^^^^.IF E_ C HTH N
.^m^
PILGER PUBLISHING HOUSE,
READING, PA.
NEW YORK.
..w^^:^^;
•AN^^^i
PRINCETON, N. J.
*S,
BR 335 ,S8 1897 ^
Stump, Joseph, 1866-1935.
Life of Philip Melanchthon
' Shelf
^:-^'.,
^^:^
Philip Melanchthon.
LIFE
OF
PHILIP MELANCHTHON.
BY
Rev. JOSEPH STUMP, A.M.,
Pastor of Grace Evangelical Lutheran Church, Phillipsburg, N, J.
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
Rev. G. F. SPIEKER, D.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Lutheran Theological Seminary in
Philadelphia.
ILLUSTRATED.
pilger publishing house
READING, PA. NEW YORK.
1897.
Copyright, 1897, by A. BENDEL.
PREFACE.
The life of so distinguished a servant of God as Me-
lanehthon deserves to be better known to the general
reader than it actually is. In the great Reformation
of the sixteenth century, his work stands second to
that of Luther alone. Yet his life is comparatively
unknown to many intelligent Christians.
In vicAV of the approaching four hundredth anni-
versary of Melanchthon's birth, this humble tribute to
his memory is respectfully offered to the public. It is
the design of these pages, by the presentation of the
known facts in Melanchthon's career and of suitable
extracts from his writings, to give a truthful picture
of his life, character and work. In the preparation of
this book, the author has made uso of a nmiiluT of
biographies of Melanchthon by German authors, and
of such other sources of information as were accessi-
ble to him. His aim has been to prepare a brief but
sufficiently comprehensive life of Melanebtbon, in
such a form as would interest the peo}»le. T<> wliat
extent be has succeeded in liis undertaking, others
must judge.
(V)
VI PREFACE.
That these pages may, in some measure at least, ac-
complish their purpose, and make the Christian reader
more familiar with the work and merit of the man of
God whom they endeavor to portray, is the sincere
"■"'^^ °f The Author.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction ^^
CHAPTER I.
Ills Birth and Parentage H
CHAPTER n.
His Childhood ^^
CHAPTER HI.
1 7
At the University ^'
CHAPTER IV.
The Call and Removal to Wittenberg 21
CHAPTER V.
25
At Wittenberg
CHAPTER VI.
Early Conflicts
CHAPTER VII.
His MARRIA(iE AND DOMESTIC LiFE ^1
CHAPTER VIII.
Melanchthon during Luther's Absence from Wittenberg. 50
CHAPTER IX.
New Labors— a Visit to Bretten— Melanchthon and
Erasmus '^
CHAPTER X.
The Peasants' War— Luther's Marriage— The Saxon
,. . . . . 7G
\ ISITATION
CHAPTER XL
The Second Diet of Speyer— The Marburg Colloquy . . .^7
CHAPTER Xn.
94
The Diet of Augsburg
CHAPTER XHI.
The Schmalcald League— The Religious Peace of Nr-
remberg— Invited to Erance and E.vgland 1--
(vii )
Vlll CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIV.
PAGE
The Wittenberg Form of Coxcord — Journey to Tuebin-
GEN — Accused of Heresy 132
CHAPTER XV.
The Convention at Schmalcald — Attacks upon Melanch-
THON 140
CHAPTER XVI. '
The Frankfort Suspension — Labors in Ducal Saxony and
Brandenburg — Second Convention at Schmalcald —
The Landgrave's Bigajniy— Melanchthon at Death's
Door 150
CHAPTER XVII.
The Religious Colloquy at Worms — The Diet at Ratisbon. 161
CHAPTER XVIIL
The Bishopric of Naumberg— The Reformation at Co-
logne—A Year of Suffering for Melanchthon . . . 172
CHAPTER XIX.
The Diet at Worms, ]545~The Diet at Ratisbon, 1546—
Luther's Death 180
CHAPTER XX.
The Schmalcald War— The Dissolution and Restoration
OF THE University 190
CHAPTER XXL
The Augsburg Interim — The Leipzig Interim — Controver-
sies 198
CHAPTER XXII.
The Osiandrian and Majoristic Controversies— The Re-
ligious Peace of Augsburc; 219
CHAPTER XXIII.
Tin: Crypto-Calvinistic Controversy — Negotiations with
, Flacius 234
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Religious Conference at Worms 245
CHAPTER XXV.
Last Years and Death 250
CIL\PTER XXVI.
His Character and Services 263
INTRODUCTION.
The approaching quarto-centennial of the birth of
Philip Melanchthon will not fail to attract attention to
the career of this remarkable man. Owing to the
dearth of popular biographies of Melanchthon in the
En2:hsh language, Dr. Krotel's translation of Leclder-
hose being out of print, the author of the following
sketch herewith presents to those who may take an
interest in the subject a clear, succinct account of the
principal events in Melanchthon's checkered course.
He tells the story in a straightforward way, without
circumlocution or attempt at rhetorical flourish. Full
justice is done to the eminent services of the gifted
Reformer, with an evident desire to present his con-
duct in the best possible light. AVhik' tlic tone of the
presentation is of an apologetic nature in ri'gard to in-
cidents along the line which invite criticism o\' Me-
lanchthon's conduct, discussion of those points is not
evaded, and there is no attempt to cover up the weak-
ness of the great scholar. Of course, it was out of the
question in a book of limited compass to enter into a
very detailed account of every individual transaction
in which Melanchthon shared. At tlie sanir time,
i ix )
X INTRODUCTION.
we feel certiiin that no important element has been en-
tirely overlooked.
Aside from Melanchthon's part in the history of
the Reformation period, the most important epoch
of Christianity since the time of the Apostles, he
claims consideration on the side of classical edu-
cation. His influence as an educator, which won
for him the well-known title of " Preceptor Ger-
manise," was not confined to his native land, as may be
judged from the remark of Hallam, in his '' History
of Literature," that he became '' far above all others,
the founder of general learning throughout Europe."
^o one appreciated the services of Melanchthon in
the cause of the Reformation more than Dr. Martin
Luther, and it is to Luther's credit, that he treated
Melanchthon with uniform consideration. One would
fain say the same of Melanchthon's attitude toward
Luther.
Melanchthon's weakness was overruled for good.
His shoulders were not equal to some of the burdens
imposed upon them. His good, sound work has sur-
vived. It is to be hoped that these pages will aid in
promoting the study not only of the Life of Melanch-
thon, but of the whole period in which the Gospel of
our Lord Jesus Christ was restored to its normal and
proper position in the Church.
G. F. Spieker.
LIFE
OF
PHILIP MELANCHTHON
CHAPTER I.
HIS BIRTH AND PARENTAGE.
AST from the city of Carlsruhe, in the Grand-
V,. duchy of Baden, Germany, lies the town of
^ Bretten. In the times of the Reformation it
k
belonged to the Palatinate of the Rhine, and boasted
a population of three hundred families. At the present
day its inhabitants hardly number more than four
thousand souls. But it enjoys the enviable distinction
of being the birth-place of Philip Melanchthon.
!N^ear the end of the fifteenth century there dwelt in
this humble town a young married couple by the
name of George and Barbara Schwarzerd. They were
in comfortable circumstances and stood high in tin-
regard of the community. Of these parents, Pliilip
Melanchthon was born on February 1<), 1407. His
family name therefore was Schwarzerd, which means
"Black Earth." It was afterwards changed, in con-
formity with the custom which prevailed among the
(11)
12
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
learned men of the day, into its Greek equivalent,
Melanchthon.
Philip's father was armorer to the Elector Philip of
IIoMK OF Melanchthon at Buetten.
the Palatinate, and named his first-horn son in honor
of that ruler. He enjoyed a wide reputation for skill
in his profession. He was entrusted with the manu-
facture of armor for many princes and even for the
Emperor Maximilian. His Imperial Majesty was so
HIS BIRTH AND PARENTAGE. 13
well pleased with the perfect liiiish of one suit of this
armor, that he bestowed upon its maker a coat of arms
which was emblematic of his profession, and consisted
of a lion sitting upon a shield and helmet, and hold-
ing a pair of tongs and a hammer in his paws.
George Schwarzerd was known as a just and pious
man. ]N"o priest observed his hours of devotion more
scrupulously. He arose every midnight and repeated
his prayers. He was free from gross sins and vices,
and possessed the same gentle, amiable and peace-
loving disposition which so largely characterized his
illustrious son. He was not " greedy of filthy lucre."
It is recorded of him, that he frequently charged less
for his work than his customers would willingly have
paid. He shared, however, the superstitions of his
age ; and when his son Philip was born, he consulted
an astrologer to learn his child's destiny. He was told
that Philip would at some time in his life be shi[)-
wrecked on the Baltic Sea.
Philip's mother was the daughter of Jolm Renter,
the Mayor of Bretten. She was pious, industrious,
frugal, domestic in her habits, and an excellent house-
wife. One of the proverbs which slie was fond of
quoting and which indicates her ideas of housekeei>
ing ran thus :
"Whoever spends more
Tlum liis plow can restore,
Will come to grief ;
Perhaps, hang as a thief."*
* ' ' Wer raeh r will vc r/A-l i ren ,
Denn sein Pflug kann ernaehren,
Der win! zuletzt verderben,
L'nd vielleicht am Cialgen sterben."
14 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
But while she was a careful housewife and would by
no means tolerate extravagance, she was kind to the
sick and the poor, and never turned any one away
hungry from her door. Her favorite reply to those
who found fault with her extreme liberality was,
*' Almsgiving does not impoverish."
Besides Philip, this excellent couple was blessed
with four other children ; namely, Anna, born in 1499 ;
George, in 1501; Margaret, in 1506; and Barbara, in
1508.
li
CHAPTER II.
HIS CHILDHOOD. 1504-1509.
ITTLE PHILIP received his first instruction in
the town school of Bretten. When he was only
seven years of age, a contagious disease broke ''
out in the community, and he was taken out of the
school. His education, together with that of his brother
George and his mother'-s youngest brother, was there-
upon entrusted to a private tutor, John linger, whom
Renter engaged by the advice of the learned John
Reuchlin, Philip's great uncle. linger was thorough
in his instructions, and understood how to win the affec-
tions and respect of his pupils. Melanchthon afterward
spoke very highly of him, and declared : " He made
me a grammarian. He was an excellent man; he
loved me as a son and I loved him as a father ; and we ^
shall soon, I hope, meet in heaven."
HIS CHILDHOOD. 15
Philip possessed a remarkable memory. IK' not
only learned easily, but possessed the far rarer j)Ower
of retaining all that he had learned. He was gentle
and amiable in his intercourse with his companions, so
that his exceptional gifts excited not so much their
envy, as their admiration. The other powers of his
mind were as extraordinary as his memory. When
educated foreigners came to town, as they frequently
did, his grandfather took great delight in engaging
him in disputes with them. Philip was nearly always
the \dctor in these contests. He had inherited from
his mother a lively temperament, and was at times
easily irritated, but he was also quickly appeased.
He early learned to control his temper, and sometimes
applied to himself the adage :
" He strikes and thrusts ; but when he's done,
He has not injured any one."*
He was afflicted ^vith the habit of stammering, but
took pains to overcome it, and in a great measure suc-
ceeded.
A double bereavement came to him early in life.
His grandfather. Renter, died October 16, 1507 ; and
eleven days later his father also died. In a campaign
against the Bavarians, in which he had taken part with
the Elector in 1504, George Schwarzerd had (h-unk
water from a poisoned well. From tliat time on, liis
health had steadily declined. When his end nji-
proached, he called his children to his bedside and ad-
monished them in these words: '^ T am dvini::; JID(1 I
* " Er haut und sticht
Und that doch nicmand nichts. "
16
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
desire that jou remain one with the Christian Church,
that Tou retain the knowledsre of God and lose not
jour eternal salvation. I have seen great changes in
the world, but there are greater ones in store. I pray
God to protect and guide you, and I admonish you to
John Reuchlin.
fear God and lead a Christian life. Obey Him and
hold fast to that which is good."
Pliilip's grandmother Renter, a sister of the famous
Reuclilin, now removed to the neighboring city of
Pforzheim, her native place ^ and took him as well as
AT THE UNIVERSITY. 17
his brother George with her, in order to enter them
in the Latin school of that city. George Simler, the
principal of this school, was the object of considerable
curiosity and admiration because he was versed in
Greek and Hebrew as well as in Latin. These were
still rare accpiirements, because the revival of learn-
ing had just begun. He taught Greek privately to his
ablest pupils only. Of these ]*hilip was one; and
here was laid the foundation of his subsequent ripe
Greek scholarship. John Reuchlin took a great in-
terest in his youthful relative, aild presented him with
a Greek Grammar and a Greek-Latin lexicon of his
own authorship. In order to show his appreciation of
Reuchlin's kindness, Philip wrote a Latin comedy, and
Avith the aid of some of his schoolmates, performed it
in Reuchlin's presence. It was on this occasion, that
his learned relative changed Philip's surname into its
Greek equivalent, Melanchthon. By Reuchlin's ad-
vice, Philip devoted himself assiduously to the study
of the classics, and thus fitted himself for the career
in which he subsequently earned the title, Prseceptor
Germanise (Teacher of Germany).
CHAPTER IIL
AT THE UNIVERSITY. 1509-1516.
MELAN'CHTHOX spent about two years in the
school at Pforzheim. He was then, although
(^ only thirteen years of age, far enough ad-
vanced to enter the University of Heidelberg. He
removed to that city and took up his residence in the
2
18 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
house of Professor Pallas Spangel. Among his fellow-
students were Bucer and Brenz, both of whom after-
wards distinguished themselves in the work of the
Reformation.
AVliile attending this university, Melanchthon con-
tinued to devote himself to the study of the classics.
But he had to do so privately, because the public in-
structions dealt chiefly with the foolish speculations
and useless subtleties of the scholastics. He himself,
in later years, wrote concerning these student-days :
" The youth were taught scarcely anything but the
empty twaddle of the schoolmen and some elements
of natural philosophy. As I already understood how
to make verses, I began, with a child's craving for
knowledge, to read the (newer) poets and to study, in
connection Avith them, the histories and fables of which
they treated. This practice gradually led me to the
study of the ancient classics." His attainments in the
Greek language soon procured for him great respect
both from students and professors. One of the latter,
who himself was ignorant of Greek, one day came
across a knotty question whose solution required a
knowledge of that language. In his dilemma, he
asked, " Where will I find a Grecian ?" In reply the
whole class cried out, '' Melanchthon ! Melanchthon !"
In spite of his extreme youthfulness, he was entrusted
with the instruction of the two young sons of the
Count of Loewenstein. The preparations which he
made for their lessons, he carefully noted down, and
these notes formed the basis of the Greek grammar
which he subsequently published.
On the tenth day of June, 1511, he received the
AT THE UNIVERSITY. 19
degree of Bachelor of Arts. Soon afterwards lie ap-
plied for the Master's degree, hut was refused, be-
cause, although he possessed the required qualifica-
tions, " he was still too young and of too childish an
appearance." He was greatly pained by this refusal.
For this reason, together with the additional consid-
eration, that the climate of the neighborhood did not
agree with him, he wended his way, in the fall of
1512, to the University of Tuehingen. A somewhat
freer and more scientific spirit prevailed here, and gave
a wider scope to his talents.
Melanchthon continued here the dilio^ent studv of
the classics. He also applied himself to Hebrew.
Indeed, his cravins: for knowledo:e was so intense and
his facility in learning so great, that he took up many
other branches of study. He applied himself to
philosophy and jurisprudence under his former teacher,
Simler, Avho was now professor at this university. He
paid attention also to astronomy and mathematics, and
even to medicine. In 1514 he finished his philosophi-
cal course and obtained the Master's degree. He was
then employed as private tutor at the university.
About this time, he began to turn his attention to
theology. But in this, as in most of his other studies,
he was largely dependent on his own private efibrts.
The public lectures on theology were occui)ied almost
solely with the traditions of tlie church and the empty
subtleties of the schoolmen. The Bible was not taught
at all. Melanchthon, however, privately api)lied himself
to the study of the Scriptures and the ancient Church
Fathers. He carried a copy of the Bible with him con-
stantly. The studies which he thus pursued were of
20 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
great advantage to himself and Luther in after years,
when they engaged in conflict with the enemies of the
Reformation. He carried his Bible with him to church,
and ran some risk of being regarded as a heretic be-
cause he spent his time in reading the Scriptures, in-
stead of paying attention to the vain ceremonies and
empty babblings which occupied the minds of the
others.
During his residence at Tuebingen, he was engaged
also in literary labors. He corrected proof sheets for
the publisher, Thomas Anshelm, published an edition
of Terence and a Greek grammar, and so remodeled
and improved the Chronicon, or Universal Histor)/, by
John Xauclerus, who had formerly been rector of the
university, that it soon became one of the most useful
and widely-read historical works of the age. He took
an active part, also, with Reuchlin, in contending
against the Dominican monks of Cologne, who, in their
blind fanaticism, insisted on the burning of all Jewish
books and documents.
Melanchthon remained at Tuebingen live years.
By this time, although he was scarcely twenty-one
years of age and appeared to be still younger than he
really was, he had acquired a wide reputation by his
scholarly attainments. In the year 1516 the learned
Erasmus of Rotterdam publicly said of him : '-What
promise does not this Philip Melanchthon, a youth, as
yet, and almost a boy, give of himself! He is equally
at home in both languages [Greek and Latin] . What
acuteness of invention, what purity of diction, what a
memory for recondite matters, what extensive reading,
what delicate grace and noble talents he displays !"
THE CALL AND REMOVAL TO WITTENBERG. 21
And in a letter to Oeeolanipadius he wrote: "Of
Melanclithon I entertain the most distingnished and
splendid expeetations. God grant that this yonng
man may long survive us. He will entirely eclipse
Erasmus."
CHAPTER IV.
THE CALL AND REMOVAL TO WITTENBERG. 1518.
WIDER field of usefulness, more suited to a
mind of such extensive learning and compre-
hensive grasp, was now opened to Melanch-
thoii. He had already been invited to the University
of Ingolstadt. But by Reuchlin's advice he had de-
clined to go. The bigoted spirit wliieh prevailed there
would have imposed an intolerable restraint upon
the progressive spirit of Melanclithon. A call now
came to him, however, from a field where he would l)e
untrammeled by the scholasticism of the Middle Ages.
It was a call to a professorship in the new University
of Wittenberg.
This institution was one of the youngest universities
in Germany. It had been founded as recently as
1502, l)y Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony; but
its faculty consisted of some of the most learned and
enlightened men of the day. At this time its reputa-
tion^extended all over Europe ; for it numbered among
its professors. Dr. Martin Luther. Only a sliort time
before this, that man of God had nailed to the church
22
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Elector Frederick III. of Saxony.
THE CALL AND REMOVAL TO WITTENBERG. 23
door at Wittenberg liis t'aiuous niuetj-tive thoses iiii^ainst
the sale of indulgences, and declared his readiness to
defend them against any and all comers. The news
of his daring act had spread like wild-fire, and Witten- 4
berg had become famous.
The call to this university gave to Melanchthon an
opportunity to identify himself with the movement to
free mankind from the corruption, ignorance, and
thraldom of papal misrule. He accepted the call. It
came to him through Reuchlin, to whom the Elector
of Saxony had applied for a competent professor of
Greek and Hebrew, and who, in recommending Me-
lanchthon, had said of him, " I know of no one among
the Germans who excels him, except Erasmus of Rot-
terdam, and he is an Hollander." In notifying Me-
lanchthon of his call to AVittenberg, Reuchlin wrote to
him in these words : " I do not intend to address you
in poetical language, but in the words of that true
promise of God which he gave to the faithful Al)ra-
ham, ' Get thee out of thy country and fr<^m thy kin-
dred and from thy father's house, into a land that I
will show thee; and I will make of thee a great
nation, and I will bless thee and make thv name great;
and thou shalt l)e a blessins;.' This niv spirit tells
me, and this I hope of thee, my rhili}), my handiwork
and my consolation. Go, then, cheerfully and joyfnlly.
lie not dismayed; be no woman, but a 111:111. N**
jtrophet is without honor, save in his own country."
Melanchthon immediately set out for his new field
of labor. He paid a farewell visit t(^ his relatives at
Bretten and Pforzheim, visited Reuchlin at Stuttgart,
and proceeded to Augsburg, where the Imperial Diet
24
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Augsburg.
AT WITTENBERG. 25
was in session. Here he was presented to the Elector,
and made the acquaintance of George Spalatin, tlic
Saxon Court-chaplain. From Augsburg he proceeded
to l^uremberg, where he visited the celebrated states-
man, Pirkheimer, passed through Leipzig, where he
was entertained by the university, and arriv^ed at Wit-
tenberg, August 25, 1518, having resolutely declined
a call to Leipzig, as well as a second call to the Uni-
versity of Ingolstadt. The University of Tuebingen
scarcely realized the great loss which it sustained by
his removal. Simler alone appreciated it, and de-
clared : " Although there are learned men here, none
of them are sufficiently learned to appreciate the teach-
ins: of this man who has been called awav, and who is
now about to depart." But God had a work for Me-
lanchthon to do, and that work "was to be done at Wit-
tenberg.
CHAPTER Y.
AT WITTENBERG.
I
^ I yHE personal appearance of Melanchthon was
little calculated to confirm the expectations
raised by the reputation which had preceded
him. He was only twenty-one years of age and looked ^
very boyish. His stature was small, his frame delicate,
his manner timid and diffident. When lie walked he
held one shoulder higher than the other, and when lie
spoke he drew his eyebrows together in a curious way,
stammered in his utterance, and gesticulated nervously.
26
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Was this the famous scholar whose praises Erasmus
and Reuchhn had sung so loudly ? Many of the Wit-
tenbergers did nothesitate to give expression to their
contempt of his insTgT^ificant appearance and timid
air, and to question whether the university had made
so great an acquisition after all in securing the ser-
vices of this callow-looking youth. But a careful and
unprejudiced observer might have augured better
things from his lofty brow, his clear blue eyes, and the
Market Place at Wittenberg.
intellis^ence written on everv feature of his face.
Within this frail tenement of clay, there lodged a gi-
gantic intellect and a noble soul, whose might and
worth would soon become apparent even to these
scoffers.
Four days after his arrival the new professor deliv-
ered his introductory lecture. His subject was, " The
Improvement of Studies for the Youth." Tt was a
masterly effort, and he astonished his auditors ])y his
able treatment of the subject. He dwelt on the neces-
AT WITTENBERG. 27
isity of goiiiu:; back to the' original sources of knowl-
edge, in order to se[)arate the truth from the errors
with which, iu the process of time, it had become
encrusted. To this end it was necessary, he said,
thoroughly to master the Greek as well as the Latin
language; and in no branch of study was this more
necessary than in the domain of theology. Chris-
tian doctrine was not to be drawn from the trans-
lations and expositions of later times, but from the
unadulterated source, the Holy Scriptures themselves
Luther, who was present in the large audience which
had assembled in the lecture-room, was higlily de-
lighted with what he heard. He was astonished by
the learning, the comprehensive grasp, the reasoning
power, and the beautiful diction, which Melanchthon's
discourse revealed; and at the same time, he was
gratified with the progressive but sound position which
the youthful professor had advanced. It can be
readily conceived that he viewed with profoundest joy
the prospect of possessing, in the religious struggle
upon which he had entered, the support of such a man
as Melanchthon. There was anionic his ot\wr co-
laborers at Wittenberg no man from whom lie might
expect such powerful succor as that wliicli the thor-
ough philological training, the clear thought, and tlic
lucid language of Philip }>romised to give. If such a
man as Melanchthon, ecpiipped with the most exten-
sive classical training, and the refined culture of an
Erasmus or a Reuchlin, delivered exegetical lectures
upon the very text of Scripturi', wliat a triumph the
Gospel must achieve !
Luther immediatelv wrote to liis friend, the court-
28
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Martin Luther.
AT WITTENBERrt. 29
chaplain, G-eorgc Spalatin, and exprossed the gratifi-
cation which ho felt : " Mclanchthon," he fiays, " on
the fourth day after his arrival, delivered a most
learned and elegant address, to tlie great joy and ad-
miration of all who heard him. TTenceforth he no
longer needs any recommendatiun from you. We
soon learned to look away from his external appear-
ance ; we consider ourselves most fortunate to possess
him, and are astonished at his extraordinary gifts.
See to it that you commend him most earnestly to our
prince. I have no desire whatever for any other
teacher of Greek as long as we can retain him. There
is but one thing which I fear, and that is, that with
his delicate constitution, our manner of living may
not agree with him. Furthermore, I have learned
that he has been called with too small a salary, so that
the Leipzigers, who courted him before he came
among us, already flatter themselves that they will be
able to lure him away." Two days later he wrote
to the same friend : '' I most heartily commend IMiilip
to you. lie is a perfect Grecian, a thorough scholar,
friendly and amiable. His lecture-room is crowded,
and he has caused all the theologians of the upper,
middle, and lower classes, to apply themselves to the
study of Greek."
In their subsequent personal intercourse, Luther
and Melanchthon were daily drawn into a closer
friendship and fuller nnitual esteem. Melanchthon
was filled with admiration for the clear, forceful intel-
lect, the deep, sincere piety, and the heroic spirit of
Luther; while the great Reformer on the other hand
was charmed bv Melanchthon's amiable disposition,
30
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON,
G. SrALATIN.
AT WITTENBERG. 31
his gentle nature, and the grace and eloquence with
which he employed his vast learning. Each found
elements of character in the other which he hiniscU'
lacked ; their natures supplemented each other. Both
were lahoring with the same high and unselfish aim,
and both rejoiced that the Providence of God had
brought them into the same field, and permitted them
to labor side by side.
With the coming of Melanchthon, a new era of
prosperity dawned upon the University of Wittenberg.
In the year 1517 there had been no more than two
hundred students enrolled; but now they began to
pour in from all parts of Germany and other countries
of Europe, mainly for the purpose of attending ^le-
lanchthon's lectures. The new manner of teaching
wdiich he introduced, the charm which his pleasing
address and elei^cant culture threw over everv field of
research, the attention he bestowed upon the study of
the classics, and the habits of clear, well-ordered
thinking which he inculcated, filled the students witli
an enthusiasm and a zeal for study which can be aj)-
preciated only when we bear in mind tlie dry, ditl'use,
and barren methods of the scholastics which liml pre-
vailed so long. The number of his auditors eon-
stantly increased till they reached a thousand and
even two thousand or more. Among thciii ucrc
princes, counts, barons and other mem])ers oi" tlic no-
bility, who came to imbibe learning at the feet of this
youthful professor.
In his introductory address, Melanchthon liad an-
nounced that he would deliver lectures upon the
poems of Homer and the Epistle of St. Paul to Titus.
32 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
As copies of Erasmus's edition of the Greek ]N"ew Tes-
tament were scarce at Wittenberg, he had a special
edition of the Epistle to Titus printed for the use of
his students. But in addition to the lectures which
he had announced, he also undertook, for the pre^Gnt,
to give instruction in Hebrew. As his proficiency in
this language was by no means equal to that which he
possessed in Greek, he labored almost day and night
to perfect his knowledge of it. He granted himself
no respite. He generally began to work at two o'clock
in the morning. He delivered two lectures every
forenoon at the university, and the rest of his long
working day was given up wholly to his studies, his
literary labors, and his constantly increasing corre-
spondence. When the Elector heard that his new
professor was likely to kill himself by hard work, he
sent him orders to take better care of himself. But
there is no evidence on hand to prove that Melanch-
thon obeyed the orders. He was simply indefatigable.
CHAPTER VI.
EARLY CONFLICTS.
EA^WHILE the Reformation was making-
rapid progress. The etforts of Rome to
bring Luther to silence failed. He was
neither daunted by her threats nor beguiled by her
persuasions, but continued to teach and preach the
truth of the Gospel.
EARLY CONFLICTS.
33
The vain-glorious Dr. Eck now i)roposed the hold-
ing of a public disputation on the doctrines which
Luther advanced. The challenge was addressed to
Carlstadt hut was meant in reality for Luther. It was
accepted. The disputation was opened at Leipzig on
June 27, 1519, and lasted for three weeks. Diiriiiii:
;:^^^:
L>K. EcK.
this period, Eck disputed first with Carlstadt on the
doctrine of the free will, and then with Luther on tlie
pope's primacy, repentance, indulgences, and purga-
tory.
Melanehthon, who had obtained i)er!nissi<)ii trmii
the Elector to accompany Luther, did not take any
active part in the discussion, but was an interested
spectator. It is related, however, that in the course
of the dispute he occasioiudly suggested to the Witten-
3
34 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
berg theologians such replies to the voluble Eck, as
his extensive reading and ready intellect furnished.
Eck was not at all pleased that this boj^ish-looking
professor should aid his adversaries in laying bare his
sophistries and confuting his arguments ; and he called
out to Melanchthon, " Be quiet, Philip ; attend to your
studies, and do not disturb me."
This Leipzig Disputation exerted a strong influence
upon Melanchthon's future life. E"ot only did it
openly array him upon the side of Luther, but it
turned his studies more decidedly in the direction of
theology. Without any such intention on his part, it
also involved him shortly afterwards in a conflict with
Eck. Melanchthon had ^^Titten to (Ecolampadius an
account of the disputation and exposed some of the
weak points in Eck's arguments. This letter Me-
lanchthon published. Although it acknowledged that
Eck's natural gifts had excited the admiration of his
opponents, that vain man took such oftense at some
passages in it, that he immediately published a pam-
phlet against the " Wittenberg grammarian," as he
termed Melanchthon, and asserted that Melanchthon
understood Greek, to be sure, but was utterly incom-
petent to judge of matters of faith, and was therefore
no proper person for a theologian to argue with. He
called Melanchthon contemptuous names, and at-
tempted to belittle him in the eyes of the public.
In reply to this rude attack, Melanchthon published
a pamphlet, in which, with exquisite urbanity, he ex-
plained to Eck that the Church Fathers, whom the
latter regarded as infallible authority, were by no
means such an authority, and defined the principles
EARLY CONFLICTS. 35
of sound hermeneutics* in so able ii manner, that Eck
plainly perceived that he had made a mistake in wan-
tonly crossing swords witli so skilful an antagonist.
To the abuse which Eck had seen tit to hea}) upon
him, he replied that, '' if Eck did not consider him
worthy to treat of important theologieal questions, he
ought at least be willing to permit Christians to con-
verse on religious topics and allow Melanchthon the
privilege of feeding his soul upon them ; that it would
have been far wiser in Eck to encourage the ' little '
people to read the Scriptures and kindly instruct them
if they erred, than to seek to frighten them l)y such
utterances." Luther could bv no means brini>: liini-
selt to regard the matter as lightly as Melanchthon
did. He became very indignant at Eck's conduct, and
gave vent to his feelings in a letter which he addressed
to Spalatin about this time : " Philip's opinion and
iudo^ment are Avorth more to me than that of nnniv
thouj^and dirty Ecks; and I am not ashamed, although
I am a blaster of Arts, Philosophy and Theology, and
am adorned with almost all the titles which Eck pos-
sesses, to abandon my opinion, if it disagrees with that
of this grammarian. I have frequently done so, and
do so still, because of the noble gifts which God, in
his bounteous grace, has poured into this frail earthen
vessel which Eck affects to despise. I do not praise
Philip; he is a creature of God, nothing more: but T
honor God's work in him."
The calm and forcible defense which Mclanchtiion
published was so well received by all the eidiglitened
The science of interpreting Scrij)ture.
36 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
scholars of Europe that Eck, who began to be attacked
on other sides also, thought it advisable to beat a re-
treat and retire into Italy. Melanchthon, almost
against his Avill, was made Bachelor of Theology on
September 19, 1519, on account of his extraordinary
theological attainments, and was received into the
theological faculty of the university. But he could
never be prevailed upon to accept the degree of Doc-
tor of Theoloo-v, because he did not want to assume
the responsibility which he believed doing so would
involve. Those who knew him, however, agreed Avith
Luther when he declared : " What we know of the
sciences and true philosophy we have to thank Philip
for. It is true, he is only a Master of Arts, but he is
a Doctor above all Doctors."
From this time onward. Biblical exegesis became
his favorite study. In his lectures to the students, he
expounded during this year not only the Epistle to the
Romans and the Gospel of Matthew, but also some of
the books of the Old Testament. He was especially
fond, however, of the writings of St. Paul. Luther,
himself, sometimes appeared among his auditors, and
declared that no one had ever better exhibited the mean-
ing of St. Paul's writings than this 3'outliful professor.
Shortly after this, Melanchthon's celebrated TjOgi
Communes appeared in print. He had presented in
his lectures at the university the principal truths con-
tained in the writings of St. Paul, and the students
were so well pleased with them, that they had them
published. Naturally^ many imperfections existed in
the w^ork thus issued, and therefore Melanchthon re-
vised and enlarged it, and published it himself in the
EARLY CONFLICTS. 37
year 1521. This work was the tirst system of the-
ology of the evangelical Church and met with an ex-
tensive demand. Luther was delighted with it, and
declared that it was not only worthy of immortality,
l)ut of being received into the canon of Scripture. The
work passed through more than one hundred editions.
It was translated into a numl)er of other languages.
It appeared even in Rome under a different name and
title, and was eagerly read there until the Inquisition
discovered the real name of the author.
Wliile Melanchthon was ens-ao^ed in these various
labors, his relations with Luther daily became more
friendly and intimate. In the fall of 1520 Melanch-
thon wrote : "Luther is too great, too wonderful U)V
me to depict in Avords; as often as I regard liini,
he appears greater than before." lie looked up to
Luther with a feeling that was greatly akin to awe,
and could not cease wondering at his heroic spirit
and conduct. Equally high was tlie esteem in wliidi
Luther held Melanchthon. We Avill hardly be in-
clined to agree with the assertion which he makes,
but the words which he spoke at the time when
Melanchthon presented the thesis for his degree cer-
tainly express almost boundless admiration for his
youthful friend: " This man," he says, 'Mvill do as
much as many Martins together, as a most powerful
enemy of Satan and the scholastic theology." To his
friend Lange at Erfurt he wrote, about the same time,
" This little Grecian excels me also in theology." lie
even went so far as to imagine in 1520, that he was
only meant to be the forerunner of Melanchthon in
the work of the Reformation.
38 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
It was not long till Melanclithon had good occasion
to use his pen in defense of his heroic friend. A very
bitter publication against Luther appeared in Rome in
1520 with the title, " To the Princes and People of
Germany against Martin Luther, the Defamer of Ger-
man Glory." It was published under the fictitious
name of Thomas Rhadinus. In February of the fol-
lowing year, Melanchthon took up the defense of the
slandered reformer, under the assumed name of Didy-
mus Faventinus. Among other things he says : " We
do not ask for pity or mercy, but strict investigation.
Listen to nothing, ye princes, but to the commands of
the Bible ; think of nothing but your own dignity and
the people's welfare. Our cause is not of man but of
Christ. If I defend Luther, it is because he has
brought the Gospel to light again. . . . ]^o false call-
ing on the name of Christ or that of his Apostles,
Peter and Paul, no threatenings or excommunications,
should prevent you from doing your duty as Christian
princes. Regard it rather as a privilege granted by
God's grace, that you are called upon, at this time, to
see to it that the Gospel of salvation, which had been
buried so long but now has begun to shine forth once
more, shall not be buried again." This reply bears
noble testimony to his friendship for Luther, his full
sympathy with the Reformation, and the possession
of a moral courage which did not shrink from an open
and strong expression of his convictions. It exerted
a powerful influence upon the Reformation, and de-
prived the Roman Church of much of the prestige
which it had hitherto enjoyed, and of the reverence
with which men had regarded it.
EARLY CONFLICTS. 39
Soon after this, Mchinclitlioii was engagcHl in a
second conflict in belialf of his friencL Wliik^ Luther
was absent at tlie Wartburg, the University of Paris,
or the Sorbonne, as it was called, pul)lished a pamphlet
against him, in which the assertion was made, tliat
he ought rather to be burned tlian re-futed by ai-u'u-
ments. Luther, when he learned of it, took tlie mat-
ter very calmly and said, " I have read the decree of
the Parisian Sophists and rejoice from the heart ov(>r
it. God would not have so smitten them with blind-
ness, if he did not intend to put an end to their ty-
ranny." But Melanchthon was very indignant over
the matter; and when Eck made haste to translate
their decree into German in order to give it a wide
circulation, he again entered the lists. He believed
that their decree dared not be permitted to go unchal-
lenged, because the theological faculty of the Sorbonne
still possessed some of its ancient prestige and author-
ity. The mild and peace-loving ^lelanchthon for once
breaks out into bitter sarcasm. He professes himself
to be " scarcely able to believe that such a writing
should have emanated from Paris, where once the pious
Gerson and other noble men of God lived and labored."
" They bring," he says, ^' no arguments to confute Luth-
er, but cry out, ^ He is a heretic; let him be ])urn('(l.'
What a genuine monkish argument this is, anyway!"
"He finds himself," he declares, "ol)liged to give cre-
dence to the ancient saying, that the French liave no
brains; for the Parisian theologians are in conflict with
both tlie Holy Scriptures and the Church Fathers."
Shortly after this, there appeared an anonymous
publication which is interesting because it shows the
40 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
high esteem in which Melanchthon was held. The
unknown author pretends to take the part of the theo-
logians of Paris against Melanchthon, but in reality,
satirizes them most unmercifully^ He proceeds in be-
half of the Sorbonne to give the marks by which it
may be seen that Melanchthon could not possibly
know anything of the truth. " The first mark," he
says, " is this, that he teaches Grreek." Hereupon, he
purposely confuses the ancient Greeks with the
modern Greek Church and asks, " How is it possible
that the Greeks, who from time immemorial have been
rebels, schismatics and heretics, should be good Romans
and Christians ? The second mark is this, that Me-
lanchthon is hardly as yet twenty-four years old.
Such a youth cannot help but be in error, and yet he
ventures to write against such an ancient, great, and
honorable university. It is a wonder that his High-
ness, the Elector Frederick, who is esteemed to be
wise, tolerates this foolish youth instead of locking
him up until he becomes more prudent. Meanwhile,
we ought to have compassion on his youth. The third
mark is this, that he is acknowledged to be smaller
than his master, Luther. How can as much learning
be contained in his little body as in the .great Sor-
bonne ? The fourth and most dreadful of all is this,
that* he is a layman, that he is not even tonsured.
And yet it is said that he is a Bachelor of Theology,
and delivers lectures upon the writings of the holy St.
Paul, without wearing a monk's cowl. Priests shall
listen to laymen ! A pupil shall instruct his masters,
a youth his elders, and a Greek the Romans ! thou
dreadful AVittenberg I Thou dost spoil all and make
HIS MARRIAGE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 41
of the cliurcli a Babylon. And ix final mark tliorc is
which is hardly credible. He is married ! A layman
who has a wife teaches Tloly Scriptures amon<i; monks
and clergy, in opposition to the papal decrees, which
teach that no one who is married is able to serve God,
and Avhieh forbid the priests to marry, so that they
may be all the better able — to play dice! If only
the Emperor Charles would destroy with fire and
sword this Wittenberg, where so many dangerous in-
novations in faith and manners arebrouirht forward!"
CHAPTER VII.
melanchthon's marriage and domestic life.
^ I y HE studies and labors in which Melanchthon
was engaged so engrossed his attention, that
I
he showed no inclination to enter the state
of matrimony. It was only wliiii it was suggested to
him by others that he thought of it at all, and then
not by any means favorably. His friends in Witten-
berg, and among them Luther in partictdar, were
anxious that he sliotdd be married. His incessant
labors were undermining his healtli ; they feared he
would break down, and argued that, if he were only
married, his wife could com}»el him to take better eare
of himself, and that the responsibilities and eares in-
separable from the blessed state of matrimony would
obliire him to divert his attention sometimes from his
42 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
intellectual pursuits, and to direct it to family affairs.
Luther also hoped that, if he were married to some
lady of Wittenherg, Melanchthon would be less likely
to accept any of the calls which came to him so fre-
quently from other universities.
Perhaps it was Luther himself, therefore, who
looked about for a suitable wife for his beloved Philip,
and decided that Catherine Krapp, the daughter of
the burgomaster of Wittenberg, was the one he was
seeking. But it was easier to select a wife for Philip
than to persuade him to take her. He would not
listen to it for a long time. He was afraid that he
would have to shorten his hours of study, and thus rob
himself of his highest enjoyment; he feared that he
would be troubled with visitors from the ranks of his
wife's relatives, and that much precious time would
be wasted for him. In short, he frowned upon the
whole matter. Finally, however, he was persuaded to
converse with the lady in question. Whether he was
prevailed upon by the persuasions of his friends, or the
subtle charms of Miss Catherine herself, who, it should
be said, possessed a very sweet and amiable disposi-
tion, is perhaps inquiring too curiously ; but the fact
is, he changed his mind and consented to be married.
They were formally engaged on the eighteenth of
August, 1520, and were married on the twenty-fifth
of !N'ovember following.
The union into which they entered was a happy
one. Melanchthon's wife turned out to be a woman
after his own heart, and he declared that he could not
have wished himself a better one from heaven. She
was pious, gentle, decorous, and a kind and consider-
HIS MARRIAGE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 43
ate help-meet. !Slie united in her person the very
virtues in which Mehmchthon most deHghted. She
was not without her fauUs, of course; hut they were
of such a kind that they did not concern or trouhle
him much. She carried her generosity to excess, and
often gave to the poor what they needed hadly enough
themselves ; she was inclined to attach too little im-
portance to the preparation of the meals; and she
manifested an undue solicitude for the health of her
hushand. But Melanchthon was guilty of excessive
liberality himself, and little disposed to find fault with
his better half for following his example; he was l)y
no means fond of the pleasures of the table; and li<'
never permitted his wife's concern for his health to
interfere with the performance of any duty or imi)ort-
ant work.
The first few months of his wedded life w^ere not
without their trials. His financial condition was any-
thing but prosperous. He had managed to get along
tolerably well on his salary of one hundred florins, as
Ions: as he was single. But he found it considerably
more difiicult to do so now that he was married and
had to supply the wants of a household. He applied
for an increase of salary, but failed to obtain it. The
provision made for the support of the university had
never been very large, and the elector was averse to
levying greater taxes in order to increase tlie amount.
He occasionally i)resented Melanchthon with good
things to eat, or with a piece of clotii for a euat, but
granted no increase of salary. The fare in Melanch-
thon's house was, therefore, very simple, sonietimes
even meagre. But, as the days rolled on, he and his
44
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
wife gradually accommodated themselves to their cir-
cumstances and liv^ed contentedly, even if not in great
Mjelanchthon's Home at Wittenberg.
plenty. Frequently Luther, who received no salary
at all and still lived in his monk's cell, called on them
and shared their frugal repast.
HIS MARRIAGE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 45
Fortunately, in the year previous to his marriage,
Melanchthon had taken into liis house, as his "famu-
lus," or servant, his countryman, John Koch. John, as
he was familiarly called, was l)y no means an ordinary
servant, but a sort of private secretary and steward
combined. He Avas a well-educated man, whose oi)in-
ion Melanchthon highly valued and often consulted,
and who rendered him valuable assistance in his liter-
ary labors and correspondence. After Melanchthon's
marriage John became the presiding genius of his
household, and but for him matters would often have
gone badly enough. He took complete charge of the
finances of the household and did most of the ])uying for
it. While this arrangement was exceedingly fortunate
for Melanchthon, it laid a heavy burden on John. The
excessive liberality of master and mistress kept him
involved in a perpetual struggle with the problem, how
to make ends meet.
It may be well at this point, and before we pn^ceed
to the further consideration of Melanchthon's public
career, to devote some space to the description of his
domestic life. He resided in the first story of a house
on College street. [N'aturally, considering the meagre-
ness of his salary, the furniture of tlie house was
scanty and plain. His own private room, or study,
contained only a desk, several shelves with books, and
a few leather-covered chairs. On the walls of the
room there hung a few pictures and ma})S. At a later
period he added a lounge, upon which he occasionally
reclined to rest.
The immense amount of work which Nrelanchthon
performed was made possible only by a strict, system-
46 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
atic disposal of his time. He rose regularly at two
o'clock in the morning and began his labors. At seven
the family gathered in the room adjoining the study,
and family worship was held. Usually, John Koch read
a chapter of the Bible, wdiich Melanchthon briefly ex-
plained and followed with a prayer. Then all sat
down to the breakfast table and partook of the frugal
fare. Melanchthon's own breakfast consisted regu-
larly of a cup of hot milk and a bun. At half-past
seven he retired to his room and resumed his studies.
From nine till eleven he w^as engaged in delivering his
lectures at the university. The one hour of recrea-
tion which he allowed himself was from eleven o'clock
till noon. This he spent with his family ; and while his
wife was superintending the preparation of the dinner,
he relieved her of the care of the children. At noon
the family sat down to dinner. Melanchthon always
ate sparingly. He cared little for meat, and declared
he would find it easy to adopt the principles of the
vegetarians. But he could never accustom himself to
the Saxon style of cooking, and declared : "It is a
great pity that in this miserable nest (Wittenberg)
there is no proper food to be found. There is noth-
ing good to be obtained; and if there ever does hap-
pen to be anything good, it is spoiled in the cooking.
Everything is barbarous." This declaration was not
meant as a reflection on the culinary talents of his
wife, for whom he had the highest regard, but referred
to the general style of preparing dishes which pre-
vailed in that neighborhood. He missed also the good
Rhenish wines of his native home and could never
learn to like the wines of Wittenberg. He often jo-
HIS MARRIACJE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 47
cosely quoted the words of liis friend, Peter Mosella-
nus, about the grapes of the neighborhood : " The
finest vinegar grows on yonder liills."
When dinner was over, he retired ai^aiii to liis study.
He also received visitors during the afternoon. Tliese
robbed him of a great deal of time and often tried
his patience sorely. They came upon all kinds of er-
rands. Some wanted letters of introduction to distin-
guished personages, others wanted testimonials of
character, others came to seek his advice, and still
others brouc^ht their writino's and asked him to look
through them, correct them, and write a commenda-
tory preface. Sometimes they brought materials lor
a learned dissertation and asked him to write it out
in good form for them, with the understanding that it
should be published under their name. Manuscripts
were often sent to him for his correction and approval,
with a request to supply them with an introduction
and have them published for the authors. Sometimes
he completely rewrote such manuscripts and let them
appear under the name of others. Even many of the
lectures delivered by the professors at the University
of Wittenbero; were written by him. It seems incred-
ible, but is related as a fact, that the bulk of all that
was written, publicly spoken, or printed at AVittcnbcrg,
owed its form or material to the hand and brain of
Melanchthon. Xot only theologians, but philosophers
and philologists, and even jurists and physicians, l)or-
rowed his pen. For, saving oidy P>asnius, this won-
derful man had scarcely a peer in any l)ran(li of learn-
ing. In the goodness of his heart he found it almost
impossible to refuse any request inadc ot' him, an<l as
48 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
far as it lay within his power he accommodated all
who sought his aid or advice. It is really marvellous
what an amount of work this intellectual giant accom-
plished, in spite of his delicate physical organization
and frequent illness.
Amid such various labors and employments, Me-
lanchthon's afternoon passed away. For supper he
generally ate little, if anything, hut continued at his
labors until nine o'clock, which was his hour for retir-
ing. He made it a rule to go to bed at this hour. He
believed it was essential to good health to retire early.
But he was evidently just as firm a believer in early
rising, and, as we have seen, was regularly found at
his desk again at two o'clock in the morning. It is
astonishing that so frail a body could withstand the
strain of such unremitting toil and such short periods
of repose.
Melanchthon was quite as liberal with his purse as
with his mental talents ; only he had not so much to
bestow. Out of the small salary which he received
he gave away till it was all gone ; and Avhen the cash
was exhausted, he supplied himself with it for new
gifts by taking to the merchants silver or golden cups
which had been presented to him. Naturally those
to whom he gave were often unworthy. But even if
he discovered this, he was as ready as usual to give to
the next one who applied for aid. This excessive lib-
erality often put himself and his family into sore
straits, and, even when the faithful John racked his
brain to the uttermost for some way to provide for
their needs, they would frequently have suffered want,
if the elector and others had not sent them things to
HIS MARRIAGE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 49
eat and to wear. It was useless for people to g'wv Me-
lanchthoii presents of money. In a very short time,
he had given it all away again. His son-in-law, Dr.
Peucer, at a later period, s[)oke very much to the
point when he said to Duke Albert of Prussia, who out
of gratitude was about ito give Melanchthon a iti'cscnt
of money: "I wish that nobody would give my
fatker-in-law money. It helps neither him nor his chil-
dren. He givfs it away at once. I see well enough
how it goes when he receives his salary; he gives until
there is not a farthing left. What is lacking then for
the household expenses, I must furnish. But this is
not calculated to make either of us rich." Tliis latter
aspect of the case, however, did not trouble Melanch-
thon. " I have poverty," he said, " as the compan-
ion of my philosophy; but I bear it willingly."
Melanchthon and his wife had four children : Anna,
Philip, George, and Magdalen. George died in infancy.
Anna, who was Melanchthon's favorite child, was mar-
ried to George Sabinus, a talented man, l)ut one wlio
proved to be wholly unworthy of her, and who tilk'(l
lier and her father's heart with bitter grief. Anna
died at the early age of twenty-three. The love wliicli
her father had borne her he transferred to her chil-
dren, wliom he took into his own family. His son
Philip, though delicate in infancy, Yived to the age of
eighty years. He possessed none of the eminent tal-
ents of his father, but Avas a good man, and, when vei-y
old, wrote in an album," I have a desire to di'part and
be with Christ." Magdalen was nuirried to the worthy
Dr. Caspar Peucer, and their union was a liapj>y one.
50 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
CHAPTER YIIL
MELANCHTHON DURING LUTHER'S ABSENCE FROM WIT-
TENBERG. 1521-1522.
¥EANWHILE the great spiritual struggle
which was shaking the very .foundations of
society was growing fiercer. It was rapidly
Hearing that stage when a reconciliation hetween the
reformers and the papal authorities would become im-
possible. In the fall of the year 1520 Eck returned
from Rome with a bull of excommunication against
Luther and his adherents. Luther replied by publish-
ing a pamphlet and burning the bull in the presence
of a great concourse of students and professors. The
die was cast; henceforth men had to choose between
truth and falsehood, Luther and the pope. Melanch-
thon did not hesitate an instant, but placed himself
unreservedly upon the side of his friend.
Early in the year 1521 the Imperial Diet assembled
at Worms, and Luther was summoned to appear before
it. The whole world knows of the heroic stand which
he took there for truth and right, his refusal to recant
unless convinced from the Holy Scriptures that he was
wrong, and the immortal words which he uttered,
"Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise; God help me.
Amen." But after this unequivocal declaration, Lu-
ther's life was no longer safe ; and the elector, reason-
ing that captivity at the liands of friends was better
than imprisonment and perhaps death at the hands of
MELANCHTIION DURTNG LUTHER's ABSENCE. 51
52 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
foes, had the intrepid monk carried off and concealed
in the Wartburg.
During this absence of Luther from AVittenberg,
which lasted almost a year, the burden of directing
the movements of the Reformation fell upon the youth-
ful shoulders of Melanchthon. But however eminent
his talents, this young professor lacked the qualities
which were necessary to cope successfully with the
seditious spirits Vvdiich soon forced themselves to the
front, ^o one was more conscious of this fact than
he was himself; and when he received the tidings of
Luther's sudden disappearance he was filled with dis-
may, not only at the thought of the dangers to which
his friend had perhaps fallen a prey, but also at the
sense of the loss which the church would suffer, and
the heavy responsibility which would devolve npon
him, if it should appear that Luther was really dead.
Many believed that he was dead, and the greatest con-
sternation reigned among the friends of the Reforma-
tion.
When Melanchthon learned the true state of affairs,
and heard that Luther was safe and sound at the Wart-
burg, he was overjoyed. In May he received a letter
from Luther, which exhorted him to step into the
breach created by the absence of his friend. But the
mantle of Luther w^as too heavy for him. He com-
plained in his reply that many w^ho had been adherents
of Luther began now to fall away. AYlien he learned
that the Reformer was sick at the Wartburg, and had
no medical attendance for fear that the secret of his
residence might be betrayed, he was greatly exercised,
and wrote to Spalatin : " I am worried about Luther's
MELANCHTHON DURING LUTIIER'S ABSENCE. 53
The W.vKTiiUKG.
54 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
health ; I fear he is devouring himself with secret grief,
not over himself, but over us and the Church. You
know with what care a vessel in which is contained so
great a treasure ought to he preserved. If we were to
lose him, I should have no doubt that God is angry
with us. Through him the lamp of Israel has been
lighted once more. What hopes would remain to us
if it were extinguished again ? Omit nothing whereby
you may help him and all of us. Oh, that I could with
my life purchase the life of this, the divinest man on
earth !" In the fall of the year he lamented : " Our
Elijah is still absent from us. We wait and hope for
him. I am tormented daily with the longing for his
return."
The labors and trials of Melanchthon were much in-
creased by Luther's absence. I^early all the business
and lectures of the absent professor devolved upon
him. Two new professors, Aurogallus and Justus
Jonas, were installed at the university, and a new ar-
rangement of the lectures had to be made. In all
these matters he had to supply the place of Luther.
Yet in spite of this additional labor, he found time
during the year to send out his masterly defence of
Luther against the Sorbonne, to translate for Bartholo-
mew Bernhard of Feldkirch an apology Avhich that
pastor had prepared for marrying in opposition to the
papal decrees, and to perform a numl)er of other lit-
erary labors.
Before long, however, his attention was almost
w^holly engrossed by the revolutionary changes which
took place in Wittenberg. With all his impetuosity,
Luther proceeded conservatively in the work of the
MELANCHTHON DURING LUTHEll's ABSENCE. 55
Reformation. But during liis absence many in ^Vit-
tenberg became radical, and were inclined to procci'd
to all manner of extremes. Melanclitlion's opinion and
advice were consequently wanted everywhere. Taking
into consideration his youth and comparative inex}>e-
rience, his decisions were usually marked by remark-
able prudence and sagacity. Thus he gave it as his
opinion that the action of the Saxon pastors who had
married was not to be condemned, because tlic decree
forbidding the marriage of the clergy was of very late
origin, had been difficult to enforce, and found no
warrant in Scripture. He also was appointed by the
elector as a member of the commission charged with
delivering an opinion on the course of the Augustinian
monks, who, by the advice of one of their nund)er,
Gabriel Zwilling, had decided to abolish the reading
of private masses, and to administer the Communion
in both kinds, instead of giving the laity simply tlie
bread, as had hitherto been the Romish custom. The
elector feared that this action was premature, and
would lead to trouble. The commission, however, in
its report, sanctioned the action of the monks; and
when the elector was dissatisfied with this opinion and
offered objections to it, they replied that they would
abide by their first report, and could not, in the in-
terests of the truth, deliver a difh'rent opinion. The
elector, therefore, decided to let matters take their
course, and did not attempt to interfere. The move-
ment among the monks gained strength, and in De-
cember of tlie same year they formally abolished these
abuses at a provincial convention lield in Wittenberg.
But Melanchthon was not equal to all the emergen-
56 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
cies which arose during Luther's absence. Both his
youth and his mental bias were ao-ainst him. He was
more fitted for reflection and contemplation than for
practical decision and action. Many matters came
before him, upon which he felt himself incompetent
to pronounce judgment without a careful and lengthy
investigation, but which should have been decided at
once. This was the case in his experience with the
Zwickau prophets. These claimed that they were di-
rectly inspired by the Holy Spirit, and possessed a
spiritual knowledge superior to that of those who de-
jDended on the Bible for their information. They also
denied the validity of infant baptism, and declared
that the temporal government, which was guilty of
much wrong, must be abolished and replaced b}^ an-
other, of which Storch, by divine appointment, was to
be the head. Their confident bearing perplexed Me-
lanchthon. He did not possess that eminently practi-
cal spirit and that knowledge of human nature which
Luther possessed ; and he was much puzzled to know
how he should regard and treat these men. He sighed
for the return of Luther, believing that he alone could
be relied on to decide upon their claims. He even
requested the elector to send for him, but this the
elector refused to do. Their denial of the validity of
infant baptism troubled Melanchthon greatly, and he
did not know just how to refute them. Luther, on
the other hand, when he heard of the matter, made
short work of it, and wrote : *' If they have nothing
to say but this, that, ^ He that believeth and is baptized
shall be saved,' and that children do not believe, I am
not in the least disturbed. How will they prove that
MELANCIITIION DURING LUTHER's ABSENCE. 57
children do not believe ? Will they say, ' Because
they do not speak and show their faith ? ' That would
be fine, indeed. If this were so, then how many hours
are we Christians when we sleep or are busy at work ?
Cannot God preserve faith in the child as if it were
in constant sleep ? "
The fanatics, however, gained many adherents. One
of the most violent of these was Carlstadt. Un(k'i- liis
leadership, the excited populace burned tlic images in
the churches, destroyed the altars, abolished [)rivate
confession, introduced radical changes in the ])ublic
worship, condemned education as useless, advised all
the students to learn a trade, and desired wholly to
abolish the clergy and theological training. As au-
thority for their violent measures, they appealed to
their Christian liberty and the Holy Sjjirit whom they
claimed to possess. All who did not run with them
to the same excess were vigorously denounced as here-
tics. Melanchthon was powerless to quell the disturb-
ance. He had hesitated too long before he came to a
decision in the matter; and when he had made up liis
mind, the mischief was done, and he was uuabK- to
undo it. The situation was too much for him. lie
was no preacher, and he had no gifts as a popular ora-
tor. He could not hope, therefore, to mend nnitters
by pul)licly declaiming against the fanatics. He was
at his wits' end, and could oidy ])ray for Luther's i\-
turn. The disorder was increasing daily.
Luther himself l)ecame eonNinccd tliat his prrsmc*-
was imperatively necessary. AVritiiig a heroic letter
to the elector, in which he relievc(l that ruler of all
responsibility for his safety, and expressed his conti-
68 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
dence in the protection of a higher power than that of
the elector, he hastened to Wittenberg. His appear-
ance was hailed with joy. On the following Sunday
he entered his pulpit, and for eight days in succession
preached against the fanatics. In a short time order
was again restored by Luther's simple preaching of
the Word of God. To that Word also he gave the
credit. In one of the sermons which he delivered on
his return, he thus referred to what he had hitherto
been instrumental in achieving : " I opposed the sale
of indulgences and all the papists, but not with force.
I simply preached and wrote God's Word. And even
while I slept or enjoyed myself in the company of
Philip and Amsdorf, that Word has weakened popery
to such an extent that no prince or emperor has ever
been able to do it equal inj ury. I have done nothing ;
the Word has done it all."
CHAPTER IX.
NEW LABORS. A VISIT TO BRETTEN. MELANCHTHON AND
ERASMUS. 1522-1524.
1^ FTEP his return to Wittenberg, Luther called
A^\ upon Melanchthon for aid in revising the
(f^ translation of the Kew Testament, which the
former had made at the Wartburg. This required
much patient labor and research. There were still
many obscure passages which Luther's knowledge of
Greek had not been sufficient to master, and which
NEW LABORS. 59
Molanchthon was asked to explain. Tlici-c were still
many questions about eustoms, eoins, wci^lits, and
measures, which he was requested to answer, lie
spared no efforts nor pains to assist in ascertaining tiic
exact sense of the original. When he could not i-cadi
a satisfactory conclusion himself concerning a \vor(l,
he appUed for information and advice to various
friends. Often he and Luther sou2:ht for davs at a
time to discover the exact German wor(l which tliey
needed for their purpose, and even tluMi did not al-
ways succeed to their satisfaction. But at last, after
much toil, the work was ready for the press, and was
published in AVittenberg in the fall of 1522, The
denumd for it was very great. Tn a few months a
second edition was necessary, and it was reprinted
in Basle and other places. Luther had always insisted
on the authority of the Word of God as the only rule
of faith and life, and the people were eager to possess
that Word and read it for themselves.
The effect of this publication of the Xew Testaim-nt
in the language of the people is thus described by
Cochheus, a bitter enemy of the Keforniation : '- ( 'opies
of the New Testament have been multiplied to an a>-
tonishins: extent: so that shoemakers, women, and
laymen of all kinds read it, carry it about with them,
and liave learned its contents by heart. In conse-
quence of this, they have, in a fewnionths, become so
presumptuous that they have emboldened ilicnisi-lves
to dispute, not only with Catholic laymen, but with
priests and monks, and even with Magistrates and
Doctors of Theology. It has even happened, at times,
that Lutheran lavmen have been able to ({Uote, off-
60 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
hand, more passages of Scripture than the monks and
priests themselves ; and Luther has long ago convinced
his crowd of adherents that they should not believe
any doctrine which is not derived from the Holy Scrip-
tures. The most learned Catholic theologians are now
looked upon by the Lutherans as ignoramuses in the
Scriptures; and here and there laymen have been
heard to contradict theologians in the presence of the
people, and to charge them with preaching falsehood
and things of man's devising."*
While the Kew Testament was in press Luther and
Melanchthon began work upon the translation of the
Old. They w^ere assisted by Aurogallus, the professor of
Hebrew. Li the beginning of the year 1523 the ^ve
books of Moses were published; in 1524 the historical
l)ooks of the Old Testament appeared. But the work
of translating the prophetical books proceeded slowly.
It was found exceedingly difficult " to make those
ancient prophets speak in good German." " Job," said
Luther, " seems just as unwilling to put up with our
translation as with the consolations of his friends."
And he thus describes the difficulties wdiich they en-
countered : '' Magister Philip, Aurogallus, and myself
are laboring upon Job ; but it goes so slowly that in
four days we hardly complete four lines. When the
translation has been made, any one can read it easily
enough. He can fairly run over it with his eyes, ^\'ith-
out once stumbling; and he will not dream of the ob-
structions which lay in our way, and how we had to
sweat and worry before w^e had them removed."
* From Life of Luther, translated by Dr. Schaeffer.
NEW LABORS.
61
The work of translating the Old Testament pro-
gressed so slowly that the^complete Bible in German
was not published until the year 1534. This was due
not only to the difficulties which the translators en-
countered in their work, but also to the fact that they
were frequently interrupted by other labors which the
rapid progress of the Reformation rendered necessary.
The Bible was constantly revised and corrected by
Luther and his friends, up to the time of his death.
The last edition published by Luther himself appeared
in 1545. Others, besides the three men mentioned
above, took part, from time to time, in the work.
Those principally engaged were Luther, Melanchthon,
Aurogallus;Cruciger, Jonas, and Bugenhagen or rome-
ranus? Concerning the share which diiferent individu-
als took in the work, Melanchthon said: " Dr. Tome-
ranusisthe grammarian; he devotes himself to the
elucidation of the text. I am the dialectician; I note
the connection in which the text is found, and what
may logically and scripturally be deduced from it.
Jonas is the orator; he is able to apply the words ot
the text beautifully and plainly to actual life. But Dr.
Martin is all in all; the speech and writing of this
wonderful man and chosen instrument of God pierce
through heart and marrow, and leave their impress
and comfort in the hearts of the people."
Althouo:h Melanchthon was much occupied with
theoloo-icai labors, he was not willing to give up his
position as professor of Greek. Under the impression
that this office was not honorable enough for such a
man as Melanchthon, it was proposed, at Luther's sug-
o-estion, to relieve liim of it, and to give it to some
62
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
TuK Translators of tue Bible.
NEW LABORS. 63
one else. It was thou2:lit, also, that if this were done,
Melanchthon would be enabled to devote himself more
fully to theology. But he objected strenuously to such
a procedure, and declared that he would rather give up
teachino^ theolos-v than Greek grammar. As mav be
gathered from some of the letters which he wrote at
the time, he did not, even though lie was fond of the-
ological studies, feel at home in the othce of theolog-
ical professor. He was averse, also, to taking any step
which might detract from the high esteem in which
the classical studies were then held ; for he considered
it of the highest importance for the triumph of re-
ligious truth that the study of the classical languages
shoukl be appreciated at its proper value. He wrote
to Spalatin, therefore, that, in view of the importance
of a thorough classical training for the study of the-
oloo^v, and of the evil effects which, on account of the
scarcity of competent teachers of languages, his giv-
ing up of the Greek professorship might produce upon
the university, he could not consent to such a change.
He was then suffered to have his way, and bear tlie
burden of a double professorship of Greek and of
thcolo2:v.
The instruction which he gave in the Greek hin-
guage did not, however, materially interfere witli liis
theological activity. In the very next year, l')2o, lie
published his " Annotations upon Some Obscure Pas-
sages in Genesis." Several commentaries written l»y
him upon books of the Xew Testament also appeared,
namely, on St. Mattliew, St. John, and tlie Epistles to
the Romans and Corinthians. His commentaries on
Romans and Gorinthians were published for him by
64 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOX.
Lutlier. Melanchthon's great modesty prevented him
from giving them to the public. But Luther appre-
ciated their vahie, secretly obtained a copy of them,
and, without asking for permission, published them,
jokingly remarking in the introduction to them,
Avhich he addressed to Melanchthon : " It is I who
publish these your annotations and send you to your-
self. If you take no pleasure in yourself, very well ;
it is sufficient that we take pleasure in you. If there
be any blame in this matter it rests on you. Why
did you not publish these writings yourself? Did I
not often beg, urge and command you to do so ?"
For almost six years Melanchthon had now been
laboring without permitting himself any but the
shortest periods of repose. He needed a rest. An
obstinate attack of insomnia threatened ruin to body
and mind. He proposed, therefore, to take a vacation.
A friend and fellow-professor, William ^esen, had de-
termined to go to his home, at Frankfort-on-the-^Iain,
and Melanchthon decided to accompaay him to that
point, and proceed from there to Bretten, on a visit to
his mother. He mentioned his plan to Luther, and
confided to him some conscientious scruples about the
propriety of taking such a step. Luther quickly re-
moved his scruples by replying : " Go, dear brother
Philip; start upon your journey in God's name, since
even our Lord did not preach and teach incessantly,
but occasionally went upon visits to his friends and
relatives. One thing only I ask of you : return to us
soon. I will meanwhile pray diligently for you. And
now go."
Accordingly, on the morning of April 16, 1524, in
A VISIT TO BRETTEN. 65
company with IN'esen, Francis Burkhard of Weimar,
John Silberborner of Worms, and Melanchthon's most
intimate friend and biographer, Joachim Camerarius
of Bamberg, he started upon his journey. The com-
panionship of Camerarius was especially agreeable to
him. These two men, who all their life Ions: remained
the closest friends, were so nearly of the same age,
were engaged in such similar studies and occupations,
and were so much alike in their views and dispositions,
that they found it mutually their greatest delight to
converse or corresf)ond with each other. Camerarius,
like his friend, was professor of the Greek language,
and held a position in the University of Erfurt. Di-
recting their course through Leipzig, where they
learned that their friend, Peter Mosellanus, lay at the
point of death, and visited him, the travellers proceeded
through Eisenach to Fulda. Here they learned the
sad tidings, that Ulrich Von Ilutten, that talented and
well-meaning, but ill-advised scholar and knight, who
had sought refuge from the persecutions of Rome
upon an island in the Lake of Zurich, had died in his
place of exile. From Fulda they journeyed to Frank-
fort, where Nesen remained behind, while the others
proceeded on their way to Bretten. When Melanch-
thon beheld his native town, it is reported that, in
deep emotion, he dismounted from his horse, and,
falling upon his knees, exclaimed, " O my native
land ! I thank Thee, O Lord, that I am permitted to
behold it again." Ilis mother almost fainted with
surprise and joy when she beheld him. After his
three companions had tarried for a few days at Bret-
ten, they bade farewell to Melanchthon and continued
5
66
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Joachim Camerarius.
A VISIT TO BRETTEN. 67
their way to Basle, where they expected to visit Eras-
mus.
Mehmchthon's mother was not very well pleased
with her illustrious son, because hv had married one
of the daughters of Wittenherii,* instead of the one
which she, in her motherly solicitude, had selected for
him in Bretten. But in the joy of their reunion and
the sweet converse of mother and son, she soon learned
to forget her vexation, and became reconciled. It soon
appeared, too, that she was displeased with the promi-
nent part which he had taken in the religious contro-
versies of the times. They frequently discussed the
subject between them. But she could not be brought
to see the difference between an attack upon the errors
and superstitions of the prevailing belief and an attack
upon religion itself. She remained a Roman Catholic
to the end.
While Melanchthon sojourned in Bretten the Uni-
versity of Heidelberg, in recognition of his distin-
guished services in the cause of learning, sent him,
by the hand of three of its professors, a valuable and
beautifully chased goblet of silver. Perhaps the uni-
versity desired by this means to make amends for re-
fusing, twelve years before, to grant the Master's de-
gree to the youthful student who since that time had
become so famous. Another delegation also came
from Ileidelbero- on an errand which was bv no means
so pleasant to him. The papal legate, Cardinal C^im-
pegius, was then staying at Heidelberg, having gone
thither from the diet recentlv held at Nur«'iiil)eri^.
Hearing that Melanchthon was visiting at Bretten,
and realizing the importance of detaching him, if pos-
(J8 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
sible, from the cause of the Reformation, he sent his
private secretary, Frederic Nausea, to Bretten, to en-
deavor to bring about such a result. In the interview
which followed, it was plainly hinted to Melanchthon
that, if he would only desert Luther, a glorious future
in the Roman Catholic Church was open before him.
But Melanchthon was not a man who could be moved
by such inducements to turn traitor to the truth ; and
he therefore replied : " What I have once come to re-
gard as true I hold fast and maintain, without respect
to the favor of any mortal and without regard to ad-
vantage, honor, or gain. I will never desert those
who first brought better things to light; but at the
same time I shall ever remain true to myself by teach-
ing and defending the truth without descending to
quarrels and abuse. I advise all who have a sincere
desire for peace and unity to do what lies within their
power to heal the wounds which can no longer be con-
cealed, and to restrain the senseless fury of those who
constantly seek to inflame them. It is impious and
insane to threaten with destruction all who adhere to
Luther."
While Melanchthon tarried at Bretten his three
companions, as we have stated, continued their journey
as far as Basle, and paid a visit to Erasmus. As this
famous scholar had been one of the first to recognize
and admire the extraordinary talents of Melanchthon,
and the latter had always regarded that eminent hu-
manist with the highest esteem and almost with vene-
ration for his distinii^uished services in the revival of
classical learning, it may be well to say a few words
concerning the relations between these two men. In
MELANCHTHON AND ERASMUS.
69
its earlier stages Erasmus had been friendly to the
Reformation. He had himself, in his satirical writ^
ings, attacked some of the prevalent abuses. He had
rejoiced at the defeat of monasticism, and had per-
sistently refused to write against Luther. Many of
;^^"^r .
Erasmus of Rotterdam.
the papists even accused Erasmus of collusion with
the " heretics." But Luther was too unsparing for
him. Erasmus wanted a reformation wliich could
be accomplished peaceably, and actually desired only
the reformation of external abuses. He was averse
70 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
to positive statements of doctrine, and found fault
with what he called Luther's want of moderation.
Finally, it came to a breach between them. But with
Melanchthon, the great Hollander continued to the
end on friendly termsi.
Melanchthon had been possessed with a strong de-
sire to accompany his friends on their visit to Erasmus.
But he feared that his doing so would add to the dis-
tresses which that scholar suffered. These were great
enough already. The neutral position which Erasmus
had endeavored to maintain in the pending contro-
versies, had made him an object of suspicion to both
parties. By the Lutherans, he was accused of being a
coward and time-server ; by the Roman Catholics, of
being at heart a Lutheran. His position was far from
enviable. It was rumored at the present time, that he
was about to take the part of King Henry YIII. of
England in his controversy with Luther, and was pre-
paring a pamphlet for that purpose. Under these cir-
cumstances, and in order not to involve Erasmus in
any greater embarrassments than those under which he
already labored, Melanchthon deemed it advisable not
to go to Basle. Erasmus appreciated his motives;
and, although he published, during the year, his pam-
phlet on the " Free Will," and fiercely attacked in it
the position which Luther and Melanchthon main-
tained, he still endeavored to remain on friendly
terms with Melanchthon, and wrote him a lengthy
letter, in which he set forth his opinion of the Refor-
mation.
Li this letter he assures Melanchthon first of all, of
the pleasure which he would have experienced, had he
MELANCHTHON AND ERASMUS. 71
been favored with a visit ; " for he had always been
an admirer of Melanchthon's great gifts, and doubly
so, since he had read his Loci Communes. He would
not deny, he said, that there were many things in that
excellent work with which he could not agree ; but he
had no desire to raise a controversy over them nor
over other points which he might mention. He as-
serted, that he was not only not opposed, in general, to
the restoration of evangelical truth, but actually de-
sired it, and had always hoped that Luther would use
more moderation. For this reason, he had hitherto
exerted his influence to restrain the fury of the theolo-
gians and the rage of the princes, and had anxiously
waited for the time when the cause of the Gospel
might be promoted without great disturbance. This,
he added, he still continued to do. At every suitable
opportunity he wrote to the emperor and other princes.
To a certain extent he played the part of Gamaliel ;
and he hoped for a happy issue of the matter. Then
he proceeds to mention the divergence of views which
had arisen among the adherents of the reformers, and
the inconsistent and disorderly conduct of many among
them, as a reason, why he could not ally himself with
them. ' I see here,' he says, ' many persons of such
a character, that, even if I approved of all that Luther
writes, I would not care to be counted as belonging to
their party.' Finally, he referred to the controversy
with Luther upon which he had just entered, and di-
clared that, since his views differed so materially from
those of Luther, and the latter had informed him in
his last letter that a further silence would be regarded
as an evidence of timiditv and cowardice, he owed it
72 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
to himself, his Church and his friends, to take up the
pen against Luther and publish his pamphlet on the
freedom of the will."
This publication of Erasmus attacked the j)08ition
Avhich not only Luther, but Melanchthon also, had
maintained. Both of the reformers had taught the
total depravity of human nature, and held that the
Holy Spirit must bring about a new ^\dll in the human
heart, and, even in the regenerate, must prompt to
everything that is good. But Melanchthon did not
take any active part in this controversy between
Luther and Erasmus. He wrote a reply, however, to
the letter which he had received, and said that there
was, indeed, " some reason for the complaints made
about the conduct of many of the adherents of
Luther's doctrine ; but that Luther was as much dis-
pleased with such people as Erasmus, and to lay the
blame of their unworthy actions upon Luther or to
the doctrine which he taught was a gross injustice.
He himself, he declared, could not with a good con-
science, reject Luther's doctrines, though he would do
so at once if he saw that they were unscriptural. But
as this was not the case he would not, even at the risk
of being considered superstitious or foolish, nor yet in
order to avoid conflict with the present order of
things, permit himself to waver in his faith."
We left Melanchthon in the pleasant society of his
mother, enjoying a well-earned and much-needed va-
cation. After an absence of about four weeks, his
friends came back from Basle, and preparations were
immediately made for the return to Wittenberg. Hi?
mother, of course, would gladly have kept him longer
s
MEETING WITH PHILIP OF HESSE. 73
But this coxild not be, and the farewells had to he
said. She saw her son hut once more on earth, and
that was during the second Diet of Speyer. She died
in 1529.
The homeward journey led Melanchthon and his
friends back to Frankfort. On the way thither they
were inet by Philip of Hesse, who was traveling on
the same road with a large train of followers. Aware
of the presence of Melanchthon in that neighborhood
and perceiving a group of horsemen who looked as if
they might be learned men, the landgrave approached
them and asked whether Philip Melanchthon was
among them. Melanchthon replied in the affirmative,
and, as a mark of respect, was about to dismount; but
he was prevented from doing so by the landgrave, who
insisted on having the company of the i>arty over
night. There w^ere many things, the prince said,
which he desired to have them explain. He bade Me-
lanchthon not to fear any harm from hini. Melanch-
thon assured the prince that he was not afraid, and
that, besides, he was a very unimportant individual
and had, therefore, the less reason to fear. " Yet,"
replied the prince, " Cardinal Campegius would be
overjoyed if you were given over into his hands."
After they had indulged in some unimportant con-
versation, Melanchthon respectfully asked permission
to continue his journey, and the landgrave consented,
provided that, after his return to AVittenberg, Me-
lanchthon would send to him a detailed account of
the causes and progress of the recent innovations in
religious matters. To this Melanchthon readily as-
sented; and, after his arrival at AVittenberg, lie pre-
74
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Philip I., Landgrave of Hesse.
THE RETURN TO WITTENBERG. 75
pared such a (locument and scut it to the prince. The
result was remarkable; for, as early as 1525, Philip
of Hesse openly declared in favor of the Reformation.
It is a great pity that the unbridled sensuality of this
otherwise worthy prince subsequently involved Me-
lanchthon and the Reformation in serious difficulty.
The journey of Melanchthon, which began so joy-
fully, ended sadly. Burkhard was left behind, ill, at
Frankfort ; ]^esen was drowned in the Elbe, on July
5th, while he was crossing that river in a boat; and
Camerarius had to leave his friend and go to Bam-
berg. Melanchthon and Silberborner returned alone,
in sorroAV, to Wittenberg, arriving there July 15th, af-
ter an absence of almost three months.
A spirit of melancholy settled down upon Melanch-
thon. He longed particularly for the company of his
bosom friend, Camerarius, and wrote to him : " I live
here as though I were in a desert. I have little inter-
course with any but sm^ll minds, in whom I can take
no pleasure. Consequently, I sit at home like a lame
cobbler.'' That Luther was not counted among the
small minds to which he refers, is self-evident.
76 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
I
CHAPTER X.
THE peasants' WAR. LUTHER's MARRIAGE. THE
SAXON VISITATION. 1525-1527.
^N" the year 1525 Germany became the scene of
great political disturbances. The peasants, op-
pressed with excessive taxes and other burdens,
broke out in a general insurrection. They falsely ap-
plied Luther's doctrine of Christian liberty to political
and social life, and attempted to institute a sort of
communism. They formulated their demands in
twelve articles, which they endeavored to base upon
the Scriptures. But even when these demands were
granted by the princes, the peasants were not satisfied.
Led by the fanatical preacher, Thomas Miinzer, who
considered these demands far too moderate, they rioted
in all manner of lawlessness. Many who were opposed
to the insurrection were frightened into joining the
army of the rebels. Fire and devastation were spread
everywhere, and thousands were cruelly slain.
By many the blame for this insurrection was laid
upon the Reformation. But there had been such re-
volts before the Reformation was begun, and the peas-
ants in this instance merely endeavored to use the
doctrines of the reformers to shield their lawless con-
duct. The reformers took a decided stand against
their murderous practices. Luther sympathized with
the peasants under their oppressions, but he could
have no sympathy with the method which they pur-
THE PEASANTS WAR.
77
sued to obtain redress for their grievances. He pub-
lished an " Exhortation to Peace on the Twelve Arti-
cles of the Peasants in Swabia," earnestly appealing
to the consciences of princes and peasants. But, in-
cited by their fanatical leaders, the peasants paid no
heed to his exhortations, and continued their violent
Thomas Munzee.
measures till they Avere completely vanquished by the
princes at the battle of Frankhausen and reduced to
submission.
Melanchthon was called on personally to give his
opinion of the matter. The peasants had rebelled in
the Palatinate also. On the eighteenth of May the
Elector of that State wrote to him that he had liitherto
dealt very mildly with the peasants, and i>roposed to
78 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
take up the consideration of the Twelve Articles in the
assembly of deputies, which was to convene after Pen-
tecost; and he requested Melanchthon, as one "who
had been born and raised in the Palatinate, who was
more learned and experienced in the Scriptures than
others, and who was well known, and, doubtless, in-
clined to peace and justice, to come to Heidelberg; or,
if that was impossible, to send his opinion."
Melanchthon found that he could not go to Heidel-
berg; but he prepared a pamphlet " Against the Arti-
cles of the Peasants." This, as well as Luther's second
pamphlet on the subject, gave offence to many. Me-
lanchthon was called a court-theologian. He has often,
since that time, been severely criticized for his pam-
phlet. Perhaps his verdict was needlessly harsh. But
we must remember that it was given at a time when
the peasants were plunging into all manner of lawless-
ness and perpetrating fearful atrocities. They had
themselves rendered a milder verdict impossible from
one to whom all disorder was an abomination. The
peasants had said that they would submit their cause
to the decision of God's word. Accordingly Melanch-
thon proceeded to explain the Scriptural doctrines
which bore on the question. " There were many," he
said, " who had, no doubt, sinned in ignorance, and
who, if they were better instructed, would forsake
such wicked ways and have regard for the judgment
of God and their own souls." He referred to the
thirteenth Chapter of Romans as the Christian's guide
in these matters, and argued from it that the Gospel
demands obedience to the government and forbids re-
bellion, even when rulers do evil. He insisted on the
THE PEASANTS WAR. LUTHER's MARRIAGE. 79
maintenance of order; l)ut, at the same time, he coun-
selled the princes to be just and merciful in their deal-
ings with their subjects. In case, however, that the
peasants cannot be prevailed upon to put an end to
their wicked conduct, then, he said, they are to be
treated as murderers. Wlien the insurrection had
been subdued, he added to his pamphlet an appendix,
in which he appealed to the princes to exercise clem-
ency toward their conquered subjects. The peasants,
he said, had already suffered severely for their con-
duct, and " many of them had sinned through fear or
folly."
During the progress of the peasants' war, the Elec-
tor Frederick the Wise of Saxony died very peace-
fully on May 5, 1525. Melanchthon assisted Luther
at the funeral services, and delivered a Latin oration,
in which he dwelt upon the excellent character of the
deceased ruler and his great love for God's word.
The death of this prince was a great blow to Melanch-
thon. He liked the careful, moderate, prudent con-
duct of this elector. But when John the Constant,
the brother of the deceased ruler, took charge of the
government, it was found that he was as staunch a
supporter of the Gospel and as faithful a friend to
Luther and Melanchthon as his predecessor has l)een.
Li the midst of these stirring times, in the month
of June, 1525, Luther surprised Melanchthon and
everybody else by his marriage with Catherine Von
Bora. This marriage between Luther, who liad bt-eii
a monk, and Miss Von Bora, who had been a nun,
created an immense sensation. Mchinchthon thought
that the step itself was right and proper. He had
80
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
long before this defended the right of the clergy to
marry. But he feared that it was ill-ad\dsed in Luther
to take the step at that particular time. He feared
that it would detract from Luther's influence in that
Elector John the Constant.
troubled period when his influence was so sorely
needed. Nevertheless, he stood by his friend faith-
fully ; and whenever Luther afterwards became dis-
heartened by the new attacks which the report of his
marriage brought upon him, Melanchthon encouraged
him to the best of his ability. When the wedding
ORGANIZING SCHOOLS. 81
dinner was given on June 27th, and Liitlier invited
his parents and friends, Melanchtlion was present
among them, and added to the mirth of the festive
occasion hy flashes of wit and merriment.
Amid all the distractions and anxieties of this period,
Melanchthon steadily directed his efforts to the ad-
vancement of education and the huildinir np of "-ood
Christian schools. During a period covering many
years he found time, in spite of his numerous other
engagements, to give elementary instruction to a
number of young men who lived with him in his own
house. He did this on account of the lamentable lack
of suitable preparatory schools. He lost no oppor-
tunity, however, to provide for this lack, Avhe never he
found it possible to do so. In the spring of 1525,
■with Luther's help, he re-organized the schools of
Eisleben and Magdeburg. In the fall of tht' same
year, he went to IN'uremberg and assisted in the estab-
lishment of a gymnasium* in tliatcity; and in tlic fol-
lowing spring he returned to [N'uremberg and formally
opened the school. lie delivered an address in Latin,
in which he dwelt upon the importance of education,
and the credit which the movers in this enterprise de-
served. He declared that " the best defences of a
city lie in the culture, wisdom and virtue of its citi-
zens;" and that '^ the cause of true education is the
cause of God."
Nuremberg, at this time, was one of the most en-
lightened and prosperous cities of Germany. Ft num-
bered among its inhabitants some of the most distin-
* A high school or college.
6
82 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
guishecl intellects of the age, among whom were
Willibald Pirkheimer, Jerome Baumgiirtner, Lazarus
Spengler, Jerome Ebner and Caspar ITutzel. With
all of these, Melanchthon stood in intimate relations,
and with Baumgiirtner he carried on a life-long cor-
respondence. Among his other friends in this city
was the distinguished painter, Albrecht Diirer, who
during this visit of Melanchthon painted a likeness of
him which is considered one of the best in existence.
After spending a short time very pleasantly in the
company of these friends, Melanchthon returned to
AVittenberg. He had hardly arrived there before he
was attacked by a severe illness from which his friends
feared that he would not recover. But by the fall of
the year he was again able to resume his duties.
In January of the year 1526, he was formally ap-
pointed as a professor of theology ; and his salary was
raised to two hundred florins. This appointment was
made much against his will. He feared, in his ex-
treme modesty and conscientiousness, that he would
not be able, with his delicate health, to do full justice
to the position. But Luther urged him to accept it ;
and, fearing that liis influence might not be altogether
sufficient to prevail upon his over-scrupulous colleague,
he communicated with the elector, and requested him
to write to Melanchthon. " Your Electoral Grace," he
says, " has commanded the university to give Magister
Philip two hundred florins per year. Xow, however,
the man proposes to decline it, because, he says, he is
not able to read lectures regularly and without inter-
ruption. He declares that he cannot with a good con-
science accept it. He thinks that your Electoral Grace
THE SAXON VISITATION. 83
will expect the impossible from him. My talking and
remonstrances are of no avail. I pray your Electoral
Grace, therefore, kindly explain the matter to him
yourself, and make him understand that your Grace is
satisfied if he only assists, according to his ability, in
the theological department, just as he has done hith-
erto, whether it be but once a week or oftener."
Finally Melanchthon's scruples were overcome, and he
accepted the position and the increase of salary. Tlie
latter he certainly needed.
In the year 1527, Melanchthon took part with
Luther in the visitation of the schools and churches
of Saxony. It w^as high time for such a step. Affairs
were in a w^retched condition. In many places no re-
ligious instruction was given at all, because there were
either no pastors and teachers stationed there, or those
who were stationed there w^ere grossly ignorant them-
selves. The greatest disorder imaginable reigned
nearly everywhere. In one instance, it was found
that in one congregation the pastor preached the Gos-
pel, but that in another part of his parish he read the
Romish mass. The financial condition of many of the
churches w^as equally bad. Many of the legacies on
which the churches depended for their support had
been withdrawn, and on others the interest was w itli-
held. It was the object of the visitation to l)riiig
order out of this chaos. Melanchthon was charged
with making a beginning in Thuringia. The spiritual
distress which he discovered rent his heart, and hv
often went aside and wept over what he saw.
As a basis for the re-organization of the churches
and schools, Melanchthon was commanded by the
84 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
elector to prepare an " Instruction of the Visitors to
the Clergy of Saxony." This work was to contain a
statement of the lines on which that re-organization
was to be effected. To prepare such a work was by
no means an easy task. It was necessary to give the
distinctive doctrines of the evangelical Church in a
popular form, to guard them against misapprehension,
and to give prominence to that which was practical
and edifying. The work which Melanchthon Avas
charged with preparing was to be the guide for plac-
ing all the churches of Saxony on an evangelical basis.
Evangelical truth was to take the place of popish tradi-
tions; Scriptural ceremonies were to supersede Romish
abuses. Yet all appearance of introducing novel or
strange doctrines was to be avoided. It was a work,
therefore, which required not only a deep insight
into the essence of the Gospel, but rare tact and dis-
cretion. Melanchthon, however, was the very man
for the occasion. He drew up a work which was ad-
mirably adapted to its purpose. It is valuable as an
expression of Melanchthon's theological views, and
shows that he viewed theology largely from an ethical
standpoint.
Pastors, he says, are not only to preach of the for-
giveness of sins, but also of the need of repentance ;
because there can be no true faith and no real forgive-
ness of sins without repentance. They are, therefore,
not to omit the preaching of the Ten Commandments.
The three essentials of a Christian life, he declares,
are repentance, faith, and good works. These latter
are necessary. God does not bestow grace on account
of them, but only for Christ's sake. Yet the Christian
THE SAXON VISITATION. 85
must do good works, because God has commanded
them. He also corrects some misapprehensions con-
cerning the meaning of Christian Hberty, and states
that it consists of " freedom from the power of the
devil and the wrath of God ; • freedom from the cere-
monial law of Moses ; freedom from absolute obedience
to human regulations in the Churcli." He urges the
preachers to seek the edification of their hearers, to
refrain from abuse of persons, and to condemn the
vices and sins of those to whom they preach. They
are not to be continually declaiming against the pope
and the bishops, but to preach those things which will
conduce to a true Christian spirit and life in their
congregations. He also added a chapter on the im-
provements to be made in the schools.
The doctrinal position of this work agreed with
Luther's and received his approval. But its temper
was so mild and conciliating, and it was worded so
moderately in comparison with Lather's stormy utter-
ances, that many of the Roman Catholics imagined
that Melanchthon was tendinc: toward Romanism
again. They even made overtures to him. He says
in a letter written to Camerarius about this time, that
Faber, the court preacher of King Ferdinand of Bo-
hemia, had held out all manner of promises to induce
him to desert the Lutheran cause.
An attack was made upon this book by .John Agri-
cola, rector of the school at Eisleben. He had liitlicrto
been a friend of Melanchthon. But when tliis work
appeared, he published a severe criticism of it, and
maintained that to teacli tbat n-pcntance is to be
brought about by preaching the law, is unscriptural
86 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
and Romanizing. He raised a great stir by his writ-
ings. The elector, therefore, arranged a meeting at
Torgau between Agricola, Melanchthon, Luther, and
Bugenhagen, for the purpose of putting an end to the
dispute. Apparently, Agricola was convinced of his
error ; but ten years later he began the controversy
anew, and, in his antinomian zeal, went so far as to say
that "Moses ous^ht to be hano^ed on the srallows."
In the summer of 1527, on account of the plague
which had broken out in Wittenberg, the university
was removed to Jena. It was to that city, therefore,
that Melanchthon, on his return from \asiting the
churches in Thuringia, wended his way. He resumed
his labors at the university and devoted his attention
to his lectures on Demosthenes and the proverbs of
Solomon, and to the investigation of many ecclesiasti-
cal questions which arose. He also prepared two arti-
cles against the Anabaptists, in which he defended the
practice of infant-baptism, explained the meaning, use,
and advantage of the sacrament, and refuted the teach-
ings of the Anabaptists concerning the government
and community of goods. In October of the year
1528, he made a second tour of visitation through
parts of Thuringia.
THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. 1529. 87
CHAPTER XL
THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. THE MARBURG COLLOQUY.
1529.
WHILE Melanchtlion and others were busy
with the visitation and re-organization of
the churches in Saxony, a great peril
seemed to threaten the evangeUcal cause. It was
rumored that a league of Roman Catholic princes had
been formed for the purpose of attacking the Luther-
ans. Philip of Hesse declared that he himself had ob-
tained from Otto von Pack, counsellor of Duke George
of Saxony, a copy of a document, sealed with the
ducal seal, which plainly stated that the Landgrave of
Hesse and the Elector of Saxony were to be attacked
and deprived of their dominions, if they did not re-
nounce their heresies. He pictured the consequences
of such a league so graphically, that the elector, who
was generally cautious and conservative, consented to
a counter-leao^ue with him. In accordance with this
agreement, an army of twenty-six thousand men was
immediately to be placed in the field. The landgrave
was in fav^or of beginning operations at once. He
actually led his army to the frontier. But the elector
began to have scruples about the propriety and justice
of such a war, and decided to seek the advice of his
theologians. These replied that, whether the report
of a Roman Catholic league was true or untrue, in
neither case would the elector be justifitMl in begin-
88 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. ;
ning warlike operations. They advised him to lay
the whole matter before the emperor, and rather to
break ^^dth Philip of Hesse than to wage an unjust
war.
Melanchthon concurred in the opinion of the other
theologians. He also wrote a special letter to the
elector, in which he said : " In times of affliction it is
certainly the greatest comfort to have a good con-
science and to know that Grod is our friend. But if
we should grasp the sword and begin war with an evil
conscience, then would we lose this comfort." The
elector himself agreed with these opinions, but the
landgrave was not satisfied. Writing to his father-in-
law, Duke George, he demanded to know whether, or
not, the duke was willing to sever his connection with
the Roman Catholic league and keep the peace. To
his astonishment, the duke replied, that there was no
such league in existence ; that the report was false ;
and that the document which the landgrave had seen
was a forgery of the deepest dye. To this day, the
existence or non-existence of such a league is an open
question. The evangelical party was not fully inclined
to believe the declaration of Duke George, but the
warlike preparations ceased.
With the relations between them thus strained, the
princes of the realm assembled for the Imperial Diet at
Speyer in the year 1529. Melanchthon accompanied
the elector. At a previous diet, held in the same city
in 1526, it had been decided, that " a universal, or at
the least a national, free council should be convoked
within a year, that they should request the emperor to
return speedily to Germany ; and that until then each
THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. 1529. 89
state should behave in its own territory in such ii man-
ner as to he able to render an account to God and the
emperor." That decree had left the Reformation com-
paratively free to continue its progress. But at the
second Diet of Speyer, now held, all this was chanc^ed.
It was a diet in which the Roman Catholic princes
manifested more open hostility toward tlie evangelical
party than ever before. They were angry with them-
selves for adopting the resolution of the year 1526;
and they were highly gratified, therefore, when, at the
opening of this present diet, the emperor declared that,
by virtue of the imperial power vested in him, he an-
nulled the resolution of the previous diet. A new de-
cree was passed, which insisted on the enforcement of
the edict of Worms. As this edict had placed Luther
and his adherents under the ban, its re-enactment
filled the evangelical party with apprehension.
Melanchthon's soul was heavy with grief and fore-
bodings. His natural disposition inclined him rather
to magnify than to make light of difficulties and dan-
gers. He did not possess the gigantic faith of Luther,
which was content to entrust the Church to the care
of God. Consequently, the proceedings of the diet
filled him with dismay. He trembled for the security
of the evangelical cause. Perhaps the excessive anxiety
which took possession of him may account for the
unjust censure w^hich he passed upon the conduct of
the Lutheran princes in this diet. Tie vainly imagined
that the Roman Catholics would not have passed the
obnoxious decree at all, or would have annulled it
ao-ain, if some ininor and unessential i)()ints liad Ix-eii
conceded to them. But he credited the Roman Catlio-
90 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
lies with good intentions which they never possessed.
They were bent on crushing out the Reformation.
The princes judged far more correctly than he of the
temper and spirit of their foes, and of the course
which had to be pursued in dealing with them. Yet
it must be said to Melanchthon's credit, that after the
decree of the diet was passed, he was as much opposed
as any one to yielding obedience to its unholy demands ;
and that he advised, as a last resort, the presentation
of a formal protest against the resolution of the diet.
Accordingly, on April 15, 1529, the Lutherans pre-
sented their celebrated Protest and Appeal. Those
who signed it, and thus became the first to bear the
name of Protestants, were the Elector John of Saxony,
the Elector George of Brandenburg, the Dukes Ernest
and Francis of Luneburg, the Landgrave Philip of
Hesse, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, and the representa-
tives of fourteen imperial cities.
On the sixth of May Melanchthon arrived again at
Wittenberg. Both he and Luther expected that a re-
ligious war would follow. Melanchthon was so trou-
bled at the prospect that Luther wrote : " Philip wor-
ries himself so much about the Church and the gene-
ral welfare, that he is injuring his health." To these
public sorrows, which weighed him down, were added,
also, private griefs. In July of this year his mother
died; in August his little son, George.
While the Protestant camp was thus seriously
threatened by the Roman Catholics from without, it
was hampered by dissensions within. The Reformed
party, led by Zwingli of Switzerland, diflered from the
Lutherans on a number of points, but particularly on
THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. 1529.
91
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. This divergence
of views had led to violent controversies between them.
Luther, and with him Melanchthon, maintained that
they must abide by the plain words of Christ, " Tliis
Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt.
is my body; tliis is my blood." They held, therefore,
that Christ is really present in tlie Lord's Supper.
Zw^ngli, on the other hand, denied the real presence.
He maintained that when Christ said, " Tljis is my
92 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
body," He meant, '' This signifies my body." He
claimed that Christ's body could not be present at so
many different places at the same time. This was not
only a limitation of divine power, but a denial of the
participation of Christ's glorified body in the attri-
butes of his divinity.
Philip of Hesse was greatly concerned about this
disagreement. He thought that the political situation
imperatively demanded a union between the Lutherans
and the Reformed. He therefore planned the holding
of a conference, in which the differences should be
discussed and an agreement, if possible, be reached.
I^either Luther nor Melanchthon believed that such a
conference would secure the desired result. But the
landgrave persisted in his project. Finally, in October,
1529, a Colloquy was held at Marburg. On the one
side were Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Brenz, and
Osiander ; on the other, Zwingli, (Ecolampadius, Bu-
cer, and Hedio. After a discussion lasting several
days, the Zwinglians accepted the Lutheran view in
everything but the Lord's Supper. On this they would
not yield. It was agreed, however, that for the sake
of peace, all parties should refrain in the future from
controversies on the point on which they had failed to
unite. Fifteen articles, prepared by the Lutherans,
were then produced, and all were subscribed by the
Zwinglians except the last, which maintained the real
presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper.
The Zwinglians now wanted to be acknowledged by
the Lutherans as brethren. But as long as they main-
tained their erroneous view of the Sacrament of the
Body and Blood of Christ, and refused to subordinate
THE MARBURG COLLOQUY.
93
their reason to the plain word of Scripture, Lutlier tclt
that lie could not do so. lie told them, " Ye have a
different spirit from ours." Luther has been severely
censured by many for this refusal. Uut he could noL
do otherwise. If he had accepted the i»roffcrcd hand
of fellowship, it would have been an acknowledgment
on his part that he regarded the diti'erence of views
94 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
between them as unessential. But he could not make
such an acknowledgment. There was not only a dif-
ference of doctrine but a difference of spirit between
the two reformers. Luther unconditionally accepted
the plain text of Scripture ; Zwingli refused to accept
what he could not understand. ]N^o one, we think, will
claim that Melanchthon was polemically inclined or
was unwilling to make concessions for the sake of
peace. He has been blamed, and justly too, for yield-
ing too much. But even Melanchthon, mild and
peace-loving as he was, could not consent, any more
than Luther, to accept the hand of fellowship and
brotherhood with the Zwinglians. He saw that vast
perils threatened the pure truth of God's Word if the
Zwinglian method of interpretation prevailed. He
Avrote to a friend concerning the Zwinglians at this
Colloquy : '' They seemed to be more trifling even
than they had been before this conference. They con-
tended very strongly that we should call them breth-
ren. But look at their stupidity ; while they condemn
us, they yet desire to be considered by us as brethren.
We cannot give our consent to this."
CHAPTER XIL
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530.
^ J f HE year 1530 was, unquestionably, one of the
most important in the history of the Refor-
mation. It was also a momentous one in the
hfe of Melanchthon. In the public negotiations and
I
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530.
95
transactions of that year, no one took a more impor-
tant part than he.
The Emperor Charles Y. had defeated the Turks,
Charles V.
made peace with King Francis of France, and become
reconciled with the pope. ITe hadleisiire now to .i^ive
his attention to the relidous dithculties which dis-
96 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
turbed his realm. Accordingly^ in the beginning of
the year 1530, he summoned a diet to meet on April
8th, at Augsburg. In his proclamation, he jDromised
to give an impartial hearing to both sides in the con-
troversy, so that a just decision might be reached.
But the recollection of the action of the diet of Speyer
of the previous year, and expressions which the em-
peror had made since that time, caused many of the
Lutherans to doubt the sincerity of his peaceful dec-
larations. Some of them even considered it danger-
ous to attend the diet, and spoke of resorting to arms.
But better counsel finally prevailed, and they resolved
to attend.
On March the 14th, the Elector John of Saxony di-
rected Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, and Bugenhagen,
to prepare, for presentation at the diet, a statement
of the doctrines and ceremonies in dispute. By March
21st, the first three of these theologians were to bring
their statement to Torgau and be ready to accompany
the elector to Augsburg. The time allotted for the
preparation of this important document was exceed-
ingly brief But fortunately there were on hand some
articles which were adapted to the purpose. At Mar-
burg fifteen articles had been drawn up by Luther to
eficct an agreement with the Zwinglians ; and on the
basis of these, Luther, with the assistance of the other
theologians, had prepared the seventeen articles of
Schwabach. These were now revised to express the
doctrinal position of the reformers ; and special arti-
cles on the abuses prevailing in the Eoman Catholic
Church were drawn up. The latter, now known as
the Torgau Articles proper, together with the revised
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530.
97
Articles of Schwabach, were thoii taken to T(»r<i:aii and
laid before the elector. ITe was ])l('as(Ml with tliem,
and directed Melanchtliou to give them a linislied
form, and write an introdnction to them.
These preparations having been made, the elector,
COBURG.
his theolosrians, and a retinue of one hnndred and sixtv
horsemen, set out on April 3d, for the city of Augs-
burg. They trawled leisurely by way of Kisenaeli
and Weimar till they arri\ed at Cohurg. irt-rt', in
the castle of the Duke of C'oburg, mar the boundary
of the elector's dominions, Luther was let't behind. It
was misafe for him t(^ travel farther. Tie was still
7
98 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
resting under the papal excommunication and the im-
perial ban. In the elector's dominions, and surrounded
by his friends, he was comparatively safe. But if he
had ventured to appear in Augsburg, he would cer-
tainly have been seized or assassinated. An imperial
safe-conduct was denied him : and, much as his heart
yearned to go, he had to remain behind. Upon Me-
lanchthon, therefore, devolved the duty of taking, as
far as possible, Luther's place in the diet, and becoming
the chief representative of the the Lutheran cause.
On the second of May the electoral party arrived in
Augsburg. During the journey Melanchthon had
employed his spare time in the preparation of the
Confession which was to be presented at the diet.
AVhen, on his arrival, he found the emperor and many
of the princes still absent, he contiimed to devote
himself assiduously to this difficult undertaking. To
Luther belonged the substance of the Confession, but.
to Melanchthon we are indebted for its perfect form.
Careful in his style, appreciating the necessity of se-
lecting the proper words in a document so important,
and gifted with a wonderful power of clear and exact
expression, no more suitable person could have been
found for that work than Melanchthon. On May 11th,
he had the Confession completed and ready for presen-
tation. A messenger was dispatched with it to Co-
burg for Luther's examination and approval. Luther
replied ; " I have read the Apology (Confession) of
Magister Philip. I am well pleased with it, and I find
nothing to improve or alter in it; neither would it do
for me to attempt it, because I cannot tread so softly
and gently. May Christ our Lord help that it may
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 99
bring forth much and great fruit, as we hope and
pray. Amen."
Inasmuch, however, as the emperor still delayed his
coming, Melanchthon continued his work of revision
and endeavored to give the Confession a still more per-
fect form. The pains which he took with this task were
extraordinary. He dreaded lest in so critical a docu-
ment, he might, by some incautious statement or some
lack of precision, be to blame for very evil conse-
quences. He thought that he could not be conscien-
tious or scrupulous enough. Every word of the Ger-
man and Latin text, he felt, must be carefully weighed
before it was employed. Often his anxiety deprived
him of sleep at night; and often, with tears in his
eyes, he complained to his friends of the heavy bur-
den resting upon him. By May 22d, tlie Confession
had assumed a new form, and was a2:ain sent to
Luther. Still this conscientious servant of God was
not satisfied. He continued to toil at his task of re-
vision and improvement; and a third time, in its final
form, the Confession was sent to Coburg for Luther's
approval.
While Melanchthon was busily engaged in tliis
work, he was greatly in demand on otlier accounts.
It was necessary, under existing circumstances, to de-
cide beforehand how the Lutherans ought to conduct
themselves, should the emperor see fit to make of tin*
Lutherans various demands of a religious natiiro.
Tlius, for instance, a command came from the emperor
prohibiting the Lutlierans from preaching in Augs-
buro;, until the relii^ious difficulties had been settk'd.
The elector immediately sou<dit Melanchthon's advice.
100 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Melanchthon replied that, inasmuch as they were the
emperor's guests in Augshurg, they ought to obey.
With this opinion Luther himself agreed. But the
elector and the Saxon chancellor, Brueck, could hardly
be prevailed upon to yield. They protested to the em-
peror against the injunction. Finally an agreement
was reached, in accordance with which no one what-
ever was to preach in Augsburg except by appoint-
ment of the emperor.
Melanchthon was greatly disturbed during this time
by the conduct of the Landgrave Philip of Hesse.
This fiery and impetuous prince, while he Avas ready
to sign the Confession, was also exceedingly anxious
that the Zwinglians, who were present at Augsburg,
should be recognized as brethren. To this Melanch-
thon was not willing to agree. But the landgrave,
greatly to Melanchthon's discomfort, persisted in his
efforts. The latter found it necessary, therefore, to
write to Luther and request him to communicate with
the landgrave upon the subject.
It was not till June 15th, that the emperor, accom-
panied by his brother. King Ferdinand, the papal
legate Cardinal Campegius, and a brilliant train of
soldiers and courtiers, arrived at Augsburg. Almost
immediately upon his arrival, the Lutherans were
obliged to take a determined stand in opposition to
his wishes. They refused, as a matter of conscience,
to take part in the procession of the festival of Corpus
Christi which occurred on the followins^ dav.
The diet was formally opened June 20th, and an-
nouncement was made of the matters to be acted upon.
These were the war with the Turks, and the religious
THE DIET OF AU(J.SIJUR(J. 1580. 101
dissensions of the empire. The emperor declared that
if the edict of Worms liad l)een ()l)served, the reli-
gious difficulties of the realm would not have assumed
such large proportions; but that, nevertheless, the
questions at issue should now receive careful consid-
eration. This language of the emperor was not ex-
actly of the kind to inspire the Lutherans with the
hope of a favorable outcome of the diet. Yet it w^as
mild in comparison with the utterances of many of the
Roman Catholic princes. Melanchthon was filled with
forebodings, and felt constrained to make every eftbrt
for tlie maintenance of peace. Unfortunately, he per-
mitted himself to l)e drawn into negotiations which
have not redounded to his credit.
Immediately after the emperor's arrival, Alplionsius
AValdesius or Yaldez, a secretary to the emperor, en-
tered into communication w^ith Melanchthon, and, in
accordance with a preconcerted plan of the Komanists,
represented to him that the emperor's conception of
the Lutheran doctrines w^as entirely wrong, and that,
if his Imperial Majesty were properly enlightened, a
settlement of the pending difficulties could be easily
effected. He declared that in Spain it was supposed
that the Lutherans denied the existence of God and
the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and that the best ser-
vice which could be rendered to God was to kill tliem.
He asked what the Lutherans really taught. Me-
lanchthon replied that there wxtc only a few questions
after all on which the two parties actually ditllnd,
namely, the use of both forms in the sacrament, tin-
marriage of priests, and the celebration of thr mass.
If these questions were satisfactorily settled, the others,
102 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
he claimed, could be readily adjusted. Shortly after-
ward Yaldez informed him that the subject had been
well received by the emperor, and that Melanchthon
was requested by his Imperial Majesty to draw up a
brief statement of the articles in question and trans-
mit them privately, because it would be well to avoid
public stir or controversy. * But the elector heard of
the matter, and put a stop to it. The articles re-
quested were never prepared. All that Melanchthon
was allowed to do was to show to Yaldez the Confes-
sion which had been drawn up for public presenta-
tion. But this was not what the imperial secretary
wanted; and after he had read it, he declared that " it
contained more bitterness than its adversaries would
consent to endure."
When it had thus become apparent that the Luth-
erans would not consent to have their cause disposed
of in this underhand way, the emperor suddenly, on
June 22d, commanded the elector and his allies to be
ready on Friday, June 24th, for the reading of their
Confession of Faith. This sudden action considerably
embarrassed the Lutherans. Melanchthon had been
prevented, by the negotiations with Yaldez, from fully
completing his work upon the Confession. No copies
of it had as yet been made and no introduction
written. The Lutherans requested a day's delay, but
their request was denied. Li great haste, therefore,
with the aid of Chancellor Brueck, a suitable intro-
duction was prepared and the German text trans-
scribed. But the transcription of the Latin text was
not completed in time, and Melanchthon's own manu-
script had to be used. Nine princes and cities signed
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 103
the Confession. Some of the Roman Catholics feared
the effect which tlie puhlic reading of the Confession
might produce upon the minds of those who heard it.
They endeavored, therefore, at the last moment, to
prevent it from being read, and said it would be suffi-
cient if the Confession were simply presented to the
emperor. But the Protestants insisted that their
honor was at stake, that they had been publicly ac-
cused and must publicly answer. The voice of the
truth was not to be stifled bv its enemies. The Con-
fession was read. But owing to the lateness of the
hour, its reading was postponed until the next day
after the one which had been at iirst appointed for the
purpose. The emperor commanded it to be read in
Latin ; but the Lutherans maintained that, on German
soil, it should be read in the German language. And
they prevailed.
Accordingly, on June 25, 1530, a day that shall re-
main memorable as long as time endures. Chancellor
Bayer read that noble document, tlie Augsburg Con-
fession, in a voice so loud and clear that it was dis-
tinctly heard, not only in the hall where the illustrious
assemblage of princes was gathered, but beyond it, in
the court, where a vast multitude was standing in
eager expectation. With a calm dignity inspired l)y
the consciousness of tho- rectitude of their cause, the
Lutheran princes and delegates listened to tlie reading
of their " good confession before many witnesses."
Well (lid Spalatin say, '' One of tlie greatest deeds
ever done in the world has been done tliis day," and
Dr. Brueck declare, as he presented the Confession,
" With the help of God and our Lord Jesus Christ,
104
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
«
P
CG
o
p
o
tq
M
P.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 105
this confession shall romaiu invincible against the
gates of hell, to eternity." Many of the Roman Catho-
lic princes and priests learned for the first time, from
the hearing of this confession, what the Lutherans
really taught, and formed a juster conception of the
evangelical cause. The bishop of Augsburg declared
to his friends, " What has here been read is the pure
and unadulterated truth; we cannot gainsay it."
The character of the Aui>:sl)uro: Confession could
not well have been better adapted to the occasion and
purpose of its presentation. It was plain, simple,
clear, scriptural, and firm but irenical in tone. It was
meant to allay controversy and disputation; to obtain,
if possible, a favorable hearing for the truth ; and to
put the Lutherans in the right light before the em-
peror and the diet. There was no man living whose
character and talents fitted him so well for its prepara-
tion as Melanchthon. Richly gifted with the faculties
of clear thought and exact expression, he presented
the doctrines of the Lutheran Church so plaiidy and
distinctly that a misconception of them was ahnost
impossible. Peace-loving by nature, and dreading ilir
consequences of a rupture with the emperor, he framed
the wordino; of the Confession so mildly that, if a
favorable reception of the evangelical doctrines had
been attainable at all, it would certainly have Ijcen ac-
corded to this presentation of them. If Melanchthon
had done nothing else but write tlie incomparable
Augsburg Confession, he would richly deserve to be
held in grateful remembrance and lasting renown l>y
every lover of the truth.
The Augsburg Confession consisted of two prinei-
106 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
pal parts or divisions : the first contained twenty-one
doctrinal articles; the second, seven articles on the
abuses which were to be condemned. The subjects
treated in the first part are : 1, Of God ; 2, Of Original
Sin; 3, Of the Son of God and the Holy Spirit; 4, Of
Justification; 5, Of the Ministry of the Church; 6, Of
Xew Obedience; 7, Of the Church; 8, What the
Church is; 9, Of Baptism; 10, Of the Lord's Supper;
11, Of Confession ; 12, Of Repentance ; 13, Of the Use
of Sacraments; 14, Of Ecclesiastical Orders; 15, Of
Ecclesiastical Rites; 16, Of Civil Affairs; 17, Of
Christ's Return to Judgment; 18, Of Free Will; 19,
Of the Cause of Sin; 20, Of Good Works; 21, Of the
Worship of Saints. The articles of the second part
are as follows : 22, Of Both Kinds in the Lord's Sup-
per; 23, Of the Marriage of Priests; 24, Of the Mass;
25, Of Confession ; 26, Of the Distinctions of Meats
and of Traditions; 27, Of Monastic Vows; 28, Of
Ecclesiastical Power.
What impression the reading of the Confession pro-
duced upon the emperor, it is difiicult to determine.
According to some reports, he listened with apparent
indifterence, either because he did not understand
German sufficiently, or because he had already made
up his mind what course to pursue. But when the
reading was finished and Chancellor Brueck was about
to present to the imperial secretaries the German and
Latin text of the Confession, the emperor graciously
extended his hand to receive them, delivered the Ger-
man copy to the Archbishop of Mayence for preserva-
tion in the imperial archives, and kept the Latin copy
for himself. Subsequently, he had his copy translated
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1580.
107
into Italian and Spanish. In liis reply to the Luth-
erans, he said that he would delihorate further upon
this important matter, and expected of them that they
would not print their Confession. But iuasmuch as,
in a very short time, defective copies of it hecame cir-
Chancellor Gregor V. Brteck.
culated, and no less than seven ditii^-rent fauhy edi-
tions surreptitiously made their appearance in print,
Melanchthon published an authorized edition of the
Augsburg Confession in German and Latin, while the
diet was yet in session.
The emperor now took counsel with the heads of
108 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
the papal party. The most moderate among them ad-
vised him to have the Confession examined by impar-
tial men. Others urged the immediate enforcement
of the edict of Worms. A third party demanded a
written confutation of the Lutheran Confession. The
counsel of these last was adopted ; and a number of
zealous Roman Catholic theologians were appointed
by the emperor to draw up such a confutation. The
Lutherans were asked w^hether they would rest their
case with the articles already presented, or whether
they had any others which they desired to submit.
They replied, July 10th, that there did, indeed, re-
main many other errors and abuses which deserved
censure, but they did not think it necessary to present
these separately ; for the condemnation of the remain-
ing abuses was involved in that of those already pre-
sented, because all were the outgrowth of similar
causes.
For six weeks the Roman Catholics labored at the
preparation of their confutation. In the meantime
Melanchthon was in a very troubled state of mind,
and his conduct was not always such as can be com-
mended. He longed for a peaceable solution of the
pending difficulties, but began to fear that it might
not be attained. So he meditated day and night how
a reconciliation might be effected. He hoped even
against hope. When everything indicated that the
Roman Catholics would never consent to renounce
their errors of doctrine and practice, he still planned
for the attainment of the unattainable. This excessive
desire for peace, and this persistent blindness to the
impossibility of obtaining it upon an evangelical basis,
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1580. 109
was Melanchthon's evil srenius. Tn i'oriiici- davs, lie
had more than once stood up l)()ldlv for tlic (K't'ence
of the tnitli. But now his exa<i:i2:eration of the iui-
portanee of peace led him to take mauy d()ul)tfiil
steps. After all, it resolved itself into a (juestiou of
faith. Luther never douhtedthe uUimate triumph of
the Gospel. Melanchthon constantly tremljled for it,
and thought that he must help to save it; and this
anxiety not only threatened to undermine his consti-
tution, hut involved him in conciliatory efforts wliich
threatened to compromise the Gospel, and wliicli cer-
tainly did compromise himself.
His mental distress was so great, that he neglected
his correspondence with Luther until others told liim
that Luther was irritated hy it. Then he hastened to
make amends, and communicated to his friend at
Coburg his trials and fears, and presented these as his
reason for not writing oftener. Luther wrote liim a
pretty sharp letter in reply, and we are hound to
admit that Melanchthon needed and deserved it. He
says: "Grace and peace in Christ; in Christ, I say,
and not in the world. As regards the apology for
your silence, my dear Mr. Philip), we will speak of tliat
at some other time. But as regards the great anxiety
of which you write and which is wearing you out, I
am hitterly opposed to it. That this anxiety has
taken such a strong hold of you, is not because the
occasion for it is so great, but because of our unbebef
The danger was much greater in the days of .lolin
Huss and of others, tlian it is in our times. And even
if the danger were great, lie also is great wlio has
begun and conducts this matter. The cause is not
110 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
ours. Why do you fret yourself so incessantly ? If
the cause be unjust, let us recant; but if it be just,
why do you make God, who has given us such great
promises, a liar, when he tells us to be of good cheer
and content ? He says, ' Cast thy burden upon the
Lord;' and again, 'The Lord is nigh unto them that
are of a broken heart' Do you suppose that he
speaks thus to the wind or to beasts ? I, also, often
shudder ; but not always. Your philosophy and not
your theology torments you so, as though you could
accomplish anything by your useless worry. What
can the devil do more than slay us ? I beg of you, for
Grod's sake, that, as you defend yourself in all other
respects, you will defend yourself against yourself.
You are your own greatest enemy ; you give Satan so
many weapons to use against you."
In reply to one of Melanchthon's letters, asking
what further might be yielded for the sake of peace,
Luther wrote that more than enough had already been
yielded; that he could not for a moment think of con-
ceding more than the Confession had conceded, unless
he was convinced from Scripture, or by more weighty
reasons than were now brought to bear upon him ; and
that he would rather fall with Christ than stand with
the emperor. Unfortunately, Melanchthon lacked the
resolute spirit and heroic faith of his friend. He had,
indeed, no intention of giving up any part of the Gos-
pel ; but he was ready, for the sake of peace, to con-
cede the very last point which did not absolutely con-
flict with the Scriptures.
It must l)e said to his credit, however, that when
placed before ,the alternative of denying Christ or suf-
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. Ill
fering for refusal to do so, he did not hesitate to de-
cide for Christ. This is phain from his interview with
the papal legate, Campegius. Surrounded by a large
number of his bitterest enemies, and threatened with
the wrath of the emperor and his most powerful
princes if he refused, Melanchthon was asked if he
would yield. But his reply was : " We cannot yield
nor be unfaithful to the truth. But we pray, for God's
sake and Christ's, that our adversaries will not take
offense at this, but will, if they are able, dispute witli
us ; and concede to us those things which we cannot
with a good conscience forsake." When Campegius
and the others thundered threats without number at
him, he replied: "We commit our cause to the Lord
God. If God be for us, who can be against us?
Finally, let come what will, fortune or misfortune, we
must abide by it." Whatever other missteps Me-
lanchthon may have made, he nevertheless deserves to
be honored for the decision with wdiich, after all, when
confronted with the alternative, he chose rather to
suffer than to deny his Saviour.
If only Melanchthon had let matters rest here, his
record at the diet of Augsburg would have been credit-
able enough. But not long afterward he wrote a very
humble and obsequious letter to this same Cardinal
Campegius, in which he said that the Lutherans would
be most obedient servants of the pope, if only they
were not rejected because they had abolished some
abuses. He expected a favorable nply; but he was
informed that the cardinal couM take no steps witli-
out the consent of the Roman Catholic i>rinees. Con-
sequently, Melanchthon had his labor for his pains.
112 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
and the not very comfortable reflection, that he had
made a sad spectacle of himself, had lowered himself
in everybody's eyes, and yet had not helped his cause
in the least. The cardinal, of course, did not keep
this letter a secret ; and Melanchthon had to endure
many a bitter rebuke on account of it. From beyond
the AljDine mountains there came a letter from one of
his admirers in Venice, inquiring whether it was true
that he had written such a humble letter to the cardi-
nal, and begging him to remember that all true Chris-
tians in Europe were anxiously looking to him in
these troubled times and resting their greatest hopes
upon him.
In the meantime the Roman Catholic theologians,
among whom were Eck and Cochlaeus, iinished their
so-called Confutation of the Augsburg Confession.
Their first draft had been so harsh that the emperor
bade them prepare a new one. At last it was ready,
and was read before the diet on August 3d. It fol-
lowed the arrangement of the Augsburg Confession,
but was filled with falsehoods and puerile arguments.
When it had been read, however, the emperor gave
the Lutherans to understand that, after this complete
confutation of their position, they must forsake their
errors and re-unite with the holy Roman Church. If
they refused, he would act "• as behooved the protector
and guardian of the Holy Christian Church, and a
true Christian emperor." It began to look as if war
were inevitable.
But while the emperor appeared ready to resort to
arms, he was prevented from doing so by the differ-
ences which existed among the Roman Catholic princes
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 113
themselves. They could not agree upon tlie policy to
be pursued. Finally it was deterniincd to effect a
compromise. On August 6th, a committee consisting
of a number of lloman Catholic princes and l)ishops
held a meeting and drew up a document for that pur-
p)ose. But the conditions were such that they could
not be accepted by the Lutherans. Melanchthon, in-
deed, adv^ised that the princes ask for the w^aivi ng of a
few points, and accept the balance. But the princes
thought otherwise, and replied to tlie proposal, that
while they were disposed to maintain peace and liar-
mony, they could not and would not ])e untrue to
God's word. Melanchthon rendered himself particu-
larly obnoxious to many because he was willing to re-
store jurisdiction to the Roman bishops. Theoreti-
cally, his plan might have done ; but practically, it
would have had very evil consequences. For if the
bishops had regained their jurisdiction, they would
soon have put an end to the pure preaching of the
Word of God.
Philip of Hesse was completely dissatisfied with the
course which affairs were taking. Tie left the diet in
disgust on August 16th. He w^as opposed to yielding
anything whatever, and wrote to his counsellors whom
he left at the diet : "I have read your report; but I
cannot consent that such measures as you mention,
whether proposed by the papists or by the evangelical
party, shall be adopted l)y us. For they arc measures
wdiich imply deception and ai'c consefiunitly suited t(>
the ])apistsonly. Abide by the direction-^ which I left
with you. If the papists would permit in their countries
the pure preaching of the Gospel, allow the marriage
8
114 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
of priests and monks, and abolish prayers for the dead
and the invocation of the saints, much for charity's-
sake might be conceded to them. The preaching of
the Gospel would, no doubt, by degrees reform the
remaining abuses. But if the papists want to keep
on sitting in their devil's roses and prohibit the pure
preaching of the Gospel, freedom of marriage and the
administration of the Lord's Supper in accordance
with Christ's institution, then you must not recede
one hair's breadth. The jurisdiction of the bishops is
not to be allowed ; for they are unwilling to permit
the preaching of the Gospel in their territories. What
a farce it would be, it they should appoint, as exami-
ners of Christian preachers, men who in doctrine and
life are no better than a Caiphas, an Annas or a Pilate !
Show to the cities this my handwriting, and tell them
to be men, not women. Stop the play of that worldly-
wise philosopher, that timid Philip."
The evangelical party agreed, however, once more to
argue the points of difference with their opponents.
On August 15th, a committee, consisting of two princes,
two jurists, and three theologians from each side was
formed, and began its sittings the following day. The
articles of the Augsburg Confession were taken up one
by one for consideration. In many of the doctrinal
articles the Roman Catholic theologians agreed with the
Lutherans, and in others of them they showed a dispo-
sition to find fault rather with the wording than the sub-
stance. On a few of them , such as those on Justification,
Repentance and Good Works, they could not agree.
But the greatest difiiculty was encountered in the ar-
ticles on the abuses. No agreement whatever could
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 115
be reached on the denial of the cup to the laity, celi-
bacy and private masses. There were, all told, four-
teen points on which they were unable to unite.
When the larger commission had failed to effect an
agreement, a smaller one was formed on August 24th.
This consisted of only six persons, Melanchthon and
Eck being the only theologians present. But tliis
effort at agreement also failed. Melanchthon liad at
last begun to see that making concessions to people
whose only concern was to shield the Roman hierar-
chy and who had no desire to learn or obey the truth,
could not possibly do any good; and he consequently
took a much bolder stand than he had in the earlier
discussions. But now, because of the contrast Ije-
tween his conduct in the earlier and later stages of the
negotiations, he was blamed and upl)raided by both
side^. The Lutherans found fault with him on ac-
count of the willingness he had displayed to yield so
much for the sake of peace; the Roman Catholics, on
the other hand, accused him of insincerity in his
earlier conduct, because he took a so much bolder po-
sition toward the end.
It would have been far better for Melanchthon's
peace of mind, as well as for his credit with his con-
temporaries and posterity, if he had taken an uncom-
promisins: stand for the truth from the verv bcirinninir
of the necrotiations. But while his conduct cannot be
justified, it can, to a large extent at least, be ex-
plained by his excessive desire for peace and his false
estimate of the character of his enemies. Perhajis he
credited his adversaries with the same openness to
con\^ction, and the same desire to know and obey the
116 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
truth, which he himself possessed. But he should
have known better. His own past experience should
have taught him that the men with w^hom he was
dealing were seeking only to uphold the papal system
at all hazards. Perhaps he did know better; but
the imminent dangers which he saw threatening
the evangelical cause warped his judgment, so that
he attempted what even his own reason in calmer
times would have told him was altogether impossi-
ble.
With all his exalted gifts, Melanchthon was not
equal to the difficult position in which he found him-
self at the head of the Protestant party in Augsburg.
He lacked that determined and decisive character,
that keen insight into human nature, that clear per-
ception of the unalterable hostility and malevolent de-
signs of his foes, which Luther possessed in so re-
markable a degree, and which, had Melanchthon
possessed them, would have enabled him to pursue a
steadfast and consistent course, and to steer clear of
negotiations in which nothing could possibly be ac-
complished except at a sacrifice of the Gospel. He
should have recognized and boldly faced the truth,
that, dreadful as was the alternative, war would still
be preferable to any compromise which he might hope
to effect with such enemies. Luther knew his oppo-
nents better. He knew that they were too shrewd to
be satisfied with a concession of non-essentials and too
strongly attached to Rome to yield up any of her
errors ; that they would be satisfied with nothing
short of the suppression of Lutheranism; and that
peace could be secured only by a sacrifice of the truth.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 117
It was Melanclithon's misfortune not to recognize tliis,
or if he did recognize it, to i)ermit his fears to get the
better of his judgment.
Melanchthon opposed any kind of an agreement
with the ZwinHians who had come to Au«:shuro:. Tlie
emperor liated them worse than he did the Lutlierans.
The poHtical tenets which they combined witli their
theology, and their denial of the real presence in the
Lord's Supper, made them particularly obnoxious to
Charles V. When, therefore, tlie Strasburg theo-
logians Bucer and Capito sought an interview with
Melanchthon, he refused to meet them. He told them
that he entertained no hostility toward them, but that
he could not convince himself of the truth of tluir
doctrine, nor assume the responsibility of burdening
the princes with the odium which its approval would
cause them to incur. Consequently, the Zwinglians
were obliged to hand in their own separate Tetrapoli-
tan Confession.
After the negotiations of the smaller commission,
mentioned above, had proved fruitless, the emperor
summoned the Lutheran princes before him and de-
clared to them, by the mouth of Count Frederick of
the Palatinate, that he was exceedingly displeased to
see so small a minority obstinately defend their own
peculiar doctrines in the face of the whole world ; that
he would indeed pray the pope to call a council; hut
that he demanded of them in the meanwhile, that tluy
return to the faith of the Komish Church, because it
was proper that the minority should yield to the ma-
jority. The princes protested against this deinaii<l,
and declared that they would abide by the Word of
118 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
God. And on the same day, as an emphasis to this
protest, Melanchthon, with the assistance of the other
theologians, drew up a paper in which the Romish
private mass was rejected in unequivocal terms. The
moderate Roman Catholic princes again endeavored
to effect an agreement, but accomplished nothing.
Finally, on September 22d, the emperor summoned
the Estates before him to hear the decree of the diet.
He said that the Lutherans had been thoroughly con-
futed from the Four Gospels and other writings, and
that he would give them till April 15th, of the follow-
ing year to decide whether, in the articles still dis-
puted^ they would unite with him and the pope or not.
During this period of grace they should not publish or
sell anything new in matters of faith, should draw no
one over to their side, and should join him in sup-
pressing the Sacramentarians and Anabaptists.
Thereupon Chancellor Brueck arose in behalf of
the Lutherans, and declared that they did not by any
means consider themselves confuted by the ^Daper
which had been prepared by their opponents; and
that they desired to submit another document in de-
fence of the Augsburg Confession. But the emperor
would not permit them to do so. This other docu-
ment to which Brueck referred was the first sketch of
Melanchthon's "Apology of the Augsburg Con-
fession." Melanchthon had for some time been in
consultation with the other theologians, and finally, be-
tween September 12tli and 20th, he had prepared this
work. But as he had nothing but Camerarius' notes,
taken during the reading of the Confutation, to serve
for his guidance in writing the first sketch of the
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530.
119
Apology, he afterwards, from November 1530 to April
1531, having meanwhile obtained a copy of the Con-
futation, rewrote the entire work. It was composed
Justus Jonas.
in Latin, and was afterwards transhited into Ocnnan
by Justus Jonas. It was adopted as one of the con-
fessional symbols of the Lutheran Church, and it is,
120 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
perhaps, the most thorough and learned of them all.
The ahility with which it is executed may be judged
from the fact that, at a later time, in reply to a fierce
assault of the Jesuits, the Apology without note or
comment was reprinted as an ample refutation of all
their charges.
After the emperor had refused to receive the Apol-
ogy of Melanchthon, the religious negotiations of the
diet were, of course, at an end. Consequently, on the
following day, September 23d, the elector, with Me-
lanchthon and the other theologians, departed from
Augsburg, leaving a few of the Saxon counsellors be-
hind to hear the general final decree of the diet. The
travellers proceeded through l^uremberg to Coburg,
where Luther was anxiously awaiting them.
Luther had foreseen the outcome of the diet, and
had written to his friends shortly before they left
Augsburg : " More has been accomplished, after all,
than Ave dared hoped for. You have rendered to
Caesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the
things which are God's. To the emperor you have
rendered full obedience by appearing at the diet at the
cost of so much money, labor and trouble ; but to God
the special ofi'ering of the Confession, which shall
penetrate into all the courts of kings and princes,
shall rule in the midst of its enemies, and shall pro-
claim its sound to all the world, so that he who will
not believe it is left without excuse. May Christ con-
fess us as you have confessed him, and glorify those
who glorify him. Amen." To Melanchthon himself
Luther had written : " Ye have worthily accomplished
God's holy work, as becometh saints. Rejoice in the
THE DIET OF AUGSBUIir.. 1530. 121
Lord and be joyful, yr riii:hteous. Ye liave suffered
long enoug'li in the world. Look up now and lift up
your heads; for your redemption draweth nisi:h. I
will pronounce you holy, as true members of ('hrist.
And what other praise w^ould ye seek ?"
On the way to Wittenberg, Melanchthon was con-
tinually meditating upon his Apology. lie wrote upon
it even while he was eating his meals. Luther once
snatched the pen from his hands, saying : " We can
serve God not only by work but also by rest." After
an absence of nearly seven months, Melanchthon beheld
once more his beloved Wittenberg, rejoined his family
circle, re-entered his lecture-hall, and sat down again
at his own desk. One of his first occupations was to
publish the Augsburg Confession.
On November 19th, the final decree of the diet was
published. It condemned all the doctrines of the Lu-
therans which conflicted with Romish teaching and
practice ; and commanded that all innovations whicli
had been introduced should be abolished, and all
things restored to their ancient state. Xo Protestant
hand signed this decree.
122 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE SCHMALCALD LEAGUE. THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF
NUREMBERG. MELANCHTHON INVITED TO FRANCE
AND ENGLAND. 1531-1535.
I
I I I HE final decree of the Diet of Augsburg had
been so full of menace to the Lutherans, that
even Melanchthon acknowledged the pro-
priety and necessity of taking proper measures of de-
fence. A league was therefore formed at Schmalcald
by the Lutheran , princes on March 29, 1531. The
four Zwinglian cities were also received into the
league. Melanchthon did not oiFer any objections.
He knew that the emperor already hated the Luther-
ans as much as he very well could. Besides, Bucer
had approached more nearly to the Lutheran doctrine
of the Lord's Supper, and confessed that Christ's body
is truly present in that sacrament. Only the manner
of the union of Christ's body with the visible elements
remained in dispute.
AVhen the emperor saw that the Protestants were
united for mutual defence and that possibly an alli-
ance might be effected by them with France and Eng-
land, he began to think it prudent to assume a less
warlike aspect. He was threatened too with a new
attack by the sultan Soliman, and had to make terms
either with tlie Turks or with the Protestants. He
decided upon the latter course, and called a diet at
Ratisbon (Regensburg). But in the meantime, the
THE SCHMALCALD LEAGUE.
123
the Zwingliuns suffered :i severe defeat at Cappel, and
Zwino^li himself was amons: the shun. This seemed
to the emperor a favorable time to suppress the evan-
gelical party in Germany. He therefore sent an em-
Sl'LTAN SULIMAN.
hassy to offer to the sultan most ignominious terms
of peace. But the sultan would not accept tlimi, and
preferred to prosecute his purpose of estahlishing a
universal dominion.
The emperor was thus reduced to the necessity of
124 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
entreating the assistance of the Protestants. But they
were willing to lend aid only on certain conditions.
At the diet, held at Ratisbon and afterwards trans-
ferred to Nuremberg, the Protestants demanded, as
the price of their assistance, not a compromise, but
absolute freedom in religious matters, and the calling
of a free general council where the religious questions
should be decided solely in accordance with the Word
of God. There was no recourse but to grant their de-
mands, and accordingly, on July 23, 1532, the Reli-
gious Peace of Nuremberg was established. By the
terms of this peace, no State was to give oifence to any
other on account of religious matters, until a council
had been held; and all'w^ere to treat each other with
true Christian friendship and love. This agreement
brought joy to the troubled heart of Melanchthon.
Soon afterwards, on August 16th, the Elector John
the Constant of Saxony was gathered to his fathers.
He had gone to Schweinitz on a hunting expedition,
and died there. Luther and Melanchthon arrived at
his bedside in time to see him breathe his last ; but he
was no longer able to speak to them. He raised his
hands as a token of recognition, and soon afterward
expired. His body was removed to Wittenberg,
where Luther preached the funeral sermon and Me-
lanchthon delivered an academical address. His son,
John Frederick, surnamed the Magnanimous, suc-
ceeded to the electoral dignity.
In the year 1533, Pope Clement VII. took steps
toward the assembling of a council. In June of that
year he dispatched a papal nuncio, accompanied by
an imperial orator, to inform the new elector of the
THE RELKUOUS PEACE OF NUREMBElKi. 125
proposed council, and to deinaiid tliat nil should un-
conditionally submit to its decision. In accordance
John Frederick the Magnanimous.
with the advice of liis theologians, tin- ilrctor con-
sented to the holding of such a council ; hut refused to
bind himself beforehand to oIk-v its decrees, because,
126 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
as Melanchtlion had said, councils no longer made all
their decisions conform to God's Word.
All the negotiations from 1531 to 1534 were of
such a nature that Melanchthon was little disturbed in
his private work and had ample time to devote him-
self to his studies, his lectures, and his literary labors.
During this period he published a number of works.
One of them, his Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans, he dedicated to the Archbishop Albert of
Mayence, the same who had figured so prominently
in the scandalous sale of induls^ences as^ainst which
Luther had protested. It is said that when the arch-
bishop received the work, he became so angry that he
trampled it under his feet and cried out, " He is pos-
sessed by St. Valentine." ^Nevertheless, the reputa-
tion of Melanchthon as a scholar was so great that the
archbishop, who posed as a patron of arts and letters,
dared not deny him recognition. He sent Melanch-
thon, therefore, a costly present.
The high regard in which Melanchthon was held,
not only in Germany but in other European countries,
is evident from the numerous calls which came to him
to go elsewhere. In 1534 he received one from Po-
land, and another from Wurtemberg, where Duke
Ulrich desired to have the University of Tubingen
re-organized and the Reformation speedily introduced.
But Melanchthon declined both these calls, much to
the gratification of the elector.
Meanwhile the Reformation had made some pro-
gress in France, and it looked for a time as if that
country would l)ecome Protestant. Francis I. was a
bitter enemy of Charles Y. and was anxious to enter
THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF NUREMBERG. 127
into an alliance with the Schmalcald League. At the
advice of liis minister, AVilliam Bellay, he not only
sent ambassadors to treat with the Protestant princes,
but instructed them to request Melanchthon's opinion
as to the manner in which a union might be effected
between the two religious parties of France.
On August 1st, Melanchthon sent a paper of eight
articles containing very much the same princijdes of ac-
commodation which he had recommended at Augs-
burg. In the first article he says, that the pope might
retain his primacy and the bishops their jurisdiction,
if they would not use their authority for the purpose
of suppressing the truth ; in the second, that traditional
customs, though often allowable, are not to be regarded
as obliscatorv nor as deservino; merit ; in the thircL that
confession is to be retained, but the enumeration of
specific sins abolished; in the fourth, that in the mat-
ter of justification it was necessary wholly to drop the
scholastic doctrine of good works and to maintain
that of justification by faith alone; in the //YV//, that an
agreement on the subject of the mass would be very
difficult to reach, yet the celebration of private masses
ought to be abandoned, and the Lord's Supper admin-
istered in both kinds; in the si.rfh, that the adoration
of the saints must be abolished because it eoiitriets
with Scripture and the early Cliureh, but that the fol-
lowing form might be allowable : " (irant, O God, that
we, assisted by the prayers of thy saints, etc. ;" in the
seventh, that all cloisters need not necessarily be abol-
ished, but that some might be permitted to remain for
the ])urpose of training n[) young men for the (linrcli,
provided these be left at lil)erty to leave whenever
128 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
they choose ; in the eighth, that the celibacy of the
priesthood is contrary to Scripture and the practice of
the ancient Church. In conclusion he stated that these
articles were not meant to be final, but to serve as a
basis for deliberation by learned men.
A long time elapsed before he received any reply.
At last, on March 4th, 1535, he received a communi-
cation from John Sturm of Strasburg, from which he
learned that matters had taken a bad turn in France.
Some fanatics, for whom the Reformation was not
making progress rapidly enough, had posted up at a
number of places, and among these on the gates of the
Louvre, hand-bills which contained reflections upon
the doctrines, ceremonies and clergy of the Roman
Catholic Church. The king had thereupon become
o^reatlv incensed, and had caused six Lutherans to be
publicly condemned and burned to death. He had,
indeed, become somewhat appeased, when it was ex-
plained to him that Lutheran doctrines were in no way
responsible for insurrection and riot. But the situa-
tion was still extremely bad, and the only hope of im-
provement, Melanchthon was told, lay in his going to
France. The king held him in high esteem and would
be inclined to follow his advice.
Upon the receipt of this letter, Melanchthon imme-
diately wrote to William Bellay and entreated him to
protect the Gospel. A little later he replied to John
Sturm and submitted the reasons why it was impos-
sible for him at that time to go to Paris, and why, if
he did go, he feared little good would be accomplished.
In answer to these communications he received letters
not only from Bellay and from Sturm, but a very
MELANCIITHON INVITED TO FRANCE. 121)
friendly epistle from King Francis himself, urging liim
to come to France as soon as possible and assist in
bringing about unity and harmony in its religious
affairs.
Melanchthon thereupon immediately hastened from
Jena, where on account of the plague which reigned
at Wittenberg the university had been temporarily es-
tablished, to the Elector at Torgau, and asked for a
furlough of several months. Luther seconded liis
appeal, both of them apparently believing in the sin-
cerity of Francis I. But the elector refused his con-
sent. He believed that it Avould do no good and only
result in involving them in difficulties with the em-
peror. He feared also, as his letter to Brueck shows,
that Melanchthon might be prevailed upon to make
concessions to which Luther and the other theologians
could not consent. '' Xor is it to be sui)posed," he
says, " that the French are in earnest. On the con-
trary, it is altogether likely that, when they see how
good-natured Philip is, they will take advantage of
him, and afterward decry him as inconsistent. Those
who are favorable to this matter in France an- more
Erasmianthan evangelical. "We are iirndy determined
rather to lose Philip's services entirely, than to let liim
go to France with our good- will and consent."
Melanchthon was consequently obliged to rrply to
the king, that, much as he would like to do so, it was
impossible for him to come. He also wrote to William
Bellay and complained to him of tlic harsh tr^'atnu-nt
which he had received from the elector. Indeed, Ik-
took the elector's refusal so much to heart, that for a
number of weeks he remained in a very dissatisfied
9
130 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
frame of mind. It was not till in October, when he
met the elector again and the prince took great pains
to show his good-will toward him, that Melanchthon
became reconciled. Shortly afterward he saw him-
self that his journey would have proved fruitless ; be-
cause the king, while he desired a political union
with the Protestant princes, was in no sense desirous
of a true reformation of the Church, and gave his
approval to the action of the Sorbonne when it con-
demned as heretical the eight articles which Melanch-
thon had forwarded to France.
A similar result followed the negotiations with
Henry YIII. of England. This royal potentate had
made an attack upon Luther, and had received from
the pope the title of " Defender of the Faith." [N'one
the less, he was ready to break with the pope when
that pontifl* would not consent to Henry's divorce from
his wife Catherine, an aunt of Charles Y. Accordingly
in 1534, Henry YIII. proclaimed himself the Supreme
Bishop of the Church of England. During this year, he
twice invited Melanchthon to cross the channel. He
was extremely anxious to escape from the scandal
which his matrimonial affairs had created. And
therefore in March, 1535, he dispatched Anthony
Barnes to Wittenberg to confer with the theologians
there, and to endeavor to enter into a union with the
evangelical States.
Melanchthon took this opportunity to write to the
king and earnestly commend the cause of the Gospel
to him. He also dedicated to that ruler the second
edition of his Loci Communes. Henry was highly
pleased, and sent the Wittenberg theologian a gracious
MELANCHTHON INVITED TO ENGLAND. 131
letter iind a present of two hundred florins. At a later
period, however, wlirn he saw liow lie liad hccn de-
ceived in tlie king's intentions, Melanclitlioii omitted
this dedication from his work.
In September of the same year, Barnes came to
Wittenberg a second time. !N'ot having been able to
obtain their sanction for Henry's divorce proceedings,
he proposed now to confer with the Saxon theologians
on unity of doctrine, and to request permission for
Melanchthon to go to England. Luther seconded this
request, as he had the one from France. But the
elector again refused his consent. He believed that
the English king was only trying to use religious
matters as a cloak for his scandalous conduct. The
negotiations, however, lasted until the following
spring. Besides Barnes, two other men. Bishop Fox
and Archdeacon Heyth, arrived from England and
took part in the discussions. The university being at
that time stationed at Jena, Melanchthon was obliged
to make numerous journeys to Wittenberg to meet
these envoys. But he could not be brought to sanc-
tion Henry's divorce, nor to yield his convictions on
the marriasre of the clero^v and the mass, the two
points which were most controverted by the English-
ini'U. He drew up two papers and sent tlu-m to Eng-
land by the hand of the royal ambassadors. Barnes
himself dissuaded Melanchthon from making the
journey to that country, because circumstances bcgim
to be unfavorable there for the progress of the
Reformation.
132 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. JOURNEY TO
TUEBINGEN. ACCUSED OF HERESY.
OTHER negotiations now claimed the attention
of Melanchthon. It has been mentioned in
the previous chapter that as early as 1531
Bucer had acknowledged the presence of Christ's
body in the Lord's Supper. This able divine made it
his lifework to bring about harmony between the
Protestants upon this point. In September, 1534, he
published a Form of Concord. In the same month
Melanchthon wrote to Philip of Hesse that he had
spoken with Luther, and that Luther was satisfied
with Bucer's publication, provided the latter really
believed what his words expressed. He exhorted the
landgrave to take action in the matter, and added,
" All that I am able to do in order to promote Chris-
tian unity, I am heartily willing to do. I know of no
more as-reeable task in the world." The landgrave
then made arrangements for a meeting between Bucer
and Melanchthon at Cassel. Luther, although he
cherished no great expectations as to the result, con-
sented to the arrangement, and gave to Melanchthon,
in writing, a basis on which a union might be eftected.
At the meeting, which took place the following De-
cember, Bucer declared it to be his belief that when
the bread and wine are dispensed, the body of Christ
THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. 133
is given and received. lie made promise, also, that
he and his friends would henceforth teach in accord-
ance with the Augsburg Confession and its Apology.
With this explanation Luther was satisfied, while Me-
lanchthon returned to Wittenbers: almost better
pleased with Bucer's than with Luther's view on the
minor points upon which those two could not unite.
This ao^reement between Bucer and the Wittenberir
theologians having been reached, there poured into
Wittenberg, from all sides, letters declaring that their
authors would gladly unite on such a basis. Luther
was deeply moved, and wrote in reply to a letter from
Augsburg, " If this Form of Concord is establislied, I
shall sing with tears of joy, ^ Lord nowlettest thou thy
servant depart in peace.' " And Melanchthon wrote to
the ministers of Augsburg : "I would willingly risk
my life to promote this Concord."
The spring of 1536 was appointed by the elector for
the holding of a convention in Eisenach at which a
Form of Concord was to be formally adopted. But
while ever}i:hing looked so promising, Melanchthon
was suddenly seized with the fear that, by the liolding
of such a convention, greater discord among the theo-
logians, and greater divisions and public controversies
than existed before, might be produced. For about
this time, letters of Zwingli and Q^cohimpadius, pre-
faced by a letter of Bucer, were publislicd ; and in liis
letter Bucer had praised tlie otlier two men for tln'ir
orthodoxy. Melanchthon feared tliat this fact miglit
be brought up at the convention, and matters \)v unidv
worse than before.
Luther's physical condition rendered it impossible
134
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
for him to travel to Eisenach when the time for the
convention approached. Bucer and his friends, there-
fore, came on to Wittenberg. They arrived May 21,
1536. On the followins: day the convention was
Caspar Cruciger.
opened. Among those present besides Bucer were
Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Cruciger, Rorarius, Po-
meranus, Weller, Menius, Myconius and Capito.
Bucer opened the meeting with a lengthy address in
THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD. 135
whicli lie expressed liis joy over the oecasion which
had brouii;ht them together, as one for which he had
striven for four long years. Luther replied that after
reading the letters of Zwingli and (Ecolampadius with
the preface by Bucer, he had little hope of concord,
and believed that it would be better to leave matters
as they were, than to make them a hundred times
Avorse by a fictitious union. Bucer justified himself
as best he could, and declared that his letter had been
written the previous year, and that it had now been
published in opposition to his express will and com-
mand. The Upper Germans, he said, meant this mat-
ter sincerely, and no deception was intended. Luther
then demanded to know whether Bucer and his friends
would publicly recant their former doctrine as one
which was opposed to the Scriptures and the teaching
of the ancient Church, and whether they would con-
fess and teach that, by virtue of Christ's power and the
words of institution, the true body and blood of Christ
are in the sacrament and are received by all, Avhether
believing or unbelieving, who partake of it. This was
the crucial test and would reveal whether Bucer and
his friends, in their previous declaration of the real
presence, meant a bodily or merely a spiritual presence
of Christ. On the next day, the conference having
been postponed till that time on account of Luther's
ill-health, Bucer gave his reply and said in liis own
name and in that of his friends, that the bread of tlic
Lord's Supper is truly the body of Christ, and is truly
received not onlv with the heart but with the mouth;
and that he had meant to deny only the local i)resence
and the gross natural eating of the Lord's body. With
136 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
this confession Luther and his friends were highly
pleased ; Bucer and Capito began to weep ; and all
thanked God that a union had finally been eftected.
On May 29th, the Wittenberg Form of Concord,
drawn up by the skilful pen of Melanchthon, was
signed by both parties. It declared, first, that there
were two things in the sacrament, the heavenly and
the earthly elements ; and that the body and blood of
Christ are really and essentially present with the bread
and wine, not locally, but sacramentally ; secondly,
that the Romish doctrine of trans ubstantiation was
false ; and thirdly, that even the unworthy receive the
body and blood of Christ in the sacrament, but receive
it to their condemnation. This Wittenberg Form of
Concord was received everywhere by the Protestants
with great satisfaction. Even the Swiss, to a large ex-
tent, agreed to it. Melanchthon, as may be supposed,
heartly rejoiced over it. It gave promise of rest from
controversy for years to come, and healed in a great
measure the divisions which had existed in the Pro-
testant camp.
After the conclusion of these negotiations, Melanch-
thon concluded to carry out a long-cherished plan, and
travel to Tuebino^en and Bretten. There were some
family matters about which, in the interest of his
children, he desired to speak with his brother. Be-
sides this, his friend Camerarius lay dangerously ill at
Tuebingen and desired to see him. The elector will-
ingly gave his consent and offered him the use of a
horse and carriage for the journey.
But just as he was about to depart, an event occurred
which delayed his journey for a month. A new pope.
JOURNEY TO TUEBINGEN. l37
Paul III, had ascended the throne, and now summoned
a council to convene in Mantua in May of the follow-
ing year. The elector was greatly perplexed to know
how he should act; and called upon the Wittenberg
theologians to advise him what he ought to do, if, as a
rumor had it, a papal nuncio should come to Weimar.
Melanchthon showed from the history of the Church
that this council, being by no means a free and general
one, might be wholly repudiated ; but he recommended
that, for appearance's sake, this should not be done,
because the Protestants had so frequently appealed to
a council, and a refusal to recognize this one would be
used as an argument against them by their enemies.
He thought it would be ^\dser simply to protest against
having the pope as the judge. But the elector thought
differently. He even suggested the holding of an op-
position council. With his own hand he wrote on the
paper at the bottom of Luther's opinion, that the best
thing to do would be to send some one to the border
of his dominions to tell the papal nuncio to be gone ;
because " the pope is not the head of the Church, but
the worst foe of evangelical believers ; and in summon-
ing a council he is seeking nothing else, but to fortify
his anti-Christian power and destroy the Lutherans."
When this matter had l)eeii decided, Melanchtlion,
on August 25th, started upon his journey. He was
accompanied by Jacob Milichius, a fellow-professor,
who intended to go to liis native city of Freiburg.
Proceeding by way of Frankfort and Bretten, Me-
lanchthon arrived in Tuebingen, Se})tember 24th.
He remained here three weeks enjoying the society
of his bosom friend, Camerarius, who was now quite
138
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
restored to health. Duke Ilh^ich, of Wiirttemberg,
again offered Mehmchthon a professorship in the uni-
versity. But, as he could not make up his mind to
leave Wittenberg, he declined. He went, however, to
John Brenz.
the duke's court at Nuertingen and consulted with
him about the university. He also wrote a letter to
Brenz, and begged of him to accept a professorship at
Tuebingen, for one year at least, for the sake of the
good which might be accomplished. Brenz consented
and removed to Tuebingen. The duke treated Me-
ACCUSED OF HERESY. 139
lanchtlion very kindly and gave him a present of one
liundred florins.
Melanclithon now began his journey homeward.
At jN^uremberg lie tarried for a few days with his
friends Banmgartner, Ebner, Dietrich, Roting and
Osiander. While here, he prepared an opinion on
Private Confession, because a controversy raged in
Nuremberg on that subject, and his friend Osiander
was involved in it. Then he proceeded to Witten-
berg. He was destined to find trouble awaiting him.
During his absence, Cruciger had delivered a lecture
in which he said, that good works are a " sine qua
non"* of salvation. Conrad Cordatus, a preacher in
!Niemegk, who was present at the lecture, took Cruci-
ger to task for using that expression. In defending
himself against the charge of heresy, Cruciger said
that the words were those of Melanchthon himself.
We have seen in a former chapter that Melanchthon
olten wrote the lectures for other professors. It ap-
peared that this particular lecture had been arranged
and written out by him. The very words in dispute
were down in black and white in his own handwrit-
ing. When Cordatus discovered this, he went to
Luther and accused ^lelanchthon of heresy. It is not
known what Luther said in rejjly. Xo doubt for Me-
lanchthon's sake he desired to avoid controversy, if
possible. While Melanchthon was still upon his jour-
ney, he heard of the matter, and wrote a letter in ex-
planation and justification of his words. He claimed
that his words had been wrongly interpreted, that lie
had no intention of teaching difi'erently from Luther
* An indispensable condition.
140 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
himself, and that he did not mean to say that good
works earned or merited eternal life.
On I^ovember 5th, he arrived in Wittenberg and
immediately wrote a friendly and conciliatory letter to
Cordatus. But it did not accomplish much good.
Cordatus refused to let the matter rest, and finally re-
ferred it for decision to Jonas, the rector of the uni-
versity. Other events, however, were now at hand,
which left the Wittenbergers neither leisure nor de-
sire to pursue this matter any further.
CHAPTER XV.
THE CONVENTION AT SCHMALCALD. ATTACKS UPON
MELANCHTHON. 1537-1539.
S the pope insisted on his project of holding a
council at Mantua, it was necessary for the
Protestants to decide whether they would
attend or not. Accordingly, they held a convention
for this purpose at Schmalcald on February 7, 1537.
At the elector's request, Luther prepared a paper
which has become known as the Schmalcald Articles,
and which forms one of the confessional symbols of
the Lutheran Church. It was divided into three
parts. The first treated of those points on which there
existed no controversy, and the treatment of these
therefore was very brief. The second treated of the
Office and Work of Jesus Christ or of Our Redemp-
tion, and contained the articles which were disputed
THE CONVENTION AT SCHMALCALD. 141
by the Roman Catholics and which would come up
before a council. This second part treated of Justifi-
cation, Mass, Invocation of the Saints, Charitable
Institutions and Cloisters, and the Papacy. It uncon-
ditionally rejected the primacy of the pope, as unscrip-
tural and incompatible with true Christianity. The
third part treated of the Law, Repentance, the Gospel,
Baptism, the Lord's Supper, the Office of the Keys,
Confession, Excommunication, Ordination, Marriage
of the Priests, the Church, Justification and Good
Works, Monastic Yows and Human Ordinances.
These articles were approved and signed by the
theologians. In adding his signature, Melanchthon
Avrote as follows : "I, Philip Melanchthon, approve
the above articles as pious and Christian. Of the
pope, however, I hold, that if he would allow the Gos-
pel, then the superiority which he now possesses over
the bishops, might, by human law, for the sake of
peace and of the general tranquillity of those Chris-
tians who now do or may in time to come live under
him, be conceded to him also by us." Of course, such
an evangelically minded pope as he had in view was
not likely to sit upon the papal throne. But if it
might yet be possible for such a one to be found, then
Melanchthon thought that, as a matter of outward
order and government, tlie retention of the office
would be good for the welfare of the Church.
Toward the end of January, 1537, Melanchthon, to-
gether with Luther and Bugenhagen, left Wittenberg
and arrived at Schmalcald, February 7th. Eight days
later the Convention of Schmalcald was opened. Soon
after his arrival, Luther was seized with a severe attack
142
LIFE OF MELANCIITHON.
of illness and was obliged to return home. But as he
o
02
passed out of the gates of the city, he said to the
friends who had accompanied him tlius far : " May
THE CONVENTION AT SCIIMALCALD. 143
God till you with hatred against the pope/' The
convention fulfilled liis wishes. It resolved upon a
formal separation from the Romish Chureli and a
repudiation of its authority. Melanchthon alone rec-
ommended that the jurisdiction of a council should
not be absolutely denied; because the pope had the
right to. call a council, and it might be possible after
all to have the decision entrusted to impartial judges.
But the majority of the convention argued that, with
his great power, the pope would force himself upon
them as the judge, if a council were held. Melanchthon
realized the danger which his advice involved, and re-
luctantly yielded.
A resolution was passed that, in addition to the ar-
ticles prepared by Luther, a separate paper should be
drawn up on " the power and primacy of the pope,"
and that this should serve to give the reasons why
they refused to submit their cause to the decision of a
council. As usual, it w^as Melanchthon wdio was en-
trusted w^ith this task. He drew up a document in
which he proved that the pope was not by any divine
right the head of the Church, and that consequently
he had no absolute claim to obedience; that tlu' ofHce
of the bishops was only a human regulation and iniglit
be abolished. It was sio^ned l)v tlie theoloii-ians and
pastors present at the convention, and delivered to the
papal nuncio and the imperial ambassador. Then,
when the theologians had recommended to the princes
a l)etter and more conscientious use of tlie property
and possessions of the Church, the convention ad-
journed.
Melanchthon set out for Wittenberg. On the way
144 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
thither he met Luther, who was now restored to
health, and they returned to the city together. Me-
lanchthon's heart was filled with joy over Luther's re-
covery, and in his letters he called on all his friends to
rejoice and thank God for the restoration of this man
whose life was so precious to the Church.
Hardly had he returned to Wittenberg when he re-
ceived from Cordatus a letter accusing him of taking
Cruciger's part. This was true. Melanchthon could
not well have done otherwise, because the words to
which objection was made were written by him. He
therefore invited Cordatus to an interview. But in-
stead of coming as requested, Cordatus wrote a letter
to Justus Jonas, rector of the university, demanding
that Cruciger publicly recant his error. Jonas tried
to quiet Cordatus, and even intimated to him that
vanity was at the bottom of the matter. Thereupon
Cordatus wrote to Chancellor Brueck, lamenting that
there were " so many at Wittenberg who antagonized
the blessed teaching of the pious man Luther, who,
after all, is the only Doctor in these things." Luther
himself seems to have taken the matter rather coolly.
But at the same time, when, on June 4, 1537, at a
promotion to the doctorate, the discussion of the doc-
trine of good works came up, he felt constrained to
declare that the expression, " good works are necessary
to salvation," was untenable. Melanchthon himself
afterward saw that while he meant the formula to be
understood in the sense that good works are necessary
as the fruit of faith or as commanded by God, it was
liable to misinterpretation; and therefore he aban-
doned it.
ATTACKS UPON MELANCHTHON. 145
About the same time, Melanchthon was involved in
another difficulty of a similar nature. Indeed, we
may say, from this time until his death, he was almost
continually the object of attack by friend or foe.
His whole subsequent life was embittered by the dif-
iiculties in which he successively became involved. In
the spring of 1537, Jacob Schenck of Freiberg wrote
to Jonas and Melanchthon for advice. He asked
whether he ought to distribute the communion in both
kinds even against the will of the authorities. Jonas
prudently made no reply. But Melanchthon good-
naturedly sent on his contidential opinion, that under
certain circumstances one kind alone mio^ht be dis-
tributed. Schenck was dissatisfied with the reply,
sent it to the elector, and accused Melanchthon of
heresy. Here was another sore trial. Melanchthon
became thoroughly discouraged and wrote to Brenz,
that he was contending with a hydra, and that, when
he had struck oft* one of its heads, two others sprang
up in its place.
The elector began to be concerned about these mat-
ters, and through his Chancellor, Dr. Brueck, made
written inquiry of Luther and Bugenhagen whether it
was true, as reported, that Melanchthon and Cruciger
and many students and pastors dift'ered from tliem in
some doctrines. In the fall of the year he came in
person to Wittenberg. Schenck also was expected.
But as he did not put in his appearance, the elector
dispatched his chancellor for a private interview with
Luther. The substance of Brueck's report was about
as follows : "Dr. Martin declared that he would not
have believed that Mclaiichtlion would cling so tc-
10
146 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
naciously to his phantasies. Luther," he said, " seemed
to be troubled because he could not tell how Philip
regarded the sacrament, and because it looked as if
Melanchthon, since his return from Cassel, had be-
come almost Zwinglian in his views. Luther did not
know what Philip believed in his heart, but it seemed
strange that he should recommend the giving of the
sacrament in one kind. If Melanchthon persisted in
this opinion, then the Word of God must come first.
He would pray for Philip. If, for the sake of tyrants
and of the preservation of the peace, the sacrament
might be administered in one kind, it would be neces-
sary, on the same principle, to concede justification by
works. I think," added the chancellor, " that it would
do no harm if Dr. Martin should speak earnestly and
cordially with Philip."
Matters actually proceeded so far that Melanchthon
was to be cited to appear and answer to the charge of
heresy. On October 13th, he wrote to Yeit Dietrich :
" Yesterday I heard that several articles were to be
presented to me for subscription. I have no definite
information ; everything is kept secret. I fervently
hope that, if they are displeased, they will bring their
complaints openly and frankly. I have to-day pre-
pared a defence of myself. I shall show why, in cer-
tain doctrines, I have more fully defined this or that
point ; namely, in order that dangerous, equivocal and
vague expressions might be avoided. I shall show
that, in doing this, I have not sought to originate a
new sect or secretly to fight against Luther, but to ac-
complish these two purposes : first, to provide for the
youth, simple, clear and well-defined instruction in
ATTACKS UPON MELANCHTHON.
147
Christian doctrine ; and secondly, to promote the
study of the other branches of learnini!;-." Bnt on the
day which had been appointed for the liearing, Luther
was taken ilh Soon afterward Sclienck joined Agri-
Veit Dietrich.
cola, the antinomian ; and this whole matter, wliidi
threatened to become a very unpleasant business, was
dropped.
But Melanchtlion's troubles still continiicfl to multi-
ply. Tn the summer of 1 ')o(S he was m.ide rector of
148 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
the university. It became a part of his duties to act
as censor of the press. But hardly had he assumed
his new office, when a young Magister of Wittenberg,
Simon Lemnius, pubhshed a small volume of epi-
grams, in which he ridiculed some prominent citizens
of the town and some of the professors, among them
being Luther and Melanchthon. A great hue and
cry was raised against Melanchthon, and he was not
only blamed for permitting the publication to appear,
but accused of complicity in it. To make matters
worse the book highly lauded Archbishop Albert of
Mayence as a patron of the Muses. It was this Avhich
particularly incensed Luther. "■ This lampooner," he
exclaimed, " praises that miserable town-clerk of Halle
(Archbishop Albert), and makes a saint out of the
devil."
Melanchthon did all that lay in his power to clear
himself of the unjust suspicion which rested upon him.
He forbade the author of the lampoon to leave the
city ; and when Lemnius nevertheless took refuge in
flight and failed to appear in answer to a citation,
Melanchthon forbade him tp. return to AVittenberg.
He also wrote to the elector, stating that while he was
to blame for not reading the book through before per-
mitting it to be published, he had not intentionally
committed any wrong; that the very fact that Me-
lanchthon himself and his wife were attacked ought to
clear him of all suspicion of complicity in the work.
These successive annoyances disturbed him greatly.
He wrote to his friend Camerarius that he would leave
the city if he had not so recently accepted the office
of rector. Indeed it would appear that Melanchthon
ATTACKS UPON MELANCIITHON. 149
was regarded on nearly all sides as a suitable object
of attack upon one pretext or another. The most in-
nocent occasions were turned against him by his ene-
mies. Thus, in the summer of 1537, he had received
a letter from Cardinal Jacob Sadoletus, an eminent
writer of Italy, who extolled Melanchthon's services in
the cause of classical learning. Although Melanchthon
did not even answer this letter, yet there were many
who took ofteiice at it. Instead of rejoicing that his
distinguished merits had extorted praise even from his
enemies, they spoke as if they thought that it was not
at all impossible that this letter would incline him to
regard the papists more favorably. The sensitive na-
ture of Melanchthon suffered exceedingly under these
successive accusations, insinuations and attacks. He
often felt as if he would like to go elsewhere in order
to be rid of these vexations. But he deemed it his
duty to remain and not become the cause of any split
in the evangelical party. In 1539 he wrote to Came-
rarius : " Here I am, bound and fixed to Mount Cau-
casus. Pangs of mind of the sharpest kind, which
for three long years I have borne continuously, and
other daily burdens, have so consumed me that I fear
I cannot live long."
150 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE FRANKFORT SUSPENSION. LABORS IN DUCAL SAXONY
AND BRANDENBURG. SECOND CONVENTION AT
SCHMALCALD. THE LANDGRAVE's BIGAMY.
MELANCHTHON AT DEATH'S DOOR.
1539-1540.
¥EAXWHILE the political sky was dark
with overhanging clouds. A " Holy
League" of Roman Catholic princes had
been formed at ISTuremberg in 1538 with the avowed
purpose of sustaining the imperial chamber in its pro-
ceedings against the Protestants. Opposed to it stood
the Schmalcald League ; and a war seemed inevitable.
But at this juncture the emperor was greatly in need
of the aid of the Protestants against Soliman the
Turk. The Electors of Brandenburg and the Palatin-
ate offered to act as mediators, and a convention was
held at Frankfort.
On January 31, 1539, Melanchthon started for that
city ; but he took little active part in the proceedings
of the convention. For a long time no agreement could
be reached. The Protestants demanded a permanent
peace, which should under no circumstances be dis-
turbed ; and asked that the Imperial Chamber consist
of an equal number of Protestant and Roman Catho-
lic members. But on April 5th, Melanchthon wrote
to Camerarius : "We are here weaving the veil of
THE FRANKFORT SUSPENSION. 151
Penelope. Hardly have we rejected one basis of peace,
when another is laid l)efore us which differs from the
preceding only in words and not in meaning. I hope
that the empire may remain at peace ; but as yet no
reasonable conditions could be obtained from the im-
perial orator. He demands that we shall receive no
new confederates; and this outrageous demand is
brought forward again and again with new sophistries,
although it has been rejected so often. Tliis is the
whole history of the convention. At first I disputed
over various points ; but after the imperial orator made
such unreasonable demands, I ceased disputing. If no
truce is concluded, we shall make public the reasons
why we rejected these demands."
It was for this latter purpose that Melanchthon was
commissioned to draw up, in the. German language,
three papers. The first was to treat of the right of
defence in case the Protestants were attacked; the
second was to show that upright persons could not
take up arms against them ; the third, that all the
godly must assist them. Having finished these, he
also wrote to Henry VIII. of England. That ruler
had sent Christopher Mount, as his ambassador, to
Frankfort to enter into an alliance with the evangeli-
cal states. ^lelanchthon exhorted the king to abolish
the remainino; Romish abuses in the Church of En<r-
land. . Louis von Baumbach and the Saxon vice-clian-
cellor, Francis Burkhard, were sent to treat with
Henry, and carried Melanchthon's letter with them.
The king received them kindly, but could no^t hv in-
duced to reform the Church in an evangelical manner.
The letter was only coldly received. Consequently,
152
LIFE OF MELANCHTHOX.
the elector refused to listen to any proposals for a
Henry VIII. of England.
journey of Melanchthon to England. He feared noth-
ing would be acconiplislied. Henry VIH. was very
LABORS IX DUCAL SAXONY. 153
headstrong, and, to make matters worse, imagined
himself to be a great theologian. The quality of his
learning, however, may he judged from some of the
arguments which he employed. Thus he maintained,
for instance : Because evil works merit eternal wrath,
therefore it follows that good works merit eternal sal-
vation. And again, concerning the marriage of priests
he argued : If the king has the power to pass an ordi-
nance that, so long as a man is stationed at court, he
dare not marry, the king also has the power to forbid
the priests to marry. These arguments he considered
unansAverable.
On April 19th, the Frankfort Suspension was agreed
upon. In accordance with this agreement the im-
perial orator or vice-chancellor was to suspend for a
period of eighteen months all proceedings against the
Protestants, and a religious discussion of doctrines and
usages was to be held during the summer of the same
year.
On April 20th, Melanchthon departed from Frank-
fort, and was immediately employed in aiding the
cause of the Reformation in the dukedom of Saxony.
Early in January of this year, he had gone to Leipzig
in company with Brueck and Bucer to consult with
George von Carlowitz and a renegade Protestant
preacher, George TV^izel, concerning the introduction
of the Reformation. But it soon beeame a[)parent
that Duke George would not accept the Holy Scrip-
tures, but only the teachings of the Chunli during tin-
first eight or nine centuries of its history, as the stand-
ard aceordin«: to which reforms were to be made.
Nothing, therefore, had been accomplished. But on
154 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
April 17th, Duke George died and was succeeded bj
his brother Henry. This prince desired the introduc-
tion of the Reformation into his dominions, and held
a consultation for that purpose with the elector at
Annaburg. In returning to Wittenberg, Melanch-
thon came by way of Annaburg and took part in the
deliberations. In May he w^ent to Leipzig and was
present there when, at the festival of Pentecost, the
evangelical service was used for the first time. On
May 28th, he made public a paper on the reforma-
tion of the Leipzig LTniversity, and maintained that it
was highly necessary to inaugurate the teaching of
sound doctrine and to obtain professors who were
equal to the task. A great disputation took place on
June 20th between Cruciger and Myconius on the one
side and the Dominicans on the other. The Domini-
cans were worsted, and in the following l^ovember the
university formally cut itself loose from Roman Catho-
licism. It was high time for such a step. The uni-
versity had been rapidly losing ground by its obstinate
adherence to Romish errors. Its former glory and
prestige were in danger of being wholly lost. A
thorough reformation of the institution, requiring
several years, was now undertaken ; and Melanchthon
rendered valuable services in bringing it about. To
his great joy, his bosom friend, Joachim Camerarius,
was called to Leipzig as one of the new professors,
and the two friends could now frequently visit one
another.
The greater part of July Melanchthon spent in
visiting some of the churches in the duke's dominions.
He found them in a deplorable condition. At many
LABORS IN DUCAL SAXONY AND BRANDENBURG. 155
places it was impossible to find a man to whom the
care of souls might be entrusted. Many pastors had
to he brought from other regions as a temporary
supply.
In the fall of this same year Melanchthon, at the in-
vitation of Elector Joachim II. of Brandenburii:, trav-
eled to Berlin to assist in tlie introduction of the
Reformation in that ruler's territory. On arriving,
October 12th, he found a form of discipline intro-
duced which still contained many Bomish errors. He
directed the elector's attention to them, and prepared
a new one which was more in accord w^ith the spirit
of the Gospel and was largely modeled after that of
Nuremberg. Even this new order allowed a number
of Bomish practices to stand, because the people were
not yet strong enough in the faith to abolish all. Me-
lanchthon wrote to Yeit Dietrich, however, that pri-
vate masses and the invocation of the saints were
abolished, priests were permitted to marry, the Lord's
Supper was administered in both kinds, and the preach-
ing of the pure Gospel was enjoined.
After these labors were completed and Melanchthon
had returned to Wittenberg, he found his family
plunged in deep distress. His brother-in-law, Sebald
Muenster, together with that jurist's wife, had been
suddenly taken off by the plague. The shock which
this news gave to his iil ready overtaxed system
brought Melanchthon to the verge of the grave. His
friends despaired of his recovery. He himself believed
that his hour had come ; and he therefore prepared a
will. In this will, lie maintained liis adherence to the
evangelical truth which Luther had brought to light.
156 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
exhorted his children to be faithful to the Gospel and
to beware of the papacy, and expressed his gratitude
to his spiritual father Dr. Luther, and to many friends,
the elector, Dr. Brueck, Camerarius, Burkard, Jonas,
Cruciger and others. That portion of the will which
refers to Luther reads : " I desire to thank the vener-
able Dr. Martin Luther, because I have learned the
Gospel from him, and to express my gratitude for the
many kindnesses which he has shown me ; and I de-
sire that he shall be regarded by my family as a
father; for I have seen and experienced with what
eminent and truly heroic qualities of mind and soul,
with what great and noble \drtues, and what extraor-
dinary piet}^ this man is endowed by God." But to
the great joy of his friends, Melanchthon rallied and
recovered his health. Shortly afterwards he published
his " Commentary on the Soul," one of his most beau-
tiful works.
On February 18, 1540, Melanchthon started for
Schmalcald to attend a second convention to be held
at that place. The purpose of this convention was to
consult with regard to the religious conference ap-
pointed to be held at Speyer. As early as January
18th, the elector had requested the theologians to pre-
pare an opinion, as to " whether the evangelical princes
might conclude a worldly peace with the bishops; and
in what and how far the princes might yield in the ap-
proaching religious discussion." The task of writing
this opinion devolved again upon Melanchthon. The
document which he prepared was divided into three
parts, and treated of Doctrines, External Essential
Matters, and External l^on-Essential Matters (Adia-
THE landgrave's BIGAMY. 157
phora). It declared, that in doctrinal matters they
could not depart from the Augsburg Confession; that
in external essential matters, such as the abolition of
private masses, of the canon of the mass, of monastic
vows, of the celibacy of the priesthood, of the invoca-
tion of the saints, and of all superstitious ceremonies,
nothing could be yielded ; but if the bishops would
accept these two articles already laid down, arrange-
ments might be made respecting the non-essential
matters, such as the power of the bishops, ordination,
reading, singing, holidays and others like them. This
document Avas sent to !N"uremberg and then brought to
Schmalcald, where, after a thorough discussion, it was
approved and signed by the theologians, ^lelanchthon
also prepared another opinion in which he condemned
the erroneous doctrines of the mystics, Sebastian
Franck and Caspar Schw^enkfeldt. This was signed
by the theologians ; and then the convention ad-
journed.
Melanchthon's mind at this time was greatly troubled
over the aftairs of Philip of Ilesse. Toward the end
of IN'ovember, 1539, Martin Bucer had come to Wit-
tenberg to seek advice for that ruler in a matter of
conscience. This prince, who was possessed of many
excellent traits, had, for various reasons, become alien-
ated from his wife, and desired, in order to avoid
greater evil, to marry a second wife with the consent
of the tirst. Luther and ^[elanchthon gave him a
secret confessor's advice, endeavored to dissuade him,
for his own and the Gospel's sake, from such a course,
and exhorted him that, if he insisted on taking such a
step, he should keep it a profound secret. On March
158 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
3, 1540, the landgrave was secretly married to Mar-
garet von der Saale at the castle of Rothenburg on the
Fulda. Melanchthon, who was attending the con-
vention at Schmalcald, was persuaded, by some pre-
text, to come to Rothenburg, and was an unwilling
witness of the ceremony. He was, of course, greatly
chagrined and hurt by this trick of the prince. But
that did not mend matters. The fact of the marriage
was soon noised abroad — the bride's mother herself
divulged it, — and a great stir arose. The landgrave
wrote that, in case of emergency, he would make pub-
lic the advice of Luther and Melanchthon. The Hes-
sian theologians at a meeting with those of Saxony
advised that the marriage be published. But Luther
took them so severely to task, " that the water ran
down their cheeks." For a time the landgrave was
silent under the scandal caused by his action. But
when he saw that public opinion condemned him
more and more, he published, through Bucer, an
anonymous pamphlet in defense of his marriage. As
this pamphlet was in a measure an apology for bigamy,
Luther became highly incensed, and could only with
great difficulty be prevented from openly refuting it.
Melanchthon drew up a sharp criticism of it, which he
sent to the elector, and which in turn that ruler for-
warded to the lando^rave.
In the beginning of June, Melanchthon started for
the religious convention which had been appointed for
Speyer, but which, on account of a contagious disease
prevailing in that city, had been transferred to Hage-
nau. When he had gone as far as Weimar, the wor-
riment and anxiety occasioned by the threatened pub-
MELANCHTHOX AT DEATH's DOOR.
159
licatioii of liis and Luther's advice to the landii:rave,
cast liim upon a bed of sickness. He saw that such a
publication would not only put him and Luther in a
Melanchthox's Illness.
very bad light, but was calculated to injure the cause
of the Gospel. lie communicated his tr()nl)h's lo Lu-
ther and received a letter of consolation in reply.
But he ])roke down at any rate ; and his strength lailed
so rapidly that death seemed innninent.
160 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
The elector hurriedly sent to inform Luther of Me-
lanchthon's critical condition. Luther rode night and
day to reach the bedside of his friend. When he ar-
rived, Melanchthon lay in the jaws of death. His eyes
were dim, his reason was gone, he recognized no one,
and he could no longer eat or drink. Luther was
greatly moved by what he saw, and exclaimed, " How
has the devil maltreated this instrument !" He turned
to the window and prayed earnestly. " Then," Luther
declared, " God was obliged to yield to me. I cast my
burden before His door and assailed His ears with all
His promises to hear prayer which I could call to mind
from the Scriptures ; so that He was compelled to hear
me, if I was to believe His promises." Luther then
took Melanchthon by the hand and said, " Be of good
cheer. You shall not die. Although God would have
reason enough to take away life, yet He desires not
the death of the sinner, but that the sinner turn from
his way and live. He takes pleasure in life, not in
death. If God received into grace again the very
greatest sinners who ever lived on earth, Adam and
Eve, He will not cast you out, my Philip, nor permit
you to perish in sin and sorrow. Therefore do not
yield to a spirit of despondency; do not become a
murderer of yourself; but trust in the Lord, who is
able to kill and make alive again, to wound and l)in(l
up, to smite and heal."
To the great joy of all, Melanchthon now began to
breathe again. But he did not speak for some time.
At last he turned his face toward Luther, and be-
sought his friend not to detain him, as he was upon a
good journey. He said that he desired to depart, and
THE RELIGIOUS COLLOQUY AT WORMS. 161
that nothing better could happen. But Luther re-
plied, " By no means, Philip. You must still further
serve the Lord." Luther then brought something to
eat, and, in a joking way, threatened to excommunicate
Philip, if he refused to partake of nourishment. Me-
lanchthon thereupon ate sparingly. Gradually he re-
gained strength and recovered. There seems to be
no doubt that but for Luther's arrival and prayer, Me-
lanchthon would have died.
CHAPTER XVIL
THE RELIGIOUS COLLOQUY AT WORMS. THE DIET
AT RATISBON. 1540-1541.
I
'^ I y HE convention which was to have been held in
Hagenau did not take place. The Roman
Catholics proposed treating of those articles
only on which no agreement had been reached at
Augsburg. But as the Lutherans ^' could not recol-
lect that any agreement in disputed matters had been
reached at that diet," the proposed convention, or
conference, was not held. Arrangements were there-
upon made for the holding of a religious colloquy at
Worms, on October 28, 1540.
Accordingly, October 7th, the elector called his theo-
logians together to deliberate upon the course to be
pursued at Worms. Ten days later Melanchthon, in
company with Cruciger, dejjarted toward that city.
He was joined on the way by several other theo-
11
162
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
logians. At Gotha they halted and prepared a protest
against having the pope or his representative as the
judge in the approaching discussion. This was to be
presented, if necessary, after they had arrived in
Worms.
Owing to the delay of the imperial commissioner
Grauvella, the colloquy was not opened until after the
Cardinal Granvella.
middle of I^ovember. Even then much time was lost
ill decidinD: liow the discussion should be conducted.
The fact is, the Roman Catholics did not really desire
a full discussion, but a speedy settlement of matters by
the production of a set of articles which both sides
could subscribe. For this purpose Eck prepared arti-
cles on Original Sin and Justification, and boasted
TIIK RELIGIOUS COLLOQUY AT WORMS. 163
that better ones could not have been iJi-ocured, if they
had been brought from India. But even the Roman
Catholics Avere not pleased with them, and the com-
missioners of Brandenl)urg, the Palatinate, and Jiilich
refused to sign. The Protestants of course could not
consent to any formula which implied that the ditfer-
ence was only one of words. Finally it was agreed
that Melanchthon and Eck should debate the dis-
puted questions in the presence of the other delegates.
The debate began on January 14, 1541. The arti-
cles of the Augsburg Confession were taken as the
basis of the discussion. Eck began. He immediately
objected, tliat the Augsburg Confession which was
handed to him was altered in many places. Unfortu-
nately he spoke the truth. The work to which he re-
ferred was a copy of the Altered Augsburg Confession
which Melanchthon had published in 1540. AVhilc it
seems to be established that Melanchthon did not in-
tentionally seek to change the teaching but only the
wording of the Augsburg Confession, it was certainly
an arl)itrary and inexcusable act on his part to take
any liberties whatever with the official Confession of
the Lutheran Church. In reply to Eck's objection,
Melanchthon explained that the alterations which he
had made did not affect the substance but only the
form of the Confession, and were intended to make it
milder and clearer. Eck was l)y no means willing to
concede this contention, especially in the changes
made in the tenth article, which treated of tin- Lorci's
Supper. But waiving, for the present, the discussion
of that point, he proceeded to the matter in hand.
Omittini:: the first article because both sides aii^reed on
164 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
it, the second article, treating of Original Sin, was
taken up. On this they disputed for four days, Eck
maintaining that Original Sin is not really sin. An
old account states that Melanchthon's speech con-
trasted with Eck's like the song of the nightingale
with the croak of the raven. Eck proved very con-
ciliatory, however, and proposed a form of agreement
which did not conflict with the Augsburg Confession.
But because of its brevity, it was not signed by the
Protestants. They declared that they would rest their
case on Melanchthon's oral statements.
The disputants were about to proceed to the article
of Justification when, on January 18th, an imperial
rescript was announced, adjourning the discussion
until the diet at Ratisbon. Nobody was really disap-
pointed by this termination of affairs. For it was ap-
parent that all efforts at a compromise must fail in the
end, unless the pope would renounce the papacy.
Melanchthon was blamed for his firmness on this oc-
casion, as he had been for his leniency on others.
But he realized, by this time, that even if an agree-
ment on doctrines could be reached, none would be
possible when it came to the consideration of the
abuses.
Hardly had Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg,
when preparations had to be made for the approaching
diet at Ratisbon. Neither he nor Luther nor the
elector looked for any satisfactory result of the reli-
gious discussion to be held at the diet. But out of
respect to the emperor, the elector decided to send a
respectable delegation. Luther desired to keep Me-
lanchthon at Wittenberg. He knew how heavily the
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 165
trials and annoyances of such public discussions bore
upon his friend. Bat the elector could not spare him.
At the same time, however, he adopted measures to
shield his theologian against private onslaught by the
enemy. He directed that Melanchthon should lodge
in the same house with the Saxon counsellors, and
commanded his equerry not to permit any one to
speak to the theologian except in the presence of the
others. Perhaps, in his anxiety to maintain the pure
doctrine of the Gospel, the elector* took these precau-
tionary measures as much to protect the evangelical
cause against any possible yielding of Melanchthon, as
to protect Melanchthon against the annoyances of the
Roman Catholics. The elector also felt some uneasi-
ness about the conduct of the Landgrave Philip of
Hesse. It was noticed that since the scandal occa-
sioned by his bigamy, that prince had begun to in-
gratiate himself with the emperor. The elector there-
fore gave his counsellors strict orders to abide by the
resolutions of the evangelical States at the Convention
of Schmalcald.
On March 14th, Melanchthon departed with Cruci-
ger for Ratisbon. Two days later he was joined by
the other delegates at Altenburg. When the Bava-
rian frontier was reached, the carriage in which Me-
lanchthon rode was upset, and his hand badly sprained.
For a long time afterward he was unable to write, and
dictated his letters to Cruciger. On the fifth of April
the diet was opened by the emperor in person. Many
of the Protestants desired a simple continuation of tlie
discussion which had been begun at Worms. But
the emperor had a way of his own to bring about
166 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
peace and harmony. Three persons were to be ap-
pointed from each side to discuss the questions in dis-
pute and to endeavor to effect a compromise. These
were then to consult with the papal nuncio Contarini.
It was decided by the Protestants to let the emperor
try his plan. Pflug, Eck and Groper from the Roman
Catholic side, and Melanchthon, Bucer and Pistorius
from the Protestant, were appointed as the disputants.
The Count Palatnie and Granvella were to act as
moderators ; others to attend as hearers.
Before the discussion was opened, the emperor sum-
moned the disputants into his presence, shook hands
with them cordially, and exhorted them to act with-
out fear or passion and to seek only the glory of God.
It looked as if the emperor was really desirous of a
reconciliation. It is doubtful whether the Roman
Catholic delegates cherished the same feelings. The
order of discussion which they proposed seemed ex-
pressly designed to stop the debate at as early a stage
as possible. They proposed to treat first of the Lord's
Supper, the power of the Church and the pope, private
masses, monastic vows, the celibacy of the priesthood,
and one kind in the Sacrament, and only after these
had been finished, take up those of justification, faith
and good works.
But the emperor had a plan mapped out for them.
When, on April 27th, the discussion was about to be
opened, he laid before them a book for examination,
correction and adoption. This book, which possessed
no title, was afterwards known as the Ratisbon Book
or Ratisbon Interim. It was an attempt to reconcile
the difference between the Roman Catholics and the
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 167
Protestants, ^lelaiiclithoii was already familiar with
it. As early as January 4tli, it had been sent to Lu-
ther by Joachim II. of Brandenburg. Its author is
unknowni. Melanchthon thought it was written by
Groper wdth the assistance of Volcruck, an imperial
counsellor, and sent by them to Philij) of Jlesse and
Joachim of Brandenburg for examination. The l)ook
consisted of twenty-three articles of the nature of a
compromise. It was calculated to satisfy neither
party. But as the emperor attached so much impor-
tance to it, it was made the basis of the discussion.
A number of articles were passed over without much
difficulty. When they came to the one on justifica-
tion, it was found to be extremely unsatisfactory. At
length, after much discussion, a new formula w^as
agreed upon, w^hich did not conflict with the Augs-
burg Confession, but w^hich left much to wish for in
the way of explanation and elucidation.
The Saxon counsellors in their report to the elector
spoke very highly of Melanchthon's firmness. But
the elector feared that this peace-loving man w^ould
yield too much ; and he could hardly be prevented by
Luther from going to Riitisbon himself. He insisted,
however, on sending Amsdorf to keep a lookout and
to report on what was being done. But this time the
elector's fears were groundless. Melanchthon con-
ducted himself in the diet of Ratisbon with a stead-
fastness that w^as highly commendable. He declared
before Granvella himself that he would rather die than
vield anvthinor a<j:ainst his conscience and the truth.
Xo doubt Melanchthon acted just as conscientiously
at Au^csburic. But the reasons which influenced his
168 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
conduct then no longer influenced him now. He now
saw the purposes of his enemies and the hopelessness
of a compromise on an evangelical basis ; and he there-
fore no longer felt called upon to make the utmost
possible concessions.
As regards the article agreed to, the elector was dis-
trustful of it, fearing that it would obscure the doctrine
of justification by faith alone. He wrote to his coun-
sellors that he could by no means consent to it.
Luther begged him not to write a severe letter to
Melanchthon, lest he should add to the trials and
distresses which that sensitive nature already en-
dured.
The next subject taken up for discussion was the
Church. The Ratisbon Book maintained that there
must be a power in the Church which has the right to
interpret the Bible, and that private individuals do
not have that right. A heated discussion took place
upon this article. In the course of it Granvella called on
Melanchthon to read the article in question more care-
fully. Melanchthon replied that he had read it often,
that he had done so at Wittenberg already, but that
he could by no means approve of it. " For," he said,
*' if this power were conceded to councils of the
Church, then many errors of former councils would
have to be approved and posterity be fearfully bur-
dened."
The debate on the Lord's Supper lasted eight days.
The Roman Catholics presented a formula in which
the doctrine of transubstantiation and the practice of
elevating the host were upheld. Li opposition to this,
Melanchthon set up a formula in which he maintained
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 169
that" Christ's hody is present only when the sacrament
is administered, and that Christ is present, not for the
sake of the bread, but for the sake of man." Melanch-
thon defended his formula very energetically. Eck,
partly from excitement, partly perhaps from over-in-
dulgence in drink, became ill. During the debate on
this article Eck propounded a subtle sophism to which
Melanchthon replied after some thought : " I will give
you my reply to-morrow." " Oh," said Eck, " there is
no honor in that. You must answer me at once." To
this Melanchthon replied ; " My good Doctor, I am not
seeking my own honor in this matter, but the truth.
I say, therefore, you shall, God willing, have my reply
to-morrow." This little dialogue shows the vast dif-
ference which existed between the spirit and character
of these two men.
A violent discussion took place upon the doctrine
of auricular confession. The articles which Melanch-
thon set up in opposition to it so irritated Granvella,
that he employed some harsh expressions toward Me-
lanchthon. The champion of the Lutherans felt con-
strained, therefore, at the opening of the next day's
discussion, to declare that, if it was intended that he
should not freely express his opinions, he would re-
main away entirely. The imperial envoy then begged
pardon for his conduct, and the discussion was re-
sumed. The subject of Church government and the
power of the bishops was taken up. It became evi-
dent that the Roman Catholics were determined to
maintain that the primacy of the pope and episcopal
succession were necessary for a true Church. Me-
lanchthon became impatient when he perceived this,
170 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
and resolutely opposed the whole article. He pre-
pared counter articles on this subject as well as on the
succeeding ones, of the Invocation of the Saints, the
Mass, One Kind in the Sacrament, Celibacy and Mo-
nastic life.
In taking so firm a stand, Melanchthon acquitted
himself nobly. But it soon appeared that he w^as
blamed by the emperor as the one man who, by his
obstinacy, rendered the negotiations fruitless. He
was also accused of having secret instructions from
Luther, and of sustaining suspicious relations with the
French ambassador. But in a letter to the emperor
he defended himself against these accusations so un-
justly made.
On May 16th the discussion of the Ratisbon Book
was brought to a close, and on the 31st of the same
month the Protestants presented to the emperor a
summary of the declarations which they had made.
Kine articles of the Ratisbon Book were specified as
being of such a nature, that they could under no con-
siderations be accepted. These articles treated of the
Church, the Lord's Supper, Enumeration of Particular
Sins in Confession, Satisfaction, the Unity of the
Church and Ordination, the Saints, the Mass, Private
Masses, and Celibacy.
The emperor, of course, was not pleased with, this
result of the discussion. He wanted the Ratisbon
Book adopted. He therefore sent it to the princes of
the realm, and commanded them to make a copy of
it, give it further careful consideration, and then report
to him their opinion. He also sent a delegation to
Luther, asking the reformer to approve of the book,
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 171
or at least to tolerate it for the present. But the dele-
gation did not etfeet its purpose.
Melanchthon spoke very clearly and decidedly about
the Eatisbon Book in an address which he made to
the States. He declared that he could not accept and
would not tinker any more at the articles which had
been rejected at the discussion; and that he still had
many objections to make even against those articles
which were regarded as agreed upon. The Roman
Catholics themselves were not much better pleased
with the book. Eck called it insipid. Later on it
was rejected by a convention of bishops.
During the session of the diet, Melanchthon pre-
pared, at the emperor's request, a plan for the reforma-
tion of the Church. He insisted in it upon the main-
tenance of sound doctrine, thorough catechetical in-
struction, the introduction of worthy rites and cere-
monies, the installation of competent pastors, and the
abolition of celibacy. He was Avilling to allow the
bishops to retain their offices ; but they were to be re-
quired to make strict visitations, and to institute con-
sistories for the examination of candidates for the
ministry. The universities and schools were to be
improved, and the salaries of the professors increased.
The elector was by no means pleased with that part
of this plan which proposed permitting the bishops to
retain their temporal and spiritual power. He feared
they would abuse their power to the detriment of the
truth.
At last, on July 29th, the diet came to an end.
The decision of the religious diificulties was postponed
until a council be held, or in case none should be
172 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
held, postponed until the next diet. In the mean-
time the religious Peace of Nuremberg was to be
observed.
CHAPTER XYIIL
THE BISHOPRIC OF NAUMBERG. THE REFORMATION AT
COLOGNE. A YEAR OF SUFFERING FOR
MELANCHTHON. 1541-1544.
WHILE Melanchthon was attending the col-
loquy at Worms, the Bishop of Naum-
berg-Zeitz died, and the cathedral chapter
elected Julius von Pflug as his successor. The people
of this district were largely evangelical in sentiment,
and the elector therefore deposed the newly-elected
Pomish bishop. This Lutheran prince was deter-
mined, if possible, to put an end to the temporal power
of the bishops; aud he threatened that, unless the
chapter would nullify its action and elect some one
else, he would occupy the castle at Zeitz with his
troops, and appoint one of his generals to administer
the affairs of the bishopric. But the chapter refused
to do so. The elector then turned to the theologians
of Wittenberg for their opinion of his rights and au-
thority in the case. Melanchthon drew up a paper in
which he adjudged to the elector the power to appoint
some one to the office, but entreated him to appoint a
sensible, modest and peace-loving man. The elector
accordingly appointed Nicholas von Amsdorf Luther
ordained him to the office. Melanchthon came to
THE REFORMATION AT COLOGNE. 173
assist in the organization of the churches and schools.
The action of the elector, though condemned at the
time, was nevertheless necessary; and Roman Catholic
princes were soon found imitating his example and de-
priving the bishops of their temporal power.
l^ot long afterwards the Reformation was introduced
in Cologne. The electoral archbishop of that city,
Herman, Count von Wied, had become convinced that
the Augsburg Confession was thoroughly scriptural,
and he headed the movement himself. As early as
1536 he had instituted some reforms. In 1539 he
invited Melanchthon to come to his assistance, and
sent him a second and third invitation in 1542 and
1543. But Melanchthon hesitated to go. When the
landgrave urged him to accept the invitation, he re-
plied, that he feared the authorities would not, in spite
of the wishes of the archbishop, permit a thorough
reformation ; and that, besides, for such a work as this,
a man was needed who could preach. Perhaps the
real reason for this unwillingness was the fact that
Bucer was already on the ground, and that Melanch-
thon feared it might come to a discussion of some doc-
trines between them which, for various reasons, he did
not care at present to discuss. But finally, when, in
April 1543, his friend Peter Medman came to Witten-
berg for the second time and besought him to come,
Melanchthon decided to go. The elector granted liim
leave of absence for six or seven weeks, presented him
with one hundred gold florins, and sent liis troopers
as an escort.
In company with Justus Jonas, Jr., and Jenmie
Schreiber, Melanchthon set out on his journey, and
174 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
arrived on May 4th at the residence of the archbishop
in Bonn. The relio-ious is^norance which he beheld
among the inhabitants of that city astonished him.
He wrote to his friends that it wonkl be hard to dis-
cover anywhere in Germany another city in which
snch barbarous and heathenish superstitions prevailed.
He found that the archbishop and Bucerwere in favor
of instituting a thorough reformation ; but that they
Avere opposed by Groper and particularly by the
cathedral chapter of Cologne. He immediately read
the plan of reformation as far as it had been prepared,
and set to work upon the articles of the Trinity, Crea^
tion, Original Sin, Justification by Faith, the Church,
and Repentance, which were assigned to him. The
articles on Baptism and the Lord's Supper were to be
written by Bucer.
When the work was completed, it was examined by
the archbishop, and adopted by the chamber of depu-
ties. The cathedral chapter was requested not to op-
pose the plans for reformation. But only a few weeks
after Melanchthon's arrival, there appeared in the
name of the university and the clergy of the district,
a scurrilous pamphlet from the pen of a Carmelite
monk named Bellig. It was so vile and scandalous,
that some of the opposition themselves insisted on a
change in its title, and disclaimed all connection Avith
it. Melanchthon replied with a pamphlet in which he
repelled all the charges made against him, and exhib-
ited the prevailing abuses of the Romish Church in a
strong light.
On July 28th, Melanchthon departed from Bonn.
On his way he stopped at Frankfort-on-the-Main and
THE REFORMATION AT COLOGNE. 175
assisted in settling a dispute which raged there con-
cerning some ceremonies connected with the Lord's
Supper. Thence he proceeded to Weimar, because he
was wanted at court. And finally on August 15th,
amid the loud rejoicings of many of the students and
professors who came out to meet him, he re-entered
Wittenberg. He cherished great hopes of the Refor-
mation in Cologne. But his hopes were not realized.
The cathedral chapter brought before the emperor and
the pope an accusation against the aged archbishop,
and had him deposed. Then the work of the Refor-
mation, so auspiciously begun, immediately languished.
The relations between Melanchthon and Luther at
this time were far from satisfactory. The root of the
trouble lay in Melanchthon's change of view with re-
gard to the Lord's Supper. From the time of his first
conference with Bucer at Cassel, he had departed more
and more from Luther's position, until at this time, 1544,
he was more in accord with Bucer than with the great
reformer. Melanchthon's treatment of the Augsburg
Confession has been alluded to in the preceding chap-
ter. As early as 1533 and 1535 he had published
editions of the Confession in which he had made slight
alterations. But in 1540 he published an edition in
which the changes that he made were consideral)ly
greater. These alterations afiected particularly tlic
tenth article, which treats of the Lord's Supper. This
last-named edition, known as the Altered Augsburg
Confession or the Variata, was the one wliicli lie had
taken with him to the colloquy at Wornis and for
which Eck had taken him to task. Altliough Me-
lanchthon claimed at that time, and no doubt sincerely
176 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
thought, that the alterations aiFected only the words
and not the substance of the Confession, this was not
strictly true, ^o doubt the changes made did not con-
flict with Melanchthon's own interpretation of the
original reading. But at the same time the wording
of the tenth article was so altered that the Reformed
as well as the Lutherans could read their doctrine of
the Lord's Supper into it. He desired to make it easy
for the Reformed to unite with the Lutherans. But
he made a great mistake in tampering with the ofiicial
Confession of the Church. He seems to have thought
that because he had written the Augsburg Confession,
he might change it, if he chose. But after it had been
received and signed by the evangelical princes and
states, it was no longer his private property. 'No man
thenceforth had a right to change a syllable in it.
Luther was grieved and perhaps irritated by Me-
lanchthon's change of view; but out of regard for the
feelino:s and consideration for the distino^uished ser-
vices of his friend, he did not publicly attack him.
He was particularly provoked by the treatment of the
doctrine of the Lord's Supper, which he found in the
Cologne book. The article on that subject had been
formulated by Bucer, but had been approved by Me-
lanchthon. Luther found fault not so much with
what the article said as with what it omitted to say.
He looked in vain, he said, for a positive statement of
the real presence. In his indignation he took up the
matter in the pulpit and attacked Bucer. He did not
allude to Melanchthon ; yet all felt that the man who
had assisted in the preparation of the objectionable
book was, to some extent at least, included in the at-
THE REFORMATION AT COLOGNE. 177
tack. The relations between the two ^rreat cham-
pions of the Keforniation became greatly strained.
Their intercourse ceased. MelanchthoiTs mind was
harassed by the dread of an open rupture. lie heard
tluit Luther was preparing: a new l)()ok on the Lord's
Supper and would shortly put it in ])rint. lie was
sure that when it appeared he would iiiid himself
openly assailed.
But, to his great relief, he found, when Luther's
" Short Confession Concerning the Lord's Supper "
was published, that, although it contained a fierce at-
tack upon the Zwinglians, there Avas in it no passage
which he could construe as an attack upon himself
Soon afterwards the relations between him and Luther
became easier. In a letter to Myconius, under date
of October 10th, Melanchthon wrote that he had held
a conversation with Luther. In the course of it he
had stated that he always believed in a union of
Christ with the bread and wine, and held that, when
the bread and wine are taken, Christ is received by
the communicant. lie added in his letter, that he
thought Luther was satisfied with this explanation,
but that if he was not, Melanchthon would have to
think of leaving AVittenberg. As the latter took no
steps looking toward a removal from that city, it is
fair to presume that Luther was satisfied, or that, at
least, he resolved to bear with his colleague and friend.
Indeed, early in Xovember, when Chancellor J^rueck,
in l)ehalf of the landgrave, asked Melanchthon
whether there was any trouble l)et\veen him and
Luther, he received the reply that there was ^' none
of any consequence," and a few days later the chan-
12
178
LIFE OF MELANCHTHONo
Fr. Myconius.
A YEAR OF SUFFERING FOR MELANCHTHON. 179
cellor wrote to the elector : " I cannot learn any-
thing from Pliilip but that ho and Luther are good
friends."
But in the spring of the following year, 1545, it was
again rumored that Luther was preparing a reply to
Bullinger's attack upon the " Short Confession," and
would refer to Melanchthon by name. Tlie rumor
reached the ears of the elector and tilled him with
concern. He commanded his chancellor to speak
with Luther upon the subject and endeavor to dis-
suade him from such a purpose. It is not known
what answer Luther made. This much is plain, how-
ever: Luther did not in his pamphlet make any at-
tack upon Melanchthon, and it is doubtful whether he
ever intended to do so.
To these public troubles and trials of Melanchthon,
were added domestic griefs and cares. In the year
1536 his favorite daughter, Anna, had been married
TO the poet Sabinus, a man who possessed considerable
talent, but who proved to be wholly unworthy of her.
He was licentious, extravagant and cruel. The trials
of this daughter tilled Melanchthon's heart with grief
Her reckless husband even proposed seeking a di-
vorce, and was prevented from doing so only V)y the
death of Anna in 1547. To make matters still worse,
Melanchthon's son Philip, who at this time was a stu-
dent of law, became secretly engaged at the age of
nineteen to a young lady at Leipzig. Greatly to liis
father's relief, however, the young man listened to ad-
vice, realized his total inability to support a wife, and
did not marry until the year 1550; and then it was
not the maiden at Leipzig, but a widow at Torgau, to
180 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
whom he was wedded. Melanehthon's mind was
greatly troubled also by the misfortune of his intimate
friend, Jerome Baumgartner of Nuremberg. While
returning from the Diet of Speyer, Baumgartner had
been taken captive by the robber-baron, Albert von
Rosenberg. For fully a year he Avas held prisoner,
and during all this time Melanchthon was filled with
anxiety for his welfare.
Taking into consideration the many public and pri-
vate trials and troubles which weighed upon his mind
and heart, it is not to be wondered at that the year
1544 is spoken of as " Melanehthon's year of sorrow."
CHAPTER XIX.
THE DIET AT WORMS. 1545. THE DIET AT RATISBON.
1546. LUTHER'S DEATH.
I
"I I 7 HE affairs of the empire after the Diet at Ratis-
bon in 1541 did not j^ermit the emperor to
think of suppressing the Lutherans by force.
His brother Ferdinand was kept busy in Hungar}^ by
the Turks, his fleets were defeated in the Mediterra-
nean by the pirates, and to crown all he became in-
volved in 1542 in another war with France. He was,
therefore, greatly in need of the aid of the Protestant
princes. At the Diet of Speyer in 1544 they consented
to lend their assistance, but only on condition that
they received a guarantee of permanent peace and
equal rights with the Roman Catholics. The empe-
THE DIET AT WORMS. 1545. 181
ror had no choice but to yield. He appointed a new
diet to be held before lonfj; in Worms, where the reli-
gious ditticnlties were to be tinally adjusted. Plans
for a reformation of the Church should be prepared
by learned and peaceable men, and be presented and
considered at the diet. The emperor himself would
bring one; the princes might do the same.
With the aid of the Lutheran troops furnished for
him, Charles V. soon defeated the French and con-
cluded the treaty of Crespy. He could now turn his
attention to the reli2:ious affairs of his realm. Matters
did not, however, take on a promising appearance for
the Protestants. For in JSTovember, 1544, the pope
proclaimed that a council should be held in Trent in
the following March ; and it became evident that the
religious questions were to be adjusted at this council
and not at the diet. Nevertheless the elector called
on Melanchthon to prepare a plan of reformation
which might be submitted at AVorms. The writing
which he drew up is known as the Wittenberg Ref-
ormation. This was sent to the elector by the theo-
logians, with the declaration, that it contained the
views by which they " intended to abide to the last."
The doctrines which this paper contained were based
on the Augsburg Confession. But, in the matter of
Church government, it expressed a willingness to con-
cede to the prelates their temporal and spiritual pre-
rogatives, and the right of ordination, visitation, and
excommunication, provided they used their ofhccs in
the service of the Gospel.
The proposition of Bucer that, at the coming diet,
tlie evangelical states should complain to the emperor
182 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
against the pope, and endeavor to have the pope for-
mally repudiated as the regular ecclesiastical power, was
rejected by the theologians. It was likely, they said,
that the emperor would not listen to such a proposal ;
and in any case, they would, by so doing, acknowledge
the emperor as judge in spiritual matters.
The Wittenberg Reformation prepared by Melanch-
thon was not, however, presented at Worms. Y^Hien
the diet convened, early in 1545, it was found that the
emperor's chief concern was to prevail upon the Prot-
estants to send delegates to the Council of Trent.
The Protestants refused to do this. Though the em-
peror spoke fair words, denied all intention of using
violence, and appointed another diet to be held at
Ratisbon the next year for the discussion of the reli-
gious issues, it was plain that he was only seeking to
gain time, and was secretly preparing for war. In
December of 1545, the same month in which the
Council of Trent was opened, the Protestants met in
Frankfort, in order to prepare for defence by renew-
ing the Schmalcald League. Unfortunately, the pur-
pose of their meeting was not fully accomplished.
They agreed, however, to accept the religious discus-
sion at Ratisbon and to protest against the Council of
Trent. Melanchthon drew up for this latter purpose
a paper, in which he clearly specified the grievances
of the Protestants against the pope.
Iii the approaching discussion at Ratisbon, Melanch-
thon was, as usual, to take a leading part. But
Luther wished to spare him the ordeal, and interceded
for him. Luther knew that nothing would be accom-
plished at any rate, and that it would be a useless tax
THE DIET AT RATISBOX. 1546. 183
upon the nerves and liealtli of Melanclithon. George
Major and Laurentius Zoeh were thereupon appointed
for the purpose. Melanchthon's advice, however, was
wanted, and lie was summoned to the elector at Tor-
gau. He gave it as liis opinion that Malvenda, the
Spanisli theologian Avho accompanied the emperor,
would surely ohjeet to the" doctrine of justification hy
ftiith, and that the quickest way to put an end to the
whole discussion, which was certain to he fruitless in
any case, would he to take up this doctrine iirst.
It has heen claimed hy some that Luther desired to
keep Melanchthon away from Ratishon, hecause he
doubted the orthodoxy of his views on the Lord's
Supper. But Luther was not the man to fear to say
what he thought. If such had l)een the reason, he
would plainly have told Chancellor Brueck, and not
have sought to invent any pretexts. The reason
which Luther gave was surely sound enough. The
ceaseless round of fruitless colloquies, discussions, dis-
putations, and the vain attempts at accommodation or
compromise, in which the mild-tempered Melanch-
thon, who enjoyed nothing so much as the privacy of
the study, had heen engaged for the last fifteen years,
were enough to move tlie heart of a stranger and
much more that of his nohle-minded friend, to sympa-
thize with him, and to desire that he might at last he
spared the useless infliction.
The basis of the contention, that Luther did not
want Melanchthon at Ratishon, is sought in the fact,
that when Major was about to dei)art for the diet, he
paid a visit to Luther and found these words upon his
door. " Our professors must be examined on the
184 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Lord's Supper." Astonished by beholding this, Major
inquired why these words were posted there. He re-
ceived the reply, that the words were meant literally,
and that when he returned from Ratisbon he must
expect to be examined. When Major protested that
he believed the true doctrine, and explained his views
at some length, Lather gave him to understand thnt
the notice was intended to emphasize the necessity of
plain and repeated public expression of the doctrine,
in order that it might be known just where each one
stood. " Wlioever " said Luther, " regards his doc-
trine, faith, and confession as true, cannot stand in the
same stable with heretics, nor always speak smooth
words to the devil and his knaves. A teacher who is
silent about errors is worse than an open fanatic. He
either lies under one cover with the enemies, or he is
a doubter and weather-vane who is waiting to see how
matters will end, and to note whether Christ or the
devil will conquer ; or he is altogether in a condition
of uncertainty himself, and is unworthy to be called a
disciple, much less a teacher." Still it cannot fairly
be deduced from this, that a doubt of Melanchthon's
orthodoxy on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was
the reason why Luther desired to keep Melanchthon
away from Ratisbon. The fact is, the two great
champions of the Reformation were at this time on
good terms with one another. The old-time friend-
ship and kindly feeling were largely restored. Philip
frequently came as of old and dined at Dr. Martin's
table, and twice they journeyed in each other's com-
pany to Mansfeldt.
It is pleasant to think that these two men of God,
Luther's death. 185
who for a time seenu'd about to l)e wholly 08traiig\'d
and to engag'e iii heree theological warfare, resumed,
in these last months of Luther's life, their former
pleasant relations; that the dangers whicli threatened
completely to alienate their hearts from each other
passed away, and the mutual love and esteem wliicli
had marked their earlier years re-asserted themselves.
They were soon to be separated by death. The time
was at hand, when the heroic form of Luther w^ould
disappear from the field of coml)at, and the peace-
loving Melanchthon be left to continue, without the
support of his resolute friend, the battle for spiritual
and intellectual freedom. They beheld one another
alive for the last time on January 28, 1546. On that
day Luther, with his three sons, departed for Eisleben,
in order to assist in settling the dispute which existed
between the Counts of Mansfeldt.
The two reformers parted as good friends, and a
number of letters passed between them. Had Me-
lanchthon been wxll enough, he would no doubt have
gone along to Mansfeldt, as he had done twice before.
But his ill-health kept him at home. On Fel)ruary
18th, Luther died at Eisleben after only a day's ill-
ness. On the very day of his death, Melanchthon, all
unconscious of the sad event, wrote a letter which lie
intended to send to his friend. '^ To the venerable
Dr. Martin Luther," he says, "distinguished by learn-
ing, virtue and wisdom, the restorer of the pure doe-
trine of the Gospel, my dearest Father I thank
you for writing to me so often and kindly. And I
pray God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, to
bring you all safely home again.'' On the next day
186
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
he received from Jonas the tidings of Luther's death.
Great was his grief and sorrow. At nine o'clock he
was to lecture tq the students upon the Epistle to the
Romans. But his heart was too full ; he could not.
Death of Luther.
Instead of lecturing, he gave to the students an ac-
count of the sad tidings which he had received ; de-
scrihed, as far as he had learned it, the manner of
Luther's death; and concluded with the words:
" Alas ! the chariot of Israel, which ruled the Church
Luther's death. 187
in this last ap^e of the worhl, is ^'oir'. For tlic doc-
trine of remission of sins and faith in the Son of God
was not discovered hy human sagacity, hut was
brought to light hy God through tliis man, whom \vi'
ourselves have seen raised uj) hy God. Therefore let
us love the memory of this man and the doctrine
which he proclaimed; and let us he more modest, and
consider the great calamities and vast changes which
will follow his decease. O Son of God and Immanuel,
who wast crucitied for us and didst rise again ! AVe
beseech Thee, rule, defend and preserve Thy Church.
Amen."
About noon on February 22d, Luther's body was
brouo:ht to AVittenbero^. Amid the rimrim? <>f bells,
and escorted l)y a vast multitude of people, it was con-
veyed to the Electoral Church, in which it was to be
consigned to its last resting place. After Bugenhagen
had preached the funeral sermon, Melanchthon also
ascended the pulpit and delivered a Latin memorial
address. He laid special emphasis upon the greatness
of Luther as an instrument for good in God's hand.
He mentioned in particular Luther's bringing to light
the pure doctrine of the Gospel, his translation of the
Holy Scriptures into German, and the debt which pious
Christians owed to him. He defended Luther against
the charge of excessive harshness and severity by
quoting from Erasmus, that " God had given to the
Church of these latter times a rough physician l)ecause
of the severity of the disease." Those who knew
Luther, he said, knew him to be amiable and kin<l-
hearted, and by no means insolent, obstinate, or quar-
relsome. His severity did not }>roceed from a (piarrel-
188 LIFE OF MELANCIITHON.
some spirit, but from a zeal for the truth. The purity
of Luther's life, he declared, was unquestioned. He
sought the good of the whole Church and earnestly
prayed for it. In great and dangerous emergencies he
was brave and courageous; threats and impending
dangers did not terrify him. ISTothing could shake his
trust and confidence in God. His understanding and
foresight were such, that he could tell sooner and better
than any others what ought to be done in difficult or
doubtful cases. Luther's eloquence, he asserted, would
bear comparison with that of the best orators who
have ever lived. The calling away of a man so highly
gifted, and of such sound learning. Christian experi-
ence, and great virtues, was cause for the deepest sor-
row. They were, indeed, left like orphans ; but they
should ever honor the memory, hold fast the doctrines,
and imitate the virtues of this great and good man.
There were not wanting at the time and later, peo-
ple who said that Melanchthon did not really grieve
over the death of Luther. They took it for granted
that the estrangement of recent years had left a rank-
ling sore in Melanchthon's heart. But to conclude
thus is to do him great injustice. He had not, it
is true, wholly escaped the vehemence and asperity
of Luther. But he was naturally of a placable dispo-
sition. Besides, the pleasant intercourse which had
been re-established between them during the last
months of Luther's life had removed the sting from his
recollection of the past. In former times he had often
excused the vehemence of Luther as a fault of tempera-
ment and not of heart. In his funeral oration he like-
wise sought to shield his friend on this point. And it
Luther's death. 189
«
is not to be supposed, therefore, that, when all about
him were plunged in deepest mournini:; l)y that tj^reat
man's death, Melaiu'lithon alone was unmoved at heart.
It would be imputing to him a narrowness of s])irit
which he little possessed, to imagine that he permitted
his own past grievances to cloud his sense of the loss
which had befallen him and the whole Chui-cli. Few
appreciated Luther's greatness and fundamental i)iety
and goodness of heart as well as did this man, wlio
had labored shoulder to shoulder with him tor so
many years. In nearly all his letters of the time Me-
lanchthon mourns over the great loss which the
Church has sustained. On Marcli 11th he wrote to
Camerarius : " Since Luther is dead, it becomes all up-
right and pious people to speak well of so great a man,
who has brought to light a portion, at least, of tin-
heavenly truth." During the following summer, wlun
Luther's works were being publisluMl, Mdanchtbon
wrote an introduction to the second volume, giving an
interesting account of the great reformer's character
and work. As late as 1557 he celebrated Luther's
birthday by the composition of an appropriate ])oe!n.
All these considerations, however, were ignored l)y
his enemies, and they would have it that he was filled
with bitterness against Luther. A great commotion
was raised particularly by a letter written during the
Interim to the Saxon Chancellor Carlowitz. In this
letter Melanchthon spoke of Luther, as a man in whom
'' thi' love of strife was not small." lie (leten(h'<l liim-
self in a letter to Veit Dietrieh, and exphiined that he
had meant the words in a heroic sense, sueh as that in
which they might be applied to a Perieles, a Lysander
190 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
r
or an Agesilaus. But his enemies insisted on putting
a different interpretation upon his words, and attacked
him bitterly on account of them.
CHAPTER XX.
THE SCHMALCALD WAE. THE DISSOLUTION AND RESTORA-
TION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 1546-1547.
I
t I I HE war whose coming Melanchthon had so
long feared broke out shortly after Luther's
death. The religious discussion at Ratisbon
ended in a total failure to effect any agreement. It
looked unpromising from the very start. The Span-
ish ecclesiastic Malvenda refused to follow the order
of the Augsburg Confession. He presented nine
theses of his own upon the doctrine of Justification.
But they were of such a character that the Protestants
could do nothing but absolutely reject them. The
emperor himself seemed to be determined to lay all
manner of difficulties in the way of discussion and
agreement. He evidently meant to resort to arms.
The Protestant theologians, therefore, at the command
of the elector, withdrew from the mock-discussion.
It was e\^dent that, even if Melanchthon himself had
been present, no other result could have followed un-
der the circumstances.
A crisis was plainly at hand. The elector desired
to know of the theologians what the Protestant princes
THE SCHMALCALD WAR. 191
might do in case they were attacked. Through Me-
hiiiclithon they prepared an opinion, in which they de-
chired, that as soon as it became clear that the em-
peror meant to attack them, the evangehcal States
would certainly have a right, not only to defend them-
selves, but to forestall any hostile movements.
When the Diet of Ratisbon was opened on June
5th, the Protestants demanded to know the reason
of the warlike preparations which were being made
in Germany, Italy and the ^STetherlands. The em-
peror replied that 'he "had hitherto exerted himself to
maintain peace in Germany, and was even yet ready
to show favor to the obedient; but that against those
who refused to obey, he was prepared to proceed with
his imperial power." Shortly after this, in the begin-
ning of July, the pope published a treaty which he had
made with the emperor for the extermination of the
heretics. Thereupon, the Protestants published a
pamphlet, in which they accused the emperor of mak-
ing war upon them at the instigation of Anti-Christ.
The emperor retaliated by placing the Elector of Sax-
ony and tlie Landgrave of Hesse under the imperial
ban. Melanchthon published Luther's little book, '• A
Warning to my Beloved Germans," and prefixed to it
an introduction, in which he drew attention to the
momentous issues before the people, and called upon
all to ai<l in the preservation of the truth.
The Schmalcald "War now began. Duke Maurice
of Saxony, being promised the electoral dignity and
the greater part of the lands of the ]>resent elector,
John Frederick, turned traitor to the Protestant cause
and went over to the emperor. Before Charles, how-
192
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 193
ever, had time to gatlKT liis troops, tlic Protestants
stood on the hanks of the Danuhe witli an army of
tliirty thousand men. Tf they liad viji;orously prose-
cuted the war at once, they miii;ht easily have heen
victorious. But they hesitated and delayed until the
emperor had received powerful re-inforcements. Then
came the tidings that Duke Maurice had overrun the
territories of the elector, and John Frederick hastened
back with his troops to expel the invader. He suc-
ceeded; hut in the following s[)ring he was himself
defeated hy an overwhelming force of the emperor at
Miihlberg. He was taken captive and condemned to
death. But the emperor did not venture to carry out
this sentence. He therefore proposed to change the
punishment into imprisonment for life, on condition
that John Frederick should renounce his electoral dig-
nity and territories in favor of his cousin Maurice.
This was done. The landgrave of Hesse also was
soon afterward treacherously taken prisoner at Halle.
The progress of the war rendered necessary the
dissolution of the university at Wittenberg. Its halls
were closed on Xovember 6th. Three days later
Duke Maurice advanced u|)on the city. Old and
young, in the midst of a violent snowstorm, fled in
dismay. Melanchthon was obliged to look for a }>lace
of safety for himself and his family. He took refuge
in the town of Zerbst. He forme(l a ]»lan of gathering
a school in Magdeburg; but, after sjicnding a week
in that city, he found it impractical »le, and returned.
AVith the exception of two short visits to Wittenberg,
he spent this whole winter in Zerbst. He received
numerous invitations to go elsewhere ; but he had not
13
194 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
given up the hope that the university would be re-
stored, and he therefore declined them all.
The news of the catastrophe at Miihlberg filled Me-
lanchthon with grief and consternation. He looked
forward with dread to the consequences which would
result from it to the cause of the Gospel. Zerbst
now no longer ofiered a safe retreat. He therefore
took refuore in Mascdeburo^. Here he found Luther's
O CD CD
widow, who begged him to take her under his protec-
tion. She was on her way to the King of Denmark,
who had offered to her, as he also had to Melanch-
thon, an asylum. He accompanied her as far as
Brunswick, where he advised her to remain, because
the way through Liineburg was not safe. He then
turned his own steps to ^N'ordhausen, where the
mayor, Meienburg, was his friend. From here he in-
tended to make a journey to his native place. But
as he had just then received encouraging reports from
Wittenberg, he dropped his plan and also declined a
call to Tiibingen. His heart was in Wittenberg, and
he could not make up his mind to go elsewhere as
long as there was any possibility of returning thither.
On June 6th he learned that Maurice had been in-
vested with the electoral dignity, and that the uni-
versity would likely be restored. Two days later,
Cruciger sent notice to all the professors who were in
exile to return to Wittenberg.
But now a delicate question arose, and had to be
decided by Melanchthon. A portion of the Elector
John Frederick's dominions had been left to his sons.
The captive prince desired that a new institution
should be founded in his sons' territory, at Jena. He
RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 195
sent a letter to Mulanclithon, and entreated liim not to
remove out of that neiHiborliood without first lettinir
him know. To this Mehmchtlion assented. In the
month of Julj he learned for the iirst time of the new
institution to he founded at Jena. He then went to
the court at AVeimar to learn further particulars. But
when he found that none of the Wittenberg professors
hut himself were to he called t(^ Jena, he broke off
the negotiations and returned to J^ordhausen. He
desired to live and labor in company with his former
colleagues, and could not bear the thought of com-
plete separation from them. Intending to discuss the
matter with some friends, he started for Zerbst.
AVhen he had gone as far as Merseburg, he received
letters from Cruciger and George von Anhalt, in
Avhich he was invited to come to Leipzig. The new
elector, Maurice, was there and desired to speak with
Melanchthon and the other theoloo^ians. When Me-
lanchthon arrived, he was kindly received, presented
with some valuable gifts, and asked to accept a ]iro-
fessorship in Leipzig. But as his colleagues had al-
ready besought the restoration of the university at
Wittenberg, he decided to cast his lot with them, and
Avait for a favorable answer to their request. For the
same reason, also, he declined calls from Demuark,
Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and Koenigsberg. The ex-
tent of his anxiety to return to Wittenberg may Ix-
judged from the fact, that during this time he was
living at his own expense and drawing no salary, and
that he did not know how long it would take till a (h*-
cision in the matter would be reached in the electoral
court at Dresden. Finally, however, about the mid-
196 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
die of October, the university was restored, and suffi-
cient funds were set apart for its support. He there-
upon removed his family from I^ordhausen, and found
himself, to his great joy, once more at home in his old
position.
The course which Melanchthon pursued in this
matter was greatly censured at the time by friends of
the unfortunate elector John Frederick. ^N^othing was
said about the other professors when they resumed
their old places, but Melanchthon was decried far and
wide for so doing. He was accused of ingratitude
and unfaithfulness to the captive prince. Many since
then have supposed it would have been more honor-
able in him to have gone to Jena. Whatever may be
thought of his conduct, it must, in order to judge cor-
rectly, be borne in mind that Melanchthon was not
attached to the court of that ruler, but was a professor
in the university. However deeply he may have sym-
jDathized with the captive prince, it was natural that
his heart should turn to the city Avhich had become
endeared to him by so many tender associations, and
the institution where the best years of his life had been
spent. He was loudly accused of having expressly
promised to assist the sons of the former elector in
founding the new university. But he had only con-
sented not to remove out of their territory without
first letting them know. It may be well to let Me-
lanchthon speak for himself, and Ave therefore give
extracts from two of his letters explaining the reasons
for his conduct.
To Aquilla he wrote, August 29th : " A melan-
choly mind, as Ennius says, always errs. Perhaps, in
RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 197
my sadness, I cherished too great a longing for my old
friends with whom I lahored in the same work so
long. Perhaps I hoped too much when, in these un-
propitious times, I regarded as possihle the restora-
tion of the university, the certainty of which is l)y no
means apparent. But at all events, I have not striven
for carnal pleasures or riches." Then in reply to cer-
tain other accusations, he continued : " When some
say that the pnsachers at this place incline to other
doctrines, they do great injustice to this Church,
which has already endured so much. By God's grace
the Gospel is preached in Wittenherg with great
unanimity in the same manner as hefore the war."
On October 18th, he wrote to Strigel : "When we
were encouraged to believe that the university would
be restored, I dared lay nothing in the way of the
project; for the university has certainly been of great
advantage to a large part of Germany, and if it ceased
to exist, then would not only the cluiri'hes of the
neighborhood be involved in great darkness, l)ut our
enemies would regard it as a triumph. T also per-
ceived the difficulties with which the Thuringian court
would have to contend, and I feared that the founding
of a new university might draw still more odium upon
the captive prince. If, while stationed at such an uni-
versity, I had said or written anything against the de-
crees of the Council of Trent, the young princes would
have become involved in new dangers. What is said
concerning promises which I should have made, I do
not understand; for they have my writing in liand, in
which I spoke of these perils. Before the project of a
new school was broached, I wrote that T would rather
198 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
serve them than others; and this I would even yet
rather do, if they had a place in which I might be of
use to them without danger of injuring them. To
speak frankly, I was surprised that in these sorrowful
times, even before the clouds of battle had rolled
away, they should think of founding a new uni-
versity."
After Melanchthon had resumed his lectures at
Wittenberg, the university in that city regained its
former exalted position as the chief Protestant uni-
versity in the world ; and Melanchthon himself easily
ranked as the greatest living theologian.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. THE LEIPZIG INTERIM.
CONTROVERSIES. 1548-1550.
WHEX, on the 1st of September, 1547, another
diet was held at Augsburg, it soon be-
came apparent that the emperor had
waged the late war not so much in the pope's interest,
as in his own. His chief concern had been to establish
his imperial authority and prestige. He now proposed
to show that he was able, without any assistance from
the pope, to restore peace and unity in the religious
affairs of his realm. He demanded that the Protest-
ants should submit to the decrees of the council, pro-
vided, that it should be re-transferred from Bologna
to Trent, and should be conducted in an orderly Chris-
THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 199
tian way. But as the deliberations of the council hade
lair to consume a long period of time, he recommended
to the States the appointment of a commission of com-
petent and learned men, who should consult together
on ways and means to restore religious unity, and com-
pile a set of regulations for doctrine and practice
which should he observed in the interim ; that is,
until the decrees of the council should be made and
accepted.
The elector Maurice acquainted his theologians with
this recommendation and desired their ojanion. He
also commanded them to keep themselves in readiness
for a journey to Augsburg. Uiider date of January
22, 1548, the theologians wrote to him that they
greatly distrusted this prospective '* interim," and
feared that it would work mischief In a separate
opinion of his own, Melanchthon stated that he re-
garded consent to a continuation of the council as
consent to accept its decrees, and that he could not
thus burden his conscience. It is evident from this,
that Melanchthon had determined to remain true to
the evangelical cause in that trying period. Tie de-
serves all the more credit for so doing, because his
delivery to the emperor had already been twice de-
manded. He felt, also, that in this crisis he dared not
leave Wittenberg, and therefore repeatedly declined
invitations from the King of Denmark and Edward
VI. of England to come to those countries.
Meanwhile, however, the plans of the emperor were
being carried out. A book, suite<l to his pur[H»se, li;i<l
been laid before him. It ])n)posed to bring about an
aorreement between Protestants and Roman Catholics,
200
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
and was to be adopted as the rule for guidance during
the interim. Hence its name, " The Augsburg In-
terim." It is supposed that this book was given to
the emperor by Joachim II. of Brandenburg. As far
as its authorship is concerned, it is quite certain that
JOHAN AGRICOXA iSXEBrV^ TH£OlOC,VS
BRANT>EBYn^ leys' IT C^SERAll$ MAKCHt/c.
3vi>EBmTENDrAr5 .
Agricola.
John Agricola, of Berlin, had a share in it ; for when
he entered his carriage to proceed to the diet, he is said
to have declared that he was going to Augsburg as the
reformer of Germany. The emperor appointed Julius
von Pflug and Michael Ilelding, together with Agri-
cola, to give the l)ook a proper form, so that it might
THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 201
be published at once, and serve as a tempcrarv ionn of*
doctrine and discipline.
Agricola could not ^et done ])oasting of what this
Interim would accomplish. But Melanchthon viewed
it quite differently, and thanked God that he had noth-
ma: to do with it. Duke Maurice was far from beinff
pleased with it. He commanded his theologians to
proceed as far as Zwickau and there await develop-
ments. While they were on the way thither, w^ord
was sent by him to Melanchthon to remain at Alten-
burg, to which place the theologians had already come,
and to prepare an opinion on the Interim ; then he was
to retire to Klosterzelle and remain there, because the
emperor had made demand for his delivery or banish-
ment. In the opinion which he prepared, Melaneh-
tlion said that the Interim resembled the Ratisbon
book, though some articles were more sharply, and
others more moderately worded; and that it con-
tained many generalities which were odious and dan-
gerous. After he had examined the Interim more
carefully, he prepared a second opinion at Klosterzelle.
He stated that he had given these matters further con-
sideration, particularly the deceptive ]»assages in tlie
articles on Faith and Love. Their rt'al teachinir <»n
these points he found to be, that faith is only a }> repara-
tion for righteousness, and that faith is followed by
love, which justifies man. This would iiuply that man
is justified by his own w^orks and vii-tucs, and against
tills, he said, he must protest. In tlie sanic niamuT
he attacked the teaching of the Interim on tin- Mass.
Thereupon the elector (hnianded a detailed and dis-
passionate criticism of every article. Tlie theologians
202 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
accordingly assembled at Melanelithon's residence in
Klosterzelle, and after several day's work sent, on
April 24th, a third opinion. They declared that, while
they would consent to confirmation, extreme unction,
the power of the bishops, private absolution without
auricular confession, and several festivals and ceremo-
nies, provided that work-righteousness and the invoca-
cation of the saints were left away ; yet they were
obliged to reject all the other articles, particu-
larly those concerning justification, private masses,
masses for souls, and the canons. A few days later,
on April 28th, Melanchthon wrote to Chancellor
Christopher von Carlowitz. This is the letter which
gave such oftence to many friends of Luther. The
chancellor had written to Melanchthon to be more
moderate, and the latter, therefore, in his reply gave
the reasons, why the Interim was rejected by him. He
says among other things : " The elector may determine
as he pleases. If I cannot approve of all, I shall
nevertheless not raise a disturbance, but either hold
my peace, or go away, or put up with affairs as best I
may. I formerly bore an almost dishonorable ser-
vitude, when Luther obeyed more the promptings of
his own natural temperament in which there was no
small love of strife, than he did those of his own dig-
nity or the public welfare. But when you say that I
am not only expected to be quiet but to indorse the
Interim, you must see yourself, as an intelligent man,
that there is a vast difference in human temperaments,
points of view and sentiments. I am naturally l)y no
means fond of strife, and I love concord among men
as much as any one. I did not begin these contro-
THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 203
versies whicli liave unsettled the whole general order
of things. I eanie when they had already been stirred
up and were in the process of development; and I be-
gan with a sincere desire for the trutli to investigate
these matters, especially because many learned and
prudent men had given them their approval. In those
days, many who now at the diet of Augsburg accuse
me as the cause of disunion made me so odious at
court on account of my moderation, that my life was
endangered. Since that time, for almost twenty years,
many have called me ' frost and ice,' others have said
I courted favor with the enemy. I even remember
that some one accused me of seeking a cardinal's hat.
Without paying heed to these unjust criticisms, I have
sought, whenever I came to speak of the doctrines of
the Church, to state as clearly as possible the essential
points; and I cut off many unnecessary questions and
avoided many subjects, in order not to stir up greater
disunion. I cannot bear to think of having the Chunli
disturbed by a change in her doctrines or by the ban-
ishment of her upright men." He then expressed his
w^illingness to concede jurisdiction to the bishops, l)e-
cause "it is not to be expected that the courts of un-
learned princes will, for any great length of time,
exercise greater care in looking after the i>ure doc-
trine." He expressed himself willing to accept als(^
the ceremonies prescribed, because "as a Itoy he had
always watched \\ itli particular pleasure all the cere-
monies of the Church," P)Ut so far as regards tlie
Faith, he said he must abide l»y the criticisms wliicli
he had made of the Interim. He concluded: " If on
this account T shall be reirarded as a disturber of the
204 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOX.
peace, because I will not say yea to all that the book
contains, I shall, with God's help, bear the conse-
quences, whatever they may be, like many have done
before who, in causes that were just but much less im-
portant than these, have preferred the truth to their
own life."
This remarkable letter was meant to convince Car-
lowitz, that none but the weightiest reasons would
have induced one who was so well known as a
lover of peace to reject the Interim. Indeed, at this
very time Melanchthon was in constant danger of ban-
ishment or imprisonment for the frank opinion con-
cerning the Interim which he had sent to Augsburg.
But he was determined to abide by his opinion at
whatever risk, and refused to seek safety by accepting
any of the calls which came to him from England or
elsewhere.
This Interim pleased the Roman Catholics little bet-
ter. They declared they would continue to do as
they had done hitherto, but were satisfied to have the
Protestants brought back to the old way. Referring
to this declaration of the Roman Catholics, Melanch-
thon, in an opinion delivered on April 29th, the day
after his return to Wittenberg, advised that the nego-
tiations be broken off, because, even if a peace were
effected, it would after all be like a compact between
wolves and lambs.
This book of the Interim was read to the diet on
May 15th. The Roman Catholics were left free in
their action, but the Protestants were commanded to
adhere to it until the decrees of the council were made
public. But when the Interim was to be introduced
THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 205
in Protestant countries it met with strong o[>positi()n.
Of the Protestant princes present at Auij^shurg, the
Margrave Wolfgang and John von Kuestrin, togetlier
with the captive prince John Frederick, alone refused
to sis'n it. But the evano^elical clerefv and tlic Free
Cities violently opposed it. Strashurg for a long time
resisted every threat. In Ulni the clergy were im-
prisoned. In Hesse, Ducal Saxony, Ilamhurg, Lii-
beck, Bremen and Liinburg, the Interim was uiu-on-
ditionally rejected. The city of Magdeburg was
particularly distinguished for its resistance and for the
attacks which were made from it upon the Interim.
In Swabia and along the Phine four hundred evangel-
ical preachers were driven into exile, before the Ro-
man Catholic liturgy could again be introduced.
The elector Maurice' signed the Interim, but con-
ditionally. He presented a protest, in which he de-
clared to the diet that he could not consent to l)e held
responsible for its introduction, inasmuch as it was
made binding only on one party. BesiiU's, he said,
the Reformation had taken a strong hohl upon his
dominions. When he returned to his own territory,
he did not attempt to force the Interim upon liis peo-
ple, but requested of his Wittenberg tlieologians an
opinion which he miglit lay before the Saxon Chamber
of Deputies. This ojtinion, written by >[elanchthon
and given to the elector June 16th, declared that, since
the bishops Avould not consent to any accommodation,
it would l)e better to leave the Cliurcli of Saxony
alone, and not endeavor to introduce tlie Interim.
The defects of the book and the reasons for rejecting
it were then pointed out. The opinit)n was signed by
206 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Bugenhagen, Pfeffinger, Cruciger, Major, and Fros-
cliel.
When the Chamber of Deputies assembled July 2d,
with Melanchthon, Cruciger and Major present, the
subject of the Interim was taken up. It was decided
to go through the book article by article, and then to
request the emperor to excuse them from enforcing
such portions of it as were unscriptural. Desiring
more light upon the subject, the deputies requested
another opinion which should treat particularly of
the doctrines of Justification, Faith and Good Works.
When this had been prepared, the theologians in turn
suggested that a detailed statement of their doctrinal
position be sent to the emperor. Melanchthon had
already begun to work upon such a statement, when,
before having proceeded very far, he saw that it would
consume a great deal of time. He concluded that it
would be better simply to ask the emperor to allow
the Saxon Church to remain in its present condition.
The deputies desired the elector to send such a request.
But Maurice refused to do this, because he thought it
would create a breach between him and the emperor ;
and he demanded that something, at least, be yielded
in indifferent matters, and the final decision be post-
poned until the next meeting of the Chamber.
Melanchthon was pleased with the course Avhich
matters were taking thus far. It looked as if the In-
terim would be rejected in Saxony. His letters show
how strong were his feelings upon this subject. Writ-
ing to the Margrave John of Brandenburg-Kuestrin,
he says : "In the article of Justification there are cer-
tainly contained great errors. So also in other arti-
THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 207
cles. With God'rt help I, for my part, will not approve
of this Interim. For this I have the hest of reasons.
I v^ill commend my miserable life to God, even though
I should be taken captive or exiled."
Melanchthon was frequently asked for advice by
people in other parts, who wanted to know what they
should do with regard to the Interim. To those who
were most endangered he replied that they should be
prudent, yield in outward matters, and then they would
have little to fear. While this was not exactly recom-
mending the spirit of the martyrs for their imitation,
yet, it should be said, he never advised any one to
yield in matters of doctrine.
Before the next Chamber of Deputies assembled,
Maurice called a conference at Pegau, to be held
August 28th, between the two bishops of his realm,
Pflug, of Xaumburg, and Maltitz, of Meissen, and
Melanchthon, George von Anhalt, Forster and Eljcr.
The elector urged his theologians to yield in all mat-
ters that did not conflict with the Holy Scriptures.
Although a partial agreement on the subject of Justi-
fication was reached at this conference, nothing was
accomplished after all, because the bishops declared
that they could not consent to any change in the In-
terim. Melanchthon therefore departed from Pegau
on August 25, tarried three days in Leipzig, and
reached Wittenberg on the thirtieth of the month.
To his sorrow he found his good friend Cruciger very
ill with consumption, of which he died the following
Xovember.
At the next meeting of the Deputies, held at Tor-
gau, October 18th, matters took a turn which was de-
208 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
cideclly unsatisfactory to Melanchthon. On the very
first day of the meeting, three electoral counselors and
four knights arose and said that, if the country was not
to be plunged into misery, the emperor must be obeyed
as far as possible. They had therefore prepared a list
of the articles which might, in their judgment, be ac-
cepted with a good conscience, and they would hand
this list to the theologians for examination. This
document contained the article of Justification as
agreed upon at Pegau, together with others on the
authority of the Church, Confirmation, Repentance,
Extreme Unction, Ordination, the Mass, Vigils, Fes-
tivals, Processions and eating of Meats. The theolo-
gians objected, but little attention was paid to them.
It was evident that Maurice was determined to main-
tain good relations with the emperor, even at the cost
of re-instating many Romish errors.
When Melanchthon, on October 20th, left Torgau, he
was deeply distressed by the course which aftairs were
taking. Nevertheless he permitted himself, shortly
afterwards, to be induced to take part, greatly to his
subsequent regret, in the preparation of the com-
promise known as the Leipzig Interim. On Novem-
ber 16th he attended a convention of theologians at
Klosterzelle for the purpose of revising the liturgy
which had been published in 1539 and approved by
Luther, and of adapting it to the elector's purpose.
Those gathered with him were Bugenhagen, Major,
Camerarius and the Superintendents Lauterbach, of
Pima, and Weller, of Freiberg. While they were
there assembled, the list of articles proposed at Tor-
gau by the seven deputies was laid before them by
THE LEIPZIG INTERIM.
209
John Bugenhage>\
14
210 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
the electoral counselors. The theologians were di-
rected to examine and improve these articles, and to
let the emperor see that there was no lack of willing-
ness to obey, as far as was possible with a good con-
science and consistent with the Word of God. The
theologians replied that they had already signified
their willingness to yield in all non-essential matters,
such as festivals, hymns, clerical robes, meats, etc.,
but that they could not consent to erroneous doctrines
or idolatrous ceremonies. But the counselors in-
sisted on retaining the articles presented at Torgau,
and proceeded to place together, without the assist-
ance of the theologians, all the subjects which in their
judgment were adiaphora (indifferent matters).
This document became known as the Recess of
Celle. It was signed by the electors of Saxony and
Brandenburg at Jiiterbock, and laid before the Cham-
ber of Deputies at the meeting opened in Leipzig on
December 21st. It was adopted by the deputies, and
then became known as the "Leipzig Interim." It
proposed to retain the doctrinal articles of the Lutheran
Church, but to re-introduce such Roman Catholic cere-
monies as might be regarded as adiaphora and might
be observed without conflicting with the Scriptures.
Since this Interim was afterwards the subject of
much controvers}^ we will give a short synopsis of its
contents : The article of Justification was given in the
form agreed upon at Pegau. It stated : " Although
God does not justify men by the merit of the works
which they perform, but out of grace, freely and Avith-
out our merit, and the praise is not ours, but Christ's,
through whose merit alone we are justified from our
CONTROVERSIES. 211
sins; nevertheless, God does not deal with men as
with a hlock, but draws them in such a way that, if
they have arrived at the age of discretion, their will
co-operates with His. For no one receives the merit
of Christ, unless his will and heart have been moved
by prevenient grace, so that he trembles at God's
wrath and is displeased with sin. It is beyond doubt,
that in conversion there must be repentance and fear
of God's wrath. As long as there remains a security
which permits man to persist in Avilful sin, there is no
conversion or forgiveness." Of Good Works it declared
that " they are necessary because God commands them.
They please God because the person who performs
them believes in Christ's merit. They are necessary,
because their absence would be an evidence that men
are not spiritually awakened and have not experienced
God's grace. Furthermore, because these virtues and
good works please God, they obtain, according to
God's plan, a temporal and spiritual reward in tliis
life, and, by reason of God's promise, a further re-
ward in eternal life."
Up to this point the articles had been drawn up by
Melanchthon. The rest, composed by the electoral
counselors, were in substance about as follows : AVhat
the Church decrees in matters of faith is to be accepted,
unless it conflicts with the Scriptures. The Bishops
are to retain authority over the other clergy, Init are
to use their office, in accordance with God's command,
for edification and not for destruction. Baptism is to
be administered with exorcism. Coiifirrnation is to be
retained. Repentance^ Confession and Ahsobftioji are to
be ri2;idlv enforced, and no one is to ])e admitted to
212 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
the Lord's Supper without them. Extreme Unction
may be employed, but a superstitious use of it is to be
avoided. Before Ordination the candidates are to be
carefully examined by the bishops. Marriage is to be
allowed to all classes according to God's institution.
The Mass is to be celebrated with the ringing of bells,
the use of lights, vessels, singing, robes and cere-
monies.. The Public Services are to be conducted
largely in Latin. The pictures of Saints are to serve
for remembrance, but not for worship. The Canonical
Hours and other hymns may be introduced again. The
festival of Corpus Christi and those devoted to the
Virgin Mary are to be observed. Abstention from
Meats on Friday and Saturday and during the season
of Lent may be enjoined as an outward ordinance.
The Clergy are to dress differently from laymen.
The deputies took exception at first to the articles
on ordination, confirmation, unction, the festival of
Corpus Christi, and the mass. But when they were
assured by the theologians that these articles, properly
interpreted, were unobjectionable, the deputies con-
sented to receive them with the rest.
Immediately after his return from Leipzig to Wit-
tenberg, on January 6th, 1549, Melanchthon wrote to
a friend : " The action at Leipzig afiects no change in
Church, because the contention concerning the mass
and the canon is postponed for further consideration."
But while he took such a favorable view of the matter,
it must be said that the adoption of the Interim was a
perilous step. It will be seen from the summary of its
contents given above, that it proposed to re-introduce
a great number of Romish ceremonies under the plea
CONTROVERSIES. 213
that they were indifferent matters. Those who favored
it maintained, indeed, that the observance of these
ceremonies would not injure the pure doctrine. But
this was by no means certain. These ceremonies had
already been abolished because of the errors of faith
connected with them. They were now to be re-intro-
duced at the dictation of the enemies of the truth and
contrary to the convictions of the Protestants; and
there was danger, when the door was opened to these
Romish ceremonies, that the errors which for ages had
been connected with them would gain admittance also.
If so great a care was to be used in making the Pro-
testant Church, in its outward form and dress, look like
the Roman Catholic, would not sooner or later the
spirit and life of the two Churches grow similar also ?
In order to introduce the Interim adopted at Leip-
zig, it was necessary to prepare a new liturgy for the
churches. This task was entrusted to George von
Anhalt, administrator of the bishopric of Merseburg.
He used as the basis of his work the liturgy of 1539,
mentioned before. A number of conventions were
held to deliberate upon the changes to be made, and
for this purpose Melanchthon journeyed to Merseburg
on March 8th, and to the meeting of deputies at Tor-
gau on April 13th. An adherent of Flacius had ac-
cused the Saxon theolo2:ians of seekino; to lead tlic
people back to Romanism. Melanchthon, therefore,
presented at this meeting a defence of himself and his
colleagues. He said that they had yielded in what
they considered indifferent things, in order to retain
the necessary ones. This did not imply, he claimed,
that they were leaning toward popery ; *' for the cere-
214 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
monies whose introduction was conceded had existed
in the early Church, and were necessary for a proper
uniformity in practice. Nor was it just to accuse them
of yiekling through fear ; for, even if fear had some-
thing to do with the matter, it was not fear for their
own persons, but for the welfare of the people, their
children, and society in general. They had sought by
yielding in non-essential matters to preserve the essen-
tial articles of their faith. Luther himself had coun-
seled some to yield in indifferent matters. Besides,
they had not introduced any new ceremonies," he
said, but " had simply modified, for the sake of order
and uniformity, those which already existed, in order
that the pure doctrine might be preserved and neigh-
boring churches, like those of Silesia, which had com-
plained of the former lack of uniformity, might begin
to regard the Gospel with favor."
Melanchthon was soon assailed by many of the
stricter adherents of Luther for his consent to the In-
terim. In January, 1549, the theologians of Berlin
inquired of those at Wittenberg whether all the prac-
tices and customs of the Romish Church, such as the
use of " holy water, salt, herbs, palms, consecration of
unleavened bread, processions with flags and torches,
unctions at baptisms," and the like, were to be re-
garded as adiaphora, or indifferent matters. They re-
quested a fuller explanation of what was to be in-
cluded under that term. The Wittenberg theologians
replied that they did not include under it such cus-
toms as the consecration of oil and salt, and the like.
They also stated in their reply their reason for the
course which they had pursued. It was better, they
CONTROVERSIES. 215
said, "to endure a certain servitude in indifferent
matters, than to leave the Church on account of them."
In April of the same year the pastors of Hamburg
sent to Wittenberg a long letter, in which they con-
demned the principle laid down in the reply to the
theologians of Berlin. They complained that the
term adiaphora was made too wide, and they asked
the Wittenberg theologians to explain, in a public
work, just what things were included under the term.
To this Melanchthon replied that no fault was found
with their frank letter; but he begged of them not to
judge harshly those friends who had for twenty years
fought and labored for the Gospel. He could assure
them, he said, that the same Gospel was still preached
at Wittenberg as at Hamburg. Among indifferent
things, or adiaphora, the Wittenbergers did not in-
clude " magical consecrations, the adoration of images,
the carrying about of consecrated bread " and similar
customs. These they had publicly condemned by
word and writing. As adiaphora they regarded those
things which the ancient Church possessed, such as
" festivals, public reading, confession and absolution
before the Lord's Supper, examination before con-
lirmation, ordination to the Gospel-ministry, etc."
Two men deserve special mention for their deter-
mined opposition to the Interim. These were Gabriel
Zwilling of Torgau and his deacon, Michael Schultz.
They refused to wear the v\diite surplice, called those
who Avore it traitors and idolators, and preferred to be
deposed from their office rather than wear it.
The greatest opposition, however, was raised l>y
Matthias Flacius the Illyrian, a young man of the age
216 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
of twenty-nine. He wrote against the Interim, and
sought to prevail upon Melanchthon, Eber, Major and
Bugenhagen to reject it. When he failed in his
efforts, and saw that the Interim was about to be in-
troduced in Wittenberg, he left the city and removed
to Magdeburg. There he found Amsdorf, who had
been expelled from his bishopric, and a number of
others who were bitterly opposed to the Interim.
From this city, which they called the Chancery of
God, they sent out, one after another, violent pam-
phlets against the Wittenberg theologians and particu-
larly against Melanchthon. It was he whom they
chiefly blamed for the introduction of the obnoxious
compromise. They called the Wittenbergers Baalites,
rascals. Epicures, Samaritans and other equally oppro-
brious names. They accused Melanchthon of being a
traitor to the truth and the Church because, they said,
it was his fault that false doctrines and false adiaphora
regained a foothold.
Though Melanchthon erred in consenting to the In-
terim, he had been sincere and honest in his inten-
tions, even though he permitted himself to be led too
far. He thought that what he had consented to in the
article on Justification did not conflict with the truth.
When it was asserted that he included under the
adiaphora all the customs of the Roman Catholic
Church, he was manifestly misrepresented. A num-
ber of them he did not by any means accept. In Sep-
tember, 1549, he wrote to Joachim Moller: "I have
often advised that no more changes should be made
now, because the people would exclaim that we are
driving out the Gospel. But the court insists that we
CONTROVERSIES. 217
must y'wM to the emperor in some things, in order
that lie may not send his armies into our country and
oppress the churches, as he has done in Swahia. I do
not know whether tlie emperor will be satisfied witli
the re-introduction of a few indifferent ceremonies or
not; the courtiers declare that he will; and they urge
us not to expose our Fatherland and the Church to
devastation on account of non-essential matters. We
are, therefore, contending only for essentials and are
seeking to preserve purity of doctrine and the form
of the Lord's Supper, so that the papal mass may not
be re-introduced here as it has been in Swahia. I
have never contended about holidays, the order of
hymns, and similar matters. Such contention would
be unbecoming to a modest servant of the Church in
these sorrowful times. For a number of years I have
wished that some of the ceremonies now proposed
might be introduced, because a similarity in such mat-
ters would conduce to unity. Of course, moderation
must be used; and for this reason, also, we have
changed nothing in doctrines and essential matters.
The source of all our present troubles and of those
which still threaten the Church is the article of tran-
substantiation. This has given strength to the papal
mass, concerning which we shall doubtless hear most
severe commands from the emperor at tlie m-xt <liet.
All the other questions in dispute have, as you are
aware, been handled by me in such a way, that a pious
and sincere man will have no further doubt upon them.
But on the question of transubstantiation I have al-
ways been very brief, on account of the slanderous
tongues of some in our own party."
218 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
To the attacks which were made upon him by
Flacius, Melanchthoii did not for a long time reply.
He feared it would only make matters worse. Flacius,
however, became more and more violent. Finally, on
October 1st, Melanchthon published a defense of his
course. He denied that he had made any changes in
doctrines, and maintained that his theological views
still accorded with those laid down in his Loci Com-
munes and the Augsburg Confession of 1530. He
had, he said, advised the pastors of Franconia and
other places not to leave the Church on account of
non-essential matters ; but he branded as a lie the as-
sertion, that he had told those people they should not
leave the Church, even if all the old abuses were re-
instated. He complained that Flacius had violated
the sanctity of friendship by accusing him publicly of
confidential and ofttimes jocular remarks, which had
been made in the past.
It was now proposed by the Saxon court to publish
a severe and comprehensive refutation of the charges
made by Flacius and his allies. But, by Melanchthon's
advice, this was not done. He thought it would only
serve to embitter his enemies still more. But it is
doubtful whether they would have been incited to
more violent attacks than those which they made at
any rate. Toward the end of 1540, Flacius published
a series of letters written by Melanchthon during the
Diet of Augsburg, and accompanied them with notes
containing biting, satirical remarks. By this publica-
tion he hoped to show men what a contemptible and
timid man Melanchthon reallv was, and liow differ-
ently Lutlier would have acted, if he had been still alive.
THE OSIANDRIAN AND MAJORISTIC CONTROVERSIES. 219
It was evident that Flacius and lius friends could
not be reduced to silence. In fact, it soon appeared
that the controversy over the adiapliora was only the
prehide to an attack upon all the modifications of doc-
trinal statements made in the Interim. In the begin-
ning of the year 1550 Nicholas Gall us attacked the
statement, that man is not to be regarded as a ])lock
in conversion. Melanchthon thereupon sent to Dr.
Pfeffinger of Leipzig a number of theses for discussion,
among which Avas one in wdiich he defended the sen-
tence assailed by G alius. Hardly had these theses
become public, when Flacius attacked them in two
writings, and asserted that Melanchthon had said, that
it was not worth Avliile to dispute about the one little
word " alone " in the doctrine of Justification by faith.
This accusation, however, w^as false ; for Melanchthon
expressly declared in a letter to George von Anhalt,
that he had never spoken nor written nor even
thous^ht of such a thino^. We shall hear more of
Flacius in a succeeding chapter.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE OSIANDRIAN AND MAJORISTIC CONTROVERSIES. THE
RELIGIOUS PEACE OF AUGSBUKC 1 T)')!)-! r),")*').
IV BOUT this time there arose a controversy over
L\ the object of Christ's descent into hell.
(f" ^Epinus, Superintendent of Hamburg, main-
tained, in a commentary which he published on the
220 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
sixteenth Psalm, that Christ's descent into hell was the
last stage of his humiliation, and endeavored to prove
this position from the Scriptures and the writings of Lu-
ther. The Wittenherg theologians, however, gave it as
their opinion, that it represented Christ's victory over
hell and the devil, and was one of the stages of his
exaltation. This controversy stirred up considerable
animosity, but it was soon overshadowed by the Osian-
drian controversy which followed.
Andrew Osiander, or Hosenmann, or Hosen-Ender-
lein, had been pastor in E'uremberg. When the In-
terim was introduced, he resigned his position. He
was then, in 1549, called to a professorship at Koenigs-
berg. He had scarcely been installed in his new po-
sition, when he raised a commotion by his erroneous
explanation of the doctrine of justification. He main-
tained that we are justified by a constant infusion of
Christ's righteousness into the believer. He confused
justification, which is a judicial act declaring us right-
eous for Christ's sake, with sanctificatioji, which refers
to the believer's personal holiness and growth in grace.
He denied that Christ's righteousness is imputed to
the believers. He at once became the object of fierce
attacks. His opponents persistently appealed to the
authority of Melanchthon. This angered Osiander,
and he said that he was tired of hearing the words,
" Our preceptor Philip teaches differently."
The Duke of Prussia concluded that the controversy
ought to be submitted to the German churches for de-
cision. Both parties therefore drew up a confession.
That of Osiander was i^ublished. It was entitled,
" The Confession concerning the only Mediator Jesus
THE OSIANDRIAN CONTROVERSY. 221
Christ and concerning Justification." In this it was
maintained that what was usually understood as jus-
tification was called hy the Scriptures redemption, and
was the common property of all; that in justification,
man is not only declared righteous but made righteous,
renewed and sanctified. Throu2:h faith in Christ and
by virtue of the mystical union with llini, the essen-
tial righteousness of God is communicated to man.
Therefore, Christ is not our righteousness according
to his human hut according to his divine nature.
Up to this time,Melanchthon had purposely refrained
from taking any part in the controversy. He had paid
no attention to the attacks which, in the course of the
dispute, had been made upon him. In a friendly let-
ter written as late as May 1, 1551, he had requested
Osiander calmly to examine and answer certain theses
which he enclosed. But when he was urged hy the
duke and the Koenigsberg theologians to puhlish an
opinion on the confession of Osiander, he came out
publicly in January, 1552, with the views which he had
repeatedly expressed in private. His publication was
entitled, " An Answer to Mr. Andrew Osiander con-
cerning the Justification of Man." In this pamphlet,
greatly to the duke's chagrin, he refuted Osiander's
position by many quotations from the Holy S('rii)tui"cs.
He said that God does indeed dwell in the <'<)iivcrtc(l
man ; but that it is equally true that after conversion
we constantly need and receive the forgiveness of sins
for Jesus' sake. First, we must be justified l)v faith,
through the merit of Jesus Christ ; and only then does
God truly dwell within us.
When Osiander read Melanchthon's reply, he is said
222 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
to have threatened to " bleed Melanchthon in such
a way, that his blood would flow throughout all Ger-
many." He actually did publish a work which he en-
titled, " A Bleeding of Mr. Philip." He issued another
also, entitled, " A Kefutation of the Unfounded and
Worthless Answer of Philip Melanchthon." These
works exceeded even those of Flacius in vituperation
and slander. The second was aimed not only at Me-
lanchthon, but at all the professors at Wittenberg.
Instigated by Melanchthon, they refused, he said, to
ordain any one or to confer the degree of Master or
Doctor upon any one who did not first solemnly prom-
ise to teach in accordance with the three creeds of the
early Church and the Augsburg Confession. To this
Melanchthon replied that the promise referred to was,
indeed, required, and had been required for the past
twenty years. But it had been introduced by Luther,
Bugenhagen and Jonas, on account of the Anabaptists
and other fanatics, and because it took the place of a
lengthy recital of the candidate's faith.
In October, 1552, Osiander died. But in spite of
the fact that his doctrine was condemned by nearly all
the churches, the controversy continued to rage for
many years. In Stettin his views were defended by
Peter Artopaus. In the year 1555, Dr. Jacob Kungius
was dispatched from that place to Wittenberg in or-
der to obtain Melanchthon's opinion. When he arrived,
he found Melanchthon on the point of going to ISTu-
remberg to allay the dissensions which some Osian-
drists there created. They journeyed together. On
September 29th and 30th a disputation was held in
Nuremberg. At its conclusion, a paper prepared by
THE OSIANDRIAN CONTROVERSY.
223
H
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224 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Melanchthon was read and approved. The title of it
was, " That in Conversion Man is Justified before
God by Faith, on account of the Obedience of the Me-
diator, and not on account of any Essential [infused]
Righteousness." Two of the disputants refused to sign
the paper, and resigned their offices.
Melanchthon had desired that Brenz should take
part in the discussion. But Brenz replied that he
could not come, and moreover would frankly state
that he regarded Osiander's theses as simply " para-
doxes, which might be interpreted for good or evil,
just as men felt disposed toward the author." Me-
lanchthon did not wish to enter upon a controversy
with Brenz. Therefore, in the opinion which he sent
to Koenigsberg, he did not mention Osiander's name,
though he condemned his theses. When Eungius re-
turned w^ith this opinion, Artopaus recanted, but after-
ward he fell mto his former errors. He was then de-
posed from his office. In March, 1556, he came to
Wittenbero; and laid his confession of faith before
Melanchthon. In reading it through, the latter found
much which he could not approve. But out of pity
for the man's age, and sympathy for his large family
which was hi need of support, Melanchthon wrote to
Stettin, asking the authorities there to temper justice
with mercy and to provide Artopaus with some posi-
tion elsewhere.
In February of the year 1550 a new pope, Julius
III., assumed the triple crown. He owed his eleva-
tion to the emperor, and was consequently more in-
clined to be accommodating to that ruler than his pre-
decessor had been. He transferred the council from
PREPARATIONS FOR THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 225
Bologna to Trent. It was to be opened May 1, 1;)51.
When the imperial diet met at Augslmrg on July 26,
1550, the emperor commanded the States to send
delegates to Trent. But the elector, through his rep-
resentatives at Augsburg, replied, in accordance with
an opinion furnished by Melanchthon, that unless the
council began its deliberations with the very begin-
ning of the present disputes, allowed the evangelical
theologians a voice in its proceedings, and refrained
from proposing the pope as its president or judge, he
would have nothing to do with it.
Upon receiving a favorable answer from the em-
peror, the elector, in 1551, summoned Melanchthon,
Bugenhagen and Camerarius to Dresden to consult
with him about sending some one to Trent. It was
decided that Greorge von Anlialt, v>dth several other
theologians, should go. Melanchthon drew up a paper
in which he laid down the course of action which he
thought these delegates ought to pursue. lie said
that they ought iirst of all to insist upon taking n\>
the religious disputes from the time of their first ap-
pearance, and then maintain the doctrines laid down
in the Catechism, the Augsburg Confession, or the
first Agenda of Electoral Brandenburg. Some, how-
ever, thought it better not to send any confession at
all to the council, but jturposely to delay its proceed-
ings until the emperor should die.
Shortly after this, it was decided that Melanchthon
should draw up a new confession of faith for the
council. lie retired to Dessau, on Nfay 5th, in order to
carry on his work without interruption, and there
wrote the Saxon Confession. Melanchthon called it
15
226 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
a repetition of the Augsburg Confession. It was firm
in tone, and defended the Lutheran doctrines as the
only true and scriptural ones. It gave the undisputed
articles in very brief form, but treated the disputed
ones at greater length, and subjected to a sharp criti-
cism the arguments which the papists had advanced
against them. It was signed by the ambassador of
the Margrave John, by a great number of Saxon pas-
tors, and later by the deputies of Mansfeldt, Strasburg,
Pomerania and Anspach.
The council was re-opened at Trent on May 1st, but
was immediately postponed till the following Septem-
ber. For a long time nothing was said in Wittenberg
about sending delegates. Suddenly, on December 13,
1551, Melanchthon and Major received a command
from the elector to start for Trent and to be in ISTurem-
berg by January 11. Melanchthon was much puzzled
to know the meaning of this command, ^o instruc-
tions of any kind were sent him for his guidance, no
provision was made for an escort or for traveling ex-
penses. He therefore directed his steps toward Dres-
den to seek some enlightenment on the subject. But
he could learn nothing there. He began to notice,
however, that the elector was preparing for war. This
troubled him. He feared Maurice was about to con-
tract an alliance with the French. He then penned
a letter to the elector, and expressed his scruples
about the propriety of such a step. On January 6,
1552, he returned as far as Leipzig. Eight days later,
in company with Sarcerius, Pacaus, and his son-in-
law, Peucer, he journeyed as far as Nuremberg. He
arrived on January 22d. He now received a passport
THE elector's ruse. 227
from the Saxon commissioner at Trent, but still no
instructions. Two letters of inquiry which he wrote
to the court remained unanswered. He began to sus-
pect that there was something behind all this, and his
suspicions were confirmed when he heard a rumor
that Maurice was preparing to make war upon the
emperor. Indeed, it soon became evident that the
journey which Melanchthon had been commanded to
make was not seriously meant to end in Trent at all.
The elector was well satisfied to have Melanchthon
remain at Nuremberg. The whole journey was sim-
ply a ruse by which Maurice hoped to keep the em-
peror in ignorance of his real intentions.
Melanchthon was fond of IN'uremberg and had many
warm friends there. He was not at all displeased
vnih. the prospect of tarrying in that city, instead of
proceeding to Trent and engaging in fruitless disputa-
tions. He concluded to wait for instructions. He
passed his time very pleasantly, and delivered about
thirty lectures in the gymnasium which he had helped
to establish. Finally, on March 9, no instructions hav-
ing yet arrived, he returned to Wittenberg.
In the meantime, important political events were
taking place. The elector Maurice had been com-
manded by the emperor to subdue the city of Magde-
burg, which stubbornly resisted the introduction of
the Interim. Much anxiety Avas felt for its fate. The
feeling against Maurice, who was already an object of
aversion to the Protestants, became very bitter when
he undertook the siege of this ])ul\vark of sound
Lutheranism. But now Maurice, wlio liad i)rcviously
betrayed the Protestant cause by going over to the
228
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
emperor, concluded to mend matters by betraying the
emperor. His relations with Charles Y. were every
Elector Maurice of Saxony.
day becoming mor(^ galling. He continued, indeed,
the siege of Magdeburg, but made a secret treaty with
a number of Protestant princes, and promised to abide
THE PROTESTANTS VICTORIOUS. 229
by the Augsburg Confession and to risk bis land and
people for tbe sake of tbe Gospel and German liberty.
When Magdeburg capitulated, Maurice suddenly
turned his arms and those of his allies, AVilliam of
Hesse and the Margrave John, against the emperor.
Charles was then at Innsbruck, and barely had time to
escape before Maurice entered the city. The (hay be-
fore his flight the emperor liberated John Frederick
from his captivity. On August 2, 1552, the treaty of
Passau was concluded. By its terms, religious liberty
and equal civil rights at the next diet were guaranteed
to the Protestants ; those who had been banished were
pardoned ; and the landgrave Philip was released from
captivity.
The latter half of the year 1552 was spent by Me-
lanchthon chiefly in Torgau, whither the university
had been transferred because of the prevalence of the
plague at Wittenberg. On account of the Osiandrian
controversy, which had broken out in a new f(n'in
through Francis Stancarus, he delivered lectures upon
the three persons of the Holy Trinity. Stancarus had
been called to Koenigsberg with the hope that he
would be able to put an end to the dissensions created
bv Osiander. But he made matters worse l)v icoiiiij:
to the opposite extreme and maintaining that Christ is
our righteousness, not according to his divine, but ac-
cording to his human nature only. Accused of
heresy, he resigned his position. Early in 1")')2 he
came to Wittenberg with a paper which he had pre-
pared against Osiander. Receiving no encouragement
here, he went to Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and from that
city made attacks upon Melanchthon as well as upon
230 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION.
his Koenigsberg opponents. He was soon involved in
a violent controversy with Musculus.
In order to restore peace, the elector of Branden-
burg proposed the holding of a disputation in Berlin,
and invited Bugenhagen and Melanchthon to attend
it. Melanchthon replied that it was impossible for
him to come, because he was then engaged in consult-
ing with Sarcerius as to the pastors who should be ap-
pointed for Augsburg, now that the Interim was abol-
ished. He said, also, that he did not approve of the
elector's project. It would be better to send some
sensible man to Wittenberg, and have a reply to Stan-
carus prepared. He added that he did not know ex-
actly what the latter's position was ; but if Stancarus
maintained that Christ is the Mediator only according
to his human nature, he was certainly in error. Christ
is and remains the Mediator according to both natures.
Mediation implies not only suffering in our stead, but
also victory and intercession. The elector took Me-
lanchthon's advice. l!To disputation was held. But
Melanchthon prepared a full and thorough discussion
of the subject, and published it in 1553 under the
title, " An Answer to the Controversies of Stancarus."
Another departure from the true doctrine of justifi-
cation was made by Matthias Lauterwald of Hungary.
He denied that man is justified by faith alone, and
maintained that grace is obtained by repentance and
new obedience. Melanchthon was asked to prepare
an opinion. He did so, and defended the formula,
" We are justified by faith alone.''
Toward the end of the year 1551, Mcholas von
Amsdorf published a work in Avhich he accused George
THE MAJORISTIC CONTROVERSY. 231
Major of having caused much division and contention
through the Leipzig Interim, and of liaving contrib-
uted much to the subversion of the true doctrine of
justification by his use of the sentence, "good works
are necessary to salvation." Major replied that he
would not quarrel over the word " alone," because he
had always taught that man is justified by faith alone ;
hut that nevertheless he would continue to maintain,
as he had in the past, the formula to which objection
was made, because no one could be saved by evil
works nor without good works. He defended his view
from the pulpit. Violent attacks were made upon him
from all sides, and he was compelled to resign his po-
sition as general superintendent at Mansfeldt. His
opponents accused him of being a Pelagian and a
papist.
Melanchthon took no active part in this contro-
versy. He advised Major to drop the formula which
gave such offense. Melanchthon had indeed used it
himself, and had been attacked for so doing. But he
had discontinued its use because it was liable to mis-
construction, and because Luther disapproved of it.
In the articles of Pegau he had again employed the
expression for the sake of effecting a compromise.
He had not meant, however, to conflict with the true
Lutheran doctrine, nor to represent good works as the
cause of justification, but to refer to the connection
which exists between a justifying faith and a new life
of obedience to God. It would have been well if
Major had taken Melanchthon's advice. But instead
of dropping the objectionable formula at once, he de-
fended it until the vear 1562, when, for the sake of
232 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
peace, he recalled it, after much mischief had been
done. Amsdorf, in his violent opposition to Major,
went so far as to advance the proposition, that good
works are injurious to salvation, and published a pam-
phlet intended to prove that this was taught by St.
Paul and Luther.
When Melanchthon's opinion was asked by the elec-
tor, whether a synod might not be able to settle the
difficulties, he replied that he feared that it would do
no good, and that he was inclined to agree with !N^azi-
anzen, who declared that he had never yet seen a
synod which did not raise greater dissensions than ex-
isted before. The elector, however, made some prepa-
rations for a conference of the theologians. But shortly
after this he was mortally wounded in the battle of
Sievershausen.
Augustus, the new elector, who succeeded his brother
Maurice, was a friend of the Gospel. He thought highly
of Melanchthon, and frequently sought his advice with
reference to the universities, schools and churches. He
willingly agreed to the suggestion of Duke Christopher
of Wiirtemberg to call a convention of theologians
for the purpose of quieting these controversies and de-
cidijig upon the course to be pursued in the approach-
ing diet at Augsburg. This convention was held at
l^aumburs:. Melanchthon arrived there Mav 20th,
1554, with Forster and Camerarius. On the following
day the Hessian delegates arrived, and on May 23d,
still others. It was a2:reed that at the diet thev would
abide by the Augsburg Confession, or the similar con-
fession of Brenz, or the Saxon Confession. They also
condemned the errors of Schwenkfeldt and Osiander,
THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF AUGSBURG. 233
and the re-introductioii of Koiuisli customs wliicli liad
been abolished. Contrary to Melanchthon's expecta-
tions, great harmony prevailed iu the meetinij:. Its
resolutions were signed by all the theologians present,
and afterwards accepted by Duke Christopher, whose
theologians had failed to be present at the meeting.
The diet was opened at Augsburg on February 5th,
1555. It had been appointed to l)e held lialf a year
after the treaty of Passau. But it was delayed for more
than two years. It was fortunate for the Protestants
that this delay occurred. In the interval ('harles the
Fifth was so much harassed by political troubles, that
he was ready now to consent to concessions to which
he would not have listened, if the diet had been held
at an earlier date. After lengthy negotiations, the
Religious Peace of Augsburg was concluded. It guar-
anteed to the adherents of the Augsburg Confession
equal rights with the Roman Catholics and the per-
fect enjoyment of religious liberty. But it stipulated
that if any Roman Catholic prelate turned Protestant,
he should not only lose his ecclesiastical position, but
his temporal power and dominion as well. This
reservation interfered in a large measure with the fur-
ther spread of the Reformation.
234 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC CONTROVERSY. NEGOTIATIONS
WITH FLACIUS. 1556-1557.
7f~ T last religious liberty had been secured. The
A^\ Council of Trent might now resolve what it
(^""^ pleased, its decrees would not trouble the
Protestants. Yet Melanchthon was far from giving
way to rapture. He feared that the conflict with the
Roman Catholics was not over ; and he was filled with
anxiety by the dissensions which existed among the
Protestants. To his great distress the doctrine of the
Lord's Supper was made the subject of a new con-
troversy.
By the Wittenberg Concord of 1536, an agreement
had been reached between the Lutherans and the cities
of upper, or southern, Germany. But this agreement
was more than once disturbed. Li 1544 Luther had
felt compelled to publish his final Confession of the
Holy Sacrament against the Fanatics. This showed
conclusively that a union with the Zwinglians Avas im-
possible. But many still hoped that a union might be
effected with the Calvinists. Since the adoption of
the Wittenberg Concord, it had been regarded as the
true Protestant doctrine, that Christ is really present
in the Lord's Supper. The manner of that presence
was to be left an open question. But when John Cal-
vin of Geneva openly maintained that the body and
blood of Christ are not physically present at all under
THE CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC CONTROVERSY. 235
the bread and wine, and that Clirist is received only
spiritually l)y the believing communicant, a violent
controversy followed.
While it cannot be said that Melanchthon regarded
the Lutheran doctrine of the real presence as errone-
ous, he believed that Calvin's doctrine did no real vio-
lence to the Scriptures and might be tolerated. But
the Lutherans did not all agree with Melanchthon.
In 1552 Joachim Westphal of Hamburg published a
pamphlet in which he openly assailed Calvin's doc-
trine, and asserted that it was secretly accepted by
many Lutheran theologians. He showed that the Re-
formed party from Zwingli to Calvin had given no
less than twenty-eight different interpretations of the
words of institution. In 1553 he issued a second
publication entitled, " The True Faith concerning the
Lord's Supper, proved from the Words of the Apos-
tle Paul and the Evansrelists." The zeal of the Luth-
erans a2:ainst the Calvinists became thorous-hlv aroused.
John von Lasco, who, with a band of French and Dutch
Protestants, had been banished from England b}' Queen
Mary, found it impossible to discover a place in Ger-
many where his party might settle, because he had de-
clared himself a Calvinist. In 1554 Calvin i)uV)lished
a work in which he took the part of these exiles, and
defended his doctrine. A violent controversy soon
rao^ed throusrhout Germanv.
Melanchthon was accused by some of holding Cal-
vin's doctrine. But this charge cannot be substanti-
ated. That he did not completely agree with Luther
is equally certain. Out of regard for Melanchthon's
services, Luther had borne his change of views with a
236 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
toleration, which, in a man of his character, was noth-
ing short of remarkahle. But Luther's adherents
were not inclined to be so tolerant. Exactly w^hat
Melanchthon believed, it is difficult to determine. The
formulas which he drew up were meant to be such as
all who acknowledged the real presence might be able
to subscribe. He took no part in the controversy be-
tween the Lutherans and the Calvinists, though both
parties endeavored to force him to express himself
upon the subject. Gallus and Westphal published
selections from his former works, by which they sought
to prove that, at least during Luther's life-time, Me-
lanchthon was on their side. Calvin endeavored to
wring a statement from him by asserting, that he un-
derstood the Augsburg Confession in the same sense
as its author, and could therefore readily subscribe to
it. But Melanchthon could not be brouscht to make a
public statement. In 1556 he wrote to the electoral
counselor Mordeisen, who had urged him to express
his view^s : '' I know certainly that your court will not
tolerate a defense of the truth in this article. I would
prefer not to begin at all, rather than, having begun,
to drop the matter again at your command, and thus
do injury to the truth." From this it would appear,
that his views were, to some extent at least, at vari-
ance with those of the strict Lutherans, and that he
thought he would not be permitted by the elector to
defend his position, if he advanced it openly. Per-
haps it was not, however, the personal loss which he
might suffer, if banished from Wittenberg, but rather
the dread of controversy and the fear of adding to the
existing distress of the Church, which deterred him
THE CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC CONTROVERSY. 237
from an open avowal of his convictions. lie was by
nature averse to strife and contention ; he saw its dis-
tracting effect upon the Church ; he was getting old
and was weary of the constant turmoil, and longed to
die, so that he might escape " from the fury of the
theolo2:ians."
The dissensions among the Protestants were all the
more to be regretted, because another diet was to l)e
held at Ratisbon in 1556, and another efibrt was to be
made to bring about unity in religion. How could
the Protestants, divided as they were, maintain their
cause against the Roman Catholics ? The holding of
a convention to restore harmony was suggested by
some of the princes ; but they received little encour-
agement. Amsdorf, Aurifaber, Stoltz, and the otlier
Lutheran theologians most actively engagcfl in the
controversy, held a special convention at AVcniiar in
January, 1556. They decided not to agree to a recon-
ciliation, until the Wittenbergers unequivocally pledged
themselves to maintain the Augsburg Confession and
to repudiate Zwinglianism and synergism. Fortu-
nately for the Protestant cause, the proposed diet was
postponed till the following year. I>y tliat time the
relations between the theologians of AVeimar and Wit-
tenberg had become somewhat easier.
To Melanchthon's surprise, his old antagonist Flacius
made overtures of peace in tlie summer of 155(), and
proposed a personal conference. Flacius prei)ared a
few " mild propositions," as a basis of peace. He sent
these propositions to El)er; but tliey were so liarsh,
particularly in tlie eleventh article, tliat FJkt did not
give them to Melanchthon. On July 13th, Flacius
238 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
wrote to Hubert Languetiis, who had long been an in-
timate friend of Melanchthon, requesting him to ar-
range a conference at Coswig, promising to be mild
and peaceful in his behavior.
Melanchthon had at first been inclined to accept the
advances of his antagonist, but he changed his mind
and wrote to Languetus, that he had long desired a
conference to consider the articles in dipute, but that
it would be useless to hold a meeting with such un-
learned, raging ranters as Stoltz, Gallus and Aurifaber.
He would like to confer with Flacius, because they
had been on terms of intimate friendship so long ; but
when he thought of the things which Flacius had ac-
cused him of saying, but which had never entered his
mind, much less been spoken by him, he Avas com-
pelled to fear the same insincerity on the part of
Flacius now, and must therefore decline to meet him.
IN^one of his friends were willing to be present at such
an interview, and he would not, after what had hap-
pened, care to meet him alone.
On receiving this reply Flacius politely expressed
his regrets in a letter to Languetus. He also wrote to
Melanchthon, and called his attention to the " leniency
and consideration " which he had shown to Melanch-
thon hitherto. He asked Melanchthon to think of the
letter which the latter had written to the Venetian
ambassador Teupolus in 1530, and which Flacius had
kindly refrained from publishing; of his relations to
the adiaphora and the Leipzig Interim ; of his indif-
ference to the controversy with Major, and then to
judge whether he had reason to complain of Flacius'
treatment. To this Melanchthon replied on Septem-
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS. 239
ber -l:th : '^ You direct attention to the consideration
which you have shown me, because you did not })ul>-
lish tlie letter which I wrote to Teupohis. I never
wrote a syllable to him. I simply paid him a visit by
command of the elector, and spoke a nuniber of tilings
in defense of the Reformation. I cannot recall the
words which I used. Others, who seem to have a bet-
ter memory, have remembered some of them, added
other things to them, and manufactured a letter with
which Rorarius already reproached me, and of which
I received a copy from the margrave. You may
judge for yourself what merit is attached to your
action, in not assailing me with such a piece of l)un-
gling. You have also published the Leipzig Interim
with all manner of mutilations and additions. As re-
gards the negotiations about that Interim, I strove
vehemently, as everybody knows, against every change
which was to be introduced through that Augsburg
Sphinx, and I engaged in many a conflict with the
courtiers, until finally the elector declared, that he did
not ask for any change in doctrine or essential matters,
but only the retention of a few inditferent customs,
which the counselors called adiaphora. I knew very
well that even unimportant changes would be dis-
tasteful to the people. But as the doctrines were
jDreserved intact, I preferred that our people should
endure this minor servitude, ratlier than leave the ser-
vice of the Church on account of tliese things. This
is what I did. Then voubeiJ:an to contend. I yielded
and endeavored to avoid controversy. 1 acknowledge
that I erred in this matter, and ]»ray (iod lo for-
give me for not fleeing far from sueli treacherous de-
240 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
liberations. But those things of which you and Gal-
lus falsely accuse me, I shall refute. As respects
Major, I have always exhorted him to give up his
offensive formula, and he promised me to do so. I
myself do not use it, but teach, ' the new obedience is
necessary because it is an inevitable law, that the crea-
ture should obey the Creator.' " In conclusion he said
that, if a reconciliation was to be effected, it would be
best to have the propositions prepared by impartial
judges. There must, he declared, be one confession
in doctrine. And as he acknowledged that he erred
with respect to the ceremonies, Flacius should not
continue to bring false accusations against him.
Flacius was not satisfied with this declaration. He
was evidently determined, either to humble Melanch-
thon by compelling him to make a public recantation,
or to hold him up before all the world as a teacher of
heresy. To accomplish his purpose, he relied upon
the Superintendents Valentine Curtius of Liibeck,
Paul von Eitzen of Hamburg, Joachim Morlin of
Brunswick, and Frederick Henning of Liineburg, who
offered to act as umpires. These met in Magdeburg
January 17, 1557, and pledged themselves to adhere
to the confession which had been published against
the Interim, in 1550, under the title, " Confession, In-
struction and Admonition of the Pastors and Preachers
of the Christian Congregations of Magdeburg." While
these men proceeded to Wittenberg with eight articles
of agreement, Flacius with his friends Wigand, Judex,
and Baumgiirtner, remained in the neighboring town
of Coswig, and exhorted the others not to spare the
Wittenbergers nor to be daunted by the fact that Me-
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS.
241
Dr. Joachim Murlin.
16
242 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
lanchthon had formerlv been their teacher, but to
probe to the bottom of the matter.
On January 21st, at six o'clock in the morning,
Melanchthon opened the proceedings in his own house
with an address, which, for the sake of caution, he had
prepared in manuscript form. He accepted the super-
intendents as mediators, but told them that, in order
to effect peace, it would be necessary to take up the
whole body of Protestant doctrine; for otherwise
Flacius would soon find a new excuse for starting a
controversy. Thereupon Morlin presented the eight
articles which had been prepared. They contained
the following conditions of agreement : 1. Unity of
doctrine shall be restored on the basis of the Augs-
burg Confession and the Schmalcald Articles. 2. All
conflicting errors of the papists, Interimists, Anabap-
tists and sacramentarians shall be rejected. 3. All
corruptions shall be eradicated from the doctrine of
ustification, particularly that of the necessity of good
works for salvation. 4. The Saxon churches shall
not depart from the confession which they published
at the time of the last persecution. 5. No agreement
shall be made with the papists concerning ceremonies,
unless first an agreement in doctrine be reached. 6.
In times of persecution a sincere confession shall be
made, and no servitude in conflict with Christian
liberty shall be admitted. 7. " We also kindly entreat
our teacher to testify in some public writing, that his views
concerning indifferent matters and the necessity of good
ivorks for salvation harmonize with the confessions of our
churches.'' 8. If one of the parties be suspected of
heresy, a declaration shall be required.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS. 243
When Melanchthoii had read these articles, he be-
came very indignant, and broke off the negotiations.
On the next day, however, lie had become somewhat
calmer. He then gave the following reply: " When,
in the year 1541, I bade farewell at Katisbon to my
friend Jacob Sturm, and said that I did not belieye I
would ever see him again in this world, he jokingly
replied, ' We shall come some time to erucity you.'
His prophecy is now being fulfilled. After laboring
so hard for many years, I am assailed on all sides, and
dare not even lay claim to your sympathy. You \n\'-
tend to be mediators, and yet you lay before me arti-
cles with which I am expected to strangle myself and
my friends. You make it impossible for me to take
a single step without peril. If I agree to your arti-
cles, many in our churches will have cause to com-
plain of me ; if I do not agree to them, you will still
further excite your party against me. What sludl I
do ? I will agree to most of your articles, if you will
remove from me the suspicion of having perverted the
doctrine of justification, and will not unconditionally
condemn the necessity of good works. P>ut the sev-
enth article I unequivocally reject. Even if I yielded
at the wronff time, I am convinced that mv view of
indifierent matters is correct."
When the mediators brought this reply to Fladus,
he became greatly enraged, put the articles in a still
more drastic form, and sent the mediators bat'k, bid-
ding them " lay the articles, with the additions, before
the old teacher of errors, and tell him that, if he ac-
cepted the articles, Flacius would permit him to omit
the public recantation." It is likely that the superin-
244 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
tendents were hj no means anxious to execute this
unpleasant commission. But they returned with the
articles. Melanchthon thanked them for their efforts
in the interests of harmony, but rejected the renewed
demands made of him, and declared that this answer
was final.
In February John Albert of Mecklenburg endeav-
ored to bring about a reconciliation. He sent Vene-
tus of Rostock and Mylius, one of his counselors, with
a new formula, in which all the controverted subjects
were thoroughly treated, and all decided in favor of
the Mai^rdeburff theoloofians. Melanchthon listened to
their proposals, but refused to enter into any new ne-
gotiations, and sent them away w^ith a very short
answer.
In April of this year Flacius received a call to Jena,
where the gymnasium had been converted into a uni-
versity. About the same time Melanchthon received
a call to Heidelberg. This would have been a good
opportunity to get farther away from the Flacians.
At the request of the elector, however, he decided to
remain at Wittenberg. But he was weary of the strife
and contention which raged all about him. He wrote
to Camerarius, that he would be best pleased, if he
could end his days at some solitary place in Palestine,
as Jerome did, but that he could not do so because he
had a family to support.
THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 245
CHAPTEK XXIY.
THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 1557.
¥ELAXCIITIIO]^ was tainted with some of
the superstitions of his age. The predic-
tion which had been made of him in his
infancy by an astrologer, that he woukl be ship-
wrecked on the Baltic Sea, recurred to him in tlie
summer of 1557, when the elector decided to i»ay a
visit to his father-in-law, the king of Denmark, and
desired Melanchtlion to accompany him. Some con-
troversies were raging in Denmark, which the elector
hoped his theologian might be able to end. When
Melanchtlion heard of it, he feared that the prediction
made in his infancy was about to be fulfilled.
He was much relieved when he learned that the
elector had changed his mind and that, instead of ac-
companying that ruler, he w^as to go to Worms and
take part in the religious colloquy to be held tliere.
After receiving his instructions, he departed, acccnn-
panied by Peucer and a few other friends. When
they arrived in Frankfort, August 26th, t\ivy learned
that the Weimar delegates, Schnepf, Strigel, Stoessel,
and the chancellor Monner, were busily engaged in
aii-itatinff as-ainst the Wittenbergers. But Melanch-
thon continued his journey and arrived two days later
in Worms. The theologians present were filled with
joy at his coming. Those of Weimar jilone did not
rejoice.
246 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Before the religious conference opened, Monner and
his friends insisted upon specifically condemning, not
only the doctrines of the Anabaptists, Schwenkfeldt,
and Servetus, but all kinds of Zwinglianism, Major's
formula of the necessity of good works, Osiander's
doctrine of justification, and all those persons who had
yielded during the Interim and had not acknowledged
their error. These demands were made by Monner
and Schnepf at a meeting of the Protestant theolo-
gians, held on September 5th. They declared that, if
their demands were not accepted, they would have
nothing to do ^^dth the approaching conference. But
the most that the Weimar delegates could accomplish
was to have these demands recorded as an expression
of their individual views.
On September 11th, the negotiations with the Ro-
man Catholics commenced. In the opening sessions,
the conditions of the debate were discussed with much
warmth. The Roman Catholics maintained that the
perpetual consensus of the Church was to be taken as
the criterion; the Protestants, that the Holy Scrip-
tures and the ancient confessional symbols were to be
so taken. The discussion became still more violent
when the doctrine of Original Sin was taken up. The
Roman Catholics were by no means desirous to pro-
tract the conference. They wanted it broken up as
speedily as possible. The wily Bishop Helding of
Merseburg (Sidonius) raised the question, whether the
Protestants who accepted the Augsburg Confession all
agreed in the condemnation of the Zwinglians, Cal-
vinists, Osiandrians, and the like. Melanchthon per-
ceived what the bishop was aiming at, and replied that
THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 247
when the respective articles ciime up for consideration,
an answer would be given to this question. The
Weimar theologians wanted to hand in the articles of
condemnation which they had prepared. But the others
objected, and told them either to drop their intention
or remain away from the conference entirely.
The Weimar theologians now claimed that they
were excluded from the conference. They handed in
a protest and departed from Worms. The other theo-
logians were ready to continue the discussion. But
the Roman Catholics declined to do so. They said
that they did not know whether they would be treat-
ing with the true adherents of the Augsburg Con-
fession or not. The presiding officer, Julius von
Pflug, decided to adjourn the conference,- and wait for
instructions from King Ferdinand.
While these matters were in progress, there came a
delegation from France to request the theologians to
intercede with their respective rulers in behalf of a
number of Protestants who were imprisoned in Paris
on account of their faith. They were kindly received
by ^[elanchthon, and through his exertions the princes
were prevailed upon to send a letter of intercession to
Henry II., King of France.
Melanchthon had little to do in Worms after the
suspension of the conference. He therefore accepted
an invitation from the Elector Otto Henry to come to
Heidelberg and assist in the re-organization of the uni-
versity. While staying in that city, he received a visit
from his brother Georsce and his friend Camerarius.
Great was his joy ov^er these arrivals. But his joy was
short-lived. Camerarius had brought sorrowful news.
248 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
Melanchthon's wife had died on October 11th. When
he heard the sad tidings, he looked up toward heaven
and said, "FarewelL I shall soon follow thee."
Walking with, his friend through the elector's gar-
dens, he spoke of the dissensions which rent the
Church, and the times which were so full of distress.
But his thoughts recurred ever and anon to the loss
which he had sustained. The beloved partner of his
life was gone, and his sorrow could not be brushed
aside. On October 31st, he wrote to Wittenberg :
" Although I gather together all the consolations
possible to soothe my grief, and recollect that my
wife had arrived at an age when she could not expect
to live many years more ; that the attacks to which
she was so long subject became increasingly painful;
and that if I had died first she would have had to suf-
fer still more ; yet the love which I bore to her, and
the thought of my grandchildren who have lost so
much by her death, make me almost give way under
my grief."
Melanchthon returned again to Worms and re-
mained there the greater part of November. Finally,
on I^ovember 18th, Ferdinand's instructions arrived.
He demanded the recall of the Weimar delegates.
The Roman Catholics insisted that they would not
proceed until this had been done. But as the Protest-
ants refused to do this, the conference was adjourned
until the meeting of the next diet. The Protestants
lodged complaint and protest against this adjourn-
ment, and in the beginning of December wended their
way homeward.
Much bitterness of feeling was engendered by the
THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 249
outcome of this conference. The Weimar tlieologians
laid the bhime upon Mehmchthon and his adherents,
and said that these " holy pharisees " liad excluded
them from the negotiations and sent them home ; Me-
lanchthon's adherents laid the blame upon the Roman
Catholics ; while the Roman Catholics, delighted with
the dissensions so apparent among the Lutherans,
spared no pains to exhibit these divisions to all the
world, and to prove that, after the Protestants had cut
loose from Rome, no different result could liave l)een
expected.
Melanchthon had made an attempt to restore har-
mony between the Protestants. After he returned
from Heidelberg to "Worms, he had been requested by
several princes to endeavor to bring about a reconcilia-
tion. He drew up a formula for the purpose. In the
article of justification he emphasized the fact, that we
are justified by faith alone. He opposed Osiander's
doctrine, and with regard to Major's formula stated
simjoly, ^' Good works are necessary," leaving away the
objectionablepart of the proposition, "unto salvation."
Concerning the Lord's Supper he declared, that the
real presence of Christ was not to be doubted. He
rejected transubstantiation, local inclusion of the ])ody
and blood in the bread and wine, and Zwingliaiiism,
wliic'h regarded the bread and wine simi)ly as signs.
" Christ is substantially present in sucli a inanncr, that,
by the communication of his body and l)lood. He
makes us members of his body and gives assurance
that He applies to us his benefits, wishes to ])e efiica^
cious in us, and desires to save and vivify our miseralde
being which has been planted in Him; as Hilary also
250 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
declares, ' Eating and drinking these bring it to pass,
that He is in us, and we in Him.' " This formula of
agreement received the approval of all the theologians
but those of Wittenberg. These made some objection
to the article on justification where it treated of Osi-
ander. When Melanchthon saw that a dispute was
likely to follow upon this point, he withdrew his for-
mula until the subject should come up in the regular
order of discussion at the conference. But as this con-
ference came to a sudden and unexpected end, nothing
resulted from Melanchthon's form of agreement.
I
CHAPTER XXV.
HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 1558-1560.
y f I HE dissensions in the Protestant Church were
becoming greater and more formidable every
day. But for this, the Reformation would
have triumphed in many places where thus it failed.
The Protestant princes were filled with dismay at the
sight of the controversies which were so rife among
the theologians, but they were powerless to restore
harmony. There was no prospect that synods, even
if called together, would be able to accomplish any
good.
An effort was made, however, to bring about peace.
In March, 1558, the electors of Germany met in Frank-
fort and conferred the imperial crown upon King
Ferdinand. The three Protestant electors agreed at
HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH.
251
the same time, that the best way to restore harmony
in the Chureli would be, to have all parties subscribe
an agreement prepared for the purpose. The agree-
Emperor Ferdinand I.
ment which they had in mind was an "opinion"
drawn up on the subject by Melanchthon, and known
by the name of the Recess of Frankfort. Xo sooner
was this opinion made public, than the stricter Lutb-
252 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
erans began an attack upon it. Flacius called it the
'' Samaritan Interim." Amsdorf, at the request of
Duke John Frederick, prepared a refutation. The
Magdeburg theologians said that the princes wanted
to make themselves the law-givers in matters of faith.
It was even proposed to hold a synod for the purpose
of condemning the action of the princes. This effort,
therefore, which was intended to effect a reconcilia-
tion, served only to add fnel to the flames.
To make matters worse, the synergistic controversy
was added to those which already existed. In 1550,
Dr. Pfeffinger had published some propositions on the
freedom of the will, and had been at once attacked by
the strict Lutherans. But presently the matter was
forgotten. Early in 1558, however, Amsdorf came
out with his " Public Confession of the True Doctrine
of the Gospel, and Confutation of the Fanatics of the
Present Time." He declared that Pfeffinger had ad-
vanced the proposition, that the will of man conspired
with the grace of God. Pfeffinger republished his
propositions, and put forth a reply in which he claimed,
that he had been misrepresented; that he had simply
maintained that the human will cannot, indeed, incite
itself to any good work and must be awakened by the
Holy Spirit; but that the human will is not excluded
in conversion and must do its share, because the Holy
Ghost does not deal with men as with blocks and
stones.
A violent controversy followed, in which many
darts, ostensibly aimed at others, were meant to strike
Melanchthon. For a long time, however, he did not
reply. Finally, in 1559, the Dukes of Saxony pub-
HIS LAST YEARS AND DKATII. 253
lished a " Confutation " in which all the heresies which
had hitherto appeared in the Lutheran Church, in-
cluding the last one of all, Synergism, were formally
condemned. Synergism was represented in this work
as the error of the adiaphorists, and the doctrines
which were condemned were couched in the language
of Melanchthon. To this he made reply. In Mare-h
he sent his son-in-law Peucer to the elector at Dresden
with a writing, in which he declared that the whole
article in the " Confutation " referring to synergism
was directed against him, hut that he must stand by
his convictions. It is true, he said, that God through
the Word sends the Holy Spirit into the heart and
works in it, and that the prevenient grace of God is
necessary for conversion ; but that conversion follows
only when the human will co-operates with divine
grace.
The elector sent this opinion to the landgrave, and
the landgrave sent it to the younger John Frederick,
with the remark, that the paper had his approval.
John Frederick replied that he did not know of a
single place in the Confutation in which ^^i'lanc'h-
thon's name was mentioned; hut that if Melanchthon
had cried out, he must have been hit. At the land-
grave's request, however, John Frederick consented
to release Strigel, who had been imprisoned for his
synergistic views, and to arrange for a colloquium be-
tween Flacius and Strigel. In the meeting which iol-
lowed between these two, it happened that Flacius,
the great champion of orthodoxy who had assailed M«-
lanchthon so violently, made a misstep himself In
the excitement of debate, he asserted that original sin
254 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
is not an accident but the essence of human nature.
He obstinately refused to retract his statement, and
was therefore banished for his heresy. He died in
great poverty in 1575.
In September, 1558, there were published thirty-one
articles by the authorities of Bavaria for the use of the
Inquisition in that State. In May of the following
year, Melanchthon issued a " Reply to the Wicked
Articles of the Bavarian Inquisition." This publica-
tion is valuable, because it appeared so shortly before
his death and therefore presents the views which he
held on many of the subjects involved in the contro-
A^ersies of the time. In this work he not only se-
verely attacked the Roman Catholics, but expressed
himself upon the controverted doctrines of the Luth-
eran Church. In his last will and testament he states
that he wants this reply to be regarded as his confes-
sion. Concerning conversion, he claims that grace
precedes, and the human will follows, as Chrysostom
says : God draws, but only him who is willing. " At
the same time I confess," he adds, " that in all the
saints, God accomplishes most of the work in such a
way, that the will remains a passive subject. N'ever-
theless, this rule is to be maintained : Faith cometh by
hearing, it is nourished by meditation upon the prom-
ise, it is assailed by mistrust. Amid true sighings we
may say, ' I believe. Lord, help thou mine unbe-
lief "
Melanchthon now became involved also in a dis-
pute which raged in the Palatinate concerning the
Lord's Supper. A controversy arose there between
the general superintendent Hesshus of Heidelberg and
HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 255
the deacon Klebitz. The latter liehl Calviuistic views.
The elector of that State, Frederick III., deposed both
of them from ofhce, and sent to Melanchthon for ad-
vice. He wanted to know, whether lie had acted
properly, what was Melanchthon's opinion of tlie
merits of the controversy, and how harmony might
be restored. In his reply, Melanchthon approved the
elector's course, and advised the employment of the
apostle Paul's formida : " The bread which we break,
is it not the communion of the body of Christ?" The
apostle, he declared, " did not say that the nature of
the bread is changed, as the papists maintain. lie
did not say that the bread is the substantial l)ody of
Christ, as those of Bremen maintain. He did not say
that the bread is the true body of Christ, as Hesshtis
does; but that it is a communion, that is to say, it is
that by which a union with the body of Christ is ef-
fected, and Avhich takes place during the use [of the
sacrament] and by no means without cogitation, as
for instance, if mice should eat tlie bread. Most
fiercely do the papists, and others like them, quarrel
over the question, whether it should be said that the
body of Christ is, apart from its reception, contained
in the form of bread or in the bread, and demand its
adoration. Thus Morlinus of Brunswick has said :
' You must not say mum, mum, but must say what
thisis which the priest holds in his hand.' . . . . Christ
is not present on account of the bread, l)ut on account
of man, as He said, 'Abide in me, aii<l I in you.'
Again, 'lam in my Father, and ye in me and I in
you.' And in these two consolations He makes us
his members, and testifies that He will make our
256 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
bodies -alive. Thus the ancients explain the Lord's
SupjDer."
While it would seem from this, that Melanchthon's
view of the Lord's Supper was as much in accord with
Calvin's as Luther's, still this does not in itself prove
that he sought to drive out Lutheranism and intro-
duce Calvinism in the Palatinate. His aim for many
years had been to prepare a formula which Lutherans
and Calvinists both might accept. It is true, the
elector of the Palatinate banished the Lutherans, and
introduced the Reformed doctrines. But it would be
unjust to Melanchthon to say that he advised or
sought such a result.
The aged Brenz, who had hitherto been on very
friendly terms with Melanchthon, was so aggrieved by
the change effected in the Palatinate, that he assem-
bled a svnod in Stutto^art and had the doctrine of the
ubiquity of Christ's body received into the confessions
of the Church of Wiirtemberg. As Melanchthon
had but recently, in his reply to the articles of the
Bavarian inquisition, expressed himself strongly
against this doctrine, another controversy was added
to those which already existed. The princes proposed
the holding of a synod, but Melanchthon objected on
the ground, that synods have been the cause of great
disorders, and that it was about as perilous to call one
as to declare a war.
Melanchthon was much distressed by the troubles
of his friend Hardenberg of Bremen. When Hesshus
had been expelled from the Palatinate, he fled to Bre-
men, where the prevailing doctrine of the Lord's Sup-
per agreed with his own. ILirdenberg alone stood
HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 257
accused of Calvinism. Ilesshus was offered a position,
but he refused to accept, unless Ilardenberg changed
his views. He proposed a discussion with Ilarden-
berg. Melanehthon wrote to the latter, and advised
him not to accept the challenge. But when arrange-
ments for the discussion w^ere made nevertheless, Me-
lanehthon resolved to go to Bremen to support his
friend. The discussion, however, did not take place.
Hardenberg at the last moment refused to take part in
it. He was deposed from his office in February, 1561.
Melanehthon did not live to see this. The death
for which he had longed came at last, released him
from his woes, and introduced him into a world where
he might enjoy that peace which was denied him
here. Many of his best friends had preceded him to
the better world. Luther, Cruciger, Dietrich, Bucer,
George von Anhalt, Sturm, Bugenhagen — these had
all been called to their eternal reward, while he had been
left weary and worn and sad to struggle on. His soul
longed for peace ; yet for thirty years he had been in-
volved in continuous struggles and controversies, either
with the Roman Catholics, or with the stricter wing of
the Lutherans. Just a few weeks before he died, lie
wrote to his friend Baumgiirtner of Nuremberg: *' I
am consumed by my longing for the heavenly Father-
land." After his death there was found on his desk
a paper on which he had shortly before enumerated
" the reasons why one ought to have the less dread of
death." On the left he had written: -Thou shalt
escape from sin ; thou shalt be freed from care and from
the fury of the theologians." On the right: "Thou
shalt come into the liii'lit ; thou shalt see God; thou
258 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
shalt behold the Son of God : thou shalt learn those
wonderful mysteries which in this world thou couldst
not comprehend, why we are thus formed, what is the
character of the union of the two natures." An old
record declares, that he had for several years been
looking for death, that ^' he had done as much as he
could in this life, and would commit the rest to God.
He comforted himself with the reflection, that his in-
tentions had been sincere and upright, and his con-
science did not accuse him of wilful wrons:. With
this clear conscience he expected to go into the pres-
ence of his Saviour Jesus Christ, with God's help, not-
withstanding all that an ungrateful world might say."
He was indeed becoming worn out. And who that
thinks of the enormous amount of labor which he
performed, the many struggles Avhich he endured, and
the anxiety which so constantly preyed upon him, can
wonder that it should be so ? The marvel is that so
frail and delicate a frame lasted as lono^ as it did.
Toward the end of March, 1560, he journeyed to
Leipzig to attend an examination of students. On
April 4th, he returned to Wittenberg in the face of a
bitter north wind. He suffered greatly from the cold,
and said that he had not felt it so much throuo^h the
whole winter. Four days later he was attacked by a
fever, and felt a sense of oppression on his chest. He
looked very ill, and his friends became alarmed. He
endeavored to work, but found it necessary to stop
frequently and rest. His son-in-law, the physician
Caspar Peucer, supposed it was a new attack of gravel,
and ordered a warm bath and poultices. Melanchthon
was so weak that he could hardly totter to the wash-
HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 259
bowl, and remarked, " I shall go out like ;i feeble
light." Ill spite of his weakness, he wanted to deliver
his lectures as usual. Two friends aeeonipanied him
to the lecture-hall. But when they arrived there, they
found that they were too early, and that very few stu-
dents were present. He felt so ill that he decided to
return home. At nine he went again to the university,
but was unal)le to speak longer than a quarter of an
hour.
A warm bath improved his condition a little. He
partook of some food, and retired to rest for three
hours. At supper time, he was somewhat better.
Then for a few days it seemed as if he would recover.
On April 10th he remarked, while revising his funeral
oration on Duke Philip of Pomerania, who had died
February 24th, " I am engaged in funti-al matters
now. This Avorthy prince was named IMiilip; per-
haps I will be the next Philip, from among the com-
mon people, to follow him."
On Good Friday, April 12th, he delivered a festival
meditation on Isaiah 53. He slept soundly that night
and imagined, when he awoke, that he was singing, as
he had done in his boyhood, " With desire have I de-
sired to eat this passover with you before T suffer."^
On Saturday he wrote an Easter Meditation, carrying
it to the printing office himself. Then he wint to
church and received the Lord's Supper. Later in tlie
day he went to see what progress the printers were
makino-, and this was the last time he was seen alive
on the street. Toward night the fever again set in.
His friend Camerarius arrived to see him about four
o'clock. lie found Melanchthon at the foot of the
260 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
stairway leading to his room, and assisted him to as-
cend. The next morning, which was Easter, Me-
lanchthon was very weak. Still, he made prepara-
tions to deliver the Easter meditation Avhich he had
prepared the preceding day. He was not at all pleased
when he learned, that announcement had been made
that he would he unable to appear.
On Monday he conversed for a long time with his
friend Camerarius. " My dear Joachim," he said,
"we have now been good friends for nearly forty
years. We have loved each other, and have never
sought to take advantage of one another. We have
been true schoolmasters and faithful friends, each in
his place, and I trust that our labors have not been in
vain, but have done much good. If it should be God's
will that I shall now die, we will continue our friend-
ship in the world to come."
As Melanchthon seemed to be feeling better, Came-
rarius bade him farewell on Tuesd^ly, April 17th, and
promised to return as soon as his engagements would
permit him to do so. The last words which Melanch-
thon spoke to his friend were these : " The Son of God,
who sits at the right hand of his heavenly Father and
bestows gifts upon men, preserve you and yours and
all of us. Give your wife my kind regards." As he
rode away, Melanchthon went to a window and k)oked
intently after him. When Camerarius again came to
Wittenberg, Melanchthon was dead.
A new attack of the fever set in almost immediately.
The sick man became weaker and weaker. He felt
that his end was approaching fast. He asked for a
copy of his will, which he had prepared at a previous
HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 261
period. When it could not be found, lie began a new
one, but was unable to complete it. On April 18tli,
he inquired of Peucer what hope there w^as of his re-
covery. Peucer reluctantly confessed that there was
but little. Melanchthon replied : " Yes, I know my
weakness, and am well aware what it means. I have
committed the whole matter to God. I pray Ilim to
deal mercifully with me." On the 19th his puke be-
came very weak. The professors and many of the
students gathered anxiously around his bed. Portions
of the Holy Scripture were read to him. He said that
the words which were particularly dear to liim were
these : " As many as received Him, to them gave he
power to become the sons of God." The trouldes
which afflicted the Church occupied his thoughts a
great deal. He conversed much about them. He
prayed long and earnestly by himself. The by-standers
knelt and prayed with him.
The end was at hand. Dr. Peucer asked him
whether he desired anything. Melanchthon repUed,
"Nothing but heaven. Let me rest and pray. My
end is near." At seven o'clock in the evening of
April 19, 1560, he gently fell asleep in the Lord. He
reached the age of sixty-three years.
Great was the mourning in Wittenberg and far be-
yond it, when his death became known. The funeral
was held on April 21st. In a double coffin of pewter
and wood, he was carried by the professors to the
parish church. A long funeral procession followed.
Paul Eber delivered a sermon on 1 Thess. 4. Tlim
tlie funeral proceeded to the Electoral ehureh, where
his body was deposited in its last resting place, beside
262
LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
the body of Luther. A metal plate marks his tomb;
and to the left of the altar, on the wall, is a tablet
Melanchthon's Tomb.
which, in the words of his friend Camerarius, tells of
the merit and worth of this great reformer, eminent
teacher, and truly remarkable man of God.
HIS CHARACTER AND SERVICES. 263
CHAPTER XXYI.
HIS CHARACTER AND SERVICES.
^ I y IIE hostility which existed toward Mehmchthon
I during the last years of his life continued
"5^ after his death. His valuable services in the
cause of the Reformation were forgotten by all but his
immediate followers ; while his concessions to the Ro-
man Catholics, his unionizing efforts, and his diver-
gence from strict orthodoxy, were remembered against
him. Early in the seventeenth century the feeling
against him was still so strong that, in a public dis-
cussion at Wittenberg, the Lutheran theologian
Leonhard Hutter became so enraged when Melanch-
thon was quoted as an authority, that he violently tore
down and trampled under foot a picture of Melanch-
thon which hung on the wall. For nearly two hun-
dred years after his death there were few who ven-
tured to lift their voices in his favor, to point out the
distinguished services which he rendered to tlie cause
of the truth, or to accord to him the honor to which he
was justly entitled. Then a re-action set in, and ]»iibHc
opinion, like the pendulum, swung from one extreme
to the other. He was now exalted even above Luther,
and represented as the chief reformer of tlie sixteentb
century.
Melanchthon had an important place to fill in the
Reformation, but it was not as chief reformer. The
Reformation would have proved a failure, if its direc-
264 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
tion had depended principally upon him. He lacked
the heroic, resolute and steadfast character which was
requisite in one who should begin and carry out, in the
face of an opposing world, so mighty a spiritual revo-
lution. But while he lacked the qualities necessary to
make him an independent reformer, he possessed in an
eminent degree the very talents which were needed to
make him an invaluable assistant to Luther. A wise
and beneficent Providence decreed that these two, the
one warlike, aggressive, bold, the other peaceful, cau-
tious, apprehensive, should labor side by side for the
same great cause ; and that, linked together by the
same devotion to God and the truth, they should sup-
plement one another's work by the very diversity of
their talents and temperaments.
The brilliant intellectual gifts of Melanchthon elic-
ited the unqualified admiration of Luther, Erasmus,
and in fact of all his contemporaries. Endowed by
nature with an extraordinary memory, and possessed
of unwearied industry in the pursuit of knowledge, he
became in almost every branch of learning the peer
and frequently the superior of those who made these
branches a special study. Equally remarkable was the
readiness with which he employed his extensive
acquirements. Examples, analogies, quotations, seemed
to be at his finger's ends. His was not, however, a
creative mind. His mental habit was dialectic and
discursive. His strength lay not in ability to create a
great and comprehensive system of doctrines, but in
the power to develop, expand, clear up, define, and de-
fend evangelical truth. The old comparison, that Lu-
ther found the deep-lying veins of ore and brought the
HIS CHARACTER AND SERVICES. 265
precious metal to light, while Melauchthon coined it
and set it to circulating, contains much of truth. The
doctrines which Luther drew from thellolj Scriptures,
Melanchthon elaborated, put in pleasing form, and
disseminated. It was particularly through his efforts
that the Gospel found acceptance among the princes,
nobility and learned men of the day. He was gifted
with rare powers of lucid expression, and wrote a
beautiful style. On this account he became the scribe
of the Reformation. He not only wrote those two
greatest confessions of Protestantism, The Augsburg
Confession and The Apology, but whenever the Wit-
tenberg theologians were called upon for an opinion,
it was almost invariably Melanchthon upon whom the
task of preparing it devolved.
Spiritually Melanchthon was marked by a deep,
sincere piety. His personal life was pure ; and in all
his public activity he was guided by a desire to pro-
mote the kingdom of God. He wrote to Camerarius,
that his own spiritual improvement was the chief rea-
son why he devoted himself to the study of theology.
He w^as profoundly conscious of his (h'[K'n deuce on
God. At the beginning of every task he prayed:
" Lord, help, and be merciful unto us." In times of
emergency and danger he comforted himself with the
passage, " In Him we live and move and have our be-
ing." Wlien he entered his lecture ro(un, it was with
tliL' thought that this was the temple in whicli lie was
to glorify God. He aimed to elevate and improve liis
hearers, morally and spiritually. Hi' lacked, indeed,
Luther's sublime confidence in (iod's care for the
Church; but it was because he feared that he inii^ht
266 LIFE OF MELAXCHTHON.
omit something which God, in His plans for the good
of the Church, desired to have him do.
In disposition Melanchthon was mild and concilia-
ting. The public documents and opinions prepared by
him are characterized no less by extreme moderation,
than by clearness in the presentation of the truth.
This fact secured for the Gospel a favorable hearing
from many wdio felt themselves repelled by the brusque
and vehement manner of Luther. But his moderation
was carried to excess. In the earlier stages of the
Reformation it served, indeed, a useful purpose. It
helped to keep that movement within proper and le-
gitimate bounds, and won to the cause of the truth
many who would not otherwise have been gained.
But in later years it involved the Beformation in seri-
ous difficulties. For fear that he might say too much,
he often omitted to say what needed to be said ; for
dread lest others might not be able to subscribe his
formulas, he made them too wide and ambiguous ; for
apprehension lest he should insist on what w^as not
after all essential, he surrendered what dared not
safely be yielded, and thus jeopardized the Church.
This conduct was in a large measure due to his
temperament. He was by nature averse to extremes.
But he was greatly influenced also by his conscien-
tiousness. In the public negotiations in which he
took so prominent a part, he was almost overwhelmed
by a sense of the responsibility which rested upon him.
He w^ould gladly have escaped from these negotia-
tions. He would much rather have remained in his
study and lecture-room. But Luther was under the
imperial ban and dared not appear publicly outside of
HIS CHARACTER AND SERVICES. 267
the elector of Saxony's dominions. Melanehthon
found himself, therefore, contrary to his own iii(Tni;i-
tions, ohligod to hoeome the representative of the
Lutherans in diets and colloquies. Xo man could
have endeavored more scrupidously than he to fulfill
the difficult task imposed upon him. It is true, he
over-estimated the value of peace, feared too much the
prohahle consequences of war, and made concessions
which he never should have made. But he made
these concessions because he believed, that a ruinous
Avar would follow if he did not do so, and that the re-
sponsibility for it would rest upon him. His fears
were not for his own person, but for the Gospel and
the general welfare. Anxiety to save the truth from
suppression marred his judgment as to wliat might be
conceded with impunity; but he never surrendered
anything which appeared to him essential to the
Church. That he yielded in the Leipzig Interim, he
himself confessed was an error. He thought that a
minor servitude would be better than a disruption of
the churches, and that an outward conformity to
Roman Catholic usages and ceremonies would not in-
terfere with the true doctrine, if the meaning of those
usages were properly explained to the people. lie
should have taken an uncompromising stand for the
truth, and entrusted the consequences to God. Yet
he doubtless endeavored to fulfill what he regarded as
his duty in those trying times.
With all his goodness of heart and sincerity of pur-
pose, it is undeniable that, by his vacillating conduct
and ambiguous phraseology, Melanehthon uninten-
tionally gave occasion for many of the distractions
268 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
which rent the Church after Luther's death. He meant
to do what lay in his power to allay controversy and
restore peace. But the very means which he used
served only to make matters worse. The alterations
which he so frequently made in his own works and
the public confessions of the Church, whether for the
sake of refining his style or of bringing about a union
of Lutherans and Reformed, together with the uncer-
tainty which existed with regard to his private views
on some of the most important doctrines of the Church,
involved the Lutheran Reformation in difficulties which
filled its enemies with delight, but its friends Avith
grief and dismay. In the controversies which raged
for twenty years after his death, many whose teaching
he would by no means have sanctioned took shelter
behind his name, because his writings could be inter-
preted in a double sense and construed as approving
of error. He was attacked in his last years with un-
necessary bitterness and rancor ; but he himself had
given occasion for the attacks by the diversity of the
statements and the ambiguity of the formulas which
he had published, and which the strict Lutherans in
their zeal for the truth felt obliged to assail. Had he
taken a firm stand, instead of changing his writings
whenever a delusive hope of an agreement with the
Roman Catholics or of a union with the Reformed
presented itself, he would have saved himself and the
Church much trouble and vexation.
Melanchthon owed liis spiritual enlightenment to
Luther. In this respect he shares in the debt which,
under God, we all owe to the intrepid monk of Witten-
berg. Without Luther " he might have become or
HIS CHARACTER AND SERVICES. 269
remained a seeoiul Erasmus," with the same ek'gant
cuUure and aesthetic taste, though a deeper piety and
profounder earnestness of purpose. But liaving come
within the circle of Luther's influence, he zealously
espoused the cause of the trutli and lent his powerful
aid to its dissemination. For a long time his doctrinal
views coincided fully with those of Luther. But
during the latter years of Luther's life, owing to Me-
lanchthon's extreme reverence for the authority of the
Church Fathers and the ethical standpoint from which
he viewed theoloo^v, a diver2:ence of teachino^ seemed
imminent. The influence of Luther's strong person-
ality prevented such a crisis as long as he lived ; but
it came after Luther's death.
The ethical standpoint from which Melanchthon sur-
veyed theology exerted a strong influence upon his
views. While he recognized the doctrine of justiflca^
tion by faith as the heart and core of the Gospel, he
desired to insist upon the necessity of good works, and
employed on that subject the formula to which so nuu-h
objection was raised, " Good works are necessary to
salvation." While he believed in the real presence in
the Lord's Supper, he emphasized, in his treatment of
the Sacrament, the effect which the use of it has upon
the communicant, rather than the manner of Christ's
presence. In the matter of conversion, he was anxious
to lay stress upon human responsibility for remaining
in an unconverted state. But instead of basing tliis
responsibility upon the ability of man to resist God's
grace after the Holy Spirit has given liini power to
accept it, he atflrmed, contrary to his own earlier
teaching, that man has the " ability to apply himself
270 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
to grace," that is, has power of his own accord to em-
brace the proffered salvation.
Because of the difficulties which became prominent
in the later years of Melanchthon's life, it has been
argued that Luther made a mistake in the year 1540,
when by his prayer he rescued Melanchthon from the
jaws of death in which he apparently lay; that God
had then proposed, for Melanchthon's own good and
that of the Church, to remove him from this world ;
but that He was prevented from carrying out His gra-
cious design by Luther's vehement insistance on the
absolute fulfilment ot God's promise to hear our
prayers. Whether Luther erred or not, this much is
certain : if Melanchthon had then died, his fame would
have remained comparatively free from the blot which
his vacillating conduct made upon it, and the Church
have been spared the necessity of openly antagonizing
so gifted and distinguished a servant of the Gospel.
Still, Melanchthon's weaknesses and faults ought
not to blind us to his virtues. The greatest of God's
servants have not been without their failings. Lament
as we will Melanchthon's shortcomings, we must yet
honor him for his merits. Nearly every branch of
study owes something to his mind and pen. The
cause of education feels his impress to this day. Some
of the very text-books which he wrote were in use for
almost two hundred years. It was he who firmly es-
tablished the study of the classics as the foundation of
a truly liberal culture. The correctness of his judg-
ment in this respect is attested by the fact, that the
study of the classics still remains to a large extent the
basis of higher education. Li the organization of new
HIS CHARACTER AND SERVICES. 271
and tlie iinprovemont of existing schools, in tlic re-
organization of many universities, and in tlie instruc-
tion which he imparted as professor at Wittenberg, he
rendered invakiable services. He did much to pro-
mote the recognition of the close relation ])etween
Church and school, and the necessity of the one for
the prosperity of the other. He made learning the
handmaid of religion. He dedicated his own bril-
liant talents to the service of the truth as it is in
Jesus, and labored to instill a like spirit into others.
He gave to the Avorld, in his Loci Communes, the
first Protestant system of doctrine — an exhibition of
the truth so able and clear, that Luther declared it
worthy of canonicity and immortality. He wrote
The Augsburg Confession and The Apology, which,
for plain, powerful, dispassionate presentation of the
truth, have no equal in the world. He prepared com-
mentaries and explanations of nearly all the books of
the Bible, and delivered lectures upon the teachings
of the Scriptures at a time when the evangelical seed
which he sowed could not but bear a rich and bounti-
ful harvest.
Aside from his excessive moderation and too great
love of peace, the character of Melanchthon is one of
the most lovely and amiable which history atfords.
Possessed of vast learning which he dedicated t(t the
service of God ; conscientious to an extraordinary de-
gree ; unallured from the path of duty by the prospect
of wealth or emolument; humble in si)ite of his great
attainments; kind-hearted, obliging and Ixiicvolciit ;
sincere and willing to impute the same sincerity to
others; pious in heart and pure in life — there are few
272 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON.
natures which appeal more strongly to those who
understand him, than the gentle, mild, and peace-lov-
ing Melanchthon. May he ever be held in grateful
remembrance.
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