. 
" Our nephew Qnintus," says he, " promises to 
" be a very Cato. Both his father and he have been 
" pressing me, that I would undertake for him to 
" you ; yet so, that you should not believe hirn, till 
" you yourself had seen the effects of it. I shall 
" give him, therefore, such a letter to you as he 
" would have; but let it not move you, for I have 
written this, lest you should imagine that I am 
moved myself. The gods grant that he may 
perform what he promises ; for it will be a com- 
mon joy to us all. I will say nothing more of it 
at present," J &c. 

* Quintus filius, ut scribis, Antonii est dextella. Ad Att. 14. 20. 

t Quintus pater exultat lajtitia. Scripsit enira filius, se idcirco profugere ad 
Brutum voluisse, quod cum sibi negotium daret Antonius, ut eurii Dictatorem effice- 
ret, presidium occuparet, id recusasset ; recusasse autem se, ne patris animum offen- 
deret; ex eo sibi ilium hostem. Ad Att. 15. 21. 

t Quintus filius mini pollketur se Caloneni. Egit autem et pater et filius, ut tibi 
spondeiem: sed ita, ut turn crederes, cum ipse cognosces. Huic ego litteras ipsius 




A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antoruus. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

But Young Quintus got the better, at last, of all 
Cicero's suspicions ; and, after spending several days 
with him, convinced him, by his whole behaviour and 
conversation, that he was in earnest : so that he not 
only recommended him very affectionately to Atti- 
cus, but presented him also to Brutus, to make the 
offer of his service to him in person. " If he had 
not wholly persuaded me," says he, " that what 
I am saying of him is certainly true, I should not 
" have done what I am going to tell you ; for I car- 
" ried the youth with me to Brutus, who was so 
" well satisfied with him, that he gave him full cre- 
" dit, without suffering me to be his sponsor : in 
" commending him, he mentioned you in the kind- 
" est manner, and at parting, embraced and kissed 
11 him. Wherefore, though there is reason rather 
" to congratulate than to entreat you, yet, I beg, 
that whatever he may have done hitherto, through 
the weakness of age, with more levity than became 
him, you would believe it all to be now over,"* &c. 
Quintus kept his word with them ; and, to give 
proof of his zeal and sincerity, was so hardy, be- 
fore the end of the year, as to undertake to accuse 
Antony to the people, for plundering the temple of 
Opis.f But this accident of changing his party, 
which gave so much joy at present to the whole 
family, though owing rather to a giddiness of tem- 
per than any good principle, proved fatal, not long 
after, both to the young man and his father; as it 
seems to have been the most probable cause of their 

arbitratu dabo. Eee ne te moverint ; lias scripsi in earn partem, ne me motum putares. 
Dii faxint, ut faciat ea, quae promittit. Commune enim gaudium. Sed ego nihil 
dicoamplius. Ad Att. 16. 1. 

* Quod nisi fidem mihi fecisset, judicassemque hoc quod dico firnium fore, non 
fecissem id, quod dicturus sum. Duxi enim mecum adolescentem ad Brutuni : sic 
ei probaturn est, quod ad te scribo, ut ipse wediderit, me sponsorem accipere noluerit. 
Eumque laudans amicissime tui mentioneni fecerit. Complexus, osculatusque dimi- 
serit. Ad Att. 16. 5. 

t Quintus scribit, se ex Nonis iis, quibus nos magna gessimus, /Edem Opis expli- 
caturum, idque ad populum. Ad Att. 14. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

being proscribed and murdered the year following, 
by Antony's order, together with Cicero himself. 

Cicero was now ready for his voyage, and had 
provided three little yachts or galleys to transport 
himself and his attendants: but as there was a re- 
port of legions arriving daily from abroad, and of 
pirates also at sea, he thought it would be safer to 
sail in company with Brutus and Cassius, who had 
drawn together a fleet of good force, which now 
lay upon the coast.* He gave several hints of this 
design to Brutus, who received it more coldly than 
he expected ; and seemed uncertain and irresolute 
about the time of his own going. He resolved, 
therefore, to embark without farther delay, though 
in some perplexity to the last, about the expedi- 
ency of the voyage, and jealous of its being cen- 
sured, as a desertion of his country ; but Atticus 
kept up his spirits, by assuring him, constantly, in 
his letters, that all people approved it at Rome, 
provided that he kept his word of returning by the 
first of the new year. j" 

He sailed slowly along the coast towards Rhe- 
gium, going ashore every night to lodge with some 
friend or client: he spent one day at Velia, the 
native place of Trebatius; whence he wrote a kind 
letter to him, dated the nineteenth of July, advising 
him by no means to sell that family estate, as he 
then designed, situated so healthfully and agree- 
ably, and affording a convenient retreat from the 
confusion of the times, among a people, who entirely 

* Legiones enim adventare dicuntur. Hsec autem navigatio habet quasdam sus- 
piciones periculi. Itaque constituebam uti ofAovrXoia. Paratiorem offendi Brutum, 
quam audiebam — r-Nain Cassii classem, qua? plane bella est, non numero ultra 
fretum. lb. 16. 4. 

t Bruto cum saepe injecissem de ofAow\olct, non perinde atque ego putaram, 
arripere visus est — [lb. 5.] Consilium meum quod ais quotidie magis laudari, non 
moleste fero; expectabamque, si quid ad me scriberes. Ego enim in varios sermones 
incidebam. Quin etiam idcirco trahebam, ut quam diutissirae integrum esset. 
fib. 2. It. Ep. Fam. xi. 29.] Scribis enim in caelum ferri profectionem meam, 
sed ita, si ante Kal. Jan. Redeam. Quod quidem certe enitar. [lb. 6.] Ea 
niente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis Jan. quod initium cogendi Senatus fore vide- 
batur. Philip. 1. 2. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelia. 

loved him.* At this place he began his treatise of 
Topics, or the art of finding arguments on any 
question : it was an abstract of Aristotle's piece 
on the same subject ; which Trebatius happening 
once to meet with in Cicero's Tusculan library, had 
begged of him to explain. But Cicero never found 
leisure for it till this voyage, in which he was re- 
minded of the task by the sight of Velia; and though 
he had neither Aristotle, nor any other book to 
help him, he drew it. up from his memory, and 
finished it as he sailed, before he came to Rhegium; 
whence he sent to Trebatius, with a letter dated 
the twenty-seventh. He excuses the obscurity of 
it from the nature of the argument, requiring great 
attention to understand, and great application to 
reduce it to practice: in which, however, he promises 
to assist him, if he lived to return, and found the 
republic subsisting.^ 

In the same voyage, happening to be looking 
over his treatise on the Academic Philosophy, he 
observed the preface of the third book to be the 
same that he had prefixed to his book on Glory, 
which he had lately sent to Atticus. It was his 
custom, it seems, to prepare at leisure a number of 
different proems, adapted to the general view of 
his studies, and ready to be applied to any of his 
works, which he should afterwards publish ; so 
that, by mistake, he had used this preface twice, 
without remembering it : he composed a new one, 
therefore, on ship-board, for the piece on Glory, 
and sent it to Atticus, with orders to bind it up 
with his copy in the place of the former preface.^ 

* Ep. Fam. 7. 20. 

t Itaque ut primum Yelia navigare corpi, institui Topica Aristotelea conscribcre, 
ab ipsa urbe comruonitus, amantissiina tui. Eum librum tibi misi Rhegio, scriptum 
quam plenissime ilia res scribi potuit, &c. Ep. Fam. 7. 19. 

t Nunc negligentiam meam cognosce. De Gloria librum ad te misi, at in eo 
prooemiumid est, quod in Acade mico tertio. Id evenit ob earn rem, quod habeo 
volumen prooemiorum : ex eo eligere soleo, cum aliquod truyj^a^jua institui. Itaque 
jam in Tusculano, qui non meminissem me abusum isto prooemio, conjeci id in eum 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

So wonderful was his industry and love of letters, 
that neither the inconvenience of sailing, which he 
always hated, nor the busy thoughts which must 
needs intrude upon him, on leaving Italy in such a 
conjuncture, could disturb the calm and regular pur- 
suit of his studies. 

From Rhegium, or rather Leucopetra, a promon- 
tory close by it, he passed over to Syracuse, on 
the first of August, where he staid but one night, 
though in a city particularly devoted to him, and 
under his special protection : but he was unwilling 
to give umbrage or suspicion to those at Rome, 
of having any views abroad, which concerned the 
republic :* he set sail, therefore, again the next 
morning towards Greece, but was driven back, by 
contrary winds, to Leucopetra; and, after a second 
attempt, with no better success, was forced to re- 
pose himself in the villa of his friend Valerius, and 
wait for the opportunity of a fair wind.f 

Here the principal inhabitants of the country 
came to pay him their compliments : some of them 

librum, quem tibi misi. Cum autem in navi legerem Academicos, agnovi erratum 
meum, itaque statum novum prooemium exaravi ; tibi misi. Ad Att. 16. 6. 

N. B. A collection of prefaces prepared beforehand, and calculated indifferently 
for any treatise, will be thought, perhaps, a strange and fantastical way of com- 
posing; but though they had no necessary connexion with the subject of any par- 
ticular work, they were yet adapted to the general view of his writings, and con- 
trived, severally, to serve the different ends, which he proposed by the publication 
of them. Thus, in some, he takes occasion to celebrate the praises of his principal 
friends, to whom they were addressed : in others, to enter into a general defence of 
philosophy, in answer to those who censured him for spending so much time upon 
it : in some he represents the miserable state of the times, and subversion of the 
republic, in a manner proper to alarm his citizens, and rouse them to assert their 
ancient liberty: in others, he contrives to give a beautiful description of some of his 
villas or gardens, where the scene of the dialogue was laid : all which the reader 
will find very agreeably executed in the prefaces of his philosophical pieces, which 
are yet connected so artfully with the treatises that follow them, and lead us so 
naturally into the argument, as if they had been originally contrived for the sake of 
introducing it. Vid. Tusc. Disp.— Init. de Divin. 1. 1. de Fin. 1. 1. de Leg. 2. 1. 

* Kalendis sextil. veni Syracusas— qua? tamen urbs mihi conjunctissima, plus 
una me nocte cupiens retinere non potuit. Veritus sum, ne meus repentinus ad nieos 
necessarios adventus suspicionis aliquid afferret, si essem commoratus. Philip. 1. 3. 

t Cum me ex Sicilia ad Leucopetram, quod est promontorium agri Rhegini, 
venti detulissent : ab eo loco conscendi, transmitterem ; nee ita multuin provectus, 
rejectus austro sum in eura ipsum locum— [lb.] ibi cum ventum expectarem: erat 
enim villa Valerii nostri, ut familiariter essem, et libenter. Ad Att. 16. 7. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

fresh from Rome, who brought great news of an 
unexpected turn of affairs there, towards a general 
pacihcation ; that Antony seemed disposed to listen 
to reason, to desist from his pretensions to Gaul, 
submit to the authority of the senate, and make 
up matters with Brutus and Cassins, who had 
written circular letters to all the principal senators, 
to beg their attendance in the senate on the first 
of September, and that Cicero's absence was par- 
ticularly regretted, and even blamed, at such a 
crisis.* This agreeable account of things made him 
presently drop all thoughts of pursuing his voyage, 
in which he was confirmed likewise by letters from 
Atticus, who, contrary to his former advice, pressed 
him now, in strong and pathetic terms, to come 
back again to Rome. 

He returned, therefore, by the same course which 
he had before taken, and came back to Velia on the 
seventeenth of August: Brutus lay within three 
miles of it, with his fleet, and hearing of his arrival, 
came immediately on foot to salute him : he de- 
clared himself exceedingly pleased with Cicero's 
return ; owned that he had never approved, though 
he had not dissuaded, the voyage, thinking it inde- 
cent to give advice to a man of his experience, but 
now told him, plainly, that he had escaped two great 
imputations on his character; the one, of too hasty 
a despair and desertion of the common cause ; the 
other, of the vanity of going to see the Olympic 
games. This last, as Cicero says, would have been 
shameful for him, in any state of the republic ; 
but, in the present, unpardonable ; and professes 
himself, therefore, greatly obliged to the winds, for 
preserving hiin from such an infamy, and, like good 

* Rhegini quidam, illustres homines eo venerunt, Roma sane recentes — hasc 
afferebant, Edictum Bruti et Cassii ; et fore frequentem Senatum Kal. a Bruto et 
Cassio litteras missas ad Consulares et Pratorios ; ut adessent, rogare. Sunimam 
spem nunciabant, fore, ut Antonius cederet, res conveniret, nostri Romam redirent. 
Addebant etiam me desiderari, subaccusari, &c. Ad Att. ib. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Anlonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

citizens, blowing him back to the service of his 

Brutus informed him, likewise, of what had 
passed in the senate, on the first of August, and how 
Piso had signalized himself, by a brave and honest 
speech, and some vigorous motions in favour of the 
public liberty, in which nobody had the courage to 
second him : he produced also Antony's edict, and 
their answer to it, which pleased Cicero very much ; 
but, on the whole, though he was still satisfied with 
his resolution of returning, yet he found no such 
reason for it as his first intelligence had suggested, 
nor any hopes of doing much service at Rome, where 
there was not one senator who had thef courage to 
support Piso, nor Piso himself the resolution to ap- 
pear in the senate again the next day. 

This was the last conference that he ever had with 
Brutus, who, together with Cassius, left Italy soon 
after it; they were both to succeed, of course, as 
all praetors did, at the expiration of their office, to 
the government of some province, which was assigned 
to them either by lot, or by an extraordinary deciee 
of the senate. Caesar had intended Macedonia for 
the one, and Syria for the other; but as these were 
two of the most important commands of the empire, 
and would throw a great power into their hands, 
at a time when their enemies were taking measures 
to destroy them, so Antony contrived to get two 
other provinces decreed to them of an inferior kind, 
— Crete to Brutus, and Cyrene to Cassius, and by 
a law of the people, procured Macedonia and Syria 
to be conferred upon himself, and his colleague, 
Dolabella ; in consequence of which, he sent his 
brother Caius, in all haste, to possess himself of the 

* Nam. xvi. Kal. Sept. cum venissem Veliam, Brutus audivit, erat enim cum suit 
navibus apud Heletem iluvium citra Veliam millia passuum in. pedibus ad me sta- 
tim. Dii immortales, quam valde ille reditu, vel potius reversione me laetatus est? 
Erl'udit ilia omnia, qu<e tacuerat— se autem laetari quod effugissem quas maximal 
»ituperationes, &c Ad Att. 16. 7. Vid. it. Ep. Fam. 12. 25- it. ad Brut 15. 

t Vid. Ad Att. lb. Philip. 1. 4, 5. Ep. Fam. 12. 2. 



A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

first, and Dolabella to secure the second, before 
their rivals could be in condition to seize them by 
force, of which they were much afraid, taking it for 
granted, that this was the project which Brutus and 
Cassius were now meditating. Cassius had ac- 
quired a great reputation in the east, by his con- 
duct in the Parthian war, and Brutus was highly 
honoured in Greece, for his eminent virtue and love 
of philosophy: they resolved, therefore, to slight the 
petty provinces which were granted to them, and to 
try their fortunes in the more powerful ones that 
Caesar had promised them; and, with that view, had 
provided the fleets abovementioned, to transport 
themselves to those countries, which they had des- 
tined for the scene of action ; Brutus to Macedonia, 
Cassius to Syria, where we shall soon have occasion 
to give a farther account of their success* 

Cicero, in the meanwhile, pursued his journey 
towards Rome, where he arrived on the last of the 
month ; on his approach to the city, such multi- 
tudes flocked out to meet him, that the whole day 
was spent in receiving the compliments and congra- 
tulations of his friends, as he passed along to his 
house.f The senate met the next morning, to which 
he was particularly summoned by Antouy, but ex- 
cused himself by a civil message, as being too much 
indisposed by the fatigue of his journey. Antony 
took this as an affront, and, in great rage, threatened, 
openly in the senate, to order his house to be pulled 
down, if he did not come immediately : till, by the 
interposition of the assembly, he was dissuaded from 
using any violence.^ 

The business of the day was to decree some new 
and extraordinary honours to the memory of Caesar, 

* Plut. in Brut. App. 527, 533. Philip. 2. 13, 38. 

t Plut. in Cic. 

t Cumque de via languerem, mihique displicerem, rnisi pro amicitia qui hoc ei 
diceret, at ille, vobis audientibus, cum fabris, se doruuru meam venturom esse dixit, 
&c. Philip. 1. 5. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabclla. 

with a religious supplication to him, as to a divinity ; 
Cicero was determined not to concur in it, yet knew 
that an opposition would not only be fruitless, but 
dangerous ; and for that reason staid away. Antony, 
on the other hand, was desirous to have him there, 
fancying that he would either be frightened into a 
compliance, which would lessen him with his own 
party, or, by opposing what was intended, make 
himself odious to the soldiery; but as he was ab- 
sent, the decree passed without any contradiction. 
The senate met again the next day, when Antony 
thought tit to absent himself, and leave the stage 
clear to Cicero ;* who accordingly appeared, and 
delivered the first of those speeches, which, in imi- 
tation of Demosthenes, were called afterwards his 
Philippics — he opens it with a particular account 
of the motives of his late voyage and sudden return ; 
of his interview with Brutus, and his regret at leav- 
ing him : " at Velia," says he, " I saw Brutus : with 
" what grief I saw him, I need not tell you; I could 
" not but think it scandalous for me to return to a 
" city, from which he was forced to retire, and to 
" find myself safe in any place, where he could not 
" be so; yet Brutus was not half so much moved 
" with it as I, but supported by the consciousness 
" of his noble act, shewed not the least concern for 
" his own case, while he expressed the greatest for 
" your's." — He then declares, that he came to second 
Piso ; and, in case of any accidents, of which many 
seemed to surround him, to leave that day's speech 
as a monument of his perpetual fidelity to his coun- 
try .f Before he enters upon the state of the re- 
public, he takes occasion to complain of the unpre- 
cedented violence of Antony's treatment of him the 
day before, who would not have been better pleased 
with him, had he been present; for he should never 
have consented to pollute the republic with so de- 

* Yeni postriclie, ipse non venit. Philip. 5. 7. t Philip. 1.4. 

u 2 ' 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelia. 

testable a religion, and blend the honours of the 
gods with those of a dead man : he prays the gods 
to forgive both the senate and the people for their 
forced consent to it — that he would never have de- 
creed it, though it had been to old Brutus himself, 
who first delivered Home from reffal tyranny, and, 
at the distance of five centuries, had propagated a 
race from the same stock, todo their country the same 
service.* He returns thanks to Piso, for what he 
had said in that place the month before: wishes 
that he had been present to second him ; and re- 
proves the other consulars for betraying their dig- 
nity, by deserting him. — As to the public affairs, he 
dwells chiefly on Antony's abuse of their decree, to 
confirm Caesar's acts ; declares himself still for the 
confirmation of them, not that he liked them, but for 
the sake of peace ; yet, of the genuine acts only, 
such as Caesar himself had completed ; not the imper- 
fect notes and memorandums of his pocket books; 
not every scrap of his writing; or what he had not 
even written, but spoken only, and that without a 
voucher — he charges Antony with a strange incon- 
sistency, in pretending such a zeal for Caesar's acts, 
yet violating the most solemn and authentic of them, 
his laws ; of which he gives several examples : thinks 
it intolerable, to oblige them to the performance of 
all Caesar's promises, yet annul so freely what ought 
to be held the most sacred and inviolable of any 
thing that he had done: he addresses himself pa- 
thetically to both the consuls, though Dolabelia 
only was present; tells them, that they had no rea- 
son to resent his speaking so freely on the behalf of 
the republic: that he made no personal reflec- 
tions : had not touched their characters, their lives, 
and manners : that if he offended in that way, he 
desired no quarter:'!" but if, according to his cus- 
tom, he delivered himself with all freedom on pub- 

* Philip. 3. 6. 1 lb 7. 11. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dulabeila. 

lie affairs, he begged, in the first place, that they 
would not be angry; in the next, that if they were, 
they would express their anger, as became citizens, 
by civil, not military methods ; that he had been ad- 
monished, indeed, not to expect, that the same li- 
berty would be allowed to him, the enemy of Csesar, 
which had been indulged to Piso, his father-in-law ; 
that Antony would resent whatever was said against 
his will, though free from personal injury; if so, he 
must bear it as well as he could — then, after touch- 
ing on their plundering the Temple of Opis, of those 
sums which might have been of great service to the 
state, he observes, that whatever the vulgar might 
think, money was not the thing which they aimed 
at ; that their souls were too noble for that, and had 
greater designs in view ;* but they quite mistook the 
road to glory, if they thought it to consist in a single 
man's having more power than a whole people — that 
to be dear to our citizens, to deserve well of our 
country, to be praised, respected, beloved, was truly 
glorious ; to be feared and hated, always invidious, 
detestable, weak, and tottering — that Caesar's fate 
was a warning to them, how much better it was 
to be loved than to be feared : that no man could 
live happy, who held life on such terms that it might 
be taken from him, not ouly with impunity, but with 
praise. f He puts them in mind of the many public 
demonstrations of the people's disaffection to them, 
and their constant applauses and acclamations to 
those who opposed them, to which he begs them to 
attend with more care, in order to learn the way 
how to be truly great and glorious. — He concludes, 
by declaring, that he had now reaped the full fruit 
of his return, by giving this public testimony of his 
constant adherence to the interests of his country : 
that he would use the same liberty oftener. if he 
found that he could do it with safety : if not, would 

* Philip. 12. t lb. 11. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antenna. P, Cornelius Dolabella. 

reserve himself, as well as he could, to better limes, 
not so much out of regard to himself, as to the re- 

In speaking afterwards of this day's debate, he 
says, that whilst the rest of the senate behaved like 
slaves, he alone shewed himself to be free; and 
though he spoke, indeed, with less freedom than it 
had been his custom to do, yet it was with more 
than the dangers, with which he was threatened, 
seemed to allow.* Antony was greatly enraged at 
his speech, and summoned another meeting of the 
senate for the nineteenth, where he again required 
Cicero's attendance, being resolved to answer him 
in person, and justify his own conduct: for which 
end he employed himself, during the interval, in 
preparing the materials of a speech, and declaim- 
ing against Cicero in his villa near Tibur. The se- 
nate met on the appointed day, in the Temple of 
Concord, whither Antony came with a strong guard, 
and in great expectation of meeting Cicero, whom 
he had endeavoured, by artiiice, to draw thither; 
but though Cicero himself was ready and desirous 
to go, yet his friends overruled and kept him at 
home, being apprehensive of some design intended 
against his life.t 

Antony's speech confirmed their apprehensions, 
in which he poured out the overflowings of his 
spleen with such fury against him, that Cicero, al- 
luding to what he had done a little before, in pub- 
lic, says, that he seemed once more rather to spew 
than to speak. J He produced Cicero's letter to 
him, about the restoration of S. Clodius, in which 
Cicero acknowledged him, not only for his friend, 

* Locutus sum dc Repub. minus equidem libere, quam mea consuetudo, liberies 
lainen quam perjculi niinae postulabant. Philip. 5. 7. 

In sumrpa reliquonim servitute liber unus fui. Ep. Fam. 12. 25. 

t Que die, si per amicos milii cupienti, in Seuatum venire licuisset, ca?dis milium 
(ecisset a me. Philip. 5. 7. 

Meque cum eliceTC vellet in eppdis causam, turn lentaret insidiis. Ep, Fam. 12. 25. 

i llaque omnibus est visus, ut ad te antea scrip;!, vomere suo more, non diccre. 
lb. 2, 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

but a good citizen ; as if the letter was a confutation 
of his speech, and Cicero had other reasons for 
quarrelling with him now, than the pretended service 
of the public* But the chief thing with which he 
urged him was, his being not only privy to the mur- 
der of Csesar, but the contriver of it, as well as the 
author of every step, which the conspirators had 
since taken : by this he hoped to inflame the sol- 
diers to some violence, whom he had planted for 
that purpose about the avenues of the temple, and 
within hearing even of their debates. Cicero, in his 
account of it to Cassius, says, that he should not 
scruple to own a share in the act, if he could have 
a share in the glory : but that, if he had really been 
concerned in it, they should never have left the 
work half finished ."j* 

He had resided all this while in Rome, or the 
neighbourhood; but as a breach with Antony was 
now inevitable, he thought it necessary, for his se- 
curity, to remove to a greater distance, to some of 
his villas near Naples. Here he composed his se- 
cond Philippic, by way of reply to Antony; not 
delivered in the senate, as the tenor of it seems to 
imply, but finished in the country, nor intended to 
be published, till things were actually come to ex- 
tremity, and the occasions of the republic made 
it necessary to render Antony's character and de- 
signs as odious as possible to the people. The ora- 
tion is a most bitter invective on his whole life, de- 
scribing it as a perpetual scene of lewdness, faction, 
violence, rapine, heightened with all the colours of 
wit and eloquence — it was greatly admired by the 
ancients, and shews that, in the decline of life, Ci- 
cero had lost no share of that fire and spirit, with 
which his earlier productions are animated : but he 
never had a cause more interesting, or where he 

* Atque etiara litteras, quas me sibi misisse dieeret, recitavit, &c. Philip. 2. 4. 
t Nullarn aliam ob canssam me anctorem fuisse Casaris interficiendi criminatur, 
nisi ut in me veteran] iiieiientur. Kj>. Fam. J'.'. 2. vid, 3. 4. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

had greater reason to exert himself: he knew that 
in case of a rupture, for which alone the piece was 
calculated, either Antony or the republic must 
perish; and he was determined to risk his own life 
upon the quarrel, nor bear the indignity of outliving 
a second time the liberty of his country. 

He sent a copy of this speech to Brutus and Cas- 
sius, who were infinitely pleased with it : they now 
at last clearly saw, that Antony meditated nothing 
but war, and that their affairs were growing daily 
more and more desperate ; and being resolved, 
therefore, to leave Italy, they took occasion, a little 
before their departure, to write the following letter 
in common to Antony. 



" If you are in good health, it is a pleasure to 
" us. We have read your letter, exactly of a piece 
" with your edict, abusive, threatening, wholly un- 
" worthy to be sent from you to us. For our part, 
" Antony, we have never done you any injury ; nor 
" imagined that you would think it strange, that 
" praetors, and men of our rank, should require any 
" thing by edict of a consul : but if you are angry 
" that we have presumed to do it, give us leave to 
" be concerned, that you would not indulge that 
" privilege, at least, to Brutus and Cassius: for as 
" to our raising troops, exacting contributions, soli- 
** citing armies, sending expresses beyond sea ; since 
" you deny that you ever complained of it, we be- 
" lieve you ; and take it as a proof of your good in- 
" tention : we do not, indeed, own any such prac- 
" tices; yet think it strange, when you objected no- 
" thing of that kind, that you could not contain 
" yourself from reproaching us with the death of 
" Caesar. Consider with yourself, whether it is to 
" be endured, that, for the sake of the public quiet 


A. L'rb. 70D. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 



" and liberty, praetors cannot depart from their 
'- rights by edict, but the consul must presently 
" threaten them with arms. Do not think to fright- 
" en us with such threats ; it is not agreeable to our 
" character to be moved bv any danger: nor must 
" Antony pretend to command those, by whose 
" means he now lives free. Jf there were other rea- 
" sons to dispose us to raise a civil war, your letter 
" would have no effect to hinder it: for threats can 
" have no influence on those who are free. But 
" you know, very well, that it is not possible for 
" us to be driven to any thing against our will ; and, 
11 for that reason, perhaps, you threaten, that what- 
** ever we do, it may seem to be the effect of fear. 
" These, then, are our sentiments: we wish to see 
" you live with honour and splendour in a free re- 
public; have no desire to quarrel with you; yet 
value our liberty more than your friendship. It 
is your business to consider again and again what 
" you attempt, and what you can maintain ; and to 
" reflect, not how long Caesar lived, but how short a 
" time he reigned : we pray the gods, that your 
" counsels may be salutary, both to the republic 
" and to yourself; if not, wish, at least, that they 
" may hurt you as little as may consist with the 
" safety and dignity of the republic."* 

Octavius perceived, by this time, that there was 
nothing to be done for him in the city against a con- 
sul, armed with superior power, both civil and mi- 
litary ; and was so far provoked by the ill usage 
which he had received, that in order to obtain, by 
stratagem, what he could not gain by force, he 
formed a design against Antony's life, and actually 
provided certain slaves to assassinate him, who were 
discovered and seized with their poignards in Anto- 
ny's house, as they were watching an opportunity to 
execute their plot. The story was supposed, by 

* Ep. Fain. xi. 3. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Doiabella. 

many, lobe forged by Antony, to justify his treatment 
ofOctavius, and his depriving- him of the estate of 
his uncle : but all men of sense, as Cicero says, both 
believed and applauded it : and the greatest part of 
the old writers treat it as an undoubted fact.* 

They were both of them equally suspected by the 
senate, but Antony more immediately dreaded, on 
the account of his superior power, and supposed 
credit with the soldiers, whom he had served with, 
through all the late wars, and on several occasions 
commanded. Here his chief strength lay ; and, to 
ingratiate himself more and more openly every day 
against the conspirators ; threatening them in his 
edicts, and discovering a resolution to revenge the 
death of Caesar; to whom he erected a statue in the 
rostra, and inscribed it — To the most worthy parent 
of his country. Cicero speaking of this, in a letter 
to Cassius, says, " Your friend Antony grows every 
" day more furious, as you see from the inscription 
" of his statue ; by which he makes you, not only 
" murderers, but parricides. But why do I say you, 
" and not rather us? for the madman affirms me to 
" be the author of your noble act. I wish that I bad 
" been ; for, if I had, he would not have been so 
" troublesome to us as at this time.'j" 

Octavius was not less active in soliciting his un- 
cle's soldiers, sparing neither pains nor money that 
could tempt them to his service: and, by outbid- 
ding Antony, in all his offers and bribes to them, 
met with greater success than was expected, so as 

* De quo niultiliulin! fie turn ab Antonio crimen videtur, ut in pecuniam adoles- 
centis iinpetinn faceret. Prudentes autera et boni viri etcredunt factum et probant. 
[Ep. Fam. 12. 2j.] Insidiis M. Antonii Consulis iatus petierat. [Sen. de Clem. 
1. 1. <>.] 

Hortantibus itaque nonnullis percussores ei subornavit. 'Hac fraude deprehensa, 
&c. Sueton. August, x. Plut. in Anton. 

t Auget tuus amicus furorem indies, primum in status, quam posuit in rostris, in- 
scripsit, parexti optime mehito. Ut non modo sicarii, sed jam etiam parrieida: 
judicemini. Quid dico judicemini ? judicemur potius. Vestri enim pulchcrrim 
facti ille furiosus me principem dicit fuisse. Utinaro quidem fuisscm, raolestus non 
es»et, Ep. Fam. 12. .j. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

to draw together, in a short lime, a firm and regu- 
lar army of veterans, completely furnished with all 
necessaries for present service. But as lie had no 
public character to justify this conduct, which, in 
regular times, would have been deemed treasonable, 
so he paid the greater court to the republican chiefs, 
in hopes to get his proceedings authorized by the 
senate ; and, by the influence of his troops, procure 
the command of the war to himself: he now, there- 
fore, was continually pressing Cicero, by letters and 
friends, to come to Rome, and support him, with 
his authority, against their common enemy, Antony ; 
promising to govern himself, in every step, by his 

But Cicero could not yet be persuaded to enter 
into his affairs : he suspected his youth and want of 
experience, and that he had not strength enough 
to deal with Antony : and, above all, that he had 
no good disposition towards the conspirators : he 
thought it impossible that he should ever be a friend 
to them, and was persuaded rather, that, if ever 
he got the upper hand, his uncle's acts would be 
more violently enforced, and his death more cruelly 
revenged, than by Antony himself.* These consi- 
derations withheld him from an union with him, till 
the exigencies of the republic made it absolutely 
necessary ; nor did he consent at last, without mak- 
ing it an express condition, that Octavius should 
employ all his forces in defence of the common li- 
berty, and particularly of Brutus and his accom- 
plices, where his chief care and caution still was, 
to arm him only with a power sufficient to oppress 
Antony, yet so checked and limited, that he should 
not be able to oppress the republic. 

This is evident from many of his epistles to Atti- 

* Valde tibi assentior, si ivmltum possit Octavianus, multo firmius acta Tyranni 
comprobaUim iri, quam in Telliiris, atque id contra Brutuni fore — scd in isto Juvene 
quanquam animi satis, auctoritatis parura est; Ad Att. 16. 14. 


A. Url). 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelfa. 

ens : " I had a letter," says he, " from Octavianus, 
" on the first of November : his designs are great : 
" he has drawn over all the veterans of Casilinnm 
"and Calatia; and no wonder; — he gives sixteen 
" pounds a man. He proposes to make the torn* 
" of the other colonies: his view plainly is, to have 
" the command of the war against Antony ; so that 
*' we shall be in arms in a few days. But which 
"of them shall we follow? Consider his name; 
" his age : he begs to have a private conference with 
" me at Capua or near it : it is childish to imagine 
" that it couid be private: I gave him to understand, 
" that it was neither necessary nor practicable. lie 
" sent to me one Csecina of Volaterrae, who brought 
" word, that Antony was coming towards the city, 
"-with the legion of the Alaudae :* that he raised 
" contributions from all the great towns, and march- 
" ed with colours displayed : he asked my advice, 
" whether he should advance before him to Home, 
" with three thousand veterans, or keep the post of 
" Capua, and oppose his progress there, or go to 
" the three Macedonian legions, who were marching 
" along the upper coast, and are, as he hopes, in his 
" interest — they would not take Antony's money, as 
" this Caecina says, but even affronted and left him, 
" while he was speaking to them. In short, he offers 
" himself for our leader, and thinks that we ought 
" to support him. I advised him to march to Rome ; 
" for he seems likely to have the meaner people on 
" his side, and, if he makes good what he promises, 

* This legion of the Alaadsc was firstraised by J. Csesar, and composed of the natives 
of Gaul, armed and disciplined aiter the Roman manner, to which lie gave the 
freedom of Rome. He called it by a Gallic name, Alaudae, which signified a kind of 
lark, or little bird, with a tuft or crest rising upon its head, in imitation of which, this 
legion wore a crest of feathers on the helmet,, from which origin the word was adopted 
into the Latin tongue. Antony, out of compliment to these troops, and to assure 
himself of their fidelity, had lately made ajudiciary law, by which he erected a third 
class of judges, to be drawn from the officers of this legion, and added to the other 
two of the senators and knights; for which Cicero often reproaches him, as a moat 
infan ous prostitution of the dignity of the republic. Philip. 1. 8. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

V the better sort too. O Brntus, where art thou? 
" What an opportunity dost thou lose? 1 did not, 
" indeed, foresee this, yet thought that something 
" like it would happen. Give me your advice : shall 
" I come away to Rome, stay where I am, or retire 
" to Arpinum ? where I shall be the safest. I had 
" rather be at Rome, lest, if any thing should be 
il done, I should be wauted : resolve, therefore, for 
" me : 1 never was in greater perplexity.'* 

Again : — " I had two letters, the same day, from 
" Octavius : he presses me to come immediately to 
" Rome; is resolved, he says, to do nothing without 
" the senate. I tell him, that there can be no senate 
" till the first of January, which 1 take to be true: 
" he adds, also, nor without my advice. — In a word, 
" he urges; — I hang back : I cannot trust his age; 
" do not know his real intentions; will do nothing 
" without Pansa; am afraid that Antony may prove 
" too strong for him, and unwilling to stir from the 
" sea, yet would not have any thing vigorous done 
" without me. Varro does not like the conduct of 
" the boy, — but I do. He has firm troops, and may 
"join with D. Brutus: what he does, he does 
" openly; musters his soldiers at Capua; pays them. 
We shall have a war, I see, instantly."*!" 
Again : — " I have letters every day from Octa- 
vianus, to undertake his affairs; to come to him 
" at Capua ; to save the state a second time : he re- 
" solves to come directly to Rome. 

" Urg'd to the fight, 'tis shameful to refuse, 

" Whilst fear yet prompts the safer part to choose. 

Horn. II. n. 

" He has hitherto acted, and acts still, with vigour, 
" and will come to Rome with a great force. Yet 
'•' he is but a boy : he thinks the senate may be 
" called immediately: but who will come? — or, if 

* Ad Alt. 16. 8. tTb. 9. 




A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Cos*.— M. Antonrus. P. Cornelius DolabeJla. 

" they do, who, in this uncertainty of affairs, will de- 
" clare against Antony? — he will be a good guard 
" to us on the first of January ; or, it may come, 
" perhaps, to blows, before. The great towns favour 
" the boy strangely: they flock to him from all parts, 
" and exhort him to proceed: could you ever have 
" thought it. ?"* There are many other passages of 
the same kind, expressing a diffidence of Octavius, 
and inclination to sit still, and let them fight it out 
between themselves; till the exigency of affairs made 
their union at last mutually necessary to each other. 

In the hurry of all these politics, he was prose- 
cuting his studies still, with his usual application, 
and, besides the second Philippic, already mention- 
ed, now finished his book of Offices, or the Duties 
of Man, for the use of his son ;f a work admired 
by all succeeding ages, as the most perfect system 
of heathen morality, and the noblest effort and speci- 
men of what mere reason could do, towards guiding- 
man through life with innocence and happiness. He 
now also drew up, as it is thought, his Stoical Para- 
doxes, or an illustration of the peculiar doctrines of 
that sect, from the examples and characters of their 
own countrymen, which he addressed to Brutus. 

Antony left Rome about the end of September, in 
order to meet, and engage to his service, four legions 
from Macedonia, which had been sent thither bv 
Caesar, on their way towards Parthia, and were now, 
by his orders, returning to Italy. He thought him- 
self sure of them, and by their help to be master of 
the citv : but, on his arrival at Brundisium on the 
eighth of October, three of the legions, to his great 
surprise, rejected all his offers, and refused to fol- 
low him. This affront so enraged him, that, calling 
together all the centurions, whom he suspected to be 
the authors of their disaffection, he ordered them to 
be massacred in his own lodgings, to the number of 

•AdAtt. 11. fib. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelia. 

three hundred, while he and his wife Fulvia stood 
calmly looking on, to satiate their cruel revenge 
by the blood of these brave men: after which, he 
inarched back towards Rome, by the Appian Road, 
at the head of the single legion which submitted to 
him, whilst the other three took their rout along the 
Adriatic coast, without declaring yet for any side.* 

He returned full of rage, both against Octavius 
and the republicans, and determined to make what 
use he could of the remainder of his consulship, in 
wresting the provinces and military commands out 
of the hands of his enemies, and distributing them 
to his friends. He published, at the same time, 
several fierce and threatening edicts, in which he 
gave Octavius the name of Spartacus ; reproach- 
ed him with the ignobleness of his birth ; charged 
Cicero with being the author of all his counsels; 
abused young Quintus as a perfidious wretch, who 
had offered to kill both his father and uncle ; for- 
bade three of the tribunes, on pain of death, to ap- 
pear in the senate, Q. Cassius, the brother of the 
conspirator, Carfulenus, and Canutius.f In this 
humour, he summoned the senate on the twenty- 
fourth of October, with severe threats to those who 
should absent themselves ; yet he himself neglected 
to come, and adjourned it, by edict, to the twenty- 
eighth : but while all people were in expectation of 

* Ad d. vii. Id. Octob. Brundisium erat profectus, Antonius, obviam legionibus 
Macedonicis iiii, quas sibi conciliare pecunia cogitabat, easque ad Urbein adducere. 
Ep. Fam. 12. 23. 

Quippe qui in hospitis tectis Brundisii fortissimos viros, cives optimos, jugulari 
jusserit: quorum ante pedes ejus morientiuin sanguine os uxoris respersum esse 
constabat. Philip. 3. 2. 

Cum ejus proiuissis legiones fortissimas reclamassent, doinura ad se venire jussit 
Centuriones, quos bene de Repub. sentire cognoverat, eosque ante pedes suos, 
uxorisque suae, quam secum gravis Imperator ad exercitum duxerat, jugulari coegit. 
Philip. 5. 8. 

t Primum in Caesarem ut maledicta cougessit — ignobilitatem objicit C. Caesaris 
filio. — [Philip. 3. 6.] Quern in edictis Spartacum appellat. [lb. 8.] Q. Ciceronem, 
fratris mei ulium compellat edicto — aususest scribere, hunc de Patris et Patrui parri- 
cidio cogitasse. [lb. ?.] Quid autem attinuerit, Q. Cassio — mortem denunciare si in 
Senatum venisset. D. Carfulenum — e Senatsi vi et mortis minis expellere : Tib. 
Canntium — non templo solnra, sed aditu probibere capitolii. lb. 9. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

some extraordinary decrees from him, and of one 
particularly, which he had prepared, to declare 
young Caesar a public enemy,* he happened to re- 
ceive the news that two of the legions from Brun- 
disium, the fourth, and that which was called the 
martial, had actually declared for Octavius, and 
posted themselves at Alba, in the neighbourhood of 
Rome.f This shocked him so much, that instead of 
prosecuting what he had projected, he only hud- 
dled over, what nobody opposed, a decree of a sup- 
plication to Lepidus: and the same evening, after 
he had distributed to his friends, by a pretended 
allotment, the several provinces of the empire, which 
few or none of them durst accept, from so precarious 
a title, he changed the habit of the consul for that of 
the general, and left the city with precipitation, to put 
himself at the head of his army, and possess himself, 
by force, of Cisalpine Gaul, assigned to him by a 
pretended law of the people against the will of the 

On the news of his retreat, Cicero presently quit- 
ted his books and the country, and set out towards 
Rome : he seemed to be called by the voice of the 
republic to take the reins once more into his hands. 
The field was now open to him : there was not a 
consul, and scarce a single praetor in the city, nor 
any troops from which he could apprehend danger. 
He arrived on the ninth of December, and imme- 
diately conferred with Pansa, for Hirtius lay very 
ill, about the measures proper to be taken on their 
approaching entrance into the consulship. 

Before his leaving the country, Oppius had been 

* Cum senatum vocasset, adhibuissetque Consularem, qui sua sententia C. Caesa- 
rem hostem judicaret. Philip. 5. 9. App. 556. 

t Postea vero quam Lcgio Martia ducera prsestantissinium vidit, nihil egit aliud, 
nisi utaliquando liberiessemns : quam estimitata quarta Legio. Philip. 5. 8. 

Atque oa Lc^io consedit Alb;e, Sec. Philip. 3. 3. 

i Fugere festinans S. C. de supplicatione per disccssionem fecit — prsclara tamen. 
S. Cta. <>o ipso die vespertina provinciarum religiosa sortitio — L. Lentulus et P. 
Na.«o — nullam se habere provinciaui, nullam Antonii softitiohgm fuisse judicarunt; 
Philip. 3.9. x. 


A. Urb.709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabeila. 

with him, to press him again to undertake the affairs 
of Octavius, and the protection of his troops ; but 
his answer was, that he could not consent to it, un- 
less he were first assured' that Octavius would not 
only be no enemy, but even a friend to Brutus : that 
he could be of no service to Octavius till the first of 
January, and there would be an opportunity before 
that time of trying Octavius's disposition in the case 
of Casca, who had been named by Caesar to the tri- 
bunate, and was to enter upon it on the tenth of De- 
cember: for, if Octavius did not oppose or disturb 
his admission, that would be a proof of his good in- 
tentions.* Oppius undertook for all this, on the 
part of Octavius, and Octavius himself confirmed 
it, and suffered Casca, who gave the first blow to 
Caesar, to enter quietly into his office. 

The new tribunes, in the mean time, in the ab- 
sence of the superior magistrates, called a meeting 
of the senate on the nineteenth : Cicero had resolved 
not to appear there any more, till he should be sup- 
ported by the new consuls : but happening to re- 
ceive the day before the edict of D. Brutus, by 
which he prohibited Antony the entrance of his pro- 
vince, and declared that he would defend it against 
him by force, and preserve it in its duty to the se- 
nate, he thought it necessary, for the public ser- 
vice, and the present encouragement of Brutus, to 
procure, as soon as possible, some public decla- 
ration in his favour : he went, therefore, to the se- 
nate very early, which, being observed by the other 
senators, presently drew together a full house, in 
expectation of hearing his sentiments in so nice and 
critical a situation of public affairs, j" 

* Sed ut scribis, ce.rtissimum esse video discrimen Casca? nostri Tribunatum : de 
quo quidem ipso dixi Oppio, cum me hortaretur, ut adolescentemque totamque cau- 
sam, manumque veteranorum complecterer, me nullo modo fr cere posse, ni mihi ex- 
ploratum esset, eum rton modo non inimicum tyrannoctonis, verum etiam amicum 
fore ; cum ille diceret, ita futurum. Quid igitur festinamus ? inquam. Illi enim 
mea opera ante Kal. Jan. nihil opus est. Nos autem ante Id. Decemb. ejus vo- 
luntatem perspiciemus iu Casca. Mihi valde assensus est. Ad Att. 16. 15. 

t Cum Tribuni pleb. edixissent, Senatus adesset a, d. 13 Kal. Jan, haberentque 



A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabeHa. 

He saw the war actually commenced in the very 
bowels of Italy, on the success of which depended 
the fate of Rome : that Gaul would certainly be lost, 
and with it, probably, the republic, if Brutus was 
not supported against the superior force of Antony : 
that there was no way of doing it so ready and ef- 
fectual, as by employing Octavius and his troops : 
and though the entrusting him with that commission 
would throw a dangerous power into his hands, yet 
it would be controlled by the equal power and 
superior authority of the two consuls, who were to 
be joined with him in the same command. 

The senate being assembled, the tribunes ac- 
quainted them, that the business of that meeting- 
was, to provide a guard for the security of the new 
consuls, and the protection of the senate, in the free- 
dom of their debates; but that they gave a liberty 
withal of taking the whole state of the republic into 
consideration. Upon this Cicero opened the debate, 
and represented to them the danger of their pre- 
sent condition, and the necessity of speedy and re- 
solute councils against an enemy, who lost no time in 
attempting their ruin. That they had been ruined, 
indeed, before, had it not been for the courage and 
virtue of young Caesar, who, contrary to all expecta- 
tion, and without being even desired to do, what no 
man thought possible for him to do, had, by his 
private authority and expense, raised a strong army 
of veterans, and baffled the designs of Antony : that 
if Antony had succeeded at Brundisium, and pre- 
vailed with the legions to follow him, he would 
have filled the city, at his return, with blood and 
slaughter : that it was their part to authorize and 
confirm what Caesar had done ; and to empower 

in animo de prsesidio Consulem designatorum rcfcrre, quanquam statueram in Sena- 
tum ante Kal. Jan. non venire : tamen cum eo ipso die edictum tuum propositum 
esset, nefas esse duxi, aut ita haberi Senatum, ut de tuis divinis in meritis 
sicleretur, quod factum esset, nisi ego venissem, aut etiam si quid de te non hono- 
rifice diceretur, me non adesse. Itaque in Senatum veni mane. Quod cum esset 
anhnadvetSum, frequentissinii Senatores couvenerunt. Ep. Fam. xi. 6. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabelia. 

him to do more, by employing his troops in the 
farther service of the state ; and to make a special 
provision also for the two legions, which had de- 
clared for him against Antony.* As to D. Brutus, 
who had promised, by edict, to preserve Gaul in 
the obedience of the senate, that he was a citizen 
born for the good of the republic; the imitator of 
his ancestors ; nay, had even exceeded their merit ; 
for the first Brutus expelled a proud king — he a 
fellow subject, far more proud and profligate; that 
Tarquin, at the time of his expulsion, was actually 
making war for the people of Rome ; but Antony, 
on the contrary, had actually begun a war against 
them. That it was necessary, therefore, to confirm 
by public authority, what Brutus had done by pri- 
vate, in preserving the province of Gaul, the flower 
of Italy, and the bulwark of the empire. — f Then, 
after largely inveighing against Antony's character, 
and enumerating particularly all his cruelties and 
violences, he exhorts them, in a pathetic manner, 
to act with courage in defence of the republic, or 
die bravely in the attempt : that now was the time 
either to recover their liberty, or to live for ever 
slaves: that if the fatal day was come, and Rome 
was destined to perish, it would be a shame for 
them, the governors of the world, not to fall with 
as much courage as gladiators were used to do, 
and die with dignity, rather than live with disgrace. 
He puts them in mind of the many advantages 
which they had towards encouraging their hopes 
and resolution ; the body of the people, alert and 
eager in the cause; young Caesar in the guard of 
the city ; Brutus of Gaul ; two consuls of the great- 
est prudence, virtue, concord between themselves ; 
who had been meditating nothing else, for many 
months past, but the public tranquillity : to all which 
he promises his own attention and vigilance, both 

* Philip. 3. 1,2, 3. t lb. 4.5. 

x 2 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

day and night, for their safety. * On the whole, 
therefore, he gives his vote and opinion, that the 
new consuls, C. Pansa and A. Hirtius, should take 
care that the senate may meet with security on the 
first of January : that D. Brutus, emperor and con- 
sul elect, had merited greatly of the republic, by 
defending the authority and liberty of the senate 
and people of Rome : that his army, the towns and 
colonies of his province, should be publicly thanked 
and praised for their fidelity to him ; that it should 
be declared to be of the last consequence to the 
republic, that D. Brutus and L. Plancus, (who 
commanded the farther Gaul) emperor and consul 
elect, as well as all others, who had the command 
of provinces, should keep them in their duty to the 
senate, till successors were appointed by the senate: 
and since, by the pains, virtue, and conduct of 
young Caesar, and the assistance of the veteran sol- 
diers who followed him, the republic had been 
delivered, and was still defended from the greatest 
dangers ; and since the martial and fourth legions, 
under that excellent citizen and quaestor, Egnatu- 
leius, had voluntarily declared for the authority of 
the senate, and the liberty of the people, that the 
senate should take special care that due honours 
and thanks be paid to them for their eminent ser- 
vices ; and, that the new consuls, on their entrance 
into office, should make it their first business to see 
all this executed in proper form : to all which the 
house unanimously agreed, and ordered a decree to 
be drawn conformably to his opinion. 

From the senate he passed directly to the Forum, 
and, in a speech to the people, gave an account of 
what had passed ; he begins, by signifying his joy 
to see so great a concourse about him, greater than 
he had ever remembered, a sure omen of their good 
inclinations, and an encouragement both to his en- 

* Philip. 14>»&c. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss.— M. Antonius. P. Cornelius Dolabella. 

deavours and his hopes of recovering the republic. 
Then he repeats with some variation, what he had 
delivered in the senate, of the praises of Caesar and 
Brutus, and the wicked designs of Antony : that the 
race of the Brutuses was given to them by the spe- 
cial providence of the gods, for the perpetual defend- 
ers and deliverers of the republic :* that, by what 
the senate had decreed, they had, in fact, though 
not in express words, declared Antony a public 
enemy : that they must consider him, therefore, as 
such, and no longer as consul : that they had to 
deal with an enemy, with whom no terms of peace 
could be made ; who thirsted not so much after 
their liberty as their blood : to whom no sport was 
so agreeable, as to see citizens butchered before his 
eyes : that the gods, however, by portents and 
prodigies, seemed to foretel his speedy downfall, 
since such a consent and union of all ranks against 
him could never have been effected, but by a Divine 

influence,! & c - 

These speeches, which stand the third and fourth 
in the order of his Philippics, were extremely well 
received both by the senate and people : speaking 
afterwards of the latter of them to the same peo- 
ple, he says, " If that day had put an end to my life, 
" I had reaped sufficient fruit from it, when you all, 
" with one mind and voice, cried out, that I had 
" twice saved the Republic"! As he had now 
broken all measures with Antony, beyond the possi- 
bility of a reconciliation, so he published, probably, 
about this time, his second Philippic, which had 
hitherto been communicated only to a few friends, 
whose approbation it had received. 

The short remainder of this turbulent year was 
spent in preparing arms and troops for the guard 

* Philip. 4. 3. tlb. 4,&c. 

t Quo quidem tempore, etiam si ille dies vitae finem mihi allaturus esset, satis 
magnum ceperam fructum, cum vos universi una mente ac voce iterum a me conser- 
vatam esse Remp. conclamastis. Philip. 6.1. 


A. Urb. 709. Cic. 63. Coss. — M. Antonius. P. Cornelius DolabelJa. 

of the new consuls, and the defence of the state : 
and the new levies were carried on with the greater 
diligence, for the certain news that was brought 
to Koine, that Antony was actually besieging Mo- 
dena, into which Brutus, unable to oppose him in the 
field, had thrown himself, with all his forces, as the 
strongest town of his province, and the best pro- 
vided to sustain a siege. Young Caesar, in the mean- 
while, without expecting the orders of the senate, 
but with the advice of Cicero, by which he now go- 
verned himself in every step, marched out of Rome, 
at the head of his troops, and followed Antony into 
the province, in order to observe his motions, and 
take all occasions of distressing him : as well as to 
encourage Brutus to defend himself with vigour, 
till the consuls could bring up the grand army, 
which they were preparing for his relief. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

On the opening of the year, the city was in great 
expectation to see what measures their new con- 
suls would pursue: they had been at school, as it 
were, all the summer to Cicero, forming the plan 
of their administration, and taking their lessons 
of government from him, and seem to have been 
brought entirely into his general view, of establish 
ing the peace and liberty of the republic, on the 
foundation of an amnesty. But their great obliga- 
tions to Caesar, and long engagements with that 
party, to which they owed all their fortunes, had 
left some scruples in them, which gave a check to 
their zeal, and disposed them to act with more 
moderation against old friends, than the condition 
of the times would allow; and, before the experi- 
ment of arms, to try the gentler method of a treaty. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hixtius. 

With these sentiments, as soon as they were inau- 
gurated, they entered into a deliberation with the 
senate, on the present state of the republic, in 
order to perfect what had been resolved upon at 
their last meeting, and to contrive some farther 
means for the security of the public tranquillity. 
They both spoke with great spirit and firmness, 
offering themselves as leaders, in asserting the liberty 
of their country, and exhorting the assembly to 
courage and resolution in the defence of so good a 
cause : # and when they had done, they called upon 
Q. Fufius Calenus, to deliver his sentiments the 
first. He had been consul four years before, by.. 
Caesar's nomination, and was father-in-law to Pansa, 
which, by custom, was a sufficient ground for pay- 
ing him that compliment: Cicero's opinion was 
already well known : he was for the shortest and 
readiest way of coming at their end, by declaring 
Antony a public enemy, and, without loss of time, 
acting against him by open force : but this was not 
relished by the consuls, who called, therefore, upon 
Calenus, to speak first, that, as he was a fast friend 
to Antony, and sure to be on the moderate side, 
he might instil some sentiments of that sort into 
the senate, before Cicero had made a contrary im- 
pression. Calenus's opinion, therefore, was, that 
before they proceeded to acts of hostility, they 
should send an embassy to Antony, to admonish 
him to desist from his attempt upon Gaul, and sub- 
mit to the authority of the senate : Piso and several 
others were of the same mind, alleging it to be 
unjust and cruel to condemn a man, till they had 
first heard what he had to say for himself. 

But Cicero opposed this motion with great 
warmth, not only as vain and foolish, but dangerous 
and pernicious : he declared it dishonourable to 
treat with any one, who was in arms against his 

* Ut oratio Consilium aiiimum mcum erexit, spemque attulit non modo salutis 
conservandre, verum etiam dignitatis pristina? recuperanda\ Philip. 5. 1. 


A. Urb. 710. .Cic. 64. Cos*.— C. Vibius Pansa. A, Hirtiu*. 

country, until he laid them down, and sued for 
peace ; in which case no man would be more mo- 
derate or equitable than himself: that they had in 
effect proclaimed him an enemy already, and had 
nothing left but to confirm it by a decree, when he 
was besieging one of the great towns of Italy, a 
colony of Rome, and in it their consul elect, and 
general, Brutus : he observed from what motives 
those other opinions proceeded ; from particular 
friendships, relations, private obligations, but that 
a regard to their country was superior to them all : 
that the real point before them was, whether Antony 
should be suffered to oppress the republic ; to 
mark out whom he pleased to destruction ; to plun- 
der the city, and enslave the citizens— .* That 
this was his sole view, he shewed from a long de- 
tail, not only of his acts, but of his express decla- 
rations : for he had said, in the temple of Castor, 
in the hearing of the people, that whenever it came 
to blows, no man should remain alive, who did not 
conquer: and, in another speech, that when he was 
out of his consulship, he would keep an army still 
about the city, and enter it whenever he thought 
fit: that in a letter, which Cicero himself had seen, 
to one of his friends, he bade him to mark out for 
himself what estate he would have, and whatever it 
was, he should certainly have it:f that, to talk of 
sending ambassadors to such an one, was to betray 
their ignorance of the constitution of the republic, 
the majesty of the Roman people, and the disci- 
pline of their ancestors: J that whatever was the 
purpose of their message, it would signify nothing: 
if to beg him to be quiet, he would despise it ; if 
to command him, would not obev it: that, with- 
out any possible good, it would be a certain da- 
mage ; would necessarily create delay and obstruc- 
tion to the operations of the war : check the zeal of 
the army ; damp the spirits of the people, whom 

* Philip. 3. 1, 2, 3. t lb. 8. 12. % lb. 9. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

thev now saw so brisk and eager in the cause : 
that the greatest revolutions of affairs were effected 
often by trifling incidents ; and, above all, in civil 
wars, which were generally governed by popular 
rumour : that how vigorous soever their instructions 
were to the ambassadors, that they would be little 
regarded : the very name of an embassy implied a 
diffidence and fear, which was sufficient to cool the 
order of their friends :* they might order him to 
retire from Modena ; to quit the province of Gaul ; 
but this was not to be obtained by words, but ex- 
torted by arms : that while the ambassadors were 
going and coming, people would be in doubt and 
suspense about the success of their negotiation ; 
and, under the expectation of a doubtful war, what 
progress could they hope to make in their levies ? 
that his opiuion, therefore, was, to make no farther 
mention of an embassy, but to enter instantly into 
action: that there should be a cessation of all civil 
business ; public tumult proclaimed ; the shops shut 
up ; and that, instead of their usual gown, they 
should all put on the sagum, or habit of war: and 
that levies of soldiers should be made in Rome, 
and through Italy, without any exception of privi- 
lege or dismission from service : that the very fame 
of this vigour would restrain the madness of Antony, 
and let the world see that the case was not, as he 
pretended, a struggle only of contending parties, 
but a real war against the commonwealth: that 
the whole republic should be committed to the 
consuls, to take care that it received no detriment: 
that pardon should be offered to those of Antony's 
army, who should return to their duty before the 
first of February : that if they did not come to this 
resolution now, they would be forced to do it after- 
wards, when it would be too late, perhaps, or less 

* Philip. 10. t lb. 10. 12. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

This was the sum of what he advised as to their 
conduct towards Autony : he next proceeded to the 
other subject of their debate — the honours which 
were ordered to be decreed at their last meeting, 
and began with D. Brutus, as consul elect ; in 
favour of whom, besides many high expressions of 

praise, he proposed a decree to this effect :— 

Whereas D. Brutus, emperor, consul elect, now 
holds the province of Gaul in the power of the senate, 
and people of Rome ; and, by the cheerful assist- 
ance of the towns and colonies of his province, 
has drawn together a great army in a short time; 
that he has done all this rightly and regularly, and 
for the service of the state ; and that it is the sense, 
therefore, of the senate and people, that the re- 
public has been relieved, in a most difficult con- 
juncture, by the pains, counsel, virtue of D. Bru- 
tus, emperor, consul elect, and by the incredible 
zeal and concurrence of the province of Gaul. 
He moved also for an extraordinary honour to M. 
Lepidus, who had no pretension to it, indeed, 
from past services, but, being now at the head of 
the best army in the empire, was in condition to 
do the most good or ill to them of any man. This 
was the ground of the compliment ; for his faith 
being suspected, and his union with Antony dread- 
ed, Cicero hoped, by this testimony of their con- 
fidence, to confirm him in the interests of the 
senate : but he seems to be hard put to it, for a 
pretext of merit to ground his decree upon : he 
takes notice, that Lepidus was always moderate 
in power, and a friend to liberty, : that he gave a 
signal proof it, when Antony offered the diadem to 
Caesar; for, by turning away his face, he publicly 
testified his aversion to slavery, and that his com- 
pliance with the times was through necessity, not 
choice : that, since Caesar's death, he had prac- 
tised the same moderation ; and when a bloody 
war was revived in Spain, chose to put an end to 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

it, by the methods of prudence and humanity, 
rather than by arms and the sword, and consented 
to the restoration of S. Pompey ;* for which reason 
he proposed the following decree : — Whereas the 
republic has often been well and happily adminis- 
tered by M. Lepidus, the chief priest, and the people 
of Rome have always found him to be an enemy to 
kingly government; and whereas, by his endeavours, 
virtue, wisdom, and his singular clemency and mild- 
ness, a most dreadful civil war is extinguished ; and 
S. Pompey the Great, the son of Cnaeus, out of re- 
spect to the authority of the senate, has quitted his 
arms, and is restored to the city ; that the senate and 
people, out of regard to the many and signal services 
of M. Lepidus, emperor, and chief priest, place 
great hopes of their peace, concord, liberty, in his 
virtue, authority, felicity ; and, from a grateful sense 
of his merits, decree, that a gilt equestrian statue 
shall be erected to him, by their order, in the rostra, 
or any other part of the Forum which he shall 
choose.-f He comes next to young Caesar, and, 
after enlarging on his praises, proposes, that they 
should grant him a proper commission and com- 
mand over his troops, without which he could be of 
no use to them, and that he should have the rank 
and all the rights of a propraetor, not only for the 
sake of his dignity, but the necessary management 
of their affairs, and the administration of the war; 
and then offers the form of a decree: — Whereas C. 
Caesar, the son of Caius, priest, propraetor, has, in the 
utmost distress of the republic, excited and enlist- 
ed veteran troops, to defend the liberty of the Ro- 
man people ; and whereas the martial and fourth 
legions, under the leading and authority of C. Caesar, 
have defended, and now defend the republic, and 
the liberty of the Roman people ; and whereas C. 
Caesar is gone, at the head of his army, to protect 

* Philip. 14. t lb. 15. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiiu. 

the province of Gaul; has drawn together a body 
of horse, archers, elephants, under his own and the 
people's power; and, in the most dangerous crisis 
of the republic, has supported the safety and dig- 
nity of the Roman people ; for these reasons, the 
senate decrees, that C. Caesar, the son of Cains, 
priest, propraetor, be henceforward a senator, and 
vote in the rank and place of a praetor ; and that, in 
soliciting for any future magistracy, the same regard 
be had to him, as would have been had by Jaw, if 
he had been quaestor the year before * As to those 
who thought these honours too great for so young a 
man, and apprehended danger from his abuse of 
them, he declares their apprehensions to be the ef- 
fect of envy rather than fear, since the nature of 
things was such, that he, who had once got a taste 
of true glory, and found himself universally dear to 
the senate and people, could never think any other 
acquisition equal to it : he wishes that J. Caesar had 
taken the same course, when young, of endearing 
himself to the senate and honest men ; but, by neg- 
lecting that, he spent the force of his great genius 
in acquiring a vain popularity, and, having no regard 
to the senate, and the better sort, opened himself a 
way to power which the virtue of a free people 
could not bear : that there was nothing of this kind 
to be feared from the son, nor, after the proof of such 
admirable prudence in a boy, any ground to imagine 
that his riper age would be less prudent ; for what 
greater folly could there be, than to prefer an useless 
power, an invidious greatness, the lust of reigning, 
always slippery and tottering, to true, weighty, solid 
glory ? If they suspected him as an enemy to some 
of their best and most valued citizens, they might 
lay aside those fears ; he had given up all his resent- 
ments to the republic : made her the moderatrix of 
all his acts ; that he knew the most inward senti- 
ments of the youth; would pawn his credit for 

* Philip. 17. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.—C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

him to the senate and people ; would promise, 
engage, undertake, that he would always be the 
same that he now was : such as they should wish 
and desire to see him.* He proceeded also to give 
a public testimonial of praise aud thanks to L. Eg- 
natuleius, for his fidelity to the republic, in bringing 
over the fourth legion from Antony to Caesar ; and 
moves, that it might be granted to him, for that piece 
of service, to sue for and hold any magistracy three 
years before the legal time.f Lastly, as to the vete- 
ran troops, which had followed the authority of 
Caesar and the senate, and especially the martial 
and fourth legions, he moved, that an exemption 
from service should he decreed to them and their 
children, except in the case of a gallic or domestic 
tumult ; and that the consuls C. Pansa and A. Hir- 
tius, or one of them, should provide lands in Cam- 
pania, or elsewhere, to be divided to them ; and that, 
as soon as the present war was over, they should all 
be discharged, and punctually receive whatever 
sums of money C. Caesar had promised to them 
when they first declared for him. — 

This was the substance of his speech, in the latter 
part of which, the proposal of honours, the senate 
readily agreed with him : and though those, which 
were decreed to Octavius, seemed so extraordinary 
to Cicero himself, that he thought it proper to make 
an apology for them, yet there were others, of the 
first rank, who thought them not great enough ; so 
that Philippus added the honour of a statue ; Ser. 
Sulpicius and Servilius the privilege of suing for any 
magistracy, still earlier than Cicero had proposed .J 
But the assembly was much divided about the main 
question, of sending a deputation to Antony : some 
of the principal senators were warmly for it; and 
the consuls themselves favoured it, and artfully 

* Philip. 18. - t lb. 19. 

+ Statuam Philippus decrevit, celeritatem petitionis primo Servius, post majorem 
etiam Servilius : nihil turn nimiura videbatur. Ad Brut. 15. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cosi.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

avoided to put it to the vote ; * which would other- 
wise have been carried by Cicero, who had a clear 
majority on his side. The debate being held on till 
night, was adjourned to the next morning, and kept 
up with the same warmth for three days successive- 
ly, while the senate continued all the time in Cicero's 
opinion, and would have passed a decree conforma- 
ble to it, had not Salvius, the tribune, put his nega- 
tive upon them.t This firmness of Antony's friends 
prevailed, at last, for an embassy ; and three con- 
sular senators were presently nominated to it, S. 
Sulpicius, L. Piso, and L. Philippus : but their 
commission was strictly limited, and drawn up by 
Cicero himself: giving them no power to treat with 
Antony, but to carry to him only the peremptory 
commands of the senate, to quit the siege of Mode- 
na, and desist from all hostilities in Gaul; they 
had instructions, likewise, after the delivery of their 
message, to speak with D. Brutus in JVIodena, and 
signify to him and his army, that the senate and the 
people had a grateful sense of their services, which 
would one day be a great honour to them.J 

The unusual length of these debates greatly raised 
the curiosity of the city, and drew the whole body 
of the people into the Forum, to expect the issue; 
where, as they had done also not long before, they 
could not forbear calling out upon Cicero with one 
voice, to come and give them an account of the de- 
liberations, fl He went, therefore, directly from the 
senate into the rostra, produced by Appuleius, the 

* Has in. sententias raeas si Consules discessionem facere voluissent, omnibus isfis 
latronibus auctoritate ipsa Senatus jampridem de manibus arma ceci dissent. Philip. 
14. 7. 

t Itaque haec Sententia per triduum sic valuit, ut quamquam discessio facta non 
est, tamen praeter pancos, omnes mihi assensuri viderentur. Philip. 6. 1. App. 
p. 559. 

J Quamquam non est ilia legatio, sed denunciatio belli, nisi paruerit — mittuntur 
«nim qui nuncient, ne oppugnet Consulem designatum, ne Mutinam obsideat, ne 
Provinciam depopuletur. Philip. 6. 2. 

Dantur mandata legatis, ut D. Brutum, mtlitesque ejus adeant,&c. ib. 3. 

|| Quid ego de universo populo R. dicam ? qui pie no ac referto foro bis me una 
mente atque voce in concionem vocavit. Philip. 7. 8. 


A. Urb. ?10, Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

tribune, and acquainted them, in a speech, with the 
result of their debates, — that the senate, excepting 
a few, after they had stood firm for three days to 
his opinion, had given it up at last, with less gravity, 
indeed, than became them, yet not meanly or shame- 
fully, having decreed not so much an embassy as a 
denunciation of war to Antony, if he did not obey it; 
which carried, indeed, an appearance of severity ; 
and he wished only that it had carried no delay : 
that Antony, he was sure, would never obey it, nor 
ever submit to their power, who had never been in 
his own : that he would do therefore, in that place, 
what he had been doing in the senate ; testify, warn, 
and declare to them, before-hand, that Antony would 
perform no part of what their ambassadors were 
sent to require of him — that he would still waste the 
country, besiege Modeua, and not suffer the ambas- 
sadors themselves to enter the town, or speak with 
Brutus: " Believe me," says he, " I know the vio- 
" lence, the impudence, the audaciousness of the 
" man : let our ambassadors then make haste, which 
" I know they are resolved to do : but do you pre- 
" pare your military habit; for it is a part also of 
" our decree, that, if he does not comply, we must 
" all put on that garb: we shall certainly put it on : 
" he will never obey: we shall lament the loss of so 
" many days, which might have been employed in 
" action.* I am not afraid, when he comes to hear 
" how I have declared this before-hand, that, for 
" the sake of confuting me, he should change his 
t£ mind and submit. He will never do it; will not 
" envy me this glory; will choose rather, that you 
" should think me wise, than him modest." He ob- 
serves, that though it would have been better to send 
no message, yet some good would flow from it to 
the republic ; for when the ambassadors shall make 
the report, which they surely will make, of Antony's 
refusal to obey the people and senate, who can be 

* Philip. 6.1,2, 3. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic.64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtlus. 

so perverse, as to look upon him any longer as a 
citizen ?— " Wherefore wait," says he, " with pa- 
" tience, citizens, the return of the ambassadors, and 
" digest the inconvenience of a few days : if on their 
" return they bring peace, call me prejudiced ; if 
" war, provident."* Then, after assuring them of his 
perpetual vigilance for their safety, and applauding 
their wonderful alacrity in the cause, and declaring, 
that of all the assemblies which he had seen, he had 
never known so full a one as the present, he thus 
concludes : " The season of liberty is now come, my 
" citizens, much later, indeed, than became the peo- 
" pie of Rome ; but so ripe now, that it cannot be 
" deferred a moment. What we have hitherto suf- 
" fered was owing to a kind of fatality, which we 
'•' have borne as well as we could : but if any such 
" case should happen again, it must be owing to our- 
" selves : it is not possible for the people of Rome 
" to be slaves, whom the gods have destined to the 
" command of all nations : the affair is now reduced 
" to the last extremity; the struggle is for liberty: 
it is your part either to conquer, which will surely 
be the fruit of your piety and concord, or to suffer 
any thing rather than live slaves : other nations 
may endure slavery; but the proper end and bu- 
" siness of the Roman people is liberty." 

The ambassadors prepared themselves immediate- 
ly to execute their commission, and the next morn- 
ing, early, set forward towards Antony, though Ser. 
Sulpicius was in a very declining state of health. 
Various were the speculations about the success of 
this message : but Antony gained one certain ad- 
vantage by it, of more time, either to press the siege 
of Modena, or to take such measures as fresh acci- 
dents might offer: nor were his friends without 
hopes of drawing from it some pretence for opening 
a treaty with him, so as to give room to the chiefs 
of the Caesarian faction to unite themselves against 

* Philip. 4. 6. 




A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibhis Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

the senate and republican party ; which seemed to 
be inspired, by Cicero, with a resolution of extin- 
guishing all the remains of the late tyranny. For 
this purpose, the partisans of that cause were endea- 
vouring to obviate the offence, which might be given 
by Antony's refusal to comply with what was en- 
joined ; contriving specious answers for him, and 
representing them as a reasonable ground of an ac- 
commodation, in hopes to cool the ardour of the 
city for the prosecution of the war : Calenus was at 
the head of this party, who kept a constant cor- 
respondence with Antony, and took care to publish 
such of his letters as were proper to depress the 
hopes and courage of his adversaries, and keep up 
the spirits of his friends.* 

Cicero, therefore , at a meeting of the senate, called 
in this interval about certain matters of ordinary 
form, took occasion to rouse the zeal of the assem- 
bly, by warning them of the mischief of these insi- 
nuations. He observed, that the affairs then pro- 
posed to their deliberation were of little conse- 
quence, though necessary in the common course of 
public business, about the Appian way, the coin, 
the Luperci, which would easily be adjusted; but 
that his mind was called off from the consideration 
of them by the more important concerns of the re- 
public : that he had always been afraid of sending 
the embassy : and now every body saw r what a lan- 
guor the expectation of it had caused in people's 
minds, and what a handle it had given to the prac- 
tices of those, who grieved to see the senate recover- 
ing its ancient authority ; the people united with 
them ; all Italy on the same side ; their armies pre- 
pared ; their generals ready to take the field : who 
feign answers for Antony, and applaud them as if 
they had sent ambassadors not to give, but receive 

* Ille litteras ad te mittat de spe sua secundarum rerum? eas tu laetus proforas ?— 
deseribendas etiam des iinprohis embus ? — eorum augeas animo* ? boworum sp«m,, 
virtutemque debilites ? Philip. 7. %. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos*.— C. Vibias Pansa. A. Hutiu*. 

conditions from him. Then, after exposing the 
clanger and iniquity of such practices, and rallying 
the principal abettor of them, Calenus, he adds, that 
he, who all his life had been the author and pro- 
moter of civil peace ; who owed whatever he was, 
whatever he had to it ; his honours, interest, digni- 
ty, nay, even the talents and abilities which he Mas 
master of; " Yet I," says he, " the perpetual adviser 
" of peace, am for no peace with Antony :'■' — where, 
perceiving himself to be heard with attention, he 
proceeds to explain at large, through the rest of his 
speech, that such a peace would be dishonourable, 
dangerous, and could not possibly subsist : he 
exhorts the senate, therefore, to be attentive, pre- 
pared, and armed beforehand ; so as not to be 
caught by a smooth or suppliant answer, and the 
false appearance of equity: that Antony must 
do every thing which was prescribed to him, be- 
fore he could pretend to ask any thing ; if not, 
that it was not the senate which proclaimed war 
against him, but he against the Roman people, 
" But for you, fathers, I give you warning," says 
he; " the question before you concerns the liberty 
" of the people of Rome, which is entrusted to your 
" care ; it concerns the lives and fortunes of every 
" honest man ; it concerns your own authority ; 
" which vou will for ever lose, if vou do not retrieve 
"it now. I admonish you too, Pansa; for though 
" you want no advice, in which you excel, yet the 
" best pilots, in great storms, are sometimes admo- 
" nished by passengers: never suffer that noble 
" provision of arms and troops, which you have 
" made, to come to nothing : you have such an 
" opportunity before you, as no man ever had : by 
" this firmness of the senate, this alacrity of the 
" equestrian order, this ardour of the people, you 
" have it in your power to free the republic for 
" ever from fear and danger.*'* 

* \ id. Philip. 7. 


A. Urb. 710. Cie. 64. Coss.— C. Yibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

The consuls, in the meanwhile, were taking care 
that the expectation of the effect of the embassy 
should not supersede their preparations for war ; 
and agreed between themselves, that one of them 
should march immediately to Gaul, with the troops 
which were already provided, and the other stay 
behind to perfect the new levies, which were carried 
on with great success, both in the city and the 
country : for all the capital towns of Italy were 
vying with each other in voluntary contributions of 
money and soldiers, and in decrees of infamy and 
disgrace to those who refused to list themselves 
into the public service.* The first part fell by lot 
to Hirtius ;f who, though but lately recovered from 
a dangerous indisposition, marched away, without 
loss of time, at the head of a brave army; and par- 
ticularly of the two legions, the martial and the 
fourth, which were esteemed the flower and strength 
of the whole, and now put themselves under the 
command and auspices of the consul. With these, 
in conjunction with Octavius, he hoped to obstruct 
all the designs of Antony, and prevent his gaining 
any advantage against Brutus, till Pansa could joint 
them, which would make them superior in force, 
and enable them to give him battle, with good as- 
surance of victory. He contented himself, in the 
meanwhile, with dispossessing Antony of some of 
his posts, and distressing him* by straitening his 
quarters and opportunities of forage, in which he 
had some success, as he signified in a letter to his 
colleague Pansa, which was communicated to the 
senate : " I have possessed myself," says he, " of 
" Claterna, and driven out Antony's garrison; his 
" horse were routed in the action, and some of them 
" slain. "J And in all his letters to Cicero, he 

* An cum municipiis pax erit, quorum tanta studia cognoscuntur in decretis faci- 
endis, militibus dandis.pecuniis pollicendis — hscjam tota Italia tiunt. Philip. 7. 8.9- 

t Consul sortitu ad helium profectus A. Hirtius. Philip. 14. 2. 

t Dejeci presidium, Claterna potitus sum, fugati equites, praetiuin coiuumsiiot, 
occisi aliquot. Philip. 8. g, 

Y 2 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— 0. Vibras Paosa. A. Hirtiiu. 

assured him, that he would undertake nothing with- 
out the greatest caution; in answer, probably, to 
what Cicero was constantly inculcating - , not to ex- 
pose himself too forwardly, till Pansa could come 
up to him.* 

The ambassadors returned about the beginning 
of February, having been retarded somewhat longer 
than they intended, by the death of Ser. Sulpicius, 
which, happening when they were just arrived at 
Antony's camp, left the embassy maimed and im- 
perfect, as Cicero says, by the loss of the best and 
ablest man of the three)* The report which they 
made to the senate, answered exactly, in every point, 
to what Cicero had foretold; — that Antony would 
perform no part of what was required, nor suffer 
them even to speak with Brutus, but continued to 
batter the town with great fury, in their presence: 
he offered, however, some conditions of his own, 
which, contrary to their instructions, they were 
weak enough to receive from him, and lay before 
the senate: the purport of them was, that, the senate 
should assign lands and rewards to all his troops, 
and confirm all the other grants which he and Do- 
labella had made in their consulship : that all his 
decrees, from Caesar's books and papers, should 
stand firm : that no account should be demanded 
of the money taken from the temple of Opis, nor 
any inquiry made into the conduct of the seven 
commissioners, created to divide the lands to the 
veteran soldiers; and that his judiciary law should 
not be repealed. On these terms, he offered to give 
up Cisalpine Gaul, provided that he might have the 
greater Gaul in exchange for five years, with an 
army of six legions, to be completed out of the troops 
of D. Brutus.;): 

* Hirtius nihil nisi considerate, ut mini crebris litteris significat, acturus vide- 
balur. Ep. Fain. 12. 5. 

t Cum Ser. Sulpicius artate illos anteiret, sapientia omnes, subito ereptus e caussa 
totain legationem orbam et debilitatam reliquit. Philip. 9. 1. 

j Ante Consul's oculosque legatorum torment's Mutuant vt'rberavit — nr punctura 
quideiu lfmpori>, cum legati adesseut, oppugnatio respiravit — cum illi contempt* et 

A. Uib. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Yibius Pansa A. Hirtiai. 

Pansa summoned the senate to consider the re- 
port of the ambassadors, which raised a general in- 
dignation through the city, and gave all possible 
advantage to Cicero, towards bringing the house 
into his sentiments : but, contrary to expectation, 
he found Calenus's party still strong enough to give 
him much trouble, and even to carry some points 
against him ; all tending to soften the rigour of his 
motions, and give them a turn more favourable to- 
wards Antony. He moved the senate to decree, 
that a war or rebellion was actually commenced; 
they carried it for a tumult: he urged them to de- 
clare Antony an enemy ; they carried it for the softer 
term of adversary :* he proposed that all persons 
should be prohibited from going to Antony ; they 
excepted Varius Cotyla, one of his lieutenants, who 
was then in the senate, taking notes of every thing 
which passed. In these votes Pansa himself, and 
all the consular senators, concurred : even L. Caesar, 
who, though a true friend to liberty, yet, being An- 
tony's uncle, thought himself obliged, by decency, 
to vote on the milder side.f 

But Cicero, in his turn, easily threw out, what 
was warmly pressed on the other side, the proposal 
of a second embassy; and carried, likewise, the 
main question, of requiring the citizens to change 
their ordinary gown for the sagum, or habit of war: 
by which they decreed the thing, while they rejected 
the name, in all decrees of this kind, the consular 
senators, on the account of their dignity, were ex- 
cused from changing their habit ; but Cicero, to 
inculcate more sensibly the distress of the republic, 
resolved to wave his privilege, and wear the same 

rejecti rcvertissent, dixissentque Senafui, non ruodo ilium e Gallia rion discessisie, 
uti censuissenuis, sed ne a Mutina quidem recessisse, potestatem sibi D. Bruti con- 
v'eniendi non fnisse, &c. vid. Philip. 8. 7 , 8, 9. 

* Ego princeps Sagorum : ego semper hostem appellavi, cum alii adversarium : 
temper hoc bellum, cum alii furriultum, &c. Philip. 12. 7. 

t Vid. Philip. 8. 1. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibiu* Pansa. A. Hirtins. 

robe with the rest of the city.* In a letter to Cas- 
sius, he gives the following short account of the 
state of things at this time: — " We have excellent 
" consuls, but most shameful consulars: a brave 
" senate, but the lower they are in dignity, the 
" braver : nothing firmer and better than the people, 
" and all Italy universally: but nothing more detest- 
" able and infamous than our ambassadors, Philip 
" and Piso, who, when sent only to carry the orders 
" of the senate to Antony, none of which he would 
" comply with, brought back, of their own accord, 
" intolerable demands from him ; wherefore all the 
44 world now flock about me, and I am grown popu- 
44 lar in a salutary cause,"f &c. 

The senate met again the next day, to draw into 
form and perfect what had been resolved upon in 
the preceding debate : when Cicero, in a pathetic 
speech, took occasion to expostulate with them for 
their imprudent lenity the day before : he shewed 
the absurdity of their scruples, about voting a civil 
war: that the word tumult, which they had pre- 
ferred, either carried in it no real difference, or if 
any, implied a greater perturbation of all things :£ 
he proved, from every step that Antony had taken 
and was taking ; from every thing which the senate, 
the people, the towns of Italy were doing and de- 
creeing against him, that they were truly and pro- 
perly in a state of civil war; the fifth which had 
happened in their memory, and the most desperate 
of them all ; being the first which was ever raised, 
not by a dissension of parties, contending for a 
superiority in the republic, but against an union of 

* Equidem, P. C quamquam hoc honore usi togati solent esse, cum est in sagis 
civitas; statui tamen a vobis, caeterisque civibus in tanta atrocitate temporis — non 
differre vestitu. Philip. 8. 11. 

t Egregios Consules habemus, sed turpissimos consulares: Senatum fortem, sed 
infimo quemque honore fortissinium. Populo vero nihil fortius, nihil melius, Italiaqtie 
universa. Nihil autem foedius Philippo et Pisone legatis, nihil flagitiosius : qui cum 
essent missi, ut Antonio ex S. C cerras res nunciarent . : cum ille earum rerun) 'nulli 
paruisset, ultro ab illo ad nos intolernbilia poitulnta retulenlnt. Ifrique ad nos concur- 
ritur : factique jam in re salulari populates sumus. Ep, Fain. 12. 4. 

J Philip. 8. 1. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiui. 

all parties, to enslave and oppress tie republic* 
He proceeds to expostulate with Calenus, for his 
obstinate adherence to Antony, and exposes the 
weakness of his pretended plea for it — a love of 
peace, and concern for the lives of the citizens : 
he puts him in mind, that there was no juster cause 
of taking arms, than to repel slavery; that several 
other causes, indeed, were just, but this necessary; 
unless he did not take himself to be affected by it, 
for the hopes of sharing the dominion with Antony: 
if so, he was doubly mistaken ; first, for preferring 
a private interest to the public ; secondly, for think- 
ing any thing secure, or worth enjoying in a tyranny : 
that a regard for the safety of citizens was a laud- 
able principle; if he meant the good, the useful, 
the friends to their country : but if he meant to 
save those, who, though citizens by nature, were 
enemies by choice ; what difference was there be- 
tween him and such citizens? That their ancestors 
had quite another notion of the care of citizens ; 
and when Scipio Nasica slew Tiberius Gracchus, 
when Opimius slew Caius Gracchus, when Marius 
killed Saturninus, they were all followed by the 
greatest and the best both of the senate and the 
people : that the difference between Calenus's opi- 
nion and his was not trifling, or about a trifling 
matter; the wishing well only to this or that man; 
that he wished well to Brutus, Calenus to Antony; 
he wished to see a colony of Rome preserved, Ca- 
lenus to see it stormed : that Calenus could not 
deny this, who was contriving all sorts of delay, 
which could distress Brutus, and strengthen An- 
tony, t He then addressed himself to the other 
consulars, and reproached them for their shameful 
behaviour the day before, in voting for a second em- 
bassy, and said, that when the ambassadors were 
sent, against his judgment, he comforted himself 
with imagining, that, as goon as they should re- 

* Philip. 3. t lb. 4—6. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A^Hirtius. 

turn, despised and rejected by Antony, and inform 
the senate that he would neither retire from Gaul, 
nor quit the siege of Modena, nor even suffer them 
to speak with Brutus; that, out of indignation, they 
should all arm themselves immediately in the de- 
fence of Brutus ; but, on the contrary, they were 
grown more dispirited, to hear of Antony's auda- 
ciousness ; and their ambassadors, instead of cou- 
rage, which they ought to have brought, had brought 
back nothing but fear to them.* " Good God," 
says he, " what is become of the virtue of our 
"ancestors? — When Popilius was sent ambassador 
" to Antiochus, and ordered him, in the name of 
" the senate, to depart from Alexandria, which he 
" was then besieging, upon the king's deferring to 
" answer, and contriving delays, he drew a circle 
" round him with his staff, and bade him give his an- 
" swer instantly, before he stirred out of that place, or 
" he would return to the senate without it." He then 
recites and ridicules the several demands made by 
Antony; their arrogance, stupidity, absurdity ; and 
* reproves Piso and Philip, men of such dignity, for 
the meanness of bringing back conditions, when 
they were sent only to carry commands : he com- 
plains, that they paid more respect to Antony's am- 
bassador, Cotyla, than he to their's ; for, instead of 
shutting the gates of the city against him, as they 
ought to have done, they admitted him into that 
very temple, where the senate then sat ; where, the 
day before, he was taking notes of what every man 
said, and was caressed, invited, and entertained by 
some of the principal senators, who had too little 
regard to their dignity, too much to their danger. 
But what, after all, was the danger, which must 
end either in liberty or death? the one always de- 
sirable, the other unavoidable; while to fly from 
death basely was worse than death itself: that 

* Philip. 7. t lb. 3. 9. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibiui Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

it used to be the character of consular senators, to 
be vigilant, attentive, always thinking, doing, or 
proposing something for the good of the public : 
that he remembered old Scsevola in the Marsic war, 
how, in the extremity of age, oppressed with years 
and infirmities, he gave free access to every body ; 
was never seen in his bed ; always the first in the 
senate : he wished that they all would imitate such 
industry; or, at least, not envy those who did:* 
that, since they had now suffered a six years' sla- 
very, a longer term than honest and industrious 
slaves used to serve, what watchings, what solici- 
tude, what pains ought they to refuse, for the sake 
of giving liberty to the Roman people? He con- 
cludes, by adding a clause to their last decree; 
to grant pardon and impunity to all who should de- 
sert Antony, and return to their duty, by the fif- 
teenth of March ; or, if any who continued with 
him, should do any service worthy of reward, that 
one or both the consuls should take the first op- 
portunity to move the senate in their favour; but 
if any person, from this time, should go over to 
Antony, except Cotyla, that the senate would con- 
sider him as an enemy to his country. 

The public debates being thus adjusted, Pansa 
called the senate together again the next day, to 
deliberate on some proper honours to be decreed 
to the memory of Ser. Sulpicius, who died upon 
the embassy : he spoke largely in his praise, and 
advised to pay him all the honours which had ever 
been decreed to any, who had lost their lives in the 
service of their country — a public funeral, sepul- 
chre, and statue. Servilius, who spoke next, agreed 
to a funeral and monument, but was against a sta- 
tue, as due only to those who had been killed by 
violence, in the discharge of their embassies. Ci- 
cero was not content with this, but, out of private 

* Pliilip. 10. 


A. Urb.710. Cie. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtitis. 

friendship to the man, as well as a regard to the 
public service, resolved to have all the honours paid 
to him, which the occasion could possibly justify : 
in answer, therefore, to Servilius, he shewed, with 
his usual eloquence, that the case of Sulpicius was 
the same with the case of those who had been killed 
on the account of their embassies : that the em- 
bassy itself had killed him : that he set out upon it 
in so weak a condition, that though he had some 
hopes of coming to Antony, he had none of return- 
ing : and when he was just arrived to the congress, 
expired in the very act of executing his commis- 
sion :* that it was not the manner, but the cause of 
the death, which their ancestors regarded : if it was 
caused by the embassy, they granted a public mo- 
nument, to encourage their fellow-citizens, in dan- 
gerous wars, to undertake that employment with 
cheerfulness : that several statues had been erected 
on that account; which none had ever merited bet- 
ter than Sulpicius : that there could be no doubt 
but that the embassy had killed him; and that he 
had carried out death along with him, which he 
might have escaped by staying at home, under the 
care of his wife and children :f but when he 
saw, that if he did not obey the authority of the 
senate, he should be unlike to himself, and, if he 
did obey, must necessarily lose his life, he chose, 
in so critical a state of the republic, rather to die 
than seem to decline any service which he could 
possibly do : that he had many opportunities of re- 
freshing and reposing himself in the cities through 
which he passed, and was pressed to it by his col- 
leagues ; but, in spite of his distemper, persevered 
to death in the resolution of urging his journey, and 
hastening to perform the commands of the senate : 
that if they recollected how he endeavoured to ex- 
cuse himself from the task, when it was first moved 

* Philip. ?. 1. t lb. 3. 


A. 4Jrl».710. Cic. 64. Cuss.— C. Vibiu s Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

ill the senate, they must needs think, that this honour 
to him, when dead, was but a necessary amends for 
the injury which they had done to him when living: 
for, though it was harsh to be said, yet he must say 
it, that it was they who had killed him, by over- 
ruling his excuse, when they saw it grounded, not on 
a feigned, but a real sickness ; and when, to their 
remonstrance, the consul Pansa joined his exhorta- 
tion, with a gravity and force of speech which his 
ears had not learnt to bear ; " Then," says he, " he 
V took his son and me aside, and professed, that he 
44 could not help preferring your authority to his 
44 own life: we, through admiration of his virtue, 
44 durst not venture to oppose his will : his son was 
44 tenderly moved, nor was my concern much less; 
44 yet both of us were obliged to give way to the 
44 greatness of his mind, and the force of his rea- 
44 soiling: when, to the joy of you all, he promised 
44 that he would do whatever you prescribed, nor 
" would decline the danger of that vote, of which 
44 he himself had been the proposer: restore life, 
44 therefore, to him from whom you have taken it: for 
44 the life of the dead is in the memory of the living: 
44 take care that he whom you unwillingly sent to 
44 his death, receive an immortality from you : for 
44 if you decree a statue to him in the rostra, the 
44 remembrance of his embassy will remain to all 
44 posterity — ."* Then, after illustrating the great 
virtues, talents, and excellent character of Sulpi- 
cius, he observes, that all these would be perpe- 
tuated by their own merit and effects, and that the 
statue was the monument rather of the gratitude of 
the senate, than of the fame of the man ; of a public 
rather than of a private signification ; an eternal tes- 
timony of Antony's audaciousness, of his waging an 
impious war against his country ; of his rejecting the 
embassy of the senate.^ For which reasons he 

* Philip. 4. 5. t lb. 6. 6. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibiu* Paiua. A. Hirtius. 

proposed a decree, that a statue of brass should be 
erected to him in the rostra, by order of the senate, 
and the cause inscribed on the base, that he died 
in the service of the republic, with an area of live 
feet, on all sides of it, for his children and posterity 
to see the shows of gladiators : that a magnificent 
funeral should be made for him at the public charge, 
and the consul Pansa should assign him a place of 
burial in the Esquiline field, with an area of thirty 
feet every way, to be granted publicly, as a sepul- 
chre for him, his children, and posterity. — The 
senate agreed to what Cicero desired, and the sta- 
tue itself, as we are told by a writer of the third 
century, remained, to his time, in the rostra of Au- 

Sulpicius was of a noble and patrician family, of 
the same age, the same studies, and the same prin- 
ciples with Cicero, with whom he kept up a perpet- 
ual friendship. They went through their exercises 
together when young, both at Rome and at Rhodes, 
in the celebrated school of Molo : whence he be- 
came an eminent pleader of causes, and passed 
through all the great offices of the state, with a sin- 
gular reputation of wisdom, learning, integrity ; a 
constant admirer of the modesty of the ancients; 
and a reprover of the insolence of his own times. 
When he could not arrive at the first degree of fame 
as an orator, he resolved to excel in what was next 
to it, the character of a lawyer; choosing rather to 
be the first in the second art, than the second only 
in the first; leaving, therefore, to his friend Cicero 
the field of eloquence, he contented himself with 
such a share of it, as was sufficient to sustain and 
adorn the profession of the law. In this he suc- 
ceeded to his wish, and was far superior to all who 
had ever possessed it in Rome; being the first who 
reduced it to a propter science, or rational system ; 

* rompeniui de online juris. 


A.Urh. 710. Cic.tH. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

and added light and method to that, which all 
others before him had taught darkly and confusedly. 
Nor was his knowledge confined to the external 
forms or the effects of the municipal laws ; but en- 
larged by a comprehensive view of universal equity, 
which he made the interpreter of its sanctions, and 
the rule of all his decisions ; yet he was always bet- 
ter pleased to put an amicable end to a controversy, 
than to direct a process at law. In his political be- 
haviour, he was always a friend to peace and li- 
berty ; moderating the violence of opposite parties, 
and discouraging every step towards civil dissen- 
sion ; and, in the late war, was so busy in contriving 
projects of an accommodation, that he gained the 
name of the peace-maker. Through a natural ti- 
midity of temper, confirmed by a profession and 
course of life averse from arms, though he preferred 
Pompey's cause as the best, he did not care to 
fight for it : but taking Cajsar to be the strongest, 
suffered his son to follow that camp, while he him- 
self continued quiet and neuter : for this he was 
honoured by Cresar, yet could never be induced to 
approve his government. From the time of Caesar's 
death, he continued still to advise and promote all 
measures which seemed likely to establish the pub- 
lic concord ; and died, at last, as he had lived, in 
the very act and office of peace-making.* 


* Non facile quern dixerim plus Studii quam ilium et ad dicendura, et ad omnes 
bonarum rerum disciplines adhibuisse : nam et in iisdem exercitationibus ineunte 
setate fuimus ; et postea Ilhodum una tile etiam profcctus est, quo melior esset et 
doctior : et inde ut rediit, videtur wihi in secunda arte primus esse maluisse, quam 
in prima secundus — -sed fortasse maluit, id quod est adeplus, longe omnium noti ejus- 
dein raodo a?tatis, sed eorum etiam qui fuissent, in jure civili esse princeps — juris 
civilis magnum usum et apud Scajvolam ct apud multos fuisse, artem in hoc uno — hie 
enim attulit banc artem — quasi lucem ad ea, qua; confuse ab aliis aut respondebau- 
tur aut agebantur — [Brut. 262, &x.] neque ille magis Juris consultus, quam justitiaa 
fuit: ita ea qua; prouciscebantur alegibus eta jure civili semper ad facilitation aequi- 
latemque referebat : neque constituere litium actiones malebat, quain controversias 
tollere. [Philip. 9. 5.] Servius vero pacificator cum suo librariolo videtur obiisse le- 
gationem. [Ad Att. 15. 7.] Cognoram enim jam absens, te haec mala multo anta 
providentem, defensorem pacis et in Consulatu tuo et post Consulatum fuisse. [Ep. 
Fam. 4. 1.] 

N. B. The old lawyers tell a remarkable story of the origin of Sulpicins's fame 
and skill in ihe law: that jjoing one day to consult Mucins Scsevola about some 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

The senate had heard nothing of Brutus and Cas- 
sius, from the time of their leaving Italy, till Brutus 
now sent public letters to the consuls, giving a par- 
ticular account of his success against Antony's bro- 
ther, Caius, in securing Macedonia, Illyricum, and 
Greece, with all the several armies in those coun- 
tries, to the interests of the republic : that C. An- 
tony was retired to Apollonia, with seven cohorts, 
where a good account would soon be given of him : 
that a legion, under L. Piso, had surrendered itself 
to young Cicero, the commander of his horse : that 
Dolabella's horse, which was marching in two sepa- 
rate bodies towards Syria, the one in Thessaly, the 
other in Macedonia, had deserted their leaders, and 
joined themselves to him : that Vatinius had opened 
the gates of Dyrrhachium to him, and given up the 
town with his troops into his hands ; that in all these 
transactions, Q. Hortensius, the proconsul of Ma- 
cedonia, had been particularly serviceable in dis- 
posing the provinces and their armies to declare for 
the cause of liberty.* 

Pansa no sooner received the letters, than he 
summoned the senate, to acquaint them with the 
contents, which raised an incredible joy through 
the whole city -t After the letters were read, Pansa 
spoke largely in the praises of Brutus ; extolled his 
conduct and services ; and moved, that public ho- 

point, he was so dull in apprehending the meaning of Miicius's answer, that, after 
explaining it to him twice or thrice, Mucins could not forbear saying, " It is a 
" shame for a nobleman, and a patrician, and a pleader of causes, to be ignorant 
*' of that law which he professes to understand." The reproach stung him to the 
quick, and made him apply himself to his studies with such industry, that he 
became the ablest lawyer in Rome ; and left, behind him near a hundred and eighty 
books written by himself, or^nice and difficult questions of law. Digest. I. 1. Tit. 
i!. parag. 4.*>. 

The Jesuits, Catrou and llouiile, have put this Sulpicius into the list of the con- 
spirators who killed Ca-sar : but a moderate acquaintance with the character of the 
man, or with Cicero's writings, would have shewn them their error, ami that there 
was none of consular rank but Trebonius concerned in that affair. Hist. Rom. 
vol. 17. p. 343. Not. a. 

* Vid. Philip, x. 4,5, 6. 

t Dii inimortales ! qui ille nuncius, qua? \\\x litters, qua? letitia Senatus, quaf 
jtlacritns civitatis erat ? Ad Brut. 1. 2. 7. 


A.Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

nours and thanks should be decreed to him : and 
then, according to his custom, called upon his father- 
in-law, Calenus, to declare his sentiments the first; 
who, in a premeditated speech, delivered from writ- 
ing, acknowledged Brutus's letters to be well and 
properly drawn ; but since what he had done, was 
done without any commission and public authority, 
that he should be required to deliver up his forces 
to the orders of the senate, or the proper governors 
of the provinces.* Cicero spoke next, and began 
with giving the thanks of the house to Pansa, for 
calling them together on that day, when they had 
no expectation of it ; and not deferring a moment to 
give them a share of the joy which Brutus's letters 
had brought. He observes, that Pansa, by speak- 
ing so largely in the praise of Brutus, had shewn 
that tc be true, which he had always taken to be 
so, that no man ever envied another's virtue, who 
was conscious of his own : that he had prevented 
him, to whom, for his intimacy with Brutus, that 
task seemed particularly to belong, from saying so 
much as he intended on that subject. Then address- 
ing himself to Calenus, he asks, what could be the 
meaning of that perpetual war which he declared 
against the Brutuses ? why he alone was always op- 
posing, when every one else was almost adoring 
them ? that to talk of Brutus's letters being rightly 
drawn, was not to praise Brutus, but his secretary: 
when did he ever hear of a decree in that style, that 
letters were properly written? yet the expression 
did not fall from him by chance, but was designed, 
premeditated, and brought in writing.^ He ex- 
horts him to consult with his son-in-law, Pansa, 
oftener than with himself, if he would preserve his 
character: professes that he could not help pitying 
him, to hear it given out among the people that there 
was not a second vote on the side of him, who gave 

* Tliilip. x. 1, 2, 3. t Tb. 2. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hrrtiiu 

the first ; which would be the case, he believed, 
in that days debate. " You would take away," says 
he, " the legions from Brutus, even those which he 
" has drawn off from the traitorous designs of C. 
" Antony, and engaged by his own authority in the 
' : public service: you would have him sent once 
" more, as it were, into banishment, naked and for- 
" lorn : but for you, fathers, if ever you betray or de- 
"sert Brutus, what citizen will you honour? whom 
" will you favour? unless you think those, who offer 
" kingly diadems, worthy to be preserved ; those 
" who abolish the name of king, to be abandoned." 
He proceeds to display, with great force, the merit 
and praises of Brutus; his moderation, mildness, 
patience of injuries : how studiously he had avoided 
every step which could give a handle to civil tu- 
mults : quitting the city ; living retired in the coun- 
try ; forbidding the resort of friends to him; and 
leaving Italy itself, lest any cause of war should 
arise on his account : that as long as he saw the se- 
nate disposed to bear every thing, he was resolved 
to bear too ; but when he perceived them inspired 
with a spirit of liberty, he then exerted himself to 
provide them succours to defend it :* that if he 
had not defeated the desperate attempts of C. An- 
tony, they had lost Macedonia, lllyricum, and 
Greece; the last of which afforded either a commo- 
dious retreat to Antony, when driven out of Italy, 
or the best opportunity of invading it : which now, 
by Brutus's management, being strongly provided 
with troops, stretched out its arms, as it were, and 
offered its help to Italy.;]; That Caius's march 
through the provinces was to plunder the allies ; 
to scatter waste and desolation wherever he passed ; 
to employ the armies of the Roman people against 
the people themselves: whereas Brutus made it a 
law, wheresoever he came, to dispense light, hope, 

* Philip. 3. 4. t lb. 5. 


A. Uib. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

and security to all around him : in short, that the 
one gathered forces to preserve, the other to overturn 
the republic : that the soldiers themselves could 
judge of this, as well as the senate; as they had de- 
clared, by their desertion of C. Antony, who, by that 
time, either was, or would soon be, Brutus's prison- 
er :* that there was no apprehension of danger from 
Brutus's power; that his legions, his mercenaries, his 
horse, and, above all, himself, was wholly theirs; 
formed for the service of the republic, as well by his 
own excellent virtue, as a kind of fatality derived from 
his ancestors, both on the father's and the mother's 
side : that none could ever blame him for any thing, 
unless for too great a backwardness and aversion to 
war; and his not humouring the ardour of all Italy 
in their thirst of liberty : that it was a vain fear 
which some pretended to entertain, that the veterans 
would be disgusted to see Brutus at the head of an 
army, as if there were any difference between his 
army, and the armies of Hirtius, Pansa, D. Brutus, 
Octavius; all of which had severally received pub- 
lic honours for their defence of the people of Rome : 
that M. Brutus could not be more suspected by the 
veterans than Decimus : for though the act of the 
Brutuses, and the praise of it, was common to them 
both ; yet those who disapproved it, were more 
angry with Decimus, as thinking him, of all others, 
the last who ought to have done it: yet what were 
all their armies now doing, but relieving Decimus 
from the siege?f — that if there was any real danger 
from Brutus, Pansa's sagacity would easily find it 
out; but as they had just now heard, from his own 
mouth, he was so far from thinking his army to be 
dangerous, that he looked upon it as the firmest 
support of the commonwealth :£ that it was the 
constant art of the disaffected to oppose the name 
of the veterans to every good design : that he was 
always ready to encourage their valour, but would 
never endure their arrogance. " Shall we," says 

* Philip. 6. t lb. 7. J lb. 3. 



A. Uili. 710. Cic.64. Gogs.— C. Vibittt Pansa. A. Hhtius. 

he, " who are now breaking* off the shackles of our 
tf servitude, be discouraged, if any one tells us that 
" the veterans will not have it so? — let that then 
" come out from rue at last, which is true, and be- 
" coining my character to speak ; that if the resolu- 
" tions of this body must be governed by the will of 
" the veterans; if all our words and acts must be 
" regulated by their humour, then it is high time 
" to wish for death; which, to Roman citizens, was 
" ever preferable to slavery :"* that since so many 
chances of death surrounded them all, both day and 
night, it was not the part of a man, much less of a 
Roman, to scruple the giving up that breath to his 
country, which he must necessarily give up to na- 
ture : I that Antony was the single and common 
enemy of them all ; though he had, indeed, his bro- 
ther Lucius with him, who seemed to be born on 
purpose that Marcus might not be the most infa- 
mous of all mortals ; that he had a crew also of des- 
perate villains gaping after the spoils of the repub- 
lic: that the army of Brutus was provided against 
these; whose sole will, thought, and purpose, was 
to protect the senate and the liberty of the people ; 
who, after trying in vain what patience would do, 
found it necessary, at last, to oppose force to force ;£ 
that they ought, therefore, to grant the same privi- 
lege to M. Brutus, which they had granted before 
to Becimus, and to Octavius ; and confirm, by pub- 
lic authority, what he had been doing for them by 
his private counsel. — For which purpose he pro- 
posed the following decree: — Whereas by the pains, 
counsel, industry, virtue of Q. Caspio Brutus,|| pro- 
consul, in the utmost distress of tiie republic, the 
province of Macedonia, Illyricum, and Greece, 
with all their legions, armies, horse, are now in the 

* Philip. 9. t lb. 10. t lb 11. 

|| M. Brutus, as appears from the style of this decree, had been adopted lately by 
bis Mother's brother, Q Servilius Caepio, whose name, according to custom, be now 
-issimied, -with t ht: possession Of his uncle's estate: 


A.Urb. 710. Clc. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. KirlUis. 

power of the consuls, senate, and people of Koine; 
that Q. Caepio Brutus, proconsul, has acted herein 
well, and for the good of the republic, agreeably to 
his character, the dignity of his ancestors, and to 
his usual manner of serving the commonwealth, and 
that his conduct is, and ever will be, acceptable to 
the senate and people of Rome. That Q. Caepio 
Brutus, proconsul, be ordered to protect, guard, and 
defend the province of Macedonia, Illyricum, and 
all Greece, and command that army which he him- 
self has raised; that whatever money he wants for 
military service he may use and take it from any part 
of the public revenue, where it can best be raised, 
or borrow it where he thinks proper, and impose 
contributions of grain and forage, and take care to 
draw all his troops as near to Italy as possible : 
and whereas it appears, by the letters of Q. Caepio 
Brutus, proconsul, that the public service has been 
greatly advanced, by the endeavours and virtue of 
Q. Hortensius, proconsul; and that he concerted all 
his measures with Q. Caepio Brutus, proconsul, to 
the great benefit of the commonwealth ; that Q. 
Hortensius, proconsul, has acted therein rightly, 
regularly, and for the public good ; and that it is 
the will of the senate, that Q. Hortensius, proconsul, 
with his quaestors, proquaestors, and lieutenants, 
hold the province of Macedonia, till a successor be 
appointed by the senate. 

Cicero sent this speech to Brutus, with that also 
which he made on the first of January : of which 
Brutus says, in answer to him, " I have read your 
" two orations, the one, on the first of January, the 
" other on the subject of my letters, against Calenus: 
" you expect now, without doubt, that I should 
" praise them : I am at a loss what to praise the 
" most in them; your courage, or your abilities: I 
" allow you now in earnest to call them Philippics, 
" as you intimated, jocosely, in a former letter."*— 

* Legi orationes tuas duas, cfuarum altera Kal. Jan. u«ms es : altera de litteiis meis* 

z *2 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

Thus the name of Philippics, which seems to have 
been thrown out at first in gaiety and jest only, be- 
ing taken up and propagated by his friends, became, 
at last, the fixed and standing title of these orations: 
which yet, for several ages, were called, we find, in- 
differently, either Philippics or Antonians.* Bru- 
tus declared himself so well pleased with these two, 
which he had seen, that Cicero promised to send 
him, afterwards, ail the rest.f 

Brutus, when he first left Italy, sailed directly 
for Athens, where he spent some time in concert- 
ing measures, how to make himself master of Greece 
and Macedonia, which was the great design that he 
had in view. Here he gathered about him all the 
young nobility and gentry of Rome, who, for the 
opportunity of their education, had been sent to 
this celebrated seat of learning : but, of them all, 
lie took the most notice of young Cicero ; and, after 
a little acquaintance, grew very fond of him ; ad- 
miring his parts and virtue, and surprised to find, in 
one so young, such a generosity and greatness of 
mind, with such an aversion to tyranny.^ He made 
him, therefore, one of his lieutenants, though he was 
but twenty years old ; gave him the command of 
his horse ; and employed him in several commissions 
of great trust and importance ; in all which the 
young man signalized both his courage and conduct, 
and behaved with great credit to himself, great satis- 
faction to his general, and great benefit to the public 
service: as Brutus did him the justice to signify, 
both in his private and public letters to Rome. In 

quae habita est abs te contra Caleiiuni. Nunc scilicet hoc expectas, dum eas Jaudem. 
Nescio animi an ingenii tui major in illis libellis laus contineatur. Jam concedo, ut 
vel Philippicse vocentur, quod tu quadam cpistola jocans scripsisti. Ad Brut. 
1. 2. 5. 

* M. Cicero in primo Antonianarum ita scriptum reliquit. A. Gell. 13. 1. 

t Hacc ad te oralio perferetur, quoniam te video delectari Philippicis nostris. Ad 
Brut. 2. 4. 

; \ id. Pint, in Brut. 


A.Urb. 710. Cic. 64- "Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hiftius. 

writing to Cicero, "Your son," says lie, " recom- 
" mends himself to me so effectually, by his indus- 
" try, patience, activity, greatness of mind, and, in 
•" short, by every duty, that he seems never to drop 
" the remembrance of whose son he is ; wherefore, 
" since it is not possible for me to make you love 
" him more than you do already, yet allow thus 
" much to my judgment, as to persuade yourself, 
'* that he will have no occasion to borrow any share 
" of your glory, in order to obtain his father's ho- 
" nours.'* — This account, given by one who was no 
flatterer, may be considered as the real character of 
the youth : which is confirmed, likewise, by what. 
Lentu 1 us wrote of him about the same time : " I 
" could not see your son," says he, " when I was 
" last with Brutus, because he was gone with the 
"- horse into winter quarters: but, by my faith, it 
** gives me great joy, for your sake, for his, and 
" especially my own, that he is in such esteem and 
" reputation : for as he is your son, and worthy of 
*•' you, f cannot but look upon him as my brother. "f 
Cicero was so full of the greater affairs, which 
were the subject of his letters to Brutus, that he 
had scarce leisure to lake notice of what was said 
about his son : he just touches it, however, in one or 
two letters : " As to my son, if his merit be as great 
•" as you write, 1 rejoice at it as much as I ought to 
" do : or if you magnify it, out of love to him, even 
41 that gives me an incredible joy, to perceive that 
** he is beloved by you.";j: Again; " I desire you, 

* Cicero filius tuns sicniihi se probat, indnstria, patientia, labore, aniini magnitu- 
dine, omni denique officio, ut prorsus nunquam dimittere videtur cogitationem, cujus 
sit filius. Quare quoniam efficere non possum, ut pluris facias cum, qui tibi est 
■carissimus, illud tribue judicio meo, ut tibi persuadeas, non fore illi abutendum gloria 
t«a, ut adipiscalur bonores patemos. Kal. Apr. ad Brut. 1. 2, :3. 

t Filium tuuni, ad Brutumcum veni, videre noti polui, ideo quod jam in biberna, 
■cum equitibus erat profectus. Sed medius fidius ea esse eimi opinione, et tua et 
ipsius, et in primis niea causa gaudco. Fratrisenim ioco milii est, qui ex te natus, te- 
que dignus est. Vale. 1111 Kal. Jun. Ep. Fain. lii. 14. 

J Oe Cicerone meo, etsi tantum est in eb, quantum senilis, tantum scilicet quan- 
tum delreo, gaudeo : et si, quod amas eum, eo majora facis; id ipsum inctedibilitej 
gaudco, a te eum deligi. Ad- Brut. 2. 6. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius, 


" my dear Brutus, to keep my son with you as 
" much as possible: he will find no better school of 
" virtue, than in the contemplation and imitation of 
" you."* 

Though Brutus intimated nothing in his public 
letters but what was prosperous and encouraging, 
yet, in his private accounts to Cicero, he signified 
a great want of money and recruits, and begged to 
be supplied with both from Italy, especially with 
recruits : either by a vote of the senate, or, if that 
could not be had, by some secret management, with- 
out the privity of Pansa : to which Cicero answered, 
" You tell me that you want two necessary things, 
recruits and money ; it is difficult to help you. 
I know no other way of raising money, which can 
be of use to you, but what the senate has decreed, 
" of borrowing it from the cities. As to recruits, I 
" do not see what can be done : for Pansa is so far 
" from granting any share of his army or recruits to 
" you, that he is even uneasy to see so many volun- 
*' teers going over to you : his reason, I take it, is, 
a that he thinks no forces too great for the demands 
" of our affairs in Italy : for as to what many sus- 
" pect, that he has no mind to see you too strong, 
" I have no suspicion of it."'|" — Pansa seems to have 
been much in the right, for refusing to part with any 
troops out of Italy, where the stress of the war now 
lay, on the success of which the fate of the whole re- 
public depended. 

But there came news of a different kind, about 
the same time, to Rome, of Doiabella's successful 

* Ciceronem nieum, mi Brute, velim quam plurinmm tecum habeas. \ irtutis disci- 
plinam meliorem reperiet nullam, quam contemplationem atque imitationem tui. 
xiii Kal. Maii. ib. 7. 

t Quod egere te tiuabus necessariis rebus scribis, suppleinento et pecunia, difficile 
consilium est. Non enim niilii occurrunt facilitates, quibus uti te posse vidcani, 
praeter illas, quas Senatus decrevit, ut pecunias a civitatibusmutuas sumeres. De 
supplemento autem non video, quid fieri possit. Tan turn enim abest ut Pansa de 
exercitu suo aut delectu tibi aliquid tribuat, utetiam moleste ferat, tara multosad te 
ire voluntaries; quomodo equidem credo, quod his rebus qua? in Italia decetnuntur, 
nullas copiasnimis raagnas arbitrator : quomodo autem multi suspicantur, quod ne tc 
quidem nirais firmum esse velit ; quod ego non suspicor, ib. 6. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Paiwa. A.Hirtius. 

exploits in Asia. He left the city, as it is said 
above, before the expiration of his consulship, to 
possess himself of Syria: which had been allotted 
to him by Antony's management : and taking his 
way through Greece and Macedonia, to gather 
what money and troops he could raise in those 
countries, he passed over into Asia, in hopes of in- 
ducing that province to abandon Trebonius, and 
declare for him : having sent his emissaries, there- 
fore, before him, to prepare for his reception, he 
arrived before Smyrna, where Trebonius resided, 
without any shew of hostility, or forces sufficient to 
give any great alarm, pretending to desire nothing 
more than a free passage through the country to 
his own province. Trebonius refused to admit him 
into the town ; but consented to supply him with 
refreshments without the gates : where many civi- 
lities passed between them, with great professions, 
on Dolabella's part, of amity and friendship to Tre- 
bonius, who promised, in his turn, that if Dolabella 
would depart quietly from Smyrna, he should be 
received into Ephesus, in order to pass forward 
towards Syria. To this Dolabella seemingly 
agreed ; and, finding it impracticable to take Smyr- 
na by open force, contrived to surprise it by stra- 
tagem : embracing, therefore, Trebonius's offer, he 
set forward towards Ephesus ; but, after he had 
marched several miles, and Trebonius's men, who 
were sent after to observe him, were retired, he 
turned back instantly in the night, and arriving 
again at Smyrna before day, found it, as he expect- 
ed, negligently guarded, and without any apprehen- 
sion of an assault; so that his soldiers, by the help 
of ladders, presently mounting the walls, possessed 
themselves of it without opposition, and seized 
Trebonius himself in his bed, before he knew any 

thins: of his danger.* 

* ,\pp. 3. p. 542. 


. A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiuj. 

Dolabella treated him with the utmost cruelty ; 
kept him two days under torture, to extort a disco- 
very of all the money in his custody; then ordered 
his head to be cut off, and carried about on a spear; 
and his body to be dragged about the streets, and 
thrown into the sea.* This was the first blood that 
was spilt on the account of Caesar's death ; which 
was now revenged in kind upon one of the principal 
conspirators, and the only one who was of consular 
rank. It had been projected, without doubt, in 
concert with Antony, to make the revenge of Caesar's 
death the avowed cause of their arms, in order to 
draw the veterans to their side, or make them un- 
willing, at least, to act against them : and it gave a 
clear warning to Brutus and his associates, what 
they were to expect, if their enemies prevailed, as 
well as a sad presage to all honest men, of the cruel 
effects and merciless fury of the impending war. 

On the news of Trebonius's death, the senate was 
summoned by the consul, where Dolabella was 
unanimously declared a public enemy, and his 
estate confiscated. Calenus himself first proposed 
the vote, and said, that if any thing more severe 
could be thought of, he would be for it : the indig- 
nation of the city was so inflamed, that he was 
forced to comply with the popular humour, and 
hoped, perhaps, to put some difficulty upon Cicero, 
who, for his relation to Dolabella, would, as he 
imagined, be for moderating the punishment. But 
though Calenus was mistaken in this, he was con- 
cerned in moving another question which greatly 
perplexed Cicero, about the choice of a general, to 
manage this new war against Dolabella. Two opi- 

*Consecutus est Dolabella, nulla suspicione belli. — Secutecollocutionesfamiliares 
cum Trebonio ; complexusque summae benevolentire — noctumus introitus in Smyr- 
nam, quasi in hostium urbeni : oppressus Trebonius — interiicere captum statim noluit, 
ne nimis, credo, in vicloria liberahs videretur. Cum verborum contumeliis optimum, 
virum incesto ore lacerasset, turn verberibus ac tormeptis qua?stionem habuit pecuniae 
publicae, idque per biduum. Post cervicibus fractis caput abscidil, idque adfixum 
pestari jussit in pilo; reliquuin corpus tractum ac laniatum abjecit in mare, &c. 
Philip, m. 2. o. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa A. Hirtius. 

y — i . . 

nions were proposed: the one, that P. Servilius 
should be sent with an extraordinary commission ; 
the other, that the two consuls should jointly pro- 
secute that war, with the provinces of Syria and 
Asia allotted to them. This was very agreeable 
to Pansa, and pushed, therefore, not only by his 
friends, but by all Antony's party, who fancied that 
it would take off the attention of the cousuls from 
the war of Italy; give Dolabella time to strengthen 
himself in Asia; raise a coldness between the con- 
suls and Cicero, if he ventured to oppose it; and, 
above all, put a public affront upon Cassius ; who, 
by his presence in those parts, seemed to have the 
best pretension to that commission. The debate 
continued through the first day, without coining to 
any issue; and was adjourned to the next In the 
meanwhile, Cassius's mother-in-law, Servilia, and 
other friends, were endeavouring to prevail with Ci- 
cero to drop the opposition, for fear of alienating 
Pansa: but in vain; for he resolved, at all hazards, 
to defend the honour of Cassius ; and when the de- 
bate was resumed the next morning, exerted all 
his interest and eloquence to procure a decree in 
his favour. 

He began his speech by observing that, in their 
present grief for the lamentable fate of Trebonius, 
the republic, however, would reap some good from 
it, since they now saw the barbarous cruelty of 
those who had taken arms against their couutry : 
for of the two chiefs of the present war, the one, 
by effecting what he wished, had discovered what 
the other aimed at.* That they both meant no- 
thing less than the death and destruction of all 
honest men ; nor would be satisfied, it seemed, with 
simple death, for that was the punishment of nature, 
but thought the rack and tortures due to their re- 
venge : that what Dolabella had executed, was the 

* Philip, xi. 1. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Yibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

picture of what Antony intended : that they were a 
true pair, exactly matched, marching by concert 
and equal paces in the execution of their wicked 
purposes: this he illustrates, by parallel instances 
from the conduct of each ; and after displaying the 
inhumanity of Dolabella, and the unhappy fate of 
Trebonius, in a manner proper to excite indignation 
against the one, and compassion for the other; he 
shews, that Dolabella was still the more unhappy 
of the two, and must needs suffer more from the 
guilt of his mind, than Trebonius from the tortures 
of his body : " What doubt," says he, " can there 
" be, which of them is the most miserable ? he, 
" whose death the senate and people are eager to 
" revenge; or he, who is adjudged to be a traitor, 
" by the unanimous vote of the senate? for, in all 
" other respects, it is the greatest injury to Trebo- 
<c nius, to compare his life with Dolabella's. As to 
V the one, every body knows his wisdom, wit, hu- 
" inanity, innocence, greatness of mind in freeing his 
" country ; but as to the other, cruelty was his de- 
*' light from a boy, with a lewdness so shameless 
" and abandoned, that he used to value himself for 
" doing, what his very adversaries could not object 
" to him with modesty. Yet, this man, good gods! 
" was once mine: for I was not very curious to in- 
" quire into his vices: nor should 1 now, perhaps, 
■*.' have been his enemy, had he not shewn himself 
" an enemy to you, to his country, to the domestic 
" gods and altars of us all ; nay, even to nature and 
" humanity itself."* He exhorts them, from this 
warning given by Dolabella, to act with the greater 
vigour against Antony : for if he, who had about 
him but a few of those capital incendiaries, the ring- 
leaders of rapine and rebellion, durst attempt an act 
so abominable, what barbarity were they not to ex- 
pect from Autony, who had the whole crew of them 

* Philip !■ 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pausa. A. Hhtius. 

in his camp? the principal of whom he describes 
by name and character ; and adds, that as he had 
often dissented unwillingly from Calenus, so now, 
at last, he had the pleasure to agree with him, and 
to let them see, that he had no dislike to the man, 
but to the cause : that, in this case, he not only con- 
curred with him, but thanked him for propounding 
a vote so severe, and worthy of the republic, in 
decreeing Dolabella an enemy, and his estate to be 
confiscated.* Then, as to the second point, which 
was of greater delicacy, the nomination of a general 
to be sent against Dolabella, he proceeds to give his 
reasons for rejecting the two opinions proposed ; 
the one, for sending Servilius, the other, for the two 
consuls : of the first, he says, that extraordinary 
commissions were always odious where they were 
not necessary, and wherever they had been granted, 
it was in cases very different from this : that if the 
commission in debate should be decreed to Servi- 
lius, it would seem an affront to all the rest of the 
same rank, that being equal in dignity, they should 
be thought unworthy of the same honour: that he 
himself, indeed, had voted an extraordinary com- 
mission to young Cassar ; but Caesar had first given 
an extraordinary protection and deliverance to 
them : that they must either have taken his army 
from him, or decreed the command of it to him ; 
which could not, therefore, be so properly said to 
be given, as not taken away : but that no such com- 
mission had ever been granted to any one, who was 
wholly idle and unemployed.')" — As to the second 
opinion, of decreeing that province to the consuls, he 
shews it to be both against the dignity of the consuls 
themselves, and against the public service: that 
when D. Brutus, a consul elect, was actuallv be- 
sieged, on the preservation of whom their com- 
mon safety depended ; and when a dreadful war 

* Philip. 5. 6. t lb. 7. 8. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A: Hirtius. 

was on foot, already entrusted to the two consuls, 
the very mention of Asia and Syria would give a 
handle to jealousy and envy ; and, though the de- 
cree was not to take place till D. Brutus should first 
be relieved, yet a new commission would necessarily 
take off some part of their thoughts and attention 
from the old. Then, addressing himself to Pansa, 
he says, that though his mind, he knew, was intent 
on delivering D. Brutus, yet the nature of things 
would force him to turn it sometimes towards Dola- 
bella ; and that, if he had more minds than one, they 
should all be directed and wholly fixed on Mo- 
dena:* that, for his own part, he had resigned, in 
his consulship, a rich and well furnished province, 
that nothing might interrupt his endeavours to 
quench that flame which was then raised in his 
country : he wished that Pansa would imitate him, 
whom he used to commend : that, if the consuls, 
however, desired to have provinces, as other great 
men had usually done, let them first bring P. Brutus 
safe home to them ; who ought to be guarded with 
the same care as the image that fell from heaven, and 
was kept in the temple of Vesta, in the safety of 
which they were all safe: that this decree would 
create great delay and obstruction to the war against 
Polabella ; which required a general prepared, 
equipped, and already invested with command ; 
one who had authority, reputation, an army, and a 
resolution tried in the service of his country :| 
that it must, therefore, either be Brutus or Cassins, 
or both of them : that Brutus could not be spared 
from Macedonia, where he was quelling the last ef- 
forts of the faction, and oppressing C. Antony, who, 
with the remains of a broken army, was still in pos- 
session of some considerable places : that when he 
had finished that work, if he found it of use to the 
commonwealth to pursue Dolabella, he would do it 

* Philip. 9. f lb. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos*.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

of himself as he had hitherto done, without waiting 
for their orders ; for both he and Cassius had, on 
many occasions, been a senate to themselves: that 
in such a season of general confusion, it was neces- 
sary to be governed by the times, rather than by 
rules : that Brutus and Cassius ever held the safety 
and liberty of their country to be the most sacred 
rule of acting.* " For by what law,'' says he, " by 
" what right have they hitherto been acting, the one 
" in Greece, the other in Syria, but by that which 
" Jupiter himself ordained, that all things beneficial 
" to the community should be esteemed lawful and 
" just? for law is nothing else but right reason, de- 
" rived to us from the gods, enjoining what is ho- 
" nest, prohibiting the contrary : this was the law 
" which Cassius obeyed when he went into Syria; 
" another man's province, if we judge by written 
" law; but when these are overturned, his own, by 
" the law of nature: but that Cassius's acts might 
" be confirmed also by the authority of the seriate, 
" he proposed a decree to this effect: that whereas 
" the senate had declared P. Dolabella to be an 
" enemy of the Roman people, and ordered him to 
" be pursued by open war ; to the intent that he 
" may suffer the punishment due to him, both from 
" gods and men ; it is the will of the senate, that C. 
" Cassius, proconsul, shall hold the province of Sy- 
" ria, in the same manner as if he had obtained it by 
Cl right of law ; and that he receive the several ar- 
" mies from Q. Marcius Crispus, proconsul; L. Sta- 
tius Murcus, proconsul ; A. Allienus, lieutenant; 
which they are hereby required to deliver to him : 
that with these, and what other forces he can pro- 
cure, he shall pursue Dolabella both by land and 
" sea: that, for the occasions of the war, he shall 
have a power to demand ships, seamen, money, 
and all things useful to him, from whomsoever he 

» Philip. 14. 




A. Urb. 710. eic.64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtms. 

" thinks fit, in Syria, Asia, Bithynia, Pontes : and 
" tSiat, whatever province he comes into in prose- 
" cuting the war, he shall have an authority supe- 
" vior to that of the proper governor ; that if king 
" Deiotarus, the father, or the son, shall assist C. 
••' Cassius, proconsul, with their troops, as they have 
" oft assisted the Roman people in other wars, their 
" conduct will be acceptable to the senate and peo- 
" pie; that if any of the other kings, tetrarchs, and 
" potentates, shall do the like, the senate and people 
" will not be unmindful of their services:" that, as 
soon as the public affairs were settled, C. Pansa, and 
A. Hirtius, the consuls, one or both of them, should 
take the first opportunity of moving the senate about 
the disposal of the consular and praetorian pro- 
vinces ; and that in the meanwhile, they should 
all continue in the hands of those who now held 
them, till successors were appointed by the senate.* 
From the senate, Cicero went directly into the 
Forum, to give the people an account of the debate, 
and recommend to them the interests of Cassius : 
hither Pansa followed him, and to weaken the in- 
fluence of his authority, declared to the citizens, 
that what Cicero contended for, was against the 
will and advice of Cassius's nearest friends and re- 
lations : of which Cicero gives the following account 
in a letter to Cassius: — 



" With what zeal I defended your dignity, both 
in the senate and with the people, I would have 
you learn rather from your other friends than 
from me. My opinion would easily have pre- 
vailed in the senate, had not Pansa eagerly op- 
posed it. After I had proposed that vote, Iwas 
produced to the people by Servilius, the tribune, 

• Philip- 12, &e. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Yiblus Pansa. A; Hirti'us. 

" and said every thing which I could. of you, with 
" a strength of voice that filled the Forum, and 
" with such a clamour and approbation of the peo- 
" pie, that I had never seen the like before. You 
" will pardon me, I hope, for doing it against the 
" will of your mother-in-law. The timorous wo- 
" man was afraid that Pansa would be disgusted. 
" Pansa, indeed, declared to the assembly, that both 
" your mother and brother were against it ; but that 
" did not move me, T had other considerations more 
" at heart : my regard was to the republic, to which 
11 1 have always wished well, and to your dignity 
" and glory. But there is one thing which I en- 
" larged upon in the senate, and mentioned also to 
" the people, in which I must desire you to make 
" my words good : for I promised, and in a manner 
" assured them, that you neither had, nor would 
" wait for our decrees ; but would defend the re- 
u public yourself in your own way : and though we 
" had heard nothing, either where you were, or what 
" forces you had ; yet I took it for granted, that all 
" the forces in those parts w r ere yours ; and was 
" confident, that you had already recovered the pro- 
" vince of Asia to the republic : let it be your care 
" to outdo yourself, in endeavouring still to advance 
" your own glory. Adieu.'"* 

As to the issue of the contest, some writers tell 
us that it ended as Cicero desired : but it is evi- 
dent, from the letter just recited, and more clearly 
still from other letters, that Pansa's authority pre- 
vailed against him, for granting the commission to 
the consuls.! Cassius, however, as Cicero advised 
and declared, had little regard to what they were 
decreeing at Rome; but undertook the whole affair 
himself, and soon put an end to Dolabella's tri- 

* Ep. Fara. 12.7. 

t Quum ConsulibusLdecreta est Asia, et permissum est iis, ut dnm ipsi venirent; 
darent pegotium tfui'ipsani obtlnean't, &.C. Ep.Fam'. 12. 14. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

umphs, as will be mentioned hereafter in its pro- 
per place. 

The statue of Minerva, which Cicero, upon his 
going into exile, had dedicated in the capitol, by 
the title of the Guardian of the City, was, about 
the end of the last year, thrown down and shattered 
to pieces by a tempest of thunder and lightning. 
This the later writers take notice of, as ominous, 
and portending the fall of Cicero himself: though 
neither Cicero, nor any of that time, made any such 
reflection upon it. The senate, however, out of re- 
spect to him, passed a decree, in a full house, on 
the eighteenth of March, that the statue should be 
repaired and restored to its place.* So that it was 
now made by public authority, what he himself had 
designed to be, a standing monument to posterity, 
that the safety of the republic had been the con- 
stant object of his counsels. 

D. Brutus was reduced by this time to such 
straits in Modena, that his friends began to be 
greatly alarmed for him ; taking it for granted, that 
if he fell into Antony's hands, he would be treated 
no better than Trebonius. The mention, therefore, 
of a pacification being revived in the senate, and 
recom mended by Pansa himself, upon an intimation 
given by Antony's friends, that he was now in a 
disposition to submit to reason, Cicero, out of a 
concern for Brutus's safety, consented to the decree 
of a second embassy, to be executed by himself and 
Servilius, together with three other consular sena- 
tors : but rinding, upon recollection, that there ap- 
peared no symptoms of any change in Antony, and 
that his friends produced no proofs of it, nor any 
thing new in his conduct, he was convinced that he 
had made a false step, and that nothing more was 
intended than to gain time; which was of great use 

* Bo <lie Senatus decrcvit, ul Minerva nostra, CustoB Urbis quam turbo dejecerat, 
Kstilueretur. Ep. Fam. 12. V5. Bio, 1. 45. p. 278. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

to Antony, as it would retard the attempts of re- 
lieving Modena, and give an opportunity to Venti- 
dius to join him, who was marching towards him 
at that time, with three legions. At the next 
meeting, therefore, of the senate, he retracted his 
opinion, and declared against the late decree, as 
dangerous and insidious ; and, in a warm and pa- 
thetic speech, pressed them to rescind it. He owns 
that it was indecent for one, whose authority they 
had so often followed in the most important de- 
bates, to declare himself mistaken and deceived ; 
yet his comfort was, that it was in common with 
them all, and with a consul of the greatest wisdom: 
that when Piso and Calenus, who knew Antony's 
secret, the one of whom entertained his wife and 
children at his house, the other was perpetually 
sending and receiving letters from him, began to re- 
new, what they had long intermitted, their exhor- 
tations to peace ; and when the consul thought fit to 
exhort the same thing, a man whose prudence 
could not easily be imposed upon, whose virtue ap- 
proved no peace, but on Antony's submission, 
whose greatness of mind preferred death to slavery, 
it was natural to imagine, that there was some spe- 
cial reason for all this, some secret wound in An- 
tony's affairs, which the public was unacquainted 
with ; especially when it was reported, that Anto- 
ny's family were under some unusual affliction, and 
his friends in the senate betrayed a dejection in 
their looks : for if there was nothing in it, why 
should Piso and Calenus, above all others why 
at that time, why so unexpectedly, so suddenly, 
move for peace? yet now, when they had entangled, 
the senate in a pacific embassy, they both denied, 
that there was any thing new or particular, which 
induced them to it: # that there could be no occa- 
sion, therefore, for new measures, when there was 

* Philip, xii. 1 . 
VOL. II. 2 A 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Paiwa. A. Hirlius. 

nothing new in the case itself: that they were 
drawn in, and deceived by Antony's friends, who 
were serving his private, not the public interest : 
that he had seen it from the first, though but darkly, 
his concern for Brutus having dazzled his eyes, for 
whose liberty, if a substitute could be accepted, he 
would freely offer himself to be shut up in his 
place : that if Antony would humble himself, and 
sue to them for any thing, he should, perhaps, be 
for hearing him ; but while he stood to his arms, 
and acted offensively, their business was to resist 
force by force. But they would tell him, perhaps, 
that the thing was not in their power, since an em- 
bassy was actually decreed. " But what is it," 
says he, " that is not free to the wise, which it is 
" possible to retrieve? it is the case of every man 
" to err, but the part only of a fool to persevere in 
" error : if we have been drawn away by false and 
" fallacious hopes, let us turn again into the way; 
" for the surest harbour to a penitent is a change 
" of his conduct."* He then shews how the em- 
bassy, so far from being of service, would certainly 
hurt, nay, had already hurt the republic, by check- 
ing the zeal of the towns and colonies of Italy, and 
the courage of the legions, which had declared for 
them, who could never be eager to fight, while the 
senate was sounding a retreat/f" That nothing was 
more unjust, than to determine any thing about 
peace, without the consent of those who were car- 
rying on the war ; and not only without, but against 
their consent: that Hirtius and Caesar had no 
thoughts of peace ; from whom he had letters then 
in his hands, declaring their hopes of victory ; for 
their desire was to conquer, and to acquire peace — 
not by treaty, but by victory .J That there could 
not possibly be any peace with one to whom no- 
thing could be granted : they had voted him to 

• Philip. 2. t lb. 3. t lb. 4. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

have forged several decrees of the senate ; — would 
they vote them again to be genuine ? they had an- 
nulled his laws, as made by violence ; — would they 
now consent to restore them ? they had decreed him 
to have embezzled live millions of monev ; — could 
such a waste be absolved from a charge of fraud ? 
that immunities, priesthoods, kingdoms, had been 
sold by him ; — could those bargains be confirmed, 
which their decrees had made void ?* That if they 
should grant him the farther Gaul, and an army, 
what would it be else, but to defer the war, not to 
make peace ; nay, not only to prolong the war, but 
to yield him the victory 1\ " Was it for this," says 
he, " that we have put on the robe of war, taken 
" arms, sent out all the youth of Italy ; that, with 
" a most flourishing and numerous army, we should 
" send an embassy at last for peace ? and must I 
" bear a part in that embassy, or assist in that 
" council, where, if I differ from the rest, the peo- 
" pie of Rome can never know it ? so that, what- 
" ever concessions are made to Antony, or whatever 
" mischief he may do hereafter, it must be at the 
" hazard of my credit." He then shews, that if an 
embassy must needs be sent, he, of all men, was the 
most improper to be employed in it : that he had 
ever been against any embassy ; was the mover of 
their taking the habit of war; was always for the 
severest proceedings both against Antony and his 
associates ; that all that party looked upon him as 
prejudiced, and Antony would be offended at the 
sight of him.J That if they did not trouble them- 
selves how Antony might take it, he begged them 
at least to spare him the pain of seeing Antony, 
which he should never be able to bear : who, in a 
speech, lately, to his parricides, when he was dis- 
tributing rewards to the boldest of them, had pro- 
mised Cicero's estate to Petissius: that he should 

* Philip. 5. t lb. 6. % lb. 7. 

2 A 2 


A.'Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

never endure the sight of L. Antony, whose cru- 
elty he could not have escaped, but by the defence 
of his walls and gates, and the zeal of his native 
town : that though he might be able to command 
himself, and dissemble his uneasiness at the sight 
of Antony and his crew, yet some regard should be 
had to his life ; not that he set any value upon it 
himself, but' it ought not to be thought despicable 
by the senate and people of Rome ; since, if he did 
not deceive himself, it was he who, by his watehings, 
cares, and votes, had managed matters so, that all 
the attempts of their enemies had not hitherto been 
able to do them any harm.* That if his life had 
been oft attempted at home, where the fidelity of 
his friends, and the eyes of all Rome, were his 
guard ; what might he not apprehend from so long 
a journey? that there were three roads from Rome 
to Modena ; the Flaminian, along the upper sea ; 
the Aurelian, along the lower ; the Cassian, in the 
middle : that they were all of them beset by An- 
tony's allies, his own utter enemies : the Cassian, 
by Lento; the Flaminian, by Ventidius; the Au- 
relian, by the whole Clodian family.! That he 
would stay, therefore, in the city, if the senate would 
give leave, which was his proper seat, his watch, 
and station : that others might enjoy camps, king- 
doms, military commands; he would take care of 
the city, and the affairs at home, in partnership 
with them : that he did not refuse the charge, but 
it was the people who refused it for him ; for no 
man was less timorous, though none more cautious 
than he: that a statesman ought to leave behind 
him a reputation of glory in dying, not the reproach 
of error and folly : " Who," says he, " does not be- 
" wail the death of Trebonius? yet there are some 
" who say, though it is hard, indeed, to say it, that 
" he is the less to be pitied, for not keeping a bet- 

* Philip. 8. t II). 9. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pausa. A. Hirtius. 

"' ter guard against a base and detestable villain : 
" for wise men tell us, that he who professes to 
" guard the lives of others, ought, in the first place, 
*' to keep a guard upon his own."* That if he 
should happen to escape all the snares of the road, 
that Antony's rage was so furious, that he would 
never suffer him to return alive from the congress : 
that, when he was a young volunteer, in the wars 
of Italy, he was present at a conference of Cn. Pom- 
pey, the consul, and P. Vettius, the general of the 
Marsi, held between the two camps ; there was no 
fear, no suspicion, nor any violent hatred, on either 
side: that there was an interview, likewise, between 
Sylla and Scipio, in their civil wars, where, though 
faith was not strictly observed, yet no violence was 
offered :f but the case was different in treating 
with Antony, where, if others could be safe, he, at 
least, could not: that Antony would never come 
into their camp, much less they into his : that, if 
they transacted affairs by letter, his opinion would 
always be one and the same; to reduce every thing 
to the will of the senate : that this would be mis- 
represented to the veterans, as severe and perverse ; 
and might excite them, perhaps, to some violence. 
" Let my life, therefore," says he, " be reserved to 
" the service of my country, as long as either dignity 
" or nature will allow : let my death fall by the ne- 
" cessarv course of fate: or if I must meet it sooner, 
" let me meet it with glory. Since the republic, 
" then, to speak the most moderately, has no occa- 
" sion for this embassy, yet, if I can undertake it 
" with safety, I will go ; and, in this whole affair, 
"will govern myself entirely, fathers, not by a re- 
" gard to my own danger, but to the service of the 
" state ; and, after the most mature deliberation, 
" will resolve to do that which I shall judge to be 
" most useful to the public interest." 

* Philip. 10. fib. 11. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius,. 

Though he did not absolutely refuse the employ- 
ment, yet he dissuaded it so strongly, that the thing 
was wholly dropped; and Pansa, about the end of the 
month, marched away towards Gaul, at the head of 
his new raised army, in order to join Hirtius and 
Octavius, and without farther delay, to attempt a 
decisive battle with Antony for the delivery of D. 

Antony, at the same time, while he was perplex- 
ing the counsels of the senate, by the intrigues of 
his friends, was endeavouring also, by his letters, to 
shake the resolution of Hirtius and Octavius, and 
draw them off from the cause, which they were now 
serving : but their answers seem to have been short 
and firm ; referring him constantly to the authority 
of the senate : yet, as things were now drawing to- 
wards a crisis, he made one effort more upon them ; 
and, in the following expostulatory letter, re- 
proached them, with great freedom, for deserting 
their true interest, and suffering themselves to be 
duped, and drawn in by Cicero, to revive the Pom- 
peian cause, and establish a power, which, in the 
end, would destroy them. 


" Upon the news of Trebonius's death, I was 
" equally affected both with joy and with grief. It 
" was matter of real joy to me, to see a villain suffer 
" the vengeance due to the ashes of the most il- 
" lustrious of men ; and that, within the circle of 
" the current year, the Divine providence has dis- 
" played itself, by the punishment of parricide, in- 
" flicted already on some, and ready to fall upon the 
" rest. But, on the other hand, it is a subject of 
" just grief to me, that Dolabella should be declared 
" an enemy, because he has killed a murderer; and 
?' that the son of a buffoon should be dearer to the 
" people of Rome than Caesar, the father of his conn- 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" try : but the cruellest reflection of all is, that you, 
" Hirtius, covered with Caesar's favours, and left by 
" him in a condition which you yourself wonder at, 
" andyou too, young man, who oweevery thing to his 
" name, are doing all, which is in your power, that 
" Dolabella may be thought justly condemned ; that 
" this wretch be delivered from the siege ; and Cas- 
" sius and Brutus be invested with all power. You 
" look upon the present state of things as people did 
" upon the past; call Pompey's camp the senate; 
" have made the vanquished Cicero your captain ; 
" are strengthening Macedonia with armies ; have 
" given Africa to Varus, twice a prisoner ; have sent 
" Cassius into Syria ; suffered Casca to act as tri- 
" bune; suppressed the revenues of the Julian Lu- 
" perci; abolished the colonies of veterans, esta- 
" Wished by law and the decree of the senate; pro- 
" mise to restore to the people of Marseilles, what 
" was taken from them by right of war ; forget that 
" a Pompeian was made incapable of any dignity by 
" Hirtius's law ; have supplied Brutus with Appu- 
" leius's money; applauded the putting to deatfi 
" Poetus and Menedemus, Caesar's friends, whom 
" he made free of the city ; took no notice of Theo- 
pompus, when, stripped and banished by Trebo- 
nius, he fled to Alexandria ; you see Ser. Galba in 
your camp, armed with the same poignard with 
" which he stabbed Caesar ; have enlisted my sol- 
" diers, and other veterans, on pretence of destroy- 
" ing those who killed Caesar ; and then employ 
" them, before they know what they are doing, 
" against their quaestor, or their general, or their 
" comrades : what have you not done, which Pom- 
" pey himself, were he alive, or his son, if he could, 
" would not do ? In short, you deny that any peace 
" can be made, unless I set Brutus at liberty, or sup- 
" ply him with provisions : can this please those 
" veterans, who have not yet declared themselves ? 
" for as to your part, you have sold yourselves to 




A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cuss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

the flatteries and poisoned honours of the senate. 
But you come, you say, to preserve the troops 
which are besieged. I am not against their being- 
saved, or going wherever you please : if they will 
but leave him to perish, who has deserved it. 
You write me word, that the mention of concord 
has been revived in the senate, and five consular 
ambassadors appointed ; it is hard to believe, that 
those, who have driven me to this extremity when 
I offered the fairest conditions, and was willing to 
remit some part of them, should do any thing with 
moderation or humanity : nor is it probable, that 
the same men, who voted Dolabella an enemy for 
a most laudable act, can ever forgive me, who am 
in the same sentiments with him. Wherefore, it 
is your business to reflect, which of the two is the 
more eligible, or more useful to our common inter- 
est; to revenge the death of Trebonius, or of 
Caesar : and which the more equitable; for us to 
act against each other, that the Pompeian cause, 
so often defeated, may recover itself; or to join 
our forces lest we become, at last, the sport of our 
enemies ; who, which of us soever may happen to 
fall, are sure to be the gainers. But fortune has 
hitherto prevented that spectacle ; unwilling to see 
two armies, like members of the same body, fight- 
ing against each other; and Cicero, all the while, 
like a master of gladiators, matching us, and or- 
dering the combat ; who is so far happy, as to 
have caught you with the same bait, with which 
he brags to have caught Caesar. For my part, I 
am resolved to suffer no affront, either to myself 
or my friends ; nor to desert the party which Pom- 
pey hated ; nor to see the veterans driven out of 
their possessions, and dragged one by one to the 
rack ; nor to break my word with Dolabella ; 
nor to violate my league with Lepidus, a most re- 
ligious man ; nor to betray Plancus, the partner of 
all my counsels. If the immortal gods support 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" me, as I hope they will, in the pursuit of so good 
" a cause, I shall live with pleasure ; but if any other 
" fate expects me, I taste a joy however before- 
" hand, in the sure foresight of your punishment : 
" for if the Pompeians are so insolent, when con- 
" quered, how much more they will be so, when 
" conquerors, it will be your lot to feel. In a word, 
" this is the sum of my resolution : I can forgive 
" the injuries of my friends, if they themselves aredis- 
" posed, either to forget them, or prepared, in con- 
'* junction with me, to revenge the death of Caesar: 
" I cannot believe that any ambassadors will come; 
" when they do, I shall know what they have to de- 
" mand.' # Hirtius and Csesar, instead of answer- 
ing this letter, sent it directly to Cicero, at Rome, to 
make what use of it he thought fit with the senate, or 
the people. 

In this interval, Lepidus wrote a public letter to 
the senate, to exhort them to measures of peace, and 
to save the effusion of civil blood, by contriving some 
way of reconciling Antony and his friends to the ser- 
vice of their country ; without giving the least inti- 
mation of his thanks for the public honours, which 
they had lately decreed to him. This was not at all 
agreeable to the senate, and confirmed their former 
jealousy of his disaffection to the republic, and good 
understanding with Antony. They agreed, how- 
ever, to a vote proposed by Servilius, that Lepidus 
should be thanked for his love of peace, and care of 
the citizens, yet should be desired, not to trouble 
himself any farther about it, but to leave that affair 
to them; who thought there could be no peace, 
unless Antony should lay down his arms, and sue 
for it. This letter gave Antony's friends a fresh 
handle to renew their instances for a treaty, for the 
sake of obliging Lepidus, who had it in his power, 
they said, to force them to it : which put Cicero, 

* Vid. Philip. 13. 10, &c. 


A.Urb. 7i0. Cic.64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

once more, to the trouble of confuting and exposing 
all their arguments. He told them, that he was ever 
afraid, from the first, lest an insidious offer of peace 
should damp the common zeal, for the recovery of 
their liberty: that, whoever delighted in discord, 
and the blood of citizens, ought to be expelled from 
the society of human kind: yet it was to be consi- 
dered, whether there were not some wars, wholly 
inexpiable ; where no peace could be made, and 
where a treaty of peace was but a stipulation of sla- 
very :* that the war now on foot was of this sort; 
undertaken against a set of men who were natural 
enemies to society ; whose only pleasure it was to 
oppress, plunder, and murder their fellow-creatures; 
and to restore such to the city, was to destroy the 
city itself, f That they ought to remember what 
decrees they had already made against them, such 
as had never been made against a foreign enemy, or 
any with whom there could be peace : that since 
wisdom, as well as fortitude, was expected from 
men of their rank, though these indeed could hardly 
be separated, yet he was willing to consider them 
separately, and follow what wisdom, the more cau- 
tious and guarded of the two, prescribed. — " If 
" wisdom, then," says he, " should command me to 
" hold nothing so dear as life ; to decree nothing at 
" the hazard of my head; to avoid all danger, though 
" slavery was sure to be the consequence ; I would 
" reject that wisdom, be it ever so learned : but if it 
" teaches us to preserve our lives, our fortunes, our 
" families, yet so as to think them inferior to liberty ; 
" to wish to eujoy them no longer than we can do it 
" in a free republic; not to part with our liberty for 
" them, but to throw them all away for liberty, as 
" exposing us only to greater mischief without it; I 
" would then listen to her voice, and obey her as a 
od.";j; That no man had a greater respect for 

* Philip. 13. 1. t lb. '2. t lb. 3. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

Lepidus than himself; and though there had been 
an old friendship between them, yet he valued him, 
not so much for that, as his services to the public, 
in prevailing with young Pompey to lay down his 
arms, and free his country from the misery of a 
cruel war : that the republic had many pledges of 
fidelity from Lepidus ; his great nobility, great 
honours, high-priesthood, many parts of the city 
adorned by him and his ancestors, his wife, chil- 
dren, great fortunes, pure from any taint of civil 
blood, no citizen ever hurt, many preserved by 
him: that such a man might err in judgment, but 
could never wilfully be an enemy to his country. 
That his desire of peace was laudable, if he could 
make such a peace for them now, as when he re- 
stored Pompey to them. That for this they had 
decreed him greater honours than had been given 
before to any man, a statue with a splendid inscrip- 
tion, and a triumph even in absence.* — That, by 
good fortune, they had managed matters so, that 
Pompey 's return might consist with the validity of 
Caesar's acts, which, for the sake of peace, they had 
confirmed ; since they had decreed to Pompey the 
five millions and a half, which were raised by the 
sale of his estates, to enable him to buy them again : 
he desired, that the task of replacing him in the pos- 
sessions of his ancestors, might be committed to 
him for his old friendship with his father : that it 
should be his first care to nominate him an augur, 
and repay the same favour to the son, which he him- 
self received from the father if that those who had 
seen him lately at Marseilles, brought word that he 
was ready to come with his troops to the relief of 
Modena, but that he was afraid of giving offence to 
the veterans; which shewed him to be the true son 
of that father, who used to act with as much pru- 
dence as courage. That it was Lepidus's busi- 

* Philip. 4. t lb. 5. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

ness to take care, not to be thought to act with more 
arrogance than became him : that if he meant to 
frighten them with his army, he should remember 
that it was the army of the senate and people of 
Rome, not his own.* That if he interposed his au- 
thority without arms, that was indeed the more 
laudable, but would hardly be thought necessary: 
for, though his authority was as great with them 
as that of the noblest citizen ought to be, yet the 
senate was not unmindful of their own dignity ; and 
there never was a graver, firmer, stouter senate than 
the present. That they were all so incensed against 
the enemies of their liberty, that no man's authority 
could repress their ardour, or extort their arms from 
them. That they hoped the best, but would rather 
suffer the worst than live slaves. f That there was 
no danger to be apprehended from Lepidus, since 
he could not enjoy the splendour of his own for- 
tunes, but with the safety of all honest men. That 
nature first makes men honest, but fortune confirms 
them : for though it was the common interest of all 
to promote the safety of the public, yet it was more 
particularly of those who were happy in their for- 
tunes. That nobody was more so than Lepidus, 
and nobody, therefore, better disposed : of which 
the people saw a remarkable instance, in the con- 
cern which he expressed, when Antony offered a 
diadem to Caesar, and chose to be his slave rather 
than his colleague ; for which single act, if he had 
been guilty of nothing else, he had richly deserved 
the worst punishment.^ Then, after inveighing, 
as usual, against Antony, through several pages, he 
declared all thoughts of peace with him to be vain ; 
and, for a fresh proof of it, produced his last letter 
to Hirtius and Octavius, and read it publicly to the 
assembly : nor that bethought it worth reading, he 
says, but to let them see his traitorous views openly 

* Philip. 6. t lb. 7. t lb. 8. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

avowed and confessed by himself. He read it to 
them paragraph by paragraph, with his own com- 
ment and remarks upon it ; rallying all along, with 
great wit and spirit, the rage, the extravagance, the 
inconsistency, the folly, and the inaccuracy of each 
sentence. On the whole, he says, that if Lepidus 
had seen it, he would neither have advised, or 
thought any peace with him possible. That fire 
and water would sooner unite, than the Antonys 
be reconciled to the republic. That the first and 
best thing, therefore, was to conquer; the second, 
to decline no danger for the liberty of their country ; 
that there was no third thing, but the last and worst 
of all, to submit to the utmost baseness, through a 
desire of living. For which reasons, he declared 
his concurrence with Servilius, in the vote upon 
Lepidus's letters ; and proposed an additional de- 
cree, either to be joined to the other, or published 
separately. — That Pompey the Great, the son of 
Cna?us, in offering his service and his troops to the 
senate and people of Rome, had acted agreeably to 
the courage and zeal of his father and ancestors ; 
and to his own virtue, industry, and good disposi- 
tion to the republic: and that the thing was grate- 
ful and acceptable to the senate and people, and 
would hereafter be an honour to himself. 

After the debate, which ended as Cicero wished, 
he sent the following short letter to Lepidus, which, 
by the coldness and negligence with which it was 
drawn, seems to be designed to let Lepidus see, that 
they were perfectly easy and secure at Rome, what- 
ever measures he might think fit to take. 


" While out of the great respect which I bear to 
" you, I am making it my particular care to advance 
" your dignity as much as possible, it was a con- 
" cern to me, to see that you did not think it worth 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. HIrtius. 

" while to return your thanks to the senate, for the 
" extraordinary honours which they have lately con- 
" ferred upon you. I rejoice, however, that you 
" are so desirous of making peace among citizens : 
'* if you can separate that peace from slavery, you 
" will consult both the good of the republic, and 
" your own dignity : but if the effect of it be, to re- 
" store a desperate man to an arbitrary dominion, I 
" would have you to know, that all men of sense have 
" taken a resolution to prefer death to servitude. 
" You will act more wisely, therefore, in my judg- 
" ment, if you meddle no farther with that affair of 
" peace ; which is not agreeable either to the senate 
M or the people, or to any honest man : but you will 
" hear enough of this from others, or be informed 
u of it by letters, and will be directed by your own 
" prudence, what is the best for you to do." # 

Plancus, too, who commanded in Gaul, and now 
resided near Lyons, at the head of a brave army, 
enforced Lepidus's advice, by a letter likewise to 
the senate on the same subject of peace; to which 
Cicero wrote the following answer : 


" The account which our friend Furnius brought 
" of your affection to the republic, was highly agree- 
" able both to the senate and people of Rome : but 
" your letter, when read in the senate, did not seem to 
" agree with Furnins's report ; for you advised us 
'* to peace, when your colleague, a man of the 
" greatest eminence, was besieged by most infamous 
" plunderers; who ought either to sue for peace, by 
" laying down their arms, or, if they demand it, 
" with sword in hand, it must be procured by vic- 
■" tory, not treaty. But in what manner your let- 
" ters, as well as Lepidus's also, were received, you 

* Ep. Fam. x. '27. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" will understand from that excellent man your bro- 
" ther, and from Furnius,"* &c. 

C.Antony, whom we mentioned above tohave 
retreated with seven cohorts to Apollonia, not dar- 
ing to wait for Brutus's arrival, who was now ad- 
vancing towards him, marched out to Buthrotum, 
to seek his fortune elsewhere, in quarters more 
secure and remote : but being overtaken and at- 
tacked on his march by a part of Brutus's army, he 
lost three of his cohorts in the action ; and in a se- 
cond engagement, with another body of troops, 
which young Cicero commanded, was entirely 
routed and taken prisoner : which made Brutus ab- 
solute master of the country, without any farther 
opposition.! This fresh success gave occasion for 
a second letter from Brutus so the senate ; of which 
Cicero makes the following mention : " Your let- 
" ter," says he, " which was read in the senate, 
" shews the counsel of the general, the virtue of 
" your soldiers, the industry of your officers, and 
" in particular, of my Cicero. If your friends had 
" been willing to move the senate upon it, and if 
" it had not fallen into most turbulent times, since 
" the departure of Pansa, some just and proper 
" honour would have been decreed for it to the 
" gods."J 

The taking C. Antony prisoner put Brutus under 
some difficulty in what manner he should treat him : 
if he set him at liberty, to which he was inclined, 
he had reason to apprehend fresh trouble from him, 
both to himself and the republic : if he kept him 
prisoner in his camp, he was afraid, lest some sedi- 
tion might be raised on his account, and, by his 
intrigues, in his own army : or if he put him to 

* Ep. Fam. 6. t Plut. in Brut. 

$ Tuas litterae, quae in Senatu recitatae sunt, et Imperatoris consilium et militum 
\irtutem, et industriam tuorum, in quibus Ciceronis mei declarant. Quod si tuis 
placuisset de his litteris referri, et nisi in teropus turbulentissimum post discessuni 
Pansa? incidissent, honos quoquejustus ac debitus Diis immortalibus decretus esset. 
Ad Brut. 2. 7. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

death, that it would be thought an act of cruelty, 
which his nature abhorred. He consulted Cicero, 
therefore, upon it, by letter. " C. Antony," says 
he, "is still with me; but, in truth, I am moved 
" with the prayers of the man, and afraid lest 
" the madness of some should make him the occa- 
" sion of mischief to me. I am wholly at a loss 
" what to do with him. If I knew your mind, 1 
" should be at ease : for I should think that the 
" best which you advised." # Cicero's advice was, 
to keep him under a safe guard, till they knew the 
fate of D. Brutus, in Modena.f Brutus, however, 
treated him with great lenity, and seemed much dis- 
posed to give him his liberty : for which purpose he 
not only wrote to the senate about it himself, but 
permitted Antony to write too, and with the style of 
proconsul ; which surprised and shocked all his 
friends at Rome, and especially Cicero, who ex- 
postulates with him for it in the following terms : 

"On the thirteenth of April," says he, "your 
" messenger, Pilus, brought us two letters, the one 
" in your name, the other in Antony's, and gave 
them to Servilius, the tribune ; he to Cornutus, 
the praetor. They were read in the senate. An- 
tony, proconsul, raised as much wonder as if it 
"had been Dolabella, emperor; from whom also 
" there came an express ; but nobody, like your 
" Pilus, was so hardy as to produce the letters, or 
" deliver them to the magistrates. Your letter 
"was read; short indeed, but extremely mild to- 
" wards Antony : ,the senate was amazed at it. 
" For my part, I did not know how to act. Should 
I affirm it to be forged' — what if you should 
own it? Should I admit it to be genuine — that 





* Antonius adhuc est nobiscum : sed medius fidius et movcor horainis p'recibus, 
et timeo ne ilium aliquorum furor excipiat. Plane a>stuo. Quod si scirem quid tibi 
placerct, sine sollicitudine essem. Id enim optimum esse persuasum esset mihi. 
Ad Brut. 2. 5. 

t Quod me de Antonio consulis : quoad Bruti exitum cognorimus, custodiendum 
puto. lb. 4. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

*' was not for your honour. I chose, therefore, to 
" be silent that day. On the next, when the affair 
" had made some noise, and Pilus's carriage had 
" given offence, I began the debate ; said much of 
" proconsul Antony : Sextius performed his part, 
" and observed to me, afterwards, in private, what 
" danger his son and mine would be liable to, if 
" they had really taken up arms against a procon- 
" sul. — You know the man: he did justice to the 
" cause. Others also spoke, but our friend La- 
" beo took notice that your seal was not put to the 
" letter ; nor any date added ; nor had you written 
"about it, as usual, to your friends: from which 
" he maintained the letter to be forged, and, in 
" short, convinced the house of it. It is now your 
" part, Brutus, to consider the whole state and 
" nature of the war: you are delighted, I perceive, 
with lenity, and think it the best way of proceed- 
ing : this, indeed, is generally right ; but the 
proper place of clemency is in cases and seasons 
" very different from the present: for what are we 
" doing now, Brutus? — we see a needy and des- 
" perate crew threatening the very temples of the 
" gods ; and that the war must necessarily decide 
" whether we are to live or not. Who is it, then, 
" whom we are sparing? or what is it that we 
" mean? Are we consulting the safety of those, 
V who, if they get the better, are sure not to leave 
" the least remains of us? — for what difference is 
" there between Dolabella and any of the three 
u Antonys ? — if we spare any of these, we have been 
" too severe to Dolabella. It was owing chiefly to 
" my advice and authority, that the senate and people 
" are in this way of thinking, though the thing itself, 
" indeed, also obliged them to it; if you do not ap- 
" prove this policy, I shall defend your opinion, but 
" cannot depart from my own ; the world expects 
" from you nothing either remiss or cruel: it is easy 

VOL. II. 2 B 


A.Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

"- to moderate the matter, by severity to the leaders— 
" generosity to the soldiers."* 

Cicero had now done every thing that human prn* 
dence could do towards the recovery of the repub- 
lic : for all that vigour, with which it was making 
this last effort for itself, was entirely owing to his 
counsels and authority. As Antony was the most 
immediate and desperate enemy who threatened it, 
so he had armed against him the whole strength of 
Italy, and raised up a force sufficient to oppress 
him. Young Octavius, next to Antony, was the 
most formidable to the friends of liberty; but, from 
the contrast of their personal interests, and their 
jealousy of each other's views, Cicero managed the 
opportunity to employ the one to the ruin of the 
other ; yet so as to provide, at the same time, against 
any present danger from Octavius, by throwing a 
superiority of power into the hands of the consuls ; 
whom, from being the late ministers of Caesar's 
tyranny, he had gained over to the interests of liberty. 
But besides the difficulties, which he had to struggle 
with at home, in bringing matters to this point, he 
had greater discouragements abroad, from the com- 
manders of the several provinces : they were all 
promoted to those governments by Caesar, the pro- 
per creatures of his power, and the abettors of his 
tyranny ;f and were now full of hopes, either of 
advancing themselves to dominion, or to a share of 
it, at least, by espousing the cause of some more 
powerful pretender. Men of this turn, at the head 
of -great and veteran armies, would not easily be 
persuaded to submit to a senate which they had 
been taught to despise, or to reduce the military 
power, which had long governed all, to a dependence 
on the civil. Yet Cicero omitted no pains of ex- 
horting them, by letters, and inviting them, by ho- 

* Ad Brut. 2. 7. 
+ Vides Tyranni Satellites in Imperii* : vides cju-sclcin exercitus in latere vcteranos. 
Ad Att. 14. J. 


A.Urb. 710. Cic, G4. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

nours, to prefer the glory of saving their country, 
to all other views whatsoever. Those, whom he 
most distrusted, and for that reason most particu- 
larly pressed, were Lepidus, Pollio, and Plancus ; 
who, by the strength of their armies, and their pro- 
cession of Gaul and Spain, were the best qualified 
to serve or to distress the republican cause. He 
had little hopes of the two first ; yet managed them 
SO well? by representing the strength of the honest 
party, the unanimity of the senate, of the consuls, 
and all Italy, that he forced them, at least, to dis- 
semble their disaffection, and make great profes- 
sions of their duty ; and, above all, to stand neuter 
till the affairs of Italy were decided, on which the 
fate of the republic seemed chiefly to depend. 
Nay, he seems to have drawn Plancus entirely into 
his measures: as appears from his account of him 
to Brutus,* and from Plancuss own letters, in 
which he gives the strongest assurance of his fide- 
lity, and offers to lead his troops to the relief of 
Modena; and was actually upon his march towards 
it, when he heard upon the road of Antony's de- 
feat. — Not long before which, Cicero sent him the 
following letter : 



" Though I understand, from the account of 
" my friend Furnius, what your design and reso- 
" lution was, with regard to the republic ; yet, 
" after reading your letters, I was able to form a 
" clearer judgment of your whole purpose. Where- 
" fore, though the fate of the commonwealth de- 
" pends wholly on one battle, which will be de- 
" cided, I believe, when you are reading this let- 
" ter, yet you have acquired great applause, by 
" the very fame, which was every where spread, of 

* Planci animum in Rempub. egregium, legioncs, auxilia, copias ex litteris ejus, 
quarum exemplum tibi missum arbiter, perspicerc potuisti. Ad Brut. 2. 2. 

2 b 2 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64'. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiur. 

" your good intentions : and if there had been s 
"consul at Rome, the senate by decreeing some 
" considerable honour to you, would have declared 
" how acceptable your endeavours and prepara- 
" tions were. But that time is not only not yet 
" past, but was not in my judgment even ripe : for, 
" after all, that alone passes with me for honour, 
" which is conferred on great men, not for the hopes 
" of future, but the experience of past services. If, 
" then, there be any republic, in which honour can 
" have its proper lustre, take my word for it, you 
" shall have your share of the greatest: though 
" that, which can truly be called honour, is not an 
•** invitation to a temporary, but the reward of an ha- 
" bitual virtue. Wherefore, my dear Plancus, turn 
" your whole thoughts towards glory : help your 
" country ; fly to the relief of your colleague; sup- 
" port this wonderful consent and concurrence of 
" all nations: you will ever find me the promoter 
" of your counsels, the favourer of your dignity, and 
" on all occasions, most friendly and faithful to you : 
" for to all the other motives of our union, our mu- 
•" tual affection, good offices, old acquaintance, the 
" love of our country, which is now added, makes 
" me prefer your life to my own. May 29th."* 

Plancus, in the mean time, sent a second letter 
to the senate, to assure them of the zeal and reso- 
lution to adhere to them ; and to acquaint them with 
the steps which he had already taken for their ser- 
vice: upon which they decreed him some extraor- 
dinary honours, at the motion of Cicero, who sent 
him the following account of it. 


" Though, out of regard io the republic, my 
" greatest joy ought to be, for your bringing such 

* Ep. Fain, x. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

<( relief and help to it, in a time almost of extremity ; 
" yet, may I so embrace you after victory and the 
" recovery of our liberty, as it is your dignity, that 
" gives me the chief part of my pleasure; which 
*' already is, and ever will be, I perceive, as great 
" as possible. For I would not have you think, 
" that any letters were ever read in the senate of 
" greater weight than yonr's ; both for the eminent 
" merit of your services, and the gravity of your 
" words and sentiments : which was not at all new 
" to me, who was so well acquainted with you, and 
" remembered the promises of your letters to me, 
" and understood the whole purpose of your coun- 
" sels, from our Furnius : but they appeared greater 
" to the senate than was expected ; not that they 
" ever had any doubt of your inclinations, but did 
" not fully understand how much you were able to 
" do, or how far you would expose yourself in the 
" cause. When M. Varisidius, therefore, brought 
" me your letters, very early on the seventh of 
* l April, I was transported with joy upon reading 
■" them; and, as a great multitude of excellent citi- 
*' zens were then waiting to attend my going abroad, 
*' I instantly gave them all a part of my pleasure. 
" In the meanwhile, our friend Munatius, accord- 
** ing to custom, came to join me : I presently 
" shewed him your letter, of which he knew nothing 
" before ; for Varisidius came first to me, as you, he 
" said, had ordered him; soon after, the same Mu- 
natius returned to me with the other two letters ; 
that which you had sent to him, and that to the 
senate: we resolved to carry the last directly to 
"the praetor, Cornutus, who, by the custom of our 
*' ancestors, supplies the place of the consuls in 
"** their absence. The senate was immediately 
" called, and, upon the fame and expectation of 
" your letters, made up a full house. After they 
were read, a scruple of religion was objected to 





A. Urb. 710. Cic. 04. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. HIrtiui. 

Comutus, from the report of the guardians of the 
Chickens, that he had not dulv consulted the 
auspices; which was confirmed likewise by our 
college : so that the affair was adjourned to the 
next day. On that day I had a great contest 
about your dignity, with Servilius, who procured, 
by his interest, to have his opinion declared the 
first: but the senate left him, and all went the 
contrary way : but when they were coming into 
my opinion, which was delivered the second, the 
tribune, Titius, at his request, interposed his ne- 
gative; and so the debate was put off again to the 
day following. Servilius came prepared to sup- 
port his opposition, though against Jupiter him- 
self, in whose temple the thing passed : in what 
manner I handled him, and what a struggle I had 
to throw off Titius's negative, I would have you 
learn rather from other people's letters : take this, 
however, from mine, that the senate could not 
possibly act with more gravity, firmness, and re- 
gard to your honour, than it did on this occasion ; 
nor is the senate more friendly to you than the 
whole city ; for the body of the people, and all 
ranks and orders of men, are wonderfully united 
in the defence of the republic. Go on, there 
fore, as you have begun, and recommend your 
name to immortality : and for all these things, 
which from the vain badges of outward splendour, 
carry a shew of glory — despise them; look upon 
them as trifling, transitory, perishing. True ho- 
nour is placed singly in virtue ; which is illustrated 
with most advantage by great services to our 
country. You have the best opportunity for this 
in the world ; which, since you have embraced, 4 
persevere and go through with it, that the repub- 
lic may not owe less to you, than you to fthd 
republic : you will find me not only the favourer, 
but the advancer of your dignity: this I take 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 61. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hhtius. 

" myself to owe both to the republic, which is dearer 
" to me than my life, and to our friendship, &c. 
" April the eleventh."* 

Plancus answered him, not long after, to the fol- 
lowing effect. 







" It is a pleasure to me to reflect, that I have 
never promised any thing rashly of myself to you; 
" nor you, for me, to others. In this you have the 
clearer proof of my love ; that I desire to make 
you acquainted with my designs, before any man 
else. You already see, I hope, that my services 
to the public will grow greater every day : I pro- 
mise that you shall soon be convinced of it. As 
for me, my dear Cicero, may the republic be so 
" delivered, by my help, from its present dangers, 
" as I esteem your honours and rewards equal to 
" an immortality; yet, were I still without them, I 
" would remit nothing of my present zeal and per- 
" severance. If, in the multitude of excellent citi- 
" zens, I do not distinguish myself, by a singular 
" vigour and industry, I desire no accession to my 
" dignity from your favour : but, in truth, I desire 
'■' nothing at all for myself at present; nay, am even 
against it, and willingly make you the arbiter 
both of the time and the thing itself: a citizen 
can think nothing late or little, which is given by 
" his country. I passed the Rhone, with my army, 
« by great journies, on the twenty-sixth of April ; 
" sent a thousand horse before me, by a shorter 
" way, from Vienna. As for myself, if I am not 
V hindered by Lepidus, none shall complain of my 
" want of expedition : if he opposes me on my road. 
" I shall take my measures from the occasion : the 
41 troops which I bring, are, for number, kind, and 

* Ep. Fani. n. ll?. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" fidelity, extremely firm. I beg the continuance 
" of your affection, as long as you find yourself as- 
" sured of mine. Adieu."* 

Pollio, likewise, who now commanded the far- 
ther Spain, with three good legions, though he was 
Antony's particular friend, yet made the strongest 
professions to Cicero, of his resolution to defend the 
republic against all invaders. In one of his letters, 
after excusing himself, for not haviug written earlier 
and oftener, he says, " Both my nature and studies 
" draw me to the desire of peace and liberty ; for 
M which reason I always lamented the occasion of 
" the late war; but, as it was not possible for me 
to be of no party, because I had great enemies 
every where, I ran from that camp, where I could 
* l not be safe from the treachery of an enemy ; and, 
" being driven whither I least desired, freely ex- 
" posed myself to dangers, that I might not make a 
" contemptible figure among those of my rank. As 
" for Caesar himself, I loved him with the utmost. 
" piety and fidelity, because he treated me on the 
" foot of his oldest friends, though known to him 
" only in the height of his fortunes. When I was at 
" liberty to act after my own mind, I acted so, that 
" the best men should most applaud me : what I 
" was commanded to do, I did so as to shew that 
" it was done by command, and not by inclination. 
" The unjust odium, which I suffered on that ac- 
*' count, has sufficiently convinced me, how sweet 
" a thing liberty is, and how wretched is life under 
<l the dominion of another. If the contest then be, 
" to bring us all again under the power of one, who- 
'* ever that one be, I profess myself his enemy : nor 
" is there any danger which I would decline, or 
" wish to avoid, for the sake of liberty. But the 
" consuls have not, either by decree or letters, given 
* f me any orders what to do ; I have had but one 

* Ep. Fam. x. 9. 


A. Urb. MO. Cic. 64. Coss.— p. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiiis. 



** letter from Pansa, since the Ides of March; in 
" which he exhorts me to signify to the senate, that 
" I and my army would be in their power ; but when 
" Lepidus was declaring openly to his army, and 
" writing to every body, that he was in the same 
" sentiments with Antony, that step would have 
been wholly absurd and improper for me: for 
how could I get forage for my troops against his 
will, in marching through his province? or, if I 
had surmounted all other difficulties, could I fly 
over the Alps, which were possessed by his gar- 
risons ? INobody will deny, that I declared pub- 
licly to my soldiers, at Corduba, that I would not 
deliver the province to any man, unless he were 
commissioned by the senate : wherefore you are 
to look upon me as one, who, in the first place, 
am extremely desirous of peace, and the safety of 
all the citizens ; in the second, prepared to assert 
my own and my country's liberty. I am more 
pleased than you can imagine, that my friend Gal- 
" lus is so dear to you : I envy him for walking and 
" joking with you: you will ask, perhaps, at what 
" rate I value that privilege; you shall know by 
" experience, if ever it be in our power to live in 
" quiet; for I will never stir one step from you. I 
" am surprised that you never signified, in your 
" letters, how I should be able to do the most ser- 
v "vice, by staying in the province, or bringing my 
" army into Italy. For my part, though to stay be 
" more safe, and less troublesome; yet, since I see 
" that, in such a time as this, there is more want of 
" legions than of provinces, which may easily be re- 
" covered ; I am resolved, as things now stand, to 
" come away with my army — from Corduba, the 
" fifteenth of March."* 

There are several letters also still extant, written 
at this time, from Cicero to Cornificius, who go- 

* Ep. Fain. x. 31. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

verned Afric ; exhorting him, in the same manner, 
to firmness in the defence of the republic, and to 
guard his province from all invaders, who should 
attempt to extort it from him: and this man, after 
all, was the only commander, who kept his word 
with him, and performed his part to his country ; 
and lost his life, at last, in maintaining that pro- 
vince in its allegiance to the republic* 

P Servilius, who has often been mentioned in the 
debtes of the senate, was a person of great rank 
and nobility ; had been consul with J. Caesar, in the 
"beginning of the civil war ; the son of that Servilius, 
who, by his conquests near mount Taurus, obtained 
the surname of Isauricus. He affected the cha- 
racter of a patriot, but having had a particular 
friendship with Antony, was much courted by that 
party ; who took the advantage of his vanity, to 
set him up as a rival to Cicero in the management 
of public affairs; in which he frequently obstructed 
Cicero's measures, and took a pride to thwart and 
disappoint whatever he proposed ; Cicero had long 
suffered this with patience, out of a regard to the 
public service; till, provoked by his late oppo- 
sition in the affair of Plancus, he could not for- 
bear treating him with an unusual severity and re- 
sentment ; of which he gives an account in a letter 
to Brutus. 



" From Plancus's letters, of which a copy, I 
" imagine, has been sent to you, you will perceive 
" his excellent disposition towards the republic, 
" with the condition of his legions, auxiliaries, and 
" whole forces. Your own people have informed 
" yon, 1 guess, by this time, of the levity, incon- 
" stancy, and perpetual disaffection of your friend 

* Vid. Ep. Fam. 12. 24, &c. App. 1. 621, Dio, i. 48. 307. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" Lepidus ; who, next to his own brother, hates 
" you, his near relations, the most. Who are anxi- 
" ous with an expectation, which is now reduced 
" to the last crisis: all our hopes are fixed on the 
" delivery of D. Brutus, for whom we have been 
" in great apprehension. For my part, I have bu- 
" siness enough ou my hands at home, with the 
" madman Servilius; whom I have endured longer 
" than became my dignity : but I did it for the 
" sake of the republic, lest I should give the dis- 
" affected a leader, not well affected, indeed, hiui- 
" self, yet noble, to resort to ; which, nevertheless, 
" they still do. But I was not for alienating him 
" wholly from the republic ; I have now put an end 
" to my forbearance of him ; for he began to be so 
" insolent, that he looked upon no man as free. 
" But, in Plancus's debate, he was strangely mor- 
" tified ; and, after two days contest, was so roughly 
" handled by me, that he will be the modester, I 
*■' dare say, for the future. In the midst of our con- 
" tention, on the nineteenth of April, I had letters 
" delivered to me, in the senate, from our friend 
" Lentulus, in Asia, with an account of Cassius, 
" the legions, and Syria ; which, when I read pre- 
" sently in public, Servilius sunk, and many more 
" besides ; for there are some of eminent rank, who 
"think most wickedly; but Servilius was most 
" sensibly chagrined, for the senate's agreeing to my 
" motion about Plancus. The part which he acts 
" is monstrous."* 

The news, which is mentioned in this letter to 
have been sent by Lentulus of Cassius's success, 
was soon after confirmed by particular letters to 
Cicero from Brutus and Cassius themselves, signi- 
fying that Cassius had possessed himself of Syria 
before Dolabella arrived there ; that the generals, 
L. Murcus, and Q. Crispus, had given up their ar- 

* Ad Brut. 2. 2. 


A. U-.b. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

mies to him ; that a separate legion, under Csecilius 
Bassus, had submitted to him against the will of 
their leader : that four other legions, sent by Cleo- 
patra from Egypt, to the assistance of Dolabella, 
under his lieutenant Allienus, had all declared for 
him : and, lest the first letter should miscarry, as 
they often did from such a distance, by passing 
through the enemy's quarters, Cassius sent him a 
second, with a more full and distinct account of all 



" If you are in health, it is a pleasure to me ; I 
*' am also very well. I have read your letter, in 
" which I perceived your wonderful affection for 
"me; for you not only wish me well, which iii- 
" deed you have always done, both for my own 
" sake and the republic's ; but entertain an uncoin- 
*' mon concern and solicitude for me. Wherefore, 
" as I imagined, in the first place, that you would 
" think it impossible for me to sit still, and see the 
*' republic oppressed ; and, in the second, that, 
*' whenever you supposed me to be in action, you 
" would be solicitous about my safety and success; 
" so, as soon as I was master of the legions which 
" Allienus brought from Egypt, I immediately wrote 
" to you, and sent several expresses to Rome : I 
" wrote letters also to the senate, but forbade the 
" delivery of them till they had been first shewn to 
" you. If these letters have not reached you, I 
" make no doubt but that Dolabella, who by the 
*-' wicked murder of Trebonius, is master of Asia, has 
" seized my messengers, and intercepted them. I 
" have all the armies which were in Syria under 
" my command; and having been forced to sit still 
" a while, till I had discharged my promises to 
" them, am now ready to take the field. I beg of 
" you to lake my honour and interests under your 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtiu*. 

" special care : for you know that I have never re- 
" fused any danger or labour for the service of my 
"country: that by your advice and authority, I 
" took arms against these infamous robbers: that 
" I have not only raised armies for the defence of the 
" republic and our liberty, but have snatched them 
" from the hands of the most cruel tyrants ; which 
" if Dolabella had seized before me, he would have 
" given fresh spirit to Antony's cause; not only by 
" the approach, but by the fame and expectation 
" of his troops ; for which reasons, take my sol- 
" diers, I beseech you, under your protection, if 
" you think them to have deserved well of the state; 
" and let none of them have reason to repent that 
" they have preferred the cause of the republic to 
" the hopes of plunder and rapine. Take care, also„ 
" as far as it is in your power, that due honour 
" be paid to the emperors, Murcus and Crispns ; 
" for Bassus was miserably unwilling to deliver up 
"his legion; and, if his soldiers had not sent a 
deputation to me in spite of him, would have held 
out Apamea against me, till it could be taken by 
" force. I beg this of you, not only for the sake 
" of the republic, which, of all things, was ever the 
" dearest to you, but of our friendship also, which 
" I am confident has a great weight with you. 
" Take my word for it, the army which I have is 
" the senate's, and every honest man's, and, above 
all, yours : for, by hearing perpetually of your 
good disposition, they have conceived a wonder- 
ful affection for you ; and, when they come to 
" understand that you make their interests your 
" special care, they think themselves indebted to 
" you for every thing. Since I wrote this, I have 
" heard that Dolabella is come into Cilicia with all 
"his forces: I will follow him thither, and take 
" care that you shall soon be informed of what I 
" have done. I wish only that my success may 
" be answerable to my good intentions. Coll- 





A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" tinue the care of your health, and your love to 

" me ' : 

Brutus, who had sent this good news before to 
Cicero, as well as to his mother, and sister Tertia, 
charged the latter not to make it public till they 
had first consulted Cicero, whether it was proper 
to do so or not.f He was afraid lest the great pros- 
perity of Cassius might give umbrage to the Caesa- 
rian party, and raise a jealousy in the leaders, who 
were acting against Antony, that the republican in- 
terest would grow too strong for them. But Cicero 
sent him word that the news was already known 
at Rome, before his letters arrived ; and though 
there was some ground for his apprehensions, yet 
on the whole, they thought it more adviseable to 
publish than to suppress it.£ 

Thus Cicero as he declared to the senate, by 
his letters, expresses and exhortations, was perpe- 
tually exciting all, who had power or command in 
any part of the empire, to the common defence of 
their liberty ;§ and, for his pains, had all the rage 
and malice of the factious to struggle with at home. 
These were particularly troublesome to him at this 
time, by spreading false reports every day from 
Modena, of Antony's success, or, what was more 
to be apprehended, of his union with the consuls 
against D. Brutus : which raised such a terror 
through the city, that all honest men were pre- 
paring to run away to Brutus or Cassius. || Cicero, 
however, was not disheartened at it, but in the ge- 
neral consternation, appeared cheerful and easy ; 

* Ep. Fam. 12. 12. vid. ib. 11. 

t Ego scripsi ad Tcrtiam sororem ct matrem, ne prius cderent hoc, quod optime 
ac felicissime gessit Cassius, quam tuum consilium cognovissent. Ad Brut. 2. 5. 

% Video te veritum esse, id quod verendum fuit, ne aniini partium Caesaris — 
vehementer commoverentur. Sed antequam tuas litteras accepinius, audita res erat 
et pervulgata. Ib. 6. 

§ Meis litteris, meis nunciis, meis, cohortationibus, omnes, qui ubique essent, ad 
patriae presidium excitatos. Philip. 14. 7. 

|| Triduo vero aut quatriduo — timore quodam perculsa civitas tota ad te se cum 
conjugibus et liberis effundebat. Ad Brut. 3. vid. it. Ep. Fam. 12. 2. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

and, as lie sends word to Brutus, had a perfect con- 
fidence in the consuls, while the majority of his 
friends distrusted them ; and, from the number and 
firmness of their troops, had but little doubt of 
their victory, if ever they came to a battle with An- 
tony.* But what touched him more sensibly, was 
a story, kept up for some days with great industry, 
that he had formed a design to make himself mas- 
ter of the city, and declare himself dictator, and 
would appear publicly with the fasces within a day 
or two. The report, as groundless as it was, seems 
to have disturbed him ; but when Appuleius, the 
tribune, one of his warm friends, was taking pains 
to confute it, and justify him in a speech to the 
people, they all cried out, with one voice, that 
Cicero had never done, nor designed to do, any 
thing, but what was the best and most beneficial to 
the republic :f this gave him some comfort ; but 
what brought him much greater was, the certain 
news of a victory gained over Antony, at Modena, 
which arrived within a few hours after Appuleius's 

The siege of Modena, which lasted near four 
months, was one of the most memorable in all anti- 
quity, for the vigour both of the attack and the de- 
fence. Antony had invested it so closely, and 
posted himself so advantageously, that no succours 
could be thrown into it; and Brutus, though re- 
duced to the utmost straits, defended it still with 
the greatest resolution. The old writers have re- 
corded some stratagems, which are said to have 

* Tristes enim de Brato nostro litterse, nunciique afferebantur, me quidcra non 
maxime conturbabant. His enim exercitibus, dueibusque quos habemus nullo modo 
poteram diffidere. Neque assentiebar majori parti hominiim. Fidem enim consil- 
ium non condemnabam, quae suspecta vehementer erat. Desiderabam nonnullis ia 
rebus prudentiam et celeritatem. Ad Brut. '2. 1. 

t Itaque. P. Appuleius — doloris mei concionem habuit maximam — in qua, cum 
me — liberare suspicione fascium vellet; una voce cuncta concio declaravit, nihil esse 
a me unquam de Repub. nisi optime cogitatum. Philip. 14. 6. 

J Post hanc concionem duabus tribusve horis optatissimi nuntii et Utters vene- 
runt. lb. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 6-1. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius, 

been put in practice on this occasion, how Hirtius 
provided men skilled in diving, with letters writ- 
ten on lead, to pass into the town under the river 
which runs through it ; till Antony obstructed that 
passage, by nets and traps placed under water; 
which gave occasion to another contrivance, of 
sending their intelligence backwards and forwards 
by pigeons.* 

Pansa was now upon the point of joining Hirtius, 
with four legions of new levies, which he brought 
from Rome ; but when he was advanced within a 
few miles of Hirtius's camp, Antony privately drew 
out some of his best troops, with design to surprise 
him on the road, before that union, and to draw 
him, if possible, to an engagement against his will. 
We have a particular account of the action, in a 
letter to Cicero from Ser. Galba, one of the con- 
spirators against Caesar, who bore a principal part 
and command in it. 



" On the fifteenth of April, the day on which 
" Pansa was to arrive in Hirtius's camp (in whose 
" company I was, for I went a hundred miles to 
" meet him, on purpose to hasten his march) An- 
" tony drew out two of his legions, the second, 
" and thirty-fifth, and two praetorian cohorts ; the 
" one his own, the other Silanus's with part of the 
" Evocati,* and came forward to us, imagining that 
" we had nothing but four legions of new levies. 
" But, in the night, to secure our march to the 
" camp, Hirtius had sent us the Martial legion, 
" which I used to command, and two praetorian 

* Frontin. de Stratagem. 1. 3. 13. Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. x. 37. Dio, p. 315. 

t The Evocati were a choice body of veteran soldiers, who after their dismission 
from service, being yet vigorous and lit for war, were invited to it again, as a sort 
of volunteers, \<y the consul or general, and distinguished from the rest by pecu- 
liar privileges. 


A. Urb. 710. Crc. 64. Coss.— d. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius, 

cohorts. As soon as Antony's horse appeared in 
sight, neither the martial legion nor the praeto- 
rian cohorts could be restrained from attacking 
them ; so that when we could not hold them in, 
we were obliged to follow them against our wills. 
Antony kept his forces within Castel Franco :* 
and, being unwilling to have it known that 
he had his legions with him, shewed only his 
horse and light-armed foot. When Pansa saw 
the martial legion running forward against his 
orders, he commanded two of the new raised 
legions to follow him. As soon as we got through 
the straits of the morass and the woods, we drew 
up the twelve cohorts in order of battle. The 
other two legions were not yet come up. Antony 
immediately brought all his troops out of the 
village, ranged likewise in order of battle, and, 
without delay, engaged us. At first they fought 
so briskly on both sides, that nothing could pos- 
sibly be fiercer; though the right wing, in which 
I was, with eight cohorts of the martial legion, 
put Antony's thirty-fifth legion to flight at the 
first onset, and pursued it above five hundred 
paces from the place where the action began : 
wherefore, observing the enemy's horse attempt- 
ing to surround our wing, I began to retreat, and 
ordered the light-armed troops to make head 
against the Moorish horse, and prevent their 
coming upon us behind. In the meanwhile, I 
perceived myself in the midst of Antony's men, 
and Antony himself but a little way behind me; 
upon which, with my shield thrown over my 
shoulder, I pushed on my horse with all speed 
towards the new legion that was coming towards 
us from the camp: and, whilst Antony's men 
were pursuing me, and our's, by mistake, throw- 

* Ad Forum Gallorum : now called Castel Franco, a small village on the ^!nii- 
lian way, between Modena and Bologna. Cluver. Ital. Ant. 1. I.e. 28. 

VOL. TI. 2 C 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" ing javelins at me, I was preserved, I know not 
" how, by being presently known to our soldiers. 
" Caesar's praetorian cohort sustained the fight a 
" long time on the JEmilian road : but our left 
" wing, which was the weaker, consisting of two 
" cohorts of the martial legion, and the praetorian 
" of Hirtius, began to giveground, being surrounded 
" by Antony's horse, in which he is very strong. 
" When all our ranks had made good their retreat, 
" I retreated myself the last to our camp. Antony, 
" as the conqueror, fancied that he could take it ; 
*' but upon trial, lost many of his men in the at- 
" tempt, without being able to do us any hurt. 
" Hirtius, in the meantime, hearing of the engage- 
" ment, marched out with twenty veteran cohorts, 
* and meeting Antony on his return, entirely routed 
" and put to flight his whole army, in the very 
" same place where they had fought before at Cas- 
" tel Franco. About ten at night, Antony regained 
" his camp at Modena, with all his horse. Hirtius 
" retired to that camp which Pansa had quitted in 
" the morning, and where he left the two legions, 
" which Antony attacked. Thus Antony has lost 
" the greater part of his veteran troops, yet, not 
" without some loss of our praetorian cohorts, and 
" the martial legion : we took two of Antony's ea- 
" gles, and sixty standards ; and have gained a con- 
" siderable advantage."* 

Besides this letter from Galba, there came letters 
also severally from the two consuls and Octavius ; 
confirming the other account, with the addition of 
some farther particulars : that Pansa fighting bravely 
at the head of his troops, had received two danger- 
ous wounds, and was carried off the field to Bo- 
logna : that Hirtius had scarce lost a single man : 
and that to animate his soldiers the better, he took 
up the eagle of the fourth legion, and carried it for- 

* F.p. Fam. x. 30. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Yibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

ward himself: that Caesar was left to the guard of 
their camp ; where he was attacked likewise by 
another body of the enemy, whom he repulsed with 
great loss.* Antony reproached him, afterwards, 
with running* away from this engagement in such a 
fright, that he did not appear again till two days 
after, and without his horse or general's habit : but 
the account just mentioned was given by Cicero, 
from letters, that were read to the senate, in which 
Hirtius declared him to have acted with the Greatest 

The news reached Rome on the twentieth of 
April, where it raised an incredible joy, and the 
greater we may imagine, for the late terrors, which 
they had suffered from contrary reports. The 
whole body of the people assembled presently about 
Cicero's house, and carried him in a kind of tri- 
umph to the capitol, whence, on their return, they 
placed him in the rostra, to give them an account 
of the victory; and then conducted him home with 
infinite acclamations: so that, in a letter upon it to 
Brutus, he says, that he reaped, on that day, the 
full fruit of all his toils, if there be any fruit in true 
and solid glory .J 

The day following the senate was summoned by 
Cornutus, the praetor, to deliberate on the letters 
of the consuls and Octavius : Servilius's opinion 
was, that the city should now quit the sagum, and 
take the common gown again ; and that a public 

* Cum — ipse in primis Pansa pugnaret, duobus periculosis vulneribus acceptis» 
sublatus e praelio. Philip. 14. 9. 

Hirtius ipse, aquilam quartan Legionis cum inferret, qua nullius pulchriore.m spe- 
ciem Imperatoris accepimus, cum tribus Antonii Legionibus, equitatuque conflixit, 
lb. 10. 

Caesar — adolescens maximi animi, ut verissime scribit Hirtius, castra multarum 
Legionum paucis cohortibus tutaus est, secundumque prselium fecit. lb. vid. 
App. 1. 3. 571. 

t Priore prrelio Antonius eum fugisse scribit, ac sine paludamento equoque past 
biduum demum apparuisse. Sueton. Aug. x. 

$ Cum hesterno die me ovantem ac prope triumphantem populus Romanus in 
Capitoliilm dorao tulerit ? domum inde reduxerit. Philip. 14.5. 

Quo quidem die magnormn meorum laborum, — fructum cepi maximum ; si raodo 
est aliquis fructus ex solida veraque gloria, &c. Ad Brut. 3. 

2 c 2 

388 the Life of cicero. 

A. Urb. 710. Cic, 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

tlianksgiving should he decreed jointly to the ho- 
nour of the consuls and Octavius. Cicero spoke 
next, and declared strongly against quitting the sa- 
gum, till D. Brutus was first delivered from the 
siege: that it would be ridiculous to put it off, till 
they should see him in safety, for whose sake they 
had put it on : that the motion for quitting it, 
flowed from envy to D. Brutus; to deprive him of 
the glory that it would be to his name, to have it 
delivered to posterity, that the people of Rome had 
put on the sagum for the danger, and resumed the 
gown for the preservation of one citizen : he advised 
them, therefore, to continue in their former mind, 
of thinking the whole danger and stress of the war 
to depend on D. Brutus ; and though there was rea- 
son to hope, that he was already safe, or would 
shortly be so, yet they should reserve the fruit of 
that hope to fact and the event, lest they should be 
found too hasty in snatching the favour of the gods, 
or foolish in contemning the power of fortune.* 
Then, as to the decree of the thanksgiving, he 
urges Servilius with omitting two things in his vote, 
which ought necessarily to have accompanied it ; 
the giving Antony the title of enemy, and their own 
generals of emperors. " The swords of our soldiers 
" are dyed," says he, " or rather moistened only, 
" as yet, with blood : if it was the blood of enemies, 
" it was an act of the utmost piety ; if of citizens, 
" the most detestable wickedness : how long then 
*' shall he, who has outdone all enemies in villany, 
" go without the name of enemy ? he is now wag- 
" ing an inexpiable war with four consuls, with the 
" senate and people of Rome; denounces plagues, 
" devastation, the rack and tortures to us all : con- 
" fesses that Dolabeila's horrid act, which no bar- 
" barians would own, Was done by his advice: de- 
*' clares what he would have done to this city, by 

* Philip. 11. 1, 2. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

V the calamity of the people of Parma ; honest and 
** excellent men, firm to the interests of the senate 
" and people : whom L. Antony, the portent and 
" disgrace of his species, put to death by all the 
" methods of cruelty."* That Hannibal was never 
so barbarous to any city, as Antony to Parma. 
He conjures them to remember how much they 
had all been terrified, for two days past, by vil- 
lanoiis reports spread about the city ; and were 
expecting, either a wretched death, or lament- 
able flight; and could they scruple to call those 
men enemies, from whom they feared such dread- 
ful things? He then proposed to enlarge the 
number of days of the thanksgiving, since it was 
not to be decreed to one, but to three generals 
jointly: to whom, in the first place, he would 
give the title of emperors, since there had not 
been a supplication decreed without it for twenty 
years past: so that Servilius should not either 
have decreed it at all, or allowed the usual ho- 
nour to those, to whom even new and unusual 
honours were due.f That if, according to the 
present custom, the title of emperor was com- 
monly given, for killing a thousand or two of 
Spaniards, Gauls, or Thracians ; how could they 
refuse it now, when so many legions were routed, 
and such a multitude slain ? " For with what ho- 
" nours," says he, " and congratulations should our 
deliverers themselves be received into this tem- 
ple, when yesterday, on the account of what they 
have done, the people of Rome carried me into 
the capitol in a kind of triumph ? for that, after 
all, is a just and real triumph, when, by the gene- 
ral voice of the city, a public testimony is given 
to those who have deserved well of the common- 
wealth. For if, in the common joy of the whole 
city, they congratulated me singly, it is a great 

* Philip, 3. t lb. 4. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

" declaration of their judgment: if they thanked me, 
" still greater : if both, nothing can be imagined 
" more glorious." That he was forced to say so 
much of himself against fete-will, by the strange envy 
and injuries which he had lately suffered : that the 
insolence of the factious, as they all knew, had 
raised a report and suspicion upon him, of his aim- 
ing at a tyranny ; though his whole life had been 
spent in defending the republic from it : as if he, 
who had destroyed Catiline, for that very crime, 
was of a sudden become a Catiline himself.* That 
if the report had found credit in the city, their de- 
sign was, by a sudden assault upon his person, as 
upon a tyrant, to have taken away his life : that the 
thing itself was manifest, and the whole affair should 
be laid open in proper time. That he had said all 
this, not to purge himself to them, to whom he should 
be sorry to want an apology, but to admonish cer- 
tain persons, of jejune and narrow minds, to look 
upon the virtue of excellent citizens, as the object 
of their imitation, not of their envy : since the repub- 
lic was a wide field, where the course of glory was 
open to many :f that if any man contested with him 
the first place in the government, he acted fool- 
ishly, if he meant to do it by opposing vice to vir- 
tue: that as the race was gained by running the 
fastest, so virtue was only to be conquered by a su- 
perior virtue : that they could never get the better 
of him by bad votes ; by good ones, perhaps, they 
might, and he himself should be glad of it: that the 
people of Home were perpetually inquiring, how 
men of their rank voted and acted, and formed their 
judgment of them accordingly : that they all remem- 
bered how in December last, he was the author of 
the first step towards recovering their liberty : how, 
from the first of January, he had been continually 
watching over the safety of the commonwealth : 

* Philip. 5. t lb. 6. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 

how his house and his ears were open day and night 
to the advices and informations of all who came to 
him : how his opinion always was against an em- 
bassy to Antony : how he had always voted him an 
enemy, and their present state a war : but as oft as 
he mentioned an enemy or a war, the consuls had al- 
ways dropped his motion, from the number of those 
that were proposed ;* which could not, however, 
be done in the present case, because he, who had 
already voted a thanksgiving, had unwarily voted 
Antony an enemy; since a thanksgiving had never 
been decreed but against enemies, and never asked 
or granted in what was properly a civil war : that 
they should either have denied it, or must of course 
decree those to be enemies, for whose defeat it was 
granted. Then, after flourishing on the particular 
merit of the three generals, Pansa, Hirtius, Octa- 
vius, and shewing how well they had each deserved 
the name of emperor, he decrees a thanksgiving of 
fifty days in the name of the three jointly/]* In the 
last place, he proceeds to speak of the rewards due 
to the soldiers, and especially of the honours to be 
paid to those who had lost their lives in the defence 
of their country. For these he proposes a splendid 
monument to be erected in common to them all, at 
the public charge, with their names and services in- 
scribed ; and, in recommending it, breaks out 
into a kind of funeral eulogium upon them : — " Oh 
" happy death," says he, " which, when due to na- 
" ture, was paid to your country ! for I cannot but 
" look upon you as born for your country ! whose 
" name is even derived from Mars ; as if the same 
" God, who gave birth to this city, for the good of 
" nations, had given birth also to you, for the good 
" of this city. Death in flight is scandalous ; in 
•' victory glorious ; wherefore, whilst those impious 
" wretches, whom you slew, will suffer the punish- 

Philip. 7. tlb. 8, 9, 10,11. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Pansa. A. Hirtius. 





" ment of their parricide in the infernal regions, 
" you who breathed your last in victory, have ob- 
" tained the place and seat of the pious. The life 
" given to us by nature is short, but the memory of 
" a life well spent everlasting; if it were not longer 
than this life, who would be so mad, at the ex- 
pense of the greatest pains and dangers, to contend 
for the prize of glory ? your lot, therefore, is happy, 
O you, while you lived, the bravest, now the holi- 
est of soldiers ; for the fame of your virtue can 
never be lost, either by the forgetfulness of those 
who are now alive, or the silence of those who 
" shall come hereafter ; siuce the senate and people 
of Rome have raised to you, as it were, with their 
own hands, an immortal monument. There have 
been many great and famous armies in the Punic, 
Gallic, Italic wars ; yet no such honour was ever 
done to any of them. I wish that we could still 
" do greater, siuce you have done the greatest ser- 
" vices to us ; you drove Antony, mad with rage, 
"from the city; you repulsed him when he at- 
" tempted to return : a fabric, therefore, shall be 
" erected, or magnificent work, and letters engraved 
*' upon it, the eternal witnesses of your Divine vir- 
" tue ; nor will those who see or hear of your monu- 
" ment ever cease talking of you : so that, instead 
" of this frail and mortal condition of life, you have 
" now acquired an immortality."* He then re- 
news their former assurances to the old legions, of 
the full and punctual payment of all which had 
been promised to them, as soon as the war should 
be over : and for those, in the meantime, who had 
lost their lives for their country, he proposes that 
the same rewards which would have been given to 
them, if they had lived, should be given immediately 
to their parents, children, wives, or brothers. All 
which he includes, as usual, in the form of a decree, 
which was ratified by the senate. 

♦ Philip. 12. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Vibius Fansa. A. Hirtius. 

Antony being" cruelly mortified by this defeat, 
kept himself close within his camp, and resolved to 
hazard nothing farther, but to act only on the defen- 
sive, except by harassing the enemy with his horse, 
in which he was far superior. He still hoped to 
make himself master of Modena, which was reduced 
to extremity, and, by the strength of his works, to 
prevent their throwing any relief into it. Hirtius 
and Octavius, on the other hand, elate with victory, 
were determined, at all hazards, to relieve it: and, 
after two or three days spent in finding the most 
likely place of breaking through the intrenchments, 
they made their attack with such vigour, that An- 
tony, rather than suffer the town to be snatched at 
last out of his hands, chose to draw out his legions, 
and come to a general battle. The fight was bloody 
and obstinate; and Antony's men, though obliged 
to give ground, bravely disputed every inch of it, 
till D. Brutus, taking tiie opportunity, at the same 
time, to sally out of the town, at the head of his 
garrison, helped greatly to determine and complete 
the victory. Hirtius pushed his advantage with 
great spirit, and forced his way into Antony's camp ; 
but, when he had gained the middle of it, was 
unfortunately killed near the general's tent : Pontius 
Aquila, one of the conspirators, was killed likewise 
in the same place: but Octavius, who followed to 
support them, made good their attempt, and kept 
possession of the camp, with the entire defeat and 
destruction of Antony's best troops: while Antony 
himself, with all his horse, fled with great precipita- 
tion towards the Alps. Some writers give a dif- 
ferent relation of this action, but, from the facts and 
circumstances of it, delivered by Cicero, this ap- 
pears to be the genuine account. The consul Fansa 
died the day following, of his wounds, at Bologna.* 

* Cum alia laudo, et gaudeo aceidissc, turn quod Bruti eruptio non solum ipsi 
salutaris fuit, sed etiam ma jjno ad victoriam adjumenfo. Ad Brut. 4. 

Ibi Hirtjum quoque periisse et Pontium Aquilani, &x. Ep. Fain. x. 33. vid. it. 
Ep. Fara. xl 13. et App. 1. 3. p. 372. 



A- Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

The entire defeat of Antony's army made all 
people presently imagine that the war was at an 
end, and the liberty of Rome established : which 
would, probably, have been the case, if Antony had 
either perished in the action, or the consuls survived 
it : but the death of the consuls, though not felt so 
sensibly at first, in the midst of their joy for the 
victory, gave the fatal blow to all Cicero's schemes ; 
and was the immediate cause of the ruin of the re- 
public* Hirtius was a man of letters and polite- 
ness ; intimately entrusted with Csesar's counsels, 
and employed to write his acts : but as he was the 
proper creature of Caesar, and strongly infected with 
party, so his views were all bent on supporting the 
power that had raised him, and serving his patron, 
not the public. In the beginning, therefore, of the 
civil war, when he was tribune of the people, he 
published a law, to exclude all, who were in arms 
with Pompey, from any employment or office in the 
state :f which made him particularly obnoxious to 
the Pompeians, who considered him as their most 
inveterate enemy. Pansa, whose father had been 
proscribed by Sylla,J was attached with equal zeal 
to Caesar, as to the head and reviver of the Marian 
cause, and served him in all his wars, with singular 
affection and fidelity : he was a grave, sincere, and 
worthy man ; and being naturally more moderate 
and benevolent than Hirtius, was touched with the 
ruin of his country, and the miseries of the op- 
pressed Pompeians : many of whom he relieved by 

* Hirtiuni quidcm et Pansam — In Consulatu Reip. salutares, alieno sane tempore 
aiuisimus. Ep. Fain. 12. 25. 

Pansa amisso, quantum detrimenti Respub. acceperit ; non te pnetcrit. Ep. Fain, 
xi. 9. Quanto sit in periculo Respub. quam potero brevissime exponani. Primum 
omnium, quantam perturbaticnem rerum urbanarum afterat obitus Consilium, &c. 
Hi. x. 

t Neminem Pompeianum qui vivat tenere lege Hirtia dignitate*. Philip. 13. 16. 

t Dio, 1. 45. 278. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

his humanity, and restored, by his interest, to the 
city and their estates.* This made him very popu- 
lar, and gained him the esteem of all the honest ; 
so that Cassius, in defending his Epicureanism to 
Cicero, alleges Pansa as an example of those genu- 
ine Epicureans, who placed their pleasure or chief 
good in virtuous acts.f Before their entrance into 
the consulship, Quintus Cicero gave a most wretched 
account of them both, as of a lewd, luxurious pair; 
not tit to be trusted with the command of a paltry 
town, much less of the empire ; and says, that if 
they were not removed from the helm, the republic 
would certainly be lost ; since Antony would easily 
draw them into a partnership of his crimes : for, 
when he served with them in Gaul, he " had seen 
" incredible instances of their effeminacy and de- 
" bauchery, in the face even of the enemy. "J But 
we must charge a great part of this character to the 
peevishness and envy of Quintus ; for, whatever 
they had been before, they were certainly good con- 
suls ; and, out of their affection to Cicero, and re- 
gard to his authority, governed themselves, gene- 
rally, in all great affairs by his maxims. They were 
persuaded, that the design of revenging Caesar's 
death would throw the republic again into convul- 
sions, and flowed from no other motive than the am- 
bition of possessing Caesar's place; and resolved, 
therefore, to quell, by open force, all attempts against 
the public peace. ' From their long adherence to 
Caesar, they retained, indeed, some prejudices in 
favour of that party, and were loth to proceed to ex- 
tremities, till pacific measures were found ineffec- 
tual. This gave Cicero some reason to blame, but 

* Pansa, gravis homo et certus. Ep. Fam. 6. 12. 

Quod nuiltos miseriis levavit, et quod se in his inalis lioniinem prsebuit, mirabilis 
euin virorum bononun benevolentia prosecute est. Ep. Fain. 1.5. 17. 

t Itaque et Pansa, qui iSovw sequitur, virtutein retinet, &c. lb. 19. 

$ Quos ego penitiis novi libidinum et languoris effeminati«simi aninii pleuos : qui 
nisi a gubernaculis recesserint, maximum ab uni verso nauirayio pericuiuui est, fitc. 
Ep. Fam. 16. 27. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

never to distrust them ; to complain of their phlegm 
and want of vigour, as detrimental to the common 
cause : yet, while they were generally suspected by 
others, he always thought them sincere, though they 
did not, in all cases, act up to his wishes. The event 
confirmed his judgment of them ; for they both not 
only exposed, but lost their lives, with the greatest 
courage, in the defence of the republic, and shewed 
themselves to be the very men which Cicero had con- 
stantly affirmed them to be ; and though he imputes 
some little blame to Birtius, yet of Pansa he de- 
clares, that he wanted neither courage from the first, 
nor fidelity to the last,^ 

If they had lived to reap the fruits of their vic- 
tory, their power and authority would have been 
sufficient to restrain Octavius within the bounds of 
his duty, and sustain the tottering republic, till 
Brutus and Cassius could arrive to their assistance, 
and Plancus and D. Brutus unite themselves in the 
same cause, and give it a firm establishment in their 
consulship in the next year ; all whose armies, to- 
gether with the African legions, were far superior to 
any force that could have been brought against them, 
Put the death of the two consuls placed Octavius 
at once above control, by leaving him master of both 
their armies, especially of all the veterans, who were 
disaffected to D. Brutus, and could not be induced 
to follow him ; and it fell out so lucky and apposite 
to all Octavius s views, as to give birth to a general 
persuasion, that they had received foul play, and 

* Quales tibi saepe scripsi Consules, tales extiterunt. [Ad Brut. 3.] era,t iri 
Senatu satis ychcmens et acer Pansa ; cum in caeteros hums generis, turn maxime in 
socerum : cui Consuli non animus ab initio, non fides ad extremum defuit. Bellum 
fid Mutuiam gerebatur ; nihil ut in Caesare rcprehenderes, nonnulla in Hirtio. lb. 10, 

N. B. — Several medals were struck by the senate, on the occasion of this victory, 
particularly one in honour of Pansa, exhibiting the bead of the Goddess Liberty 
crowned with laurel, and the inscription, LIBE11TATIS , and on the reverse, 
Borne sitting upon the spoils of enemies, holding a spear in her right hand, and a 
dagger in her left, with her foot upon the globe, and Victory Hying towards her, 
in crown her with laurel ; and the inscription, C. PANSA. C F. C. N. See Morel 
Fain. Rom. 


A. Urb. 710, Cic. 61. 

were both of them killed by his contrivance : for he" 
was observed to be the first man who took up Hir- 
tius's body in the camp, where some imagined hint 
to have been killed by his own soldiers ; and Pansa's 
physician, Glyco, was actually thrown into prison, 
by Torquatus, Pansa's queestor, upon a suspicion 
of having poisoned his wounds.* But the chief 
ground of that notion seems to have lain in the for- 
tunate coincidence of the fact with the interests of 
Octavins: for M. Brutus thought it incredible, and* 
in the most pressing manner, begged of Cicero to 
procure Glyco's enlargement, and protect him from 
any harm, as being a worthy, modest man, incapa^ 
ble of such a villany, and who, of all others, suf- 
fered the greatest loss by Pansa's death. f 

Cicero was soon aware of the dangerous turn 
Which this event was likely to give to their affairs ; 
and, within a day or two after the news, intimates 
his apprehension of it to Brutus : " Young- Caesar,'' 
says he, " has a wonderful disposition to virtue ; -I 
*' wish that I may govern him as easily, in all this 
height of honour and power, as I have hitherto 
done : the thing is now much harder ; yet I do not 
despair of it ; for the youth is persuaded, and 
chiefly by me, that we owe our present safety to 
*' him : and, in truth, if he had not at firstdriven An- 
" tony from the city, all had been lost. "J But as he 
found Octavius grow daily more and more untracea- 
ble, so he began to exhort and implore Brutus, in 
every letter, to bring his army into Italy, as the only 

* Humor increbuit, ambos opera ejus occisos : ut Antonio fugato, Repub. Con- 
sulibus orbata, solus victores exercitus occuparet. Pansae quidem adeo suspects 
mors fuit, ut Glyco medicus custoditussit, quasi venerium vulneriindidisset. Sueton. 
Aug. xi. Dio, 1. 46. 317. App. p. 572. 

t Tibi Glyconaniedicuin Pansae — diligentissimc comniendo; audimuseum venisse 
in suspicionem Torquato de morte P«nsas, custodirique ut parricidam. Nihil mirfus 
credendum, &cc. Ilogo te, et quidem valde rogo, eripias eum ex custodia. Ad 
Brut. 6. 

■f Ca;saris vero pueri mirifica indoles virtutis. Utinam tam facile cum -florentem 
et honoribus et gratia regere ac tenere possimus, ut adhuc tenuimus ! est omnino 
illud difficilius : sed non ditiidimus. Pejrsuasum estenim adolescenti, et maximeper 
tie, ejus opera nos esse salvos : et certe, nisi is Antoniuni ab uibe avertisset, periis- 
irnt omnia. Ad Brut, x. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

thing which could save them in their present circum- 
stances : and, to enforce his own authority, he pro- 
cured a vote also of the senate, to call him home, 
with his legions, to the defence of the republic* 

At Rome, however, the general rejoicings stifled 
all present attention to the loss of their consuls ; and 
Antony's friends were so dejected, for some time, 
that they gave Cicero no more opposition in the se- 
uate : where he poured out all imaginable honours on 
the deceased, Hirtius, Pansa, and Aquila ; decreed 
an ovation to Caesar, and added a number of days to 
their thanksgiving, in honour of D. Brutus ; whose 
deliverance happening to fall upon his birth-day, he 
decreed, likewise, that his name should be ascribed 
ever after to that day, in the fasti, or public kalen- 
dars, for a perpetual memorial of the victory. An- 
tony's adherents were also declared enemies : in 
which number Servilius himself included Venti- 
dius ; and moved to give Cassius the command of 
the war against Dolabella ; to whom Cicero joined 
Brutus, in case that he should find it useful to the 
republic, f 

The decree of an ovation to Octavius was blamed 
by Brutus and his friends ;J yet seems to have been 
wisely and artfully designed : for, while it carried 
an appearance of honour, it would regularly have 
stripped him of his power, if he had made use of it : 
since his commission was to expire of course, and 
his army to be dissolved, upon his first entrance into 
the city : but the confusion of the times made laws 
and customs of little effect with those who had the 
power to dispense with them. 

The commanders abroad were so struck with 

* Te, cognita Senatus auctoritate, in Italian] adducere exercitum : quod ut fa- 
ceres, idque maturares, magnopere desiderabat Respublica. Ad Brut. x. 

t A. d. v. Kalend. Maias cum de iis, qui hostes judicati sunt, bello persequendis, 
scntcntiir: dicerentur, dixit Servilius etiam deVentidio, et ut Cassius persequeretur 
Dolabellani. Cui cum cssem assensus, decrevi boc amplius, ut tu, si arbitrarere 
utile — perqucrcre bello Dolabellani, &c. Ad Brut. 5. it. 15. 

J Suspicor illud minus tibi prolwi, quod ab tuisfamiliaribus — non probatur, quod 
ut ovauti introire Csesari liceret, decreverim. Ad Brut. 15. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

Antony's defeat, that they redoubled their assu- 
rances to Cicero of their firmness and zeal for the 
common cause. Lepidus especially, who had sufc 
fererl two of his lieutenants, Silanus and Culleo, to 
carry succours to Antony, at Modena, labours to ex- 
cuse it in a civil and humble strain, and to persuade 
Cicero, that they had done it against his orders ; 
and though, for their former relation to him, he 
was unwilling to punish them with the last seve* 
rity, yet he had not since employed them, or received 
ihem even into his camp. He acquaints him that 
Antony was arrived in his province with one legion, 
and a great multitude of men unarmed, but with all 
his horse, which was very strong ; and that VentU 
dius had joined him with three legions : that he was 
marching out against him with all his forces, and 
that many of Antony's horse and foot daily deserted 
him. That, for himself, he would never be want- 
ing in his duty to the senate and the republic J 
thanks him for not giving credit to the false reports 
which were spread of him, and above all for the late 
honours that he had decreed to him : begs him to 
expect every thing from him which could be ex- 
pected from an honest man, and to take him under 
his special protection.* 

Pollio, still more explicitly : that there was no 
time now for loitering, or expecting the orders of 
the senate : that all who wished to preserve the 
empire, and the very name of the Roman people, 
ought to lend their present help : that nothing was 
more dangerous, than to give Antony leisure to re* 
collect himself : that, for his part, he would neither 
desert nor survive the republic ; was grieved only 
for his being at such a distance, that he could not 
come so soon as he wished to its relief, &cf 

Plancus sent word, that he was taking all possible 
care to oppress Antony, if he came into that coun- 

* Ep. Faro, x. 54. t lb. 33. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic 6-i 

try. That if he came without any considerable 
body of troops, he should be able to give a good 
account of him, though he should be received by 
Lepidus ; or, if he brought any force with him, 
would undertake that he should do no harm in those 
parts, till they could send him succours sufficient 
to destroy him : that he was then in a treaty with 
Lepidus, about uniting their forces in the same 
cause, by the mediation of Laterensis and Furnius ; 
nor would be hindered, by his private quarrel to the 
man, from concurring with his greatest enemy in the 
service of the commonwealth.* In another letter, 
lie speaks with great contempt of Antony's shattered 
forces, though joined with those of Ventidius, the 
mule-driver as he calls him ; and is confident, that, 
if he could have met with them, they would not 
have stood an hour before him.f 

The conquerors, at Modena, were much censured 
in the meantime for giving Antony leisure to escape ; 
butOctavius, from the beginning, had no thoughts 
of pursuing him: he had already gained what he 
aimed at; had reduced Antony's power so low, 
and raised his own so high, as to be in condition to 
make his own terms with him in the partition of the 
empire, of which he seems to have formed the plan 
from this moment ; whereas, if Antony had been 
wholly destroyed, together with the consuls, the 
republican party would have probably been too 
strong for him and Lepidus ; who, though master 
of a good army, was certainly a weak general :J 
when he was pressed, therefore, to pursue Antony, 
he contrived still to delay it till it was too late ; 
taking himself to be more usefully employed in 
securing to his interests the troops of the consuls. 

* Ep.Fam.ll. 

t Milii t'liiin si contigissct, ut prior occurreirin Antonio, non mehercnlei horain 
conslitisset : tantuni ego et milii confido, et sic pcrculsas illius copias, A'ea tidiique 
hinlionis castra despicioi lb. 18. 

t Cum ot Lepido omnes imperatores forent meliores, et ninltis Antonius, dum 
crat sobrius. Veil. Vat. 2. 63. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 




Cicero was particularly disgusted at Antony's 
escape, and often expostulates upon it with D. Bru- 
tus ; he tells him, that if Antony should ever recover 
strength again, all his great services to the republic 
would come to nothing. " It was reported," says he, 
" at Rome, and all people believed it, that he was 
" fled with a few unarmed, dispirited men, and him- 
" self almost broken-hearted ; but if it be so with 
" him, as I hear it is, that you cannot fight him again 
" without danger, he does not seem to have fled from 
" Modena, but to have changed only the seat of the 
" war. Wherefore, men are now quite different 
" from what they were ; some even complain that 
" you did not pursue him ; and think that he might 
have been destroyed if diligence had been used: 
such is the temper of people, and above all of 
our's, to abuse their liberty against those by whom 
they obtained it : it is your part, however, to take 
" care that there be no real ground of complaint. 
" The truth of the case is, he who oppresses Antony 
" puts an end to the war. What the force of that 
" is, it is better for you to consider, than for me to 
write more explicitly."* 1 

D. Brutus, in his answer, gives him the reasons, 
why he could not follow Antony so soon as he 
wished : " I had no horse," says he, " no carriages ; 
" did not know that Hirtius was killed ; had no 
" confidence in Caesar before I met and talked with 
him : thus the first day passed. The next morn- 
ing early I was sent for by Pansa to Bologna ; 
but, on the road, met with an account of his death : 
1 ran back to my little army, for so I may truly 
" call it: it is extremely reduced, and in sad con- 
" dition for want of all things : so that Antony 
" gained two days of me, and made much greater 
"journeys in flying, than I could in pursuing; for 
" his troops went straggling, mine in order. Wher- 

* Ep. Fam. xi. 12. 
VOL. II. 2 D 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

" ever he passed he opened all the prisons, carried 
" away the men, and stopped no where, till he came 
*f to the Fords. This place lies between the Appen- 
" nine and the Alps ; a most difficult country to 
" march through : when I was thirty miles from 
" him, and Ventidius had already joined him, a 
lt copy of his speech was brought to me, in which 
" he begs of his soldiers to follow him across the 
" Alps ; and declares, that he acted in concert with 
" Lepidus : but the soldiers cried out, especially 
" those of Ventidius, for he has very few of his own, 
"■that they would either conquer or perish in Italy ; 
" and began to beg, that he would go to Pollentia : 
" when he could not over-rule them, he put off his 
" march to the next day. Upon this intelligence, 
" I presently sent five cohorts before me to Pollentia, 
"and followed them myself with the army: my 
" detachment came to the place an hour before 
" Trebellius, with Antony's horse ; this gave me an 
" exceeding jov ; for I esteem it equal to a vic- 
" tory,"* &c. 

In another letter he says, that if Caesar would 
have been persuaded by him to cross the Appennine, 
he could have reduced Antony to such straits, that 
he must have been destroyed by want, rather than 
the sword; but that they could neither command 
Caesar, nor Caesar his own troops ; both which cir- 
cumstances were very bad,f &c. This authentic 
account from D. Brutus confutes two facts, which 
are delivered by an old historian, and generally 
received by all the moderns: first, that Octavius, 
after the victory, refused to have any conference 
with D. Brutus; and that Brutus, for that reason, 
forbade him to enter his province, or to pursue 

* Ep. Fara. 13. 

t Quod si me Cfflsar audisset, atque Apenninum transisset, in tantas angustias 
Antonium compulissem, ut inopia potius quam ferro conficeretur. Sed neque Cresari 
imperari potest, nee Caesar exercitui *uo: quod utruiuque pessimura est. lb. x. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

Antony : secondly, that Pansa, in his last moments, 
sent for Octavius, and advised him to an union 
with Antony, against the senate.* For it is evident, 
that, on the very day of the victory, there was 
actually a conference between the two first; which 
passed in so amicable a manner, as to ease Brutus of 
the jealousy which he had before conceived of Oc- 
tavius : and Pansa's death happened so early the 
next morning-, that it left no room for the pretended 
advice and speech, which is made for him to Octa- 
vius: especially since it appears, on the contrary, 
that, instead of Octavius, Pansa really sent for D. 
Brutus, when he found himself dying, as if disposed 
rather to communicate something for the service of 
that cause, in which he had lost his life. But both 
the stories were, undoubtedly, forged afterwards, 
to save Octavius's honour, and give a better colour 
to that sudden change of measures, which, from this 
hour, he was determined to pursue. f 

C. Antony was still a prisoner with M. Brutus, 
whose indulgence gave him an opportunity of prac- 
tising upon the soldiers, and raising a sedition in 
the camp, which created no small trouble to Brutus. 
The soldiers, however, soon repented of their rash- 
ness, and killed the authors of it; and would have 
killed Antony too, if Brutus would have delivered 
him into their hands : but he could not be induced 
to take his life, though this was the second offence 
of the same kind: but, pretending that he would 
order him to be thrown into the sea, sent him to be 

* Vid. Appian. 1. 3. p. 573. it. Hist. Rom. par Catrou et Rouille. T. 17. 1. 4. 
p. 433, &c. 

t There is an original medal still remaining, that give's no small confirmation to 
this notion ; and was struck, probably, at Rome, either by Pansa himself, upon hi* 
marching out towards Modena, or by the senate soon after Pansa's death, in testi- 
mony of the strict union that subsisted between him and D. Brutus Albinns. For on 
the one side there is the head of a Silenus, as it is called, or rather of Pan, which is 
frequent on Pansa's coins, with the inscription also of his name, C PANSA : and 
on the other, ALBINVS. BRVTI. F. with two right hands joined, holding a 
Caduceus, as an emblem of the strictest amity and concord. See Famil. Vibia. 
in VailJant or Morel. 

2 d 2 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

secured on ship board, either from doing or suffer- 
ing- any farther mischief:* of which he wrote an 
account to Cicero, who returned the following an- 
swer : 

" As to the sedition in the fourth legion, about 
V C. Antony, you will take what I say in good 
" part ; I am better pleased with the severity of the 
" soldiers, than with your's. 1 am extremely glad 
" that you have had a trial of the affection of your 
" legions, and the horse : as to what you write, 
" that I am pursuing the Antonys much at my ease, 
" and praise me for it, I suppose you really think 
" so : but I do not, by any means, approve your 
" distinction, when you say, that our animosity 
"ought to be exerted rather in preventing civil 
" wars, than in revenging ourselves on the van- 
" quished. I differ widely from you, Brutus ; not 
" that I yield to you in clemency ; but a salutary 
" severity is always preferable to a specious shew of 
" mercy. If we are so fond of pardoning, there will 
" be no end of civil wars : but you are to look to 
" that; for I can say of myself, what Plautus's old 
" man says in the Trinum'mus — life is almost over 
" with me ; it is you who are the most interested in 
" it. You will be undone, Brutus, believe me, if 
" you do not take care : for you will not always 
" have the people, nor the senate, nor a leader of 
41 the senate, the same as now. Take this, as from 
" the Pythian oracle; nothing can be more true."* 

Brutus's wife, Porcia, notwithstanding the tragical 
story, which the old writers have dressed up, of the 
manner of her killing herself upon the news of her 
husband's unhappy fate,J died, most probably, 
about this time at Rome, of a lingering illness. She 
seems to have been in a bad state of health when 
Brutus left Italy ; where she is said to have parted 

* Dio, 1. 47. p. 340. t Ad Brut. 2. 

t App. I. iv. 669. Dio, 1. 47. 356. Val. Max. 4. 6. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

from him with the utmost grief and floods of tears, 
as if conscious that she was taking her last leave of 
him : and Plutarch says, that there was a letter of 
Brutus, extant in his days, if it was genuine, in 
which he lamented her death, and complained of 
his friends for neglecting her in her last sickness : 
this, however, is certain, that in a letter to Atticus, 
he gives a hint of Porcia's indisposition, with a slight 
compliment to Atticus for his care of her :* and the 
following letter of condolence to him from Cicero, 
can hardly be applied to any other occasion, but 
that of her death. 



" I should perform the same office which you 
" formerly did in my loss, of comforting you by let- 
" ter, did I not know, that you cannot want those 
" remedies in your grief, with which you relieved 
" mine. I wish only, that you may now cure yourself 
" more easily, than at that time you cured me : for 
" it would be strange, in so great a man as you, not 
" to be able to practise, what he had prescribed to 
" another. As for me, not only the reasons, which 
" you then collected, but your very authority de- 
" terred me from indulging my sorrow to excess. 
" For when you thought me to behave myself with 
" greater softness than became a man ; especially 
" one, who used to comfort others, you chid me with 
" more severity than it was usual for you to express ; 
" so that, out of a reverence to your judgment, I 

roused myself; and, by the accession of your au- 
" thority, took every thing that I had learnt or read, 
" or heard on that subject, to have the greater 
" weight. Yet, my part, Brutus, at that time, was 
" only to act agreeably to duty and to nature; but 
" your's, as we say, is to be acted on the stage, and 

* Valctudinem Porciaemcae tibi curse esse, non miror. Ad Brut 17. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

" before the people. For when the eyes, not only of 
" your army, but of all the city, nay, of all the world, 
" are upon you, it is wholly indecent for one, by 
" whom we other mortals are made the stouter, to 
" betray any dejection or want of courage. You 
" have suffered, indeed, a great loss (for you have 
" lost that, which has not left its fellow on earth); 
" and must be allowed to grieve under so cruel a 
"blow; lest to want all sense of grief should be 
" thought more wretched than grief itself ; but to do 
" it with moderation, is both useful to others, and 
•' necessary to yourself. I would write more, if 
" this was not already too much : we expect you 
" and your army : without which, though all other 
" things succeed to our wishes, we shall hardly 
" ever be free."* 

As the time of choosing magistrates now drew on, 
and particularly of filling up the colleges of priests, 
in which there were many vacancies, so Brutus was 
sending home many of his young nobles to appear 
as candidates at the election ; the two Bibuluses, 
Domitius, Cato, Lentulus ; whom he severally 
recommends to Cicero's protection. Cicero was 
desirous, that his son also should come with them 
to be elected a priest; and wrote to Brutus, to 
know his mind aboutit; and, if he thought proper, 
to send him away immediately ; for though he might 
be chosen in absence, yet his success would be much 
easier, if he was present/)" He touches this little 
affair in several of his letters ; but, finding the 
public disorders increase still every day, he procured 
the election of priests to be thrown off to the next 
year: and Brutus having sent him word, in the 
meanwhile, that his son had actuallv left him, and 
was coming towards Rome, he instantly dispatched 
a messenger, to meet him on the road, with orders 

* Ad Brut. 9. 

t Sed quamvis liceat absentis rationem habcri, tamen omnia sunt prretentibu* 
faciliora. lb. 5. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

to send him back again, though he found him landed 
in Italy : since nothing, he says, could be more 
agreeable either to himself, or more honourable to 
his son, than his continuance with Brutus.* 

Not long after the battle of Modena, the news of 
Dolabella's defeat and death, from Asia, brought a 
fresh occasion of joy to Cicero, and his friends at 
Rome. Dolabella, after his success against. Tre- 
bonius, having pillaged that province of its money, 
and of all things useful for war, marched forward 
to execute his grand design upon Syria, for which 
he had been making all this preparation: but Cas- 
sius was beforehand with him, and having got pos- 
session of that country, and of all the armies in it, 
was much superior to him in force. Dolabella, 
however, made his way with some success through 
Cilicia, and came before Antioch in Syria, but was 
denied admittance into it; and, after some vain 
attempts to take it, being repulsed with loss, march- 
ed to Laodicea ; which had before invited, and now 
opened its gates to him. Here Cassius came up 
with him, and presently invested the place; where, 
after he had destroyed Dolabella's fleet, in two or 
three naval engagements, he shut him up closely by 
sea as well as land ; till Dolabella, seeing no way 
to escape, and the town unable to hold out any 
longer, killed himself, to prevent his falling alive 
into Cassius's hands, and suffering the same treat- 
ment which he had shewn to Trebonius: but Cas- 
sius generously ordered his body to be buried, with 
that of his lieutenant Octavius, who killed himself 
also with him.')* 

D. Brutus was now at last pursuing Antony, or 
rather observing the motions of his flight : he had 

* Ego autem, cum ad roe de Ciceronis abs te discessu scripsisses, statim extrusi 
tabellarios, litterasque ad Ciceronem ; ut etiara si in Italiam venisset, ad te rediret. 
Nihil enim mihi jucundius, ill i honestius. Quamquaru aliquoties ei scripseram, 
Sacerdotura cpmitia, mea summa contentione in alteram annum esse rejecta, &c. 
Ad Brut. 14. vid. it. 5, 6, 7. 

t Ep. Fam. 12, 13. 15. App. 1. 4. 625. Dio, I. 47. 344. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

with him, besides his own forces, the new legions of 
the late consuls, while all the veterans pat themselves 
under the command of Octavius : so that, after An- 
tony was joined by Ventidius, with three legions, 
Brutus was hardly strong enough either to fight with 
him, or, what he rather aimed at, to hinder his cross- 
ing the Alps to Lepidus. He desired Cicero, there- 
fore, to write to Lepidus, not to receive him, though 
he was sure, he says, that Lepidus would never do 
any thing that was right; and wishes, likewise, that 
Cicero would confirm Plancus ; since, by some of 
Antony's papers, which fell into his hands, he per- 
ceived that Antony had not lost all hopes of him, 
and thought himself sure of Lepidus andPollio: of 
which he gave Plancus immediate notice, and sig- 
nified that he was coming forward with all expedi- 
tion to join with him.* But he complains much, in 
all his letters, of his want of money and the sad con- 
dition of his army, which was not contemptible for 
the number, but the kind of his troops ; being, for 
the most part, new-raised men, bare, and needy of 
all things.f " I cannot," says he, " maintain my 
" soldiers any longer. When I first undertook to 
" free the republic, I had above three hundred thou- 
" sand pounds of my own, in money ; but am now 
"■ so far from having any thing, that I have involved 
" all my friends in debt for me. I have seven legions 
"to provide for: — consider with what difficulty. 
" Had I the treasures of Varro, I could not support 
"the expense/'J He desired, therefore, a present 

* In primis rogo te, ad hominem ventosissimum Lepidum mittas, ne bellum nobis 
Tedintegrare possit, Antonio sibi conjuncto. — Mihi persuasissimum est, Lepidum 
recte facturuin nunquam — Plancum quoque confirruetis, oro ; qnein spero, pulso An- 
tonio, Reipub. non defuturum. Ep. Fam. xi. 9. 

Antonius ad Lepidum proficiscitur, ne de Planco quideni spem adhuc abjccit, ut 
ex libellis suis animadverti, qui in me inciderunt. lb. 11. 

t Cum sini cum tironibus egentissimis. lb. 19. 

} Alere jam milites non possum. Cum ad Rempub. liberandam accessi. II. S. 
mihi fuit pecuniae c c c c amplius. Tantum abcst ut niece rei familiaris liberum sit 
quidquam, ut omnes jam meos amicos acre alieno obstrinxerim. Septetium numerum 
mine legionum alo, qua diflicultate, tu arbitrare. Non, si Varronis Uiesauroa habc- 
rem, subsisterc sumptui possem. lb. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 61. 

supply of money, and some veteran legions, espe- 
cially the fourth and martial, which continued still 
with Octavius. This was decreed to him readily 
by the senate, at the motion of Drusus and Paullus, 
Lepidus's brother:* but Cicero wrote him word, 
that all who knew those legions the best, affirmed, 
that they would not be induced, by any terms, to 
serve under him : that money, however, should cer- 
tainly be provided for him : and concludes by observ- 
ing, that if Lepidus should receive Antony, it would 
throw them again into great difficulties ; but that it 
was Brutus's part to take care that they should have 
no cause to fear the event : for, as to himself, that 
he could not possibly do more than he had already 
done, but wished to see D. Brutus the greatest and 
most illustrious of men. f 

Plancus, as it is hinted above, was carrying on a 
negotiation with Lepidus, to unite their forces 
against Antony : it was managed, on Plancus's side, 
by Furnius ; on Lepidus's by Laterensis, one of his 
lieutenants, a true friend to the republic, and zea- 
lous to engage his general to its interests ; and Le- 
pidus himself dissembled so well, as to persuade 
them of his sincerity : so that Plancus was marching 
forward, in great haste, to join with him, of which 
he gave Cicero a particular account. 



" After I had written my letters, I thought it of 
service to the public, that you should be informed 
of what has since happened. My diligence, I 
hope, has been of use both to myself and to the 
commonwealth : for I have been treating with Le- 
pidus, by perpetual messages ; that, laying aside 

* Ep. Fam. xi. 19. 

t Legionem Martiam et quartam negant, qui Mas norunt ulla conditione ad te 
posse perduci. Pecuniie, quani desideras, ratio potest baberi, eaque babebitur — ego 
plus quam feci, facere non possum. Te taraen, id quod spero, omnium maximum ct 
elarissimum yidere cupio. lb. 14. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

" all former quarrels, he would be reconciled, and 
" succour the republic in common with me, and 
" shew more regard to himself, his children, and 
" the city, than to a desperate abandoned robber; 
" in which case, he might depend on my service 
" and assistance for all occasions : I transacted 
" the affair by Laterensis. He pawned his faith, 
" that, if he could not keep Antony out of his pro- 
" vince, he would pursue him by open war : begged 
" that 1 would come and join forces with him ; and, 
" so much the more, because Antony was said 
" to be strong in horse, whereas Lepidus's could 
" hardly be called indifferent : for, not many days 
" before, even out of his small number, ten, who were 
" reckoned his best, came over to me. As soon as 
" I was informed of this, I resolved, without delay, 
to support Lepidus in the execution of his good 
intentions. I saw of what benefit my joining him 
would be, either for pursuing and destroying Ari- 
1 tony's horse with mine, or for correcting and re- 
" straining, by the presence of my army, the corrupt 
" and disaffected part of Lepidus's. Having made 
" a bridge, therefore, in one day, over the Isere, a 
" very great river, in the territory of the Allo- 
" brsges, I passed, with my army, on the twelfth of 
iMay : but, having been informed that L. Antony 
was sent before, with some horse and cohorts, to 
Forum Julii, 1 had sent my brother, the day be- 
fore, with four thousand horse, to meet with him, 
intending to follow myself, by great journies, with 
four legions, and the rest of my horse, without 
the heavy baggage. If we have any tolerable for- 
" tune for the republic, we shall here put an end to 
'* the audaciousness of the desperate, and to all our 
" own trouble : but if the robber, upon hearing of 
" my arrival, should run back again into Italy, it 
" will be Brutus's part to meet with him there : who 
will not be wanting, I know, either in counsel or 
courage : but if that should happen, I will send 






A. Urb. 710. Cic. 61. 

" my brother also with the horse, to follow and pre- 
" serve Italy from being ravaged by him. Take 
" care of your health, and love me as I love you.'** 

But Lepidus was acting, all the while, a treache- 
rous part, being determined, at all hazards, to sup- 
port Antony; and though he kept him at a dis- 
tance for some time, and seemed to be constrained, 
at last, by his own soldiers, to receive him ; yet, 
that was only to save appearances, till he could do 
it with advantage and security to them both : his 
view in treating with Plancus was, probably, to 
amuse and draw him so near to them, that when he 
and Antony were actually joined, they might force 
him into the same measures, without his being able 
to help it, or to retreat from them. When he was 
upon the point, therefore, of joining camps with 
Antony, he sent word to Plancus, who was within 
forty miles of him, to stay where he then was, till he 
should come up to him : but Plancus, suspecting 
nothing, thought it better still to march on ; till La- 
terensis, perceiving how things were turning, wrote 
him word in all haste, that neither Lepidus nor his 
army were to be trusted ; and that he himself was 
deserted ; exhorting Plancus to look to himself, lest 
he should be drawn into a snare, and to perform his 
duty to the republic; for that he had discharged 
his faith, by giving him this warning, f &c. 

Plancus gave Cicero a particular account of all 
these transactions : he acquaints him, that Lepidus 
and Antony joined their camps on the twenty-eighth 
of May, and the same day marched forward towards 
him : of all which he knew nothing, till they were 
come within twenty miles of him : that, upon the 
first intelligence of it, he retreated in all haste, re- 

* Ep. x. 15. 

t Ad Laterensis, vir sanctissimus, suo chirographo mittit rnihi litteras, in eisque 
desperans de se, de exercitu, de Lepidi fide, querensque se destitutum ; in quibus 
aperte denuntiat, videam ne fallar ; suam fidem solutam esse, Reipub. ne. desim 
lb. 21. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

passed the Isere, and broke down the bridges, which 
he had built upon it, that he might have leisure to 
draw all his forces together, and join them with his 
colleague, D. Brutus, whom he expected in three 
days : that Laterensis, whose singular faculty he 
should ever acknowledge, when he found himself 
duped by Lepidns, laid violent hands upon himself; 
but, being interrupted in the act, was thought likely 
to live : he desires, that Octavius might be sent to 
him with his forces ; or if he could not come in per- 
son, that his army, however, might be sent, since 
his interest was so much concerned in it : that, as 
the whole body of the rebels was now drawn into 
one camp, they ought to act against them with the 
whole force of the republic,* &c. 

The day after his union with Antony, Lepidus 
wrote a short letter to the senate, wherein he calls 
the gods and men to witness, that he had nothing 
so much at heart as the public safety and liberty ; 
of which he should shortly have given them proofs 
had not fortune prevented him ; for that his sol- 
diers, by a general mutiny and sedition, had plainly 
forced him to take so great a multitude of citizens 
under his protection. He beseeches them, that, 
laying aside all their private grudges, they would 
consult the good of the whole republic ; nor, in a 
time of civil dissension, treat his clemency and that 
of his army as criminal and traitorous.f 

D. Brutus, on the other hand, joined his army 
with Plancus, who acted with him for some time 
with great concord, and the affection of the whole 
province on their side : which being signified in their 
common letters to Rome, gave great hopes still and 
courage to all the honest there. In a letter of Plan- 
cus to Cicero, " You know," says he, " I imagine, 
" the state of our forces : in my camp, there are 
" three veteran legions, with one new, but the best 

* Ep. Fam. x. 23. t lb. 35. 


A. Urb. 710. Ck. 64. 

cc of all others of that sort : in Brutus's, one veteran 
" legion, another of two years standing, eight of new 
" levies : so that our whole army is great in number, 
" little in strength : for what small depenclance there 
" is on a fresh soldier, we have oft experienced to 
" our cost. If the African troops, which are veteran, 
" or Caesar's should join us, we should willingly put 
" all to the hazard of a battle : as I saw Caesar's to 
" be the nearest, so I have never ceased to press him, 
" nor he to assure me, that he would come instantly, 
" though I perceive that he had no such thought, 
" and is quite gone off into other measures : yet, 1 
" have sent our friend Furnius again to him, with 
" letters and instructions, if he can possibly do any 
" good with him. You know, my dear Cicero, that, 
" as to the love of young Caesar, it belongs to me in 
"common with you: for, on the account either of 
" my intimacy with his uncle, when alive, it was ne- 
" cessary for me to protect and cherish him ; or 
" because he himself, as far as I have been able to 
" observe, is of a most moderate and gentle disposi- 
" tion ; or that, after so remarkable a friendship 
" with C. Caesar, it would be a shame for me not to 
" love him, even as my own child, whom he had 
" adopted for his son. But what I now write, I 
" write out of grief, rather than ill-will : that An- 
" tony now lives ; that Lepidus is joined with him ; 
" that they have no contemptible army ; that they 
" have hopes, and dare pursue them, is all entirely 
" owing to Caesar. I will not recal what is long 
" since passed : but if he had come at the time, when 
" he himself declared that he would, the war would 
" have been either now ended, or removed, to their 
" great disadvantage, into Spain, a province utterly 
" averse to them. What motive, or whose counsels 
" drew him off from a part so glorious, nay, so ne- 
" cessary too, and salutary to himself, and turned 
" him so absurdly to the thoughts of a two months' 
" consulship, to the terror of all people, I cannot pos- 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

11 sibly comprehend. His friends seem capable of 
" doing much good on this occasion, both to himself 
" and the republic ; and, above all others, you, to 
" whom he has greater obligations than any man 
" living, except myself; for I shall never forget, that 
" I am indebted to you for the greatest. I have 
" given orders to Furnius to treat with him on these 
" affairs ; and if I had as much authority with him 
" as I ought, should do him great service. We, in 
" the mean time, have a very hard part to sustain in 
"the war: for we neither think it safe to venture a 
"battle, nor yet, by turning our backs, to give the 
" enemy an opportunity of doing greater mischief to 
" the republic : but if either Caesar would regard his 
" honour, or the African legions come quickly, we 
" shall make you all easy from this quarter. I beg 
* you to continue your affection to me, and assure 
" yourself that I am strictly your's."* 

Upon the news of Lepidus's union with Antony, 
the senate, after some little time spent in considering 
the effects of it, being encouraged by the concord 
of D. Brutus and Plancus, and depending on the 
fidelity of their united forces, voted Lepidus an 
enemy, on the thirtieth of June; and demolished 
the gilt statue which they had lately erected to him ; 
reserving still a liberty to him and his adherents, of 
returning to their duty by the first of September. f 
Lepidus's wife was M. Brutus's sister ; by whom he 
had sons, whose fortunes were necessarily ruined by 
his vote, which confiscated the father's estate : for 
which reason Servilia, their grandmother, and Cas- 
sius's wife, their aunt, solicited Cicero very earnestly, 
either that the decree itself might not pass, or that 
the children should be excepted out of it : but 
Cicero could not consent to oblige them : for since 

* Ep. Fara. x. 24. 

t Lepidus tuus affinis, mens familiaris prid. Kal. Quint, sententiis omnibus hostis a 
Senatu judicatus est ; ceeterique qui una cum illo a Repub. defecerunt : quibus taiuea 
ad laniiatem redeundi ante Kal. Sept. potestas facta est. Ep. Earn. IS. IV. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 



the first was thought necessary, the second followed 
of course : he gave Brutus, however, a particular 
account of the case by letter. 


"Though I was just going to write to you by 
" Messala Corvinus, yet I would not let our friend 
" Vetus come without a letter. The republic, 
" Brutus, is now in the utmost danger, and after 
" we had conquered, we are forced again to fight, 
by the perfidy and madness of M. Lepidus. On 
which occasion, when, for the care with which I 
have charged myself of the republic, I had many 
" things to make me uneasy, yet nothing vexed me 
" more, than that I could not yield to the prayers of 
" your mother and sister ; for I imagined that I 
" should easily satisfy you, on which I lay the 
" greatest stress. For Lepidus's case could not, 
". by any means, be distinguished from Antony's ; 
"nay, in all people's judgment, was even worse: 
" since, after he had received the highest honours 
" from the senate, and but a few days before had 
11 sent an excellent letter to them ; on a sudden, he 
" not only received the broken remains of our ene- 
" mies, but now wages a most cruel war against us 
" by land and sea ; the event of which is wholly 
" uncertain. When we are desired, therefore, to 
" extend mercy to his children, not a word is said 
" why, if their father should conquer (which the 
" gods forbid,) we are not to expect the last punish- 
" ment from him. I am not ignorant how hard it is, 
" that children should suffer for the crimes of 
" their parents : but it was wisely contrived by the 
" laws, that the love of their children, should 
" make parents more affectionate to their country. 
" Wherefore, it is Lepidus who is cruel to his chil- 
" dren, not he who adjudges Lepidus an enemy ; 


A. Urb. HO. Cic. 64. 

" for if, laying down his arms, he were to be con- 
" demned only of violence, in which no defence 
" could be made for him, his children would suffer 
" the same calamity by the confiscation of his estate. 
" Yet, what your mother and sister are now solicit- 
" ing against, in favour of the children, the very 
" same, and much worse, Lepidus, Antony, and our 
" other enemies, are, at this very moment, threaten- 
" ing to us all. Wherefore, our greatest hope is in 
" you and your army : it is of the utmost conse- 
" quence, both to the republic in general, and to 
" your honour and glory in particular, that, as I 
" wrote to you before, you come as soon as possible 
" into Italy : for the republic is in great want, not 
" only of your forces, but of your counsels. I 
" served Vetus, with pleasure, as you desired me, 
"for his singular benevolence and duty to you: 
" I found him extremely zealous and affectionate 
" both to you and the republic : I shall see my son, 
" I hope, very soon ; for I depend on his coming 
" with you quickly to Italy."* 

Brutus, before he had received this letter, having 
heard, from other friends, what they were designing 
at Rome against Lepidus, wrote about the same 
time, and on the same subject, to Cicero. 


" Other people's fears oblige me to entertain 
" some apprehensions, myself, on Lepidus's ac- 
" count: if he should withdraw himself from us 
" (which will prove, I hope, a rash and injurious 
suspicion of him), I beg and beseech you, Cicero, 
conjuring you, by our friendship, and your affec- 
" tion to me, to forget that my sister's children are 
Lepidus's sons, and to consider me in the place of 
their father. If I obtain this of you, you will not 

* Ad Brut. 12. 



A.Urb. 710. Cic. 64, 

" scruple, I am sure, to do whatever you can for 
" them. Other people live differently with their 
" friends ; but I can never do enough for my sister's 
" children to satisfy either my inclination or my 
" duty. But what is there in which honest men can 
" oblige me (if in reality I have deserved to be 
" obliged in any thing), or in which I can be of 
" service to my mother, sister, and the boys, if their 
" uucle Brutus has not as much weight with you and 
" the senate to protect, as their father Lepidus to 
" hurt them? I feel so much uneasiness and indig- 
" nation, that I neither can nor ought to write more 
" fully to you : for if, in a case so important and so 
" necessary, there could be any occasion for words 
4< to excite and confirm you, there is no hope that 
" you will do what I wish, and what is proper. 
" Do not expect, therefore, any long prayers from 
" me : consider only what I am, and that I ought 
" to obtain it, either from Cicero, a man the most 
" intimately united with me; or, without regard to 
" our private friendship, from a consular senator of 
" such eminence : pray send me word as soon as 
" you can what you resolve to do. July the first."* 

Cicero perceiving, from this letter, what he had 
no notion of before, how great a stress Brutus laid 
on procuring this favour for his nephews, prevailed 
with the senate to suspend the execution of their 
act, as far as it related to them, till the times were 
more settled.^ 

Lepidus and Antony were no sooner joined, than 
a correspondence was set on foot between them 
and Octavius ; who, from the death of the consuls, 
shewed but little regard to the authority of Cicero, 
or the senate; and wanted only a pretence for 
breaking with them. He waited, however, awhile, 

* Ad Brut. 13. 

t Sororis tuaj filiis quam diligenter consulam, spero te ex matris et ex. sorom 
litteris cogniturum, &c. lb. 15. it. 18. 

VOL. II. 2 E 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

to see what became of Antony, till, finding him 
received and supported by Lepidus, he began to 
think it his best scheme to enter into the league 
with them ; and to concur in what seemed to be 
more peculiarly his own part, the design of reveng- 
ing the death of his uncle. Instead, therefore, of 
prosecuting the war any farther, he was persuaded 
by his friends to make a demand of the consulship, 
though he was not yet above twenty years old. 
This step shocked and terrified the city ; not that 
the consulship could give him any power which his 
army had not already given, but as it indicated a 
dangerous and unseasonable ambition, grounded on 
a contempt of the laws, and the senate ; and, above 
all, raised a just apprehension of some attempt 
against the public liberty : since, instead of leading 
his army where it was wanted and desired, against 
their enemies abroad, he chose to march with it 
towards Rome, as if he intended to subdue the 
republic itself. 

There was a report spread, in the meanwhile, 
through the empire, that Cicero was chosen consul : 
Brutus, mentioning it in a letter to him, says, " If I 
" should ever see that day, I shall then begin to 
" figure to myself the true form of a republic, sub- 
" sisting by its own strength."* It is certain, that 
he might have been declared consul by the unani- 
mous suffrage of the people, if he had desired it : 
but, in times of such violence, the title of supreme 
magistrate, without a real power to support it, 
would have exposed him only to more immediate 
danger and insults from the soldiers, whose fasti- 
dious insolence in their demands, was grown, as he 
complains, insupportable.!" Some old writers say, 
what the moderns take implicitly from them, that he 

* His littcris scriptis te Consulem factum audivimus; turn vero incipiam pro- 
ponere mihi Rempub. justain ct jam suis nitentem viribus, si istliuc videro. Ad 
Brut. 4. 

t Illudimur, Brute, cum militum deliciis, turn Imperatoris insolentia. lb. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. 

was duped, and drawn in by Octavius, to favour his 
pretensions to the consulship, by the hopes of being 
made Ins colleague, and governing him in the office.* 
But the contrary is evident from several of his 
letters ; and that of all men, he was the most averse 
to Octavius's design, and the most active in dis- 
suading him from pursuing it. Writing upon it to 
Brutus : " As to Caesar," says he, " who has been 
governed hitherto by my advice, and is indeed of 
an excellent disposition, and wonderful firmness, 
some people, by most wicked letters, messages, 
and fallacious accounts of things, have pushed 
him to an assured hope of the consulship. As 
soon as I perceived it, I never ceased admonishing 
him in absence, nor reproaching his friends who 
are present, and who seem to encourage his ambi- 
tion ; nor did I scruple to lay open the source of 
those traitorous counsels in the senate ; nor do I 
ever remember the senate or the magistrates 
to have behaved better on any occasion : for, 
it never happened before, in voting an extraordi- 
nary honour to a powerful, or rather most power- 
ful man (since power is now measured by force 
and arms), that no tribune, or any other magis- 
trate, nor so much as a private senator, would 
move for it : yet, in the midst of all this firmness 
and virtue, the city is greatly alarmed : for we 
are abused, Brutus, both by the licentiousness of 
the soldiers, and the insolence of the general. 
Every one demands to have as much power in the 
state, as he has means to extort it : no reason, no 
moderation, no law, no custom, no duty is at all 
regarded, no judgment or opinion of the citizens, 
no shame of posterity,"t & c - 

* Plut. in Cic. t Ad Brut. 10. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pediui. 

What Cicero says in this letter, is very remark- 
able, that, in all this height of young Caesar's power, 
there was not a magistrate, nor so much as a single 
senator, who would move for the decree of his con- 
sulship : the demand of it, therefore, was made by a 
deputation of his officers ; and, when the senate re- 
ceived it more coldly than they expected, Corne- 
lius, a centurion, throwing back his robe, and shew- 
ing them his sword, boldly declared, that if they 
would not make him consul, that should. But 
Octavius himself soon put an end to their scruples, 
by marching with his legions in an hostile manner 
to the city;* where he was chosen consul, with Q. 
Pedius, his kinsman, and coheir in part of his un- 
cle's estate, in the month of Sextilis ; which, on the 
account of this fortunate beginning of his honours, 
was called afterwards, from his own surname, Au- 

The first act of his magistracy was to secure all 
the public money, which he found in Rome, and 
make a dividend of it to his soldiers. He com- 
plained loudly of the senate, that, instead of pay- 
ing his army the rewards which they had decreed 
to them, they were contriving to harass them with 
perpetual toils, and to engage them in fresh wars 
against Lepidus and Antony ; and, likewise, that in 
the commission granted to ten senators, to provide 
lands for the legions after the war, they had not 
named him.J But there was no just ground for any 
such complaints : for those rewards were not de- 
creed, nor intended to be distributed, till the war 
was quite ended ; and the leaving Caesar out of the 

* Consulatum vigesimo setatis anno invasit, admotis hostiliter ad urbem legio- 
nibus, missisque, qui sibi exercitus nomine deposcerent. Cum quidem, cunctante 
Senatu, Cornelius centurio, princeps legationis rejecto sagulo, ostendens gladii 
capulum, non dubitasset in curia dicere; hie faciet, si vos non feceritis. Sueton. 
Aug. c. 26. 

t Sextilem mensem e suo cognomine nominavit, magis quam Septembrem, in quo 
erat natus, quia hoc sibi et primus Consulatus, &c. Sueton. Aug. 31. 

t Appian. 3. 581. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cssar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

commission was not from any particular slight, but 
a general exception of all, who had the command 
of armies, as improper to be employed in such a 
charge; though Cicero, indeed, was of a different 
opinion, and pressed for their beiug taken in. D. 
Brutus and Plancus were excluded as well as 
Caesar; and both of them seem, likewise, to have 
been disgusted at it : so that Cicero, who was one 
of the number, in order to retrieve the imprudence 
of a step which gave such offence, would not suffer 
his colleagues to do any thing of moment, but re- 
served the whole affair to the arrival of Caesar and 
the rest.* 

But Caesar, being now wholly bent on changing 
sides and measures, was glad to catch on every oc- 
casion of quarrelling with the senate : he charged 
them with calling him a boy, and treating him as 
such ;f and found a pretext also against Cicero 
himself, whom, after all the services received from 
him, his present views obliged him to abandon ; for 
some busy informers had told him that Cicero had 
spoken of him in certain ambiguous terms, which 
carried a double meaning, either of advancing, or 
taking him off; which Octavius was desirous to 
have reported every where, and believed in the 
worst sense. D. Brutus gave Cicero the first notice 
of it in the following letter : — 

" M. T. CICERO. 

" What I do not feel on my own account, my 
" love and obligations to you make me feel on 
" your's: that is, fear. For after I had been often 
" told, what I did not wholly slight, Labeo Segu- 

* Cum ego sensissem, de iis qui exercitus haberent, sententiam ferri oportere, 
iidem illi, qui solent, reclamarunt. Itaque excepti etiara estis, me vehementer re- 
pugnante — itaque cum quidam de Collegis nostris agrariam curationem ligurirent, 
disturbavi rem, totamque integrant vobis reservavi. Ep. Fam. xi. 21. it. 20. 23. 

t Dio, I. 46. 318. Sueton. Aug. 12. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cresar Octavianus. Q. Pedias. 



" lius, a man always like himself, just now informs 
" me, that he has been with Caesar, where there 
" was much discourse on you : that Caesar himself 
" had no other complaint against you, but for a 
" certain saying, which he declared to have been 
" spoken by you ; that the young man was to be 
"praised, adorned, taken off;* but he would not 
" be so silly, he said, as to put it into any man's 
" power to take him off. This, I dare say, was 
" first carried to him, or forged by Segulius him- 
" self, and did not come from the young man. Se- 
gulius had a mind, likewise, to persuade me, that 
the veterans talk most angrily against you ; and 
that you are in danger from them ; and that the 
" chief cause of their anger is, because neither Cae- 
" sar nor I am in the commission of the ten, but 
" all things transacted by your will and pleasure : 
" upon hearing this, though I was then upon my 
" march, I did not think it proper to pass the Alps, 
" till I could first learn how matters were going 
" amongst you, "I &c. 

To this Cicero answered. 

" The gods confound that Segulius, the greatest 
" knave that is, or was, or ever will be. What ! 
" do you imagine, that he told his story only to 
" you and to Caesar ? he told the same to every soul 
" that he could speak with: I love you, however, my 
" Brutus, as I ought, for acquainting me with it, 
" how trifling soever it be : it is a sure sign of your 
" affection. For as to what Segulius says, of the 
" complaint of the veterans, because you and Caesar 
" were not in the commission, I wish that I was not 
" in it myself; for what can be more troublesome? — 
" but when I proposed that those who had the com- 
" mand of armies should be included in it, the same 
" men, who used to oppose every thing, remonstrated 

* Laudandum adolescentem, ornandum, tollendura. Which last word signifies, 
either to raise to honours, or take away life, 
t Ep. Faru. xi. 20. 


A. Utb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cassar Octavianus. Q. Pcdius. 

" against it ; so that you Mere excepted, wholly 
" against my vote and opinion,"* &c. 

As for the story of the words, he treats it, we see, 
as too contemptible to deserve an apology, or the 
pains of disclaiming it; and it seems, indeed, incre- 
dible, that a man of his prudence could ever say 
them. If he had harboured such a thought, or had 
been tempted, on any occasion, to throw out such 
a hint, we might have expected to find it in his let- 
ters to Brutus; yet, on the contrary, he speaks al- 
ways of Octavius in terms highly advantageous, 
even where he was likely to give disgust by it. But 
nothing was more common than to have sayings 
forged for his, which he had never spoken : and this 
was one of that sort ; contrived to instil a jealousy 
into Octavius, or to give him a handle, at least, for 
breaking with Cicero, which, in his present circum- 
stances, he was glad to lay hold of: and when the 
story was once become public, and supposed to have 
gained credit with Octavius, it is not strange to find 
it taken up by the writers of the following ages, 
Velleius and Suetonius, though not without an inti- 
mation from the latter of its suspected credit.f 

While the city was in the utmost consternation, 
on Caesar's approach, with his army, two veteran 
legions from Afric happened to arrive in the Ti- 
ber, and were received as a succour sent to them 
from Heaven ; but this joy lasted not long; for pre- 
sently after their landing, being corrupted by the 
other soldiers, they deserted the senate, who sent 
for them, and joined themselves to Caesar. Pollio, 
likewise, about the same time, with two of his best 
legions from Spain, came to the assistance of An- 
tony and Lepidus ; so that all the veterans of the 
western part of the empire were now plainly forming 
themselves into one body, to revenge the death of 
their old general. The consent of all these armies, 

• Ep. Fain. 21. t Veil. Pal. 2. 62. Sueton. Aug. c. 12. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

and the unexpected turn of Antony's affairs, stag- 
gered the fidelity of Plancus, and induced him, also, 
at last, to desert his colleague, D. Brutus, with 
whom he had hitherto acted with much seeming con- 
cord : Pollio made his peace, and good terms for 
him, with Antony and Lepidus, and soon after 
brought him over to their camp, with all his troops. 
D. Brutus, being thus abandoned, and left to shift 
for himself, with a needy, mutinous army, eager to 
desert, and ready to give him up to his enemies, had 
no other way to save himself, than by flying to his 
namesake in Macedonia: but the distance was so 
great, and the country so guarded, that he was often 
forced to change his road, for fear of being taken ; 
till, having dismissed all his attendants, and wan- 
dered for some time alone, in disguise and distress, 
he committed himself to the protection of an old 
acquaintance and host, whom he had formerly ob- 
liged ; where either through treachery or accident, 
he was surprised by Antony's soldiers, who imme- 
diately killed him, and returned with his head to 
their general.* 

Several of the old writers have reproached his me- 
mory with a shameful cowardice, in the manner of 
suffering his death, unworthy of the man who had 
killed Caesar, and commanded armies. But their 
accounts are so various, and so inconsistent with the 
character of his former life, that we may reasonably 
suspect them to be forged by those who were dis- 
posed to throw all kinds of contumely on the mur- 
derers of Caesar.f 

But what gave the greatest shock to the whole 
republican party, was a law contrived by Caesar, and 
published by his colleague, Pedius, to bring to trial 
aud justice all those who had been concerned either 
in advising or effecting Ca3sar's death : in conse- 

* Veil. Pat. 2. 64. App. 1. 3. 588. 

t Senec. Ep. 82. 543. Dio, 1. 46. 325. Val. Max. 9. 13. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavlanus. Q. Pedius. 

quence of which, all the conspirators were presently 
impeached, in form, by different accusers ; and, as 
none of them ventured to appear to their citations, 
they were all condemned, of course ; and, by a se- 
cond law, interdicted from fire and water : Pompey, 
also, though he had borne no part in that act, was 
added to the number, as an irreconcileable enemy to 
the Caesarian cause : after which, Caesar to make 
amends for the unpopularity of his law, distributed 
to the citizens the legacies which his uncle had left 
them by will.* 

Cicero foresaw that things might possibly take this 
turn, and Plancus himself prove treacherous; and, 
for that reason, was constantly pressing Brutus and 
Cassius to hasten to Italy as the most effectual means 
to prevent it ; every step that Caesar took confirmed 
his apprehensions, and made him more importunate 
with them to come, especially after the union of An- 
tony and Lepidus. In his letters to Brutus, " Fly 
" to us," says he, " I beseech you, and exhort Cas- 
" sius to the same ; for there is no hope of liberty, 
" but from your troops.t W vou have any regard 
" for the republic, for which you were born, you 
" must do it instantly; for the war is renewed by the 
" inconstancy of Lepidus; and Caesar's army, which 
" was the best, is not only of no service to us, but 
" even obliges us to call for yours ; as soon as ever 
" you touch Italy, there is not a man, whom we can 
" call a citizen, who will not immediately be in your 
" camp. We have D. Brutus, indeed, happily 
"united with Plancus: but you are not ignorant 
" how changeable men's minds are, and how in- 
" fected with party, and how uncertain the events 
" of war: nay, should we conquer, as I hope we 
" shall, there will be a want of your advice and au- 
" thority, to settle all affairs. Help us, therefore, 

* App. 1. 5. 586. Dio, 46. 322. 

t Quamobrem advola, obsecro — hortare idem per litteras Cassium. Spes liber- 
tatis nusquam nisi in vestrorum castroruni principiis est. Ad Brut. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Ceesar Octaviauus. Q. Pedius*. 

" for God's sake, and as soon as possible ; and assure 
" yourself that you did not do a greater service to 
" your country on the Ides of March, when you 
" freed it from slavery, than you will do by coining 
" quickly."* 

After many remonstrances of the same kind, he 
wrote also the following letter : — 



" After I had often exhorted you, by letters, to 
" come as soon as possible to the relief of the re- 
" public, and bring your army into Italy, and ne- 
" ver imagined that your own people had any scru- 
" pies about it, I was desired by that most prudent 
" and diligent woman, your mother, all whose 
" thoughts and cares are employed on you, that 1 
" would come to her on the twenty-?fourth of July; 
" which I did, as I ought, without delay. When I 
" came, I found Casca, Labeo, and Scaptius with 
"her. She presently entered into the affair, and 
" asked my opinion, whether we should send for 
" you to Italy ; and whether I thought it best for 
" you to come, or to continue abroad. I declared, 
" what I took to be the most for your honour and 
" reputation, that, without loss of time, you should 
" bring present help to the tottering and declining 
" state. For what mischief may not one expect 
" from that war, where the conquering armies re- 
" fused to pursue a flying enemy ? where a general, 
" unhurt, unprovoked, possessed of the highest ho- 
" nours, and the greatest fortunes, with a wife, chil- 
" dren, and near relation to you, has declared war 
" against the commonwealth ? I may add, where 
" in so great a concord of the senate and people, 
" there resides still so much disorder within the 

* Subveni igitur, per Deos, idqne quam prinunn : tibique persuade, non te Idibus 
Martiis, quibus servitutem a tiiis civibus repulisti, plus profuisse patriae, quam, si ma- 
ture veneris, profuturum. lb. 14. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Ceesar Octavianus. Q. Pcdius. 

" walls ? But the greatest grief which I feel, while 
" I am now writing, is to reflect, that when the re- 
" public had taken my word for a youth, or rather 
" a boy, I shall hardly have it in my power to make 
u good what I promised for him. For it is a thing 
" of much greater delicacy and moment, to engage 
" oneself for another's sentiments and principles, 
" especially in affairs of importance, than for money: 
" for money may be paid, and the loss itself be to- 
" lerable : but how can you pay what you are en- 
" gaged for to the republic, unless he, for whom you 
" stand engaged, will suffer it to be paid ? Yet I am 
" still in hopes to hold him ; though many are pluck- 
" ing him away from me : for his disposition seems 
" good, though his age be flexible, and many al- 
" ways at hand to corrupt him ; who, by throwing 
V in his way the splendour of false honour, think 
" themselves sure of dazzling his good sense and 
" understanding. Wherefore, to all my other la- 
" hours, this new one is added, of setting all engines 
" at work to hold fast the young man, lest I incur the 
" imputation of rashness. Though what rashness 
" is it after all? for, in reality, I bound him, for 
" whom I was engaged, more strongly than myself: 
" nor has the republic, as yet, any cause to repent 
" that I was his sponsor : since he has, hitherto, 
" been the more firm and constant in acting for us, 
" as well from his own temper as for my promise. 
The greatest difficulty in the republic, if I mistake 
not, is the want of money : for honest men grow 
every day more and more averse to the name of 
tribute ; and what was gathered from the hun- 
" dredth penny, where the rich are shamefully rated, 
*' is all spent in rewarding the two legions. There 
" is an infinite expense upon us, to support the ar- 
" mies, which now defend us; and also yours; for 
"our Cassius seems likely to come sufficiently pro- 
" vided. But, I long to talk over this, and many 
" other things, with you in person ; and that quickly. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Cffisar Oetavianus. Q. Pedius. 

" As to your sister's children, I did not wait, Brutus, 
" for your writing to me: the times themselves, since 
" the war will be drawn into length, reserve the 
" whole affair to you: but from the first, when 1 
" could not foresee the continuance of the war, I 
" pleaded the cause of the children in the senate, in 
" a manner, which you have been informed of I 
" guess by your mothers letters : nor can there 
" ever be any case, where I will not both say and do, 
" even at the hazard of my life, whatever I think 
" agreeable either to your inclination, or to your 
" interest. The twenty-sixth of July."* 

In a letter, likewise, to Cassius, he says, " We 
" wish to see you in Italy, as soon as possible ; and 
" shall imagine, that we have recovered the republic, 
" when we have you with us. We had conquered 
" nobly, if Lepidus had not received the routed, 
'* disarmed, fugitive Antony : wherefore Antony 
" himself was never so odious to the city, as Lepidus 
" is now : for he began a war upon us, from a turbu- 
" lent state of things ; this man from peace and 
" victory. We have the consuls elect to oppose 
" him : in whom indeed we have great hopes ; yet 
" not without an anxious care for the uncertain 
" events of battles. Assure yourself, therefore, that 
" all our dependance is on you and your Brutus ; 
" that you are both expected, but Brutus imme- 
" diately,"t &c. 

But, after all these repeated remonstrances of 
Cicero, neither Brutus nor Cassius seem to have 
entertained the least thought of coming with their 
armies to Italy. Cassius, indeed, by being more 
remote, could not come so readily, and was not so 
much expected as Brutus ; who before the battle of 
Modena, had drawn down all his legions to the sea- 
coast, and kept them at Apollonia and Dyrrhachium, 
waiting the event of that action, and ready to em- 

• Ad Brut. 18. t Ep. Fam. 13. 10. 


A. Urb. 710. Cie. 64. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

bark for Italy if any accident had made his assist- 
ance necessary ; for which Cicero highly com- 
mends him.* But, upon the news of Antony's de- 
feat, taking- all the danger to be over, he marched 
away directly to the remotest, parts of Greece and 
Macedonia, to oppose the attempts of Dolabella ; 
and, from that time, seemed deaf to the call of the 
senate, and to all Cicero's letters, which urged him 
so strongly to come to their relief. It is difficult, 
at this ditsance, to penetrate the motives of his con- 
duct : he had a better opinion of Lepidus than the 
rest of his party had ; and, being naturally positive, 
might affect to slight the apprehensions of Lepidus's 
treachery, which was the chief ground of their calling 
so earnestly for him. But he had other reasons 
also, which were thought to be good : since some of 
his friends at Rome, as we may collect from Cicero's 
letter, were of a different mind from Cicero on the 
subject of his coming. They might suspect the 
fidelity of his troops ; and that they were not suffi- 
ciently confirmed and attached to him, to be trusted 
in the field against the veterans in Italy; whose 
example and invitation, when they came to face each 
other, might possibly induce them to desert, as the 
other armies had done, and betray their commanders. 
But whatever was their real motive, D. Brutus, 
who was the best judge of the state of things at home, 
was entirely of Cicero's opinion : he saw himself 
surrounded with veteran armies, disaffected to the 
cause of liberty : knew the perfidy of Lepidus ; the 
ambition of young Caesar ; and the irresolution of 
his colleague, Plancus; and admonished Cicero, 
therefore, in all his letters, to urge his namesake to 
hasten his march to thein.f So that, on the whole, 

* Tuum consilium vehementer laudo, quod non prius exercitum Apollonia Dyrrha- 
chioque movisti, quatn de Antonii fuga audisti, Bruti eruptione, populi Romani 
victoria. Ad Brut. 2. 

t De Bruto autera nihil adhuc certi. Quem ego, quemadmodum praecipis, privatis 
litteris ad bellum commune vocare non desino. Ep. Fam, xi, 25. it. 26. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Cxsar Octavianus. Q. Pedius, 

it seems reasonable to believe, that, if Brutus and 
Cassias had marched with their armies towards 
Italy, at the time when Cicero first pressed it, before 
the defection of Plancus and the death of Decimus, 
it must have prevented the immediate ruin of the 

The want of money, of which Cicero complains at 
this time, as the greatest evil that they had to strug- 
gle with, is expressed also very strongly in another 
letter to Cornificius, the proconsul of Afric, who 
was urging him to provide a fund for the support of 
his legions: " As to the expense," says he, "which 
"-you have made, and are making, in your military 
" preparations, it is not in my power to help you ; 
" because the senate is now without a head, by the 
" death of the consuls, and there is an incredible 
" scarcity of money in the treasury ; which we are 
" gathering, however, from all quarters, to make 
" good our promises to the troops, that have deserved 
" it of us ; which cannot be done, in my opinion, 
" without a tribute."* This tribute was a sort of 
capitation tax, proportioned to each man's substance, 
but had been wholly disused in Rome, from the con- 
quest of Macedonia, by Paulus iEmilius, which 
furnished money and rents sufficient to ease the 
city ever after of that burthen, till the necessity of 
the present times obliged them to renew it.f But 
from what Cicero intimates of the general aversion 
to the revival of it, one cannot help observing the 
fatal effects of that indolence and luxury, which had 
infected even the honest part of Rome ; who, in this 
utmost exigency of the republic, were shocked at 
the very mention of an extraordinary tax ; and 

* De sumtu, quern te in rem militarem facere et fecisse dicis, nihil sane possum 
tibi opitulari, propterea quod et orbus Seuatus, Consulibus amissis, et incredibiles 
angustiae pecuniae publicre.&c. Ep. Fain. 12. 30. 

t At Perse Rege devicto Paulus, cum Macedonicis opibus veterem atque liere- 
ditariam Urbis nostra? paupertatem co usque satiasset, ut illo tempore primum 
populus llomanus tributi prtstandi onerc se liberaret. Val. Max. 4. 3. it. Plin. 
Hist. N. 3'3. ■ 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Co**.— C. Csesar Octavlanus. Q. Pedius. 

would not part with the least share of their money 
for the defence even of their liberty : the conse- 
quence of which was, what it must always be in the 
like case, that, by starving the cause, they found, 
not only their fortunes, but their lives also, soon 
after, at the mercy of their enemies. Cicero has a 
reflection in one of his speeches, that seems appli- 
cable also to the present case, and to be verified by 
the example of these times. "The republic," says 
he, " is attacked always with greater vigour, than 
" it is defended ; for the audacious and profligate, 
" prompted by their natural enmity to it, are easily 
" impelled to act upon the least nod of their leaders : 
" whereas the honest, I know not why, are gene- 
" rally slow, and unwilling to stir ; and neglecting 
" always the beginnings of things, are never roused 
" to exert themselves, but by the last necessity : so 
" that through irresolution and delay, when they 
" would be glad to compound at last for their quiet, 
" at the expense even of their honour, they com- 
" monly lose them both." * 

This observation will serve to vindicate the con- 
duct of Cassius, from that charge of violence and 
cruelty, which he is said to have practised, in exact- 
ing money, and other necessaries, from the cities of 
Asia. He was engaged in an expiable war, where 
he must either conquer or perish with the republic 
itself; and where his legions were not only to be 
supported, but rewarded: the revenues of the empire 
were exhausted ; contributions came in sparingly ; 
and the states abroad were all desirous to stand 
neuter, as doubtful of the issue, and unwilling to 
offend either side. Under these difficulties, where 
money was necessary, and no way of procuring it 
but force, extortion became lawful ; the necessity of 
the end justified the means ; and, when the safety of 
the empire and the liberty of Rome were at stake, 

* Pro Sextio, 47. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

it was no time to listen to scruples. This was Cas- 
sius's way of reasoning, and the ground of his acting ; 
who applied all his thoughts to support the cause 
that he had undertaken, and kept his eyes, as Ap- 
pian says, wholly fixed upon the war, as a gladiator 
upon his antagonist.* 

Brutus, on the other hand, being of a temper more 
mild and scrupulous, contented himself generally 
with the regular methods of raising money ; and, 
from his love of philosophy, and the politer studies, 
having contracted an affection for the cities of Greece, 
instead of levying contributions, used to divert him- 
self wherever he passed, with seeing their games and 
exercises, and presiding at their philosophical dis- 
putations, as if travelling rather for curiosity, than 
to provide materials for a bloody war.f When he 
and Cassius, therefore, met, the difference of their 
circumstances shewed the different effects of their 
conduct. Cassius, without receiving a penny from 
Rome, came rich and amply furnished with all the 
stores of war : Brutus, who had received large re- 
mittances from Italy, came empty and poor, and 
unable to support himself without the help of Cas- 
sius, who was now forced to give him a third part 
of that treasure, which he had been gathering with so 
much envy to himself for the common service.^ 

While Cicero was taking all this pains, and strug- 
gling thus gloriously in the support of their expiring 
liberty, Brutus, who was naturally peevish and que- 
rulous, being particularly chagrined by the unhappy 
turn of affairs in Italy, and judging of counsels by 
events, was disposed at last to throw all the blame 
upon him ; charging him chiefly, that, by a profusion 
of honours on young Cresar, he had inspired him 
with an ambition incompatible with the safety of the 

* 'O fxh Kaa-3-iog afASraa-T^e-rrri, xaflaws^ If tov aywta-rhv o" (uovo^a'^oSvTEc > h t*w°* ™ 
TToXs/ytov a<psci)pa. App. 1. 4. 667. 

t 'O SI BfouTO?, ottn yjyvoiTO, xat ^iXo0Ea|W*'V nv xai 4>iXriX00?, arl xai <f>iXwo^0-«!' ovk 
dyivvif. lb. 

J Plat, in Brut. 



A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

republic, and armed him with that power which he 
was now employing to oppress it : whereas the truth 
is, that, by those honours, Cicero did not intend to 
give Caesar any new power, but to apply that which 
he had acquired, by his own vigour, to the public 
service and the ruin of Antony ; in which he suc- 
ceeded even beyond expectation ; and would cer- 
tainly have gained his end, had he not been pre- 
vented by accidents which could not be foreseen. 
For it is evident, from the facts above-mentioned, 
that he was always jealous of Caesar, and, instead 
of increasing, was contriving some check to his au- 
thority, till, by the death of the consuls, he slipped 
out of his hands, and became too strong to be 
managed by him any longer. Brutus, by being at 
such a distance, was not well apprized of the par- 
ticular grounds of granting those honours ; but De- 
cimus, who was all the while in Italy, saw the use 
and necessity of them, and seems to hint, in some 
of his letters, that they ought to have decreed still 

But whatever Brutus, or any one else, may have 
said, if we reflect on Cicero's conduct, from the time 
of Caesar's death to his own, we shall find it, in all 
respects, uniform, great, and glorious ; never devi- 
ating from the grand point which he had in view, 
the liberty of his country : whereas, if we attend to 
Brutus's, we cannot help observing in it something 
strangely various and inconsistent with itself. In 
his outward manners and behaviour, he affected the 
rigour of a stoic, and the severity of an old Roman ; 
yet, by a natural tenderness and compassion, was 
oft betrayed into acts of effeminate weakness. To 
restore the liberty of his country, he killed his friend 
and benefactor ; and declares, that, for the same 

* Mirabiliter, mi Brute, lartor, mea consilia, measffue sententias a te probari, de 
Decemviris, de ornaudo adolescente. Ep. Fam. xi. 14. it. 20. 

VOL. II. 2 F 


A. Urb. 710 Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

cause, he would have killed even his father :* yet 
he would not take Antony's life, though it was a 
necessary sacrifice to the same cause. When Dola- 
bella had basely murdered Trebonius, and Antony 
openly approved the act, he could not be persuaded 
to make reprisals on C. Antony ; but, through a 
vain ostentation of clemency, suffered him to live, 
though with danger to himself. When his brother- 
in-law, Lepidus, was declared an enemy, he ex- 
pressed an absurd and peevish resentment of it, for 
the sake of his nephews, as if it would not have been 
in his power to have repaired their fortunes, if the 
republic was ever restored ; or, if not, in their 
father's. How contrary is this to the spirit of that 
old Brutus, from whom he derived his descent, and 
whom, in his general conduct, he pretended to imi- 
tate ! He blames Cicero for dispensing honours too 
largely, yet claims an infinite share of them to him- 
self; and when he had seized, by his private autho- 
rity, what the senate, at Cicero's motion, confirmed 
to him, the most extraordinary command which had 
been granted to any man, he declares himself an 
enemy to all extraordinary commissions, in what 
hands soever they were lodged. f 

This inconsistency in his character, would tempt 
us to believe that he was governed, in many cases, 
by the pride and haughtiness of his temper, rather 
than by any constant and settled principles of phi- 
losophy, of which he is commonly thought so strict 
an observer. 

Cicero, however, notwithstanding the peevishness 
of Brutus, omitted no opportunity of serving and 
supporting him to the very last. As soon as he per- 
ceived Caesar's intention of revenging his uncle's 

* Non concesserim, quod in illo non tuli, scd ne patri quidcm meo, si revi- 

viscat, ut, patiente me, plus legibus ac Senatu possit. [Ad Brut. 16.] Sed donii- 
num, n parentem quidem, majores nostri voluerunt esse. lb. 17. 

t Ego certe — cum ipsa re belluin geram, hoc est cum regno, et iruperiis extraordi- 
nariis et dominatione et potentia. Ad Brut. 17. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Csiai Oetavianus. Q. PeJIus. 

death, he took all imaginable pains to dissuade him 
from it, and never ceased from exhorting him by 
letters to a reconciliation with Brutus, and the ob- 
servance of that amnesty, which the senate had de- 
creed, as the foundation of the public peace. This 
was certainly the best service which he could do, 
either to Brutus or the republic ; and Atticus, ima- 
gining that Brutus would be pleased with it, sent 
him a copy of what Cicero had written on that sub- 
ject ; but, instead of pleasing, it provoked Brutus 
only the more : he treated it as base and dishonour- 
able to ask any thing of a boy, or to imagine the 
safety of Brutus to depend on any one but himself, 
and signified his mind upon it, both to Cicero and 
Atticus, in such a style, as confirms what Cicero had 
long before observed, and more than once declared 
of him, that his letters were generally churlish, un- 
mannerly, and arrogant ; and that he regarded nei- 
ther what, or to whom he was writing.* But their 
own letters to each other will be the best vouchers 
of what I have been remarking, and enable us to 
form the surest judgment of the different spirit and 
conduct of the men. After Brutus, therefore, had 
frequently intimated his dissatisfaction and dislike 
of Cicero's management, Cicero took occasion, in 
the following letter, to lay open the whole progress 
of it, from the time of Caesar's death, in order to 
shew the reasonableness and necessity of each step : 


" You have Messala now with you. It is not 
" possible, therefore, for me to explain, by letter, 
" though ever so accurately drawn, the present state 
" of our affairs so exactly as he, who not only knows 
" them all more perfectly, but can describe them 
" more elegantly than any man ; for I would not 

"» Ail Att. 0. I. 3. 

2 f 2 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Casar Octavianus. Q. Pcdlns. 

" have you imagine Brulus, (though there is no oc- 
" casion to tell you what you know already your- 
u self, but that I cannot pass over in silence such an 
"excellence of all good qualities), I would not 
" have you imagine, I say, that, for probity, con- 
" stancy, and zeal for the republic, there is any one 
" equal to him ; so that eloquence, in which he won- 
" derfully excels, scarce finds a place among his 
"other praises: since, even in that, his wisdom 
" shines the most eminent, by his having formed 
" himself with so much judgment and skill to the 
" truest manner of speaking." Yet his industry, all 
" the while, is so remarkable, and he spends so 
" much of his time in study, that he seems to owe 
" but little to his parts, which still are the greatest. 
" But 1 am carried too far by my love for him : for 
"it is not the purpose of this epistle to praise Mes- 
" sala, especially to Brutus, to whom his virtue is 
" not less known than to myself, and these Very 
" studies, which I am praising, still more : whom 
" when I could not part with without regret, I 
" comforted myself by reflecting, that by his going 
" away to you, as it were to my second self, 
" he both discharged his duty, and pursued the 
" truest path to glory. But so much for that.* I 

* Publius Valerius Messala Corvimis, of whom Cicero here gives so fine a cha- 
racter, was one of the noblest, as well as the most accomplished persons of his age, 
who lived long afterwards, the general favourite of all parties, and a principal orna- 
ment of Augustus's court. Being in arms with Brutus, he was proscribed, of course, 
by the triumvirate, yet was excepted soon after by a special edict, but refused the 
benefit of that grace, and adhered to the cause of liberty, till he saw it expire, with 
his friend. After the battle of Philippi, the troops that remained freely offered them- 
selves to his command ; but he chose to accept peace, to which he was invited by 
the conquerors, and surrendered himself to Antonj', with whom he had a particular 
acquaintance. When Csesar was defeated, riot long after, by S. Pompey, on the 
coast of Sicily, being in the utmost distress and danger jof life, he committed himself, 
with one domestic, to the fidelity of Messala; who, instead of revenging himself on 
one who had so lately proscribed and set a price upon his head, generously protected 
■ snd preserved him. He continued still in the friendship of Antony, till the scandal 
of Antony's life, and slavish obsequiousness to Cleopatra, threw him wholly into the 
interests of Cre9ar, by whom he was declared consul in Antony's place, greatly en- 
trusted in [he battle of Actium, and honoured at last with a triumph, for reducing the 
rebellious Gauls to their obedience. He is celebrated by all writers, as one of the 
tir^t orators in Rome ; and having been the disciple of Cicero, was thought, by 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octaviauus. Q. Pedius. 

" come now, after a long interval, to consider a cer- 
" tain letter of your's, in which, while you allow me 
" to have done well in many things, you find fault 
" with me for one ; that, in conferring honours I 
" was too free, and even prodigal. You charge me 
'- with this ; others, probably, with being too severe 
" in punishing, or you yourself, perhaps, with both : 
" if so, I desire that my judgment and sentiments 
" on each may be clearly explained to you: not that 
" I mean to justify myself by the authority of Solon, 
" the wisest of the seven, and the only legislator of 
" them all, who used to say that the public weal was 
" comprised in two things — rewards and punish- 
" ments ; in which, however, as in every thing else, 
'.' a certain medium and temperament is to be o6~ 
" served. But it is not my design, at this time, to 
" discuss so great a subject ; I think it proper only to 
open the reasons of my votes and opinions in the 
senate, from the beginning of this war. After the 
death of Caesar, and those your memorable Ides 
of March, you cannot forget, Brutus, what I de- 
clared to have been omitted by you, and what a 
tempest I foresaw hanging over the republic : — 
you had freed us from a great plague ; wiped oft" 
a great stain from the Roman people; acquired 
to yourselves Divine glory : yet all the equipage 
and furniture of kingly power was left still to Le- 
pidus and Antony; the one inconstant, the other 
" vicious ; both of them afraid of peace, and enemies- 
" to the public quiet. While these men were eager 







some, to excel even his master, in the sweetness and correctness of his style ; pre- 
serving always a dignity, and demonstrating his nobility by the very manner of his- 
speaking. To the perfection of his eloquence he had added all the accomplishments 
of the other liberal arts ; was a great admirer of Socrates, and the severer studies of 
philosophy, yet an eminent patron of all the wits and poets of those times. Tibullus. 
was the constant companion of all his foreign expeditions, which he celebrates in his 
elegies; and Horace, in one of his odes, calls for his choicest wines, for the enter-' 
tainment of so noble a guest. Yet this polite and amiable man, impaired by sickness,, 
and worn out at last by age, is said to have outlived his senses and memory, till he 
had forgotten even his very name. See App. p. 611. 736. Tacit. Dial. 18. Quintih' 
x. 1. Tibull. Eleg. lib. 1. 7. Hor. Cann. 3. 21. Plin. Hist. N. 7. 24. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

" to raise fresh disturbances in the republic, we had 
" no guard about us to oppose them, though the 
" whole city was eager and unanimous in asserting 
" its liberty: I was then thought too violent ; while 
" you, perhaps more wisely, withdrew yourselves 
" from that city, which you had delivered, and re- 
" fused the help of all Italy, which offered to arm 
" itself in your cause. Wherefore, when I saw the 
" city in the hands of traitors, oppressed by the arms 
" of Antony, and that neither you nor Cassius could 
" be safe in it, I thought it time for me to quit it too : 
" for a city overpowered by traitors, without the 
" means of relieving itself, is a wretched spectacle : 
" yet my mind, always the same, and ever fixed on the 
" love of my country, could not bear the thought of 
" leaving it in distress: in the midst, therefore, of 
" my voyage to Greece, and in the very season of the 
" Etesian winds, when an uncommon south wind, 
" as if displeased with my resolution, had driven 
" me back to Italy, I found you at Velia, and was 
" greatly concerned at it: for you were retreating, 
" Brutus ; were retreating, I say ; since your stoics 
" will not allow their wise man to fly. As soon as 
" I came to Rome, I exposed myself to the wick- 
" edness and rage of Antony ; and, when I had ex- 
" asperated him against me, began to enter into 
" measures, in the very manner of the Brutuses (for 
" such are peculiar to your blood), for delivering the 
" republic. I shall omit the long recital of what fol- 
" lowed, since it all relates to myself, and observe 
" only, that, young Caesar, by whom, if we will con- 
" fess the truth, we subsistatthis day, flowed from the 
" source of my counsels. 1 decreed him no honours, 
" Brutus, but what were due; none but what were 
" necessary : for as soon as we began to recover any 
" liberty, and before the virtue of D. Brutus had yet 
* shewn itself so far that we could know its Divine 
' force; and while our whole defence was in the 
' boy who repelled Antony from our necks, what 


A. Uib. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. C«esar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

honour was not really due to him? though I gave 
him nothing yet but the praise of words, and that 
but moderate. I decreed him, indeed, a legal 
command : which, though it seemed honourable 
to one of that age, was yet necessary to one who 
had an army: for what is an army without the 
command of it? Philip voted him a statue; Ser- 
vius the privilege of suing for offices before the le- 
gal time, which was shortened still by Servilius ; 
nothing was then thought too much; but we are 
apt, I know not how, to be more liberal in fear, than 
grateful in success. When D. Brutus was de- 
livered from the siege, a day of all others the most 
joyous to the city, which happened also to be his 
birth-day, I decreed, that his name should be as- 
cribed for ever to that day, in the public calendars. 
In which I followed the example of our ancestors, 
who paid the same honour to a woman, Larentia ; 
at whose altar your priests perform sacred rites in 
the Velabrum : by giving this to D. Brutus, my 
design was, to fix in the calendars a perpetual 
memorial of a most acceptable victory : but I per- 
ceived, on that day, that there was more malevo- 
lence than gratitude in many of the senate. Dur- 
ing these same days, I poured out honours (since 
you will have it so) on the deceased Hirtius, Pansa, 
and Aquila: and who can find fault with it, but 
those w r ho, when fear is once over, forget their 
past danger? But besides the grateful remem- 
brance of services, there was an use in it, which 
reached to posterity : for I was desirous, that there 
should remain an eternal monument of the pub- 
lic hatred to our most cruel enemies. There is 
one thing, I doubt, which does not please you ; 
for it does not please your friends here ; who, 
though excellent men, have but little experience 
in public affairs; that I decreed an ovation to 
Caesar: but, for my part (though I may perhaps 
be mistaken, for I am not one of those, who ap- 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C Cjesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

*' prove nothing but what is my own), I cannot but 
*' think, that I have advised nothing more prudent 
" during this war. Why it is so, is not proper to be 
" explained, lest I be thought to have been more 
" provident in it than grateful. But even this is too 
" much : let us pass, therefore, to other things. I 
" decreed honours to D. Brutus ; decreed them to 
*' Plancus : they must be men of great souls, who 
" are attracted by glory : but the senate also is 
" certainly wise, in trying every art that is honest, 
" by which it can engage any one to the service of 
" the republic. But I am blamed in the case of 
" Lepidus : to whom, after I had raised a statue in 
" the rostra, I presently threw it down. My view 
" in that honour, was to reclaim him from desperate 
" measures ; but the madness of an inconstant man 
" got the better of my prudence : nor was there yet 
" so much harm in erecting, as good in demolishing 
" the statue. But I have said enough concerning 
" honours ; and must say a word or two about puu- 
" ishments : for I have often observed from your 
" letters, that you are fond of acquiring a repu- 
" tation of clemency, by your treatment of those 
" whom you have conquered in war. I can 
" imagine nothing to be done by you, but what is 
44 wisely done : but to omit the punishing of wicked- 
" ness (which we call pardoning), though it be tole- 
" rable in other cases, I hold to be pernicious in this 
'f war. Of all the civil wars that have been in my 
" memory, there was not one, in which, what side 
" soever got the better, there would not have re- 
" mained some form of a commonwealth: yet, in 
" this, what sort of a republic we are like to have, if 
"• we conquer, I would not easily affirm ; but if we 
" are conquered, we are sure to have none. My 
" votes, therefore, were severe against Antony ; se- 
" vere against Lepidus; not from any spirit of re- 
" venge, but to deter wicked citizens, at present, 
" from making war against their country ; and to 


A. I'rb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Caesar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

" leave ati example to posterity, that none hereafter 
" should imitate such rashness. Yet, this very vote 
44 was not more mine, than it was every body's : in 
44 which there seems, I own, to be something cruel, 
44 that the punishment should reach to children who 
44 have done nothing to deserve it: but the consti- 
" tution is both ancient, and of all cities: for even 
44 Themistocles's children were reduced to want: 
44 and since the same punishment falls upon citizens, 
" condemned of public crimes, how was it possible 
44 for us to be more gentle towards enemies? But 
44 how can that man complain of me, who, if he had 
44 conquered, must needs confess, that he would. 
44 have treated me even with more severity ? You 
44 have now the motives of my opinions in the case 
" of rewards and punishments: for as to other points, 
44 you have heard, I imagine, what my sentiments 
44 and votes have been. But to talk of these things 
44 now is not necessary ; what I am going to say, is 
44 extremely so, Brutus — that you come to Italy with 
44 your army as soon as possible. We are in the ut- 
44 most expectation of you : whenever you set foot 
44 in Italy, all the world will fly to you : for whether 
" it be our lot to conquer (as we had already done, 
44 if Lepidus had not been desirous to overturn all, 
" and perish himself with his friends), there will be a 
44 great want of your authority, for the settling some 
*' state of a city amongst us ; or if there be any dan- 
44 ger and struggle still behind, hasten to us for 
44 God's sake: for you know how much depends on 
44 opportunity, how much on dispatch. What dili- 
44 gence I shall use in the care of your sister's chil- 
44 dren, you will soon know, I hope, from your mo- 
44 ther's and sister's letters: in whose cause I have 
44 more regard to your will, which is ever most dear 
4 * to me, than, as some think, to my own constancy; 
44 but it is my desire both to be, and to appear con- 
44 stant, in nothing so much as in loving you.'* 

* Ad Brut. 15. 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Ctvsar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 


" I have read a part of your letter which you sent 
to Octavius, transmitted to me by Atticus. Your 
zeal and concern for my safety gave me no new 
pleasure ; for it is not only common, but our daily 
news, to hear something which you have said or 
done with your usual fidelity in the support of my 
honour and dignity. Yet that same part of your 
letter affected me with the most sensible grief 
which my mind could possibly receive. For you 
compliment him so highly for his services to the 
republic, and in a strain so suppliant and abject, 
that, — what shall I say? I am ashamed of the 
wretched state to which we are reduced — yet it 
must be said — you recommend my safety to him ! 
to which, what death is not preferable ? and plainly 
shew, that our servitude is not yet abolished, but 
our master only changed. Recollect your words, 
and deny them, if you dare, to be the prayers of a 
slave to his king. There is one thing, you say, 
which is required and expected from him, that he 
would allow those citizens to live in safety, of 
whom all honestmen and the people of Romethink 
well. But what if he will not allow it? Shall 
we be the less safe for that? It is better not to 
be safe than to be saved by him. For my part, I 
can never think all the gods so averse to the pre- 
servation of the Roman people, that Octavius 
must be entreated for the life of any one citizen ; 
much less for the deliverers of the world. It is a 
pleasure to me to talk thus magnificently ; and it 
even becomes me to those, who know not either 
what to fear for any one, or what to ask of any 
one. Can you allow Octavius to have this power, 
and yet be his friend? or if you have any value 
for me, would you wish to see me at Rome, when 
I must first be recommended to the boy, that he 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss. — C. Ctesar Octavianus. Q. l'ediui. 

4 would permit me to be there ? what reason can 
" you have to thank him, if you think it necessary 
" to beg of him that he would grant and suffer us 
" to live in safety ? or is it to be reckoned a kind- 
" ness, that he chooses to see himself, rather than 
" Antony, in the condition to have such petitions 
14 addressed to him? one may supplicate, indeed, 
44 the successor, but never the abolisher of a ty- 
" ranny, that those who have deserved well of the 
44 republic may be safe. It was this weakness and 
44 despair, not more blameable, indeed, in you than 
" in all, which first pushed Caesar to the ambition 
" of reigning; and, after his death, encouraged An- 
44 tony to think of seizing his place; and has now 
44 raised this boy so high, that yon judge it neces- 
44 sary to address your prayers to him for the pre- 
44 servation of men of our rank ; and that we can 
44 be saved only by the mercy of one, scarce yet a 
44 man, and by no other means. But if we had re- 
44 membered ourselves to be Romans, these infa- 
44 mous men would not be more daring to aim at 
44 dominion than we to repel it : nor would Antony 
" be more encouraged by Caesar's reign, than de- 
44 terred by his fate. How can you, a consular se- 
44 uator, and the avenger of so many treasons (by 
44 suppressing which you have but postponed our 
44 ruin, 1 fear, for a time), reflect on what you have 
44 done, and yet approve these things, or bear them 
44 so tamely, as to seem, at least, to approve them? 
44 for what particular grudge had you to Antony? 
44 no other, but that he assumed all this to himself; 
44 that our lives should be begged of him ; our 
44 safety be precarious, from whom he had received 
44 his liberty ; and the republic depend on his will 
44 and pleasure. You thought it necessary to take 
44 arms, to prevent him from tyrannizing at this rate ; 
44 but was it your intent, that, by preventing him, 
4t we might sue to another, who would suffer him- 
44 self to be advanced into his place; or that the re- 


A.Urb. 710- Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Cffisar Octavianus. Q. Pedius. 

" public might be free and mistress of itself? as if 
44 our quarrel was not, perhaps, to slavery, but to the 
44 conditions of it. But we might have had, not 
44 only an easy master in Antony, if we would have 
'* been content with that, but whatever share with 
44 him we pleased of favours and honours. For 
" what could he deny to those, whose patience, he 
" saw, was the best support of his government? but 
44 nothing: was of such value to us, that we would 
"sell our faith and our liberty for it. This very 
V boy, whom the name of Caesar seems to incite 
44 against the destroyers of Caesar, at what rate 
44 would he value it (if there was any room to traffic 
44 with him) to be enabled, by our help, to maintain 
44 his present power; since we have a mind to live, 
44 and to be rich, and to be called consulars? But 
" then Caesar must have perished in vain ; for what 
44 reason had we to rejoice at his death, if after it 
M we were still to continue slaves? Let other peo- 
*' pie be as indolent as they please; but may the 
M gods and goddesses deprive me sooner of any 
*< thing than the resolution, not to allow to the heir 
44 of him, whom I killed, what I did not allow to 
44 the man himself; nor would suffer, even in my 
44 father, were he living — to have more power than 
*' the laws and the senate. How can you imagine, 
44 that anv one can be free under him, without whose 
44 leave there is no place for us in that city ? or how 
44 is it possible for you, after all, to obtain what you 
44 ask ? Tou ask, that he would allow us to be safe. 
44 Shall we then receive safety, think you, when we 
44 receive life ? But how can we receive it, if we first 
* 4 part with our honour and liberty ? Do you fancy, 
44 that to live at Rome is to be safe? It is the thing, 
44 and not the place, which must secure that to me : 
44 for I was never safe while Caesar lived, till I had 
44 resolved on that attempt : nor can I, in any place, 
44 live in exile, as loiii* - as 1 hate slavery and affronts 
44 above all other evils. Is uot this to fall back again 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Cos«.— C. Cresar Octavianus. Q. Pod'uls. 

n into the same state of darkness ; when he, who has 
"'taken upon him the name of the tyrant, (though 
" in the cities of Greece, when the tyrants are tle- 
" stroyed, their children also perish with them,) 
*' must be entreated, that the avengers of tyranny 
** may be safe 1 Can I ever wish to see that city, 
" or think it a city> which would not accept liberty 
" when offered, and even forced upon it* but has 
** more dread of the name of their late king, in the 
*' person of a boy, than confidence in itself; though 
*' it has seen that very king taken off, in the height 
" of all his power, by the virtue of a few ? As for 
"' me, do not recommend me any more to your Cae- 
*' sar, nor indeed yourself, if you will hearken to 
" me. You set a very high value on the few years 
li which remain to you at that age, if* for the sake 
" of them, you can supplicate that boy. But take 
" care, after all, lest what you have done, and are 
" doing, so laudably against Antony, instead of 
*' being praised, as the effect of a great mind, be 
*' charged to the account of your fear; for, if you 
" are so pleased with Octavius, as to petition him for 
" our safety, you will be thought not to have dis* 
" liked a master, but to have wanted a more friendly 
" one. As to your praising him for the things that 
" he has hitherto done, I entirely approve it; for they 
" deserved to be praised, provided that he under- 
*' took them to repel other men's power, not to ad* 
" vance his own. But, when you adjudge him not 
** only to have this power, but that you ought to 
" submit to it so far as to entreat him that he would 
" not destroy us, you pay him too great a recom- 
" pence ; for you ascribe that very thing to him, 
" which the republic seemed to enjoy through him; 
" nor does it ever enter into your thoughts, that if 
" Octavius be worthy of any honours, because he 
" wages war with Antony, that those, who extir* 
" pated the very evil of which these are but the 
" relics, can never be sufficiently requited by the 


A. Urb. 710. Cic. 64. Coss.— C. Cscsar Oclavianus. Q. Fedhi*. 




** Roman people, though they were to heap upon 
" them every thing which they could bestow : but 
" see how much stronger people's fears are than 
" their memories, because Antony still lives, and is 
" in arms ! As to Caesar, all that could and ought 
" to be done is past, and cannot be recalled. Is 
" Octavius, then, a person of so great importance, 
that the people of Rome are to expect from him 
what he will determine upon us? or are we of so 
little, than any single man is to be entreated for 
our safety? As for me, may I never return to 
you, if ever I either supplicate any man, or do 
not restrain those who are disposed to do it, from 
supplicating for themselves ; or I will remove to 
" a distance from all such, who can be slaves, and 
" fancy myself at Rome, wherever I can live free, 
" and shall pity you, whose fond desire of life, nei- 
" ther age, nor honours, nor the example of other 
" men's virtu