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71 


VOLUME    II 


LIFE    OF 

THE   RIGHT   HON. 

SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD 

G.C.B.,  D.C.L.  (Oxon.),  LL.D.,  Q.C.,  P.C. 

BY  HIS  NEPHEW 
Lx.  COL.  J.''"PENNINGTON  MACPHERSON,  A.D.C. 


VOLUME     II. 


"  There  does  not  exist  in  Canada  a  man  who  has  given  more  of  his  time, 
more  of  his  heart,  more  of  his  wealth,  or  more  of  his  intellect  and  powers,  such  as 
they  may  be,  for  the  good  of  this  Dominion  of  Canada." — Sir  John  in  1873. 


ST.  JOHN,  N.B. 

EARLE    PUBLISHING    HOUSE 

1891 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Parliament  of  Canada,  in  the  year  1891,  by  LT. 
COL.  J.  PENXINT.TON  MACPHKKSON,  in  the  office  of  the  Minister  of 
Agriculture. 


F 


/ £6/73 
V.2. 

C  CLS,£> 


JAMES  MURRAY  &  Co. 

PRINTERS  AND  BOOKBINDERS 

TORONTO 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


Meeting  of  Parliament,  January  19,  1865 — References  to  Confederation  in  the 
Speech — Mr.  Macdonald  moves  an  Address  to  Her  Majesty  on  the 
subject — His  speech — Resolutions  carried  by  91  to  33 — Prorogation, 
March  i8th — Deputation  to  England.  .  .  .  .  13 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

1865-67. 

Opposition  to  Confederation  in  Nova  Scotia — Archbishop  Connolly's  Letter — 
Death  of  Sir  E.  P.  Tache — Re-organization  of  the  Cabinet  under  Sir 
Narcisse  Belleau — Termination  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  of  1854 — 
Extracts  from  Debates  in  Congress — History  of  Reciprocity — Mr. 
Derby's  Report — The  Globe's  editorial  thereon — The  Fenian  Organi- 
zation —Raids  on  Canada — Archbishop  Connolly's  Letter  to  the 
Lieutenant -Governor  of  New  Brunswick — Honourable  D'Arcy  Mc- 
Gee's  denunciation  of  Fenianism — Meeting  of  Delegates  in  London 
—Passage  of  the  Confederation  Act — Birth  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada 
July  I,  1867 57 


\/ 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 
1867-1871. 


Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  «bp  fir^  Premier  of  th_e  Dominion— List  of  Ministers — 
Reform  Convention— The  poljc£_^£_the  party—The  position  of  the 
Reform  members  of  the  Ministry— General  election — Meeting  of  first 
Dominion  Parliament,  November  7,  1867 — The  Intercolonial  Railway 
—North-West  Resolutions— Assassination  of  Mr.  McGee — Pacification 
of  Nova  Scotia — Mr.  Howe  enters  the  Ministry — Departure  of  Lord 
Monck  and  arrival  of  Lord  Lisgar — Second  session  of  Parliament 
April  15,  1869 — Mr.  McKenzie's  Resolutions  on  Intercolonial  Railway 
— "  Better  terms  "  for  Nova  Scotia — R£cpnstruction  of  Cabinet — Red 
River  troubles — Third  Session  of  Parliament  February  '15',"  1870 — The 
commercial  policy  of  the  Opposition — A  Zollvereign  with  the  United 
States  advocated — Sir  John  Macdonald's  opposition — Honourable 


vi.  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Charles  Tupper  .enters  the  Cabinet — Fourtn  Session  of  Parliament 
February  15,  1871 — British  Columbia  Resolutions — The  Joint  High 
Commission — Honourable  Alexander  Campbell's  mission  to  England — 
Official  correspondence — Names  of  Commissioners — Sir  A.  T.  Gait's 
resolutions — The  Globe's  article  thereon— Sir  Johrj__Ma£donald's  diffi- 
cult position.  ....  .  '  ; " 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Sir  John  Macclonald's  speech  in  introducing  the  Bill  to  carry  into  effect  the 
provisions  of  the  Washington  Treaty,  May  3,  1872 — The  clauses  of 
which  the  Bill  was  composed — Possible  objections  to  mode  of  intro- 
duction considered— The  power  .of  the  House  to  accept  or  reject — 
Reference  to  the  reciprocity  treaty  of  1854 — Rights  of  Canada  to  the  in- 
shore fisheries — Liability  of-tJxe  United  States  for  the  Fenian  raids — The 
Alabama  Claims — Sir  John  Macdonald's  appointment — Recognition  of 
Canada's  right  to  the  in-shore  fisheries — The  difficulties  of  Sir  John's 
position — The  Canadian  Government  insists  upon  its  right  to  control 
the  fisheries — Proceedings  of  the  Commission — Reciprocity  offered  in 
coal,  salt,  fish  and  lumber — But  withdrawn  because  Canadian  Parlia- 
ment had  made  them  free — Criticisms  replied  to — The  Lake  and 
Pacific  fisheries  reserved — Attitude  of  American  fisherfnen — Conse- 
quences of  rejecting  the  Treaty. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Sir  John  Macdonald's  speech  on  the  Washington  Treaty  continued — The 
validity  of  former  treaties  with  the  United  States  considered — Judge 
Pomeroy's  opinion — Disputes  set  at  rest  by  the  Washington  Treaty — 
The  free  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence — Opinion  of  Mr.  Phillimore 
— Canada  retains  sole  control  of  the  canals — Free  navigation  of  Alaska 
rivers — The  St.  Clair  flats — The  bonding  system — The  San  Juan 
boundary — The  Fenian  raid  claims  not  included  in  the  questions 
submitted — England's  responsibility — A  guaranteed  loan — -The  great 
importance  of  accepting  the  Treaty.  .  .  .  .146 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

1872-74. 

The  Pacific  Railway — Sir  George  Cartier's  Resolutions,  April,  1872 — Mr. 
Mackenzie's  opposition — Arrival  of  Lord  Dufferin — Dissolution  of 
Parliament — General  Election— Admission  of  Prince  Edward  Island — 
The  Pacific  Railway  Slander — Mr.  Huntingdon's  Resolutions — Sir 
John  Macdonald's  motion  for  a  Special  Committee —Reports  of  the 
Committee — The  Oath's  Bill — Publication  of  Letters — Sir  Hugh 
Allan's  Affidavit — Adjournment  to  August  I3th — Memorial  of  the 
Opposition — Lord  Dufferin's  reply — Prorogation — Sir  John  Mac- 
donald's position- — The  Royal  Commission — Meeting  of  Parliament — 
Mr.  Mackenzie's  Amendment  to  the  Address — Sir  John's  Speech — 


CONTENTS.  vii. 


Resignation  of  the  Ministry — The  Stolen  Letters — Character  of  the 
Witnesses  against  the  Ministry — The  Mackenzie  Government — Disso- 
lution of  Parliament — General  Elections  — Meeting  of  new  Parliament, 
March  1874 — Pacific  Railway  Resolutions — Other  Bills — Prorogation.  177 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Sir  John  Macdonald  elected  Leader  of  the  Qpposit ion^-His  attitude  towards  ., 
— The  GoVgrnrl(>epI-^Hi£NaIionalTolicV  Resolution.  March  10,  1876 —  ~»\ 
The  Norfolk  demonstration— Address  from  the  Liberal-Conservative 
Association — Sir  John's  speech — He  advocates  a  Policy  of  Protection 
to  all  classes  of  Industry — Address  of  Mr.  Thomas  White,  jr.,  at  Lon- 
don— Retrospect  of  Canadian  Tariff  Legislation — Mr.  Granger's 
opinion  of  the  effect  of  Protection — The  views  of  Horace  Greeley 
and  of  Henry  Clay — The  destruction  of  the  direct  tea  trade — The 
effect  of  Protection  on  the  masses — Does  it  build  up  colossal  foi tunes? 
— England  and  the  United  States  compared — The  mutual  interests  of- 
the  people  in  the  Protective  System — Opinion  of  General  Jackson — 
The  value  of  a  home  market — Protection  does  not  increase  prices — 
The  policy  is  appropriate  to  Canada — Reciprocity  considered — Legis- 
lation must  be  for  Canadian  interests — Protection  resolution  carried  a£^~~* 
a  meeting  of  the  Dominion  Board  of  Trade.  .  f,  207 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 
General  Election  September  17,  1878 — Defeat  of  the  Mackenzie  Government 

—Sir  John  Macdonald  fnrm<  x    new    Government— TVpartnrp    of  Lord 

Dufferin — Lord  Lome  and  H.  R.  H.  the  Princess  Louise — The 
-  J^^jalTVd'^Y  Kpg'n.liifirmg,  \larrh  \^  1879 — ^ir  Leonard  Tilley's 
Speech-- ATshori  summary~oThi.s  political  history — Death  of  the  Hon- 
ourable George  Brown — A  memorial  statue  erected  in  Queen's  Park — 
Tributes  to  his  memory  by  Honourable  Oliver  Mowat  and  Honourable 
George  Allan.  ....... 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway — Visit  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  others  to 
England,  July  IO,  1880 — Formation  of  Syndicate — The_contract  before 
^_Parji£rnent — Speech  of  S7r  <^narles  I  upper  :r~His-  review  of  the  history 
of  thlTrailway — The  Poiicy  of  the  Government — The  cost  contrasted 
with  that  of  previous  plans — The  character  of  the  Syndicate — The 
Security — The  intentions  and  responsibilities  of  the  Syndicate — 
Exemption  from  taxation — Prohibition  of  competing  lines — The 
results  hoped  for.  .......  290 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Opposition  objections  to  the  Pacific  Railway  Contract — -Mr.  Blake's  public 
meetings — The  policy  he  advocated — Sir  John  Macdonald's  speech — 
He  gives  the  history  of  previous  negotiations — Criticizes  Mr.  Blake's 


viii.         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


scheme — Discusses  the  clauses  of  the  contract  seriatim — And  ably 
defends  the  policy  of  the  Government — A  short  account  of  the  Canadian 
members  of  the  Syndicate,  Lord  Mount-Stephen,  Sir  Donald  A.  Smith 
Mr.  Angus  and  Mr.  Mclntyre  and  of  the  President,  Mr.  W.  C. 
Van  Home.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  316 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Dissolution  of  Parliament,  1882— Results  of  General  Election — Sir  John  Mac- 
donald's  trip  to  England,  October,  1884 — The  guest  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  at  Sandringham — Dinner  in  his  honour  at  the  Beaconsfield 
Club — Visit  to  Windsor  Castle  — Created  a  G.C.B. — Invested  by  the 
Queen  herself  with  the  riband  and  star  of  the  Order  —Dinner  at  the 
Empire  Club — Monster  Conservative  Convention,  December  9th — 
Addresses  to  Sir  John — Grand  banquet  in  the  Horticultural  Gardens — 
Demonstrations  in  Montreal — The  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  as  Governor- 
General — Farewell  banquet  at  the  Russell  House — His  remarks  on  the 
Fisheries  Question,  Commercial  Union  and  Imperial  Federation — 
Tributes  from  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  others— Arrival  of  Lord 
Stanley — The  death  of  John  Henry  Pope — Services  of  Sir  Charles 
Tupper.  ...  ....  348 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

Dissolution  of  Parliament,  1891 — Address  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  to  the 
electors  of  Canada — Mr.  Foster's  address  to  his  constituents — The 
platform  of  the  Liberal  party — Divergent  views  of  Sir  Richard  Cart- 
wright,  Mr.  Mackenzie,  Mr.  Mowat,  Mr.  Charlton,  Mr.  Davies  and 
others — Address  of  Honourable  Wilfrid  Laurier — Conservative  meeting 
at  Toronto — The  Farrer  pamphlet — Enthusiasm  at  Hamilton — 
Immense  gathering  at  London — A  marvellous  day's  work  by  Sir  John 
— Great  political  gathering  at  Kingston — Address  from  the  Primrose 
League  —The  Windsor  demonstration — The  Farrer-Wiman  corres- 
pondence. .......  383 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

The  Policy  of  Protection — Marvellous  national  growth  and  increase  since 
1879 — Expansion  of  Foreign  Trade— Exports  to  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States — Interprovincial  Trade — The  farmer's  best  market — 
Exports  of  agricultural  products  by  the  United  States — The  conctiuon 
of  Canadian  and  American  farmers  compared — Prosperity  in  Ontario — 
Abandoned  farms  in  the  United  States — American  writers  on  the 
wretched  condition  of  the  farming  community — Thousands  hungry  and 
cold  in  Chicago — Poverty  and  misery  in  all  the  great  centres — Mr. 
Van  Home's  business-like  letters — Loyalty  and  disloyalty — The  result 
if  the  elections — Sir  John's  large  majority  in  Kingston.  .  .  421 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Sir  John's  strength  gives  way  under  the  great  strain  of  the  campaign  —  He  has 
an  attack  of  nervous  and  physical  prostration — Which  is  followed  by 
paralysis  and  hemorrhage  on  the  brain — Sad  scenes  in  the  House  of 
Commons  when  the  nigh  approach  of  death  is  announced — His  hour  of 
rest  has  come — Canada's  grief — Memorable,  scenes  when  Sir  Hector 
Langevin  announces  hj_§_death — Mr.  Laurier's  noble  tribute — Lying"  in 
state — The  funeral  at  Ottawa — The  journey  to  Kingston — Lying  in 
state  in  the  City  Hall — To  Cataraqui  cemetery — The  final  scene — 
Movements  to  erect  monuments  to  his  memory — Memorial  services  in 
Westminster  Abbey — A  memorial  to  be  erected  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral 
— Lord  Dufferin's  tribute — Lines  by  Mrs.  Rothwell.  .  .  .  449 


LIST     OF     ILLUSTRATIONS. 


STEEL  ENGRAVING. 
SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD  (1891), Frontispiece, 


FULL  PAGE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

THE  FATHERS  OF  CONFEDERATION, 29 

THE  EARL  OF  DUFFERIN  ( 'Governor-General  from  June  25,  1872,  until 

October  18,  1878), 49 

HON.  LIEUT. -CoL.  MACKENZIE  BOWEI.L,  J.P.,  P.C.  ( Minister  of 

Customs),       ...........  73 

HON.  J.  A.  CHAPI.EAU,  Q.C.,  LL.D.,  P.C.  (Secretary  of  State),  .  93 
THE  HON.  SIR  H.  L.  LAXGEVIN,  K.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Q.C.,  P.C. 

(Minister  of  Public   Works),           .......  93 

THE  HON.  SIR  A.  P.  CARON,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C.,  P.C.  (Minister  of 

Militia  and  Defence),    .........  93 

THE  RESIDENCE  OF  REV.  DR.  WILLIAMSON,  IN  KINGSTON  (Sir  John's 

Headquarters  during  the  recent  Election),  .  .  .  .  .115 
THE  RIGHT  HONOURABLE  THE  MARQUIS  OF  LORNE,  K.T.,  G.C.M.G., 

(Governor- General  of  Canada,  November,  1878,  to  October,  1883).  139 

LORD  MOUNT-STEPHEN,  .........  163 

LADY  MOUNT-STEPHEN, 185 

W.  C.  VAN  HORNK  (President  Canadian  Pacific  Railway),  .         .         .211 

HON.  WILFRID  LAURIER,       .........  233 

HON.  GEORGE  E.  FOSTER,  B.A.,  D.C.L.,  P.C.  ( Minister  of  Finance),  225 

HON.  JOHN  COSTIGAN,  J.P.,  P.C.  (Minister  of  Inland  Revenue),  .  255 
HON.  CHARLES  II.  TUPPER,  LL.B.,  P.C.  (Minister  of  Marine  and 

Fisheries),      ...........  255 

LORD  LANSDOVVNE,  ..........  277 


xii.         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


PAGE 


HON.  JOHN  G.  HAGGART,  I'.C.  (Postmaster-General),  .  .  .  299 

LORD  STANLEY  OF  PRESTON,  .  ,  .  .  .  .  ,  •  32-> 

HON.  FRANK  SMITH,.  .  .......  345 

SIR  DONALD  A.  SMITH,  . 367 

"  EAKNSCLIFFE,"     ...........  380 

INTERIOR  OF  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS  (shelving  Sir  Johns  desk  and 

chair  draped),         ..........  407 

THE  FUNERAL  LEAVING  THE  PARLIAMENT  BUILDINGS,  .  .  .  419 
INTERIOR  OF  ST.  ALBAN'S  CHURCH  ON  DAY  OF  FUNERAL  (shewing 

Catafal</iic  and  Sir  John's  seat  draped),  .  .  .  .  .431 

CITY  BUILDINGS,  KINGSTON,  ON  DAY  OF  FUNERAL,  ....  447 

SIR  JOHN'S  GRAVE,  CATARAQUI  CEMETERY,  KINGSTON,  .  .  .  469 


LIFE   OF   RIGHT   HONOURABLE 

SIR  JOHN    A.    MACDONALD 

G.C.B.,  D.C.L.  (Oxon.),  L.L.D.,  Q.C.,  P.C. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

Meeting  of  Parliament,  January  19,  1865 — References  to  Confederation  in  the 
Speech — Mr.  Macdonald  moves  an  Address  to  Her  Majesty  on  the  subject — 
His  speech — Resolutions  carried  by  91  to  33 — Prorogation,  March  iSth — 
Deputation  to  England. 

PARLIAMENT  met  again  on  January  19,  1865,  when 
the  following  references  to  Confederation  appeared  in 
the  Speech  from  the  Throne  : 

"  At  the  close  of  the  last  session  of  Parliament  I  informed 
you  that  it  was  my  intention,  in  conjunction  with  my  Minis- 
ters, to  prepare  and  submit  to  you  a  measure  for  the  solution 
of  the  constitutional  problem,  the  discussion  of  which  has,  for 
some  years,  agitated  this  Province. 

"  A  careful  consideration  of  the  general  position  of  British 
North  America  induced  the  conviction  that  the  circumstances 
of  the  times  afforded  the  opportunity,  not  merely  for  the 
settlement  of  a  question  of  Provincial  politics,  but  also  for  the 
simultaneous  creation  of  a  new  Nationality. 

"  Preliminary  negotiations  were  opened  by  me  with  the 
Lieutenant-Governors  of  the  other  provinces  of  British  North 
America,  and  the  result  was  that  a  meeting  was  held  at  Que- 
bec, in  the  month  of  October  last,  composed  of  delegates  from 
those  colonies,  representing  all  shades  of  political  parties  in 
their  several  communities,  nominated  by  the  Lieutenant- 
Governors  of  their  respective  provinces  who  assembled  here, 

13 


14          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

with  the  sanction  of  the  Crown,  and  at  my  invitation,  to  confer 
with  the  members  of  the  Canadian  Ministry,  on  the  possibility 
of  effecting  a  union  of  all  the  provinces  of  British  North 
America. 

"  This  Conference,  after  lengthened  deliberations,  arrived 
at  the  conclusion  that  a  federal  union  of  these  provinces  was 
feasible  and  desirable,  and  the  result  of  its  labours  is  a  plan  of 
constitution  for  the  proposed  union  embodied  in  a  series  of 
resolutions,  which,  with  other  papers  relating  to  the  subject,  I 
have  directed  to  be  laid  before  you. 

"  The  general  design  of  a  union,  and  the  particular  plan  by 
which  it  is  proposed  to  carry  that  intention  into  effect,  have 
both  received  the  cordial  approbation  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment. 

"  An  Imperial  Act  of  Parliament  will  be  necessary  in  order 
to  give  effect  to  the  contemplated  union  of  the  Colonies,  and  1 
have  been  officially  informed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  that 
Her  Majesty's  Ministers  will  be  prepared  to  introduce  a  Bill 
for  that  purpose  into  the  Imperial  Parliament  so  soon  as  they 
shall  have  been  notified  that  the  proposal  has  received  the 
sanction  of  the  legislatures  representing  the  several  provinces 
affected  by  it. 

"In  commending  to  your  attention  this  subject,  the  import- 
ance of  which  to  yourselves  and  to  your  descendants  it  is 
impossible  to  exaggerate,  I  would  claim  for  it  your  calm, 
earnest,  and  impartial  consideration. 

-^  "  With  the  public  men  of  British  North  America  it  now 
rests  to  decide  whether  the  vast  tract  of  country  which  they 
inhabit  shall  be  consolidated  into  a  state,  combining  within  its 
area  all  the  elements  of  national  greatness,  providing  for  the 
security  of  its  component  parts,  and  contributing  to  the 
strength  and  stability  of  the  Empire,  or  whether  the  several 
provinces  of  which  it  is  constituted  shall  remain  in  their 
present  fragmentary  and  isolated  condition,  comparatively 
powerless  for  mutual  aid,  and  incapable  of  undertaking  their 
>  proper  share  of  Imperial  responsibility. 

"  In  the  discussion  of  an  issue  of  such  moment  I  fervently 
pray  that  your  minds  may  be  guided  to  conclusions  which 


SPEECH  FROM  THE  THRONE.  15 

shall  redound  to  the  honour  of  our  Sovereign,  to  the  welfare 
of  her  subjects,  and  to  your  own  reputation  as  patriots  and 
statesmen." 

T)n  Monday,  February  6th,  Attorney-General  Macdonald 
moved,  "  That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  Her 
Majesty,  praying  that  she  may  be  graciously  pleased  to  cause 
a  measure  to  be  submitted  to  the  Imperial  Parliament,  for  the 
purpose  of  uniting  the  colonies  of  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  New 
Brunswick,  Newfoundland  and  Prince  Edward  Island,  in  one 
Government,  with  provisions  based  on  certain  resolutions 
which  were  adapted  at  a  conference  of  delegates  from  the 
said  oolonies,  held  at  the  city  of  Quebec,  on  October  10, 
7864?* 

He  said  : — "  Mr.  Speaker,  in  fulfilment  of  the  promise 
made  by  the  Government  to  Parliament  at  its  last  session,  I 
have  moved  this  resolution.  I  have  had  the  honour  of  being 
charged,  on  behalf  of  the  Government,  to  submit  a  scheme  for 
the  Confederation  of  the  British  North  American  Provinces — 
a  scheme  which  has  been  received,  I  am  glad  to  say,  with 
general,  if  not  universal,  approbation  in  Canada.  The  scheme 
as  propounded  through  the  press,  has  received  almost  no 
opposition.  While  there  may  be,  occasionally,  here  and  there 
expressions  of  dissent  from  some  of  the  details,  yet  the  scheme 
as  a  whole  has  met  with  almost  universal  approval,  and  the 
Government  has  the  greatest  satisfaction  in  presenting  it  to 
this  House.  This  subject,  which  now  absorbs  the  attention  of 
the  people  of  Canada  and  of  the  whole  of  British  North 
America,  is  not  a  new  one.  For  years  it  has,  more  or  less, 
attracted  the  attention  of  every  statesman  and  politician  in 
these  provinces,  and  has  been  looked  upon  by  many  far-seeing 
politicians  as  being  eventually  the  means  of  deciding  and 
settling  very  many  of  the  vexed  questions  which  have  retarded 
the  prosperity  of  the  colonies  as  a  whole,  and  particularly  the 
prosperity  of  Canada.  The  subject  was  pressed  upon  the 
public  attention  by  a  great  many  writers  and  politicians  ;  but 
I  believe  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  was  first  formally 
called  to  it  by  my  honourable  friend,  the  Minister  of  Finance. 
Some  years  ago,  in  an  elaborate  speech,  my  honourable  friend, 


16  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

while  an  independent  member  of  Parliament,  before  being 
connected  with  any  Government,  pressed  his  views  on  the 
Legislature  at  great  length  and  with  his  usual  force.  But  the 
subject  was  not  taken  up  by  any  party  as  a  branch  of  their 
policy,  until  the  formation  of  the  Cartier-Macdonald  Adminis- 
tration in  1858,  when  the  Confederation  of  the  Colonies  was 
announced  as  one  of  the  measures  which  they  pledged  them- 
selves to  attempt,  if  possible,  to  bring  to  a  satisfactory  con- 
clusion. In  pursuance  of  that  promise,  the  letter  or  despatch, 
which  has  been  so  much  and  so  freely  commented  upon  in  the 
press  and  in  this  House,  was  addressed  by  three  of  the  mem- 
bers of  that  Administration  to  the  Colonial  office. 

The  subject,  however,  though  looked  upon  with  favour  by 
the  country,  and  though  there  were  no  distinct  expressions  of 
opposition  to  it  from  any  party,  did  not  begin  to  assume  its 
present  proportions  until  last  session.  Then  men  of  all 
parties  and  all  shades  of  politics,  became  alarmed  at  the 
aspect  of  affairs.  They  found  that  such  was  the  opposition 
between  the  two  sections  of  the  province,  such  was  the  danger 
of  impending  anarchy,  in  consequence  of  the  irreconcilable 
differences  of  opinion,  with  respect  to  representation  by  popu- 
lation, between  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  that  unless  some 
solution  of  the  difficulty  was  arrived  at,  we  should  suffer  under 
a  succession  of  weak  governments — weak  in  numerical  sup- 
port, weak  in  force,  and  weak  in  power  of  doing  good.'  All 
were  alarmed  at  this  state  of  affairs.  We  had  election  after 
election — we  had  Ministry  after  Ministry — with  the  same 
result.  Parties  were  so  equally  balanced,  that  the  vote  of  one 
member  might  decide  the  fate  of  the  Administration  and  the 
course  of  legislation  for  a  year  or  a  series  of  years.  This  con- 
dition of  things  was  calculated  to  arouse  the  earnest  consider- 
ation of  every  lover  of  his  country,  and,  I  am  happy  to  say,  it 
had  that  effect.  None  were  more  impressed  by  this  momen- 
tous state  of  affairs,  and  the  grave  apprehensions  that  existed 
of  a  state  of  anarchy  destroying  our  credit,  destroying  our 
prosperity,  destroying  our  progress  ;  than  were  the  members 
of  this  present  House  ;  and  the  leading  statesmen  on  both 
sides  seemed  to  have  come  to  the  common  conclusion  that 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  17 


some  step  must  be  taken  to  relieve  the  country  from  the  dead- 
lock and  impending  anarchy  that  hung  over  us. 

"  With  that  view,  my  colleague,  the  President  of  the 
Council,  made  a  motion,  founded  on  the  despatch  addressed  to 
the  Colonial  Minister — to  which  I  have  referred — and  a  com- 
mittee was  struck,  composed  of  gentlemen  of  both  sides  of  the 
House,  of  all  shades  of  political  opinion,  without  any  reference 
to  whether  they  were  supporters  of  the  Administration  of  the 
day  or  belonged  to  the  Opposition,  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
into  calm  and  full  deliberation  the  evils  which  threatened  the 
future  of  Canada.  That  motion  of  my  honourable  friend 
resulted  most  happily.  The  committee,  by  a  wise  provision — 
and  in  order  that  each  member  of  the  committee  might  have 
an  opportunity  of  expressing  his  opinions  without  being  in 
in  any  way  compromised  before  the  public,  or  with  his  party, 
in  regard  either  to  his  political  friends  or  to  his  political  foes 
— agreed  that  the  discussion  should  be  freely  entered  upon 
without  reference  to  the  political  antecedents  of  any  of  them, 
and  that  they  should  sit  with  closed  doors,  so  that  they  might 
be  able  to  approach  the  subject  frankly  and  in  a  spirit  of  com- 
promise. The  committee  included  most  of  the  leading 
members  of  the  House — I  had  the  honour  myself  to  be  one  of 
the  number — and  the  result  was  that  there  was  found  an 
ardent  desire — a  creditable  desire,  I  must  say — displayed  by 
all  the  members  of  the  committee  to  approach  the  subject 
honestly,  and  to  attempt  to  work  out  some  solution  which 
might  relieve  Canada  from  the  evils  under  which  she  laboured. 
The  report  of  that  committee  was  laid  before  the  House,  and 
then  came  the  political  action  of  the  leading  men  of  the  two 
parties  in  this  House,  which  ended  in  the  formation  of  the 
present  Government 

"  The  principle  upon  which  that  Government  was  formed 
has  been  announced,  and  is  known  to  all.  It  was  formed 
for  the  very  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  object  which  has 
now  received,  to  a  certain  degree,  its  completion,  by  the 
resolutions  I  have  had  the  honour  to  place  in  your  hands. 
As  has  been  stated,  it  was  not  without  a  great  deal  of 
difficulty  and  reluctance  that  that  Government  was  formed. 


1 8  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


The  gentlemen  who  compose  this  Government  had  for  many 
years  been  engaged  in  political  hostilities  to  such  an  extent 
that  it  affected  even  their  social  relations.  But  the  crisis 
was  great,  the  danger  was  imminent  and  the  gentlemen  who 
now  form  the  present  Administration  found  it  to  be  their 
duty  to  lay  aside  all  personal  feelings,  to  sacrifice,  in  some 
degree,  their  position,  and  even  to  run  the  risk  of  having 
their  motives  impugned,  for  the  sake  of  arriving  at  some 
conclusion  that  would  be  satisfactory  to  the  country  in 
general.  The  present  resolutions  were  the  result.  And,  as 
I  said  before,  I  am  proud  to  believe  that  the  country  has 
sanctioned,  as  I  trust  that  the  representatives  of  the  people 
in  this  House  will  sanction,  the  scheme  which  is  now  sub- 
mitted for  the  future  Government  of  British  North  America. 
(Cheers). 

"  Everything  seemed  to  snow  that  the  present  was  the 
time,  if  ever,  when  this  great  union  between  all  Her  Majesty's 
subjects,  dwelling  in  British  North  America,  should  be  carried 
out.  (Hear,  hear).  When  the  Government  \vas  formed,  it 
was  felt  that  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  effecting  a  union 
between  all  the  British  North  American  Colonies  were  great 
— so  great  as  almost,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  to  make  it 
hopeless.  And  with  that  view  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
Government,  if  they  could  not  succeed  in  procuring  a  union 
between  all  the  British  North  American  Colonies,  to  attempt 
to  free  the  country  from  the  dead-lock  in  which  we  were 
placed  in  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  in  consequence  of  the 
difference  of  opinion  between  the  two  sections,  by  having  a 
severence  to  a  certain  extent  of  the  present  Union  between 
;  the  two  Provinces  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  and  the 
'  substitution  of  a  Federal  Union  between  them.  Most  of 
us,  however,  I  may  say,  all  of  us,  were  agreed — and  I  believe 
every  thinking  man  will  agree — as  to  the  expediency  of 
effecting  a  union  between  all  the  provinces,  and  the  super- 
iority of  such  a  design,  if  it  were  only  practicable,  over  the 
smaller  scheme  of  having  a  Federal  Union  between  Upper 
and  Lower  Canada  alone. 

"  By  a  happy  concurrence  of  events,  the  time  came  when 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  19 

that  proposition  could  be  made  with  a  hope  of  success.  By 
a  fortunate  coincidence  the  desire  for  Union  existed  in  the 
Lower  Provinces,  and  a  feeling  of  the  necessity  of  strengthen- 
ing themselves  by  collecting  together  the  scattered  colonies 
on  the  sea-board,  had  induced  them  to  form  a  convention 
of  their  own  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  a  Union  of  the 
Maritime  Provinces  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and 
Prince  Edward  Island,  the  Legislatures  of  those  Colonies 
having  formally  authorized  their  respective  Governments  to 
send  a  delegation  to  Prince  Edward  Island  for  the  purpose 
of  attempting  to  form  a  Union  of  some  kind.  Whether  the 
Union  should  be  federal  or  legislative  was  not  then  indicated, 
but  a  Union  of  some  kind  was  sought  for  the  purpose  of 
making  of  themselves  one  people  instead  of  three.  We, 
ascertaining  that  they  were  about  to  take  such  a  step,  and 
knowing  that  if  we  allowed  the  occasion  to  pass,  if  they  did, 
indeed,  break  up  all  their  present  political  organizations 
and  form  a  new  one,  it  could  not  be  expected  that  they 
would  again  readily  destroy  the  new  organization  which  they 
had  formed, — the  Union  of  the  three  Provinces  on  the  sea- 
board— and  form  another  with  Canada.  Knowing  this,  we 
availed  ourselves  of  the  opportunity,  and  asked  if  they  would 
receive  a  deputation  from  Canada,  who  would  go  to  meet 
them  at  Charlottetown,  for  the  purpose  of  laying  before  them 
the  advantage  of  a  larger  and  more  extensive  Union,  by 
the  junction  of  all  the  Provinces  in  one  great  Government 
under  cour  ommon  Sovereign. 

o 

"  They  at  once  kindly  consented  to  receive  and  hear  us. 
They  did  receive  us  cordially  and  generously,  and  asked  us  to 
lay  our  views  before  them.  We  did  so  at  some  length,  and 
so  satisfactory  to  them  were  the  reasons  we  gave ;  so  clearly,' 
in  their  opinion,  did  we  show  the  advantages  of  the  greater 
union  over  the  lesser,  that  they  at  once  set  aside  their  own 
project  and  joined  heart  and  hand  with  us  in  entering  into 
the  larger  scheme,  and  trying  to  form,  as  far  as  they  and  we 
could,  a  great  nation  and  a  strong  Government  (Cheers). 
Encouraged  by  this  arrangement,  which,  however,  was  alto- 
gether unofficial  and  unauthorized,  we  returned  to  Quebec, 


20  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

and  then  the  Government  of  Canada  invited  the  several 
Governments  of  the  Sister  Colonies  to  send  a  deputation  here 
from  each  of  them  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  question, 
with  something  like  authority  from  their  respective  Govern- 
ments. The  result  was,  that  when  \ve  met  here  on  October 
loth,  on  the  first  day  on  which  we  assembled,  after  the  full 
and  free  discussions  which  had  taken  place  at  Charlottetown, 
the  first  resolution  now  before  this  House  was  passed  unani- 
mously, being  received  with  acclamation,  as,  in  the  opinion  of 
every  one  who  heard  it,  a  proposition  which  ought  to  receive, 
and  would  receive,  the  sanction  of  each  Government  and  each 
people.  The  resolution  is  :  '  That  the  best  interests  and 
present  and  future  prosperity  of  British  North  America  will 
be  promoted  by  a  Federal  Union  under  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain,  provided  such  union  can  be  effected  on  principles  just 
to  the  several  provinces.' 

"  It  seemed  to  all  the  statesmen  assembled — and  there 
are  great  statesman  in  the  Lower  Provinces,  men  who  would 
do  honour  to  any  government  and  to  any  legislature  of  any 
free  country  enjoying  representative  institutions — it  was  clear 
to  them  all  that  the  best  interests  and  present  and  future 
prosperity  of  British  North  America  would  be  promoted  by  a 
Federal  Union  under  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain.  And  it 
seems  to  me,  as  to  them,  and  I  think  it  will  so  appear  to  the 
people  of  this  country,  that,  if  we  wish  to  be  a  great  people,  if 
we  wish  to  form — using  the  expression  which  was  sneered  at 
the  other  evening — a  great  nationality,  commanding  the 
respect  of  the  world,  able  to  .hold  our  own  against  all 
opponents,  and  to  defend  those  institutions  we  prize;  if  we 
wish  to  have  one  system  of  government,  and  to  establish  a 
commercial  union,  with  unrestricted  free  trade  between  people 
of  the  five  provinces,  belonging,  as  they  do,  to  the  same 
nation,  obeying  the  same  Sovereign,  owing  the  same  allegi- 
ance, and  being,  for  the  most  part,  of  the  same  blood  and 
lineage;  if  we  wish  to  be  able  to  afford  to  each  other  the 
means  of  mutual  defence  and  support  against  aggression  and 
attack,  this  can  only  be  obtained  by  a  union  of  some  kind 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  21 

between  the  scattered  and  weak  colonies  composing  the 
British  North  American  provinces.  (Cheers). 

"  The  very  mention  of  the  scheme  is  fitted  to  bring  with  it 
its  own  approbation.  Supposing  that  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  1865,  half  a  million  of  people  were  coming  from  the 
United  Kingdom  to  make  Canada  their  home,  although  they 
brought  only  their  strong  arms  and  willing  hearts,  though 
they  brought  neither  skill  nor  experience  nor  wealth,  would 
we  not  receive  them  with  open  arms  and  hail  their  presence 
in  Canada  as  an  important  addition  to  our  strength  ?  But 
when,  by  the  proposed  union,  we  not  only  get  nearly  a  million 
of  people  to  join  us — when  they  contribute  not  only  their 
numbers,  their  physical  strength,  and  their  desire  to  benefit 
their  position,  but  when  we  know  that  they  consist  of  old- 
established  communities,  having  a  large  amount  of  realized 
wealth — composed  of  people  possessed  of  skill,  education  and 
experience  in  the  ways  of  the  new  world — people  who  are  as 
much  Canadians,  I  may  say,  as  we  are — people  who  are 
imbued  with  the  same  feelings  of  loyalty  to  the  Queen  and 
the  same  desire  for  the  continuance  of  the  connection  with  the 
mother  country  as  we  are,  and  at  the  same  time  having  a  like 
feeling  of  ardent  attachment  for  this,  our  common  country, 
for  which  they  and  we  would  alike  fight  and  shed  our  blood 
if  necessary.  When  all  this  is  considered,  argument  is 
needless  to  prove  the  advantage  of  such  a  union.  (Hear, 
hear). 

"There  were  only  three  modes — if  I  may  return  for  a 
moment  to  the  difficulties  with  which  Canada  was  surrounded 
— only  three  modes  that  were  at  all  suggested,  by  which  the 
dead-lock  in  our  affairs,  the  anarchy  we  dreaded,  and  the  evils 
which  retarded  our  prosperity,  could  be  met  or  averted.  One 
was  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  between  Upper  and  Lower 
Canada,  leaving  them  as  they  were  before  the  Union  of  1841. 
1  believe  that  that  proposition,  by  itself,  had  no  supporters. 
It  was  felt  by  everyone,  that  although  it  was  a  course  that 
would  do  away  with  the  sectional  difficulties  which  existed — 
though  it  would  remove  the  pressure  on  the  part  of  the  people 
of  Upper  Canada  for  representation  based  upon  population — 


I 

22  TH.C  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACPONALD. 


and  the  jealousy  of  the  people  of  Lower  Canada  lest  their 
institutions  should  be  attacked  and  prejudiced  by  that  prin- 
ciple, yet  it  vas  felt  by  every  thinking  man  in  the  province 
that  it  wouk:  be  a  retrograde  step  which  would  throw  back 
the  country  to  nearly  the  same  position  as  it  occupied  before 
the  union,  that  it  would  lower  the  credit  enjoyed  by  United 
Canada,  that  it  would  be  the  breaking  up  of  the  connection 
which  had  existed  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  under 
which,  although  it  had  not  been  completely  successful,  and 
had  not  allayed  altogether  the  local  jealousies  that  had  their 
root  in  circumstances  which  arose  before  the  Union,  our  pro- 
vince, as  a  whole,  had  nevertheless  prospered  and  increased. 
It  was  felt  that  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  would  have 
destroyed  all  the  credit  that  we  had  gained  by  being  a  united 
province,  and  would  have  left  us  two  weak  and  ineffective 
governments,  instead  of  one  powerful  and  united  people. 
(Hear,  hear). 

"  The  next  mode  suggested  was  the  granting  of  represent- 
ation by  population.  Now,  we  all  know  the  manner  in  which 
that  question  was  and  is  regarded  by  Lower  Canada;  that  while 
in  Upper  Canada  the  desire  and  cry  for  it  was  daily  augment- 
ing, the  resistance  to  it  in  Lower  Canada  was  proportionably 
increasing  in  strength.  Still,  if  some  such  means  of  relieving 
us  from  the  sectional  jealousies  which  existed  between  the  two 
Canadas,  if  some  such  solution  of  the  difficulties,  as  Confedera- 
tion, had  not  been  found,  the  representation  by  population  must 
eventually  have  been  carried,  no  matter  though  it  might  have 
been  felt  in  Lower  Canada  as  being  a  breach  of  the  treaty  of 
Union;  no  matter  how  much  it  might  have  been  felt  by  the 
Lower  Canadians  that  it  would  sacrifice  their  local  interests,  it  is 
certain  that  in  the  progress  of  events  representation  by  popula- 
tion would  have  been  carried,  and  had  it  been  carried — I  speak 
here  my  own  individual  sentiments — I  do  not  think  it  would 
have  been  for  the  interest  of  Upper  Canada.  For  though  Upper 
Canada  would  have  felt  that  it  had  received  what  it  claimed 
as  a  right,  and  had  succeeded  in  establishing  its  right,  yet  it 
would  have  left  the  Lower  Province  with  a  sullen  feeling  of 
injury  and  injustice.  The  Lower  Canadians  would  not  have 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  23 

worked  cheerfully  under  such  a  change  of  system,  but  would 
have  ceased  to  be  what  they  are  now — a  nationality,  with 
representatives  in  Parliament,  governed  by  general  principles, 
and  dividing  according  to  their  political  opinions — and  would 
have  been  in  great  danger  of  becoming  a  faction,  forgetful  of 
national  obligations,  and  only  actuated  by  a  desire  to  defend 
their  own  sectional  interests,  their  own  laws  and  their  own 
institutions.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  The  third  and  only  means  of  solution  for  our  difficulties 
was  the  junction  of  the  provinces,  either  in  a  Federal  or 
Legislative  Union.  Now,  as  regards  the  comparative  advant- 
ages of  a  Legislative  and  a  Federal  Union,  I  have  never 
hesitated  to  state  my  own  opinions.  I  have  again  and 
again  stated  in  the  House  that,  if  practicable,  I  thought  a 
Legislative  Union  would  be  preferable.  (Hear,  hear).  I  have 
always  contended  that  if  we  could  agree  to  have  one  Govern- 
ment and  one  Parliament,  legislating  for  the  whole  of  these 
peoples,  it  would  be  the  best,  the  cheapest,  the  most  vigorous, 
and  the  strongest  system  of  Government  we  could  adopt. 
(Hear,  hear).  But,  on  looking  at  the  subject  in  the  Conference, 
and  discussing  the  matter  as  we  did,  most  unreservedly,  and 
with  desire  to  arrive  at  a  satisfactory  conclusion,  we  found 
that  such  a  system  was  impracticable.  In  the  first  place  it 
would  not  meet  the  assent  of  the  people  of  Lower  Canada, 
because  they  felt  that  in  their  peculiar  position — being  in  a 
minority,  with  a  different  language,  nationality  and  religion 
from  the  majority — in  case  of  a  junction  with  the  other 
provinces,  their  institutions  and  their  laws  might  be  assailed, 
and  their  ancestral  associations,  on  which  they  prided  them- 
selves, attacked  and  prejudiced,  it  was  found  that  any 
proposition  which  involved  the  absorption  of  the  individuality 
of  Lower  Canada — if  I  may  use  the  expression — would  not  be 
received  with  favour  by  her  people.  We  found,  too,  that 
though  their  people  speak  the  same  language,  and  enjoy  the 
same  system  of  law  as  the  people  of  Upper  Canada,  a  system 
founded  on  the  common  law  of  England,  there  was  a  great 
disinclination  on  the  part  of  the  various  Maritime  Provinces 
to  lose  their  individuality,  as  separate  political  organizations, 


24  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


as  we  observed  in  the  case  of  Lower  Canada  herself.  (Hear, 
hear).  Therefore,  we  were  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
must  either  abandon  the  idea  of  union  altogether,  or  devise  a 
system  of  union  in  which  the  separate  provincial  organizations 
would  be  in  some  degree  preserved.  So,  that  those  who  were, 
like  myself,  in  favour  of  a  Legislative  Union,  were  obliged  to 
modify  their  views  and  accept  the  project  of  a  Federal  Union 
as  the  only  scheme  practicable,  even  for  the  Maritime 
Provinces.  Because,  although  the  law  of  those  provinces  is 
founded  on  the  common  law  of  England,  yet  every  one  cf 
them  has  a  large  amount  of  law  of  its  own— colonial  law 
framed  by  itself,  and  affecting  every  relation  of  life,  such  as 
the  laws  of  property,  municipal  and  assessment  laws  ;  laws 
relating  to  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  and  to  all  the  great 
interests  contemplated  in  legislation  ;  we  found,  in  short,  that 
the  statutory  law  of  the  different  provinces  was  so  varied  and 
diversified  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  weld  them  into  a 
Legislative  Union  at  once. 

"  Why,  sir,  if  you  only  consider  the  innumerable  subjects  of 
Legislation  peculiar  to  new  countries,  and  that  every  one  of 
those  five  colonies  had  particular  laws  of  its  own,  to  which  its 
people  had  been  accustomed,  and  are  attached,  you  will  see 
the  difficulty  of  effecting  and  working  a  Legislative  Union, 
and  brinsfin"'  about  an  assimilation  of  the  local  as  well  as 

o        o 

general  laws  of  the  whole  of  the  provinces.  (Hear,  hear).  \Yc 
in  Upper  Canada  understand  from  the  nature  and  operation  of 
our  peculiar  municipal  law,  of  which  we  know  the  value,  the 
difficulty  of  framing  a  general  system  of  legislation  on  local 
matters,  which  would  meet  the  wishes  and  fulfil  the  require- 
ments of  the  several  provinces.  Even  the  laws  considered  the 
least  important,  respecting  private  rights  in  timber,  roads, 
fencing,  and  innumerable  other  matters,  small  in  themselves, 
but  in  the  aggregate  of  great  interest  to  the  agricultural  class, 
who  form  the  great  body  of  the  people,  are  regarded  as  of 
great  value  by  the  portion  of  the  community  affected  by  them. 
And  when  we  consider  that  everyone  of  the  colonies  has  a 
body  of  laws  of  this  kind,  and  that  it  will  take  years  before 
those  laws  can  be  assimilated,  it  was  felt  that  at  first,  at  all 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  25 

events,  any  united  legislation  would  be  almost  impossible.  I 
am  happy  to  state,  and,  indeed,  it  appears  on  the  face  of  the 
resolutions  themselves,  that  as  regards  the  Lower  Provinces,  a 
great  desire  was  evinced  for  the  final  assimilation  of  our  laws. 
One  of  the  resolutions  provides  that  an  attempt  shall  be  made 
to  assimilate  the  laws  of  the  Maritime  Provinces  and  those  of 
Upper  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  eventually  establishing  one 
body  of  statutory  law,  founded  on  the  common  law  of  Eng- 
land, the  parent  of  the  laws  of  all  those  provinces. 

"  One  great  objection  made  to  a  Federal  Union  was  the 
expense  of  an  increased  number  of  Legislatures.     I  will  not 
enter  at  any  length  into  that  subject,  because  my  honourable 
friends,  the  Finance  Minister  and  the  President  of  the  Council, 
who  are  infinitely  more  competent  than  myself  to  deal  with 
matters  of  this  kind — matters  of  account — will,  I   think,  be 
able  to  show  that  the  expenses  under  a  Federal  Union  will 
not    be   greater   than    those    under   the    existing   system    of 
separate  governments  and  legislatures.     Here,  where  we  have 
a  joint  legislature  for  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  which  deals 
not  only  with   subjects  of  a  general   interest  common   to  all 
Canada,  but  with  all  matters  of  private  right  and   of  sectional 
interest,  and  with   that  class  of  measures,  known  as  '  Private 
Bills,'   we   find  that   one  of  the   greatest  sources   of  expense 
to  the  country  is  the  cost  of  legislation.     We  find,  from  the 
admixture  of  subjects   of  a  general,  with   those  of  a  private 
character    in    legislation,    that   they    mutually    interfere   with 
each  other  ;  whereas,  if  the  attention  of  the  Legislature  was 
confined    to    measures    of  one    kind   or  the  other  alone,  the 
session  of  Parliament  would  not  be  so  protracted  and  there- 
fore not  so  expensive  as  at  present.     In  the  proposed  Con- 
jstitution  all  matters  of  general  interest   are  to  be  dealt  with 
by  the  General  Legislature,  while  the  Local  Legislatures  will 
;  deal  with  matters  of  local  interest,  which  do  not  affect  the 
/   Confederation  as  a  whole,  but  are  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  their  particular  sections.     By  such  a  division  of  labour  the 
sittings  of  the  general  legislature  would  not  be  so  protracted 
as  even  those  of  Canada  alone.     And  so  with  the  local  legis- 
latures, their  attention  being  confined  to  subjects  pertaining 


26  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACUONALD. 


to  their  own  sections,  their  sessions  would  be  shorter  and 
less  expensive. 

"Then,  when  we  consider  the  enormous  saving  that  will 
be  affected  in  the  administration  of  affairs  by  one  General 
Government — when  we  reflect  that  each  of  the  five  colonies 
have  a  Government  of  its  own  with  a  complete  establishment 
of  public  departments  and  all  the  machinery  required  for 
the  transaction  of  the  business  of  the  country — that  each 
have  a  separate  executive,  judicial  and  military  system — that 
each  province  has  a  separate  Ministry,  including  a  Minister 
of  Militia,  with  a  complete  Adjutant  General's  Department 
— that  each  have  a  Finance  Minister  with  a  full  Customs 
and  Excise  staff — that  each  Colony  has  as  large  and  com- 
plete an  administrative  organization,  with  as  many  executive 
officers  as  the  General  Government  will  have — we  can  well 
understand  the  enormous  saving  that  will  result  from  a  Union 
of  all  the  Colonies,  from  their  having  but  one  head  and  one 
central  system. 

"  We,  in  Canada,  already  know  something  of  the  advant- 
ages and  disadvantages  of  a  Federal  Union.  Although  we 
have  nominally  a  Legislative  Union  in  Canada — although 
we  sit  in  one  Parliament,  supposed,  constitutionally,  to 
represent  the  people,  without  regard  to  sections  or  localities, 
yet  we  know,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  since  the  Union 
in  1841,  we  have  had  a  Federal  Union  ;  that  in  matters 
affecting  Upper  Canada  solely,  members  from  that  section 
claimed  and  generally  exercised  the  right  of  exclusive  leg- 
islation, while  members  from  Lower  Canada  legislated  in 
matters  affecting  only  their  own  section.  We  have  had 
a  Federal  Union  in  fact,  though  a  Legislative,  a  Union  in 
name  ;  and  in  the  hot  contests  of  late  years,  if,  on  any 
occasion,  a  measure  affecting  any  one  section  were  inter- 
fered with  by  any  members  from  the  other — if,  for  instance, 
a  measure  locally  affecting  Upper  Canada  were  carried 
or  defeated  against  the  wishes  of  its  majority,  by  one 
from  Lower  Canada — my  honourable  friend,  the  President 
of  the  Council,  and  his  friends,  denounced  with  all  their 
energy  and  ability  such  legislation  as  an  infringement  of  the 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH. 


rights  of  the  Upper  Province.  (Hear,  hear,  and  cheers).  Just 
in  the  same  way,  if  any  Act  concerning  Lower  Canada  were 
pressed  into  law  against  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of  her 
representatives,  by  those  from  Upper  Canada,  the  Lower 
Canadians  would  rise  as  one  man  and  protest  against  such 
a  violation  of  their  peculiar  rights.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  The  relations  between  England  and  Scotland  are  very 
similar  to  that  which  obtains  between  the  Canadas.  The 
union  between  them,  in  matters  of  legislation,  is  of  a  federal 
character,  because  the  Act  of  Union  between  the  two  coun- 
tries provides  that  the  Scottish  law  cannot  be  altered,  except 
for  the  manifest  advantage  of  the  people  of  Scotland.  This 
stipulation  has  been  held  to  be  so  obligatory  on  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Great  Britain,  that  no  measure  effecting  the  law  of 
Scotland  is  passed  unless  it  receives  the  sanction  of  a  majority 
of  the  Scottish  members  in  Parliament.  No  matter  how 
important  it  may  be  for  the  interests  of  the  empire,  as  a  whole, 
to  alter  the  laws  of  Scotland — no  matter  how  much  it  may 
interfere  with  the  symmetry  of  the  general  law  of  the  United 
Kingdom — that  law  is  not  altered,  except  with  the  consent  of 
the  Scottish  people,  as  expressed  by  their  representatives  in 
Parliament.  (Hear,  hear).  Thus,  we  have,  in  Great  Britain, 
to  a  limited  extent,  an  example  of  the  working  and  effects  of 
a  Federal  Union,  as  we  might  expect  to  witness  them  in  our 
own  Confederation. 

"The  whole  scheme  of  Confederation,  as  propounded  by 
the  Conference,  as  agreed  to  and  sanctioned  by  the  Canadian 
Government,  and  as  now  presented  for  the  consideration  of 
the  people  and  the  Legislature,  bears  upon  its  face  the  marks 
?of  compromise.  Of  necessity  there  must  have  been  a  great 
deal  of  mutual  concession.  When  we  think  of  the  represen- 
tatives of  five  colonies,  all  supposed  to  have  different  interests, 
meeting  together,  charged  with  the  duty  of  protecting  those 
interests  and  of  pressing  the  views  of  their  own  localities  and 
sections,  it  must  be  admitted  that  had  we  not  met  in  a  spirit 
of  conciliation,  and  with  an  anxious  desire  to  promote  this 
union  ;  if  we  had  not  been  impressed  with  the  idea  contained 
in  the  words  of  the  resolution  :  'That  the  best  interests  and 


28  Tin-;  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

present  and  future  prosperity  of  British  North  America  would 
be  promoted  by  a  Federal  Union  under  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain,'  all  our  efforts  might  have  proved  to  be  of  no  avail. 
If  we  had  not  felt  that,  after  coming  to  this  conclusion,  we 
were  bound  to  set  aside  our  private  opinions  on  matters 
of  detail,  if  we  had  not  felt  ourselves  bound  to  look  at  what 
was  practicable,  not  obstinately  rejecting  the  opinions  of 
others  nor  adhering  to  our  own  ;  if  we  had  not  met,  I  say,  in 
a  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  with  an  anxious,  over-ruling  desire 
to  form  one  people  under  one  government,  we  never  would 
have  succeeded. 

"  With  these  views,  we  press  the  question  on  this  House, 
and  the  country.  I  say  to  this  House,  if  you  do  not  believe 
that  the  union  of  the  colonies  is  for  the  advantage  of  the 
country,  that  the  joining  of  these  five  peoples  into  one  nation, 
under  one  sovereign,  is  for  the  benefit  of  all,  then  reject 
the  scheme.  Reject  it  if  you  do  not  believe  it  to  be  for 
the  present  advantage  and  future  prosperity  of  yourselves 
and  your  children.  But  if,  after  a  calm  and  full  consideration 
of  this  scheme,  it  is  believed.,  as  a  whole,  to  be  for  the  advan- 
tage of  this  province — if  the  House  and  country  believe  this 
union  to  be  one  which  will  ensure  for  us  British  laws,  British 
connection  and  British  freedom — and  increase  and  develop 
the  social,  political,  and  material  prosperity  of  the  country, 
then  I  implore  this  House  and  the  country  to  lay  aside  all 
prejudices,  and  accept  the  scheme  which  we  offer.  I  ask 
the  House  to  meet  the  question  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  the 
delegates  met  it.  I  ask  each  member  of  this  House  to  lav 
aside  his  own  opinions  as  to  particular  details,  and  to  accept 
the  scheme  as  a  whole,  if  he  thinks  it  beneficial  as  a  whole. 

"  If  we  are  not  blind  to  our  present  position,  we  must  see  the 
hazardous  situation  in  which  all  the  great  interests  of  Canada 
stand  in  respect  to  the  United  States.  I  am  no  alarmist.  I 
do  not  believe  in  the  prospect  of  immediate  war.  I  believe 
that  the  common  sense  of  the  two  nations  will  prevent  a  war ; 
still  we  cannot  trust  to  probabilities.  The  Government  and 
Legislature  would  be  wanting  in  their  duty  to  the  people  if 
they  ran  any  risk.  We  know  that  the  United  States  at 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  31 

this  moment  are  engaged  in  a  war  of  enormous  dimensions — 
that  the  occasion  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain  has  again  and 
again  arisen,  and  may,  at  any  time  in  the  future,  again  arise. 
We  cannot  foresee  what  may  be  the  result  ;\_vve  cannot  say  but 
that  the  two  nations  may  drift  into  a  war  as  other  nations 
have  done  beforej  It  would  then  be  too  late  when  war 
had  commenced,  to  think  of  measures  for  strengthening 
ourselves  ;  or  to  begin  negotiations  for  a  union  with  the  sister 
provinces.  At  this  moment,  in  consequence  of  the  ill-feeling 
which  has  arisen  between  England  and  the  United  States — a 
feeling  of  which  Canada  was  not  the  cause — in  consequence  of 
the  irritation  which  now  exists,  owing  to  the  unhappy  state  of 
affairs  on  this  continent,  the  reciprocity  treaty,  it  seems 
probable,  is  about  to  be  brought  to  an  end — our  trade  is 
hampered  by  the  passport  system,  and  at  any  moment  we  may 
be  deprived  of  permission  to  carry  our  goods  through  United 
States  channels — the  bonded  goods  system  may  be  done  away 
with,  and  the  winter  trade  through  the  United  States  put  an 
end  to.  Our  merchants  may  be  obliged  to  return  to  the 
old  system  of  bringing  in  during  the  summer  months  the 
supplies  for  the  whole  year.  Ourselves  already  threatened, 
our  trade  interrupted,  our  intercourse — political  and  commer- 
cial— destroyed,  if  we  do  not  take  warning  now  when  we 
have  the  opportunity,  and  while  one  avenue  is  threatened  to 
be  closed,  open  another  by  taking  advantage  of  the  present 
arrangement  and  the  desire  of  the  lower  provinces  to  draw 
closer  the  alliance  between  us,  we  may  suffer  commercial  and 
political  disadvantages  it  may  take  long  for  us  to  over- 
come. 

"  The  Conference  having  come  to  the  conclusion  that  a 
legislative  union,  pure  and  simple,  was  impracticable,  our  next 
attempt  was  to  form  a  government  upon  federal  principles, 
which  would  give  to  the  General  Government  the  strength  of 
a  legislative  and  administrative  union,  while  at  the  same  time 
it  preserved  that  liberty  of  action  for  the  different  sections 
which  is  allowed  by  a  federal  union.  And  I  am  strong  in  the 
belief  that  we  have  hit  upon  the  happy  medium  in  those 
resolutions,  and  that  we  have  formed  a  scheme  of  govern- 


32  Tin-:  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


ment  which  unites  the  advantages  of  both,  giving  us  the 
strength  of  a  legislative  union  and  the  sectional  freedom  of  a 
federal  union,  with  protection  to  local  interests.  In  doing  so 
we  had  the  advantage  of  the  experience  of  the  United  States. 
It  is  the  fashion  now  to  enlarge  on  the  defects  of  the  constitu- 
"— -  tion  of  the  United  States,  but  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  look 
upon  it  as  a  failure.  (Hear,  hear).  I  think  and  believe  that  it 
is  one  of  the  most  skilful  works  which  human  intelligence  ever 
created ;  it  is  one  of  the  most  perfect  organizations  that  ever 
governed  a  free  people.  To  say  that  it  has  some  defects  is 
but  to  say  that  it  is  not  the  work  of  Omniscience,  but  of 
human  intellects.  We  are  happily  situated  in  having  had 
the  opportunity  of  watching  its  operation,  seeing  its  working 
from  its  infancy  till  now.  It  was  in  the  main  formed  on  the 
model  of  the  Constitution  of  Great  Britain  adapted  to  the 
circumstances  of  a  new  country,  and  was,  perhaps,  the  only 
practicable  system  that  could  have  been  adopted  under  the 
circumstances  existing  at  the  time  of  its  formation. 

"  We  can  now  take  advantage  of  the  experience  of  the 
last  seventy-eight  years,  during  which  that  Constitution  has 
existed,  and  I  am  strongly  of  the  belief  that  we  have,  in  a 
great  measure,  avoided  in  this  system,  which  we  propose  for 
the  adoption  of  the  people  of  Canada,  the  defects  which  time 
and  events  have  shown  to  exist  in  the  American  Constitution. 
In  the  first  place,  by  a  resolution  which  meets  with  the 
universal  approval  of  the  people  of  this  country,  we  have 
provided  that  for  all  time  to  come,  so  far  as  we  can  legislate 
for  the  future,  we  shall  have  as  the  head  of  the  executive 
power,  the  Sovereign  of  Great  Britain.  (Hear,  hear).  No  one 
can  look  into  futurity  and  say  what  will  be  the  destiny  of  this 
country.  Changes  come  over  nations  and  peoples  in  the 
course  of  ages.  But,  so  far  as  we  can  legislate,  we  provide 
that,  for  all  time  to  come,  the  Sovereign  of  Great  Britain  shall 
be  the  Sovereign  of  British  North  America.  By  adhering  to 
the  monarchial  principle,  we  avoid  one  defect  inherent  in  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States.  By  the  election  of  the 
president  by  a  majority  and  for  a  short  period,  he  never  is  the 
sovereign  and  chief  of  the  nation.  He  is  never  looked  up  to 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  33 


by  the  whole  people  as  the  head  and  front  of  the  nation. 
He  is  at  best  but  the  successful  leader  of  a  party.  This  defect 
is  all  the  greater  on  account  of  the  practice  of  re-election. 
During  his  first  term  of  office  he  is  employed  in  taking  steps 
to  secure  his  own  re-election  and  for  his  party  a  continuance 
of  power.  We  avoid  this  by  adhering  to  the  monarchial 
principle — the  Sovereign  whom  you  respect  and  love.  I 
believe  that  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  have  that  prin- 
ciple recognized,  so  that  we  shall  have  a  sovereign  who  is 
placed  above  the  region  of  party— to  whom  all  parties  look 
up — who  is  not  elevated  by  the  action  of  one  party  nor 
depressed  by  the  action  of  another,  who  is  the  common  head 
and  sovereign  of  all.  (Hear,  hear  and  cheers). 

"In  the  Constitution  we  propose  to  continue  the  system 
of  responsible  government  which  has  existed  in  this  province 
since  1841,  and  which  has  long  obtained  in  the  mother 
country.  This  is  a  feature  of  our  Constitution  as  we  have  it 
now,  and  as  we  shall  have  it  in  the  Federation,  in  which,  I 
think,  we  avoid  one  of  the  great  defects  in  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States.  There,  the  president,  during  his  term  of 
office,  is  in  a  great  measure  a  despot,  a  one  man  power,  with 
the  command  of  the  naval  and  military  forces,  with  an  immense 
amount  of  patronage  as  head  of  the  Executive,  and  with  the 
veto  power  as  a  branch  of  the  Legislature,  perfectly  uncon- 
trolled by  responsible  advisers,  his  Cabinet  being  departmental 
officers  merely,  with  whom  he  is  not  obliged  by  the  constitu- 
tion to  consult  unless  he  chooses  to  do  so.  With  us,  the 
Sovereign,  or  in  this  country  the  representative  of  the  Sove- 
reign, can  act  only  on  the  advice  of  his  Ministers,  those 
Ministers  being  responsible  to  the  people  through  Parliament. 

"  Prior  to  the  formation  of  the  American  Union,  as  we  all 
know,  the  different  states  which  entered  into  it  were  separate 
colonies.  They  had  no  connection  with  each  other  further 
than  that  of  having  a  common  sovereign,  just  as  with  us  at 
present.  Tkeir  constitutions  and  their  laws  were  different. 
They  might  and  did  legislate  against  each  other,  and  when 
they  revolted  against  the  mother  country  they  acted  as 
separate  sovereignties,  and  carried  on  the  war  by  a  kind  of 

VOL  II.  3 


34 


THE  LIKE  UK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


treaty  of  alliance  against  the  common  enemy.  Ever  since  the 
union  was  formed  the  difficulty  of  what  is  called  '  State 
Rights'  has  existed,  and  this  had  much  to  do  in  bringing  on 
the  present  unhappy  \var  in  the  United  States.  They  com- 
menced, in  fact,  at  the  wrong  end.  They  declared  by  their 
constitution  that  each  state  was  a  sovereignty  in  itself,  and 
that  all  the  powers  incident  to  a  sovereignty  belonged  to 
each  state,  except  those  powers  which,  by  the  Constitution, 
were  conferred  upon  the  General  Government  and  Congress. 
Here  we  have  adopted  a  different  system.  We  have  strength- 
ened the  General  Government.  We  have  given  the  General 
Legislature  all  the  great  subjects  of  legislation.  We  have 
conferred  on  them,  not  only  specifically  and  in  detail,  all  the 
powers  which  are  incident  to  sovereignty,  but  we  have 
expressly  declared  that  all  subjects  of  general  interest,  not 
distinctly  and  exclusively  conferred  upon  the  Local  Govern- 
ments and  Local  Legislatures,  shall  be  conferred  upon  the 
General  Government  and  Legislature.  We  have  thus  avoided 
that  great  source  of  weakness  which  has  been  the  cause  of  the 
disruption  of  the  United  States.  We  have  avoided  all  conflict 
of  jurisdiction  and  authority,  and  if  this  constitution  is  carried 
out,  as  it  will  be  in  full  detail  in  the  Imperial  Act  to  be  passed 
if  the  colonies  adopt  the  scheme,  we  will  have,  in  fact,  as  I 
said  before,  all  the  advantages  of  a  Legislative  union  under 
one  Administration,  with,  at  the  same  time,  the  guarantees  for 
local  institutions  and  for  local  laws,  which  are  insisted  upon 
by  so  many  in  the  provinces  now,  I  hope,  to  be  united. 

"  The  desire  to  remain  connected  with  Great  Britain,  and 
to  retain  our  allegiance  to  Her  Majesty,  was  unanimous.  Not 
a  single  suggestion  was  made  that  it  could,  by  any  possibility, 
be  for  the  interests  of  the  colonies,  or  of  any  section  or  portion 
of  them,  that  there  should  be  a  severence  of  our  connection. 
Although  we  knew  it  to  be  possible  that  Canada,  from  her 
position,  might  be  exposed  to  all  the  horrors  of  war,  by 
reasons  of  causes  of  hostility  arising  between  Great  Britain 
aud  the  United  States  — causes  over  which  we  had  no  control, 
and  which  we  had  no  hand  in  bringing  about — yet  there  was 
a  unanimous  feeling  of  willingness  to  run  all  the  hazards  of 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  35 


war,  if  war  must  come,  rather  than  lose  the  connection  between 
the  mother  country  and  these  colonies.     (Cheers). 

"  We  provide  that  '  the  executive  authority  shall  be 
administered  by  the  Sovereign  personally,  or  by  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Sovereign  duly  authorized.'  It  is  too  much 
to  expect  that  the  Queen  should  vouchsafe  us  her  personal 
governance  or  presence,  except  to  pay  us,  as  the  heir-apparent 
of  the  Throne,  our  future  Sovereign,  has  already  paid  us,  the 
graceful  compliment  of  a  visit.  The  executive  authority 
must,  therefore,  be  administered  by  Her  Majesty's  representa- 
tive. We  place  no  restriction  on  Her  Majesty's  prerogative  in 
the  selection  of  her  representative.  As  it  is  now,  so  it  will  be 
if  this  Constitution  is  adopted.  The  Sovereign  has  unrestricted 
freedom  of  choice.  Whether  in  making  her  selection  she  may 
send  us  one  of  her  own  family,  a  Royal  Prince,  as  a  Viceroy 
to  rule  over  us,  or  one  of  the  great  statesmen  of  England  to 
represent  her,  we  know  not.  We  leave  that  to  Her  Majesty 
in  all  confidence.  But  we  may  be  permitted  to  hope  that, 
when  the  union  takes  place,  and  we  become  the  great  country 
which  British  North  America  is  certain  to  be,  it  will  be  an 
object  worthy  the  ambition  of  the  statesmen  of  England  to  be 
charged  with  presiding  over  our  destinies.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  Let  me  now  invite  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the 
provisions  in  the  Constitution  respecting  the  legislative  power. 
The  sixth  resolution  says,  '  there  shall  be  a  General  Legis- 
lature or  Parliament  for  the  Federated  Provinces,  composed 
of  a  Legislative  Council  and  a  House  of  Commons.'  The 
Legislature  of  British  North  America  will  be  composed  of 
Kings,  Lords,  and  Commons.  The  Legislative  Council  will 
stand  in  the  same  relation  to  the  Lower  House,  as  the  House 
of  Lords  to  the  House  of  Commons  in  England,  having  the 
same  power  of  initiating  all  matters  of  legislation,  except 
the  granting  of  money.  As  regards  the  Lower  House,  it 
may  not  appear  to  matter  much,  whether  it  is  called  the 
House  of  Commons  or  House  of  Assembly.  It  will  bear 
whatever  name  the  Parliament  of  England  may  choose  to 
give  it,  but  '  The  House  of  Commons  '  is  the  name  we  should 
prefer,  as  showing  that  it  represents  the  Commons  of  Canada, 


36  THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


in  the  same  way  that  the  English  House  of  Commons 
represents  the  Commons  of  England,  with  the  same  privileges, 
the  same  parliamentary  usage,  and  the  same  parliamentary 
authority.  In  settling  the  constitution  of  the  Lower  House, 
that  which  peculiarly  represents  the  people,  it  was  agreed 
that  the  principle  of  representation  based  on  population 
should  be  adopted,  and  the  mode  of  applying  that  principle 
is  fully  developed  in  these  resolutions.  When  I  speak  of 
representation  by  population,  the  House  will,  of  cour.-e,  under- 
stand that  universal  suffrage  is  not  in  any  way  sanctioned, 
or  admitted  by  these  resolutions,  as  the  basis  on  which  the 
constitution  of  the  popular  branch  should  rest. 

"  In  order  to  protect  local  interests,  and  to  prevent  sec- 
tional jealousies,  it  was  found  requisite  that  the  three  great 
divisions  into  which  British  North  America  is  separated, 
should  be  represented  in  the  Upper  House  on  the  principle 
of  equality.  There  are  three  great  sections,  having  different 
interests,  in  this  proposed  Confederation.  We  have  Western 
Canada,  an  agricultural  country  far  away  from  the  sea,  and 
having  the  largest  population,  who  have  agricultural  interests 
principally  to  guard.  We  have  Lower  Canada,  with  other 
and  separate  interests,  and  especially  with  institutions  and 
laws  which  she  jealously  guards  against  absorption  by  any 
larger,  more  numerous,  or  stronger  power.  And  we  have 
the  Maritime  Provinces,  having  also  different  sectional  inter- 
ests of  their  own,  having,  from  their  position,  classes  and 
interests  which  we  do  not  know  in  Western  Canada.  Accord- 
ingly* m  the  Upper  House — the  controlling  and  regulating, 
but  not  the  initiating,  branch  (for  we  know  that  here,  as  in 
England,  to  the  Lower  House  will  practically  belong  the 
initiation  of  matters  of  great  public  interest),  in  the  House 
which  has  the  sober  second  thought  in  legislation — it  is  pro- 
vided that  each  of  those  great  sections  shall  be  represented 
equally  by  twenty-four  members.  An  hereditary  Upper 
House  is  impracticable  in  this  young  country. 

"  Here  we  have  none  of  the  elements  for  the  formation 
of  a  landlord  aristocracy — no  men  of  large  territorial  positions 
— no  class  separated  from  the  mass  of  the  people.  An 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  37 

hereditary  body  is  altogether  unsuitcd  to  our  state  of  society 
and  would  soon  dwindle  into  nothing.  The  only  mode  of 
adapting  the  English  system  to  the  Upper  House,  is  by 
conferring  the  power  of  appointment  on  the  Crown  (as  the 
English  peers  are  appointed),  but  that  the  appointments 
should  be  for  life.  The  arguments  for  an  elective  council 
are  numerous  and  strong ;  and  I  ought  to  say  so,  as  one 
of  the  Administration,  responsible  for  introducing  the  elective 
principle  into  Canada.  (Hear,  hear).  I  hold  that  this  prin- 
ciple had  not  been  a  failure  in  Canada  ;  but  there  were  causes 
— which  we  did  not  take  into  consideration  at  the  time— why, 
it  did  not  so  fully  succeed  in  Canada  as  we  had  expected. 
At  first,  I  admit,  men  of  the  first  standing  did  come  forward, 
but  we  have  seen  that  in  every  succeeding  election  in  both 
Canadas  there  has  been  an  increasing  disinclination,  on  the 
part  of  men  of  standing  and  political  experience  and  weight 
in  the  country,  to  become  candidates  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  all  the  young  men,  the  active  politicians,  those  who 
have  resolved  to  embrace  the  life  of  a  statesman,  have  sought 
entrance  to  the  House  of  Assembly. 

"  The  nominative  system  in  this  country  was  to  a  great 
extent  successful  before  the  introduction  of  responsible  gov- 
ernment. Then  the  Canadas  were  to  a  great  extent  Crown 
colonies,  and  the  upper  branch  of  the  legislature  consisted  of 
gentlemen  chosen  from  among  the  chief  judicial  and  ecclesias- 
tical dignitaries,  the  heads  of  departments,  and  other  men  of 
the  first  position  in  the  country.  Those  bodies  commanded 
great  respect  from  the  character,  standing  and  weight  of  the 
individuals  composing  them,  but  they  had  little  sympathy 
with  the  people  or  their  representatives,  and  collisions  with 
the  Lower  House  frequently  occurred,  especially  in  Lower 
Canada.  When  responsible  government  was  introduced  it 
became  necessary  for  the  Governor  of  the  day  to  have  a  body 
of  advisers  who  had  the  confidence  of  the  House  of  Assembly 
which  could  make  or  unmake  Ministers  as  it  chose.  The 
Lower  House,  in  effect,  pointed  out  who  should  be  nominated 
to  the  Upper  House;  for  the  Ministry,  being  dependent  alto- 
gether on  the  lower  branch  of  the  legislature  for  support, 


38  Tin-:  LIKE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


selected  members  for  the  Upper  Mouse  from  among  their 
political  friends  at  the  dictation  of  the  House  of  Assembly. 
The  Council  was  becoming  less  and  less  a  substantial  check 
on  the  legislation  of  the  Assembly,  but  under  the  system  now 
proposed,  such  will  not  be  the  case.  No  Ministry  can  in 
future  do  what  they  have  done  in  Canada  before.  They 
cannot,  with  the  view  of  carrying  any  measure,  or  of  strength- 
ening the  party,  attempt  to  over-rule  the  independent  opinion 
of  the  Upper  House  by  filling  it  with  a  number  of  its 
partizans  and  political  supporters.  The  provision  in  the 
Constitution,  that  the  Legislative  Council  shall  consist  of  a 
limited  number  of  members,  that  each  of  the  great  sections 
shall  appoint  twenty-four  members  and  no  more,  will  prevent 
the  Upper  House  from  being  swamped  from  time  to  time  by 
the  Ministry  of  the  day  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  their 
own  schemes  or  pleasing  their  partizans.  The  fact  of  the 
Government  being  prevented  from  exceeding  a  limited  num- 
ber will  preserve  the  independence  of  the  Upper  House,  and 
make  it,  in  reality,  a  separate  and  distinct  chamber,  having  a 
legitimate  and  controlling  influence  in  the  legislation  of  the 
country. 

"  The  objection  has  been  taken,  that,  in  consequence  of  the 
Crown  being  deprived  of  the  right  of  unlimited  appointment, 
there  is  a  chance  of  a  dead-lock  arising  between  the  two 
branches  of  the  Legislature,  a  chance  that  the  Upper  House, 
being  altogether  independent  of  the  Sovereign,  of  the  Lower 
House,  and  of  the  advisers  of  the  Crown,  may  act  indepen- 
dently, and  so  independently  as  to  produce  a  dead-lock.  I  do 
not  anticipate  any  such  result.  In  the  first  place  we  know 
that  in  England  it  does  not  arise.  There  would  be  no  use  of 
an  Upper  House  if  it  did  not  exercise,  when  it  thought 
proper,  the  right  of  opposing  or  amending  or  postponing 
the  legislation  of  the  Lower  House.  It  would  be  of  no  value 
whatever  were  it  a  mere  chamber  for  registering  the  decrees 
of  the  Lower  House.  It  must  be  an  independent  House, 
having  a  free  action  of  its  own,  for  it  is  only  valuable  as  being 
a  regulating  body,  calmly  considering  the  legislation  initiated 
by  the  popular  branch,  and  preventing  any  hasty  or  ill-con- 


HIS    COXFEREKATION    SPEECH.  39 


sidered  legislation  which  may  come  from  that  body,  but  it  will 
never  set  itself  in  opposition  against  the  deliberate  and 
understood  wishes  of  the  people.  Even  the  House  of  Lords, 
which  as  an  hereditary  body  is  far  more  independent  than  one 
appointed  for  life  can  be  ;  whenever  it  ascertains  what  is  the 
calm,  deliberate  will  of  the  people  of  England,  yields,  and 
never  in  modern  times  has  there  been,  in  fact  or  act,  any 
attempt  to  over-rule  the  decisions  of  that  House  by  the 
appointment  of  new  peers,  excepting,  perhaps,  once  in  the 
reign  of  Queen  Anne. 

"In  this  country,  we  must  remember,  that  the  gentlemen 
who  will  be  selected  for  the  Legislative  Council,  stand  on  a 
very  different  footing  from  the  peers  of  England.  They  have 
not,  like  them,  any  ancestral  associations  or  position  derived 
from  history.  They  have  not  that  direct  influence  on  the 
people  themselves,  or  on  the  popular  branch  of  the  legislature, 
which  the  peers  of  England  exercise,  from  their  great  wealth, 
their  vast  territorial  possessions,  their  numerous  tenantry,  and 
that  prestige  with  which  the  exalted  position  of  their  class  for 
centuries  has  invested  them.  (Hear,  hear).  The  members  of 
our  Upper  House  will  be,  like  those  of  the  Lower,  men  of  the 
people,  and  from  the  people.  The  man  put  into  the  Upper 
House  is  as  much  a  man  of  the  people  the  day  after,  as  the 
day  before  his  elevation.  Springing  from  the  people,  and  one 
of  them,  he  takes  his  seat  in  the  Council  with  all  the  sym 
pathies  and  feelings  of  a  man  of  the  people,  and  when  he 
returns  home  at  the  end  of  the  session,  he  mingles  with  them 
on  equal  terms,  and  is  influenced  by  the  same  feelings  and 
associations  and  events,  as  tho.se  which  affect  the  mass  around 
him.  And  is  it  then  to  be  supposed  that  the  members  of  the 
upper  branch  of  the  Legislature  will  set  themselves  deliberate 
ly  at  work  to  oppose  what  they  know  to  be  the  settled 
opinions  and  wishes  of  the  people  of  the  country  ?  They  will 
not  do  it  There  is  no  fear  of  a  dead-lock  between  the  two 
Houses.  There  is  an  infinitely  greater  chance  of  a  dead-lock 
between  the  two  branches  of  the  Legislature,  should  the 
elective  principle  be  adopted,  than  with  a  nominated  Chamber 
chosen  by  the  Crown,  and  having  no  mission  from  the  people. 


40  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


The  members  of  the  Upper  Chamber  would  then  come 
from  the  people  as  well  as  those  of  the  Lower  House,  and 
should  any  difference  ever  arise  between  both  branches,  the 
former  could  say  to  the  members  of  the  popular  branch  :  '  We 
as  much  represent  the  feelings  of  the  people  as  you  do, 
and  even  more  so  ;  we  are  not  elected  from  small  localities 
and  for  a  short  period  ;  you  as  a  body  were  elected  at  a  par- 
ticular time,  when  the  public  mind  was  running  in  a  particular 
channel ;  you  were  returned  to  Parliament,  not  so  much  repre- 
senting the  general  views  of  the  country  on  general  questions, 
as  upon  the  particular  subjects  which  happened  to  engage  the 
minds  of  the  people  when  they  went  to  the  polls.  We  have  as 
much  right,  or  a  better  right,  than  you  to  be  considered  as 
representing  the  deliberate  will  of  the  people  on  general  ques- 
tions, and  therefore  we  will  not  give  way.'  (Hear,  hear). 
There  is,  I  repeat,  a  greater  danger  of  an  irreconcilable  differ- 
ence of  opinion  between  the  two  branches  of  the  Legislature, 
if  the  Upper  be  elective,  than  if  it  holds  its  commission  from 
the  Crown. 

"  Besides,  it  must  be  remembered  that  an  Upper  House, 
the  members  of  which  are  to  be  appointed  for  life,  would  not 
have  the  same  quality  of  permanence  as  the  House  of  Lords  ; 
our  members  would  die  ;  strangers  would  succeed  them, 
whereas  son  succeeded  father  in  the  House  of  Lords.  Thus 
the  changes  in  the  membership  and  state  of  opinion  in 
our  Upper  House  would  always  be  more  rapid  than  in 
the  House  of  Lords.  To  show  how  speedily  changes  have 
occurred  in  the  Upper  House,  as  regards  life  members,  I  will 
call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  following  facts  : — At 
the  call  of  the  House  in  February,  1856,  forty-two  life 
members  responded;  two  years  afterwards,  in  1858,  only 
thirty-five  answered  to  their  names  ;  in  1862  there  were 
only  twenty-five  life  members  left,  and  in  1864,  but  twenty- 
one.  (Hear,  hear).  This  shows  how  speedily  changes  take 
place  in  the  life  membership.  But,  remarkable  as  this 
change  has  been,  it  is  not  so  great  as  that  in  regard  to 
the  elected  members.  Though  the  elective  principle  only 
came  into  force  in  1856,  and  although  only  twelve  men  were 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  41 

elected  that  year  and  twelve  more  every  two  years  since,  twen- 
ty-four changes  have  already  taken  place  by  the  decease 
of  members,  by  the  acceptance  of  office,  and  by  resignation. 
So  it  is  quite  clear  that,  should  there  be  on  any  question 
a  difference  of  opinion  between  the  Upper  and  Lower  Houses, 
the  Government  of  the  day  being  obliged  to  have  the  confi- 
dence of  the  majority  in  the  popular  branch,  would,  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  the  former  into  accord  and  sympathy 
with  the  latter,  fill  up  any  vacancies  that  might  occur  with 
men  of  the  same  political  feelings  and  sympathies  with  the 
Government,  and  consequently  with  those  of  the  majority  in 
the  popular  branch  ;  and  all  the  appointments  of  the  Admin- 
istration would  be  made  with  the  object  of  maintaining 
the  sympathy  and  harmony  between  the  two  Houses.  (Hear, 
hear). 

"  There  is  this  additional  advantage  to  be  expected  from 
the  limitation.  To  the  Upper  House  is  to  be  confided  the 
protection  of  sectional  interests  ;  therefore  is  it  that  the  three 
great  divisions  are  there  equally  represented,  for  the  purpose 
of  defending  such  interests  against  the  combinations  of 
majorities  in  the  Assembly.  It  will,  therefore,  become  the 
interest  of  each  section  to  be  represented  by  its  very  best  men, 
and  the  members  of  the  Administration  who  belong  to  each 
section  will  see  that  such  men  are  chosen,  in  case  of  a 
vacancy  in  their  section. 

"  In  the  formation  of  the  House  of  Commons,  the  principle 
of  representation  by  population  has  been  provided  for  in  a 
manner  equally  ingenious  and  simple.  The  introduction  of 
this  principle  presented  at  first  the  apparent  difficulty  of  a 
constantly  increasing  body,  until,  with  the  increasing  popula- 
tion, it  would  become  inconveniently  and  expensively  large. 
But  by  adopting  the  representation  of  Lower  Canada  as  a 
fixed  standard — as  the  pivot  on  which  the  whole  would  turn — 
that  province  being  the  best  suited  for  the  purpose,  on  account 
of  the  comparatively  permanent  character  of  its  population, 
and  from  its  having  neither  the  largest  nor  least  number  of 
inhabitants,  we  have  been  enabled  to  overcome  the  difficulty  I 
have  mentioned.  We  have  introduced  the  system  of  repre- 


42          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


sentation  by  population  without  the  danger  of  an  inconvenient 
increase  in  the  number  of  representatives  on  the  recurrence  of 
each  decennial  period.  The  whole  thing  is  worked  by  a  simple 
rule  of  three.  For  instance,  we  have  in  Upper  Canada 
1,400,000  of  a  population  ;  in  Lower  Canada  1,100,000.  Now, 
the  proposition  is  simply  this,  if  Lower  Canada,  with  its 
population  of  1,100,000,  has  a  right  to  sixty-five  members,  how 
many  members  should  Upper  Canada  have,  with  its  larger 
population  of  1,400,000?  The  same  rule  applies  to  the  other 
provinces,  the  proportion  is  always  observed,  and  the  principle 
of  representation  by  population  carried  out,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  there  will  not  be  decennially  an  inconvenient  increase  in 
the  members  of  the  Lower  Ho^e.  At  the  same  time  there  is 
a  constitutional  provision  that  hereafter,  if  deemed  advisable, 
the  total  number  of  representatives  may  be  increased  from 
194,  the  number  fixed  in  the  first  instance.  In  that  case,  if  an 
increase  is  made,  Lower  Canada  is  still  to  remain  the  pivot  on 
which  the  whole  calculation  will  turn.  If  Lower  Canada, 
instead  of  sixty-five,  shall  have  seventy  members,  then  the 
calculation  will  be,  if  Lower  Canada  has  seventy  members, 
with  such  a  population,  how  many  shall  Upper  Canada  have 
with  a  larger  population  ? 

"  I  was  in  favour  of  a  larger  House  than  194, 
but  was  overruled.  I  was,  perhaps,  singular  in  the 
opinion,  but  I  thought  it  would  be  well  to  commence  with 
a  larger  representation  in  the  lower  branch.  The  arguments 
against  this  were,  that,  in  the  first  place,  it  would  cause 
additional  expense  ;  in  the  next  place,  that  in  a  new  country 
like  this,  we  could  not  get  a  sufficient  number  of  qualified  men 
to  be  representatives.  My  reply  was  that  the  number  is 
rapidly  increasing  as  we  increase  in  education  and  wealth  : 
that  a  larger  field  would  be  open  to  political  ambition  by 
having  a  larger  body  of  representatives  ;  that  by  having 
numerous  and  smaller  constituencies,  more  people  would  be 
interested  in  the  working  of  the  union,  and  that  there  would  be 
a  wider  field  for  selection  for  leaders  of  governments  and  the 
leaders  of  parties.  These  are  my  individual  sentiments,  which, 
perhaps,  I  have  no  right  to  express  here,  but  I  was  overruled, 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  43 

and  wefixed  on  the  number  of  194,  which  no  one  will  say  is 
large  or  extensive,  when  it  is  considered  that  our  present 
number  in  Canada  alone  is  130.  The  difference  between  130 
and  194  is  not  great,  considering  the  large  increase  that  will  be 
made  to  our  population  when  Confederation  is  carried  into 
effect. 

"  While  the  principle  of  representation  by  population  is 
adopted  with  respect  to  the  popular  branch  of  the  Legislature, 
not  a  single  member  of  the  conference,  as  I  stated  before,  not 
a  single  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  Government  or  of 
the  Opposition,  or  any  one  of  the  Lower  Provinces,  was  in 
favour  of  universal  suffrage.  Every  one  felt  that  in  this 
respect  the  principle  of  the  British  Constitution  should  be 
carried  out,  and  that  classes  and  property  should  be  repre- 
sented as  well  as  numbers.  Insuperable  difficulties  would 
have  presented  themselves  if  we  had  attempted  to  settle  now 
the  qualification  for  the  elective  franchise.  We  have  different 
laws  in  each  of  the  colonies,  fixing  the  qualification  of  electors 
for  their  own  local  legislatures  ;  and  we  therefore  adopted  a 
similar  clause  to  that  which  is  contained  in  the  Canada  Union 
Act  of  1841,  viz.,  that  all  the  laws  which  affected  the  qualifica- 
tion of  members  and  of  voters,  which  effected  the  appoint- 
ment and  conduct  of  returning  officers,  and  the  proceedings  at 
elections,  as  well  as  the  trial  of  controverted  elections  in  the 
separate  provinces,  should  obtain  in  the  first  election  to  the 
Confederate  Parliament,  so  that  every  man  who  has  now  a 
vote  in  his  own  province  should  continue  to  have  a  vote  in 
choosing  a  representative  to  the  first  Federal  Parliament. 
And  it  was  left  to  the  Parliament  of  the  Confederation,  as  one 
of  their  first  duties,  to  consider  and  to  settle  by  an  act  of  their 
own  the  qualification  for  the  elective  franchise,  which  would 
apply  to  the  whole  Confederation. 

"  In  considering  the  question  of  the  duration  of  Parlia- 
ment, we  came  to  the  conclusion  to  recommend  a  period 
of  five  years.  I  was  in  favour  of  a  longer  period.  I  thought 
that  the  duration  of  the  Local  Legislatures  should  not  be 
shortened  so  as  to  be  less  than  four  years,  as  at  present,  and 
that  the  General  Parliament  should  have  as  long  a  duration 


44  THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


as  that  of  the  United  Kingdom.  I  was  willing  to  have  gone 
to  the  extent  of  seven  years  ;  but  a  term  of  five  years  was 
preferred,  and  we  had  the  example  of  New  Zealand  carefully 
considered,  not  only  locally,  but  by  the  Imperial  Parliament, 
and  which  gave  the  Provinces  of  those  Islands  a  General 
Parliament  with  a  duration  of  five  years.  But  it  was  a 
matter  of  little  importance  whether  five  years  or  seven  years 
was  the  term,  the  power  of  dissolution  by  the  Crown  having 
been  reserved.  I  find,  on  looking  at  the  duration  of  Parlia- 
ments since  the  accession  of  George  III.  to  the  Throne, 
that  excluding  the  present  Parliament,  there  have  been  seven- 
teen Parliaments,  the  average  period  of  whose  existence  has 
been  about  three  years  and  a  half.  That  average  is  less 
than  the  average  duration  of  the  Parliaments  in  Canada  since 
the  Union,  so  that  it  was  not  a  matter  of  much  importance 
whether  we  fixed  upon  five  or  seven  years  as  the  period  of 
duration  of  our  General  Parliament.  In  short,  this  Parlia- 
ment shall  settle  what  shall  be  the  different  constituencies 
electing  members  to  the  first  Federal  Parliament.  And  so 
the  other  provinces,  the  Legislatures  of  which  will  fix  the 
limits  of  their  several  constituencies  in  the  session  in  which 
they  adopt  the  new  constitution.  Afterwards  the  Local  Legis= 
latures  may  alter  their  own  electoral  limits  as  they  please, 
for  their  own  local  elections.  But  it  would  evidently  be 
improper  to  leave  to  the  Local  Legislatures  the  power  to 
alter  the  constituencies  sending  members  to  the  General 
Legislature  after  the  General  Legislature  shall  have  been 
called  into  existence.  Were  this  the  case,  a  member  of  the 
General  Legislature  might  at  any  time  find  himself  ousted 
from  his  scat  by  an  alteration  of  his  constituency  by  the 
Local  Legislature  in  his  section. 

"  I  shall  not  detain  the  House  by  entering  into  a  con- 
sideration at  any  length  of  the  different  powers  conferred 
upon  the  General  Parliament  as  contradistinguished  from 
those  reserved  to  the  Local  Legislatures  ;  but  any  honourable 
member,  on  examining  the  list  of  different  subjects  which 
are  to  be  assigned  to  the  General  and  Local  Legislatures 
respectively,  will  see  that  all  the  great  questions  which  affect 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  45 


the  general  interests  of  the  Confederacy  as  a  whole,  are 
confided  to  the  Federal  Parliament,  while  the  local  interests 
and  local  laws  of  each  section  are  preserved  intact,  and 
intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  local  bodies.  As  a  matter  of 
course,  the  General  Parliament  must  have  the  power  of  deal- 
ing with  the  public  debt  and  property  of  the  Confederation. 
Of  course,  too,  it  must  have  the  regulation  of  trade  and 
commerce,  of  customs  and  excise.  The  Federal  Parliament 
must  have  the  sovereign  power  of  raising  money  from  such 
sources  and  by  such  means  as  the  representatives  of  the 
people  will  allow. 

"It  will  be  seen  that  the  Loc_al_ Legislatures  have  the 
control  of  all  local  works  ;  and  it  is  a  matter  of  great  import- 
ance, and  one  of  the  chief  advantages  of  the  Federal  Union 
and  of  Local  Legislatures,  that  each  province  will  have  the 
power  and  means  of  developing  its  own  resources  and  aiding 
its  own  progress,  after  its  own  fashion  and  in  its  own  way. 
Therefore,  all  the  local  improvements,  all  local  enterprises 
or  undertakings  of  any  kind,  have  been  left  itcTThe  care  and 
management  of  the  Local  Legislatures  of  each  province. 
(Cheers). 

"  It  is  provided  that  all  '  lines  of  steam  or  other  ships, 
railways,  canals  and  other  works,  connecting  any  two  or 
more  of  the  Provinces  together,  or  extending  beyond  the 
limits  of  any  province,'  shall  belong  to  the  General  Govern- 
ment and  be  under  the  control  of  the  General  Legislature. 
In  like  manner,  '  lines  of  steamships  between  the  Federated 
Provinces  and  other  countries,  telegraph  communication  and 
the  incorporation  of  telegraph  companies,  and  all  such  works 
as  shall,  although  lying  within  any  province,  be  specially 
declared  by  the  Acts  authorizing  them,  to  be  for  the  general 
advantage,'  shall  belong  to  the  General  Government.  For 
instance,  the  Welland  Canal,  though  lying  wholly  within  one 
section,  and  the  St.  Lawrence  Canals  in  two  only,  may  be 
properly  considered  national  works,  and  for  the  general 
benefit  of  the  whole  Federation.  Again,  the  census,  the 
ascertaining  of  our  numbers  and  the  extent  of  our  resources, 
must,  as  a  matter  of  general  interest,  belong  to  the  General 


46  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Government.  So  also  with  the  defences  of  the  country.  One 
of  the  great  advantages  of  Confederation  is,  that  we  shall 
have  a  united,  a  concerted,  and  uniform  system  of  defence. 
(Hear).  We  arc  at  this  moment  with  a  different  militia 
system  in  each  Colony — in  some  of  the  Colonies  with  an 
utter  want  of  any  system  of  defence.  We  have  a  number 
of  separate  staff  establishments,  without  any  arrangement 
between  the  colonies  as  to  the  means,  cither  of  defence  or 
offence.  But,  under  the  Union,  we  will  have  one  system 
of  defence  and  one  system  of  militia  organization.  In  the 
event  of  the  Lower  Provinces  being  threatened,  we  can  send 
the  large  militia  forces  of  Upper  Canada  to  their  rescue. 
Should  we  have  to  fight  on  our  lakes  against  a  foreign  foe, 
we  will  have  the  hardy  seamen  of  the  Lower  Provinces 
coming  to  our  assistance  and  manning  our  vessels.  (Hear, 
hear).  We  will  have  one  system  of  defence  and  be  one 
people,  acting  together  alike,  in  times  of  peace  and  in  war. 
(Cheers). 

"The  criminal  law,  too, — the  determination  of  what  is 
a  crime  and  what  is  not,  and  how  crime  shall  be  punished 
— is  left  to  the  General  Government.  This  is  a  matter  almost 
of  necessity.  It  is  of  great  importance  that  we  should  have 
the  same  criminal  law  throughout  the  Provinces — that  what 
is  a  crime  in  one  part  of  British  America,  should  be  a  crime 
in  every  part — that  there  should  be  the  same  protection  of  life 
and  property  in  one  as  in  another.  It  is  one  of  the  defects 
in  the  United  States  system,  that  each  separate  state  has 
or  may  have  a  criminal  code  of  its  own — that  what  may 
be  a  capital  offence  in  one  state,  may  be  a  venial  offence, 
punishable  slightly,  in  another.  But,  under  our  Constitution, 
we  shall  have  one  body  of  criminal  law  based  on  the  criminal 
law  of  England,  and  operating  equally  throughout  British 
America,  so  that  a  British  American,  belonging  to  what 
province  he  may,  or  going  to  any  other  part  of  the  Confedera- 
tion, knows  what  his  rights  are  in  that  respect,  and  what 
his  punishment  will  be  if  an  offender  against  the  criminal 
laws  of  the  land.  I  think  this  is  one  of  the  most  marked 
instances  in  which  we  take  advantage  of  the  experience 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  47 


derived  from  our  observations  of  the  defects  in  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  neighbouring  Republic.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  The  thirty-third  provision  is  of  very  great  importance  to 
the  future  well-being  of  these  colonies.  It  commits  to  the 
General  Parliament  the  '  rendering  uniform  all  or  any  of  the 
laws  relative  to  property  and  civil  rights  in  Upper  Canada, 
Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  Newfoundland  and  Prince 
Edward  Island,  and  rendering  uniform  the  procedure  of  all 
or  any  of  the  courts  of  these  provinces/  The  great  principles 
which  govern  the  laws  of  all  the  provinces,  with  the  single 
exception  of  Lower  Canada,  are  the  same,  although  there  may 
be  a  divergence  in  details,  and  it  is  gratifying  to  find,  on  the 
part  of  the  Lower  Provinces,  a  general  desire  to  join  together 
with  Upper  Canada  in  this  matter,  and  to  procure,  as  soon  as 
possible,  an  assimilation  of  the  statutory  laws  and  the  proce- 
dure in  the  courts,  of  all  these  provinces.  At  present  there  is 
a  good  deal  of  diversity.  In  one  of  the  colonies,  for  instance, 
they  have  no  municipal  system  at  all.  In  another,  the  muni- 
cipal system  is  merely  permissive,  and  has  not  been  adopted 
to  any  extent-  Although,  therefore,  a  legislative  union  was 
found  to  be  almost  impracticable,  it  was  understood,  so  far  as 
we  could  influence  the  future,  that  the  first  act  of  the  Confed- 
eration Government  should  be  to  procure  an  assimilation  of  a 
statutory  law  of  all  those  provinces,  which  has,  as  its  root  and 
foundation,  the  common  law  of  England.  But  to  prevent 
local  interests  from  being  over-ridden,  the  same  section  makes 
provision,  that,  while  power  is  given  to  the  General  Legislature 
to  deal  with  this  subject,  no  change  in  this  respect  should 
have  the  force  and  authority  of  law  in  any  province  until 
sanctioned  by  the  Legislature  of  that  province.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  The  General  Legislature  is  to  have  power  to  establish  a 
General  Court  of  Appeal  for  the  federated  provinces.  Although 
the  Canadian  Legislature  has  always  had  the  power  to  estab- 
lish a  Court  of  Appeal,  to  which  appeals  may  be  made  from 
the  Courts  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  we  have  never 
availed  ourselves  of  the  power.  Upper  Canada  has  its  own 
Court  of  Appeal,  so  has  Lower  Canada.  And  this  system 
will  continue  until  a  General  Court  of  Appeal  shall  be  estab- 


48  THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


lishcd  by  the  General  Legislature  The  Constitution  does 
not  provide  that  such  a  court  shall  be  established.  There  are 
many  arguments  for  and  against  the  establishment  of  such  a 
court.  But  it  was  thought  wise  and  expedient  to  put  into  the 
Constitution  a  power  to  the  General  Legislature,  that,  if  after 
full  consideration  they  think  it  advisable  to  establish  a  General 
Court  of  Appeal  from  all  the  Superior  Courts  of  all  the 
provinces,  they  may  do  so.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  I  shall  not  go  over  the  other  powers  that  are  conferred 
on  the  General  Parliament.  Most  of  them  refer  to  matters  of 
financial  and  commercial  interest,  and  I  leave  those  subjects 
in  other  and  better  hands.  Besides  all  the  powers  that  are 
specially  given  in  the  thirty-seventh  and  last  item  of  this 
portion  of  the  Constitution,  confers  on  the  General  Legis- 
lature the  general  mass  of  sovereign  legislation,  the  power  to 
legislate  on  '  all  matters  of  a  general  character,  not  specially 
and  exclusively  reserved  for  the  Local  Governments  and  Legis- 
latures '  This  it  precisely  the  provision  which  is  wanting  in 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  It  is  here  that  we  find 
the  weakness  of  the  American  system — the  point  where  the 
American  Constitution  breaks  down.  (Hear,  hear).  It  is  in 
itself  a  wise  and  necessary  provision.  We  thereby  strengthen 
the  central  Parliament  and  make  the  Confederation  one 
people  and  one  government,  instead  of  five  peoples  and  five 
governments,  with  merely  a  point  of  authority  connecting  us 
to  a  limited  and  insufficient  extent. 

"  With  respect  to  the  Local  Governments,  it  is  provided  that 
each  shall  be  governed  by  a  chief  executive  officer,  who  sliall 
be  nominated  by  the  General  Government.  As  this  is  to  be 
one  united  province,  with  the  Local  Governments  and  Legisla- 
tures subordinate  to  the  General  Government  and  Legislature, 
it  is  obvious  that  the  chief  executive  officer  in  each  of  the 
provinces  must  be  subordinate  as  well.  The  General  Govern- 
ment assumes  towards  the  Local  Governments  precisely  the 
same  position  as  the  Imperial  Government  holds  with  respect 
to  each  of  the  colonies  now,  so  that  as  the  Licutenant- 
Governor  of  each  of  the  different  provinces  is  now  appointed 
directly  by  the  Queen,  and  is  directly  responsible  and  reports 


THE  EARL  OF  DUFFERIN,  K.P.,  K.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.  (Lord  Dtifferin). 
(Governor-General  from  June  25,  1872,  until  October  18,  i8f8). 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  51 


directly  to  her,  so  will  the  Executives  of  the  Local  Govern- 
ments hereafter  be  subordinate  to  the  representative  of  the 
Queen  and  be  responsible  and  report  to  him. 

"  There  are  numerous  subjects  which  belong,  of  right,  both 
to  the  Local  and  the  General  Parliaments.  In  all  these  cases 
it  is  provided,  in  order  to  prevent  a  conflict  of  authority,  that 
where  there  is  concurrent  jurisdiction  in  the  General  and 
1  Local  Parliaments,  the  same  rule  should  apply  as  now  applies 
i  in  cases  where  there  is  concurrent  jurisdiction  in  the  Imperial 
and  in  the  Provincial  Parliaments,  and  that  when  the  legisla- 
tion of  the  one  is  adverse  to  or  contradictory  of  the  legislation 
of  the  other,  in  all  such  cases  the  action  of  the  General 
Parliament  must  overrule,  ex-necessitate,  the  action  of  the 
Local  Legislature.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  We  have  introduced  also  all  those  provisions  which  are 
necessary  in  order  to  the  full  working  out  of  the  British 
Constitution  in  these  provinces.  We  provide  that  there  shall 
be  no  money  votes,  unless  those  votes  are  introduced  in  the 
popular  branch  of  the  Legislature  on  the  authority  of  the 
responsible  advisers  of  the  Crown — those  with  whom  the 
responsibility  rests  of  equalizing  revenue  and  expenditure — 
that  there  can  be  no  expenditure  or  authorization  of  expendi- 
ture by  Address  or  in  any  other  way  unless  initiated  by  the 
Crown  on  the  advice  of  its  responsible  advisers.  (Hear,  hear). 

"The  last  resolution  of  any  importance  is  one  which, 
although  not  affecting  the  substance  of  the  Constitution,  is  of 
interest  to  us  all.  Is  it  that  '  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  be 
solicited  to  determine  the  rank  and  name  of  the  federated 
provinces  ?'  I  do  not  know  whether  there  will  be  any  expres- 
sion of  opinion  in  this  House  on  this  subject,  whether  we  arc 
to  be  a  vice-royalty,  or  whether  we  are  still  to  retain  our 
name  and  rank  as  a  province.  But  I  have  no  doubt  Her 
Majesty  will  give  the  matter  her  gracious  consideration,  that 
she  will  give  us  a  name  satisfactory  to  us  all,  and  that  the  rank 
she  will  confer  upon  us  will  be  a  rank  worthy  of  our  position, 
of  our  resources,  and  of  our  future.  (Cheers). 

"  One  argument,  but  not  a  strong  one,  has  been  used 
against  this  Confederation,  that  it  is  an  advance  towards 


52  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


independence.  Some  are  apprehensive  that  the  very  fact  of  our 
forming  this  Union  will  hasten  the  time  when  we  shall  be 
severed  from  the  mother  country.  I  have  no  apprehension  of 
that  kind.  I  believe  it  will  have  the  contrary  effect.  I  believe 
that  as  we  grow  stronger,  that,  as  it  is  felt  in  England  we 
have  become  a  people,  able  from  our  union,  our  strength,  our 
population,  and  the  development  of  our  resources,  to  take  our 
position  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  she  will  be  less 
willing  to  part  with  us  than  she  would  be  now,  when  we  are 
broken  up  into  a  number  of  insignificant  colonies,  subject  to 
attack  piece-meal  without  any  concerted  action  or  common 
organization  of  defence.  I  am  strongly  of  opinion  that  year 
by  year,  as  we  grow  in  population  and  in  strength,  England 
will  more  see  the  advantages  of  maintaining  the  alliance 
between  British  North  America  and  herself.  Does  anyone 
imagine  that,  when  our  population  instead  of  three  and  a  half, 
will  be  seven  millions,  as  it  will  be  ere  many  years  pass,  we 
would  be  one  whit  more  willing  than  now  to  sever  the  connec- 
tion with  England  ?  Would  not  those  seven  millions  be  just 
as  anxious  to  maintain  their  allegiance  to  the  Queen  and  their 
connection  with  the  mother  country  as  we  are  now  ?  Will 
the  addition  to  our  numbers  of  the  people  of  the  Lower 
Provinces,  in  any  way  lessen  our  desire  to  continue  our 
connection  with  the  mother  country?  I  believe  the  people  of 
Canada  east  and  west,  to  be  truly  loyal.  But,  if  they  can  by 
possibility  be  exceeded  in  loyalty,  it  is  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Maritime  Provinces.  Loyalty  with  them  is  an  over-ruling 
passion.  (Hear,  hear).  In  all  parts  of  the  Lower  Provinces 
there  is  a  rivalry  between  the  opposing  political  parties  as  to 
which  shall  most  strongly  express  and  most  effectively  carry 
out  the  principle  of  loyalty  to  Her  Majesty  and  to  the  British 
Crown.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  When  this  union  takes  place,  we  will  be  at  the  outset  no 
inconsiderable  people.  And  with  a  rapidly  increasing  popula- 
tion— for  I  am  satisfied  that  under  this  union  our  population 
will  increase  in  a  still  greater  ratio  than  ever  before — with 
increased  credit — with  a  higher  position  in  the  eyes  of  Europe 
—with  the  increased  security  we  can  offer  to  immigrants,  who 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  53 


would  naturally  prefer  to  seek  a  nc\v  home  in  what  is  known 
to  them  as  a  great  country,  than  in  any  one  little  colony 
or  another — with  all  this  I  am  satisfied  that,  great  as  has  been 
our  increase  in  the  last  twenty-five  years  since  the  union 
between  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  our  future  progress,  during 
the  next  quarter  of  a  century,  will  be  vastly  greater.  (Cheers). 
And  when,  by  means  of  this  rapid  increase,  we  become  a 
nation  of  eight  or  nine  millions  of  inhabitants,  our  alliance  will 
be  worthy  of  being  sought  by  the  great  nations  of  the  earth. 
(Hear,  hear).  I  am  proud  to  believe  that  our  desire  for 
a  permanent  alliance  will  be  reciprocated  in  England.  I 
know  that  there  is  a  party  in  England — but  it  is  inconsider- 
able in  numbers,  though  strong  in  intellect  and  power — which 
speaks  of  the  desirability  of  getting  rid  of  the  colonies,  but  I 
believe  such  is  not  the  feeling  of  the  statesmen  and  the  people 
of  England.  I  believe  it  will  never  be  the  deliberately 
expressed  determination  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain. 
(Hear.  hear). 

"  The  colonies  are  now  in  a  transition  state.  Gradually  a 
different  colonial  system  is  being  developed — and  it  will 
become,  year  by  year,  less  a  case  of  dependence  on  our  part, 
and  of  over-ruling  protection  on  the  part  of  the  mother  coun- 
try, and  more  a  case  of  a  healthy  and  cordial  alliance.  Instead 
of  looking  upon  us  merely  as  a  dependent  colony,  England 
will  have  in  us  a  friendly  nation — a  subordinate,  but  still  a 
powerful  people — to  stand  by  her  in  North  America  in  peace 
or  in  war.  (Cheers).  The  people  of  Australia  will  be  such 
another  subordinate  nation.  And  England  will  have  this 
advantage,  if  her  colonies  progress  under  the  new  colonial 
system,  as  I  believe  they  will,  that,  though  at  war  with  all  the 
rest  of  the  world,  she  will  be  able  to  look  to  the  subordinate 
nations  in  alliance  with  her,  and  owing  allegiance  to  the 
same  Sovereign,  who  will  assist  in  enabling  her  again  to  meet 
the  whole  world  in  arms,  as  she  has  done  before.  (Cheers). 
And  if,  in  the  great  Napoleonic  war,  with  every  port  in  Europe 
closed  against  her  commerce,  she  was  yet  able  to  hold  her 
own,  how  much  more  will  that  be  the  case  when  she  has 
a  colonial  empire  rapidly  increasing  in  power,  in  wealth,  in 


54  THE  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


influence,  and  in  position.  (Hear,  hear).  It  is  true  that  we 
stand  in  danger,  as  we  have  stood  in  danger  again  and  again 
in  Canada,  of  being  plunged  into  war,  and  suffering  all  its 
dreadful  consequences,  as  the  result  of  causes  over  which  we 
have  no  control,  by  reason  of  their  connection.  This,  however, 
did  not  intimidate  us.  At  the  very  mention  of  the  prospect  of 
a  war  some  time  ago,  how  were  the  feelings  of  the  people 
aroused  from  one  extremity  of  British  America  to  the  other, 
and  preparations  were  made  for  meeting  its  worst  conse- 
quences. Although  the  people  of  this  country  are  fully  aware 
of  the  horrors  of  war — should  a  war  arise,  unfortunately, 
between  the  United  States  and  England,  and  we  all  pray  it 
never  may — they  are  still  ready  to  encounter  all  perils  of  that 
kind,  for  the  sake  of  the  connection  with  England.  There 
is  not  one  adverse  voice,  not  one  adverse  opinion  on  that 
point. 

"  We  all  feel  the  advantages  we  derive  from  our  connection 
with  England.  So  long  as  that  alliance  is  maintained,  we 
enjoy,  under  her  protection,  the  privileges  of  constitutional 
liberty  according  to  the  British  system.  We  will  enjoy  here 
that  which  is  the  great  test  of  constitutional  freedom — we  will 
have  the  rights  of  the  minority  respected.  (Hear,  hear).  In 
all  countries  the  rights  of  the  majority  take  care  of  themselves, 
but  it  is  only  in  countries  like  England,  enjoying  constitu- 
tional liberty,  and  safe  from  the  tyranny  of  a  single  despot  or 
of  an  unbridled  democracy,  that  the  rights  of  minorities  are 
regarded.  So  long,  too,  as  we  form  a  portion  of  the  British 
Empire  we  shall  have  the  example  of  her  free  institutions,  of 
the  high  standard  of  the  character  of  her  statesmen  and  public 
men,  of  the  purity  of  her  legislation,  and  the  upright  adminis- 
tration of  her  laws.  In  this  younger  country  one  great  advan- 
tage of  our  connection  with  Great  Britain  will  be,  that,  under 
her  auspices,  inspired  by  her  example,  a  portion  of  her  empire, 
our  public  men  will  be  actuated  by  principles  similar  to  those 
which  actuate  the  statesmen  at  home.  These,  although  not 
material  physical  benefits,  of  which  you  can  make  an  arith- 
metical calculation,  are  of  such  overwhelming  advantage  to 
our  future  interests  and  standing  as  a  nation,  that  to  obtain 


His  CONFEDERATION  SPEECH.  55 

them  is  well  worthy  of  any  sacrifice  we  may  be  called  upon 
to  make,  and  the  people  of  this  country  are  ready  to  make 
them.  (Cheers). 

"  We  should  feel,  also,  sincerely  grateful  to  a  beneficent 
Providence  that  we  have  had  the  opportunity  vouchsafed  us 
of  calmly  considering  this  great  constitutional  change,  this 
peaceful  revolution — that  we  have  not  been  hurried  into  it, 
like  the  United  States,  by  the  exigencies  of  war— that  we  have 
not  had  a  violent  revolutionary  period  forced  on  us,  as  in 
other  nations,  by  hostile  action  from  without,  or  by  domestic 
dissensions  from  within.  Here  we  are  in  peace  and  prosperity, 
under  the  fostering  government  of  Great  Britain — a  dependent 
people,  with  a  government  having  only  a  limited  and  delegated 
authority,  and  yet  allowed,  without  restriction,  and  without 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  mother  country,  to  legislate  for 
ourselves,  and  peacefully  and  deliberately  to  consider  and 
determine  the  future  of  Canada  and  of  British  North  America. 

"It  is  our  happiness  to  know  the  expression  of  the  will  of 
our  gracious  Sovereign,  through  her  Ministers,  that  we  have 
her  full  sanction  for  our  deliberations,  that  her  only  solicitude 
is  that  we  shall  adopt  a  system  which  shall  be  really  for  our 
advantage,  and  that  she  promises  to  sanction  whatever  conclu- 
sion, after  full  deliberation  we  may  arrive  at,  as  to  the  best 
mode  of  securing  the  well-being — the  present  and  future 
prosperity  of  British  America.  (Cheers).  It  is  our  privilege 
and  happiness  to  be  in  such  a  position,  and  we  cannot  be  too 
grateful  for  the  blessings  thus  conferred  upon  us.  (Hear, 
hear).  In  conclusion,  I  would  again  implore  the  House  not  to 
let  this  opportunity  pass.  It  is  an  opportunity  that  may 
never  recur.  If  we  do  not  take  advantage  of  the  time  ;  if  we 
show  ourselves  unequal  to  the  occasion,  it  may  never  return, 
and  we  shall  hereafter  bitterly  and  unavailingly  regret  having 
failed  to  embrace  the  happy  opportunity  now  offered  of 
founding  a  great  nation  under  the  fostering  care  of  Great 
Britain,  and  our  Sovereign  Lady,  Queen  Victoria." 

Many  other  able  speeches  were  made  by  leading  men  on 
both  sides,  until  the  whole  subject  was  thoroughly  exhausted. 
The  attack  on  the  Government  propositions  was  led  by  the 


56  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Honourable  A.  A.  Dorion,  who  moved  an  amendment  to  the 
Twelvth  Resolution,  "  that  the  people  of  this  province  neither 
wish  nor  seek  a  new  nationality."  What  he  desired  to  convey 
by  this  can  only  be  conjectured,  as  he  did  not  offer  any 
argument  in  support,  but,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
manifesto  issued  by  him,  as  soon  as  the  proposed  new  consti- 
tution was  made  public,  it  was  thought  at  the  time  that  his 
desire  was  to  alarm  the  jealousy  of  the  French-Canadians,  and 
thus  create  opposition  to  the  Union  of  Canada  and  the  Lower 
Provinces.  The  views  of  the  House,  however,  were  in  harmony 
with  those  of  the  Government,  and  the  resolutions  were  carried 
by  a  vote  of  91  to  33. 

On  March  i8th  Parliament  was  prorogued,  and  in  the 
following  month  a  deputation,  composed  of  the  Honourables 
John  A.  Macdonald,  George  E.  Cartier,  George  Brown  and  A. 
T.  Gait,  proceeded  to  England  to  confer  with  the  Home 
Government  on  the  matter  of  Confederation. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

1865-67. 

Opposition  to  Confederation  in  Nova  Scotia — Archbishop  Connolly's  Letter — 
Death  of  Sir  E.  1'.  Tache — Re-organi/ation  of  the  Cabinet  under  Sir  Nar- 
cisse  Belleau — Termination  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  of  1854 — Extracts  from 
Debates  in  Congress— History  of  Reciprocity — Mr.  Derby's  Report — The 
Globe's  Editorial  thereon — The  Fenian  organization — Raids  on  Canada — 
Archbishop  Connolly's  Letter  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  Brunswick 
Honourable  D'Arcy  McGee's  denunciation  of  Fenianism — Meeting  of  Dele- 
gates in  London — Passage  of  the  Confederation  Act — Birth  of  the  Dominion 
of  Canada,  July  I,  1867. 

IN  the  Maritime  Provinces,  and  especially  in  Nova  Scotia, 
a  determined  opposition  to  the  project  of  Confederation 
was  offered  by  a  portion  of  the  press,  and  a  section  of  the 
people  led  by  the  Honourable  Joseph  Howe,  a  man  of  great 
ability,  and  who  wielded  an  immense  influence  and  used 
every  possible  effort  to  prevent  the  scheme  being  carried 
into  effect.  To  meet  the  arguments  thus  advanced,  many 
others  offered  their  views  in  the  press  and  on  the  platform, 
and,  of  these,  there  were  none  whose  opinions  carried  greater 
weight  or  received  more  attention  than  those  of  Archbishop 
Connolly  in  reply  to  the  Halifax  Morning  Chronicle.  Both 
on  account  of  its  intrinsic  merit  and  also  of  the  dignified 
position  of  the  Right  Rev.  writer,  the  letter  received  a  wide 
circulation,  and  did  much  in  directing  the  public  mind  in 
the  proper  direction.  We  give  the  following  extracts  :— 

"If  one-half  of  what  you  say  about  Fenians  and  armed 
and  hostile  organizations  in  a  neighbouring  country  be  true, 
which  I  do  not  contradict,  some  or  many  of  our  Catholic 
Churches,  with  or  without  our  consent,  may  be  turned  into 
drill-rooms—but  if  I  know  anything  of  the  Catholic  body 
in  this  country,  I  vouch  for  it,  they  will  never  be  used  for 
the  purposes  of  pretended  loyalists  and  sympathizers,  or  the 
foreign  foe,  and  much  less  for  the  Fenian  Brotherhood  on 
their  quixotic  expedition,  unless,  indeed,  it  be  to  help  them 
in  finding  and  filling  up  these  much  talked  of  and  mysterious 
coffins  from  which,  according  to  you,  Mr.  Editor,  their  mus- 
kets are  to  be  supplied. 

57 


58  Tin-:  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


"  If  half  what  you  say  be  true  (although  I  am  no  poli- 
tician), on  the  strength  of  your  own  argument,  I  say  the 
sooner  we  are  confederated  the  better.  If  the  maxim  be 
universally  admitted  that  Union  is  strength,  no  time  is  to 
be  lost,  for  in  your  hypothesis  we  will  at  once  require  all 
the  elements  of  strength  at  our  command,  and  (may  a  kind 
Providence  forbid)  perhaps  more  too. 

"  To  leave  Upper  and  Lower  Canada  and  New  Brunswick 
to  their  fate,  as  you  propose,  and  to  fall  back  on  the  impregn- 
able ramparts  of  Nova  Scotia,  with  a  militia  of  fifty  thousand 
men,  and  a  nucleus  of  a  British  army  of  thirty  or  forty  thous- 
and, is  precisely  what  an  American  or  our  worst  enemy 
would  suggest  if  a  war  were  to  commence  to-morrow.  Wait 
until  Upper  and  Lower  Canada  and  New  Brunswick  be 
swallowed  up  one  after  another  ;  wait  until  we  shall  have 
detached  three  millions  of  fellow  subjects — good  men  and 
true — from  their  allegiance  to  Britain,  and  added  them  to 
the  numberless  hordes  of  the  enemy  already  comprising  the 
population  of  almost  a  whole  continent  ;  wait  until  we  have 
two  or  three  hundred  thousand  men,  succeeded  by  as  many 
more,  if  need  be,  on  our  frontier  line,  at  Amherst,  or  per- 
chance at  the  head  of  the  Basin,  or  the  Three  Mile  House, 
and  then  what  you  say  about  the  advantages  of  responsible 
government  and  the  blessings  of  isolation  and  the  strength 
of  a  militia  of  fifty  thousand,  will  be  our  never  failing  resource 
against  every  calamity. 

"  Sir,  either  there  is,  or  there  is  not,  danger,  or,  in  other 
words,  either  the  nation  on  our  borders  has  or  has  not  the 
power  to  pull  down  our  flag  and  destroy  us  as  a  people.  If 
they  have  the  power,  then  good  intentions  and  inclinations 
are  a  matter  of  no  importance  whatever.  We  are,  then,  living 
only  on  sufferance,  on  mere  toleration.  Our  lives  and  liberties, 
and  the  means  of  paying  $4.10  taxes,  and  everything  we  hold 
most  dear,  are  staked  on  a  haphazard,  on  which  no  man  can 
calculate,  and  no  nation  can  or  ought  to  depend  for  a  single 
week. 

"  If  there  be  50,000  men  already  prepared  to  invade  this 
country,  as  you  admit,  instead  of  labouring  to  keep  us  in  our 


ARCHBISHOP  CONNOLLY'S  LETTER.  59 


present  disjointed  and  defenceless  position,  you  should  rather 
rail  on  all  to  unite  where  a  single  man  cannot  be  dispensed 
with  and  gird  on  our  armour  for  the  rencontre.  If  respons- 
ible government,  which  the  great  and  good  men  of  this 
country  won  for  us,  be  a  precious  heirloom  on  the  Liliputian 
scale,  on  which  we  now  find  it,  instead  of  bartering  it  away 
for  nothing  by  Confederation,  as  you  say,  we  shall  rather,  in 
my  opinion,  add  to  its  lustre  and  value,  and  ennoble  and 
enrich  it,  and  make  it  boundlessly  grander  and  more  secure 
for  ourselves  and  those  who  are  to  come  after  us.  We  obtained 
responsible  government  from  the  mother  country,  in  whose 
legislative  halls  we  had  not  a  single  member  to  represent  us. 
We  are  now,  on  the  contrary,  asked  to  transfer  the  rich  and 
prized  deposit  to  a  place  which  will  be  a  part  only  of  our 
common  country,  where  our  voice  must  be  heard,  and  where 
we  will  have  a  fuller  and  fairer  representation  than  the  city  of 
London,  or  Liverpool,  or  Bristol,  can  boast  of  in  their  English 
House  of  Commons;  and  this  is  the  great  difference  between 
obtaining  from  England  what  we  had  not  and  transferring 
what  we  now  have,  in  order  to  make  it  more  valuable  and 
more  available  for  our  own  purpose,  and,  by  far,  more  secure. 
Confederation,  therefore,  instead  of  depriving  us  of  the  privi- 
leges of  self-government,  is  the  only  practical  and  reliable 
guarantee  for  its  continuance.  We  are  too  small  to  be  war- 
ranted in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  hold  it  always  on  the 
strength  of  our  own  resources,  and  England,  if  not  too  weak, 
is  certainly  too  prudent  and  too  cautious  to  risk  her  last 
shilling  and  her  last  man  to  a  country  where,  instead  of  a 
population  of  4,000,000,  she  will  have  scarcely  one-tenth  of 
that  number  to  help  her  against  the  united  power  of  a  whole 
continent.  To  deny,  therefore,  the  obvious  advantages  of 
Confederation,  you  must  first  prove  that  union  is  not  strength 
— that  England,  under  the  Hierarchy,  and  France,  under  her 
feudal  chains  and  Barons,  were  greater  and  stronger  and 
happier  than  they  now  are  as  the  two  greatest  nations  of  the 
world.  You  must  prove  that  Lucerne,  and  Geneva,  and  Berne 
and  the  Grisons  would  be  equally  strong  and  secure  out  of 
the  confederation  of  their  sister  cantons  in  Switzerland ;  and 


60  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


that  Florida,  and  Texas,  and  Delaware  and  Little  Rhode 
Island,  in  the  neighbouring  States,  would  be  stronger  if 
detached  from  each  other.  You  must  prove  that  the  petty 
and  miserable  republics  of  Central  America,  with  all  their 
responsible  government,  and  entire  exemption  from  foreign 
control,  are  in  any  way  benefittcd  by  their  smallness  and 
isolation,  and  their  reluctance  to  coalesce  and  form  one  strong 
government  as  the  only  possible  guarantee  for  the  lives  and 
liberties  and  happiness  of  all. 

"  On  the  principle  that  the  part  is  greater  than  the  whole, 
you  must  prove  that  the  smaller  the  state,  the  greater,  and 
stronger,  and  happier  the  people  ;  and  that  on  your  own 
principle  the  repeal  of  the  Union  at  the  present  moment 
would  be  a  signal  benefit  to  Cape  Briton,  and  Yarmouth,  and 
Shelburne,  where  they  have  far  stronger  local  reasons  for 
being  dissatisfied  with  the  central  government  in  Halifax  than 
Nova  Scotia  can  ever  have  for  being  united,  with  Ottawa  as 
its  capital,  and  the  boundless  British  territory  beyond  our 
borders.  Prove  all  this  if  you  can,  and  without  referring  to 
the  financial  and  commercial  views  at  all,  which  are  com- 
pletely beyond  and  beside  the  question,  you  will  convert  me 
and  thousands  like  me  in  Nova  Scotia  to  the  policy  of  having 
a  large  and  effective  militia,  and  paying  heavy  taxes  for  the 
debt  already  contracted  and  the  two  contemplated  railroads, 
and  we  shall  contentedly  settle  down  according  to  your 
scheme  within  no  hope  within  our  natural  lifetime  of  having 
an  intercolonial  railroad  or  more  frequent  intercourse  with 
our  sister  colonies  and  the  vast  country  that  extends  for 
thousands  of  miles  along  their  borders. 

"  I  yield  to  no  man  in  my  heartfelt  appreciation  of  the 
blessings  we  all  enjoy  in  this  country,  and  I  ask  for  nothing 
more  but  to  be  able  to  calculate  on  their  continuance — Sed  hoc 
opus  hie  labor  est.  This  is  the  difficulty,  and  I  will  say  with 
all  candour  the  only  difficulty  for  me  and  all  others  who  have 
everthing  to  lose.  No  country  situated  as  Nova  Scotia  now 
is,  with  a  vast  area  and  sparse  population,  can  reasonably  hope 
to  maintain  its  independence  for  any  considerable  period. 
Unless  we  are  to  be  a  single  exception,  and  an  anomaly  in 


TERMINATION  OF  THE  RECIPROCITY  TREATY       61 

the  history  of  nations,  some  change  must  come,  and  come 
soon.  In  a  word,  Mr.  Editor,  as  you  say,  '  Something  must 
be  done.' 

"  Instead  of  cursing  like  the  boys  in  the  upturned  boat, 
and  holding  on  until  we  are  fairly  on  the  brink  of  the  cataract, 
we  must  at  once  begin  to  pray  and  strike  out  for  the  shore  by 
all  means,  before  we  get  too  far  down  on  the  current.  We 
must,  at  this  most  critical  moment,  invoke  the  Arbiter  of 
Nations  for  wisdom,  and,  abandoning  in  time  our  perilous 
position,  we  must  strike  out  boldly,  and  at  some  risk,  for  some 
rock  on  the  nearest  shore — some  resting  place  of  greater 
security.  A  cavalry  raid  visit  from  our  Fenian  friends  on 
horseback  through  the  plains  of  Canada,  and  the  fertile  valleys 
of  New  Brunswick  and  Nova  Scotia,  may  cost  more  in  a  single 
week  than  Confederation  for  the  next  fifty  years  ;  and  if  we 
are  to  believe  you,  where  is  the  security,  even  at  the  present 
moment,  against  such  a  disaster.  Without  the  whole  power  of 
the  mother  country  by  land  and  sea,  and  the  concentration  in 
a  single  hand  of  all  the  strength  of  British  America,  our  con- 
dition is  seen  at  a  glance.  Whenever  the  present  difficulties 
will  terminate — and  who  can  tell  the  moment  ? — we  will  be  at 
the  mercy  of  our  neighbours  ;  and,  victorious  or  otherwise,  they 
will  be  eminently  a  military  people,  and  with  all  their  appar- 
ent indifference  about  annexing  this  country,  and  all  the 
friendly  feelings  that  may  be  talked,  they  will  have  the  power 
to  strike  when  they  please,  and  this  is  precisely  the  kernel  and 
the  only  touch-point  of  the  whole  question.  No  nation  ever 
had  the  power  of  conquest  that  did  not  use  it,  or  abuse  it,  at 
the  very  first  favourable  opportunity. 

"  All  that  is  said  of  the  magnanimity  and  forbearance  of 
mighty  nations  can  be  explained  on  the  principle  of  sheer 
expediency,  as  the  world  knows.  The  whole  face  of  Europe 
has  changed,  and  the  dynasties  of  many  hundred  years  have 
been  swept  away  within  our  time  on  the  principle  of  might 
alone — the  oldest,  the  strongest,  and,  as  some  would  have  it, 
the  most  sacred  of  titles.  The  thirteen  original  States  of 
America,  with  all  their  professions  of  self-denial,  have  been  all 
the  time,  by  money-power  and  by  war,  and  by  negotiation, 


62  THK  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


extending  their  frontier,  until  they  more  than  quadrupled 
their  territory  within  sixty  years  ;  and,  believe  it  who  may, 
are  they  now  of  their  own  accord  to  come  to  a  full  stop?  No; 
as  long  as  they  have  power  they  must  go  onward,  for  it  is  the 
very  nature  of  power  to  grip  whatever  is  within  its  reach.  It 
is  not  their  hostile  feelings,  therefore,  but  it  is  their  power,  and 
only  their  power  I  dread,  and  I  now  state  it  as  my  solemn 
conviction,  that  it  becomes  the  duty  of  every  British  subject 
in  these  provinces  to  control  that  power,  not  by  the  insane 
policy  of  attacking  or  weakening  them,  but  by  strengthening 
ourselves — rising,  with  the  whole  of  Britain  at  our  back,  to 
their  level ;  and  so  be  prepared  for  any  emergency.  There  is  no 
sensible  or  unprejudiced  man  in  the  community  who  does  not 
see  that  vigorous  and  timely  preparation  is  the  only  possible 
means  of  saving  us  from  the  horrors  of  war  such  as  the  world 
has  never  seen.  To  be  fully  prepared  is  the  only  practical 
argument  that  can  have  weight  with  a  powerful  enemy,  and 
make  him  pause  beforehand  and  count  the  cost.  And,  as  the 
sort  of  preparation  I  speak  of  is  utterly  hopeless  without  the 
union  of  the  provinces,  so  at  a  moment  when  public  opinion  is 
being  formed  on  this  vital  point,  as  one  deeply  concerned,  I 
feel  it  a  duty  to  declare  myself  unequivocally  in  favour  of 
Confederation  as  cheaply  and  as  honourably  obtained  as  pos- 
sibe,  but  Confederation  at  all  hazards  and  at  all  reasonable 
sacrifices. 

"  After  the  most  mature  consideration,  and  all  the  argu- 
ments I  have  heard  on  both  sides  for  the  last  month,  these  are 
my  inmost  convictions  on  the  necessity  and  merits  of  a 
measure,  which  alone,  under  Providence,  can  secure  to  us 
social  order  and  peace,  and  rational  liberty,  and  all  the  bless- 
ings we  now  enjoy  under  the  mildest  government,  and  the 
hallowed  institutions  of  the  freest  and  happiest  country  in  the 
world." 

Parliament  met  in  Quebec,  for  the  last  time,  on  August 
8th.  The  Premier,  Sir  E.  P.  Tache,  having  died  on  July 
30th,  a  re-organization  of  the  Cabinet  became  necessary. 
The  Honourable  John  A.  Macdonald  was  called  upon  to 
perform  the  duty  by  His  Excellency,  but  objection  being 


DEATH  OF  SIR  E.  P.  TACHE.  63 

raised  by  Mr.  George  Brown,  he  waived  his  claims,  as  also 
did  Mr.  Cartier,  and  Sir  Narcisse  Belleau,  a  member  of  the 
Legislative  Council,  became  Premier.  So  much  has  been 
said  in  these  pages  of  Sir  Etienne  Paschal  Tache  that  it  is 
only  necessary  to  add  that  he  was  born  in  St.  Thomas,  below 
Quebec,  in  1795,  and  consequently  was  seventy  years  of  age. 
He  was  not  a  man  of  showy  qualities  or  brilliant  talents, 
but  was  the  most  loyal  and  self-sacrificing  of  colleagues  and 
thoroughly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  Britain  in  America. 
He  was  Aide-de-Camp  to  the  Queen,  held  the  honorary 
rank  of  a  Colonel  in  the  army  and  was  a  Knight  in  the 
Roman  Order  of  St.  Gregory.  He  had,  previous  to  enter- 
ing Parliament,  filled  the  positions  of  Deputy  Adjutant- 
General  of  Militia,  Government  Director  of  the  Grand  Trunk 
Railway,  member  of  the  Board  of  Railway  Commissioners, 
and  member  of  the  Board  of  Education  for  Lower  Canada. 

The  despatches  laid  upon  the  table  of  the  House 
expressed  the  willingness  of  the  Imperial  Government  to 
assist  in  carrying  out  the  scheme  of  Confederation,  and  the 
report  of  the  delegates  being  received,  and  the  necessary 
measures  carried  through,  Parliament  was  prorogued. 

It  had  for  some  time  been  very  evident  that  the  United 
States  Government  had  determined  upon  putting  an  end  to 
the  Reciprocity  Treaty  negotiated  in  1854. 

The  fifth  article  of  that  Treaty  provided  that  :  "  The 
Treaty  shall  remain  in  force  for  ten  years  from  the  date 
at  which  it  may  come  into  operation,  and  further,  until  the 
expiration  of  twelve  months  after  either  of  the  high  con- 
tracting parties  shall  give  notice  to  the  other  of  its  wish 
to  terminate  the  same  ;  each  of  the  high  contracting  parties 
being  at  liberty  to  give  such  notice  to  the  other  at  the 
end  of  the  said  term  of  ten  years  or  at  any  time  afterwards." 

The  Treaty  came  into  operation  on  March  16,  1855,  and 
consequently  the  earliest  date  which  it  could  be  made  to 
expire  was  March  16,  1866. 

In  May,  1864,  the  House  of  Representatives  took  up  the 
matter  with  great  earnestness  and  the  debates  indicated  that 
strong  views  were  entertained,  both  as  to  its  abrogation  and 


64  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

retention.  Those  who  desired  to  see  the  treaty  at  an  end 
seemed  imbued  with  the  idea  that  Canada  had  done  some- 
thing for  which  her  people  should  be  punished,  that  without 
the  treaty  they  could  not  exist,  but  must  perish  miserably, 
or  join  their  lot  to  that  of  the  United  States.  They  were 
not  in  a  humour  to  settle  the  question  upon  purely  com- 
mercial grounds  ;  considerations,  such  as  these,  were,  for  the 
time,  subordinate  to  the  political  interests.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Boston  Board  of  Trade  and  other  commercial  bodies 
together  with  such  leading  papers  as  the  New  York  Herald, 
concurred  in  the  view  that  the  balance  of  advantage  was, 
altogether  on  the  side  of  the  Americans  and,  therefore,  that 
the  treaty  should  be  retained.  Some  idea  of  the  arguments 
advanced  in  the  House  of  Representatives  will  be  gathered 
from  the  following  extracts  from  the  debates  : — 

"  The  House  proceeded,  as  the  regular  order  of  business, 
to  the  consideration  of  a  joint  resolution  (H.R.  No.  56) 
authorizing  the  President  to  give  the  requisite  notice  for 
terminating  the  treaty  made  by  Great  Britain  on  behalf  of 
the  British  Provinces  in  North  America,  and  to  appoint  Com- 
missioners to  negotiate  a  new  treaty  with  the  British  Govern- 
ment, based  upon  the  true  principle  of  Reciprocity. 

Mr.  Baxter — "The  question  before  this  House,  as  now  pre- 
sented, is  whether  a  notice  to  terminate  this  treaty,  called 
the  Reciprocity  Treaty,  shall  be  given  pure  and  simple,  or 
whether  it  shall  be  diluted  to  a  milk-and-water  consistency. 
This  Reciprocity  Treaty,  so  called,  is  a  misnomer  entirely. 
After  the  people  of  Great  Britain  became  dissatisfied  with 
taxing  themselves  for  the  benefit  of  the  Colonies,  and  after 
the  corn  laws  were  repealed,  it  became  necessary  that  that 
Government  should  be  supplied  with  breadstuffs  from  some 
other  quarter.  Immediately  the  question  was  agitated  in 
Canada,  and  men  were  sent  here  to  make  proffers  to  our 
Government,  pretending  that  they  had  something  to  give  for 
what  they  asked  in  return.  General  Taylor's  Cabinet,  with 
Mr.  Preston,  of  Virginia,  in  it,  gave  it  no  heed  whatever, 
beyond  a  proper  examination,  declaring  that  they  had  no 
constitutional  right  to  make  such  a  treaty  or  compact  ;  and, 


DEBATES  ON  RECIPROCITY  TREATY. 


in  the   next  place,  to  do  it  would  be  impolitic  and  destructive 
of  American  interests  and  American  policy. 

"  Now,  sir,  I  do  not  expect  to  shut  the  Canadians  out. 
I  expect  that  they  will  enjoy  our  markets.  God  knows  I 
do  not  want  to  destroy  that  people  entirely,  because  some 
of  them  have  been  and  still  arc  most  glorious  friends  of  ours. 
I  wish  I  could  say  that  there  were  a  majority  of  such  there, 
but  they  are  such  men  as  I  honour.  I  know  they  have 
nowhere  else  to  go  but  to  our  markets.  The  '  mother 
country/  as  they  call  it,  has  failed  to  protect  them.  The 
markets  there  do  not  suit  them  and  are  of  no  account  to 
them,  but  they  come  to  us  for  our  markets.  I  say  let  them 
come,  but  let  them  not  come  to  rob  the  brave  men  of  our  own 
country,  who  have  given  their  best  blood  for  the  protection 
of  our  liberties.  Let  them  not  come  to  the  exclusion  of  those 
who  have  birthrights  and  who  bear  the  heat  and  burden  of 
the  day.  We  will  treat  them  as  well  as  we  do  the  most 
favoured  nation,  as  neighbours,  but  we  will  not  feed  or  clothe 
them.  If  they  are  to  enjoy  our  markets,  let  it  be  on  the 
same  terms  with  other  nations  of  the  world.  Why  not  ?  Is 
there  any  man  opposed  to  giving  this  notice  who  can  show 
what  has  ever  been  discovered  during  the  working  of  this 
treaty  which  would  induce  us  to  believe  that  there  is  any- 
thing on  the  part  of  the  Canadians  that  they  can  give  us 
for  what  we  can  give  them  ?  What  reciprocal  advantages 
can  they  return  to  us  ?  What  benefits  do  they  give  us  for 
those  we  confer  on  them  ?  They  tell  us  that  we  may  go 
to  their  markets.  Why,  sir,  they  have  no  markets.  We  may 
go  there,  but  what  is  the  use  of  going  there  if  there  are  no 
markets  ?  I  know  there  are  no  markets  there  ;  I  was  born 
near  there,  and  I  know  what  I  say.  Fifty  bullocks  from 
Illinois  would  frighten  every  butcher  out  of  Montreal  ! 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  the  House  for  indulging  me,  and 
I  will  detain  them  but  one  moment  longer.  If  you  are  going 
to  pass  this  resolution  I  \vant  to  amend  it  a  little.  If  this 
commission  is  to  be  provided  for,  I  want  its  name  changed 
to  '  A  commission  to  arrange  terms  for  continuing,  in  a 

VOL  II.  5 


TIIK  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALU. 


dignified  position,  the  wet-nurse  of  the  sick  British  Colonies.' 
(Laughter).  I  have  done." 

Mr.  Sweat — "  My  idea  is  that  we  can  revise  this  treaty 
without  abrogating  it,  and  th;  t  we  can  treat  better  with  these 
Provinces  while  the  present  treaty  is  living  than  we  can  with 
a  dead  treaty. 

"  It  has  been  said  that  there  exists  an  unfriendly  feeling 
between  the  Provinces  and  the  United  States.  Sir,  the 
people  of  the  Lower  Provinces  of  Canada  are  friends  of  the 
loyal  citizens  of  the  United  States.  However  much  the 
Canadian  papers  may  have  given  an  appearance  of  a  public 
sentiment  against  us,  it  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  their 
interests  are  adverse  to  ours  or  that  the  people  there  are 
unfriendly  to  us. 

"  The  question  is  not  whether  the  treaty  is  what  we  would 
have  it — in  my  opinion  it  is  not — but  whether  commissioners 
shall  be  appointed  to  revise  and  improve  it.  Sir,  if  there  is  to 
be  a  revision  of  the  treaty  it  will  need  amendments  in  behalf 
of  the  interests  of  Maine  quite  as  much  as  of  the  interests  of 
any  other  state. 

"  Now,  sir,  shall  we  be  governed  by  such  a  course  as  this,  or 
shall  we  be  governed  by  passion,  excitement,  purposes  of 
retaliation,  or  promptings  of  revenge  ?  Because  some  Cana- 
dians have  exhibited  ill-feeling  against  this  country  shall  we 
undertake  to  stultify  ourselves  by  breaking  up  our  commercial 
relations  with  them,  and  destroying  the  interests  of  our  own 
citizens  to  a  large  extent  ?  I  believe  that  some  gentlemen 
upon  this  floor  are  actuated  more  by  their  prejudice  against 
this  people  than  by  any  other  consideration  in  the  line  of 
policy  they  are  advocating  in  this  matter.  Now,  I  submit  to 
gentlement  upon  this  side  of  the  House  and  upon  the  other 
side,  that  even  if  all  that  is  alleged  in  reference  to  this  Cana- 
dian people  be  true,  whether  we  are  justified  in  allowing 
ourselves  to  be  governed  by  such  considerations  in  determin- 
ing a  national,  commercial  question  ? 

"  Shall  we,  if  we  can,  negotiate  a  new  treaty  upon  the 
principles  of  reciprocity  ?  If  we  make  the  effort  to  revise  this, 
and  to  make  it  mutually  beneficial  and  satisfactory,  and  fail,  I 


DEBATE  ON  RECIPROCITY  TREATY.  67 

need  not  inform  the  House  that  we  may  then  give  notice  of 
the  abrogation  of  the  existing  treaty.  It  is  said  there  is  a 
necessity  now  of  giving  this  notice,  as  though  we  could  not 
even  wait  until  September  I  ith,  which  will  be  the  termination 
of  the  ten  years,  as  though  we  could  not  even  make  an  effort 
to  come  to  a  fair  and  honourable  understanding. 

"  With  all  the  defects  of  the  present  treaty,  the  balance  of 
trade  for  the  last  ten  years  has  been  in  favour  of  the  United 
States." 

On  January  n,  1865,  the  resolution  to  repeal  the 
Reciprocity  Treaty  was  taken  up  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  carried  by  31  yeas  to  8  nays.  We  give  the  concluding 
speeches  of  Mr.  Hale  and  Mr.  Sumner. 

Mr.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  said  "  he  was  sorry  the  Sen- 
ate contemplated  the  repeal  of  the  treaty.  He  regarded  it  as 
a  step  in  the  wrong  direction.  The  treaty  had  been  productive 
of  good  to  both  parties,  and  to  repeal  it  could  effect  no  good. 
If  the  object  in  repealing  it  was  to  benefit  our  commercial  and 
financial  interests,  he  would  not  object  to  it  ;  but  it  had  come 
from  the  committee  on  foreign  relations,  and  no  report  had 
been  made  as  to  why  action  should  be  taken.  It  had  been 
said  that  the  treaty  operated  all  one  way.  The  reasons 
assigned  by  those  who  urged  its  abrogation  were  vague  and 
unsatisfactory.  He  (Mr.  Hale)  had  an  interest  in  the  com- 
mercial prosperity  of  the  country,  and  he  had  taken  the 
trouble  to  look  at  the  operation  of  the  treaty  in  the  gross. 
Some  special  pleader  might  make  out  a  case  against  it  on  a 
particular  point,  but  its  general  operation  had  been  unquestion- 
ably beneficial.  Mr.  Hale  read  a  statement  from  a  letter  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  show  that,  under  the  oper- 
ations of  the  Treaty,  the  exports  to  Canada  had  been  increased 
in  a  few  years  from  $6,000,000  to  $25,000,000.  Both  free 
goods  and  duty  paying  goods  had  increased.  He  had  been 
told  that  Canada  had  altered  her  tariff  so  as  to  make  it  burden- 
some to  American  commerce.  The  rates  had  not  been  more 
than  two  per  cent.,  and  in  the  last  year  they  had  decreased. 
In  1 86 1  they  were  n  neteen  per  cent.,  only  a  half  per  cent, 
larger  than  in  1850.  The  statement  that  there  had  been  unfair 


68  THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MAC  DONALD. 


advantage  taken  in  the  way  of  duties  was  therefore  a  mistake. 
In  1853  the  exports  to  Canada  were  $7,000,000.  In  1854 
$15,000,000;  in  1856  $22,000,000;  and  in  1863  $28,000,000. 
The  imports  had  increased  from  $490,000  to  $20,000,000. 
Mr.  Hale  was  sorry  the  Senate  was  about  to  act  so 
soon  upon  this  matter.  The  Chamber  of  Commerce  of 
New  York  had  taken  the  matter  under  consideration, 
and  would  soon  report.  He  understood  the  Chamber  of 
Commerce  of  Chicago,  was  averse  to  the  repeal  of  the 
treaty.  He  thought  we  ought  not  to  strike  a  blow  at  com- 
merce, when  we  needed  the  sinews  of  war  so  much.  In  con- 
clusion Mr.  Hale  said  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty  would  be 
regarded  in  Canada  and  England  as  retaliation  for  wrongs 
which  the  people  of  the  United  States  rightly  imagined  they 
had  sustained,  and  he  was  sure  the  people  of  Canada  were 
willing  now  to  do  anything  they  could  to  repair  the  wrongs 
that  had  been  committed  lately,  and  to  prevent  their  repeti- 
tion. He  believed  it  would  strengthen  the  rebels  and  weaken 
the  Union  cause  to  repeal  the  treaty.  Suppose  it  true  that 
the  repeal  of  the  treaty  would  impoverish  Canada,  he  did  not 
believe  it  would  be  wise  to  do  so.  We  ought  to  wish  our 
neighbours  rich  and  prosperous  and  enterprising  ;  able  to  buy 
from  us  and  help  our  commerce.  In  reducing  them  to  poverty 
we  would  injure  ourselves,  but  he  had  no  hope  of  preventing 
the  passage  of  the  resolution.  This  was  a  time  when  men 
took  counsels  of  their  passions  rather  than  of  the  welfare  of 
the  country.  The  treaty  had  been  wise  and  salutary,  and 
under  it  commerce  had  grown  up  and  improved.  Until  some 
gentleman  could  point  out  some  great  injury  that  had  been 
done,  he  hoped  the  Senate  would  pause.  He  hoped  that  the 
merchants  of  New  York  would  have  an  opportunity  to  be 
heard  on  the  subject." 

Mr.  Summer  said  :  "  The  reciprocity  treaty  has  a  beautiful 
name.  It  suggests  at  once  equality,  exchange  and  security, 
and  it  is  because  it  was  supposed  to  advance  these  ideas  prac- 
tically, that  this  treaty  was  originally  accepted  by  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  If,  however,  it  shall  appear  that  while 
organizing  exchange,  it  forgets  equality  and  equity  in  an 


DEHATK  ON  RECIPROCITY  TREATY.  69 

essential  respect,  then  must  a  modification  be  made  in  con- 
formity with  just  principles.  I  mean  to  be  brief,  but  I  hope, 
though  brief,  to  make  the  proper  conclusion  apparent.  It  is  a 
question  for  reason,  not  for  passion  or  sentiment,  and  in  this 
spirit  I  enter  upon  the  discussion.  The  treaty  may  be  seen 
under  four  different  heads.  It  concerns  the  fisheries,  the  navi- 
gation of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  commerce  of  the  United  States 
and  the  British  Provinces,  and  the  revenue  of  the  United 
States.  These  fisheries  have  been  a  source  of  anxiety 
throughout  our  history.  Even  from  the  beginning,  and  for 
several  years  previous  to  the  reciprocity  treaty,  they  had  been 
the  occasion  of  mutual  irritation,  verging  at  times  on  positive 
outbreak.  This  is  a  plain  advantage  which  cannot  be  denied, 
but  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  examine  official  returns,  I  do 
not  find  any  further  evidence  showing  the  value  of  the  treaty 
in  this  connection,  while  opinions,  even  among  those  most 
interested  in  the  fisheries,  are  divided.  There  are  partisans 
for  it  in  Gloucester,  Massachusetts,  and  partisans  against  it  in 
Maine.  If  the  treaty  related  exclusively  to  fisheries,  I  should 
not  be  willing  to  touch  it,  but  the  practical  question  is  whether 
the  seeming  advantage  in  this  respect  is  sufficient  to  counter- 
balance the  disadvantages  in  other  respects.  Next  comes  the 
navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  but  this  plausible  concession 
has  proved  to  be  but  little  more  than  a  name.  It  appears  that 
during  the  first  six  years  of  the  treaty  only  forty  American 
vessels,  containing  12,550  tons,  passed  seaward  through  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  during  the  same  time  only  nineteen  vessels, 
containing  5,446  tons,  returned  by  the  same  open  highway. 
These  are  very  petty  amounts  when  we  consider  the  value  of 
the  commerce  on  the  lakes,  which,  in  1856,  was  $58,797,320,  or 
when  we  consider  the  carrying  trade  between  the  United 
States  and  the  British  Provinces.  Take  the  years  1857  to 
1862  inclusive,  and  we  shall  find  that  during  this  period  the 
shipping  of  the  United  States,  which  cleared  for  the  British 
Provinces,  was  10,707,239  tons,  and  the  foreign  shipping, 
which  cleared  during  this  same  period,  was  7,391,399  tons, 
while  the  shipping  of  the  United  States,  which  entered  at  our 
custom  houses  from  the  British  Provinces,  was  10,056,183 


70  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


tons,  and  the  foreign  shipping  which  entered  was  6,455.520 
tons.  I  mention  these  things  by  way  of  contrast.  In  com- 
parison with  these  grand  movements,  the  business  which  we 
have  been  able  to  do  on  the  St.  Lawrence  seems  to  be  trivial. 
It  need  not  be  considered  as  an  element  in  the  present  discus- 
sion. The  treaty  may  be  seen  next  in  its  bearings  on 
the  commerce  between  the  two  countries.  This  has 
increased  immensely,  but  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  much  of 
this  increase  is  due  to  the  treaty  and  how  much  is  due 
to  the  natural  growth  of  population  and  the  facilities 
for  transportation  in  both  countries.  If  it  could  be  traced 
exclusively  or  in  any  large  measure  to  the  treaty,  it  would 
be  an  element  not  to  be  disregarded,  but  it  does  not  follow, 
from  the  occurrence  of  this  increase,  after  the  acceptance  of 
the  treaty,  that  it  was  on  account  of  the  treaty.  The  census 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  British  Provinces,  will  show 
an  increase  of  population,  which  must  not  be  disregarded  in 
determining  the  origin  of  the  increase  of  commerce.  There 
are  also  railroads  furnishing  prompt  and  constant  means  of 
intercommunication  which  have  gone  into  successful  operation 
only  since  the  treaty.  It  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate  the 
influence  these  have  exercised  in  quickening  and  extending 
commerce.  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  railroad  system  of  the 
two  countries  has  been  of  itself  a  reciprocity  and  equal  to  any 
written  on  parchment.  The  extent  of  trade  before  and  after 
the  treaty  may  be  shown  in  a  few  figures.  In  the  three  years 
immediately  preceding  the  treaty  the  total  exports  to  Canada 
and  the  other  British  provinces  were  $48,216,5 1 8,  and  the  total 
imports  were  $22,588,577,  being  of  exports  to  imports  in  the 
proportion  of  100  to  46.  In  the  ten  years  of  the  treaty  the 
total  exports  to  Canada  and  the  British  provinces  were 
$256,350,931.  The  total  imports  were  $200,399,786.  Accord- 
ing to  these  amounts  the  exports  were  in  the  proportion  of 
100  to  78.  If  we  take  Canada  alone  we  shall  find  the  change 
in  their  proportion  greater  still.  The  total  exports  to  Canada 
in  the  three  years  immediately  preceding  the  treaty  were 
$31,866,865,  and  the  total  imports  were  $6,587,674,  being  in 
proportion  of  100  to  52,  while  the  whole  exports  to  Canada 


DEBATE  ON  RECIPROCITY  TREATY. 


alone  during  the  ten  years  of  the  treaty  were  $176,371,911, 
and  the  total  imports  were  $161,474,347,  being  in  the  propor- 
tion of  100  to  94.  I  present  these  tables  simply  to  lay  before 
you  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  change  in  the  commerce 
between  the  two  countries,  but  I  forbear  embarking  on  the 
much  debated  enquiry  as  to  the  effect  of  a  difference  between 
the  amount  of  exports  and  imports,  involving,  as  it  does,  the 
whole  perilous  question  of  the  balance  of  trade.  In  the  view 
which  I  take  on  the  present  occasion,  it  is  not  necessary  to 
consider  it.  The  reciprocity  treaty  cannot  be  maintained  or 
overturned  on  any  contested  principle  of  political  economy. 
I  come,  in  the  last  place,  to  the  influence  of  the  treaty  on  the 
revenues  of  the  country,  and  here  the  custom  house  is  our 
principal  witness.  The  means  of  determining  this  question 
will  be  found  in  the  authentic  tables  which  have  been  pub- 
lished from  time  to  time  on  the  reports  of  the  treasury,  and 
especially  in  the  report  made  to  Congress  at  this  session, 
which  I  have  in  my  hand.  Looking  at  these  tables  we  find 
certain  unanswerable  points.  I  begin  with  an  estimate  founded 
on  the  trade  before  the  treaty.  From  this  it  appears  that  if 
no  treaty  had  been  made  and  the  trade  had  increased  in  the 
same  ratio  as  before  the  treaty,  Canada  would  have  paid  to 
the  United  States  in  ten  years  of  the  treaty  at  least 
$16,373,800,  from  which  she  has  been  relieved.  This  sum  has 
actually  been  lost  to  the  United  States.  In  return  Canada 
has  given  up  $2,650,890,  being  the  amount  it  would  have 
collected  if  no  treaty  had  been  made.  This  is  a  vast  pro- 
portion to  the  detriment  of  the  United  States."  Mr.  Sumner 
then  quoted  from  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
showing  that  the  treaty  had  released  from  duty  a  total  sum  of 
$42,333,357  in  value,  of  goods  of  Canada,  more  than  of  goods 
the  product  of  the  United  States. 

All  the  speeches  convey  the  idea  that  a  feeling  of  irrita- 
tion against  Canada  was  the  real  cause  of  the  abrogation  of 
-   the  treaty,  and  the  monetary  article  of  the  New  York  Herald 
is  very  plain-spoken  in  its  views  on  the  subject : 

"The  vote  of  the  Senate,  by  31   against   8,  in   favour  of 
the    abrogation   of  the  reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada,    indi- 


72          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

catcd  the  general  feeling  on  the  subject  of  our  relations  with 
Great  Britain  and  her  possessions,  more  than  a  sound  politico- 
economic  view  of  the  question.  The  arguments  both  for  and 
in  opposition  to  a  repeal  of  the  treaty  were  inadequate  and 
without  grasp  ;  and  very  few  of  those  who  cast  their  votes  on 
one  side  or  the  other  showed  that  they  had  taken  any  pains 
to  inform  themselves  of  the  facts  relating  to  the  treaty  and 
their  bearings,  so  as  to  be  enabled  to  draw  fair  conclusions, 
while  those  who  appeared  to  have  done  so  failed  by  their 
observations  to  view  them  in  a  comprehensive  light  pro  and 
con,  although  Mr.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  discussed  the 
snbject  with  tolerable  impartiality.  He  argued  that  as  the 
exports  to  Canada  from  the  United  States  had  increased  in 
value  from  $7,000,000  in  1853,  to  $28,000,000  in  1863,  and  the 
imports  from  $490,000  to  $20,000,000,  therefore  the  treaty  had 
been  beneficial  in  developing  our  trade  wiih  the  neighbouring 
provinces.  Mr.  Sumner-  on  the  other  hand,  took  the  opposite 
side,  and  argued  like  a  protectionist  of  the  last  century. 

"  The  very  unstatesmanlike  deductions  of  Mr.  Sumner  from 
these  figures  are,  that  if  no  treaty  had  existed,  and  the  trade 
had  increased  in  the  same  ratio  as  before  the  treaty,  Canada 
would  have  paid  to  the  United  States  during  the  ten  years  of 
the  treaty  at  least  $16,373,800,  which  she  has  been  in  this  way 
relieved  of.  '  This  sum,'  says  Mr.  Sumner,  '  has  actually 
been  lost  to  the  United  States  ; '  and  this  remark  alone  shows 
him  to  be  but  a  sorry  political  economist.  In  the  first  place, 
he  assumes  almost  an  impossibility  when  he  supposes  that  the 
trade  between  the  two  countries  would  have  increased  in  the 
same  ratio  if  the  treaty  had  not  been  in  operation.  It  was  the 
treaty  that  mainly  caused  the  increase.  In  the  next  instance, 
Mr.  Sumner  makes  a  grave  mistake  when  he  says  the  United 
States  '  lost '  the  amount  stated.  He  overlooks  the  important 
fact,  that  all  taxes  upon  commodities  fall  ultimately  upon  the 
consumers,  and  that  by  importing  goods  during  the  last  ten 
years  from  Canada  under  the  treaty,  we  were  saving  in  their 
reduced  cost  what  would  otherwise  have  been  expended  in 
duties.  Mr.  Sumner,  on  the  same  principle,  would  consider 
the  customs  duties  a  gain  to  the  United  States,  whereas 


HON.  LIEUT.-COL.  MACKENZIE  BOWELL,  J.P.,  P.C. 

Minister  oj   Customs. 


HISTORY  OF  RECIPROCITY.  75 


those  duties  are  paid  by  the  people  of  this  country  to  the 
Government,  and  the  import  tax  relieves  every  citizen  who 
consumes  imported  goods  as  directly  as  any  other  tax  does." 

The  leading  commercial  papers  of  the  great  cities  of  the 
American  Union — papers  that  were  accepted  as  organs  of  the 
commercial  interests  of  that  country — were  unanimous  in 
protesting  against  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty.  The  policy 
of  reciprocal  trade  had  not  been  adopted  without  long  consider- 
ation by  the  leading  merchants  and  public  men  of  the  United 
States.  As  early  as  1816,  President  Madison  brought  the 
subject  before  Congress  in  a  special  message.  President 
Monroe  had  tried  to  negotiate  a  treaty  for  that  purpose,  and 
repeated  efforts  in  the  same  direction  were  made  during  the 
Administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  General  Jackson. 
These  attempts  to  secure  reciprocal  trade  were  continued,  on 
one  side  or  the  other,  for  some  years  without  much  effect. 
In  1847  the  Canadian  Parliament  authorized  the  admission 
into  Canada,  free  of  duty,  of  the  natural  productions  of  the 
United  States,  whenever  the  latter  country  should  reciprocate 
by  similar  legislation.  In  the  same  year  the  British  Minister 
at  Washington  proposed  an  arrangement  for  reciprocal  trade, 
but  the  matter  lay  in  abeyance  several  years.  In  1852  the 
New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce  took  up  the  subject  and 
pressed  it  earnestly.  Reciprocity  was  supported  by  most  of 
the  leading  statesmen  of  the  American  Union,  including, 
amongst  others,  Webster,  Everett,  Douglas,  Seward,  Marcy, 
Dix,  Clayton  and  dishing.  The  treaty  was  finally  negotiated 
in  1854,  and  the  necessary  legislation  to  carry  it  into  effect 
adopted.  Next  year  the  treaty  went  into  operation,  and  was 
so  satisfactory,  that  in  1856  the  New  York  Chamber  of 
Commerce  petitioned  Congress  to  remove  all  restrictions 
upon  the  commerce  between  Canada  and  the  United  States, 
by  procuring  reciprocity  in  manufactures,  as  well  as  in 
natural  productions,  and  by  securing  an  arrangement  which 
should  open  to  the  vessels  of  both  countries  the  coasting 
trade  of  the  intervening  waters,  with  all  the  advantages  which 
then  existed  between  adjoining  states. 

The  advantages  of  the  treaty  had  been  altogether  on  the 


76  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


American  side.  They  had  diverted  our  foreign  trade  irom  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  their  own  ports.  Their  sales  to  us  had  been 
much  larger  than  our  sales  to  them  ;  they  had  enjoyed  the 
benefits  of  the  fisheries  on  the  British  American  coast,  whilst 
we  had  scarcely  sent  a  smack  in  exchange  into  their  waters  ; 
and  they  had  enjoyed  the  ure  of  our  Welland  and  St.  Law- 
rence canals,  which  afforded  an  outlet  for  the  commerce  of  the 
North- Western  States.  A  special  report  on  the  subject  was 
made  by  Mr.  Derby,  the  Commissioner  of  the  Treasury 
Department  at  Washington,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Depart- 
ment, from  which  the  following  extracts  are  taken  : 

As  to  the  general  result  of  the  treaty,  he  states  that  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  with  the  British  American 
Provinces  "rose  from  $2,100,000  in  1828  to  $3,800,000  in  1832; 
$8,100,000  in  1840;  $9,300,000  in  1846;  $18,700,000  in  1851; 
$50,300,000  in  1856  ;  and  to  $68,000,000  in  1865. 

"  American  fishermen  arc  by  this  treaty  allowed  to 
frequent  and  approach,  without  regard  to  distance,  all  the 
shores  of  four  provinces,  and  to  land  and  cure  their  fish 
there  without  the  consent  of  the  private  owners. 

"The  return  of  fish  and  oil  from  this  tonnage  for  1862, 
considerably  exceeded  $14,000,000 — drawn  from  the  rich 
pastures  of  the  deep.  We  have  not  exact  returns  of  the  fish 
or  oil  landed  on  our  shores,  but  v/e  have  proof  that  in  1862, 
and  down  to  the  present  hour,  the  trade  has  paid  fair  profits 
beyond  outfits,  repairs,  insurance  and  other  disbursements, 
and  that  these  average  more  than  $80  per  ton  for  the  vessels 
and  boats  in  service,  or  more  than  $13,000,000. 

"  The  number  of  American  vessels  in  the  fisheries  has 
ranged  from  2,414  in  1850  to  3,815  in  1862,  besides  boats  in 
the  shore  fisheries.  Six  hundred  sail  of  these  vessels  have 
in  a  single  season  fished  for  mackerel  in  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence  and  Hay  of  Chaleurs,  and  taken  fish  to  the  amount 
of  $4,500,000. 


MR.  DERBY'S  REPORT.  77 


"  American  fisheries  are  not  only  the  chief  nurseries  for 
the  mariners  and  petty  officers  of  our  navy,  but  they  are  the 
schools  from  which  spring  the  most  able  and  enterprising 
mates,  captains,  and  merchants  who  conduct  the  foreign 
commerce  of  the  nation. 

"  The  St.  Lawrence  is  a  valuable  outlet  for  our  cereals,  but 
its  importance  must  depend  in  a  great  measure  upon  the 
enlargement  of  the  canals  and  increase  of  their  depth  to 
twelve  or  fifteen  feet  to  suit  a  class  of  vessels  adapted  to  the 
navigation  of  the  ocean. 

"  The  goods  we  export  (to  the  Maritime  Provinces)  arc 
more  available  than  those  we  receive,  and  for  several  years 
before  the  treaty  our  exports  averaged  in  value  more  than 
twice  the  value  of  our  imports.  This  disparity  has  been 
reduced,  but  still  the  balance  of  trade  is  in  our  favour,  and  is 
realized  in  part  from  drafts  on  England. 

"  The  shipment  of  coal  from  the  provinces  to  the  United 
States  has  increased  from  220,000  tons  in  1863,  to  at  least 
400,000  tons  in  1865.  We  are  not,  however,  to 

forget  that  we  already  export  from  105,000  to  171,000  tons  of 
coal  to  Canada. 

"  Provincial  coal  can  be  laid  down  in  the  seaports  of  New 
England  for  five  dollars  per  ton  in  specie.  It  would  seem  as 
if  nature  had  designed  this  region  for  the  supply  of  our  north- 
eastern coast.  The  coal  from  Nova  Scotia  is  bituminous,  and 
thus  differs  from  the  coal  of  Pennsylvania,  and  is  adapted  for 
other  uses,  in  gas  works,  forges  and  furnaces.  At  least  half 
of  it  is  used  for  gas.  Fifty  thousand  tons  are  annually  used 
by  one  gas  company  in  Boston.  It  is  used,  also,  to  a  consid- 
erable extent  by  the  steamers  which  run  to  foreign  ports. 

"  Canada  supplies  us  with  3,500,000  pounds  of  combing 
wool  the  present  year,  of  a  quality  we  do  not  produce,  but 
which  we  require  for  our  new  fabrics  for  mousse-line-delaiues, 


7<S  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

alpacas  and  bunting.  .  .  The  free  wool  of 

Canada  has  been  an  inestimable  favour  to  our  worsted  manu- 
facturers. It  does  not  compete  with  the  productions  of  our 
farmers,  as  we  raise  little  more  than  200,000  pounds  long 
wool,  while  Canada  consumes  300,000  pounds  of  our  clothing 
wool  annually.  It  is  not  possible  that  our  production  of  long 
wool  can  keep  up  with  the  demand." 

The  treaty  has  "  quieted  strife  and  restored  the  rights 
secured  by  the  treaty  of '83  to  our  fisheries,  from  which  spring 
the  seamen  to  our  navy,  the  mates,  masters,  and  intrepid  mer- 
chants who  have  guided  our  keels  to  the  confines  of  the  earth." 

And  to  sum  up  the  American  view  of  the  matter,  Mr.  Derby 
declares:  "A  treaty  under  which  our  commerce  with  the  prov- 
inces has  increased  threefold,  or  from  $17,000,000  in  1852,  to 
$68,000,000  in  1864,  is  not  to  be  abandoned,  or  the  amity 
which  now  exists  between  the  contiguous  nations  of  the  same 
origin  to  be  endangered,  without  careful  investigation  and 
conclusive  reasons."  And  again  :  "If,  under  the  treaty,  our 
commerce  with  the  provinces  has,  in  twelve  years,  increased 
threefold,  and  in  that  commerce  the  tonnage  arriving  and 
departing  from  our  ports  exceeds  6,600,000  tons  ;  if  in  this 
tonnage  we  have  the  preponderance  ;  if  our  country  has  made 
rapid  progress  both  in  population  and  wealth — is  there  any 
reason  to  dread  the  operation  of  a  new  treaty  more  favourable 
to  our  own  productions  than  the  treaty  expiring  ?" 

But  Mr.  Derby  goes  further.  He  shows  that  the  commerce 
which  has  grown  up  under  the  treaty  is  so  valuable  to  the 
United  States,  that  should  it  be  brought  to  an  end  on  March 
1 7th,  it  would  be  suicidal  to  impose  high  duties  upon  the 
products  of  the  provinces.  He  says  : 

"There  are  few  of  the  great  staples  of  the  provinces  it 
would  be  wise  to  tax  heavily,  should  the  chance  be  afforded. 
It  would  be  unwise  to  tax  the  minor  articles,  and  most  unwise 
to  tax  those  which  would  be  diverted  by  a  duty.  The  field  of 
inquiry  is  limited  to  the  great  staples  of  the  provinces — wheat, 
oats,  barley,  coal,  lumber  and  fish,  and  possibly  horses." 

Commenting  upon  this  report  the  Toronto  Globe  of  Febru- 
ary 3,  1866,  says  : 


"THE  GLOBE"  ON  MR.  DERBY'S  REPORT.  79 

"  In  view  of  all  the  perplexities  of  the  case  for  Poor  Uncle 
Sam,  Mr.  Derby  exclaims  :  '  What  is  to  be  done  ? ' 

" '  Are  we  to  go  back,  with  contiguous  and  growing  Pro- 
vinces, more  populous  than  the  United  States  in  1783,  to  a 
system  of  retaliation  and  restricted  commerce  ?  ' 

"'  Would  it  be  wise  to  incur  the  ill-will  of  a  province  whose 
frontier  for  three  thousand  miles  borders  on  our  own  ? ' 

'•' '  Would  it  be  politic  to  stimulate  illicit  trade  at  a  time 
when  we  require  high  duties  to  meet  our  engagements  ? ' 

" '  Should  we  divert  business  from  our  canals  and  railways 
to  a  new  and  circuitous  route  across  New  Brunswick  ?  ' 

"  '  It  is  doubtless  desirable  for  Canada  to  reach  our  home 
market  and  to  gain  a  direct  route,  summer  and  winter,  to  the 
sea  ;  but  she  has  open  to  her  half  the  year  the  route  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  connected  by  a  series  of  canals  and  railways, 
with  th,e  lakes  :  And  is  it  our  policy  to  turn  all  her  trade 
that  way,  or  through  the  wilds  of  New  Brunswick  ?  ' 

"  And  in  desperation  at  the  threatened  loss  of  the  fisheries, 
Mr.  Derby  exclaims  :  '  Are  we  to  come  to  blows  with  her 
for  rights  won  by  the  sword  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution, 
which  improvident  Commissioners  have  impaired  or  put  in 
jeopardy,  or  shall  we  make  a  Treaty  ?  We  must  either  risk 
our  mackerel  fishery,  treat,  or  annex  the  provinces.' 

"Yes — this  is  the  alternative — TREAT  with  the  Provincials, 
or  '  annex  the  provinces.'  Which  course  would  be  the  best 
for  Uncle  Sam,  Mr.  Derby  has  no  doubt.  He  goes  strongly 
for  annexation,  or  absorption.  '  If,'  says  he,  '  the  Maritime 
Provinces  would  but,  join  us  spontaneously  to-day — sterile 
as  may  be  their  soil,  under  a  sky  of  steel — still  with  their 
hardy  population,  their  harbours,  fisheries,  and  seamen,  they 
would  greatly  improve  and  strengthen  our  position  and  aid 
us  in  our  struggle  for  equality  upon  the  ocean.  If  we  would 
succeed  upon  the  deep,  we  must  either  maintain  our  fisheries, 
or  absorb  the  Provinces.' 

"No — Mr.  Derby  has  no  doubt  as  to  absorption  being 
decidedly  '  beneficial '  to  Uncle  Sam.  He  tells  his  country- 
men with  great  gusto  that  it  '  would  bring  to  the  Union  a 
white  population  which  will,  in  1868,  possibly  before  the 


So  THE  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


measure  could  be  consummated,  reach  four  millions.  It 
would  bring  to  us  two  thousand  miles  of  railways,  and  vast 
forests  and  mines,  and  fisheries  and  mariners,  and  nearly  two- 
thirds  of  a  million  tons  of  shipping.' 

"  To  attain  that,  Mr.  Derby  is  ready  for  anything.  But 
how  to  attain  it  is  the  question  ?  Coercion  ? — prohibitory 
duties  ? — non-intercourse  ?  There  are  '  gentlemen  of  intelli- 
gence '  it  seems,  and  possibly  some  American  '  statesmen ' 
who  think  that  these  would  bring  it  about  ;  but  Mr.  Derby 
has  no  such  faith.  '  Is  there  no  danger,'  he  asks,  '  that  such 
a  policy  \vould  produce  "  alienation  "  instead  of  Union  ?  '  'Is 
the  present  moment,'  he  wants  to  know,  '  when  we  are 
mastering  a  debt  of  twenty-eight  hundred  millions  by  severe 
taxation,  an  auspicious  one  for  bringing  in  new  States  to 
share  our  burden  ? '  Mr.  Derby  thinks  not.  He  is  of 
opinion  that  Uncle  Sam  is  decidedly  not  in  a  condition  to 
offer  any  temptation  to  the  Provincials  at  this  moment — but 
he  lives  in  hope  that  '  we  can  offer  more  inducements  and 
attractions  at  a  future  day.' 

"Mr.  Derby  being  unable  to  attain  absorption  at  this 
moment,  goes  in  for  conciliation  and  negotiation,  and  a 
treaty.  He  does  not  believe  in  '  Legislative  Reciprocity.' 
Mr.  Derby,  like  a  sensible  man,  goes  for  a  treaty.  '  Let  us 
treat  the  Provinces,'  says  Mr.  Derby,  '  as  friends  and  patrons, 
as  valuable  customers,  and,  if  they  join  us.  let  them  come 
as  friends.  We  desire  no  unwilling  associates.' 

"The  sort  of  treaty  Mr  Derby  recommends,  and  his  declar- 
ations as  to  the  endorsal  by  Canadians  of  his  views,  we  will 
consider  hereafter.  But  meantime,  we  heartily  recommend 
Mr.  Derby's  views  to  the  best  attention  of  some  of  our  weak- 
kneed  contemporaries,  who  have  been  seeing  nothing  but 
'  Ruin  and  Decay 3  in  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty.  And 
especially  would  we  commend  them  to  that  class  of  individ- 
uals who  would  have  the  people  of  Canada  to  go  down  on 
their  knees  to  Brother  Jonathan." 

The  Canadian  Government  were  anxious  to  keep  the 
treaty  in  operation,  or  to  negotiate  a  new  one,  and  were 
willing  to  make  every  reasonable  concession,  believing  that 


"NEW  YORK  WORLD"  ON  ANNEXATION.  81 

great  injury  would  be  done  to  the  country  if  there  were  no 
treaty  for  reciprocal  trade  with  the  United  States.  It  was 
said  at  the  time  that  Mr.  George  Brown  did  not  concur  in 
the  views  of  his  colleagues,  not  being  willing  to  yield  as  much 
as  they  were,  and  he,  therefore,  considered  it  his  duty  to 
resign  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Brown  was  a  man  who 
had  such  faith  in  his  own  views  that  he  was  unable  to  calmly 
consider  the  strength  and  sincerity  of  the  convictions  of 
others,  and  in  taking  that  step  he  acted  hastily  and  unad- 
visedly. Having  entered  the  Cabinet  to  carry  out  the  great 
scheme  of  Confederation,  he  should  have  remained  at  his  post 
until  the  project  was  completed. 

In  spite  of  every  effort  to  the  contrary,  the  treaty  came  to 
an  end  on  March  16,  1866.  The  results,  however,  were  not 
so  disadvantageous  to  Canada  as  were  expected  in  this 
country  or  looked  for  by  our  neighbours.  What  these  results 
actually  were  will  be  a  proper  subject  of  consideration  when 
we  come  to  speak  of  efforts  made  in  future  years  to  obtain  a 
new  treaty  with  the  United  States  which  would  contain 
elements  of  advantage  to  both  countries.  Suffice  it  now  to 
say,  that  if  the  New  York  World  can  be  accepted  as  the 
exponent  of  public  opinion,  the  advocates  of  the  abrogation  of 
the  Reciprocity  Treaty  of  1854  believed  that  absorption  of 
Canada  into  the  United  States  would  follow  as  a  matter  of 
course.  Here  are  its  words,  January  30,  1866  : 

"As  annexation  seems  to  be  the  real  beginning  and  the 
end  of  argument  on  this  subject  with  some  of  those  who 
oppose  all  reciprocity,  it  is  well  to  caution  the  Administration 
against  the  pleasant  reports  of  its  employees.  It  is  no  new 
characteristic  of  the  worst  part  of  human  nature  that  men  are 
inclined  to  flatter  those  who  are  in  power,  and  can  give,  with- 
hold or  perpetuate  the  emoluments  and  honours  of  office. 
But  if  intended  to  promote  annexation  of  the  provinces  to  the  \ 
United  States,  the  method  which  has  been  selected  has  been 
most  unfortunate,  and  has  thus  far  produced  results  exactly 
the  reverse  of  those  desired  by  its  originators.  Not  one  influ- 
ential representative  of  public  opinion  among  the  Canadian 
journals — nor,  we  believe,  one  newspaper  of  an  inferior  class — 

VOL  II.  6 


82  TIIK  LIFK  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


now  advocates  annexation  to  the  United  States.  The  com- 
mon sentiment  is  more  opposed  to  it  than  for  many  previous 
years.  Even  those  who,  six  months  ago,  contributed  money  to 
promote  union,  now  unite  in  defying  the  system  of  commercial 
coercion,  and  ask  us  to  consider  what  we  should  feel  if  a  similar 
pressure  was  applied  to  us  to  induce  us  to  change  our  allegi- 
ance to  our  own  country.  To  this,  of  course,  there  can  only  be 
one  answer.  It  enables  us  to  see  ourselves  as  we  are  seen  by 
others.  The  Canadian  journals  speak  of  Potterization  as  an 
effort  to  make  them  part  with  their  honour  and  their  birth- 
right for  unworthy  considerations,  and  they  diminish  the  force 
of  whatever  inducements  we  can  offer  by  calling  the  attention 
of  their  readers  to  our  system  of  enormous  taxation." 

Another  danger  threatened  Canada  at  this  time.  The 
Fenian  Organization  had  acquired  an  extraordinary  strength 
in  the  United  States.  One  branch,  under  Stephens  and 
O'Mahony,  proposed  to  drive  the  English  out  of  Ireland; 
another  branch  under  Roberts  and  Sweeny,  proposed  to 
conquer  Canada  and  make  it  the  basis  of  attack.  Arrange- 
ments were  made  for  simultaneous  invasions  at  three  points. 
Demonstrations  were  made  near  St.  Albans,  Ogdensburg  and 
Buffalo,  of  which  the  latter  was  the  most  serious.  Towards 
the  end  of  May  it  became  known  that  large  bodies  of  men 
were  collecting  on  the  Niagara  frontier.  Before  daybreak  on 
June  ist  they  had  landed  near  Fort  Erie  and  taken  possession 
of  all  the  horses  and  provisions  they  could  lay  their  hands  on. 
No  violence,  however,  was  offered  to  the  inhabitants.  The 
next  day,  General  O'Neil,  who  was  in  command,  moved  his 
force  to  an  elevated  woodland  termed  Limeridge,  and  there 
erected  temporary  fortifications.  Meanwhile  the  Canadian 
Government,  who  did  not  realize  until  the  invasion  had 
actually  taken  place,  that  so  serious  a  step  could  be  seriously 
contemplated,  called  out  the  militia  force  of  the  country  to 
repel  the  invaders.  The  Queen's  Own  regiment  composed 
often  companies,  under  Major  Gillmor;  the  I3th  of  Hamilton, 
composed  of  six  companies,  under  Major  Skinner;  the  York 
Rifles  under  Captain  Davis ;  and  the  Caledonia  Rifles,  under 
Captain  Jackson,  were  ordered  off  to  the  Niagara  frontier 


THE  FENIAN  RAIDS.  83 


Colonel  Booker,  who  was  in  command  of  the  brigade,  did  not 
follow  out  the  instructions  received  from  his  superior  officer, 
Colonel  Peacocke,  and  prematurely  attacked  the  Fenians.  All 
went  well  until,  upon  a  false  alarm  of  an  attack  by  cavalry,  the 
men  were  ordered  to  form  squares.  This,  at  once,  exposed 
them  to  a  severe  fire  from  the  enemy,  confusion  ensued, 
followed  by  a  retreat  from  the  field  with  the  loss  of  about 
forty  killed  and  wounded.  The  Fenians  did  not  follow  up 
their  advantage,  and,  being  hard  pressed  by  other  forces, 
escaped  as  best  they  could  to  the  American  side  of  the  river. 
Many  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  a  large  number  taken 
prisoners.  As  there  were  many  thousands  ready  to  follow 
the  first  comers,  the  matter  might  have  been  very  much  more 
serious  had  the  leaders  not  so  soon  lost  heart.  Threatening 
demonstrations  continued  to  be  made  for  some  time,  but 
finally  the  band  were  dispersed  by  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment providing  transport  to  their  homes.  A  most  interesting 
account  of  the  raid,  with  a  detailed  description  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  troops,  and  the  engagements  that  took  place, 
was  written  by  Colonel  (then  Major)  George  T.  Denison  of 
the  Governor-General's  Body  Guard. 

During  the  ensuing  week  thousands  of  Fenians  congre- 
gated on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  near  Prescott  and 
Cornwall,  and  on  the  borders  of  the  Eastern  Townships,  but 
the  remonstrances  of  the  Canadian  Government  against  the 
apathy  of  the  American  authorities  in  allowing  so  wanton  an 
invasion  of  the  soil  of  a  friendly  country,  began  to  have  effect 
and  General  Meade  was  ordered  to  seize  the  arms  and 
ammunition  which  had  been  collected,  and  to  send  the  raiders 
to  their  homes.  Although  the  blood  of  Canada's  brave  sons 
had  been  shed,  some  property  destroyed,  and  heavy  expense 
incurred  by  having,  at  one  time,  40,000  of  the  militia  under 
arms,  the  sacrifice  was  not  in  vain.  It  demonstrated  to  the 
world  the  ability  and  determination  to  defend  our  land  at  all 
costs  and  hazards,  and  gave  a  further  impetus  to  the  military 
spirit  already  awakened  by  the  Trent  affair. 

In  Canada  a  feeling  of  uneasiness  prevailed.  It  was  said 
that  the  organization  had  taken  deep  root  in  our  midst,  and 


84  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

all  sorts  of  rumours  were  afloat  as  to  the  aid  and  countenance 
likely  to  be  accorded  to  their  confederates  from  the  other  side 
of  the  border.  Many  prominent  Irish  Roman  Catholics  raised 
their  voices  to  warn  those  of  their  countrymen  who  were 
suspected  of  leaning  towards  the  cause  of  Fenianism,  to 
strengthen  those  who,  while  loyal  to  the  country  of  their  birth, 
did  not  desire  to  see  the  land  of  their  adoption  the  scene  of 
bloody  strife,  and  to  dispel  from  the  minds  of  the  people  at 
large  the  doubts  which  had  arisen  as  to  the  loyalty  of  the  Irish 
Catholics,  as  a  whole.  Amongst  those  were  Dr.  Connolly,  the 
venerable  Archbishop  of  Halifax,  and  the  Honourable  Thomas 
D'Arcy  McGee.  The  former  wrote  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  New  Brunswick  a  lengthy  letter  from  which  we  quote  the 
following  : 

"  From  all  the  sources  of  information  at  my  command,  I 
am  convinced,  if  the  crisis  come,  that  the  whole  Roman 
Catholic  population  in  this  country  will  yield  to  no  other  class 
in  unwavering  loyalty  and  the  unflinching  performance  of  duty 
in  the  day  of  trial.  Apart  from  the  allegiance  which,  as 
Churchmen,  we  owe  to  the  constituted  authorities,  we  have 
here  everything  to  lose  and  nothing  whatever  to  gain  by  a 
change,  be  it  ever  so  luring  in  the  distance.  What  can  any 
Government  give  that  we  have  not  got  ?  We  have  prosperity^ 
law,  order,  peace,  unmeasured  liberty,  the  country  secured 
against  the  foreign  foe,  trade  and  commerce  protected  all  over 
the  world  at  an  expense  one-sixth  less  per  head  than  in  the 
neighbouring  republic,  and  a  mere  fraction  as  compared  with 
the  expenditure  of  any  other  country  we  know  of.  To 
exchange  this  condition  with  any  other  would  be  suicidal 
madness,  and  the  thinking,  reading  portion  of  our  people,  the 
portion  that  have  anything  to  lose,  are  aware  of  the  fact. 
They,  like  myself,  have  visited  the  United  States  from  time  to 
time,  and  have  had  ample  data  to  guide  them  to  the  same 
conclusion.  Catholics,  no  doubt,  enjoy  many  advantages  in 
that  country  (and  it  is  a  blessing  for  millions  they  have  such  a 
country  as  a  refuge),  but  after  the  experience  of  twenty-four 
years  in  British  America,  it  is  my  deep  conviction  that  Catho- 
lics, taking  into  account  their  numbers  and  opportunities,  are 


ARCHBISHOP  CONNOLLY  CONDEMNS  FENIANISM.     85 

wealthier    and   happier — better   Christians — and   socially   and 
politically  more  elevated  here  than  there. 

"In  Canada,  New  Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland 
and  Prince  Edward  Island,  there  has  been  no  period  since  the 
days  of  emancipation,  at  which  Catholics  have  not  possessed 
that  influence  in  the  community  to  which  their  numbers  and 
position  fairly  entitled  them.  The  Legislature,  the  Executive 
Council,  and  the  Bench  are  as  accessible  to  the  Catholic  as  the 
Protestant,  whilst  men  of  vast  wealth  and  the  highest  business 
and  social  standing  in  every  city,  from  Montreal  to  St.  John's, 
Newfoundland,  are  to  be  found  among  our  ranks.  In  all  these 
particulars,  according  to  our  numbers,  we  stand  as  a  hundred 
to  one  when  compared  with  our  fellow  religionists  in  the 
neighbouring  republic. 

"  Our  people,  therefore,  have  nothing  to  expect  from  change 
of  any  kind  but  increased  taxation,  diminished  incomes,  a 
decided  fall  in  the  social  scale,  the  scathing  contempt  of 
their  new  rulers,  as  was  ever  the  case  in  New  England,  and 
with  these,  perhaps,  the  horrors  of  a  devastating  war.  The 
great  .Government  of  the  United  States  has  nothing  more 
tempting  to  offer  ;  and  what  have  we  to  expect  from  the 
so-called  Fenians,  that  pitiable  knot  of  knaves  and  fools, 
who,  unable  to  degrade  themselves,  are  doing  all  in  their 
power  to  add  another  Ballingarry  to  the  history  of  Ireland, 
and  to  make  the  condition  of  our  poor  country  more  deplor- 
able than  before. 

"  On  the  occasion  of  my  recent  visit  to  the  United  States 
many  of  these  poor  deluded  people  talked  as  flippantly  and 
confidently  of  taking  all  British  America  in  the  course  of  this 
winter,  and  holding  it,  as  if  they  already  had  the  title  deeds  in 
their  pockets.  If  they  come  on  the  strength  of  their  own 
resources,  it  will  be,  indeed,  a  laughable  scare  ;  and  from  what 
is  now  occurring  in  New  York,  we  may  easily  foresee  the 
glorious  denouement.  Two  millions  of  Protestants  and  eigh- 
teen hundred  thousand  Catholics,  who  have  mothers,  wives,  and 
daughters — happy  homes  and  free  altars,  and  a  Government 
of  their  own  choice — will  meet  them  as  they  would  the  freebooter 
and  assassin,  with  knife  in  hand  on  the  trail  of  his  victim. 


86          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


From  their  success  we  have  nothing  to  expect  but  bloodshed, 
rapine,  and  anarchy,  and  the  overthrow  of  God's  religion — 
for  all  this  is  inscribed  on  their  banners.  Table-turning  and 
rapperism  the  rhapsodies  and  extravagances  of  a  moon-struck 
brain,  are  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  religion  in  Ireland, 
and  the  priests  are  to  be  exterminated  under  the  fostering 
aegis  of  the  new  Republic.  All  British  America  is  to  be 
occupied  and  declared  a  neutral  territory,  wherein  Fenian 
armies  and  navies  are  to  be  recruited  and  built  up.  The 
power  of  England  is  to  be  crushed.  Protestants,  Catholic 
priests,  and  the  upper  classes  of  Catholics  in  Ireland  are  to 
be  exterminated,  and  a  new  Republic  is  to  be  inaugurated 
with  an  ex-lunatic,  Mr.  O'Mahoney,  at  its  head  !  With  such 
a  programme,  the  Catholics  of  this  country  will  assuredly 
accord  to  the  Fenians,  if  they  come,  the  warm  reception  they 
so  richly  deserve." 

The  Honourable  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGee  had,  previously 
availed  himself  of  the  occasion  of  the  annual  concert  for 
the  benefit  of  the  funds  of  St.  Patrick's  Society,  held  at 
Montreal  in  January  of  the  preceding  year,  to  express  his 
views  in  equally  plain  and  unmistakcable  language,  and  his 
remarks  will  always  have  a  greater  interest  attached  to  them 
from  the  fact  that  this  denunciation  of  Fenianism  is  believed 
to  have  caused  that  bitter  feeling  amongst  the  conspirators 
which  led  to  his  assassination  three  years  later.  After  speak- 
ing in  eloquent  terms  of  Ireland,  and  the  Catholic  University, 
for  which  subscriptions  were  then  being  taken  up,  he  said  :— 

"  There  is  another  subject  which  more  immediately  con- 
cerns ourselves  in  Montreal  and  in  Canada,  which  has  lately 
occupied  a  good  deal  of  the  attention  of  the  press— 
I  allude  to  the  alleged  spread  of  a  seditious  Irish  society, 
originating  at  New  York,  and  which  has  chosen  to  go 
behind  the  long  Christian  record  of  their  ancestors  to 
find  in  Pagan  darkness  and  blindness  the  appropriate 
name  of  Fenians.  (Laughter).  A  statement  having  been 
made  the  other  clay  in  the  Toronto  Globe,  on  the  authority 
of  its  Montreal  correspondent,  that  there  were  1,500  of 
these  contemporary  pagans  in  Montreal,  a  statement  made, 


U'AucY  McGEE  DENOUNCES  FENIANIS.M.  87 


I  am  sure,  without  intentional  malice  on  the  correspondents 
part,  I  felt  bound,  as  I  suppose  you  have  seen,  to  deny  abso- 
lutely that  statement.  (Cheers).  My  denial  was  not  given  in 
my  own  words,  but  the  alleged  fact  was  denied,  and  that  was 
the  main  point.  (Cheers).  I  now,  in  your  presence,  repeat 
that  denial  on  behalf  of  the  Irish  Catholics  of  this  city.  I  say 
there  could  not  be  fifty  such  scamps  associated  and  meeting 
together,  not  to  say  1,500,  without  your  knowledge  and  mine, 
and  I  repeat  absolutely  that  there  is  no  such  body  amongst  us, 
and  that  the  contrary  statements  are  deplorably  untrue  and 
unjust,  and  impolitic  as  well  as  unjust.  (Cheers).  I  regret 
that  papers  of  great  circulation  should  lend  themselves  to  the 
propagation  of  such  statements,  which  have  a  direct  tendency 
to  foster  and  enhance  the  very  evil  they  intend  to  combat. 
Already  indecent  and  unauthorized  searches  have  been  made 
for  concealed  arms  in  the  Catholic  churches  ;  already,  as  in 
some  of  the  townships  of  Bruce,  the  magistrates  are  very 
improperly,  in  my  opinion,  arming  one  class  of  the  people 
against  the  other.  (Hear,  hear).  What  consequences  of  evil 
may  flow  from  this  step,  should  make  any  reasonable  man 
shudder,  and  what  is  it  all  owing  to  ?  Why,  to  these  often 
invented,  and  always  exaggerated  newspaper  reports.  Observe 
the  absurd  figure  Upper  Canada  is  made  to  cut  in  all  this 
business.  The  Protestant  million  are  made  to  tremble  before 
a  fraction  of  a  fraction,  for  if  there  are  Fenians  in  that  quarter 
of  the  world,  I  venture  ro  say  they  are  as  wholly  insignificant 
in  numbers  as  in  every  other  respect.  (Cheers).  At  the  risk, 
however,  of  sharing  the  fate  of  all  unmasked  advisers,  I  would 
say  to  the  Catholics  of  Upper  Canada,  in  each  locality,  if 
there  is  any,  the  least  proof  that  this  foreign  disease  has 
seized  on  any,  the  least  among  you,  establish  at  once,  for  your 
own  sake,  for  the  country's  sake,  a  cordon  sanitaire  around 
your  people  ;  establish  a  committee  which  will  purge  your 
ranks  of  this  political  leprosy  ;  weed  out  and  cast  off  those 
rotten  members,  who,  without  a  single  governmental  grievance 
to  complain  of  in  Canada,  would  yet  weaken  and  divide  us  in 
these  days  of  danger  and  anxiety.  (Cheers).  Instead  of 
symnathy  for  the  punishment  they  are  drawing  upon  then'- 


88  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONA  ,D. 

selves,  there  ought  to  be  a  general  indignation  at  the  perils 
such  wretches  would,  if  permitted  to  exist  among  us,  draw 
upon  the  whole  community,  politically  and  religiously.  How 
would  any  Catholic  who  hears  me  like  to  see  the  parish 
Church  a  stable,  and  St.  Patrick's  a  barrack  ?  How  would 
our  working  men  like  to  see  our  docks  desolate,  our  canals 
closed,  our  new  buildings  arrested,  ruin  in  our  streets,  and 
famine  shivering  among  the  ruins  ?  And  this  is  what  these 
wretched  conspirators,  if  they  had  the  power,  would  bring  to 
pass,  as  surely  as  fire  produces  ashes  from  wood,  or  cold 
produces  ice  from  water.  (Cheers).  I  repeat  here  deliber- 
ately that  I  do  not  believe  in  the  existence  of  any  such 
organization  in  Lower  Canada,  certainly  not  in  Montreal  ;  but 
that  there  are,  or  have  been,  emissaries  from  the  United  States 
among  us,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  it,  has  been  so  often 
and  so  confidently  stated,  that  what  I  have  said  on  the  general 
subject  will,  I  hope,  not  be  considered  untimely  or  uncalled 
for."  (Hear,  hear). 

These  timely  and  patriotic  utterances  of  men  so  influential, 
had  a  soothing  effect  upon  the  public  mind,  inasmuch  as  they 
indicated,  that,  while  the  organization  had  taken  root  in 
Canada,  it  was  not  so  widespread  as  was  generally  supposed, 
and  would  be  opposed  by  some  of  the  most  eminent  Irish 
Roman  Catholics  in  the  country. 

On  December  4th  the  following  Delegates  met  in  London 
to  settle  the  details  of  the  Act  to  give  effect  to  the  Union 
of  the  Provinces  : — The  Honourables  John  A.  Macdonald, 
George  E.  Cartier,  A.  T.  Gait,  W.  P.  Howland,  H.  L.  Lange- 
vin  and  Wm.  McDougall,  representing  Canada  ;  the  Honour- 
ables S.  L.  Tilley,  P.  Mitchell,  R.  D.  Wilmot,  C.  Fisher  and 
J.  M.  Johnston,  representing  New  Brunswick  ;  and  the  Hon- 
ourables Chas.  Tupper,  W.  A.  Henry,  J.  W.  Ritchie,  A.  G. 
Archibald  and  J.  McCully,  representing  Nova  Scotia. 

The  Honourable  John  A.  Macdonald  was  unanimously 
elected  Chairman. 

For  several  weeks  the  Conference  was  engaged  in  pre- 
paring the  new  Constitution,  and  on  February  7,  1867,  the 
Bill,  Confederating  the  Provinces,  was  introduced  into  the 


BIRTH  OF  THE  DOMINION  OF  CANADA.  89 


Imperial  Government  by  Lord  Carnarvon.  It  passed  through 
the  various  stages  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  less  than  three 
weeks  and  was  brought  down  to  the  House  of  Commons 
without  delay,  where  it  was  read  a  third  time  and  finally 
passed,  on  March  8th.  On  March  28th  it  received  the  Royal 
assent  and  became  one  of  the  laws  of  the  Empire.  On  May 
22nd,  Her  Majesty's  proclamation  was  issued,  bringing  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  into  existence  on  July  i,  1867. 

Through  the  young  giant's  mighty  limbs,  that  stretch  from  sea  to  sea, 
There  runs  a  throb  of  conscious  life — of  waking  energy. 
From  Nova  Scotia's  misty  coast  to  far  Columbia's  shore, 
She  wakes— a  band  of  scattered  homes  and  colonies  no  more, 
But  a  young  nation,  with  her  life  full  beating  in  her  breast, 
A  noble  future  in  her  eyes — the  Britain  of  the  West. 
Hers  be  the  noble  task  to  fill  the  yet  untrodden  plains 
With  fruitful  many-sided  life  that  courses  through  her  veins  ; 
The  English  honour,  nerve  and  pluck — the  Scotchman's  love  of  right— - 
The  grace  and  courtesy  of  France — the  Irish  fancy  bright—- 
The Saxon's  faithful  love  of  home,  and  home's  affections  blest ; 
And,  chief  of  all,  our  holy  faith — of  all  our  treasures  best. 
A  people  poor  in  pomp  and  state,  but  rich  in  noble  deeds, 
Holding  that  righteousness  exalts  the  people  that  it  leads  ; 
As  yet  the  waxen  mould  is  soft,  the  opening  page  is  fair, 
It  rests  with  those  who  rule  us  now,  to  leave  their  impress  there  ; 
The  stamp  of  true  nobility,  high  honour,  stainless  truth  ; 
The  earnest  quest  of  noble  ends  ;  the  generous  heart  of  youth  ; 
The  love  of  country,  soaring  far  above  dull  party  strife  ; 
The  love  of  learning,  art  and  song — the  crowning  grace  of  life  ; 
The  love  of  science,  roaming  far  through  nature's  hidden  ways  ; 
The  love  and  fear  of  Nature's  God — a  nation's  highest  praise  ; 
So,  in  the  long  hereafter,  this  Canada  shall  be 
The  worthy  heir  of  British  power  and  British  liberty. 

— Fidelis. 


C  H  A  P  T  K  R    XXVI  I. 

1867-1X71. 

Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  the  first  Premier  of  the  Dominion—  List  of  Ministers  — 
Reform  Convention  —  The  policy  of  the  party—  The  position  of  the  Reform 
members  of  the  Ministry  —  General  election  —  Meeting  of  first  Dominion 
Parliament,  November  7,  1867  —  The  Intercolonial  Railway  —  North-West 
Resolutions  —  Assassination  of  Mr.  McGee—  Pacification  of  Nova  Scotia 
—  Mr.  Howe  enters  the  Ministry  —  Departure  of  Lord  Monck  and  arrival  of 
Lord  Lisgar  —  Second  session  of  Parliament  April  15,  1869  —  Mr.  McKen- 
zie's  resolutions  on  Intercolonial  Railway  —  "Better  terms"  for  Nova 
Scotia  —  Reconstruction  of  Cabinet  —  Red  River  troubles  —  Third  session  of 
Parliament  February  15,  1870  —  The  commercial  policy  of  the  Opposition  — 
A  Zollvereign  with  the  United  States  advocated  —  Sir  John  Macdonald's 
opposition  —  Honourable  Charles  Tupper  enters  the  Cabinet  —  Fourth 
session  of  Parliament  February  15,  1871  —British  Columbia  resolutions  — 
The  Joint  High  Commission  —  Honourable  Alexander  Campbell's  mission 
to  Fngland  —  Official  correspondence  —  Names  of  Commissioners  —  Sir  A. 
T.  Gait's  resolutions  —  The  Globe's  article  thereon  —  Sir  John  Macdonald's 
difficult  position. 

THE  Honourable  John  A.  Macdonald  was  called  upon  by- 
Lord  Monck  to  form  the  first  Cabinet  of  the  new  Con- 
federacy. He  accepted  the  task  and  succeeded  in  gathering 
together  probably  the  ablest  Cabinet  that  Canada  has  ever 
seen.  In  making  his  selections  he  announced  his  policy  as 
follows:  "  I  desire  to  bring  to  my  aid  in  the  new  Government 

.Ihose  men^Jxrcspective  of  party  :~  who  ~represenrrthe  majorities 
in_the  different  provinces  of  the  Union.  I  do  not  want  it  to 
be  felt  by  any  section  of  the  countryj  that  theyjia.ye  no_repre- 

_  sgntatiye  in  the_Cabinet,  aiKJLjiQ,  influence  in  the  Government. 


And  as  there  are  now  no  issues  to  divide  parties,  and  as 
all  that  is  required  is  to  have  in  the  Government  the  men  who 
are  best  adapted  to  put  the  new  machinery  in  motion,  I  desire 
to  ask  those  to  join  me  who  have  the  confidence,  and  who 
represent  the  majorities  in  the  various  sections  of  those  who 
were  in  favour  of  the  adoption  of  this  system  of  Government 
and  who  wish  to  see  it  satisfactorily  carried  out."  The  first 
Administration  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  consisted  of  : 

HON.  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD,  Premier  and  Minister  of  Justice. 
HON.  GEORGE  E.  CARTIEH,  Minister  of  Militia. 
HON.  ALEXANDER  CAMPBELL,  Postmaster-General. 
HON.  A.  T.  GALT,  Minister  of  Finance. 

90 

1 


FIRST  DOMINION  CABINET.  91 


HON.  S.  L.  TILLEY,  Minister  of  Customs. 

HON.  A.  J.  FERGUSSON-BLAIR,  President  of  the  Council. 

HON.  H.  L.  LANGEVIN,  Secretary  of  State. 

HON.  W.  P.  HOWLAND,  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue. 

HON.  PETER  MITCHELL,  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries. 

HON.  A.  G.  ARCHIBALD,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Provinces. 

HON.  EDWARD  KENNY,  Receiver-General. 

HON.  WILLIAM  McDouGALL,  Minister  of  Public  Works. 

HON.  J.  C.  CHAPAIS,  Minister  of  Agriculture. 

As  the  Ministry  was  composed  of  about  equal  numbers  of 
Conservatives  and  Reformers,  it  was  essentially  a  coalition 
Government  and  as  such  was  opposed  by  that  branch  of  the 
Reform  party  under  the  leadership  of  the  Honourable  George 
Brown. 

On  June  27,  1867,  the  Reform  Convention  met  in  Toronto, 
Mr.  William  Patrick,  of  Prescott,  being  chairman.  The  policy 
of  the  party  was  embodied  in  fifteen  resolutions.  These 
"  accepted  the  new  Constitution  about  to  be  inaugurated,  with 
a  determination  to  work  it  loyally  and  patiently,  and  to  pro- 
vide such  amendments  as  experience  from  year  to  year  may 
prove  to  be  expedient,"  but  condemned  the  composition  of  the 
Ministry  in  the  following  resolution. 

"  Resolved, — That  coalitions  of  opposing  political  parties, 
for  ordinary  administrative  purposes,  inevitably  result  in  the 
abandonment  of  principle  by  one  or  both  parties  to  the  com- 
pact, the  lowering  of  public  morality,  lavish  public  expenditure 
and  widespread  corruption  ;  that  the  coalition  of  1864  could 
only  be  justified  on  the  ground  of  imperious  necessity,  as  the 
only  available  mode  of  obtaining  just  representation  for  the 
people  of  Upper  Canada,  and  on  the  ground  that  the  compact 
then  made  was  for  a  specific  measure  and  for  a  stipulated 
period  and  was  to  come  to  an  end  as  soon  as  a  measure  was 
attained  ;  and  while  the  Convention  is  thoroughly  satisfied  that 
the  Reform  party  has  acted  in  the  best  interests  of  the  country 
by  sustaining  the  Government  until  the  Confederation  mea- 
sure was  secured,  it  deems  it  an  imperative  duty  to  declare 
that  the  temporary  alliance  between  the  Reform  and  Conser- 
vative parties  should  now  cease,  and  that  no  Government  will 
be  satisfactory  to  the  people  of  Upper  Canada  which  is 


92  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


formed  and  maintained  by  a  coalition  of  public  men  holding 
opposite  political  principles." 

In  the  speeches  which  were  made  on  the  resolutions  the 
conduct  of  those  Reform  members  from  Upper  Canada  who 
had  accepted  portfolios  in  the  Cabinet,  was  strongly 
denounced.  Replies  were  made  by  the  Honourables  W.  P. 
Rowland  and  William  Macdougall,  who  stated  that  they  had 
accepted  office  because  they  considered  that  the  great  Liberal 
party  of  Upper  Canada  should  be  represented  in  the  first 
Cabinet  of  the  Dominion,  that  they  considered  it  their  duty  to 
work  together  with  their  Liberal  friends  from  the  Maritime 
Provinces,  who  had  laboured  so  hard  and  sacrificed  so  much  to 
bring  about  the  Union,  and  finally  that  they  were  willing  to 
submit  their  conduct  to  the  decision  of  the  electors  of  the 
country. 

Many  reasons  may  be  adduced  to  prove  that  these  gentle- 
men were  right  in  the  course  which  they  pursued.  Both 
parties  had  united  upon  a  common  principle — that  of  estab- 
lishing the  new  Constitution  upon  a  firm  basis  ;  of  properly 
adjusting  all  its  parts  ;  and  setting  in  motion  the  whole 
machinery.  There  was  no  occasion  for  a  party  fight  ;  there 
were  no  grievances  to  redress  ;  no  old  mismanagement  to 
reform.  No  benefit  could  be  derived  from  a  quarrel  ;  no  good 
end  could  be  subserved.  No  thirteen  men  could  have  come 
together  for  a  nobler  or  more  worthy  purpose  than  that  which 
induced  Reformers  and  Conservatives  to  unite  in  the  first 
Government  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  to  establish  the  new 
Constitution  which  had  been  obtained  by  the  sinking  of  party 
differences.  Without  a  junction  of  parties  in  1864,  Confedera- 
tion could  not  have  been  accomplished.  Both  parties  were 
entitled  to  the  honour  of  so  splendid  a  result,  and  both  had  a 
right  to  share  the  triumphs  and  enjoy  the  rewards  of  so  splen- 
did an  achievement.  Mr.  Brown  had  joined  with  these  men 
on  a  former  occasion ;  had  worked  with  them  ;  had  participated 
in  the  festivities  and  honours  enjoyed  by  them  when  delegates 
to  England,  and  had  praised  them,  both  in  public  and  in 
private,  for  the  honourable  manner  in  which  they  had  acted 
with  him  in  solving  the  problem  of  the  Union.  They  were  not 


<=* 


LORD  MONCK  AS  GOVERNOR-GENERAL.  95 

worse  now  than  they  were  then,  and  to  denounce  members  of 
his  party  for  doing  in  1867  what  he  had  done  in  1864  was 
most  unreasonable. 

The  new  Constitution  had  to  be  inaugurated  under 
peculiar  conditions,  and  harmony  and  union  of  parties  were 
especially  necessary  to  give  it  due  eclat  and  effect ;  party 
issues,  which  formerly  existed,  had  been  settled  ;  the  object 
contemplated  was  not  a  party  or  sectional  one,  but  national, 
and  one  in  which  all  parties  were  interested.  The  men  called 
upon  to  inaugurate  the  new  order  of  things  were  peculiarly 
fitted  for  the  task,  because  they  had  prepared  it  ;  and  a  better 
guarantee  was  afforded  to  the  country  at  large  of  the  safety  of 
the  trust,  when  commended  to  the  care  of  a  coalition  Govern- 
ment, than  if  in  the  hands  of  one  which  was  strictly  party. 
For  these  and  other  reasons  which  might  be  adduced,  every 
reasonable  man  felt  that  the  Administration  was  entitled  to 
fair  play,  and  to  be  judged  by  its  policy  and  its  acts,  and  that 
those  Upper  Canadian  Reformers  who  gave  it  support  and 
joined  it  as  members,  acted  in  a  proper,  patriotic  and  com- 
mendable manner. 

Lord  Monck  was  sworn  in  as  Governor-General  of  the 
Dominion  in  the  forenoon  of  July  I,  1867,  and  immediately 
announced  that  he  had  received  Her  Majesty's  command  to 
confer  the  title  of  K.  C.  B.  on  the  Honourable  John  A.  Mac- 
donald,  and  the  title  of  C.  B.  on  the  Honourables  G.  E.  Cartier, 
S.  L.  Tilley,  A.  T.  Gait,  Charles  Tupper,  W.  P.  Howland,  and 
William  Macdougall. 

Early  in  August  writs  for  a  new  election  were  issued  and 
preparations  were  made  for  a  keen  contest.  Mr.  Brown  con- 
tested South  Ontario  with  Mr.  T.  N.  Gibbs,  but  was  defeated 
by  seventy-one  votes.  The  Province  of  Ontario  elected  sixty- 
seven  Ministerial  supporters,  and  fifteen  members  of  the  Oppo- 
sition. In  the  Province  of  Quebec  all  the  constituencies  but 
twelve  were  carried  by  the  Government.  In  New  Brunswick 
the  Opposition  only  secured  three  seats.  In  Nova  Scotia, 
however,  Dr.  Tupper  was  the  only  Government  supporter  who 
was  returned. 

The  first  Dominion  Parliament  opened  on   November  7th, 


o/3  THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

when  the  Honourable  Joseph  Cauchon  was  appointed  Speaker 
of  the  Senate,  and  the  Honourable  James  Cockburn  was  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons.  The  Speech  from  the 
Throne  foreshadowed  a  large  amount  of  legislation  respecting 
the  currency,  tariff,  excise,  and  postal  laws,  the  public  works, 
management  of  the  militia,  care  of  the  Indians,  assimilation  of 
the  criminal  laws,  insolvency,  the  development  of  the  fisheries, 
the  building  of  the  Intercolonial  railway,  etc.  When  the  Bill 
for  the  construction  of  this  railway  was  brought  up,  Mr.  Dorion 
moved  in  amendment  that  the  route  should  not  be  determined 
on  without  the  consent  of  Parliament,  which  was  rejected  by  a 
vote  of  35  to  83,  which  may  be  taken  as  a  fair  indication  of 
the  relative  strength  of  the  Opposition  and  the  Government. 
One  of  the  most  important  events  of  the  session  was  the 
adoption  of  a  series  of  resolutions  introduced  by  the  Honour- 
able Wm.  Macdougall,  with  regard  to  the  North-West,  setting 
forth  the  reasons  why  Her  Majesty  should  be  graciously 
pleased  to  unite  that  country  with  Canada,  and  asking  that 
authority  should  be  granted  to  the  Dominion  Parliament  to 
legislate  on  the  subject.  Mr.  Macdougall's  speech  was  able 
and  exhaustive,  the  resolutions  were  all  adopted,  and  a  select 
committee  appointed  to  draw  up  an  address  embodying 
them. 

Parliament  adjourned  from  December  21,  1867,  to  March 
12,  1868.  After  being  in  session  about  three  weeks  the 
country  was  horror-stricken  by  the  news  of  the  assassination  of 
the  Honourable  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGee.  He  had  attended 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  night  of  April  6th  and  made  an 
eloquent  speech  on  the  subject  of  Dr.  Tupper's  mission  to 
England.  He  left  the  Parliament  Buildings  about  2.30  on  the 
morning  of  the  /th,  accompanied  by  Mr.  R.  Macfarlane,  M.P., 
and  some  messengers.  They  parted  at  the  corner  of  Sparks 
and  Metcalfe  streets,  he  proceeding  westward,  along  the  former 
thoroughfare,  to  his  boarding  house.  A  few  minutes  later 
a  son  of  Mrs.  Trotter — the  boarding-house  keeper — who  was 
a  page  in  the  House,  and  who  was  returning  home  after  his 
duties,  heard  a  pistol  shot  and,  on  arriving  at  his  mother's 
door,  found  Mr.  McGee  lying  dead,  having  been  killed  by  a 


ASSASSINATION  OF  D'ARCV  McGEE.  97 

bullet  which  had  struck  the  base  of  the  skull  in  rear  and 
passed  through  his  mouth,  carrying  away  several  teeth.  The 
cowardly  murder  was  at  once  attributed  to  the  Fenian 
brotherhood,  in  revenge  for  his  outspoken  denunciations  of 
their  unpatriotic  schemes,  and  the  most  strenuous  efforts  were 
made  to  bring  the  assassin  to  justice.  After  a  time  the 
evidence  pointed  to  Patrick  James  Whelan,  a  journeyman 
tailor,  as  the  guilty  one.  He  was  accordingly  arrested,  tried, 
found  guilty  and  hanged  in  the  gaol  at  Ottawa  on  October 
11,  1869. 

Mr.  McGee's  tragic  death  caused  the  greatest  sorrow  to 
the  whole  country.  He  was  a  man  beloved  and  esteemed 
for  his  qualities  of  head  and  heart  and  truly  did  Sir  John 
Macdonald  say  of  him  "  He  might  have  lived  a  long  and 
respected  life  had  he  chosen  the  easy  path  of  popularity 
rather  than  the  stern  one  of  duty.  He  has  lived  a  short  life, 
respected  and  beloved,  and  has  died  a  heroic  death,  a  martyr 
to  the  cause  of  his  country." 

The  Honourable  Thomas  D'Arcy  McGce  was  known  as 
a  litterateur  before  he  became  a  Canadian  politician.  He  was 
an  orator  who  had  the  art  of  making  trifles  graceful  and 
brilliant,  not  that  his  speeches  were  wanting  in  the  more 
sterling  qualities  of  original  thought  and  sound  argument, 
but  the  utterance  added  grace  and  beauty  to  the  matter  and 
made  it  more  pleasant  to  hear  than  to  read.  His  countrymen 
were  justly  proud  of  his  talents  and  regarded  him  as  their 
especial  representative.  Genial,  warm-hearted  and  impulsive, 
he  had  a  host  of  friends  amongst  all  classes  of  the  population. 
He  had  represented  Montreal  West  since  1857  and  was 
several  times  elected  by  acclamation.  He  was  descended 
from  an  old  Ulster  family  and  was  born  at  Carlingford, 
County  of  Louth,  Ireland,  April  13,  1825,  and  educated  at 
Wexford.  Besides  contributing  largely  to  magazine  literature 
in  the  United  Kingdom  and  America,  he  had  written  the 
following  works  : — "  Lives  of  Irish  writers  of  the  Seventh 
Century,"  "Life  of  Art,"  "  Irish  settlers  in  America,"  "  Catholic 
history  of  America,"  "  History  of  the  Reformation  in  Ireland," 
"  Canadian  Ballads,"  and  a  "  Popular  history  of  Ireland." 


98  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Out  of  respect  for  Mr.  McGec's  memory,  Parliament 
adjourned  until  April  Hth.  On  re-assembling,  the  business 
was  pushed  through  with  all  speed,  and  prorogation  took 
place  on  May  22nd. 

During  the  recess  the  attention  of  the  Government  was 
devoted  to  the  pacification  of  Nova  Scotia.  Sir  John  Mac- 
clonald  and  some  of  his  colleagues  went  to  Halifax  in  August, 
but  no  immediate  results  followed.  In  October  he  again 
pressed  the  matter  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Howe,  expressing  the 
willingness  of  the  Government  to  consider  all  questions  in 
a  fair  and  equitable  spirit,  and  offering  Mr.  Howe  a  seat  in 
the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Howe  replied  that  he  would  still  prefer 
a  repeal  of  the  Union  Act  but  as  there  seemed  little  hope 
of  that,  he  was  disposed  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  better 
terms  for  his  Province.  The  result  was  that  documents  were 
laid  before  the  Ministry  embodying  the  claims  of  Nova  Scotia 
for  better  terms.  These  were  carefully  considered  and  an 
elaborate  report  thereon,  drawn  up  by  the  Honourable  John 
Rose,  who  had  become  Minister  of  Finance  by  the  resigna- 
tion of  the  Honourable  A.  T.  Gait.  Pie  considered  that  it 
had  been  satisfactorily  proved  that  the  terms  of  Union  were 
less  favourable  to  Nova  Scotia  than  to  the  other  Provinces 
and,  therefore,  the  Province  was  entitled  to  better  terms. 
These  terms  having  been  embodied  in  an  Order  in  Council 
and  it  having  been  agreed  that  a  Bill  embodying  them  should 
be  submitted  to  Parliament,  Mr.  Howe  abandoned  all  further 
opposition  and  entered  the  Cabinet  as  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil, in  the  place  of  the  Honourable  Fergusson-Blair,  deceased. 

Lord  Monck  sailed  from  Quebec  on  December  I4th  and 
was  succeeded  by  Sir  John  Young,  who  arrived  at  Ottawa 
on  November  2/th  and  was  sworn  in  on  December  ist. 

The  second  session  was  opened  on  April  15,  1869.  The 
date  was  unusually  late,  but  was  necessitated  by  the  absence 
in  England  of  Sir  George  Cartier  and  Honourable  Wm.  Mac- 
dougall,  who  were  arranging  for  the  transfer  to  the  Dominion 
of  the  North-West  Territory,  and  also  by  a  change  in  the 
manner  of  keeping  the  Public  Accounts,  consequent  on  Con- 
federation. 


INTERCOLONIAL  RAILWAY  DEBATE.  99 

The  session  only  lasted  until  June  23rd,  but  was  produc- 
tive of  many  interesting  debates.  One  of  these  referred  to 
the  Intercolonial  Railway,  and  Mr.  Mackenzie  expressed  the 
views  of  the  Opposition  in  the  following  resolutions  : — 

"  That  in  the  construction  of  the  Intercolonial  Railway 
it  is  of  the  highest  importance  for  commercial  and  economical 
reasons,  to  have  the  shortest  and  cheapest  line  selected,  which, 
in  addition  to  the  main  object,  will  afford  access  to  the  best 
and  nearest  part  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

"  That  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs  route  selected  by  the  Govern- 
ment is  not  one  which  will  best  promote  the  commercial 
interests  of  the  Dominion,  or  best  secure  the  settlement  of  the 
remote  portions  of  the  provinces  through  which  the  road  will 
pass,  and  that,  while  it  gives  the  smallest  commercial 
advantage,  it  will  entail  the  largest  expenditure  in  its 
construction,  and  afterwards  in  its  maintenance  and  working 
expenses. 

"  That  in  view  of  the  serious  effect  to  the  finances  of  the 
Dominion,  and  the  permanent  and  continuous  loss  to  the 
commerce  of  the  country,  consequent  on  the  adoption  of  a 
long  and  expensive  route  to  the  sea,  it  is  desirable  not  to 
proceed  with  work  on  those  portions  of  the  line  not  common  to 
the  central  or  southern  routes,  with  a  view  to  the  adoption  of 
a  route  wrhich  will  give  access  to  the  shortest  and  cheapest 
line,  without  interfering  with  the  distance  to  Halifax  as  the 
ultimate  terminus." 

Mr.  R.  J.  Cartwright  moved  an  amendment  setting  forth 
the  provisions  of  the  Imperial  and  Dominion  Acts,  and 
concluding  as  follows : 

"  That  under  these  circumstances  the  House  considers  that 
any  discussion  as  to  the  route  of  the  Intercolonial  Railway 
would  not  answer  any  good  purpose,  and  would  greatly 
prejudice  the  credit  of  the  Dominion  at  home  and  abroad." 

The  amendment  was  seconded  by  the  Honourable  Dr. 
Tupper.  Both  mover  and  seconder  made  very  able  speeches, 
pointing  out  that,  in  the  negotiations  with  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment, it  had  always  been  agreed  that  the  latter  should 
select  the  route.  They  had  guaranteed  the  loan  to  build  the 


ioo         THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

line  upon  this  express  condition,  and  it  would  now  be  a 
breach  of  faith  to  pass  Mr.  Mackenzie's  motion.  The  House 
concurred  in  this  view,  and  the  amendment  was  carried  by  a 
vote  of  1 14  to  28. 

When  Mr.  Howe  made  his  motion,  on  June  nth,  to  go 
into  committee  on  the  resolutions  fixing  the  amount  at  which 
the  debt  of  Nova  Scotia  was  to  be  taken,  and  granting  an 
increased  subsidy,  Mr.  Blake  took  exception  to  them  as  being 
unconstitutional,  and  moved  an  amendment  to  the  effect  that 
the  liabilities  of  Canada  and  each  province  were  settled  by 
the  British  North  American  Act,  that  the  Parliament  of 
Canada  could  not  change  such  basis  of  settlement,  that  the 
unauthorized  assumption  of  such  power  would  be  injurious  to 
the  union,  and  therefore  it  was  inexpedient  to  go  into  com- 
mittee on  the  resolutions.  A  long  debate  ensued,  in  which 
part  was  taken  by  Messrs.  Mackenzie,  J.  H.  Cameron,  Harri- 
son, Tupper,  Gray,  Smith,  Cartier,  and  Howe.  On  a  vote 
being  taken,  the  amendment  was  lost  by  57  to  96.  Mr.  E.  B. 
Wood  offered  another  amendment  declaring  that  it  was  inex- 
pedient to  disturb  the  financial  arrangements  with  Nova 
Scotia,  unless  the  other  provinces  were  granted  a  corres- 
ponding advantage,  which  also  was  lost,  the  vote  standing  46 
to  88.  Mr.  Holton  moved  another  amendment  requiring  the 
consent  of  all  the  other  provinces  to  the  arrangement,  which 
was  also  lost  on  division  by  a  vote  of  52  to  97. 

After  prorogation  Mr.  Rose  visited  Washington  with 
reference  to  a  new  Reciprocity  Treaty,  but  was  unsuccessful, 
and  a  short  time  afterwards  acquired  an  interest  in  a  banking 
concern,  and  sailed  for  England  as  the  representative  of  the 
firm  of  Morton,  Rose  &  Co.  The  position  of  Finance  Minis- 
ter was  tendered  to  Sir  A.  T.  Gait,  but  declined.  It  was  then 
offered  to  Sir  Francis  Hincks,  who  accepted.  He  had  been 
absent  from  Canada  for  fourteen  years,  during  which  period  he 
had  acted  as  Governor  of  Barbadoes  and  the  Windward 
Islands,  and  as  Governor  of  British  Guiana.  He  offered 
himself  for  his  old  constituency,  North  Renfrew,  and  was 
elected  by  a  majority  of  120  over  Mr.  Findlay.  A  re-con- 
struction of  the  Cabinet  took  place,  some  new  men  being 


THE  RE-CONSTRUCTED  CABINET.  101 

brought  in,  and  some  of  the  old  Ministers  changing  portfolios. 
As  re-constructed,  the  Ministry  stood  as  follows  : 

SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD,  Premier  and  Minister  of  Justice. 

SIR  GEORGE  E.  CARTIER,  Minister  of  Militia. 

SIR  FRANCIS  HINCKS,  Minister  of  Finance. 

SIR  EDWARD  KENNY,  President  of  Privy  Council. 

HON.  S.  L.  TILLEY,  Minister  of  Customs. 

HON.  HECTOR  L.  LANGEVIN,  Minister  of  Public  Works. 

HON.  ALEXANDER  MORRIS,  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue. 

HON.  JOSEPH  HOWE,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Provinces. 

HON.  PETER  MITCHELL,  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries. 

HON.  ALEXANDER  CAMPBELL,  Postmaster-General. 

HON.  CHRISTOPHER  DUNKIN,  Minister  of  Agriculture. 

HON.  J.  C.  CHAPAIS,  Receiver-General. 

HON.  J.  C.  AIKINS,  Secretary  of  State  and  Registrar-General. 

The  Honourable  William  Macdougall  resigned  his  place 
in  the  Administration  to  accept  the  position  of  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  the  North-West  Territories,  which  had  been 
acquired  by  the  purchase  of  the  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  for  the  sum  of  £300,000.  He  arrived  at  Pembina 
on  October  3Oth,  but  was  prevented  by  an  armed  party  of 
half-breeds  from  entering  the  country,  and  was  obliged  to 
return.  The  insurgents  formed  a  provisional  government  of 
which  Louis  Riel  was  President,  and  proceeded  to  draw  up  a 
Bill  of  Rights.  Many  of  those  who  disapproved  of  their 
conduct  were  cast  into  prison,  and  one  of  them,  Thomas  Scott, 
was  murdered  in  the  most  cold-blooded  and  brutal  manner. 
To  quiet  the  fears  of  the  half-breeds,  and  to  inspire  confidence 
as  to  the  fairness  of  the  treatment  likely  to  be  received  from 
the  Dominion  Government,  Bishop  Tache  was  telegraphed  to 
return  from  Rome.  He  did  so,  and  left  Ottawa  on  February 
1 6,  1870,  being  empowered  to  invite  delegates  to  Ottawa,  and 
to  offer  amnesty  for  past  offences.  The  arrival  of  a  body  of 
troops  some  months  later  under  Colonel  Wosley  put  an  end 
to  the  insurrection,  and  the  demands  of  the  half-breeds  were 
presented  by  delegates  to  the  Dominion  Government. 

The  third  session  of  Parliament  opened  on  February  15, 
1870.  The  debate  on  the  Address  lasted  for  six  days,  and 
the  whole  policy  of  the  Government  was  reviewed  and  critic- 


102         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

ized.  Sir  A.  T.  Gait  announced  his  inability  to  give  the 
Government  any  further  support,  and  Sir  Francis  Hincks  was 
made  the  subject  of  a  general  attack,  during  which  his  past 
political  life  was  freely  commented  upon.  Mr.  Macdougall 
also  charged  Mr.  Howe  with  not  having  given  him  a  proper 
idea  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  Fort  Garry,  and  with  having 
failed  to  use  his  influence,  during  his  recent  visit  to  the  Red 
River  country,  in  a  proper  manner.  The  Address  was, 
however,  carried  without  any  amendment  being  offered. 

Mr.  L.  S.  Huntingdon,  a  leading  member  of  the  Opposi- 
tion, made  a  hot  attack  on  the  commercial  policy  of  the 
Government,  and  moved  the  following  resolutions  in  favour  of 
freer  intercourse  with  the  United  States. 

"  That  an  Address  be  presented,  representing  that  the 
increasing  population  and  production  of  this  Dominion 
demand  more  extended  markets,  and  a  more  unrestricted 
interchange  of  commodities  with  other  countries. 

"  That  a  continental  system  of  free  commercial  inter- 
course, bringing  under  one  general  customs  union  with  this 
Dominion,  countries  chiefly  interested  in  its  trade,  would  lead 
to  the  expansion  of  our  commerce,  and  develop  our  resources 
and  our  products. 

"  That  such  a  system  should  place  in  a  position  of  com- 
mercial equality  and  reciprocity  all  countries  becoming  parties 
thereto. 

"  That  a  great  advantage  would  result  from  placing  the 
Government  of  the  Dominion  in  direct  communication  with 
the  several  states  which  might  be  willing  to  negotiate  for  such 
a  customs'  union. 

"  That  it  is  expedient  to  obtain  from  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment all  necessary  powers  to  enable  the  Government  of  the 
Dominion  to  enter  into  direct  communication  with  such 
foreign  states  as  would  be  disposed,  upon  terms  advantageous 
to  Canada,  to  negotiate  for  such  commercial  regulations. 

"  That  in  all  cases  treaties  enacting  such  proposed 
customs,  union  should  be  submitted  to  the  approval  of  Her 
Majesty." 

Mr.  Huntingdon  supported  his  resolutions  in  the  strongest 


RESOLUTIONS  IN  FAVOUR  OF  A  ZOLLVEREIGN.       103 

possible  manner,  and  was  backed  up  by  the  Honourable  A.  A. 
Dorion,  who  declared  himself  warmly  in  favour  of  the  proposed 
zollvereign,  and  argued  that  it  did  not  involve  discriminating 
duties  against  Great  Britain.  He  also  urged  that  permission 
should  be  obtained  from  the  Imperial  Government  to  negotiate 
our  own  treaties. 

Sir  John  Macdonald  vigorously  opposed  the  resolutions, 
urging  that  the  course  advocated  really  meant  a  separation 
from  the  mother  country,  and  that  it  was  much  better  for 
Canada  to  work  in  harmony  with  Great  Britain  than  to 
attempt  to  act  for  herself,  and  sue  in  forma  pauperis  for 
commercial  treaties  with  other  countries.  He  concluded  an 
able  and  patriotic  speech  by  moving  in  amendment 

"  That  this  House,  while  desirous  of  obtaining  for  this 
Dominion  the  freest  access  to  the  markets  of  the  world,  and 
thus  augmenting  its  external  prosperity,  is  satisfied  that  that 
object  can  best  be  obtained  by  the  concurrent  action  of  the 
Imperial  and  Canadian  Governments. 

"  That  any  attempt  to  enter  into  treaties  with  foreign 
powers,  without  the  strongest  direct  support  of  the  mother 
country  as  a  principal  party,  must  fail,  and  that  a  customs' 
union  with  the  United  States,  now  so  heavily  taxed,  would  be 
unfair  to  the  Empire,  and  injurious  to  the  Dominion,  and 
would  weaken  the  ties  now  happily  existing  between  them." 

Many  other  speeches  were  made,  but  it  was  quite  evident 
the  House  was  in  harmony  with  Sir  John's  views  against 
union  with  the  United  States  or  separation  from  the  Empire, 
and  his  amendment  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  100  to  58. 

After  passing  many  important  measures,  amongst  which 
were  the  Manitoba,  Banking,  and  Tariff  Acts,  Parliament 
was  prorogued  on  May  I2th. 

On  June  2ist  Honourable  Charles  Tupper,  C.  B.,  entered 
ihe  Cabinet  as  successor  to  Sir  Edward  Kenny  appointed 
Administrator  of  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia.  On  appealing 
to  his  constituents  he  was  re-elected  by  acclamation. 

On  October  8th,  Sir  John  Young  was  raised  to  the  peerage 
under  the  title  of  Baron  Lisgar. 

The  fourth  session  of  the  Dominion  Parliament  opened  on 


104         TnE  LlFE  OF  SlR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


January  15,  1871.  Amongst  the  subjects  referred  to  in  the 
Speech  from  the  Throne  were  two  very  important  ones, 
namely  the  reception  of  British  Columbia  into  the  Confedera- 
tion, and  the  appointment  of  a  Joint  High  Commission  to 
consider  the  question  of  the  fisheries  and  other  matters. 

Sir  George  E.  Cartier  introduced  the  resolutions,  with 
respect  to  the  former,  and  explained  the  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment. He  said  that  the  terms  agreed  to  were  in  the  nature  of 
a  treaty,  and  did  not  admit  of  alteration.  They  must  be 
accepted  or  rejected  as  a  whole.  The  clause  which  caused 
most  debate  was  that  which  referred  to  the  Pacific  Railway 
and,  on  this  point,  he  explained  the  policy  of  the  Administra- 
tion to  be,  to  build  the  road  by  the  aid  of  private  companies,  to 
whom  would  be  granted  a  certain  amount  of  land  and,  perhaps, 
a  small  money  subsidy.  He  estimated  the  length  of  the  road 
at  2,500  miles,  and  the  land  it  was  proposed  to  give  would 
amount  to  about  64,000,000  acres.  He  forcibly  commended 
the  scheme  to  the  consideration  of  the  House,  urging  that 
union  with  British  Columbia  would  give  Canada  a  maritime 
position  that,  in  time,  would  be  second  only  to  that  of 
England.  He  was  ably  and  eloquently  supported  by  Mr. 
(now  Sir  Leonard)  Tillcy,  Dr.  (now  Sir  James)  Grant,  Mr. 
Masson,  Colonel  Gray,  Sir  Francis  Hincks  and  others. 

Mr.  Mackenzie,  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition,  said  that  "he 
looked  upon  the  acquisition  of  British  Columbia  as  a  political 
necessity,  but  thought  two  much  haste  ought  not  to  be  made 
or  mistakes  would  occur.  He  differed  entirely  with  the 
Government  on  their  railway  policy.  He  did  not  think  that 
the  right  way  to  build  the  railway  was  to  give  away  all  the 
best  lands.  These  should  be  kept  as  free  grants  for  immi- 
grants. He  was  totally  opposed  to  undertaking  such  an 
immense  burden  as  guaranteeing  to  build  this  gigantic  rail- 
way in  ten  years.  He  did  not  consider  it  capable  of  accom- 
plishment, and  it  was  improper  to  delude  the  people  of  British 
Columbia  with  the  idea  that  it  was."  He  concluded  by  moving 
in  amendment  : 

"  That  all  the  words  after  '  that '  be  struck  out,  and  the  fol- 
lowing inserted,  '  the  proposed  terms  of  union  with  British 


OPPOSITION  OT  THE  PACIFIC  RAILWAY.  105 

Columbia  pledge  the  Dominion  to  commence  within  two 
years,  and  complete  within  ten  years  the  Pacific  Railway,  the 
route  for  which  has  not  been  surveyed  or  its  expenses  calcu- 
lated. The  said  terms  also  pledge  the  Government  of  Canada 
to  a  yearly  payment  to  British  Columbia  of  the  sum  of 
$100,000  in  perpetuity,  equal  to  a  capital  sum  of  $2,000,000,  for 
the  cession  of  a  tract  of  waste  land  on  the  route  of  the  Pacific 
Railway,  to  aid  its  construction,  which  British  Columbia  ought 
to  cede  without  charge,  in  like  manner  as  the  lands  of  Canada 
are  proposed  to  be  ceded  for  the  same  purpose.  The  House 
is  of  opinion  that  Canada  should  not  be  pledged  to  do  more 
than  proceed  at  once  with  the  necessary  surveys,  and,  after  the 
route  is  determined,  to  prosecute  the  work  at  as  early  a  period 
as  the  state  of  the  finances  will  justify." 

Mr.  Jones  (Halifax)  moved  in  amendment  to  the  amend- 
ment : 

"  That  the  following  words  be  added,  '  The  proposed 
engagement  respecting  the  said  Pacific  Railway  would,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  House,  press  too  heavily  on  the  resources 
of  Canada.'  " 

This  was  lost  by  a  vote  of  63  to  98. 

Mr.  Ross  (Dundas)  then  moved  in  amendment : 

"  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  House,  the  further  considera- 
tion of  the  question  be  postponed  for  the  present  session  of 
Parliament,  in  order  that  greater  and  more  careful  considera- 
tion may  be  given  to  a  question  of  such  magnitude  and  impor- 
tance to  the  people  of  this  Dominion." 

This  also  failed  to  carry,  the  vote  standing  75  to  85. 

The  vote  was  then  taken  on  Mr.  Mackenzie's  amendment 
which  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  67  to  94. 

Honourable  Mr.  Dorion  then  moved  in  amendment  : 

"  That  it  be  resolved,  in  view  of  the  engagements  already 
entered  into  since  Confederation,  and  the  large  expenditure 
urgently  required  for  canal  and  railway  purposes,  this  House 
would  not  be  justified  in  imposing  upon  the  people  of  this 
Dominion  the  enormous  burdens  required  to  construct  within 
ten  years  a  railway  to  the  Pacific,  as  proposed  by  the  resolu- 
tions submitted  to  the  House." 


106         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


This  was  also  lost  on  division,  the  vote  standing  70  to  91. 
The  main  motion  was  then  carried  on  the  same  division. 

On  the  motion  for  the  second  reading  .of  the  Address,  in 
accordance  with  the  resolutions,  Mr.  Mackenzie  offered 
another  amendment,  as  follows  : 

"  That  this  House,  while  willing  to  give  its  best  considera- 
tion to  any  reasonable  terms  of  union  with  British  Columbia, 
is  of  opinion  that  the  terms  embodied  in  the  Address  are  so 
unreasonable  and  so  unjust  to  Canada,  that  this  House  should 
not  agree  thereto." 

After  considerable  further  debate  the  amendment  was  lost 
by  a  vote  of  68  to  86. 

The  Joint  High  Commission  was  the  result  of  the  action  of 
the  Canadian  Ministry  in  1870.  The  Fenian  raids,  which 
were  apparently  encouraged  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  continual  encroachments  of  their  fishermen 
upon  Canadian  waters,  gave  rise  to  a  feeling  of  dissatisfaction 
and  irritation  in  Canada,  and  it  was  felt  that  something 
definite  should  be  done  about  it.  Accordingly,  on  June  9th  of 
that  year,  an  Order-in-Council  was  passed,  appointing  the 
Honourable  Alexander  Campbell  a  Commissioner  to  proceed 
to  England  and  consult  with  the  Imperial  Government  res- 
pecting "  the  proposed  withdrawal  of  troops  from  Canada  ;  the 
question  of  fortifications  ;  the  recent  invasions  of  Canadian 
territory  by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  the  previous 
threats  and  hostile  preparations  which  compelled  the  Govern- 
ment to  call  out  the  militia,  and  to  obtain  the  consent  of  Par- 
liament to  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  ;  the 
systematic  trespasses  on  Canadian  fishing  grounds  by  United 
States  fishermen,  and  the  unsettled  question  as  to  the  limits 
within  which  foreigners  can  fish  under  the  Treaty  of  1818." 

Mr.  Campbell  succeeded  in  arriving  at  an  understanding 
with  Lord  Kimberley,  the  Colonial  Secretary,  the  result  of 
which  was  that  on  January  26,  1871,  Sir  Edward  Thornton, 
British  Minister  at  Washington,  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
Honourable  Hamilton  Fish,  United  States  Secretary  of  State, 
proposing  the  appointment  of  a  Joint  High  Commission  to 
"  treat  and  discuss  the  mode  of  settling  the  different  questions 


THE  JOINT  HIGH  COMMISSION.  107 

which  have  arisen  out  of  the  fisheries,  as  well  as  all  those 
which  affect  the  relations  of  the  United  States  towards  Her 
Majesty's  possessions  in  North  America." 

Mr.  Fish  replied  "  that  the  President  approved  of  the  pro- 
posal, but  was  of  opinion  that  the  removal  of  the  differences 
which  arose  during  the  rebellion  in  the  United  States,  and 
which  have  existed  since  then,  growing  out  of  the  acts  com- 
mitted by  the  several  armed  vessels  which  have  given  rise  to 
the  claims  generaly  known  as  the  '  Alabama  claims/  will  also 
be  essential  to  the  restoration  of  cordial  and  amicable  relations 
between  the  two  Governments,  and  he  therefore  proposed 
that  this  subject  should  also  be  treated  by  the  Commission." 

This  was  accepted  "  provided  that  all  other  claims,  both  of 
British  subjects  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  arising  out 
of  acts  committed  during  the  recent  civil  war  in  this  country 
are  similarly  referred  to  the  same  Commission." 

This  being  agreed  to,  both  sides  proceeded  at  once  to 
appoint  Commissioners.  Those  who  represented  Great  Brit- 
ain were  Earl  de  Grey  and  Ripon,  President  of  the  Privy 
Council ;  Sir  Stafford  Northcote,  M.P.,  Sir  Edward  Thornton, 
British  Minister  at  Washington ;  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald, 
Premier  of  Canada;  and  Bernard  Montague,  Esq.,  Professor 
of  International  Law  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

The  American  Commissioners  were  Messrs.  Hamilton 
Fish,  Secretary  of  State;  Robert  C.  Schenck,  United  States 
Minister  to  Great  Britain  ;  Samuel  Nelson,  Judge  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  ;  Ex-Judge  E.  R.  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  and  George  H.  Williams,  of  Oregon. 

Lord  Tenterden  acted  as  secretary  to  the  British  Commis- 
sioners, and  Mr.  J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis  as  secretary  to  the 
Americans.  The  Commission  was  appointed  after  the  Domin- 
ion Parliament  had  met,  and  Sir  A.  T.  Gait,  with,  no  doubt, 
the  best  intentions,  thought  it  advisable  to  place  on  record  the 
views  of  the  House  as  to  the  stand  which  should  be  taken  at 
the  Conference,  and  accordingly  moved  a  series  of  resolutions 
as  to  the  claims  of  Canada.  Finding  that  they  were  consid- 
ered inopportune  he  withdrew  them,  but  they  brought  from 
the  Globe  a  manly  editorial  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 


io8         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


"  The  spirit  and  temper  of  the  people  of  Canada,  with 
respect  to  their  fisheries,  is  perfectly  well  understood.  The 
action  taken  by  the  Government  last  year  was  a  direct  recog- 
nition of  the  popular  sentiment.  A  formal  declaration  on 
that  point,  therefore,  by  Parliament,  is  altogether  supero- 
gatory,  and  to  suggest  by  implication  that  any  proposal 
will  be  made  to  alter  or  diminish  the  just  rights  of  the  Domin- 
ion, without  our  consent,  is  even  more  objectionable.  We 
certainly  fail  to  see  the  propriety  of  imputing  to  Grea^  Britain 
an  intention  to  sacrifice  Canada,  in  any  respect,  to  a  desire  for 
peace  and  friendly  relations  with  the  United  States.  We  look 
upon  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  Canada  as  identical 
and  inseparable.  We  believe  that  our  strength  and  safety 
consist  in  throwing  upon  Great  Britain,  and  making  her 
ministers  feel  the  sole  responsibility  of  ensuring  the  harmony 
of  our  relations  with,  and  protecting  our  rights  against,  foreign 
powers.  To  hint  broadly,  and  in  the  face  of  our  watchful  and 
greedy  neighbour,  that  Great  Britain  may  barter  away  the 
rights  of  her  dependency,  is  surely  a  very  strange  mode  of 
rendering  support  to  Great  Britain's  or  Canada's  representa- 
tives on  the  Commission.  Any  eagerness  to  offer  terms  is 
pretty  certain  to  encourage  the  Americans  by  whatever  means 
they  possess  to  secure  what  they  desire  without  making  any 
return  for  it.  The  Commission,  as  we  understand  it,  is  to  act 
merely  as  a  deliberative  body.  It  will  be  time  enough  for  us 
to  protest  when  we  find  that  its  deliberations  have  resulted  in 
any  decision  likely  to  compromise  our  national  rights — an 
event  not  at  all  likely  to  arise.  Public  men  who  have  been 
connected  for  years  with  the  politics  of  this  country,  and  who 
have  had  experience  of  the  questions  that  have  arisen  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States,  should  know  the  temper  of  the 
Americans  better  than  to  suppose  that  their  Commissioners 
are  at  all  more  likely  to  recognize  the  justice  of  the  position 
assumed  by  Canada  because  we  publicly  register  a  string  of 
inuendoes  suggestive  of  our  own  weakness  and  a  want  of 
confidence  in  the  Imperial  Government." 

The  first  meeting  of  the  Commission  was  held  February 
27,  1 88 1,  and  was  adjourned  from  time  to  time  until  May  8th, 


FIRST  JOINT  HIGH  COMMISSION.  109 

when  the  Treaty  of  Washington  was  signed.  The  proceedings 
at  these  meetings,  the  decisions  arrived  at  and  the  reasons 
therefor,  the  stand  taken  by  Canada's  representatives,  and  the 
provisions  of  the  treaty  itself,  are  so  full  and  so  exhaustively 
given  in  the  speech  made  by  Sir  John  Macdonald,  in  intro- 
ducing the  Bill  to  give  effect  to  the  treaty,  on  May  3,  1872, 
that  we  will  quote  it  in  full  as  the  best  possible  explanation 
that  can  be  given. 

Sir  John's  position  on  the  Commission  was  a  most  difficult 
one.  The  British  members  thought  he  took  too  strong  a 
stand  for  Canadian  interests,  while  the  Reform  party  of 
Canada  charged  him  with  having  sacrificed  them.  A  careful 
perusal  of  his  speech,  which  was  a  masterpiece  of  exposition, 
clear,  logical  and  concise,  will  demonstrate  that  he  acted  in 
accordance  with  one  central  idea :  that  the  full  right  of 
Canada  to  the  in-shore  fisheries  should  be  acknowledged  by 
England  and  that,  whatever  the  Joint  High  Commission  might 
decide,  regarding  them,  such  decision  should  be  of  no  effect 
unless  ratified  by  the  Canadian  Parliament.  He  took  the 
precaution  not_to  accept  the  appointment  until  an  explicit 
declaration  of  our  right  to  the  in-shore  fisheries  had  been  given 
by  the  Imperial  Parliament.  And  though  he  could  not  have 
refused  to  sign  any  treaty  that  might  have  been  made,  if  he 
continued  a  member  of  the  Commission  to  the  last,  he  would 
have  sent  in  his  resignation  as  a  member  of  that  body,  if  he 
had  not  been  able  to  exact  the  condition  that  the  fishing 
articles  should  depend  for  their  ratification  on  the  Parliament 
of  Canada.  Carrying  both  these  points,  he  secured  the  full 
admission  of  our  rights  of  property  and  the  right  of  our 
Parliament  to  guard  them.  Although  the  question  was  fiercely 
fought  out  in  both  branches  of  the  Legislature,  and  his  con- 
duct strongly  denounced  by  his  opponents,  time  has  fully 
justified  the  wisdom  of  his  conduct,  and  those  who  opposed 
him  then  will  now  endorse  his  actions  in  Canada's  interest. 


CHAPTER     XXVIII. 

Sir  John  Macdonald's  speech  in  introducing  the  Bill  to  carry  into  effect  the 
provisions  of  the  Washington  Treaty,  May  3,  1872 — The  clauses  of  which 
the  Bill  was  composed — Possible  objections  to  mode  of  introduction  consid- 
ered— The  power  of  the  House  to  accept  or  reject — Reference  to  the  Reci- 
procity of  1854 — Rights  of  Canada  to  the  in-shore  fisheries — Liability  of 
the  United  States  for  the  Fenian  raids — The  Alabama  Claims — Sir  John 
Macdonald's  appointment — Recognition  of  Canada's  right  to  the  inshore 
fisheries — The  difficulties  of  Sir  John's  position — The  Canadian  Govern- 
ment insists  upon  its  right  to  control  the  fisheries — Proceedings  of  the 
Commission — Reciprocity  offered  in  coal,  salt,  fish,  and  lumber — But  with- 
drawn because  Canadian  Parliament  had  made  them  free — Criticisms 
replied  to — The  Lake  and  Pacific  fisheries  reserved — Attitude  of  Amer- 
ican fishermen — Consequences  of  rejecting  the  treaty. 

"  "JV  ,T  R.  Speaker,  I  move  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  Bill  to  carry 
IV J.  into  effect  certain  clauses  of  the  treaty  negotiated 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  in  1871.  The 
object  of  the  Bill  is  stated  in  the  title.  It  is  to  give  validity,  as 
far  as  Canada  is  concerned,  to  the  treaty  which  was  framed  last 
year  in  the  manner  so  well  known  to  the  House  and  country. 
The  Bill  in  itself,  as  I  proposed  to  introduce  it  the  other  day, 
was  simply  a  Bill  to  suspend  those  clauses  of  the  Fishery  Acts 
which  prevent  fishermen  of  the  United  States  from  fishing  in 
the  in-shore  waters  of  Canada,  such  suspension  to  continue 
during  the  existence  of  the  treaty.  I  confined  it  to  that 
object  at  the  time,  because  the  question  really  before  this 
House,  was  whether  the  fishery  articles  of  the  treaty  should 
receive  sanction  of  Parliament  or  not  As,  however,  a  desire 
was  expressed  on  the  other  side  that  I  should  enter  into  the 
subject  fully  on  asking  leave  to  bring  in  the  Bill,  and  as,  on 
examining  the  cognate  Act,  which  has  been  laid  before  Con- 
gress at  Washington,  I  find  that  all  the  subjects — even  those 
subjects  which  do  not  require  legislation — have  been  repeated 
in  that  Act,  in  order,  one  would  suppose,  to  make  the  Act  in 
the  nature  of  a  contract  to  be  obligatory  during  the  existence 
of  the  treaty,  so  that  in  good  faith  it  could  not  be  repealed 
during  that  time,  I  propose  to  follow  the  same  course. 

"The  Act  I  ask  leave  to  bring  in  provides,  in  the  first 
clause,  for  the  suspension  of  the  fishery  laws  of  Canada,  so  far 
as  they  prevent  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  fishing  in 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  in 

our  inshore  waters.  The  Bill  also  provides  that,  during  the 
existence  of  the  treaty,  fish  and  fish  oil  (except  fish  of  the 
inland  lakes  of  the  United  States  and  the  rivers  emptying 
into  those  lakes,  and  fish  preserved  in  oil),  being  the  produce 
of  the  fisheries  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted  into 
Canada  free  of  duty.  The  third  clause  provides  for  the 
continuance  of  the  bonding  -system  during  the  twelve  years, 
or  longer  period,  provided  by  the  treaty,  and  the  fourth  clause 
provides  that  the  right  of  transhipment  contained  in  the  3Oth 
clause  of  the  treaty  shall,  in  like  manner,  be  secured  to 
citizens  of  the  United  States  during  the  existence  of  the 
treaty.  The  last  clause  of  the  Bill  provides  that  it  shall  come 
into  effect  whenever,  upon  an  Order-in-Council,  a  proclam- 
ation of  the  Governor-General  is  issued,  giving  effect  to  the 
Act. 

"  In  submitting  the  Act  in  this  form,  I  am  aware  that 
objections  might  be  taken  to  some  of  the  clauses  on  the 
ground  that,  having  relation  to  questions  of  trade  and  money, 
they  should  be  commenced  by  resolution  adopted  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole.  That  objection  does  not  apply  to  the 
whole  of  the  Bill— to  those  clauses  which  suspend  the  action 
of  our  Fishery  Act  ;  but  it  would  affect,  according  to  the  gen- 
eral principle,  the  clause  which  provides  that  there  shall  be  no 
duty  on  fish  and  fish  oil,  and  also  the  clauses  respecting  the 
bonding  system  and  transhipment.  I  do  not,  however,  antici- 
pate that  that  objection  will  be  taken,  because  in  presenting 
the  Bill  in  this  form,  I  have  followed  the  precedent  established 
in  1854,  when  the  measure  relating  to  the  Reciprocity  Treaty 
was  introduced  in  Parliament.  It  was  then  held  that  the 
Act,  having  been  introduced  as  based  upon  a  treaty  which 
was  submitted  by  a  message  from  the  Crown,  became  a 
matter  of  public  and  general  policy,  and  ceased  to  be 
merely  a  matter  of  trade,  and  although  those  honourable 
gentlemen  who  interested  themselves  in  parliamentary  and 
political  matters  at  that  date  will  remember  that  the  Act 
which  was  introduced  by  the  Attorney-General  for  Lower 
Canada  in  1854,  Mr.  Drummoncl,  was  simply  an  Act  declar- 
ing that  various  articles,  being  the  produce  of  the  United 


ii2         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

States,  should,  during  the  existence  of  the  treaty,  be  received 
free  into  Canada,  and  that  Act  repealed  the  tariff  pro  tanto, 
it  was  not  introduced  by  resolution,  but  after  the  treaty  had 
been  submitted  and  laid  on  the  table,  and  after  a  formal 
message  had  been  brought  down  by  Mr.  Morin,  the  leader 
of  the  Government  in  the  House,  to  the  effect  that  the  Bill 
was  introduced  with  the  sanction  of  the  Governor-General. 
I  do  not,  therefore,  anticipate  that  objection  will  be  taken  by 
any  honourable  member,  and  I  suppose  the  precedent  so 
solemnly  laid  down  at  that  time,  will  be  held  to  be  binding 
now.  Should  objection,  however,  be  taken,  the  clauses  of 
the  Bill  respecting  the  suspension  of  the  fishery  Act  and 
transhipment,  are  sufficient  to  be  proceeded  with  in  this 
manner.  The  other  portions  may  be  printed  in  italics  and 
can  be  brought  up  as  parts  of  the  Bill  or  separately  as  resolu- 
tions, as  may  be  thought  best.  The  journals  of  the  House 
stated  that  on  September  21,  1854,  Mr.  Chauveau  submitted 
a  copy  of  the  treaty,  which  was  set  out  on  the  face  of  the 
journals.  On  the  same  day  Mr.  Drummond  asked  leave  of 
the  House  to  bring  in  a  Bill  to  give  effect  to  a  certain  treaty 
between  Her  Majesty  and  the  United  States  of  America; 
and  on  the  22nd,  on  the  order  of  the  day,  for  the  second  read- 
ing of  the  Bill,  Mr.  Morin,  by  command,  brought  down  a 
message  from  the  Governor-General  signifying  that  it  was 
by  His  Excellency's  sanction  it  had  been  introduced,  where- 
upon the  'House  proceeded  to  the  second  reading.  That  Bill 
was  a  simple  one  declaring  that  various  articles  mentioned 
in  the  treaty  should,  during  the  existence  of  the  treaty,  be 
admitted  into  this  country  free  of  duty.  The  House  now 
Mr.  Speaker,  if  they  give  leave  that  this  Bill  shall  be  intro- 
duced and  read  a  first  time  will  be  in  the  possession  of  all 
those  portions  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington  that  in  any  way 
come  within  the  action  of  the  Legislature. 

"Although  the  debate  upon  this  subject  will,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  take  a  wide  range  and  will  properly  include  all 
the  subjects  connected  with  the  treaty  in  which  Canada  has 
any  interest,  yet  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  treaty,  as 
a  whole,  is  in  force,  with  the  particular  exceptions  I  have 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  113 


mentioned  ;  and  the  decision  of  this  House  will,  after  all, 
be  simply  whether  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  extending  from 
the  1 8th  to  the  25th,  shall  receive  the  sanction  of  Parliament, 
or  whether  those  portions  of  the  treaty  shall  be  a  dead 
letter.  This  subject  has  excited  a  great  deal  of  interest,  as 
was  natural  in  Canada,  ever  since  May  8,  1871,  when  the 
treaty  was  signed  at  Washington.  It  has  been  largely  dis- 
cussed in  the  public  prints,  and  opinions  of  various  kinds 
have  been  expressed  upon  it — some  altogether  favourable, 
some  altogether  opposed,  and  many  others  of  intermediate 
shades  of  opinion — and  among  other  parts  of  the  discussion 
has  not  been  forgotten,  the  personal  question  relating  to  my- 
self— the  position  I  held  as  a  member  of  this  Government, 
and  as  one  of  the~High  Commissioners  at  Washington. 
Upon  that  question  I  shall  have  to  speak  by-and-bye,  yet 
it  is  one  that  has  lost  much  of  its  interest,  from  the  fact  that 
by  the  introduction  of  this  Bill  the  House  and  country  will 
see  that  the  policy  of  the  Government,  of  which  I  am  a 
member,  is  to  carry  out  or  try  to  carry  out  the  treaty,  which 
I  signed  as  a  plenipotentiary  of  Her  Majesty. 

"  Under  the  reservation  made  in  the  treaty,  this  House 
and  the  Legislature  of  Prince  Edward  Island  have  full 
power  to  accept  the  fishery  articles  or  reject  them.  In 
that  matter  this  House  and  Parliament  have  full  and 
complete  control.  (Hear,  hear).  No  matter  what  may 
be  the  consequences  of  the  action  of  this  Parliament,  no 
matter  what  may  be  the  consequences  with  respect  to 
future  relations  between  Canada  and  England,  or  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States,  or  between  England  and 
the  United  States,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  conse- 
quences as  to  the  existence  of  the  present  Government 
of  Canada,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  House  has  full 
power  to  reject  the  clauses  of  the  treaty  if  they  please,  and 
maintain  the  right  of  Canada  to  exclude  Americans  from 
in-shore  fisheries,  as  if  the  treaty  had  never  been  made.  (Hear, 
hear).  That  reservation  was  fully  provided  for  in  the  treaty.  It 
was  made  a  portion  of  it — an  essential  portion,  and,  if  it  had 
not  been  so  made,  the  name  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  of 

VOL  II.  8 


ii4        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Canada  would  not  have  been  attached  to  it.  (Hear,  hear). 
That  right  has  been  reserved,  and  this  Parliament  has  full 
power  to  deal  with  the  whole  question.  I  will  by-and-bye 
speak  more  at  length  as  to  the  part  I  took  in  the  negotiations, 
but  I  feel  that  I  performed  my  duty — a  grave  and  serious 
duty,  but  still  my  duty — in  attaching  my  signature  to  the 
treaty  as  one  of  Her  Majesty's  representatives  and  servants. 
(Hear,  hear). 

"  Now,  sir,  let  me  enter  into  a  short  retrospect  of  occur- 
rences which  transpired  for  some  years  before  arrangements 
were  entered  into  for  negotiating  the  treaty.  The  Reci- 
procity Treaty  with  the  United  States  existed  from  1854  to 
1866,  in  which  latter  year  it  expired.  Great  exertions  were 
made  by  the  Government  of  Canada,  and  a  great  desire  was 
expressed  by  the  Parliament  and  people  of  Canada  for  a 
renewal  of  that  treaty.  It  was  felt  to  have  worked  very 
beneficially  for  Canada.  It  was  felt  to  have  worked  also 
to  the  advantage  of  the  United  States  :  and  there  was  a 
desire  and  a  feeling  that  those  growing  interests  which  had 
been  constantly  developing  and  increasing  themselves  during 
the  existence  of  the  treaty  would  be  greatly  aided  if  it 
were  renewed  and  continued.  I  was  a  member  of  the  Govern- 
ment at  that  time  with  some  of  my  honourable  friends  who 
are  still  my  colleagues,  and  we  took  every  step  in  our  power, 
we  spared  no  effort,  we  left  no  stone  unturned,  in  order  to  gain 
that  object.  The  House  will  remember  that  for  the  purpose 
of  either  effecting  a  renewal  of  the  treaty,  or,  if  we  could  not 
obtain  that,  of  arriving  at  the  same  object  by  means  of  concur- 
rent legislation,  my  honourable  friend  the  member  for  Sher- 
brooke,  at  that  time  Finance  Minister,  and  the  present  Lieu- 
ten  ant-Governor  of  Ontario  went  to  Washington  on  behalf  of 
the  Government  of  Canada,  y  It  is  a  matter  of  history  that  all 
their  exertions  failed,  and  after  their  failure,  by  the  general 
consent — a  consent  in  which  I  believe  the  people  of  Canada 
were  as  one  man — we  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  be 
humiliating  to  Canada  to  make  any  further  exertions  at 
Washington  or  to  do  anything  more  in  the  way  of  pressing 
for  the  renewal  of  that  instrument,  and  the  people  of  this 


THE  RESIDENCE  OF  REV.  DR.  WILLIAMSON,  IN  KINGSTON. 
(Sir  John's  Headquarters  during  his  recent  Election.) 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  117 

country,  with  great  energy,  addressed  themselves  to  find  other 
channels  of  trade,  other  means  of  developing  and  sustaining 
our  various  industries,  in  which,  I  am  happy  to  say,  they  have 
been  completely  successful. 

"  Immediately  on  the  expiration  of  the  treaty  our  right  to 
the  exclusive  use  of  the  in-shore  fisheries  returned  to  us,  and  it 
will  be  in  remembrance  of  the  House,  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  desired  us  not  to  resume,  at  least  for  a  year,  that 
right  to  the  exclusion  of  American  fishermen,  and  that  the 
prohibition  of  Americans  fishing  in  those  waters  should  not  be 
put  in  force  either  by  Canada  or  the  Maritime  Provinces.  All 
the  provinces,  I  believe,  desired  to  accede  to  the  suggestion,  and 
was  pressed  strongly  on  behalf  of  the  late  Province  of  Canada, 
that  it  would  be  against  our  interests  if,  for  a  moment  after 
the  treaty  ceased,  we  allowed  it  to  be  supposed  that  American 
fishermen  had  a  right  to  come  into  our  waters  as  before  ;  and 
it  was  only  because  of  the  pressure  of  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment and  our  desire  to  be  in  accord  with  that  Government,  as 
well  as  because  of  our  desire  to  carry  with  us  the  moral 
support  of  Great  Britain  and  the  material  assistance  of 
her  fleet,  that  we  assented,  with  great  reluctance,  to  the 
introduction  of  a  system  of  licenses,  for  one  year,  at  a  nom- 
inal fee  or  rate.  This  was  done  avowedly  by  us  for  the 
purpose  of  asserting  our  right.  No  greater  or  stronger  mode  of 
asserting  a  right,  and  obtaining  the  acknowledgement  of  it  by 
those  who  desire  to  enter  our  waters  for  the  purpose  of  fishing 
could  be  devised  than  by  exacting  payment  for  the  permis- 
sion, and  therefore  it  was  that  we  assented  to  the  licensing 
system.  (Hear,  hear). 

"Although,  in  1866,  that  system  was  commenced,  it  did 
not  come  immediately  into  force.  We  had  not  then  fitted  out 
a  marine  police  force,  for  we  were  not  altogether  without 
expectation  that  the  mind  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  might  take  a  different  direction,  and  that  there  was  a 
probability  of  negotiations  being  renewed  respecting  the 
revival  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  ;  and,  therefore,  although 
the  system  was  established,  it  was  not  rigidly  put  in  force,  and 
no  great  exertion  was  made  to  seize  trespassers  who  had  not 


u8         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


taken  out  licenses.  In  the  first  year,  however,  a  great  numbcr 
of  licenses  were  taken  out,  but  when  the  fee  was  increased,  so 
as  to  render  it  a  substantial  recognition  of  our  rights,  the 
payments  became  fewer  and  fewer,  until  at  last  it  was  found 
that  the  vessels  who  took  out  licenses  were  the  exception,  and 
that  the  great  bulk  of  fishermen  who  entered  our  waters  were 
trespassers  ;  and  in  addition  to  the  fact  that  our  fisheries  were 
invaded,  that  we  were  receiving  no  consideration  for  the 
liberty,  and  that  our  rights  were  invaded  boldly  and  aggres- 
sively, it  was  now  stated  by  the  American  Government,  or 
members  of  the  American  Cabinet,  that  the  renewal  of  the 
Reciprocity  Treaty  was  not  only  inexpedient,  but  unconsti- 
tutional, and  that  no  such  renewal  could  or  would  be  made. 

"The  Government  of  Canada  then,  in  i<S/o,  after  confer- 
ence with  the  Imperial  Government,  and  after  receiving  the 
promises  of  the  Imperial  Government  that  we  should  have 
the  support  of  their  fleet  in  the  protection  of  our  just  rights — 
a  promise  which  was  faithfully  carried  out — prepared  and 
fitted  out  a  sufficient  force  of  marine  police  vessels  to  protect 
our  rights,  and  I  am  glad  to  believe  that  that  policy  was 
perfectly  successful.  Great  firmness  was  used,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  great  discretion  ;  there  was  no  harshness,  and  no 
seizures  were  made  of  a  doubtful  character.  No  desire  to 
harass  the  foreign  fishermen  was  evidenced,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, in  any  case  in  which  there  was  doubt,  the  officers  in 
command  of  the  seizing  vessels  reported  to  the  head  of  their 
department,  and  when  the  papers  were  laid  before  Gov- 
ernment, they,  in  all  cases,  gave  the  offending  parties  the 
benefit  of  the  doubt.  Still,  as  it  would  be  remembered,  some 
of  the  fishermen  made  complaints,  which  complaints,  although 
unjust,  I  am  sorry  to  say  were  in  some  instances  made  and 
supported  on  oath,  of  harshness  on  the  part  of  the  cruisers, 
and  an  attempt  was  made  to  agitate  the  public  mind  of  the 
United  States  against  the  people  of  Canada,  and  there  was  at 
that  time  a  feeling  on  the  part  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  which  feeling,  I  am,  however,  happy  to 
say,  has  since  disappeared,  that  the  action  of  Canada  was 
unfriendly.  Her  Majesty's  Government  were  of  course 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  119 

appealed  to  by  the  authorities  of  the  United  States  on  all 
these  subjects,  and  the  complaints  were  bandied  from  one  Gov- 
ernment to  the  other,  and  proved  a  source  of  great  irritation. 
While  this  feeling  was  being  raised  in  the  United  States  there 
was,  on  the  other  hand,  a  feeling  among  our  fisherman  that 
Dur  rights  were,  to  a  very  great  degree,  invaded. 

"  In  order  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  dispute  ;  in  order  to 
avoid  any  appearance  of  harshness  ;  in  order,  while  we  were 
supporting  our  fishery  rights,  to  prevent  any  case  of  collision 
between  the  Imperial  Government  and  the  United  States,  or 
between  the  Canadian  authorities  and  the  United  States,  we 
avoided  making  seizures  within  the  bays,  or  in  any  way  bring- 
ing up  the  '  headland  question/  This  is  very  unsatisfactory, 
because,  as  it  was  said  by  the  fishermen,  '  if  we  have  these 
rights,  we  should  be  protected  in  the  exercise  of  them.'  And 
it  was,  therefore,  well  that  that  question  should  be  settled  at 
once  and  for  ever.  In  addition,  however,  to  the  question  of 
headlands,  a  new  one  had  arisen  of  an  exceedingly  unpleasant 
nature.  By  the  wording  of  the  Convention  of  1818,  foreign 
fishermen  were  only  allowed  to  enter  our  waters  for  the 
purpose  of  procuring  wood,  water  and  shelter  ;  but  they 
claimed  that  they  had  a  right,  although  fishing  vessels,  to 
enter  our  ports  for  trading  purposes  ;  and  it  was  alleged  by 
our  own  fishermen  that  under  pretence  of  trading,  American 
fishermen  were  in  the  habit  of  invading  our  fishing  grounds, 
and  fishing  in  our  waters.  The  Canadian  Government  thought 
it,  therefore,  well  to  press,  not  only  by  correspondence,  but  by 
a  delegate  who  was  a  member  of  the  Government,  upon  Her 
Majesty's  Government  the  propriety  of  having  that  question 
settled  with  the  United  States,  and  consequently  my  friend 
and  colleague,  the  Postmaster-General,  went  to  England  to 
deal  with  that  subject.  The  results  of  his  mission  are  before 
Parliament. 

"  At  the  same  time  that  he  dealt  with  the  question  I  have 
just  mentioned,  he  pressed  upon  the  consideration  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government  the  propriety  of  England  making  on 
our  behalf  a  demand  on  the  United  States  Government  for 
reparation  for  the  wrongs  known  as  '  the  Fenian  Raids. 


120         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MAC-DONALD. 


England  agreed  to  press  upon  the  United  States  both  these 
matters,  and  to  ask  that  all  the  disputed  questions  relating  to 
the  in-shore  fisheries  under  the  Convention  of  1818  should  be 
settled  in  some  mode  to  be  agreed  upon  between  the  two 
nations,  and  also  to  press  upon  the  United  States  the  wrong 
sustained  by  Canada  at  the  hands  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  who  had  invaded  our  country. 

'  Before  Her  Majesty's  Government  had  actually,  in 
compliance  with  their  promise,  made  any  representation  on 
these  two  subjects  to  the  United  States  Government,  England 
had  been  engaged  in  her  own  behalf  in  a  controversy  of  a 
very  grave  character.  It  was  known  that  what  was  commonly 
known  as  '  the  Alabama  claims '  was  a  subject  of  dispute 
between  the  two  countries,  involving  the  gravest  consequences, 
and  that,  hitherto,  the  results  had  been  most  unsatisfactory. 
An  attempt  had  been  made  to  settle  the  question  by  what  was 
known  as  the  Johnson-Clarendon  Treat}-,  but  that  treaty  had 
been  rejected  by  the  United  States  authorities.  So  long  as 
this  question  remained  unsettled  between  the  two  nations 
there  was  no  possibility  of  the  old  friendly  relations  that  had 
so  long  existed  between  them  being  restored,  and  England  felt 
that  it  was  of  the  first  importance  to  her  that  those  amicable 
relations  should  be  restored.  It  was  not  only  her  desire  to  be 
in  the  most  friendly  position  towards  a  country  which  was  so 
closely  associated  with  her  by  every  tie,  by  common  origin,  by 
common  interest,  by  common  language,  but  it  was  also  her 
interest  to  have  every  cloud  removed  between  the  two  nations, 
because  she  had  reason  to  feel  that  her  position  with  respect 
to  the  other  great  powers  of  the  world  was  greatly  affected, 
by  the  knowledge  which  those  other  nations  had  of  the  posi- 
tion of  affairs  between  the  United  States  and  herself.  The 
prestige  of  Great  Britain  as  a  great  power  was  affected  most 
seriously  by  the  absence  of  an  entente  coi'diale  between  the  two 
nations.  Two  years  ago,  England  was,  as  a  matter  of  course 
greatly  interested  in  the  great  and  serious  questions  which 
were  then  convulsing  Europe,  and  was  in  danger  of  being 
drawn  by  some  complication  into  hostile  relations  with  some 
of  the  conflicting  powers,  and  she  felt — and  I  speak  merely 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  121 

what  must  be  obvious  to  every  honourable  member  in  the 
House— that  she  could  not  press  or  assert  her  opinion,  with  the 
same  freedom  of  action,  so  long  as  she  was  aware,  and  so  long 
as  other  nations  were  aware,  that  in  case  she  should  be  unfor- 
tunately placed  in  a  state  of  hostility  towards  any  nation  what- 
ever, the  United  States  Government  would  be  forced  by  the 
United  States  people  to  press  at  that  very  time,  when  she 
might  be  engaged  in  mortal  coflict  with  another  nation,  for  a 
settlement  of  those  Alabama  claims.  Hence,  Mr.  Speaker, 
the  great  desire  of  England,  in  my  opinion,  that  that  great 
question  should  be  settled,  and  hence,  also,  the  intermingling 
of  the  particular  questions  relating  to  Canada  with  the  larger 
Imperial  questions.  And,  sir,  in  my  opinion,  it  was  of  greater 
conscquence  to  Canada  than  to  England,  at  least  of  as  great 
consequence,  that  the  Alabama  question  should  be  settled. 
(Cheers). 

"  Sir,  England  has  promised  to  us,  and  we  have  all  faith  in 
that  promise,  that  in  case  of  war,  the  whole  force  of  the 
Empire  should  be  exerted  in  our  defence.  (Cheers).  What 
would  have  been  the  position  of  England,  and  what  would 
have  been  the  position  of  Canada,  if  she  had  been  called  upoit 

to  use  her  whole  force  to  defend  us,  when  engaged  in  conflict 

? 
elsewhere:    Canada  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  in  case  of  war 

between  England  and  the  United  States,  be  the  battle  ground. 
We  should  be  the  sufferers,  our  country  would  be  devastated, 
our  people  slaughtered,  and  our  property  destroyed,  and  while 
England  would,  I  believe,  under  all  circumstances,  faithfully 
perform  her  promise  to  the  utmost  (cheers),  she  would  be 
greatly  impeded  in  carrying  out  her  desire,  if  engaged  else- 
where. It  was,  therefore,  as  much  the  interest  of  this  Domin- 
ion as  of  England,  that  the  Alabama  and  all  other  questions 
that  in  any  way  threatened  the  disturbance  of  the  peaceful 
relations  between  the  two  countries  should  be  settled  and 
adjusted  ;  and  therefore,  although  to  a  considerable  extent  I 
agree  with  the  remarks  that  fell  from  the  Minister  of  Finance 
when  he  made  his  Budget  speech,  that  looking  at  the  subject 
in  a  commercial  point  of  view,  it  might  have  been  better,  in 
the  interest  of  Canada,  that  the  fishery  and  Fenian  questions 


122         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

should    have   been    settled   free  and   apart  from   the   Imperial 
question. 

"  I  am  pleased,  and  I  was  pleased,  that  the  fact  of  Canada 
having  asked  England  to  make  these  demands  upon  the 
United  States,  gave  an  opportunity  for  re-opening  the  nego- 
tiations with  respect  to  the  Alabama  and  other  matters.  It 
was  fortunate  that  we  made  that  demand,  for  England  could 
not,  with  due  self-respect,  have  initiated  or  re-opened  the  Ala- 
bama question.  She  had  concluded  a  treaty  in  London  with  the 
representative  of  the  United  States,  and  this  treaty  having  been 
rejected  by  the  Supreme  Executive  of  the  United  States,  could 
not  herself  have  re-opened  negotiations  on  the  subject.  And, 
therefore,  it  was  fortunate,  I  say,  for  the  peace  of  the  Empire, 
and  for  the  peace  of  Canada,  that  we  asked  England 
to  make  these  demands  upon  the  United  States  as  it  afforded 
the  opportunity  of  all  these  questions  being  made  again 
the  subject  of  negotiation.  The  correspondence  which  is 
before  the  House,  between  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
United  States  and  the  British  Ambassador,  Sir  Edward 
Thornton,  has  shown  how  that  result  was  arrived  at.  The 
invitation  was  made  by  the  British  Ambassador  to  consider 
the  Fishery  Question.  The  U'nited  States  Government,  I 
have  no  doubt,  though,  I  do  not  know  it  as  matter  of  fact, 
by  a  quiet  and  friendly  understanding  between  the  two 
powers,  replied  acceding  to  the  request,  on  condition  that 
the  larger  and  graver  matters  of  dispute  were  also  made  a 
matter  of  negotiation.  Hence,  it  was  sir,  that  the  arrange- 
ments were  made  under  which  the  Treaty  of  Washington 
was  affected. 

"Sir,  I  have  said  that  it  was  of  the  greatest  consequence 
to  Canada,  and  to  the  future  peace  and  prosperity  of  Canada, 
that  every  cloud  which  threatened  the  peace  of  England 
and  the  United  States  should  be  dispelled.  I  was  struck 
with  an  expression  that  was  used  to  me  by  a  distinguished 
English  statesman,  that  those  powers  in  Europe  who  are 
not  so  friendly  to  England  heard,  with  dismay,  that  the 
entente  cordiale  between  the  two  nations  was  to  be  renewed 
(hear,  hear),  and  you  have  seen  mentioned  in  the  public  press 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  123 


the  active  exertions  that  were  made  by  one  power,  or  by  the 
representative  of  one  power,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing 
that  happy  result  (hear,  hear),  and  although  Mr.  Catacazy 
has  been  disavowed  by  the  Government  of  Russia,  in  the 
same  way  as  poor  Vicovich  was  on  a  previous  occasion  when 
he  was  the  organ  of  Russia  in  the  East.  I  cannot  but  feel 
that  he  was  punished  only  because  his  zeal  outran  his  discre- 
tion. I  can  vouch  for  his  active  exertions  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  this  Treaty  of  Washington  receiving  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  (Hear,  hear).  While 
England,  therefore,  was  strongly  interested  in  the  settlement 
of  these  questions  both  for  herself  and  for  Canada,  the  United 
States  were  also  interested  and  made  overtures  in  a  most 
friendly  spirit.  I  believe  that  there  was  a  real  desire  among 
the  people  of  the  United  States  to  be  friendly  towards  Eng- 
land. I  believe  that  the  feeling  of  irritation,  which  had  been 
caused  by  the  unhappy  events  of  the  war,  and  by  the  escape 
of  the  Alabama  had  almost  entirely  disappeared,  and  I  hope 
and  believe  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  then, 
and  are  now  strongly  in  favour  of  establishing  permanently 
a  friendly  feeling  between  the  two  nations. 

"  Then,  besides,  they  had  a  further  interest  in  settling 
all  matters  in  dispute.  So  long  as  the  United  States  and 
England  were  not  on  friendly  terms,  so  long  as  they  were 
standing  aloof  from  each  other,  it  affected  very  considerably 
the  credit  of  the  United  States  securities  in  Europe.  Not 
only  the  funds  of  the  United  States  as  a  whole,  but  the 
securities  of  every  State  of  the  Union,  and  of  all  American 
enterprises  seeking  the  markets  of  the  world  were  injuriously 
affected  by  the  unsatisfactory  relations  between  the  two 
countries.  They  were,  therefore,  prepared  to  meet  each  other 
in  this  negotiation. 

"  To  proceed  with  the  history  of  the  circumstances  im- 
mediately preceding  the  formation  of  the  Joint  High  Com- 
mission at  Washington,  I  will  state  that  on  February  I, 
1871,  a  communication  was  made  to  me  by  His  Excel- 
lency, the  Governor-General,  on  behalf  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government,  asking  me,  in  case  there  was  going  to  be  a 


124         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Joint  Commission  to  settle  all  questions  between  England 
and  the  United  States,  whether  I  would  act  as  a  member 
of  that  Commission.  I  give  the  date  because  it  has  been 
asked  for.  The  communication  was  verbal,  and  founded 
upon  a  telegraphic  communication  to  His  Excellency  which 
cannot  be  printed,  being  of  a  nature  which  the  House 
can  readily  understand,  ought  not  properly  to  be  laid 
before  this  House.  This  communication  was,  in  the  first 
place,  for  myself  alone,  I  was  not  allowed  to  mention  it 
for  the  time  to  any  one  else.  My  reply  was  that  I  would 
be  greatly  embarrassed  by  any  injunction  of  secrecy  as 
regards  my  colleagues,  and  that  under  no  circumstances  would 
I  accept  the  position  without  their  consent.  I  subsequently 
received  permission  to  communicate  it  to  them,  and  I  received 
their  consent  to  act  upon  the  Commission.  Before  accepting, 
however,  I  took  occasion,  for  my  own  information  and  satis- 
faction, to  ask  through  His  Excellency  what  points  of  agree- 
ment and  of  difference  existed  between  England  and  Canada 
with  regard  to  the  Fisheries.  The  answer  was  a  very  short  one, 
by  cable,  and  it  was  satisfactory  to  myself.  It  was  afterwards 
extended  in  the  despatch  of  February  1 6,  1871.  It  shortly 
stated  that,  of  course,  it  was  impossible  for  Her  Majesty's 
Government  to  pledge  themselves  to  any  forgone  conclusion  ; 
that,  as  it  was  a  matter  of  negotiation,  it  was,  of  course,  out  of 
the  question  on  the  part  of  either  Government  to  give  cast 
iron  instructions  to  their  representatives,  because  that  would 
do  away  with  every  idea  of  a  negotiation.  But  the  despatch 
went  on  to  say  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  conidered 
our  right  to  the  in-shore  fisheries  beyond  dispute  ;  that  they 
also  believed  that  our  claims  as  to  the  headlands  were  just, 
but  that  those  claims  might  properly  be  a  matter  of  com- 
promise. It  went  on  further  to  state  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  believed  that,  as  a  matter  of  strict  right  we  could 
exclude  the  American  fishermen  entering  our  ports  for  pur- 
poses of  trade  and  commerce,  and  that  they  could  only  enter 
our  waters,  in  the  language  of  the  treaty,  for  wood,  water  and 
shelter  ;  but  that  this,  in  the  opinion  of  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment, would  be  a  harsh  construction  of  the  treaty  and  might 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  125 

properly  be  a  subject  for  compromise.  On  reading  that 
despatch,  I  could  have  no  difficulty,  as  a  member  of  the 
Canadian  Government,  in  accepting  the  position,  to  which  my 
colleagues  assented,  of  plenipotentiary  to  Washington,  because, 
as  a  matter  of  law,  our  view  of  those  three  points  was  acknow- 
ledged to  be  correct,  and  the  subject  was  therefore  devoid  of 
any  embarrassment,  from  the  fact  of  Canadians  setting  up  pre- 
tensions which  Her  Majesty's  Government  could  not  support. 
(Hear,  hear). 

"  When  the  proposition  was  first  made  to  me,  I  must  say 
that  I  felt  considerable  embarrassment  and  great  reluctance 
to  become  a  member  of  the  Commission.  I  pointed  out 
to  my  colleagues  that  I  was  to  be  one  only  of  five,  that  I  was 
in  a  position  of  being  over-ruled  continually  in  our  discussions, 
and  that  I  could  not  by  any  possibility  bring  due  weight  from 
my  isolated  position.  I  felt  also  that  I  would  not  receive  from 
those  who  were  politically  opposed  to  me  in  Canada,  that  sup- 
port which  an  officer  going  abroad  on  behalf  of  his  country 
generally  received,  and  had  a  right  to  expect.  (Hear,  hear). 
I  knew  that  I  would  be  made  a  mark  of  attack,  and  this 
House  well  knows  that  my  anticipations  have  been  verified.  I 
knew  that  I  would  not  get  fair  play.  (Hear,  hear).  I  knew 
that  the  same  policy  that  had  been  carried  out  towards  me  for 
years  and  years  would  continue,  and  therefore  it  was  a  matter 
of  grave  consideration  for  myself,  whether  to  accept  the 
appointment  or  not.  Sir,  a  sense  of  duty  prevailed  (cheers), 
and  my  colleagues  pressed  upon  me  also  that  I  would  be 
wanting  in  my  duty  to  my  country  if.  I  declined  the  appoint- 
ment ;  that,  if  from  a  fear  of  the  consequences,  from  a  fear 
that  I  would  sacrifice  the  position  I  held  in  the  opinions  of 
the  people  of  Canada,  I  should  shirk  the  duty,  I  would  be 
unworthy  of  the  confidence  that  I  had  received  so  long 
from  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  Canada.  (Cheers). 
What,  said  my  colleagues,  would  be  said  if,  in  consequence  of 
your  refusal,  Canada  was  not  represented,  and  her  interests  in 
these  matters  allowed  to  go  by  default  ?  England,  after 
having  offered  that  position  to  the  first  minister,  and  it  having 
been  refused  by  him,  would  have  been  quite  at  liberty  to  have 


126         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

proceeded  with  the  commission  and  the  settlement  of  all  these 
questions  without  Canada  being  represented  on  the  commis- 
sion, and  those  very  men  who  attack  me  now  for  having  been 
there  and  taken  a  certain  course,  would  have  been  just  as  loud 
in  their  complaints,  and  just  as  bitter  in  their  attacks,  because 
I  had  neglected  the  interests  of  Canada  and  refused  the 
responsibility  of  asserting  the  rights  of  Canada  at  Washington. 
(Cheers).  Sir,  knowing,  as  I  said  before,  what  the  conse- 
quences would  be  to  myself  of  accepting  that  office,  and  fore- 
seeing the  attacks  that  would  be  made  upon  me,  I  addressed 
a  letter  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor-General,  informing 
him  of  the  great  difficulties  of  my  position,  and  that  it  was 
only  from  a  sense  of  duty  that  I  accepted  the  position. 
(Cheers). 

"  On  proceeding  to  Washington  I  found  a  general  desire 
among  the  two  branches  into  which  the  Joint  High  Commis- 
sion divided  itself,  an  equal  desire,  I  should  say,  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  Commissioners  as  well  as  of  the  British 
Commissioners,  that  all  questions  should  be  settled  so  far  as 
the  two  Governments  could  do  so.  There  was  a  special  desire 
that  there  should  be  a  settlement.  It  was  very  easy  for  the 
commissioners,  or  the  Government  through  their  representa- 
tives, to  make  a  treaty,  but  in  the  United  States  there  is  a 
power  above  and  beyond  the  Government,  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  which  had  to  be  considered.  It  was  felt  that  a 
second  rejection  of  the  treaty  would  be  most  disastrous  for  the 
future  of  both  nations  ;  that  it  would  be  a  solemn  declaration 
that  there  was  no  peaceable  solution  of  the  question  between 
the  two  nations.  An  American  statesman  said  to  me,  '  the 
rejection  of  the  treaty  now  means  war.'  Not  war  to-morrow 
or  at  any  given  period,  but  war  whenever  England  happened 
to  be  engaged  in  other  troubles,  and  attacked  from  other 
sources.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  You  may  therefore  imagine,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  this  House 
may  well  imagine,  the  solemn  considerations  pressing  upon 
my  mind,  as  well  as  upon  the  minds  of  my  colleagues  in  Can- 
ada, with  whom  I  was  in  daily  communication,  if  by  any  unwise 
course,  or  from  any  rigid  or  pre-conceived  opinions,  we  should 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  127 


risk  the  destruction  for  ever  of  all  hope  of  a  peaceable  solution 
of  the  difficulties  between  the  two  kindred  nations.  (Cheers). 
Still,  sir,  I  did  not  forget  that  I  was  their  chosen  representa- 
tive. I  could  not  ignore  the  fact  that  I  was  selected  a  mem- 
ber of  that  commission  from  my  acquaintance  with  Canadian 
politics.  I  had  continually  before  me,  not  only  the  Imperial 
question,  but  the  interests  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  which 
I  was  there  especially  to  represent,  and  the  difficulty  of  my 
position  was,  that  if  I  gave  undue  prominence  to  the  interests 
of  Canada,  I  might  justly  be  held,  in  England,  to  be  taking 
a  purely  colonial  and  selfish  view,  regardless  of  the  interests 
of  the  Empire  as  a  whole,  and  the  interests  of  Canada  as  a 
portion  of  the  Empire,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if  I  kept  my 
eye  solely  on  Imperial  considerations,  I  might  be  held  as 
neglecting  my  especial  duty  towards  this  my  country,  Canada. 
It  was  a  difficult  position,  as  the  House  will  believe,  a  position 
that  pressed  upon  me  with  great  weight  and  severity  at  the 
time,  and  it  has  not  been  diminished  in  any  way  since  I  have 
returned,  except  by  the  cordial  support  of  my  colleagues,  and 
I  believe  also  my  friends  in  this  House.  (Cheers). 

"  In  order  to  show  that  I  did  not  for  a  moment  forget 
that  I  was  there  to  represent  the  interests  of  Canada,  I 
must  ask  you  to  look  at  the  despatch  of  February  16, 
1871,  which  reached  me  at  Washington  a  few  clays  after  I 
arrived  there — it  will  be  seen  that  Lord  Kimberly  used  this 
expression,  '  as  at  present  advised  Her  Majesty's  Government 
arc  of  opinion  that  the  right  of  Canada  to  exclude  Americans 
from  fishing  in  the  waters  within  the  limits  of  three  marine 
miles  of  the  coast,  is  beyond  dispute,  and  can  only  be  ceded 
for  an  adequate  consideration.  Should  this  consideration  take 
the  form  of  a  money  payment,  it  appears  to  Her  Majesty's 
Government  that  such  an  arrangement  would  be  more  likely  to 
work  well  than  if  any  conditions  were  annexed  to  the  exercise 
of  the  privilege  of  fishing  within  the  Canadian  waters.'  Hav- 
ing read  that  despatch,  and  the  suggestion  that  an  arrange- 
ment might  be  made  on  the  basis  of  a  money  payment,  and 
there  being  an  absence  of  any  statement  that  such  an 
arrangement  would  only  be  made  with  the  consent  of  Canada, 


128         THE  LIFE  OP^  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

I  thought  it  well  to  communicate  with  my  colleagues  at 
Ottawa,  and  although  we  had  received  again  and  again, 
assurances  from  Her  Majesty's  Government  that  those  rights 
would  not  be  affected,  given  away,  or  ceded,  without  our 
consent,  it  was  thought  advisable,  in  consequence  of  the 
omission  of  all  reference  to  the  necessity  of  Canada's  assent 
being  obtained  to  any  monetary  arrangement,  to  communi- 
cate by  cable  that  Canada  considered  the  Canadian  Fisheries 
to  be  her  property,  and  they  could  not  be  sold  without  her 
consent. 

"  That  communication  was  made  by  the  Canadian  Govern- 
ment on  March  ioth,and  of  that  Government  I  was  a  member, 
and  not  only  did  that  communication  proceed  from  the 
Canadian  Government  to  England,  giving  them  fair  notice  that 
the  Canadian  Government,  of  which  I  was  a  member,  would 
insist  upon  the  right  of  dealing  with  her  own  fisheries,  but  I 
took  occasion  to  press  upon  the  head  of  the  British  Commis- 
sion at  Washington,  that  my  own  individual  opinion,  as 
representing  Canada,  should  be  laid  before  Her  Majesty's 
Government.  The  answer  that  came  back  at  once  by  cable 
was  extended  in  full  in  the  despatch  of  March  17,  1871  ;  and 
it  was  most  satisfactory,  as  it  stated  that  Her  Majesty's 
Government  had  never  any  intention  of  advising  Her  Majesty 
to  part  with  those  fisheries  without  the  consent  of  Canada. 
Armed  with  this  I  felt  that  I  was  relieved  of  a  considerable 
amount  of  my  embarrassment.  I  felt  that  no  matter  what 
arrangements  might  be  made,  no  matter  whether  I  was 
out-voted  by  my  colleagues  on  the  Commission,  or  what 
instructions  might  be  given  by  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
the  interests  of  Canada  were  safe,  because  they  were  in  her 
own  hands,  and  reserved  for  her  own  decision. 

"  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  this  was 
not  a  substantial  concession  on  the  part  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government.  It  is  true  that  Lord  Kimberley  stated  in  his 
despatch  of  March  i/th,  that  'when  the  reciprocity  treaty  was 
concluded,  the  Acts  of  the  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick 
Legislatures,  relating  to  the  Fisheries  were  suspended  by  Acts 
of  those  Legislatures,  and  the  Fishery  rights  of  Canada  are 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  129 


now  under  the  protection  of  a  Canadian  Act  of  Parliament, 
the  repeal  of  which  would  be  necessary  in  case  of  the 
cession  of  those  rights  to  any  foreign  powers.'  It  is 
true,  in  one  sense  of  the  word,  but  it  is  also  true  that  if 
Her  Majesty,  in  the  exercise  of  her  power,  had  chosen 
to  make  a  treaty  with  the  United  States,  ceding  not  only 
those  rights,  but  ceding  the  very  land  over  which  those 
waters  flow,  that  treaty  between  England  and  the  United 
States  would  have  been  binding,  and  the  United  States  would 
have  held  England  to  it.  No  matter  how  unjust  to  Canada, 
after  all  her  previous  promises,  still  that  treaty  would  be  a 
valid  and  obligatory  treaty  between  England  and  the  United 
States,  and  the  latter  would  have  had  the  right  to  enforce  its 
provisions,  override  any  provincial  laws  and  ordinances,  and 
take  possession  of  our  waters  and  rights.  It  would  have  been 
a  great  wrong,  but  the  consequences  would  have  been  the  loss, 
practically,  of  our  rights  for  ever,  and  so  it  was  satisfactory 
that  it  should  be  settled,  as  it  has  been  settled,  without  a 
doubt  appearing  upon  the  records  of  the  conference  at  Wash- 
ington. Now  the  recognition  of  the  proprietary  right  of 
Canada  in  her  fisheries  forms  a  portion  of  the  State  papers  of 
both  countries.  Now  the  rights  of  Canada  to  those  fisheries 
are  beyond  dispute,  and  it  is  finally  established  that  England 
cannot,  and  will  not,  under  any  circumstances  whatever,  cede 
those  fisheries  without  the  consent  of  Canada.  So  that  in  any 
future  arrangement  between  Canada  and  England,  or  England 
and  the  United  States,  the  rights  of  Canada  will  be  respected, 
as  it  is  conceded  beyond  dispute,  that  England  has  not  the 
power  to  deprive  Canada  of  them.  We  may  now  rest  certain 
that  for  all  time  to  come  England  will  not,  without  our  consent, 
make  any  cession  of  these  interests. 

"  To  come  to  the  various  subjects  which  interest  Canada 
more  particularly.  I  will  address  myself  to  them  in  detail, 
and  first,  I  will  consider  the  question  of  most  importance  to 
us,  the  one  on  which  we  arc  now  specially  asked  to  legislate, 
that  which  interests  Canada  as  a  whole  most  particularly,  and 
which  interests  the  Maritime  provinces  especially.  I  mean 
the  articles  of  the  treaty  with  respect  to  our  fishery  rights.  I 


130         Tin-:  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


would  in  the  first  place  say  that  the  protocols  which  accom- 
pany the  treaty,  and  which  are  in  the  hands  of  every  member 
do  not  give  chronologically  an  every  day  account  of  the  trans- 
actions of  the  Conference,  although  as  a  general  rule,  I  believe, 
the  protocols  of  such  Conferences  are  kept  from  day  to  day, 
but  it  was  thought  better  to  depart  from  the  rule  on  this 
occasion,  and  only  to  record  the  conclusions  arrived  at;  there- 
fore, while  the  protocols  substantially  contain  the  result  of 
the  negotiations  ended  in  the  treaty,  they  must  not  be  looked 
upon  as  chronological  details  of  facts  and  incidents  as  they 
occurred.  I  say  so  because  the  protocol  which  relates  more 
especially  to  the  fisheries  would  lead  one  to  suppose  that  at 
the  first  meeting,  and  without  previous  discussion  the  British 
Commissioners  stated  '  that  they  were  prepared  to  discuss  the 
question  of  the  fisheries,  either  in  detail  or  generally,  so  as 
either  to  enter  into  an  examination  of  the  respective  rights  of 
the  two  countries  under  the  treaty  of  iSiS,  and  the  general 
law  of  nations,  or  to  approach  at  once  the  settlement  of  the 
question  on  a  comprehensive  basis.'  Now  the  fact  is,  that  it 
was  found  by  the  British  Commissioners  when  they  arrived  at 
Washington  and  had  an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  the  feeling 
that  prevailed  at  that  time,  not  only  among  the  United  States 
Commissioners,  but  among  the  public  men  of  the  United 
States  whom  they  met  there,  and  from  their  communications 
with  other  sources  of  information,  that  the  feeling  was  univer- 
sal that  all  questions  should  be  settled  beyond  the  possibility 
of  dispute  in  the  future,  and  more  especially  that  if,  by  any 
possibility,  a  solution  of  the  difficulty  respecting  the  fisheries 
could  be  arrived  at,  or  a  satisfactory  arrangement  made  by 
which  the  fishery  question  could  be  placed  in  abeyance  as  in 
1854,  it  would  be  to  the  advantage  of  both  nations. 

"  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Commission  sat  in  1871, 
that  the  exclusion  of  American  fishermen  from  our  waters  was 
enforced  and  kept  up  during  the  whole  of  1870,  and  that  great 
and  loud,  though  I  believe  unfounded,  complaints  had  been 
made  that  American  fishing  vessels  had  been  illegally  seized, 
although  they  had  not  trespassed  upon  our  waters.  Persons 
interested  had  been  using  every  effort  to  arouse  and  stimulate 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  131 

the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  against  Canada 
and  the  Canadian  authorities,  and  it  was  felt  and  expressed 
that  it  would  be  a  great  bar  to  the  chance  of  the  treaty  being 
accepted  by  the  United  States,  if  one  of  the  causes  of  irrita- 
tion, which  had  been  occurring  a  few  months  before  should  be 
allowed  to  remain  unsettled  ;  collisions  would  occur  between 
American  fishermen  claiming  certain  rights,  and  Canadians 
resisting  those  claims,  that  thereby  unfriendly  feelings  would 
be  aroused,  and  all  the  good  which  might  be  effected  by  the 
treaty  would  be  destroyed,  by  quarrels  between  man  and  man 
engaged  on  the  fishing  grounds. 

"  This  feeling  prevailed,  and  I,  as  a  Canadian,  knowing 
that  the  people  of  Canada  desired,  and  had  always  expressed 
a  wish  to  enter  into  the  most  cordial  reciprocal  trade  arrange- 
ments with  the  United  States,  so  stated  to  the  British  Com- 
missioners, and  they  had  no  hesitation,  on  being  invited  to  do 
so,  in  stating  that  they  would  desire  by  all  means  to  remove 
every  cause  of  dissension  respecting  these  fisheries  by  the 
restoration  of  the  old  Reciprocity  Treaty  of  1854.  An  attempt 
was  made  in  1865  by  the  honourable  member  for  Sherbrooke 
(Sir  A.  T.  Gait)  and  Mr.  Rowland,  on  behalf  of  Canada,  to 
renew  that  treaty,  but  failed,  because  the  circumstances  of  the 
United  States  in  1865  were  very  different  from  what  they  were 
in  1854,  and  it  appeared  out  of  the  question,  and  impossible, 
for  the  United  States  to  agree  to  a  treaty  with  exactly  the 
same  provisions  and  of  exactly  the  same  nature  as  that  of 
1854.  So  the  British  Commissioners,  believing  that  a  treaty 
similar  in  detail  to  that  of  1854  could  not  be  obtained,  urged 
that  one  conceived  in  the  same  spirit,  but  adapted  to  the-' 
altered  circumstances  of  the  two  countries,  should  be  adopted, 
and  this  view  was  strongly  pressed  upon  the  Joint  Commis- 
sion. This  will  appear  from  the  protocol  referring  to  this 
branch  of  the  treaty.  It  will  also  appear  from  the  protocol 
that  the  United  States  Commissioners  stated  that  the 
Reciprocity  Treaty  was  out  of  the  question,  that  it  could  not 
be  accepted  without  being  submitted  to  both  branches  of 
Congress,  and  there  was  not  the  slightest  possibility  of 
Congress  passing  such  an  Act,  and  that  the  agreement  by  the 


1 32         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


two  Governments  to  a  treaty,  including  provisions  similar  in 
spirit  to  the  treaty  of  1854,  would  only  ensure  the  rejection  of 
the  treaty  by  the  Senate,  and,  therefore,  that  some  other 
solution  must  be  found.  I  believe  that  the  United  States 
Commissioners  were  candid  and  were  accurate  in  their  view  of 
the  situation.  I  believe  that  had  the  treaty  contained  all  the 
provisions,  or  the  essential  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  1854, 
they  would  have  ensured  its  rejection  by  the  Senate. 

"  When  I  speak  of  the  conferences  that  were  held  on  the 
fisheries  I  would  state,  for  the  information  of  those  members 
of  the  House  who  may  be  unacquainted  with  the  usage  in  such 
matters,  that  the  Commissioners  did  not  act  at  the  discussions 
individually.  The  conference  was  composed  of  two  units,  the 
British  Commission  and  the  United  States  Commission.  If  a 
question  arose  in  conference,  on  which  either  of  the  two  parties, 
the  British  or  American  branch,  desired  to  consult  together, 
they  retired,  and  on  their  return  expressed  their  views  as 
a  whole,  without  reference  to  the  individual  opinions  of  the 
Commissioners.  As  an  individual  member  of  the  British 
Commission,  and  on  behalf  of  Canada,  when  it  was  found  that 
we  could  not  obtain  a  renewal  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty,  I 
urged  upon  my  English  colleagues  that  the  Canadians  should 
be  allowed  to  retain  the  exclusive  enjoyment  of  the  in-shore 
fisheries,  and  that  means  should  be  used  to  arrive  in  some 
way  or  other  at  a  settlement  of  the  disputed  questions  in 
relation  to  the  fisheries,  so  as  to  settle  the  headland  question 
and  the  other  one  relating  to  trading  in  our  ports  by  Amer- 
ican fishermen,  and  I  would  have  been  well  satisfied,  acting  on 
behalf  of  the  Canadian  Government,  if  that  course  had  been 
adopted  by  the  Imperial  Government ;  but  Her  Majesty's 
Government  felt  and  so  instructed  her  Commissioners,  and  it 
was  so  felt  by  the  United  States  Commissioners,  that  the 
leaving  of  the  chance  of  collision  between  the  American 
fishermen  and  the  Canadian  fishermen  a  matter  of  possibility, 
would  destroy  or  greatly  prejudice  the  great  object  of  the 
negotiations  that  were  to  restore  the  amicable  relations  and 
friendly  feelings  between  the  two  nations,  and  therefore  Her 
Majesty's  Government  pressed  that  these  questions  should  be 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH. 


allowed  to  remain  in  abeyance,   and  that  some  other  settle- 
ment in  the  way  of  compensation  to  Canada  should  be  found. 

"  The  protocol  shows,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  United  States 
Government,  through  their  Commissioners,  made  a  consider- 
able advance,  or  at  least  some  advance,  in  the  direction  of 
Reciprocity,  because  they  offered  to  exchange  for  our  in-shorc 
fisheries  in  the  first  place,  the  right  to  fish  in  their  waters 
whatever  that  might  be  worth,  and  they  offered  to  admit 
Canadian  coal,  salt,  fish,  and — after  18/4—lumbcr.  They 
offered  Reciprocity  in  these  articles.  On  behalf  of  Canada 
the  British  Commissioners  said  that  they  did  not  considcr 
that  that  was  a  fair  equivalent.  (Hear,  hear).  It  is  not 
necessary  that  I  should  enter  into  all  the  discussions  and 
arguments  on  that  point,  but  it  was  pointed  out  by  the  British 
Commissioners  that  already  a  measure  had  passed  one  branch 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  making  coal  and 
salt  free,  and  stood  ready  to  be  passed  by  the  other  branch, 
the  Senate.  It  was  believed  at  that  time  that  the  American 
Congress  for  its  own  purpose,  and  in  the  interest  of  the  Ameri- 
can people,  was  about  to  take  the  duty  off  these  articles, 
and  therefore  the  remission  could  not  be  considered  as  in 
any  way  a  compensation,  as  Congress  was  going  to  take  off 
the  duty  whether  there  was  a  treaty  or  not.  Then  as  regards 
the  duty  on  lumber  which  was  offered  to  be  taken  off  in  1874 
was  pointed  out  that  nearly  a  third  of  the  whole  of  the  time 
for  which  the  treaty  was  proposed  to  exist  would  expire 
before  the  duty  would  be  taken  off  our  lumber.  The  British 
Commissioners  urged  that  under  those  circumstances  the 
offer  could  not  be  considered  as  a  fair  one,  and  that  Canada 
had  a  fair  right  to  demand  compensation  over  and  above, 
these  proposed  reciprocal  arrangements. 

"  Before  that  proposition  was  made  I  was  in  communica- 
tion with  my  colleagues.  The  Canadian  Government  were 
exceedingly  anxious  that  the  original  object  should  be  carried 
out,  that  if  we  could  not  get  reciprocity  as  it  was  in  1854 
that  we  should  be  allowed  to  retain  our  fisheries  and  that 
the  questions  in  dispute  should  be  settled  ;  but  Her  Majesty's 
Government  taking  the  strong  ground  that  their  acceding  to 


134         THE  LIFE  or  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

our  wishes  would  be  equivalent  to  an  abandonment  of  carry- 
ing the  treaty  into  effect,  the  Canadian  Government  reluct- 
antly said  that  from  a  desire  to  meet  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment's views  as  much  as  possible,  and  not  to  allow  it  to  be 
felt  in  England,  that  from  a  selfish  desire  to  obtain  all  we 
desired  we  had  frustrated  the  efforts  of  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment to  secure  peace,  \ve  consented  that  the  proposition  I 
have  mentioned  should  be  made,  and  so  that  proposition 
was  made  to  the  United  States. 

"  Although  I  do  not  know  it  as  a  matter  of  certainty,  I 
have  reason  to  believe  that,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  action  of 
this  Legislature  last  session,  we  would  now  be  passing  an  Act 
for  the  purpose  of  ratifying  a  treaty  in  which  coal,  salt,  and 
lumber  from  Canada  would  be  received  into  the  United  States 
free  of  duty.  (Hear,  hear).  I  have  reason  to  believe  that, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  this  Legislature,  and  I 
speak  now  of  political  friends  as  well  as  foes,  those  terms 
/which  were  offered  by  the  United  States  would  have  been  a 
!  portion  of  the  treaty  instead  of  its  standing  as  it  does  now. 
(Applause).  I  will  tell  the  House  why  I  say  so.  The  offer 
was  made  early  by  the  United  States  Government.  The 
answer  made  by  the  British  Commissioners  was  that,  under 
the  circumstances,  it  was  not  a  fair  and  adequate  compensa- 
tion for  the  privileges  that  were  asked,  and  the  British  Com- 
missioners, at  the  suggestion  of  the  Canadian  Government, 
referred  the  question  to  Her  Majesty's  Government,  whether 
they  had  not  a  right,  in  addition  to  this  offer  of  the  United 
States,  to  expect  a  pecuniary  compensation;  that  pecuniary 
compensation  to  be  settled  in  some  way  or  other.  That  took 
place  on  March  25,  1871.  On  March  25th,  I  think  the  final 
proposition  was  made  by  the  United  States  Government,  and 
on  March  22nd,  only  three  days  before,  the  resolution  carried  in 
this  House  by  which  the  duty  was  taken  off  coal  and  salt  and 
the  other  articles  mentioned.  Before  that  resolution  was 
carried  here  no  feeling  was  expressed  In  the  United  States 
against  the  taking  off  the  duty  on  Canadian  coal  and  salt  im- 
ported into  the  United  States  ;  no  one  raised  any  difficulty 
about  it.  I  am  as  well  satisfied  as  I  can  be  of  any  thing  which 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  135 

I  did  not  see  occur,  that  the  admission  of  Canadian  coal  and 
salt  into  the  United  States  would  have  been  placed  in  the 
treatyjf  it  had  not  been  for  the  action  of  this  Legislature. 

"  On  March  25th  that  offer  was  made,  and  it  was  referred 
to  England.  The  English  Government  stated  that  they  quite 
agreed  in  the  opinion  that,  in  addition  to  that  offer,  there 
shoulcLbe  compensation  in  money,  and  then,  on  April  i/th, 
the  American  Commissioners  withdrew,  as  they  had  a  right  to 
do,  their  offer  altogether.  And  why  did  they  withdraw  the 
offer  altogether  ?  One  of  the  commissioners  in  conversation 
said  to  me  :  '  I  am  quite  surprised  to  find  the  opposition  that 
has  sprung  up  to  the  admission  of  Canadian  coal  and  salt 
into  our  market.  I  was  quite  unprepared  for  the  feeling  that 
is  exhibited.'  I  knew  right  well  what  the  reason  was.  The 
monopolists  having  the  control  of  American  coal  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  salt  in  New  York,  so  long  as  the  treaty  would  open 
to  them  the  markets  in  Canada  for  their  products,  were  willing 
that  it  should  carry,  because  they  would  have  the  advantage 
of  both  markets,  but  when  the  duty  was  taken  off  in  Canada, 
when  you  had  opened  our  market  to  them,  when  they  had 
Jtrie  whole  control  of  their  own  market,  and  free  access  to  ours, 
whether  for  coal  or  salt,  the  monopolists  brought  down  all 
their  energies  upon  their  friends  in  Congress,  and  through 
them  a  pressure  on  the  American  Government  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  the  admission  of  Canadian  coal  and  salt  into 
the  American  market,  and  from  that,  I  have  no  doubt,  came  > 
the  withdrawal  by  the  American  Commissioners  of  theiq 
offer.  When  my  honourable  friend  from  Bothwell  (Mr.  Mills) 
said  last  session,  '  there  goes  the  Canadian  National  Policy,' 
he  was  little  aware  of  the  consequences  of  the  reckless  course 
he  had  taken.  (Hear,  hear).  Honourable  gentlemen  may 
laugh,  but  they  will  find  it  no  laughing  matter.  The  people  of 
Canada,  both  east  and  west,  will  hold  to  strict  account  those 
whojicted  so  unpatriotically  in  this  matter. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  felt  myself 
powerless,  and  when  the  American  Commissioners  made  their 
last  offer,  which  is  now  in  the  treaty,  offering  reciprocity  in 
fisheries,  that  Canadians  should  fish  in  American  waters,  and 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


that  Americans  should  fish  in  Canadian  waters,  and  that  fish 
and  fish  oil  should  be  reciprocally  free,  and  that  if  on  arbitra- 
tion it  were  found  that  the  bargain  \vas  an  unjust  one  to 
Canada,  and  Canada  did  not  receive  sufficient  compensation 
for  her  fisheries  by  that  arrangement,  it  was  remitted  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government  to  say  what  should  be  done,  and  as 
will  be  seen  by  the  the  last  sentence  of  the  protocol :  '  The 
subject  was  further  discussed  in  the  Conferences  of  April  1 8th 
and  1 9th,  and  the  British  Commissioners  having  referred  the 
last  proposal  to  the  Government,  and  received  instructions 
to  accept  it,  the  treaty  articles,  18  to  25,  were  agreed  to  at  the 
Conference  on  April  23rd.'  Thus  then  it  occurred  that  these 
articles  from  1 8  to  25  are  portions  of  the  treaty.  One  of  these 
articles  reserves  to  Canada  the  right  of  adoption  or  rejection 
and  it  is  for  this  Parliament  now  to  say  whether  under  all  the 
circumstances  it  should  ratify  or  reject  them. 

"  The  papers  that  have  been  laid  before  the  House  show 
what  was  the  opinion  of  the  Canadian  Government.  Under 
present  circumstances  of  that  question,  the  Canadian  Govern- 
ment believe  that  it  is  for  the  interest  of  Canada  to  accept  the 
treaty,  to  ratify  it  by  legislation.  (Hear,  hear).  They  be- 
lieve it  is  for  the  interest  of  Canada  to  accept  it,  and  they 
are  more  inclined  to  believe  it  from  the  fact  which  I  must 
say  has  surprised  me,  and  surprised  my  colleagues,  and  has 
surprised  the  country — that  the  portion  of  the  treaty  which 
was  supposed  to  be  most  unpopular  and  most  prejudicial  to 
the  interests  of  the  Maritime  Provinces  has  proved  to 
be  the  least  unpopular.  (Hear,  hear).  Sir,  I  could  not 
have  anticipated  that  the  American  fishermen,  who  were 
offered  the  advantages  of  fishing  in  our  waters  would  be  to  a 
man,  opposed  to  the  treaty  as  inflicting  upon  them  a  great 
injury.  I  could  not  have  anticipated  that  the  fishermen  of 
the  Maritime  Provinces,  who,  at  first  expressed  hostility, 
would  now,  with  a  few  exceptions,  be  anxious  for  its  adoption. 
(Hear,  hear). 

"In  viewing  these  articles  of  the  treaty,  I  would  call  the 
consideration  of  the  House  to  the  fact  that  their  scope  and 
aim  have  been  greatly  misrepresented  by  that  portion  of  the 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH. 


Canadian  press  which  is  opposed  to  the  present  Govern- 
ment. It  lias  been  alleged  to  be  an  ignominious  sale  of  the 
property  of  Canada,  a  bartering  away  of  the  territorial  rights 
of  this  country  for  money.  Sir,  no  allegation  could  be  more 
utterly  unfounded  than  this.  (Hear,  hear).  It  is  no  more  a 
transfer  and  sale  of  the  territorial  rights  of  Canada  than  was 
the  treaty  of  1X54.  The  very  basis  of  this  treaty  is  recipro- 
city. (Hear,  hear).  To  be  sure  it  does  not  go  as  far  and 
embrace  as  many  articles  as  the  treaty  of  1852.  I  am  sorry  for 
it.  1  fought  hard  that  it  should  be  so,  but  the  terms  of  this 
treaty  are  terms  of  reciprocity,  and  the  very  first  clause  ought 
to  be  sufficient  evidence  upon  that  point,  for  it  declares  that 
Canadians  shall  have  the  same  right  to  fish  in  American 
waters,  that  Americans  will  have  under  the  treaty  to  fish  in 
Canadian  waters.  True  it  may  be  said  that  our  fisheries 
are  more  valuable  than  theirs,  but  that  docs  not  effect  the 
principle.  The  principle  is  this — that  we  were  trying-  to  make 
a  reciprocity  arrangement  and  going  as  far  in  the  direction 
of  reciprocity  as  possible.  The  principle  is  the  same  in  each 
case,  and  as  regards  the  treaty  that  has  been  negotiated  it 
is  not  confined  to  reciprocity  in  the  use  of  the  in-shore  fisheries 
of  the  two  countries.  It  provides  that  the  products  of  the 
fisheries  of  the  two  nations,  fish  oil  as  well  as  fish,  shall  be 
interchanged  free.  The  only  departure  from  the  principle 
of  reciprocity  in  the  present  treaty  is  the  provision,  that 
if  it  shall  be  found  that  Canada  had  made  a  bad  bargain 
and  had  not  received  a  fair  compensation  for  what  she  gave  ; 
if  it  shall  be  found  that  while  there  was  reciprocity  as  to 
the  enjoyment  of  rights  and  privileges,  there  was  not  true 
reciprocity  in  value,  then  the  difference  in  value  should  be 
ascertained  and  paid  to  this  country.  (Hear,  hear).  Now, 
if  there  is  anything  approaching  to  the  dishonourable  and 
the  degrading  in  these  proposals  I  do  not  know  the  meaning 
of  those  terms.  (Hear,  hear).  This  provision  may  not  be 
one  that  will  meet  the  acceptance  of  the  country,  but  I  say 
that  the  manner  in  which  it  has  been  characterized,  is  a 
wilful  and  deliberate  use  of  language  which  the  parties 
employing  it  did  not  believe  at  the  time  to  be  accurate,  and 


138          THE  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


to  which  the}-  resorted  for  political  reasons,  and  in  order 
to  create  misapprehensions  in  the  country.  Sir,  there  was 
no  humiliation.  Canada  would  not  tolerate  an  act  of  humilia- 
tion on  the  part  of  its  Government.  England  would  neither 
advise  nor  permit  one  of  her  faithful  colonies  to  be  degraded 
and  cast  down.  (Cheers). 

"  But  it  is  said  that  the  American  fisheries  are  of  no 
value  to  us.  They  are  not  as  valuable  as  ours  it  is  true,  but 
still  they  have  a  substantial  value  for  us  in  this  way — that 
the  exclusion  of  Canadian  fishermen  from  the  American  coast 
fisheries  would  have  been  a  loss  to  the  fishing  interests  of 
the  Maritime  Provinces,  and  I  will  tell  you  why.  It  is  quite 
true  that  the  mackerel  fishery,  which  is  the  most  valuable 
fishery  on  these  coasts,  belongs  chiefly  to  Canada,  and  that 
the  mackerel  of  the  American  coast  is  far  inferior  in  every 
respect  to  the  Canadian  fish,  but  it  is  also  true  that  in 
American  waters,  the  favourite  bait  to  catch  the  mackerel 
with,  known  as  the  menhadden  is  found,  and  it  is  so  much 
the  favourite  bait  that,  one  fishing  vessel  having  this  bait 
on  board,  will  draw  a  whole  school  of  mackerel  in  the  very 
face  of  vessels  having  an  inferior  bait.  Now  the  value  of 
the  privilege  of  entering  American  waters  for  catching  that 
bait  is  very  great.  If  Canadian  fishermen  were  excluded 
from  American  waters,  by  any  combination  among  American 
fishermen  or  by  any  Act  of  Congress,  they  might  be  deprived 
of  getting  a  single  ounce  of  the  bait.  American  fishermen 
might  combine  for  that  object,  or  a  law  might  be  passed  by 
Congress  forbidding  the  exportation  of  menhadden  ;  but  by 
the  provision  made  in  the  treaty,  Canadian  fishermen  are 
allowed  to  enter  into  American  waters  to  procure  the  bait, 
and  the  consequences  of  that  is,  that  no  such  combination  can 
exist  and  Canadians  can  purchase  the  bait  and  be  able  to  fish 
on  equal  terms  with  the  Americans.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  It  is  thus  seen,  sir,  that  this  Reciprocity  Treaty  is  not  a 
mere  matter  of  sentiment — it  is  a  most  valuable  privilege, 
which  is  not  to  be  neglected,  despised,  or  sneered  at.  With 
respect  to  the  language  of  these  articles  some  questions  have 
been  raised  and  placed  on  the  paper,  and  I  have  asked  the 


THE  RIGHT  HONOURABLE  THE  MARQUIS  OF  LORNE,  K.T.,  G.C.M.G. 
Gm'emor-General  of  Canada,  November  1878,  to  October,  1883. 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  141 

honourable  gentlemen  who  were  about  to  put  them,  to  post- 
pone doing  so  ;  and  I  now  warn  honourable  members,  and  I 
do  it  with  the  most  sincere  desire  to  protect  the  interests 
of  Canada,  if  this  treaty  becomes  a  treaty,  and  we  ratify  the 
fishery  articles— I  warn  them  not  to  raise  questions  which 
otherwise  might  not  be  raised.  I  think,  Mr.  Speaker,  there  is 
no  greater  instance  in  which  a  wise  discretion  can  be  used, 
than  in  not  suggesting  any  doubts.  With  respect,  however,  t« 
the  question  which  was  put  by  the  honourable  member  for  the 
county  of  Charlotte — and  it  is  a  question  which  might  well  be 
put,  and  which  requires  some  answer — I  would  state  to  that 
honourable  gentleman,  and  I  think  he  will  be  satisfied  with 
the  answer,  that  the  Treaty  of  1871,  in  the  matter  his  ques- 
tions refers  to,  is  larger  and  wider  in  its  provisions  in  favour  of 
Canada  than  was  the  Treaty  of  1854,  and  that  under  the 
Treaty  of  1854,  no  question  was  raised  as  to  the  exact  locality 
of  the  catch,  but  all  fish  brought  to  the  United  States  market 
by  Canadian  vessels  were  free.  I  say  this  advisedly,  and  I 
will  discuss  it  with  the  honourable  gentleman  whenever  he 
may  choose  to  give  me  the  opportunity.  The  same  practice 
will,  I  have  no  doubt,  be  continued  under  the  Treaty  of  1871, 
unless  the  people  of  Canada  themselves  raise  the  objection. 
The  warning  I  have  just  now  expressed,  I  am  sure  the  House 
will  take  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  intended.  No  honourable 
member  will,  of  course,  be  prevented  from  exercising  his  own 
discretion,  but  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  House  to  the  necessity  of  great  prudence  in  not  raising 
needlessly,  doubts  as  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty. 

"  It  will  be  remembered  that  we  have  not  given  all  our 
fisheries  away,  the  treaty  only  applies  to  the  fisheries  of  the 
old  Province  of  Canada,  and  in  order  that  the  area  should  not 
be  widened,  it  is  provided  that  it  shall  only  apply  to  the 
fisheries  of  Quebec,  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick  and  Prince 
Edward  Island,  so  that  the  treaty  does  not  allow  the  Amer- 
icans to  have  access  to  the  Pacific  coast  fisheries,  nor  yet  to 
the  inexhaustible  and  priceless  fisheries  of  the  Hudson's  Bay. 
Those  are  great  sources  of  revenue  yet  undeveloped,  but  after 
the  treaty  is  ratified,  they  will  develop  rapidly,  and  in  twelve 


142         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


years  from  now,  when  the  two  nations  sit  down  to  reconsider 
the  circumstances,  and  readjust  the  treaty,  it  will  be  found 
that  other  and  great  wealth  will  be  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Dominion. 

"  I  may  be  asked,  though  I  have  not  seen  that  the 
point  has  excited  any  observation,  why  were  not  the  products 
,of  the  lake  fisheries  laid  open  to  both  nations,  and  in  reply  I 
may  say  that  these  fisheries  were  exccpted  at  my  instance. 
The  Canadian  fisheries  on  the  north  shores  of  the  great  lakes 
arc  most  valuable.  By  a  judicious  system  of  preservation  and 
protection  \vc  have  greatly  increased  that  source  of  wealth.  It 
is  also  known  that  from  a  concurrence  of  circumstances  and 
from  situation  the  fisheries  on  the  south  shores  are  not  nearly 
so  valuable  as  ours,  and  it  therefore  appeared  that  if  we  once 
allowed  the  American  fishermen  to  have  admission  to  our 
waters,  with  their  various  engines  of  destruction,  all  the  care 
taken  for  many  years  to  cultivate  that  source  of  wealth  would 
be  disturbed,  injured,  and  prejudiced,  and  there  would  be  no 
end  of  quarrels  and  dissatisfaction  in  our  narrow  waters,  and 
no  real  reciprocity,  and,  therefore,  that  Canada  would  be  much 
better  off  by  preserving  her  own  Inland  Lake  Fisheries  to  her 
herself,  and  have  no  right  to  enter  the  American  market  with 
the  products  of  those  fisheries.  This  was  the  reason  why  the 
lake  fisheries  were  not  included  in  this  arrangement. 

"  Now,  sir,  under  the  present  circumstances  of  the  case,  the 
Canadian  Government  have  decided  to  press  upon  this  House 
the  policy  of  accepting  this  treaty  and  ratifying  the  Fishery 
Articles.  I  may  be  liable  to  the  charge  of  injuring  our  case  in 
discussing  the  advantages  of  the  arrangement,  because  every 
word  used  by  me  may  be  quoted  and  used  as  evidence  against 
us  hereafter.  The  statement  has  been  so  thrown  broadcast 
that  the  arrangement  is  a  bad  one  for  Canada,  that  in  order  to 
show  to  this  House  and  the  country  that  it  is  one  that  can  be 
accepted,  one  is  obliged  to  run  the  risk  of  his  language  being 
used  before  the  Commissioners  to  settle  the  amount  of 
compensation  as  an  evidence  of  the  value  of  the  treaty  to  us. 

"  It  seems  to   me  that   in  looking  at  the  treaty  in  a  com- 
mercial point  of  view,  and  looking  at  the  question  whether  it 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  143 


is  right  to  accept  the  articles,  we  have  to  consider  that  interest 
which  is  most  peculiarly  first  affected.  Now,  unless  I  am 
greatly  misinformed  the  fishing  interests  with  one  or  two 
exceptions  for  local  reasons  in  Nova  Scotia,  are  altogether  in 
favour  of  the  treaty.  (Hear,  hear).  They  arc  anxious  to  get 
admission  of  their  fish  into  the  American  market  ;  they  would 
view  with  sorrow  any  action  of  this  House  which  would 
exclude  them  from  that  market ;  they  look  forward  with 
increasing  confidence  to  a  large  development  of  their  trade, 
and  of  that  great  industry,  and  I  say  that  being  the  case,  if 
it  be  to  the  interest  of  the  fishermen,  and  for  the  advantage  of 

o 

that  branch  of  the  national  industry,  setting  aside  all  other 
considerations,  we  ought  not  wilfully  to  injure  that  interest. 
What  is  the  fact  of  the  case  as  it  stands  now  ?  The  only 
market  in  the  world  for  the  Canadian  number  one  mackerel 
is  the  United  States.  That  is  their  only  market,  and  they  are 
practically  excluded  from  it  by  the  present  duty.  The 
consequence  of  that  duty  is  that  they  are  at  the  mercy  of  the 
American  fishermen  ;  they  are  made  the  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  for  the  Americans.  They  are  obliged  to  sell 
their  fish  at  the  American's  own  price.  The  American  fisher- 
men purchase  their  fish  at  a  nominal  value,  and  control  the 
American  market.  The  great  profits  of  the  trade  arc  handed 
over  to  the  American  fishermen  or  the  American  merchants 
engaged  in  the  trade,  and  they  profit  to  the  loss  of  our  own 
people.  Let  any  one  go  down  the  St.  Lawrence  on  a  summer 
trip,  as  many  of  us  do,  and  call  from  the  deck  of  the  steamer 
to  a  fisherman  in  his  boat  and  see  for  what  a  nominal  price 
you  can  secure  the  whole  of  his  catch,  and  that  is  from  the 
absence  of  a  market,  and  from  the  fact  of  the  Canadian 
fishermen  being  completely  under  the  control  of  the 
foreigner. 

"  V/ith  the  duty  off  Canadian  fish,  the  Canadian  fisherman 
may  send  his  fish  at  the  right  time,_jvvhcn  he  can  obtain  the 
best  price,  tQ  the  American  market,  and  thus  be  the  means  of 
opening  a  profitable  trade  with  the  United  States,  in  exchange. 
If,  therefore,  it  is  for  the  advantage  of  the  Maritime  Provinces, 
including  that  portion  of  Quebec,  which  is  also  largely  inter- 


144         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


cstcd  in  the  fisheries,  that  this  treaty  should  be  ratified,  and 
that  this  great  market  should  be  opened  to  them,  on  what 
ground  should  \vc  deprive  them  of  this  right  ?  Is  it  not  a 
selfish  argument,  that  the  fisheries  can  be  used  as  a  lever  in 
order  to  gain  reciprocity  in  flour,  wheat  and  other  cereals  ? 
Are  you  to  shut  them  off  from  this  great  market  in  order  that 
you  may  coerce  the  United  States  into  giving  you  an  exten- 
sion of  the  reciprocal  principle  ?  Why,  Mr.  Speaker,  if  it  were 
a  valid  argument,  it  would  be  a  selfish  one.  What  would  be 
said  by  the  people  of  Ontario  if  the  United  States  had  offered, 
for  their  own  purposes,  to  admit  Canadian  grains  free,  and 
Nova  Scotia  had  objected,  saying,  '  No,  you  shall  not  have 
that  market  ;  you  must  be  deprived  of  that  market  for  ever, 
unless  we  can  take  in  our  fish  also  ;  you  must  lose  all  that 
great  advantage  until  we  can  get  a  market  for  our  fish '  ? 
Apply  the  argument  in  this  way  and  you  will  see  how  selfish 
it  is. 

"  But  the  argument  has  no  foundation,  no  basis  of  fact,  and 
I  will  show  this  House  how.  In  1854,  by  a  strict  and  rigid 
observance  of  the  principle  of  exclusion,  the  American  fisher- 
men were  driven  out  of  those  waters.  At  that  time  the 
United  States  was  free  from  debt,  and  from  taxation,  and  they 
had  large  capital  invested  in  their  fisheries.  Our  fisheries 
were  then  in  their  infancy.  They  were  a  '  feeble '  people 
just  beginning  as  fishermen,  with  little  capital  and  little 
skill,  and  their  operations  were  very  restricted.  I  do  not 
speak  disparagingly,  but  in  comparison  with  the  fishermen  of 
the  United  States  there  was  an  absence  of  capital  and  skill. 
The  United  States  were  free  from  taxation,  they  had  this 
capital  and  skill,  and  all  they  wanted  was  our  Canadian  waters 
in  which  to  invest  that  capital  and  exercise  that  skill,  but  how 
is  it  altered  now  ?  Our  fisheries  are  now  no  lever  by  which 
to  obtain  reciprocity  in  grain.  What  do  the  United  States 
care  for  our  fisheries  ?  The  American  fishermen  are  opposed  to 
the  treaty.  Those  interested  in  the  fisheries  are  sending  peti- 
tion  after  petition  to  the  United  States  Government  and  Con- 
gress  praying  that  the  treaty  may  be  rejected.  They  say  they 
do  not  want  to  come  into  our  waters.  The  United  States  Gov. 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  145 

ernment  have  gone  into  this  treaty  with  every  desire  to  settle 
all  possible  sources  of  difficulty,  their  fishermen  complain 
that  they  will  suffer  by  it,  but  the  United  States  Government 
desire  to  meet  us  face  to  face,  hand  to  hand,  heart  to  heart, 
and  to  have  an  amicable  settlement  of  all  disputes.  They 
know  that  they  are  not  making  political  friends  or  gaining 
political  strength  because  nearly  the  whole  of  the  interest  most 
affected  by  the  fishery  articles  is  against  the  treaty.  But  they 
desire  that  the  ill  feelings  which  arose  during  the  civil  war, 
and  from  the  Alabama  case,  should  be  forgotten.  A  feeling 
of  friendship  has  grown  up  between  the  nations,  and  it  can  be 
no  other  desire  than  to  foster  and  encourage  that  feeling 
which  dictates  the  agreeing  to  these  particular  articles.  The 
United  States  Government  will  simply  say — well,  if  you  do 
not  like  these  arrangements  reject  them — and  the  consequence 
will  be  on  your  own  head  if  this  friendship  so  auspiciously 
commenced  is  at  any  time  broken  by  unhappy  collisions  in 
your  waters." 


CHAP  T  K  R    XXI  X. 


Sir  John  Macdonald's  speech  on  the  Washington  Treaty  continued— The  validity 
of  former   treaties  with    the   United   States   considered— Judge   Pomeroy's 


opinion— Disputes  set  at  rest  by  the  \Vashington  Treaty — The  free  naviga- 
tion of  the  St.  Lawrence— Opinion  of  Mr.  Phillimore— Canada  retains 
sole  control  of  the  canals—  Free  navigation  of  Alaska  rivers — The  St.  Clair 
fiats— The  bonding  system — The  San  Juan  boundary — The  Fenian  raid 
claims— Not  included  in  the  questions  submitted — Fngland's  responsibility 
— A  guaranteed  loan — The  great  importance  of  accepting  the  Treaty. 

"  T  AM  afraid  I  must  apologize  to  the  House  for  the  unin- 
J.  teresting  manner  in  which  I  have  laid  the  subject  before 
the  House  so  far.  I  was  showing  as  well  as  I  could  my  opinion, 
and  my  reasons  for  that  opinion,  that  under  the  circumstances 
the  treaty,  although  it  is  not  what  we  desired,  and  although  it 
is  not  what  I  pressed  for,  ought  to  be  accepted.  I  shall  not 
pursue  that  branch  of  the  subject  to  greater  length,  as  during 
the  discussion  of  the  measure  I  have  no  doubt  that  I  shall 
have  again  an  opportunity  to  reurge  these  and  further  views 
on  the  same  subject  as  they  may  occur  to  me,  or  as  they  may 
be  elicited. 

"  I  shall,  however,  call  the  serious  attention  of  the  House, 
and  especially  of  those  members  of  the  House  who  have  given 
attention  to  the  question  in  dispute  as  regards  the  validity  of 
the  several  treaties  between  the  United  States  and  England, 
to  the  importance  of  this  treaty  in  this  respect,  that  it  sets  at 
rest  now  and  for  ever  the  disputed  question  as  to  whether  the 
Convention  of  1818  was  not  repealed,  and  obliterated  by  the 
treaty  of  1854.  This  question,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  one  that  has 
occupied  the  attention  of  the  United  States  Jurists  and  has 
been  the  subject  of  serious  and  elaborate  discussions.  From 
my  point  of  view  the  pretension  of  the  United  States  is  errone- 
ous, but  it  has  been  pressed,  and  we  know  the  pertinacity  \vith 
which  such  views  are  pressed  by  the  United  States.  We  have 
an  example  in  the  case  of  the  navigation  of  the  river  St. 
Lawrence,  which,  while  it  was  discussed  from  1822  to  1828, 
and  was  apparently  settled  then  for  ever  between  the  two 
nations,  was  revived  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  in 
his  address  of  1870,  and  the  difference  between  the  point  of 

146 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  147 

view  as  pressed  in  1828,  by  the  United  States  and  that  pressed 
in  1870,  was  shewn  by  the  result  of  the  treaty  (Honourable 
Air.  Blake,  'hear,  hear').  And,  sir,  it  was  of  great  importance 
in  my  point  of  view  that  this  question,  which  has  been  so 
pressed  by  American  jurists,  and  considering  also  the  pertin- 
acity with  which  such  views  are  urged,  should  be  set  at  rest 
for  ever. 

;<  The  question  has  been  strongly  put  in  the  American 
Law  Review  of  April  1871,  in  an  article  understood  to  have 
been  written  by  Judge  Pomeroy,  a  jurist  of  standing  in  the 
United  States,  and  that  paper,  I  believe,  expresses  the  real 
opinion  of  the  writer— erroneous  though  I  hold  it  to  be— 
and  his  candour  is  shown  by  this  fact,  as  well  as  from  the 
known  standing  of  the  man,  that  in  one  portion  of  the  article 
he  demolishes  the  claim  of  the  American  fishermen  to  the 
right  to  trade  in  our  water.  He  proves  in  an  able  argument 
that  the  claim  of  American  fishermen  to  enter  our  harbours 
for  any  purpose  other  than  wood,  water,  and  shelter,  is  with- 
out foundation.  The  view  taken  by  that  writer  and  others 
— and  among  others  by  a  writer  whose  name  I  do  not  know, 
but  whose  papers  are  very  valuable  from  their  ability,  they 
appeared  in  the  N.Y.  Nation,  is  this  :  The  treaty  of  1783 
was  a  treaty  of  peace,  a  settlement  of  boundary,  and  a 
division  of  country  between  two  nations.  The  United  States 
contended  that  that  treaty  was  in  force,  and  is  now  in  force, 
as  it  was  a  treaty  respecting  boundary,  and  was  not  abrogated 
or  affected  by  the  war  of  1812.  Under  the  treaty  of  1783, 
and  by  the  terms  of  that  treaty,  the  fishermen  of  the  United 
States  had  the  unrestrained  right  to  enter  into  all  our  waters 
up  to  our  shores,  and  to  every  part  of  British  North  America. 
After  1815  England  contended  that  that  permission  was 
abrogated  by  the  war  and  was  not  renewed  by  the  Treaty 
of  Peace  of  1814.  The  two  nations  were  thus  at  issue  on 
that  very  grave  point,  and  those  who  look  back  to  the  history 
of  that  day  will  find  that  the  difference  on  that  point  threat- 
ened the  renewal  of  war,  and  it  was  only  settled  by  the  com- 
promise known  as  the  Convention  of  1818,  by  which  the 
claim  of  the  Americans  to  fish  within  three  miles  of  our 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


shores,  was  renounced.  The  argument  is,  however,  of  a 
nature  too  technical  to  be  of  interest  to  the  House,  and 
requires  to  be  very  carefully  studied  before  it  can  be  under- 
stood, I  will  not,  therefore,  trouble  the  House,  with  that 
argument  but  I  will  read  one  or  two  passages  to  show  the 
general  statement  of  the  case. 

'"We  shall  now  enquire  whether  the  convention  of  1818, 
is  an  existing  compact,  and  if  not,  what  are  the  rights  of 
American  fishermen  under  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  1783. 

"'Since  the  expiration  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  in  1866. 
the  British  Government,  both  at  home  and  in  the  provinces, 
has,  in  its  statutes,  its  official  instructions,  and  its  diplomatic 
correspondence,  quietly  assumed  that  the  convention  of  1818 
is  again  operative  in  all  its  provisions.  That  the  State 
Department  at  Washington  should,  by  its  silence,  have  ad- 
mitted the  correctness  of  this  assumption,  which  is  equally 
opposed  to  principle  and  to  authority,  is  remarkable.  We 
shall  maintain  the  proposition  that  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1787 
is  now  in  full  force,  that  all  limitations  upon  its  efficienc}' 
have  been  removed,  and  that  it  is  the  only  source  and  founda 
tion  of  American  fishing  rights  within  the  North  Eastern 
Territorial  waters.  In  pursuing  the  discussions  we  shall 
show,  first,  that  the  renunciatory  clauses  of  the  convention 
of  1818  have  been  removed;  and  secondly,  that  article  III, 
of  the  treaty  of  1783  thus  left  free  from  the  restrictions  of 
the  subsequent  compact,  was  not  abrogated  by  the  war  of 
1812.' 

The  writer  thus  concludes  : — 

"'Article  III  of  the  treaty  of  1783  is,  therefore,  in  the 
nature  of  an  executed  grant.  It  created  and  conferred  at 
one  blow  rights  of  property,  perfect  in  their  nature,  and  as 
permanent  as  the  dominion  over  the  national  soil.  These 
rights  are  held  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  and 
are  to  be  exercised  in  British  territorial  waters.  Unaffected 
by  the  war  of  1812,  they  still  exist  in  full  force  and  vigour. 
Under  the  provisions  of  this  treaty,  American  citizens  are 
now  entitled  to  take  fish  on  such  parts  of  the  coasts  of  New- 
foundland as  British  fishermen  use,  and  also  on  all  the  ccast1:, 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  149 


bays,  and  creeks,  of  all  other  His  Britannic  Majesty's  domin- 
ions in  America,  and  to  dry  and  cure  fish  in  any  of  the 
unsettled  bays,  harbours,  and  creeks  of  Nova  Scotia,  the 
Magdalen  Islands  and  Labrador. 

"  'The  final  conclusion  thus  reached  is  sustained  by  princi- 
ple and  by  authority.  We  submit  that  it  should  be  adopted 
by  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  made  the  basis 
of  any  further  negotiations  with  Great  Britain.' 

"  I  quote  this  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  pre- 
tension was  formally  set  up  and  elaborated  by  jurists  of  no 
mean  standing  or  reputation,  and  therefore  it  is  one  of  the 
merits  of  this  treaty  that  it  forever  sets  the  dispute  at  rest. 
The  writers  on  this  subject,  the  very  writers  of  whom  I  have 
spoken,  admit  that  under  this  treaty  the  claim  is  gone,  because 
it  is  a  formal  admission  by  the  United  States  Government 
that,  under  the  convention  of  1818,  we  had,  on  May  8,  1871, 
the  property  of  these  in-shorc  fisheries,  and  this  was  so 
admitted  after  the  question  had  been  raised  in  the  United 
States,  that  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  1854  was  equal,  in 
its  effect,  to  an  abrogation  of  the  convention  of  1818.  1  hey 
agree  by  this  treaty  to  buy  their  entry  into  our  waters,  and 
this  is  the  strongest  possible  proof  that  their  argument  could 
be  no  longer  maintained.  Just  as  the  payment  of  rent  by  a 
tenant  is  the  strongest  proof  of  his  admission  of  the  right  of 
the  landlord,  so  is  the  agreement  to  pay  to  Canada  a  fair  sum 
as  an  equivalent  for  the  use  of  our  fisheries,  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  permanent  continuance  of  our  right.  So  much, 
sir,  for  that  portion  of  the  treaty  which  affects  the  fisheries. 

"  I  alluded  a  minute  ago  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  sur- 
render of  the  free  navigation  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  in  its 
natural  state,  was  resisted  by  England  up  to  1828.  The  claim 
was  renewed  by  the  present  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  asserted  in  a  message  to  Congress  by  the  present  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  Her  Majesty's  Government,  in  the 
instructions  sent  to  Her  Commissioners,  took  the  power  and 
responsibility  of  the  matter  into  her  own  hands.  It  was  a 
matter  which  we  could  not  control.  Being  a  matter  of 
boundary  between  two  nations,  and  affecting  a  river  which 


150         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


forms  the  boundary  between  the  limits  of  the  Empire  and  the 
limits  of  the  United  States,  it  is  solely  within  the  control  of 
Her  Majesty's  Government,  and  in  the  instructions  to  the 
plenipotentiaries,  this  language  is  used  :  '  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment are  now  willing  to  grant  the  free  navigation  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  on  the  same 
conditions  and  tolls  as  imposed  on  British  subjects.' 

"  I  need  not  say,  sir,  that,  as  a  matter  of  sentiment,  I 
regretted  this,  but  it  was  a  matter  of  sentiment  only.  How- 
ever, there  could  be  no  practical  good  to  Canada  in  resisting 
the  concession,  and  there  was  no  possible  evil  inflicted  on 
'Canada  by  the  concession  of  the  privilege  of  navigating  that 
small  piece  of  broken  water  between  St.  Regis  and  Montreal. 
In  no  way  could  it  affect,  prejudicially,  the  interests  of  Can- 
ada, her  trade,  or  her  commerce.  Without  the  use  of  our 
canals,  the  river  was  useless.  Up  to  Montreal  the  St.  Law- 
rence is  open  not  only  to  the  vessels  of  the  United  States,  but 
to  the  vessels  of  the  world.  Canada  courts  the  trade  and  the 
ships  of  the  world,  and  it  would  have  been  most  absurd  to 
suppose  that  the  ports  of  Quebec  and  Montreal  should  be 
closed  to  American  shipping.  No  greater  evidence  of  un- 
friendly relations  short  of  actual  war  can  be  adduced,  than  the 
fact  of  the  ports  of  a  country  being  closed  to  the  commerce 
of  another.  It  never  entered  into  the  minds  of  any  that  our 
ports  should  be  closed  to  the  trade  of  the  world  in  general,  or 
the  United  States  in  particular,  no  more  than  it  would  enter 
into  the  minds  of  the  English  to  close  the  ports  of  London 
or  Liverpool — those  ports  whither  the  flags  of  every  nation 
are  invited  and  welcomed.  (Cheers).  From  the  source  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  St.  Regis  the  United  States  are  part^  owners 
of  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  by  a  well-known  principle  of 
international  law  the  water  flowing  between  the  two  banks  is 
common  to  both,  and  not  only  is  that  a  principle  of  law,  but  it 
is  a  matter  of  actual  treaty.  The  only  question  then  was 
whether,  as  the  American  people  had  set  their  hearts  upon  it, 
and  as  it  could  do  no  harm  to  Canada  or  to  England,  it  would 
not  be  well  to  set  this  question  at  rest  with  the  others,  and 
make  the  concession.  This  was  the  line  taken  by  Her 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH.  151 

Majesty's  Government,  and  which  they  had  a  right  to  take  ; 
and  when  some  one  writes  my  biography — if  I  am  ever 
thought  worthy  of  having  such  an  interesting  document  pre- 
pared— and  when,  as  a  matter  of  history,  the  questions  con- 
nected with  this  treaty  are  upheld,  it  will  be  found  that  upon 
this,  as  well  as  upon  every  other  point,  I  did  all  I  could  to 
protect  the  rights  and  claims  of  the  Dominion.  (Cheers). 

"  With  respect  to  the  right  itself,  I  would  call  the  attention 
of  the  House  to  the  remarks  of  a  distinguished  English  jurist 
upon  the  point.  I  have  read  from  the  work  of  an  American 
jurist,  and  I  will  now  read  some  remarks  of  Mr.  Phillimore,  a 
standard  English  writer  on  international  law.  What  I  am 
about  to  read  was  written  under  the  idea  that  the  Americans 
were  claiming  what  would  be  of  practical  use  to  them.  He 
was  not  aware  that  the  difficulties  of  navigation  were  such  that 
the  concession  would  be  of  no  practical  use.  He  writes  as 
follows  : 

•' '  Great  Britain  possessed  the  northern  shores  of  the  lakes, 
and  of  the.  river  in  its  whole  extent  to  the  sea,  and  also 
the  southern  bank  of  the  river  from  the  latitude  forty-five 
degrees  north  to  its  mouth.  The  United  States  possessed  the 
southern  shores  of  the  lakes,  and  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  the 
point  where  their  northern  boundary  touched  the  river.  These 
two  governments  were  therefore  placed  pretty  much  in  the 
same  attitude  towards  each  other,  with  respect  to  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  St.  Lawrence,  as  the  United  States  and  Spain  had 
been  in  with  respect  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
before  the  acquisitions  of  Louisiana  and  Florida. 

'"The  argument  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  was  much 
the  same  as  that  which  they  had  employed  with  respect  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  They  referred  to  the  dispute 
about  the  opening  of  the  Scheldt  in  1874,  and  contended  that, 
in  the  case  of  that  river,  the  fact  of  the  banks  having  been  the 
creation  of  artificial  labour  was  a  much  stronger  reason,  than 
could  be  said  to  exist  in  the  case  of  the  Mississippi  for  closing 
the  mouths  of  the  sea  adjoining  the  Dutch  Canals  of  the  Sas 
and  the  Swin,  and  that  this  peculiarity  probably  caused  the 
insertion  of  the  stipulation  in  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia  ;  that 


152         THE  LIKK  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDOXALD. 


the  case  of  the  St.  Lawrence  differed  materially  from  that  of 
the  Scheldt,  and  fell  directly  under  the  principle  of  free  navi- 
gation embodied  in  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  respecting  the 
Rhine,  the  Ncckar,  the  Mayne,  the  Moselle,  the  Meuse  and 
the  Scheldt.  But  especially  it  was  urged,  and  with  a  force 
which  it  must  have  been  difficult  to  parry,  that  the  present 
claim  of  the  United  States  with  respect  to  the  navigation  of 
the  St.  Lawrence,  was  precisely  of  the  same  nature  as  that 
which  Great  Britain  had  put  forward  with  respect  to  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi  when  the  mouth  and  lower  shores  of 
that  river  were  in  the  possession  of  another  State,  and  of 
which  claim  Great  Britain  had  procured  the  recognition  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  in  1763. 

'•  'The  principle  argument  contained  in  the  reply  of  Great 
Britain  was,  that  the  liberty  of  passage  by  one  nation  through 
the  dominions  of  another  \vas,  according  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
most  eminent  writers  upon  International  Law,  a  qualified 
occasional  exception  to  the  paramount  rights  of  property  ; 
that  it  was  what  these  writers  called  an  imperfect,  and  not  a 
perfect  right  ;  that  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  did  not  sanction  this 
notion  of  a  natural  right  to  the  free  passage  over  rivers,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  the  inference  was  that,  not  being  a  natural 
right,  it  required  to  be  established  by  a  convention  ;  that  the 
right  of  passage  once  conceded  must  hold  good  for  other 
purposes  besides  those  of  trade  in  peace,  for  hostile  purposes 
in  time  of  war  ;  that  the  United  States  could  not  consistently 
urge  their  claim  on  principle  without  being  prepared  to  apply 
that  principle  by  way  of  reciprocity,  in  favour  of  British 
subjects,  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Hudson, 
to  which  access  might  be  had  from  Canada  by  land  carriage 
or  by  the  canals  of  New  York  and  Ohio. 

'The  United  States  replied,  that  practically  the  St.  Law- 
rence was  a  strait,  and  was  subject  to  the  same  principles  of 
law  ;  and  that  as  straits  are  accessory  to  the  seas  which  they 
unite  and  therefore  the  right  of  navigating  them  is  common  to 
all  nations,  so  the  St.  Lawrence  connects  with  the  ocean  those 
great  inland  lakes,  on  the  shores  of  which  the  subjects  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  both  dwell  ;  and,  on  the 


WASHINGTON  TREATY  SPEECH. 


same  principle,  the  natural  link  of  the  river,  like  the  natural 
link  of  the  strait,  must  be  equally  available  for  the  purpose  of 
passage  by  both.  The  passage  over  land,  which  was  always 
pressing  upon  the  minds  of  the  writers  on  international  law,  is 
intrinsically  different  from  a  passage  over  water  ;  in  the  lattcr 
instance,  no  detriment  or  inconvenience  can  be  sustained  by 
the  country  to  which  it  belongs.  The  track  of  the  ship  is 
effaced  as  soon  as  made  ;  the  track  of  an  army  may  leave 
serious  and  lasting  injury  behind.  The  United  States  would 
not  shrink  from  the  application  of  the  analogy  with  respect  to 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  whenever  a  connection 
was  effected  between  it  and  Upper  Canada,  similar  to  that 
existing  between  the  United  States  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  the 
same  principle  should  be  applied.  It  was,  however,  to  be 
recollected,  that  the  case  of  rivers  which  both  rise  and  disem- 
bogue themselves  within  the  limits  of  the  same  nation  is  very 
distinguishable,  upon  principle,  from  that  of  rivers  which, 
having  their  sources  and  navigable  positions  of  their  streams 
in  States  above,  discharge  themselves  within  the  limits  of 
other  States  below. 

" '  Lastly,  the  fact,  that  the  free  navigation  of  rivers  had 
been  made  a  matter  of  convention  did  not  disprove  that  this 
navigation  was  a  matter  of  natural  right  restored  to  its  proper 
position  by  treaty. 

"'The  result  of  this  controversy  has  hitherto  produced  no 
effect.  Great  Britain  has  maintained  her  exclusive  right.  The 
United  States  still  remain  debarred  from  the  use  of  this  great 
highway,  and  arc  not  permitted  to  carry  over  it  the  produce  of 
the  vast  and  rich  territories  which  border  on  the  lakes  above 
to  the  Atlantic  ocean. 

"  '  It  seems  difficult  to  deny  that  Great  Britain  may  ground 
her  refusal  upon  strict  law  ;  but  it  is  at  least  equally  difficult 
to  deny,  first,  that  in  so  doing  she  exercises  harshly  an 
extreme  and  hard  law;  secondly,  that  her  conduct  with 
respect  to  the  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence  is  in  glaring  and 
discreditable  inconsistency  with  her  conduct  with  respect  to 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  On  the  ground  that  she 
possessed  a  small  tract  of  domain  in  which  the  Mississippi 


154         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

took  its  rise,  she  insisted  on  her  right  to  navigate  the  entire 
volume  of  its  waters  ;  on  the  ground  that  she  possesses  both 
banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  where  it  disembogues  itself  into 
the  sea,  she  denies  to  the  United  States  the  right  of  naviga- 
tion, though  about  one  half  of  the  waters  of  Lakes  Ontario, 
Erie,  Huron  and  Superior,  and  the  whole  of  Lake  Michigan, 
through  which  the  river  flows,  are  the  property  of  the  United 
States. 

"'An  English  writer  upon  International  Law  cannot  but 
express  a  hope  that  this  sumimnii  jus,  which,  in  this  case, 
approaches  to  summa  injuria,  may  be  voluntarily  abandoned 
by  his  country.  Since  the  late  revolution  in  the  South 
American  Provinces,  by  which  the  dominion  of  Rosas  was 
overthrown,  there  appears  to  be  good  reason  to  hope  that  the 
States  of  Paraguay,  Bolivia,  Buenos  Ayrcs,  and  Brazil,  will 
open  the  River  Parana,  to  the  navigation  of  the  world.'  " 

"  On  reading  a  report  of  a  speech  of  my  honourable  friend, 
the  member  for  Lambton,  on  this  subject — a  very  able  and 
interesting  speech,  if  he  will  allow  me  so  to  characterize  it — I 
find  that  in  speaking  of  the  navigation  of  Lake  Michigan,  he 
stated  that  that  lake  was  as  much  a  portion  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence as  the  river  itself.  I  do  not  know  under  what  principle 
my  honourable  friend  made  that  statement,  but  those  inland 
seas  are  seas  as  much  as  the  Black  Sea  is  a  sea  and  not  a 
river.  The  lake  is  enclosed  on  all  sides  by  the  United  States 
territory  ;  no  portion  of  its  shores  belongs  to  Canada,  and 
England  has  no  right  by  International  Law  to  claim  its  navi- 
gation. Sir,  she  never  has  claimed  it,  for  if  my  honourable 
friend  will  look  into  the  matter,  he  will  find  that  these  great 
lakes  have  ever  been  treated  as  inland  seas,  and  as  far  as 
magnitude  is  concerned,  are  worthy  of  being  so  treated. 
Although  Her  Majesty's  Commissioners  pressed  that  the 
navigation  of  Lake  Michigan  should  be  granted  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  the  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  argument 
could  not  be  based  on  the  same  footing,  and  we  did  not  and 
could  not  pretend  to  have  the  same  grounds.  It  is,  however, 
of  little  moment  whether  Canada  has  a  grant  by  treaty  of  the 
free  navigation  of  Lake  Michigan  or  not,  for  the  cities  on  the 


THE  NAVIGATION  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE.        155 


shores  of  that  lake  would  never  consent  to  have  their  ports 
closed,  and  there  is  no  fear  in  the  world  of  our  vessels  bein»- 

o 

excluded  from  those  ports.  The  Western  States,  and 
especially  those  bordering  on  the  Great  Lakes,  would  resist 
this  to  the  death.  I  would  like  to  see  a  Congress  that  would 
venture  to  close  the  ports  of  Lake  Michigan  to  the  shipping  of 
England,  or  of  Canada,  or  of  the  world.  The  small  portion  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  which  lies  between  the  two  points  I  have 
mentioned,  would  be  of  no  use,  as  there  is  no  advantage  to  be 
obtained  therefrom  as  a  lever  to  obtain  reciprocity. 
Honourable  Mr.  Mackenzie  :  "  Hear,  hear." 
Honourable  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  :  "  My  honourable 
friend  says  '  Hear,  hear,'  but  I  will  tell  him  that  the  only  lever 
for  obtaining  reciprocity  is  the  sole  control  of  our  canals.  So 
long  as  we  have  the  control  of  these  canals  we  are  the  masters, 
and  can  do  just  as  we  please.  American  vessels  on  the  down 
trip  can  run  the  rapids,  if  they  get  a  strong  Indian  to  steer, 
but  they  will  never  come  back  again  unless  Canada  chooses. 
(Hear.  The  keel  drives  through  those  waters,  and  then  the 
mark  disappears  forever,  and  that  vessel  will  be  forever  absent 
from  the  place  that  once  knew  it,  unless  by  the  consent  of 
Canada.  Therefore,  as  I  pointed  out  before  the  recess,  as  we 
have  no  lever  in  our  fisheries  to  get  reciprocity,  so  we  had 
none  in  the  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence  in  its  natural 
course.  The  real  substantial  means  to  obtain  reciprocal  trade 
with  the  United  States  is  in  the  canals,  and  is  expressly  stated 
in  the  treaty  ;  and  when  the  treaty,  in  clause  27,  which  relates 
to  the  canals,  uses  the  words  :  '  The  Government  of  Her  Brit- 
tanic  Majesty  engages  to  urge  upon  the  Government  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  to  secure  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  the  use  of  the  Welland  and  St.  Lawrence  and  other 
canals  in  the  Dominion,  on  terms  of  equality,  etc.,'  it  contains 
an  admission  by  the  United  States,  and  it  is  of  some  advan- 
tage to  have  that  admission,  that  the  canals  are  our  own 
property,  which  we  can  open  to  the  United  States  as  we 
please.  The  reason  why  this  admission  is  important  is  this  : 
article  26  provides  that  '  the  navigation  of  the  River  St.  Law- 
rence, ascending  and  descending  from  the  45th  parallel  of 


156         THE  LIKK  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

north  latitude,  \vhcre  it  ceases  to  form  the  boundary  between 
the  two  countries,  from,  to  and  into  the  sea,  shall  forever 
remain  free  and  open  for  the  purposes  of  commerce  to  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  subject  to  any  laws  and  regula- 
tions of  Great  Britain  or  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  not 
inconsistent  with  such  privileges  of  free  navigation.'  There- 
fore, lest  it  might  be  argued  that,  as  at  the  time  the  treaty  was 
made,  it  was  known  that,  for  the  purpose  of  ascent,  the  river 
could  not  be  overcome  in  its  natural  course,  the  provision 
granting  the  right  of  ascent  must  be  held  to  include  the  navi- 
gation of  the  canals,  through  which  alone  the  ascent  could  be 
made,  the  next  clause  provides  and  specifies  that  these 
canals  arc  especially  within  the  control  of  Canada  and  the 
Canadian  Government,  and  prevents  any  inference  being 
drawn  from  the  language  of  the  preceding  article.  I  know, 
sir,  that  there  has  been,  in  some  of  the  newspapers,  a  sneer  cast 
upon  the  latter  paragraph  of  that  article,  which  gives  the 
United  States  the  free  use  of  the  St.  Lawrence, —  I  refer  to 
that  part  of  the  article  which  gives  to  Canadians  the  free  navi- 
gation of  the  rivers  Yukon,  Porcupine  and  Stikine. 

Honourable  Mr.  Mackenzie — "  Hear,  hear." 

Honourable  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald — "  My  honourable 
friend  again  says  '  hear,  hear.'  I  hope  that  he  will  hear,  and 
perhaps  he  will  hear  something  he  docs  not  know.  (Hear, 
hear).  I  may  tell  my  honourable  friend  that  the  navigation 
of  the  River  Yukon  is  a  growing  trade,  and  that  the  Ameri- 
cans are  now  sending  vessels  and  arc  fitting  out  steamers 
for  the  navigation  of  the  Yukon.  I  will  tell  my  honour- 
able friend  that  at  this  moment  United  States  vessels  are 
going  up  that  river  and  arc  underselling  the  Hudson's  Bay 
people  in  their  own  country,  (hear,  hear),  and  it  is  a  matter 
of  the  very  greatest  importance  to  the  Western  country  that 
the  navigation  of  these  rivers  should  be  open  to  the  com- 
merce of  British  subjects,  and  that  access  should  be  had  by 
means  of  these  rivers,  so  that  there  is  no  necessity  at  all 
for  the  ironical  cheer  of  my  honourable  friend.  Sir,  I  am 
not  unaware  that  under  an  old  treaty  entered  into  between 
Russia  and  England,  the  former  granted  to  the  latter  the  free 


THE  NAVIGATION  OK  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE. 


navigation  of  these  streams,  and  the  free  navigation  of 
all  the  streams  in  Alaska.  But  that  was  a  treaty  between 
Russia  and  England,  and  although  it  may  be  argued,  and 
would  be  argued  by  England,  that  when  the  United  States 
took  that  country  from  Russia  it  took  it  with  all  its  obliga- 
tions ;  yet,  Mr.  Speaker,  there  are  two  sides  to  that  question. 
The  United  States,  I  venture  to  say,  would  hang  an  argu- 
ment upon  it,  and  I  can  only  tell  my  honourable  friend  that 
the  officers  of  the  United  States  have  exercised  authority 
in  the  way  of  prohibition  or  obstruction,  and  have  offered  the 
pretext  that  that  was  a  matter  which  had  been  settled 
between  Russia  and  England,  that  the  United  States  now 
had  that  country,  and  would  deal  with  it  as  they  chose,  and, 
therefore,  as  this  was  a  treaty  to  settle  all  old  questions, 
and  not  to  raise  new  ones,  it  was  well  that  the  free  navigation 
of  the  rivers  I  have  mentioned,  should  be  settled  at  once 
between  England  and  the  United  States,  as  before  it  had 
been  between  England  and  Russia. 

"  Before  leaving  the  question  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  I  will 
make  one  remark,  and  will  then  proceed  to  another  topic, 
and  that  is,  that  the  article  in  question  docs  not  in  any  way 
hand  over  or  divide  any  proprietary  rights  on  the  river  St. 
Lawrence,  or  give  any  sovereignty  over  it,  or  confer  any 
right  whatever,  except  that  of  free  navigation.  Both  banks 
belong  to  Canada — the  management,  the  regulation,  the  tolls, 
the  improvement,  all  belong  to  Canada.  The  only  stipula- 
tion made  in  the  treaty  is  that  the  United  States  vessels  may- 
use  the  St.  Lawrence  on  as  free  terms  as  those  of  Canadian 
subjects.  It  is  not  a  transfer  of  territorial  rights — it  is  simply 
a  permission  to  navigate  the  river  by  American  vessels,  that 
the  navigation  shall  ever  remain  free  and  open  for  the  purpose 
of  commerce  (and  only  for  the  purpose  of  commerce)  '  to 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  subject  to  any  laws  and  regula- 
tions of  Great  Britain,  or  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  not 
inconsistent  with  the  privilege  of  free  navigation.' 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  shall  now  allude  to  one  of  the  subjects 
included  in  the  treaty,  which  relate  to  the  navigation  of  our 
waters,  although  it  was  not  contemplated  in  the  instructions 


158         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

given  to  the  British  Commissioners  by  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment, in  fact  the  subject  was  scarcely  known  in  England,  and 
that  is  what  is  known  as  the  St.  Clair  Flats  question.  It  is 
known  that  the  waters  of  the  River  St.  Clair  and  the  waters  of 
Lake  St.  Clair  divide  the  two  countries  ;  that  the  boundary 
line  which  divides  them  is  provided  by  treaty  ;  that  the  treaty 
of  1842  provides  that  all  the  channels  and  passages  between 
the  islands  lying  near  the  junction  of  the  River  St.  Clair  with 
the  Lake,  shall  be  equally  free  to  both  nations,  so  that  all 
those  channels  were  made  common  to  both  nations,  and  are  so 
now.  Canada  has  made  appropriations  for  the  purpose  of 
improvement  of  these  waters.  There  were  also  appropriations 
made — I  forget  whether  by  the  United  States  or  by  the  State 
of  Michigan,  or  by  private  individuals — tor  the  purpose  of 
improving  the  waters,  and  the  United  States  made  a  canal 
in  and  through  the  St.  Clair  Flats.  The  question  then  arose 
whether  that  canal  was  in  Canadian  territory,  or  within  that 
of  the  United  States.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  engineering 
officers  appointed  by  the  United  States  to  choose  the  site  of 
the  canal  and  tq  construct  it,  acted  in  good  faith  in  choosing 
the  site,  believing  that  it  was  in  the  United  States,  and  from 
all  I  can  learn,  subsequent  observations  proved  that  to  be  the 
case. 

Honourable  Mr.  Mackenzie  :  "  Hear,  hear." 
Honourable  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  :  "  My  honourable 
friend  says  '  hear,  hear,'  and  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  give  us  an 
argument,  and  an  able  one,  too,  as  he  is  quite  competent  to  do, 
to  show  that  under  the  treaty  this  canal  is  in  Canada.  An 
argument  might  be  founded  in  favour  of  that  view  from  the 
language  of  the  report  of  the  International  Commissioners 
appointed  to  determine  the  boundary  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, that  is,  if  we  looked  at  the  language  alone  and  combined 
with  that  language  the  evidence  of  those  accustomed  of  old  to 
navigate  those  waters.  I  admit  that  an  argument  might  be 
based  on  the  language  of  the  report,  when  it  speaks  of  the  old 
ship  channel,  and  that  the  evidence  and  statements  that  have 
been  made  as  to  the  position  of  that  channel,  might  have  left 
it  a  matter  of  doubt  whether  the  canal,  or  a  portion  of  it,  was 


ST.  CLAIR  FLATS.  !-g 

within  the  boundary  of  Canada,  but  the  Commissioners  not 
only  made  a  report,  but  they  added  to  it  a  map,  to  which 
they  placed  their  signatures,  and  any  one  reading  the  report 
with  the  map,  and  holding  the  map  as  a  portion  of  the  report, 
will  see  that  this  canal  is  in  the  United  States.  It  mi^ht  but 

t> 

for  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  have  been  unfortunate  that  it 
is  so,  because  it  might,  perhaps,  have  impeded  the  navigation 
of  the  flats  by  Canadian  vessels. 

"  But  the  question  is  whether,  under  the  old  treaty,  and 
the  report  and  map  made  according  to  its  provisions  (which 
report  and  map   form,   in   fact,   a  portion   of  such  treaty)  the 
canal  is  within  the  United  States  boundary  or  not.    When  the 
point   was   raised   that    the    map    was    inconsistent   with  the 
report,  Her  Majesty's  Government,  I  have  no  doubt  under  the 
advice  of  Her  Majesty's  legal  advisers,  said  it  was  a  point  that 
would  not  admit   of  argument,   that   the  two   must  be  taken 
together,  and  that  the  map  explained  and  defined  the  meaning 
of  the   language  of  the  report.     But,  sir,   '  out  of  the  nettle 
danger  we  pluck  the  flower  safety.'     The  House  will  see  by 
looking  at  the  clause  I   referred  to,  that  it  is  a  matter  of  no 
consequence   whether  the  canal   is   in   the   United   States  or 
Canada,   because   for    all   time   to  come  that  canal  is    to  be 
used  by  the  people  of  Canada  on  equal  terms  with  the  people  \ 
of  th£  United  States.     In  the  speech  of  my  honourable  friend 
to  which  I  have  referred,  that  canal,  he  says,  is  only  secured  to 
Canada  during  the  ten  years  mentioned  with  reference  to  the 
fishery  articles  of  the  treaty.     I  say  it  is  secured  for  all  time, 
just  as  the  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence  is  given  for  all  time. 
The  United  States  have  gone  to  the  expense  of  building  the 
canal,  and   now  we  have  the   free   use  of  it.     If  the  United 
States  put  on  a  toll  there  we  pay  no  greater  toll  than  United 
States  citizens,  and  it  is  of  the   first  and  last  advantage  to  the 
commerce  of  both  nations  that  the   deepening  of  these  chan- 
nels should  be  gone  on  with  ;  and    I  can  tell  my  honourable 
friend,  moreover,  that   in    this    present    Congress   there  is   a 
measure  to  spend   a   large  additional   sum  of  money  on  this 
canal  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  United  States  for  that  object. 
So  much  for  the  St.  Clair  Flats. 


160         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


"'  Now,  sir,  as  to  some  of  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by 
the  treaty,  I  would  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  29th 
article,  which  ensures  for  the  whole  time  of  the  existence  ot 
the  treaty,  for  twelve  years  at  least,  the  continuance  of '  the 
bonding  system.'  We  know  how  valuable  that  has  been  to 
us,  how  valuable,  during  the  winter  months,  when  we  are 
deprived  of  the  use  of  our  own  seaports  on  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  fact  that  the  American  press  had  occasionally  called  for 
the  abolition  of  the  system  is  a  proof  of  the  boon  which  they 
considered  it  to  be.  They  have  said  at  times,  when  they 
thought  an  unfriendly  feeling  existed  towards  them  in  Canada, 
that  if  Canadians  would  be  so  bumptious,  they  should  be 
deprived  of  this  system,  and  allowed  to  remain  cooped  up  in 
their  frozen  country.  If  the  United  States  should  ever  com- 
mit the  folly  of  injuring  their  carrying  trade  by  adopting  a 
hostile  policy  in  that  respect,  and  they  have  occasionally,  as 
we  know,  adopted  a  policy  towards  us  adverse  to  their  com- 
mercial interest,  they  could  have  done  so  before  this  treaty 
.was  ratified — they  cannot  do  so  now.  For  twelve  years  we 
have  a  right  to  the  bonding  system  from  the  United  States 
over  all  their  avenues  of  trade,  and  long  before  that  time 
expires,  I  hope  we  shall  have  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway 
reaching  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  with  the  Intercolonial 
Railway  reaching  to  Halifax,  we  shall  have  an  uninterrupted 
line  from  one  seaboard  to  the  other.  (Cheers).  This  is  one 
of  the  substantial  advantages  that  Canada  has  gained  by  this 
treaty. 

"  Then,  sir,  the  3Oth  article  conveys  a  most  valuable 
privilege  to  the  railways  of  Canada  that  are  running  from  one 
part  of  the  country  to  another,  and  I  must  take  the  occasion 
to  say  that  if  this  has  been  pressed  upon  the  consideration  of 
the  American  Government  and  American  Commissioners  at 
Washington,  during  the  negotiation,  much  of  the  merit  is  due 
to  the  honourable  member  for  Lincoln  (Mr.  Merritt).  He  it 
was  who  supplied  me  with  the  facts  ;  he  it  was  who  called 
attention  to  the  great  wrong  to  our  trade  by  the  Act  of  1866 
and  impressed  by  him  with  the  great  importance  of  the 
subject,  I  was  enabled  to  urge  the  adoption  of  this  article  and 


PRIVILEGES  TO  RAILWAYS.  161 

to  have  it  made  a  portion  of  the  treaty.  Now,  sir,  that  this  is 
of  importance  you  can  see  by  reading  the  Buffalo  papers. 
Sometime  ago  they  were  crying  out  that  the  entrance  had 
been  made  by  this  wedge,  which  was  to  ruin  their  coasting 
trade,  and  that  the  whole  coasting  trade  of  the  lakes  was  being 
handed  over  to  Canada.  Under  this  clause,  if  we  choose  to 
accept  it,  Canadian  vessels  can  go  to  Chicago;  can  take 
American  produce  from  American  ports,  and  can  carry  it  to  [  i 
Windsor  or  Collingwood,  or  the  Welland  Railway.  That 
same  American  produce  can  be  sent  in  bond  from  those  and 
other  points  along  our  railways,  giving  the  traffic  to  our  vessels 
by  water,  and  our  railways  by  land,  to  Lake  Ontario,  and  can 
then  be  reshipped  by  Canadian  vessels  to  Oswego,  Ogdens- 
burg,  or  Rochester,  or  other  American  ports  ;  so  that  this  clause 
gives  us,  in  some  degree,  a  relaxation  of  the  extreme,  almost 
harsh,  exclusive  coasting  system  of  the  United  States  (hear), 
and  I  am  quite  sure  that  in  this  age  of  railways,  and  when  the 
votes  and  proceedings  show  that  so  many  new  railway  under- 
takings are  about  to  start,  this  will  prove  a  substantial  improve- 
ment on  the  former  state  of  affairs.  There  is  a  provision  that 
if,  in  the  exercise  of  our  discretion,  we  choose  to  put  a  differ- 
ential scale  of  tolls  on  American  vessels  passing  through  our 
canals,  and  if  New  Brunswick  should  continue  her  export 
duties  on  lumber  passing  down  the  River  St.  John,  the  United 
States  may  withdraw  from  this  arrangement,  so  that  it  will  be 
hereafter,  if  the  treaty  be  adopted,  and  this  Act  passed,  a 
matter  for  the  consideration  of  the  Government  of  Canada  in 
the  first  place,  and  of  the  Legislature  in  the  next,  to  determine 
whether  it  is  expedient  for  them  to  take  advantage  of  this 
boon  that  is  offered  to  them.  As  to  the  expediency  of  their 
doing  so,  I  have  no  doubt,  and  I  have  no  doubt  Parliament 
will  eagerly  seek  to  gain  and  establish  those  rights  for  our 
ships  and  railways,  (Hear,  hear). 

"  The  only  other  subject  of  peculiar  interest  to  Canada  in 
connection  with  the  treaty— the  whole  of  it  of  course  is  inter- 
esting to  Canada  as  a  part  of  the  Empire,  but  speaking  of 
Canada  as  such,  and  of  the  interest  taken  in  the  treaty  locally 
—the  only  other  subject  is  the  manner  of  disposing  of  the 

VOL.    II. 


162         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

San  Juan  boundary  question.  That  is  settled  in  a  way  that 
no  one  can  object  to.  I  do  not  know  whether  many  honour- 
able members  have  ever  studied  that  question.  It  is  a  most 
interesting  one,  and  has  long  been  a  cause  of  controversy 
between  the  two  countries.  I  am  bound  to  uphold,  and  I  do 
uphold,  the  British  view  respecting  the  channel  which  forms 
the  boundary  as  the  correct  one.  The  United  States  Govern- 
ment were,  I  believe,  as  sincerely  convinced  of  the  justice  of 
their  own  case.  Both  believed  they  were  in  the  right,  both 
were  firmly  grounded  in  that  opinion  ;  and  such  being  the 
case,  there  was  only  one  way  out  of  it,  and  that  was  to  leave  it 
to  be  settled  by  impartial  arbitration.  I  think  the  House  will 
admit  that  no  more  distinguished  arbiter  could  have  been 
selected  than  the  Emperor  of  Germany.  In  the  examination 
and  decision  of  the  question  he  will  have  the  assistance  of  as 
able  and  eminent  jurists  as  any  in  the  world,  for  there  is 
nowhere  a  more  distinguished  body  than  the  jurists  of  Ger- 
many, who  are  especially  familiar  with  the  principles  and 
practice  of  international  law.  Whatever  the  decision  may  be, 
whether  for  England  or  against  it,  you  may  be  satisfied  that 
you  will  get  a  most  learned  and  careful  judgment  in  the 
matter,  to  which  we  must  bow  if  it  is  against  us,  and  to  which 
I  am  sure  the  United  States  will  bow  if  it  is  against  them. 
(Hear,  hear). 

"  I  think  I  have  now  gone  through  all  the  articles  of  inter- 
est connected  with  Canada,  I  shall  now  allude  to  one  omission 
from  it,  and  then  I  shall  have  clone  ;  and  that  is  the  omission 
of  all  allusion  to  the  settlement  of  the  Fenian  claims.  That 
Canada  was  deeply  wronged  by  those  outrages  known  as  the 
Fenian  raids  is  indisputable.  England  has  admitted  it,  and 
we  all  feel  it.  We  felt  deeply  grieved  when  those  raids  were 
committed,  and  the  belief  was  general,  in  which  I  must  say  I 
share,  that  sufficient  vigilance  and  due  diligence  were  not 
exercised  by  the  American  Government  to  prevent  the  organ- 
ization, within  their  territory,  of  bands  of  armed  men  openly 
hostile  to  a  peaceful  country,  and  to  put  an  end  to  incursions 
by  men  who  carried  war  over  our  borders,  slew  our  people  and 
destroyed  our  property.  It  was  therefore  proper  for  us  to 


THE  FENIAN  CLAIMS.  165 

press  upojnJEngland  to  seek  compensation  at  the  hands  of  the 
American  Government  for  these  great  wrongs.  As  a  con- 
sequence of  our  position,  as  a  dependency,  we  could  only  do 
it  through  England.  We  had  no  means  or  authority  to  do 
it  directly  ourselves  ;  and  consequently  we  urged  our  case 
upon  the  attention  of  England  and  she  consented  to  open 
negotiations  with  the  United  States  upon  the  subject.  In 
the  instructions  it  is  stated  that  Canada  had  been  invited 
to  send  in  a  statement  of  her  claims  to  England  and  that 
JhfTiad  rrot  done  so  ;  and  I  dare  say  it  will  be  charged — 
indeed,  I  have  seen  it  so  stated  in  some  of  the  newspapers — 
that  that  was  an  instance  of  Canadian  neglect.  Now,  it  is 
not  an  instance  of  Canadian  neglect,  but  an  instance  of  Can- 
adian caution.  (Hear,  hear).  Canada  had  a  right  to  press 
for  the  payment  of  those  claims,  whatever  the  amount ;  for 
all  the  money  spent  to  repel  those  incursions  had  been  taken 
out  of  the  public  treasury  of  Canada  and  had  to  be  raised 
by  the  taxation  of  the  country.  Not  only  had  they  the  right 
to  press  for  that  amount,  but  every  individual  Canadian  who 
suffered  in  person  or  property  because  of  those  raids  had  a 
right  to  compensation. 

"  It  was  not  for  Canada,  however,  to  put  a  limit  to  those 
claims,  and  to  state  what  amount  of  money  would  be  con- 
sidered as  a  satisfactory  liquidation  of  them.  It  has  never 
been  the  case  when  commissions  have  been  appointed  for 
the  settlement  of  such  claims  to  hand  in  those  claims  in 
detail  before  the  sitting  of  the  commission.  What  Canada 
pressed  for  was  that  the  principle  should  be  established,  that 
the  demand  should  be  made  by  England  upon  the  United 
States,  that  that  demand  should  be  acquiesced  in,  that  the 
question  of  damages  should  be  referred  to  a  tribunal  like  that 
now  sitting  at  Washington  for  the  investigation  of  claims 
connected  with  the  civil  war  in  the  South,  that  time  should  be 
given  within  which  the  Canadian  Government,  as  a  Govern- 
ment, and  every  individual  Canadian  who  suffered  by  those 
outrages,  should  have  an  opportunity  of  filing  their  claims, 
of  putting  in  an  account  and  of  offering  proof  to  establish 
their  right  to  an  indemnity.  The  Canadian  Government 


166        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


carefully  avoided,  by  any  statement  of  their  views,  the  placing 
of  a  limit  upon  those  claims  in  advance  of  examination  by 
such  a  commission  ;  and  I  think  the  House  and  country  will 
agree  that  we  acted  with  due  discretion  in  that  respect. 
(Hear,  hear).  Now,  one  of  the  protocols  will  show  the  result 
of  the  demand  for  indemnity.  The  demand  was  made  by 
the  British  Commissioners  that  this  question  should  be  dis- 
cussed and  considered  by  the  commission,  but  the  United 
States  Commissioners  objected,  taking  the  ground  that  the 
consideration  of  these  claims  was  not  included  in  the  corres- 
pondence and  reference.  In  doing  that  they  took  the  same 
ground  that  my  honourable  friend  the  member  for  Sher- 
brooke,  with  his  usual  acutcness  and  appreciation  of  the  value 
of  language,  took  when  the  matter  was  discussed  in  this 
House  before  my  departure  for  Washington.  He  said  then 
that  he  greatly  doubted  whether,  under  the  correspondence 
which  led  to  the  appointment  of  the  High  Commission,  it 
could  be  held  that  the  Fenian  claims  were  to  be  considered  ; 
and  although  my  honourable  friend  the  Minister  .of  Militia 
thought  it  might  fairly  be  held  that  those  claims  were  in- 
cluded, I  myself  could  not  help  feeling  the  strength  of  the 
argument "  advanced  by  the  honourable  member  for  Sher- 
brooke,  and  I  stated  at  the  time  that  I  thought  there  was 
great  weight  in  the  objection  which  he  pointed  out. 

"  The  American  Commissioners,  as  the  event  proved, 
raised  that  objection,  maintaining  that  the  point  was  not 
included  in  the  correspondence  in  which  the  subjects  of  delib- 
eration were  stated,  and  when  it  was  proposed  to  them  by  the 
British  Commissioners,  the  American  Commissioners  declined 
to  ask  their  Government  for  fresh  instructions  to  enlarge  the 
scope  of  their  duty  in  that  respect.  Now,  we  could  not  help 
that.  There  was  the  correspondence  to  speak  for  itself,  and 
it  was  matter  of  considerable  doubt  whether  those  claims  were 
included  in  it.  The  British  ambassador  represented  that  he 
had  always  thought  that  the  correspondence  did  include  them, 
and  he  was  struck  with  surprise — perhaps  I  ought  not  to  say 
surprise,  for  that  was  not  the  expression  he  used — but  he 
was  certainly  under  the  impression  that  it  had  been  regarded 


THE  FENIAN  CLAIMS. 


167 


by  all  parties  that  they  were  covered  by  the  correspond- 
ence. Still,  let  any  one  read  these  letters,  and  he  will  find 
it  very  doubtful.  As  it  was  doubtful,  and  as  objection  was 
raised  on  that  ground,  the  British  Commissioners  had  no 
power  to  compel  the  American  Commissioners  to  determine 
the  doubt  in  their  favour,  and  force  these  claims  upon  their 
consideration.  The  consequence  was  that  they  were  omitted 
from  the  deliberations  of  the  commission.  Whose  fault  was 
that  ?  Certainly  not  ours.  It  was  the  fault  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government  in  not  demanding  in  clear  language,  in  terms 
which  could  not  be  misunderstood,  that  the  investigation  of 
these  claims  should  be  one  of  the  matters  dealt  with  by  the 
commission.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  It  was  a  great  disappointment  to  my  colleagues  in  Can- 
ada, that  the  objection  was  taken,  and  that  all  hope  of  getting 
redress    for    the    injury    done    by    those     Fenian    raids    was 
destroyed,  so  far  as  the  commission  at  Washington  was  con- 
cerned, in  consequence  of  the  defective  language  of  the  corres- 
pondence, and  the  defective  nature  of  the  submission  to  the 
commissioners.     Now,  England  was  responsible  for  that  error. 
England    had   promised  to  make  the  demand,  and  England 
had  failed  to  make  it.     Not  only  that,  but  her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment  took  the   responsibility  of  withdrawing    the   claims 
altogether,  and  Mr.  Gladstone  fully  assumed  all  the  responsi- 
bility of  this  step,  and  relieved  the  Canadian  Government  from 
any  share  in  it,  \vhcn  he  stated  openly  in  the  I  louse  of  Com- 
mons that  the  Imperial  Government  had  seen  fit  to  withdraw 
the  claims,  but  that  they  had  done  so  with  great  reluctance  and 
sorrow  for  the   manner  in   which   Canada  had   been   treated. 
Canada,  therefore,  had  every  right  to  look  to  England  for  that 
satisfaction    which   she   failed   to   receive  through  the  inade- 
quacy of  the  correspondence  to  cover  the  question.     England, 
by  taking  the  responsibility  of  declining  to  push  the  claims, 
put  herself  in  the  position  of  the  United  States,  and  we  had  a 
fair  and  reasonable  right  to  look  to  her  to  assume  the  respon- 
sibility of  settling  them.     She  did  not  decline  that   responsi- 
bility, and  the  consequence  has  been  that,  although  we  failed 
to  obtain  redress  from  the  United   States  for  those  wrongs,  we 


168         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

have  had  an  opportunity  of  securing  compensation  from  Eng- 
land, which  would  not  have  been  offered  to  us  if  it  had  not  been 
for  the  steps  taken  by  this  Government.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  But,  sir,  \ve  are  told  that  it  is  a  great  humiliation  for 
Canada  to  take  this  money,  or  rather  this  money's  worth. 
Why,  it  is  our  due.  We  are  entitled  to  it,  and  we  must 
have  it  from  some  one.  England  refused  to  ask  it  for  us 
from  the  United  States,  and  she  accepted  all  the  responsi- 
bility which  that  refusal  involved.  She  was  wise  in  accepting 
that  responsibility  ;  she  must  take  the  consequences,  and  she 
is  willing  to  do  so.  But  the  Canadian  Government,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  unwilling  that  the  compensation  which  Eng- 
land thus  acknowledged  was  due  to  us  by  her  should  take  a 
i  J 

'.  djrcct  pecuniary  form.  We  were  unwilling  that  it  should  be 
the  payment  of  a  certain  amount  of  money,  and  there  were 
several  strong  reasons  why  \vc  should  prefer  not  to  accept 
reparation  in  that  shape.  In  the  first  place,  if  a  proposal  of 
that  kind  were  made,  it  would  cause  a  discussion  as  to  the 
amount  to  be  paid  by  England,  of  a  most  unseemly  character. 
We  would  have  the  spectacle  of  a  judge  appointed  to  examine 
the  claims  in  detail,  with  Canada  pressing  her  case  upon  his 
attention,  and  England  probably  resisting  in  some  cases,  and 
putting  herself  in  an  antagonistic  position,  which  should  not 
be  allowed  to  occur  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
colony.  It  was,  therefore,  in  the  last  degree  unaclvisable  that 
the  relations  between  Canada  and  the  mother  country,  which 
throughout  have  been  of  so  friendly  and  pleasant  a  character, 
should  be  placed  in  jeopardy  in  that  way  ;  and,  accordingly, 
a  suggestion  was  made  by  us  which,  without  causing  England 
to  expend  a  sixpence,  or  putting  the  least  additional  burden 
upon  her  people,  would,  if  acted  upon,  do  us  more  good,  and 
prove  of  infinitely  greater  advantage  than  any  amount  of  mere 
money  compensation  we  could  reasonably  expect.  This  was 
a  mode  of  disposing  of  the  question  in  the  highest  degree 
satisfactory  to  both  countries,  and  one  which  does  not  in  the 
least  compromise  our  dignity  or  our  self-respect.  (Hear,  hear). 
"  The  credit  of  Canada,  thank  God,  is  well-established  ; 
her  good  faith  is  known  wherever  she  has  had  financial  deal- 


THE  FENIAN  CLAIMS. 


ings.       Her    Majesty's    Government    can    go   to    the    House 
of  Commons  and  ask  for  authority  to  guarantee  a  Canadian 
loan  with  a  well-grounded  assurance  that  the  people  of  Eng- 
land   will  never  be  called  upon  to  put  their  hands  in  their 
pockets  or  tax  themselves  one  farthing  to  pay  it.     (Cheers). 
At  the  same  time  the  Imperial  Government,  by  giving  us  this 
guarantee,  grants  us  a  boon  the  value  of  which,  in  enabling  us 
to  construct  the  great  works  of  public  improvement  we  have 
undertaken,    was    explained   the    other   day   so    ably  and   in 
a  manner  that  I  would  not  attempt  to  imitate,  by  my  honour- 
able friend  the  Finance  Minister.     Besides  the  double  advan- 
tage to  ourselves  in  getting  the  endorsement  of  England  with- 
out disadvantage  to  the  English  people,  there  is  to  be  con- 
sidered the  great,  the  enormous  benefit  that  accrues  to  Canada 
from  this  open  avowal  on  the  part  of  England  of  the  interest 
she   takes    in    the    success    of    our    great    public    enterprises. 
(Cheers).     No  one  can  say  now  when  she  is  sending  out  one 
of  her  distinguished  statesmen  to  take  the  place  of  the  noble- 
man   who    now   so   worthily  represents   Her  Majesty   in   the 
Dominion  ;  no  one  can  say  when   England  is  aiding  us  by 
endorsing  a  loan,  spreading  over  so   many  years,  and   which 
will  not  be  finally  extinguished  till  most  of  us  now  here  will 
have  been  gathered  to  our   fathers  ;  no   one   can  say  under 
these    circumstances,  she  has  any  idea  of  separating  herself 
from  us  and  giving  up  the  colonies.     (Cheers  . 

"  The  solid  substantial  advantage  of  being  able  to  obtain 
money  on  better  terms  than  we  could  on  our  own  credit  alone, 
is  not  the  only  benefit  this  guarantee  will  confer  upon  us; 
for  it  will  put  a  finish  at  once  to  the  hopes  of  all  dreamers 
or  speculators  who  desire  or  believe  in  the  alienation  and 
separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother  country.  That 
is  a  more  incalculable  benefit  than  the  mere  advantage  of 
England's  guarantee  of  our  financial  stability,  great  and 
important  as  that  is.  (Loud  cheers).  Aye,  but  it  is 
said  that  it  is  a  humiliation  to  make  a  bargain  of  this 
kind.  Why,  sir,  it  was  no  humiliation  in  1841  to  obtain 
an  Imperial  guarantee  for  the  loan  necessary  to  construct  the 
canals  originally.  It  was  not  considered  a  humiliation  to 


170         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


accept  a  guarantee  for  ,£1,400,000  in  1865  for  the  purpose  of 
building  fortifications,  nor  was  it  a  humiliation  to  obtain 
,£4,000,000  upon  a  similar  guarantee  to  construct  the  Inter- 
colonial Railway.  Why  is  it  a  humiliation  then,  in  this  case, 
to  accept  the  guarantee  when  England  voluntarily  comes 
forward  and  accepts  the  responsibility  for  withdrawing  our 
claims  in  respect  to  the  Fenian  raids  ?  It  was  by  no  prompt- 
ing from  us  that  that  responsibility  was  assumed,  for  Mr. 
Gladstone  rose  of  his  own  motion  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  by  accepting  the  responsibility  admitted  that  it  should 
take  a  tangible  shape.  It  did  take  such  a  shape,  and  I  say  a 
most  satisfactory  shape  in  the  guarantee  of  ,£2,500,000 
immediately,  and  \ve  may  say  ,£4,000,000  in  all,  ultimately. 
(Cheers). 

"  But  I  hear  it  objected  that  Canada  ought  not  to  have 
made  a  bargain  at  all.  She  should  have  allowed  the  Fenian 
claims  to  go,  and  dealt  with  the  treaty  separate!}',  accepting 
or  rejecting  it  on  its  merits.  Sir,  Canada  did  not  make  a 
bargain  of  that  kind,  but  she  went  fairly  and  openly  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government  and  said  :  '  Here  is  a  treaty  that  has 
been  negotiated  through  your  influence,  and  which  affects 
important  commercial  interests  in  this  country.  It  is  unpopu- 
lar in  Canada  in  its  commercial  aspect,  but  it  is  urged  on  us 
for  Imperial  causes,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  peace  of  the 
Empire ;  but  the  pecuniary  interests  of  Canada  should,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Canadian  Government,  be  considered,  and  the 
undoubted  claim  of  Canada  for  compensation  for  these  Fenian 
outrages  has  been  set  aside.  We  may  well,  therefore,  call 
upon  you  to  strengthen  our  hands  by  showing  that  you  are 
unwilling  to  sacrifice  Canada  altogether  for  Imperial  purposes 
solely.'  Sir,  we  asked  that  for  Canada,  and  the  response  was 
immediate  and  gratifying,  except  that  England  did  not  accept 
the  whole  of  our  proposition  to  guarantee  a  loan  of  ,£4,000,000. 
But  I  am  as  certain  as  I  am  standing  in  this  House,  and  I  am 
not  speaking  without  book,  that  had  it  not  been  for  the 
unfortunate  cloud  that  arose  between  the  United  States  and 
England,  which  threatened  to  interrupt  the  friendly  settlement 
of  all  questions  between  them,  but  which,  I  am  now  happy  to 


THE  GUARANTEED  LOAN. 


say,  is  passing  away,  the  difficulty  would  have  been  removed 
by  England  permitting  us  to  add  to  the  £2,500,000,  £1,400- 
ooo  which  she  guaranteed  some  years  since  to  be  expended  on 
fortifications  and  other  defensive  preparations.  That  money 
had  not  been  expended,  and  there  would  now  have  'been  no 
object  in  applying  it  for  the  construction  of  works  which 
would  have  been  a  standing  menace  to  the  United  States,  and 
which  would  have  been  altogether  out  of  place  immediately 
after  signing  a  treaty  of  peace  and  amity. 

"  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  and  I  repeat  I  am  not  speaking 
without  book,  that  I  believe  a  proposition  of  that  kind  would 
have  been  acceptable  to  Her  Majesty's  Government,  but  when 
the  cloud  arose  ;  when  there  was  a  possibility  of  this  treaty 
being  held  as  a  nullity,  and  when  there  was  danger  of  the 
relations  between  the  two  countries  returning  to  the  unfortunate 
position  in  which  they  were  before — then  was  not  the  time  for 
England  to  ask  us,  or  for  us  to  propose  to  give  up  the  idea  of 
fortifying  our  frontier,  and  defending  our  territory.  Then  was 
not  the  time  either  for  the  Canadian  Government  to  show 
an  unwillingness  to  spend  money  upon  these  works,  or  to 
defend  and  retain  the  Dominion  as  a  dependency  of  the 
Sovereign  of  England  (cheers).  I  say,  therefore,  that  while  we 
are  actually  receiving  a  guarantee  of  £2,500,000,  if  the 
relations  of  England  and  the  United  States  are  again 
brought  into  harmony,  and  the  lowering  cloud  which 
recently  sprung  up  is  removed,  and  removed  in  such  a  way 
as  never  to  appear  again,  then  it  may  fairly  be  thought,  it 
may  reasonably  be  calculated  upon,  that  we  will  have  a 
guarantee  of  the  full  amount  of  £4,000,000,  in  order  to  carry 
out  the  great  improvements  we  have  entered  upon.  The 
Finance  Minister  has  shewn  you  the  advantages  which  will 
flow  from  that  arrangement,  and  it  would  be  presumption 
in  me  to  add  a  word  to  what  he  so  well  said  upon  that  point 
which  was  in  the  highest  degree  satisfactory  to  this  House 
and  in  the  highest  degree  also  satisfactory  to  the  people  of 
the  country. 

"  I  shall   now   move   the   first   reading  of  this    Bill,  and    I 
shall  simply  sum  up  my  remarks  by  saying  that  with  respect 


172         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

to  the  treaty  I  consider  that  every  portion  of  it  is  unobjection- 
able to  the  country,  unless  the  articles  connected  with  the 
fisheries  may  be  considered  objectionable.  With  respect  to 
those  articles,  I  ask  this  House  fully  and  calmly  to  consider 
the  circumstances,  and  I  believe,  if  they  fully  consider  the 
situation,  that  they  will  say  it  is  for  the  good  of  Canada 
that  those  articles  should  be  ratified.  Reject  the  treaty,  and 
you  do  not  get  reciprocity  ;  reject  the  treaty,  and  you  leave 
the  fishermen  of  the  Maritime  Provinces  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Americans ;  reject  the  treaty,  and  you  will  cut  off  the  merchants 
engaged  in  that  trade  from  the  American  market.  Reject 
the  treaty  and  you  will  have  a  large  annual  expenditure  in 
keeping  up  a  marine  police  force  to  protect  those  fisheries, 
amounting  to  about  $84,000  per  annum.  Reject  the  treaty, 
and  you  will  have  to  call  upon  England  to  send  her  fleet  and 
give  you  both  her  moral  and  physical  support,  although  you 
will  not  adopt  her  policy  ;  reject  the  treaty,  and  you  will  find 
that  the  bad  feeling  which  formerly  and  until  lately  existed 
in  the  United  States  against  England  will  be  transferred  to 
Canada :  that  the  United  States  will  say,  and  say  justly, 
'  Here,  when  two  nations  like  England  and  the  United  States 
have  settled  all  their  differences  and  all  their  quarrels  upon 
a  perpetual  basis,  these  happy  results  are  to  be  frustrated  and 
endangered  by  the  Canadian  people,  because  they  have  not 
got  the  value  of  their  fish  for  ten  years.'  (Cheers). 

"  It  has  been  said  by  the  honourable  gentleman  on  my 
left  (Mr.  Howe)  in  his  speech  to  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association,  that  England  had  sacrificed  the  interests  of 
Canada.  If  England  has  sacrificed  the  interests  of  Canada, 
what  sacrifice  has  she  not  made  in  the  cause  of  peace  between 
those  two  great  nations,  rendered  herself  liable,  leaving  out 
all  indirect  claims,  to  pay  millions  out  of  her  own  treasury? 
Has  she  not  made  all  this  sacrifice,  which  only  Englishmen 
and  English  statesmen  can  know,  for  the  sake  of  peace — 
and  for  whose  sake  has  she  made  it  ?  Has  she  not  made 
it  principally  for  the  sake  of  Canada  ?  (Loud  cheers).  Let 
Canada  be  severed  from  England — let  England  not  be  respon- 
sible to  us,  and  for  us,  and  what  could  the  United  States 


CONSEQUENCES  OF  REJECTING  THE  TREATY.      i;3 


do  to  England  ?  Let  England  withdraw  herself  into  her  shell, 
and  what  can  the  United  States  do?  England  has  got  the 
supremacy  of  the  sea— she  is  impregnable  in  every  point  but 
one,  and  that  point  is  Canada  ;  and  if  England  does  call 
upon  us  to  make  a  financial  sacrifice  ;  does  find  it  for  the 
good  of  the  Empire  that  we,  England's  first  colony,  should 
sacrifice  something,  I  say  that  we  would  be  unworthy  of  our 
proud  position  if  we  were  not  prepared  to  do  so.  (Cheers). 
I  hope  to  live  to  see  the  day,  and,  if  I  do  not,  that  my  son 
may  be  spared  to  see  Canada  the  right  arm  of  England, 
(cheers)  to  see  Canada  a  powerful  auxilliary  to  the  Empire, 
not  as  now  a  cause  of  anxiety  and  a  source  of  danger.  And 
I  think  that  if  we  are  worthy  to  hold  that  position  as  the 
right  arm  of  England,  we  should  not  object  to  a  sacrifice 
of  this  kind  when  so  great  an  object  is  attained,  and  the 
object  is  a  great  and  lasting  one. 

"  It  is  said  that  amities  between  nations  cannot  be  perpet- 
ual. But  I  say  that  this  treaty  which  has  gone  through  so 
many  difficulties  and  dangers,  if  it  is  carried  into  effect, 
removes  almost  all  possibility  of  war.  If  ever  there  was  an 
irritating  cause  of  war,  it  was  from  the  occurrences  arising  out 
of  the  escape  of  those  vessels,  and  when  we  see  the  United 
States  people  and  Government  forget  this  irritation,  forget 
those  occurrences,  and  submit  such  a  question  to  arbitration, 
to  the  arbitration  of  a  disinterested  tribunal,  they  have  estab- 
lished a  principle  which  can  never  be  forgotten  in  this  world. 
No  future  question  is  ever  likely  to  arise  that  will  cause  such 
irritation  as  the  escape  of  the  Alabama  did,  and  if  they  could 
be  got  to  agree  to  leave  such  a  matter  to  the  peaceful  arbitra- 
ment of  a  friendly  power,  what  future  cause  of  quarrel  can,  in 
the  imagination  of  man,  occur  that  will  not  bear  the  same 
pacific  solution  that  is  sought  for  in  this.  I  believe  that  this 
treaty  is  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  civilization,  that  it  will 
set  an  example  to  the  wide  world  that  must  be  followed  ; 
and  with  the  growth  of  the  great  Anglo-Saxon  family,  and 
with  the  development  of  that  mighty  nation  to  the  south  of 
us,  I  believe  that  the  principle  of  arbitration  will  be  advocated 
and  adopted  as  the  sole  principle  of  settlement  of  differences 


174        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

between  the  English  speaking  peoples,  and  that  it  will  have  a 
moral  influence  in  the  world.  And  although  it  may  be 
opposed  to  the  antecedents  of  other  nations  that  great  moral 
principle  which  has  now  been  established  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  family,  will  spread  itself  over  all  the  civilized  world 
(Cheers).  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  it  is  a  great  advance 
in  the  history  of  mankind,  and  I  should  be  sorry  if  it  were 
recorded  that  it  was  stopped  for  a  moment  by  a  selfish  con- 
sideration of  the  interests  of  Canada. 

"  Had  the  Government  of  Canada  taken  the  course,  which 
was  quite  open  to  them,  to  recommend  Parliament  to  reject 
those  articles,  it  might  have  been  a  matter  of  some  interest,  as 
to  what  my  position  would  have  been.  I  am  here  at  all  events 
advocating  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and,  I  may  say,  not- 
withstanding the  taunts  of  the  honourable  gentlemen  opposite, 
that  although  I  was  chosen  for  the  position  of  a  Commissioner 
certainly  because  I  was  a  Canadian,  and  presumably  because 
I  was  a  member  of  the  Canadian  Government,  yet  my  com- 
mission was  given  to  me  as  a  British  subject,  as  it  was  to  Sir 
Stafford  Northcote  and  other  members  of  the  Commission.  I 
went  to  Washington  as  a  Plenipotentiary,  as  Her  Majesty's 
servant,  and  was  bound  by  Her  Majesty's  instructions,  and  I 
would  have  been  guilty  of  dereliction  of  duty  if  I  had  not  car- 
ried out  those  instructions.  And,  sir,  when  I  readily  joined, 
under  the  circumstances,  in  every  word  of  that  treaty  with  the 
exception  of  the  fishery  articles,  and  when  I  succeeded  in 
having  inserted  in  the  treaty  a  reservation  to  the  Government 
and  the  people  of  Canada  of  the  full  right  to  accept  or  refuse 
that  portion  of  it,  I  had  no  difficulty  as  to  my  course. 
(Cheers).  I  did  not  hesitate  to  state  that  if  that  clause  had 
not  been  put  in,  I  would  have  felt  it  necessary  to  resign  my 
commission. 

"  I  was  perfectly  aware  in  taking  the  course  I  did  in  sign- 
ing the  treaty,  that  I  should  be  subject  to  reproach.  I  wrote 
to  my  friends  in  Canada  from  Washington  that  well  I  knew 
the  storm  of  obloquy  that  would  meet  me  on  my  return,  and 
before  even  I  crossed  the  border  I  was  complimented  with  the 
names  of  Judas  Iscariot,  Benedict  Arnold,  etc.  The  whole  voca- 


THE  COURSE  PURSUED. 


bulary  of  Billingsgate  was  opened  against  me,  but  here  I  am, 
thank  God,  to-day,  with  the  conviction  that  what  I  did  was  for 
the  best  interests  of  Canada  ;  and  after  all  the  benefits  I  have 
received  at  the  hands  of  my  countrymen,  and  after  the  confi- 
dence that  has  been  accorded  me  for  so  many  years,  I  would 
have  been  unworthy  of  that  position  and  that  confidence  if  I 
were  not  able  to  meet  reproach  for  the  sake  of  my  country- 
men. (Cheers).  I  have  met  that  reproach,  and  I  have  met  it 
mjsilence.  I  knew  that  a  premature  discussion  would  only 
exasperate  still  more  the  feelings  of  those  who  were  arrayed 
against  me,  and  of  those  who  think  more  of  their  party  than 
their  country.  (Loud  cheers).  I  do  not  speak  particularly  of 
the  honourable  gentlemen  opposite,  but  I  say  that  the  policy 
of  the  Opposition  is  regulated  by  a  power  behind  the  throne, 
which  dictates  what  that  policy  must  be.  (Cheers).  No  one 
ever  saw  a  patriotic  policy  emanate  from  that  source,  except 
on  one  occasion,  and  that  was  when  that  source  was  induced 
by  myself  to  forget  party  struggles  and  party  feelings  for  the 
common  good  of  the  country.  (Cheers). 

"  I  have  not  said  a  word  for  twelve  months  ;  I  have  kept 
silence  to  this  day,  thinking  better  that  the  subject  should  be 
discussed  on  its  own  merits.  How  eagerly  was  I  watched  ! 
If  the  Government  should  come  out  in  favour  of  the  treaty, 
then  it  was  to  be  taken  as  being  a  betrayal  of  the  people 
of  Canada.  If  the  Government  should  come  out  against 
the  treaty,  then  the  first  Minister  was  to  be  charged  with 
opposing  the  interests  of  the  Empire.  Which  ever  course 
we  might  take,  they  were  lying  in  wait,  ready  with  some  mode 
of  attack.  But  '  silence  is  golden,'  Mr.  Speaker,  and  I  kept 
silence.  I  believe  the  sober  second  thought  of  this  country 
accords  with  the  sober  second  thought  of  the  Government, 
and  we  come  down  here  and  ask  the  people  of  Canada, 
through  their  representatives,  to  accept  this  treaty,  to  accept 
it  with  all  its  imperfections,  to  accept  it  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
and  for  the  sake  of  the  great  Empire  of  which  we  form  a  part. 
I  now  beg  leave  to  introduce  the  Bill,  and  to  state  that  I  have 
the  permission  of  His  Excellency  to  do  so." 

Sir  John  Macdonald  resumed  his  scat  at  9.45  p.m.,  after  hav- 


176         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

ing  spoken  for  four  hours  and  a  quarter,  amid  loud  and  con- 
tinued applause  from  all  parts  of  the  House. 

The  debate  in  the  Commons  lasted  until  the  morning  of 
the  i/th,  during  which  time  forty-six  members  of  the  House 
delivered  speeches,  and  Mr.  Blake  and  Mr.  Bodwell  proposed 
amendments.  Both  were  voted  down,  and  Sir  John's  motion 
for  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  was  carried,  the  division 
lists  showing  121  for  and  55  against.  The  Government  policy 
was  nobly  sustained,  each  province  of  the  Confederation  show- 
ing a  majority  in  its  favour. 


C  H  A  P  T  E  R     X  X  X. 


The  Pacific  Railway-Sir  George  Carder's  Resolutions,  April,  i872~Mr  Mac- 
kermes  Opposition -Arrival  of  Lord  Dufferin-Dissolution  of  Parliament- 
General  Election-Admission  of  Prince  Edward  Island -The  Pacific  Railway 
Slander— Mr.  Huntingdon's  Resolutions-Sir  John  Macdonald's  Motion  for  a 
Special  Committee— Reports  of  the  Committee -The  Oath's  Bill-Publication 
ot  Letters— Sir  Hugh  Allan's  Affidavit— Adjournment  to  August  nth- 
Memorial  of  the  Opposition-Lord  Dufferin's  reply— Prorogation-Sir  Tohn 
Macdonald  s  position— The  Royal  Commission— Meeting  of  Parliament-  Mr 
Mackenzie  s  Amendment  to  the  Address— Sir  John's  Speech— Resignation  of 
the  Ministry— The  Stolen  Letters— Character  of  the  Witnesses  against  the 
Ministry— The  Mackenzie  Government— Dissolution  of  Parliament— General 
Elections— Meeting  of  new  Parliament,  March  1874— Pacific  Railway  Reso- 
lutions—Other Bills— Prorogation. 

THE  principal  subject  of  discussion  during  the  session 
was  the  building  of  the  Pacific  Railway.  During  the 
year  1871  two  companies  were  formed  for  this  purpose,  one 
called  the  Canada  Pacific  Railway  Company,  being  under  the 
presidency  of  Sir  Hugh  Allan  ;  the  other  called  the  Inter- 
Oceanic  Railway  Company,  being  under  the  presidency  of 
Honourable  David  Macpherson.  The  former  was  essentially 
a  Quebec  company,  the  latter  an  Ontario  company,  and  an 
intense  rivalry  ensued.  Each  company  obtained  a  charter, 
the  terms  being  the  same,  namely,  that  the  capital  should  be 
$IO,OOO,OOO  in  $100  shares,  and  that  the  company  should  not 
be  considered  organized  until  $1,000,000  had  been  paid  in. 

"  Under  the  circumstances  it  was  a  difficult  matter  for  the 
Government  to  deal  with  either,  and  therefore  it  was  deter- 
mined to  pass  a  general  Act,  giving  the  Governor  in  Council 
power  to  treat  with  one  or  the  other,  or  with  the  two  amalga- 
mated, or  failing  a  satisfactory  arrangement,  to  grant  a  charter 
to  a  new  company. 

On  April  26,  1872,  Sir  George  Cartier  moved  the  House 
into  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  question.  He  explained 
that  the  terms  of  Union  with  British  Columbia  required  that 
the  road  should  be  commenced  within  two  years,  and  finished 
within  ten.  That  the  Government  desired  power  to  enter  into 
an  agreement  with  a  company  to  construct  the  road,  or,  if  one 

VOL   II.  177  I2 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


company  could  not  undertake  the  whole  road,  then  with 
several  companies  for  different  parts.  As  the  company  could 
not  be  expected  to  build  without  assistance,  it  was  proposed 
to  give  them  50,000,000  acres  of  land  in  alternate  blocks, 
twenty  miles  square  on  each  side  of  the  line — the  alternate 
blocks  reserved  being  held  for  sale  by  the  Government — and 
a  cash  subsidy  of  about  $30,000,000. 

Mr.  Alexander  Mackenzie  objected  to  the  proposition 
stating  his  conviction  that  it  was  impossible  to  con- 
struct the  road  within  the  time  mentioned,  and  that  the 
two  companies  were  merely  "  rings"  looking  for  plunder.  On 
the  authority  of  persons  he  considered  competent  to  judge,  he 
maintained  that  there  were  not  more  than  45,000,000  to 
65,000,000  acres  of  good  land  in  the  North-West,  and  that 
after  the  proposed  quantity  had  been  given  to  the  company, 
there  would  be  little  left  for  settlement.  The  powers  proposed 
to  be  conferred  on  the  Government  he  considered  extravagant 
and  dangerous,  and  that,  if  the  resolutions  were  passed,  the 
House  would  be  abdicating  its  functions,  and  leaving  to  the 
Government  matters  over  which  it  should  retain  control.  He 
moved  amendments  embodying  his  views  as  also  did  other 
members  of  the  Opposition,  but  the  resolutions,  with  some 
slight  changes,  were  carried  by  a  large  majority. 

On  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill,  Mr.  Mackenzie  said  that 
he  desired  to  get  an  expression  of  opinion  from  the  House  on 
the  subject  of  the  land  policy  therein  expressed.  He  con- 
sidered that  actual  settlers  ought  to  be  allowed  to  enter  upon 
any  of  the  blocks  of  land  along  the  railway  whether  they  were 
reserved  for  the  company  or  for  the  Government,  and  mqved, 
seconded  by  Mr.  Dorion: 

"  That  the  Bill  be  referred  back  to  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  with  instructions  so  to  amend  the  same  as  to  provide 
that  actual  settlers  may  enter  upon  any  sold  or  unsold  lands, 
belonging  either  to  the  company  to  be  entrusted  with  the 
construction  of  the  railway,  or  to  the  Government  in  the 
alternate  blocks  reserved,  on  terms  and  conditions  to  be 
made  ;  which  terms  and  conditions  should  be  subject  to  the 
approval  of  Parliament  ;  and,  further  to  provide  that  nothing 


ARRIVAL  OK  LORD  DUI-KKKIN.  179 


therein  contained  shall  prevent  provision  being  made  for 
setting  apart  a  portion  of  the  land  reserved  by  the  Govern- 
ment, in  the  alternate  blocks  or  elsewhere,  as  free  grants  to 
actual  settlers." 

In  reply,  Sir  John  Macdonald  said  that  Mr.  Mackenzie 
had  first  objected  to  the  road,  because  the  country  was  not 
able  to  afford  it,  and  now  wanted  to  take  away  the  best 
security  the  country  had  to  offer  for  the  building  of  the  road. 
It  was  all  nonsense  to  suppose  that  the  people  of  Canada  were 
going  to  build  the  road  for  the  comfort  and  convenience  of 
emigrants  from  the  old  country  ;  there  was  plenty  of  land 
outside  the  twenty-mile  belt  which  could  be  given  free  to  set- 
tlers, but  this  belt  was  looked  on  as  the  principal  means  of 
paying  for  the  construction  of  the  road,  and  it  was  ridiculous 
to  propose  to  give  it  away. 

The  amendment  was  lost  on  division.  Yeas,  33  ;  nays, 
101.  Other  amendments  were  also  lost,  and  the  Bill  passed 
through  its  second  and  third  readings. 

The  last  session  of  the  first  Parliament  closed  on  June  14, 
1872,  when  Lord  Lisgar  bade  farewell  to  Canada  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  Earl  of  Duffcrin,  who  arrived  on  the  25th. 

Lord  Dufferin  belongs  to  an  old  Irish  family,  and  was  born 
at  Florence  on  June  21,  1826.  He  was  educated  at  Eton  and 
Oxford,  and  succeeded  to  the  title  in  1841,.  when  only  fifteen 
years  of  age.  In  1849  he  was  appointed  a  Lord  in  Waiting 
to  the  Queen,  which  he  held  under  Lord  John  Russell's 
Administration  until  1852,  and  again  filled  the  same  office  from 
1854  to  1858,  on  the  return  of  his  party  to  power.  In  1850 
he  was  created  an  English  baron,  and  took  his  scat  in  the 
House  of  Lords  as  Lord  Clandcboye.  In  1855  he  accom- 
panied Lord  John  Russell,  as  an  attache,  to  his  special  mission 
to  Vienna,  and  displayed  such  administrative  ability,  that,  in 
1860,  he  was  appointed  by  Lord  Palmerston,  British  Commis- 
sioner to  Syria,  to  enquire  into  the  massacres  of  Christians 
which  had  been  taking  place,  a  task  which  he  accomplished 
with  so  much  satisfaction  to  the  Government  that  he  was 
made  K.C.B.  for  his  services.  In  1864  he  was  made  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  the  County  Down,  and  the  same  year  took  the 


i8o         Tin-:  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


position  of  Undcr-Secrctary  of  State  for  India,  which  he  held 
until  1866,  when  he  became  Under- Secretary  of  State  for 
War.  In  the  same  year  he  was  offered  the  Governorship  of 
Bombay,  but  declined.  On  the  return  of  the  Liberal  party  to 
power,  in  December,  1868,  he  was  appointed  Chancellor  of 
the  Duchy  of  Lancaster  and  Paymaster,  which  he  retained 
until  his  appointment  as  Governor-General  of  Canada. 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  session  the  Honourable 
Alex.  Morris  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  Manitoba,  and 
was  succeeded  as  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue  by  the  Honour- 
able Charles  Tupper,  whose  place  as  President  of  the  Council 
was  filled  by  the  appointment  of  Honourable  John  O'Connor, 
M.P.  for  Essex. 

Parliament  was  dissolved  by  proclamation  on  July  I5th 
and  writs  for  a  new  election  issued,  returnable  on  September 
2nd. 

In  Kingston  Sir  John  Macdonald  was  opposed  by  Mr. 
John  Carruthers,  a  wealthy  retired  merchant,  who  was 
regarded  as  the  strongest  man  the  Reform  party  could  bring 
forward.  The  contest  was  waged  with  great  energy  and  bit- 
terness, and  on  polling  day  the  excitement  was  intense.  In 
spite  of  the  most  strenuous  efforts  of  his  opponents,  Sir  John 
was  returned  by  a  majority  of  131. 

In  other  parts  of  the  Dominion,  elections  were  carried  on 
with  great  vigour,  the  result  being  that  the  Government  lost 
strength  in  Ontario,  gained  in  the  Maritime  Provinces,  and 
remained  about  the  same  in  Quebec. 

Sir  Francis  Hincks  having  retired  on  account  of  failing 
health,  was  succeeded  as  Finance  Minister  byl;rre  Honourable 
S.  L.  Tilley. 

The  first  session  of  the  second  Parliament  opened  on 
March  5,  1873,  when  the  Honourable  P.  J.  O.  Chauveau  was 
appointed  Speaker  of  the  Senate,  and  Honourable  James 
Cockburn  was  elected  without  opposition  as  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons. 

On  May  i6th,  a  message  was  received  from  His  Excel- 
lency forwarding  the  papers  in  connection  with  the  proposed 
admission  of  Prince  Edward  Island  into  the  Union  ;  and,  on 


THE  PACIFIC  RAILWAY  SCAN-DAI,  181 


the  20th,  Honourable  Mr.  Tilley  introduced  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions on  which  to  base  addresses  to  Her  Majesty,  praying  for 
the  union  of  the  island  with  the  Dominion.  He  explained 
that  the  total  expense  would  be  about  $480,000,  and  the 
receipts,  calculated  upon  those  of  the  proceeding  year,  about 
$441,000.  The  Address  was  adopted  and  a  Bill,  providing  for 
the  admission  of  the  island,  introduced  and  passed. 

But  the  momentous  event  that  occurred  during  the  session 
was  that  in  connection  with  what  is  now  known  as  the  Pacific 
Railway  Scandal.  After  the  close  of  the  session  of  1872  an 
effort  had  been  made  to  form  an  amalgamation  between  the 
two  companies,  known  as  the  Canada  Pacific  and  the  Oceanic 
Railway  Companies.  A  difficulty  arose,  however,  as  to  the 
presidency,  \vhich  Sir  Hugh  Allan  wished  to  have  guaranteed 
to  himself,  and  the  other  company  would  not  yield,  desiring 
it  to  be  left  to  the  directors  to  decide.  The  Government  did 
not  care  to  favour  one  more  than  the  other,  and  thereupon  a 
new  company  was  formed  called  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway 
Company,  to  which  a  charter  was  granted  by  letters  patent 
on  February  5,  1873,  the  promoters  being  Sir  Hugh  Allan, 
Montreal;  Honourable  A.  G.  Archibald,  Halifax;  Honour- 
able J.  C.  Beaubien,  Quebec  ;  J.  B.  Beaudry,  Montreal  ;  K.  R. 
Burpee,  St.  John  ;  F.  W.  Cumberland,  Toronto  ;  Sandford 
Fleming,  Ottawa  ;  R.  X.  Hall,  Sherbrooke  ;  Honourable  J.  S. 
Helmcken,  Victoria  ;  A.  McDermot,  Winnipeg  ;  1).  Mclnnes, 
Hamilton  ;  Walter  Shanly,  Montreal  ;  John  Walker,  London. 

The  capital  of  the  new  company  was  fixed  at  $10,000,000, 
in  $100  shares,  which  was  not  transferable  for  six  years 
without  the  consent  of  the  Dominion  Government  and  the 
directors.  Ten  per  cent,  was  to  be  at  once  paid  up  and 
deposited  with  the  Receiver-General.  Work  was  to  be 
commenced  at  both  ends  simultaneously  by  July  20,  1873,  and 
completed  by  1 88 1 .  The  land  grant  was  to  be  50,000,000  acres, 
•in  alternate  blocks  of  the  same  size,  as  reserved  by  the  Govern- 
ment. The  land  thus  retained  by  the  Government  to  be  held 
for  twenty  years  at  an  upset  price  of  $2.50  per  acre, 
money  subsidy  to  be  $30,000,000  less  any  expense  the  Govern- 
ment had  been  put  to  for  surveys. 


1 82          THE  LIKK  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDUNALD. 

The  terms  were  generally  considered  as  satisfactory,  and 
much  gratification  was  felt  at  the  manner  in  which  the  stock 
had  been  distributed  all  over  the  Dominion,  and  the  provision 
that  it  was  not  transferable  for  six  years,  which  prevented  the 
possibility  of  the  road  falling  into  the  hands  of  capitalists  in 
the  United  States. 

On  April  2nd,  Mr.  Huntingdon,  from  his  place  in  Parlia- 
ment, made  the  following  charges  against  the  Ministry  : 

"  That  in  anticipation  of  the  legislation  of  last  session  as 
to  the  Pacific  Railway,  an  agreement  was  made  between  Sir 
Hugh  Allan,  acting  for  himself  and  certain  other  Canadian 
promoters,  and  G.  W.  McMullen,  acting  for  certain  United 
States  capitalists,  whereby  the  latter  agreed  to  furnish  all  the 
funds  necessary  for  the  construction  of  the  contemplated  rail- 
way, and  to  give  the  former  a  certain  percentage  of  interest,  in 
consideration  of  their  interest  and  position,  the  scheme  agreed 
on  being  ostensibly  that  of  a  Canadian  company,  with  Sir 
Hugh  Allan  at  its  head. 

"  That  the  Government  were  aware  that  negotiations  were 
pending  between  these  parties. 

"  That  subsequently  an  understanding  was  come  to 
between  the  Government  and  Sir  Hugh  Allan  and  Mr.  Abbott, 
M.P.,  that  Sir  Hugh  Allan  and  his  friends  should  advance  a 
large  sum  of  money  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  elections  of 
Ministers  and  their  supporters  at  the  ensuing  general  election, 
and  that  he  and  his  friends  should  receive  the  contract  for  the 
construction  of  the  railway. 

"  That,  accordingly,  Sir  Hugh  Allan  did  advance  a  large 
sum  of  money  for  the  purpose  mentioned,  and  at  the  solicita- 
tion, and  under  the  pressing  instances  of  Ministers. 

"  That  part  of  the  monies  expended  by  Sir  Hugh  Allan  in 
connection  with  the  obtaining  of  the  Act  of  Incorporation  and 
Charter,  were  paid  to  him  by  the  said  United  States  capitalists 
under  the  agreement  with  him  ;  it  is 

"  Ordered,  that  a  committee  of  seven  members  be  appointed 
to  enquire  into  all  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  nego- 
tiations for  the  construction  of  the  Pacific  Railway,  with  the 
legislation  of  last  session  on  the  subject,  and  with  the  granting 


MR.  HUNTINGDON'S  RKSOLUTIONS. 


of  the  charter  to  Sir  Hugh  Allan  and  others;  \vithpo\ver  to 
send  for  persons,  papers,  and  records  ;  and  with  instructions 
to  report  in  full  the  evidence  taken  before,  and  all  proceedings 
of,  said  committee." 

The  motion  was  read  by  Mr.  Huntingdon  without  any 
preface  or  remarks,  and  was  received  by  the  House  in  dead 
silence.  A  division  was  called  for,  and  the  motion  was  lost  by 
a  vote  of  76  to  107. 

The  charges,  however,  made  a  profound  sensation  in  the 
House  and  in  the  country,  and  Sir  John  Macclonald,  recogniz- 
ing the  necessity  of  meeting  them  at  once,  on  the  following 
day  addressed  the  House  in  these  words  : 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  beg  to  give  notice  that  I  will,  on  Tuesday 
next,  ask  that  the  House  shall  appoint  a  Special  Committee 
of  five,  to  be  selected  by  the  House  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  the  subjects  mentioned  in  the  motion  of  the 
honourable  member  for  Shefford,  yesterday.  The  Committee 
shall  be  drawn  by  the  House,  and,  if  need  be,  shall  have 
special  power  given  to  them  to  sit  in  recess,  and,  if  need 
be,  a  Royal  Commission  shall  be  issued  for  the  purpose 
of  giving  them  additional  powers." 

On  April  8th,  Sir  John  Macdonald  made  the  motion, 
of  which  he  had  given  notice,  and,  in  doing  so,  explained  that 
the  Government  had  voted  down  the  motion  of  Mr.  Hunting- 
don, not  because  they  were  afraid  of  enquiry,  but  because  they 
took  the  motion  as  one  of  want  of  confidence.  The  Govern- 
ment courted  the  fullest  enquiry,  and  were  prepared  to 
do  anything  in  their  power  to  facilitate  the  work  of  the  Com- 
mittee. The  members  of  the  Committee  appointed  by  the 
House  were  Messrs.  Blanchet,  Blake,  Dorion,  McDonald 
(Pictou),  Cameron  (Cardwell). 

On  April  i/th,  the  Honourable  J.  H.  Cameron,  Chairman 
of  the  Committee,  presented  the  first  report  of  the  Committee, 
recommending  that  a  Bill  be  introduced  empowering  the 
Committee  to  examine  witnesses  under  oath.  This  Bill  passed 
the  House  on  the  21. si,  the  Senate  on  the  29th,  and  icccived 
His  Excellency's  assent  on  May  3rd.  On  May  5th  Mr. 
Cameron  presented  another  report,  covering  a  series  of  resolu- 


1 84         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  Jonx  A.  MACDOXAED. 


tions,  to  the  effect  that,  owing'  to  the  absence  in  England 
of  Sir  George  Carticr  and  Mr.  J.  J.  C.  Abbott — both  material 
witnesses  to  the  investigation — the  Committee  should  adjourn 
until  July  2nd,  if  Parliament  should  then  be  in  session  ;  that 
the  proceedings  of  the  meeting  should  be  secret  ;  that  the 
Committee  should  be  empowered  to  sit  at  such  place  or  places 
as  may  be  found  expedient.  That  part  respecting  the  secrecy 
of  the  meetings  was  not  pressed,  and  the  balance  came  up  for 
discussion  on  May  6th,  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Cameron 
to  adopt  the  resolutions.  The  debate  that  ensued  was  very 
acrimonious,  and  resulted  in  an  amendment  being  moved  by 
the  Honourable  A.  A.  Dorion,  which,  after  reciting  the 

o 

original  motion  of  Mr.  Huntingdon,  went  on  as  follows  : 

"  That  since  the  appointment  of  the  Committee,  when  the 
unanimous  feeling  of  the  House  was,  that  the  enquiry  sh.juld 
be  actively  prosecuted  during  the  present  session,  nothing  had 
occurred  to  justify  the  proposed  adjournment  of  the  Com- 
mittee to  July  2nd  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  interests  of  the 
country  imperatively  demand  that  the  enquiry  should  be  pros- 
ecuted without  further  delay." 

Lost  on  division — yeas  76  ;    nays  107. 

On  May  15th  Mr.  Huntingdon  made  some  further  state- 
ments and  attempted  to  read  extracts  from  some  letters,  but 
was  ruled  out  of  order  by  the  Speaker.  He  then  moved  that 
inasmuch  as  he  was  credibly  informed  that  certain  original 
documents,  of  the  utmost  importance  in  proving  the  charges 
made  by  him,  were  in  the  hands  of  a  trustee  under  circum- 
stances which  rendered  it  exceedingly  doubtful  whether  they 
might  not  be  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Committee  before 
it  met  again  on  July  2nd,  the  Committee  be  ordered  to  meet 
at  eleven  o'clock  next  morning,  when  he  (Mr.  Huntingdon) 
would  disclose  the  name  of  the  trustee  with  a  view  to  havin" 

o 

him  summoned  to  produce  all  documents  in  his  possession 
relating  to  the  enquiry.  The  motion  was  adopted. 

The  next  day,  Mr.  Cameron's  motion  to  permit  the  Com- 
mittee to  sit,  even  though  the  House  was  not  sitting,  was 
carried  by  a  vote  of  101  to  66. 

It  being  the   rule   that   when   Parliament  is  prorogued  all 


LADY   MOUNT-STEPHEN. 


DISALLOWANCE  OK  TIIF.  OATH'S  BILL.  187 


committees  expire  with  it,  to  overcome  the  difficulty,  on  May 
2 1st,  Sir  John  Macdonald  moved  "That  when  the  House 
adjourns  on  Friday  next,  it  do  stand  adjourned  until  Wednes- 
day. August  1 3th,  next,"  which  was  carried  without  discussion. 
On  the  23rd  His  Excellency  gave  assent  to  all  the  Bills  passed 
during  the  session,  and  Parliament  adjourned.  Before  doing 
so,  Sir  John  replied  to  a  question  from  Mr.  Mackenzie  that 
the  meeting  would  only  be  pro  forma  to  receive  the  report  of 
the  Committee,  which  could  then  be  printed  and  distributed 
during  recess,  and  that  he  did  not  think  it  would  be  necessary 
for  any  more  than  the  two  Speakers  to  be  present  as  no 
business  would  be  transacted.  Mr.  Holton  thought  that  it 
would  be  necessary  for  a  quorum  of  the  House  to  be  present, 
to  which  Sir  John  answered  that  if  so,  a  sufficient  number 
could  be  got  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ottawa  without  bringing 
members  from  a  distance. 

When  the  Bill,  giving  the  Committee  power  to  take 
evidence  under  oath,  came  before  the  Imperial  Government, 
they  decided  that  it  was  beyond  the  power  of  the  Canadian 
Parliament  to  enact  such  a  measure,  and  it  was  accordingly 
disallowed.  This  was  made  known  on  July  ist  by  an  extra 
of  the  Canada  Gazette.  On  the  Committee  assembling  next 
day  Mr.  Cameron  announced  this  fact,  and  a  motion  by  Mr. 
McDonald  (Picton),  to  the  effect  "that,  inasmuch  as  the 
House  had  instructed  the  Committee  to  take  evidence  on  oath 
and  the  Bill  authorizing  them  to  do  so  had  been  disallowed, 
the  Committee  could  not  proceed  without  further  instructions 
from  the  House,"  was  carried.  Immediately  after  the  adjourn- 
ment Mr.  Cameron  read  a  letter  addressed  to  him,  as  chair- 
man of  the  Committee,  by  Sir  John  Macdonald,  offering  to 
issue  a  Royal  Commission  to  the  members  of  the  Committee 
if  they  would  continue  their  labours,  the  Commission  being 
instructed  to  report  to  the  House.  This  offer  was  declined 
by  Messrs.  Dorion  and  Blake,  and  the  Committee  adjourned 
until  August  1 3th. 

On  the  morning  of  July  4th  a  profound  sensation  was 
created  in  the  country  by  the  simultaneous  publication  in  the 
Toronto  Globe  and  Montreal  Herald  of  seventeen  letters  and 


i88          Tin-:  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

three  telegrams  addressed  by  Sir  Hugh  Allan  to  Messrs.  C. 
M.  Smith,  G.  \V.  McMullen  and  other  American  capitalists, 
which  disclosed  the  fact  that,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the 
Government,  he  had  for  a  long  time  retained  his  connection 
with  these  men  and  was  most  anxious  to  continue  to  do  so, 
and  had  spent  a  large  sum  of  money  in  the  furtherance  of  the 
interests  of  his  company  and  proposed  giving  away  the 
enormous  amount  of  $850,000  of  stock  to  certain  gentlemen 
mentioned  in  his  letter,  and  spending  the  further  sum  of 
$100,000  in  cash  in  a  manner  not  disclosed,  but  for  which  he 
"  cou'd  not  get  receipts."  The  letters  were  evidently  intended 
as  confidential  and  were  written  in  that  free  and  unre- 
strained manner  that  men  may  be  expected  to  adopt  when 
communicating  with  others  in  whom  they  repose  unlimited 
confidence  as  men  of  honour. 

The  letters  were  commented  upon  by  the  Globe  in  very 
strong  language,  and  the  extreme  view  given  "  that  the  man 
who  occupies  the  position  of  First  Minister  is  hopelessly  involved 
in  an  infamous  and  corrupt  conspiracy."  So  far  from  any 
such  fact  being  disclosed  by  the  letters,  the  very  contrary 
opinion  would  be  formed  by  any  person  reading  them  in  an 
impartial  and  judicial  manner.  In  the  whole  seventeen  letters 
his  name  appears  but  three  times,  once  with  regard  to  an 
appointment  to  meet  him,  a  second  time  with  regard  to  a 
coolness  which  Sir  Hugh  thought  had  sprung  up  between  him 
and  Sir  George  Cartier,  and  a  third  time  when  Sir  Hugh 
informed  Mr.  McMullen  that  Sir  John  and  Sir  George  Cartier 
had  long  ago  made  up  their  minds  not  to  give  the  charter 
cither  to  his  company  or  to  Mr.  D.  L.  Macphcrson's,  but  to 
form  another  company  and  have  the  work  done  under  Govern- 
ment control. 

Sir  Hugh  Allan  lost  no  time  in  meeting  these  letters,  and 
in  the  Montreal  Gazette  of  the  following  morning  (May  5th) 
there  appeared  a  very  long  and  exhaustive  affidavit  made  by 
him.  In  this  he  gives  a  short  history  of  the  formation  and  pro- 
gress of  his  company,  the  negotiations  with  the  Inter-Oceanic 
and  his  connection  with  American  capitalists.  As  Mr.  Hunt- 
ingdon's charges  against  the  Government  were  in  connection 


SIR  HUGH  ALLAN'S  AFFIDAVIT. 


189 


with   the    latter,   we  will   give   such   extracts  as   will   explain 
Sir  Hugh's  position  and  views. 

"  That  notwithstanding  that  the  Hill,  which  was  so  intro- 
duced, contemplated  by  its  terms  the  exclusion  of  foreigners 
I  did  not  feel,  by  any  means,  convinced  that  the  Government 
would  insist  upon  any  such  condition,  believing  as  I  did, 
and  do,  that  such  a  proposition  was  impolitic  and  unnecessary. 
I  did  not,  therefore,  feel  justified  in  entirely  breaking  off 
my  connection  with  the  American  associates,  although  I 
acquainted  them  with  the  difficulty  which  might  arise  if  the 
Government  took  the  same  position  which  the  majority  of 
the  people,  with  whom  I  conversed  at  Ottawa,  appeared 
to  do. 

But,  in  point  of  fact,  when  the  discussions  as  to  the  mode 
in  which  the  company  should  be  formed,  were  entered  upon 
with  the  Government,  late  in  the  autumn,  I  came  to  under- 
stand decisively,  that  they  could  not  be  admitted,  and  I 
notified  them  of  the  fact,  and  that  the  negotiations  must 
cease  between  us,  by  a  letter  which  has  not  been  published 
in  the  Herald  to-day,  but  which  was  in  the  following  terms  : — 

MONTREAL,  October  24,  1872. 

MY  DEAR  MR.  McMuLLEN.  — No  action  has  yet  (as  far  as  I  know) 
been  taken  by  the  Government  in  the  matter  of  the  Pacific  Railroad. 
The  opposition  of  the  Ontario  party  will,  I  think,  have  the  effect  of 
shutting  out  our  American  friends  from  any  participation  in  the  road 
and  I  apprehend  that  all  negotiation  is  at  an  end.  It  is  still  uncertain 
how  it  (the  contract)  will  be  given,  but  in  any  case  the  Government 
seem  inclined  to  exact  a  declaration  that  no  foreigners  will  have, 
directly  or  indirectly,  any  interest  in  it.  But  everything  is  in  a  state 
of  uncertainty,  and  I  think  it  is  unnecessary  for  you  to  visit  New  York 
on  this  business  at  present,  or  at  all,  till  you  hear  what  the  result  is 
likely  to  be.  Public  sentiment  seerns  to  be  decided  that  the  road 
shall  be  built  by  Canadians  only.  Yours  truly, 

(Signed)  Hron    ALLAN. 

GEO  McMuLLEN,  Eso., 
PICTON,    ONI. 

"These  sworn  statements  of  Sir  Hugh  Allan  are  a  perfect 
answer  to  Mr.  Huntingdon's  first  two  resolutions.  Respecting 
the  third  and  fourth  which  charged  that  an  understanding 


TIIK  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONAI.D. 


was  come  to  between  the  Government  and  Sir  Hugh  Allan, 
that  the  latter  and  his  friends  '  should  advance  a  large  sum  of 
money  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  elections  of  Ministers 
and  their  supporters  at  the  ensuing  general  election,  and  that 
he  and  his  friends  should  receive  that  contract  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  railway.  That,  accordingly,  Sir  Hugh  Allan 
did  advance  a  large  sum  of  money  for  the  purpose  mentioned 
and  at  the  solicitation  and  under  the  pressing  instance  of 
Ministers.'  Sir  Hugh  Allan  swears  : — 

" '  From  that  time  also,  communication  between  myself 
and  my  former  associates  ceased,  having  finally  been  broken 
off  by  myself  as  soon  as  I  ascertained  the  desire  of  the 
Government.  And  I  state  further,  positively,  that  no  money 
derived  from  any  fund  or  from  any  of  my  former  American 
associates  was  expended  in  assisting  my  friends  or  the  friends 
of  the  Government  at  the  recent  general  elections. 

" '  That  with  regard  to  the  construction  which  appears 
to  be  intended  to  be  placed  upon  the  statements  in  the  letter 
referred  to,  as  t6  the  preliminary  expenses,  connected  with 
the  charter,  I  state  most  positively  and  explicitly  that  I  never 
made  any  arangement  or  came  to  any  understanding  of  any 
kind  or  description  with  the  Government  or  any  of  its  mem- 
bers, as  to  the  payment  of  any  sum  to  any  one,  or  in  any 
way  whatever,  in  consideration  of  receiving  the  contract  for 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway.'  " 

Sir  Hugh  Allan  then  states  that  he  had  expended  sums 
approaching  those  mentioned  in  his  letters,  as  he  conceived 
he  had  a  perfect  right  to  do,  and  repeats  his  denial  that  any 
portion  of  those  sums  of  money  were  paid  to  the  members 
of  the  Government,  or  were  received  by  them  or  on  their 
behalf,  directly  or  indirectly,  as  a  consideration  in  any  form 
for  any  advantage  to  him  in  connection  with  the  Pacific  Rail- 
way. 

The  statement  in  the  fifth  resolution  is  only  a  repetition 
of  that  made  in  the  second  and  is  positively  denied  by  the 
affidavit. 

;Sir  Hugh's  sworn  statement  was  considered  satisfactory, 
ind  public  interest  in  the  matter  became  much  abated.  It 


MKMORIAL  AGAINST 'PROROGATION.  191 


was  revived  and  increased,  however,  a  fortnight  later,  by  a 
letter  published  by  Mr.  McMullen,  which  contained  copies  of 
some  letters  and  telegrams  from  Sir  George  Carticr  and  Sir 
John  Macdonald  which  indicated  that  Sir  Hugh  Allan  had 
advanced  large  sums  of  money  for  election  purposes.  The 
conclusion  sought  to  be  drawn  from  these  documents  was  that 
they  covered  an  agreement  with  the  Government  to  grant  the 
charter  of  the  Pacific  Railway  to  Sir  Hugh  Allan  in  compen- 
sation for  the  assistance  thus  given.  This  conclusion  was 
denied  on  the  authority  of  the  Ministry,  in  an  editorial  of  the 
Montreal  Gazette,  published  July  2ist,  which  promised  also 
"  that  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  the  whole  of  the  facts 
and  circumstances  will  be  laid  before  a  tribunal  competent  to 
receive  evidence  respecting  them  under  oath." 

As  August  I  jth  approached,  it  became  evident  that  the 
Opposition  were  determined  to  prevent  the  meeting  of  Parlia- 
ment being  a  formal  one  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  the 
report  of  the  Special  Committee,  and  then  being  prorogued 
according  to  the  well-understood  arrangement  made  at  the 
time  of  adjournment  in  May.  They  were  anxious  to  proceed 
with  the  investigation  without  any  further  delay,  but  it  was 
urged  in  reply  that  in  a  matter  so  nearly  concerning  the 
honour  of  Ministers,  it  would  be  most  unjust  to  admit  testi- 
mony which  was  not  given  under  the  sanctity  of  an  oath,  and 
with  the  fear  of  punishment  for  perjury  before  the  eyes  of  the 
witnesses. 

On  the  appointed  day  His  Excellency  proceeded  to  the 
Senate  Chamber  for  the  purpose  of  proroguing  Parliament 
but  previously  received  a  deputation  of  members  who,  through 
their  chairman,  Mr.  R.  J.  Cartwright,  presented  the  following 
memorial  : 

"  The  undersigned  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  of 
Canada  desire  respectfully  to  approach  your  Excellency  and 
humbly  to  represent  that  more  than  four  months  have  elapsed 
since  the  Honourable  Mr.  Huntingdon  made,  from  his  place 
in  the  House,  grave  charges  of  corruption  against  your 
Excellency's  constitutional  advisers  in  reference  to  the  Pacific 
Railway  contract  ;  that  although  the  House  has  appointed  a 


192         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR 'JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Committee  to  inquire  into  the  said  charges,  the  proceedings  of 
this  Committee  have  on  various  grounds,  been  postponed,  and 
the  enquiry  has  not  yet  taken  place  ;  that  the  honour  of  the 
country  imperatively  requires  that  no  further  delay  should 
take  place  in  the  investigation  of  charges  of  so  grave  a  char- 
acter, and  which  it  is  the  duty  and  undoubted  right  and 
privilege  of  the  Commons  to  prosecute. 

"  The  undersigned  are  deeply  impressed  with  the  convic- 
tion that  any  attempt  to  postpone  this  enquiry,  or  to  remove 
it  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Commons,  would  create  the 
most  intense  dissatisfaction,  and  they,  therefore,  pray  your 
Excellency  not  to  prorogue  Parliament  until  the  House  of 
Commons  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  taking  such  steps  as  it 
may  deem  necessary  and  expedient  with  reference  to  this 
important  matter." 

His  Excellency  in  reply  stated  that  he  regretted  as  much 
as  any  one  the  delay  which  had  taken  place,  and  mentioned 
the  causes  which  had  contributed  to  this,  especially  the  Oath's 
Bill  which  had  been  disallowed  by  the  Imperial  Government, 
and  thereby  prevenced  the  evidence  being  taken  in  the  solemn 
manner  contemplated.  He  then  continued  :  "  You  then  pro- 
ceed to  urge  me,  on  grounds  which  are  very  fairly  and  forcibly 
stated,  to  decline  the  advice  which  has  been  unanimously 
tendered  me  by  my  responsible  Ministers,  and  to  refuse  to 
prorogue  Parliament,  in  other  words  you  require  me  to  dismiss 
them  from  my  Councils,  for,  gentlemen,  you  must  be  aware 
that  this  would  be  the  necessary  result  of  my  assenting  to 
your  recommendation.  Upon  what  grounds  would  I  be  justi- 
fied in  taking  so  grave  a  step  ?  What  guarantee  can  you 
afford  me  that  the  Parliament  of  the  Dominion  would  endorse 
such  an  act  of  personal  interference  on  my  part  ?  You,  your- 
selves, gentlemen,  do  not  form  an  actual  moiety  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  I  have  no  means  therefore,  of  ascertaining 
that  the  majority  of  that  body  subscribe  to  the  opinion  you 
have  enounced.  Again,  to  what  should  I  have  to  appeal  in 
justification  of  my  conduct  ?  It  is  true  grave  charges  have 
been  preferred  against  these  gentlemen,  charges  which  I 
admit  require  the  most  searching  investigation,  but,  as  you 


LORD  DUFFERIN'S  VIEW. 


yourselves  remark  in  your  memorandum,  the  truth  of  these 
accusations  still  remains  untested.  One  of  the  authors  of  this 
correspondence  which  has  made  so  painful  an  impression  on 
the  public,  has  admitted  that  many  of  his  statements  were 
hasty  and  inaccurate,  and  has  denied  on  oath  the  correctness 
of  the  deductions  drawn  from  them.  Various  assertions 
contained  in  the  narrative  of  the  other  have  been  positively 
contradicted.  Is  the  Governor-General,  upon  the  strength  of 
such  evidence  as  this,  to  drive  from  his  presence  gentlemen 
who  for  years  have  filled  the  highest  offices  of  state,  and  in 
whom,  during  the  recent  session,  Parliament  has  repeatedly 
declared  its  continued  confidence  ?  It  is  true  certain  docu- 
ments of  grave  significance  have  lately  been  published  in  the 
newspapers  in  connection  with  these  matters,  in  regard  to 
which  the  fullest  explanation  must  be  given,  but  no  proof  has 
yet  been  adduced  which  necessarily  connects  them  with  the 
culpable  transactions  of  which  it  is  asserted  they  formed  a 
part,  however  questionable  they  may  appear,  as  placed  in 
juxtaposition  with  the  correspondence  to  which  they  have 
been  appended  by  the  person  who  has  possessed  himself  of 
them.  Under  these  circumstances  what  right  has  the  Gover- 
nor-General, on  his  personal  responsibility,  to  proclaim  to 
Canada — nay,  not  only  to  Canada,  but  to  America  and 
Europe,  as  such  a  proceeding  on  his  part  must  necessarily  do, 
that  he  believes  his  Ministers  guilty  of  the  crimes  alleged 
against  them  ?"  He  then  referred  to  the  understanding  under 
which  Parliament  had  adjourned,  and  announced  his  intention 
of  issuing  a  Royal  Commission,  and  that  Parliament  would  be 
summoned  in  about  ten  weeks  to  receive  the  report. 

When  the  Commons  met,  Mr.  Mackenzie  read  a  motion 
declaring  that  it  was  the  imperative  duty  of  the  House  to  have 
a  full  investigation  into  the  charges;  that  the  assumption  of  the 
duty  by  any  tribunal  appointed  by  the  Ministry  would  be  a 
gross  breach  of  the  privileges  of  the  House,  and  that  it  was 
highly  reprehensible  for  any  person  to  presume  to  advise  His 
Excellency  to  prorogue  Parliament  until  it  had  taken  action 
in  the  matter  of  enquiry.  Before  he  had  proceeded  far,  Black 
Rod  appeared  and  was  greeted  by  strong  marks  of  clisappro- 


194         Tin-:  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

bation  from  the  Opposition.  The  Speaker  at  once  arose  and 
was  followed  to  the  Senate  Chamber  by  the  Conservative 
members,  the  Liberals  retaining  their  seats.  Subsequently 
they  organized  a  meeting  in  the  Railway  Committee  room, 
and  passed  resolutions  similar  in  effect  to  the  memorial  pre- 
sented to  His  Excellency. 

The  position  in  which  Sir  John    Macdonald  and  his  Gov- 
ernment were    placed    was    most    embarrassing.     Upon   the 
charges  being  made  he  had  at  once  moved  for  a  Committee  of 
Enquiry,  which  Committee  was  appointed  by  the  House  and 
not  by  the  Ministry.     It  had  met  and  asked  for  power  to  take 
evidence  under  oath  which  was  at  once  granted.    Then  finding 
that  the  two  principal  witnesses  were  in  England,  it  had  with 
the  consent  of  the  House,  adjourned  to  a  time  at  which  they 
might  be  expected  to  return.     On   re-assembling  they  found 
that  the   "  Oath's   Bill  "  had  been   disallowed   and   again  ad- 
journed for  new  instructions  from  the  House.     When  Parlia- 
ment re-assembled  it  was  in  accordance  with  an  understanding 
that  it  should  be  pro  forma,  and   but  few  of  the  Government 
supporters  were  present.     The  Opposition  on  the  other  hand 
had  assembled  in  full  strength,  and  if  the  Ministry  had  advised 
His  Excellency  to  depart  from  the  understanding  as  to  proro- 
gation and  meet  for  business,  they  would  have  been  met  by 
an  adverse  majority  and  any  motion  of  condemnation  or  want 
of  confidence  could  have  been  carried.     If,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  had  summoned  the  full  strength   of  their  supporters,  and 
the  House  had  proceeded  to  business,  power  to  take  evidence 
on  oath  could  not  have  been   granted   to  the  Committee,  for 
that  had  already  been  declared   ultra  vires,  and  if  the  enquiry 
had   gone  on   it   must  have  been   without  the  protection   of 
solemnly  sworn  testimony,  and  the  act  of  the  House  in  passing 
the  Oath's  Bill,  and  the  utterances  of  His   Excellency  show, 
beyond  dispute,  that  on  all  sides  it  was  considered  that  in 
so  grave  a  matter  the   Ministry  were  entitled   to  this.     The 
^course  adopted  in  advising  the  issue  of  a  Royal  Commission 
iwould  therefore  seem   a   very    proper  one,  and   had  it  been 
-accepted  by  the   Opposition  a  thorough   investigation   could 
have  been   made,   and  a  judgment  given   which  would  have 


A  ROYAL  COMMISSION  ISSUKD. 


either  cleared  the  Ministry  or  for  ever  driven  out  of  public  life 
those  who  were  found  guilt}-.  The  report  WHS  directed  to  be 
made  to  the  House,  and  if  there  had  been  any  suspicion  of 
an  undue  leaning  towards  the  accused  Ministers,  it  was  in  the 
power  of  Parliament  to  have  refused  to  accept  it,  and  to  have 
taken  such  other  steps  as  the  maintenance  of  its  dignity  might 
seem  to  require. 

On  the  day  following  prorogation  (August  14th),  Mis 
Excellency  the  Governor-General  issued  a  Royal  Commission 
to  Judges  Polettc  and  Gowan  and  ex-Judge  Day,  three  gen- 
tlemen of  unblemished  reputation  and  high  legal  knowledge. 
Lord  Dufferin  thus  speaks  of  them  in  his  despatch  to  the 
Colonial  Secretary  :  Only  one  of  them  is  personally  kno\vn  to 
me,  viz  :  Judge  Day,  who,  as  Chancellor  of  McGill  University, 
received  me  on  my  visit  to  that  institution.  Since  that  we 
have  improved  our  acquaintance,  and  I  have  no  hesitation 
in  stating,  both  from  what  I  know  and  have  learned,  that  I 
have  every  confidence  in  Judge  Day's  high  sense  of  honour, 
capacity  and  firmness.  I  have  also  considered  it  my  duty  to 
satisfy  myself  as  to  the  qualifications  of  the  other  two  gentle- 
men with  \vhom  he  is  associated,  and  I  am  in  a  position 
to  inform  your  lordship  that  they  are  generally  regarded  as 
persons  of  unblemished  integrity,  sound  judgment,  and  profes- 
sional ability,  while  the  length  of  time  all  three  have  been 
removed  from  politics  frees  them  from  the  suspicion  of 
political  partizanship." 

The  Commission  assembled  at  Ottawa  on  August  i8th, 
and  commenced  the  examination  of  witnesses  on  September 
4th.  Mr.  Huntingdon  refused  to  recognise,  or  to  appear 
before  them,  and  would  not  furnish  the  names  of  witnesses. 
Following  his  example  the  following  also  failed  to  obey  the 
summons  to  attend  :  G.  W.  McMullcn,  C.  M.  Smith,  Honour- 
able A.  B.  Foster,  Honourable  Thomas  McGreevy,  John  A. 
Perkins  and  George  Norris,  jr.  Thirty-six  witnesses  appeared 
and  gave  testimony.  Sir  John  Macdonald,  Sir  Francis 
Hincks,  Mr.  Langevin,  and  other  members  of  the  Government 
were  examined  at  length,  and  declared  in  the  most  positive 
terms  that  the  charge,  that  the  Government,  or  any  members 


196         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


of  it,  had  made  a  contract  with  Sir  Hugh  Allan,  or  any  one 
else,  with  regard  to  the  Pacific  Railway,  in  consideration  of 
furnishing  funds  for  election  purposes,  was  absolutely  false. 
That  Sir  Hugh  Allan  had  contributed  to  the  funds  for  election 
expenses  was  not  denied,  but  he  explained  his  reasons  for 
doing  so  to  be  that  he  approved  of  the  railway  and  canal 
policy  of  the  Government,  which  was  advantageous  to  his 
business,  and  desired  to  see  them  returned  to  power,  in  prefer- 
ence to  the  Liberals,  whose  policy,  as  indicated  by  their  speeches 
he  found  would  be  injurious  to  the  country,  and  especially 
detrimental  to  his  business.  So  far  from  the  Government 
having  sold  him  the  contract,  Sir  John  Macdonald  had 
positively  refused  to  sanction  the  terms  of  a  letter  written 
to  him  by  Sir  George  Cartier,  and  which  contained  only 
an  expression  of  opinion  as  to  the  probable  course  the  Govern- 
ment would  take  with  regard  to  the  amalgamation  ot  the 
two  companies  and  the  contract  to  be  granted.  This  letter 

was  as  follows  : 

MONTREAL,  July  30,  1872. 
DEAR  SIR  HUGH  : 

I  enclose  you  copies  of  telegrams  received  from  Sir  John  A.  Mac- 
donald, and  with  reference  to  their  contents  I  would  say  that,  in  my 
opinion,  the  Governor-in-Council  will  approve  of  the  amalgamation  of 
your  company  with  the  Inter-Oceanic  Company,  under  the  name  of 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Company,  the  Provisional  Board  of  the 
amalgamated  company  to  be  composed  of  seventeen  members,  of 
which  four  shall  be  named  from  the  Province  of  Quebec  by  the 
Canada  Pacific  Railway  Company  ;  four  from  the  Province  of  Ontario 
by  the  Inter-Oceanic  Railway  Company ;  and  the  remainder  by  the 
Government ;  the  amalgamated  company  to  have  the  power  specified 
in  the  tenth  section  of  the  Act  incorporating  the  Canada  Pacific  Rail- 
way Company,  etc.,  the  agreement  of  amalgamation  to  be  executed 
between  the  companies,  within  two  months  from  this  date. 

The  Canada  Pacific  Company  might  take  the  initiative  in  procur- 
ing the  amalgamation  ;  and  if  the  Inter-Oceanic  Company  should  not 
execute  an  agreement  of  amalgamation  upon  such  terms,  and  within 
such  limited  time,  I  think  the  contemplated  arrangements  should  be 
made  with  the  Canada  Pacific  Railway  under  its  charter. 

Upon  the  subscription  and  payment  on  account  of  stock  being 
made  as  required  by  the  Act  of  last  session  respecting  the  Canada 
Pacific  Railway  Company,  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  Governor-in- 
Council  will  agree  with  the  company  for  the  construction  and  working 


WANT  OF  CONFIDENCE  MOTION.  197 


of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  with  such  branches  as  shall  he  agreed 
upon,  and  will  grant  to  the  company  all  such  subsidies  and  assistance 
as  they  are  empowered  to  do  by  the  Government  Act.  I  believe  all 
the  advantages  which  the  Government  Act  empowers  the  Government 
to  confer  upon  any  company,  will  be  required  to  enable  the  works  con- 
templated to  be  successfully  carried  through,  and  I  am  convinced  that 
they  will  be  accorded  to  the  company  to  be  formed  by  amalgamation, 
or  to  the  Canada  Pacific  Company,  as  the  case  may  be.  I  would  add 
that,  as  I  approve  of  the  measures  to  which  I  have  referred  in  this 
letter,  I  shall  use  my  best  endeavours  to  have  them  carried  into 
effect. 

Very  truly  yours, 

(Sgd.)  GEO.  E.  CAKTIER. 

Sir  John's  views  as  to  this  letter  having  been  communicated 
to  Sir  Hugh  Allan,  it  was  immediately  returned  by  that 
gentleman  to  Sir  George  Cartier. 

Parliament  re-assembled  on  October  23rd,  when  Sir  John 
Macdonald  at  once  laid  upon  the  table  messages  from 
His  Excellency  the  Governor-General,  transmitting  all  the 
papers  connected  with  the  case,  and  also  the  report  of 
the  Royal  Commission.  The  great  debate  took  place  upon 
the  second  paragraph  of  the  Address,  which  was  as  follows  : 

"  That  we  thank  His  Excellency  for  his  statement  that, 
in  accordance  with  the  intimation  given  by  him  at  the  close  of 
last  session,  he  has  caused  Parliament  to  be  summoned  at  the 
earliest  moment  after  the  receipt  of  the  report  of  the  Commis- 
sioners, appointed  by  His  Excellency,  to  enquire  into  certain 
matters  connected  with  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway." 

As  soon  as  it  was  read,  Mr.  Mackenzie  rose,  and  in  a 
lengthy  and  bitter  speech  reviewed  the  history  of  the  railway 
and  the  policy  of  the  Government  in  connection  with  it,  and 
argued  that  the  recent  developments  had  clearly  shewn  that 
the  Government  were  determined  to  carry  the  elections  at  all 
hazards,  and  had  used  the  Pacific  Railway  contract  as  the 
means  to  obtain  the  money  to  gain  their  ends.  He  concluded 
by  moving,  seconded  by  Mr.  Coffin  : 

"  That  the  following  words  be  added  to  the  paragraph, 
« And  we  have  to  acquaint  His  Excellency  that  by  their  course 
in  reference  to  the  investigation  of  the  charges  preferred  by 


i9<S         THE  LIFE  OK  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Mr.  Huntingdon,  in  his  place  in  this  House,  and  under 
the  facts  disclosed  in  the  evidence  laid  before  us,  His  Excel- 
lency's advisers  have  merited  the  censure  of  this  House/  " 

Mr.  Mackenzie  was  followed  by  Dr.  Tupper,  Mr.  Hunting- 
don, Sir  Francis  Hincks,  Mr.  James  Macdonald  and  many 
others,  until  November  3rd,  when  Sir  John  Macdonald  rose  tc 
speak.  His  speech  lasted  for  five  and  a  half  hours,  and 
covered  every  point  that  had  been  raised.  It  is  too  long  tc 
be  given  here  in  full,  and  much  of  its  force  would  be  lost  by 
cutting  it  down,  we  will,  therefore,  only  give  the  concluding 
portion. 

"  The  Government  never  gave  Sir  Hugh  Allan  any 
contract  that  I  am  aware  of.  We  never  gave  him  any 
contract  in  which  he  had  a  controlling  influence.  We  had 
formed  a  committee  of  thirteen  men,  chosen  carefully  and 
painfully,  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  Sir  Hugh  Allan,  and 
preventing  him  from  having  any  undue  influence.  We 
promised,  we  provided  that  not  one  of  the  Board  should  hold 
more  than  $100,000  of  the  stock  ;  that  not  one  single  man 
should  have  any  interest  in  the  contract  whatever.  I  put  it  to 
your  own  minds.  There  were  thirteen  gentlemen — Sir  Hugh 
Allan  and  others — incorporated  by  that  charter.  That  charter 
—  study  it,  take  it  home  with  you.  Is  there  any  single  power, 
privilege  or  advantage  given  to  Sir  Hugh  Allan  with  that 
contract  that  has  not  been  given  equally  to  the  other  twelve  ? 
(Cheers).  It  is  not  pretended  that  any  of  the  other  twelve 
paid  money  for  their  positions.  It  is  not  contended  that  the 
gentlemen  gave  anything  further  than  their  own  personal 
feelings,  might  dictate.  (Cheers).  You  cannot  name  a  man 
of  these  thirteen  that  has  got  any  advantage  over  the  other, 
except  that  Sir  Hugh  Allan  has  his  name  down  first  on  the 
paper.  (Cheers).  Can  anyone  believe  that  the  Government 
is  guilty  of  the  charges  made  against  them  ?  I  call  upon 
anyone  who  does  to  read  that  charter.  Is  there  anything  in 
that  contract?  If  there  is  a  word  in  that  charter  which 
derogates  from  the  rights  of  Canada  ;  if  there  is  any  undue 
privilege,  or  right,  or  preponderance,  given  to  anyone  of  these 
thirteen  directors,  I  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  condemned.  But, 


RESIGNATION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


sir,  I  commit  myself,  the  Government  commits  itself  to  the 
hands  of  this  House  ;  and  far  beyond  this  House,  it  commits 
itself  to  the  country  at  large.  (Loud  cheers).  We  have  faith- 
fully done  our  duty.  We  have  fought  the  battle  of  Confeder- 
ation. We  have  fought  the  battle  of  Union.  We  have  had 
party  strife  setting  province  against  province  ;  and  more  than 
all,  we  have  had,  in  the  greatest  province,  the  preponderating 
province  of  the  Dominion,  every  prejudice  and  sectional  feel- 
ing that  could  be  arrayed  against  us.  I  have  been  the  victim 
of  that  conduct  to  a  great  extent  ;  but  I  have  fought  the 
battle  of  Confederation,  the  battle  of  Union,  the  battle  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada.  I  throw  myself  upon  this  House  ;  I 
throw  myself  upon  this  country  ;  I  throw  myself  upon 
posterity  ;  and  I  know,  that  notwithstanding  the  many  failings 
of  my  life,  I  shall  have  the  voice  of  this  country  and  this 
House  rallying  around  inc.  (Cheers).  And,  sir,  if  I  am 
mistaken  in  that,  I  can  confidently  appeal  to  a  higher  court- 
to  the  court  of  my  own  conscience,  and  to  the  court  of 
posterity.  (Cheers).  I  leave  it  with  this  House  with  every 
confidence.  I  am  equal  to  cither  fortune.  I  can  see  past  the 
decision  of  this  House,  either  for  or  against  me  ;  but  whether 
if  be  for  or  against  me,  I  know— and  it  is  no  vain  boast  for  me 
to  say  so,  for  even  my  enemies  will  admit  that  I  am  no  boaster 

that  there  does  not  exist  in  Canada  a  man  who  has  given 

more  of  his  time,  more  of  his  heart,  more  of  his  wealth,  or 
more  of  his  intellect  and  power,  such  as  they  may  be,  for  the 
•rood  of  this  Dominion  of  Canada."  (Loud  and  prolonged 

O 

cheers). 

Other  speeches  were   made,  but  it  soon  became  evident 
that    the    strength   of  the    Government   was    being    sapped. 
Whether  or  not  there  was  any  truth  in  the  rumours  with  which 
the  air  was  filled,  of  promises  to  prominent  men,  or  of  other 
human  devices  brought  to  bear  on  the  weak-hearted  and  we; 
kneed  •  or  that  there  had  set  in  one  of  those  irresistible  tenden- 
cies on  the  part  of  popular  feeling  to  rush,  unthinkingly  and 
unreasonably,  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  to  hasty  and  unjust 
conclusions  without  properly  weighing  the  evidence,  it  is  nee 
less   to   enquire.      The   majority  of  Sir  John's  friends 


200         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


nobly  by  him,  but  not  all,  and,  when  the  party  whips  whispered 
that,  if  a  vote  were  taken,  the  amendment  would  probably  be 
carried  by  a  majority  of  two,  on  November  5th,  he  placed 
his  resignation  and  that  of  his  Ministry  in  the  hands  of  the 
Governor-General.  The  unfairness  and  falsity  of  the  charges 
against  him  have  long  since  been  recognized.  Public  opinion, 
after  mature  deliberation,  and  on  sober  second  thought, 
pronounced  him  "  not  guilty,"  and  not  only  restored  him  to 
place  and  power,  but  established  him  so  firmly  that  never 
again  during  his  lifetime  was  he  disturbed. 

In  the  above  narrative  of  this  very  eventful  period  in  Sir 
John  Macdonald's  life  we  have  confined  ourselves  to  a  mere 
statement  of  facts,  but,  before  leaving  the  subject,  it  is  proper 
that  we  should  refer  to  the  means  by  which  it  was  sought  to 
obtain  incriminating  evidence  against  him  and  his  Ministry. 
Mr.  Huntingdon  was  the  accuser,  and  his  right-hand  man  was 
George  W.  McMullen,  a  person  to  whom  the  papers  did  not 
hesitate  to  apply  every  epithet  which  could  convey  contempt, 
as  a  man  void  of  principle,  and  an  unscrupulous  adventurer. 
It  was  with  him  that  Sir  Hugh  Allan  conducted  the  corres- 
pondence respecting  the  interests  of  the  American  capitalists 
in  his  proposed  company,  and,  when  he  thought  that  Sir 
Hugh  had  committed  himself  in  such  a  way  that  the 
publication  of  his  letters  would  damage  him  before  the  Cana- 
dian public,  he  went  to  him  and  demanded  blackmail  for  their 
return.  Sir  Hugh,  believing  that  his  interests  required  Mr. 
McMullen's  silence,  paid  him  a  sum  of  money,  and  agreed  to 
pay  him  the.  further  sum  of  $17,000  for  the  letters,  after  the 
session  was  over.  But  Mr.  McMullen  never  got  this  $17,000, 
and  why  ?  Can  there  be  any  doubt  of  the  story  which  was 
accepted  at  the  time,  that  he  got  a  higher  bid  and,  for 
increased  gold,  betrayed  Sir  Hugh,  and  sold  his  letters  to  be 
used  against  him  ?  In  addition  to  the  letters  and  telegrams 
which  appeared  on  July  4th,  other  documents  were  afterwards 
published,  and  how  were  these  obtained  ?  By  paying  $1,500 
to  Mr.  Abbott's  confidential  clerk  to  steal  them  from  his 
desk.  Sir  Hugh  Allan's  office  was  also  entered  at  night  time 
and  copies  made  of  telegrams  he  had  received,  and  even  the 


THE  ACCUSERS  OK  THE  GOVERNMENT.  201 


Post  Office  was  not  safe,  for  a  letter  from  Sir  John  Macdonakl 
to  Mr.  J.  H.  Pope  was  opened  and  published.  No  reference 
to  these  discreditable  occurrences  has  been  made  in  the  state- 
ment given  above  of  the  Pacific  Railway  Slander,  because  it 
was  desired  to  make  the  narrative  as  little  heated  as  possible, 
but  now  they  can  be  rightly  brought  in  to  emphasize  the 
unfair  treatment  accorded  to  Sir  John  Macdonald  on  the 
strength  of  documents  obtained  in  this  dishonourable  way,  and 
in  accepting  the  unsworn  statement  of  one  man  of  more  than 
•doubtful  character,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  sworn  testimony  of 
thirty-six  men  of  recognized  high  character  and  unquestioned 
honour, 

The  character  of  the  men  who  were  represented  as  Ameri- 
can capitalists,  and  upon  whose  testimony  Mr.  Huntingdon 
and  his  friends  relied  to  fix  upon  Sir  John  Macdonald  and 
his  Ministers  a  charge  of  selling  a  contract  and  dragging 
the  honour  of  Canada  in  the  dust,  can  best  be  gathered  from 
an  editorial  article  from  the  Chicago  Times  reproduced  in  the 
Toronto  Mail  of  March  5,  1877. 

"  There  is  a  notorious  family  in  Chicago — the  McMullens. 
They  came  here  from  Canada.  They  now  teach  the  public 
morality,  honesty,  and  piety  in  an  unfortunate  attempt  at  a 
newspaper  called  The  Post.  The  public  has  some  interest 
in  these  notorious  persons  at  the  present  time  because  they 
are  endeavouring  to  fasten  themselves  upon  the  city  treasury. 

"  These  men  have  a  history  which  is  interesting,  even  to 
persons  not  much  concerned  as  to  who  gets  the  city  printing. 

"George  W.  McMullen,  the  brass  and  brains  of  the  family 
is  the  man  who  achieved  distinction  in  connection  with  the 
Canadian  Pacific  Credit  Mobilier.  This  was  a  gigantic 
swindle.  Its  purpose  was  identical  with  that  of  Oakes  Ames 
in  the  swindle  of  the  same  name  in  the  United  States. 
McMullen  did  considerable  work  in  the  Canadian  Credit 
Mobilier  and  was  caught  and  exposed.  He  threatened  libel 
suits  upon  several  newspapers  in  Canada  which  characterized 
him  in  terms  equivalent  to  perjurer  and  blackmailer,  and 
when  the  newspapers  challenged  him  to  bring  his  case 
action,  he  failed  to  appear.  The  charges  remain  on  record. 


202         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

They  will  never  be  brought  to  trial  by  McMullen.  Sir  Hugh 
Allen  was  also  involved  in  this  swindle.  A  number  of  letters 
passed  between  him  and  G.  W.  McMullen  mutually  com- 
promising. Allan  had  a  character  to  lose,  but  McMullen 
had  the  letters.  The  Toronto  Mail  asserted  that  McMullen 
blackmailed  Sir  Hufh  as  the  condition  of  not  making  the 

*^>  o 

damaging  disclosures  public.  The  anti-Allan  faction  knew 
that  the  letters  existed,  and  they  thought  they  knew  the 
material  McMullcn  was  made  of.  Overtures  for  the  purchase 
of  the  letters  were  quietly  begun,  and,  after  dallying  between 
the  crazed  Sir  Hugh,  who  is  said  to  have  offered  all  he  was 
worth  to  get  the  letters,  and  the  other  faction  who  put  the 
price  up  higher  McMullen  took  the  better  bargain. 

"  The  Mail  characterized  McMullen  as  an  eavesdropper, 
a  listener  at  key-holes,  a  loathsome  spy  who  sat  at  men's 
tables,  broke  their  bread  and  ate  their  meat,  and  then  slunk 
away  to  sell  the  secrets  obtained  under  cover  of  hospitality 
and  pledge  of  confidential  intercourse.  That  journal  publicly 
brdndcd  him  as  a  blackmailer  and  a  perjurer,  and  McMullen, 
after  a  pretence  of  bringing  a  suit  against  the  Mail,  never 
faced  it  in  court.  In  the  investigation  instituted  by  the 
Dominion  Parliament  into  the  Credit  Mobilier  swindle, 
McMullen  was  awarded  immunity  against  conviction  for 
alleged  perjury  on  condition  that  he  betrayed  his  associates 
in  the  conspiracy. 

"  Meanwhile  this  honest  and  industrious  family  were 
engaged  in  a  dubious  enterprise  in  Chicago.  They  ran  a 
bank  and  the  famous  State  Insurance  Company.  George 
C.  Smith  and  the  McMullcns  ran  the  bank.  The  McMullens 
and  George  C.  Smith  ran  the  State  Insurance  Company. 
After  the  fire,  George  W.  McMullen,  on  behalf  of  the  bank, 
hurried  around  to  the  policy-holders,  told  them  the  insurance 
company  was  '  bust/  and  that  they  would  be  extremely  lucky 
if  they  got  ten  cents  on  the  dollar,  and,  being  a  generous  man, 
he  offered  them  ten  cents  on  the  dollar.  Many  of  them 
accepted — poor  workingmen,  widows,  washerwomen,  and  such 
other  victims  as  had  been  entrapped  into  giving  their  money 
into  the  swindle  in  the  first  place.  Then  the  managers  of 


THK  ACCUSERS  OK  TIIK  GOYKKXMKNT.  203 


the  insurance  company — the  Me  Mullens  and  Smith — had  a 
meeting,  and  ordered  themselves  to  pay  to  the  bank  in  full 
the  10  per  cent,  policies  ;  and  then  the  bank  managers- 
Smith  and  the  McMullens — put  the  90  per  cent,  in  their 
pockets.  It  was  only  a  few  days  ago  that  the  robbed  and 
swindled  policy-holders  had  their  latest  meeting,  to  hear 
their  attorney's  report  as  to  the  progress  made  in  getting 
the  money  back. 

"  When  the  State  Insurance  swindle  was  brought  into 
court,  there  was  some  extraordinary  developments.  The 
policy-holders  insisted  that  the  bank  ledger  should  be  pro- 
duced, in  order  that  the  money  stolen  from  them,  while  they 
\vere  houseless  and  homeless,  might  be  traced  and  recovered. 
The  court  gave  the  order.  It  was  then  alleged  that  the  bank 
ledger  was  lost.  The  information  was  conveyed  to  the  policy- 
holders  that  it  was  not  lost,  that  it  was  in  the  bank  the  day 
the  court  sent  for  it,  and  that  1).  S.  McMullcn  had  the  book. 
U.  S.  McMullen  was  examined.  His  story  surpassed  any  of 
Munchausen's.  He  swore  that  one  day,  while  riding  alone, 
he  left  his  buggy  and  went  into  a  house.  When  he  returned 
to  his  vehicle  he  found  therein  a  package  wrapped  in  paper 
and  sealed.  He  admitted  that  it  was  of  the  form,  and  size, 
and  style  of  the  bank-ledger,  and  that  it  was  sealed  with 
the  seal  of  the  bank.  An  anonymous  note  laid  upon  it 
requested  him  to  take  charge  of  the  package  for  a  friend  who 
would  some  time  call  for  it.  He  did  not  know  the  writing, 
did  not  save  the  note,  even  to  identify  the  friend  when  lie 
should  call  again.  Some  time  subsequently  he  received 
another  anonymous  note  requesting  him  to  bring  the  package 
in  his  bu^gy  to  a  certain  corner  of  the  Court  House  square; 
to  leave  it  in  his  buggy,  go  away  from  the  vehicle,  and 
owner  of  the  package  would  get  it  during  his  absence.  He 
complied  with  the  request.  Didn't  Ipok  to  see  who  took  it 
away.  Didn't  know  what  became  of  it.  Had  no  idea  who 
the  friend  was,  or  whether  it  was  the  same  person  who  had 
so  impetuously  deposited  in  his  buggy  the  mysterious  pack 
age,  in  the  first  place.  The  ledger  was  not  found,  and  the 
victims  of  the  State  Insurance  swindle  know  no  more  to-day 


204         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALIX 


than  they  did  then,  what  became  of  their  money,  except  that 
it  passed  into  the  pockets  of  thieves.  Judge  Drummond 
delivered  some  remarks  concerning  D.  S.  McMullen's  truth- 
fulness, which  justify  the  suspicion  that  he  is  a  worthy  brother 
of  George  W.  McMullen.  In  fact,  Judge  Drummond  deliv- 
ered a  eulogy  upon  the  McMullen  family,  which  rarely  falls 
to  the  lot  of  members  of  the  human  race.  The  unfortunate 
policy-holders  who  sold  out  to  George  W.  McMullen  and  his 
agents  for  ten  cents  on  the  dollar  thought  they  had  fared 
badly ;  but  the  still  more  unfortunate  policy-holders  who 
refused  to  sell,  got  less,  and  none  of  them  are  likely  to  recover 
a  cent,  even  with  the  aid  of  the  court." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  give  the  balance  of  the  article,  which 
deals  with  other  members  of  the  family,  showing  that  another 
brother  had  been  indicted  for  perjury  and  fraud  against  the 
United  States,  while  occupying  the  position  of  gauger,  and  that 
still  another  one  had  been  before  the  grand  jury  in  connec- 
tion with  an  attempt  to  obtain  the  city  printing  by  bribery. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  when  the  big-hearted 
Canadian  public  learned  all  these  facts  and  came  to  know 
the  true  inwardness  of  the  plot  against  Sir  John  Macdonald, 
that  they  should  hasten  to  restore  him  to  that  place  in  their 
hearts,  which  he  had  previously  enjoyed,  and  by  their  votes 
at  the  polls,  testify  to  the  renewal  of  their  confidence. 

On  November  7th,  the  new  Ministry  was  sworn  in  as 
follows  : 

HON.  ALEX.  MACKENZIE,  Premier  and  Minister  of  Public  Works. 
.HoN.  ANTOINE  A.  DORION,  Minister  of  Justice. 
HON.  ALBERT  J.  SMITH,  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries. 
HON.  Luc  LETELLIER  DE  ST.  JUST,  Minister  of  Agriculture. 
HON.  RICHARD  JOHN  CARTWRIGHT,  Minister  of  Finance. 
HON.  DAVID  LAIRD,  Minister  of  the  Interior. 
HON.  DAVID  CHRISTIE,  Secretary  of  State. 
HON.  ISAAC  BURPEE,  Minister  of  Customs. 
HON.  DONALD  A.  MACDONALD,  Postmaster-General. 
HON.  THOMAS  COFFIN,  Receiver-General. 
HON.  TELESPHORE  FOURNIER,  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue. 
HON.  WILLIAM  Ross,  Minister  of  Militia. 
HON.  EDWARD  BLAKE,  without  portfolio. 
HON.  RICHARD  W.  SCOTT,  without  portfolio. 


PACIFIC  RAILWAY  RESOLUTIONS.  205 


an- 


On    January    9,    1874,    Honourable    David    Christie 
appointed    Speaker   of  the    Senate,    and    was    succeeded 
Secretary  of  State  by  the  Honourable  R.  W.  Scott.     On  J 
uary  2oth,  Honourable  L.  S.  Huntingdon  was  appointed  Presi- 
dent of  the  Council. 

Mr.  Mackenzie,  probably  feeling  that  he  could  not  rely 
with  certainty  upon  a  Parliament  elected  under  a  Conserva- 
tive Government,  and  which  had  given  that  Government  a 
large  majority  up  to  the  time  of  their  resignation,  resolved 
upon  advising  a  dissolution,  which  the  Governor-General  con- 
ceded, and  on  January  2nd  writs  for  a  new  election  were 
issued.  The  result  was  that  he  completely  swept  the  country, 
and  came  back  with  a  majority  of  about  eighty. 

The  new  Parliament  met  on  March  26th,  when  Honourable 
T.  W.  Anglin  was  unanimously  elected  Speaker  of  the 
Commons. 

On  May  I2th  Mr.  Mackenzie  moved  the  House  into  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  on  his  Pacific  Railway  Resolutions,  the 
main  points  about  which  were,  that  the  road  was  to  be 
divided  into  four  sections,  viz  :  First,  from  Lake  Nipissing  to 
the  west  end  of  Lake  Superior  ;  Second,  from  No.  I  to  Red 
River  ;  Third,  from  Red  River  to  a  point  between  Fort 
Edmonton  and  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ;  Fourth, 
thence  to  the  Pacific.  A  line  of  telegraph  to  be  constructed 
in  advance  of  the  railway.  The  road  to  be  constructed  under 
the  Department  of  Public  Works.  The  land  grant  to  consist 
of  20,000  acres  per  mile  in  alternate  sections,  two-thirds  to  be 
sold  by  the  Government  at  prices  agreed  upon,  and  the 
proceeds  paid  to  the  contractors  as  the  work  went  on.  The 
Government  to  have  power,  if  found  more  advantageous,  to 
contract  and  work  the  railway  as  a  public  work.  The  nv  ney 
grant  to  be  $10,000  per  mile  for  construction  and  rolling  stock, 
and  4  per  cent,  on  a  sum  per  mile  to  be  fixed  by  contract,  for 
running  the  road. 

In  introducing  the  Bill,  Mr.  Mackenzie  reviewed  the  past 
history  of  the  road,  and  said  that  he  had  not  at  all  changed 
his  mind  as  to  the  impossibility  of  completing  the  road  within 
the  period  mentioned  in  the  agreement  with  British  Columbia. 


206          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


He  considered  that  the  road  would  have  to  be  built  by 
the  country,  but  it  need  not  all  be  built  at  once.  He  favoured 
the  construction  of  short  lines  of  railway  to  connect  the 
magnificent  water  stretches  of  the  continent,  which  would 
afford  a  summer  route  to  the  foot  of  the  Rockies,  and  be  quite 
sufficient  for  many  years  to  come.  He  did  not  consider  it  at 
all  necessary  to  build  at  present  the  557  miles  from  Nipissing 
to  Nipigon.  With  regard  to  the  section  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  he  said  :  "  The  British  Columbia  section  will,  of 
course,  have  to  be  proceeded  with  as  fast  as  we  can  do  it,  as  it 
is  essential  to  keep  faith  with  the  spirit  and,  as  far  as  possible, 
with  the  letter  of  the  agreement." 

Honourable  Dr.  Tupper  took  exception  to  the  Government 
scheme,  claiming  that,  if  carried  out,  it  would  impose  an 
unbearable  amount  of  taxation  upon  the  country.  The  Bill, 
however,  passed  its  third  reading  without  amendment. 

Parliament  was  prorogued  on  May  26th,  after  passing  one 
hundred  and  seventeen  Bills,  amongst  the  most  important  of 
which  were  an  Act  authorizing  a  loan  of  ^8,000,000  sterling, 
and  an  Act  to  take  the  construction  of  the  Intercolonial 
Railway  out  of  the  hands  of  Commissioners,  and  place  it 
under  the  control  of  the  Public  Works  Department. 


C  H  A  P  T  K  R    XXXI. 

Sir  John  Macdonald  elected  Leader  of  the  Opposition— His  attitude  towards  the 
Government— His  National  Policy  resolution,  March  10,  1876— The  Nor 
folk  Demonstration— Address  from  the  Liberal-Conservative  Association  — 
Sir  John's  speech — He  advocates  a  Policy  of  Protection  to  all  classes  of 
Industry — Address  of  Mr.  Thomas  White,  j  r. ,  at  London—  Retrospect  of  Can- 
adian Tariff  Legislation — Mr.  Granger's  opinion  of  the  effect  of  Protection 
— The  views  of  Horace  Greeley — And  of  Henry  Clay — The  destruction  of 
the  direct  tea  trade — The  effect  of  Protection  on  the  Masses— Does  it  build 
up  colossal  fortunes? — England  and  the  United  States  compared—The- 
mutual  interests  of  the  people  in  the  Protective  System — Opinion  of  Gen- 
eral Jackson — The  value  of  a  home  market — Protection  does  not  increase 
prices —The  policy  is  appropriate  to  Canada — Reciprocity  considered  — 
Legislation  must  be  for  Canadian  interests — Protection  resolution  carried 
at  r.  meeting  of  the  Dominion  Board  of  Trade. 

IT  would,  no  doubt,  make  these  pages  more  complete  were 
we  to  follow  the  course  of  the  Mackenzie  Government 
during  the  five  years  they  were  in  power.  Their  policy,  with 
respect  to  the  building  of  the  Pacific  Railway,  the  trouble 
with  British  Columbia,  the  Carnarvon  terms,  Lord  Dufferin's 
visit  and  speech  at  Victoria,  are  all  necessary  to  a  complete 
history  of  our  great  national  highway,  but  it  would  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  task  we  have  undertaken,  to  refer  to  them 
except  from  the  stand-point  from  which  they  were  viewed 
by  Sir  John  Macdonald.  For  the  same  reason  we  shall  omit 
all  reference  to  the  trade  policy  pursued  during  these  years, 
and  pass  on  to  the  time  when  he  brought  before  Parliament 
his  resolutions  in  favour  of  a  protective  or  national  policy, 
merely  remarking  of  the  period  that  had  elapsed  between  this 
and  his  resignation  of  office,  that  Sir  John  Macdonald  was 
unanimously  elected  leader  of  the  Canadian  Liberal-Conser- 
vative Opposition  on  November  6,  1873,  and,  in  that  capacity, 
not  only  refrained  from  offering  any  factious  opposition  to 
the  Government,  but  on  several  occasions,  gave  them  the 
benefit  of  his  ability  and  long  experience  in  perfecting  some 
of  their  most  important  measures,  notably,  the  Insolvent  Act 
and  the  Act  constituting  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Dominion. 
He  disagreed  with  them  entirely,  however,  on  their  trade 
policy  and  on  March  10,  1876,  on  the  motion  to  go  into 
Committee  of  Supply,  moved  the  following  amendment : 

207 


208         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

"  That  this  House  regrets  His  Excellency  the  Governor- 
General  has  not  been  advised  to  recommend  to  Parliament 
a  measure  for  the  re-adjustment  of  the  tariff,  which  would 
not  only  aid  in  alleviating  the  stagnation  of  business  deplored 
in  the  gracious  Speech  from  the  Throne,  but  would  also  afford 
fitting  encouragement  and  protection  to  the  struggling  manu- 
facturers and  industries,  as  well  as  to  the  agricultural  products 
of  this  country." 

Sir  John  made  an  elaborate  speech  in  support  of  his 
motion  and  from  that  time  forth,  in  Parliament  and  out  of 
Parliament,  lost  no  opportunity  of  advocating  his  scheme. 
It  was  already  apparent  that  the  tide  of  popular  opinion  was 
turning  in  his  favour  and  during  the  succeeding  summer, 
warm  invitations  were  extended  to  him  to  visit  different 
parts  of  the  country  and  address  the  people  at  open  air  meet- 
ings. These  picnics  were  attended  by  thousands  of  the 
electors,  accompanied  by  their  wives  and  families,  and  proved 
an  admirable  medium  for  bringing  before  the  great  body  of 
the  people,  the  arguments  he  had  to  advance  in  favour  of  his 
policy.  He  was  invariably  attended  by  some  of  the  most 
skilful  debaters  of  his  party  who,  by  their  able  and  exhaustive 
speeches,  materially  assisted  his  efforts.  As  an  example  of 
one  of  these,  we  will  take  the  Norfolk  demonstration,  held 
at  the  town  of  Simcoe,  on  September  27,  1876.  He  was 
accompanied  by  the  Honourable  William  McDougall,  and  on 
arrival,  was  greeted  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm  by  a  vast 
number  of  people.  An  address,  embodying  the  feelings  of 
affection  and  admiration  entertained  towards  him  by  his 
numerous  friends  in  both  Ridings  of  the  County,  was  pre- 
sented, after  which  speeches  were  made  first  by  prominent  local 
men,  and  then  by  their  guests.  That  of  Mr.  McDougall  was 
a  brilliant  retrospect  of  occurrences  since  Confederation,  and 
a  forcible  defence  of  his  own  conduct  and  that  of  his  fellow 
Reformers  who  had  joined  hands  with  the  Conservatives  in 
bringing  about  this  event,  and  afterwards  assisted  in  perfect- 
ing the  arrangements  then  made,  and  who  did  not  conceive 
it  to  be  their  duty  to  desert  the  Ministry  and  follow  Mr. 


THE  NORFOLK   PICXIC.  2o<) 


Brown.      His   effort  met  with  great  appreciation  and    he  was 
warmly  cheered  throughout. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  Address  which  was  read  to 
Sir  John  Macclonald  by  Mr.  Livingstone,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Liberal-Conservative  Association  of  the  North  Ri'diiv  of 
Norfolk  : 

To  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  John  Macdonald,  K.C.B  : 

The  Conservatives  of  Norfolk  hail  with  pleasure  your  visit  to  their 
county,  and  earnestly  hope  that  your  life  will  be  prolonged,  and  that 
your  health  will  enable  you  for  years  to  continue  their  chief.  Many  of 
those  present  to-day  to  greet  you  with  a  loyal  welcome,  have  been 
your  admirers  and  steadfast  friends  since  you  first  entered  political 
life,  and  have  watched  with  intense  interest  the  career  of  the  distingu- 
ished leader  who,  by  his  kindness  of  heart  and  urbanity  of  manner,  has 
endeared  himself  to  his  followers;  who,  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  led  his  party  in  triumph  from  one  victory  to  another  ;  and  all 
hold  in  high  esteem  the  great  statesman  who,  on  obtaining  position, 
found  this  country  a  number  ot  separate  provinces,  but  who,  upon 
retiring  from  the  helm  of  state,  left  it  a  vast  Dominion  extending  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  with  its  people  peaceful,  prosperous  and 
contented — a  statesman  who,  by  his  eminent  abilities,  has  won  for 
himself  an  illustrious  name,  and  a  fame  as  imperishable  as  the  history 
of  his  country. 

It  is  not  because  you  are  deemed  faultless  that  this  large  Assembly 
has  met  to  do  you  honour  ;  it  is  because  Conservatives  believe  that  if 
you  erred  in  the  administration  of  affairs  your  errors  were  of  judgment 
and  not  of  intention,  and  they  have  ever  been  proud  of  you  because 
your  slanderers,  although  they  have  been  both  numerous  and  malig- 
nant, have  never  succeeded  in  connecting  your  name  with  any  act  by 
which  the  interest  or  honour  of  your  country  was  sacrificed ;  or  with 
having  used  your  position  to  enrich  or  aggrandize  yourself  or  your 
friends  by  dishonourable  means. 

The  ovations  you  receive  wherever  you  go  prove  that  you  still 
possess  the  fullest  confidence  of  Conservatives— and,  we  believe,  of  a 
vast  majority  of  the  Canadian  people— and  are  omens  that  you  are 
soon  to  be  restored  to  the  power  which  was  wrested  from  you  by 
dishonest  means,  and  by  oft  repeated  charges  of  wrong  doing,  which 
were  unsustained  by  evidence,  and  which  were  false,  but  which,  for  a 
time,  so  blinded  the  electors  to  your  real  worth,  and  to  the  true  merits 
of  the  case,  that  your  party  was  defeated  at  the  polls. 

Conservatives  believe  that  your  restoration  to  power  will  be  a 
blessing  to  your  country,  and  that  the  country  will  witness  one  of 
your  greatest  triumphs,  when,  by  wise  legislation,  you  will  have  brought 


210         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


prosperity  back  to  the  Dominion,  and  will  have  swept  away  the  great 
depression  which  at  present  overwhelms  the  Canadian  industries. 

On  behalf  of  the  Conservatives  of  Norfolk  we  bid  you  welcome,  and 
have  the  honour  to  present  you  with  this  Address. 

JOHN  WILSON, 
President,  North  Norfolk  Conservative  Association. 

W.  DAWSON, 
President,  South  Norfolk  Conservative  Association. 

W.  WILSON  LIVINGSTONE, 
Secretary,  North  Norfolk  Conservative  Association. 

J.  WESLEY  RYERSON 

Secretary,  South  Norfolk  Conservative  Association. 
SIMCOE,  September  27,   1876. 

The  following  is  but  a  small  portion  of  the  Speech  made 
by  Sir  John  Macdonald.  Its  great  length  prevents  our  giving 
it  in  full  : 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen — If  I  have  for 
thirty  years  been  in  public  life  ;  if  I  have  for  nearly  twenty 
years  been  a  membor  of  the  Government ;  and  if,  during  the 
greater  part  of  that  period,  I  have  been  the  most  reviled, 
calumniated  and  abused  man  in  Canada,  I  have  my  compensa- 
tion here.  I  have  my  reward,  my  exceeding  great  reward, 
when  I  find  that  such  an  Assembly  as  this,  in  the  glorious  old 
county  of  Norfolk,  comes  here  to  do  honour  to  myself.  It  is 
a  reward  of  which  any  statesman  should  be  proud.  It  is  a 
testimony  which  I  feel  at  the  very  bottom  of  my  heart,  and  I 
would,  indeed,  be  insensible  to  your  kindness  if  I  did  not 
accept  it,  not  only  as  a  reward  for  my  long  services,  and  for  all 
the  toil  and  trouble  that  have  fallen  upon  me  for  many  years, 
but  as  a  verdict  of  acquittal  at  your  hands,  from  all  the 
charges  against  me  of  wilful  wrong  doing.  No  man  is  more 
conscious  than  I  am  of  my  faults.  Looking  back  at  my 
history,  and  at  the  history  of  Canada,  I  freely  admit  that, 
guided  by  the  light  of  experience,  there  are  many  things  in 
my  political  career  that  I  now  could  wish  had  been  otherwise. 
There  are  acts  of  omission  and  commission  which  I  regret ; 
but  your  testimony,  and  the  testimony  of  my  own  conscience, 
alike  show  that,  as  you  believe,  and  as  I  know,  whether  I  was 
right  or  wrong  in  any  political  act  at  the  time,  I  was  acting 
according  to  the  best  of  my  judgment  for  the  interest  of  our 


President  Canadian  Pacific  Kaihvay). 


THE  NORFOLK  PICNIC  213 


common  country.  (Hear,  hear).  I  wantnoinorcimparti.il 
jury  than  you.  I  want  no  other  verdict  than  from  your  hands 
and  from  men  like  you  in  this  Dominion,  and  especially  in 
this  Province  of  Ontario— my  own  Province— and  wherever  I 
have  gone  during  this  summer,  I  have  been  received  kindly 
by  friends  and  political  foes,  listened  to  with  respect  by  the 
latter,  and  by  my  friends  greeted  with  enthusiasm.  These 
meetings  are  of  the  very  greatest  importance.  Public  men  in 
meeting  their  countrymen  as  I  have  been  doing  this  summer, 
have  only  been  copying  the  example  of  public  men  in  the 
mother  country.  The  public  men  of  England,  who  arc 
members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  are  in  the  habit  of  visiting 
their  constituents,  and  entering  fully  into  a  discussion  of  the 
political  questions  of  the  day.  And  yet  when  we  commenced 
these  meetings — and  I  tell  you  that  in  no  one  case  did  1 
suggest  an  invitation,  the  meetings  through  the  country  being 
free  and  spontaneous  expressions  of  feeling  towards  me — 
they  were  laughed  and  jeered  at  and  belittled.  (Cheers). 

"  When  we  were  forced  to  go  out  of  office  we  left  this 
country  in  a  happy  and  contented  state.  (Cheers).  In 
November,  1873,  the  credit  of  this  country  was  greater  than 
it  ever  was  before.  We  left  you  a  country  in  which  there  was 
peace  and  prosperity,  where  the  people  were  satisfied  with  the 
state  of  affairs,  where  there  was  confidence  in  business,  a  pride 
in  the  future  of  the  country,  and  a  feeling  of  certainty  that  we 
were  going  forward,  and  as  we  had  risen  from  being  four 

o  o 

provinces  to  be  one  great  Dominion,  so  it  was  felt  we  had  a 
great  future  before  us  in  its  development.  There  was  universal 
confidence  and  satisfaction  throughout  Canada,  and  there  was 
peace  and  contentment.  What  do  you  find  now  ?  Is  there 
peace  and  contentment  now?  Is  there  confidence— ('No,  no,') 
— is  there  confidence  in  any  branch  of  public  affairs  ? 
confidence  in  any  branch  of  the  industries  of  this  country  ? 
Are  not  our  manufacturers  suffering  all  over  the  Dominion  in 
consequence  of  the  injudicious  action  of  the  Government  in 
meddling  and  muddling  with  our  tariff?  Have  they  not 
shaken  our  credit?  Are  not  our  manufacturers  closing 
working  at  half  time  ?  Are  not  our  mechanics  working  at 


214         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

half  wages,  and  is  there  any  prospect  that  things  will  be 
better  ?  There  is  universal  discontent,  universal  dissatisfac- 
tion, and  a  well-grounded  belief  that  the  present  men  in 
power,  no  matter  how  patriotic  their  intentions  may  be,  do 
not  possess  the  capacity  to  govern  this  country  wisely  and 
well. 

"  Gentlemen,  there  is  another  issue  between  the  present 
Government  and  the  Opposition.  We  are  in  favour  of  a 
tariff  that  will  incidentally  givef  protection  to  our  manufac- 
turers, that  will  develop  our  manufacturing  industries.  We 
believe  that  that  can  be  done,  and  if  done  it  will  give  a 
A  home  market  to  our  farmers.  )  The  farmers  will  be  satisfied 
when  they  know  that  large  bodies  of  operatives  are  working 
in  the  mills  and  manufactories  in  every  village  and  town  in 
the  country.  They  know  that  every  man  of  them  is  a  con- 
sumer, and  that  he  must  have  pork  and  flour,  beef  and  all  that 
the  farmers  raise,  and  they  know  that  instead  of  being  obliged 
to  send  their  grain  to  a  foreign  and  uncertain  market  they  will 
have  a  market  at  their  own  door.  And  the  careful  housewife, 
every  farmer's  wife,  will  know  that  everything  that  is  produced 
under  her  care — the  poultry,  the  eggs,  the  butter,  and  the 
garden  stuff — will  find  a  ready  and  profitable  market  in  the 
neighbouring  town  or  village. 

{'  No  country  is  great  with  only  one  industry.  Agriculture 
is  our  most  important,  but  it  cannot  be  our  only  staple.  All 
men  are  not  fit  to  be  farmers  ;  there  are  men  with  mechanical 
and  manufacturing  genius  who  desire  to  become  operatives  or 
manufacturers  of  some  kind,  Wd  we  must  have  the  means  to 
employ  them,  and  when  there  is  a  large  body  of  successful 
and  prosperous  farmers  and  a  large  body  of  successful  and 
prosperous  manufacturers,  the  farmer  will  have  a  home  market 
for  his  produce,  and  the  manufacturer  a  home  market  for  his 
goods,  and  we  shall  have  nothing  to  fear.  And,  therefore,  I 
have  been  urging  upon  my  friends — I  have  told  them  that  we 
must  lay  aside  all  old  party  quarrels  about  old  party  doings. 
(Cheers).  Those  old  matters  are  matters  before  the  flood — 
(cheers) — which  have  gone  by  and  are  settled  forever — many 
of  them  settled  by  the  Governments  of  which  I  have  been 


THE  NORFOLK  PICXIC.  2I- 


a  member.  Why  should  parties  divide  on  these  old  quar- 
rels ?  Let  us  divide  on  questions  affecting  the  present  and 
future  interest  of  the  country. 

\'  The  question  of  the  day  is  that  of  the  protection  of  our 
o  farmers  from  the  unfair  competition- of  foreign  produce,  and 
the  protection  of  our  manufacturers.  I  am  in  favour  of  recip- 
rocal free  trade  if  it  can  be  obtained,  but  so  long  as  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  closes  their  markets  to  our  products  we 
should  have  a  policy  of  our  own  as  well,  and  consult  only  our 
own  interests.  \  That  subject  wisely  and  vigorously  dealt  with, 
you  will  see  confidence  restored,  the  present  depression  dispel- 
led, and  the  country  prosperous  and  contented.  The  whole 
country  is  now  dissatisfied,  even  the  political  partizans  of  the 
Government  own  that  these  men  are  incapable,  and  the  whole 
country  knows  it.  I  have  said  that  the  agriculturists  and  the 
manufacturers  must  not  divide  t'heir  interests.  They  must  act 
together.  In  18/0  the  Government,  of  which  I  was  a  member, 
began  the  National  Policy  and  put  small  duties  on  flour,  coal, 
salt,  etc.  I  then  told  the  manufacturers  that  they  could  not 
expect  to  get  protection  from  the  farmers  unless  their  interests 
were  also  protected.  They  must  make  a  common  interest  of 
it;  unless  you  manufacturers  will  protect  the  farmers  they  will 
not  protect  you.  (Cheers). 

"When  I  went  to  Washington  m  1871,  that  policy  was 
repealed  in  my  absence,  and  it  had  a  prejudicial  effect  upon 
the  negotiations  we  were  making  at  that  time,  Hut  Mr. 
Mackenzie  says  we  had  a  majority  in  the  House  at  that  time. 
True,  but  the  whole  of  the  Opposition  voted  for  the  repeal  of 
this  National  Policy,  and  some  of  our  friends,  who  were 
Free  Traders,  from  the  Lower  Provinces  voted  with  them. 
The  majority  of  our  friends  voted  to  support  the  measure. 
But  there  was  a  sufficient  minority  of  our  friends  who  voted 
with  the  whole  body  of  the  Opposition,  and  the  Act  of  1870 
was  repealed.  I  told  the  manufacturers  who  favoured  the 
repeal  how  selfish  and  unwise  it  was,  because  some  few  articles 
might  be  got  cheaper  for  their  purposes,  to  thwart  the  wishes 
of  the  farmers  when  they  would  probably  be  applying  shortly 
for  protection  for  themselves.  Gentlemen,  they  will  not  make 


216         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


the  mistake  again  ;  they  see  the  error  now,  and  arc  anxious 
to  act  with  the  farmers.  And,  gentlemen,  if  now  you  act 
together  as  one  man,  I  promise  you  you  will  see  your  manu- 
factures flourish,  and  you  will  get  a  home  market.  Then  the 
depression  will  disappear,  but  it  will  not  disappear  until 
another  very  lamentable  thing  happens — the  present  Ministry 
must  disappear  too.  (Cheers  and  laughter).  Great  as  the 
calamity  will  be,  it  must  happen,  or  the  present  depression  will 
continue.  You  must  do  it  or  you  will  remain  a  slaughter 
market.  *  (The  Americans  have  the  whole  control  of  your 
markets,  and  when  they  at  any  time  produce  too  much  for 
their  own  markets,  they  send  their  surplus  goods  over  here  to 
sell  them  off  at  a  sacrifice  and  bring  down  the  price  of  every 
article  in  Canada,  and  thus  our  manufactures  are  obliged 
to  close  their  establishments  or  employ  their  workmen  on  half 
or  quarter  time.  Why,  it  has  not  been  denied  that,  according 
to  the  statement  of  Mr.  \Y.  P.  Howland,  President  of  the 
Dominion  Board  of  Trade,  400,000  workingmcn  have  been 
obliged  to  leave  Canada  to  find  employment  in  the  United 
States.)  Mr.  Mackenzie  attempts  to  deny  it,  and  he  takes 
credit  mat  some  had  found  work  on  the  Welland  Canal,  work 
which  they  would  never  have  got  if  we  had  not  carried  the 
measure  for  enlarging  that  work,  and  commenced  its  con- 
struction. 

("Gentlemen,  our  workmen  can  be  fully  employed  if  we 
encourage  our  manufactures  ;  they  need  not  go'  over  to 
the  States  to  add  strength  and  wealth  to  a  foreign  country  and 
to  deprive  us  of  that  strength  and  wealth.  If  we  have  work 
here,  at  home,  our  country  will  be  prosperous  and  happy,  and, 
gentlemen,  it  is  a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished 
for,Vncl  I  pray  you  to  take  the  lesson  to  heart  and  cast  aside 
all  factious  and  partizan  feelings  which  may  have  been 
imbibed  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  designing  politicians 
like  Mr.  Mackenzie  or  myself.  (Laughter).  It  has  been  said 
that  party  is  the  madness  of  many  for  the  gain  of  a  few.  It 
may  be  so  when  it  is  a  mere  question  between  the  ins  and  the 
outs,  but  when  the  people  divide  on  living  questions  we  shall 
have  parties  of  earnest  men,  who  will  select  the  best  men 


THE  NORFOLK  PICNIC. 


21 


to  carry  out  their  views  in  Parliament.  Speaking  as  I  do, 
and  feeling  as  I  do  that  our  views  are  correct,  T invite  the 
calm  consideration  of  the  people  of  Canada,  of  the  electors  of 
this  county,  at  the  next  general  election  to/return  men  who 
will  see  that  their  interests  are  protected.)  It  will  not  be 
by  taking  those  who  say  they  will  vote  protection,  but  who, 
like  Mr.  Charlton,  when  the  question  is  put  before  the  House, 
speak  one  way  and  vote  the  other.  That  kind  of  thing 
is  a  humbug,  and  you  must  not  elect  a  man  because  he  merely 
promises  to  vote  for  protection. 

"You  know  very  well  there  can  be  no  alteration  in 
the  tariff  unless  it  is  brought  clown  by  the  Government.  No 
independent  member  can  move  a  rise  in  the  tariff;  it  must  be 
introduced  by  the  Government.  So  you  must  not  support 
a  man  unless  he  pledges  himself  to  vote,  not  only  for  protec- 
tion, but  against  any  Government  which  will  not  bring  down 
a  measure  for  the  purpose. 

"  No,  no,  you  must  get  the  Government  out,  and  put  in  a 
Government  that  will  carry  it.  Mr.  Mackenzie  is  trying  to 
frighten  his  own  discontented  friends  by  asserting  that  if  they 
go  out  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  his  bad  men  will  come  in. 
Now  that  does  not  at  all  follow.  This  is  a  free  country  and 
the  people  will  choose  for  themselves  ;  the  elector  can,  by 
calm  and  deliberate  action,  elect  men  who  are  pledged  to 
carry  out  this  great  policy  intelligently,  and  who  will  only 
give  their  confidence  to  a  Government  worthy  of  it.  There 
are  many  good  men  in  public  life  besides  Mr.  Mackenzie  and 
myself ;  if  Mr.  Mackenzie  died — and  what  a  loss  that  would 
be  to  the  country — (laughter) — and  if  I  died — I  have  no 
doubt  that  the  country  would  flourish  as  it  docs  now — only 
better,  if  not  under  the  present  Government.  (Hear,  hear). 
All  this  cry  is  a  bugaboo  to  keep  themselves  in.  No,  put 
them  out  if  they  are  unfit  and  put  other  and  better  men  in 
their  places. 

"Ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  have  to  thaim  you  for  the  kind- 
ness and  enthusiasm  shown  by  you  in  this  magnificent 
demonstration  ;  I  have  to  thank  you  from  the  bottom  of  my 
heart.  I  should  be  deeply  insensible  if  I  did  not  feel  your 


218         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

kindness,  confidence,  and  aid  ;  and  the  consolation  it  will  give 
to  my  friends,  my  wife,  and  my  children,  after  all  that  I  have 
borne  with,  when  they  see  and  read  how  you,  my  fellow- 
countrymen,  rally  round  me,  and  how  my  friends  in  other 
parts  of  the  country  have  rallied  round  me.  I  have  suffered, 
and  my  family  have  suffered  still  more,  from  the  continued 
abuse  that  has  been  poured  upon  me,  but  that  is  all  wiped 
away,  that  is  all  forgotten.  (Hear,  hear).  If,  perhaps,  I  am 
more  popular  than  I  have  been  in  Ontario,  and  I  believe  I  am 
— (hear,  hear) — a  good  deal  of  my  popularity  is  to  be  attri- 
buted to  the  feeling  of  the  generous  people  of  this  country 
that  it  is  unfair  to  heap  such  obloquy  on  a  man  who  has 
worked  so  hard  for  his  country." 

Of  the  many  able  addresses  made  during  this  period,  on 
the  question  of  Protection  vs.  Free  Trade,  there  was  probably 
none  that  attracted  greater  attention  than  that  delivered  by 
Mr.  Thomas  White,  Jr.,  in  the  City  Hall,  London,  at  the 
invitation  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  on  January  12,  1877.  The 
audience  was  composed  of  merchants,  manufacturers  and 
business  men  generally,  from  the  city  and  surrounding  towns 
and  villages  and  numbered  about  six  hundred.  The  meeting 
was  presided  over  by  Mr.  George  Moorhead,  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  and  on  the  platform  were  the  Mayor  and  a 
full  representation  of  the  banking  and  mercantile  community, 
the  clergy,  etc.  The  Chairman  introduced  Mr.  White  in 
flattering  terms,  who,  on  rising,  was  received  with  loud 
applause.  His  address  was  so  well  arranged,  so  able,  so 
logical,  so  convincing,  and  so  clearly  expounded  the  policy 
of  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  the  Conservative  party  that,  after 
a  lapse  of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  it  is  as  appropriate  and  as 
interesting  as  when  delivered,  and  may  be  read  with  pleasure 
and  profit.  We,  therefore  give  the  following  voluminous 
extracts  : — 

"  When  the  Board  of  Trade  of  the  city  of  London  did  me 
the  honour  to  invite  me  to  this  city  to  deliver  an  address  upon 
so  important  a  subject  as  the  relations  of  the  question  of  Free 
Trade  and  Protection  to  the  interests  of  Canada,  I  confess  to 
you  I  had  a  great  deal  of  hesitation  about  the  propriety 


MR.  WHITE'S  ADDRESS  ON  PROTECTION. 


219 


of  my  accepting  that  invitation.     I  have  no  doubt  whatever  in 
my  own  mind  as  to  the  importance  of  this  question.     I  have 
no  doubt  in  my  own  mind  that  it  arises,  in  its  relation  to  the 
^rea   interests  of  this  DominionAfar  above  any  other  question 
that  is  prominent  in  the  discussions  of  the  country.     But  I  am 
a  strong  party  man-I  am  tolerably  known  as  such  ;  and  my 
nly  fear  in  accepting  this  invitation  was  that  some  persons 
night  be  ill-natured  enough  to  suppose  that  I  had  some  party 
or  sinister  motive  in  accepting  it     This  question,  I  think,  may 
fairly  be  discussed  without  relation  to  party  to-night.     (Hear 
hear).       I    think    it    may   fairly    be   thus   discussed,    for   this 
That  there  are  in  all  the  political  parties  of  this  coun- 
try considerable  diversity  of  opinion  upon  the  subject.     (Hear, 
hear).     Among    both  parties    will    be    found    those   who   are 
strong  free-traders,  and  those  \vho  are  strong  protectionists. 
And  I  propose,  therefore,  in  discussing  it  with  you  here  this 
evening,  to  deal  with  it  not  in  its  relation  to  party  at  all.     I 
desire  that  we  all  should,  as  I  hope  to  be  able  to,  forget  that 
we  are  party  men  in  any  sense  whatever,  and  remember  only 
that  we  are  Canadians,  deeply  interested  in  the  prosperity  of 
this  country.     (Loud  applause). 

"You  will  allow  me,  before  I  enter  upon  the  discussion 
itself,  to  refer  somewhat  briefly  to  the  tariff  legislation  of 
Canada.  You  will  remember  that  in  1855-56,  and  1856  par- 
ticularly, we  had  great  prosperity  in  Canada.  The  Grand 
Trunk  Railway  was  being  built.  Enormous  sums  of  English 
capital  were  introduced  and  were  being  expended  in  the 
country.  Employment  was  given  to  the  people  ;  numerous 
people  were  brought  over  from  the  Old  World,  some  of  whom 
are  now  to  be  found  among  the  most  prosperous  fanners  in 
this  and  other  sections  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada — men  who 
came  here  as  navvies  to  work  upon  the  Grand  Trunk  Railway. 
Upon  the  completion  of  that  work  the  crisis  of  1857  came 
upon  us.  The  prosperity  which  we  had  enjoyed  for  a  short 
time,  and  which  we  had  all  hoped  might  be  permanent,  passed 
away,  together  \vith  the  magnificent  schemes  of  future  riches 
which  many  a  man  had  built  up  on  the  strength  of  having  pur- 
chased a  lot  where  a  station  was  going  to  be  built,  and  had  got 


220         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  geographer  to  draw  him  plans  of  the  future  city  with  its 
magnificent  churches  and  town  hall,  and  other  prominent  build- 
ings. But  they  were  compelled  to  realize  that  the  country  was 
not  prosperous  because  of  the  temporary  introduction  of  capital 
into  it,  and  the  mere  temporary  expenditure  of  that  capital. 
Then  came  the  most  important  act  in  our  tariff  legislation.  I 
refer  to  the  Act  of  1858,  when  Mr.  Gait,  now  Sir  Alexander 
Gait,  for  the  first  time  in  Canada  introduced  the  protection 
principle,  and  I  think  you  will  agree  with  me  that  that  had 
.an  important  influence  upon  the  interests  of  this  country. 
vThose  of  you  who  look  back  and  remember  that  period  will 
agree  with  me  that  the  industries  which  sprang  up,  almost  as 
if  by~7nagTc7Tn  different  parts  of  the  country  as  the  result  of 
the  protective  duties,  compensate  us  to  a  very  considerable 
extent  for  the  cessation  of  those  large  expenditures  in  capital 
which  we  had  had  in  consequence  of  the  construction  of  the 
Grand  Trunk  Railway.  That  was  the  first  protectionist,  and, 
I  say,  the  most  important  Act  in  the  tariff  legislation  of  old 
Canada  ;  and  it  had  an  influence  upon  the  prosperity  of  the 
country,  such  as  no  one  can  for  a  moment  question. 

"  Our  next  most  important  Act — it  was  important  because 
it  was  apparently  in  direct  reversal  of  the  policy  of  1858 — was 
the  tariff  of  1866,  when  the  same  Finance  Minister,  Mr.  Gait, 
then  a  member  of  the  Coalition  Government,  introduced  a 
Bill  which,  on  the  average,  reduced  the  duty  on  the  unenumer- 
ated  list  to  fifteen  per  cent.  It  is  important  for  a  moment  to 
understand  the  reasons  which  justified,  and  the  circumstances 
which  rendered  possible,  that  act  of  legislation.  We  were  at 
that  time  discussing  the  question  of  Confederation.  All 
parties  in  Canada  had  united  together  to  '  ground  arms  '  in 
relation  to  the  old  party  disputes  which  had  separated  them 
before  that  time.  They  had  agreed,  I  say,  to  '  ground  arms,' 
and  to  build  up  a  great  Confederation,  which  would  extend 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  to  secure  for  the  future 
of  this  country  that  prosperity  which  seemed  almost  impossible 
in  the  existing  state  of  things.  Our  friends  in  the  Maritime 
Provinces  were  strong  free  traders  ;  that  is,  strong  free 
traders  in  the  sense  that  they  desired  a  lo\v  import  duty  ;  their 


MR.  WHITE'S  ADDRESS  ox  PROTECTION". 


duties  averaged  not  more  than  twelve  and  a-half  per  cent. 
And  one  of  the  strongest  arguments  used  against  going  into 
Confederation  was  the  high  duties  of  the  old  Provinces  of 
Canada.  The  object,  therefore,  of  that  reduction  was  to  assist 
those  friends  of  Confederation  in  the  Lower  Provinces  in 
bringing  about  that  union,  the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  add 
a  million  consumers  for  the  producers  of  Canada,  and  would 
secure  for  the  whole  the  greater  prosperity  which  all 
desired. 

"  Now,  what  were  the  circumstances  which  rendered  that 
possible  ?  The  United  States  had  just  emerged  from  a  great 
war,  and  that  war  had  paralysed  all  their  industries.  That 
war  had  enforced  a  system  of  internal  taxation  which  had 
increased  enormously  the  cost  of  everything  ;  they  produced 
a  system  of  high  duties  which  increased  the  cost  of  even-thing 
they  imported.  They  were  in  that  condition  which  afforded 
to  us,  lying  alongside  of  them,  and  free  from  these  unfortunate 
circumstances,  a  higher  protection  than  any  possible  duty 
which  could  have  been  put  on  by  the  Canadian  Government. 
It  was  fortunate  for  us,  it  was  fortunate  for  those  who  look 
upon  the  prosperity  of  Canada  as  largely  dependent  upon  a 
fiscal  policy,  at  that  time,  when  it  was  necessary— in  order  to 
secure  this  Confederation — to  yield  somewhat  to  the  views  of 
the  Maritime  Provinces,  that  we  should,  at  the  same  time,  be 
so  situated  in  relation  to  the  neighbouring  Republic,  that  we 
had  a  state  of  affairs  which  secured  us  absolute,  entire,  and 
complete  protection  for  all  the  industries  of  this  country.  You 
will  remember,  gentlemen,  looking  back  at  that  time,  that, 
down  to  1873,  the  people  of  Canada  suffered  nothing  from 
the  reduction  of  the  duties  to  fifteen  per  cent.  The  indus- 
tries of  Canada  suffered  nothing  in  consequence  of  the  change 
of  tariff.  On  the  contrary,  prosperity  prevailed  in  every  part 
of  the  Dominion,  and  the  industries  which  had  been  estab- 
lished under  the  tariff  of  1858  continued  and  flourished. 
We  were  saved  from  that  (undue,  that  unfair  competition 
which  has  since  done  so  much  to  injure  and  paralyse  our 
industries.  )  We  were  saved  from  that  during  these  years. 

"Now,  gentlemen,    I    am   aware  that  there  is   a  general 


222         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

opinion  prevailing  that  the  high  prices  of  articles  in  the 
United  States  at  that  time  were  due  entirely  to  high  import 
duties.  I  am  aware  that  it  is  alleged  as  one  of  the  reasons 
why  we  should  avoid  a  protective  policy,  that  the  protective 
system  at  that  time  was  a  serious  burden  of  taxes  upon  the 
people  of  the  neighbouring  Republic.  No  fallacy  could  be 
greater.  What  caused  the  high  price  of  goods — as  I  shall  be 
able  to  show  to  your  entire  satisfaction,  I  think,  before  I  have 
done — was  not  the  import  duties,  but  the  internal  revenue 
duties  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  protection — that  internal 
system  of  taxation  which,  instead  of  being  in  favour,  was 
directly  against  any  idea  of  protection,  because  it  is  perfectly 
clear  that  if  you  put  a  duty,  say  of  twenty-five  per  cent.,  on 
an  article,  in  order  that  you  may  have  it  manufactured  in 
the  country,  and  then  put  on  an  internal  revenue  duty  of 
twenty  per  cent.,  in  order  to  raise  a  revenue,  it  is  clear,  I 
say,  that  the  actual  protection  is  reduced  to  five  per  cent., 
and  not  twenty-five  per  cent.  It  was,  therefore,  I  say,  the 
internal  revenue  system  in  the  United  States  which  at  that 
time  caused  high  prices  for  every  thing  purchased  in  that 
country.  In  1873  a  change  again  took  place.  The  revenue 
system  of  the  country  was  fast  returning  to  its  normal  condi- 
tion. The  ordinary  industries  of  the  United  States  were  fast 
resuming  their  old  state,  in  consequence  of  the  removal  of  one 
duty  after  another  in  the  internal  revenue  system,  and  things 
began  to  change  so  that  from  that  time  down  to  the  present, 
under  a  steadily  increasing  ratio,  cheapness  became  the  rule 
instead  of  dearness  for  articles  in  the  United  States. 

"  You  will  remember,  at  least  those  living  in  large  cities 
and  I  suppose  some  of  you  know  in  London,  that  it  was  not, 
an  uncommon  thing  for  American  travellers  and  tourists  to 
come  to  Canadian  cities  to  purchase  large  supplies  of  what 
they  required,  and  by  a  system  of  '  underground  railway,'  take 
them  to  the  United  States,  and  thus  save,  by  the  difference  of 
the  prices  here  and  there,  enough  to  pay  for  a  pleasant  summer 
tour — which,  therefore,  cost  them  nothing.  What  is  the  fact 
to-day?  In  the  city  of  Montreal  and  in  the  city  of  Toronto, 
and  I  daresay  in  the  city  of  London,  Americans  no  longer 


MR.  WHITE'S  ADDRESS  ON  PROTECTION.         223 


come  to  buy  articles;  but  I  know  people  in  the  city  of  Mon- 
treal who  go  to  New  York  and  there  purchase  goods— just  as 
New  Yorkers  did  in  Montreal,  four  or  five  years  ago,  and  they 
can  purchase  them  cheaper  than  they  can  purchase  them  here, 
and  by  the  same  system  of  '  underground  railway '  they  bring 
them  to  this  side  of  the  line,  and  make  a  large  profit.  This  is 
a  change  recognized  everywhere,  and  has  done  much  to  pro- 
voke the  discussion  and  to  revive  the  interest  in  the  question 
of  free  trade  and  protection — which  is  the  most  marked  feature 
of  the  discussions  in  the  country  during  the  last  three  or  four 
years. 

"  I  am  compelled  to  refer  to  these  discussions  in  dealing 
with  the  question  which  I  have  before  me.  I  shall  be  com- 
pelled to  refer  to  the  utterances  of  public  men  ;  !  propose 
especially  to  take  the  utterances  of  the  Finance  Minister  in  his 
budget  speech  last  session,  not  in  a  party  sense,  gentlemen, 
but  simply  in  the  sense  that  in  that  speech  we  have  the  most 
authoritative  statement  of  the  arguments  of  those  who  believe 
that  the  true  policy  of  this  country  will  be  found  in  assimilat- 
ing our  system  as  nearly  as  possible  to  that  of  England,  and 
avoiding  as  far  as  we  possibly  can,  that  of  the  United  States. 
It  is  in  that  sense,  and  in  that  sense  only,  that  I  propose  to 
refer  to  the  very  able  speech — admitted  to  be  able  by  all 
parties — of  Mr.  Cartwright,  during  the  last  session  of  Parlia- 
ment. He  put  the  case  very  practically.  He  stated  a  plain 
issue  between  one  side  and  the  other— it  could  hardly  have 
been  more  distinctly  put.  What  Mr.  Cartwright  said  upon 
that  point  was  as  follows  :  '  It  becomes  us  to  consider  the 
various  remedies  proposed  for  this  unfortunate  state  of  affairs.' 
He  was  describing  the  depression  and  the  demand  for  a  revi- 
sion of  the  tariff,  to  which  it  had  given  rise.  '  In  the  first  place 
I  desire  to  expend  a  few  words  on  the  general  impression 
which  prevails,  even  in  quarters  where  we  would  hardly  expect 
to  find  it,  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  this  Government,  of  any 
Government,  this  Legislature  or  any  Legislature,  to  make  a 
country  prosperous  by  the  mere  stroke  of  a  pen  or  the  enact- 
ment of  Acts  of  Parliament.  I  would  like  honourable  gen 
men  in  this  house  and  out  of  it,  who  entertain  that  illusion,  as 


224         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

I  consider  it,  to  think  to  what  such  a  course  would  lead,  and  I 
ask  them  if  they  are  prepared  to  pay  the  price.  You  cannot 
have  at  one  and  the  same  time,  a  free  Government  and  a 
paternal  Government.'  I  say,  gentlemen,  it  is  impossible  to 
put  the  case  of  the  two  phases  of  the  opinion  on  this  question 
more  strongly  than  it  is  here  put.  That  is,  whether  a  country 
can  be  rendered  prosperous  by  a  policy  of  a  Government  or 
Legislature. 

"  We  are  fortunate,  in  dealing  with  this  question,  in  having 
the  practical  experience  of  those  who  have  studied  the  ques- 
tion in  both  its  phases  in  the  neighbouring  republic.  I  pro- 
pose, therefore,  rather  than  give  my  own  opinions,  to  give  you 
the  opinion  of  some  of  those  gentlemen  ;  and  first  I  shall  call 
your  attention  to  an  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  Mr. 
Granger  on  the  Tariff  Bill  of  New  York,  introduced  into  the 
House  of  Representatives  at  Washington  in  the  year  1857. 
The  subject  then  being  discussed  was  that  with  which  we  are 
dealing  to-night.  A  Protection  Bill  had  been  introduced,  a 
strong  agitation  existed  on  the  subject,  although  the  agitation 
was  only  successful  in  1861,  when  the  Act  came  into  force 
before  the  war  broke  out.  Here  is  Mr.  Granger's  opinion  of 
the  tariff  legislation,  and  its  effects  on  the  country.  He  says  : 
— '  Since  the  war  of  1812,  we  have  at  three  different  times 
resorted  to  a  protective  tariff,  to  relieve  us  from  financial 
distress.  From  1818  to  1824,  with  a  mere  revenue  tariff,  the 
balance  of  trade  was  against  us,  and,  during  that  term  of 
six  years,  our  exports  of  specie  exceeded  our  imports 
$10,000,000.  This  caused  the  protective  tariff  of  1824,  and  the 
effect  of  the  change  was  soon  felt.  Confidence  and  activity 
returned,  and,  instead  of  exporting  specie,  we  imported  specie 
to  a  large  amount.  The  effect  was  so  obvious  and  gratifying 
that  the  still  higher  tariff  of  1828  was  enacted — the  highest  we 
ever  had.  Under  these  two  protective  tariffs  of  1824  and 
1828  up  to  1834,  ten  years,  the  whole  country  was  blessed 
with  a  prosperity  perhaps  never  before  equalled  in  this  or 
any  other  country.  In  these  ten  years  of  protection,  from 
1824  to  1834,  we  imported  thirty  millions  of  specie  more  than 
we  exported  and  paid  off  the  debts  of  two  wars — that  of 


PROTECTION  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  225 


the  revolution,  and  of  1812 — in  all,  principal  and  interest, 
$ICO,OOO,OOO.  Next  came  the  descending  compromise  tariff 
of  Mr.  Clay,  reluctantly  conceded  to  the  opponents  of  protec- 
tion. By  a  sliding  scale  this  tariff  brought  us  down  to  a  hori- 
zontal tariff  of  20  per  cent.  The  result  was  the  Government 
soon  found  itself  out  of  funds  and  out  of  credit.  The  tariff  of 
1842  was  arranged  for  protection  and  revenue  incidentally.  It 
justified  the  expectations  of  the  most  sanguine  friends,  but  it 
was  allowed  only  a  brief  existence.  It  was  said  in  high  places 
that  the  principle  of  Protection  was  wrong,  and  in  an  evil  hour 
Congress  adopted  the  maxim,  and  the  tariff  of  1842  was 
repealed,  and  that  of  1846,  the  present  one,  substituted.  Sir, 
unless  we  have  a  radical  change  in  our  tariff  laws,  we  shall 
surely  have  another  financial  crash.  We  must  manufacture 
more  and  import  less,  and  keep  our  specie  at  home.  We 
have  a  foreign  debt  of  nearly  $250,000,000.  Protection  is 
vastly  more  important  to  us  now  than  revenue,  but  we  can 
have  them  both  at  once  if  we  will.'  That,  gentlemen,  is 
the  opinion  of  Mr.  Granger  on  the  tariff,  in  its  relation  to  its 
effect  on  the  country.  He  contended  that  if  a  change  were 
not  made  in  the  tariff  of  the  country,  they  would  have  a 
financial  crash.  Whether  in  consequence  of  the  tariff  not 
being  altered,  I  do  not  pretend  to  say,  but  certainly  the  crash 
did  come. 

"  I  will  give  you  another  opinion— the  opinion  of  an 
eminent  United  States  public  man— of  a  man  who,  however 
much  one  might  differ  from  his  political  opinions,  was 
respected  by  all,  and  who  was  deeply  concerned  for  the  pros- 
perity of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States.  I  refer  to  the 
late  Horace  Greeley.  He  said  :— '  It  is  within  my  own  recol- 
lection that,  after  the  last  war  we  carried  on  against  Great 
Britain,  there  was  a  universal  collapse  ;  foreign  goods  crowded 
our  markets  and  American  factories  were  shut  up  ;  then  was 
labour  without  employment  and  agriculture  without  recom- 
pense, which  created  a  feeling  that  agitated  the  country. 
After  eight  years  of  commotion  the  tariff  was  enact 
expressly  for  Protection.  This  was  enhanced  in  1828,  and  1 
country  aro=c  out  of  its  misery  and  bankruptcy  and  collaps* 

VOL    II. 


225         Tin-;  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

into  prosperity  and  thrift.  That  I  know,  for  I  saw  it.'  That 
was  the  confession  of  Mr.  Greeley  as  to  the  power  of  the 
Government  or  Legislature,  by  the  enactment  of  wise  laws,  at 
such  times  as  it  was  deemed  advisable,  to  affect  the  prosperity 
of  the  people. 

"  I  will  quote  one  other  extract  from  the  speech  of  another 
great  man  in  the  neighbouring  Republic — a  man  whose  name 
is  honoured  as  that  of  a  great  man,  not  only  in  his  own 
country,  but  wherever  the  English  language  is  spoken — 
Mr.  Henry  Clay.  He  thus  discusses  the  two  periods  of 
the  country's  existence,  under  a  Protective  policy,  and 
under  a  policy  of  Free  Trade  : — '  Eight  years  ago  it  was  my 
painful  duty  to  present  to  the  other  House  of  Congress  an 
unexaggerated  picture  of  the  general  distress  pervading  the 
whole  land.  We  must  all  yet  remember  some  of  its  frightful 
features.  We  all  know  that  the  people  were  then  oppressed 
and  borne  down  by  an  enormous  load  of  debt  ;  that  the  value 
of  property  \vas  at  the  lowest  point  of  depression  ;  that 
ruinous  sales  and  sacrifices  were  everywhere  made  of  real 
estate  ;  that  stop  laws,  and  relief  laws,  and  paper  money, 
were  adopted  to  save  the  people  from  impending  destruction  ; 
that  a  deficit  in  the  public  revenue  existed,  which  compelled 
the  Government  to  seize  upon  and  divert  from  its  legitimate 
object  the  appropriations  to  the  Sinking  Fund  to  redeem  the 
national  debt,  and  that  our  commerce  and  navigation  were 
threatened  with  a  complete  paralysis.  In  short,  sir,  if  I  were 
to  select  any  term  of  years  since  the  adoption  of  the  present 
constitution  which  exhibited  a  scene  of  the  most  widespread 
dismay  and  desolation,  it  would  be  exactly  that  term  of  seven 
years  which  immediately  preceded  the  establishment  of  the 
tariff  of  1824.'  That  was  a  sufficiently  gloomy  picture  of 
national  distress  ;  but  he  had  a  brighter  picture  to  present 
as  its  counterpart.  '  I  have  now  to  perform  the  more  pleas- 
ing task  of  exhibiting  an  imperfect  sketch  of  the  existing 
state  of  the  unparalleled  prosperity  of  the  country.  On  a 
general  survey,  we  behold  cultivation  extended,  the  arts  flour- 
ishing, the  face  of  the  country  improved,  our  people  fully  and 
profitably  employed,  and  the  public  countenance  exhibiting 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  DIRECT  TEA  TRADE. 


tranquility,  contentment,  and  happiness.  And,  if  \ve  descend 
into  particulars,  we  have  the  agreeable  contemplation  of  a 
people  out  of  debt  ;  land  rising  slowly  in  value,  but  in  a 
secure  and  salutary  degree  ;  a  ready,  though  not  extravagant, 
market  for  all  the  surplus  productions  of  our  industry  ;  in- 
numerable flocks  and  herds  browsing  and  gamboling  on  ten 
thousand  hills,  and  plains  covered  with  rich  and  verdant 
grasses  ;  our  cities  expanded,  and  whole  villages  springing 
up,  as  it  were,  by  enchantment  ;  our  tonnage,  foreign  and 
coast-wise,  swelling  and  fully  occupied  ;  the  rivers  of  our 
interior  animated  by  the  perpetual  thunder  and  lightning  of 
countless  steamboats  ;  the  currency  sound  and  abundant  ; 
the  public  debt  of  two  wars  nearly  redeemed  ;  and,  to  crown 
all,  the  public  treasury  overflowing,  embarassing  Congress  not 
to  find  subjects  of  taxation,  but  to  select  the  objects  which 
shall  be  liberated  from  the  impost.  If  the  term  of  seven  years 
were  to  be  selected  of  the  greatest  prosperity  which  this 
people  have  enjoyed  since  the  establishment  of  their  present 
constitution,  it  would  be  exactly  that  period  of  seven  years 
which  immediately  followed  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of  1824, 
This  transformation  of  the  conditions  of  the  country  from 
gloom  and  distress  to  lightness  and  prosperity,  has  been 
mainly  the  work  of  American  legislation  fostering  American 
industry,  instead  of  allowing  it  to  be  controlled  by  foreign 
legislation  cherishing  foreign  industry.'  That,  gentlemen, 
is  the  opinion  of  Henry  Clay,  a  great  mans  all  will  admit— 
a  man  fully  competent  to  give  an  opinion  on  the  effect  of 
legislation  upon  the  people,  and  it  must  be  admitted  by  all 
parties  that  the  inference  which  he  drew,  and  the  strong 
opinion  which  he  gave  utterance  to,  was  contrary  to  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Cartwright,  Mr.  Clay  being  clearly  of  opinion 
that,  under  certain  conditions,  the  Legislature  could  pass 
such  measures  as,  under  certain  conditions,  would  improve 
and  enhance  the  prosperity  of  the  people.  (Applause). 

"  But,  gentlemen,  we  are  able  to  prove  that  Mr.  Chy  was 
right  by  our  own  experience  in  Canada.  I  haye  already 
referred  to  the  effect  of  the  tariff  passed  in  1 858.  £  Every  one 
will  admit  that  the  effect  of  that  tariff  was  to  increase  the 


228         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

prosperity  of  our  country  by  the  building  up  of  manufactures. 
It  did  more.  By  its  adoption  of  the  ad  valorem  as  opposed 
to  the  specific  system  of  duties  a  direct  trade  was  built  up, 
the  effect  of  which  has  been  to  produce  this  magnificent  result 
— that  Canada  to-day  stands  fourth  amongst  the  maritime 
nations  of  the  world.  (Applause).  You  will  remember  that 
in  1872,  the  American  Government  took  the  duty  off  tea. 
Sir  Francis  Hincks,  then  Financial  Minister  in  Canada, 
recognizing  the  fact  that  it  would  be  well  for  Canada  to  adopt 
a  similar  policy,  took  the  duty  off  tea  imported  into  Canada. 
But  after  he  had  passed  the  Bill  taking  off  the  duty,  he  dis- 
covered that  the  American  people  (following  the  course  they 
generally  adopt)  considering  their  own  interests  as  opposed 
to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  this  country,  had  a  clause 
in  their  law  by  which  a  duty  of  IO  per  cent,  was  charged  on 
all  tea  imported  from  countries  west  of  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  There  was  nothing  said  in  this  clause  about  Canada 
or  Great  Britain  ;  but  they  were  (as  they  were  really  meant 
to  be)  alone  included  ;  and,  of  course  IO  per  cent.,  special 
duty,  was  charged  on  all  tea  exported  by  way  of  Canada  to 
the  United  States.  Sir  Francis  Hincks,  with  that  acuteness 
which  all  parties  admit  he  possesses,  with  that  instinct  in 
relation  to  the  interests  of  the  people  which  is  peculiarly  his 
own  ;  said  that  if  we  permitted  Free  Trade  with  the  United 
States,  and  allowed  them  to  charge  10  per  cent,  duty,  the 
effect  would  be  the  transfer  of  the  entire  tea  trade  to  the 
United  States.  Sir  Francis,  therefore,  passed  an  Act  in  the 
same  session,  providing  that  the  Governor  in  Council  might, 
by  Order  in  Council,  impose  a  duty  on  all  tea  coming  from 
the  United  States,  equal  to  the  duty  charged  by  the  United 
States  on  tea  imported  into  that  country  from  Canada,  and 
that  Act  had  preserved  to  Canada  its  own  tea  trade,  and  we 
enjoyed  all  its  advantages. 

"  A  direct  trade  was  fast  springing  up,  and  was  becoming 
one  of  the  great  factors  of  the  country's  prosperity  when,  in 
1874,  Mr.  Cartwright  proposed  again  to  alter  the  duties.  He 
did  not  put  on  the  10  per  cent.,  and  what  was  the  result?  It 
was  that  the  direct  tea  trade  of  Canada  was  destroyed  by  a 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  DIRECT  TEA  TRADE.       229 


stroke  of  the  pen  embodied  in  an  Act  of  the  Legislature.  Many 
men  in  the  City  of  Montreal,  prominent  tea  men,  had  actually 
been  compelled  to  leave  that  city  and  go  to  the  United  States, 
from  whence  they  are  issuing  circulars  to  the  trade  all  over 
the  Dominion  of  Canada,  hoping  from  that  point  to  do  the 
business  which  they  formerly  did  from  the  Canadian  city. 
And  the  same  from  all  our  cities  as  the  result  of  that  simple 
matter  of  10  per  cent.  I  am  aware  that  it  is  said  that  there 
never  was  10  per  cent,  before  Sir  Fnmcis  Hincks  put  it  on  ; 
and  that,  therefore,  Mr.  Cartwright  did  simply  what  had 
always  been  done  by  previous  Governments.  Let  me  show 
that  that  argument  is  not  strictly  a  fair  one.  When  we  had 
tea  duties  before,  they  were  part  ad  valorem  and  part  specific. 
To  the  extent  that  they  were  ad  valorem,  they  were  a  direct 
premium  upon  a  direct  trade — that  this,  a  duty  charged  upon 
the  article  at  the  point  of  export  (in  China,  for  instance) 
coming  here.  To  the  extent  the  duty  was  ad  valorem,  it  was 
a  direct  incentive  to  direct  trade.  Men  going  to  the  city  of 
New  York  to  purchase  a  quantity  of  tea  would  be  compelled 
to  pay  duty  on  the  charges  of  getting  it  to  New  York,  as  well 
as  on  the  actual  cost  of  the  tea  ;  but  if  he  got  it  direct  from 
China  he  had  only  to  pay  ad  valorem  rate  upon  the  prices 
in  China.  So  that,  practically,  we  had  what  was  equivalent 
to  the  10  per  cent,  differential  duty  in  this  understanding. 
But  by  the  system  of  to-day  that  has  been  taken  away. 

"  Then,  gentlemen,  you  remember  the  effect  in  connection 
with  the  sugar  duties.  Owing  to  the  American  '  drawback  ' 
which  is  simply  a  bounty  concealed  as  a  '  drawback  '—our 
refineries  in  Canada  have  actually  been  compelled  to  close  up. 
I  am  not  going  to  discuss  that  question  in  all  its  bearings. 
As  Dundreary  says  :  '  It  is  one  of  those  questions  which  no 
fellow  can  understand.'  But  the  prominent  fact  we  know  is 
that  400  heads  of  families  have  been  thrown  out  of  employ- 
ment ;  the  refineries  have  been  shut  up,  and  a  direct  incentive 
to  West  India  trade,  as  I  shall  show  further  on,  has  been  des- 
troyed, simply  for  want  of  legislation,  for  want  of  'a  stroke  of 
the  pen  embodied  in  legislation,'  which  would  meet  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  in  giving  their  heavy  '  drawback  '  to 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


American  refiners,  by  which  they  are  able  to  glut  this  market. 
Indeed,  Mr.  Cartwright  practically  admits  that  the  action  of 
the  Government  may  materially  affect  the  condition  of  the 
people,  for  here  let  me  give  another  extract  from  that  speech : 
'  Any  man  who  carefully  examines  the  working  of  their  sys- 
tem,' that  is  the  American  system,  'will  find  that  their  high  tariff 
had  tended  most  materially  to  enrich  a  very  few  and  seriously 
impoverish  the  great  masses  of  the  people.  I  believe  the  crea- 
tion of  collossal  fortunes,  such  as  has  taken  place  there  (in  the 
United  States),  and  perhaps  in  other  countries,  does  threaten 
serious  mischief.  I  have  no  objection  to  the  accumulation  of 
reasonable  independence,  nor  do  I  indulge  any  hope  of  enact- 
ing sumptuary  laws  to  limit  the  amount  which  any  man 
should  accumulate  in  a  life-time  ;  but  I  do  say  that  anything 
which  overrides  the  ordinary  natural  laws,  and  operates  in  the 
direction  of  large  accumulations  in  a  few  hands,  is  dangerous 
and  ought  to  be  discouraged,'  Now,  gentlemen,  without  for  a 
moment  arguing  that  point  at  this  time,  I  think  you  will  agree 
with  me  that  it  cannot  be  said  in  one  and  the  same  speech,  or 
at  any  rate  it  ought  not,  that  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  Legisla- 
ture by  a  stroke  of  the  pen,  or  by  any  mere  Act  of  Parliament, 
to  affect  the  prosperity  of  the  people,  while  at  the  same  time  you 
may  so  far  effect  them  as  to  allow  the  building  up  of  colossal 
fortunes  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  seriously  to  impoverish 
the  many.  (Loud  applause). 

"There  is,  however,  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  in  keeping 
our  free  trade  friends  to  any  direct  line  of  argument.  I  have 
shown  you  that  Mr.  Cartwright's  views — and  his  views  are 
those  of  a  great  many  others — are  that  the  effect  of  protection 
is  to  build  up  colossal  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  Now,  what  does 
David  Wells  say  as  to  this — and  this  statement  of  Mr.  Wells* 
is  quoted  by  Mr.  Cartwright,  and  I  take  the  quotation  from 
the  speech  of  that  gentleman  :  '  Every  prophecy  so  confi- 
dently made  in  the  past  as  to  the  results  of  protection  in 
inducing  national  prosperity  has  been  falsified,  and  one  has 
only  to  pick  out  the  separate  industries  which  have  been 


DOES  PROTECTION  BUILD  ui>  FORTUNES? 


especially  protected    to   find    out    the    ones   which    arc    more 
especially  unprofitable  and  dependent. 

"  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  existing  depression  and 
stagnation  is  without  parallel,  eight  of  the  principal  mills  of 
the  country  having  been  sold,  on  compulsion,  within  a 
comparatively  recent  period,  for  much  less  than  fifty  per  cent, 
of  their  cost  of  construction  ;  the  Glcndham  mills  in  particular 
—one  of  the  largest  and  best  equipped  woollen  establishments 
in  the  United  States,  advantageously  located  on  the  Hudson, 
about  fifty  miles  above  New  York,  and  representing  over  one 
million  of  dollars  paid  in — having  changed  hands  since  April 
1st,  last,  for  a  consideration  of  less  than  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars.  Here,  then,  we  have  Mr.  Wells'  assurance  that  'one 
has  only  to  pick  out  separate  industries  especially  protected  to 
find  out  those  unprofitable.5 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  that  statement  may  be  right,  or  it  may 
be  wrong.  I  am  not  going  to  say  whether  it  is  right  or  wrong  ; 
but  what  I  am  going  to  say  is  this  :  that  if  the  effect  of 
protection  has  been  to  destroy  the  industries  which  were 
protected,  and  that  they  have  been  unprofitable  and  dependent 
just  in  proportion  as  they  have  been  protected,  then  it  cannot 
be  true  that  the  effect  of  protection  is  to  build  up  colossal 
fortunes  in  the  hands  of  a  few  to  the  prejudice  of  the  many. 
(Applause).  If,  however — and  I  think  that  is  an  important 
statement  to  consider — if  it  be  true  that  the  effect  of 
protection  is  to  build  up  colossal  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  the 
few,  and  to  seriously  impoverish  the  great  masses  of  the  people 
—then,  gentlemen,  I  say  that  is  a  good  argument  against 
protection,  and  no  really  true-hearted,  honest,  patriotic  man 
ought,  for  one  moment,  to  advocate  it.  The  principle  should 
be,  undoubtedly,  '  the  greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number.' 
If  the  effect  of  protection  is  simply  to  benefit  the  few  to  the 
injury  of  the  many,  then,  I  say,  let  the  fe\v  perish,  but  give  us 
prosperity  for  the  many.  (Hear,  hear).  That,  undoubtedly,  is 
what  every  honest,  patriotic  man  would  say.  But  what  are  the 
facts  ? 

"  Let   us   look   at   them,  and    in   the   light  of  them  judge 
whether  the  effect  of  protection   is  '  to  build  colossal  fortunes 


232         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  seriously  to  impoverish  the  masses 
of  the  people.'  Now,  we  have  two  countries  which  may  fairly 
be  taken  as  illustrations  of  the  two  systems.  We  have  Eng- 
land on  the  one  side — which,  however,  is  not  a  fair  illustration 
of  the  free  trade  system  as  applied  to  the  world  over,  for  the 
reason  that  the  peculiar  position  of  England,  her  immense 
wealth,  her  tremendous  accumulations  of  coal  and  iron  lying 
together  ;  her  insular  position,  her  command  of  an  enormous 
mercantile  marine,  many  of  which  advantages  were  built  up 
by  a  system  of  protection  and  restriction  as  great  as  that 
which  ever  prevailed  in  any  other  country — I  say  these  advan- 
tages give  her  a  position  which  renders  it  impossible  to  cite 
her  for  illustration  for  a  country  like  Canada,  or  the  United 
States  twenty-five  or  fifty  years  ago.  We  are  urged  to  adopt 
England's  policy,  I  presume,  because  the  policy  there  does 
not,  it  would  seem,  build  up  colossal  fortunes  in  the  hands  of 
the  few,  and  docs  not  seriously  impoverish  the  great  masses 
of  the  people.  The  United  States  is  cited  as  an  example 
which  should  deter  us,  because  its  system  does  build  up 
colossal  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  seriously  impov- 
erishes the  many.  I  have  no  desire  to  say  one  word  against  the 
dear  old  mother  land,  but  we  are  dealing  with  practical  ques- 
tions, and  we  must  deal  with  them  as  facts  present  themselves 
to  us.  I  say,  what  is  the  position  ?  There  is  one  fact  in 
relation  to  the  United  States  and  Canada  of  which  I  think  we 
may  be  proud,  both  Americans  and  Canadians — that  is,  in  no 
country  on  the  face  of  the  earth  is  the  distribution  of  the 
wealth,  and  the  comforts  which  produce  wealth,  so  general 
and  universal  as  on  this  North  American  continent,  both  sides 
of  the  lines.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  Look  at  one  fact  I  will  give  you  as  an  illustration  of  the 
distribution  of  the  wealth  among  the  masses  of  the  people  in 
the  United  States.  According  to  the  report  of  the  Imperial 
Commissioners  on  Emigration — and  that  is  an  authority  which 
ought  to  be  accepted  without  cavil — in  one  year,  in  1870,  there 
were  sent  from  America  in  amounts  to  pay  the  passages  of 
immigrants  to  come  to  the  United  States — and  these  were 
sent  by  people  who  had  themselves  come  out,  and  were  com- 


ENGLAND  AND  UNITED  STATES  COMPARED.       235 


paratively  poor — the  enormous  sum  of  £727,408  sterling,  or  in 
round  figures  $3,627,040;  while  in  the  twenty-three  years  from 
1848  to  1870  inclusive,  the  amount  they  sent  over  was 
£16,334,000  sterling,  or  an  average,  annually,  of  $3,550,870. 
These  are  the  evidences  of  the  condition  of  the  great  masses 
of  the  people  in  the  United  States.  What  is  the  condition  of 
the  poor  in  England  ?  On  this  point  I  will  not  cite  hostile 
testimony,  but  I  will  quote  English  opinions.  Mr.  John  Bright 
should  be  taken  as  a  correct  exponent  on  this  question,  if 
any  man  may  be.  He  says  :  '  There  are  one  million  people 
who  are  paupers  on  the  parish  in  England,  and  another 
million  are  perpetually  lingering  on  the  very  verge  of  paup- 
erism.' What  does  Sir  Morton  Peto  say  :  '  It  is  an  awful 
consideration  that  in  England,  abounding  as  it  docs  with 
wealth  and  prosperity,  there  are  nearly  a  million  of  human 
beings  receiving  indoor  and  outdoor  relief  as  paupers  in  the 
different  unions,  besides  the  still  greater  number  dependent 
upon  the  hand  of  charity.  As  the  population  of  England 
and  Wales,  by  the  late  census,  were  20,205,504,  it  follows 
that  nearly  one-twentieth  part  of  our  people  are  subsisting 
upon  charity.' 

"  Then  I  will  quote  Mr.  Joseph  Kay,  a  Cambridge  man,  in 
a  work  on  the  condition  of  British  workmen :  'The  poor  of  Eng- 
land are  more  depressed,  more  pauperized,  more  numerous  in 
comparison  to  the  other  classes,  more  irreligious,  and  very  much 
worse  educated  than  the  poor  of  any  other  European  nation, 
solely  excepting  Russia,  Turkey,  South  Italy,  Portugal  and 
Spain.'  Lord  Napier  says,  and  his  statement,  it  will  be  seen, 
has  direct  reference  to  the  point  urged  by  Mr.  Cartwright  : 
'  The  proportion  of  those  who  possess,  to  those  who  possess 
nothing,  is  probably  smaller  in  some  parts  of  England 
at  this  moment,  than  it  ever  was  in  any  settled  community, 
except  in  some  of  the  republics  of  antiquity,  where  the 
business  of  mechanical  industry  was  delegated  to  slaves.' 
Judge  Byles,  another  English  authority,  writes  as  follows  :— 
<  In  the  fierce  struggle  of  universal  competition,  those  whom 
the  climate  enables,  or  misery  forces,  or  slavery  compels,  to 
live  worse  and  produce  cheapest,  will  necessarily  beat  out 


236         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALU. 

of  the  market  and  starve  those  whose  wages  are  better.  It  is 
a  struggle  between  the  working  classes  of  all  nations,  which 
shall  descend  first  and  nearest  to  the  condition  of  brutes.' 
That  is  a  very  hard  sentence,  but  unfortunately  I  am  afraid 
that,  under  free  trade  conditions,  it  is  only  too  accurate  a 
statement  of  conditions  of  labour  and  successful  competition. 
The  City  Chamberlain  of  Glasgow  reports  that :  '  By  the 
census  of  1861  more  than  28,000  houses  in  Glasgow  were 
found  to  consist  of  but  a  single  apartment  each,  and  above 
32,000  of  but  two,  so  that  of  the  whole  82,000  families  com- 
prising the  city,  upwards  of  60,000  were  housed  in  dwellings 
of  one  or  two  apartments  each. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  having  given  you  these  English  author- 
ities as  to  the  condition  of  the  masses  in  England,  let  me  give 
you  an  extract  from  an  English  authority,  concerning  the  con- 
dition of  the  masses  in  the  United  States,  under  a  system, 
which,  according  to  Mr.  Cartwright,  ought  to  seriously 
impoverish  the  great  masses  of  the  people  while  creating 
colossal  fortunes  in  the  hands  of  a  few.  Let  me  give  you  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Archibald,  British  Consul  at  New  York — I  find 
it  in  a  blue  book  which  has  been  compiled  from  the  reports  of 
different  consuls  on  the  conditions  of  labour  in  all  parts  of  the 
world,  and  submitted  to  the  Imperial  Parliament  in  1872 — and 
what  does  he  say  :  '  The  value  of  intelligent  labour  has  never 
been  so  much  appreciated  in  the  United  States  as  during 
the  last  twelve  years.  A  completion  of  railway  facilities 
linking  the  new  States  of  the  North-West  to  the  eastern  sea- 
board ;  a  rapid  development  of  the  agricultural  resources  of 
these  States  by  the  vast  crowds  of  immigrants  brought  over 
by  the  transatlantic  steamships,  which,  in  return,  convey  into 
their  holds  the  cereal  and  other  agricultural  products  of  the 
labour  they  have  borne  to  these  shores  ;  a  protective  tariff 
stimulating  for  the  last  ten  years  the  industries  of  the  older 
States  ;  the  social  condition  and  political  institutions  of  the 
country,  promising  advantages  to  the  immigrant  and  his 
children,  not  so  fully  enjoyed  in  their  native  lands  ;  have  all 
combined  in  presenting  inducements  to  the  working  classes  of 
Europe,  of  which  they  have  not  been  slow  to  avail  themselves, 


ENGLAND  AND  UNITED  STATES  COMPARED.       237 


as  is  shown  by  the  statistics  of  immigration.  .  .  There  is 
probably  no  country  in  the  world,  which,  outside  of  the  immi- 
gration ports,  offers  equal  advantages  to  the  operators  or 
farm  labourers/  That  is  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Archibald  in 
relation  to  the  people  in  that  country,  under  whose  system, 
according  to  those  who  argue  in  favour  of  Free  Trade,  colossal 
fortunes  should  have  been  built  up  by  a  few,  and  the  great 
masses  impoverished.  (Applause). 

'•  Now,  there  is  another  argument  used  by  those  who  call 
themselves  free  traders— I  again  quote  from  the  speech  of 
Mr.  Cartwright  in  the  same  sense  as  before— and  this  is,  that 
— '  The  effect  of  a  high  tariff  is  not  to  add  to  any  extent  to  the 
population  of  the  country,  but  to  promote  an  artificial  trans- 
ference from  the  rural  districts  to  the  towns  and  cities  at 
the  expense  of  the  agricultural  interests.  If  you  discriminate 
against  the  agricultural  interests,  if  you  enact  that  they  shall 
receive  less  from  the  results  of  their  labour  than  they  would 
without  your  interference,  then  you  undoubtedly  promote  an 
artificial  transference  from  the  country  to  the  town. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  this  has  been  one—- 
although I  will  not  say  a  very  great — cause  of  the  commercial 
depression  in  this  country.  I  say  the  onus  is  now  thrown  upon 
those  who  advocate  a  high  protective  tariff.  Let  them  con- 
sider what  they  ask  this  country  to  do.  They  ask  us  to  tax 
nineteen-twentieths  of  the  population  for  the  sake  of  the 
one-twentieth.' 

"  I  agree  that  there  is  no  justice  in  assisting  to  build 
up  one  class  at  the  expense  of  another.  If  that  fact  could 
be  established — and  it  was  almost  a  shibboleth  of  free 
traders — I  would  give  up  my  advocacy  of  protection.  The 
question  is,  does  protection  discriminate  ?  In  regard  to  this 
point  I  will  give  a  quaint  illustration  advanced  by  Mr. 
Horace  Greclcy  in  1873,  as  to  the  mutual  interests  of  the 
people  in  this  system.  He  says  :  '  I  am  a  printer  of  news- 
papers, and  I  have  no  other  product  to  sell ;  and  whatever  I 
buy  must  be  bought  from  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  news- 
papers. Now,  I  am  a  consumer  of  iron,  and  in  my  business 
probably,  have  roo  tons  of  iron  in  the  basement  only  of 


238         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  building-  in  which  I  work.  I  want  to  buy  it  cheaper  ;  but, 
in  order  to  do  so,  I  must  consider,  not  merely  what  the  price 
is  in  dollars,  but  how  I  shall  get  the  dollars.  Now,  I  say,  give 
me  iron  makers  who  will  buy  my  newspapers  off  me,  and  I 
can  afford  to  give  them  more  for  the  iron  I  need  than  I  can 
give  to  the  iron-workers  who  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
and  will  not,  purchase  my  paper.  This  is  a  very  simple 
proposition,  but  it  covers  the  whole  ground.'  Mr.  Greely,  by 
using  American  iron,  secured  employment  for  a  large  number 
of  people,  who  bought  his  paper.  They  made  him  more 
prosperous,  though  he  paid  more  for  his  iron,  and  thus  the 
mutual  interest  is  admirably  established. 

"  Then  we  have  another  statement  by  another  man,  whose 
name  had  doubtless  been  heard  of — General  Jackson.  He 
was  arguing  in  favour  of  Protection  in  the  interest  of  the 
agriculturist,  he  being  a  representative  of  an  agricultural 
county,  and  what  does  he  say  :  '  I  will  ask  what  is  the  real 
situation  of  the  agriculturist  ?  Where  has  the  American 
farmer  a  market  for  his  surplus  products  ?  Except  for  cotton 
he  has  neither  a  foreign  nor  a  home  market.  Does  not  this 
clearly  prove,  when  there  is  no  market  at  home  or  abroad, 
that  there  is  too  much  labour  employed  in  agriculture,  and 
that  the  channels  of  labour  should  be  multiplied?  Common 
sense  points  out  at  once  the  remedy.  Draw  from  agriculture 
the  superabundant  labour,  employ  it  in  mechanism  and 
manufactures,  thereby  creating  a  home  market  for  your  bread- 
stuffs,  and  distributing  labour  to  a  most  profitable  account, 
and  benefits  to  the  country  will  result.  Take  from  agriculture 
in  the  United  States  six  hundred  thousand  men,  women  and 
children,  and  you  at  once  give  a  home  market  for  more  bread- 
stuffs  than  all  Europe  now  furnishes.  In  short,  sir,  we  have 
been  too  long  subject  to  the  policy  of  British  merchants.  It 
is  time  we  should  become  a  little  more  Americanized,  and 
instead  of  feeding  the  paupers  and  labourers  of  Europe,  feed 
our  own,  or  else,  in  a  short  time,  by  continuing  our  present 
policy,  we  shall  be  paupers  ourselves.  It  is,  therefore,  my 
opinion  that  a  careful  tariff  is  much  wanted  to  pay  our 
national  debt  and  afford  us  the  means  of  that  defence  within 


PROTECTION  DOES  NOT  INCREASE  PRICES. 


ourselves  on  which  the  safety  and  liberty  of  our  country 
depend,  and  last,  though  not  least,  give  a  proper  distribution 
to  our  labour,  which  must  prove  beneficial  to  the  happiness, 
independence  and  wealth  of  the  community.' 

"This  was  written   in    1823,  if  I  remember  rightly.    Now, 
I  think    it    must   be  admitted  that  the   argument  was  fairly 
put,  and  accorded  with  experience.     Look  at  our  own  experi- 
ence.    What    was    the   value   of  great   centres  of  trade   and 
industry?       Take  London  and  the    farms  around  it.      What 
renders    the    farms    here    more    valuable    and    the    farmers 
more   wealthy   than    they    would    be  if  they   were    in    Mus- 
koka  ?      You    say    at    once,    because    they    have    a    home 
market.       There  is  a  large  number  of  people  here  that  require 
their  products  ;  and  the  fact  is  seen  that  the  advantage  of  the 
farmer    is    in    the    building   of   these    centres   of  population. 
Protection    does     not     discriminate     against     the     farmers. 
It    is    a     most    remarkable   doctrine    that    the    farmers    are 
injured    by    the     people   becoming    consumers    rather    than 
producers     of    agricultural     products."        Mr.     White     then 
proceeded    to    point   out    "  that   the    measure  of  taxation  of 
the    people    is    the     requirement    of   the    Government.       If 
they  require  -$23,000,000  they  must  raise  it,  no  matter  how  ; 
if  no  more,  they  do  not  require  to  raise  it  ;  and  if  in  raising  it 
they  so  distribute  it  as  to  enhance  large  industries,  he  main- 
tained it  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  country,  and  did  not  add 
to  the  taxes  of  the  people.     But  if  the  effect  of  protection 
is  to  enhance  the  price  of  certain    articles,  then   there  is  a 
taxation  of  one  interest  for  the  benefit  of  another.      But    I 
contend  that    protection   does  not   necessarily  and    perman- 
ently increase  the  cost  of  the  articles  protected,  and  in  support 
of  that  proposition  I  will  give  two  or  three  instances  from  the 
States. 

"  The  first  extract  would  be  from  a  publication  recently 
made  on  the  iron  trade  of  America :  '  Before  axes  were  made 
in  this  country,  except  by  country  blacksmiths,  English  axes 
cost  our  farmers  and  others  from  $2  to  $4  each.  By  the  tariff 
of  1828,  a  protective  duty  of  thirty-five  per  cent,  was  levied 
upon  imported  axes.  Under  this  protection  the  Collins  Com- 


240         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

pany  of  Hartford,  introduced  labor-saving  machinery,  much  of 
which  was  invented,  patented,  and  constructed  by  themselves. 
In  1836  foreign  and  home  made  axes  were  selling  side  by  side 
in  the  American  market  at  $15  and  $16  per  dozen,  at  which 
time  foreign  producers  withdrew  their  competition,  abandoning 
the  entire  market  to  American  manufacturers.  Then  home 
rivalry  and  improved  methods  continued  the  decline  in  prices. 
Axes  were  selling  in  1838  at  $13  to  $15.25  per  dozen;  in  1840 
at  $13  to  $14;  in  1843  at  $11  to  $12;  in  1845  at  $10.50  to 
$11;  in  1849  at  $8  to  $10-  In  ^76  the  price  of  the  best 
American  axes  in  the  market  is  $9.50  per  dozen,  currency, 
and  the  country  exports  large  quantities  to  foreign  markets.' 
Now,  that  is  the  effect  of  protection  upon  one  article — that  of 
axes. 

"  Then,  in  the  same  publication,  we  have  this  extract  :  '  A 
list  of  the  wholesale  prices  at  New  York  of  fifty-seven  leading 
articles  of  hardware  and  cutlery,  prepared  for  us  by  Mr.  David 
Williams,  publisher  of  The  Iron  Age,  shows  that  more  than 
half  of  them  are  cheaper  in  currency  in  1876  than  gold  in 
1 860,  with  two  exceptions;  the  remainder  are  as  cheap  now 
as  in  1860.' 

"  But,  strangely  enough,  I  have  Mr.  Cartwright's  own 
a*dmission  that  the  effect  will  not  be  to  increase  the  price.  He 
says  :  '  As  to  the  curious  allegations  made  by  the  protection- 
ists that  if  our  manufacturing  friends  are  sufficiently  protected 
it  will  not  increase  the  cost  to  the  consumer,  as  sufficient 
competition  will  arise  to  cut  down  prices  so  low  that  we  shall 
be  just  as  well  off  as  under  the  present  tariff,  I  have  simply 
this  to  say,  that  I  think  in  time  that  result  would  be  produced, 
but  I  also  think  it  would  take  time,  and  during  that  period  a 
few  gentlemen  would  make  large  fortunes,  while  the  rest  of 
the  community  would  have  to  pay  an  enormous  price  for  that 
benefit.  But  I  may  add,  sir,  if  that  is  to  be  the  result,  if  the 
desire  of  the  protectionists  is  by  internal  competition  to  cut 
down  the  standard  of  prices,  I  would  strongly  recommend 
the  gentlemen  to  begin  now,  and  by  these  means  .defy  compe- 
tition.' I  think  the  latter  statement  unworthy  of  any  public 
man.  Mr.  Cartwright  knows — and  every  intelligent  man  must 


CANADA  AS  A  SLAUGHTER  MARKKT.  241 


know — that  the  condition  for  building  up  industries  is  to 
accumulate  capital  around  them.  And  how  can  capital  be 
best  accumulated  ?  By  the  protection  of  young  industries, 
that  they  may  be  able  to  grow  up  in  our  midst.  And  to  tell 
manufacturers  that  they  are  to  invest  their  capital,  and  start 
their  enterprises,  and  then  to  be  subjected  to  the  unfair 
'slaughtering' of  a  neighbouring  nation,  is  simply  to  insult 
the  intelligence  of  every  manufacturer  in  the  land.  (Applause). 
"  And  now  I  come  to  a  question  which  has  recently,  and 
with  considerable  cause,  too,  given  rise  to  a  great  deal  of 
discussion  in  this  countrv.  I  refer  to  the  fact  of  Canada  bein<r 

*  t"> 

made  a  slaughter  market  for  the  United  States.  Mr.  Cart- 
wright  admits  this  when  he  says  :  '  I  don't  propose  at 
this  moment  to  enter  fully  into  the  discussion  raised  as  to 
Canada  being  a  sacrifice  or  slaughter  market.  But  I  must 
admit,  candidly  and  honestly,  that  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
distress  of  the  manufacturers  has  been  aggravated — though  I 
will  not  say  to  what  extent — by  this  cause.'  That  is  a  fair 
admission  of  Mr.  Cartwright,  and  every  one  knows  it  is  only 
too  true — that  Canada  has  been  made  a  slaughter  market  for 
the  United  States.  And  the  United  States  is  not  an  excep- 
tional case  to  this  rule.  It  is  the  object  of  all  large  manufac- 
turing communities  to  kill  off  small  manufacturing  commun- 
ities, first  by  opposing  a  high  tariff,  and  then  by  flooding  the 
markets  of  its  less  able  competitor.  Here  is  a  statement 
made  by  Lord  Brougham  in  the  House  of  Lords  in  1816: 
'  It  is  well  worth  while  to  incur  a  loss  upon  the  first  exporta- 
tion, in  order  by  the  glut  to  stifle  in  the  cradle  those  rising 
manufactures  in  the  United  States  which  the  war  has  forced 
into  existence  contrary  to  the  natural  course  of  things.'  Lord 
Brougham's  opinion  of  the  '  natural  state  of  things'  was  that 
the  people  of  this  country  should  be  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  to  the  manufacturers  of  the  mother  land. 
With  all  due  respect  to  the  memory  of  Lord  Brougham,  I 
think  the  people  of  this  country  will  differ  from  him. 
(Applause). 

"Not  only  that,  but  in    1854  an   English  Royal   Parlia- 
mentary Commission  reported  :   '  The    labouring  classes,  gen- 


242         Tin-;  LIFE  OF  SIR  Joiix  A.  MACDONALD. 


erally  in  the  manufacturing  districts  of  this  country,  and 
especially  in  the  iron  and  coal  districts,  are  very  little  aware 
of  the  extent  to  which  thev  arc  often  indebted  for  their  being 

*•  o 

employed  at  all,  to  the  immense  losses  which  their  employers 
voluntarily  incur  in  bad  times  in  order  to  destroy  foreign  com- 
petition, and  to  gain  and  keep  possession  of  foreign  markets. 
The  large  capital  of  this  country  is  the  great  instrument  of 
warfare  against  the  competing  capital  of  foreign  countries,  and 
the  most  essential  instruments  now  remaining  by  which  our 
manufacturing  supremacy  can  be  maintained.'  The  great 
object  which  they  had  in  view  was  even  to  the  extent  of  sacri- 
fice, to  kill  off  whatever  manufactures  appeared  to  be  spring- 
ing up  in  other  countries,  in  order  that  they  might  secure  the 
market  for  themselves. 

"  While  that  process  is  going  on,  it  is  quite  true  you  may 
have  cheap  goods,  while  industries  are  being  destroyed,  while 
capital  is  being  driven  from  the  country,  while  men  who  were 
employed  among  you  are  compelled  to  'take  up  stakes'  and, 
Avith  their  families,  seek  in  a  more  prosperous  place  the 
employment  denied  them  here — while  all  these  things  are 
going  on  you  may  have  goods  cheaper  ;  but  the  moment  rival 
manufactories  are  put  out  of  sight,  the  instant  the  object  is 
attained,  there  is  no  longer  any  sacrifice  of  the  goods,  and  you 
have  to  pay  the  price  the  manufacturer  chooses  to  exact. 
(Hear,  hear). 

"  Now,  I  am  aware  that  it  is  said  in  answer  to  what  I  have 
just  been  saying,  that  it  is  an  inevitable  rule  of  political  econ- 
omy that  consumers  always  pay  the  duty.  On  tea  in  this 
country,  that  is  true,  because  we  do  not  produce  tea  ;  on  rice, 
that  is  true,  because  we  do  not  produce  rice  ;  on  whatever  we 
cannot  produce  that  is  quite  true — that  the  consumer  must 
pay  the  duty  on  the  cost  of  the  article.  But  that  is  not  true  in 
relation  to  articles  which  we  do  produce  ;  and  I  can  give  you 
two  illustrations.  When  Mr.  Gait  brought  in  his  tariff  of  1858 
the  Sheffield  manufacturers  petitioned  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment to  disallow  the  Act.  To  them  it  was  horrible  that 
colonists  like  us  should  be  guilty  of  establishing  manufactories 
and  competing  with  their  mightinesses  in  Sheffield,  and  they 


CANADA  AS  A  SLAUCJHTKK  MAKKKT.  243 


implored  the  Government  of  that  day  to  sav,  as  Lord 
Brougham  put  it,  that  'the  natural  condition  of  things  should 
be  restored.'  While  they  furnished  the  articles,  it  should  be 
matter  of  no  moment  to  them  what  the  duties  were  if  the 
consumer  paid  the  duty.  But  it  was  because  they  knew  that 
we  did  not  pay  the  duty,  and  because  we  were  competing  with 
them,  and  compelling  them  to  reduce  the  prices  that  they 
petitioned  the  Imperial  Government. 

"  But  I  will  notice  for  a  moment  a  question  put  by  my 
friend,  Mr.  Mills,  a  short  time  ago,  when  he  addressed  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce  in  this  city,  and  I  notice  it  because  a 
question  put  by  him  assumes  an  importance  which  it  would 
not  otherwise  have.  The  question  is,  '  if  protection  was  good, 
why  did  not  England  adopt  it  ?'  Well,  that  does  seem  a  'poser' 
for  protectionists.  But,  gentlemen,  I  will  just  show  you  two 
English  authorities,  giving  one  of  the  reasons  why  England 
adopted  free  trade  in  the  first  instance,  and  inferential!}'  why 
it  continues  free  trade.  Mr.  Robertson,  M.P.,  during  the 
discussion  on  Eree  Trade  said  :  '  It  was  idle  for  us  to  endeav- 
our to  persuade  other  nations  to  join  with  us  in  adopting  the 
principles  of  what  was  called  Eree  Trade.  Other  nations  knew, 
as  well  as  the  noble  lord  opposite  and  those  who  acted  with 
him,  what  we  meant  by  Eree  Trade  was  nothing  more  or  less 
than,  by  means  of  the  great  advantages  we  enjoyed,  to  get 
monopoly  of  all  their  markets  for  our  manufacturers,  and  to 
prevent  them,  one  and  all,  from  ever  becoming  manufacturing 
nations.'  In  this  extract  and  in  others  that  I  have  quoted, 
you  have  the  answer  to  Mr.  Mills'  question.  Possessing  the 
numerous  advantages  which  England  possesses,  she  can  aftord 
to  become  the  apostle  of  Eree  Trade,  in  order  that  the  prev- 
alence of  her  opinions  may  secure  the  uninterrupted  control  of 
foreign  markets  for  her  manufacturers.  (Applause).  I  will 
refer  once  more  to  the  speech  by  Mr.  Mills,  delivered  here.  I 
accept  his  challenge,  and  I  assert  that  the  following  grounds 
are  true  in  respect  to  protection  :  It  increases  capital  ;  it 
increases  labour  ;  it  stimulates  trade  ;  it  improves  appliances. 

"  And  now,  gentlemen,  I  have  a  word  to  say  in  reference 
to  whether  this  policy  is  appropriate  to  Canada.  We  are  a 


244        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


colony  of  the  British  Empire,  and  God  grant  that  we  may 
long  remain  so.  (Hear,  hear,  and  applause).  We  have  had 
discussions  as  to  whether  it  is  advisable  to  have  independ- 
ence for  this  country  ;  and  we  have  had  discussions  whether 
it  would  be  better  to  have  Canada  annexed  to  the  United 
States  ;  and  there  have  been  proposals  to  establish  an  Amer- 
ican Zollverein.  The  independence  cry  is  dead,  and  we  will 
bury  it  out  of  sight.  So  far  as  an  American  Zollverein  is 
concerned,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  being  appointed  one  of 
the  delegates  of  the  Dominion  Board  of  Trade  to  the  meet- 
ing of  the  National  Board  of  Trade  at  St.  Louis.  We  went 
there  with  the  instructions  to  try  and  have  a  reciprocity  in 
trade  established.  They  were  anxious  to  have  Free  Trade 
with  us,  but  they  wanted  a  deal  more  than  reciprocity. 
They  proposed  to  abolish  the  entire  Custom  Houses  along  the 
line,  and  that  Canada  and  the  United  States  should  impose 
equal  duties  on  all  articles  coming  from  other  countries.  That 
was  simply  to  cut  connection  with  Great  Britain — (hear,  hear) 
— because  to  combine  with  another  power  to  discriminate 
against  the  mother  land  was  simply  to  declare  separation 
from  her.  And  the  honest  course  would  be  to  separate  at 
once.  (Applause). 

"  We,  of  course,  did  not  accede  to  the  proposal.  But  the 
National  Board  passed  a  resolution  —  I  am  afraid  as  a  mere 
matter  of  courtesy  to  the  Canadian  delegates — which  they 
have  repeated  at  every  meeting  since  then,  without  any 
influence  on  the  Government,  that  it  was  desirable  to  have 
reciprocity  with  this  country.  Our  greatest  competitor  is  the 
United  States.  They  slaughter  in  this  country  because  of  its 
proximity.  Everyone  must  see  that  when  a  nation  has  manu- 
facturing power  for  40,000,000  people,  it  can  as  easily,  and 
with  scarcely  any  additional  cost,  manufacture  for  44,000,000. 
They  are  thus  enabled,  during  certain  seasons,  to  sell  their 
goods  in  this  country  at  a  mere  nothing  rather  than  force  them 
into  their  own  market,  during  a  dull  season,  and  thus  bring 
down  the  price  there.  By  slaughtering  their  goods  in  this 
country,  they  are  enabled  not  only  to  keep  up  their  own  prices 
but  to  kill  off  our  manufactures.  (Applause). 


RECIPROCITY  IN  MANUFACTURES  IMPOSSIBLE. 


245 


"  And  what  we  have  to  complain  of  is,  that  this  advantage 
is  given   to  the   United  States,   whose   trade  regulations  are 
hostile  to  us,  and  whose  whole  fiscal  policy  has  been  against 
Hear,  hear,  and   applause).      And   the  only  policy  you 
are  met  with  by  the  United  States,  when  you  wish  a  change 
inimical  to  your  interests;  not  a  policy  to  your  advantage! 
but  one  which  they  consider  will  have  the  ultimate  effect  of 
nving  us   lnto  annexation.     We  propose  a  policy  to  put  a 
stop  to  this   feeling,  which  every  Canadian   must  dislike.     It 
is    said  we    cannot   adopt   a  differential    duty.     Mr.    Irvino- 
.  during  the  debate  in  the  House  of  Commons  last  year,  mad" 
some  very  appropriate  remarks   on   this  subject.      He  cited 
a  clause  of  the  Convention   of  Commerce,    in    1815,  which  is 
commonly  said   to  show  that  we  cannot  adopt  these  differ- 
ential duties.     Here  is  the  clause  :  '  No  higher  or  other  duties 
shall   be  imposed  on   the  importations  into  the  territories  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty  in  Europe,  of  any  articles  the  growth, 
produce,  or  manufacture  of  the  United  States,  and  no'  higher 
or  other  duties  shall  be  imposed  on  the  importation  into  the 
United  States  of  any  articles,  the  growth,  produce,  or  manu- 
facture of  His  Britannic  Majesty's  territories  in  Europe,  than 
are  or  shall   be  payable  on    like  articles  being  the  growth, 
produce,  or  manufacture  of  any  other  foreign  country.'     It  is 
quite  clear  from   that  clause  that    England  cannot  adopt  a 
system   of  differential    duties,  as  against  the  United   States. 
But   the  next  clause  goes  on   to  say  :  '  The  intercourse  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  His  Britannic  Majesty's  posses- 
sions in  the  West     Indies,   or    on    the   continent  of   North 
America,  shall   not  be   affected   by  any  of  the  provisions  of 
this    article,  but    each    party  shall   remain    in   the   complete 
possession  of  his  rights.'     Not  only,  therefore,  is  there  nothing 
in   that  treaty  which  prevents  us   from  adopting  differential 
duties,  but  there  is  an   express  provisions  in   it  that  we  shall 
not  be  so  prevented.     And  we  have  had  differential  duties 
as   late  as    1847.     Not  only   that,   but  the    tea  duty  of  Sir 
Francis   Hincks   was   a  differential  tariff.     It  was  placed  on 
your  statute   book,   and  there   was  not   any  attempt  by  the 
United  States  or  England  to  prevent  it.     That  is  a  system  of 


246         Tin-:  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

differential  duties  which  may  be  fairly  placed  on  articles  at 
the  present  time. 

"  Many  people  say  \ve  should  have  reciprocity.  No  doubt 
for  a  great  many  people  it  would  be  well  to  have  reciprocity. 
No  doubt  the  farmer,  living  on  the  frontier  would  feel  it  to 
be  an  advantage.  No  doubt  he  must  feel  a  hardship  in  the 
farmer  of  the  United  States  being  allowed  to  bring  his  pro- 
duce to  sell  in  the  Canadian  market  without  being  charged 
a  duty,  and  he  (the  Canadian)  unable  to  take  his  produce 
over  to  the  United  States  without  paying  a  heavy  duty. 
Reciprocity  in  the  natural  products  of  the  country  would  be 
a  good  thing.  But  I  do  not  believe  that  reciprocity,  in  regard 
to  manufactured  goods,  is  possible.  If  we  took  off  the  duty 
on  goods  imported  from  the  United  States,  we  could  not,  as 
loyal  subjects,  impose  duties  on  goods  brought  from  the 
mother  country.  'If  we  have  free  interchange  with  the  United 
States,  we  must  have  the  same  with  Britain.  I  (Applause  . 
All  protection  against  the  mother  country  would  thus  be 
gone.  We  would  find  ourselves  in  this  position  :  We  would 
have  the  country  free  to  the  United  States  and  to  Britain, 
and  would  be  unable  to  maintain,  much  less  to  increase,  our 
present  manufactures,  while  the  United  States  would  be  pro- 
tected from  all  the  countries  of  the  world. 

"  There  is  another  argument  I  wish  to  advance  in  favour 
of  protection.  It  promotes  immigration.  Emigrants  from 
the  mother  land,  on  arriving  in  this  country,  do  not  all  want 
to  be  sent  into  the  woods  to  earn  a  livelihood  ;  do  not  all 
desire  to  leave  the  occupations  taught  them  at  home,  in  order 
to  become  agriculturists  here.  They  want  a  diversity  of 
employment,  and  unless  we  have  legislation  of  the  kind  I  have 
mentioned,  legislation  which  will  permit  the  skilled  workman 
to  continue  his  calling  in  this  country,  they  will  most  assuredly 
wend  their  way  to  the  United  States,  and  seek  there  that 
employment  which,  through  a  narrowsighted  policy,  is  denied 
them  here.  We  have  vast  territories  to  fill  up  in  the  North- 
\Vest  and  British  Columbia,  that  glorious  land  which  Lord 
Dufferin  so  lately  visited,  and  spoke  so  approvingly  of.  It  is 
our  duty  to  fill  up  these  vast  territories,  to  develop  their 


DOMINION  BOARD  OF  TRADF.'S  Di:<  LAKATIOX.      247 


wonderful  resources,  and  we  can  best  assist  in  doing  so  by  the 
adoption  of  a  policy  which  will  tend  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  manufacturer,  and  in  the  nature  of  things  materially 
benefit  all  classes  of  the  community.  We  don't  want  to  be 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for  our  neighbours  for 
all  time  to  come.  That  is  not  our  object.  Our  aim  should  be- 
to  legislate  to  build  up  Canadian  interests,  that  capital  may 
find  profitable  investment,  labour  diversified  employment,  and 
the  people  prosperous  and  contented  homes." 

Mr.  White  resumed  his  seat  amid  loud  and  long  continued 
applause. 

Mr.  Carling  said  "he  had  great  pleasure  indeed  in  moving 
the  thanks  of  the  citizens  of  London  to  Mr.  White  for  his  very 
able  and  instructive  lecture.  Mr.  White  had  come  to  this  city 
at  great  inconvenience  to  himself,  at  the  request  of  the  Board 
of  Trade,  and  he  was  quite  sure  that  the  citizens  of  London 
would  highly  appreciate  his  able  lecture.  It  was  not  a  qucs- 
of  politics  he  had  come  amongst  us  to  discuss.  It  was  a  vital 
question,  aud  deeply  affected  the  commercial  interests  of  the 
Dominion.  It  was  to  determine  whether  a  policy  should  be 
adopted  calculated  to  induce  parties  to  live  amongst  us,  or  to 
deter  them  from  assisting  us  in  building  up  the  new  Dominion. 
If  Free  Trade  was  better  calculated  to  do  that,  then  let  us  have- 
it.  If  protection  was  deemed  the  best  policy  for  Canada,  then 
let  us  pin  our  faith  to  it.  It  was  our  duty  to  weigh  well  the 
views  advanced  by  representative  men  of  both  people,  and 
then  decide  which  is  the  best  for  the  country.  Let  us  adopt  a 
national  policy.  In  concluding  he  spoke  of  his  friend,  Mr. 
White,  whom  he  had  known  personally  and  politically  for  over 
twenty  years,  as  a  gentleman  who  was  certain  to  hold  a  high 
position  in  this  country,  and  who  had  worked  his  way  up  from 
a  small  beginning  at  Peterboro'  to  be  one  of  the  leading 
thinkers  in  the  commercial  metropolis  of  Canada.  (Applause). 
Mr.  White  was  highly  respected  as  a  man  of  talent  and  ability, 
and  he  (the  speaker)  was  acquainted  with  no  man  whose 
judgment  he  would  sooner  rely  upon  for  a  sound  opinion  than 
Mr.  Thomas  White."  (Loud  applause). 

A  day  or  two  later  Mr.  White  tested  the   question   at  a 


248         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


meeting  of  the  Dominion  Board  of  Trade  by  moving  the  fol- 
lowing resolution  : 

"  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Board  the  principle  of  Pro- 
tection to  the  manufactures  of  the  country  is  of  vital  impor- 
tance to  its  prosperity,  and  that,  in  any  revision  of  the  tariff, 
this  principle  should  be  embodied,  especially  in  the  case 
of  such  articles  as  the  unfair  and  unequal  competition  has 
pressed  most  heavily  upon."  He  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  figures  quoted  by  Col.  Walker  were  taken  from  the 
Trade  and  Navigation  returns  for  the  period  ending  July  I, 
1875,  and  did  not  give  any  idea  of  the  condition  of  affairs 
during  the  last  eighteen  months,  the  very  period  in  which  the 
slaughtering  complained  of  had  been  carried  on  most  exten- 
sively. He  also  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  import 
trade  of  the  United  States  had  largely  increased  under  a 
Protective  tariff,  having  more  than  doubled  since  1861.  He 
pointed  out  that  in  Free  Trade  England,  when  Commissioners 
met  in  1865  to  agree  upon  a  system  of  sugar  duties  with  other 
countries,  a  rule  was  adopted  that  in  case  any  one  of  the 
nations  represented  at  the  Convention  should  offer  bounties, 
any  or  all  the  others  should  be  permitted  to  increase  the  tax 
to  an  equivalent  extent.  He  denied  that  Canadian  consumers 
got  the  benefit  of  the  bounty  to  refiners  in  the  United  States, 
and  the  action  of  the  British  Commissioners  in  providing 
against  such  a  contingency  proved  this.  The  fact  was  our 
fiscal  policy  was  driving  the  consumer  out  of  the  country, 
and  diminishing  the  trade  of  the  Dominion.  While  we  were 
proposing  to  subsidize  steamers  to  carry  the  mails  to  the 
West  Indies,  we  were  by  our  sugar  duties  destroying  the  trade 
with  that  country.  He  agreed  with  Mr.  Wood,  of  Quebec, 
that  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States  was  largely  due  to 
the  Free  Trade  between  the  several  States.  But  suppose  any 
one  of  those  States  found  itself  surrounded  by  high  tariffs, 
while  it  had  no  protection  itself?  WThat  would  be  the  result? 
It  would  drive  manufactures  from  the  unprotected  State. 
That  was  precisely  the  position  in  which  Canada  stood.  It 
was  against  such  a  condition  of  affairs  that  his  amendment 
was  directed,  and  he  asked  the  Board  to  adopt  it. 


DOMINION  BOARD  OF  TRADK'S  DECLARATION.     249 


The  amendment   was  seconded   by  Mr.  Sanford. 

Mr.  Lyman  said  of  late  years  he  had  observed  a  great 
increase  in  the  numbers  of  those  favourable  to  Protection. 
It  had  always  amazed  him  to  sec  Montreal  importers  vote 
against  Protection,  for  the  most  important  thing  for  an 
importer  is  to  have  consumers.  Without  manufactories  there 
could  be  no  employment  for  emigrants  and  artizans,  and  they 
had  to  drift  off  to  the  United  States  to  find  it.  There  could 
be  no  doubt  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  manufact- 
turers  slaughtering  their  goods  in  this  country  in  order  to 
.secure  it  as  a  market.  They  had  been  told  that  the  United 
States  had  suffered  from  Protection.  He  would  like  very 
much  to  see  Canada  suffer  in  the  same  way,  as  they  had 
all  seen  the  extraordinary  growth  of  the  Republic  during  the 
last  century.  As  for  over-production  in  this  country  crowding 
our  own  markets,  there  was  no  such  thing.  The  over-produc- 
tion arose  not  from  the  produce  of  our  manufacturers,  but 
from  the  heavy  importation  of  foreign  goods  on  a  low  tariff. 
Importation  governed  the  price  of  the  whole  quantity  in  the 
market,  as  home  manufacturers  had  to  conform  to  the  prices 
quoted  in  the  trade  lists  of  the  agents  of  foreign  houses. 
When  capitalists  preferred  to  invest  their  money  in  the 
United  States  instead  of  Canada,  it  was  a  sure  indication  that 
they  favoured  a  protective  tariff. 

Mr.  Thomson  called  attention  to  the  boot  and  shoe  trade 
of  Canada,  which  was  prospering  under  a  \J%  per  cent,  tariff, 
and  he  would  like  to  know  why  it  was  that  other  industries 
did  not  prosper  also.  He  was  opposed  to  any  great  increase 
in  the  tariff,  and  especially  to  a  25  per  cent,  tariff,  which,  lie 
thought,  would  be  a  limit  that  would  increase  the  industries 
to  their  own  ruin. 

The  amendment  was  then  carried— yeas  24  ;  nays  14. 

Ayes— Messrs.  Clemow,  Dobson,  Farrell,  Frascr,  Gillespie, 
Howland,  Hannan,  Kirkpatrick,  Lyman,  Long,  McLennan, 
McKechnie,  Oille,  Ogilvie,  Paterson,  Perley,  Rees,  Rowland, 
Rosamond,  Robinson,  Sanford,  Thomson,  White,  Woods. 
Total  ayes — 24. 

Nays_Mcssrs.    Brown,  Bronson,  Cameron,  Corcoran,   I'Vy, 


250         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Joseph,  Kerry,   McMaster,   Pcnnock,   Skead,   Stairs,   Shahyn 
Walker,  Wood.     Total  nays — 14. 

The  Protectionists  received  the  announcement  of  the 
victory  with  loud  applause. 

Other  speeches  were  made,  both  for  protection  and  Free 
Trade,  from  which  we  select  the  following  : 

Mr.  McKechnic  was  pleased  to  find  a  growing  sentiment 
in  favour  of  Protection.  He  advocated  the  imposition  of 
increased  duties  on  refined  sugars.  He  denied  that  Protec- 
tion would  increase  the  cost  of  living,  and  contended  that  the 
opposite  would  be  the  result.  Experience  had  proved  that 
the  establishment  of  home  industries  had  invariably  benefited 
the  consumer.  He  argued  against  the  policy  which  opened 
our  markets  to  the  manufacturers  of  the  United  States,  while 
theirs  were  closed  to  us.  He  pointed  to  the  example  of  our 
neighbours  to  show  the  benefits  of  Protection.  A  protective 
tariff,  instead  of  cutting  off  revenue,  had  yielded  enough  to 
pay  the  interest  on  the  national  debt  and  some  of  the 
principal,  while  the  want  of  it  had  driven  our  workingmen 
to  the  neighbouring  country  to  look  for  employment.  Every 
one  wanted  a  Reciprocity  Treaty,  but  we  could  never  get  it 
until  we  had  something  to  give.  Our  farming  population 
were  becoming  alive  to  the  importance  of  protecting  their 
industries.  They  saw  that  home  competition  would  keep 
down  prices,  while  it  would  improve  their  markets. 

Mr.  Clemow  did  not  wish  the  Board  to  suppose  that  the 
Ottawa  district  favoured  Erce  Trade.  The  lumber  trade 
were  looking  for  Protection.  They  felt  the  competition  of 
Wrestern  timber  merchants  at  Quebec  and  the  effects  of  the 
hostile  tariff  of  the  United  States.  It  was  all  very  well  to 
talk  of  Free  Trade  cheapening  living,  but  what  was  the  good 
of  cheap  articles  if  the  people  had  nothing  to  buy  them  with? 
Ottawa  was  suffering  from  the  low  tariff.  The  mechanics 
had  gone  to  the  United  States.  Lumbermen  found  work- 
men going  to  Michigan  and  Wisconsin  for  employment,  while 
the  great  iron  mines  near  the  city  were  undeveloped  for  want 
of  Protection.  A  policy  was  needed  which  would  keep  our 
people  at  home.  (Cheers). 


DOMINION  BOARD  OF  TRADK'S  I)i:<  LARATIOX. 


Mr  Woods  (Quebec)  said  if  the  tariff  was  the  cause  of 
the  commercial  depression  that  was  an  argument  in  favour 
of  Free  Trade,  for  we  had  more  Protection  now  than  fur 
many  years  past.  He  maintained  that  the  depression  of 
trade  in  the  United  States  was  greater  than  in  Canada.  The 
shipping  trade  had  been  almost  obliterated  by  Protection. 
There  was  nothing  in  the  United  States  to  encourage  us  to 
take  the  retrogade  step  of  adopting  Protection.  The  internal 
Free  Trade  of  the  United  States  gave  them  what  prosperity 
they  enjoyed.  Their  foreign  trade  was  well  nigh  obliterated. 
His  strong  conviction  was  that  the  proper  policy  for  Canada 
was  the  one  now  followed,  a  tariff  for  revenue  purposes,  so 
framed  as  to  levy  the  largest  duties  on  luxuries  and  the  next 
on  articles  which  we  can  manufacture  ourselves.  lie  argued 
against  the  imposition  of  Protective  duties  on  sugar.  If  the 
United  States  Government  were  desirous  of  giving  a  bounty 
to  the  refiners  for  the  benefit  of  consumers,  our  people  had 
nothing  to  complain  of.  If  the  proposition  of  the  refiners 
were  adopted,  it  would  be  simply  giving  a  bonus  of  $500,000 
per  annum  to  keep  6,000  working  people  in  Canada. 

"Mr     Sandford    (Hamilton)    said    all    that    Protectionists 
wanted  was  internal  Free  Trade,  such  ;is  Mr.  Woods  admitted  ' 
had  built  up  the  prosperity  of  the  United  States.       That  was 
just  what  was  denied  to  us  by  the  existing  tariff. 

Dr.  Oille,  (St.  Catharines),  in  reply  to  Major  Walker's 
remarks,  wished  to  know  if  we  were  benefited  by  practical 
Free  Trade  in  pig  iron,  steel  rails,  and  bar  iron.  The  fact  was, 
that  notwithstanding  the  high  protective  tariff  on  those  articles 
in  the  United  States,  we  paid  as  much  for  ours.  The  difference 
was  that  we  had  to  buy  ours  abroad,  while  the  United  States 
consumer  had  his  manufactured  at  the  same  price  at  home. 
When  steel  rails  were  first  manufactured,  they  were  imported 
into  the  United  States  at  high  prices.  A  heavy  duty  was  put 
on  them,  and  home  industries  at  once  sprang  into  existence. 
The  result  was  that  they  manufactured  their  own  rails,  and 
the  railway  companies  got  them  as  cheaply  as  they  could  get 
abroad.  By  our  policy  we  paid  as  much  f  >r  such  articles  as 
our  neighbours,  while  we  were  without  the  large  manufacturing 

t> 


252          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


industries  which  were  flourishing  in  the  neighbouring  country. 
We  had  the  humiliating  spectacle  of  Americans  coming  to 
Ottawa  and  taking  ore  from  our  mines,  carrying  it  to  the 
United  States,  smelting  it,  and  sending  back  to  us  our  own 
iron  manufactured.  We  import  to  day  250,000  barrels  of 
flour.  Under  a  proper  policy,  we  would  import  the  grain, 
manufacture  it  and  the  barrels,  and  send  it  to  the  Lower 
Provinces,  while  we  would  bring  back  in  return  cargoes  of 
their  products.  Under  a  proper  policy  our  Maritime  Provinces 
would  be  the  Great  Britain  of  America. 

Mr.  Rowland  contended  that  Canada  never  had  but  one 
satisfactory  tariff,  that  of  Gait's  of  twenty  per  cent.  Under 
that  tariff  manufactures  had  thrived.  Nothing  but  fanaticism 
prevented  free  traders  from  seeing  that  Canada  was  placed  at 
a  disadvantage  in  her  relations  with  the  United  States.  He 
contended  that  the  duties  of  the  neighbouring  country  were 
differential  against  the  Dominion.  He  did  not  advocate  the 
imposition  of  the  same  duties  on  our  side,  because  a  lower 
tariff  would  answer  our  purpose. 

At  this  point  the  Premier  and  Messrs.  Vail,  Smith  and 
Burpee  entered,  and  were  received  with  cheers.  They  were 
introduced  to  the  United  States  delegates,  and  seated  with 
them  near  the  President. 

Mr.  Howland  continued  his  argument  in  favour  of  Protec- 
tion. He  contended  that  our  home  industries  were  dying  out 
from  the  extreme  competition  of  our  neighbours,  and  furnished 
several  illustrations  in  proof  of  the  assertion.  The  farmers 
were  beginning  to  feel  the  same  competition  in  their  line. 
The  Grangers  had  recently  passed  a  resolution  in  favour  of 
Protection  to  agricultural  industries.  Without  a  re-adjusted 
and  increased  tariff,  Confederation  would  never  be  accom- 
plished. The  inter-Provincial  trade  which  it  would  stimulate 
would  draw  us  closer  together,  develop  our  immense  natural 
resources,  and  restore  the  prosperity  which  this  country  should 
enjoy.  This  was  a  national  policy  which  would  make  us  feel 
we  were  all  Canadians,  and  interested  in  the  prosperity  of 
every  section  of  the  country. 

Mr.    White  lived   to   see  his   views   carried    into   practical 


DOMINION  BOARD  OF  TRADE'S  DECLARATION.     253 


effect,  and,  as  a  Minister  of  the  Crown,  had  many  opportuni- 
ties of  raising  his  voice  in  defence  of  Canadian  interests.  In 
the  prime  of  life,  and  at  the  zenith  of  his  usefulness,  he  was 
suddenly  stricken  down,  and  passed  away  on  April  21,  1888. 
He  was  a  close  friend  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  who,  in 
endeavouring  to  announce  his  death  to  the  House,  completely 
broke  down,  and  laying  his  head  on  his  desk,  burst  into  deep 
sobs.  The  whole  House  was  deeply  affected,  and  few  could 
keep  back  their  rising  tears,  for  Mr.  White  had  hosts  of  friends 
and  no  enemies. 


C  H  A  P  T  K  R    XXXII. 

General  election  September  17,  1878 — Defeat  of  the  Mackenzie  Government — Sir 
John  Macclonald  forms  a  new  Government — Departure  of  Lord  Dufferin  — 
Lord  Lome  and  H.  R.  H.  the  Princess  Louise — The  National  Policy  reso- 
lutions March  14,  1879 — Sir  Leonard  Tilley's  speech — A  short  summary 
of  his  political  history — Death  of  the  Honourable  George  Brown — A 
memorial  statue  erected  in  Queen's  Park — Tributes  to  his  memory  by 
Honourable  Oliver  Mowat  and  Honourable  George  Allan. 

TN  the  autumn  of  1878  Parliament  was  dissolved  and  a 
general  election  held  on  September  i/th.  The  issue  before 
the  people  was  whether  or  not  they  desired  protection  to  home 
iudustries,  and  they  pronounced  in  favour  of  the  policy  in  a 
manner  that  even  the  most  sanguine  of  its  advocates  had 
never  hoped  for.  The  electors  also,  doubtless,  felt  that  an 
injustice  had  been  done  to  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  his  Minis- 
try in  1873  in  pronouncing  them  guilty  on  such  utter  want  of 
evidence,  and  were  anxious  to  make  atonement.  The  Oppo- 
sition swept  the  country  even  more  completely  than  Mr. 
Mackenzie  had  done  in  1874,  and,  finding  himself  left  in  such 
a  hopeless  minority,  that  gentleman  handed  in  the  resignations 
of  his  Cabinet  to  His  Excellency  the  Governor-General.  For 
the  first  time  since  1844,  Sir  John  was  defeated  in  his  old 
constituency,  Kingston,  but  was  elected  for  Marquette,  Mani- 
toba. He  was  entrusted  with  the  task  of  forming  a  new 

o 

Government,  which  he  succeeded  in  doing  as  follows  : 

RIGHT  HON.  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD,  Premier  and  Minister  of  the 

Interior. 

HON.  S.  L.  TILLEY,  Minister  of  Finance. 
HON.  CHARLES  TUPPER,  Minister  of  Public  Works. 
HON.  J.  H.  POPE,  Minister  of  Agriculture. 
HON.  JAMES  MACDONALD,  Minister  of  Justice. 
HON.  L.  F.  R.  MASSON,  Minister  of  Militia. 
HON.  J.  C.  POPE,  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries. 
HON.  L.  F.  G.  BABY,  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue. 
HON.  MACKENZIE  BOWELL,  Minister  of  Customs. 
HON.  ALEXANDER  CAMPBELL,  Receiver-General. 
HON.  H.  L.  LANGEVIN,  Postmaster-General 
HON.  J.  C.  AIKEN,  Secretary  of  State. 
HON.  JOHN  O'CONNOR,  President  of  the  Council. 
HON.  R.  D.  WILMOT,  Speaker  of  the  Senate. 

254 


DEPARTURE  OF  LORD  DUFFERIN, 


term  of    f  ^  uCnn     av^  COraP^d  his 

teim  of  six  .years,  sailed   for  England.     During  his  stay  in 

thT±  1°  ft™",  ^  rCSpCCt'  admiration  and  "Vof 

the  people  of  Canada  and  his  departure  was  deeply  regretted 
The  warm  feeling  entertained  was  shown  by  the  large  numb^ 
>f  addresses  presented  to  him,  one  of  which  was  joined  in  by 
nearly  every  municipal  body  in  Canada.  He  was  succeeded 
-Marquis  of  Lome,  who,  accompanied  by  H  R  H  the 
Princess  Louise,  arrived  in  Halifax  on  November  23rcl  and 
were  received  with  all  possible  honour. 


.  .         .  . 

It  would  be  a  congenial  task  to  present   to  our  readers 

ome  of  the  very  eloquent  speeches  made  by  Lord  Dufferin 
during  the  period  he  presided  over  the  destinies  of  the  country 
and  to  try  and  convey  some  idea  of  the  popularity  of  both' 
himself  and  Lady  Dufferin  amongst  the  Canadian  people,  but 

t  would  be  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  subject  within  a 
limited  space,  and  the  story  has  already  been  told  so  fully  and 
clearly  by  Mr.  Leggo  and  Mr.  Stewart,  that  the  better  course 
is  not  to  touch  upon  ground  which  has  already  been  so  ably 
occupied. 

The  Marquis  of  Lome  is  descended  from  one  of  the  most 
illustrious  and  ancient  families  in  Scottish  history,  the  annals 
of  whose  ancestors  are  traced  back  until  they  become  dim  in 
the  twilight  of  tradition.  But  since  Gillespie  Campbell,  in  the 
eleventh  century,  acquired  by  marriage  the  lordship  of 
Lochow,  in  Argyleshire,  the  records  of  the  family  may  be 
plainly  followed.  From  him  descended  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  of 
Lochow,  who  became  distinguished  both  in  war  and  in  peace, 
and  who  received  the  surname  of  "Mohr''  or  "Great."  From 
him  the  chief  of  the  house  is  to  this  day  styled,  in  Gaelic, 
"MacCailean  Mohr"  or  "The  Great  Colin."  In  1280,  he  was 
knighted  by  Alexander  III.,  and  eleven  years  later  he  was 
slam  in  a  contest  with  his  powerful  neighbour,  the  Lord 
of  Lome.  This  event  occasioned  bitter  feud  between  the  two 
families,  which  existed  for  many  years,  but  was  finally  termin- 
ated, romantically,  by  the  marriage  of  the  first  1  of  Argyle 
to  the  heiress  of  Lome.  For  hundreds  of  ye.  after  this 
time  the  history  of  the  family  is  inseparably  inwoven  with  the 


258         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

history  of  Scotland.     The  first  and  also  the  last  Marquis  of 
Argyle  was  Gillespie  Grumach,  or  Archibald  the  Grim,  who 
was  beheaded  during  the  reign  of  Charles  II.     His  son,  taking 
part  against  the  reigning  power,  escaped  to  the  Continent,  but 
subsequently   returned    to  Scotland  to  invade  that  kingdom 
simultaneously  with  the  Duke  of  Monmouth's  unlucky  rising 
in  the  south.     His  small  force  was  defeated  while  marching  on 
Glasgow,  and  he  was  captured  and  suffered  the  same  fate  as 
his   father.     The    estates   were    confiscated,    and    the    family 
seemed   doomed   to   extinction  ;   but  the   revolution   of   1688 
brought  it  once  more  into  prominence,  and  its  representative 
was  created  the  Duke  of  Argyle  and  Marquis  of  Lome.     The 
next  successor  to  the  titles  played  a  very  conspicuous  part  in 
the  history  of  his  time,  and  has  been  immortalized  in  verse  by 
Pope,  and  in  prose  by  Sir  Walter  Scott.     The  head   of  the 
family  at  the  present  time  is  the  eighth  Duke  of  Argyle,  a 
celebrated  statesman  who  has  filled  several  important  offices 
under  different  Administrations,  and  who  has  achieved  consid- 
erable reputation  as  a  man  of  science  and  of  letters.    Upon  the 
formation  of  Mr.  Gladstone's  Cabinet  in  December,  1868,  he 
became  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  and  conducted  its  affairs 
with  marked  ability  until  the  Liberal  Government  was  deposed 
in  February,  1874.    The  late  General  Grant  said  that  the  Duke 
of  Argyle  inspired  in  him  a  higher  respect  than  any  other  man 
in  Europe.     This,  from  the  ex-President  of  the  United  States, 
whose  discriminating  sense  and  judgment  in   observing  men 
was  unsurpassed,  and  who  had  met  nearly  all  the  distinguished 
men   in   the  world,  is  a  rare  compliment,  but  doubtless  as 
deserving  as  true.    In  1844,  the  Duke  married  Lady  Elizabeth 
Georgina   Sutherland  Leveson-Gower,  eldest  daughter  of  the 
second   Duke  of  Sutherland,  and  late  Mistress  of  the  Royal 
Robes.     By   this  union   he    has    twelve   children,    the   eldest 
of  whom,  the   Right   Honourable   Sir  John   George  Edward 
Henry  Douglas  Sutherland  Campbell,  K.  T.,  G.  C.  M.  G.,  Mar- 
quis of  Lome,  was  born  at   the   Stafford    House,  .St.  James' 
Park,  London,  on  August  6,  1845.     He  was  educated  at  Eton, 
and-  afterwards  passed  successively  to  the  University  of  St. 
Andrew's    and     Trinity    College,    Cambridge.       In    1866    he 


THE  MARQUIS  OF  LORNE. 


became  connected  with  the  military,  by  appointment  as 
Captain  of  the  London  Scottish  Volunteers,  and  in  1868  was 
commissioned  Lieut-Colonel  of  the  Argyle  and  Bute  Volun- 
teer Artillery  Brigade.  For  literary  and  artistic  pursuits  the 
Marquis  possesses  much  natural  ability  as  well  as  a  cultivated 
taste,  the  result  of  study,  observation  and  experience.  His 
first  published  work  was  "  A  Tour  in  the  Tropics,"  the  result 
of  his  observations  during  a  trip  through  the  West  Indies  and 
the  eastern  part  of  North  America  in  1866.  Although  the 
author  was  very  young  at  this  time,  the  appearance  of  this 
work  displayed  to  the  public  the  keen  sense  of  observation 
and  discriminating  judgment  which  he  inherits  from  his  father. 
During  this  trip  he  made  his  first  visit  to  Canada,  and 
conceived  a  very  favourable  impression  of  this  country.  His 
next  publication  was  "  Guida  and  Lita,  a  Tale  of  the  Rivieta," 
a  poem  which  attracted  much  interest,  not  so  much  on 
account  of  its  titled  author,  as  because  of  the  genuine  worth 
and  beauty  of  its  composition.  In  1877  appeared  from  his  pen 
"The  Book  of  Psalms,  literally  rendered  in  verse,"  which  is 
doubtless  the  best  of  his  literary  productions.  It  called  forth 
much  praise,  and  is  a  work  of  great  merit. 

In  1868  he  became  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
representing  the  constituency  of  Argylcshire,  and  was 
re-elected  by  acclamation  in  two  subsequent  general  elections, 
and  continued  in  Parliament  until  his  appointment  to  Canada. 
During  part  of  the  Duke  of  Argyle's  term  of  office  in  Mr. 
Gladstone's  Cabinet,  the  Marquis  acted  as  his  private  secre- 
tary, displaying  much  aptitude  for  affairs  of  state. 

On  March  21,  1871,  he  was  united  in  marriage  to  Her 
Royal  Highness,  the  Princess  Louise  Caroline  Alberta, 
Duchess  of  Saxony,  the  sixth  child  and  fourth  daughter  of 
Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria,  who  was  born  on  March  1 8, 
1848.  Since  her  marriage  brought  her  prominently  before 
the  public,  she  has  been  regarded  with  much  affectionate 
interest  by  the  people  ;  and  her  personal  qualities,  indepen- 
dilently  of  her  high  rank,  arc  such  as  to  have  earned  for  her 
the  love  and  respect  of  all  with  whom  she  had  been  brought 
in  contact. 


260         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

As  we  are  now  dealing  with  a  period  within  the  memory 
of  every  one  and  it  is  necessary  to  hurry  on  to  the  concluding 
portions  of  the  work,  we  will  not  attempt  to  follow  the 
remainder  of  Sir  John  Macdonald's  career  in  the  detailed 
manner  that  was  necessary  in  the  earlier  chapters.  It,  con- 
sequently, becomes  impossible  to  dwell  upon  the  acts  or 
characteristics  of  any  of  the  Governor's-General,  under  whom 
he  had  the  honour  of  serving  in  his  later  years.  Therefore, 
while  proposing  to  return  for  a  while,  to  deal  with  the  National 
Policy  and  the  Pacific  Railway,  we  will,  at  this  point  antici- 
pate a  little  and  say  that  Lord  Lome  remained  in  Canada 
as  Governor-General,  until  October  23,  1883,  when  his 
successor,  Lord  Lansdowne,  was  sworn  into  office.  He 
proved  to  be  a  worthy  successor  to  Lord  Dufferin,  and  both 
he  and  H.R.H.  the  Princess  Louise  won  warm  places  in  the 
hearts  of  the  Canadian  people.  The  sentiments  of  the  nation 
were  fitly  voiced  in  the  speeches  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  and 
Mr.  Blake  in  moving  and  seconding  the  adoption  of  an 
address  to  him,  upon  his  retirement  from  office.  Sir  John 
Macdonald  said  :  "  When  we  heard  that  Lord  Lome  was 
appointed  to  hold  the  great  office  of  representative  of  Her 
Majesty  in  Canada,  we  rejoiced  that  the  selection  had  fallen 
on  the  scion  of  so  illustrious  a  race  as  that  of  Argyle  ;  and 
I,  with  every  countryman  of  mine,  rejoiced  that  the  son  of 
McCallum  More  should  be  here  to  represent  the  Queen. 
That  pleasure  was  increased  by  the  knowledge  that  he  was 
to  be  accompanied  by  Her  Royal  Highness  the  daughter  of 
our  Sovereign.  Though  our  expectations  were  high,  I  am 
glad  to  believe  that  the  country  and  this  House,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  country,  believe  our  expectations  to  have 
been  fulfilled.  From  the  time  he  first  assumed  office  until 
now,  he  has  devoted  himself  with  great  industry,  energy,  and 
ability,  and,  I  am  glad  to  say,  with  great  success,  to  forward- 
ing all  the  interests  of  Canada,  not  in  a  mere  dilettante  per- 
functory way,  but  in  a  searching  manner,  earnestly  enquiring 
into  the  position  of  the  country,  its  capabilities  and  resources 
and  the  best  way  of  advancing  all  its  interests,  material,  intel- 
lectual, moral,  and  artistic.  He  has  not  spared  himself.  He 


THE  MARQUIS  OF  LORNE.  26i 


has  visited  every  Province  of  the  Dominion,  not  as  a  mere 
traveller,  but  as  one  anxious  to  make  all  enquiries  fully  to 
inform  himself  of  our  wants,  wishes,  and  aspirations.  Now 
that  he  is  leaving  us,  we  must  express  our  re-ret  at  his  depar- 
ture. We  regret  extremely  to  lose,  also, 'as  a  matter  of 
course,  his  illustrious  consort.  During  the  short  time  her 
health  has  enabled  her  to  be  with  us,  she  has  endeared  herself 
to  every  one  with  whom  she  has  come  into  contact  by  the 
kindly  and  sympathetic  manner  with  which  she  has  viewed 
both  men  and  things  in  Canada.  We  must  not  forget  that, 
although  we  have  been  deprived  of  much  of  her  presence, 
and  of  the  light  such  a  presence  casts  around  the  metropolis 
the  accident  which  caused  her  absence  was  occasioned  by 
her  attending  to  her  duties  as  the  wife  of  the  Govcrnor- 
General,  in  coming  to  be  present  at  one  of  the  official  cere- 
monies, the  duty  of  presiding  at  which  was  cast  upon  Lord 
Lome  and  herself  as  his  consort." 

Mr.  Blake,  in  seconding  the  resolution,  as  leader  of  the 
Opposition,  said  :  "Honourable  gentlemen  opposite,  of  course 
have,  from  their  connection  with  His  Excellency  as  his 
responsible  advisers,  the  opportunity  of  speaking  with  a 
greater  knowledge  as  to  the  discharge  of  his  political  duties, 
than  those  who  have  not  that  opportunity.  But,  viewing  His 
Excellency's  conduct  from  the  position  we  occupy,  we  can 
cordially  concur  in  the  sentiment  that  he  has  been  a  good 
constitutional  Governor,  and  that,  so  far  as  his  public  conduct 
has  enabled  us  to  judge,  he  has  fully  realized  and  acted  upon 
those  great  principles  of  responsible  Government  which  are 
so  dear,  equally  in  this  and  the  mother  country,  and  which 
form,  in  the  opinion  of  both,  the  vital  clement  of  their  system 
of  Government.  The  Governor  of  Canada  has,  as  this 
Address  indicates,  many  important  duties  to  perform.  Those 
duties  His  Excellency  has  assiduously  attended  to  ;  and,  in 
the  spirit  the  honourable  gentleman  has  expressed,  we  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  he  has  devoted  his  time,  his 
energies,  his  ability,  his  intellect,  to  the  thorough  understand- 
ing and  comprehension  of  the  situation  of  this  country,  to  an 
attention  to  its  physical  and  moral  txxsition,  and  to  enabling 


362         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

himself,  as  far  as  his  high  position  would  permit,  to  give  fit 
expression  to  what  our  wishes,  wants,  and  aspirations  are,  here, 
during  the  discharge  of  his  high  duty,  and  hereafter  in  the 
councils  of  his  country,  to  which  he  will,  no  doubt,  shortly 
be  called  ;  that  expression  which  will  be  of  great  use  to  us — 
not  an  expression  of  indiscriminate  praise,  which  we  do  not 
want,  but  the  judicious  expression  of  such  a  measure  of  praise 
and  approbation  as  may  convince  the  public  whom  he 
addresses,  that  they  are  the  sentiments  of  his  heart,  based 
upon  a  thorough  comprehension  of  all  the  circumstances  of 
this  country.  The  honourable  gentleman  has  alluded  to  His 
Excellency's  illustrious  consort,  and  the  representative  of 
the  Queen  by  office  and  by  birth,  her  illustrious  daughter. 
We  are  glad  to  send  this  message  back.  We  are  here  in  a 
democratic  country,  where  the  Throne  is  not  supported  by 
the  arrangements  of  society,  which  are  supposed,  in  other 
lands,  to  be  essential  to  a  monarchy  ;  but  there  exists  here 
in  the  minds  of  the  people,  a  firm,  thorough,  and  fervent — 
because  a  reasonable — loyalty  to  that  system  under  which, 
if  they  do  not  entirely  regulate  their  affairs,  at  any  rate  they 
have  the  most  perfect  measure  of  self-control  and  of  self- 
government. 

The  following  is  the  joint  address  which  was  adopted  by 
both  Houses  : 

To  His  Excellency  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  John  Douglas  Sutherland 
Campbell  (commonly  called  the  Marquis  of  Lome),  Knight  of  the  Most 
Ancient  and  Most  Noble  Order  of  the  Thistle ;  Knight  Grand  Cross  of 
the  Most  Distinguished  Order  of  St.  Michael  and  St.  George,  Governor- 
General  of  Canada,  and  Vice-Admiral  of  the  same,  etc.,  etc. 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY  : 

We,  Her  Majesty's  dutiful  subjects,  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Commons  of  Canada  in  Parliament  assembled,  desire,  on  behalf  of 
those  whom  we  represent,  as  well  as  on  our  own,  to  give  expression  to 
the  general  feeling  of  regret  with  which  the  country  has  learned,  that 
Your  Excellency's  official  connection  with  Canada  is  soon,  about  to 
cease. 

We  are  happy,  however,  to  believe  that  in  the  Councils  of  the 
Empire  in  the  future,  and  wherever  opportunity  enables  you  to  render 
her  service,  Canada  will  ever  find  in  Your  Excellency  a  steadfast 


THE  MARQUIS  OF  LORNE.  263 


friend,  with  knowledge  of  her  wants  and  aspirations,  and  an  earnest 
desire  to  forward  her  interests. 

Your  Excellency's  zealous  endeavours  to  inform  yourself  by 
personal  observation  of  the  character,  capabilities  and  requirements 
of  every  section  of  the  Dominion,  have  been  highly  appreciated  by  its 
people,  and  we  feel  that  the  country  is  under  deep  obligations  to  you 
for  your  untiring  efforts  to  make  its  resources  widely  and  favourably 
known. 

The  warm  personal  interest  which  Your  Excellency  has  taken  in 
everything  calculated  to  stimulate  and  encourage  intellectual  energy 
among  us,  and  to  advance  science  and  art,  will  long  be  gratefully 
remembered  ;  the  success  of  Your  Excellency's  efforts  has  fortified  us 
in  the  belief  that  a  full  development  of  our  national  life  is  perfectly 
consistent  with  the  closest  and  most  loyal  connection  with  the  Empire. 

The  presence  of  your  illustrious  consort  in  Canada  seems  to  have 
drawn  us  closer  to  our  beloved  Sovereign,  and  in  saying  farewell  to 
Your  Excellency  and  to  Her  Royal  Highness,  whose  kindly  and 
gracious  sympathies,  manifested  on  so  many  occasions,  have  endeared 
her  to  all  hearts,  we  humbly  beg  that  you  will  personally  convey  to 
Her  Majesty  the  declaration  of  our  loyal  attachment,  and  our  deter- 
mination to  maintain  firm,  and  abiding  our  connection  with  the  great 
Empire  over  which  she  rules.  (Signed). 

1).  L.  MACPHKKSON, 

Speaker  of  the  Senate. 

J.  G.  BLANCHET, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

On  May  25th,  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons 
went  in  a  body  to  the  Senate  Chamber  where,  together  with 
the  members  of  the  Upper  House,  they  were  received  by  the 
Governor-General  and  the  Princess  Louise.  The  address 
adopted  by  both  Houses  was  then  presented  to  His  Excel- 
lency by  the  Privy  Councillors  who  were  in  attendance,  and 
the  Marquis  of  Lome  made  the  following  reply  : 

"  Honourable  Gentlemen— No  higher  personal  honour  can 
be  received  by  a  public  man  than  that  which,  by  this  Address 
you  have  been   pleased  to  accord  to  me.     In   asking  you  t 
accept  my  gratitude,  I  thank  you,  also,  for  your  words  regard 
ino-  the  Princess  whose  affection  for  Canada  fully  equals  mm 
It  will  be  my  pride  and  duty  to  aid  you  in  the  futi-rc 
utmost  of  my  power. 

"Now  that  the  pre-arranged  term  of  our  residence  amo 
you  draws  to  its  end,  and  the  happiest  five  years 

v- 


264        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

known  are  nearly  spent,  it  is  my  fortune  to  look  back  on  a 
time  during  which  all  domestic  discord  has  been  avoided,  our 
friendship  with  the  great  neighbouring  republic  has  been 
sustained,  and  an  uninterrupted  prosperity  has  marked  the 
advance  of  the  Dominion. 

"  In  no  other  land  have  the  last  seventeen  years — the  space 
of  time  which  has  elapsed  since  your  Federation — witnessed 
such  progress.  Other  countries  have  had  their  territories 
enlarged,  and  their  destines  determined  by  trouble  and  war, 
but  no  blood  has  stained  the  bonds  which  have  knit  together 
your  free  and  order-loving  populations.  And  yet,  in  this 
period,  so  brief  in  the  life  of  a  nation,  you  have  attained  to  a 
union  whose  characteristics,  from  sea  to  sea,  arc  the  same. 

"  A  judicature  above  suspicion  ;  self-governing  communi- 
ties entrusting  to  a  strong  central  Government  all  national 
interests  ;  the  toleration  of  all  faiths,  with  favour  to  none  ;  a 
franchise  recognizing  the  rights  of  labour  by  the  exclusion 
only  of  the  idlers  ;  the  maintenance  of  a  Government  not 
privileged  to  exist  for  any  fixed  term,  but  ever  susceptible  to 
the  change  of  public  opinion,  and  ever  open  through  a 
responsible  Ministry  to  the  scrutiny  of  the  people  ;  these  are 
the  features  of  your  rising  power. 

"  Finally,  you  present  the  spectacle  of  a  nation,  already 
possessing  the  means  to  make  its  position  respected  by  its 
resources  in  men  available  at  sea  or  on  land.  May  these 
never  be  required  except  to  gather  the  harvests,  the  bounty 
that  God  has  so  lavishly  bestowed  upon  you.  The  spirit, 
however,  which  made  your  fathers  resist  encroachments  on 
your  soil  and  liberties,  is  with  you  now,  and  it  is  as  certain 
to-day  as  it  was  formerly,  that  you  are  ready  to  take  on  your- 
selves the  necessary  burden  to  ensure  the  permanence  of  your 
laws  and  institutions. 

"  You  have  the  power  to  make  treaties  on  your  own  respon- 
sibility with  foreign  nations,  and  your  High  Commissioner  is 
associated  for  purposes  of  negotiation  with  the  foreign  office. 

"You  are  not  the  subjects,  but  the  free  allies  of  the  great 
country  which  gave  you  birth,  and  is  ready  with  all  its  energy 
to  be  the  champion  of  your  interests.  Standing  side  by  side, 


SIR  LEONARD  TILLEY  AND  NATIONAL  POLICY.     265 


Canada  and  Great  Britain  work  together  for  the  commercial 
advancement  of  each  other.  It  is  the  recognition  of  this  which 
makes  such  an  occasion  as  the  present  significant,  personalities, 
however  dear  to  individuals,  are  of  no  possible  moment. 
These  may  be  happy  or  unhappy  accidents,  but  the  satisfac- 
tion experienced  from  the  condition  of  the  connection  now 
subsisting  between  the  old  and  new  lands,  can  be  affected  by 
no  personal  accident. 

"  I  therefore  rejoice  that  again  it  has  been  your  determina- 
tion to  show  that  Canada  remains  as  firmly  rooted  as  ever  in 
love  to  that  free  union  which  ensures  to  you  and  to  Great 
Britain  equal  advantages.  Without  it,  the  maintenance  of 
your  institutions  and  national  autonomy  would  not  be  allowed 
to  endure  for  a  twelvemonth,  while  the  loss  of  the  alliance  of 
the  communities  which  were  once  the  dependencies  of  Kng- 
land,  would  be  a  heavy  blow  to  her  commerce  and  renown. 

"  I  thank  you  once  more  for  your  words,  which  shall  be 
dear  treasures  to  me  forever,  and  may  the  end  of  the  term  of 
each  public  servant  who  fills  with  you  the  office  which  consti- 
tutes him  at  once  your  chief  magistrate  and  the  representative 
of  a  united  empire,  be  a  day  for  pronouncing  in  favour  of  a 
free  national  Government,  defended  by  such  Imperial  alliance." 

On  March  14,  1879,  the  Honourable  S.  L.  Tillcy  made  his 
Budget  Speech  introducing  the  National  Policy.  Much  of  it 
was  of  course  of  a  statistical  nature  and  would  be  uninteresting 
to  the  general  reader,  we  will,  therefore,  only  give  those  parts 
which  deal  with  the  principle  upon  which  the  new  tariff  was 
formed. 

"Mr.   Chairman,— It    is   only    recently  that   I    have  quite 
realized  the  great  changes  that  have  taken  place  throughout 
the  Dominion  of  Canada  since  I  last  had  the  honour  of  a  scat 
in  Parliament.     To-day  I  fully  realize  them,  and  the  increased 
difficulties  devolving  upon  me,  as  Finance  Minister,  comparec 
with  the  position  of  affairs  when   I   submitted   my  financial 
statement  in    1873.     Then   my  work   was   a   very   easy 
indeed.     Honourable  Ministers  on  the  opposite  bcnc. 
pleased,  on  that  occasion,  to  compliment   me  on  that  sta 
merit,  but  I  felt  that  I  had  earned  no  compliment,  that  i 


266        THE  LIP^E  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

speech  was  acceptable  to  the   House,   it  was  because  of  the 
satisfactory  statements  I  was   able  to   make  with  reference  to 
the  condition  of  the  Dominion  and  also  of  the  finances  of  the 
Dominion.     Then,  sir,   I    was    able   to    point  to  steady  and 
increasing  surplusses  and  revenue,  and  that,  too,  in  the  face  of 
a  steady  reduction  of  taxation.     Then   I  was  able  to  point 
with  some  degree  of  confidence  to  the  prospective  expendi- 
tures of  the  Dominion,  extending  over  ten  years.     To-day  I 
cannot  speak  of  it  with  the  same  confidence.     Then  the  con- 
struction of  the  Pacific   Railway  was   under   regulations  that 
confined    and    limited    the    liabilities    of   the    Dominion    to 
$30,000,000.     To-day  I  am   not    in    a    position  to  say   what 
expenditure  or  responsibilities  we  may  incur  with  reference  to 
that  great   undertaking.     There  has    been    a    change   in   the 
policy.     But  it  will  become  the  duty  of  the  Government  and 
of  Parliament  to  consider,  while  we  have  not  the  limit  to  our 
liabilities  that  we  had,  whether  we  cannot,   by  some  means, 
construct  that  great  work  largely  out  of  the  200,000,000  acres 
of  land  lying  within  the  wheat  area  of  that  magnificent  country. 
"  Then,  sir,  I  could  point  with  pricle  and  with  satisfaction 
to  the  increased  capital  of  our  banks  and  the  large  dividend 
they  paid.     To-day    I    regret  to   say  that  we   must  point  to 
deprecated    values    and    to    small    dividends.     Then    I  could 
point  to  the   general  prosperity  of  the  country.     To-day  we 
must  all  admit  that  it   is   greatly  depressed.     Then   I  could 
point  with  satisfaction  to  the  various  manufacturing  industries 
that  were  in  operation  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of 
the   Dominion,  remunerative  to   the  men   who  had   invested 
their  capital  in  them,  and  giving  employment  to  tens  of  thous- 
ands.    To-day  many  of  the  furnaces  are  cold,  the  machinery 
in   many  cases  is  idle,  and  those  establishments  that  are  in 
operation  are  only  employed  half  time  and  are  scarcely  paying 
the  interest  on  the  money  invested.     Then,  sir,  we  could  point 
to  the  agricultural  interest  as  most  prosperous,  with  a  satisfac- 
tory home   market  and    satisfactory   prices   abroad.     To-day 
they  have  a  limited  market  with  low  prices,  and  anything  but 
a  satisfactory  market  abroad.     Then,  sir,  we  could  point  to  a 
very   valuable  and    extensive    West    India  trade  ;    to-day  it 


SIR  LEONARD  TILLEY  AND  NATIONAL  POLICY.     267 


does  not  exist.  Then,  sir,  we  could  point  to  a  profitable  and 
direct  tea  trade,  that  has  been  demoralized  and  destroyed. 
Then  everything  appeared  to  be  prosperous  ;  to-day,  though 
it  looks  gloomy,  I  hope  there  is  a  silver  lining  to  the  cloud,  that 
we  may  yet  see  illuminating  the  whole  of  the  Dominion,  and 
changing  our  present  position  to  one  of  happiness  and 
prosperity.  ) 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  there  has  been,  and  very  naturally  so,  a 
good  deal  of  interest  and  anxiety  manifested  on  the  part  of 
the  friends  of  the  National  Policy,  as  it  is  called,  in  regard  to 
its  early  introduction.  [  can  quite  understand  that,  because, 
believing  as  they  do,  and  as  a  majority  of  this  House  do,  that 
that  policy  is  calculated  to  bring  prosperity  to  the  country,  it 
was  but  natural  that  they  should  be  anxious  for  its  introduc- 
tion, and  that  not  a  day  should  be  lost.  And  it  is  satisfactory 
to  know  that,  great  and  difficult  as  is  the  responsibility  which 
rests  upon  me  here,  I  may  trust  that  the  proposition  I  am 
about  to  submit  will  be  sustained,  not  only  by  a  majority  of 
this  House,  but  by  an  overwhelming  majority  in  the  country. 
It  was  natural,  therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  friends  of  this 
policy  should  be  anxious  for  its  introduction,  and  it  \vas 
pleasing  and  satisfactory  to  see  that  even  the  Opposition  vied 
with  the  friends  of  the  Government  in  that  anxiety.  It  is 
most  encouraging  to  me,  because,  of  course,  all  Oppositions 
are  patriotic,  and  certainly  a  patriotic  Opposition,  anxious  for 
the  introduction  of  this  measure,  could  not  have  desired  that 
a  bad  measure,  and  one  not  calculated  to  benefit  the  country 
should  be  forced  hastily  upon  it.  Therefore,  I  take  it  for 
granted  that,  in  addition  to  the  support  from  the  gentlemen 
behind  me,  we  shall  have  the  support  of  gentlemen  opposite 
to  our  policy  and  the  propositions  we  are  about  to  submit. 

"  But,  perhaps,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  for  me  to  offer  a 
few  remarks  in  justification  of  the  apparent  delay  that  has 
taken  place.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Government 
was  only  formed  on  October  ipth.  Some  delay  took  place  in 
awaiting  the  arrival  in  Canada  of  an  honourable  member,  who, 
I  am  satisfied,  is  one  whom,  whatever  the  political  opinions  of 
gentlemen  of  this  House  may  be,  all  would  have  been  anxious 


268         THE  LIFE  OP^  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

to  see  consulted  before  the  Government  was  formed — I  mean 
the  Minister  of  Militia.  The  Government,  therefore,  was 
not  completed  till  October  igth.  The  members  of  the  Gov- 
ernment had  to  return  for  re-election,  and  those  elections, 
though  they  were  hastened  with  all  possible  rapidity,  because 
we  felt  there  was  a  great  deal  of  work  to  be  done,  were  not 
over  until  the  early  part  of  November,  when  we  returned  to 
the  city  of  Ottawa.  And  what  did  we  find  ?  As  Minister  of 
Finance,  I  cannot  say  I  found  the  finances  in  the  most  satis- 
factory condition.  I  found,  sir,  that  we  had  maturing  in 
London,  between  the  early  part  of  November  and  January  1st, 
an  indebtedness  of  $1^500^200  with  nothing  to  meet  it  but 
the  prospective  payment  of  the  Fishery  Award.  On  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic  we  had  in  the  various  banks  of  the  Dominion 
something  like  $5,000,000,  and  between  that  date  and  January 
ist,  with  the  subsidy  of  the  provinces  and  payments  to  con- 
tractors who  were  constructing  public  works,  something  like 
$3,ooq,ooo_had  to  be  paid  ;  and  then,  considering  the  position 
the  banks  were  in  all  over  the  Dominion,  the  uncertainty  as 
to  what  might  transpire,  it  was  just  possible  that  a  reduction 
in  the  reserves  might  take  place,  and  that  meant  a  demand  on 
the  Dominion  Treasury.  Every  dollar  we  found  it  necessary 
to  take  from  the  banks  at  the  time  was  embarrassing,  and 
was  reluctantly  withdrawn.  But  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
Finance  Minister  should  proceed  to  London,  with  the  least 
possible  delay,  that  arrangements  might  be  made  to  sustain 
the  credit  and  the  honour  of  the  Dominion.  Well,  sir,  in  order 
to  avoid  that,  feeling  the  importance  of  every  member  of  the 
Government  being  at  his  post  in  order  to  prepare  measures 
for  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  a  cable  message  was  sent  to 
our  agents  on  the  other  side  to  ask  if  the  visit  of  the  Finance 
Minister  to  London  could  not  be  avoided.  The  answer  was 
"  No;  his  presence  here  is  absolutely  necessary."  Under  these 
circumstances  I  proceeded  to  London,  and  I  placed  a  loan  of 
^3,000,000  sterling  upon  the  market  there. 

"  Then  sir,  after  my  return  to  Canada,  it  became  necessary 
that  we  should  consider  the  whole  question  of  the  tariff.  It  is 
not  a  question  that  can  be  settled  in  a  day.  It  is  not  a  ques- 


SIR  LEONARD  TILLEY  AND  NATIONAL  POLICY.    269 


tion  that  can  be  settled  intelligently  in  weeks,  indeed  it  would 
have  been  well  if  we  could  have  had  more  time  to  consider  it 
than  we  have  had,  considering  the  magnitude  and  importance 
of  the  work.  I  can  appeal  to  other  Finance  Ministers,  and 
especially  to  my  immediate  predecessor,  who,  in  1874,  made- 
several  changes  in  the  tariff  of  that  day,  to  speak  of  the  diffi- 
culties there  are  in  making  even  as  few  changes  as  were  then 
made.  /  But,  if  we  undertake,  as  the  present  Government  have 
undertaken,  to  re-adjust  and  re-organize,  and,  I  may  say,  make 
an  entirely  new  tajnff.  having  for  its  object  not  only  the  realiz- 
ation of  ^QQQjQOO  morg_,rcvcnuc  than  will  be  collected  this 
year^but,  in  addition  to  providing  for  that  deficiency,  to  adjust 
the  tariff  with  a  view  of  giving  effect  to  what  has  been,  and  is 
to-day  declared  to  be  the  policy  of  the  majority  of  this  House 
—I  mean  the  protection  of  the  industries  of  the  country — the 
magnitude  of  the  undertaking  will  be  the  better  appreciated. 
Sir,  we  have  invited  gentlemen  from  all  parts  of  the  Dominion, 
and  representing  all  interests  in  the  Dominion,  to  assist  us  in 
the  re-adjustment  of  the  tariff,  because  we  did  not  feel — 
though  perhaps  we  possess  an  average  intelligence  in  ordinary 
Government  matters— we  did  not  feel  that  we  knew  every- 
thing. We  did  not  feel  that  we  were  prepared,  without  advice 
and  assistance  from  men  of  experience  with  reference  to  these 
matters,  to  re-adjust  and  make  a  judicious  tariff.  We,  there- 
fore, invited  those  who  were  interested  in  the  general  interests 
of  the  country,  or  interested  in  any  special  interests.  Gentle- 
men who  took  an  opposite  view,  met  us  and  discussed  these 
questions,  and  I  may  say  that,  down  to  as  late  a  period  as 
yesterday,  though  the  propositions  are  submitted  to-day,  we 
were  favoured  with  the  co-operation  and  opinion  of  gentlemen 
who  represent  their  particular  or  general  views  with  reference 
to  the  great  questions  we  have  under  consideration.  We  have 
laboured  zealously  and  arduously,  and  I  trust  it  will  be  found 
successfully  ;  and  we  are  now  about  to  submit  our  view 
the  consideration  of  this  House.  I  think  we  may  appeal  with 
some  degree  of  confidence  to  gentlemen  in  opposition,  i 
approval  of  the  early  period  at  which  this  tariff  is  being  intro- 
duced, when  I  call  to  the  mind  of  these  honourable  gentlemen 


270         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

that  their  Government  was  formed  on  November  7,  1873  ; 
ours  on  October  iQth  ;  that  my  predecessor  did  not  submit 
his  tariff  and  budget  speech  until  April  I4th,  this  being  March 
1 4th.  When  we  submit  to  this  House  the  result  of  our 
deliberations  you  will  all  understand  the  nature  and  extent 
of  the  consideration  that  must  necessarily  have  been  given 
to  them.  I  trust  that  this  House  and  the  country  will  feel 
that  we  have  presented  our  views  at  as  early  a  period  as 
possible,  taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration. 

"Let  me  refer  to  some  circumstances  that  led  to  the  present 
depression  in  the  revenue.  During  and  after  the  war  in  the 
United  States  it  is  well  understood  that  that  country  lost  a 
large  portion  of  its  export  trade,  and  its  manufacturing  indus- 
tries were  to  a  certain  extent  paralyzed ;  and  it  was  only  about 
1872  or  1873  that  they  really  commenced  to  restore  their 
manufacturing  industries,  and  endeavoured  to  find  an  extended 
market  elsewhere  for  the  manufactures  of  their  country. 
Lying  as  we  do  alongside  that  great  country,  we  were  looked 
upon  as  a  desirable  market  for  their  surplus  products,  and  our 
American  neighbours,  always  competent  to  judge  of  their  own 
interests  and  act  wisely  in  regard  to  them,  put  forth  every 
effort  to  obtain  access  to  our  market.  It  is  well  known  by  the 
term  slaughter-market  what  they  have  been  doing  for  the  last 
four  or  five  years  in  Canada  ;  that,  in  order  to  find  an  outlet 
for  their  surplus  manufactures,  they  have  been  willing  to  send 
them  into  this  country  at  any  price  that  would  be  a  little 
below  that  of  the  Canadian  manufacturer.  It  is  well  known 
also  that  they  had  their  agents  in  every  part  of  the  Dominion 
seeking  purchasers  for  their  surplus,  and  that  those  agents 
have  been  enabled,  under  our  existing  laws,  to  enter  those 
goods  at  a  price  much  lower  than  they  ought  to  have  paid, 
which  was  their  value  in  the  place  of  purchase.  It  is  well- 
known,  moreover,  that  the  United  States  Government,  in  order 
to  encourage  special  interests  in  that  country,  granted  a 
bounty  upon  certain  manufactures,  and  so  gave  to  them  the 
exclusive  market  of  the  Dominion,  and,  under  those  circum- 
stances, we  have  lost  a  very  important  trade,  possessed 
previous  to  1873.  In  addition  to  the  loss  of  the  West  India 


SIR  LEONARD  TILLEY  AND  NATIONAL  POLICY.     27 


trade,  by  the  repeal  of  the  10  per  cent,  duty  on  tea,  we  lost  the 
direct  tea  trade,  and  all  the  advantages  resulting  from  it,  by- 
its  transfer  from  the  Dominion  to  New  York  and  Boston. 
Under  all  those  circumstances,  and  with  the  high  duty 
imposed  by  the  United  States  on  the  agricultural  products  of 
the  Dominion,  by  which  we  are,  to  a  great  extent,  excluded 
from  them,  while  the  manufactures  of  that  country  are  forced 
into  our  market,  we  could  not  expect  prosperity  or  success  in 
the  Dominion,  so  long  as  that  state  of  things  continued. 
These  are  some  of  the  difficulties  which  have  led  to  our  present 
state  of  affairs. 

"  Now  after  having  made  these  few  remarks  on  that  head, 
I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the  remedy.  I 
know  this  is  a  difficult  question — that  it  is  the  opinion  of  some 
honourable  members,  that  no  matter  what  proposition  you 
may  make,  or  what  legislation  you  introduce,  it  cannot 
improve  or  increase  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  The 
Government  entertain  a  different  opinion.  I  may  say,  at  the 
outset,  it  would  have  been  much  more  agreeable  if  we  could 
have  met  the  House  without  the  necessity  of  increased  tax- 
ation. But  in  the  imposition  of  the  duties  we  are  now  about 
to  ask  the  House  to  impose,  it  may  be  said  we  shall  receive 
from  the  imports  from  foreign  countries  a  larger  portion  of  the 
$2,000,000  we  require  than  we  shall  receive  from  the  mother 
country.  I  believe  such  will  be  the  effect,  but  I  think  that  in 
making  such  a  statement  to  this  House,  belonging,  as  we  do 
to,  and  forming  a  part  of  that  great  country— a  country  that 
receives  our  natural  products  without  any  taxation,  everything 
we  have  to  send  to  her — apart  from  our  national  feelings,  I 
think  this  House  will  not  object  if,  in  the  propositions  before 
me,  they  touch  more  heavily  the  imports  from  foreign 
countries  than  from  our  fatherland.  I  have  this  to  say  to  our 
American  friends:  In  1865  they  abrogated  the  reciprocity- 
treaty,  and,  from  that  day  to  the  present,  a  large  portion  of  the 
imports  from  that  country  into  the  Dominion  have  been 
admitted  free.  I  We  have  hoped,  and  hoped  in  vain,  that  by 
the  adoption  of  that  policy  we  would  lead  our  American 
friends  to  treat  us  in  a  more  liberal  spirit  with  regard  to  the 


272         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

r  ViHoA'i 
same  articles,  j   Well,  after  having  waited  twelve  years  for  ti\e 

consideration  of  this  subject,  the  Government,  requiring  more 
revenue,  have  determined  to  ask  this  House  to  impose  upon 
the  products  of  the  United  States  that  have  been  free,  such  a 
duty  as  may  seem  consistent  with  our  position.  But  the 
Government  couple  with  the  proposal,  in  order  to  show  that 
we  approach  this  question  with  no  unfriendly  spirit,  a  resolu- 
tion that  will  be  laid  on  the  table  containing  a  proposition  to 
this  effect  :  That  as  to  articles  named,  which  are  the  natural 
products  of  the  country,  including  lumber,  if  the  United  States 
take  off  the  duties  in  part  or  in  whole,  we  are  prepared  to  meet 
them  with  equal  concessions.  The  Government  believe  in  a 
reciprocity  tariff,  yet  may  discuss  free  trade  or  protection,  but 
the  question  of  to-day  is  :  Shall  \ve  have_aj^chorocity  tariff,  or 
a  one-sided  tariff? 

"  We  found,  as  I  stated  before,  that  it  was  important  to 
encourage  the  exportation  of  our  manufactures  to  foreign 
countries,  and  we  are  prepared  now  to  say  that  the  policy  of 
the  Government  is  to  give  every  manufacturer  in  the  Dominion 
of  Canada  a  drawback  on  the  duties  they  may  pay  upon 
goods  used  in  the  manufactures  of  the  Dominion  exported. 
We  found,  also,  sir,  as  I  have  already  pointed  out,  that  under 
the  bounty  system  of  some  foreign  countries,  our  sugar-refin- 
ing trade,  and  other  interests,  were  materially  affected.  Well, 
sir,  the  Government  have  decided  to  ask  this  House  to  impose 
countervailing  duties  under  such  circumstances.  I  trust  that 
this  proposition  will  receive  the  support  of  both  sides  of  the 
House,  because  some  six  months  since,  when  the  deputation 
of  sugar  refiners  in  London  waited  upon  Mr.  Gladstone  and 
Sir  Stafford  Northcote,  both  of  them  being  gentlemen  repre- 
senting Free  Trade  views,  they  declared,  in  the  most  emphatic 
terms,  that  when  a  Government  came  in  and  thus  interfered 
with  the  legitimate  trade  of  the  country,  they  were  prepared 
to  impose  countervailing  duties.  To  make  this  matter  plain, 
and  place  it  beyond  dispute,  the  Government  propose  to  ask 
the  House  for  authority  to  collect  on  all  such  articles  an  ad 
valorem  duty  on  their  value,  irrespective  of  drawbacks.  My 
colleagues  say,  explain  it.  For  instance,  a  cent  and  a  quarter 


SIR  LEONARD  TILLEY  AND  NATIONAL  POLICY-.    273 


drawback  per  pound  is  granted  on  cut  nails  exported  to  the 
Dominion  of  Canada;  the  duty  will  be  calculated  on  the  value 
the  nails,  irrespective  of  that  drawback.  Now,  a  bounty  i= 
given  on  sugar  in  excess  of  the  duty  which  is  paid  by  the 
sugar  refiners  ;  the  Government  will  exact  an  ad  valorem 
duty  on  the  value  of  that  sugar  irrespective  of  the  drawback 
I  may  also  state,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  another  reason  why  I 
think  our  American  neighbours  should  not  object  to  the 
imposition  of  the  duties  we  propose,  is  this  :  It  is  a  fact 
though  not  generally  known,  that  the  average  percentage  of 
revenue  that  is  imposed  on  all  imports  into  the  Dominion  of 
Canada,  at  the  present  time,  taking  the  returns  for  last  year  as 
our  criterion,  is  13^  per  cent.  The  amount  of  duty  collected 
on  the  imports  from  Great  Britain  is  a  fraction  under  17^ 
per  cent.  ;  while  the  amount  of  duty  collected  on  the  imports 
from  the  United  States  is  a  fraction  under  10  per  cent." 

After  dealing  minutely  with  the  changes  which  would  be 
effected  by  the  new  tariff,  Mr.  Tilley  concluded  as  follows  : 

"  It  appears  to  me,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  I  think  the  House 
will  agree  with  me,  that  the  Government  have  endeavoured— 
whether  successfully  or  not — to  carry  out  the  policy  that   we 
were  pledged  to   inaugurate.     We  have  endeavoured  to  meet 
every  possible   interest — the  mining,  the  manufacturing,  and 
the  agricultural   interests.      We  have  endeavoured  to   assist 
our  shipping  and   ship-building  interest,  which  is  in   a  very 
depressed   condition.     We  have    endeavoured    not    to  injure 
the  lumber  interest,  because  they  now  have  a  very  important 
article   used   by  their  people  at  about  the  same  rate  of  duty 
they  had   it   before — I   refer  to  pork.      They  have  tea  at  a 
cheaper    price    than  before ;    they    have    molasses    cheaper. 
These    articles    enter   largely  into    consumption  with    them. 
They  have,  as  have  every  other  class  of   exporters  in   the 
Dominion,  many  advantages,  under  the  propositions  that  we 
are  about  to  submit,  that  they  did  not  enjoy  before.     In  the 
interest  of  lumbermen  and  of  commerce  generally,  the  present 
Government,  as  well  as  our  predecessors,  have  expended  large 
sums  of  money  for  the  improvement  of  the  navigation  of  our 
rivers  and  of  our  coast,  by  the  erection   of  lighthouses,  and 


2/4          TIIE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


in  their  maintenance.  This,  of  course,  is  an  advantage  to 
the  shipping  interests  as  well.  A  proposition  is  also  to  be 
submitted  to  the  House,  which  you  will  find  in  the  estimates, 
to  extend  a  telegraph  down  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  pro- 
position was  submitted  to  the  people  of  the  Dominion  by  an 
able  and  experienced  gentleman,  a  member  of  the  House. 
I  need  not  name  him,  because  the  interest  he  has  taken  is 
well  known.  This  proposition  is  in  the  interest  of  commerce, 
and  of  our  shipping,  and  of  humanity.  It  is  in  the  interest 
of  every  industry  that  exports  any  article  from  this  country 
to  the  old  world,  because  an  expenditure  of  this  kind  will 
reduce  the  rate  of  charges  in  the  shape  of  insurance  and  other 
charges  on  the  shipping,  and  that  is  more  absolutely  in  the 
interest  of  the  exporter  than  in  the  interest  of  the  owner  of 
the  ship. 

"  In  our  policy,  as  just  propounded,  we  have  dealt  with 
the  agricultural  interest,  the  mining  interest,  the  shipping 
interest,  indirectly  with  the  lumbering  interest,  and  with  very 
many  other  interests,  and  it  does  appear  to  me  that  we  have 
now  arrived  at  a  time  when  it  becomes  necessary  for  this 
country,  for  this  Parliament,  to  decide  whether  we  are  to 
remain  in  the  position  we  now  occupy,  with  a  certainty  that 
within  two  years,  with  the  existing  laws  upon  our  statute- 
book,  almost  every  manufacturing  industry  in  the  country 
will  be  closed  up,  and  the  money  invested  in  it  lost.  The 
time  has  arrived,  I  think,  when  it  becomes  our  duty  to  decide 
whether  the  thousands  of  men  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  this  country  who  are  uneTftpToyecT.^slTaTPseek  em- 
ployment in  another  country,  or  shall  find  it  in  this  Dominion; 
the  time  has  arrived  when  we  are  to  decide  whether  we  will 
be  simply  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  ;  whether  we 
will  be  simply  agriculturists  raising  wheat,  and  lumbermen 
producing  more  lumber  than  we  can  use,  or  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States  will  take  from  us  at  remunerative  prices  ; 
whether  we  will  confine  our  attention  to  the  fisheries  and 
certain  other  small  industries,  and  cease  to  be  what  we  have 
been,  and  not  rise  to  be  what  I  believe  we  are  destined  to  be, 
under  wise  and  judicious  legislation, — or  whether  we  will 


SIR  LKOXARD  TILLKY  AND  NATIONAL  POLICY.     275 

inaugurate  a  policy  that  will,  by  its  provisions,  say  to  the 
industries  of  the  country,  we  will  give  you  sufficient  protec- 
tion ;  we  will  give  you  a  market  for  what  you  can  produce ; 
we  will  say  that,  while  our  neighbours  build  up  a  Chinese 
wall,  we  will  impose  a  reasonable  duty  on  their  products  com- 
ing into  this  country  ;  at  all  events,  we  will  maintain  for  our 
agricultural  and  other  productions,  largely  the  market  of 
our  own  Dominion.  The  time  has  certainly  arrived  when  we 
must  consider  whether  we  will  allow  matters  to  remain  as 
they  are,  with  the  result  of  being  an  unimportant  and  unin- 
teresting portion  of  Her  Majesty's  Dominions,  or  will  rise 
to  the  position,  which,  I  believe  Providence  has  destined  us 
to  occupy,  by  means  which,  I  believe,  though  I  may  be  over 
sanguine;  which  my  colleagues  believe,  though  they  ma}'  be 
over  sanguine  ;  which  the  countrv  believes,  are  calculated  to 

o  - 

bring  prosperity  and  happiness  to  the  people,  to  give  employ- 
ment to  the  thousands  who  are  '.unemployed,'  and  to  make 
this  a  great  and  prosperous  country,  as  we  all  desire  and 
hope  it  will  be." 

This  would  seem  to  be  an  appropriate  place  to  give  some 
particulars  of  the  history  of  Sir  Leonard  Til  Icy,  who,  if  not 
the  father  of  the  National  Policy,  is  entitled  to  all  the  credit  for 
putting  it  in  shape  and  working  out  the  details.  The  follow- 
ing account  of  his  life,  previous  to  Confederation,  is  taken 
from  a  newspaper  article  that  appeared  at  the  time  of  the 
meeting  of  the  Conference  in  Quebec,  to  arrange  the  terms  of 

union  : 

"  This  distinguished  gentleman,  who  has  made  so  high  a 
mark  in  the  politics  of  New  Brunswick,  was  born  on  May  8, 
1818,  in  Queen's  County,  in  that  province.     He  was  educated 
in  the  Queen's  County  Grammar  School.    He  was  first  elected 
to  the  Provincial  Parliament  in  May,  1850,  for  the  city  of  St. 
John,  and  sat  as  its  representative  during  the  session  of  1851, 
when  he  resigned  his  seat.     He  was  again  elected  in  1854,  and 
at  the  special   session,   in    November   of  that   year,   1 
appointed    a    member   of  the    Executive    Council   and 
vincial  Secretary.     On    returning  to  his  constituents 
same    month    he  was    re-elected    by   acclamation.     In    May, 


276         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


1856,  Parliament  was  dissolved  by  the  Lieut -Governor 
of  the  Province,  Mr.  Manners  Sutton,  who  rejected  the 
advice  of  his  Ministers  on  the  prohibitory  liquor  law  ques- 
tion. They  resigned  and  gave  place  to  a  new  Administration. 
At  the  general  election  which  followed  Mr.  Tilley  was 
defeated.  A  man  of  his  great  ability  and  usefulness  could  not, 
however,  be  long  left  out  of  public  life  with  benefit  to  the 
country,  and  he  was  recalled  to  office  in  June,  1857,  when  the 
Liberal  party  of  the  province  returned  to  power.  On  that 
occasion  he  was  opposed  before  his  constituents  by  Mr.  J.  W. 
Lawrence,  but  without  success,  Mr.  Tilley  being  elected  by  a 
majority  of  over  200.  Since  that  time  he  has  continued  in 
the  Government  as  Provincial  Secretary  ;  in  April,  i86iv 
becoming  senior  member  of  the  Executive  Council  and 
Premier  of  the  Government. 

"  As  a  politician,  Mr.  Tilley  is  shrewd  and  penetrating  ;  as 
a  debater,  ready,  fluent  and  forcible  ;  as  a  man,  genial  and 
kind-hearted  ;  and  as  a  citizen  (to  use  the  familiar  word  of 
the  neighbouring  States)  he  is  scrupulously  upright  and 
honourable.  In  him  are  combined,  perhaps,  more  of  the 
qualities  which  go  to  make  up  a  statesman  than  are  possessed 
by  any  of  the  other  delegates  from  the  Maritime  Provinces." 

To  which  we  will  add,  continuing  the  history  down  to 
1891,  that  he  entered  the  Dominion  Government  in  1867  as 
Minister  of  Customs,  and  became  Minister  of  Finance  in  1873, 
on  the  resignation  of  Sir  Francis  Hincks,  and  held  that  office 
until  the  Government  resigned  in  November  of  that  year.  On 
the  return  to  power  of  the  Liberal-Conservative  party  in  1878, 
he  again  accepted  the  office  of  Finance  Minister,  and  remained 
a  member  of  the  Cabinet  until  November,  1885,  when  he  was 
compelled  to  resign  his  seat  in  Parliament  and  in  the  Cabinet, 
owing  to  failing  health.  On  his  return  to  office  in  1878  he  was 
intrusted  by  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  with  the  preparation  of 
the  Protective  Tariff.  Hi:,  propositions  were  generally  affirmed 
by  his  colleagues,  and  were,  with  one  exception,  accepted  by 
Parliament.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Sub-Committee  of 
Council  to  arrange  the  terms  of  union  with  the  representatives 
for  Prince  Edward  Island,  British  Columbia  and  Newfound- 


LORD   LANSDONVNE. 


DEATH  OF  THE  HON.  GEORGE  BROWN.  279 


land.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  all  finan- 
cial questions  submitted  to  Parliament.  He  was  eleven 
years  a  member  of  the  Government  of  the  province  of 
New  Brunswick,  and  thirteen  years  a  member  of  the  Domin- 
ion Parliament.  No  man  in  Canada,  except  the  late  Sir 
John  Macdonald,  has  served  as  long-  as  a  member  of  Local 
and  Dominion  Governments  as  has  Sir  Leonard  Tilley, 
to  which  has  to  be  added  more  than  ten  years  service  as 
Lieut-Governor  of  his  native  province.  He  was  created  a 
Companion  of  the  Bath  (Civil)  by  Her  Majesty  in  1867,  and  a 
Knight  Commander  of  the  Order  of  St.  Michael  and  St. 
George  May  24,  1879. 

On  March  25,  1880,  the  country  was  horror-stricken  at  the 
news  of  the  attempted  assassination  of  the  Honourable  George 
Brown.  He  was  sitting  in  his  office  in  the  Globe  buildings 
when  a  printer  named  George  Bennett  came  in  and  asked  for 
a  certificate  as  to  character.  He  had  been  dismissed  by  the 
foreman  for  drunkenness  and  irregularity.  Mr.  Brown  replied 
that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  these  things  and  referred  him 
to  the  foreman  or  paymaster  who  knew  all  about  him.  He 
replied  that  he  had  already  done  so  and  been  refused.  He 
then  commenced  fumbling  at  his  hip  pocket,  and  it  struck  Mr. 
Brown  that  he  was  tryiug  to  draw  a  pistol  and  he  at  once 
seized  him.  The  weapon  had  meantime  been  withdrawn  and 
Bennett  discharged  it,  the  ball  passing  through  the  fleshy  part 
of  Mr.  Brown's  leg.  He,  however,  did  not  relax  his  hold,  and, 
while  calling  for  assistance,  managed  to  disarm  his  assailant. 
He  made  light  of  his  wound,  but  was  conveyed  to  his  resi- 
dence and  medical  assistance  sent  for.  No  danger  was 
anticipated,  but,  being  a  man  of  great  energy,  he  could  not 
quietly  yield  to  the  necessary  restrictions  and  insisted  upon 
transacting  business  and  doing  other  imprudent  things.  The 
result  was  that  violent  inflammation  set  in  and  after  some 
days  he  grew  delirious.  After  that  he  gradually  grew  weaker 
and  weaker,  until  the  struggle  finally  ceased  on  May  Qth. 

It  was  felt  by  Mr.   Brown's  friends  that  his  long  publ 
services  should  not  be  forgotten,  or  his  name  allowed  to  pas 
into  oblivion,  a   subscription   list   was   therefore  started,  and  ; 


280        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

couple  of  years  later  a  bronze  statue  was  erected  to  his 
memory  in  Queen's  Park,  Toronto.  Many  prominent  men  of 
both  political  parties  were  present  on  the  occasion  of  the 
unveiling,  and  we  have  much  pleasure  in  referring  to  the 
tributes  paid  to  his  memory. 

Honourable  Mr.  Mowat  said  :  "In  consequence  of  Mr. 
Mackenzie's  not  having  sufficiently  recovered  his  health  to 
speak  with  safety,  the  office  has  devolved  upon  me  of  saying 
something  in  regard  to  Mr.  Brown  from  the  standpoint  of  his 
party  and  political  friends.  It  is  a  great  gratification  to  those 
in  whose  name  I  speak  to  know  that  neither  esteem  nor  admir- 
ation of  our  lamented  friend  is  now  confined  to  his  political 
allies.  The  incessant  warfare  in  which  for  many  years  he  was 
engaged,  and  the  uncompromising  vigour  with  which  that 
warfare  was,  on  his  part,  carried  on,  made  for  him  many 
enemies.  Some  of  his  enemies  can  see  no  good  in  him,  but  it 
is  pleasant  to  know  that  not  a  few  Canadians  of  hostile  politi- 
cal opinions  and  sympathies  have,  notwithstanding,  a  kindly 
feeling  towards  their  old  opponent,  and  some  appreciation  also 
of  his  merits.  A  distinguished  Conservative,  a  fellow-Senator, 
is  here  to-day  to  give  expression  to  these  sentiments  (applause), 
and  I  am  glad  to  see  that  not  a  few  other  Conservatives  have 
come  with  him  to  do  honour  to  the  memory  of  our  friend. 

"  Mr.  Brown  is  the  first  public  man  in  Ontario  in  whose 
memory  a  statue  has  been  erected.  Of  our  public  men  who 
have  passed  away,  not  one  had  more  friends  than  he  had,  and 
I  venture  to  say  that  not  one  was  more  generally  lamented. 
Those  who  mourned  his  death  as  a  personal  and  public 
calamity  were  to  be  found  in  every  part  of  the  Dominion, 
and  amongst  Canadians  of  all  classes  and  all  creeds.  The 
place  selected  for  erecting  his  statute  is,  with  the  approval 
of  all  parties,  the  park  of  the  University — an  institution  in 
.vhose  efficiency  and  prosperity  he  had,  all  his  life,  taken  a 
most  lively  interest.  The  springs  of  action  which  governed 
his  life,  are,  to  a  very  great  extent,  to  be  found  in  his  early 
training  and  associations.  He  received  his  education  in  Edin- 
burgh, he  left  Scotland  and  came  to  America  with  his  father 
and  his  father's  family  while  yet  a  youth,  and  two-thirds  of 


HON.  GEORGE  BROWN'S  STATUE  Ux VEILED.       281 


his  life  were  passed  here.  By  parental  example  and  early 
teaching-  he  was,  in  religion,  a  strong  Protestant  and  an 
earnest  Presbyterian,  and  in  politics  a  Liberal  and  a  Loyalist. 
(Applause).  The  studies  and  observations  of  his  mature 
years  confirmed  in  him  the  principles  in  which  he  had  been 
educated  ;  and  all  his  life  he  stood  by  those  principles. 

"  All  his  life  he  loved  his  Queen  and  the  grand  old  Islands 
of  the  sea  over  which  she  has  reigned  so  long  and  so  happily. 
All  his  life  he  loved  British  connection  and  British  institu- 
tions ;  and  all  his  life  he  did  his  part  in  maintaining  like 
sentiments  wherever  his  influence  extended.  He  was  proud 
of  his  British  nationality,  and  was  in  no  haste  to  discover, 
and  had  no  disposition  to  assume,  that  the  time  was  near 
when  the  interests  of  Canada  required  the  severing  of  our 
political  relation  to  the  old  land  ;  but  he,  at  the  same  time, 
recognized  a  supreme  duty  to  be  owing  to  the  land  of  his 
domicile,  and  was  always  zealous  in  promoting  whatever  in 
his  judgment  was  for  the  true  and  permanent  good  of  Canada. 
Nor  had  any  loyal  British  subject,  anywhere,  a  kinder  and 
more  appreciative  feeling  than  he  had  towards  the  great 
American  Republic  on  our  borders,  or  towards  its  energetic 
and  progressive  people. 

"All  his  life  he  was  in  heart  and  soul  a  Liberal,  as  Liber- 
alism is  understood  in  England,  and  as  Liberalism  is  under- 
stood in  Canada.  He  was  always  in  harmony  with  the  great 
majority  of  the  Liberal  party  in  the  Province,  and  generally, 
though  not  always,  with  its  other  leaders.  All  his  life  his 
sympathies  were  with  the  masses  everywhere.  1  te  loved  free- 
dom with  the  profounclest  love,  and  sympathized  with  all 
oppressed  or  ill-governed  people.  Slavery  he  hated  with 
intense  hatred,  whatever  its  locality  was,  or  whatever  the 
colour  of  the  slave  or  the  master.  All  his  life  the  subject  of 
the  education  of  the  people  was  dear  to  him.  He  desired  to 
see  the  utmost  practicable  extension  of  education  amongsi 
all  classes,  and  the  greatest  possible  efficiency  in  our  Public 
Schools,  our  High  Schools,  and  our  Colleges.  In  regard 
our  Public  Schools  he  was  an  earnest  advocate  for  maki 
them  free  to  all,  both  as  a  means  of  increasing  their  efficiency. 


282         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


and  in  order  to  give  to  the  poorest  in  the  land  the  advantage 
of  the  best  schools  and  on  the  same  footing  as  others.  So  in 
respect  to  every  other  subject  of  public  interest.  Regarding 
"•agriculture  as  the  basis  of  the  country's  wealth  and  pros- 
perity, he  took  a  warm  and  active  interest  from  an  early  period 
in  all  things  relating  to  the  calling  of  the  farmer.  He  saw 
the  enormous  difference  which  skill  makes  in  the  productive- 
ness of  the  soil,  and  in  the  profits  of  the  agriculturist. 

"  I  have  spoken  of  his  religious  position.  All  his  life  he 
continued  to  be  attached  to  Protestantism,  and  to  that  form  of 
it  which  Scotchmen  have  generally  preferred  to  all  others.  He 
had  no  sympathy  with  skeptics  or  agnostics,  or  with  hetero- 
doxy of  any  kind  within  the  pale  of  his  own  church. 
(Applause).  But  he  appreciated  with  equal  earnestness,  and 
recognized  heartily,  the  good  which  there  is  in  all  Christian 
Churches.  He  wras  zealous  for  the  religious  equality  of  all 
religious  denominations.  He  desired  for  them  equal  rights  as 
far  as  legislation  or  government  had  to  do  with  these.  He 
was  against  exclusive  claims  on  the  part  of  any  Church,  and 
was,  therefore,  for  entire  separation  between  Church  and  State 
as  best  for  Canada,  whatever  might  be  the  case  elsewhere. 
For  like  reasons  he  was  for  the  secularization  of  the  Clergy 
Reserves,  aud  for  the  undenominationalizing  of  the  Provincial 
University.  Until  these  objects  had  been  accomplished,  he 
waged  hot  warfare  against  all  claims  which  stood  in  the  way. 
While  the  controversy  for  these  objects  was  going  on,  he  was 
necessarily  in  strong  opposition  to  the  Church  of  England  ; 
but  when  the  fight  was  over,  and  religious  equality  secured,  his 
warfare  against  that  Church  ceased,  and  henceforward  the 
Church  of  England  had,  outside  of  its  own  pale,  no  better 
friend  than  Mr.  Brown  was. 

"  So,  when  the  Lower  Canada  Roman  Catholic  majority  in 
tne  Legislature  was  found  to  be  opposed  to  the  secularization 
of  the  Upper  Canada  Clergy  Reserves,  and  when  measures, 
distasteful  to  Protestants,  were  forced  through  Parliament,  or 
were  threatened,  he  spoke  out  the  thoughts  and  fears  of  his 
fellow  Protestants  on  these  subjects.  But  when  the  Reserves 
were  secularized,  and  a  constitution  was  secured  which  left 


HON.  GEORGE  BROWN'S  STATUE  UNVEILED.       283 


matters  of  education,  and  the  other  local  affairs  of  each 
province,  to  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  Province,  and  all 
danger  of  encroachment  from  outside  influence  had  become 
impossible,  his  warfare  as  a  politician  against  Roman  Catho- 
lics, their  priests  and  professors,  came  to  an  end.  And  before 
his  death  this  section  of  our  fellow-citizens  gradually  resumed 
the  friendly  political  and  personal  relations  towards  him  and 
his  party,  which  they  had  occupied  before  that  warfare 
arose. 

"  Apart  from  political  questions,  in  regard  to  Which  there 
was  and  will  be  the  greatest  possible  difference  of  opinion,  his 
journal  was  recognized  by  all  parties  as  maintaining  a  healthy 
moral  and  religious  tone.  It  ever  took  the  moral  and  religious 
side  of  ail  non-political  subjects  with  which  a  public  journal 
has  to  deal  ;  and  religious  men  of  all  denominations  and 
political  parties  felt  that,  as  such,  the  Globe  and  its  proprietor 
was  in  sympathy  with  them,  whatever  many  of  them  thought 
of  the  politics  of  the  paper,  or  of  Mr.  Brown's  method  of 
dealing  with  his  political  opponents. 

"In  politics  he  was,  for  many  years  of  his  life,  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  Liberal  Party  in  Upper  Canada, 
and,  as  such,  his  ambition  was  to  have  public  confidence,  not 
by  advocating  political  doctrines  which  he  did  not  himself 
hold,  and  by  conforming  to  prejudices  which  he  did  not  share  ; 
he  desired  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellows  to  come 
from  his  championship  of  the  policy  he  loved,  and  from  the 
sympathy  which  that  championship  should  create.  He 
desired  the  power  which  might  come  from  sympathy  with  him 
as  a  patriot  and  a  Liberal,  a  friend  of  religious  equality  and  of 
popular  rights. 

"  Political  opponents  have  sometimes  ascribed  to  him  an 
overweening  desire  for  office,  and  have  attempted  to  account 
on  that  hypothesis  now  for  one  and  now  for  another  of  the  acts 
of  his  public  life  ;  but  nothing  could  be  more  unfounded, 
and  nothing  can  be  more  easily  disproved.  I  was  behind  die 
scenes  for  seven  years  before  I  retired  from  public  life  in  1864, 
and  I  know  that  the  general  feeling  of  his  associates 
followers  was,  that  he  was  not  anxious  enough  for  office,  that 


284         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A,  MACDONALD. 


the  obtaining  of  office  was  not  only  no  part  of  his  policy,  but 
that  his  desire  was,  that  his  party  and  himself  should  remain 
in  opposition  until  the  objects  should  be  obtained  which  are 
identified  with  his  name,  and  which,  however  important  and 
desirable,  not  a  few  of  his  friends  and  his  foes  alike  regarded 
as  impracticable.  But  the  political  platform  which  he  adopted 
at  an  early  date,  and  never  ceased  to  insist  upon,  is  sufficient 
to  demonstrate  that  office  could  not  possible  have  been  his 
object.  Take,  for  example,  one  of  the  planks,  representation 
by  population.  He  insisted  that  the  two  sections  of  the 
Province,  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  should  be  represented  in 
the  United  Legislature  according  to  population,  without 
reference  to  a  dividing  line  between  the  two  sections  of  the 
province.  The  law,  as  it  stood,  gave  to  each  section  the  same 
number  of  representatives,  and  the  population  of  Upper 
Canada  greatly  exceeded  that  of  Lower  Canada.  Mr.  Brown 
insisted  that  this  was  unjust,  and  in  the  resolutions  which  he 
from  time  to  time  moved  in  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and  in 
the  speeches  which  he  made  there  and  elsewhere,  his  habit  was 
to  trace  all  political  grievances  to  the  absence  of  that  repre- 
sentation in  Parliament  to  which  Upper  Canada  was  entitled. 
This  policy  was  calculated  to  unite,  and  did,  to  a  large  extent, 
unite  Lower  Canada  in  antagonism  to  him  and  his  party,  and 
enabled  the  Government  to  be  carried  on  with  a  minority 
from  Upper  Canada.  Other  planks  of  his  political  platform 
alienated  from  him,  for  many  years,  a  large  section  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  electors  of  his  own  province  who  had 
previously  belonged  to  the  Liberal  Party.  His  policy  in 
regard  to  all  these  matters,  it  is  plain,  was  the  worst  possible 
for  a  politician  whose  aim  was  office,  and  it  did  not  require  a 
tithe  of  Mr.  Brown's  foresight  or  sagacity  to  perceive  this. 
Looking  at  his  whole  life,  it  is  certain  that  either  he  was 
wholly  wanting  in  desire  for  political  office,  or  that  the  desire 
had  less  weight  with  him  than  with  any  other  man  in 
public  life. 

"The  coalition  of  1864  was  an  example  of  his  boldness  of 
character.  It  was  a  coalition  with  the  men  whom  for  years 
he  had  been  attacking  and  denouncing.  That  coalition 


HON.  GEORGE  BROWN'S  STATUE  UNVKILKD.       28- 


brought  about  the  federation  of  all   the  provinces  of  British 
America  except  Newfoundland,  and  has  brought  about  the 
incorporation    into    Canada   of    the   immense   territory   then 
claimed  or  occupied  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  a  favourite 
project  of  Mr.   Brown's,  and  settled  the  principal  difficulties 
which  had  heretofore  divided  Canadian  parties.     These  great 
issues  could  only  have  been  accomplished  by  means  of  a  coali- 
tion of  parties.     I  do  not  purpose  to  suggest  what  share  in  the 
merit  of  the  work  belongs  to  each  of  the  several  parties  to  the 
coalition.     But  all  agree  that  unless   Mr.  Brown  had  been  a 
party  to  the  undertaking,  there  could  have  been  no  coalition 
and   no  Confederation,   and    the    necessity    for   the  changes 
which   the    coalition    accomplished    arose   from    Mr.    Brown's 
long-continued   contention,   that  constitutional  changes  were 
absolutely   necessary  both   in   the   public    interest    and  as  a 
matter  of  justice  and  right,  and  from  the  part  which  he  had  had 
in  creating  a  public  sentiment  throughout  Upper  Canada  in 
accordance  with  this  view.     He  also  took  an  active  part  in 
framing  the  Constitution  which  is  now  embodied  in  the  British 
North   American   Act,  and   one  important  feature  of  it,  the 
absence  of  any  Legislative  Council  in  this  province,  may  be 
regarded   as  altogether  due  to  him.     In  some  of  the  other 
provinces  the  example  of  the  Ontario  Constitution  has  since, 
in  this  respect,  been  followed,  and  in  all  probability  it  will 
ultimately  be  followed  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  Dominion. 

"  Attempts  have  sometimes  been  made  to  show  that  in  this 
or  the  other  act  of  his  life  there  was  inconsistency,  and  from 
the  alleged  inconsistency  dishonesty  has  been  inferred.  But 
if  consistency  of  opinion  and  policy  is  a  cardinal  virtue  in  a 
public  man,  it  may  confidently  be  said  of  Mr.  Brown  that  no 
leading  British  or  Canadian  statesman  of  any  party  has  ever 
pursued  a  more  consistent  course  than  he  did.  If  there  had 
been  more  ground  than  there  is  for  an  imputation  of  incon- 
sistency it  would  be  proper  to  remember  that  inconsistency 
may  be  honest  or  dishonest.  Inconsistency  may  be  the  result 
of  honest  conviction,  and  apparent  inconsistency  may  be  the 
necessary  consequence  of  a  change  of  circumstances. 
or  apparent  inconsistency  may  thus  happen  to  be  the  duty 


2cS6         THE  LIKE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALIX 

a  good  man  and  earnest  patriot.  Numerous  instances  have 
occurred  in  both  English  and  Canadian  history,  with  reference 
to  which  this  doctrine  has  to  be  borne  in  mind  by  the  friends 
of  successful  statesmen,  politicians  and  political  writers,  of  all 
parties. 

^  "  One  of  Mr.  Brown's  most  remarkable  qualities  was  the 
readiness  with  which  he  was  able  to  throw  off  the  enormous 
burdens  of  his  business  cares  and  public  anxieties,  as  if  they 
were  nothing.  He  could  turn  away  in  a  moment  from  any 
great  subject  of  interest,  and  amidst  all  his  cares  could  confine 
his  attention  to  any  subject  of  however  little  comparative 
moment,  and  appear  to  be  the  most  care-free  of  men.  In  the 
social  circle  he  was  always  a  conversable  and  delightful  com- 
panion, and  in  the  domestic  circle  he  was  a  loving,  appreciative 
and  attentive  husband,  an  affectionate,  considerate  father. 

"  I  do  not  profess  to  set  forth  Mr.  Brown's  faults  and 
weaknesses.  Everyone  has  these.  But  I  claim  for  his  memory 
that  he  was  a  man  of  wonderful  power  of  intellect,  wonderful 
energy  and  wonderful  industry,  an  exceptionally  vigorous 
writer  and  an  exceptionally  effective  public  speaker,  and  a 
man  who  had  all  his  life  many  strong  friends  ;  that  he  began 
public  life  with  strong  convictions,  embracing  almost  the  whole 
field  of  public  questions,  and  that  his  policy  on  these  questions 
was  the  result  of  these  convictions.  I  claim  for  his  memory 
that  as  a  journalist  and  a  politician,  his  influence  on  the  whole 
was  on  the  side  of  religion,  morality  and  the  public  good.  He 
was  for  thirty-seven  years  one  of  the  most  prominent  public 
men  in  Canada,  and  during  this  period  he  exerted  influence 
on  our  country  so  great  that  there  are  but  one  or  two  living 
men  whose  friends  would  claim  for  them  an  equal  influence. 
Erom  what  he  was,  and  what  he  did,  his  memory  is  precious, 
and  will  never  cease  to  be  precious  to  many  thousands  of  the 
Canadian  people.  (Loud  and  prolonged  applause). 

Honourable  G.  W.  Allan  next  came  forward  and  said  :  "  I 
have  been  honoured  with  the  request  to  address  a  few  words, 
to  you  on  this  occasion,  and  I  do  so  the  more  gladly  because 
I  was  given  to  understand  that  it  was  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
friends  of  the  great  statesman  whose  statue  has  just  been 


HON.  GKOKGE  BROWN'S  STATUK  L'NVKILKD.       287 


unveiled  to-day,  that  the  ceremony  should  be  as  far  as  possible 
divested  of  any  party  character,  and  thus  enable  all  alike, 
Conservatives  as  well  as  Liberals,  to  offer  fitting  homage  to 
the  memory  of  one  who,  for  nearly  forty  years,  occupied  so 
conspicuous  a  place  in  the  political  history  of  Canada.  May  I 
be  permitted  to  say  also  that  it  is  particularly  grateful  to  me 
to  be  allowed  an  opportunity,  by  taking  part  in  this  day's  pro- 
ceedings, of  testifying  to  the  feelings  of  personal  regard  which 
more  intimate  acquaintance  and  intercourse  with  the  late  Mr. 
Brown  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life  led  me  to  entertain 
for  him,  and  it  is  a  deep  satisfaction  to  me  to  feel  that  I  pre- 
served his  friendship  unbroken  and  uninterrupted  to  the  day 
of  his  death. 

"  To  Mr.  'Brown's  political  career  it  is  scarcely  necessary 
that   I  should  do   more   than    allude,   after  the  eloquent  and 
enthusiastic  address  of  the  Attorney-General,  who  has  natur- 
ally spoken  of  it  with  all  the  ardour  and  admiration  of  one 
who  is  in  perfect  sympathy  with  his  subject,  but  that  man's 
mind  must  indeed  be  miserably  warped  and  prejudiced  who 
does    not    cordially    recognize    (whatever    may    be   his  own 
political  views)  the  wonderful   ability,  the  enormous  energy, 
the    untiring    zeal    with    which    Mr.    Brown    originated   and 
followed  up,  whether  in  his  place  in  Parliament  or  through  the 
paper   he  controlled,  those   measures  which    he   believed    to 
be  for  the  best  interests  of  his  adopted  country.     Indomitable 
energy  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  most  striking  features  in  Mr. 
Brown's  character,  and  it  was  that  wonderful  force  and  vigour 
which  made  him  for  so  many  years,  whether  in  office  or  out  of 
office,  the  one  supreme  leader  of  his  party,  whose  authority 
none    ventured    to    question,  and    gave    him   a    power   and 
influence  which  no  single  public  man  in  this  country,  except  i 
be  his  great  Conservative  rival,  Sir  John  Macdonald,  has  ever 
attained  to.      I  can  testify  also,  from  my  personal  knowled 
of  Mr.   Brown,  that  he  threw  the  same  energy  into  matters 
which  had  no  connection  whatever  with  politics,  and  was  at  ; 
times  ready,  with  his  vigorous  assistance,  in  all  underta 
which  he  thought  might  be  useful  to  the  country,  or  i 
way  beneficial  to  his  fellow-citizens. 


288         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


"  The  Attorney-General  has  dwelt  upon  one  important 
event,  perhaps  the  most  important  event  in  its  consequences 
to  this  country,  in  which  Mr.  Brown  bore  a  principal  part. 
I  need  scarcely  say  that  I  allude  to  the  Confederation  of  the 
British  North  American  Provinces.  In  originating  and  carry- 
ing out  that  great  scheme,  Mr.  Brown  acted  cordially  with 
old  political  opponents  as  well  as  friends,  and  in  a  noble 
picture,  lately  painted,  of  the  '  Fathers  of  Confederation,' 
the  work  of  a  Canadian  artist,  which  now  adorns  the  vesti- 
bule of  the  Houses  of  Parliament  at  Ottawa,  there  is,  I 
rejoice  to  say,  preserved  an  admirable  likeness  of  the  great 
Liberal  chief,  who  patriotically  joined  hands  with  leading 
statesmen  of  all  parties  to  carry  through  a  measure  which  has 
made  Canada  a  nation,  and  a  power  in  the  Empire,  of  which 
she  forms  a  part.  There  were  many  other  measures  in  which 
Mr.  Brown  took  a  leading  part  during  his  long  political  career, 
and  which  Mr.  Mowat  has  touched  upon,  on  which  public  men 
differed  widely,  and  opposed  each  other  with  all  the  bitterness 
and  violence  of  party  strife,  and  yet,  looking  calmly  back  upon 
them,  when  time  and  experience  have  given  better  opportunity 
for  forming  an  impartial  judgment,  even  those  who  were  most 
strongly  opposed  to  Mr.  Brown  will  now  be  ready  to  recognize 
all  that  was  good  and  patriotic  in  his  objects  and  motives, 
where  before  they  could,  perhaps,  only  sec  what  appeared  to 
them  unwise  or  injurious.  It  will,  indeed,  be  an  evil  day  for 
Canada  when  party  spirit  shall  become  so  rampant  that  we 
cease  to  appreciate  all  that  is  good  and  noble  in  a  political 
opponent. 

"  Doubtless,  on  subjects  of  such  vital  interest  amid  the 
struggle  and  excitement  of  political  warfare,  it  is  not  always 
easy  to  do  justice  to  those  who  are  opposed  to  us,  but  as  it 
has  been  well  and  generously  said  in  a  leading  journal  of  the 
clay,  '  after  the  din  and  smoke  of  the  contest  has  passed 
away,  then  good  and  true  men  on  either  side  should  always 
be  ready  to  do  justice  to  their  adversaries.  And  those  who 
were  his  strongest  opponents  are  now  ready  to  admit  the 
patriotism  and  fortitude  which  ran  through  George  Brown's 
whole  career.'  There  was  one  trait  which  shone  conspicuously 


HON.  GEORGE  BROWN'S  STATUE  UNVEILED. 


289 


ously  through  the  whole  of  Mr.  Brown's  public  life,  and  that 
was  his  unswerving  loyalty  to  British  connection.  '  Like  the 
veteran  statesman  who,  this  morning,  performed  what,  I  am 
sure,  was  to  him  the  loving  office  of  unveiling  the  statue  of 
his  old  and  valued  friend,  George  Brown,  while  claiming  for 
Canada  the  fullest  political  liberty  and  self-government,  would 
as  soon  have  cut  off  his  right  hand  as  to  countenance  or 
support  anything  which  looked  towards  separation  from  the 
Empire.  Canada,  its  interests  and  its  prosperity,  had  a  deep 
and  abiding  hold  upon  that  great  heart,  but  it  did  not  displace 
the  allegiance  which  he  owed  to  his  Sovereign,  nor  the 
patriotic  pride  of  a  loyal  subject  in  the  mightiest  empire 
which  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

"While  yet  in  the  full  vigour  of  life,  with  convictions  as 
strong,  and  acted  upon  as  vigorously  as  ever,  but  with  many 
prejudices  softened  or  removed,  \vith  a  judgment  ripened  and 
matured  by  long  and  varied  experience — no  longer  actively 
engaged  in  the  thick  of  party  warfare,  but  occupying  a  posi- 
tion which  seemed  to  promise  many  long  years  of  public  use- 
fulness as  a  member  of  a  body  of  whose  rights  and  constitu- 
tional position  he  was,  to  the  last  day  of  his  life,  a  staunch 
defender,  still  recognized  alike  by  friends  and  opponents  as 
a  power  in  the  land — George  Brown  was  suddenly  stricken 
down,  and  after  many  weeks  of  suffering  was  carried  to  his 
grave,  mourned  by  men  of  all  parties,  who  alike  acknow- 
ledged '  that  a  great  man  in  Israel '  had,  indeed,  been  taken 
away.  Fitting  then  it  is  that  all  should  take  a  generous  and 
loving  part  in  this  day's  ceremony,  and  that  noble  statue, 
which  has  been  given  to-day  to  the  people  of  Canada,  speaks 
forth  as  it  were,  to  all  who  gaze  upon  it — not  only  now,  but 
in  the  generations  to  come — the  true  patriotic  sentiment  that 
Canadians,  without  distinction  of  party,  will  ever  honour  and 
respect  the  memory  of  all  that  is  good  and  great  in  the  public 
men  of  their  common  country."  (Applause). 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway — Visit  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  others  to  Eng- 
land, July  10,  1880 — Formation  of  Syndicate — The  contract  before  Parlia- 
ment— Speech  of  Sir  Charles  Tupper — His  review  of  the  History  of  the 
Railway — The  Policy  of  the  Government — The  cost  contrasted  with  that 
of  previous  plans — The  character  of  the  Syndicate — The  Security — The 
intentions  and  responsibilities  of  the  Syndicate — Exemption  from  taxation 
— Prohibition  of  competing  lines — The  results  hoped  for. 

ON  July  10,  1880,  Sir  John  Macdonald,  Sir  Charles 
Tupper,  and  Mr.  John  Henry  Pope  proceeded  to  Eng- 
land for  the  purpose  of  interesting  capitalists  in  the  building 
of  the  Pacific  railway  and,  if  possible,  making  a  contract. 
They  succeeded  in  their  mission  so  well  that,  on  September 
1 6th,  they  were  able  to  announce  that  the  preliminaries  had 
been  arranged,  and  then  returned  to  Canada.  They  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  representatives  of  the  syndicate  who,  after  a  con- 
ference of  a  fortnight,  signed  a  carefully  prepared  contract  for 
the  completion  of  the  work.  The  terms  of  this  agreement 
were  not  made  known  until  after  the  meeting  of  Parliament, 
on  December  Qth.  It  was  a  long  document  of  forty-one 
clauses,  and  too  technical  in  its  language  to  be  of  interest  to 
the  general  reader.  A  better  idea  of  its  contents  will  be 
obtained  from  the  following  extracts,  taken  from  the  very 
able  speech  with  which  it  was  brought  before  the  House  by 
Sir  Charles  Tupper. 

Sir  Charles  Tupper  said  :  "  Mr.  Chairman,  it  affords  me 
very  much  pleasure  to  rise  for  the  purpose  of  submitting  a 
motion  to  the  House  in  relation  to  the  most  important  ques- 
tion that  has  ever  engaged  the  attention  of  this  Parliament 
— a  motion  which  submits  for  the  approval  of  this  House  the 
means  by  which  that  great  national  work,  the  Pacific  railway, 
shall  be  completed  and  operated  hereafter  in  a  way  that  has 
more  than  once  obtained  the  approval  of  the  House  and  the 
sanction  of  the  people  of  this  country,  and  upon  terms  more 
favourable  than  any  that  have  ever  previously  been  offered  to 
the  House.  I  shall  be  obliged,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  ask  the 
indulgence  of  the  House  while,  at  some  considerable  length,  I 

290 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT.  291 


place  before  it  the  grounds  upon  which  I  affirm  that  this  reso- 
lution embodies  the  policy  of  the  Parliament  of  Canada,  as 
expressed  on  more  than  one  occasion,  that  these  resolutions 
present  terms  for  the  consideration  of  this  Parliament  lor  the 
completion  of  this  work  more  favourable  than  any  previously 
submitted.  And,  sir,  I  have  the  less  hesitation  in  asking  the 
indulgence  of  the  House,  because  I  ask  it  mainly  for  the 
purpose  of  repeating  to  the  House  statements  made  by  gentle- 
men of  much  greater  ability  than  myself,  and  occupying 
positions  in  this  House  and  country  second  to  no  other,  and 
but  for  what  took  place  here  yesterday,  I  would  have  felt 
warranted  in  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  resolutions,  grave 
and  important  as  they  are,  would  receive  the  unanimous 
•consent  of  this  Parliament." 
Mr.  Blake—"  Hear,  hear." 

Sir  Charles  Tupper — "  I  would,  I  say,  have  been  warranted 
in  arriving  at  that  conclusion  but  for  the  very  significant 
indications  that  were  made  from  the  other  side  of  the  House, 
because  these  resolutions  only  ask  honourable  gentlemen  on 
both  sides  of  the  House  to  affirm  a  proposition  to  which  they 
have  again  and  again,  as  public  men,  committed  themselves. 

"  I  need  not  remind  the  House  that  when  my  right 
honourable  friend,  the  leader  of  the  Government,  occupied  in 
1871  the  same  position  which  he  now  occupies,  the  policy  of 
constructing  a  great  line  that  would  connect  the  two  great 
oceans  which  form  the  eastern  and  western  boundaries  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  received  the  approval  of  this  House. 
And  not  only  did  the  policy  of  accomplishing  that  great  work 
receive  the  endorsation  of  a  large  majority  in  the  Parliament 
of  this  country,  but  in  specific  terms,  the  means  by  which  that 
work  should  be  accomplished,  were  embodied  in  the  form  of  a 
resolution,  and  submitted  for  the  consideration  of  Parliament 
It  was  moved  by  the  late  lamented  Sir  George  Cartier  :  '  That 
the  railway  referred  to  in  the  Address  to  Her  Majesty  concern- 
ing the  union  of  British  Columbia  with  Canada,  adopted  by 
this  House  on  Saturday,  April  1st,  should  be  constructed  and 
worked  by  private  enterprise  and  not  by  the  Dominion 
Government,  and  that  the  public  aid  to  be  given  to  secure  that 


292        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

undertaking,  should  consist  of  such  liberal  grants  of  land  and 
such  subsidy,  and  any  other  aid  not  unduly  pressing  on  the 
industry  and  resources  of  the  country,  as  the  Parliament  of 
Canada  shall  hereafter  determine.'  " 

Mr.  Blake — "  That  was  the  resolution  first  brought  down." 
Sir  Charles  Tupper — "  That  was  the  first  resolution,  and  it 
was  amended  to  state  more  strongly  that  the  work  should  not 
involve  an  increase  in  the  existing  rate  of  taxation.  The 
honourable  gentlemen  will  agree  with  me  that  it  embodies  the 
mode  upon  which  the  road  should  be  constructed.  Now,  sir, 
although  honourable  gentlemen  in  this  House,  although  the 
two  great  parties  represented  in  this  House,  may  entertain 
differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  construction  of  the  railway, 
and  the  means  that  may  be  adequate  to  its  accomplishment, 
the  House  was  unanimous  in  that,  because  the  honourable 
gentlemen  representing  the  Opposition  in  this  House  sup- 
ported a  resolution  introduced  as  an  amendment  to  ours  by 
the  present  Chief  Justice  Dorion,  declaring  that  the  road 
should  be  constructed  in  no  other  way,  adding  to  the  resolu- 
tion the  words  '  and  not  otherwise.'  The  object  of  which 
was  to  make  it  impossible  for  any  government  to  secure  the 
construction  of  the  road  in  any  other  mode  than  through  the 
agency  of  a  private  company,  or  aided  by  a  grant  of  lands  and 
money.  And  while  the  resolution,  moved  by  Sir  George 
Cartier,  declaring  that  the  work  should  be  constructed  in  that 
way,  received  the  support  of  every  gentleman  on  this  side  of 
the  House,  the  still  stronger  affirmation  moved  by  Mr.  Dorion, 
that  the  work  should  not  be  done  in  any  other  way,  received,  I 
believe,  the  support  of  every  gentleman  on  the  other  side  of 
the  House.  Therefore,  I  think  I  may  say  that  the  policy  of 
Parliament,  not  the  policy  of  any  one  party,  was  distinctly 
affirmed  in  the  resolution  placed  on  the  journals  in  1871. 

"In  1872  it  became  necessary  to  state  in  distinct  terms 
what  aid  the  Government  proposed,  under  the  authority  of 
that  resolution,  to  offer  for  the  construction  of  the  railway. 
The  journals  of  1872  will  show  that  Parliament,  by  a  deliber- 
ate vote  and  by  a  very  large  majority,  placed  at  the  service  of 
the  Government  a  sum  of  $30,000,000  in  money,  and  a  grant 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT.  293 


of  50,000,000  acres  of  land  for  the  construction  of  the  main  line, 
and  an  additional  amount  of  20,000  acres  of  land  per  mile  for 
the  Pembina  branch  of  eighty-five  miles,  and  of  25,000  acres  of 
land  per  mile  for  the  Nipigon  branch.  At  that  time,  sir,  I  may 
remind  the  House  that  it  was  expected,  as  possibly  may  prove 
to  be  the  case  yet,  that  the  line  of  the  Pacific  railway  from 
Nipissing  westward  would  run  to  the  north  of  Lake  Nipigon  ; 
and  provision  was  therefore  made  for  a  branch,  by  a  vote  of 
25,000  acres  of  land  per  mile  for  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
to  secure  connection  between  Lake  Superior  and  the  main 
line.  Now,  sir,  these  terms  became  the  subject  of  very  consid- 
erable discussion  in  this  House  and  out  of  it  ;  and  the  Govern- 
ment having  been  sustained  by  a  majority  placing  at  their 
disposal  that  amount  of  money  and  that  amount  of  lands  to 
secure  the  construction  of  the  railway,  and  the  term  of  Parlia- 
ment having  expired,  the  House  was  dissolved  and  the 
country  appealed  to.  And,  sir,  after  that  question  was  placed 
before  the  country,  a  very  sufficient  working  majority  was 
returned  to  support  the  Government  and  confirm  the  policy 
which  the  House  had  adopted,  both  as  to  the  mode  in  which 
the  work  was  to  be  constructed,  and  as  to  the  public  money 
and  public  lands  which  the  Government  were  authorized  to 
use  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  construction  of  this  work. 
"  Under  the  authority  of  this  House  in  1872,  and  under  the 
authority  of  the  people  of  this  country,  the  Government 
entered  into  a  contract  with  a  number  of  gentlemen,  who  sub- 
sequently selected  Sir  Hugh  Allan  as  the  president  of  the 
company,  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  the  railway  on  the 
terms  that  I  have  now  mentioned  to  the  House.  I  need  not, 
at  this  period,  remind  the  House  that  that  company,  embrac- 
ing a  number  of  the  most  able,  leading,  and  influential  men  in 
finance  and  commerce,  proceeded  to  England,  at  that  time  at 
all  events  the  great  money  market  of  the  world— I  might 
almost  say  that  it  was  then  the  only  market  in  the  world. 
They  proceeded  to  England,  and  exhausted  every  means  in 
their  power  to  obtain  the  support  of  financial  men  in  such  a 
way  as  to  enable  them  to  carry  that  contract  to  completion. 
If  my  recollection  does  not  fail  me,  the  honourable  leader  of 


294         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  late  Government  on  more  than  one  occasion  expressed  the 
hope  that  that  company  would  be  successful.  He  always 
expressed  his  strong  conviction  that  the  means  were  altogether 
inadequate  to  secure  the  object  in  view  ;  but  I  think  that  on 
more  than  one  occasion  he  expressed  the  patriotic  hope  that 
these  gentlemen  would  succeed  in  obtaining  the  capital 
required,  upon  those  terms.  But,  sir,  they  did  not  succeed 
as  every  person  knows.  After  having  exhausted  every  effort 
in  their  power,  they  were  obliged  to  return  and  surrender  the 
charter,  under  which  they  received  authority  to  endeavour  to 
obtain  money  for  the  construction  of  this  great  work. 

"  Well,  sir,  a  very  unpleasant  result  followed,  and  the  then 
Government  of  this  country  met  with  a  defeat.  The  means 
placed  at  their  disposal  to  secure  the  construction  of  the  great 
work  which  these  gentlemen  had  in  hand  proved  inadequate, 
and  the  Government  also  succumbed  to  the  pressure  from 
honourable  gentlemen  opposite.  It  is  not  a  pleasant  topic, 
and  I  will  not  dwell  any  longer  upon  it  than  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  introduce  the  Administration  which  followed, 
led  by  the  honourable  member  for  Lambton.  Now,  sir,  I 
have  said  on  more  than  one  occasion  that  in  my  judgment, 
inasmuch  as  the  only  authority  which  Parliament  had  given 
for  the  construction  of  the  railway  required  that  it  should  be 
done  by  a  private  company,  aided  by  a  grant  of  land  and 
money,  and  inasmuch  as  the  resolution  embodying  that  state- 
ment, as  the  honourable  leader  of  the  Opposition  has  cor- 
rectly reminded  me,  also  embodied  the  statement  that  it 
should  not  increase  the  existing  rate  of  taxation,  and  inas- 
much as  the  Finance  Minister  of  the  Government  at  once 
announced  to  Parliament  the  fact  that  there  was  a  great 
impending  deficiency  between  the  revenue  and  expenditure, 
it  became  patent  that  no  progress  could  be  made  except  in 
contravention  of  both  these  propositions.  I  have  said  before? 
and  I  repeat  now,  that  in  my  judgment  the  honourable 
leader  of  the  then  Government  would  have  been  warranted 
in  stating  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  question  of  the 
construction  of  the  railway  in  abeyance.  But,  sir,  he  did 
commit  himself  in  the  most  formal  and  authentic  manner  to 


SPEECH  ON  C.  p.  R.  CONTRACT. 


295 


the  construction  of  the  road,  and  notwithstanding  the  diffi- 
cult^ which  had  occurred,  he  appealed  to  the  people  of  this 
country  m  the  most  formal  manner  in  which  it  is  possible 

The  House  will,  perhaps,  allow  me  to  draw  attention  to 
some  very   important  statements   contained  in  his  manifesto. 
The  honourable  gentleman  said  :  •  We  must  meet  the  diffi- 
culty imposed  on  Canada  by  the  reckless  arrangements  of  the 
last  Government,  with  reference  to  the  Pacific  railway,  under 
"which  they  pledged  the  land  and  resources  of  this  country 
(to  the  commencement  of  that  gigantic  work  in  July,  1873 
'and  to  its  completion  by  July,  1880.'    The  honourable  gentle- 
man  will  see   that  the  term   <  reckless  arrangement '  is  con- 
fined and   limited  by  the  honourable  gentlemen  to  the  short 
time  which  we  had  allowed  ourselves  for  the  construction   of 
the  work,  and  not  to  the  work  itself.     The  honourable  gentle- 
man  further   said  :  '  That  contract  has  already  been   broken. 
'Over  a  million  of  dollars  has  now  been  spent  in  surveys  and 
'  no  particular  line  has  as  yet,  been  located.     The  bargain  is 
'  as  we  always  said,  incapable  of  literal  fulfilment.     \Vc  must 
'  make  arrangements  with  British  Columbia  for  such  a  relaxa- 
'  tion  of  the  terms  as  will  give  time  for  the  completion  of  the 
'  surveys  and  subsequent  prosecution  of  the  work,  with  such 
'  speed  as  the  resources  of  the  country  shall  permit  of,  and 
'without  too  largely  increasing  the  burden  of  taxation  upon 
'  the  people.'     The  honourable  gentlemen  went  on  to  say  that 
they  must,  in  the  meantime,  obtain  some  means  of  communi- 
cation across  the  continent,  and  that  it  would  be  their  policy 
to   '  unite  the   enormous  stretches  of  magnificent  water  com- 
'  munication  with    the  lines  of  railway  to  the  Rocky   Moun- 
'  tains.' 

"In  1874  the  honourable  gentleman  introduced  a  Bill  for 
the  purpose  of  providing  for  the  construction  of  the  railway, 
and  in  the  course  of  a  very  able  and  exhaustive  speech  he 
placed  very  fully  on  record  the  opinions  which  he  held,  and 
which  embodied  the  opinions  of  the  Government  at  that  time. 
He  stated,  as  will  be  seen  on  reference  to  the  Hansard  of  May 
12,  1874,  that  'the  duty  was  imposed  upon  Parliament  ' 
'providing  a  great  scheme  of  carrying  out  the  oblige' 


296         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

imposed  upon  us  by  the  solemn  action  of  Parliament  in  this 
'  matter.  The  original  scheme  was  one  that  I  opposed  at  the 
'  time  of  its  passage  here,  as  one  that  in  my  mind  then  seemed 
'  impracticable  within  the  time  that  was  proposed,  and  imprac- 
'  ticable  also  within  the  means  proposed  to  be  used  to  accom- 
'  plish  it.'  I  wish  to  invite  the  attention  of  the  House  to  the 
formal  declaration  made  on  the  floor  of  Parliament  by  the 
late  Prime  Minister,  that  the  means  that  Parliament  had 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  late  Government  by  their  prede- 
cessors, $30,000,000  and  54,000,000  acres  of  land,  was 
utterly  inadequate  to  secure  the  construction  of  the  work. 
Then  the  honourable  gentleman  continues,  '  I  have  not  changed 

C5  *  O 

'  that  opinion,  but  being  placed  here  in  the  Government,  I  am 
'  bound  to  endeavour,  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability,  to  devise 
'  such  means  as  may  seem  within  our  reach  to  accomplish  in 
'  the  spirit,  if  not  in  not  in  the  letter,  the  obligations  imposed 
'  upon  us  by  the  treaty  of  union — for  it  was  a  treaty  of  union — 
'  with  British  Columbia.'  I  am  sure  that  British  Columbia  will 
be  very  glad  to  be  again  reminded  that  the  leader  of  the 
Opposition  maintained  that  this  was  an  absolute  treaty  of 
union  with  British  Columbia. 

"  In  1875  the  honourable  gentleman,  having  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  considering  the  proposals  which  were  embodied  in 
his  Bill,  to  which  I  shall  invite  the  attention  of  the  House 
more  especially  at  a  later  period,  obtained  authority  from  this 
House  to  go  on  with  the  immediate  construction  of  the  rail- 
way by  the  direct  agency  of  the  Government,  for  he  could  not 
obtain  it  in  any  other  way.  Having  obtained  power  from  this 
House  to  give,  not  only  $10,000  per  mile  for  every  mile 
between  Lake  Nipissing  and  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and 
20,000  acres  of  land  per  mile,  but  also  to  give  $10,000  in  cash 
per  mile  for  the  branch  eighty-five  miles  long  to  Pembina, 
and  20,000  acres  ;  and  $10,000  and  20,000  acres  per  mile 
for  the  Georgian  Bay  branch  of  eighty-five  miles  long  ;  and 
also  to  give  the  further  sum  of  four  per  cent,  interest  for 
twenty-five  years  upon  such  sums  as  might  be  found  necessary 
^u  .order  to  secure  the  construction  of  the  work. 

n  1876,  after  longer  experience,  after  having  found  that 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


297 


the   financial   difficulties    of    the    country    had   certainly   not 
decreased,  the  honourable  gentleman  was  still  undismayed,  for 
in  1876,  from  the  high  and  authoritative  position  of  a  Prime 
Minister  submitting  the    policy    of   his   Government  to  the 
country,  after  full  and  deliberate  consideration,  he  enunciated 
the  following  views  :  '  We  have  felt  from  the  first  that  while  it 
'  was  utterly  impossible  to  implement  to  the  letter  the  cngagc- 
'  ments  entered  into  by  our  predecessors,  the  good  faith  of  the 
'  country  demanded  that  the  Administration  should  do  every - 
'  thing  that  was  reasonable,  and  in  their  power,  to  carry  out  the 
'  pledges  made  to  British  Columbia,  if  not  the  entire  obligation, 
'  at  least  such  parts  of  it  as  seemed  to  be  within  their  power, 
'  and  most  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  Dominion,  as 
'  well  as  to  satisfy  all  reasonable  men  in  the  province  of  British 
'Columbia,  which  province  had  fancied  itself  entitled  to  com- 
'  plain  of  an  apparent  want  of  good  faith  in  carrying  out  these 
'obligations.     In   endeavouring   to  accomplish  this  result   we 
'  have  had  serious  difficulties  to  contend  with,  to  which  I  shall 
'  shortly  allude.     The  Act  of  1874  prescribes  that  the  Govcrn- 
'  ment  may  build  the  road  on  contract  in  the  ordinary  way,  or 
'  it  may  be  built  on  the  terms  set  forth  in  Section  8,  which 
'provides  that  the    Government  may  pay  $10,000  and  grant 
'  20,000  acres  of  land  per  mile,  with  four  per  cent,  for  twenty-five 
'years  upon  any  additional  amount  in  the  tenders,  to  a  coin- 
'  pany  to  construct  portions  of  the  line.     The  intention  of  the 
'  Government  was,  as  soon  as  the  surveys  were  in  a  sufficiently 
'advanced  state,  to  invite  tenders  for  the  construction  of  such 
'  portions  of  the  work  as  in  the  judgment  of  Parliament  it  might 
'  be  considered  desirable  to  go  on  with,  and  that  in  the  mcan- 
'time  the  money  that  had  been  spent  in  grading  should  be 
'  held  to  be  a  part  of  the  $10,000  a  mile  referred  to  in  Section 
'  8.     Whether  the  Government  would  be  in  a  position  during 
'  the  coming  season  to  have  contracts  obtained  and  submitted 
'  to  Parliament  for  the  whole  line  at  its  next  session,  is  perhaps 
<  problematical.'     So  that  the  honourable  gentleman  in    18; 
not  only  contemplated  going  on  steadily  with  the  prosed 
of  the  work,   or  very   important  sections  of  the  work,  bu' 
had  it  in  contemplation  to  invite  tenders  for  the  construe* 


298         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

of  the  whole  railway  on  terms  which,  as  I  shall  show  specific- 
ally hereafter,  were  largely  in  excess  of  any  authority  we  ever 
obtained  from  Parliament,  and  terms  that,  as  I  have  said 
before,  he  himself  held,  and  I  suppose  conscientiously  held,  to 
be  utterly  inadequate. 

"In  1877,  after  another  year's   experience,  the  honourable 
gentleman  again  stated  the  policy  that  still  was  the  policy  of 
his    Administration    in    reference    to   this    work.       The    late 
Administration    in   entering  into  the  agreement  for  bringing 
British  Columbia  into  the  Confederation  had  an  express  obli- 
gation as  to  the  building  of  the  railway  across  the  continent, 
from  Lake  Nipissing  on  the  east  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the 
west,  within  a  specified  number  of  years.     '  When  the  present 
'  Administration,'  he  said,  'acceded  to  power,  they  felt  that  this 
'  like  all  treaty  obligations,  was  one  which  imposed  upon  them 
'  certain  duties  of  administration  and  government  which  they 
'  had  no  right  to  neglect,  and  that  they  were  bound  to  carry  the 
'  scheme  practically  into  effect  to  the  extent  that  I  have  indi- 
'  cated.     The  whole  effort  of  the  Administration  from  that  day 
'  to  this  has  been  directed  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  object 
'  in  the  way  that  would  seem  to  be  most  practicable  and  most 
1  available,  considering  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered  and  the 
'  cost  to  be  incurred.'    So  that  down  to  1878,  the  House  will  see, 
the  honourable  gentleman  still  remained  true  to  the  obligation 
of  the  rapid  construction  of  the  railway,  of  its  construction  by 
the  agency  of  a  private  company,  and   a  grant  of  land   and 
money.      In  1878,  the  last  occasion  on   which  the  honourable 
gentleman,  with  the  authority  of  Prime  Minister,  discussed  the 
question,  he  said,  '  There  can  be  no  question  of  this,  that  it 
'  was  in  itself  a  desirable  object  to  obtain  railway  communica- 
'  tion  from  one  end  of  our  Dominion  to  the  other,  traversing 
'  the  continent  from  east  to  west.     So  far  as  the  desirability  of 
'  obtaining  such  a  connection  may  be  concerned,  there  can  be 
'no  real  difference  of  opinion  between  any  two  parties  in  this 
'country,  or  amongst  any  class  of  our  population.'     So  that  I 
,-rm  very  glad,  on  this  important  question,  in  submitting  reso- 
of  such  magnitude  for  the  consideration  of  this  House, 
ye  the  anthority  of  the  leader  of  the  late  Government, 


HON.  JOHN  G.  HAGGART,  P.C. 

Postmaster-General. 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


after  years  of  close  and  careful  examination  of  this  question 
given  to  the  House  and  the  country,  that  it  was  a  matter,  not 
only  of  vital  importance  to  the  country,  but  upon  which  both 
parties  were  agreed,  not  only  in  this  House,  but  outside  of  it. 

"  In  1878  the  honourable  gentleman  also  said  :  '  I  have  to 
''say  in  conclusion  that  nothing  has  given  myself  and  the 
'  Government  more  concern  than  the  matters  connected  with 
'the  Pacific  railway.  We  are  alive  to  this  consideration— that 
'  it  is  of  vast  importance  to  the  country  that  this  road  should 
'  be  built  as  soon  as  the  country  is  able  to  do  it  without  impos- 
'ing  burdens  upon  the  present  ratepayers  which  would  be 
'intolerable.'  I  quite  agree  with  the  honourable  gentleman  in 
that  statement,  and  I  am  proud  to  be  able  to  stand  here 
to-day  and  offer  for  the  honourable  gentleman's  consideration, 
and  I  trust,  after  full  consideration,  for  his  support,  a  proposi- 
tion that  will  secure  to  this  country  the  construction  of  that 
which  he  has  declared  to  be  not  only  a  matter  of  honour  to 
which  the  country  was  bound,  but  a  matter  of  the  deepest 
necessity  to  the  development  of  the  country,  upon  terms  that 
will  not  impose  any  intolerable  burdens  on  the  ratepayers. 

"  In  1878  there  was  a  general  election,  the  result  being  that 
my  right  honourable  friend  (Sir  John  Macdonald)  was  again 
charged  with  the  important  duty  of  administering  the  public 
affairs  of  this  country,  and  again  brought  face  to  face  with  this 
great  work.  We  found  ourselves  then  called  upon  to  deal  with 
a  work  upon  which  a  large  amount  of  public  money  had  been 
expended,  and  in  a  way  that  would  prove  utterly  useless  .to  the 
country  unless  measures  were  taken  promptly  to  carry,  at  all 
events,  the  work  under  construction  to  completion.  \\  e,  there- 
fore, were  not  in  a  position  to  effect  any  change  of  policy,  as 
honourable  gentlemen  opposite  will  see.  But  we  came 
to  Parliament  to  reaffirm  the  policy  of  utilizing  the  lands  of 
the  North- West  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  construction 
of  that  vast  work.  There  was  every  reason  in  the  world  why 
we  should  adopt  that  policy  in  the  first  instance  and  return  to 
it  afterwards.  Every  person  knows  that  the  development  of 
this  great  territory  was  concerned  in  this  gigantic  undertak- 
ing ;  that,  irrespective  of  the  question  of  the  connection  of 


302         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

British  Columbia,  the  progress  and  prosperity  of  Canada  were 
to  be  promoted  by  the  construction  of  the  railway.  We  were, 
therefore,  compelled  to  take  it  up  as  we  found  it,  and  go  on 
with  it  as  a  Government  work.  To  make  the  work,  upon 
which  so  much  had  already  been  expended,  of  use  to  the 
country,  we  asked  the  House  to  place  at  our  disposal  100,000,- 
ooo  of  acres  for  the  purpose  of  covering  the  expenditure  in 
connection  with  the  railway.  We  felt  that  by  that  means  we 
should  obtain  the  means  of  recouping  to  the  treasury  every 
dollar  expended  on  this  work.  Honourable  gentlemen  also 
know  that  we  proposed  to  obtain  the  co-operation  of  the 
Imperial  Government. 

"  Although  we  had  not  propounded  the  policy  of  carrying 
on  this  work  by  the  Government,  we  took  up  the  work  as  we 
found  it.  We  placed  under  contract  the  127  miles  of  the  road 
which  the  leader  of  the  late  Government  had  announced  it  as 
his  intention  to  build,  which  he  had  assured  the  people  of 
British  Columbia  he  intended  to  build,  and  which,  under  the 
terms  of  Lord  Carnarvon,  he  was  bound  to  place  under 
contract.  When  we  met  Parliament  with  the  statement  that 
we  were  going  on  with  this  work,  I  think  we  scarcely  met  with 
the  amount  of  aid  and  co-operation  from  gentlemen  opposite 
to  which  we  were  entitled.  As  we  were  only  carrying  out 
what  they  proposed,  we  had  a  right  to  expect  to  be  met  in  a 
manner  different  to  that  in  which  we  were  met  by  them.  The 
leader  of  the  Opposition  moved — and  in  making  this  motion 
he  submitted  a  resolution  directly  in  antagonism  to  the  policy 
of  the  Government  which  he  supported,  and  to  his  own  recorded 
utterances  on  the  floor  of  this  House — that  we  should  break 
faith  with  British  Columbia  and  with  Lord  Carnavon,  and  that 
we  should  give — I  was  going  to  say  the  lie — to  Lord  Dufferin, 
who  stated  on  his  honour  as  a  man  that  every  particle  of  the 
terms  of  agreement  with  British  Columbia  was  in  a  state  of 
literal  fulfilment.  The  result  of  the  moving  of  this  resolution 
was  to  place  on  the  records  of  Parliament  a  vote  of  131  to  49 
that  good  faith  should  be  kept  with  British  Columbia  ;  but  we 
owed  it  to  Canada  to  take  up  this  work  and  prosecute  it  in 
such  a  way  as  we  believed  was  absolutely  necessary  in  order 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


to  bring  it  within  such  limits  as  would  enable  us  to  revert  to 
the  original  policy  of  building  the  road  by  means  of  a  com- 
pany ;  and  had  we  not  placed  that  section  under  contract  in 
British  Columbia,  had  we  not  vigorously  prosecuted  the  one 
hundred  and  eighty-five  miles  wanted  to  complete  the  line 
between  Lake  Superior  and  Red  River,  we  would  not  have 
been  able  to  stand  here,  laying  before  the  House  the  best 
proposal  for  the  construction  of  the  road  which  has  ever  been 
made  to  this  Parliament.  (Cheers). 

"  When  the  Government  of  Canada  had  to  present  them- 
selves  to  capitalists,  either  in  this  country  or  in  the  United 
States  or  in  England,  and  show  how  that  year  after  year  they 
had   to  meet  Parliament  with  an  alarming  deficit  and  were 
unable  to  provide  for  it,  and  were  adding  from  year  to  year  to 
the  accumulated  indebtedness  of  the  country,  not  for  the  pros- 
ecution of  public  works  that  were  going  to  give  an  impetus  to 
our  industries,  but  merely  to  enable  the  ordinary  expenditure 
of  the  country  to  be  met,  they  failed.     But  when  all  this  was 
changed,  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  relation  to  this  work  was  also 
changed.     Under  the  previous  condition  of  things  my  honour- 
able friend  opposite  could  not  obtain  offers  in  response  to  the 
advertisements  which  he  published  all  over  the  world.     The 
honourable  gentleman  might  fairly  assume  that  we  could  not 
obtain  any  offers  either.    But  as  I  say — when  under  a  changed 
policy,  and  when  the  Government  had  successfully  grappled 
with  the  most  difficult  portions  of  this  great  work,  and  shown 
to    the    capitalists  of  the  world,  under  the  authority  of  this 
House,  that    100,000,000  acres   of  land    were  placed   at   our 
disposal  for  the  prosecution  of  the  undertaking  that  we  were 
not  afraid  to  go  on  with  its  construction,  or  afraid  to  show 
that  the    construction    of  the    railway    was    a    work    capable 
of  fulfilment  ;    when  we  proved  to  the  capitalists  of  the  world 
that  we  ourselves  had  some  confidence  in  this  country  and  in 
its  development,  and  that  we  were  prepared  to  grapple  with 
this  gigantic  work,  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  wholly  changed. 
Well,    sir,   under   these    circumstances   the   Government  sub- 
mitted  their   policy   to    Parliament,  and    they    were    met    by 
obstruction.       Last    session    they    were    met    by    a    complete 


304         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

change  of  front  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition   in  this   House 
and  the  country. 

"The  men  who  had  for  five  years  declared  that  they  were 
prepared  to  construct  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  as  a 
public  work,  the  men  who  had  pledged  themselves  to  British 
Columbia  to  construct  it  as  a  public  work,  and  who  had  in 
this  House,  in  every  way  that  men  could,  bound  themselves, 
called  a  halt  in  order  to  obstruct  the  Government,  when  we 
took  the  only  means  by  which  we  could  remove  the  difficulty 
which  had  prevented  the  honourable  gentlemen  obtaining  any 
offers  in  reply  to  the  advertisement  that  he  had  sent  all 
over  the  country.  I  have  the  advertisement  in  my  hand. 
It  was  published  on  May  29,  1876,  and  it  says  that 
'  they  invite  tenders  to  be  sent  in,  on  or  before  January, 
'  1877,  under  the  provision  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway 
'  Act  of  1874,  which  enacts  that  the  contractors  for  its  construc- 
'  tion  and  working  shall  receive  lands  or  the  proceeds  of  lands.' 
'  Then  it  goes  on  to  say  that  'the  proceeds  of  the  lands  at  the 
'rate  of  20,000  acres,  and  cash  at  the  rate  of  $10,000  for  each 
'  mile  of  railway  constructed,  together  with  interest  at  the  rate 
'of  four  per  cent,  for  twenty-five  years  from  the  completion  of 
'  the  work  on  any  further  sum  which  may  be  stipulated  in  the 
'  contract,  shall  be  paid,'  and  that  '  the  Act  requires  persons 
'  tendering  to  state  in  their  offer  the  lowest  sum,  if  any,  per 
'  mile,  upon  which  such  interest  will  be  required.'  That  adver- 
tisement was  published  all  over  the  world,  in  Great  Britain,  in 
this  country,  and  I  presume  in  the  United  States,  and  to  it  no 
response  was  made.  I  believe,  under  the  circumstances  to 
which  I  have  adverted,  that  the  time  had  come  when  we 
might  deal  with  this  matter  from  a  better  position." 

Sir  Charles  then  went  into  calculations  to  show  the  cost  of 
the  road  under  the  previous  and  present  proposed  plans  to  be 
as  follows:  1873,  $84,700,000;  1874,  $106,387,300;  1880, 
$78,000,000  ;  and  dwelt  at  length  on  the  value  of  the  lands 
and  the  probable  cost  of  the  work.  On  the  latter  point  we 
quote  as  follows  : 

"  I  will  now  give  honourable  gentlemen  opposite  an 
authority  as  to  the  cost  of  this  work  about  to  be  undertaken 


SPEECH  ox  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


that  I  think  they  will  be  compelled  to  accept.  On  May  12, 
1874,  the  honourable  gentleman  (.Mr.  Macken/u  ;  said  the 
cost  from  Lake  Superior  to  Burrard  Inlet  would  probably  be 
$100,000,000,  or  something  like  that.  This  was  an  estimate 
from  the  leader  of  the  late  Government,  the  then  Minister 
of  Public  Works,  and  submitted  to  Parliament  on  the 
authority  of  his  own  engineers,  with  all  the  judgment  and 
experience  that  could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it — that  $100,- 
000,000  would  be  required  for  the  road  from  Lake  Superior 
at  Thunder  Bay  to  the  Pacific  ocean  ;  and  yet  the  present 
proposition  secures  the  construction  of  the  entire  road  within 
ten  years  from  the  first  of  July  next,  from  Lake  Nipissing  to 
Burrard  Inlet,  at  a  cost  to  the  country,  at  the  estimate  hon- 
ourable gentlemen  opposite  placed  on  the  lands,  of  $78,000,- 
COO."  He  continued  :  "  We  propose  to  give  $10,000  per  mile 
and  a  grant,  the  same  as  that  proposed  by  the  late  Govern- 
ment, of  20,000  acres,  and  we  invite  intending  competitors  to 
state  the  amount  for  which  they  will  require  the  guarantee  at 
four  per  cent,  in  order  to  give  them  what  they  may  deem  a 
sufficient  sum  wherewith  to  build  the  road.  \Ve  know  that 
some  think  $10,000  per  mile  and  20,000  acres  of  land,  suppos- 
ing they  realize  on  an  average  $i  an  acre,  \vill  not  build  the 
road.  It  would  more  than  build  it  in  some  parts,  but  from 
end  to  end  it  is  evident  it  would  not  build  it.  The  Inter- 
colonial railway  will  cost  $45,000  a  mile,  traversing  on  the 
whole  a  very  favourable  country.  The  Northern  Pacific  rail- 
way, in  the  accounts  published  by  the  company,  has  cost, 
so  far  as  it  has  been  carried,  that  is  to  Red  River,  $47,500,  or 
$48,000  per  mile  in  round  numbers.  That  road  traverses 
almost  wholly  a  prairie  region  easily  accessible,  and  where 
materials  were  easily  found,  and  is  altogether  quite  as  favour- 
able as  the  most  favourable  spot  of  any  part  of  our  territories 
—with  this  advantage,  that  it  was  much  nearer  to  the  pro- 
ducers of  supplies  than  any  portion  of  our  line  except  that 
on  the  immediate  borders  of  the  lakes.  The  Central  Pacific 
I  will  not  touch,  as  the  cost  of  that  road  was  so  enormous 
as  not  to  afford  any  criterion  at  all,  because  of  the  extraord- 
inary amount  of  jobbing  connected  with  it.  But,  judging 


3o6         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

from  the  cost  of  other  railways,  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose 
it  will  be  possible  to  construct  this  line  from  end  to  end  at 
a  less  price  than  $40,000  per  mile,  and  it  may  exceed  that 
by  several  thousands  of  dollars.  Part  of  it  will,  of  course, 
exceed  that  very  much,  though  on  the  whole  of  the  sections 
east  of  the  Rockv  Mountains,  something1  in  the  neighbour- 

s  o  o 

hood  of  that  figure  will  cover  the  outlay.' 

"  The  leader  of  the  late  Government  further  stated  that 
the  road  could  not  be  built  as  a  commercial  enterprise,  and 
expressed  a  desire  that  the  gentlemen  who  undertook  the 
responsibility  should  show  him  how  it  was  possible  to  con- 
struct a  railway  2,500  miles  long  out  of  the  pockets  of  a 
population  of  four  millions,  passing,  during  almost  its  entire 
length  through  an  uninhabited  country  and  for  a  still  greater 
portion  of  its  length  through  a  country  of  very  rough  char- 
acter. I  am  glad  the  time  has  come  when  we  can  respond  to 
the  honourable  gentleman.  We  are  in  a  position  to  show  him 
now  that  that  gigantic  work  can  be  accomplished,  and  upon 
terms  more  favourable  than  any  the  most  sanguine  person  in 
this  country  ventured  to  look  for.  And  I  ask  the  honourable 
gentleman  not  to  forget,  now  that  he  is  sitting  on  the  Opposi- 
tion benches,  that  in  estimating  the  cost  as  a  Minister  he  felt 
he  would  not  be  doing  his  duty  if  he  did  not  draw  the  atten- 
tion of  the  House  to  the  fact  that  when  the  road  was  con- 
structed the  liability  resting  upon  the  country  would  not  be 
discharged,  but  just  commencing. 

"  The  honourable  gentleman  (Mr.  Mackenzie)  went  on  to 
say  :  '  Supposing  it  only  takes  the  minimum  amount  estim- 
'ated  by  Mr.  Sandford  Fleming,  viz.,  100,000,000,  you  have 
'a  pretty  good  idea  of  what  it  must  cost  the  country  in  the 
'  end.  When  you  double  the  debt  of  the  country  you  will  not 
'be  able  to  accomplish  the  borrowing  of  the  sum  of  money 
'that  would  be  required  to  build  the  road,  paying  the  attend- 
'  ant  expense  of  management  and  the  debt,  interest,  and  every  - 
'  thing  else  connected  with  it.'  The  honourable  gentleman 
opposite  last  session  also  enforced  very  strongly  upon  our 
attention  the  fact  that  if  we  went  on  with  this  work  as  a 
Government  work,  and  stood  pledged  in  the  face  of  the 


SPEECH  ox  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


307 


country  and  of  the  financial  world  to  an  expenditure  of  eighty 
to  a  hundred  million  dollars  for  the  construction  of  the  rail- 
way, we  could  hardly  be  surprised  if  it  increased  the  cost 
of  the  money  we  were  obliged  to  borrow  in  the  money 
markets  of  the  world.  The  honourable  gentleman  said  :  '  If 
'you  add  six  per  cent,  upon  the  minimum  amount  to  the 
'  existing  obligations  of  this  country,  you  will  have  in  addition 
'  to  our  present  annual  burdens,  $6,000.000,  which,  added  to 
1  the  cost  of  management,  would  probably  make  a  continuous 
'  drain  of  $12,000,000  before  you  would  have  a  cent  to  apply  to 
'  the  ordinary  business  of  the  country.'  A  rather  startling 
ground  for  the  honourable  gentleman  to  take,  but  one  which 

o  o 

commended  itself  to  all  those  who  listened  to  the  honourable 
gentleman's  address. 

"  The  honourable  member  for  Lambton  continued  :  '  Then 
'  we  come  to  the  consideration  of  what  would  be  the 
'  position  of  the  road  after  it  was  completed.  We  have  it  on 
'  Mr.  Fleming's  authority,  that  until  at  least  3,000,000  of 
'  people  are  drawn  into  that  uninhabited  territory,  it  is  quite 
'  impossible  to  expect  the  road  to  pay  its  running  expenses. 
'  Mr.  Fleming  estimates  these  at  not  less  than  $3,ooo,ooo  per 
'  annum,  and  they  have  still  further  to  be  supplemented  by  the 
'  proportion  of  money  required  each  year  to  renew  the  road. 
'First,  we  would  pay  $100,000,000  to  build  the  road;  next, 
'  $8,000,000  to  operate  it,  subject  to  the  deduction  of  whatever 
'traffic  the  road  received;  and,  thirdly,  we  \vould  have  to 
'  renew  sleepers  and  rails  even-  eight  years  unless  we  used  steel 
'  rails.'  This  is  the  pleasant  picture  which  the  honourable 
gentleman  himself  drew  for  the  consideration  of  the  House 
and  country.  And  now  it  appears  he  hesitates  to  secure  the 
construction  and  operation  of  this  road  for  ever  at  a  cost  of 

$78,000,000. 

"  My  honourable  friend,  the  leader  of  the  Opposition  (Mr. 
Blake),  no  longer  than  a  year  ago,  was  good  enough  to  gn 
the  House  his'  opinion  as  to  the  cost  of  this  road,  and  the 
liability  that  would  be  incurred,  and  I  invite  his  attention  to 
his  own  estimate  as  he  then  gave  it.  He  said  :  '  Again,  ot 
'course,  the  through  traffic  depends  on  the  road  being  first 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


'  class,  and  we  must  remember  that  after  we  have  spent  all  the 
'  Minister  proposes,  we  shall  have,  not  a  Pacific,  but  a  coloniz- 
(  ation  road.  According  to  the  old  system  of  construction,  the 
'  central  section  would  cost,  including  the  other  items  I  have 
'  mentioned,  altogether  over  $42,500,000,  leaving  out  entirely 
1  both  ends.  What  are  the  ends  to  cost  ?  Forty-five  million 
'  dollars  is,  as  I  have  stated,  the  cost  from  Edmonton  to  Burrard 
'  Inlet  on  the  west,  and  the  cost  from  Fort  William  to  Nipissing 
'  on  the  east  the  honourable  member  for  Lambton  estimates  at 
'  $32,500,000.  Thus  the  ends  make  up  together  $77,000,000, 
'  the  centre  and  the  past  expenditure  to  $42,500,000,  making  a 
'  total  of  $  1 20,000,000.'  And  yet  the  honourable  gentleman  is 
startled  and  astounded,  and  exhibits  the  most  wonderful 
alarm,  when  he  finds  a  proposal  laid  on  the  table  of  the  House 
to  secure  the  construction  of  all  that  work  which,  at  the 
cheapest  rate,  was,  according  to  him,  to  cost  $120,000,000,  for 
$78,000,000. 

"The  honourable  gentleman  (Mr.  Blake)  proceeded  to  say, 
that  besides  this  enormous  expenditure  to  which  he  had 
referred,  he  did  not  know  how  many  millions  of  interest  there 
would  be.  He  said  :  '  Six  millions  a  year  they  had  to  consider 
'  for  running  expenses,  which  Mr.  Fleming  estimated  at 
'  $8,000,000,  and  which  his  (Mr.  Blake's)  honourable  friend 
'  (Mr.  Mackenzie)  estimated  at  a  gross  sum  of  $6,750,000  a 
'  year  for  the  whole  line,  or  $4,500,000  a  year  from  Fort  William 
'  to  the  Pacific.  Of  course,  against  this  sum  was  to  be  set  the 
'  receipts  which,  in  some  sections,  perhaps,  would  meet  expendi- 
1  ture,  but  in  the  early  days,  if  not  for  a  long  time,  he  (Mr. 
'  Blake)  believed  the  road  would  have  to  be  run  at  a  loss.'  I 
know  that  this  is  an  authority  for  which  the  honourable 
leader  of  the  Opposition  has  a  most  profound  respect  (cheers 
and  laughter),  and  I  trust  that  in  submitting  such  criticisms  as 
in  the  interests  of  the  country  every  Government  measure  of 
this  kind  ought  to  receive,  the  honourable  gentleman  will  not 
lose  sight  of  the  position  he  took  in  criticising  our  proposals 
twelve  months  ago. 

"  I  trust  I  have  given  to  the  House  sufficient  evidence  to 
show  not  only  that  the  proposal  which  I  have  the  honour  to 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


submit  to  Parliament  is  entitled  to  the  favourable  considera- 
tion of  the  Opposition,  not  only  that  it  is  greatly  within  the 
amount  voted   by  this  House   in    1873,  and  subsequently  in 
1874,   for  the  construction   of  the   railway,  but  that  it  is  a 
contract  based  upon  figures,  which  compared  with  those  which 
honourable  gentlemen  opposite,  after  all   their  experience  in 
connection  with  this  work,  regarded   as  altogether  insufficient 
for  its  construction,  are  exceedingly  favourable  to  this  country. 
Now  I   am  bound  to   say   I    never  felt   more  grateful  in  Par- 
liamentary life  than  when,  notwithstanding  the  startling  state- 
ments made  by  those  honourable  gentlemen,  this  House  placed 
100,000,000  acres  at  the  disposal   of  the  Government  for  the 
purpose  of  constructing  the  railway.     I  knew  that  every  intel- 
ligent man  in  this  House  and  out  of  it  regarded  that  measure 
as  of  vital  importance  to  the  country.     I  knew  they  felt  it  was 
a  duty  we  owed   to   the   country  to  grapple   with  this  great 
work,  notwithstanding  the  enormous  liability  it  involved.    The 
Government  were  sensible  of  this  generous  feeling  on  the  part 
of  their  supporters  in   this    House   in  sustaining  us,  notwith- 
standing the  fears  and  the  alarm  that  was  sought  to  be  created 
by  honourable  gentlemen   opposite  when   they   found  them- 
selves in  Opposition. 

"  I  say  the  House  can  understand  the  pleasure  with  which 
we  meet  the  people  of  Canada  through  their  representatives 
to-night,  and  arc  enabled  to  say  that  by  the  means  which  we 
were  authorized  to  use  for  the  construction  of  this  work,  we 
are  in  a  position  to  state  not  only  that  the  entire  construction 
from  end  to  end,  but  that  the  responsibility  of  operating  it 
hereafter,  are  to  be  taken  off  the  shoulders  of  Canada  for  the 
insignificant  consideration  of  something  like  the  cost  to  the 
country  of  $2,000,000  per  annum.  That  will  be  the  ultimate 
cost,  assuming  that  we  have  to  pay  the  interest  on  all  the 
money  the  syndicate  will  obtain  under  this  contract.  We  arc 
in  a  position  not  only  to  show  that,  but  to  show  that  out  of 
the  100,000,000  acres  of  land  that  Parliament  placed  two  years 
ago  at  our  disposal  we  have  75,000,000  acres  left  with  which 
to  meet  the  $2,000,000  of  expenditure,  and  that  expenditure 
will  be  diminished  until  at  no  distant  day  we  will  not  only 


3io        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

have  the  proud  satisfaction  of  seeing  Canada  assume  an 
advanced  and  triumphant  position,  but  that  she  will  be  relieved 
from  the  expenditure  of  a  single  dollar  in  connection  with  the 
construction  or  operation  of  this  railway. 

"  The  gentlemen  who  have  undertaken  this  work  stand 
before  the  people  of  this  country  to-day  in  the  strongest  posi- 
tion that  it  is  possible  for  gentlemen  to  occupy  in  relation  to 
a  great  enterprise  such  as  this.  The  Canadians  engaged  in 
the  enterprise  are  men  who  arc  second  to  none  in  respect  of 
commercial  standing  and  capacity,  and  by  their  success  in 
carrying  out  their  own  great  railway  enterprises  they  have 
afforded  us  the  best  possible  guarantee  for  the  manner  in 
which  they  will  fulfil  their  engagements  with  the  Government 
and  Parliament  of  Canada.  This  company  embraces  capital- 
ists, both  of  our  own  and  of  other  countries,  who  are  men  of 
the  highest  character,  men  whose  names  are  the  best  guarantee 
that  could  be  offered  the  people  of  Canada  that  any  enterprise 
they  may  undertake  will  be  successful.  With  regard  to  the 
terms  of  the  contract,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  no  greater 
injury  could  have  been  inflicted  on  the  people  of  Canada  than 
to  have  made  the  conditions  of  the  engagement  so  onerous 
that  instead  of  insuring  their  successful  fulfilment,  they  would 
have  led  to  failure.  I  say  that  everything  that  men  could  do 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  best  terms  in  their  power  has 
been  done,  but  our  idea  has  been  that  we  owed  it  to  Canada 
to  make  a  contract  that  was  capable  of  fulfilment,  to  give  those 
gentlemen  a  fair  contract,  and  afford  them  a  fair  opportunity 
of  grappling  with  this  great,  this  gigantic  enterprise  that  we 
were  so  anxious  to  transfer  from  our  shoulders  to  theirs. 
Whether  you  look  at  the  American,  or  the  Canadian,  or  at  the 
English,  French  or  German  gentlemen  associated  with  this 
enterprise,  I  believe  that  Canada  has  been  most  fortunate,  and 
the  Government  has  been  most  fortunate,  in  having  this  work 
placed  in  their  hands. 

"  It  is  stated  that  the  security  of  $1,000,000  for  the  carry- 
ing out  of  the  contract  is  too  small.  They  say  that  a  paid-up 
capital  of  $5,000,000  within  two  years,  and  a  deposit  of 
$1,000,000  is  too  small.  My  opinion  of  security  is  this — that 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT.  31 


provided  you  get  the  parties  who  arc  most  likely  to  deal 
successfully  with  the  matter,  the  less  security  you  demand  the 
better,  because  in  proportion  as  you  lock  up  the  resources  of 
the  party,  the  more  you  decrease  his  power  to  carry  on  his 
work  successfully. 

"The  syndicate  intend  tne  road  to  be  completed  to  the 
foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  at  the  end  of  three  years  from 
the  present  time.  If  it  be  thought  a  gigantic  work  to  build 
300  miles  of  railway  by  this  powerful  syndicate  in  a  year,  I 
may  tell  honourable  gentlemen,  for  their  information,  that 
within  the  last  year  a  few  of  these  gentlemen  completed 
between  200  and  300  miles  of  railway  themselves,  through  a 
somewhat  similar  country  ;  and  therefore  it  is  not  an  extrava- 
gant statement  for  them  to  make  in  stating  that  they  intend 
to  construct  to  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  three  years 
and  to  build  300  miles  of  this  road  during  the  coining  season. 
What  does  that  involve  ?  It  involves  the  expenditure  of  an 
enormous  amount  of  capital  at  the  outset.  The  very  moment 
this  contract  is  ratified  by  Parliament,  these  gentlemen  have 
to  put  their  hands  in  their  pockets,  and  not  only  rake  there- 
from $I,OOO,OOO  to  deposit  with  us  as  security,  but  they  have 
to  put  their  hands  into  another  pocket  the  next  hour,  and  take 
out  another  million  to  equip  the  road  ;  and  that  will  be  done 
within  the  course  of  the  year.  After  reading  the  lachrymose 
statements  of  the  honourable  leader  of  the  late  Government 
about  these  lands  and  the  difficulty  of  getting  them  sold,  it  is 
not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  with  all  their  energy  and 
industry  it  will  take  two  or  three  years  before  they  can  make 
these  lands  to  any  large  extent  serviceable  by  a  return  of 
money  from  their  sale. 

"  These  gentlemen  have,  therefore,  at  the  outset,  to  lay  out 
an  enormous  sum  of  money  for  equipment  and  in  providing 
the  plant  necessary  to  run  that  work  during  the  coining  three 
years  ;  and  they  have  in  the  next  place  to  wait  for  a  consider- 
able period  before  they  can  receive  any  return  for  the  lands. 
At  the  end  of  the  three  years  all  that  plant  will,  of  course,  be 
applicable  to  the  other  sections.  I  believe,  therefore,  the  more 
it  is  examined,  the  more  it  will  be  found  that  in  the  division  of 


312         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

money  no  injustice  has  been  done,  and  those  who  place  confi- 
dence, not  in  us,  but  in  the  statement  of  the  leader  of  the  late 
Government,  have  only  to  take  his  own  statements,  which 
have  been  read  to-night,  and  that  was  his  estimate  of  $40,000 
per  mile  for  the  portion  to  be  constructed  west  of  Red  River, 
to  perceive  the  advantage  of  the  proposed  arrangement. 
There  is  another  million  they  have  to  put  their  hands  into 
their  pockets  to  pay  us,  and  that  is  for  the  work  we  have  con- 
structed west  of  the  Red  River,  and  the  material  we  have  on 
hand  applicable  for  the  purposes  of  construction. 

"Under  these  circumstances,  honourable  gentlemen's  minds 
will  be  relieved  to  know  that  we  have  made  the  very  best 
division  of  the  money,  if  the  enterprise  is  to  prove  anything 
but  a  failure.  There  is  a  great  expenditure  of  money  to  be 
made,  at  the  very  outset,  in  bringing  people  to  this  country. 
I  regard  this  proposal  to  secure  the  construction  of  the  Canada 
Pacific  Railway  by  the  agency  of  this  company,  as  of  the  most 
vital  importance  from  the  point  of  view  that,  instead  of  having 
to  struggle  with  railway  companies  in  competition  for  emi- 
grants, we  will  have  a  gigantic  railway  company,  with  all  its 
ramifications  in  the  United  States,  France,  Germany,  and  the 
British  Islands,  co-operating  with  the  Government  of  Canada. 
But  all  that  will  involve  a  present  outlay  of  a  very  large  sum 
of  money  by  these  gentlemen.  The  only  hope  they  can  have 
of  having  any  means  of  sustaining  the  railway,  if  it  is  con- 
structed, is  by  getting  population  as  rapidly  as  possible  into 
the  fertile  valleys  of  the  North-West,  and  thus  furnish  the 
traffic  which  alone  can  support  the  operation  of  this  railway. 

"  I  am  told  that  another  very  objectionable  feature  is  the 
exemption  of  the  lands  from  taxation.  I  have  no  hesitation 
in  saying  I  would  have  been  very  glad  if  that  was  not  in  the 
contract,  if  it  were  only  to  meet  the  strong  prejudice  that 
exists  in  this  country  on  that  question.  But  there  were  two 
things  we  had  to  consider.  One  was  to  make  the  best  bargain 
we  could  for  Canada,  and  the  other  was  not  to  impose  terms, 
that  without  being  of  any  material  advantage  to  the  country 
would  be  likely  to  lead  to  disaster  in  the  money  markets  of  the 
world,  when  the  prospectus  was  placed  on  those  markets. 


SPEECH  oN  C.F.  R.  CONTRACT.  3,3 


Every  one  will  understand  that  the  position  in  respect  to  the 
taxation  is  not  changed  in  the  slightest  degree  from  that  in 
which  we  stood  last  year.  When  we  were  constructing  this 
road  as  a  Government  work,  when  my  honourable  friend  was 
constructing  it  by  direct  Government  agency,  no  taxation 
could  have  been  raised  on  these  lands  until  they  were  utilized, 
or  until  they  were  occupied.  No  province,  municipality  or 
corporation  of  any  kind,  at  present  or  that  could  be  created 
hereafter,  could  impose  the  slightest  tax  on  those  lands  until 
they  were  sold  or  occupied  ;  and  when  they  are  sold  or 
occupied  now,  that  moment  they  are  liable  to  taxation. 

"  I  will  not  stop  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  road  itself 
being  exempt  from  taxation,  because  honourable  gentlemen 
have  only  to  turn  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States.  The 
policy  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  always 
been  that  the  national  lines  of  railway,  the  roadway,  the  road 
itself,  the  stations,  everything  embraced  in  the  term  railway, 
should  be  exempt  from  taxation.  One  of  the  judges  of  the 
courts  of  the  United  States  declared  that  as  these  great  lines 
of  road  were  national  works,  were  public  casements  ;  that 
as  they  were  for  the  benefit  and  advancement  of  the  whole 
country,  they  should  not  be  subject  to  an}"  taxation,  state  or 
municipal.  We  have,  therefore,  only  followed  the  practice 
that  has  prevailed  in  the  United  States,  and  that  which 
honourable  gentlemen  opposite  will  feel  was  incumbent 
upon  us.  What  was  our  position  ?  We  were  asking  these 
gentlemen  to  come  forward  and  take  a  position  from  which  we 
shrank.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that,  important  as  the  enter- 
prise was,  the  Government  felt  it  was  one  of  enormous 
magnitude,  aucl  trembled  almost  when  they  regarded  the 
great  cost  of  construction  and  operation  of  the  road  when 
constructed  ;  and  I  ask  when  we  were  shifting  from  our 
shoulders  to  the  shoulders  of  a  private  company  all  the 
responsibility,  I  ask  this  House,  in  candour,  to  tell  me  whether 
they  do  not  think  that,  as  far  as  we  could,  we  ought  to  have 
put  these  gentlemen  in  as  favourable  a  position  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  road  as  we  occupied  ourselves  ?  That  is  all 
we  have  done,  and,  as  I  have  said  before,  the  moment  the 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


lands  arc  utilized  and  occupied  they  become  liable  to  taxa- 
tion. 

"  It  is  said  that  a  great  enormity  has  been  committed  by 
the  prohibition  to  construct  lines  running  in  any  other 
direction  than  a  certain  one  —  south-west  and  west  by  south- 
west. Well,  sir,  I  am  a  little  surprised  to  hear  any  such 
objection,  and  I  shall  listen  with  great  interest  to  honourable 
gentlemen  on  the  other  side  of  the  House  if  they  have  any 
objection  of  that  kind  to  make.  A  year  ago  a  company,  writh 
as  strong  claims  to  consideration  as  it  would  be  possible  for 
any  company  to  have  on  the  Parliament  of  Canada,  came  to 
us  for  permission  to  construct  a  railway.  They  asked  for  no 
money.  They  asked  no  aid.  They  only  asked  for  permission 
to  construct  a  railway  of  a  certain  kind.  Why  did  we  refuse 
it  ?  Why,  sir,  we  were  very  sorry  to  refuse  it,  but  the  Govern- 
ment, having  taken  the  subject  into  careful  consideration, 
decided,  inasmuch  as  Canada  was  dealing  with  the  construction 
of  the  great  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  and  inasmuch  as  the 
only  hope  of  maintaining  this  road,  and  of  operating  it  after  it 
was  built,  was  to  retain  the  traffic  of  the  Canadian  North- 
West  by  the  trunk  line,  we  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
not  in  the  interests  of  the  country,  however  greatly  any  section 
might  demand  and  need  it,  to  construct  a  line  which  would 
carry  the  traffic  of  the  North-West  out  of  our  country,  and 
leave  our  trunk  line,  which  had  cost  the  country  such  a  great 
sum  of  money,  denuded  of  the  traffic  necessary  to  sustain  it. 

"  I  am  glad  that  I  shall  not  be  compelled  to  trespass 
further  upon  the  attention  of  the  House.  When  I  rose  I 
expressed  the  pride  and  pleasure  it  gave  me  to  be  able  to 
propound  to  Parliament  a  measure  which  will  secure  in  ten 
years  the  construction  of  the  Pacific  railway  upon  terms  more 
favourable  than  the  most  enthusiastic  friend  of  the  railway 
had  ventured  to  hope,  and  to  which  this  Parliament  will  have 
the  opportunity  of  putting  its  seal  of  ratification.  I  have  the 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  throughout  this  country  every 
man  breathed  more  freely  when  he  learned  that  the  great 
undertaking  of  constructing  and  operating  the  railway  was 
to  be  lifted  from  the  shoulders  of  the  Government,  and  that 


SPEECH  ON  C.  P.  R.  CONTRACT. 


the  liability  the  country  was  going  to  incur  was  to  be  brought 
within,  not  only  the  limit  which,  in  its  present  financial  con- 
dition, it  is  prepared  to  meet,  but  within  such  limits  that  the 
proceeds  from  the  sale  of  the  lands  granted  for  the  construc- 
tion of  the  line  will  wipe  out  all  liabilities  at  no  distant  day. 

"  And  I  say  we  should  be  traitors  to  ourselves  and  to  our 
children  if  we  should  hesitate  to  secure,  on  terms  such  as  we 
have  the  pleasure  of  submitting  to  Parliament,  the  construc- 
tion of  the  work  which  is  going  to  develop  all  the  enormous 
resources  of  the  North-West,  and  to  pour  into  that  country 
a  tide  of  population  which  will  be  a  tower  of  strength  to  every 
part  of  Canada,  a  tide  of  industrious  and  intelligent  men  who 
will  not  only  produce  national,  as  well  as  individual,  wealth 
in  that  section  of  the  Dominion,  but  will  create  such  a 
demand  for  the  supplies  which  must  come  from  the  older 
provinces,  as  well  as  give  new  life  and  vitality  to  every 
industry  in  which  those  provinces  are  engaged. 

"  Under  these  circumstances  we  had  a  right  to  expect 
that  support  which,  in  justice  to  themselves  and  their  position 
as  statesmen,  honourable  gentlemen  opposite  should  give  us. 
I  say,  sir,  that  looking  at  this  matter  from  a  party  point  of 
view,  the  lowest  point  of  view,  I  feel  that  these  gentlemen, 
by  following  the  course  they  propose,  are  promoting  the 
interests  of  the  party  now  in  power,  just  as  they  promoted 
our  interests  when  they  placed  themselves  in  antagonism  to 
the  National  Policy,  which  the  great  mass  of  the  people  desired. 
Sir,  I  am  disappointed  at  the  course  of  the  honourable  gentle- 
men, but  I  hope,  upon  future  reflection,  at  no  distant  day  the 
results  of  this  measure  will  be  such  as  to  compel  these  gentle- 
men candidly  to  admit  that  in  taking  the  course  which  we 
have  followed  we  have  done  what  is  calculated  to  promote 
the  best  interests  of  the  country,  and  that  it  has  been  attended 
with  a  success  exceeding  our  most  sanguine  expectations." 
(Loud  and  long  continued  applause). 


CHAPTER     XXXIV. 

Opposition  objections  to  the  Pacific  Railway  Contract — Mr.  Blake's  public  meet- 
ings— The  policy  he  advocated — Sir  John  Macdonald's  speech — He  gives 
the  history  of  previous  negotiations — Criticises  Mr.  Blake's  scheme — Dis- 
cusses the  clauses  of  the  contract  seriatim — And  ably  defends  the  policy  of 
the  Government — A  short  account  of  the  Canadian  members  of  the  Syndi- 
cate, Lord  Mount-Stephen,  Sir  Donald  A.  Smith,  Mr.  Angus  and  Mr. 
Mclntyre — And  of  the  President,  Mr.  W.  C.  VanHorne. 

THE  terms  of  the  contract  did  not  meet  with  the  approval 
of  the  Opposition.  Mr.  Blake  criticised  it  in  a  very 
able  speech,  examining  every  clause  in  the  most  minute 
manner  and  was  followed  by  other  members  of  his  party. 
None  of  the  conditions  seemed  to  find  favour  in  their  eyes. 
They  objected  to  the  subsidy,  to  the  time  limit,  the  exemp- 
tions from  taxations,  the  clause  against  competing  roads,  etc. 
Mr.  Blake  was  so  much  opposed  to  the  fulfilment  of  the 
bargain  that,  during  the  Christmas  holidays,  he  organized 
public  meetings  at  Toronto  and  elsewhere,  to  enable  him 
better  to  present  his  views  before  the  country  and  thus  bring 
such  pressure  upon  Parliament  that  the  Government  would 
not  be  able  to  carry  their  measure.  On  these  occasions  he 
presented  his  arguments  in  a  clever  and  forcible  manner  which 
so  impressed  his  audiences  that  anti-syndicate  resolutions  were 
passed.  In  his  opening  remarks  in  the  St.  Lawrence  Hall, 
Toronto,  he  said  :  "  I  am  very  sorry  that  the  circumstances 
are  such  as  to  require  a  meeting  to  be  called  at  this  time  of 
the  year.  It  is  a  time  at  which  I  am  sure  we  would  all  very 
much  rather  be  otherwise  occupied  than  we  are  to  be  occupied 
to-night.  It  is  a  time  of  social  and  domestic  enjoyment,  of 
pleasant  memories,  and  of  peace  and  good  fellowship,  and  I 
hope  that  although  we  are  engaged  from  the  necessity  of  the 
case  in  an  occupation  somewhat  incongruous,  yet  that  enough 
of  the  spirit  of  this  time  will  prevail  to  render  our  discussion 
good-humoured  and  civil  with  one  another.  It  is  with  this 
view  that  you  have  an  opportunity  to  learn  something  of  and 
to  make  up  your  minds  upon  the  great  question  before  its  fate 
is  irrevocably  sealed.  It  is  now  only  a  few  days  since  the 

316 


MR.  BLAKE'S  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  CONTR, 


•U.T.        3,7 


Pacific  Railway  bargain  was  made  public,  am!  within  a  very 
few  days  we  will  resume  the  discussion  of  it.  It  was  intended 
by  those  who  thought  they  could  pass  the  measure  that  we 
should  have  closed  the  discussion  before  this  time,  and  that 
already,  before  you  had  an  opportunity  of  informing  yourselves 
upon  it,  it  should  have  been  made  into  a  law.  That  intention 
has  not  prevailed,  but  there  is  only  a  short  breathing  space 
before  the  period  at  which  the  peoples'  representatives  in 
Parliament  will  be  called  upon  for  their  votes  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  in  the  meantime  it  is  of  the  highest  consequence 
that  the  people  themselves,  whose  interests,  both  in  this  gen- 
eration and  in  generations  yet  unborn,  are  materially  affected 
by  this  measure,  should  have  an  opportunity  to  speak  their 
minds.  Those  of  us  who  acted  together  as  the  Liberal  party 
ten  years  ago,  opposed  the  terms  of  union  with  British 
Columbia  on  the  score  of  the  obligations  then  entered  into 
to  construct  the  Canada  Pacific  Railway,  commencing  it  within 
two  years  and  finishing  it  within  ten  years,  and  we  declared 
that  a  work  of  such  gigantic  magnitude,  over  an  unknown 
country  ought  not  to  be  stipulated  for,  either  as  to  its  com- 
mencement or  its  conclusion,  by  any  time  except  that  when  it 
was  possible  to  achieve  it  with  the  resources  of  the  country. 
We  were  overruled  then,  as  we  may  be  overruled  now,  by 
the  majority  in  Parliament,  and  the  country  was  in  some 
sort  bound  by  obligations,  the  fatal  effect  of  which  is  urged 
now  as  the  excuse  for  this  bargain  to  which  your  assent  is 
sought." 

THe  pecuniary  result  of  the  contract  Mr.  Blake  estimated  to 
be,  that  including  the  completed  portions  of  the  road,  which  were 
to  be  handed  over  to  the  syndicate,  they  would  receive  in  cash, 
or  its  equivalent,  $6,000,000,  and  25,000,000  acres  of  land,  which 
at  $3. 1 8  per  acre,  would  be  worth  $79,500,000.  The  cost  of 
the  whole  road  still  to  be  completed  he  placed  at  $50,000,000, 
less  the  Government  subsidy  of  $25,000,000,  so  that  all  the 
money  the  syndicate  would  require  to  furnish  would  be 
$25,000,000,  and  for  this  amount  they  would  get  a  completed 
road  costing  about  $80,000,000,  and  the  land  grant  valued  as 
above.  If,  therefore,  these  lands  only  sold  for  $1.00  per  acre 


318         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  syndicate  would  get  the  railway  free  of  cost.  The  policy 
which  he  proposed  in  place  of  that  of  the  Government  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  extracts  : 

"  The  true  course  is  to  go  to  work  and  build  the  railway 
where  it  is  wanted  now,  to  build  it  to  complete  the  connection 
with  Thunder  Bay  (applause),  and  continue  it  as  the  needs  of 
the  settlement  of  the  country  require.  Railway  facilities  are 
required  to  settle  the  North- West.  What  is  needed  to  pay  for 
the  unproductive  ends  of  this  line  ?  A  productive  middle 
portion.  Make  the  middle,  make  the  backbone,  get  in  the 
population.  Put  the  railroad  there  ;  do  what  is  necessary  to 
give  the  lands  value,  and  when  you  have  the  population  and 
the  sustaining  power,  then,  if  you  please,  proceed  with  the 
construction.  They  admit  these  lands  will  not  have  a  value 
unless  the  railway  goes  there.  You  can  put  it  there  at  the 
expenditure  of  a  very  few  millions  of  dollars,  or  a  very  few 
millions  of  acres  of  land.  You  can  put  it  through  those  very 
parts  necessary  in  order  to  develop  the  North- West,  and  give 
value  to  the  remainder  of  the  lands  and  yet  keep  the  bulk  of 
these  lands  to  acquire  the  additional  value  which  the  railway 
will  give  them.  Don't  part  with  them  now  when  they  have  not 
this  value,  keep  them  until  then,  and  when  they  are  worth 
money,  make  their  value  build  the  rest  of  the  road. 

"  I  now  want  to  show  you  how  great  economy  might  be 
effected  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  road.  This  proposal  to 
build  the  section  north  of  Lake  Superior  is  a  new  one,  for 
it  has  hitherto  been  regarded  by  both  Governments  as  a  thing 
of  the  future.  According  to  Sandford  Fleming's  estimate  the 

o  o 

road  will  cost  $22,686,000,  or  eleven-twenty-fifths  of  the  whole 
road.  The  subsidy  in  land  and  money  divided  so  as  to  give 
this  branch  a  fair  share  would  give  $11,000,000  and  the 
same  number  of  acres  of  land.  At  $3.18,  average  price  laid 
down  by  Government,  or  at  say  $3.00,  this  land  would  be 
worth  $33,000,000,  in  all  equal  to  a  cash  subsidy  of  $44,000,000. 
All  this  is  to  be  sunk  in  building  the  eastern  link.  My  proposi- 
tion is  to  establish  communication  with  the  West,  and  furnish 
a  through  line  to  seaboard  at  one-eleventh  of  the  cost  of  this 
scheme,  and  within  three  instead  of  within  ten  years.  But 


MR.  BLAKE'S  OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  CONTRACT.     319 


before  I  talk  to  you  of  the  railway  connection,  let  me  show 
you  what  the  country  would  be  if  you  went  no  further  than 
the  Sault.  If  you  get  up  to  that  point  you  get  to  the  waters 
of  Lake  Superior,  with  a  good  harbour  and  a  run  of  300  miles 
to  Thunder  Bay.  After  which  a  connection  of  460  miles  by 
rail  will  take  you  to  Selkirk.  You  have  thus,  for  nine  months 
in  the  year,  the  directest  route  that  man  can  devise  to  the 
North- West,  and  I  find  that  the  grades  and  curves  on  the 
Thunder  Bay  line  are  so  good  that  the  cost  per  bushel  for 
grain  over  this  portion  of  the  Lake  Superior  route  should 
not  exceed  two  cents  per  bushel.  It  would  pay  well  at  2  l/2c. 
per  bushel.  The  only  objections  that  can  be  urged  against 
this  route  is  the  necessity  for  transhipment,  and  the  fact  that 
it  is  not  open  all  the  year.  All  that  you  get  by  building  to 
the  Sault  ;  but  that  is  not  all.  That  is  the  most  insignificant 
part  of  the  benefit.  From  the  Sault  to  the  Straits  of  Mac- 
kinaw is  but  thirty  or  forty  miles.  From  this  point  westward 
a  link  of  some  sixty-three  miles  is  already  built,  and  from 
the  Northern  Pacific  junction  at  Duluth  the  company  is 
cutting  out  the  road,  so  that  within  one  or  two  years  there 
will  be  complete  railway  communication  between  Duluth  and 
the  Sault.  This  means  a  present  route  to  the  North-Wcst  by 
this  circuitous  line  fifty  to  eighty  miles  longer  than  is  pro- 
posed to  be  built.  It  means  as  practicable  a  route  as  you 
can  ever  get  to  the  North- West.  It  means  that  you  would 
get  for  the  expenditure  of  one-eleventh  of  what  you  propose 
to  spend  in  the  east,  in  less  than  one-third  of  the  time,  a  road 
for  all  purposes  equally  good  by  way  of  all  rail  connection, 
and  a  first-class  land  and  water  route  through  our  own  terri- 
tory. (Loud  cheers). 

"  That  is  what  it  does  for  the  North-West,  and  for  you 
in  connection  with  the  North-West  But  that  is  not  all. 
That  road  is  the  key  of  the  possession  of  the  trans-con- 
tinental trade  of  nearly  400  miles  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  The  Northern  Pacific  Railway  is  stretching  out 
towards  the  Sault,  knowing  that  its  shortest  line  to  New  York 
is  through  Canada  by  way  of  Brockvillc.  Canada  has  in  the 
Sault  Ste.  Marie  the  key  of  the  position,  and  to  an  enormous 


320         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

trade  ;  a  trade  not  simply  in  the  future,  though  largely  so, 
perhaps,  but  capable  of  enormous  improvement  in  the  present. 
These  men  offer  in  ten  years,  at  an  expense  of  from  $20,000,- 
ooo  to  $40,000,000  to  give  you  an  all-rail  communication  with 
the  North- West.  I  offer  you  for  one-eleventh  part  of  the  sum 
to  give  you  through  railway  connection  with  the  North- West 
in  three  years  on  a  first-class  road,  for  the  traffic  of  the  north- 
western States  will  be  such  as  to  demand  first-class  accommo- 
dation. I  offer  you  in  three  years  not  merely  the  present 
small  and  prospectively  large  traffic,  but  also  the  present  large 
and  infinitely  greater  traffic  of  an  immense  portion  of  Ameri- 
can territory.  The  shortest  air  line  from  San  Francisco  to 
Europe  is  by  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie.  Instead  of  groping  for 
ten  long  years,  and  at  infinite  cost,  through  this  new  wilder- 
ness in  which  your  children  are  asked  to  wander,  I  ask  you 
to  take  in  three  years,  at  a  fraction  of  the  cost,  the  important 
traffic  of  the  North-West  and  the  prospective  traffic  of  the 
South- West  as  well.  As  to  the  eastern  connection,  when  it 
is  demanded  let  it  be  built." 

Speaking  of  freight  rates,  Mr.  Blake  said  :  "  Their  first 
tariff  will  necessarily  be  high,  for,  as  just  pointed  out  by  a 
gentleman  in  the  audience  in  the  case  of  the  St.  Paul, 
Minneapolis,  and  Manitoba,  where  the  traffic  is  light  the  rates 
must  be  proportionally  heavy.  Once  that  high  tariff  is  fixed 
it  never  can  be  lowered  until  the  happy  day  arrives  when  they 
can  pay  ten  per  cent,  upon  the  whole  of  your  money  invested 
in  its  construction.  (Cheers  and  laughter).  Let  us  see  how 
the  North-West  will  be  affected  by  this.  The  middle  will 
have  to  pay  for  the  ends,  for  neither  the  eastern  nor  western 
sections  can  be  made  to  pay.  So,  that  the  man  who  has  his 
grain  carried  over  the  prairie  section  will  have  to  pay  not  only 
a  fair  price  for  the  carriage,  but  also  the  losses  upon  the 
unproductive  sections,  and  on  top  of  all  that  a  dividend  upon 
the  whole  capital  invested  in  the  road.  The  syndicate  might 
sink  a  few  millions  of  dollars  in  the  road,  though  it  would  be 
made  up  to  them  from  sales  of  land.  Suppose  they  invested 
$5,000,000,  and  the  road  cost  $90,000,000,  they  would  make 


MR.  BLAKE'S  OBJECTIONS  TO  THK  CONTRACT. 


321 


$9,000,000,    a    year.      Wouldn't    you    like    to    belong    to    the 
syndicate  ? "     (Loud  cheers  and  laughter). 

It  is  with  no  intention  to  do  injustice  to  Mr.  Blake's  able 
effort  that  we  do  not  quote  more  of  it.  From  his  point  of 
view  it  was  a  masterly  production  and  demanded  an  answer. 
This  answer  was  given  by  Sir  Charles  Tupper  at  London  and 
other  places,  and  the  speeches  of  these  two  great  political 
gladiators  will  furnish  to  the  careful  reader  the  best  view  of 
the  position  taken  by  the  Government  and  by  the  Opposition 
on  this  great  question.  \Ye  will,  therefore,  only  add  that  Mr. 
Blake  entirely  disapproved  of  the  conditions,  and  considered 
the  contract  a  "  monstrous  abortion."  We  are  quite  safe  in 
saying  that  even  though  no  modification  should  have  taken 
place  in  his  views  during  the  last  ten  years,  a  great  change 
has  taken  place  in  the  views  of  those  who  listened  to  him  in 
1880,  and  that  the  people  of  Canada  to-day  recognize  the 
wisdom  of  the  policy  then  inaugurated,  and  would  not  do 
without  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  and  go  back  to  the  old 
condition  of  affairs  under  any  circumstances  whatever. 

It  was,  of  course,  impossible  that  in  a  debate  of  so  much 
importance,  Sir  John  Macdonald  should  not  take  a  leading 
part.  The  great  scheme  had  originated  in  his  brain,  and  it 
is  a  well  understood  fact  that  when  he  first  promulgated 
the  idea,  he  was  considered  so  far  in  advance  of  the  times 
that  he  had,  not  only  to  contend  with  his  political  foes,  but 
even  to  persuade  his  most  intimate  friends,  of  the  feasibility  of 
the  project.  When,  therefore,  it  was  about  to  take  a  shape 
that  would  ensure  its  successful  completion  and  the  proposed 
contract  was  being  fiercely  attacked  by  the  members  of  the 
Opposition,  he  joined  with  his  Ministers  in  a  vigorous  defence. 
Parliament  having  re-assembled  after  the  Christinas  holidays, 
the  debate  was  renewed  with  great  earnestness.  On  January 
17,  1881,  Sir  John  made  a  most  eloquent  speech.  We  will  not 
give  it  in  full,  but  only  such  portions  as  will  convey  a  fair  idea 
of  the  arguments  he  advanced. 

He  said:  "  I  intended  on  Friday  night  to  have  made 
some  remarks  on  the  amendment  that  was  then  in  your 
hands,  but  unfortunately  for  myself,  and  perhaps  fortu- 


322         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

nately  for  the  House,  I  was  too  much  indisposed  to  be 
able  to  do  so,  and  I  was  obliged  to  leave  the  Chamber. 
That  motion,  however,  disposed  of,  considerable  discussion 
was  carried  on,  but  it  was  still  supposed  to  be  en  regie,  and 
with  your  permission,  and  the  permission  of  the  House,  I 
shall  offer  a  few  remarks,  and  they  will  not  be  long,  on 
the  subject  so  brought  up  and  involved  in  that  resolution 
and  the  amendment,  and  on  the  discussion  which  arose  upon 
it.  Sir,  in  the  first  place  I  would  like  to  speak  of  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Government  with  respect  to  the  whole  question. 
It  is  true  it  has  been  treated  ad  nauseam  in  this  House  and  in 
the  country,  but,  holding  the  position  that  I  do,  I  think  it  not 
improper  or  a  waste  of  time  if  I  recall  the  attention  of  the 
House  to  some  of  the  facts  connected  with  the  present  condi- 
tion of  this  great  enterprise,  and  in  doing  so  I  must  offer  my 
most  humble  and  respectful  apology  to  my  colleague  who  sits 
next  me,  the  Minister  of  Railways,  because  he  has  again  and 
again  gone  over  the  whole  ground  in  a  manner  which  I  may 
imitate,  but  which  I  cannot  hope  to  emulate. 

"  It  is  known  that  from  the  time  that  British  Columbia 
came  into  Confederation — and  I  need  not  read  the  journals  of 
the  House  to  prove  the  fact — the  declared  preference  of  both 
sides  of  the  House  of  the  then  Parliament  was  in  favour  of  the 
construction  of  the  Pacific  railway  by  an  incorporated  com- 
pany. If  we  commence  from  that  starting  point,  and  if  we 
look  through  the  whole  line  of  the  discussion  and  the  whole 
line  of  the  policy  of  the  two  Governments  which  have  had  to 
deal  with  that  question,  we  shall  find  that  thread  running 
through  the  whole  subject,  connecting  it  in  such  a  manner  that 
it  could  not,  without  complete  severance  of  the  thread,  be 
altered.  It  was  felt  in  the  country,  in  the  Hous<5,  and  by 
every  thinking  man,  that  if  we  should  be  fortunate  enough,  if 
Canada  should  have  sufficient  credit  in  the  market  where  capi- 
talists most  do  congregate,  to  induce  capitalists  to  come 
forward  and  undertake  this  great  work,  we  would  have 
obtained  for  the  Dominion  a  great  advantage.  Our  legislation 
was  based  upon  that  idea  in  1872.  The  legislation  of  the 
Government  that  succeeded  us  was  based  upon  the  same 


CONSTRUCTION  BY  COMPANY  POPULAR. 


325 


principle,  that  it  was  advisable  to  avoid  all  the  trouble 
responsibility  and  uncertainty,  and  all  the  danger  to  be  appre- 
hended of  making  a  great  work  like  this  a  political  engine  It 
was  thought  by  all  parties  that  it  was  of  the  greatest  conse- 
quence that  all  those  obstructions  to  the  successful  prosecution 
of  the  work,  to  the  carrying  out  of  this  great  object,  and 
connecting  this  country  from  sea  to  sea,  and"  making  it  one  in 
fact  as  well  as  in  law,  should  be  removed  ;  that  it  was  of  the 
greatest  consequence  that  the  work  should  be  expedited,  that 
it  should  not  be  carried  on  as  a  political  work,  that  it 
should  not  be  made  a  matter  over  which  rival  parties  could  or 
would  fight  ;  that  it  should  be  undertaken  on  commercial 
principles,  and  be  built  by  a  body  of  capitalists  like  any  other 
railway,  with  the  hope  and  expectation  that  the  capitalists 
would  get  a  full,  fair  return  for  all  their  risk,  for  all  their 
expenditure,  and  for  all  their  responsibility. 

•'  The  whole  country  was  in  favour  cf  that  proposition,  if  it 
was  possible  to  have  it  carried  out.  We  tried,  and  we  failed, 
although  we  made  an  effort — a  strong  and  almost  a  successful 
effort — in  1872  to  thus  build  the  railway.  I  will  not  drag  into 
this  discussion,  as  far  as  I  am  concerned,  and  as  far  as  mv 
remarks  are  connected  with  the  subject,  any  references  to  the 
political  past.  Allusions  were  made  to  it  by  those  opposed  to 
the  Government,  especially  by  those  who  desired  to  asperse 
myself,  but,  sir,  there  is  the  record  ;  there  is  the  fruit  of  the 
appeal  to  the  country,  and  I  am  Prime  Minister  of  Canada. 
But  whatever  may  have  been  the  cause  of  the  failure  of  Sir 
Hugh  Allen  and  the  first  company  that  was  organized  for  the 
purpose  of  building  this  road,  I  can  see  without  reference  to 
any  political  reason  why  that  company  was  defeated.  I  can 
only  say  it  was  not  from  any  want  of  the  strongest  opposition 
offered  to  the  Government  of  which  I  was  the  head,  but  it  was 
in  consequence  of  the  two  things  occurring  together  :  the  per- 
sonal object  in  attacking  the  Government  and  the  desire  to 
overthrow  the  scheme. 

"  It  has  been  urged  in  this  House,  and  I  say  it  has  been 
proved,  that  the  present  scheme  laid  before  the  House  for  its 
approval  is  a  more  favourable  scheme  than  that  proposed  in 


326        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

1872.  Whatever  may  be  the  merits  of  other  offers  or  tenders, 
whatever  may  be  the  merits  of  the  last  offer  that  has  just  been 
laid  on  the  table,  I  believe  there  is  no  man  of  candour  and 
common  sense,  who  understands  figures  but  will  see  that  the 
proposition  which  the  Government  on  its  responsibility 
entered  into  with  the  Syndicate  in  1880,  was  more  favourable 
to  the  country  than  the  arrangement  made  with  Sir  Hugh 
Allan  in  1872.  And  I  would  ask  this  House  and  this  country  if 
Canada  would  not  have  been  a  great  gainer,  if  we  had  accepted 
and  carried  out  that  proposition  of  Sir  Hugh  Allan  in  1872. 
Nine  precious  years  have  been  lost  since  that  time  which  can 
never  be  recovered,  during  the  whole  of  which  the  road  would 
have  been  in  successful  process  of  construction.  The  men 
engaged  in  that  scheme,  if  they  could  have  got  the  ear  of  the 
European  capitalists,  were  strong  enough  to  push  that  road 
across  the  country,  and  at  the  end  of  those  nine  years,  instead 
of  there  being  scarcely  the  footprint  of  a  white  man  outside 
the  Province  of  Manitoba,  we  would  have  had  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  people,  who  have  gone  from  mere  despair  to 
the  United  States,  crowding  into  our  own  North-West  Terri- 
tories ;  that  country,  instead  of  having  but  a  small  settlement 
in  the  eastern  end  of  it,  would  have  been  the  happy  home  of 
hundreds  of  thousands — to  use  the  smallest  figure — of  civil- 
ized men,  of  earnest,  active  labouring  men,  working  for  them- 
selves and  their  families,  and  making  that  country,  much 
sooner  than  it  will  be  now,  a  populous  and  a  prosperous 
country. 

"  But  there  is  little  use  in  regrets  like  these.  We  on  this 
side  of  the  House  are  not  responsible  for  this  delay,  and  we 
appeal  confidently  to  the  country  and  confidently  to  posterity; 
we  appeal  confidently  to  every  candid  man  to  say  if  this 
Dominion  of  ours,  of  which  we  are  so  proud,  about  the  future 
of  which  we  are  so  anxious,  and  yet  so  certain,  would  not  have 
been  infinitely  greater  in  our  time,  in  the  time  of  the  oldest  of  us, 
if  the  future  of  that  country  would  not  have  been  opened  out 
as  a  great  branch  of  the  Dominion,  if  the  contract  of  1872  had 
been  carried  out.  Still,  sir,  it  was  not  to  be.  Our  efforts 
failed,  and  we  fell  in  those  efforts.  We  were  succeeded  by  a 


CONSTRUCTION  BY  COMPANY  POPULAR. 


327 


Government  strong  (n  numbers,  strong  in  ability,  and  at  the 
head  of  it  a  practical  man.  The  fact  of  his  being  a  practical 
man  was  a  matter  of  boast,  and  of  just  boast,  among  those 
who  gather  around  him.  He  had  directed  his  best  energies  to 
the  object  ;  he  had  at  his  back  a  body  so  strong  that  no  oppo- 
sition could  effectively  thwart  him,  oppose  him  or  even 
obstruct  him,  and  that  honourable  gentleman  states  himself 
that  he  was  not  obstructed,  that  he  was  not  opposed,  that  he 
was  not  in  any  way  impeded  by  the  Opposition  of  the  day, 
and  he,  sir,  took  up  the  same  line  of  policy  in  essence  that  we 
initiated  in  1872.  And  he,  sir,  served  honestly  and  faithfully, 
I  believe,  to  relieve  his  Government  and  relieve  himself  and 
his  party  from  the  responsibilities  of  his  position,  and  of  the 
pledges  which  were  made,  and  which  he  and  those  who  served 
under  him  were  under  obligations  which  could  not,  without 
dishonour,  be  broken,  which  could  not  be  delayed,  which 
could  not,  without  disgrace  and  discredit  be  postponed. 

"  It  was  admitted  that  there  was  a  sacred  obligation  ;  it 
was  admitted  that  there  was  a  treaty  made  with  British 
Columbia,  with  the  people  and  the  Government  of  British 
Columbia,  and  not  only  was  it  an  agreement,  a  solemn  bargain 
made  between  Canada  and  British  Columbia,  but  it  was  form- 
ally sanctioned  by  Her  Majesty's  Government.  It  was  a 
matter  of  Colonial  policy  and  Imperial  policy  that  that  road 
should  be  constructed,  and  the  late  Government  leader,  my 
honourable  friend  from  Lambton,  who  is  absent  from  his  place 
to-day,  and  who,  I  fear,  is  absent  from  the  same  cause  which 
compelled  my  absence  on  Friday  night,  and  I  regret  his 
absence  very  sincerely, — I  say  my  honourable  friend  felt  him- 
self bound  to  that  policy.  Both  the  Government,  of  which  I 
was  the  head,  and  the  Government,  of  which  he  was  the  head, 
were  bound  by  the  original  resolutions  that  were  passed  at  the 
time  that  British  Columbia  came  in,  were  bound  to  the  policy 
that  this  road  should  be  built  with  the  aid  of  money  and  land, 
and  built  by  an  incorporated  company  if  possible,  and  some 
went  so  far  as  to  say,  built  in  no  other  way.  He  was  hampered 
by  that  obligation,  but  it  hampered  both  Governments.  The 
delegates  from  British  Columbia  came  in  when  the  motion  was 


328         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDOXALU. 

carried  ;  they  assented  to  it  at  the  time;  it  became  in  fact  the 
law  of  the  land,  and  when  they  went  home  there  was  not  a 
word  of  reproach  from  the  delegates  of  British  Columbia.  All 
they  wanted  was  that  the  spirit  of  the  resolution  should 
be  carried  out  so  far  as  men  could  carry  on  honestly  and 
fairly,  and  straight-fonvardly,  a  solemn  compact,  an  obligatory 
pledge,  a  treaty  not  to  be  broken  without  dishonour. 

"  Both  Governments  felt  themselves  bound  to  make  every 
exertion  to  builcl  the  railway  by  means  of  the  intervention  of 
a  body  of  captialists  incorporated  for  that  purpose.  As  we 
had  tried,  so  did  the  succeeding  Government,  and  they 
advertised  in  a  manner  which  has  been  stated  and  explained, 
and  I  need  not  go  through  the  details  again.  Advertisements 
were  issued  by  the  honourable  member  for  Lambton,  then 
head  of  the  Government,  telling  capitalists  all  over  the  world 
to  come  forward  and  tender  for  the  work,  but  tenders  would 
not  come  in.  Whether  it  was  that  Canada  had  not  the  credit 
it  now  has  ;  whether  it  was  that  the  Government  of  the  day 
had  not  the  credit  that  the  present  Government  of  Canada 
has ;  whether  it  was  that  the  circumstances  of  the  money 
market  were  unpropitious  at  the  time  ;  whether  it  was  that 
the  country  in  the  North- West  was  not  so  well  known  then  as 
now,  I  cannot  say.  Perhaps  all  those  causes  were  conjoined 
to  prevent  success,  but,  at  all  events,  the  call  upon  the 
capitalists  of  the  world  by  the  late  Government  did  not 
succeed. 

"  The  Government,  I  say,  had  every  right  to  use  all  their 
exertions  in  order  to  relieve  themselves  and  the  country  of  the 
obligation  of  building  this  road  and  the  still  greater  obligation 
of  running  it.  Let  any  one  consider  for  a  moment  what  these 
obligations  are,  and  how  they  press  upon  the  Government. 
We  see  this  in  the  Intercolonial  and  in  every  public  work. 
Why,  sir,  it  is  actually  impossible,  although  my  honourable 
friend  has  overcome  many  obstacles  with  regard  to  the  Inter- 
colonial Railway,  for  the  Government  to  run  that  railroad 
satisfactorily.  It  is  made  a  political  cause  of  complaint  in 
every  way  ;  the  men  that  are  put  on  the  railroad  from  the 


THE  MISSION  TO  RNCII.AND.  339 


porter  upwards  become  civil  servants.  If  one  of  these  men 
are  put  on  from  any  cause  whatever,  he  is  said  to  be  a  political 
hack  ;  if  he  is  removed,  it  is  said  his  removal  was  on  account 
of  his  political  opinions  ;  if  a  cow  is  killed  on  the  road,  a 
motion  is  made  in  respect  to  it  by  the  member  of  the  House 
who  has  the  owner's  vote  and  support.  The  responsibility,  the 
expense,  the  worry  and  the  annoyance  of  a  Government 
having  charge  of  such  a  work  arc  such  that,  for  these  causes 
alone,  it  was  considered  advisable  to  get  out  of  the  responsi- 
bility. We  have  had  enough  evidence  of  that  in  this  Mouse, 

"  Well,  sir,  we  went  to  England,  and,  though  in  England, 
we  occasionally  saw  what  was  going  on.  The  Opposition 
— oh,  how  frightened  they  were  lest  we  should  succeed,  and 
cablegram  after  cablegram  came  to  Canada,  informing  the 
country,  with  an  expression  of  regret,  that  \ve  had  miserably 
and  wretchedly  failed  ;  then  they  said  it  was  an  evidence  of 
want  of  confidence  of  the  people  of  England  in  the  present 
Administration.  How  could  any  body  of  capitalists  put  any 
confidence  or  trust  in  a  Government  stamped  with  the  Pacific 
Railway  scandal  ?  It  was  said  that  if  it  had  been  another 
Government,  having  greater  confidence  and  greater  purity  of 
character,  and  greater  ability,  the  result  would  be  different. 
There  were  tears  (crocodile  tears,  perhaps)  dropped  upon  the 
unhappy  fate  of  Canada  in  having  such  an  incompetent  and 
criminal  Government  that  could,  within  nine  years  from  the 
original  transaction,  carry  out  a  beneficial  arrangement  by 
which  it  was  proposed  to  endeavour  to  get  English  capitalists 
to  take  their  place  and  build  that  road. 

"  However,  sir,  we  did,  and  in  the  speech  at  Hochclaga 
that  I  hear  so  much  about,  a  speech  that  can  hardly  be  digni- 
fied by  the- name  of  speech,  I  announced  the  fact  that  we  had 
made  the  contract.  I  say  so  now — we  made  the  contract  firm. 

"  The  pledges  made  to  British  Columbia  and  the  pledges 
made  in  reference  to  the  future  of  this  Dominion  will  be 
carried  out  under  the  auspices  of  a  Conservative  Government 
and  with  the  support  of  a  Conservative  majority.  (Applause). 
That  road  will  be  constructed,  and  notwithstanding  all  the 
wiles  of  the  Opposition  and  the  flimsy  arrangement  which  has 


330         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

been  concocted,  the  road  is  going  to  be  built,  and  will  be 
proceeded  with  vigorously,  continuously,  systematically,  and 
successfully  to  completion.  And  the  fate  of  Canada  will  then, 
as  a  Dominion,  be  sealed.  Then  will  the  fate  of  Canada,  as 
one  great  body,  be  fixed  beyond  the  possibility  of  honourable 
gentlemen  to  unsettle.  The  emigrant  from  Europe  will  find 
here  a  happy  and  comfortable  home  in  the  great  west,  secured 
by  the  exertion  of  the  Conservative  party.  (Applause). 
But  then,  sir,  comes  the  interjection  after  the  arrangements 
have  been  made,  and  the  Government  had  made  a  contract, 
that  honourable  gentlemen  opposite  three  or  four  years  ago 
would  have  leaped  at  and  bragged  and  boasted  of  as  a  won- 
derful proof  of  their  superior  administrative  ability  ;  we  now 
have  the  assertion  that  the  contract  was  made  without  due 
authority. 

"  We  have  had  tragedy,  comedy  and  farce  from  the  other 
side.  (Laughter  and  applause).  Sir,  it  commenced  with 
tragedy  (hear,  hear)  ;  the  contract  was  declared  oppressive  ; 
the  amount  of  money  to  be  given  was  enormous  ;  we  were 
giving  away  the  whole  lands  of  the  North-West ;  not  an  acre 
was  to  be  left  for  the  free  and  independent  foot  of  the  free  and 
independent  settler  ;  there  was  to  be  a  monopoly  handed  over 
to  this  company  ;  we  had  painted  the  tyranny  of  this  company 
that  was  to  override  the  people  by  raising  a  high  tariff,  and 
the  tyranny  of  a  great  monopoly  who  was  to  keep  in  their 
control  a  large  area  of  lands,  out  of  which  they  expect  to 
build  this  railway,  for  some  hundreds  of  years,  in  order  that, 
through  the  exertions  of  others,  the  value  of  their  acreage 
might  be  increased.  This  was  the  tragedy  (hear,  hear),  and 
the  honourable  gentlemen  opposite  played  it  so  well  that 
if  they  did  not  affect  the  whole  audience,  we  could  see  tears  of 
pity  trickling  down  the  cheeks  of  gentlemen  sitting  on  that 
side  of  the  House.  (Laughter).  Then,  sir,  we  had  the 
comedy.  The  comedy  was  that  when  every  one  of  the 
speeches  of  these  honourable  gentlemen  was  read  to  them,  it 
was  proved  last  year,  or  the  year  before,  or  in  previous  years, 
they  had  thought  one  way,  and  that  now  they  spoke  in  another 
way.  (Hear,  hear).  Then  it  was  the  most  amusing  and  comic 


THE  COURSE  OF  THE  OPPOSITION. 


thing  in  the  world.  Every  honourable  gentleman  got  up  and 
said,  '  I  am  not  bound  by  that  (hear,  hear)  ;  it  is  true  that  I 
said  so  two  years  ago,  but  circumstances  are  changed  in  two 
years  or  one  year,  or  in  eight  months  in  one  case,  but  to  what 
I  said  eight  months  ago  I  am  not  bound  now.  (Cheers  and 
laughter).  This  was  very  comic  (laughter)  ;  it  amused  us  all ; 
it  amused  the  House,  and  the  whole  country  chuckled  on 
a  broad  grin.  (Laughter).  These  honourable  gentlemen  said 
it  was  true  we  were  fools  eight  months  ago  and  two  years 
ago,  but  because  we  were  fools  in  the  past,  you  have  no  right, 
being  Ministers,  to  be  fools  too  ;  you  have  no  right  to  advo- 
cate the  follies  we  advocated. 

"  The  honourable  gentlemen  opposite  have  not  hidden 
their  lights  under  a  bushel ;  their  words  have  not  been  spoken 
in  a  corner.  We  know  the  governing  policy  of  the  Opposition, 
enumerated  on  several  occasions,  and  repeated  in  this  House 
during  the  present  session  by  the  leader  of  the  Opposition 
(Mr.  Blake)  ;  we  know  he  is  opposed  to  the  building  of  the 
road  through  British  Columbia  ;  that  he  has,  from  the  time 
the  subject  was  brought  before  Parliament,  protested  against 
it,  using  such  language  to  that  province  as  '  Erring  sister, 
depart  in  peace  ;'  we  know  he  has  ridiculed  the  idea  of  forc- 
ing a  railroad  through  an  inhospitable  region  of  mountains, 
that  would  get  no  traffic,  but,  built  at  enormous  expense, 
would  be  no  real  value.  The  honourable  gentleman  has 
adhered  to  that  policy.  Last  session  he  moved  that  the 
further  construction  of  the  road  through  British  Columbia,  in 
allusion  to  the  contract  given  out  by  the  present  Government 
under  advertisements  published  by  the  late  Government,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  its  policy,  be  postponed,  as 
also  all  action  with  that  object,  and  I  expressed  my  regret  at 
the  unavoidable  absence  of  my  honourable  friend  from  Lamb- 
ton  on  this  occasion,  but  greatly  as  I  regret  that,  I  still  more 
greatly  regretted  his  humiliation  at  the  time  last  session  when 
the  honourable  gentleman's  motion  was  in  our  hands.  If  I 
were  his  worst  enemy,  and  wished  to  triumph  over  him,  I 
would  not  desire  a  greater  humiliation  or  tragic  fate,  or  a  more 
wretched  ending  of  a  statesman  than  that,  at  the  whip  of  the 


332          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

man  who  had  deposed  him,  or  the  man  who  had  removed 
and  supplanted  him,  he  should  be  obliged  to  cat  his  own 
words  and  vote  in  favour  of  postponing  the  construction  of  the 
road  through  British  Columbia,  that  he  should  have  to  belie — 
I  use  not  the  word  in  an  offensive  sense — his  own  advertise- 
ments and  all  action  of  the  Government  in  asking  for  tenders 
for  his  building  of  the  road. 

"  What  did  this  advertisement  mean  and  the  calling  for 
tenders  ?  Was  it  a  sham,  a  fraud  ?  Assuming,  like  those  who 
did  not  know,  that  the  honourable  gentleman  went  down  to 
the  depths  of  degradation  to  use  that  argument  himself,  and 
say  that  he  did  not  mean  anything  by  that  advertisement,  but 
really  wished  to  ascertain  the  probable  cost  of  the  work, 
because  it  was  stated  in  this  House  that  that  was  the  object 
of  issuing  advertisements,  so  that  contractors  were  called  upon 
to  come  from  not  only  all  parts  of  the  Dominion,  but  San 
Francisco,  the  United  States  and  the  world,  to  consider  this 
matter,  and  they  had  to  go  over  the  whole  ground  with  their 
surveyors  and  engineers,  make  their  surveys  and  estimates  at 
the  greatest  trouble  and  expense,  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
character  of  this  work,  and  that  the  Canadian  Government 
might  be  able  to  say  to  them  afterward,  '  Gentlemen,  we  are 
very  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  information  you  have  given 
us,  gathered  at  your  expense  and  not  at  that  of  the  public.' 
Not  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  late  Government  could  have 
done  that,  I  am  sure,  or  have  said  that  the  advertisement  was 
not  bona  fide,  was  not  for  the  purpose  of  giving  out  work, 
otherwise  it  was  a  mockery,  a  delusion  and  a  snare,  an  injury 
to  every  man  put  to  expense  in  connection  with  it  and  to  all 
the  professional  men  and  capitalists  of  the  world. 

"The  policy  of  the  leader  of  the  Opposition,  as  avowed 
and  expressed,  his  policy  as  a  Minister  would  be  to  stop  all 
work  in  British  Columbia  ;  not  a  mile  would  be  built,  not  a 
train  would  ever  run  through  British  Columbia  if  he  could 
help  it ;  not  a  particle  of  trade  or  commerce  would  pass  over 
a  line  through  that  province  to  the  east  if  he  had  his  will,  and 
that  province  would  be  compelled  to  appeal  to  the  paramount 
power,  to  the  justice  of  the  British  Government  and  Parlia- 


THE  COURSE  OF  THE  OPPOSITION. 


333 


ment,  where  justice  is  always  rendered,  to  relieve  her  from 
connection  with  a  people  so  devoid  of  honour,  so  devoid  of 
character,  so  unworthy  of  a  place  among  the  nations,  and  Her 
Majesty's  Government  would  sec  that  justice  was  clone  to  that 
long  suffering  people.  That  was  the  policy  of  the  leader  of 
the  Opposition  with  regard  to  the  west.  No\v,  his  policy  with 
regard  to  the  east  was  hostile  to  the  construction  of  the  road 
north  of  Lake  Superior.  He  avows  his  predilection  for  the 
Sault  Ste.  Marie  line,  to  draw  off  trade  into  the  United  States, 
to  strengthen,  to  renew,  to  extend  and  develop  our  commerce 
with  the  United  States,  to  the  utter  destruction  of  the  great 
plain  basis  and  policy  of  the  Dominion,  which  is  to  connect 
the  great  countries  composing  the  Dominion  from  sea  to 
sea,  by  one  vast  iron  chain,  which  cannot,  and  will  never  be 
broken. 

"  That  was  the  policy  of  the  honourable  gentleman,  and 
it  was  supported  and  would  be  supported  by  the  whole  party. 
It  was  supported  by  their  organ  also.  I  do  not  often  read  it, 
for  I  do  not  think  it  very  wholesome  reading,  but  I  am  told  it 
goes  in  strongly  for  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  road,  yet  we  all 
remember,  for  I  have  heard  it  read  many  a  time,  the  manner 
in  which  that  organ  in  days  of  old  denounced  the  building  of 
the  Sault  road  as  hazardous  to  the  best  interests  of  Canada, 
and  destructive  to  the  future  of  the  Dominion,  as  calculated  to 
unite  us,  willy-nilly,  with  the  States  by  a  commercial  connec- 
tion which  must  be  followed  by  a  political  connection  a  little 
later,  and  I  am  told  that  organ  strongly  supports  the  honour- 
able leader  of  the  Opposition,  just  as  strongly  as  some  years 
ago  it  vigorously  and  in  a  loyal  British  sense  opposed  him. 
The  same  men  do  not  govern  that  paper  now,  and  if  the  chief 
man  who  conducted  that  paper  was  now  living,  I  do  not 
believe  he  would  so  belie  his  whole  life  and  all  his  interests  as 
to  surrender  a  great  connecting  principle  which,  whatever 
might  be  the  subjects  of  contention  across  the  floor,  kept  him 
always  united  with  the  party  of  which  I  am  an  humble 
member,  always  united  in  defending  British  interests,  in 
defending  monarchical  institutions,  and  in  trying,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  keep  us  a  people  free  and  independent  of  all  cxter- 


334         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


nal  relations  with  any  country  in   the  world  except  our  grand 
old  mother  country,  England. 

"  Yes,  I  am  proud  to  say  that  if  our  scheme  is  carried  out, 
the  steamer  landing  at  Halifax  will  discharge  its  freight  and 
emigrants  upon  a  British  railway,  which  will  go  through 
Quebec  and  through  Ontario  to  the  far  west  on  British 
territory,  under  the  British  flag,  under  Canadian  laws,  and 
without  any  chance  of  either  the  immigrant  being  deluded  or 
seduced  away  from  his  allegiance  or  his  proposed  residence  in 
Canada,  or  the  traffic  coming  from  England  or  from  Asia 
being  subjected  to  the  possible  prohibition  or  offensive 
restrictive  taxation  or  customs  regulations  of  a  foreign 

o  o 

power. 

"  I  believe  that  the  men  who  signed  the  contract  are  men 
of  honour  and  great  wealth,  who  cannot  afford  to  lose  their 
character,  prestige  and  credit  in  the  markets  of  the  world  by 
breaking  a  contract,  but  we  felt  we  had  no  right  to  take  their 
word  for  it,  and  therefore  stipulated  in  the  contract  that  the 
company  should  commence  from  the  beginning  of  the  Cana- 
dian Pacific  line,  possibly  at  Callendar  station,  and  proceed 
vigorously  and  in  such  a  manner  that  the  annual  progress  shall 
secure  completion  at  the  end  often  years.  You  must  remem- 
ber that  this  is  one  contract  and  not  a  separate  contract  to 
build  the  eastern  or  the  central  section  ;  it  is  a  contract  to 
build  both,  and  if  the  company  fail  in  performing  their  con- 
tract, in  carrying  out  their  obligations  as  to  the  Lake  Superior 
road,  they  have  no  right  to  claim  a  subsidy  in  land  or  money 
because  of  having  done  so  much  work  on  the  prairie.  If  they 
fail  on  one  section,  although  they  may  have  built  twice  the 
number  of  miles  that  they  promised  across  the  prairies,  may 
have  finished  them  to  our  thorough  satisfaction,  when  they 
come  to  demand  the  land  and  the  money,  if  they  have  not 
worked  vigorously  and  continuously  on  the  Lake  Superior  sec- 
tion, achieving  a  rate  of  annual  progress,  assuring  us  that  it  will 
be  finished  within  the  proper  time,  then  we  shall  say,  (  No  you 
don't  ;  you  shall  not  have  this  money  ;  no,  you  have  built  the 
prairie  section,  but  you  have  left  other  parts  of  the  roads  which 
must  go  on  pari  passn,  and  we  will  not  give  you  a  dollar  or  an 


THE  ROAD  TO  BE  A  CANADIAN  ROAD.  335 


acre,  because,   though  you  have  done  the  full  amount  on  the 
prairies,  you  have  been  a  failure,  to  a  great  extent,  elsewhere.' 

"  We  desire,  the  country  desires  that  the  road,  when  built, 
should  be  a  Canadian  road,  the  main  channel  for  Canadian' 
traffic,  for  the  carriage  of  the  treasure  and  traffic  of  the  west 
to  the  seaboard  through  Canada.  So  far  as  we  can  we  shall 
not  allow  it  to  be  built  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States, 
and  our  North-West  drained  by  the  United  States  lines. 
Then,  again  starting  from  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
perhaps  one  of  the  most  fertile,  if  not  the  most  fertile,  section 
lies  directly  at  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
The  freight  from  British  Columbia  for  the  east  we  desire  to 
keep  on  our  own  railroad  as  long  as  we  legitimately  can. 
We  believe  it  will  carry  freight  as  cheaply  and  satisfy  the 
wants  of  the  country  as  fairly  as  any  American  railway.  But, 
sir,  we  desire  to  have  the  trade  kept  on  our  own  side,  that  not 
one  of  the  trains  that  passes  over  the  Canadian  Pacific  Rail- 
way will  run  into  the  United  States  if  we  can  help  it,  but  may 
instead  pass  through  our  own  country,  that  we  may  build  up 
Montreal,  Quebec,  Toronto,  Halifax  and  St.  John  by  means  of 
a  great  Canadian  line,  carrying  as  much  traffic  as  possible  by 
the  course  of  trade  through  our  own  country. 

"  I  do  not  mean  to  say  we  can  prevent  cheaper  channels 
being  opened.  There  is  no  way  to  prevent  other  railroads 
running  across  the  continent  through  our  own  country.  Our 
Dominion  is  as  big  as  all  Europe,  and  we  might  as  well  say 
that  the  railways  running  from  Paris  to  Moscow  might  supply 
the  wants  of  all  Europe  as  that  this  railway  might  supply  the 
wants  of  the  whole  North- West.  There  will  be  room  for  as 
many  railways  in  that  country  by-and-bye  as  there  are  in 
Europe,  and  if  there  should  be  any  attempt — and  the  attempt 
would  be  futile — on  the  part  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway 
to  impose  excessive  prices  and  rates,  it  would  be  folly,  and  would 
soon  be  exposed  by  the  construction  of  rival  lines  east  and  west, 
which  would  open  up  our  country  in  all  directions,  and  prove 
amply  sufficient  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  a  monopoly, 
which  has  been  made  such  a  bugbear  of  by  honourable  gentle- 
men opposite.  I  was  going  to  say  that  a  train  starting  from 


336         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  might  obtain  connections  by 
a  line  running  through  in  a  south-easterly  direction  with  roads 
in  the  United  States.  I  was  going  to  say  that  a  train  starting 
from  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  might  be  bled  by  a 
line  from  any  southerly  direction  connected  with  the  United 
States,  and  so  much  traffic  would  be  carried  off  to  the  United 
States,  and  a  few  miles  farther  another  line  might  connect 
with  another  American  line,  and  so  on,  sir,  until  long  before 
we  got  to  Winnipeg  or  the  Red  River,  the  main  portion  of  the 
trade  would  be  carried  off  from  our  line  into  American 
channels.  That  magnificent  river,  the  Rhine,  starting  with 
pride  from  its  source,  runs  through  the  finest  portions  of 
Europe,  and  yet  has  a  miserable,  wretched  end,  being  lost  in 
the  sands  as  it  approaches  the  sea  ;  and  such  would  be  the 
fate  of  the  Canada  Pacific  Railway  if  we  allowed  it  to  be  bled 
by  subsidiary  lines,  feeding  foreign  railways,  adding  to  foreign 
wealth,  and  increasing  foreign  revenue  by  carrying  off  our 
trade,  until  before  we  arrived  at  the  terminal  points  in  Ontario 
and  at  Montreal,  it  would  be  so  depleted  that  it  would  almost 
die  of  inanition. 

Mr.  Blake — (Hear,  hear). 

Sir  John  Macdonald — "  No  men  in  their  senses  would 
undertake  to  build  the  450  miles  through  that  stern  country  to 
the  north  of  Lake  Superior,  and  run  it  for  ten  long  years, 
unless  they  knew  that  there  was  some  check  placed  upon  these 
lines.  Not  a  pound  of  freight  would  go  from  our  North- West; 
it  would  almost  all  go  to  the  United  States.  (Hear,  hear). 
Some  of  it  would  come  to  us,  but  the  great  portion  of  the 
trade  would  go  through  the  United  States  by  the  favoured 
line  of  honourable  gentlemen  opposite,  without  any  hope 
of  getting  it  back  to  Canada  at  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie.  (Hear, 
hear).  Sir,  we  know  what  a  great  amount,  what  an  enormous 
amount  of  capital  American  capitalists  possess  who  are  con- 
nected with  the  railways  of  the  United  States.  We  have  seen 
evidences  of  the  mad  rivalry  which  has  existed  occasionally 
between  some  great  railway  lines  of  that  country.  You  have 
seen  them  run  railways  at  ruinous  rates  in  the  hopes  of  break- 
ing each  other  down.  Sir,  with  our  road  backed  by  a  country 


THE  DANGER  FROM  COMPETING  ROADS. 


337 


of  scarcely  four  millions,  with  our  infant  country  and  with  our 
infant  capitalists,  what  chance  would  they  have  against  the 
whole  of  the  United  States  capitalists  ?  What  chance  would 
they  have  ?  The  Americans  would  offer  to  carry  freight  for 
nothing  and  pay  shippers  for  sending  freight  that  way.  It 
would  not  all  come  by  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie.  It  would  come 
to  Duluth.  It  would  come  to  Chicago.  It  would  come 
through  a  hundred  different  channels.  It  would  percolate 
through  the  United  States  to  New  York  and  Boston,  and  to 
the  other  ports,  and,  sir,  after  our  railway  was  proved  to  be 
useless,  they  might  perhaps  come  into  the  market  and  buy  up 
our  line  as  they  have  bought  up  other  lines.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  Railway  and  telegraph  lines  are  under  no  protection  from 
foreign  capitalists  coming  in  and  buying  them  up,  and  getting 
control  of  our  markets,  and  cutting  us  off  from  the  trade 
which  should  come  from  the  great  west  and  by  Canadian; 
railways  to  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  (Hear,  hear).  They 
could  afford  for  a  series  of  years,  with  their  enormous 
wealth,  with  their  enormous  capital,  exceeding  the  revenue 
of  many  first-class  Governments  in  Europe,  to  put  their  rates 
for  freight  down  to  such  a  figure  as  would  ruin  our  road, 
as  would  ruin  the  contractors,  as  would  ruin  the  company 
and  render  it  utterly  impossible  for  them  to  continue  in 
competition.  And,  sir,  what  can  be  more  wretched  or  more 
miserable  in  any  country  than  an  insolvent  railway.  (Hear, 
hear).  What  could  be  more  wretched  and  miserable,  and 
destructive  to  the  future  of  a  country  than  the  offering  on  the 
market  of  the  stock  of  an  insolvent  railway.  (Hear,  hear). 
They  cannot  supply  or  renew  the  rails  ;  they  cannot  main- 
tain the  road-bed  in  repair ;  they  cannot  keep  the  line 
supplied  with  railway  stock.  Sir,  the  road  would  become 
shrunken,  shrunken,  shrunken  until  it  fell  an  easy  prey  to  this 
ring.  (Hear,  hear.)  We  cannot  afford  to  run  such  a  risk. 
(Cheers).  We  saw  what  a  wheat  ring  did  in  Chicago.  They 
raised  the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  ring  in  Chicago 
raised  the  price  of  the  poor  man's  loaf  for  a  whole  year  in  order 
to  make  a  profit  at  the  expense  of  the  labouring  poor  of 
Europe  and  of  all  the  rest  of  the  world  ;  and  a  similar  com- 


VOL    II. 


338         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

bination,  but  infinitely  richer,  with  infinitely  more  capital,  and 
infinitely  more  unscrupulous— and  no  men  are  so  unscrupu- 
lous, and  so  reckless  as  the  railway  speculators  and  proprietors 
in  the  United  States — would  be  formed  in  this  case. 
(Applause). 

"It  was  essentially  as  a  matter  of  precaution  and  a  matter 
of  necessity,  and  a  matter  of  self-defence,  that  we  provided 
that  this  road  should  not  be  depleted  of  this  traffic  in  the 
manner  in  which  I  have  mentioned  (cheers),  and  that  the  road 
should  be  allowed  fair  play  for  twenty  years  from  now,  and 
only  ten  years  after  construction  (hear,  hear,  and  cheers),  and 
that  it  should  be  protected  from  the  chance  of  being  robbed  of 
all  the  profits,  robbed  of  all  the  gain,  the  legitimate  gain 
which  the  company  expects  to  get  from  this  enterprise  and 
the  employment  of  their  capital.  (Cheers).  This  was  done 
only  to  protect  them  for  the  first  ten  years  of  their  infant 
traffic.  (Applause).  We  know  perfectly  well  it  will  take 
many  years  before  that  country  is  filled  up  with  a  large 
population,  and  that  the  first  ten  years  will  be  most  unprofit- 
able. We  know  perfectly  well  that  it  will  require  all  the 
exertion,  and  all  the  skill,  and  all  the  management  of  the 
company  to  make  the  eastern  and  western  sections  of  this 
road  fully  compensate  them,  and  fully  compensate  them  for 
their  responsibility  and  for  their  expenditure  during  these  ten 
years.  In  order  to  give  them  a  chance  we  have  provided  that 
the  Dominion  Parliament — mind  you  the  Dominion  Parlia- 
ment, we  cannot  check  any  other  Parliament  ;  we  cannot 
check  Ontario  ;  we  cannot  check  Manitoba — shall,  for  the  first 
ten  years  after  the  construction  of  the  road,  give  their  own 
road,  into  which  they  are  putting  so  much  money  and  so  much 
land,  a  fair  chance  of  existence. 

<%  I  know  we  can  appeal  to  our  countrymen.  I  know  we 
can  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the  people  of  Canada.  We 
can  tell  them  that  we  want  a  line  that  will  connect  Halifax 
with  the  Pacific  ocean.  We  can  tell  them,  even  from  the 
mouths  of  our  enemies,  that  out  of  our  lands  we  can  pay  off 
every  single  farthing,  every  cent  taken  out  of  the  pockets  of 
the  people  twenty  fold,  and  we  will  have  a  great  Pacific 


THE  DANGER  FROM  COMPETING  ROADS.          339 


railway.  This  is  what  we  will  have.  .  .  Mr.  Speaker,  the 
whole  thing  is  an  attempt  to  destroy  the  Pacific  railway.  .  " 

The  Government  policy  was  supported  by  the  House,  the 
Act  passed  its  third  reading  on  February  I4th,  and  received 
the  Royal  assent  the  following  day. 

Of  the  men  who  undertook  the  contract  to  build  the  Can- 
adian Pacific  Railway,  those  with  whom  we  are  most  familiar 
are  Lord  Mount-Stephen,  Mr.  R.  B.  Angus,  Mr.  Duncan 
Mclntyre  and  Sir  Donald  Smith. 

Of  these,  Lord  Mount-Stephen  is  a  fellow-townsman  of 
Thomas  Carlyle,  being  a  native  of  Dufftown,  Banffshire,  Scot- 
land. He  early  displayed  the  ability  and  enterprise  which 
have  always  characterized  him  as  a  man,  and,  dissatisfied  with 
the  narrow  sphere  afforded  him  in  his  native  place,  he  went  to 
London,  where  he  entered  the  service  of  the  great  mercantile 
house  of  J.  F.  Pawson  &  Co.,  St.  Paul's  Churchyard.  He 
came  to  Canada  in  the  spring  of  1850,  at  the  instance  of  his 
cousin,  the  late  Mr.  William  Stephen,  senior  member  of  the 
firm  of  W.  Stephen  &  Co.,  St.  Helen  Street,  Montreal,  the 
predecessors  of  the  present  firm  of  Robertson,  Linton  &  Co. 

On  the  death  of  the  head  of  the  firm,  in  1862,  he  purchased 
the  latter's  interest  from  his  heirs,  and  after  obtaining  control 
of  the  business,  entered  extensively  into  the  manufacture  of 
Canadian  tweeds  and  other  stuffs.  In  this  venture  he  suc- 
ceeded so  well  that  he  soon  withdrew  from  the  wholesale 
business  and  devoted  his  attention  exclusively  to  manufactur- 
ing. He  became  one  of  the  directors  of  the  Bank  of  Mon- 

o 

treal,  and  when  the  late  David  Torrance  died,  he  became 
President  of  the  bank. 

His  railway  operations  have  made  his  name  familiar  to 
Canadians.  He  formed  one  of  a  syndicate  to  purchase  the 
interest  of  the  Dutch  bond-holders  in  the  St.  Paul  and  Pacific 
Railway,  which  was  then  projected  to  St.  Vincent  and  partially 
constructed.  Foreseeing  the  surpassing  importance  of  this 
line,  when  connection  should  be  established  with  the  Canadian 
North- West  by  means  of  the  Pembina  branch  of  the  Canadian 
Pacific,  Mr.  Stephen  and  his  associates  resolved  to  obtain 
possession  of  it,  and  were  fortunate  in  being  able  to  do  so  by 


340         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


purchasing  at  a  heavy  discount  the  bonds  of  the  road.  They 
at  once  pushed  on  the  work  of  construction,  and  were  soon  in 
a  position  to  enjoy  an  absolute  monopoly  of  railway  traffic, 
not  only  in  the  North-West  of  Canada,  but  also  into  a  large 
area  of  Minnesota  and  Dakota.  Their  success  enabled  them 
to  go  on  constructing  their  projected  lines  in  various  directions 
through  the  above-named  States,  so  that  they  soon  had  a 
regular  net-work  of  roads  collecting  the  traffic  of  the  North- 
West  and  pouring  it  into  St.  Paul.  With  an  eye  to  the  fitness 
of  things  they  named  their  line  the  St  Paul  and  Manitoba 
Railway,  for,  until  the  completion  of  the  C.  P.  R.,  it  was  the 
only  winter  outlet  for  the  traffic  of  the  Canadian  North-West. 
Lord  Mount-Stephen  is  one  of  the  most  popular  and  kind- 
hearted  men  in  the  Dominion,  and  has  given  away  immense 
sums  of  money  to  charitable  and  other  deserving  objects.  In 

1885  he  joined  his  cousin,  Sir  Donald  A.  Smith,  in  founding 
in  the  Royal  College  of  Music,  London,  the  "  Montreal  Schol- 
arship," tenable  for  three  years,  and  open  to  the  residents  of 
Montreal  and  its  neighbourhood. 

Two  years  later  the  same  gentlemen  contributed  the  mag- 
nificent sum  of  $1,000,000  ($500,000  each),  to  build,  at  Mon- 
treal, a  new  hospital  to  be  called  the  Victoria  Hospital.  In 

1886  Her  Majesty,  the  Queen,  created  him  a  baronet,  in  recog- 
nition of  his  great  services  in  connection  with  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway,  and  in   1891    he  was   raised  to  the  peerage, 
under    the    title    of    Lord     Mount-Stephen.       His    adopted 
daughter  was  married  to  the  son   of  Sir  Stafford   Northcote 
during  the  sittings  of  the  Joint  High  Commission,  which  nego- 
tiated the  Treaty  of  Washington,  and,  of  which  young  Mr. 
Northcote  was  an  attache. 

Sir  Donald  A.  Smith  was  born  and  educated  in  Moray- 
shire,  Scotland.  At  an  early  age  he  went  into  the  employ- 
ment of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  and  remained  there  for 
many  years,  rising  through  all  the  grades  of  the  service,  until 
in  1888,  he  was  elected  governor  of  the  corporation.  He  mar- 
ried Isabella,  daughter  of  the  late  Richard  Hardisty,  one  of  the 
officers  of  the  Company,  and  who  had  formerly  been  in  the  Brit- 
ish Army.  When  the  North-West  Territories  were  purchased 


CANADIAN  MEMBERS  OF  SYNDICATE.  341 


by  the  Canadian  Government,  they  appointed  the  Honourable 
William  McDougall  as  the  first  Lieutenant-Governor,  but,  on 
arriving  at  the  boundary  line,  he  was  prevented  by  an  armed 
force  from  proceeding  farther,  and  was  obliged  to  return 
to  Ottawa.  Sir  Donald  Smith  was  appointed  a  Special  Com- 
missioner to  enquire  into  the  causes  of  this  obstruction,  on 
account  of  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  country  and  the 
confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the  inhabitants  as  the  result  of 
his  many  years  of  intimate  connection  with  them.  In  1870 
he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Executive  Council  of  the 
North-West  Territories.  He  represented  Winnipeg  and  St. 
John  in  the  Manitoba  Assembly,  from  the  first  meeting  of 
that  body  in  1871  until  January,  1874.  When  Manitoba  was 
admitted  to  the  Union  in  1871,  Sir  Donald  Smith  was  returned 
to  the  House  of  Commons  as  member  for  Selkirk.  He  was 
re-elected  in  1872,  1874  and  1878,  but  the  latter  election  was 
voided.  In  1887  he  was  elected  for  Montreal  West,  and  again 
in  1891.  He  is  President  of  the  Bank  of  Montreal  and  a 
Director  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway.  For  services  in 
connection  with  this  great  national  undertaking  he  was  created 
a  K.C.M.G.  Sir  Donald  is  one  of  the  most  liberal  of  our 
public  men,  and  by  a  wise  beneficence  has  done  a  world  of 
good  with  his  wealth.  In  his  more  munificent  gifts  he  has 
been  associated  with  his  cousin  Lord  Mount-Stephen. 

Mr.  Duncan  Mclntyre  was  born  in  the  Highlands  of  Scot- 
land, not  far  north  of  Aberdeen.  He  came  to  Canada  in  1849, 
a.nd  was  a  clerk  for  many  years  with  Stewart  &  Mclntyre,  a 
well-known  mercantile  firm  of  Montreal.  While  in  their 
employ  he  travelled  a  good  deal  in  the  Ottawa  Valley,  and 
thus  became  deeply  impressed  with  its  great  natural  advan- 
tages. He  purchased  a  farm  at  Renfrew,  on  which  some 
members  of  his  family  resided,  and  during  leisure  intervals 
Mr.  Mclntyre  was  wont,  in  company  with  business  friends,  to 
indulge  in  hunting  excursions  in  various  parts  of  the  Ottawa 
district  In  this  way  he  acquired  a  minute  knowledge  of  the 
topography  of  the  country  traversed  by  the  Canada  Central 
Railway,  a  work  in  which  Mr.  Mclntyre  learned  to  take  a 
deep  interest,  and  in  the  future  of  which  he  believed.  Mr. 


342         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Mclntyre,  retired  from  mercantile  business,  after  a  very 
successful  career  of  some  eighteen  years.  The  principals  of 
the  house  with  which  he  was  connected,  Messrs.  Stuart 
&  Mclntyre,  had  retired  some  time  previously,  each  with- 
drawing a  considerable  sum  as  his  share,  and  leaving  Mr. 
Duncan  Mclntyre  to  emulate  their  success.  In  the  course  of 
his  trips  up  the  Ottawa  Valley  he  made  the  acquaintance  of 
Mr.  Foster,  who  was  then  President  of  the  Canada  Central,  and 
soon  became  one  of  the  directors.  When  Mr.  Foster 
secured  the  contract  for  the  construction  of  the  Canada  Cen- 
tral Extension,  Mr.  Mclntyre  took  an  interest  in  it  along  with 
him,  and  as  the  result  of  a  succession  of  transactions  and 
changes  he  came  to  the  head  of  the  road,  and  by  repute,  its 
virtual  owner. 

Mr.  Robert  B.  Angus  was  born  at  Bathgate,  near  Edin- 
burgh, Scotland,  and  was  one  of  four  exceedingly  clever 
brothers  ;  with  them  he  received  his  education  in  the  Edin- 
burgh schools,  and  seems  to  have  made  excellent  use  of  his 
training.  He  left  his  native  land  when  quite  a  lad,  and  was 
for  a  time  employed  in  one  of  the  Manchester  banks.  He 
came  to  this  country  in  1852  and  entered  the  British  Bank, 
where  he  remained  a  comparatively  short  time,  accepting  the 
post  of  a  junior  clerk  in  the  Bank  of  Montreal.  He  continued 
to  rise  in  the  estimation  of  his  employers,  and  was  afterwards 
sent  to  Chicago  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  branch  in  that 
city.  Mr.  King,  shortly  after  his  accession  to  the  position  of 
General  Manager,  secured  for  Mr.  Angus  the  post  of  Assist- 
ant-Manager, and  when  Mr.  King  became  President,  Mr. 
Angus  was  appointed  General  Manager  in  his  place,  a  position 
he  held  until  he  went  into  the  St.  Paul  and  Manitoba  Railway 
business.  Mr.  Angus,  though  a  strict  and  keen  man  of  business, 
is  possessed  of  fine  social  qualities  and  has  made  himself  very 
popular  with  all  classes.  As  manager  of  a  large  monetary 
institution  it  was  his  duty  to  look  strictly  after  its  funds,  and 
no  man  could  do  this  better,  but  as  a  private  citizen  he  was 
always  very  liberal. 

Mr.  William  Cornelius  Van  Home,  the  President  of 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  was  born  in  Will  County, 


THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  C.  P.  R. 


Illinois,  February  3,  1843,  and  is  of  Dutch  descent  spring 
ing  from  the  old  Knickerbocker  stock.  He  commenced  his 
railway  career  in  1856  as  a  telegraph  operator  in  the  office 
of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  at  Chicago,  and  afterwards, 
until  1864,  served  in  various  capacities  on  the  Michigan 
Central  railroad.  From  1864  to  1872  he  was  connected  with 
the  Chicago  and  Alton  Railway,  filling  successively  the 
positions  of  train  despatcher,  superintendent  of  telegraphs, 
and  divisional  superintendent.  In  1872  he  became  General 
Superintendent  of  the  St.  Louis,  Kansas  City  and  Northern 
Railway,  and,  in  1874,  General  Manager  of  the  Southern 
Minnesota  Railway,  and  in  1877  President  of  the  Company. 
In  October,  1878,  he  returned  to  the  Chicago  and  Alton  Rail- 
way as  General  Superintendent,  but  continued,  until  1879,10 
hold  the  office  of  President  of  the  Southern  Minnesota  Rail- 
way. In  January,  1880,  he  became  General  Superintendent  of 
the  Chicago,  Milwaukee  and  St.  Paul  Railway,  resigning  this 
office  at  the  end  of  1881,  to  become  General  Manager  of  the 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  the  construction  of  which,  by  the 
company,  had  recently  been  commenced.  In  1884  he  became 
Vice-President  of  the  company,  and  in  1888,  on  the  retirement 
of  Sir  George  Stephen  (now  Lord  Mount-Stephen)  he  was 
elected  President,  in  which  office  he  has  since  continued. 

The  phenomenal  rate  at  which  the  road  was  constructed  is 
largely  due  to  his  skill,  indomitable  perseverance  and  pluck. 
The  Bill  which  gave  effect  to  the  contract  received  the  royal 
assent,  February  15,  1881,  and  ten  years  were  given  for  the 
construction,  but  such  was  the  energy  with  which  the  work 
was  pushed  forward  that  the  last  spike  was  driven  by  Sir 
Donald  Smith  at  Eagle  Pass  on  November  7,  1885,  a  record 
in  railroad  building  which  has  never  been  equalled  or  even 
approached  in  any  part  of  the  world. 

As  an  instance  of  the  vigour  shown  in  the  construction  of 
this  great  undertaking  we  may  mention  that  in  the  year  1883 
the  extraordinary  number  of  918  miles  was  built,  the  average 
quantity  of  track  laid  in  crossing  the  prairies  being  three  and 
a-half  miles  per  day,  and,  on  t\vo  days,  the  astounding 
distance  of  over  six  miles  per  day  was  laid,  the  track  being 


344        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

made  from  one  end  only,  and  being  fully  tied  and  spiked,  the 
rails  being  laid  continuously,  and  in  no  case  drawn  ahead  by 
teams.  The  next  two  years  the  construction  was  proceeded  with, 
with  the  same  untiring  energy,  and  the  whole  road  was  fully 
ballasted  and  ready  for  passenger  traffic  early  in  1886.  On 
June  28th  of  that  year  the  first  through  train  left  Montreal  for 
Vancouver,  and  on  July  gth  Sir  John  Macdonald  realized  the 
dream  of  his  ambition  by  starting  on  a  journey  to  the  Pacific 
coast  on  the  completed  Canadian  Pacific  Railway. 

Since  its  opening  the  line  has  been  operated  with  so  much 
ability,  carefulness  and  attention  to  the  wants  of  its  patrons, 
that  it  has  completely  won  the  confidence  of  the  travelling 
and  commercial  community. 

But  the  energies  of  the  company  were  not  confined  to  the 
mere  fulfilment  of  its  contract  with  the  Government.  Much 
more  was  done  in  order  that  the  railway  might  fully  serve  its 
purpose  as  a  commercial  enterprise.  Independent  connections 
with  the  Atlantic  sea-board  were  secured  by  the  purchase  of 
lines  leading  eastward  to  Montreal  and  Quebec  ;  branch  lines 
to  the  chief  centres  of  trade  in  eastern  Canada  were  provided 
by  purchase  and  construction,  to  collect  and  distribute  the 
traffic  of  the  main  line  ;  and  other  branch  lines  were  built  in 
the  North- West  for  the  development  of  the  great  prairies. 

The  close  of  1885  found  the  company,  not  yet  five  years 
old,  in  possession  of  no  less  than  4,315  miles  of  railway 
including  the  longest  continuous  line  in  the  world,  extending 
from  Quebec  and  Montreal  all  the  way  across  the  continent  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  a  distance  of  3,050  miles ;  and  by  the 
midsummer  of  1886  all  this  vast  system  was  fully  equipped 
and  fairly  working  throughout.  Villages  and  towns,  and  even 
cities  followed  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  line-builders ;  the 
forests  were  cleared  away,  the  prairie's  soil  was  turned  over, 
mines  were  opened,  and  even  before  the  last  rail  was  in  place 
the  completed  sections  were  carrying  a  large  and  profitable 
traffic.  The  touch  of  this  young  giant  of  the  north  was  felt 
upon  the  world's  commerce  almost  before  its  existence  was 
known  ;  and,  not  content  with  the  trade  of  the  golden  shores 
of  the  Pacific  from  California  to  Alaska,  its  arms  at  once 


THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  C.  P.  R.  34; 


reached  out  across  that  broad  ocean  and  grasped  the  teas  and 
silks  of  China  and  Japan  to  exchange  them  for  the  fabrics  of 
Europe  and  North  America. 

The  next  three  years  were  marked  by  an  enormous 
development  of  traffic  and  by  the  addition  of  800  more  miles 
of  railway  to  the  company's  system.  One  line  was  extended 
eastward  from  Montreal  across  the  State  of  Maine  to  a  connec- 
tion with  the  railway  system  of  the  Maritime  Provinces  of 
Canada,  affording  connections  with  the  seaports  of  Halifax 
and  St.  John  ;  another  was  completed  from  Sudbury,  on  the 
company's  main  line,  to  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Superior,  where  a  long  steel  bridge  carries  the  railway  across 
to  a  connection  with  the  two  important  American  lines  leading 
westward — one  to  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  and  thence 
continuing  across  Dakota,  the  other  through  the  numberless 
iron  mines  of  the  Marquette  and  Gogebic  districts  to  Duluth, 
at  the  western  extremity  of  Lake  Superior  ;  still  another,  the 
latest  built,  continues  the  company's  lines  westward  from 
Toronto  to  Detroit,  connecting  there  with  lines  to  Chicago,  St. 
Louis,  and  all  of  the  great  Mississippi  Valley.  And  now,  the 
company's  lines  spread  out  towards  the  west  like  the  fingers 
of  a  gigantic  hand,  and  the  question  "  Will  it  pay  ? "  is 
answered  with  earnings  for  the  past  year  of  sixteen  and  a-half 
million  dollars,  and  profits  of  six  and  a-quarter  millions. 

Canada's  iron  girdle  has  given  a  magnetic  impulse  to  her 
fields,  her  mines,  and  her  manufactories,  and  the  modest 
colony  of  yesterday  is  to-day  an  energetic  nation  with  great 
plans  and  hopes  and  aspirations. 


CHAP  T  K  R    XXX  V. 

Dissolution  of  Parliament,  1882 — Results  of  general  election — Sir  John  Macdon- 
ald's  trip  to  England,  October,  1884 — The  guest  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  at 
Sandringham — Dinner  in  his  honour  at  the  Beaconsfield  Club — Visit  to 
Windsor  Castle — Created  a  G.C.B. — Invested  by  the  Queen  herself  with 
the  riband  and  star  of  the  Order — Dinner  at  the  Empire  Club — Monster 
Conservative  Convention,  December  gth — Addresses  to  Sir  John — Grand 
banquet  in  the  Horticultural  Gardens— Demonstrations  in  Montreal — The 
Marquis  of  Lansdovvne  as  Governor-General — Farewell  banquet  at  the 
Russell  House — His  remarks  on  the  Fisheries  Question,  Commercial  Union 
and  Imperial  Federation — Tributes  from  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  others — 
Arrival  of  Lord  Stanley — The  death  of  John  Henry  Pope— Services  of  Sir 
Charles  Tupper. 

PARLIAMENT  was  dissolved  on  May  18,  1882,  and  writs 
issued  for  a  new  election,  returnable  August  /th.  The 
result  proved  that  the  policy  pursued  by  the  Government  met 
the  approval  of  the  country,  for  they  were  again  returned  to 
power  with  a  large  body  of  supporters.  The  losses  on  the 
Opposition  side  were  very  heavy,  some  of  their  best  men  being 
defeated.  The  most  prominent  of  these  were  Sir  Richard 
Cartwright,  Sir  A.  T.  Smith,  and  Messrs.  Huntingdon,  Mills, 
Anglin,  D.  A.  Macdonald,  A.  G.  Jones,  R.  Laflamme  and  D. 
Laird. 

On  October  8,  1884,  Sir  John  Macdonald  sailed  for  Eng- 
land. He  had  not  been  well  for  some  time  and  desired  to 
avail  himself  of  the  skill  of  Sir  Andrew  Clarke,  under  whose 
care  he  had  been  on  previous  occasions.  During  his  visit  he 
received  a  great  deal  of  attention  and  many  honours.  From 
November  22nd  to  24th  he  was  the  guest  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  at  Sandringham.  On  the  latter  date  he  was  entertained 
at  dinner  by  the  Beaconsfield  Club,  the  chair  being  taken  by 
Sir  Stafford  Northcote.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  the  latter 
made  the  following  appreciative  remarks  :  "  If  the  progress  of 
Canada  had  been  as  great  as  it  undoubtedly  had  been  during 
the  last  forty  years,  if  Canada  now  held  so  high  a  position  in 
the  estimation  of  the  world,  if  the  difficulties  which  from  time 
to  time  had  arisen  in  the  development  and  organization  of  the 
great  Canadian  community  had  been  so  successfully  overcome, 
there  was  one  man  to  whom,  above  all  others,  that  great  pro- 
gress was  owing,  and  that  man  was  Sir  John  Macdonald." 

348 


RECEIVES  THE  GRAND  CROSS  OF  THE  BATH. 


349 


On  the  following  day  Sir  John  went  to  Windsor  Castle 
accompanied  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gladstone,  the  Earl  of  Derby 
and  Sir  John  McNeil,  and  had  the  distinguished  honour  of 
dining  with  the  Queen  and  the  Royal  Family.  Afterwards 
Her  Majesty  conferred  upon  him  the  Grand  Cross  of  the  Hath 
and  herself  invested  him  with  the  riband  and  star  of  the  Order. 
He  remained  at  Windsor  Castle  that  night  as  the  guest  of  the 
Queen,  and  on  the  following  day  returned  to  London,  where 
he  was  entertained  at  a  dinner  given  in  his  honour  at  the  Empire 
Club.  The  chair  was  taken  by  the  Marquis  of  Lome,  and 
amongst  the  distinguished  men  present  were  the  Marquis  of 
Salisbury,  the  Duke  of  Sutherland,  the  Earl  of  Kimberley, 
Secretary  of  State  for  India  ;  the  Earl  of  Derby,  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  Colonies  ;  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon,  ex-Colonial 
Secretary  ;  the  Marquis  of  Normanby,  Viscount  Bury,  Mr. 
W.  H.  Smith,  Sir  Thomas  Brassey,  Sir  Charles  Tupper  and 
Sir  John  Rose. 

In  proposing  the  toast  of  the  evening,  the  Marquis  of 
Lome  spoke  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  as  "the  most  successful 
statesman  in  one  of  the  most  successful  of  the  younger  nations 
of  the  world  ;  as  a  Minister  whose  characteristics  are  breadth 
of  views  and  largeness  of  heart,  and  hoped  that  he  might  long 
be  able  to  take  his  part  in  the  public  life  which,  for  forty 
years,  he  had  led,  illustrated  and  adorned."  In  reply,  Sir 
John  Macdonald  expressed  his  gratification  at  having  his 
health  proposed  by  Lord  Lome,  an  ex-Governor-General  of 
Canada,  and  one  who  had  not  only  ruled  wisely  and  well,  but 
had  endeared  himself  to  the  whole  population.  He  accepted 
the  compliment  paid  him  not  merely  as  a  personal  one,  but  as 
a  recognition  of  the  importance  of  Canada  as  a  part  of  the 
Empire.  The  people  of  Canada,  without  regard  to  politics  or 
party,  would  be  proud  of  the  demonstration.  He  then  referred 
in  eloquent  terms  to  the  marvellous  change  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  country  since  he  had  first  entered  public  life 
in  1844,  and  gave  a  sketch  of  the  history  of  Canada  during 
those  forty  years.  He  described  the  present  position  and 
prospects  of  the  Dominion,  and  concluded  by  expressing 
a  warm  hope  for  a  closer  alliance  of  all  the  colonies  with  the 


350         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

mother  country.  Lord  Salisbury  also  gave  expression  to  his 
"admiration  for  the  distinguished  career  and  the  personal 
character  of  our  honoured  guest,  and  said  that  he  could 
express  no  warmer  wish  for  Canada  than  that,  in  her  long 
future,  she  may  have  many  statesmen  who  will  shed  as  much 
lustre  on  her  history,  and  will  confer  as  many  benefits  on  her 
people,  as  Sir  John  Macdonald  has  done." 

His  visit  to  England,  and  the  honours  paid  him,  attracted 
a  great  deal  of  attention,  and  the  newspapers  spoke  of  him 
and  his  speeches  in  the  highest  terms,  the  London  Standard 
pointing  out  that  "in  advancing  Sir  John  Macdonald  to  the 
dignity  of  a  G.  C.  B.,  Her  Majesty  had  conferred  upon  him 
what,  according  to  Lord  Beaconsfield,  was  practically  the 
highest  meritorious  distinction  it  was  in  the  power  of  the 
Sovereign  to  bestow." 

Sir  John  returned  to  Canada  on  December  Qth,  and  found 
that  his  friends  and  admirers  had  made  extensive  arrange- 
ments to  celebrate  in  a  fitting  manner  the  conclusion  of 
his  fortieth  year  of  public  life.  Ten  thousand  delegates  from 
the  constituencies  of  Ontario  were  appointed  to  hold  a  Con- 
vention at  Toronto  on  the  i/th  and  i8th.  This  Convention 
was  held  at  the  Grand  Opera  House,  and  the  crowd  was 
so  great  that  hundreds  were  unable  to  obtain  admission.  An 
address  from  those  present  was  presented  to  Sir  John,  to 
which  he  made  a  reply  that  was  received  with  great  enthus- 
iasm. A  Liberal-Conservative  Association  for  the  province 
was  then  formed,  of  which  he  was  unanimously  elected  Presi- 
dent, and  Mr.  W.  R.  Meredith,  Vice-President.  In  the  evening 
a  magnificent  banquet  was  given  in  the  Pavilion  of  the  Horti- 
cultural Gardens,  at  which  1,200  persons  sat  down.  The 
speeches  were  numerous  and  interesting,  and  were  listened 
to  with  great  attention  by  a  crowd  of  spectators,  largely  com- 
posed of  ladies,  who  filled  the  galleries. 

A  similar  demonstration  took  place  in  Montreal  in  the 
beginning  of  the  new  year — January  12  and  13,  1885.  The 
streets  through  which  Sir  John  passed  from  the  railway 
station  were  brilliantly  illuminated.  Thousands  of  people 
with  bands  of  music  joined  in  the  procession,  and  the  respect 


THE  MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE.  351 

and  attachment  felt  towards  him  was  testified  by  the  vocifer- 
ous cheering  which  greeted  him  along  the  whole  route.  On 
arrival  at  the  drill  hall,  many  addresses  were  presented  to  him, 
and  speeches  made  by  the  leading  men  present.  The  next 
night  a  banquet  was  given  him  in  the  large  dining-room 
of  the  Windsor  Hotel,  which  was  crowded  to  its  utmost 
capacity.  The  speeches  lasted  until  a  late  hour,  the  principal 
theme  being  the  great  services  which  the  guest  of  the  evening 
had  rendered  to  his  country,  coupled  with  a  hope  that  he 
might  long  be  spared  to  guide  the  destinies  of  Canada. 

Meanwhile  the  Marquis  of  Lome  had  been  succeeded 
as  Governor-General  by  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  who  also 
bears  the  titles  of  Earl  of  Wycombc,  Viscount  Cain  and 
Cainstine,  Lord  Wycombe,  Baron  of  Chipping- Wycombe, 
Earl  of  Kerry  and  Earl  of  Shelburne,  Viscount  Clanmauricc 
and  Fitzmaurice,  Baron  of  Kerry,  Lixnaw,  and  Uunkerron^ 
He  was  born  January  14,  1845,  and  succeeded  to  the  title 
in  1866.  He  received  his  education  at  Eton  and  Balliol 
College,  Oxford.  In  1869  he  married  Lady  Maud  Evelyn 
Hamilton,  youngest  daughter  of  the  first  Duke  of  Abercorn. 
He  was  a  Commissioner  of  the  Exchequer  of  Great  Britain, 
and  of  the  Treasury  of  Ireland  1868-72;  Under-Sccretary  of 
State  for  War  1872-74;  and  Under-Secretary  for  India  1880. 
He  arrived  in  Canada  on  October  23,  1883,  after  a  very  stormy 
passage  across  the  ocean.  Addresses  were  presented  to  him 
to  which  he  replied  in  a  manner  that  charmed  his  hearers. 
The  French  were  especially  delighted  by  his  replying  to  them 
in  their  own  language,  and  remarked  upon  the  purity  of 
his  accent.  On  the  following  day  he  proceeded  to  Ottawa. 
As,  for  many  reasons,  we  are  compelled  to  abstain  from 
referring  to  the  very  pleasant  subject  of  the  acts  and  doings 
of  our  Governors  since  Confederation,  we  will  now  only 
add  that  after  a  sojourn  in  Canada  of  less  than  five  years, 
Lord  Lansdowne  was  called  to  the  higher  office  of  Vice- 
roy of  India.  The  news  of  his  approaching  departure  was 
received  with  feelings  of  the  deepest  regret,  and  it  was  resolved 
to  signify  the  appreciation  felt  of  his  efforts  to  promote  the 
good  of  the  country,  and  to  testify  to  the  warm  feelings  enter- 


352         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

tained  towards  him  and  Lady  Lansdowne,  by  a  public  enter- 
tainment. This  took  place  at  the  Russell  House  on  May  15, 
1888,  and  we  give  the  proceedings  as  reported  in  the  Citizen  of 
the  following  morning.  His  speech  on  the  occasion  was 
eloquent,  practical  and  sympathetic,  and  his  remarks  respect- 
ing the  Pacific  railway,  the  Fisheries'  question,  the  duties  and 
responsibilities  of  a  Governor-General,  Commercial  Union  with 
the  United  States,  and  Imperial  Federation,  are  worthy  of  the 
most  attentive  perusal  : 

"  When  it  was  definitely  announced  that  Lord  Stanley  of 
Preston  had  been  appointed  to  succeed  Lord  Lansdowne  as 
Governor-General  of  Canada,  in  consequence  of  the  latter 
having  been  chosen  to  succeed  Lord  Dufferin  in  the  Governor- 
Generalship  of  India,  a  general  desire  was  expressed  that  His 
Excellency  should  not  be  allowed  to  depart  from  Ottawa 
without  an  opportunity  being  afforded  of  demonstrating  to 
him  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  and  the  Marchioness  of 
Lansdowne  are  held  by  the  citizens  of  the  Capital  of  the 
Dominion.  A  meeting  was  called  by  His  Worship  the 
Mayor  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  best  means  of 
putting  the  public  wish  into  practical  shape,  and  it  was  finally 
decided  that  a  banquet  should  be  tendered  His  Excellency, 
which  would  afford  him  an  opportunity  of  making  a  speech  in 
review  of  his  administration  of  public  affairs  in  the  Dominion 
during  the  last  four  and  a-half  years,  and  that,  on  the  occasion 
of  his  departure  from  the  city,  the  popular  sentiment  should 
find  expression  in  a  demonstrative  display.  His  Excellency 
was  pleased  to  intimate  to  the  Mayor  that  a  banquet  would  be 
to  him  the  most  acceptable  tribute  of  respect,  as  he  was 
desirous  that  his  last  public  utterances  in  Canada  should  be 
spoken  in  the  city  where  he  had  spent  the  greater  portion  of 
the  time  he  has  represented  Her  Majesty  in  the  Dominion. 

"  The  banquet  took  place  at  the  Russell  House  and 
proved  in  every  respect  an  unqualified  success.  It  is  safe 
to  say  that  it  was  the  most  brilliant  and  the  most  representa- 
tive social  entertainment  ever  witnessed  in  Ottawa.  The 
chair  was  occupied  by  His  Worship,  the  Mayor,  and  on  his 
right  were  His  Excellency  ;  Sir  Hector  Langevin,  Minister  of 


BANQUET  TO  THE  MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE.      353 

Public  Works  ;  Honourable  Mackenzie  Bowel  1,  Minister  of 
Customs  ;  Honourable  W.  A.  McLelan,  Postmaster-General  ; 
Honourable  John  Costigan,  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue ; 
Honourable  J.  A.  Chapleau,  Secretary  of  State  ;  Honourable 
George  E.  Foster,  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries  ;  Honour- 
able G.  W.  Allan,  Speaker  of  the  Senate  ;  Lieutenant-General 
Sir  Fred  Middleton,  Sir  Richard  Cartwright,  Honourable  Mr. 
Justice  Fournier,  Honourable  Wilfred  Laurier,  Honourable 
Alexander  McFarlane,  Honourable  J.  G.  Ross,  Honourable  F. 
Clemow.  On  the  left  Right  Honourable  Sir  John  Macdonald, 
Premier  and  President  of  the  Conncil  ;  Honourable  Sir  Charles 
Tupper,  Minister  of  Finance ;  Honourable  Sir  Adolphe 
Caron,  Minister  of  Militia ;  Honourable  Frank  Smith  ; 
Honourable  J.  S.  D.  Thompson,  Minister  of  Justice  ;  Honour- 
able J.  J.  C.  Abbott  ;  Honourable  Sir  William  Ritchie,  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Canada  ;  Honourable  William 
Macdougall,  Honourable  R.  W.  Scott,  Honourable  R.  B. 
Dickey,  Honourable  Donald  Mclnnes,  Honourable  Dr.  Cas- 
grain,  the  Honourable  Speaker  Ouimet,  Sir  James  Grant,  and 
the  Honourable  George  A.  Kirkpatrick.  The  vice  chairs  were 
occupied  by  Sheriff  Svveetland  and  Mr.  Charles  Magee. 
Altogether  about  240  gentlemen  were  present. 

In  proposing  the  toast  of  the  evening  the  Mayor,  Mr. 
McLeod  Stewart  said  :  "  Gentlemen,— It  is  permitted  to 
me  to-night  to  discharge  a  most  agreeable  duty,  one  of 
the  most  agreeable  of  a  lifetime,  and  that  is  to  propose 
the  health  of  our  distinguished  guest  the  Governor-General 
of  Canada.  (Cheers).  Lord  Lansdowne  came  to  us  four 
and  a  half  years  ago,  with  all  the  prestige  of  a  noble 
lineage,  and  preceded  by  the  reputation  which  always  per- 
tains to  the  cultured  scholar  and  the  distinguished  states- 
man. He  has  proved  himself  a  most  able  and  constitutional 
representative  of  Her  Majesty  in  this  country.  He  has  made 
for  himself  a  most  honourable  record,  and  he  now  leaves  us 
rich  in  the  affections  and  dear  to  the  hearts  of  the  great  mass 
of  the  Canadian  people."  (Cheers).  Addressing  the  Governor 
General,  the  Mayor  said:  «  When  Your  Excellency  reaches  the 
shores  of  England,  and  you  relinquish  the  great  trust  which 


354         TllE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

has  been  confided  to  you,  tell  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  that  the 
little  Ottawa  which  she  graciously  designated  as  the  seat  of 
government  has  grown  into  a  large  and  flourishing  city. 
(Cheers).  Tell  her  also  that  the  little  provinces  which  she 
joined  together  in  one  great  confederation  have  grown  into  a 
mighty  and  prosperous  Dominion,  and  tell  Her  Majesty 
further,  that  in  no  portion  of  her  wide  Dominions  has  she 
subjects  more  true,  more  loyal,  and  more  patriotic  to  her 
throne  than  her  own  Canadian  people.  (Loud  and  repeated 
cheers).  Of  your  estimable  wife,  Her  Excellency  Lady  Lans- 
downe,  I  have  nothing  but  the  kindest  words  to  say.  By  her 
rare  sweetness  of  disposition,  her  charm  of  manner,  and  her 
kindness  of  heart,  she  has  endeared  herself  to  all  with  whom 
she  has  come  in  contact.  (Tremendous  cheering).  The  great 
regret  we  experience  at  Your  Excellency's  departure  is  also 
felt  in  a  like  degree  for  Her  Excellency  Lady  Lansdowne. 
(Cheers).  I  am  sure  I  voice  the  sentiments  not  only  of  the 
citizens  of  Ottawa,  but  also  of  the  whole  Dominion,  when  I 
say  that  it  is  the  earnest  desire  and  prayer  of  all  of  us  that 
Divine  Providence  may  grant  to  Your  Excellency  wisdom  to 
your  head,  courage  to  your  heart,  and  strength  to  your  arm  in 
administering  the  affairs  of  that  great  Orient  Empire  over 
which  Her  Majesty  has  called  you  to  preside."  (Loud  and 
repeated  cheers). 

When  His  Excellency  rose  to  respond,  he  was  greeted  with 
an  outburst  of  wild  enthusiasm.  Cheer  after  cheer  greeted 
him ;  handkerchiefs  waved,  and  several  minutes  elapsed  before 
the  Governor-General  could  speak,  so  unbounded  was  the 
popular  demonstration. 

His  Excellency  said  :  "  Mr.  Mayor,  Sir  John  Macdonald 
and  Gentlemen, — You  could  have  paid  me  no  compliment 
greater  or  more  acceptable  than  that  of  asking  me  to  meet  this 
brilliant  company  at  dinner  this  evening.  It  is  representative 
of  all  that  is  most  distinguished  and  honourable  in  the  society 
of  the  capital.  I  see  around  me  the  venerable  Premier,  who 
has  for  so  many  years  been  responsible  for  the  conduct  of 
your  public  affairs.  (Cheers).  I  see  his  colleagues  with  whom 
I  have  been  in  constant  official  intercourse.  I  see  distin- 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH.    355 

guished  members  of  the  Privy  Council,  not  of  the  Cabinet  bu 
whose  mtimate    acquaintance  I    have    nevertheless  had  the 
honour  of  enjoying.     (Renewed  applause).     I  see  repr 
tives  of  both  branches  of  the   Legislature  and  of  all™  [ 
important  interests  of  your  city,  a  city  which  we  regard  no 
only  with  the  respect  due  to  the  capital  of  a  great  Dominion, 
but  with  the  affection  which  nearly  five  years  of  constant  inter- 
course has  built  up  in  our  hearts.     It  is  delightful  to  us  at  the 
close  of  our  sojourn   in  this   country  to  know  that  we  have 
become  bound  to  you  by  something  more  than  official  tics 
and,  sir,  when  you,  speaking  in  the   name  of  such  a  body  of 
men  as  that  which  I  see  before  me,  and  with  their  approval  'and 
concurrence,  have  thought    fit    to    address  me  as  you   have 
addressed   me    to-night,   I    may    indeed    feel   that  if  I   have 
achieved  nothing  else,  I  can  at  least  lay  claim  to  that  which 
has  m  my  eyes  an  estimable  value,  I  mean  the  sympathy  and 
good  will  of  those  amongst  whom   the  greater  portion  of  my 
life  in  this  country  has   been  passed.     And,  sir,    I   never  felt 
more  in  need  of  that  sympathy  than    I   do  now.     It  is  at  the 
critical  periods  of  one's  life  that  the  sympathy  of  friends  is  essen- 
tial, and  it  is  through  such  a  period  that  we  are  now  passing. 
I  can  assure  you  that,  in  spite  of  the  brightness  and  exhilara- 
tion of  the  moment,  in  spite  of  all   that  hope,  or  if  you  like, 
ambition,  can  suggest,  the  feelings  which  are  uppermost  in  our 
minds  are  those  solemn  and  serious  feelings  which  naturally 
arise  when  one  is  called  upon  to  sever  rudely  the  associations 
of  years,  and   break   with   a  past  which    has  been    peaceful, 
honourable  and  happy. 

"  Of  the  kind  terms  in  which  you  have  described  the  way 
in  which  I  have  discharged  the  duties  belonging  to  my  office 
I  scarcely  know  how  to  speak.  I  fear  your  estimate  is  coloured 
by  your  personal  friendship  and  by  that  indulgence  which  is 
always  bestowed  upon  those  who  are  departing,  or  who  are 
about  to  depart  from  bodily  or  political  life.  (Cries  of  no! 
no  !)  A  famous  Frenchman  who  was  listening  to  a  somewhat 
superlative  encomium  passed  upon  a  person  who  had  joined 
the  great  majority,  is  said  to  have  observed  that  he  was  ready 
to  give  him  credit  for  all  the  good  qualities  which  were  being 


356         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

ascribed  to  him,  ' Pourvu  qu'il  soit  mort!  (Applause  and 
laughter).  But,  sir,  I  am  no  cynic  at  the  best  of  times,  and  I 
am  sure  that  what  you  have  said  has  been  said  from  the  heart, 
and  from  my  heart  I  thank  you  for  your  warm  and  friendly 
approval  of  my  conduct  during  my  residence  amongst  you. 
No  one  knows  better  than  I  do  how  much  has  been  left 
undone,  or  might  have  been  done  better,  during  that  time. 
If  you  are  willing  to  give  us  credit  for  having  done  our  best 
we  shall  be  content.  When  I  say  'we'  I  hope  you  will  under- 
stand that  I  am  not  using  the  mediaeval  plural  which  is  usually 
affected  by  royalty,  but  because  in  speaking  of  my  relations 
with  the  people  of  Canada,  and  of  my  gratitude  to  you,  I 
cannot  separate  Lady  Lansdowne — (great  applause) — from 
myself,  and  I  feel  quite  sure  that,  although  she  is  not  present 
with  us  this  evening,  she  appreciates  as  thoroughly  as  I  do  the 
significance  and  value  of  this  mark  of  your  good  will.  Let  me 
add,  too,  that  no  one  is  better  aware  than  I  am  of  the  extent 
of  the  assistance  which  I  have  received  from  her  and  from  my 
small  but  willing  and  indefatigable  staff.  (Loud  applause). 

And,  sir,  if  my  personal  and  private  experience  of  Canada 
has  been  entirely  fortunate,  I  think  I  may  add  that  I  have  no 
reason  for  complaining  of  my  experience  of  the  public  affairs 
of  the  country.  The  years  which  I  have  spent  in  your  country 
have  been  upon  the  whole  years  of  peaceful  progress — years 
during  which  the  reputation  of  your  country  has  advanced, 
during  which  it  has  progressed  in  arts  and  manufactures,  in 
education,  and  in  all  the  conditions  essential  to  the  well-being 
of  a  great  and  prosperous  community.  If  you  have  shared  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune  which  have  afflicted  other  countries  you 
have  in  my  judgment  suffered  less  from  them  than  other 
nations.  If  there  has  been  here  and  there  a  slight  creaking  in 
the  machinery  of  your  Constitution,  we  may,  I  think,  neverthe- 
less venture  to  say  that  the  structure  of  Federation  has  on  the 
whole  stood  the  test  pretty  well,  and  that  it  will,  with  a  little 
watchfulness,  continue  to  do  so.  (Applause). 

"  Upon  the  other  hand,  I  am  far  from  saying  that  my  term 
of  office  has  been  an  uneventful  one.  I  could  mention  several 
events,  any  one  of  which  would  in  itself  be  sufficient  to  mark 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH. 


357 


an  epoch  in  your  history.  We  had,  in  1885,  that  most 
untoward  rebellion  in  the  North- West  Territories,  to  which  I 
will  only  refer  for  the  purpose  of  making  this  observation,  that 
while  I  believe  that  any  feelings  of  local  irritation,  or  more 
wide-spread  race  antagonism  which  it  may  have  provoked  at 
the  time,  will  disappear  completely,  if  they  have  not  already 
done  so,  there  will  survive  in  the  recollection  of  your  people, 
long  after  the  present  generation  has  passed  away,  the 
memory  of  the  manner  in  which  your  military  forces,  drawn 
from  all  portions  of  the  Dominion,  responded  to  the  call  which 
was  then  made  upon  them,  and  of  the  cheerfulness  and 
gallantry  with  which  they  acquitted  themselves  during  a 
trying  and  arduous  campaign.  (Renewed  applause). 

"  While  it  is  impossible  to  refer  to  these  events  without 
feelings  in  which  pride  is  mingled  with  regret,  we  can  recur 
with  unmixed  satisfaction  to  the  great  national  achievement, 
the  great  peaceful  victory  which  marked  the  following  year. 
I  mean  the  completion  of  the  national  highway,  by  which  you 
have  united  the  two  oceans  which  wash  the  coast  of  British 
North  America.  That  achievement  is  one  which  stands  alone 
among  the  great  national  enterprises  which  the  world  has 
known,  both  in  respect  of  the  physical  difficulties  which  it  was 
necessary  to  overcome,  and  in  respect  of  the  rapidity  and 
success  with  which  the  work  was  completed.  The  work  is  not 
only  one  which  has  fundamentally  affected  the  relations  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  Dominion  to  each  other,  but  it  has 
affected  those  of  the  Dominion,  as  a  whole,  to  the  mother 
country  and  to  the  Empire,  and  1  am  glad  to  find  that  it 
is  universally  regarded  as  a  most  important  contribution  made 
by  Canada  to  the  strength  of  the  Empire  as  a  whole.  (Loud 
applause).  We  cannot  at  present  foresee  the  full  extent  of 
the  consequences,  political  and  economical,  which  are  likely  to 
accrue  to  us  from  its  completion.  The  full  results  of  such  an 
improvement  in  the  arterial  communications  of  the  Empire  do 
not  make  themselves  felt  all  at  once.  A  great  arterial  road  is 
not  complete  merely  because  an  engine  can  run  across  it  from 
end  to  end.  Although  the  line  has  been  now  open  for  traffic 
for  upwards  of  two  years,  we  have  yet  to  see  its  effects  upon 


358         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  general  prosperity  of  the  country  when  its  equipment  shall 
have  been  completed,  its  connections  made  good  and  devel- 
oped, and  its  ocean  communications  with  other  parts  of  the 
Empire  placed,  as  I  hope  they  soon  will  be,  upon  a  thoroughly 
satisfactory  footing.  (Applause). 

"  I  pass  from  these  to  a  more  recent  event,  and  one  upon 
which  I  confess  I  am  disposed  to  dwell  with  equal  pleasure. 
I  mean  the  attempt  which  has  been  lately  made  to  remove 
the  only  formidable  source  of  disagreement  which  has,  for 
many  years  past,  existed  between  ourselves  and  the  great 
republic  which  adjoins  us.  I  have  never  been  one  of  those 
who  believed  that  our  dispute  with  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  in  regard  to  our  fisheries,  was  one  which  was 
likely  to  lead  to  a  breach  of  the  peace,  or  to  prove  in  the  end, 
incapable  of  solution.  But,  sir,  the  mere  existence  of  such  a 
dispute,  embittering,  as  it  did,  our  relations  with  our  neigh- 
bours, endangering  the  harmony  which  ought  to  unite  the 
whole  British  race  on  this  continent,  and  affording  a  pretext 
to  those  who  desired  to  stir  up  strife  between  the  two  powers 
was  a  calamity  and  a  scandal  to  ourselves  and  to  the  whole 
world.  (Applause).  It  is  quite  true  that  the  final  adjustment 
of  these  difficulties  has  not  yet  taken  place.  Whether  they  will 
be  adjusted  or  not,  and  if  so,  what  time,  does  not  now  depend 
upon  us,  but  I  will  take  upon  myself,  to  say  this,  that  even  if 
the  adjustment  be  indefinitely  postponed,  the  whole  com- 
plexion of  the  question  has  been  radically  altered  by  the 
negotiations  which  took  place  at  Washington  during  the  past 
winter,  and  by  the  treaty,  ratified  or  unratified,  in  which  they 
resulted.  Six  months  ago  the  positions  taken  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  on  the  one  hand,  and  by  the 
Imperial  Government  and  that  of  the  Dominion  on  the  other, 
appeared  to  be  irreconcilable.  As  things  stand  at  present, 
there  is,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  no  material  difference  of  opinion 
between  the  three.  Whatever  be  the  action  of  those  with 
whom  the  fate  of  the  treaty  at  present  rests,  no  miscarriage 
which  we  can  now  apprehend  can  possibly  put  matters  back 
where  they  where  before  the  meeting  of  the  plenipotentiaries. 
(Applause). 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH. 


359 


"  I  rejoice  to  think  that  in  the  seventy  years  which  have 
passed  since  the  Treaty  of  1818  was  framed  our  relations  with 
our  kmsmen  on  the  other  side  of  the  border  have  undergone 
a  gradual  and  steady  amendment  There  is  a  legend  that 
early  in  the  present  century  a  Colonial  Secretary  advised  the 
people  of  Canada  to  plant  a  belt  of  forest  trees  all  along  the 
frontier  of  the  United  States  in  order  to  keep  Canada  separate 
from  that  unruly  people,  and  '  pure  from  republican  contamin- 
ation/ (Laughter).  That  is  not,  I  am  happy  to  say,  the 
policy  of  the  present  day.  Of  all  the  blessings  enjoyed  by  the 
dwellers  on  this  continent  none  is  greater  than  their  freedom 
from  the  dangerous  rivalries  and  complications  such  as  those 
which  are,  at  this  moment,  paralysing  industry  and  retarding 
prosperity  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  I  trust  it  may  be 
reserved  to  my  successor  to  see  the  last  shreds  of  this  dispute 
which  we  have  done  our  utmost  to  remove,  swept  away 
forever,  leaving  to  us  nothing  but  the  frank,  generous,  and 
cordial  understanding  which  should  unite  the  English-speak- 
ing race  upon  this  continent.  (Great  applause). 

"  And  now,  gentlemen,  if  I  have  ventured  to  mention 
these  matters,  I  have  done  so  not  because  I  sought  to  leave  on 
your  minds,  or  on  the  minds  of  anyone,  the  impression  that  I 
desired  to  take  any  credit  to  myself  in  connection  with  the 
satisfactory  results  which  have,  I  believe,  in  each  case  been 
arrived  at.  It  is  said  that  a  great  English  personage,  by  dint 
of  talking  about  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  succeeded  in  persuad- 
ing himself  that  he  had  taken  part  in  that  engagement. 
(Laughter).  If  I  livelong  enough  I  shall,  perhaps,  persuade 
myself  that  I  was  in  command  at  Batochc,  that  I  discovered 
Roger's  Pass,  and  that  I  took  part  as  a  plenipotentiary  in  the 
negotiation  of  the  Washington  Treaty.  (Great  laughter).  At 
present,  in  order  to  avoid  misconceptions,  let  me  state  that  I 
am  under  the  impression  that  my  friend  Sir  Frederick  Middle- 
ton  had  the  conduct  of  the  North-West  campaign  (loud 
applause),  that  I  was  not  even  so  fortunate  as  to  drive  the  last 
spike  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  and  that  although  I 
certainly  sat  by  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  in  spirit,  during  the 
Washington  negotiations,  I  am  glad  to  have  this  opportunity 


360        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

of  bearing  witness  to  the  fact  that  whatever  credit  is  due  for 
their  results  belongs  to  him  and  to  the  distinguished  British 
statesman,  who,  when  the  history  of  these  negotiations  comes 
to  be  more  fully  known,  will  be  found  to  have  watched  your 
interests  with  an  amount  of  tact  and  assiduity  and  determin- 
ation, which  I  will  venture  to  say  could  not  have  been 
exceeded  if  he  had  been  born  within  the  sound  of  the  Chaud- 
iere  Falls.  (Great  applause). 

"  But,  sir,  while  I  wish  to  disclaim  any  attempt  at  obtain- 
ing for  myself  any  portion  of  the  credit  which  belongs  to 
others,  in  respect  of  these  events,  and  while  I  have  never  shut 
my  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  representative  of  the  Crown,  in  a 
self-governing  colony,  occupies  a  position  differing  very  widely 
from  that  of  the  Governor  of  a  Crown  colony,  I  am,  on  the 
other  hand,  very  glad  to  find  that  you  are  not  among  those 
who  have  regarded  his  duties  as  being  of  a  purely  formal 
character,  and  consisting  merely  in  the  dispensation  of  a 
certain  amount  of  hospitality,  and  in  the  delivery  of  occasional 
speeches  bearing  a  strong  family  resemblance  to  each  other, 
and  containing,  I  am  afraid,  a  good  many  commonplaces 
which  must  sound  wearisome  in  the  ears  of  those  who  are 
habituated  to  the  more  pungent  utterances  of  political  discus- 
sion. (Laughter  and  applause).  I  shall  not  admit,  and  I  hope 
you  will  not  do  so  cither,  that  a  constitutional  Governor  is  one 
who  does  nothing  at  all.  (Hear,  hear,  and  applause).  So  far 
from  holding  that  opinion,  I  should  be  myself  inclined  to  say 
that  while  a  great  colony  like  yours  continues  to  form  a  part 
of  the  Imperial  system,  and  I  do  not  see  much  sign  of  weari- 
ness of  that  connection  on  your  side  or  on  ours  (great 
applause),  you  could  not  have  a  much  more  convenient  or 
useful  connection  with  the  mother  country  than  the  office  of 
Governor-General  as  it  is  now  constituted.  The  person  who 
fills  it  has  altogether  exceptional  opportunities  of  serving  the 
interests  both  of  the  mother  country  and  of  the  colony.  He 
can  have  one  eye  behind  the  scenes  in  Downing  street,  and 
another  in  the  Dominion.  (Hear,  hear).  His  opportunities 
for  effecting  a  good  understanding  between  the  two  are  very 
great.  My  own  experience  is  that,  if  differences  arise,  they 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH.    361 


Y  M  °n  °ne  sideo<-  ^e  other 

You  should  have  in  your  Governor-General  one  who  is  able  to 
speak  with  equal  frankness  and  with  equal  knowledge  of  what 
he  ,s  talking  about  to  either  side,  and  to  make  it  aware  of  the 
real  requirements  and  situation  of  the  other.    (Loud  applause). 
Holding  as  I  do  these  opinions,  it  is  most  satisfactory  to  me 
find  that  your  verdict  is  not  unfavourable  to  my  conduct. 
t  has  been  my  earnest  wish  during  the  last  four  years  to 
co-operate  with  the  members  of  the  Canadian  Government  in 
the  promotion  of  whatever  measures  were  most  likely  to  con- 
duce to  the  general  prosperity  and  well-being  of  the  Dominion 
and  to  leave  nothing  undone  in   order  to  ensure  a  feelino-  of 
mutual  confidence  and  good  will  between  your  Government 
and  that  of  the  Queen.     I  rejoice  to  think  that  such  a  feeling 
exists  at  the  present  time,  not  only  between  the  Governments 
of  the  two   countries   but  between   their  peoples.     I   do  not 
believe  the  general  tone  of  public  feeling  ever  was  sounder  or 
more  friendly.    (Renewed  applause).    That  feeling  is,  moreover, 
something  more  than  a  mere  spurious  patriotism  which  takes 
refuge  in    vague  and    general    professions   of  good-will,  but 
evaporates  in  the  face  of  the  first  breath  of  opposition.     The 
spirit  which  animates  it  is  eminently  thoughtful,  independent 
and  critical.     (Hear,  hear).     It  takes  very  little  for  granted. 
It  is  not  ready  to  say  that  a  particular  state  of  things  must  be 
satisfactory  because  it  has  always  existed.     It  is,  on  the  con- 
trary, disposed  to  place  existing  institutions  on  their  trial,  and 
to  discuss  with  the  utmost  frankness  questions  which,  in  days 
of  less   intellectual   and    political    activity,  would  have  been 
gladly  shirked  and   put  on  one  side.     Nothing,  for  instance, 
has  struck   me   more  than   the  intelligence  and  ability  with 
which  that  great  group  of  questions  which  are  involved  in  the 
relation  of  the  Colonies  and  the  Empire  has  been  discussed  in 
this  country  during  the  last  year  or  two.     The  public  contro- 
versies which  have  taken  place  upon  the  political  and  econ- 
omical relations  of  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  have  been 
of  extraordinary  interest  and   have  this  great  advantage,  that 
whether  we  are  on  the  eve  of  great  changes  or  whether  we 


362         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

may  look  forward  to  a  long  continuance  of  our  present  system, 
whether  we  find  ourselves  led  in  the  direction  of  a  closer 
approximation  between  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  or, 
on  the  contrary,  in  the  direction  of  a  further  emancipation 
from  the  already  slight  ties  by  which  the  different  parts  of  the 
Empire  are  united,  the  community  is  being  day  by  day 
instructed  in  regard  to  these  matters,  and  will,  if  it  is  called 
upon  to  act,  at  all  events,  have  no  excuse  for  acting  ignorantly 
and  without  a  full  knowledge  of  the  consequences  involved. 
(Applause). 

"It  would  be  little  short  of  an  outrage  if  on  an  occasion 
like  the  present,  I  were  to  attempt  a  discussion  of  questions 
such  as  those  to  which  I  have  referred.  I  will,  however,  so 
far  presume  upon  the  indulgence  to  which  a  departing  friend 
is  entitled,  to  make  one  general  observation  with  regard  to  the 
standpoint  from  which  they  should  be  approached,  that  obser- 
vation is  this,  that  in  dealing  with  problems  of  this  kind,  the 
ultimate  factor  with  which  we  have  to  reckon  is  the  public 
sentiment  of  two  great  democratic  communities.  (Applause). 
It  was  once  said  by  President  Lincoln,  with  great  truth,  that 
with  public  sentiment  nothing  can  fail,  and  that  without  it 
nothing  can  succeed,  and  that  he  who  moulds  sentiment  goes 
deeper  than  he  who  enacts  statutes.  (Loud  applause).  The 
influence  of  sentiment  is  one  which  grows  every  day,  which 
grows  at  the  expense  of  hard  logic  and  inexorable  political 
economy.  (Hear,  hear).  Before  the  days  of  household  suff- 
rage, of  cheap  newspapers  and  sixpenny  telegrams,  public 
questions  were  disposed  of  by  statesman  philosophically,  judi- 
cially, secretly  in  their  studies  or  their  council  chambers. 
They  are  now,  in  nineteen  out  of  twenty  cases,  virtually  dis- 
posed of  on  the  platform  or  in  the  press.  (Hear,  hear).  I  will 
not  now  enquire  whether  the  change  is  one  for  the  better,  but 
it  is  one  with  which  we  have  to  count.  When,  therefore,  we 
propose  grave  and  far-reaching  changes  of  policy,  involving 
the  future  destinies  of  nations,  we  cannot  bear  this  change  too 
strongly  in  mind. 

"  Will  you  let  me  illustrate  my   meaning  by  referring  to 
the  suggestions  which  are  from   time  to  time  made  for  the 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH.    363 

establishment  of  closer  and    exclusive  commercial  relations 
between  the  Dominion  and  the  great  Republic  which  adjoins 
us-proposals  which  are    made    upon  the  assumption    that 
m    spite    of    the    preference    thus    given    to    the   latter   our 
allegiance  to  the  mother  country  is  to  remain  unimpaired,  and 
that  her  liability  to  make  her  cause  our  own  is  to  stand  exactly 
where  it  does  now.     In  such  cases  I  confess  that  the  question 
which  I  ask  myself  is  not  whether  such  an  arrangement  would 
be  advantageous  to  Canada  or  not,  nor  what  arc  the  motives 
of  those  by  whom  it  is  proposed.     I  am  content  to  assume  if 
you   please,  that  the  change  considered   by  itself  mi-ht  be 
financially  a  desirable  one,  and  I  am  willing  to  give  credit  to 
those  by  whom  such  proposals  are  advocated  for  being  every 
whit  as  loyal  as  I  am  myself.     (Hear,  hear).     I  own,  however, 
that  I  am  not  without  the  most  serious  misgivings  when  I  ask 
myself  whether  the  public  sentiment  of  the  British  democracy 
would  stand  the  strain  which  the  adoption  of  such  a  policy  by 
the  Dominion  would  place  upon  it,' and  whether  it  would  not 
be  likely  to  consider  the  extent,  not  so  much  of  the  material 
injury  which  it  would  be  likely  to  sustain,  but  of  the  moral 
affront  to  which  it  was  called  upon  to  submit.     (Applause). 

"  I  am  tempted  again  to  apply  a  similar  test  when  I  am 
asked  what  I  think  of  proposals  of  a  very  different  kind,  and 
leading  us  in  an    entirely  opposite  direction,  such  as  those 
which    are    recommended,    with    the    object    of  establishing 
between  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  relations,  political 
and  commercial,  much  more  intimate  and  uniform  than  those 
which  exist  between  them  at  the  present  time.     The  objects  oi 
those  by  whom  such  proposals  are  made,  have  my  warmest 
sympathy,  but,  sir,  having  I  suppose  a  little  Scotch  blood  in 
my  veins,  and   being  therefore  of  a  cautious  temperament,  I 
pause  and  ask  myself  whether  in  endeavouring  to  improve  the 
condition   of  things,  we  might  not  find  ourselves  again  out- 
stripping the  public  sentiment  of  the  communities  concerned 
and   expose  their  allegiance  to  a  strain  greater  than  it  can 
bear.     (Applause).     Let  me  say  frankly  that,  in  my  opinion, 
public  sentiment  in  the  great  possessions  of  the  Crown  would 
be  exposed  to  such  a  strain  if  the  self-governing  colonies  were 


364        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

ever  to  be  required  to  part  with  any  material  portion  of  the 
freedom  which  they  now  enjoy  in  the  management  of  their 
own  affairs.  I  have  the  honour  of  a  pretty  close  acquaintance 
with  a  considerable  number  of  your  legislators  here,  and  I  will 
venture  to  say  that  there  is  no  feeling  stronger  in  their  minds, 
and  in  that  of  their  constituents,  than  the  feeling  that  in 
purely  Canadian  affairs  the  Constitution  recognizes  the  abso- 
lute supremacy  of  the  Canadian  Parliament.  (Loud  applause). 
Now,  I  do  not  believe  that  public  sentiment  here  would 
tolerate  any  change  depriving  it  of  that  authority,  or  trans- 
ferring any  portion  of  it  to,  let  us  say,  an  Imperial  Chamber 
sitting  at  Westminster.  You  might  send  your  best  men  to  it, 
but  before  they  had  been  there  six  months  they  would  find 
that  the  real  power  remained  where  it  was  before,  namely, 
within  the  Parliament  Buildings  at  Ottawa.  (Hear,  hear  and 
applause).  I  would  ask  you  for  a  moment  to  consider  how 
the  policy  of  centralizing  Imperial  business  at  Westminster 
would  work  if  you  were  to  push  it  too  hard. 

"  Take,  for  example,  a  great  question  which  is  now  engag- 
ing the  attention  of  the  public,  and  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment at  home,  I  mean  the  question  of  our  Imperial  defences. 
There  is,  I  think,  room  for  a  great  deal  of  improvement  in  the 
existing  condition  of  things.  There  is  no  reason  why  the 
Governments  of  the  great  colonies  and  the  United  Kingdom 
should  not  agree  before  hand  what  measures  are  to  be  taken 
by  the  military  and  naval  forces  at  their  disposal  for  the  pro- 
tection of  different  portions  of  our  Imperial  possessions. 
(Hear,  hear).  The  Australian  colonies  have  lately  commenced 
a  very  useful  movement  in  this  direction  by  providing  them- 
selves with  a  small  naval  force  of  their  own,  which  would 
under  a  pre-arranged  system  co-operate  with  the  Royal  Navy 
in  Australian  waters.  The  part  to  be  taken  by  the  British  and 
Colonial  forces,  respectively,  in  manning  the  different  positions 
might,  with  great  advantage,  be  determined,  and  there  are 
many  other  steps  of  the  same  sort  which  will  readily  suggest 
themselves  to  you.  But  if  we  are  to  go  further  than  this  and 
to  have  a  covenant  binding,  let  us  say,  this  country  to  place  a 
certain  number  of  men  at  the  absolute  disposal  of  the  Imperial 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH.    365 


Government  whenever  it  is  called  upon,  I  say  frankly  that  I  do 
not  believe  that  such  an  arrangement  would  work.  (Applause). 
If  the  safety  of  the  Empire  was  menaced,  and  if  the  people  of 
this  country  felt  that  our  cause  was  a  just  one,  you  would  not 
choose  that  moment,  when  the  Empire  was  in  peril,  to  repud- 
iate your  relationship,  or  to  avoid  your  share  in  resisting  the 
attack.  (Tremendous  applause).  In  such  circumstances,  I 
would  sooner  trust  to  the  spontaneous  action  of  Canada  to 
give  me  50,000  men  than  trust  to  getting  a  couple  of  regiments 
because  you  were  under  a  hard  and  fast  bargain  compelling 
you  to  supply  them.  (Renewed  applause). 

"  Or,  again  let  us  suppose  an  experiment  of  the  same  kind 
to  be  tried  in  regard  to  the  fiscal  system  of  the  Empire.  I 
have  said  the  fiscal  system  of  the  Empire,  but  there  is  no  such 
thing.  The  fiscal  arrangements  of  the  possessions  of  the 
British  Crown  are,  at  present,  chaotic.  You  have  colonies 
which  are  free  traders,  and  colonies  which  are  protectionist ; 
you  have  colonies  with  ad  valorem  duties,  and  colonies  with 
specific  duties  ;  you  have  British  possessions  like  India,  with 
only  seven  articles  in  its  tariff  list,  and  you  have  possessions  like 
Canada,  with  a  list  of  four  hundred  and  fifty.  Let  us  suppose 
that  you  are  going  to  try  your  hand  at  the  introduction  of  a 
uniform  system.  You  will  have  two  tremendous  obstacles  to 
encounter.  In  the  first  place,  if  you  are  going  to  propose  that 
the  parts  of  the  British  Empire  shall  join  hands  and  adopt  a 
common  tariff  against  other  nations,  you  will  have  to  convince 
the  people  of  Great  Britain  that  you  are  not  going  to  lead  them 
into  a  morass.  The  United  Kingdom  does,  roughly  speaking, 
at  present  three-fourths  of  its  trade  with  foreign  countries,  and 
one-fourth  with  British  possessions.  Self-preservation  is  a 
pretty  strong  instinct  in  commercial  circles  at  home,  as  it  is  in 
Canada,  and  you  will  find  that  not  a  few  of  our  friends  will 
hesitate  to  disturb  the  three-fourths  of  their  business  which 
they  do  with  the  foreigner  on  the  chance  of  making  the 
remaining  quarter  a  little  larger  than  it  is  now.  (Hear, 
hear). 

"  The  case  is  still  stronger  if  you  go  into  details.     It  is  a 
matter  of  life  and  death  to  them.     Take  the  great  commodity 


366         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

of  wheat.  Why  should  not  Great  Britain  admit  wheat  from 
the  North-West  duty  free,  and  tax  that  coming  from  foreign 
countres  ?  Now,  Great  Britain  only  grows  one-third  of  the 
wheat  required  for  her  own  consumption  ;  of  the  remaining 
two-thirds  she  takes  every  year  from  foreign  countries  three- 
fourths,  and  the  remaining  one-fourth  from  British  possessions. 
From  this  country  it  takes  only  about  three  per  cent,  of  the 
whole.  We  should,  I  am  afraid,  find  some  difficulty  in  con- 
vincing the  public  sentiment  of  Great  Britain  that  we  should 
venture  to  tamper  with  the  larger  share  of  those  supplies,  and 
probably  increase  the  cost  of  every  bushel  sold  in  Great 
Britain  for  many  years  to  come,  for  the  sake  of  doing  a  good 
turn  to  those  who  are  at  present  able  to  supply  us  only  with 
a  fraction  of  our  requirements.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  That  is  the  first  obstacle  ;  let  us  assume  that  it  has  been 
overcome.  There  follows  an  even  more  formidable  assump- 
tion, namely,  that  we  have  been  able  to  devise  a  system 
adjusted  so  ingeniously  as  to  suit  the  mother  country  as  well 
as  her  possessions  on  this  continent,  in  Australasia,  in  Africa 
and  in  British  India.  If  you  take  the  trouble  to  compare 
the  existing  tariffs,  and  if  you  will  remember  that  these 
represent  the  decided  preferences  of  the  different  communities 
concerned,  you  will  see  what  a  tremendous  assumption  that  is. 
But  there  is  worse  to  come.  You  have  got  the  wrhole  of  the 
British  colonies  into  line.  Are  you  sure  they  will  stay  there  ? 
We  all  know  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  finality  in  these 
fiscal  arrangements.  Circumstances  alter,  new  discoveries 
are  made,  new  trade  communications  and  connections  arise, 
and  your  imperial  tariff  will  stand  in  need  of  revision  and 
adjustment  to  circumstances  as  they  alter  from  time  to  time. 
Who  is  to  make  this  alteration  ?  We  must  have  an  Imperial 
Council,  which  might  in  itself  be,  no  doubt,  a  very  admirable 
thing.  When  I  look  around  these  tables  I  feel  inclined  to 
submit  a  list  of  Canadian  representatives  which  would  take 
away  Lord  Rosebery's  breath,  and  stagger  Lord  Dunraven. 
(Laughter).  But  of  this  I  am  convinced,  that  the  public  senti- 
ment of  the  Canadian  people  would  not  permit  such  an 
assembly  to  tamper  with  what  would  be  regarded  here  as  the 


MARQUIS  OF  LAXSDOWXK'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH. 


domestic  business  of  the  Canadian  Parliament.  (Loud 
applause).  It  would  be  almost  possible  to  draw  in  our 
imagination  a  humorous  picture  of  the  return  of  the  Canadian 
delegates  to  their  own  country  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Imperial  Council.  They  might  find  themselves  in  the  painful 
position  of  having  to  report  that  the  duties  upon  some  articles 
in  which  you  were  largely  interested  here,  some  carefully 
reared  offspring  of  the  Canadian  tariff,  had  been  removed  or 
reduced,  and  they  would  add  that  they  deplored  the  decision 
greatly  themselves,  but  that  there  had  been  some  log  rolling 
at  Westminister  and  that  they  had  been  out-voted,  perhaps, 
because  the  South  African  and  Australian  delegates  were 
anxious  that  ostrich  feathers  and  opossum  skins  should  be 
admitted  duty  free  into  a  foreign  country.  I  suspect  that 
.before  long  they  would  wish  themselves  safely  back  in  their 
own  Legislature  again.  (Laughter  and  applause). 

"  I  cannot  end  these  observations  without  expressing  my 
gratitude,  not  only  for  your  friendly  references  to  the  past,  but 
also  for  the  interest  with  which  you  have  spoken  of  our  future 
prospects.  I  rejoice  to  feel  not  only  that  you  do  not  look 
upon  our  departure  with  indifference,  but  also  that  we  shall 
carry  with  us  your  good  wishes  in  the  new  career  which  is 
about  to  open  for  us  in  another  part  of  the  Empire.  I  feel 
that  I  stand  in  great  need  of  your  support  in  face  of  the  heavy 
load  of  responsibility  which  will  shortly  be  resting  upon  my 
shoulders.  The  post  which  I  am  called  upon  to  fill  is 
certainly  one  of  which  the  responsibilities  arc  heavy.  \\  hcthcr 
we  look  at  the  historical  interest  of  the  nations  by  which  it 
has  been  inhabited,  or  whether  we  consider  the  vast  problems 
which  present  themselves  to  those  who  arc  to-day  engaged  m 
securing  the  safety  of  the  Indian  Empire,  in  maintaining 
peace  and  order  within  it,  or  in  taking  the  necessary  precau- 
tions to  guard  the  people  committed  to  their  charge  from  the 
inroads  of  pestilence  and  famine,  or  whether,  again,  we  look 
forward  to  those  other  problems,  which  as  time  goes  on,  and  as 
education  leavens  and  fertilizes  these  great  masses  of  human 
beings,  and  leads  them  to  regard  with  increasing  intelligence 
and  an  increasing  desire  to  take  part  in  them,  the  public 

24 


370         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


affairs  of  their  own  country,  of  this  no  doubt  can  arise  that  no 
more  splendid  or  interesting  field  exists  for  those  whose 
ambition  it  is  to  serve  their  country  and  the  Empire  of  the 
Queen.  (Great  applause). 

''  And  now,  Mr.  Mayor,  it  remains  for  me  to  thank  you 
once  more  for  your  kindness  to  us,  and  for  all  the  kindness 
which  we  have  received  at  the  hands  of  your  citizens.  We 
shall  leave  you,  but  nothing  can  rob  us  of  the  memorials  and 
associations  which  have  grown  up  since  we  have  lived  amongst 
you — memories  and  associations  which  we  shall  preserve 
amongst  the  most  treasured  reminiscences  of  our  lives.  (Loud 
applause).  How  many  and  how  pleasant  will  be  the  Cana- 
dian visions  which,  in  years  to  come,  will  float  across  the  field 
of  our  imaginations  when  we  are  far  from  hence.  Visions  of 
the  Canadian  spring,  and  of  wood  and  field,  bursting,  as  they 
are  bursting  now,  into  leaf  and  flower.  Visions  of  summer  and 
of  delightful  rambles  among  your  mountains  and  rivers. 
Visions  of  autumn,  and  of  hillsides  clothed  in  hues  which  no 
eastern  splendour  could  surpass.  Visions  of  winter,  with  its 
clear  skies,  its  exhilarating  sports  out  of  doors,  and  within,  the 
bright  fire  of  Gatineau  logs,  with  our  children  and  friends 
gathered  round  us.  (Applause).  Visions  of  all  these  and 
many  more  will  come  back  to  us  as  we  roam  unconsciously 
through  the  past.  But,  sir,  above  all  and  through  all,  there 
will  stand  out  clearly,  as  it  were,  in  the  foreground  of  the 
picture,  the  recollection  of  the  people  with  whom,  during  these 
years,  we  have  lived  in  the  happiest  and  most  unconstrained 
relations,  a  people,  kindly,  hospitable  and  generous  to  a  fault. 
(Applause).  And  of  no  part  of  the  Dominion  shall  we  carry 
away  pleasanter  or  more  affectionate  recollections  than  of  this 
city,  the  city  which  has  been  our  home,  and  around  which 
there  have  grown  up  all  those  tender  and  touching  associa- 
tions which  belong  to  the  word.  We  did  not  know  how  deeply 
our  roots  had  struck  here  until  the  time  came  when  it  was 
necessary  to  tear  them  up.  (Great  applause). 

"  Mr.  Mayor,  I  will  close  what  I  have  to  say  with  a  confes- 
sion. I  spent  three-quarters  of  an  hour  last  night  in  endea- 
vouring to  compose  a  peroration  for  this  speech,  but  I  could 


MARQUIS  OF  LANSDOWNE'S  FAREWELL  SPEECH.    37, 

not  hit    upon    anything   quite   to   my   Hking.     l    hayc   oftc[ 
noticed  that  a  speaker  will  make  you  a  speech  transparent 
its    sincerity   and   devoid   of  affectation    until   he   arrive     a 
his  concluding  passage.     I   felt,  that  to-night  anything  of 

"* 


exten  o  an 

[  consigned  my  peroration  to  the  fire-place 
where  it  ended,  as  most  perorations  do,  in  smoke.  (Laughter 
and  applause). 

"  Under  these  distressing  circumstances,  I  am  going  to  ask 
your  permission  to  read  to  you  in  lieu  of  a  peroration  one  or 
two  sentences   from   a  document  discovered   at  Government 
House  m  an  apartment  which  will,  I   understand,  shortly  be 
occupied  by  Lord  Stanley  of  Preston.     It  is  evidently  a  frag- 
ment or  a  series  of  fragments  of  a  dairy,  and  you  may  be  able 
to  aid  me  with  a  conjecture  as  to  its  authorship.    *The  first 
entry  is  dated  towards  the  close  of  1883.     It  runs  as  follows  : 
'In  for  five  years  of  expatriation  ;  almost  wish  I  had  stuck  to 
North  Wiltshire  ;  must  make  the  best  of  it.'    (Laughter).    The 
next  entry  is  in  1884.     '  We  are  making  the  best  of  it,  and 
find  it  very  far  from    unpleasant  ;   the  five  years  will   pass 
quickly.'     Then  comes  a  note  in   the  following  year:  'Time 
passes  very  quickly  and  pleasantly.     I  take  back  what  I  wrote 
about  expatriation.'     (Loud  laughter).     After  this  comes  the 
following  in  1886  :  '  Time  positively  flying  ;  we  are  beginning 
to  feel  quite  at  home  here  ;  not  quite  sure  that   we  shall   not 
have  to  make  it  six  years  instead  of  five.'   (Renewed  laughter). 
Then,  sir,  there  comes  in   1887  an  entry  occasioned  evidently 
by  some  event  which  exercised  a  very  great  effect  on  the  mind 
of  the   writer.     '  These  Canadians  are  splendid   fellows,  and 
have  stood  by  us  nobly.     We  have  quite  made  up  our  minds 
to  make  it  six  years.'     (Great  applause).     Last  of  all   comes 
an  entry  written  in  rather  shaky  characters  and  running  thus  : 
'  Why  could  not   D.  remain  where  he  was  ?     It  goes  to  our 
heart  to  leave  this  country  and  its   kind-hearted   people.     I 
trust  they  will  remember  us  —  we  shall  not  forget  them  —  while 
we  live.'     And,  Mr.  Mayor,  take  my  word  for  it,  we  shall  not." 
(Tremendous  cheers). 

When    His    Excellency    resumed    his    seat    he    received 


372         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

another  ovation,  the  cheering  and  applause  lasting  for  a  con- 
siderable time. 

The  Mayor  proposed  the  toast  of  "  The  Queen's  Privy 
Council  in  Canada,"  remarking  that  there  were  present  not 
only  members  of  the  Government,  but  ex-Ministers,  leaders  of 
the  other  great  party  in  the  country.  (Applause). 

Sir  John  Macdonald  on  rising  received  a  perfect  ovation, 
cheer  after  cheer  ringing  through  the  room.  He  said  "  the 
toast  was  a  very  appropriate  one,  selected  with  the  best  spirit 
and  would  be  productive  of  the  best  effect.  (Cheers).  The 
Privy  Council  was  composed  of  some  of  the  chief  men  of 
Canada,  not  all  agreeing  in  sentiment,  but  agreeing  to  dis- 
agree, and  all  anxious  for  the  prosperity  of  a  common  country. 
(Applause).  They  were  cordially  united  to  convey  in  the 
most  unmistakeable  manner  a  respectful  regard  for  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Sovereign,  whose  departure  they  all  deeply 
regretted.  After  what  had  been  so  well  said  by  the  Mayor,  it 
would  be  out  of  place  to  add  a  single  word,  with  the  exception 
of  expressing,  as  a  Privy  Councillor,  his  deep  sense  of  grati- 
tude for  His  Excellency's  kindness  and  sincere  desire  for  the 
prosperity  of  Canada.  (Cheers).  He  paid  the  distinguished 
gentleman  a  high  compliment  as  a  constitutional  Governor. 
(Applause).  He  had  displayed  great  zeal  and  ability  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duty,  and  a  singleness  of  mind,  heart  and 
intellect  in  everything  connected  with  the  interests  of  Canada. 
(Hear,  hear).  He  could  say  that  on  many  occasions  he  had 
usefully  accepted  the  advice  His  Excellency  had  been  kind 
enough  to  give.  (Hear,  hear).  He  regarded  him  with  the 
greatest  affection  and  esteem,  and  he  hoped  he  would  be 
spared  to  prove  himself  as  graceful  in  the  greater  scene  to 
which  he  had  been  called.  (Applause).  He  predicted  that 
when  he  returned  to  the  mother  country,  after  serving  well  his 
Queen  in  India,  that  he  would  assume  that  high  position  in 
the  councils  of  the  nation,  which  his  distinguished  abilities  fit 
him  for.  (Cheers).  At  that  time  he  had  no  doubt  he  would 
not  forget  his  love  for  Canada  and  the  Canadian  people. 
(Hear,  hear).  He  could  hardly  trust  himself  to  speak  of  Lady 
Lansdowne.  They  all  loved  her  for  her  amiability  and  court- 


LORD  LANSDOWNE'S  POPULARITY.  373 


esy,  and  her  anxious  desire  to  make  everyone  feel  happy 
Applause  .  Her  Excellency  was  sincerity  itself,  and  she  had 
told  him  that  the  happiest  hours  of  her  life  had  been  spent  in 
this  country.  (Applause).  He  again  and  again  expressed 
his  deepest  regret  at  the  departure  of  His  Excellency  and 
Lady  Lansdowne,  and  sat  down  amid  a  perfect  hurricane  of 
applause." 

Sir  Hector  Langevin  followed  in  a  similar  strain.  Speakin- 
on  behalf  of  the  French-Canadian  people,  he  said  "they  neve" 
had  a  more  popular  representative  of  Her  Majesty  than  Lord 
Lansdowne.  (Cheers).  He  not  only  knew  what  the  wants  of 
the  people  were,  but  also  the  wishes  of  the  Queen,  and  he 
could  truthfully  say  that  from  one  end  of  Canada  to  the  other 
there  could  not  be  found  one  man  more  Canadian  than  Lord 
Lansdowne."  (Cheers;.  He  also  spoke  kindly  of  Lady  Lans- 
downe, and  closed  with  an  appropriate  sentence  in  French. 
(Applause). 

Honourable  Mr.  Laurier  spoke  of  the  pride  the  French- 
Canadians  felt  at  living  under  the  British  flag.  Lord  Lans- 
downe had  more  than  fulfilled  all  expectations,  and  would  carry 
away  with  him  the  affections  of  the  people  he  governed  so 
well.  His  utterances  were  inspiring  and  were  well  received. 
He  sat  down  amid  great  applause. 

Sir  Richard  Cartwright  followed  in  a  happy  speech  and 
was  frequently  cheered. 

His  Excellency  then  proposed  in  a  few  fclicitious  sentences 
the  health  of  the  "  Mayor  and  Corporation  of  the  City  of 
Ottawa,"  which  was  received  with  three  times  three. 

His  Worship  responded  in  happy  terms,  and  the  festive 
proceedings  were  brought  to  a  close  by  the  band  playing  the 
National  Anthem. 

"  In  its  editorial  commenting  upon  the  demonstration,  the 
Citizen  expressed  views  which,  it  is  safe  to  say,  were  fully  and 
enthusiastically  endorsed  by  every  one  who  read  them. 

"  Canada  has  been  exceptionally  favoured  in  the  selection 
of  Her  Majesty's  representatives,  since  Confederation.  Lord 
Monck,  Lord  Lisgar,  the  Earl  of  Duffcrin,  the  Marquis  of  Lome 
and  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  have,  each,  in  their  time,  main- 


374        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

tained  that  attitude  of  perfect  neutrality  towards  political 
parties,  that  'subtle  and  inward  balance  of  sympathy,  judgment 
and  '  opinion,'  so  well  becoming,  so  necessary  to  those  entrusted 
with  vice-regal  responsibilities  in  a  constitutionally  governed 
country  ;  each  has,  towards  Ministers  of  the  Crown,  Parlia- 
ment and  People,  worthily  performed  the  difficult  task  of 
assisting  in  laying  deep  and  strong  the  foundation  of  a  great 
nationality — the  future  right  arm  of  the  British  Empire  on 
this  portion  of  the  American  continent ;  each  has  endeared 
himself  to  those  Canadians  who  can  appreciate  the  success- 
ful discharge  of  duties  demanding  the  best  and  highest 
elements  of  statesmanship.  Lord  Lansdowne,  during  his 
administration,  has  closely  identified  himself  with  the  social 
life  of  the  Dominion  ;  instinct,  and  a  careful  training  in  the 
political  school  of  the  mother  country,  prompted  him,  at  all 
times,  to  sympathise  with  the  every  day  life,  the  every  day 
aspirations  of  the  people.  Like  one  of  his  worthy  predecess- 
ors, Lord  Duffcrin,  his  constant  aim  appeared  to  be,  to  draw 
all  classes  towards  him.  Canada's  industrial,  commercial, 
agricultural  and  philanthropic  interests,  on  all  occasions, 
received  his  ardent  support ;  no  appeal  was  responded  to  in  a 
niggardly  spirit  ;  his  purse  was  open  to  every  local  charity; 
his  eloquence  heard  in  advocacy  of  every  national  project. 
Hence,  the  magnificent  demonstration  tendered  to  him  last 
night,  was  an  unstinted  and  unreserved  mark  of  appreciation,  a 
worthy  tribute  to  a  worthy  Governor  and  distinguished  man." 

Lord  Lansdowne  was  succeeded  as  Governor-General  by 
the  Right  Honourable  Sir  Frederick  Arthur  Stanley,  G.  C.  B., 
Baron  Stanley  of  Preston,  the  second  son  of  the  fourteenth 
Earl  of  Derby.  He  was  born  on  January  15,  1841,  and 
received  his  education  at  Eton.  He  was  formerly  a  captain  in 
the  Grenadier  Guards,  and  is  now  Honorary  Colonel  3rd  and 
4th  Battalions,  Kings'  Own  (Royal  Lancaster)  Regiment. 
He  is  also  a  supernumerary  A.  D.  C.  to  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen.  He  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  from 
1865  to  1886,  when  he  was  raised  to  the  Peerage.  On  May 
31,  1864,  he  was  married  to  Lady  Constance  Villiers,  eldest 
daughter  of  the  fourth  Earl  of  Clarendon,  K.  G.  His  official 


LORD  STANLEY  AS  GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 


experience  extends  over  a  great  many  years,  during  which 
time  he  has  served  his  country  in  a  variety  of  capacities.  I  Ie 
was  Ciyi  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  August  to  November,  1868; 
Financial  Secretary  to  War  Office,  1874-7-  Secretary  to 
Treasury,  1878  ;  Secretary  of  State  for  War  1878-80  ;  Sccre 
tary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  1885-6,  and  President  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  1886-88.  During  the  time  he  sat  in  the  House 
Commons  he  represented  Preston,  1865-8  ;  North  Lanca- 
shire, 1868-85,  and  Blackpool  division  of  Lancashire,  1885-6 
He  was  appointed  Governor-General  of  Canada  May  1st,  and 
sworn  in  at  Ottawa  June  u,  1888. 

Immediately  after  the  ceremony,  he  was  presented  with  an 
address  of  welcome  by  the  Mayor  (Mr.  McLcod  Stewart)  and 
the    Corporation    of  the  city.      His   reply    was    so   hearty    in 
manner,    so    simple    in    expression,  and   so  natural   in   every 
respect,  that  those  who  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  it  felt  that 
they  were  listening  to  words  which  sprang  from  his  heart.     Of 
his  predecessor  he  spoke  in  warmest  praise,  saying  :  "  Among 
the  long  roll  of  distinguished  men  who  have  filled   the  high 
office  to  which   I  have   been  appointed,  there   is  none  whose 
name  will  be  written  in  more  golden  letters  in  the  history  of 
this  country,  than  that  of  Lord  Lansdowne  after  his  career  of 
office,      lie  has,  I  venture  to  say,  endeared  himself  to  all  with 
whom  he   has  been  brought   in   contact.     His  great  abilities, 
his  calm  judgment,  his  knowledge,  his  courteous  manner,  have 
all  contributed  to  make  him  maintain,  as  I  think  he  can  justly 
claim   to  have  maintained,   the  high  reputation  of  his  house, 
and  the  character  of  an   English  statesman.     He,  I  know,  felt 
nothing  but  unmixed  regret  in  leaving  the  country  where,  from 
the  commencement  of  his  sojourn,  he  had  been  received  with 
such  frank  hospitality  and   with   such  hearty  good  will,   and 
although  I  have  been  but  a  few  hours  amongst  you,  I  think  I 
can  say  that  I  have  already  experienced,  aye,  even  before  my 
arrival,  that  hospitality,  that  kindness,  that  cordiality,  which 
has  made  the  name  of  every  citizen  of  this  Dominion  prover- 
bial, and  I  have  fallen  even  now  under  a  certain  amount  of  the 
charm  which,   after  riper  experience,  seems    to  have  settled 
upon  my  predecessors." 


376         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

When  His  Excellency  spoke  of  the  principles  which  had 
actuated  him  in  his  past  political  life,  he  impressed  all  present 
with  a  feeling  that,  as  the  Governor-General  of  Canada,  his 
highest  aim  would  be  to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office  in  an 

»•>  o 

honest  and  faithful  manner,  and  to  endeavour,  by  kindness 
and  tact,  to  cause  the  machinery  of  government  to  move 
with  as  little  friction  as  possible.  On  this  point  he  said,  "  You 
have  been  good  enough  to  refer  to  other  offices  which  it  has 
been  my  lot  to  hold  at  different  times.  In  all  these  various 
situations,  it  seems  to  me  that  there  is  one  principle,  and  only 
one,  that  can  dictate  with  success  a  career  in  public  life.  It  is 
that  of  endeavouring  to  address  one's  self  with  single  hearted- 
ness  to  the  problem  with  which  one  may  be  called  upon 
to  deal,  with  an  earnest  desire  to  remove  all  difficulties,  with 
an  earnest  hope  to  soften  differences,  if  such  may  arise,  and  to 
endeavour  to  have  before  one  but  one  view,  namely,  that  of 
the  public  welfare.  And  when  the  time  comes  for  me  to  lay 
down  the  great  charge,  which  this  day  and  at  this  moment  I 
have  the  honour  of  assuming,  then  I  will  hope  I  may  feel  that 
it  is  by  that  rule  I  have  been  guided,  and  it  is  by  the  result 
that  I  am  content  to  be  judged.  In  the  concluding  paragraph 
of  your  address  you  refer  in  graceful  terms  to  the  regrets 
which  you  assume  I  feel  in  leaving  the  country  of  my  birth 
and  assuming  duties  elsewhere.  I  think  I  have  spoken 
sufficiently  already  to  show  you  in  what  spirit  your  kindness 
is  met.  I  reciprocate  from  the  depths  of  my  heart  those 
kindly  expressions  of  which  you  have  been  good  enough  to 
make  use,  and  I  trust  that,  be  my  career  long  or  short,  I  may 
feel  when  my  period  of  office  comes  to  an  end,  that  I  have 
endeavoured,  God  willing,  to  devote  to  the  utmost,  my  abilities 
to  the  cause,  to  the  interests,  and  to  the  welfare  of  your  great 
Dominion." 

The  impression  that  Lord  Stanley  made  on  his  first 
appearance  has  deepened  and  extended  as  the  years  of  his 
term  of  office  have  rolled  by,  and  when  the  hour  of  his 
departure  arrives,  that  event  will  be  attended  with  the  same 
feelings  of  regret  that  marked  the  leave-taking  of  his  imme- 
diate predecessors,  and  he  will  carry  away  with  him  the  same 


DEATH  OF  JOHN  HF.NRV  POPK.  377 


warm  feelings  of  respect,  admiration  and  affection.  More 
than  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  wish  him. 

Of  the  three  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  went  to  England 
to  interest  capitalists  in  the  Pacific  railway,  two— Sir  John 
Macdonald  and  the  Honourable  John  Henry  Pope  have  joined 
the  great  majority,  and  Sir  Charles  Tuppcr  alone  survives. 
After  serving  his  country  faithfully  and  zealously  for  many 
years,  remaining  at  his  post  long  after  failing  health  warned 
him  that  it  was  time  to  seek  repose,  the  trusted  and  loved 
friend  of  the  Premier,  to  whom  his  whole  heart  was  given, 
John  Henry  Pope  passed  peacefully  away,  surrounded  by  the 
members  of  his  family,  on  April  i,  1889.  The  House  was  in 
session  at  the  time,  and  the  news,  which  was  not  unexpected, 
was  quickly  conveyed  to  Sir  John  Macdonald,  who,  in  a  voice 
so  broken  by  emotion  as  to  be  scarcely  audible,  announced 
the  sad  news  of  the  death  of  his  personal  and  political  friend 
and  colleague,  and  moved  the  adjournment  of  the  House.  In 
communicating  the  intelligence  to  its  readers,  on  the  following 
morning,  the  Citizen  bore  testimony  to  the  great  loss  the 
country  had  sustained  in  the  following  touching  words  : 

"  One  of  Canada's  ablest  statesmen  passed  to  his  long- 
home  yesterday  afternoon  at  five  o'clock.  Many  a  tear  will 
fall,  many  a  heart  will  ache,  when  the  news  is  flashed  over  the 
wires  that  John  Henry  Pope  is  dead.  Few  knew  him  as  he 
was  in  the  confidences  of  social  life :  few,  save  those  who  met 
him  at  the  Council  Board,  realized  the  beautiful  simplicity  of 
his  nature,  coupled  with  giant  intellectual  faculties  ;  not  the 
mere  flashy  accomplishments,  which  charm  for  the  time  being; 
but  broad,  practical,  comprehensive  views,  manlike  courage, 
untiring  industry— in  short,  lessons  learned  in  the  world's 
great  school  of  human  nature,  not  drawn  from  the  artificial 
avenues  of  speculative  theory,  or  from  the  half-digested 
opinions  of  closet  students.  Essentially  a  retiring  man,  who 
preferred  solitude  to  the  attractions  of  society,  Mr.  Pope  could 
hold  his  position  in  any  sphere.  He  cared  for  men  as  he 
found  them,  and  usually,  as  he  frequently  expressed  it,  made 
no  mistakes  in  'sizing  them  up.'  A  keen  wit,  a  natural 
humorist,  philanthropic  to  the  deserving,  a  Ulysses  in  Council, 


378         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


the  lamented  gentleman  always  commanded  the  onfidence  of 
his  friend  and  colleague,  the  Premier,  and  Forced  those  who 
questioned  either  his  ability  to  grapple  with  intricate  national 
questions,  or  the  motives  inspiring  any  action,  to  ultimately 
regard  him  as  the  safest  and  most  progressive  head  who  has 
presided  over  a  department  of  Administration  since  the  Union. 
In  losing  Mr.  Pope,  who  as  Minister  of  Agriculture  and  after- 
wards Minister  of  Railways,  has  worked  in  unison  with  him, 
Sir  John  Macclonald  loses  a  devoted  friend,  an  able  counsellor, 
a  sincere  Canadian — and  Canada  is  deprived  of  a  man  whose 
single  interest,  at  all  times,  was  to  develop  her  immense 
resources  and  make  her,  as  he  firmly  believed  she  should  be, 
the  greatest  Colony  attached  to  the  Empire,  and  eventually, 
the  greatest  portion  of  the  continent  of  North  America. 

"  The  Honourable  John  Henry  Pope,  Minister  of  Railways 
and  Canals,  was  born  in  Cookshire,  Province  of  Quebec,  in 
December,  1819.  He  was  the  son  of  Colonel  John  Pope,  whose 
father  was  one  of  those  United  Empire  Loyalists,  who  came 
from  the  United  States,  and  formed  a  nucleus  of  settlers  in  the 
Eastern  Townships.  Educational  facilities  being  extremely 
limited  in  those  days,  Mr.  Pope  received  the  rudiments  of 
education  at  the  Common  School  at  Cookshire,  after  which 
he  actively  engaged  in  farming.  At  an  early  age,  he  was 
elected  representative  of  the  Township  of  Eaton,  in  the 
County  Council  at  Sherbrooke.  He  was,  however,  first 
attracted  towards  active  politics,  by  the  movement  in  favour 
of  annexation,  in  1849.  The  question  of  annexation  to  the 
United  States  was,  at  that  time,  somewhat  favourably  looked 
upon,  and  public  opinion  was  strongly  towards  its  becoming 
an  accomplished  fact.  Mr.  Pope,  although  then  a  young  man, 
took  a  strong  stand  against  it,  organized  meetings  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  and  upon  Sir  A.  T.  Gait  resigning  his 
seat  as  member  for  the  then  County  of  Sherbrooke,  Mr. 
Cleveland,  of  Richmond,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Pope,  was 
chosen  to  oppose  the  late  Judge  Sanborn,  who  came  forward 
as  the  annexation  candidate.  The  fight  was  bitter,  but  the 
election  resulted  in  Mr.  Sanborn's  return  by  a  very  small 
majority.  It  proved,  however,  the  strength  of  Mr.  Pope  and 


DEATH  OF  JOHN  HENRY  Poi>K. 


379 


the  Blends  who  surrounded  him.  At  the  next  two  general 
elections,  Mr.  Pope  personally  opposed  Judge  Sanborn  w  th 
out  success.  At  the  election  of  1857,  however,  Judge  San- 
.orns  expenence  caused  a  change  of  sentiment/and  he 
retired  m  Mr.  Pope's  favour.  He  ever  since  sat  as  member  for 
Compton,  and,  although  many  times  opposed,  has  always  been 
returned  by  overwhelming  majorities. 

"The  hand  of  death  has  pressed  the  life  out  of  one  of  the 
noblest  natures,  one  of  the  truest  friends,  one  of  the  best  and 
most  successful  lovers  of  Canada,  this  country  ever  could  or 
ever  will,  boast  of.  He  died  as  he  lived,  calmly,  unostenta- 
lously.  He  died  with  the  hand  of  a  loving  wife  in  his  own 
the  voice  of  a  daughter,  he  cared  so  much  for,  sounding  in  his 
ears  ;  the  manly  words  of  a  son,  in  whom  he  placed  all  confi- 
dence, solacing  his  last  moments.  He  has  gone— and  with 
him  passes  away  one  of  the  most  devoted  stewards  of  the 
public  demesne,  who  ever  held  office  under  any  Canadian 
Administration." 

But  while  we  mourn  the  loss  of  these  two  great  men,  losses 
which  all  recognize  as  irreparable,  we  rejoice  that  the  services 
of  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  one  of  the   most  able  and  eminent  of 
Canada's  sons  is  still  preserved  to  us.    During  his  whole  life  he 
has  laboured  to  advance  the  material  interests  of  the  country  of 
his  birth  ;  first,  in  the  legislative  halls  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  of 
later  years  in  the  wider  sphere  of  Dominion  politics.     He  has 
ever  been  steadfast  in  his  principles  and  a  devoted  friend  to  his 
leader  and  to  his  party.     Caring  less  for  self  than  for  the  pros- 
perity and  happiness  of  his   country  he  has  never  hesitated  to 
sacrifice  his  own  claims  to  advancement  when  it  appeared  that 
some  good  purpose  could  be   achieved  by  advancing  another. 
No  one  could  dispute  his  claims,  as  Premier  of  Nova  Scotia,  to 
a  position  of  importance  in  the  first  Dominion  Cabinet,  but  he 
cheerfully  declined,  and  yielded  his  place  to  another,  because 
he  thought  that  a  certain  element  should  be  represented,  and 
for  three  years,  as  a  private  member,  lent  a  loyal  and  powerful 
assistance  to  the  Government.    After  that  period  it  was  recog- 
nized that  his  country  required  his  services  in  a  more  promi- 
nent position  and  he  was  called  to  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  since 


380         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

which  time  no  Conservative  Ministry  was  considered  complete 
without  him. 

Sir  Charles  Tupper  is  a  son  of  the  late  Rev.  Charles 
Tuppcr,  D.D.,  of  Aylesforcl,  X.S.,  and  was  born  at  Amherst 
on  July  2,  1821.  He  is  M.A.  and  D.C.L.  of  Acadia  College, 
and  D.C.L.  of  Cambridge.  He  took  his  degree  of  M.D.  in 
Edinburgh  in  1843,  and  returning  to  Nova  Scotia,  practised 
his  profession  is  his  native  place.  In  1846  he  married  Miss 
Francis  Morse  of  Amherst.  He  entered  public  life  in  1855 
when  he  was  returned  to  represent  the  county  of  Northumber- 
land with  Mr.  A.  McFarlane,  in  the  Conservative  interest,  in 
opposition  to  the  Honourable  Joseph  Howe  and  Mr.  S.  Fulton, 
the  Reform  or  Liberal  candidates.  On  the  chancre  of  trovem- 

o  o 

ment,  which  took  place  in  Nova  Scotia  in  1857,  he  was  ten- 
dered and  accepted  the  office  of  Provincial  Secretary,  and  in 
this  course  he  was  heartily  supported  by  his  constituents.  At 
the  general  election  in  1859  he  was  again  elected  for  Cumber- 
land, together  with  Mr.  A.  McFarlane  on  the  Conservative, 
and  the  Honourable  Mr.  Young  on  the  Liberal  side ;  that 
county  under  a  new  law  returning  three  members.  In  1860, 
the  Government  being  defeated  in  the  House  of  Assembly  by 
a  majority  of  two,  he  resigned  office  and  resumed  the  practice 
of  his  profession  in  the  city  of  Halifax.  At  the  general  elec- 
tion, 1863,  the  province  was  swept  by  the  Conservative  party, 
the  Government  sustaining  an  overwhelming  defeat.  Dr. 
Tupper  was  returned  for  Cumberland  by  acclamation,  with 
Messrs.  McFarlane  and  R.  Donkin — all  in  the  Conservative 
interest.  In  consequence  of  the  decided  disapproval  and  want 
of  confidence  expressed  by  the  country,  the  Government 
resigned  immediately  after  the  elections,  and  the  Honourable 
J.  W.  Johnston,  now  Mr.  Justice  Johnston,  was  called  upon  to 
form  a  new  Administration.  Dr.  Tupper  was  again  appointed 
Provincial  Secretary,  in  the  room  of  the  Honourable  Mr. 
Howe,  and  on  appealing  to  his  constituents  was  re-elected  by 
acclamation.  Upon  the  elevation  of  Mr.  Johnston  to  the  bench, 
in  1864,  Dr.  Tupper  succeeded  him  as  leader  of  the  Adminis- 
tration, which  office  he  retained  until  he  retired  with  his  Gov- 
ernment on  the  Union  Act  coming  into  force.  He  was  created 


SERVICES  OF  SIR  CHARM-IS  TUIM-KR. 


C.B.  (Civil)  by  Her  Majesty  in  1867;  K.C.M.G.,  May  24,  1879- 
G.C.M.G.,  January..  1886;  and  a  Baronet  for  his  services'on  the 
Fisheries  Conference,  September  13,  1888.  He  declined  a 
seat  in  the  Dominion  Cabinet,  1867  ;  was  appointed  President 
of  the  Council,  June,  1870  ;  Minister  of  Inland  Revenue,  July, 
1872;  Minister  of  Customs,  February  22,  1873.  When  Sir 
John  Macdonald  returned  to  power  in  1878,  Sir  Charles 
Tupper  was  appointed  Minister  of  Public  Works.  In  1879  he 
was  appointed  Minister  of  Railways  and  Canals  and  retained 
that  position  until  1884,  when  he  was  appointed  High  Com- 
missioner for  Canada  in  London.  Just  before  the  elections  of 
1887  he  re-entered  the  Cabinet  as  Finance  Minister  and 
retained  the  position  for  fifteen  months,  when  he  was  re-ap- 
pointed High  Commissioner.  In  1887  he  took  part  in  the 
Fisheries  Conference  at  Washington  as  one  of  Her  Majesty's 
Plenipotentiaries,  and  carried  a  Bill  through  both  Houses  of 
the  Canadian  Parliament  for  the  ratification  of  the  treat}-.  In 
the  fulfilment  of  the  duties  of  his  high  office  as  the  representa- 
tive of  Canada  in  England,  Sir  Charles  has  displayed  great 
energy  and  ability,  and  to  his  able  advocacy  Canadians  are 
indebted  for  many  of  the  commercial  privileges  which  they 
now  enjoy.  At  the  call  of  his  chief  he  returned  to  Canada 
and  took  part  in  the  elections  of  1891.  Being  a  good  speaker, 
forcible  in  his  arguments,  happy  in  his  illustrations  and  elegant 
in  his  delivery,  his  well  stocked  mind  and  intimate  knowledge 
of  all  political  questions  that  effect  the  country  proved  of 
inestimable  value  during  the  campaign.  In  fact,  the  history 
of  that  memorable  contest  is  altogether  imperfect  without  a 
full  report  of  his  speeches  and  of  the  active  part  taken  by  him 
in  all  the  older  settled  parts  of  the  country,  but  as  the  one 
central  idea  of  these  pages  is  to  present  a  view  of  the  services 
of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  we  can  only  refer  in  an  incidental 
manner  to  the  work  performed  by  others. 

In  giving  an  account  of  the  later  years  of  Sir  John's  lite 
we  have  dealt  only  with  the  larger  questions,  and  have  not 
gone  into  that  more  minute  detail  that  was  necessary  in  refer- 
ring to  former  periods.  This  has  been  clone  for  the  purpose  of 
avoiding  all  appearance  of  a  desire  to  become  partisan  or 


382          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

controversial,  and  also  because  in  his  last  great  fight  were 
embodied  the  principles  for  which  he  had  fought  in  the  pre- 
ceding years.  We  feel  that  this  contest,  which  unquestionably 
was  the  cause  of  his  death,  cannot  be  treated  in  the  same  way, 
and  that  the  Life  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  would  be  incomplete 
were  we  not  to  present  to  our  readers  the  issues  for  which 
he  contended.  The  next  three  chapters  will,  therefore,  be 
devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the  questions  involved  in  the 
Chieftain's  last  fi<zht. 


CHAPTER     XXXVI. 

Dissolution  of  Parliament,  1891— Address  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  to  the  elector* 
of  Canada— Mr.  Foster's  address  to  his  constituents— The  platform  of  the 
Liberal  party— Divergent  views  of  Sir  Richard  Cartwright,  Mr.  Mackenzie 
Mr.  Mowat,  Mr.  Charlton,  Mr.  Davies  and  others— Address  of  Honourable 
\\ilfred  Launer— Conservative  meeting  at  Toronto -The  Farrer  pamphlet 
—Enthusiasm  at  Hamilton— Immense  gathering  at  London— A  marvellous 
clay's  work  by  Sir  John— Great  political  gathering  at  Kingston— Address 
from  the  Primrose  League— The  Windsor  demonstration— The  Farrer- 
Wiman  correspondence. 

ON   February  4,  1891,  it  was  announced  that  Parliament 
was    dissolved,   that    nominations    for   the    House   of 
Commons  would  take  place  on  February  26th,  and  elections  be 
held  on  March  5th. 

The  season  of  the  year  selected  was  unusual  and  incon- 
venient, and  the  period  for  which  members  were  elected  had 
not  yet  expired,  but  the  question  of  trade  relations  with  the 
United  States  had  assumed  so  grave  a  form,  and  views  so 
extreme  and  so  alarming  had  been  advocated  by  some  promi- 
nent and  influential  men,  that  it  was  thought  right  that  the 
voice  of  the  people  should  be  heard  at  the  polls.  The  Govern- 
ment, doubtless,  felt  assured  that  they  could  not  only  rely 
upon  the  support  of  the  Liberal  Conservative  party,  but  would 
also  draw  to  them  patriotic  men  of  all  classes  and  opinions 
who,  at  so  serious  a  juncture  in  their  country's  history,  might 
be  expected  to  lay  aside  party  feeling  and  party  traditions  and 
vote  for  a  policy  coincident  with  national  honour  and  indepen- 
dence. During  twelve  continuous  years  the  country  had 
thriven  and  progressed  under  the  influence  of  the  National 
Policy  which  had  fostered  and  protected  every  interest  effect- 
ing the  manufacturers,  the  farmer,  the  merchant  and  the 
workman  ;  the  great  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  had  been 
completed  from  ocean  to  ocean  ;  cities  and  towns  had  been 
built  up  with  a  rapidity  that  rivalled  the  marvellous  growth  of 
the  American  Republic  ;  new  avenues  of  trade  had  been  dis- 
covered; the  bonds  of  British  connection  had  been  more  firmly 
cemented  ;  and  peace,  contentment,  prosperity  and  happincs> 
reigned  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other. 


384         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

The  history  of  these  twelve  years,  and  the  policy  intended 
to  be  pursued  by  the  Government  in  the  future,  together  with 
an  explanation  of  the  policy  adopted  by  the  Opposition  and 
its  probable  result,  were  laid  before  the  country  in  a  plain  but 
stirring  address  issued  by  Sir  John  Macdonald  shortly  after 
the  announcement  of  the  dissolution  of  Parliament.  This 
manifesto  was  as  follows  : 

To  tlic  I'^lcctors  of  Canada  : 

GENTLEMEN,  —  The  momentous  questions  now  engaging  public 
attention  having,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Ministry,  reached  that  stage  when 
it  is  desirable  that  an  opportunity  should  be  given  to  the  people  of 
expressing  at  the  polls  their  views  thereon,  the  Governor-General  has 
been  advised  to  terminate  the  existence  of  the  present  House  ot  Commons 
and  to  issue  writs  summoning  a  new  Parliament.  This  advice  His 
Excellency  has  seen  fit  to  approve,  and  you,  therefore,  will  be  called 
upon  within  a  short  time  to  elect  members  to  represent  you  in  the  great 
council  of  the  nation.  I  shall  be  a  candidate  for  the  representation  of  my 
old  constituency,  the  city  of  Kingston. 

In  soliciting  at  your  hands  a  renewal  of  the  confidence  which  I  have 
enjoyed  as  a  Minister  of  the  Crown  for  thirty  years,  it  is,  I  think,  conven- 
ient that  I  should  take  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  define  the  attitude  of 
the  Government  in  which  I  am  First  Minister  towards  the  leading  politi- 
cal issues  of  the  day. 

As  in  1878,  in  1882,  and  again  in  1887,  so  in  1891,  do  questions 
relating  to  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  country  occupy  a  foremost  place 
in  the  public  mind.  Our  policy  in  respect  thereto  is,  to-day,  what  it  has 
been  for  the  past  thirteen  years,  and  is  directed  by  a  firm  determination 
to  foster  and  develop  the  varied  resources  of  the  Dominion  by  every 
means  in  our  power  consistent  with  Canada's  position  as  an  integral 
portion  of  the  British  Empire.  To  that  end  we  have  laboured  in  the  past, 
and  we  propose  to  continue  in  the  work  to  which  we  have  applied  our- 
selves, of  building  up  on  this  continent,  under  the  flag  of  England,  a 
great  and  powerful  nation. 

When,  in  1878,  we  were  called  upon  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the 
Dominion,  Canada  occupied  a  position  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  very 
different  from  that  which  she  enjoys  to-day.  At  that  time  a  profound 
depression  hung  like  a  pall  over  the  whole  country,  from  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  to  the  western  limits  of  the  Province  of  Ontario,  beyond  which,  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  stretched  a  vast  and  almost  unknown  wilderness. 
Trade  was  depressed,  manufactures  languished,  and,  exposed  to  ruinous 
competition,  Canadians  were  fast  sinking  into  the  position  of  being  mere 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for  the  great  nation  dwelling  to  the 
south  of  us. 


LAST  ADDRESS  TO  THE  ELECTORS. 


inaugurated  the  National  Policy.     You  all  know  what  followed      AIm< 
as  if  by  magic,  the  whole  face  of  the  country  underwent  a    hange      Z 
nation  and  apathy  and  gloom-aye,  and  want  and  misery,  too-g L     ace 
o  activity  and  enterprise  and  prosperity.     The  miners  of  Nova  Scot  a 

took  courage;  the  manufacturing  industries  in  our  great  centres  revived 
and  mu  tlphed  ;    he  farmer  found  a  market  for  h.s  ^oduce  ;  t  es  reived 

i  labourer  employment  at  good  wages,  and  all  Canada  rejoiced  under 
«  quickening  impulse  of  a  new-found  life.     The  age  of  deficits  was  past, 
and  an  overflowing  treasury  gave  to  the  Government  the  means  of  carry- 
ing forward  those  great  works  necessary  to  the  realization  of  our  purpose 
to  make  this  country  a  homogeneous  whole. 

To  that  end  we  undertook  that  stupendous  work,  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Railway,  undeterred  by  the  pessimistic  views  of  our  opponents  ;  nay  in 
spite  of  their  strenuous  and  even  malignant  opposition,  we  pushed  forward 
that  great  enterprise  through  the  wilds  north  of  Lake  Superior,  across  the 
western  prames,  over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  to  the  shore  of  the  Pacific, 
with  such  inflexible  resolution  that  in  seven  years  after  the  assumption  of 
office  by  the  present  Administration  the  dream  of  our  public  men  was  an 
accomplished  fact,  and  I  myself  experienced  the  proud  satisfaction  of 
looking  back  from  the  steps  of  my  car  upon  the  Rocky  Mountains  fringing 
the  eastern  sky. 

The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  now  extends  from  ocean  to  ocean, 
opening  up  and  developing  the  country  at  a  marvellous  rate,  and  forming  an 
imperial  highway  to  the  east,  over  which  the  trade  of  the  Indies  is  destined 
to  reach  the  markets  of  Europe.  We  have  subsidized  steamship  lines 
on  both  oceans— to  Europe,  China,  Japan,  Australia  and  the  West 
Indies.  We  have  spent  millions  on  the  extension  and  improvement  of 
our  canal  system.  We  have,  by  liberal  grants  of  subsidies,  promoted 
the  building  of  railways,  now  become  an  absolute  necessity,  until 
the  whole  country  is  covered  as  with  a  network  ;  and  we  have  done 
all  this  with  such  prudence  and  caution  that  our  credit  in  the  money 
market  of  the  world  is  higher  to-day  than  it  has  ever  been,  and  the  rate  of 
interest  on  our  debt,  which  is  the  true  measure  of  the  public  burdens,  is 
less  than  it  was  when  we  took  office  in  1878. 

During  all  this  time  what  has  been  the  attitude  of  the  Reform  Party? 
Vacillating  in  their  policy  and  inconstancy  itself.  As  regards  their 
leaders,  they  have  at  least  been  consistent  in  this  particular,  that  they 
have  uniformly  opposed  every  measure  which  had  for  its  object  the 

VOL  II.  25 


386        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


development  of  our  common  countiy.  The  National  Policy  was  a  failure 
before  it  had  been  tried.  Under  it  we  could  not  possibly  raise  a  revenue 
sufficient  for  the  public  requirements.  Time  exposed  that  fallacy.  Then, 
we  were  to  pay  more  for  the  home  manufactured  article  than  we  used  to 
when  we  bought  everything  abroad.  We  were  to  be  the  prey  of  rings  and 
monopolies,  and  the  manufacturers  were  to  extort  their  own  prices.  When 
these  fears  had  been  proved  unfounded,  we  were  assured  that  over-com- 
petition would  inevitably  prove  the  ruin  of  the  manufacturing  industries, 
and  thus  bring  about  a  state  of  affairs  worse  than  that  which  the  National 
Policy  had  been  designed  to  meet.  It  was  the  same  with  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway.  The  whole  project,  according  to  our  opponents,  was  a 
chimera  ;  the  engineering  difficulties  were  insuperable  ;  the  road,  even  if 
constructed,  would  never  pay.  Well,  gentlemen,  the  project  was  feasible, 
the  engineering  difficulties  were  overcome,  and  the  road  does  pay. 

Disappointed  by  the  failure  of  all  their  predictions,  and  convinced 
that  nothing  is  to  be  gained  by  further  opposition  on  the  old  lines  the 
Reform  Party  has  taken  a  new  departure,  and  has  announced  its  policy 
to  be  unrestricted  reciprocity  ;  that  is  (as  defined  by  its  author,  Mr. 
Wiman,  in  the  North  American  Review  a  few  days  ago),  free  trade  with 
the  United  States,  and  a  common  tariff  with  the  United  States  against 
the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  adoption  of  this  policy  would  involve,  among  other  grave  evils, 
discrimination  against  the  mother  country.  This  fact  is  admitted  by  no 
less  a  personage  than  Sir  Richard  Cartwright,  who,  in  his  speech  at 
Pembroke  on  October  21,  1890,  is  reported  to  have  said  :  "Some  men, 
whose  opinions  I  respect,  entertain  objections  to  this  (unrestricted 
reciprocity)  proposition.  They  argue,  and  argue  with  force,  that  it  will  be 
necessary  for  us,  if  we  enter  into  such  an  arrangement,  to  admit  the  goods 
of  the  United  States  on  more  favourable  terms  than  those  of  the  mother 
country.  Nor  do  I  deny  that  that  is  an  objection,  and  not  a  light  one." 

It  would,  in  my  opinion,  inevitably  result  in  the  annexation  of  this 
Dominion  to  the  United  States.  The  advocates  of  unrestricted  reci- 
procity on  this  side  of  the  line  deny  that  it  would  have  such  an  effect, 
though  its  friends  in  the  United  States  urge  as  the  chief  reason  for  its 
adoption  that  unrestricted  reciprocity  would  be  the  first  step  in^the 
direction  of  political  union. 

There  is,  however,  one  obvious  consequence  of  this  scheme  which 
nobody  has  the  hardihood  to  dispute,  and  that  is  that  unrestricted  reci- 
procity would  necessitate  the  imposition  of  direct  taxation,  amounting  to 
not  less  than  fourteen  millions  of  dollars  annually,  upon  the  people  of  this 
country.  This  fact  is  clearly  set  forth  in  a  remarkable  letter  addressed  a 
few  days  ago  by  Mr.  E.  W.  Thomson — a  Radical  and  Free  Trader — to 
the  Toronto  Globe,  on  the  staff  of  which  paper  he  was  lately  an  editorial 
writer,  which  the  Globe,  with  characteristic,  unfairness,  refused  to  publish, 
but  which,  nevertheless,  reached  the  public  through  another  source.  Mr. 


LAST  ADDRESS  TO  THE  ELECTORS.  387 


Thomson  points  out  with  great  clearness  that  the  loss  of  customs  revenue 
levied  upon  articles  now  entering  this  country  from  the  United  States,  in 
the  event  of  the  adoption  of  the  policy  of  unrestricted  reciprocity,  would 
amount  to  not  less  than  seven  millions  of  dollars  annually.  Moreover, 
this  by  no  means  represents  the  total  loss  to  the  revenue  which  the  adop- 
tion of  such  a  policy  would  entail.  If  American  manufactures  now 
compete  favourably  with  British  goods,  despite  an  equal  duty,  what  do 
you  suppose  would  happen  if  the  duty  were  removed  from  the  American 
and  retained  or,  as  is  very  probable,  increased  on  the  British  article  ? 
Would  not  the  inevitable  result  be  a  displacement  of  the  duty-paying 
goods  of  the  mother  country  by  those  of  the  United  States  ?  And  this 
would  mean  an  additional  loss  to  the  revenue  of  many  millions  more. 

Electors  of  Canada,  I  appeal  to  you  to  consider  well  the  full  meaning 
of  this  proposition.  You — 1  speak  now  more  particularly  to  the  people 
of  this  Province  of  Ontario— are  already  taxed  directly  for  school  pur- 
poses, for  township  purposes,  for  county  purposes,  while  to  the  Provincial 
Government  there  is  expressly  given  by  the  Constitution  the  right  to 
impose  direct  taxation.  This  latter  evil  you  have  so  far  escaped,  but  as 
the  material  resources  of  the  province  diminish,  as  they  are  now  diminish- 
ing, the  Local  Government  will  be  driven  to  supplement  its  revenue 
derived  from  fixed  sources  by  a  direct  tax.  And  is  not  this  enough,  think 
you,  without  your  being  called  on  by  a  Dominion  tax  gatherer  with  a 
yearly  demand  of  fifteen  dollars  a  family  to  meet  the  obligations  of  the 
Central  Government?  Gentlemen,  this  is  what  unrestricted  reciprocity 
involves.  Do  you  like  the  prospect  ?  This  is  what  we  are  opposing,  and 
what  we  ask  you  to  condemn  by  your  votes. 

Under  our  present  system  a  man  may  largely  determine  the  amount 
of  his  contributions  to  the  Dominion  exchequer.  The  amount  of  the  tax 
is  always  in  proportion  to  his  means.  If  he  is  rich  and  can  afford  to 
drink  champagne,  he  has  to  pay  a  tax  of  $1.50  for  every  bottle  he  buys. 
If  he  he  a  poor  man  he  contents  himself  with  a  cup  of  tea,  on  which 
there  is  no  duty,  and  so  on  all  through  the  list.  If  he  is  able  to  afford  all 
manner  of  luxuries,  he  pays  a  large  sum  into  the  coffers  of  the  Govern- 
ment. If  he  is  a  man  of  moderate  means  and  able  to  enjoy  an  occasional 
luxury,  he  pays  accordingly.  If  he  is  a  poor  man,  his  contributions  to 
the  treasury  are  reduced  to  a  minimum.  With  direct  taxation,  no  matter 
what  may  be  the  pecuniary  position  of  the  taxpayer— times  may  be  hard  ; 
crops  may  have  failed  ;  sickness  or  other  calamity  may  have  fallen  on  the 
family— still  the  inexorable  tax  collector  comes  and  exacts  his  tribute. 
Does  not  ours  seem  to  be  the  more  equitable  plan  ?  It  is  the  one  undei 
which  we  have  lived  and  thrived,  and  to  which  the  Government  I 
proposes  to  adhere. 

I  have  pointed  out  to  you  a  few  of  the  material  objections  to  t 
scheme  of  unrestricted  reciprocity,  to  which  Mr.  Laurier  and  Sir  K 
Cartwright  have  committed  the  Liberal  party,  but  they  are  not  the  c 


388         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


objections,  nor  in  my  opinion  are  they  the  most  vital.  For  a  century  and 
a  half  this  country  has  grown  and  flourished  under  the  protecting  aegis  of 
the  British  Crown.  The  gallant  race  who  first  bore  to  our  shores  the 
blessings  of  civilization  passed,  by  an  easy  transition,  from  French  to 
English  rule,  and  now  forms  one  of  the  most  law-abiding  portions  of  the 
community.  These  pioneers  were  speedily  recruited  by  the  advent  of  a 
loyal  band  of  British  subjects,  who  gave  up  everything  that  men  most 
prize,  and  were  content  to  begin  life  anew  in  the  wilderness,  rather  than 
forego  allegiance  to  their  sovereign.  To  the  descendants  of  these  men 
and  of  the  multitude  of  Englishmen,  Irishmen  and  Scotchmen  who  emi- 
grated to  Canada,  that  they  might  build  up  new  homes  without  ceasing  to 
be  British  subjects ;  to  you  Canadians,  I  appeal,  and  I  ask  you  what  have 
you  to  gain  by  surrendering  that  which  your  fathers  held  most  dear  ? 
Under  the  broad  folds  of  the  Union  Jack  we  enjoy  the  most  ample  liberty 
to  govern  ourselves  as  we  please,  and  at  the  same  time  we  participate  in 
the  advantages  which  flow  from  association  with  the  mightiest  Empire  the 
world  has  ever  seen.  Not  only  are  we  free  to  manage  our  domestic  con- 
cerns, but,  practically,  we  possess  the  privilege  of  making  our  own 
treaties  with  foreign  countries,  and  in  our  relations  with  the  outside 
world  we  enjoy  the  prestige  inspired  by  a  consciousness  of  the  fact  that 
behind  us  towers  the  majesty  of  England. 

The  question  which  you  will  shortly  be  called  upon  to  determine 
resolves  itself  into  this  :  shall  we  endanger  our  possesssion  of  the  great 
heritage  bequeathed  to  us  by  our  fathers,  and  submit  ourselves  to 
direct  taxation  for  the  privilege  of  having  our  tariff  fixed  at  Washington, 
with  a  prospect  of  ultimately  becoming  a  portion  of  the  American  Union? 

I  commend  these  issues  to  your  determination,  and  to  the  judgment 
of  the  whole  people  of  Canada,  with  an  unclouded  confidence  that  you 
will  proclaim  to  the  world  your  resolve  to  show  yourselves  not  unworthy 
of  the  proud  distinction  that  you  enjoy— of  being  numbered  among  the 
most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects  of  our  beloved  Queen.  As  for  myself,  my 
course  is  clear.  A  British  subject  I  was  born — a  British  subject  I  will  die. 
With  my  utmost  effort,  with  my  latest  breath,  will  I  oppose  the  "  veiled 
treason  "  which  attempts,  by  sordid  means  and  mercenary  proffers,  to 
lure  our  people  from  their  allegiance.  During  my  long  public  service  of 
nearly  half  a  century  I  have  been  true  to  my  country  and  its  best  inter- 
ests, and  I  appeal  with  equal  confidence  to  the  men  who  have  trusted 
me  in  the  past,  and  to  the  young  hope  of  the  country,  with  whom  rest  its 
destinies  for  the  future,  to  give  me  their  united  and  strenuous  aid  in  this 
my  last  effort  for  the  unity  of  the  Empire  and  the  preservance  of  our 
commercial  and  political  freedom. 

I  remain,  gentlemen, 

Your  faithful  servant, 

JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 
OTTAWA,  February  7,  1891. 


MR.  FOSTER'S  ADDRESS  TO  ms  CONSTITUENTS.    39I 


The  Finance  Minister,  the  Honourable  George  Foster  in 
his  address  to  the  electors  of  Kings,  gave  his  view  of 'the 
meaning  of  unrestricted  policy,  and  contrasted  it  with  the 
policy  of  the  Government.  It  puts  in  a  smaller  space  and 
more  comprehensive  manner  the  opinions  subsequently 
expressed  by  Mr.  Blake  in  his  letter  of  March  5th. 

"  The  policy  of  the  Government  has  been  to  assist  in 
developing  foreign  markets  for  our  natural  and  manufactured 
products,  and  to  that  end  they  have  liberally  subsidized  lines 
of  steamers  to  the  West  Indies,  China  and  Japan,  and  the 
mother  country.  Proposals  for  reciprocity  with  the  British 
West  Indies  have  been  made  by  myself  in  person,  acting  for 
the  Government,  and  I  have  good  grounds  for  believing  that  a 
large  and  profitable  trade  may  be  opened  up  with  these 
islands  for  most  of  our  natural  and  many  of  our  manufactured 
products. 

"  In  its  trade  policy  with  the  United  States,  the  Government 
have  always  favoured  a  fair  and  just  measure  of  reciprocity, 
and  has  made  repeated  propositions  looking  in  that  direction. 
Until  latch',  however,  the  United  States  have  made  no  favour- 
able response. 

"  Now,  however,  in  the  course  of  diplomatic  correspon- 
dence, the  Government  of  that  country,  through  its  Secretary 
of  State,  has  intimated  its  willingness  to  enter  into  a  confer- 
ence upon  this  matter  with  the  Dominion  Government,  and 
has  declared  its  readiness  to  commence  this  conference  after 
March  4th. 

"  The  trade  issue  is  the  great  issue  in  this  contest,  and  it  is 
of  the  utmost  importance  that  each  elector  should  have  a 
clear  idea  of  the  points  of  difference  between  the  two  parties. 

"The  Opposition  declare  for  unrestricted  reciprocity  or 
commercial  union  with  the  United  States. 

"  This  means  and  can  only  mean  : 

"  I.  That  no  tariff  duties  are  to  be  levied  on  any  products 
of  either  country  passing  into  the  other. 

"  2.  That  Canada  is  to  adopt  the  tariff  of  the  United 
States,  which  is,  on  an  average,  twice  as  high  as  our  own. 

"  3.  That  \ve  are  virtually  to  give  up  the  power  of  making 


392         THE  LIFE  or  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

our  own  fiscal  laws — a  tiling  which  no  free  people  has  yet 
been  craven  enough  to  do. 

"4.  That  the  tariff  of  the  United  States  is  to  apply  to  all 
British  and  foreign  imports — that  is,  that  while  Canada 
admits  United  States  imports  free  of  duty,  she  must  discrim- 
inate against  Great  Britain  and  the  rest  of  the  world,  and 
virtually  prohibit  the  great  part  of  the  imports  which  now 
come  in  therefrom. 

"  S.  That  loss  and  ruin  will  result  to  our   manufacturing 

**  o 

industries,  to  our  seaport  towns,  to  our  wholesale  business,  and, 
consequently,  to  our  farmers. 

"  6.  That  Canada  will  lose  more  than  half  her  present 
revenue,  which  will  have  to  be  made  up  by  direct  taxation.  I 
estimate  the  loss  of  revenue  at  $18,000,000  per  year.  The 
direct  tax  necessary  to  recoup  this  will  be  equivalent  to  $3.60 
per  head,  or  $18  for  each  family  of  five. 

"  7.  That  ultimately  the  bond  which  now  unites  us  to  the 
mother  land  will  be  severed,  and  that  Canada  will  become 
a  part  of  the  United  States. 

"  Please  consider  all  that  is  involved  in  such  a  policy,  and 
then  contrast  it  with  the  policy  of  the  present  Government, 
which  is  : 

"  i.  To  continue  to  develop  home  industries,  and  the  agri- 
cultural, mineral  and  other  resources  of  the  country  on  the 
lines  laid  down  since  1878. 

"  2.  To  keep  in  our  own  hands  the  power  of  framing  our 
own  tariff  according  to  our  own  necessities. 

"  3.  Not  to  discriminate  against  Great  Britain — our  mother 
land,  and  the  great  market  for  our  products. 

"  4.  To  raise  our  revenue  by  indirect  taxation  on  Customs 
and  Excise,  and  not  by  direct  taxation. 

"  5.  To  meet  the  United  States  in  a  friendly  way,  and 
negotiate  with  them  for  a  reciprocity  arrangement  on  lines 
that  shall  be  just  and  equitable,  and  in  accord  with  the  honour 
and  best  interests  of  Canada,  so  far  as  it  can  be  done  without 
infringing  upon  the  lines  above  laid  down." 

The  platform  of  the  Liberals  may  be  said  to  have  been 
laid  down  on  Wednesday,  March  14,  1888,  when  Sir  Richard 


THE  PLATFORM 'OF  THE  LIHERAE  PARTY. 


moviru 


Cartwright  closed  an  exhaustive  and  able  speech  by 

as  the  new  fiscal  policy  of  the  party,  the  following  resolution*' 

'  That  it  is  highly  desirable  that  the  largest  possible  free- 
dom of  commercial  intercourse  should  obtain  between  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  and  the  United  States,  and  that  it  is 
expedient  that  all  articles  manufactured  in,  or  the  natural 
products  of,  cither  of  the  said  countries  should  be  admitted 
free  of  duty  into  the  ports  of  the  other  (articles  subject  to 
duties  of  excise  or  of  internal  revenue  alone  expected).  That 
it  is  further  expedient  that  the  Government  of  the  Dominion 
should  take  steps  at  an  early  date  to  ascertain  on  what  terms 
and  conditions  arrangements  can  be  effected  with  the  United 
States  for  the  purpose  of  securing  full  and  unrestricted 
reciprocity  of  trade  therewith." 

The  leaders  of  the  party  did  not  seem  to  be  united  in 
their  views  of  the  policy  as  expressed  in  this  motion.  We 
find  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  addressing  a  large  audience  at 
the  music  hall  at  Oshavva,  on  February  pth  in  these  words. 

"  If  the  people  wanted  reciprocity  they  could  get  it,  but 
only  on  the  unrestricted  lines  which  include  natural  and 
manufactured  products.  With  unrestricted  reciprocity  there 
was  almost  no  limit  that  could  be  assigned  to  the  trade  that 
would  be  built  up  with  the  States.  For  the  last  dozen  years 
Canada  had  been  simply  marking  time.  No  wonder  the 
people  were  restless  and  discontented.  There  could  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  that  when  Canada  came  forward  with  a  fair 
honest,  and  liberal  proposition  she  would  receive  fair,  honest, 
and  liberal  treatment  from  the  States."  (Cheers). 

C.  W.  Scott  asked  :  "  Does  the  Liberal  party  favour  dis- 
crimination against  Great  Britain  by  admitting  American 
manufactures  free,  and  taxing  the  manufactures  of  Great 
Britain  ?  " 

Sir  Richard  replied  :  "  Certainly  we  do.  I  will  tell  you 
why.  We  have  a  perfect  right  to  manage  our  own  tariff  to 
suit  us,  the  people  of  Canada.  The  interests  of  Canada 
demand  that  we  should  have  unrestricted  reciprocity  with 
the  States.  We  can  only  get  it  by  taxing  the  goods  of  every 
country  on  the  face  of  the  earth  except  those  of  the  States. 


394         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

That  is  undoubtedly  part  of  our  policy.  I  am  ready  to  prove 
that  it  is  for  the  interest  of  Great  Britain.  Every  English 
statesman  knows  that  it  is  more  in  the  interest  of  Great 
Britain  to  cultivate  more  friendly  relations  with  the  States 
than  to  preserve  our  miserable  trade,  hampered  as  it  is  by 
our  protective  tariff.  Great  Britain  has  to-day  over  $800,- 
000,000  invested  in  Canada.  Her  interest  in  this  country 
as  an  investor  is  far  larger  than  her  interest  in  it  as  a  trader. 
It  is  far  better  for  her  that  we  should  be  able  to  meet  the 
interest  on  what  we  have  borrowed  than  that  our  trade  with  her 
should  be  preserved.  I  am  prepared  to  prove  before  any 
audience,  either  here  or  in  Great  Britain,  that  it  is  for  the 
interest  of  England  as  well  as  of  Canada  that  we  should  have 
a  right  to  manage  our  own  tariff  and  maintain  our  own  agent 
at  Washington,  which  we  should  have  done  long  ago." 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  (February  Qth)  Mr. 
Mercier,  the  head  of  the  Liberal  Government  of  Quebec, 
addressed  nearly  5,000  people  in  the  Bonsecours  market  in 
Montreal,  and  thus  explained  his  views  : 

"  It  was  not  their  desire  to  do  anything  rash.  They  must 
respect  the  rights  of  the  manufacturers,  but  it  was  their  duty 
to  provide  for  the  future.  While  respecting  protection  and 
the  National  Policy,  they  had  to  prepare  for  the  future,  so 
that  the  doors  of  the  United  States  might  be  opened  to  the 
agricultural  classes.  While  protesting  their  loyalty  to  the 
Queen  and  the  British  Crown,  they  were  adverse  to  any 
barriers  to  their  commerce.  (Applause).  They  desired  that 
when  their  farmers  could  not  find  a  reasonable  price  for  their 
Kluce  at  home,  they  might  have  a  free  market  in  the 
United  States  ;  in  short,  they  wished  for  free  communication 
as  in  the  period  from  1854  to  1866.  They  then  had  pros- 
perity and  abundance  of  money,  because  the  farmers  were 
in  a  position  to  sell  their  agricultural  products  to  the  Ameri- 
cans. They  now  wished  to  remove  the  barriers  that  prevented 
them  from  doing  so."  (Applause). 

Mr.  Mackenzie,  the  old  leader  of  the  party,  said  "  I  could 
never  consent  to  the  Zollverein  policy  (commercial  union)  for 
obvious  reasons,  but  I  cannot  conceive  why  any  one  should 


THE  PLATFORM  OF  THE  LIHKKAL  PARTY. 


395 


object  to  a  favourable  measure  of  reciprocal  trade  secured  by 
treaty  and  not  inimical  to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  as  the 
heart  of  the  Empire." 

In  1870,  while  still  in  the  position  of  leader,  he  expressed 
himself  in  these  words  :  «  There  is  undoubtedly  a  very  great 
desire  for  extended  intercourse  with  the  United  States,  and  I 
am  quite  sure  our  people  are  prepared  to  discuss,  in  some 
substantial  way  that  will  have  some  productive  result,  any 
scheme  which  will  be  submitted  by  the  United  States. 
Your  scheme  of  a  continental  system  has  the  merit  of  extreme 
simplicity,  and  also  that  of  having  had  a  trial  in  other  coun- 
tries in  Kuropc.  I  fear,  however,  that  it  would  affect  prejudi- 
cially our  relations  with  the  Empire,  which,  as  at  present 
constructed,  I,  in  common  with  almost  all  Canadians,  desire  to 
see  maintained.  At  the  same  time  I  am  prepared  to  have  the 
plan  considered,  and  by  anticipation  to  work  out  the  probable 
results." 

Mr.  Mo\vat,  the  Premier  of  Ontario,  on  several  public 
occasions  during  the  campaign  signified  his  approval  of  the 
platform  laid  down  by  Mr.  Laurier,  but  expressed  his  own  and 
Mr.  Mackenzie's  strong  disapproval  of  commercial  union  or 
a  Zollverein,  and  in  stirring  language,  asserted  the  loyalty 
of  himself  and  party  to  the  British  Crown.  He  condemned 
the  National  Policy  and  took  a  very  favourable  view  of  the 
benefits  which  would  be  conferred  upon  both  countries  by 
unrestricted  reciprocity. 

Mr.  Longlcy,  Premier  of  Nova  Scotia,  was  reported  to 
have  expressed  himself  in  these  words  :  "  Let  no  person  be 
deceived,  unrestricted  reciprocity  means  that  we  will  have  to 
adopt  the  American  tariff  against  Great  Britain." 

Mr.  John  Charlton,  M.P.,  in  his  address  to  the  farmers  of 
Haldimand,  said  :  "  The  application  of  the  principle  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States  would  require  that  the  two 
countries  should  have  the  same  excise  rates  and  the  same 
tariff  upon  imports  from  all  other  countries  ;  that  the  revenue 
thus  collected  in  both  countries  should  be  divided  upon  condi- 
tions to  be  hereafter  arranged  ;  that  the  customs  line  between 
the  two  countries  from  ocean  to  ocean  should  be  removed." 


396         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


The  Honourable  L.  H.  Davies,  of  Prince  Edward  Island, 
another  of  the  party  leaders,  is  upon  record  as  saying  that  the 
immediate  consequences  of  keeping  our  present  outside  tariff, 
under  free  trade  with  the  States  "  would  be  that  imports  to 
the  United  States,  instead  of  being  carried  to  the  great  ports 
of  the  United  States,  would  be  taken  to  the  States  by  way  of 
Montreal.  To  this  the  States,  whose  people  are  not  arrant 
fools,  would  never  consent.  An  unrestricted  reciprocity, 
although  it  would  suit  us  as  well  as  commercial  union,  was 
therefore  impracticable." 

On  February  i2th,  the  Honourable  Wilfred  Laurier  leader 
of  the  Opposition,  issued  an  address  to  the  electors.  In  this,  after 
objecting  at  length  to  the  dissolution,  he  discussed  Sir  John's 
manifesto,  accepted  the  N.P.  as  the  ground  of  contestation,  took 
issue  with  the  Prime  Minister  upon  his  statements  of  the  benefits 
derived  from  that  policy  and  arraigned  the  N.P.  upon  every 
claim  made  in  its  behalf.  The  policy  of  the  Reform  party  he 
defined  as  "  absolute  reciprocal  freedom  of  trade  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States,"  and  stated  that  "  the  advan- 
tages of  that  policy  are  placed  upon  the  one  consideration 
that  the  producing  power  was  vastly  in  excess  of  its  consuming 
power,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  market  of  the  neighbouring 
nation  of  63,000,000  of  kindred  origin  was  the  best  market.'' 
He  denied  Sir  Richard  Cartwright's  proposition  that  unre- 
stricted reciprocity  meant  discrimination  against  England  or 
that  the  Canadian  tariff  would  have  to  be  assimilated  to 
the  American  tariff.  The  loss  of  revenue  that  would  follow 
he  treats  in  an  airy  way  as  "  a  far  off  hazy  consequence  to  be 
pitted  against  an  immediate  result,"  and  to  be  met  by  a  reduc- 
tion of  expenditure  and  redistribution  of  taxation.  The 
charge  of  "  veiled  treason "  he  considered  a  direct  and 
unworthy  appeal  to  passion  and  prejudice,  and  concluded  by 
announcing  that  the  trade  question  in  the  present  contest 
must  take  the  precedence  of  all  others  and  pledging  the 
Opposition  to  the  solution  of  the  same  on  the  basis  indicated 
by  him. 

On  February  i/th  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  Sir  Charles 
Tupper  addressed  an  immense  meeting  at  Toronto.  The 


THE  TORONTO  MKETIXC.  307 


latter  gave  an  eloquent  and  elaborate  history  of  the  past 
twelve  years,  to  which  justice  could  only  be  done  by  giving  his 
speech  in  its  entirety.  He  was  followed  by  Sir  John  who, 
after  an  able  defence  of  his  course  as  Prime-Minister,  created 
a  profound  sensation  by  laying  before  the  meeting  a  most 
treasonable  document  prepared  by  Mr.  Farrar,  editor  of  the 
Globe.  The  following  description  of  the  meeting  is  taken  from 
the  Empire  of  February  i8th  : 

"  There  have  been  many  magnificent  meetings  in  Toronto  in 
election  contests  past,  but  there  has  never  been  one  to 
approach  the  Conservative  gathering  of  last  night  in  the 
Academy  of  Music,  when  the  electors  of  the  Queen  City 
turned  out  in  thousands  to  welcome  Canada's  great  and  only 
Premier,  and  the  beloved  chieftain  of  her  loyal  citizens.  It  is 
safe  to  say  that  it  was  the  greatest  political  meeting  ever  held 
in  Canada.  Occurring  at  the  height  of  a  most  eventful  cam- 
paign, marked  not  merely  by  the  presence  of  the  Premier,  but 
also  by  the  assistance  of  his  long-tried  and  brilliant  colleague, 
Sir  Charles  Tupper  and  signalized  by  two  of  the  grandest  utter- 
ances ever  made  before  a  Canadian  public,  the  meeting  was 
one  that  will  exist  without  a  peer  in  the  political  history 
of  the  Dominion. 

"  As  was  expected,  the  gathering  was  of  such  stupendous 
proportions  that  all  attempts  to  accommodate  the  numbers 
were  practically  useless.  As  the  throng  from  office  and  work- 
shop were  returning  home  at  six  o'clock  they  encountered  on 
the  principal  thoroughfares  a  stream  of  people  already  flocking 
townwards.  The  street  cars,  even  at  this  early  hour,  were 
jammed.  Admittance  to  the  Academy  commenced  a  few 
minutes  after  six  o'clock,  when  the  supporters  of  Conserva- 
tism, who  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  obtain  tickets,  were 
admitted  by  the  stage  door.  That  narrow  entrance  was  not 
even  then  found  equal  to  the  press,  and  recourse  was  had  to  a 
rear  door  off  Dorset  street  that  led  to  the  basement.  At  6.30 
the  theatre  was  partially  filled,  while  outside  was  an  immense 
throng  awaiting  admittance.  A  mass  of  men  and  women 
surged  and  crowded  against  the  main  doors,  bearing  down 
every  obstacle  in  their  way.  Police  were  powerless  to  make 


398         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

any  orderly  arrangement  for  admittance.  Shortly  after  seven 
o'clock  fK<^  main  doors  were  opened,  the  waiting  crowd  entered 
with  a  rush  and  a  shout,  and  in  a  few  seconds  the  whole 
building  was  completely  filled.  It  was  then  discovered  how 
small  a  fraction  of  the  multitude  were  accommodated  within 
the  building.  What  could  be  done  was  done.  Every  available 
inch  of  room  was  occupied.  With  the  additional  chairs  2,000 
were  seated  in  the  theatre,  300  were  crowded  on  the  stage,  and 
fully  1,000  more  were  jammed  in  passages  and  spaces  behind 
the  seats.  There  were  nearly  4,000  inside,  but  outside  there 
was  a  mass  that  numbered  between  15,000  and  20,000.  At 
7.20  every  entrance  to  the  building  had  to  be  closed,  still 
the  crowd  outside  surged  and  jostled  in  good  nature.  In  the 
press  the  large  gas  lamp  in  front  of  the  theatre  was  carried 
awray,  and  the  rupture  in  the  gas  main  interfered  with  the  gas 
inside  the  theatre,  rendering  necessary  the  use  of  electricity. 

"  At  7.35  two  carriages  drove  up  in  front  of  the  theatre,  the 
first  containing  Sir  John  Macdonald,  Mr.  W.  R.  Brock,  chair- 
man of  the  meeting,  Col.  Fred.  C.  Denison,  and  two  members 
of  the  reception  committee  of  the  Young  Mens'  Liberal  Con- 
servative Club.  Between  the  pavement  and  the  stage  entrance 
a  solid  mass  of  humanity  was  wedged,  rendering  admittance 
almost  impossible.  Appeals  were  made  to  the  crowd  to  clear 
an  opening  for  the  chieftain,  but  so  dense  was  the  force  for 
yards  on  either  side  that  an  opening  was  nearly  a  physical 
impossibility.  At  length,  after  waiting  nearly  ten  minutes, 
during  which  many  demands  for  a  speech  were  made  from  Sir 
John,  the  chieftain  and  Mr.  Brock  managed  to  make  their 
way  to  the  door  and  to  enter  the  theatre.  A  few  minutes  later 
and  the  Premier  stood  on  the  platform,  surrounded  by  a  sea 
of  cheering,  shouting  faces,  that  could  find  no  way  adequately 
to  express  their  enthusiasm.  Whirlwind  after  whirlwind  of 
applause  and  cheers  shook  the  building.  Hats,  handkerchiefs, 
flags  were  waved  in  indescribable  enthusiasm.  When  the 
audience  were  tired  of  cheering  they  sang  '  For  He's  a  Jolly 
Good  Fellow.'  It  was  fully  ten  minutes  before  the  multitude 
had  given  vent  to  their  magnificent  welcome  to  the  Premier. 
Nothing  could  better  prove  the  secure  position  the  noble 


THE  TORONTO  MEETING.  399 


chieftain  occupies  to-day.  Premier  of  the  Dominion,  he  is 
premier  also  of  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-countryme-  When 
the  ovation  had  at  length  temporarily  ceased,  Mr.  W.  R.  Brock, 
who  fulfilled  his  duties  as  chairman  in  a  conspicuously  able 
manner,  rose  to  open  the  meeting,  only  to  be  interrupted  by 
the  entrance  of  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  which  was  the  signal  for 
another  magnificent  ovation  of  enthusiasm  and  applause. 

"  The  emblems  placed  around  the  theatre  added  a  bright 
and  instructive  aspect  to  the  scene.  As  a  background  to  the 
stage,  crowded  with  its  influential  auditors,  were  the  mottoes  : 
'  Hail  to  Our  Chieftain,'  and  '  No  United  States  Senators 
Need  Apply  '  ;  while  appropriately  hung  between  these  scrolls 
were  three  shields  with  the  words,  '  The  Old  Flag,'  '  The  Old 
Leader,'  '  The  Old  Policy.'  The  stage  pillars  and  boxes  were 
adorned  with  the  mottoes  :  '  God  Save  the  Queen,'  '  Disloyalty 
is  at  a  Discount,'  '  Welcome  to  the  Cabinet,'  '  Progressive 
Legislation,'  '  We  Welcome  Our  Leaders,'  '  Encourage  Home 
Talent,'  '  Canadian  Labour  for  the  Canadians.'  The  railing  of 
the  balcony  was  covered  with  these  bannerets  :  '  Ottawa,  Not 
Washington,  Our  Capital,'  '  Canada  for  the  Canadians,' 
'Ontario,  Quebec,  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  Prince 
Edward  Island,  Manitoba,  British  Columbia,  N.  W.  Terri- 
tories— A  Noble  Heritage,'  '  A  Fair  Measure  of  Reciprocity,' 
'  No  Tariff  Discrimination  Against  Great  Britain.' 

"  The  stupendous  crowd  of  20,000  men  and  women  who 
thronged  King  street,  between  York  and  Simcoe,  completely 
baffled  every  effort  of  control.  They  were  there.  There  was 
not  an  inch  of  room  inside  the  building,  yet  they  were  loth  to 
leave,  and  remained  jostling  and  shoving  around  the  doors 
until  after  nine  o'clock.  Although  the  magnitude  of  the  mul- 
titude inside  was  great,  the  floor  committee  of  the  Young 
Liberal-Conservatives  worked  nobly  in  endeavouring  to  handle 
the  throng  in  the  pit  and  on  the  platform. 

Mr.  Coatsworth  first  addressed  the  meeting  and  was 
followed  by  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  who  made  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  speeches  of  his  life,  and  was  rewarded  by  the  hearty 
applause  of  a  very  appreciative  audience,  which  lasted  for  some 
minutes  after  he  had  resumed  his  scat.  The  chairman,  Mr. 


4oo         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

W.  R.  Brock,  after  restoring  order,  then  addressed  the 
assemblage  of  citizens  in  these  words  :  "  Ladies  and  gentle- 
men,— I  want  to  say  one  word  to  this  vast  audience.  We 
all  admire  the  Premier  of  Canada.  (Loud  cheers).  We  all 
respect  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  John  Macdonald,  and  the 
Liberal  Conservatives  love  John  A.  (Vociferious  cheers). 

At  this  juncture  the  old  man  stood  up,  and  as,  in  the 
fulness  of  his  years,  he  leaned  slightly  forward  there  was  a 
sudden  outburst  from  the  audience  that  fairly  shook  the 
building  from  its  vaulted  roof  to  its  foundations.  The  entire 
gathering  rose  and  yelled.  Handkerchiefs,  hats,  umbrellas, 
walkingsticks,  programmes,  and  in  fact  everything  within 
reach,  were  waved  by  the  audience.  The  enthusiastic  uproar 
was  deafening.  The  grand  old  hero  stood  there  motionless 
as  his  heart  throbbed  within  his  honoured  breast.  This  was 
one  of  the  rewards  that  fall  to  the  lot  of  a  man  who  has 
spent  his  whole  life  labouring  for  the  benefit  of  his  race.  It 
was  a  proud  minute  for  Sir  John.  The  first  words  he  uttered 
after  silence  had  been  restored  showed  that,  during  the  few 
minutes  of  cheering,  his  memory  had  carried  him  back  to 
younger  days  when  he  himself  was  a  citizen  of  Toronto. 
When  the  cheering  had  subsided,  someone  shouted  : 
"  For  he's  a  jolly  good  fellow." 

It's  a  question  whether  any  Canadian  was  ever  before 
honoured  by  that  whole  hearted  song  in  such  a  style.  The 
words  came  from  nearly  every  throat,  and  the  soprano  voices 
intermingling  showed  that  the  ladies  were  doing  their  share 
to  honour  one  of  the  greatest  statesmen  of  modern  times. 

From  enthusiastic  cheering  there  followed  a  breathless 
silence  as  the  father  of  Canada  addressed  the  audience.  This 
address,  as  a  matter  of  course,  dealt  in  a  fuller  form  with 
the  questions  brought  forward  in  his  manifesto,  and  we  will, 
therefore,  not  repeat  them  but  pass  on  to  the  Farrer  incident. 

"  How  could  we  expect  to  make  a  reasonable  treaty  with 
the  United  States  when  these  gentlemen  of  the  Liberal  party 
were — to  use  a  phrase  that  may  be  used  by  some  of  you, 
although  I  don't  use  it  myself — going  one  better  ?  (Cheers 
and  laughter).  We  said  we  must  have  control  of  our  own 


THE  FAKRKR  I'AMI-IILKT.  4or 


tariff,  but  they  said  this  is  a  matter  of  agreement,  and  we 
will  come  and  adopt  the  tariff.  Of  course,  a  tariff  once 
adopted,  that  tariff  can  only  be  altered  by  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  and  the  Parliament  of  Canada?  The 
United  States  Congress  represents  66,000,000  and  our  Parlia- 
ment represents  5,000,000  to  6,000,000.  The  United  States 
is  the  stronger,  and  they  would  wag  us,  or  otherwise  the  tail 
would  wag  the  dog,  you  know.  (Laughter  and  cheers). 

"  Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  the  con- 
spiracy has  been  going  on  and  I  take  the  full  responsibility 
of  making  this  statement,  that  there  is  a  deliberate  attempt 
to  induce  the  United  States  to  favour  the  present  Opposition 
against  the  present  Government,  by  holding  out  to  them 
hopes  of  annexation.  How  am  I  to  prove  that,  you  will  say. 
Well,  I  will  tell  you  how.  As  you  know,  the  Globe  is  the 
Bible  of  the  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  branch  of  the  Liberals." 

Sir  John  here  gave  an  account  of  the  transfer  of  Mr. 
Farrer  from  the  Mail  to  the  Globe  and  continued  :  "  Since 
then  Mr.  Farrer  has  been  the  ambassador  between  the  Globe 
or  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  and  Washington.  Now,  a  loyal 
man  brought  it  to  the  notice  of  a  member  of  the  Government 
that  this  Mr.  Farrer, — with  his  own  hand — had  prepared  a 
document  for  the  purpose,  to  be  used  in  the  United  States. 
I  will  read  to  you  the  last  paragraph  of  that  paper,  and  you 
will  see  the  charge  that  I  make,  that  all  this  negotiation  at 
Washington  is  merely  leading  up  to  a  result  which  they  con- 
sider inevitable — the  result  being  the  annexation  of  Canada 
to  the  United  States.  (Hear,  hear). 

"  This  documents  tells  the  Americans  how  they  arc  to 
force  Canada—'  You  are  to  grant  them  nothing  ;  you  are 
'  to  try  to  stop  the  bonding  system  ;  you  are  to  put  a  tax 
'on  everything  that  Canada  produces.'  In  fact,  the  document 
points  out  every  possible  way  in  which  Canada  and  its  trade 
can  be  injured  and  its  people  impoverished,  with  the  view 
of  eventually  bringing  about  annexation.  The  writer  pays 
me  a  great  compliment.  He  says  annexation  cannot  make 
great  progress  as  long  as  I  am  at  the  head  of  affairs.  (Hear, 
hear,  and  cheers).  But  then,  he  says,  I  am  seventy-five  years 


402         TIIK  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


old.  (Laughter).  Now,  gentlemen,  you  laugh  at  their 
attempts  to  bulldoze  us  into  this  position,  and  I  am  inclined 
to  laugh  myself  sometimes  ;  but  this  document  shows  that 
there  is  a  treasonable  conspiracy  in  Canada — (Hear,  hear) — 
and  it  is  a  treason  that  is  to  be  met  by  every  man,  no  matter 
what  his  proclivities  may  be,  no  matter  whether  he  reckons 
himself  a  Liberal  or  a  Conservative,  a  Conservative  Liberal 
or  a  Liberal  Conservative  ;  so  long  as  he  is  a  British  subject, 
every  man  who  feels  his  obligation  as  a  Canadian  will  visit — 
I  wras  going  to  say  with  his  vengeance — with  his  righteous 
indignation  any  party  that  would  be  guilty,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, of  a  conspiracy  of  this  kind. 

"  I  know  the  responsibility  of  what  I  am  saying  ;  but  I 
will  read  you  the  document,  and  I  think  you  will  say  that  I 
am  justified  in  characterizing  it  as  I  do.  It  is  a  rather  long 
document,  and  I  will  read  its  concluding  paragraph,  which 
alludes  particularly  to  the  fisheries  of  the  Maritime  Provinces, 
as  the  feature  in  which  Canada  can  most  easily  be  hurt. 
What  I  shall  read  is  a  copy  taken  from  the  original  galleys 
and  printed  from  the  types  of  Hunter,  Rose  &  Co.;  and  I 
have  got  the  original. 

" '  A  word  in  conclusion  about  the  situation  in  the  maritime 
'  provinces.     Outside  of  Halifax,  the   people,  as   a  body,  are 

*  well  disposed  towards   the  United  States.     The   fishermen's 
'phrase,  that  they  should  like  "  to  see  Gloucester  moved  east," 

*  in   order   that    they   might  enjoy   higher  wages,   commends 
'  itself  to    the  majority.      Sir    John    Macdonald    secures    the 
'  election   of  a  Tory   majority  from  Nova  Scotia  only   by  a 
'  system  of  largesse  and  corruption  carried  on  without  attempt 
'  at  concealment.     A   constituency  which  returns  an  Opposi- 
'  tion  member  is  forthwith  excluded   from  sharing  in  the   rail- 
'  way  subsidies  and  other  appropriations  lavished  on  the  rest. 

*  The  fishermen  have  a    saying  that  a  Nova  Scotia  member 
'  on  the  wrong  side  at  Ottawa  is  "  a  spare  pump  in  a  dry  ship." 
'  In  Prince  Edward    Island,  where  it  is  impossible  to  spend 
'  public  money  except  on  a  few  wharves  and  lighthouses,  the 
'  people    return  a  solid  Liberal    contingent  to  Ottawa.     The 
'  islanders  are  exceedingly  friendly  to  the  Americans,  and  it 


THE  FARREK  PAMPIILFT 


is  said    by  one  who   knows  the  state  of  feeling  there    tint 

;  fully  seventy  per  cent,  of  them  would  vote  for  full  reci- 
procity  or  for  annexation,  provided  the  question  were  sub- 
mitted to  them  free  from  any  entangling  issues  of  a  local 
character  and  that  the  Ottawa  Government  abstained  from 
the  use  of  bribery.  It  is  felt  by  all  that  Sir  John's  methods 
of  reconciling  these  provinces  to  the  vast  economic  loss  they 

'  sustain  from  being  severed  from  their  natural  market  in  New 
England,  cannot  survive  the  man  himself.  No  one  else 

'could  employ  them  with  equal  skill  or  success.     He  is  now 

'  seventy-five  years  old. 

'The   fishery   question    owes    its  existence,   not    to    the 

*  people,  but   to  the  fish  merchants  and  vessel  owners.     The 
4  traders  in  other  lines  would  be  glad  to  see  the  widest  privi- 
'  leges   extended  to  the  Americans,  whose  custom   was  once, 
'  and   might  be  again,  an   important  factor  in  the  business  of 
'the  provinces,  more  especially  since  the  decay  of  the  inshore 
'fisheries  has  rendered  it  all  the  more  essential  that  the  coast 
'population    should    be   permitted    to    resume   their    former 
'  relations   with  the  visitors.     The  influence  of  the  fish  mcr- 

*  chants  is  far  reaching.     They  control  the  newspapers,  and 
'  to  some  extent  the  politics  of  the  province.     The  headland 
'  question,  the  dispute  over  the  right  of  Americans  to  enter 
'  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  which  was  terminated   by  the  arbitration 
'  in   the  case  of  the  vessel    Washington,  and    other  points  of 
'  controversy,  were  all  pressed  by  them  in  the  hope,  to  which 
'  they  still  cling,  of  being  able  to  force  Congress  into  yielding 
'free  fish.     If  their  minds  could  be  disabused  of  this  notion, 
4  and  they  were  made  to  see  that  free  fish  was  not  procurable 
'  through  coercion,  we  should  soon  hear  the  last  of  the  cry 
'*  that  to  grant  commercial  privileges  to  the  Americans  would 

*  be  to  surrender  an  invaluable  franchise. 

'"The  imposition  by  the  United  States  of  a  tonnage  tax  on 
'  all  Nova  Scotia  vessels  laden  whole  or  in  part  with  fish,  would 

*  speedily  put  an   end  to  seizures  and,,  indeed,  to  the  whole 

*  controversy.     Another  ready  way  of  bringing  the  Govern- 

*  ment  and  all  concerned  to  their  senses,  would  be  to  suspend 

*  the  bonding  privilege,  or  to  cut  the  connection  of  the  Cana- 


404         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


'dian  Pacific  with  United  States  territory  at  Sault  Ste.  Marie. 
'  Either  of  these  methods  would  rouse  the  full  force  of  western 
'Canada  influence  against  the  Government.  It  would  be 
'  better  still  to  oblige  Britain  to  withdraw  her  countenance 
'  and  support  from  the  Canadian  contention,  as  she  did  in 
'  1871.  That  would  secure  the  end  desired  without  leaving 
'  the  United  States  open  to  the  charge  of  being  animated 
'  by  hatred  of  Canada,  on  which  Sir  John  Macdonald  trades. 

"'  Whatever  course  the  United  States  may  see  fit  to  adopt 
'  it  is  plain  that  Sir  John's  disappearance  from  the  stage  is  to 
'  be  the  signal  for  a  movement  towards  annexation.  The 
'enormous  debt  of  the  Dominion  ($50  per  head),  the  virtual 
'bankruptcy  of  all  the  provinces  except  Ontario,  the  pressure 
'  of  the  American  tariff  upon  trade  and  industry,  the  incurable 
'  issue  of  race,  and  the  action  of  the  natural  forces  making  for 
'  the  consolidation  of  the  lesser  country  with  the  greater  have 
'  already  prepared  the  minds  of  most  intelligent  Canadians  for 
'  the  destiny  that  awaits  them  ;  and  a  leader  will  be  forth- 
'  coming  when  the  hour  arrives.' 

"  I  think  you  will  agree  with  me  that  there  is  somewhere 
and  among  some  people  a  conspiracy  to  drive  Canada  into 
the  arms  of  the  United  States,  by  inducing  the  United  States 
to  be  as  obstructive  as  possible  and  as  annoying  as  possible  to 
this  country.  The  abolition  of  the  bonding  privilege,  under 
which  we  have  free  intercourse,  and  every  device  that  can 
possibly  hurt  Canada,  is  suggested  in  this  paper ;  and  we  are 
told  that  all  the  intelligent  people  of  Canada  think  so  ;  that 
these  things  must  bring  about  annexation,  and  that  the  leader 
will  be  found  when  that  time  comes.  Gentlemen,  that  is  the 
position  we  have  to  face  in  Canada  at  the  present  time.  Here 
we  have  a  Government  and  a  people,  and  I  believe  an 
electorate,  as  will  be  shown  in  a  few  days,  that  fully  values  the 
privileges  we  have  got,  that  believe  we  will  be  losers  and  not 
gainers  by  such  a  union,  and  we  believe  that  we  have  enjoyed 
as  great  an  amount  of  freedom  as  any  country  in  the  world. 

"  I  believe  that  we  are  as  happily  constituted  as  any  coun- 
try under  the  sun,  believing  that  here  there  is  social  freedom, 
there  is  individual  freedom,  there  is  political  freedom,  and 


CANADA'S  ADVANTAGES.  405 


there  is  an  absence  of  those  disintegrated  and  treasonable 
qualities  which  threatened  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
country.  We  have  no  such  questions  as  the  negro  question, 
which  was  looming  up  so  disastrously  in  the  United  States,  to 
bother  us  ;  we  have  no  large  nuclei  assemblage  of  foreign 
anarchists  ;  you  saw  what  they  did  at  Chicago  a  while  ago. 
We  have  no  such  thing  as  elected  judges,  where  the  people 
elect  men  who  will  decide  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
majority.  We  look  up  to  England  and  to  English  tradition 
for  our  guidance  ;  we  have  everything  to  lose,  much  more 
than  wealth,  much  more  than  money's  worth,  we  have  every- 
thing to  lose  in  being  severed  from  England;  we  have  everything 
to  gain  by  the  benign  influence  of  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
a  free  Queen  over  a  free  people,  but  governed  by  principles  of 
religion,  by  principles  of  equality  and  by  principles  of  morality 
which  a  democracy  never  had  and  never  will  have.  (Applause). 
And  will  the  people  of  Canada  submit  to  such  a  thing  ;  will 
they  submit  to  men  going  off  to  a  foreign  country,  aye,  and 
raising  money  for  the  purpose  of  driving  the  people  into 
annexation  ? 

"  I  have  no  idea  that  the  people  of  Canada  will  do  that. 
Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  look  at  the  fate  of  Poland.  Poland  a  free 
country,  a  gallant  people,  a  great  people,  the  greatest  soldiers 
in  the  world,  one  of  the  finest  races  in  the  world  ;  that  country 
was  finally  conquered  by  corruption.  The  people  rose  in  arms, 
and  under  their  great  general  they  fought  against  enormous 
odds,  but  at  last  they  were  overcome,  and  when  the  gallant 
Pole  fell  on  the  field  of  battle  his  last  words  were,  '  Finis 
Polina'— that  is,  'the  last  of  Poland.'  Now,  we  will  not 
have  war  just  yet,  but,  if  we  submit  to  this  kind  of  foreign 
intervention,  if  we  allow  American  millionaires  or  speculators 
to  come  into  this  country,  to  be  traitors  among  our  ranks,  to 
spend  foreign  gold  for  the  purpose  of  buying  up  our  people, 
« why  then  we  can  say  like  the  Polish  general,  '  Finis  Canad.a' 
—this  is,  the  end  of  Canada.'  But  there  is  no  fear  of  that. 
(No  no)  But  if  it  should  happen  that  we  should  be  absorbed 
in  the  United  States,  the  name  of  Canada  would  be  literally 
forgotten  ;  we  would  have  the  State  of  Ontario,  State  of 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR     OHN  A.  MACDONALP. 


Quebec,  and  State  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  Slate  of  Xe\v  Bruns- 
wick :  every  one  of  the  province?  would  be  a  state  ;  but  where 
is  the  grand,  the  glorious  name  of  Canada  which  we  now  have 
in  one.  and  which  we  are  now  so  proud  of?  It  would,  indeed, 
be  this  in  the  end. 

"  All  I  can  say  is  that  not  with  me,  or  not  by  the  action  of 
my  friends,  or  not  by  the  action  of  the  people  of  Canada,  will 
such  a  disaster  come  upon  us.  I  believe  that  this  election, 
which  is  a  great  crisis,  and  upon  which  so  much  depends,  will 
show  to  the  Americans  that  we  prize  our  country  as  much  as 
they  do,  that  we  would  fight  for  our  existence  as  much  as  they 
fought  for  the  preservation  of  their  independence.  ^Hear, 
hear}.  That  the  spirit  of  our  fathers,  which  fought  and  won 
battle  after  battle,  still  exists  in  their  sons  ;  and  if  I  thought  it 
was  otherwise,  I  would  say  the  sooner  the  grass  was  growing 
over  my  grave  the  better,  rather  than  that  I  should  see  the 
degradation  of  the  country  which  I  have  loved  so  much,  and 
which  I  have  served  so  long.''  (Loud  and  prolonged  ap- 
ulause  i. 

After  the  Premier  had  resumed  his  seat,  and  the  cheering 
had. subsided,  the  entire  audience  sang  "  God  Save  the  Queen." 
The  gathering  dispersed  after  three  cheers  for  Sir  John  and 
Sir  Charles. 

After  the  meeting  the  grand  old  man  held  an  informal 
reception  on  the  platform. 

Those  who  had  thought  that  the  greatest  statesman  of  the 
continent  was  yielding  at  all  to  the  advance  of  years,  were 
agreeably  surprised.  As  the  great  chieftain  stood  before  the 
admiring  gathering  his  eye  glistened  with  all  its  wonted  fire 
and  acuteness,  his  voice  rolled  out  distinctly,  emphasized  by 
that  appealing  stress  that  age  alone  can  give.  His  speech 
possessed  the  same  wonderful  force  of  statement  as  ever,  and 
was  adorned  with  the  same  pointed  allusion  and  anecdotes. 
The  inspiration  of  his  words  seemed  greater  than  ever  before, 
as  he  made  a  great  and  stirring  appeal  to  the  people  of  Canada 
to  preserve  their  country  for  themselves  and  for  the  glorious 
empire,  and  not  to  hand  so  fair  a  heritage  over  to  an  alien 
nation.  Old  Conservatives  \vho  have  heard  Sir  John  in  every 


GRACK  FKNTON'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  MKKTINC 


409 


campaign  for  nearly  the  last  half  century  said  that  his  speech 
was  one  of  the  greatest  he  had  ever  made. 

How  feelingly,  how  gracefully,  how  sweetly,  did  Grace 
Fenton  describe  that  meeting  months  afterwards,  when  the 
loved  leader  lay  dying,  as  the  result  qf  his  over-exertions  in 
that  last  campaign  : 

'  It  seemed  as  though  a  premonition  of  this  evil  day 
touched  lightly  the  hearts  of  that  vast  audience,  for  never 
have  I  heard  a  welcome  so  thrilling  as  that  accorded  to  the 
Premier.  It  broke  in  great  waves  over  the  house,  falling  and 
rising  again  and  again,  spontaneous,  irrepressible,  magnetic  ; 
and  through  the  volume  of  sound  poured  a  certain  vibrant 
note  that  told  of  something  deeper  than  mere  outward  good- 
will. It  was  a  note  of  tenderness  ;  it  was  as  though  the  very 
hearts  of  the  people  had  leaped  into  their  throats  and  thrilled 
into  welcome. 

"  And  I  think  he  who  has  been  the  hero  of  a  thousand 
enthusiasms  felt  the  warmth  and  sympathy  of  this  his  last 
Toronto  greeting,  and  was  touched  and  cheered  thereby. 

"  The  fur  overcoat  he  loved  to  wear  lay  thrown  across  the 
back  of  the  easy  chair  from  which  he  had  risen  ;  a  cluster  of 
roses  drooped  near  by,  the  light  flashing  through  a  glass  water 
ewer  sent  scintillating  sparkles  across  his  face,  a  little  pale 
and  weary  with  fatigue,  and  his  words  dropped  into  stillness 
— the  intense  stillness  of  a  vast  audience. 

"  How  he  has  loved  his  country,  how  he  has  worked  for  it, 
sparing  nothing  of  personal  sacrifice,  that  he  might  accomplish 
its  welfare.  Loyal  always,  faithful  always,  fighting  all 
detraction  with  a  happy  optimism  that  worked  its  own  reali- 
zation 

"  And  now  that  he  is  resting,  oh  mothers  of  Canada,  let  us 
teach  our  sons  to  carry  on  the  labour  in  the  spirit  of  loyalty 
with  which  he  has  imbued  ! 

"  And  if  it  be  that  dark  days  come,  when  patriotism  pale  or 
honour  falter,  let  his  be  the  name  to  conjure  with,  whose 
magic  shall  stir  our  hearts  and  strengthen  our  hands." 

On  the  day  after  their  great  reception  at  Toronto,  Sir  John 
Macdonald  and  Sir  Charles  Tupper  left  for  Hamilton.  Crowds 


410         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


of  people  assembled  at  the  stations  along  the  way  anxious  to 
see  the  distinguished  statesmen.  As  the  train  approached 
each  place  long  and  loud  welcoming  cheers  were  sent  up, 
handkerchiefs  were  enthusiastically  waived  and  men  tried  to 
climb  over  each  other  to  grasp  them  by  the  hand.  When  the 
city  of  Hamilton  was  reached  another  splendid  demonstration 
awaited  them.  The  platform  was  thronged  with  people  who 
cheered  vociferously  when  Sir  John  and  Sir  Charles  stepped 
out  off  the  car.  As  the  carriages  drove  through  the  streets  the 
busy  crowds  along  the  way  stopped  to  cheer  and  waive  their 
hats.  Flags  were  flying  everywhere  from  big  buildings  and 
factories.  All  was,  however,  but  a  faint  indication  of  the 
tremendous  demonstration  prepared  for  the  evening,  of  which 
the  following  description  is  taken  from  the  Empire  : 

"  Before  it  had  yet  become  dark  the  pretty  central  city 
park,  the  Gore,  famous  all  over  the  Dominion,  was  lighted  up 
with  innumerable  and  various  coloured  gas  lamps.  The  effect 
was  magnificent,  particularly  when  the  wide  and  handsome 
thoroughfare,  King  Street,  gradually  became  packed  with  the 
marshalling  hosts  of  a  mammoth  procession.  Column  aftcr 
column  of  torchlighted  forces  wheeled  into  line  from  the 
neighbouring  streets.  Prancing  horses  and  caravans  of  all 
descriptions  bearing  transparencies  of  political  portent,  fol- 
lowed. Drays  and  pleasure  vans  carrying  the  cheering  and 
happy  employees  of  the  prosperous  manufactories  of  the  city 
swept  past  the  multitude.  They  marched  and  countermarched; 
they  played  and  they  tooted  their  horns  ;  they  cheered  and 
they  shouted  till  the  listening  spheres  paid  back  the  great 
acclaim.  But  this  was  not  sufficient.  Fireworks  were  started, 
and  a  first-class  line  of  fireworks  they  were.  This  kept  up  for 
an  hour  and  a  half.  There  were  not  less  than  30,000  people 
out  on  the  streets,  and  it  may  be  added  that  no  city  in  the 
world  could  turn  out  people  more  orderly,  good  humoured  or 
better  dressed.  Hamilton  did  credit  to  Canada  and  to  her 
citizens.  That  was  the  object  of  the  great  demonstration  and 
it  was  demonstrated  beyond  doubt  or  question. 

"  When  the  marshal  had  brought  affairs  to  an  orderly 
termination  in  the  vicinity  of  the  park  and  got  their  torches 


THE  HAMILTON-  AIFFTIXC 

4 '  i 

into  marching  order,  it  could  be  seen  at  a  glance  that  thc 
finest  political  procession  ever  organized  in  this  country  was 
under  way.  As  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  the  darkness  of 
night  was  pierced  by  the  light  of  myriads  of  torches,  and  an 
incessant  discharge  of  Roman  candles  and  rockets  illuminated 
the  line  of  march.  Ten  bands  headed  that  number  of  detach- 
ments of  the  industrial  army  which  marched  in  their  rear, 
proud  to  have  the  opportunity  of  doing  honour  to  the  grand' 
old  chieftain  whose  policy  had  fostered  the  industries  which 
gave  them  employment.  Numerous  transparencies,  bearing 
appropriate  mottoes,  were  carried  on  lorries  or  borne  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  processionists. 

"  The  meeting  held  in  the  Palace  Rink  was  gigantic  in  its 
dimensions.  The  building  is  seated  to  accommodate  2,500. 
but  as  almost  all  the  seats  had  been  reserved  for  the  ladies, 
2,OOO  of  the  intellectual  voters  of  the  city  had  to  find  standing 
room  as  best  they  could.  The  building  was  filled  up  before 
seven  o'clock,  although  the  meeting  did  not  open  till  after 
eight.  Thousands  were  crowding  around  the  building  during 
the  interval  preceding  the  arrival  of  Sir  John  Macdonald.  The 
police  arrangements  for  admitting  by  private  entrance  only 
those  who  had  tickets,  were  perfect,  and  contributed  in  a  great 
measure  to  the  orderly  manner  in  which  the  people  were  able 
to  gain  admission.  Both  inside  and  out  the  immense  assemb- 
lage of  people  was  remarkable  for  orderliness.  Enthusiasm, 
of  course,  ran  high,  in  fact  nothing  could  excel  it.  The  hall 
was  decorated  profusely  with  British  and  Canadian  flags. 
The  back  of  the  platform  was  covered  with  an  immense  Union 
Jack. 

"  When  Sir  John  entered  there  was  an  outburst  of  enthusi- 
asm which,  for  its  magnificence,  was  not  even  excelled  by  the 
ovation  which  the  grand  old  chief  received  in  the  city  ot 
Toronto.  The  ladies  stood  up  and  waived  their  handkerchiefs 
and  cheered  with  all  the  power  of  their  voices,  while  the  wave- 
that  rolled  from  the  back  portion  of  the  hall  seemed  as  if  it 
would  lift  the  roof  off. 

"  It  was  a  happy  thought  which  made  provision  in  the 
Arcade  Hall  for  an  overflow  meeting.  It  gave  opportunity 


412        TUP;  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

for  a  fraction,  at  least,  of  the  people  who  could  not  obtain 
admittance  to  the  Palace  Rink,  to  hear  Sir  John  and  Sir 
Charles.  Doors  opening  on  the  Arcade  from  James  Street 
were  guarded  by  policemen,  and  kept  closed  until  the  proces- 
sion was  over,  by  which  time  an  immense  and  impatient 
concourse  had  gathered  on  the  street  waiting  for  admission, 
and  when  the  doors  were  opened  so  tremendous  was  the  rush 
that  the  front  and  side  windows  of  the  Globe  office  were 
smashed  to  pieces  by  the  surging  crowds.  In  five  minutes 
the  hall  was  packed  to  suffocation.  The  wide  cornice  even 
was  climbed  upon  by  large  numbers  of  adventurous  young 
men  who  were  unable  to  obtain  room  for  their  feet  upon  the 
floor  of  the  hall.  Such  an  ovation  as  Sir  Charles  Tupper  and 
party  received  upon  entering  the  hall,  and  later  in  the  evening 
the  veteran  Premier  and  his  body  guard,  it  is  no  exaggeration 
to  say,  has  never  before  been  tendered  to  any  men,  politicians 
or  otherwise,  in  Hamilton,  not  excepting  even  the  demonstra- 
tive welcome  extended  the  same  gentlemen  in  1878.  When 
Sir  Charles  entered  the  hall  the  assemblage  stood  up  and 
yelled  itself  hoarse,  and  the  war  horse  of  Cumberland  advanced 
to  the  platform  between  ranks  of  most  enthusiastic  supporters 
who  welcomed  the  honoured  patriot.  When  the  enthusiasm 
had  subsided  sufficiently  for  J.  W.  Nesbitt,  Q.C.,  to  be  heard, 
that  gentleman  made  a  few  introductory  remarks,  burning 
with  patriotic  fervour,  and  introduced  Sir  Charles  to  the 
audience.  Never  did  statesman  address  an  audience  more 
perfectly  in  accord  with  the  sentiments  eloquently  expressed 
than  the  one  Sir  Charles  faced.  Each  patriotic  utterance  was 
received  with  loud  acclaim  in  token  of  read)''  acquiescence, 
while  every  reference  to  the  traitorous  designs  of  our  political 
opponents  was  followed  by  correspondingly  vigorous  demon- 
strations of  disapproval. 

"  Sir  Charles  had  not  completed  his  brilliant  address  when 
Sir  John,  accompanied  by  Senator  Sanford,  A.  McKay,  M.P., 
T.  H.  Stinson  and  Alexander  Turner,  entered  the  hall.  The 
assemblage  could  not  be  restrained  and  the  speaker  had  to 
discontinue  while  the  veteran  chieftain  made  his  way  to  the 
platform. 


THE  LONDON  MKKTIXC. 


413 


«  If  the  crowd  had  been  excited  before,  the  appearance  of 
Sir  John  caused  it  to  go  wild  with  enthusiasm.  It  seemed  as 
though  the  cheering  and  waving  of  hats  and  handkerchiefs  would 
never  cease.  Ladies  were  as  enthusiastic  as  men,  and  if  they 
did  not  succeed  in  displaying  it  to  the  same  degree,  it  was  not 
for  the  lack  of  will,  but  because  of  less  vigorous  lung  power. 

"Sir  John  having  rested  sufficiently  after  his  lengthy 
effort  at  the  Palace  Rink,  addressed  the  Arcade  audience. 
Although  pleading  fatigue  at  the  commencement  as  a  reason 
for  the  intention  to  make  a  brief  speech,  the  aged  chieftain 
warmed  up  to  his  subject  as  he  progressed  and  spoke  for 
about  three-quarters  of  an  hour." 

The  next  day  Sir  John  and  Charles  Tupper  went  on 
to  London  where  the  people  were  described  as  simply  wild 
with  excitement.  In  the  evening  they  addressed  another 
monster  assemblage  of  people,  the  following  description  of 
which  is  taken  from  a  private  letter  : 

"  A  portion  of  the  Drill  Hall,  where  the  meeting  was  held, 
was  apportioned  to  the  ladies,  no  gentlemen  allowed  in.  In 
the  rest  of  the  hall  the  general  public  could  fight  it  out  for 
breathing  room.  Seats  had  been  provided  for  4,800.  The 
hall  was  full  before  six  o'clock.  The  torchlight  procession  did 
not  start  from  Sir  John's  car  until  a  quarter  to  eight.  Can  you 
imagine  the  hall  after  the  procession  arrived?  Hundreds 
pushing  and  yelling  like  madmen  to  get  into  a  place  already 
packed.  Sardines  in  a  box  are  comfortable  compared  with 
that  jam.  When  Sir  John  rose  to  speak,  a  large  Union  Jack, 
about  three  feet  long  by  two  feet  wide,  made  of  flowers,  the 
same  on  both  sides,  attached  to  a  staff  about  six  feet  high 
covered  with  smilax,  was  presented  to  him — a  gift  from  the 
'  loyal  Conservative  ladies  of  London.'  It  was  very  beautiful  ; 
the  ensign  on  one  side  was  all  geraniums,  the  reverse  side 
carnations,  and  the  Jack  in  the  corner  made  of  flowers  of  the 
proper  colour.  The  ladies  attended  in  force,  all  armed  with 
small  flags,  which  they  waved  like  cra/y  children,  until  the 
excitement  was  so  great  that  many  of  them  stood  upon  their 
chairs  and  joined  in  the  cheering  of  the  crowd  behind  them. 
Sir  Charles  told  me  yesterday  morning  that  of  all  the  meetings 


414         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

he  had  ever  attended  he  had  never  seen  such  a  grand  and 
enthusiastic  one.  The  streets  were  running  with  water  and 
slush,  and  it  was  raining  hard,  but  the  crowd  did  not  seem  to 
know  it,  and  they  waded  through  everything  with  apparent 
enjoyment." 

Among  the  signs  displayed  on  the  walls  of  the  drill-shed 
were  the  following  : 

"  Welcome  to  Sir  John,  Canada's  Greatest  Statesman." 
"  Canada  for  the  Canadians." 

"Sir  John,  You  Can  Trust  London  to  Send  You    Back  Honest  John 

Carling." 

"The  Old  Policy,  the  Old  Flag,  the  Old  Leader." 
"  Canada  Shall  Not  Be  Governed  by  Washington.' 

"  London  Will  Not  i-  avour  Annexation." 

"We  Will  Preserve  the  Farmer's  Home  Market." 

"  No  Sympathy  With  Treachery  or  Treason  in  London." 

"  Welcome  to  Sir  Charles,  Who  Thrice  Saved  the  Canadian  Cattle 

Trade." 

"  This,  My  Last  Effort,  for  the  Unity  of  the  Empire." 
"  Canada's  Noble  Heritage  Will  Not  Be  Sold  For  a  Mess  of  Pottage." 

"  No  U.  S.  Senators  Need  Apply." 
"No  Discrimination  Against  Great  Britain." 

At  the  close  of  the  meeting  the  great  procession  was 
re-formed,  and,  accompanied  by  the  Seventh  Fusiliers  band 
and  the  Forest  City  band,  escorted  the  carriages  of  Sir  John 
and  his  party  back  to  the  Tecumseh  house.  This  procession 
along  the  streets  at  12.30  o'clock,  with  thousands  of  exuberant 
citizens  on  the  way-side,  was  the  crowning  feature  of  one 
of  the  grandest  political  gatherings  ever  held  in  the  city  of 
London. 

The  following  day,  Saturday,  Sir  John  made  a  marvellous 
effort  for  a  man  of  his  years.  In  the  morning  he  spoke  at 
Stratford.  At  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  he  made  an 
address  of  nearly  an  hour  at  St.  Mary's.  He  spoke  briefly  at 
Guelph,  and  arrived  in  Brampton  about  seven.  Here  he  spoke 
for  fifty  minutes  in  support  of  Mr.  W.  A.  McCulla.  His  voice 
was  hoarse,  but  when  he  warmed  up  to  the  subject  he  spoke 


THE  KINGSTON  MKKTINC. 


with  vigour  and  roused  great  enthusiasm.  He  arrived  in 
Toronto  about  ten  Saturday  night,  going  at  once  to  the 
Queen's,  where  he  enjoyed  a  well-earned  rest. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  following  week  Sir  John  Mac- 
donald  proceeded  to  his  old  home,  Kingston,  and  on  the 
evening  of  February  24th,  addressed  the  greatest  political 
gathering  ever  held  in  that  city,  which  was  thus  described  by 
the  Daily  News. 

"  It  began  to  rain  about  five  o'clock,  after  which  a  windstorm 
arose  and  blew  violently  for  some  time.  Towards  evening  the 
rain  came  down  harder,  and  later  the  night  became  very  dark, 
so  black  that  it  was  feared  the  inclement  weather  would  have 
an  effect  upon  the  welcome  to  Sir  John  Macdonald,  but 
it  didn't,  as  the  facts  will  show.  ^  The  meeting  was  announced 
to  take  place  at  eight  o'clock,  but  as  early  as  6.30  crowds 
began  to  collect  in  front  of  Martin's  Opera  House.  It  kept 
increasing  rapidly,  and  ten  minutes  later  the  doors  could  not 
stand  the  test,  the  crossbar  was  pressed  from  its  fastenings, 
and,  the  door  yielding  to  the  pressure,  the  crowd  rushed  in. 
At  seven  o'clock  the  house  was  crowded,  even  the  standing 
room  being  occupied.  Such  an  early  crowding  of  the  hall  was 
never  known  before.  The  manager  of  the  opera  house  says  he 
never  experienced  the  like.  Many  ladies  called  at  the  opera 
house  during  the  day  and  asked  if  they  could  have  scats 
reserved.  The  hint  was  taken,  and  soon  the  large  stage  was 
cleared  of  its  scenery  and  seats  were  secured  from  other  halls 
sufficient  to  seat  350  ladies.  They  were  admitted  by  a  back 
door,  and  so  eager  were  they  to  gain  admittance  that  by  7.15 
the  stage  was  crowded  by  them  also.  At  7.30  the  ways 
leading  to  the  opera  house  were  jammed,  and  people  were 
again  gathering  on  the  streets. 

"  The  immense  audience  which  crowded  every  available  part 
of  the  house— from  the  upper  gallery  to  the  orchestra  seats, 
and  even  the  fly  galleries  above  the  stage— represented  all 
classes  and  creeds,  and  was  most  enthusiastic  throughout  the 
proceedings. 

"Many   hundreds    were   turned    away,    unable 

admission." 


416         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALIX 


The  next  day  Sir  John  proceeded  to  Napanee  and  there 
addressed  a  large  meeting  characterized  by  the  same  hearty 
enthusiasm  with  which  he  had  been  everywhere  received  in 
his  triumphal  tour  since  the  Toronto  meeting,  and  was 
presented  with  an  address. 

On  his  return  he  received  from  England  a  most  compli- 
mentary resolution  from  the  Primrose  League,  which  afforded 
another  evidence  that,  while  he  possessed  the  confidence  of 
the  people  of  Canada,  he  also  held  and  increased  the  warm 
regard  and  appreciation  of  those  in  the  mother  country,  who 
had  followed  his  long  patriotic  career.  The  address  was  as 
follows  : 

To  Sir  John  Macdonald^  Premier  of  Canada  : 

We,  as  loyal  subjects  of  our  Queen  and  supporters  of  the  British 
Empire,  send  you  warmest  greetings  and  heartfelt  thanks  for  the  patriotic 
stand  you  have  so  nobly  made  in  defence  of  the  maintenance  of  the 
Empire  :  and,  although  for  the  time  being,  dangers  may  menace  that 
unity  between  Canada  and  the  mother  country,  we  feel  that  the  patriotism  of 
our  fellow-countrymen  in  Canada  will  not  allow  them  to  swerve  from  their 
duty  to  the  heritage  of  glory  handed  down  to  them  in  trust  for  posterity, 
but  that  they,  like  ourselves  in  the  Old  Country,  will  fight  shoulder  to 
shoulder  against  that  veiled  treason  which  has  for  its  object  the  disinte- 
gration and  dismemberment  of  our  Empire,  which  has  stood  immovable 
amid  the  ages  of  man  and  the  downfall  of  nations. 

We  feel  sure  that  the  energy  of  character,  skill,  daring  and  indomit- 
able valour  exercised  by  our  forefathers  in  England  and  the  colonies  will 
stimulate  us,  whether  in  Canada  or  in  England,  to  rally  round  the  flag  of 
our  Empire,  upon  whose  dominions  the  sun  ne'er  sets,  under  whose  folds 
have  been  developed  a  degree  of  national  felicity  and  comfort  more  rich 
and  uninterrupted  than  has  ever  been  enjoyed  by  any  other  empire  in  the 
world's  history. 

We  feel  satisfied  that  with  such  guides  as  yourself  the  future  of  our 
Empire  is  safe,  and  its  progress  secure.  We  therefore  pray  that  your 
valuable  life  may  be  long  spared  to  still  carry  out  your  noble  work  in 
defence  of  our  national  principles  of  empire  and  liberty- 
Signed  on  behalf  of  the  members  of  the  Clarendon  Habitation  (No. 
1642)  of  the  Primrose  League,  in  public  meeting  assembled. 

J.  W.  D.  BARRON. 
President  and  Chairman  of  the  Meeting. 

HYDE,  CHESHIRE,  ENGLAND, 

Tuesday,  February  77,  i8gi. 


THE  FAKRKR-WIMAX-HITT  CORRESPONDENT,-:.     4,7 

When  Sir  John  Macdonald  went  eastward  to  Kingston 
Charles  Tnpper  went  westward  to  Windsor,  where  he' 
received  a  demonstration  that  for  numbers  and  enthusiasm 
was  not  excelled  in  the  election  campaign.  The  meeting  was 
held  in  the  Essex  Music  Hall  which  was  jammed  to  the  doors 
In  a  speech  of  great  power  and  earnestness  Sir  Charles  dealt 
with  the  questions  of  the  day,  and  added  to  the  sensation 
caused  by  Sir  John  Macdonald's  speech  at  Toronto  by  giving 
still  further  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy  to  compass 
the  ruin  of  the  country.  This  evidence  consisted  of  the  pro- 
duction of  correspondence  between  Mr.  \Viman,  Mr.  Farrcr 
and  Mr.  Hitt,  Chairman  of  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  and  was  composed  of  the 
following  letters  : 

TORONTO,  April  22,  iSSg 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WIMAN  :— Our  Ottawa  man  will  send  a  good  sum- 
mary of  your  speech,  so   that  on  our  account  you  need  not  go   to  the 
trouble  of  preparation.     At  present  the  C.  U.  movements  is  at  a   stand- 
still.    First   of  all,   the   Jesuit  agitation,   which   is  here  to   stay,   has  to 
some   extent    supplanted    it.     Secondly,  the   general   belief  is    that    the 
Republicans    would  not   listen   to   any  such    scheme.      Thirdly,   a  very 
large  number  of  people  are  inclined  to  think  that  we  had  better  make 
for  annexation    at   once,   instead   of  making   two  bites   of    the   cherry. 
Lastly,  the  old  parties  here  are  rapidly  breaking  up,  and  when  Sir  John 
goes  we  shall  be  adrift  without  a  port  in  sight,  save  annexation.     More- 
over, although  the  Liberals  have  taken  up  C.U.,  they  are  not  pushing 
it  with  any  vigour.      For  these  reasons  the  Mail  has,  in  the  slang  of  the 
day,   given  the  subject  a  rest.     There  is  really  no  use  talking  it  up  to 
a  people  whose  politics  are  in  a  state  of  flux,  and  whose  future  is  wrapped 
in   doubt.      I    saw  Mr.    Hoar,  while   at  Washington,  and  told   him  just 
what  he  says   I  did,  namely,  that  the  smaller  forces  favour  annexation, 
and  will  favour  it  all  the  more  if  C.U.   be  withheld.     It  seems  to  me, 
and  I  have  talked  the  thing  all  over  lately  with  Maritime  members,  as 
well  as  with  Manitobans,  that  C.U.  would  only  delay  the  coming  of  the 
event  those  people   most  desire.     Hence,  in  the   provinces  referred  to, 
C.U.  does  not  take  hold,  whereas  annexation  will  always  demand  a  hear- 
ing.    In  Ontario  the  Jesuit  campaign  has  brought  that  aspect  of  things 
home  to  thousands  who  would  not  look  at  C.U.     The  littleness  and  half- 
heartedness   of  the   Liberals   is  also  very  disheartening.     Then,  again, 
the  truth  is  that  every  man  who  preaches  C.U.  would  prefer  annexation, 
so  that   the  party  is   virtually  wearing  a  mask.     Can't   you   come  round 
this  way  and  have  a  talk  ?  Yours  very  truly, 

(Signed)  K-    FARRKR. 

vni    i?  ~l 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

WASHINC/ION,  D.C.,  April  25,  i88g. 

Eras/us  Wiman,  Esq.,  314  tt roadway,  New  York. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  sending  to  me  the 
proof  slips  of  the  "  North  American  "  article,  and  have  been  much  inter- 
ested also  in  Mr.  Farrer's  letter,  which  surprised  me  somewhat,  as  I 
did  not  think  from  his  conversation,  which  gave  me  a  very  favourable 
impression,  that  he  would  be  so  easily  discouraged.  The  reasons  he 
gives  existed  before  the  Commercial  Union  movement  began  with 
greater  force  than  to-day.  The  Republicans  as  protectionists,  it  was 
apprehended,  would  be  against  it.  They  are  not.  Their  representatives 
vote  for  it,  their  newspapers  have  received  it  kindly,  and  often  with  warm 
approval.  The  Jesuit  agitation,  which  has  taken  the  place  of  Commer- 
cial Union  in  his  mind,  is  largely  sentimental  and  will  probably  not 
last  long.  The  other,  C.U.,  is  a  business  question  that  concerns  each 
citizen,  and  in  a  way  which  he  does  not  understand  at  first,  but  sees 
more  and  more  clearly  the  more  he  talks  intelligently  about  it.  There 
is  some  logic  in  what  F.  says,  of  not  making  two  bites  of  a  cherry,  but 
going  for  annexation  at  once,  but  I  think  he  is  misled  on  that  point  in 
a  way  that  often  occurs.  Where  a  man  is  thinking  much  on  a  point 
and  discussing  it,  he  is  liable  to  narrow  his  horizon  to  those  within  his 
reach,  and  his  own  mind,  and  perhaps  those  he  meets,  having  passed 
on  by  discussion  to  distant  results,  he  takes  it  for  granted  that  the  wide 
world,  which  is  so  wonderfully  slow,  has  kept  up  with  him  and  has  the 
same  results  in  sight.  We  must  be  very  patient  with  the  slow  moving 
popular  mind.  If  the  Canadian  public  of  farmers,  artisans,  lumbermen, 
miners  and  fishermen  can  be,  in  three  years,  argued  up  to  the  point  of 
voting  Commercial  Union,  and  giving  sanction  to  the  movement  in 
Parliament,  it  wlil  be  great  progiess.  Slow  as  such  movements  are 
the  comforting  thing  is  that  they  never  go  backward.  To  you  personally 
it  ought  to  be  in  your  moments  of  reflection  a  consolation  that  long  here- 
after when  this  ball  which  you  set  rolling  has  gone  on  and  on  and 
finished  its  work,  everyone  may  then  look  back  and  see  and  appreciate 
the  services  done  to  mankind  by  the  hand  that  set  it  in  motion.  I  shall 
look  with  interest  for  what  you  say  in  Ottawa.  The  North  American 
Review  article  will  have  a  powerful  tendency  to  keep  our  public  men 
from  scattering  away  on  annexation  next  winter,  and  I  hope  we  can  get 
the  offer  of  Commercial  Union  formulated  into  law.  I  return  the  proof 
slips  of  the  article  and  the  letter  of  Mr.  Farrer's.  Very  truly  yours, 

(Signed) 

R    R.   HITT. 

P.S. — Just   received   yours   of  yesterday   with  Goldwin   Smith's  ;    it 
reads  admirably. 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 


icu-ms  in  me  united  States—  American  writers  on  the  wretched  condition 
of   the    farming   community-Thousands    hungry   and  cold  I    in  Ch  ct 
Poverty  and  misery  in  all  the  great  centres-Mr.   Van  Horne's  bisinesl 

" 


policy  of  protection,  to  which  Sir  John  Macdonald 
referred  in  his  manifesto,  is  contained  in  the  resolu- 
tion moved  by  himself  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  March 
7,  1878. 

"  Resolved,  that  this  House  is  of  opinion  that  the  welfare 
of  Canada  requires  the  adoption  of  a  National  Policy,  which, 
by  a    judicious   readjustment    of  the  tariff,  will   benefit    the 
agricultural,  the  mining,  the  manufacturing  and  other  interests 
of  the  Dominion  ;  that  such  a  policy  will   retain  in   Canada 
thousands  of  our  fellow-countrymen  now  obliged  to  expatriate 
themselves   in    search  of   the    employment    denied    them  at 
home  ;  will  restore  prosperity  to  our  struggling  industries  now 
so  sadly  depressed  ;  will  prevent  Canada  from  being  a  sacri- 
fice market  ;  will  encourage  and  develop  an  active  interpro- 
vincial  trade,  and   moving  (as  it  ought  to  do)  in  the  direction 
of  a  reciprocity  of  tariffs  with  our  neighbours,  so  far  as  the 
varied  interests  of  Canada  may  demand,  will  greatly  tend  to 
procure   for  this    country  eventually  a  reciprocity  of  trade." 
And  his   statement  that  "almost,  as  if  by   magic,  the   whole 
face   of  the   country   underwent  a  change.      Stagnation   and 
apathy   and    gloom  —  aye,   and   want    and  miser}-,  too  —  gave 
place  to  activity  and  enterprise  and  prosperity.     The  miners 
of  Nova  Scotia  took   courage  ;  the   manufacturing  industries 
in  our  great  centres  revived  and  multiplied  ;  the  farmer  found 
a   market  for  his  produce,  the  artisan   and  labourer  employ- 
ment at  good  wages,  and  all  Canada  rejoiced  under  the  quick- 
ening influence  of  a  new  found  life,"  finds  ;unple  justification 

421 


422         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


and  verification  in  the  records  of  the  past  twelve  years.  A 
comparison  of  1878  with  1890  shows  the  following  marvellous 
national  growth  and  increase  : 


1878 


1890 


Increase 


13,988 
41,243,251 


7,845 
18,140,700 


113,5  80,000   63,1 40,000 


3,000,000 


1,848,000 


$9,372,212 
$6,949,417 
$1,234,347 
$20,659,348 

$5,374,691 
$5,797,083 
$538,010 
$6,750,719 

Miles  of  railway 6, 143 

Tons  of  shipping 23,102,55  i 

Letters     and    post-cards 

carried  by  P.O.  Dep. .  50,840,000 

Deposits     in     chartered 
and  savings  banks $88,995,126  $197,892,452  $108,900,326 

Money  orders $7,130,000     $11,970,862       $4,777,862 

Bank  note  circulation.  ..  $29,786,805     $47,417,071      $17,631,266 

Production  of  coal  (tons)  1,152,000 

Value  exports  of  Canad- 
ian cheese $3,997, 52 1 

Value  exports  of  Canad- 
ian cattle $I,I52,333 

Value  exports  of  Canad- 
ian sheep $699,337 

Value  exports   of  manu- 
factured wood $13,908,629 

Value    exports    of   home 

manufactures   $18,182,64?     $25,530,003     $7,347,356 

The  railway  system,  as  will  be  seen,  has  more  than  doubled 
its  mileage,  but  to  get  a  better  idea  of  the  expansion,  we  must 
look  at  the  amount  of  capital  which  has  been  invested,  the 
traffic  that  has  sprung  up,  the  earnings  and  the  working 
expenses.  Ail  these  have  increased  more  than  100  per  cent. 
since  the  initiation  of  the  National  Policy,  the  figures  being  : 

1878  j89o 

Passengers  carried $6,443,924  $12,151,051 

Tons  of  freight  carried 7,883,472  17,928,626 

Paid-up  capital   $360,617,186  $760,576,446 

Gross  earnings $20,520,078  $42,149,615 

Working  expenses $16,100,102  $31,037,045 

The  shipping  in  1890  was  nearly  18,000,000  tons  greater  than 
1878,  so  that  to  find  employment  for  this  increased  tonnage, 
the  water  borne  trade  of  the  country  must  also  have  expanded 
to  the  extent  of  nearly  eighty  per  cent 

During  the  same  period  of  time  our  foreign  trade  has  also 
increased  in  a  marked  manner.  For  the  five  years — 1874-78 


NATIONAL  GROWTH  AND  INCRKASK  SINCK  1879.   423 


— previous  to  the  introduction  of  the  National  Policy,  the 
total  foreign  trade,  imports  and  exports,  amounted  to 
$940,308,362.  For  the  next  five  years— 1879-83— it  was 
$983>375>079-  For  1884-88  it  was  $999,164,938,  and  the 
returns  for  1889  and  1890,  ($423,021,488),  without  allowing 
for  any  further  increase,  indicate  that  the  amount  up  to  1893 
will  aggregate  $1,056,553,720.  Sir  John  Macdonald  went  out 
of  power  at  the  end  of  the  year  1873,  when  the  imports  and 
exports,  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1874,  aggregated 
$217,565,560.  For  the  next  five  years  they  stood  as  follows  : 

To  June  30,  1875   $200,957,262 

"      1876  174,176,781 

"      187?   '75,203,355 

"         "      1878   1 72,405,454 

"      1879  153,455,682 

He  returned  to  power  at  the  end  of  1878,  and,  early  in 
1879,  introduced  the  National  Policy.  For  the  next  fiscal 
year,  ending  June  30,  1880,  the  total  trade  amounted  to 
$174,401,205.  In  1881  it  went  up  to  $203,621,663,  and  since 
then  it  has  only  twice  been  below  $200.000,000.  For  1890  it 
was  $218,000,000. 

Of  this  foreign  trade  the  principal  part  of  our  exports  went 
to  Great  Britain. 

VAI.TK  OK  EXPORTS  Hv 
COUNTRIES. 

Fiscal  Year  ending  June  30th.  Great  Hritain.  I'nitrd  Stairs. 

,879 $36,295,718  $27,165,501 

,880 45,846,062  33,349,909 

1881 53,57M7o  36,866,225 

,882 45,-74,46i  47,940,71 

,883               47,'45,2i7  41,668,723 

,884 43,736,227  38,840,540 

,885                          41,877,705  39,752-734 

,886                               41,542,629  36,578,769 

I887    '                   44,57',846  37,66o,i99 

,888                                                 .  40,084,984  42,572,065 

,889':                .'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'-'.'. 38,105,126  43-522,404 

,890 48,353,694  ^522,8,0 

Total $526,405,239        $466,440090 

Average  for  twelve  years  $43,»67,io3          $38,870,050 


424         TIIK  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


These  figures  disclose  how  unwise  would  be  a  policy  that 
would  encourage  unrestricted  reciprocity  with  the  States,  and 
discrimination  against  the  mother  country. 

There  is  also  to  be  taken  into  consideration  the  interpro- 
vincial  trade  which  has  grown  immensely  of  late  years.  This 
trade  may  be  said  to  have  become  important  only  since  Con- 
federation. In  the  Empire  of  December  28,  1889,  appeared  a 
letter  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  George  Johnson,  Dominion  Statis- 
tician, from  which  the  following  facts  are  gleaned  : 

"  Previous  to  1854  the  trade  between  Canada,  then  com- 
posed of  the  Provinces  of  Ontario  and  Quebec  and  the  Mari- 
time Provinces,  was  small  but  growing.  Then  came  the 
reciprocity  treaty  \vith  the  United  States,  and  this  diverted  into 
United  States  channels  so  much  of  what  scanty  interprovincial 
trade  did  exist  that  the  value  of  the  direct  trade  between  the 
provinces  in  1865 — the  last  year  of  the  treaty — was  less  by 
half  a  million  of  dollars  than  that  in  1853 — the  year  immedi- 
ately preceding  that  in  which  the  treaty  came  into  operation, 
while  in  the  last  few  years  of  the  treaty  the  total  trade  between 
the  Maritime  Provinces  and  Canada  averaged  not  more  than 
$2,000,000  a  year. 

"  In  1866  the  Grand  Trunk  established  a  line  of  steamers 
between  Portland  and  Halifax  and  St.  John,  which  effected  a 
considerable  increase  in  the  trade,  so  that   in  the  first  year  o 
our  confederated  life  its  value  had  increased  to  over  $4,000,000, 
while  the  trade  with  the  North-West  was  still  practically  nil. 

"  The  opening  of  the  Intercolonial  Railway  in  1876,  the 
completion  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  five  years  in 
advance  of  the  stipulated  time,  and  its  extension  from  Mon- 
treal to  St.  John  and  Halifax  .in  1889,  afforded  such  increased 
facilities  that,  aided  by  the  fostering  influence  of  the  National 
Policy,  the  trade  increased  by  leaps  and  bounds.  The  inter- 
change of  commodities  between  Ontario  and  Quebec  is 
immense,  and  the  interprovincial  trade  between  the  Maritime 
Provinces  themselves  is  also  very  great,  but  there  are  no 
official  figures,  and  exact  estimates  are  difficult  to  make,  so 
that  Mr.  Johnson,  in  his  paper,  regarded  Ontario  and  Quebec 
as  one  division  and  the  Maritime  Provinces  as  another  division. 


INTER-PROVINCIAL  TKADK.  4_>- 


Adding  ail  of  Canada,  west  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  as  a 
third  division,  he  gives  these  totals  as  the  value  of  the  inter- 
provincial  trade  actually  in  sight  : 

Eastward  from  Ontario  and  Quebec $28,000,000 

Westward  from  Maritime  Provinces 26',ooo'ooo 

Amount  carried  by  U.  S.  Railways   i]:,oo,ooo 

Between  Eastern  and  Western  Canada 24^oo'ooo 


Total $80,000,000 

As  evidence  of  the  rapidity  with  which  this  trade  is 
increasing  Mr.  Johnson  gives  the  further  facts, that  "the  tonnage 
of  vessels  from  the  Maritime  Provinces  to  the  port  of  Quebec- 
increased  in  1887  by  thirty-three  per  cent,  over  1886,  and  by 
forty-seven  per  cent,  over  1885.  The  wonderful  development 
of  this  interprovincial  trade  will  be  further  revealed  by  a 
.glance  at  the  following  table  of  freight  carried  by  the  Inter- 
colonial Railway  : 


Year  Kai-ivls. 

1878....      637,778  331,170  56,626,547 

1882....     79^,095          560,253        78,356,418 

1886 739,091          843,949       116,253,382 

1890 1,094,193       2,597,951       209,904,071 

And  it  is  an  unquestionable  fact  that  this  class  of  trade  is  the 
very  best  we  can  have.  It  is  better  than  exports  to  a  foreign 
country  ;  the  purchases  on  both  sides  are  made  because  of 
necessity,  and  if  we  could  not  afford  the  mutual  supply  the 
goods  would  come  from  abroad.  As  it  no\v  is,  our  own  rail- 
ways and  vessels  carry  the  merchandise,  and  Canadian  labour 
handles  it.  The  profits,  too,  remain  in  the  land." 

An  English  writer  says,  that  "  home  trade,  home  produc- 

o  *       ' 

tion,  home  consumption,  arc  three  times  the  bulk  and  value  of 
foreign  trade,"  but  American  writers  place  a  much  higher 
value  upon  them.  It  is,  however,  self  evident  that  a  market  at 
his  own  door  is  the  best  possible  one  both  for  the  farmer  and 
the  manufacturer,  and  that  the  greater  the  numbers  of  the 
latter  who  consume  but  do  not  produce  articles  of  food,  and 
who  require  raw  materials  for  their  business,  the  better  must 
it  be  for  the  farming  interests.  It  is  equally  true  that  it  is  in 


426         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


the  best  interests  of  the  manufacturer  to  find  a  market  for  his 
finished  productions  as  near  at  hand  as  possible. 

"  In  1890,"  said  Mr.  Blue,  see  Bureau  of  Industry  reports, 
"$440,000,000  worth  of  produce  was  raised  by  the  farmers 
of  Canada.  Of  this,  $400,000,000  worth  was  consumed  in 
Canada,  only  $13,000,000  went  to  the  States,  which,  with  a 
deduction  of  $5,000,000  imported  here,  left  only  $8,000,000 
worth  actually  sold  in  the  United  States.  The  city  of 
Toronto  consumed  that  much  itself.  Who  dare  say  in  view 
of  this  that  we  require  the  American  market  for  the  con- 
sumption of  our  products  ?  " 

The  farmer's  best  market  is,  of  course,  the  home  market 
and  the  problem  for  our  statesmen  to  solve  is  where  will  he 
find  the  readiest  sale  for  his  surplus  productions  after  the 
home  market  has  been  satisfied  ?  This  foreign  market  is 
naturally  Great  Britain,  a  country  that  buys  annually  nearly 
$500,000,000  worth  of  articles  such  as  we  produce,  not  the 
United  States  that  has  over  $350,000,000  worth  of  the  same 
articles  to  sell. 

The  Canadian  farmer  has  only  to  look  at  the  vast  quan- 
tities of  produce  consumed  by  Britain  to  realize  where  an 
inexhaustible  market  for  Canadian  farm  products  lies.  The 
prices  realized  there  are  good,  and  such  articles  as  cheese, 
meats  and  fruits  as  our  farmers  now  send  are  among  the  best 
paying  products  of  Canada. 

The  British  imports  yearly  of  the  very  articles  our  farmers 
can  readily  supply  are  as  follows  : 

Cheese 203,765,508  Ibs. 

Eggs 93,222,585  doz. 

Butter 1 89,326,409  Ibs. 

Oats 54,21 7,997  bush. 

Barley 41,563,229  bush. 

Wheat 108,646,763  bush. 

Beef 1 10,447,975  Ibs. 

Bacon 427,358,151  Ibs. 

What  other  market  in  the  world  can  make  such  a  showing 
as  this  ? 

Does  it  follow  that  the  United  States  is  our  "  natural  " 
market  because  it  is  our  nearest  ?  Is  not  an  over-crowded 


UNITED  STATES'  EXPORTS  OF  FARM  PRODUCE. 


427 


country  like  Great  Britain,  which  cannot  feed  its  own  popula- 
tion, more  of  a  ''natural"  market  than  an  essentially  a<>ri- 
cultural  country,  such  as  the  United  States,  which  produces 
and  exports  everything  that  our  farms  can  produce  and 
export  ?  Is  a  big  farm  on  one  side  of  the  concession  line 
the  natural  market  for  a  smaller  one  across  the  way  because 
it  is  nearer  than  the  market  town,  or  because  the  owners  find 
it  convenient  to  occasionally  trade  horses,  or  interchange 
seed  ? 

And  if  proximity  makes  the  United  States  the  natural 
market  for  Canada,  Canada  must  also  be  the  natural  market 
for  the  United  States  ?  Arc  they  not  anxious  to  secure  this 
"natural"  market?  In  the  May  number  of  The  Forum,  the 
Honourable  Roger  O.  Mills,  Democratic  member  of  Congress, 
and  author  of  the  Mills'  Tariff  Bill  introduced  in  1888,  has 
an  article  on  reciprocity  in  which  he  urges  closer  trade  rela- 
tions with  Canadians,  because,  that  under  reciprocity  their 
trade  with  us  would  double  in  one  year.  Doubtless  it  would 
and  perhaps  more  than  that,  but  it  would  displace  our  own 
natural  products  or  manufactures  to  the  same  extent  and 
Canadian  producers  would  have  to  leave  off  producing  those 
articles  they  could  not  raise  or  make  at  equally  low  rates, 
with  the  result  that  our  whole  farming  and  manufacturing 
systems  would  have  to  be  revolutionised  to  conform  with  the 
altered  conditions. 

The  United  States  exports  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars 
worth  of  precisely  the  same  articles  that  our  farmers  raise. 
Therefore,  if  they  become  our  customers  it  cannot  be  because 
they  do  not  raise  enough  for  their  own  wants. 

Many  of  the  articles  which  they  buy  from  us  we  see  figur- 
ing in  large  quantities  in  their  exports  to  Great  Britain,  and 
they,  therefore,  must  buy  in  Canada  as  the  cheapest  market 
and  sell  in  England  as  the  dearest  market,  and  pocket  the 
commission  made  as  middlemen. 

The  following  table  shews  the  exports  of  the  United  States 
in  cattle  and  their  produce  and  in  farm  produce  for  the  year 
1890: 


428          THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Cattle  

Number.  . 

394.836 

$3I,26l,I3l 

Hogs  

" 

91,148 

909,042 

Horses  

" 

3>501 

680  4IO 

Sheep  

" 

67,251 

243,077 

All  other  and  fowls  

120,725 

Bones,  hoofs,  etc  

271,533 

Barley  

.  Bushels.  . 

1,408,31  i 

754,605 

Corn  

(i 

101,973,717 

42,658,015 

Cornmeal  

.  Barrels  .  . 

361,248 

896,879 

Oats  

.  Bushels.  . 

13,692,776 

4,510,055 

Oatmeal  

.  Pounds  .  . 

25,460,322 

784,879 

Rye  

.  Bushels  .  . 

2,257,377 

1,279,814 

Wheat  

a 

54,387,767 

45,275,906 

"     flour  

.  Barrels  .  . 

12,231,711 

57,036,168 

Eggs  

.  Dozens  . 

380,884 

430,  1  5  1 

Apples  

.  Barrels  . 

453,5°6 

1,231,436 

Hay  

,  .  Tons 

36,274 

567,558 

Hides  and  skins  

1,828,635 

Beef,  canned  

.  Pounds. 

.     82,638,507 

6,787-193 

'  '     fresh  

" 

•    173,237.506 

12,862,384 

"     salted  

<t 

97,508419 

5,250,068 

"     other  cured  

(i 

102,110 

9,223 

Tallow  

" 

.     112,745,370 

5  242,158 

Bacon  and  hams  

« 

.     608,490,956 

47,056,760 

Pork,  pickled  

<( 

.        79,788,868 

4,753,488 

Lard  

" 

.     471,083,598 

33,455,520 

Mutton  

<( 

256,711 

2i,793 

All  other  meat  products.  .  . 

it 

93^770 

Butter  

" 

.        29,748,042 

4,187,489 

Cheese  

" 

-        95,376,053 

8,591,042 

Seeds,  clover,  timothy,  etc. 

2,543,521 

Tobacco  leaf  ,  

21,149,869 

Beans  and  pease  

26l,2I2 

558,317 

Potatoes  

406,618 

269,693 

Vegetables,  canned  

231,265 

Wool  

231,042 

33,543 

Total $344,675,7 1 5 

A  prominent  member  of  the  Liberal  party  made  a  speech 
at  the  Auditorium,  Toronto,  on  February  I3th,  in  which  he 
endeavoured  to  prove  that  the  Canadian  farmers  were  not 
prosperous,  that  they  were  overwhelmed  by  mortgages  on 
their  property  and  suffering  great  injury  by  being  excluded 


PROSl'ERITV    OF    CANADIAN     FAKMKRS. 


420, 


from  the  United  States  market.  His  statement  on  this  point 
was  endorsed  by  the  Globe  on  February  I9th,  in  these  words  : 
"  In  fact  the  value  of  farm  lands  have  greatly  diminished  and 
the  amount  of  mortgage  thereon  much  increased  throughout  a 
very  large  portion  of  this  Dominion  since  1879."  On  the 
other  hand  the  report  of  the  Ontario  Bureau  of  Industries  for 
1890,  showed  an  average  mortgage  indebtedness  (chattel  and 
farm)  on  Ontario  farm  property  of  less  than  nine  per  cent,  of 
its  value,  as  compared  with  a  mortgage  indebtedness  of  fifteen 
per  cent,  of  its  value  in  1878. 

The  following  table  shows  that  the  farmers  of  Ontario  are 
steadily  increasing  in  wealth  and  prosperity  : 

Farm  Lands.  Buildings.  Implements.          Live  Stock.  Total. 

1882.  .  .$632,342,500  $132,711,575  $37,029,815  $80,540,720  $882,624,610 

1883.  ..  654,793,023  163,030,675  43,522,530  100,082.365  961,428,595 
1884...  625,478,706  173,386,925  47,830,710  103,106,829  949,803,1/0 
1885...  626,422,024  182,477,905  48,569,725  100,690,086  958,159,740 
l886...  648,009,828  183,748,212  50,530,936  107,208,935  989,497,911 
1887..  .  636,883,755  184,753,507  49,248,297  104,406,655  975,292,214 
1888...  640,480,801  188,293,226  49,754,832  102,839,235  981,368.094 
1889.  ..  632,329,433  192,464,237  51,685,706  105,731,288  982,210,664 

Some  years  ago  (1886)  the  report  of  the  statistical!, 
American  Department  of  Agriculture,  contained,  amongst 
other  details  of  state  indebtedness,  the  following  regarding 
New  York,  which  is  generally  considered  to  be  the  wealthiest 
state  in  the  union  : 

"  There  are  a  large  number  of  farms,  which  were  purchased 
a  few  years  ago  and  mortgaged,  which  now  would  not  sell  for 
more  than  the  face  of  the  mortgages,  owing  to  the  deprecia- 
tion of  the  farming  lands,  which,  on  an  average,  is  fully  thirty- 
three  per  cent,  in  ten  years.  Probably  one-third  of  the  farms 
in  the  state  would  not  sell  for  more  than  the  cost  of  the  build- 
ings and  other  improvements,  owing  to  the  shrinkage. 
The  wages  for  farm  help  have  been,  for  several  years,  thirty- 
three  per  cent,  more  than  the  business  could  bear." 

The  report  sums  up  by  stating  that : 

"The  result  of  the  investigation  in  New  York  shows  that 
three-tenths  of  the  farms  are  mortgaged,  and  that  one  in 
twenty  of  the  farm  proprietors  is  hopelessly  in  debt." 


430         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

We  have  here,  in  contrast,  the  American  official  report 
regarding  the  condition  of  the  farmers  in  the  State  of 
New  York  and  the  Canadian  official  report  regarding  the 
condition  of  the  farmers  of  Ontario,  the  former  declar- 
ing that  the  farms  in  New  York  have  decreased  thirty- 
three  per  cent,  in  ten  years,  and  that  one  third  would  not 
bring  more  than  the  cost  of  the  buildings  and  improvements, 
the  latter  declaring  that  Ontario  farmers  are  $100,000,000 
better  off  than  they  were  eight  years  ago.  Even  this  large 
amount  does  not  fully  represent  the  advance  made,  for  it  must 
not  be  forgotten  that  during  that  space  of  time  the  cost  of 
farm  implements  has  fallen  very  much. 

If  there  is  any  fanning  community  in  the  United  States 
that  ought  to  be  prosperous  it  is  the  State  of  Illinois,  where 
the  farms  lie  all  around  the  great  city  of  Chicago,  affording  a 
market  of  over  a  million  consumers  of  the  minor  products  of 
the  farm,  and  yet,  excluding  chattel  mortgages,  they  owe  over 
$147,000,000,  the  mortgage  incumbrances  increasing  twenty- 
three  per  cent,  between  1880  and  1887,  or  twice  the  ratio  of 
increase  in  the  value  of  the  land. 

In  the  report  of  the  Illinois  Bureau  of  Labour  Statistics  for 
1888  it  is  stated  that  "  there  are  8,082,794  acres  of  Illinois 
land  under  mortgage,  besides  the  mortgages  on  237,336  lots 
and  on  chattels."  It  appears  that  there  were  filed  in  1887  a 
total  of  125,923  new  mortgages  for  the  immense  sum  of 
$117,152,857.  The  report  winds  up  by  saying:  "Averaging 
the  total  mortgage  indebtedness,  as  estimated  by  the  state 
administration,  it  makes  a  debt  of  $520  for  every  head  of 
family  in  the  state,  while  the  new  debt  contracted  in  1887 
alone  makes  $146.25  for  each  head  of  family.  .  .  .•  The 
condition  of  Kansas  and  other  western  states  is  even 
worse." 

An  American  writer,  Mr.  J.  R.  Elliott,  has  published  a 
book  on  American  farmers,  in  which  he  says  : 

"  One  who  has  been  familiar  with  the  past  history  of  the 
farm  homes  of  a  country,  who  has  known  of  the  struggles  and 
triumphs  of  the  early  possessors  of  these  properties,  cannot  but 
be  saddened  when  he  sees  them,  one  after  another,  abandoned, 


DECADENCE  OF  FARMINC  INTKKKSTS  IN  LI.  S 


433 


the  lands  to  become  the  pasture  domain  of  more  successful 
estates,  or  to  be  entirely  given  over  to  the  public  common. 

"  Large  tracts  of  country— away  from  the  towns  and  cities 
—in  the  old  states  and  provinces  of  America  are  thus  being 
transformed  ;  and  not  only  are  these  manifestations  of  failure 
on  the  part  of  our  old  farms  to  hold  their  own  against  the  con- 
ditions of  the  times  not  confined  to  the  old  states,  but  arc 
rapidly  extending  over  the  continent. 

"  Through  the  Boston  Advertiser,  a  rather  conservative 
journal,  we  have  the  following  graphic  picture  of  the  desolation 
which  already  reigns  over  portions  of  Massachusetts,  once  the 
settlements  of  happy  and  prosperous  farmers  : 

"  '  Throughout  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  away  from  the 
'  cities  and  the  large  towns,  may  be  met,  besides  oral  reports, 
'  traces  of  farms  once  yielding  a  support  to  their  occupants,  but 
'  now  abandoned.  The  signs  of  former  tenancy  are  to  be  found 
'  in  conditions  varying  from  the  indications  of  recent  occupancy 
'  to  those  of  a  generation  or  longer  ago.  Sometimes  the 
'  dwelling  house  has  a  look  of  neatness,  in  its  white  paint  and 
'green  blinds,  not  yet  yielding  much  to  the  weather.  The 
'  barns,  wa<reon  shsds,  corn  cribs  and  other  outbuildings  will  be 

'  OO 

'  blackened  of  course,  from  exposure  of  their  unpainted  surface 
'  but  yet  have  in  them  wear  and  utility.  But  the  stillness  of  a 
'  solitude  haunts  the  place  and  the  sign,  affixed  to  a  tree,  "  For 
'  Sale,"  stirs  in  the  practical  observer  the  suspicious  question, 

'  Why  ? 

"  '  The  storms  of  several  decades  have  worn  the  paint  away. 
'  The  clapboards  are  darkening  in  the  weather.  The  mortar 
'  has  crumbled  from  between  the  bricks  in  the  chimneys, 
'  so  that  you  see  the  light  of  the  sky  through  the  crevices. 
'  Some  of  the  panes  in  the  windows  are  broken.  The  front 
'  door  hangs  ajar.  The  wind  sighs  through  the  empty  wood- 
'  shed.  The  outbuildings,  first  to  go,  are  falling  in.  Acres  of 
'  land,  once  cultivated,  lie  around.  The  sign  announcing  th< 
'  place  as  being  for  sale  is  broken,  and  hanging  by  a  single  nail, 
'  and  the  words  are  almost  untraceable. 

-'Another  scene  will  represent  a  ruin.  The  roof  has 
'tumbled  in.  The  charming  prospect  of  hill  and  dale  and 


4.34         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

'  wood  and  setting  sun  is  now  never  more  to  be  shut  out  from 

o 

'the  front  door,  where  once  the  busy  housewife  may  have 
'  sometimes  glanced,  for  the  door  is  swung  far  back  and  gaping 
'  on  the  scene,  and  no  one  is  there  to  push  it  to.  At  some 
'time  or  other  the  barn  fell  down,  and  the  boards  and  timbers 
'are  rotting  from  the  repeated  dryings  and  wettings.  It  is  a 
'  scene  of  desolation.  The  suggcstiveness  of  former  tenancy 
'  imparts  to  it  a  melancholy,  such  as  a  mere  old  cellar  or  the 
'  traces  of  a  stone  underpinning  do  not  have.  These,  too,  may 
'be  found  sometimes  in  the  midst  of  lonely  woods,  where  the 
'  trees  have  grown  up  in  the  fields  formerly  ploughed  and 
'sowed,  so  that  the  owner  is  already  counting  on  their  value 
'  at  some  lone  sawmill.  But  where  the  remnant  of  a  frame  is 
'  standing,  it  suggests  the  farmer's  hopes,  the  housewife's 
'counsels,  the  ploughboy's  whistle,  once  known  here,  now  gone 
'  forever. 

"  '  Large  areas  are  now  offered  for  sale.  The  prices  asked 
'  for  the  land  are  low  compared  with  the  prices  asked  for  land 
'in  the  places  where  the  population  is  growing.' 

"  A  writer  in  the  Grange  Homes,  of  Boston,  mentions  seeing 
farms  sold  in  Vermont  for  less  than  the  cost  of  the  buildings 
upon  them.  He  pertinently  suggests  the  query  :  '  The  fathers 
'  among  the  hills  were  poor,  but  they  cleared  away  the  forests, 
'raised  and  educated  families  and  built  homes.  Why  do  the 
'buildings  now  sell  for  less  than  they  are  worth,  with  100  or 
'  200  acres  of  land  thrown  in  to  make  the  trade  ?  Yes,  why  are 
'  these  lands  being  abandoned  ?  Why  are  the  farmers  becoming 
'  mere  tenants  ?  Why  are  mortgages  settling  down  on  the  old 
'  farms  of  America  ?  ' ' 

At  page  40  Mr.  Elliott  says  : 

"  It  is  admitted  now  on  all  sides  that  farm  industry  is  not 
progressing  in  New  England  ;  rather,  fast  losing  ground." 

At  page  42  he  goes  on  : 

"  The  decadence  of  the  agricultural  interest  in  New  Ham- 
shire  and  Vermont  is  now  the  object  of  official  investigation. 
Mr.  B.  Valentine,  Commissioner  of  Agriculture  for  Vermont, 
finds  that  good  areas  of  tillable  land  can  be  bought  in  his  state 
at  prices  approximating  those  of  western  lands.  Two  hundred 


DECADENCE  OF  FARMING  INTERESTS  IN  U.S. 


435 


acre  farms,  with  '  fair  buildings,' good  orchards  and  plenty  of 
timber,  are  being  sold  for  less  than  $1,000.  In  some  counties 
large  tracts  of  land  of  fair  quality  can  be  be  bought  for  $,  or 
$4  per  acre.  Town  Clerk  Fuller,  of  Vershire,  Vermont,  says  : 
I  We  have  many  abandoned  farms  in  different  parts  of  our 
'towns,  with  good  buildings  on  them,  that  could  be  bought  lor 
'$5_or  less  per  acre.  All  this  land  was  once  occupied  by 
'thrifty  and  prosperous  farmers.' 

"  In  forty-five  agricultural  townships  in  Connecticut  the 
decrease  of  wealth  in  the  eleven  years  1865-76  amounted  to 
$1,893,1/2;  between  1876  and  1886  the  decrease  ran  up  to 
$2>74Io-/0-  Out  of  603  fanners  interviewed  378  show  a 
yearly  loss.  As  we  travel  away  from  New  England  to  more 
western  lands  we  meet  the  same  cry— the  decline  of  agricul- 
ture. The  report  on  the  financial  affairs  of  the  farmers  of 
Nebraska  (1887-88)  shows  that  of  215  farmers,  over  fifty  per 
cent,  stated  that  they  were  losing  money." 

And  at  page  47,  on  the  same  subject,  he  says  respecting 
the  state  of  Michigan  : 

"The  opinion  of  the  labour  commissioners  of  Michigan, 
that  the  mortgages  upon  the  farms  of  that  state  operate  as  a 
'  mammoth  sponge '  upon  the  labours  of  the  owners,  is  the 
growing  feeling  of  the  majority  of  the  farmers  all  over 
America — the  older  parts  at  least.  The  farms  of  Michigan 
surround  the  great  iron  industries  of  the  west.  The  state  now 
contains  large  centres  of  population,  and  its  lands  arc  fertile 
and  productive,  and  yet  the  farmers  are  evidently  on  the 
downward  track." 

Following  up  this  question  of  mortgages,  at  page  forty- 
nine  he  gives  the  following  picture  : 

"  The  picture  given  of  life  on  Saturday  in  a  Kansas  town 
is  certainly  a  startling  one  :  '  It  matters  not  how  dull  the 
'town  has  been  during  the  week,  on  Saturday  the  streets  are 
'crowded  with  people  ;  on  that  day  chattels  are  sold  to  satisfy 
'the  overdue  mortgages.  At  present  these  sales  are  numerous 
•in  the  west,  outside  of  the  corn  belt,  and  a  very  large  portion 
'of  these  do  not  realize  sufficient  to  pay  the  mortgages. 
'Teams,  waggons  and  horned  stock,  which  six  months  ago 


436         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

'were  considered  ample  security  for  a  loan  of  from  $100  to 
'$150,  frequently  fetch  at  public  auction  twenty-five  per  cent. 
"less  than  the  price  of  the  mortgage.'  " 

At  page  sixty-three  he  quotes  an  authority  well  known 
throughout  the  whole  continent,  as  follows  : 

"  The  Honourable  David  A.  Wells  says  :  '  A  few  years 
'ago  the  inhabitants  of  Ludlow,  formerly  a  most  prosperous 
"town  in  Windsor  county,  Vermont,  memorialized  the  legis- 
lature to  the  effect  that  there  were  twelve  deserted  farms 
'within  the  town  (townships)  limits,  and  asked  permission  to 
"guarantee  to  any  person  who  would  lease  and  work  them 
'exemption  from  taxation,  local  and  state,  for  a  considerable 
'term  of  years.'  He  also  states  :  '  All  over  New  England 
'farms  in  abundance  can  now  be  purchased  for  less  than  the 
'cost  of  the  improvements  upon  them — yes,  for  less  than  the 
•*cost  of  the  construction  of  their  stone  walls.'  " 

Our  extracts  are  already  lengthy,  but  let  us  call  another 
witness,  no  less  than  Judge  Nott,  of  the  U.S.  Court  of  Claims. 
Writing  to  the  New  York  Post  on  November  n,  1889,  he 
says  : 

"  Midway  between  Williamstown  and  Brattlcboro'  a  few 
years  ago  I  saw  on  the  summit  of  a  hill  against  the  evening 
sky  what  seemed  a  large  cathedral.  Driving  thither  I  found 
a  huge,  old-time  two  storey  church,  a  large  academy  (which 
had  blended  in  the  distance  with  the  church),  a  village  with 
a  broad  street,  perhaps  1 50  feet  in  width.  I  drove  on  and 
found  that  the  church  was  abandoned,  the  academy  dis- 
mantled, the  village  deserted.  The  farmer  who  owned  the 
farm  on  the  north  of  the  village  lived  on  one  side  of  the  broad 
street,  and  he  who  owned  the  farm  on  the  south  lived  on  the 
other,  and  they  were  the  only  inhabitants.  All  of  the  others 
had  gone  to  the  manufacturing  villages,  to  the  great  cities, 
to  the  west.  Here  had  been  industry,  education,  religion, 
comfort  and  contentment,  but  there  remained  only  a  drear 
solitude  of  forsaken  homes." 

The  same  story  as  to  the  wretched  condition  of  the 
American  farmers  was  brought  out  in  the  evidence  given 
before  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  of  the  United 


DECADENCE  OF  FARMINC  INTERESTS  IN  U.S. 


437 


States  Congress,  before  the  adoption  of  the  McKinley  Tariff. 
It  has  all  along  been  said  by  the  leading  American  statesmen 
that  the  McKinley  Bill  was  not  meant  to  injure  Canada  but 
simply  to  afford  relief  to  their  own  farmers  by  giving  them 
protection  against  outside  competition,  and  thus  somewhat 
improve  their  condition.  That  this  assistance  was  necessary, 
and,  therefore,  that  no  efforts  of  Canada  will  induce  the 
Americans  to  allay  the  strictness  of  that  Bill,  was  amply  proved 
before  this  Committee.  The  American  farmers  are  in  such 
sore  straits  that  even  with  the  great  market  of  65,000,000,  of 
which  we  have  heard  so  much,  they  demand  to  be  protected 
from  all  competition  which  will  further  increase  the  immense 
surplusage  of  farm  produce  which  must  seek  a  foreign 
market.  In  reading  this  evidence  it  must  be  remembered 
that  it  was  given  by  Americans  before  the  American  Con- 
gress, and  was  published  for  the  information  of  their  own 
people,  without  any  thought  of  Canadian  elections.  Let  our 
farmers  read  the  story  and  say  if  they  are  willing  to  reduce 
themselves  to  the  same  condition. 

If  unrestricted  reciprocity  were  brought  about  our 
farmers  might  expect  to  occupy  a  position  similar  to  that 
of  the  farmers  of  the  State  of  New  York,  brought  about  by 
the  competition  with  western  prairie  fed  cattle.  The  follow- 
ing is  taken  from  the  New  York  Times  of  February  13,  1891  : 

"  Never  before  was  the  market  value  of  beef  cattle  so  low. 
At  the   present   prices   prevailing  no   fanner  can   feed   cattle 
without  such  a  loss  as  to  wholly  neutralize  the  value  of  the 
resulting  manure,  to  which  he  has  been  in  the  habit  of  looking 
for  a  part  of  his  profit.     Just  now  the  feeding  of  cattle  is  the 
most   unprofitable   part  of  agriculture,  and   thus   the  ancient 
maxim  that   it  was  the  most  important  part  of  the  fanner's 
vocation   becomes   wholly  obsolete.      The  reason    is  not   far 
to   seek.     The  low  price  of  western  dressed  beef  has  rcduc< 
the  value  of  stock  to   this   inadequate  point. 
are   retailed  from   the  refrigerator  cars  at  six  and 
a  pound,  or   less  when   competition   is  to  be  destroycc 
western    cattle   are  fed  on  the  public  lands,  which  are 
the  use  of  stock  owners  without  any  charge.     Thus,  the  rang- 


438         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

ing  of  stock  comes  into  disastrous  competition  with  farmers 
whose  lands  represent  large  investments  and  which  are  taxed 
on  this  basis.  Good  steers  fed  on  farms  have  been  sold  at 
two  cents  and  less  per  pound.  This  low  price  does  not  pay 
the  cost.  And  as  there  is  no  other  product  which  helps  to 
make  up  this  loss,  feeding  is  stopped,  and  the  grain  and  hay 
formerly  used  in  this  way  is  thrown  upon  an  already  over- 
loaded market." 

While  the  farmers  of  the  United  States  are  much  less 
prosperous  than  those  on  the  northern  side  of  the  border  line, 
the  wretchedness  and  misery  in  the  large  cities  is  something 
terrible  to  behold.  Read  the  following  headlines  taken  from 
two  consecutive  members  of  the  Chicago  Herald  in  the  early 
part  of  this  year  1891  : 

IN  SAD  NEED  OF  HELP. 


THOUSANDS    HUNGRY   AND   COLD. 


Many    Touching   Cases    Where   Deserving   People   Are    Struggling   to 

Secure  the  Bare  Necessaries  of  Life  Discovered  by 

the  "  Herald's  "  Relief  Corps, 


ARE   IN   DESPERATE   STRAITS. 

Men  Seeking  for   Work   While  Their  Families  are  Starving. 


CHILDREN   CRYING    FOR    FOOD. 


Relief    Afforded   a     Worthy    Family     Which     Was    on    the    Verge   of 

Starvation. 


IN   UTTER   WANT   AND    MISERY. 


Many  Families  on  the  North  Side  Are  Suffering  the  Pangs  of  Hunger. 


AID  FOR  THE  HUNGRY. 


ASSISTANCE    FOR    CHICAGO'S    POOR. 


Many    Contributions   Being  Received  by   the   ' '  Heralds "    Corps    That 

Will  Go  Far  Towards  Relieving  the  Distress 

Throttghout  the  City, 


MR.  VAN  HORNE  ON  UNRESTRICTED  RECIPROCITY.  .439 


HELPLESS    AND    STARVING. 


Pitiful  Condition  of  Many  Children  and  Sick  Men  and  Women, 
in  the  Polish  Quarter. 


Families  Slowly  Starving  While  They   Vainly  Seek  for    }  \  'ork. 


MANY   CASES    OF   SUFFERING. 


Families  Hungry  and  Cold  and  Sorely  in  Need  of  Help. 

The  Rochester,  Buffalo,  New  York,  Philadelphia  and 
Detroit  papers  reveal  the  same  deplorable  state  of  affairs 
among  the  poor  of  these  cities.  The  following  is  the  summing 
up  of  a  long  article  in  the  Detroit  Sun  ; 

"  The  poverty  in  all  our  great  centres  of  civilization,  as 
well  as  throughout  the  landlord  and  mortgage  cursed  frontiers 
of  our  land  is,  year  by  year,  growing  more  terrible  and  more 
general. 

"  In  the  city  of  New  York  there  are  over  150,000  people 
who  earn  less  than  sixty  cents  a  day.  Thousands  of  this 
number  are  poor  girls  who  work  from  eleven  to  sixteen  hours 
a  day.  Last  year  there  were  over  23,000  families  forcibly 
evicted  in  that  city,  owing  to  their  inability  to  pay  their  rent. 
One  person  in  every  ten  who  died  in  New  York  in  1889  was 
buried  in  the  Potter's  field.  Those  are  facts  which  may  wel 
give  rise  to  anxious  thoughts." 

Do    we   ever   hear  of  such   hardships,  wretchedness   and 

misery  in  Canada  ? 

The  effect  that  unrestricted  reciprocity  would  have 
our  trade  and  commerce  was   very  forcibly  put  by  Mr.  Va: 
Home,  President  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  in  a 
addressed    by    him    to   Senator    Drummond,  and  publis 
by  the  latter  in  all  the  leading  papers.     Being  an  Amenc 
by  birth,  education  and  training,  and  having  spent  t 
years  of  his  life  in  that  country,  it  may  fairly  be  presumed 
Lt  his  thoughts  and  aspirations  would  be  strongly MI, .favour 
of  closer   connections  with   the  United    States    and   that 
would  appreciate,  as  fully  as  any  man  could,  the  adva  .age 
which  would  flow  from  unrestricted  reciprocity.    Wh. 
for     we  find  him  coming  forward  and  giving  expression  to 


440         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

the  strongest  opinions  against  that  policy,  and  backing  his 
views  with  statements,  the  truth  and  force  of  which  must 
strike  every  thoughtful  person,  we  are  compelled  to  give  him 
the  greatest  possible  attention.  The  first  of  these  letters  was 
written  in  reply  to  one  from  Mr.  Drummond,  and  was  as 

follows  : 

MONTREAL,  February  21,  1891. 
My  Dear  Mr.  Drummond : 

You  are  quite  right  in  assuming  that  the  statement  in  the  letter 
enclosed  in  your  note  of  to-day  is  untrue.  I  am  not  in  favour  of  unre- 
stricted reciprocity  or  anything  of  the  kind.  I  am  well  enough  acquainted 
with  the  trade  and  industries  of  Canada  to  know  that  unrestricted 
reciprocity  would  bring  prostration  or  ruin.  I  realize  that  for  saying  this 
I  may  be  accused  of  meddling  in  politics,  but  with  me  this  is  a  business 
question  and  not  a  political  one,  and  it  so  vitally  affects  the  interests  that 
have  been  entrusted  to  me  that  I  feel  justified  in  expressing  my  opinion 
plainly.  Indeed,  since  opposite  views  have  been  attributed  to  me,  I  feel 
bound  to  do  so.  No  one  can  follow  the  proceedings  in  Congress  at 
Washington,  and  the  utterances  of  the  leading  newspapers  of  the  United 
States,  without  being  struck  with  the  extraordinary  jealousy  that  prevails 
there  concerning  Canada — jealousy  growing  out  of  the  wonderful  develop- 
ment of  her  trade  and  manufactures  within  the  past  twelve  years.  It  was 
this  jealousy  that  prompted  the  Anti-Canadian  features  of  the  McKinley 
Bill.  It  was  represented  and  believed  at  Washington  that  the  Canadian 
farmers  largely  depended  on  the  United  States  for  a  market  for  many  of 
their  chief  products,  and  that  their  loyalty  could  be  touched  through  their 
pockets,  and  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  "  put  on  the  screws  "  to  bring 
about  a  political  upheaval  in  Canada,  and  such  a  reversal  of  the  trade 
policy  of  the  country  as  would  inevitably  lead  to  annexation.  I  have 
found  it  necessary  to  keep  well  informed  as  to  the  drift  of  matters  at 
Washington,  because  the  interests  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  have 
been  threatened  by  all  sorts  of  restrictive  measures  ;  and  from  my  know- 
ledge of  the  feeling  there,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  if  the  result  of  the 
pending  elections  in  Canada  is  what  the  authors  of  the  McKinley  Bill 
expected  it  would  be,  another  turn  of  the  screw  will  follow.  Xo  comfort 
is  to  be  found  in  the  recent  disaster  to  the  Republican  Party  in  the 
United  States.  It  was  not  the  anti-Canadian  features  of  the  McKinley 
Bill  that  caused  this,  but  it  was  the  heavily  increased  duties  on  many 
articles,  the  manufacture  of  which,  at  home,  was  intended  to  be  forced. 
This  increase  of  duties  came  at  a  time  of  general  depression  among  the 
farmers  and  working  classes,  and  it  was  resented  by  them.  Trade 
relations  with  Canada  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  They  were  not  thinking 
of  us.  Putting  aside  all  patriotic  considerations  and  looking  at  the 
question  of  unrestricted  reciprocity  from  a  strictly  business  standpoint, 


MR.  VAN  HORNE  ON  UNRESTRICTED  RECIPROCITY.   44, 


tm!f?'  'TV:116  "T  f  C°mm0n  S6nSe'  haS  Canada  to  gain  by  it  at  this 
time  ?     Thousands  of  forms  in  the  New  England  States 
the  farmers  of  the  Middle  '  ^  are  jj  ^J 

s  neceYC™  T?^  ""  f^"*  '°  ^  "  ""**  tha 

V  The  manufacturers   everywhere   are  alarmed  as  to  their 

future,  and  most  of  them  are  reducing  their  output,  working  on  short    m 
and  seeking  orders  at  absolute  cost,  so  that  they  may  keep  their  best 
workmen  together.     We  are  infinitely  better  off  in  Canada      We  have 
no  abandoned   farms  and  no  distress  anywhere,  and  there  is  work  for 
everybody     who    is     willing     to     work.         Our    neighbours'    big    mill 
pond   is   very    low    just    now,   but    our    smaller   one   is,    at   least    full 
enougn  to  keep  us  going  comfortably.     His  pond  requires  twelve  limes 
as   much    as    ours    to  fill.     It  is  not  necessary  that  a  small  boy  should 
be  a  school-boy  to  know  what  the  result  would  be  if  we  were  to  cut  our 
dam.     Our  pond  would  at  once  fall  to  the  level  of  the  other.     Even  if  we 
were  suffering  from  hard  times  we  could  gain  nothing  by  unrestricted 
reciprocity.      No  man  of  sense  would  seek  partnership  with  one  worse  off 
than  himself  because  he  happened  to  be  hard  up.     You  can't  make  a 
good  egg  out  of  two  bad  ones.     The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  is   far 
away  the  largest  buyers  of  manufactured  articles  in  Canada.     It  buys 
dry  goods  and  groceries,  as  well  as  locomotives  and  cars  ;  it  buys  pins 
and  needles  and  millinery  goods,  as  well  as  rails  and  splices  and  spikes  ; 
it  buys  drugs  and  medicines  and  clothing,  as  well  as  bolts  and  wheels  and 
axles.     It  buys  almost  every  conceivable  thing,  and  it  is  necessarily  in 
close  touch  with  the  markets  at  home  and  abroad.     It  has  built  up,  or 
been   instrumental  in   building  up,   hundreds   of  new  industries  in   the 
country,  and  it  is  the  chief  support  of  many  of  them,  and  its  experience 
with   these  markets  and  these  industries  justifies  my  belief  that   unre- 
stricted reciprocity  with  the  United  States,  and  a  joint  protective  tariff 
against  the  rest  of  the  world  would  make  New  Y'ork  the  chief  distributing 
point  for  the  Dominion  instead  of  Montreal  and  Toronto;  would  localize 
the  business  of  the  ports  of  Montreal  and  Quebec,  and  destroy  all  hope  of 
the  future  of  the  ports  of  Halifax  and  St.  John  ;  would  ruin  three-fourths 
of  our  manufactories  ;  would  fill  our  streets  with  the  unemployed  ;  would 
make  Eastern  Canada  the  dumping  ground  for  the  grain  and  flour  of  the 
Western  States  to  the  injury  of  our  own  North-\Yest,  and  would  make 
Canada  generally  the  slaughter  market  for  the  manufactures  of  the  United 
States,  all  of  which  would  be  bad  for  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  as  well 
as  for  the  country  at  large  ;  and  this  is  my  excuse  for  saying  so  much.     I 
am  not  speaking  for  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Company:  nor  as  a 
Liberal  or  a  Conservative,  but  only  as  an  individual  much  concerned  in 
the   business  interests    of  the  country,  and  full  of  anxiety  lest  a  great 
commercial,  if  not  a  national,  mistake  should  be  made. 
(Signed)         Yours  truly, 

W.  C.  VAN  HOKNK. 


442         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Sir  John  Macdonald  concluded  his  last  appeal  to  the  Can- 
adian electors  in  these  words  : 

"  I  commend  these  issues  to  your  determination,  and  to 
the  judgment  of  the  whole  people  of  Canada,  with  an 
unclouded  confidence  that  you  will  proclaim  to  the  world 
your  resolve  to  show  yourselves  not  unworthy  of  the  proud 
distinction  that  you  enjoy — of  being  numbered  among  the 
most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects  of  our  beloved  Queen.  As  for 
myself,  my  course  is  clear.  A  British  subject  I  was  born — a 
British  subject  I  will  die.  With  my  utmost  effort,  with  my 
latest  breath,  will  I  expose  the  '  veiled  treason '  which 
attempts,  by  sordid  means  and  mercenary  proffers,  to  lure  our 
people  from  their  allegiance.  During  my  long  public  service 
of  nearly  half  a  century  I  have  been  true  to  my  country  and 
its  best  interests,  and  I  .appeal  with  equal  confidence  to  the 
men  who  have  trusted  me  in  the  past,  and  to  the  young  hope 
of  the  country,  with  whom  rest  its  destinies  for  the  future,  to 
give  me  their  united  and  strenuous  aid  in  this  my  last  effort 
for  the  unity  of  the  Empire  and  the  preservance  of  our  com- 
mercial and  political  freedom." 

Some  Liberal  speakers  stated  on  the  platform  that  their 
party  had  been  called  disloyal  because  they  desired  free  trade 
with  the  United  States,  but  that  was  hardly  correct.  It  is 
permissible  for  any  political  party  to  advocate  any  trade 
policy  which  they  honestly  believe  to  be  in  the  interests  of  the 
country,  without  laying  themselves  open  to  reproach,  but 
loyalty,  as  taught  by  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  as  understood 
by  all  true  Canadians,  is  to  believe  in  British  connection,  to  be 
proud  of  our  share  in  the  glorious  history  of  the  mother 
country,  to  desire  to  perpetuate  the  institutions  and  principles 
which  there  prevail,  to  consider  that  Canada  owes  gratitude 
and  allegiance  for  benefits  received  in  the  past  and  to  be  pre- 
pared to  resist  any  efforts  which  may  result  in  weakening  the 
ties  which  bind  us  to  the  old  land  from  which  we  sprang. 
With  his  "  utmost  effort,"  writh  his  "  latest  breath  "  Sir  John 
opposed  those. 

"  Who  fain  would  lop,  with  felon  stroke, 
The  branches  of  our  British  oak, 


LOYALTY  AND  DISLOYALTY. 


And,  wronging  the  great  Canadian  heart 
Would  deem  her  honour  cheaply  sold 

For  higher  prices  in  the  mart, 
And  increased  hoard  of  gold. 

and  encouraged  the  people  of  this  country  to  feel  and  to  pro- 
claim to  the  world  that, 

"  Our  pride  of  race  we  have  not  lost, 
And  aye  it  is  our  loftiest  boast 
That  we  are  Britons  still ! 
And  in  the  gradual  lapse  of  years, 
We  look,  that  'neath  these  distant  skies, 
Another  Britain  shall  arise,— 
A  noble  scion  of  the  old- 
Still  to  herself  and  lineage  true, 

And  prizing  honour  more  than  gold." 

This  feeling  is  not  confined  to  Conservatives  ;  it  animates 
also  the  wisest  and  best  men  of  the  Reform  party,  but,  unfor- 
tunately, there  are  others  whose  views  are  distinctly  and 
emphatically  in  favour  of  courses  antagonistic  to  our  present 
relations  with  Great  Britain  and  in  favour  of  new  ties  with  the 
United  States,  who,  while  not  exactly  identified  with  that 
party,  are  in  antagonism  to  the  Conservative  party.  These 
men  sneer  at  loyalty,  disbelieve  in  patriotism,  make  light 
of  our  allegiance  to  the  British  Empire,  and  lose  no  oppor- 
tunity of  working  with  tongue  and  with  pen  to  destroy  the 
noblest  sentiments  and  aspirations  of  our  national  lives.  They 
slander  and  belittle  our  country,  proclaim  Confederation  as  a 
fraud,  and  the  establishment  of  Dominion  unity  as  a  dream  ; 
prate  of  corruption,  debt  and  taxation,  and  hold  up  absorption 
into  the  United  States  as  the  only  panacea  for  the  evils  under 
which  we  lie,  a  policy  which  all  true  Canadians  regard  as  dis- 
graceful, disloyal  and  contemptible  in  both  its  inception  and 
its  advocacy.  And,  although  these  views  may  have  no  impor- 
tance in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  the  country  as  a  whole,  and 
may  not  even  commend  themselves  to  the  Liberal  audience  to 
which  they  are  addressed,  it  is  quite  certain  that  signs  of 
approval  and  applause  given  to  persistent  detractors  of  our 
national  position  and  future  prospects— even  if  conceded  only 
as  an  act  of  courtesy— are  not  calculated  to  impress  outsiders 


444         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


with  an  idea  of  intense  loyalty.  But  we  do  not  believe  that 
these  persons  voice  the  views  of  that  great  party.  We  prefer 
to  accept  them  as  laid  down  by  the  Globe  in  its  issue  of  March 
4,  1887: 

"  The  value  of  Canada's  political  status  is  not  to  be 
measured  in  dollars  and  cents.  Who  that  loves  British  con- 
nection will  appraise  his  feeling  in  money  ?  Where  is  the 
U.  E.  Loyalist  who  will  name  a  price  at  which  he  would 
be  willing  to  see  Brock's  monument  and  the  field  of  Lundy's 
Lane  under  the  flag  of  those  against  whom  his  ancestors 
fought  ?  Where  is  the  French-Canadian  willing  to  sell  out 
the  pride  with  which  he  thinks  of  the  battle-ground  of 
Chateauguay  ? 

'•'  Are  young  Canadians  of  so  poor  a  spirit  that  they  will 
speculate  in  their  patriotism  and  national  aspirations  ?  We  do 
not  believe  it.  Those  who  reckon  Canadians  as  five  millions 
of  stomachs  make  a  profound  mistake.  Unreasonable  they 
may  be  called,  but  the  sort  of  unreasonableness  that  keeps 
people  from  subordinating  their  affections  or  sentiments  to 
their  pockets  has  been  universally  defined  as  Honour. 

"  Can  Canada  satisfy  its  demands  and  yet  enter  into  the 
customs  union  that  we  think  would  be  profitable  ?  The  ques- 
tion is  surely  one  to  be  discussed  in  a  larger  spirit  than  some 
of  our  contemporaries  display. 

"  One  unfortunate  result  of  division  of  Canadian  parties  on 
fiscal  lines  has  been  to  imbue  the  people  largely  with  the  false 
and  dangerous  notion  that  political  institutions  are  not  of  the 
first  importance.  Compared  with  the  preservation  of  our 
responsible  Government  the  scale  of  our  tariff  is  of  little 
moment.  It  should  be  thought  of  as  nothing  more  than 
a  scheme  of  taxation  to  provide  for  the  main  concern— the 
maintenance  of  our  institutions.  By  treating  the  tariff  as  an 
end  instead  of  a  means,  the  doctrine  that  self-government  is 
not  priceless  has  been  insiduously,  perhaps  unintentionally, 
inculcated." 

"The  loyal  and  patriotic  people  of  Canada  can  draw 
a  deep  breath  of  relief  this  morning,  and  humbly  and 
reverently  return  thanks  to  the  Almighty  Dispenser  of  all  good 


RESULT  OF  FIRST  VOTK 

44  :> 


that  He  so  touched  the  hearts  of  the  people  that  they  rose  in 
their  might  and  entered  a  vigorous  protest  against  'the  trait- 
orous attempt  to  betray  the  country  to  a  foreign  nation  " 

These  were  the  words  with  which  the  Ottawa  Citizen  com- 
menced the  announcement  to  its  readers  of  the  result  of  the 
election,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  found  a  response  in  the 
bosoms  ot  many  who  eagerly  looked  for  the  first  news  of  the 
contest.     It  was  a  desperate  struggle  from  the  first,  and,  from 
the  nature  of  the  issue,  was  watched  with  great  eagerness  by 
the  outside  world,  and  more  especially  by  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States.     It  was  interesting,  as  well  as  amusing,  to 
note  the  results  as  calculated  by  the  different  papers.     The 
Empire^  the  Government  majority  at  forty-two  ;  and,  from 
that  point,  it  descended  through  other  Conservative  papers  to 
thirty- two,  the  figure  of  the  Montreal  Gazette.     Of  the  Oppo- 
sition   papers,   the   Mail  conceded   twenty-nine ;    the    Globe 
twenty-seven  ;  and    so  on  down  to  the  Ottawa  Free  Press, 
which  would  not  allow  more  than  four.    The  New  York  Times 
gave    only  one.     Then  the  figures   ran  the   other   way,   the 
Quebec    Telegraph    claiming   a   majority  of  twenty   for   the 
Liberals,  and  the  L'Electeur  five  more.     Many  men,  especially 
from  the  Province  of  Quebec,  were  claimed  by  both  parties,  so 
that  the  question  could  not  be  decided  until  a  vote  was  taken. 
By  the  division  on  Mr.  Cameron's  franchise  motion,  and  subse- 
quent declarations  by  members,  it  was  ascertained  that  the 
Government  could  rely  on  a  majority  of  about  thirty-one  in  a 
full  House. 

The  result  of  the  first  vote  may  be  tabulated  as  follows : 

Conservatives,    Opposition.      Majorities. 

Ontario 48  44  4 

Quebec 30  35 

Nova  Scotia 16  5  1 1 

New  Brunswick 13  3  10 

Manitoba 4  J  3 

British  Columbia 6  o  6 

N.  W.  Territories 404 

P.  E.  Island 2  4 

38 
Less  Opposition  majority  in  Quebec  and  P.E.I 7 

Total  Conservative  majority 3 [ 


446        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

This  indicates  a  majority  of  four  in  Ontario,  the  leading 
province  in  the  Dominion,  and  an  overwhelming  majority  in 
every  other  province  except  Quebec  and  Prince  Edward  Island. 

Sir  John  Macdonald  had  a  magnificent  personal  victory  in 
Kingston.  His  majority  of  seventeen  in  1887  being  increased 
to  four  hundred  and  eighty-three.  The  defeat  of  Mr.  Colby  in 
Stanstead  was  one  of  the  most  regrettable  incidents  of  the 
campaign.  He  was  a  representative  of  great  ability,  of  whom 
his  Province  had  reason  to  be  proud. 


45' 

from 
:tions 

C  H  A  P  T  K  R    XXXVIII.  thvo 

,'ivcd 

Sir  John's  strength  gives  way  under  the  great  strain  of  the  campaign-He  ha,'  the 
attack  of  nervous  and  physical  prostration— Which  is  followed  by  paraly       „ 
and  hemorrhage  on  the  brain— Sad  scenes  in  the  House  of  Commons  wherv1 
the  nigh   approach  of  death  is  announced— His  hour  of  rest  had  come  — 
Canada's  grief— Memorable  scenes  when   Sir  Hector  Langevin  announce, 
his  death— Mr.    Laurier's  noble  tribute— Lying  in  state— The  funeral  at 
Ottawa— The  journey  to  Kingston— Lying  in  state  in  the  City  Hall— To 
Cataraqui  cemetery— The  final  scene— Movements  to  erect  monuments  to 
his  memory— Memorial  services  in  Westminster  Abbey— A  memorial  to  be 
erected  in   St.    Paul's   Cathedral— Lord   Dufferin's  tribute— Lines  by  Mrs 
Rothwell. 

Life's  race  well  run, 
Life's  work  well  done, 
Life's  crown  well  won, 
Now  comes  rest. 

THE  extraordinary  exertions  made  by  Sir  John  Macdon- 
ald  during  the  election  would  have  been  creditable  to  a 
young  man,  but  for  a  man  past  seventy-six  years  of  age,  they 
were  simply  marvellous.  He,  however,  over-estimated  his 
strength,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Kingston  was  quite  unwell 
and  very  much  exhausted.  His  medical  advisers  enjoined 
complete  abstention  from  work,  but  his  energy  and  anxiety 
impelled  him  to  break  through  their  kindly  restrictions,  and 
in  a  day  or  two  he  was  actively  participating  in  the  campaign. 
After  the  election  was  over  he  returned  to  Ottawa,  and  it  was 
hoped  that  he  would  then  take  a  rest  and  thereby  secure  a 
sufficient  return  of  strength  to  be  able  to  meet  Parliament  and 
undergo  the  fatigues  of  the  session.  Had  it  been  possible  for 
him  to  have  done  this,  or  had  he  been  willing  to  leave  his  post 
and  go  away  for  a  holiday,  he  might  have  recovered  and  been 
spared  to  his  country  for  some  time  to  come,  but  the  labour 
of  preparing  for  the  session,  following  so  soon  after  the  excite- 
ment and  bustle  of  the  campaign,  was  too  much  for  him. 
When  Parliament  opened  he  was  able  to  attend  and  direct 
proceedings,  but  it  was  evident  to  all  that  he  was  not  himself. 
An  unusual  appearance  of  weariness  was  perceptible  at  times, 
and  it  was  observable  that  he  was  physically  weak  although 
his  mind  was  clear  and  bright  as  ever.  He  was  always 
cheerful,  however,  and  moved  about  among  his  supporte 
VOL  H.  449 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

nting  them  with  anecdotes,  or  saying  some  kindly  word, 
r  a  few  days  his  place   was   vacant  and  it  was  rumoured 
he  had  experienced   a   fit   of  exhaustion  similar  to  that 
h  overtook  him  at  Kingston.     A  week  or  so  later  he  was 
n  in  his  place  still   looking  unwell,  but  apparently  better, 
last  appearance  in  the  House  was  on  Friday,  May  22nd, 
.aen  he  was  in  good  spirits,  jocular  and  full  of  life.    The  next 
evening  he  gave  a  large   dinner  party.     During  the  early  part 
of  the  next  week  it  was  known   that  he  was  not  so  well,  but 
nothing  serious  was  apprehended.     On  Monday  he  was  suffer- 
ing from  a  slight  cold,  but  attended  to  business  at  Earnscliffe. 
On  Wednesday  his  symptoms  became  more  unfavourable,  and 
Dr.  Powell,  his   regular  physician,   expressed  a  desire  for  a 
consultation.     Sir  John  agreed  and  Drs.  Ross  and  Stewart  of 
Montreal  were  sent  for.     The  physicians  met  on  the  following 
day,  and  after  examining  their  patient,  issued  this  bulletin  : 

EARNSCLIFFE,  May  28,  1891, 

Sir  John  Macdonald  has  had  a  return  of  his  attack  of  physical  and 
nervous  prostration,  and  we  have  enjoined  complete  rest  for  the  present 
and  entire  freedom  from  public  business. 

R.  W.  POWELL,  M.D.,  Ottawa. 
GEO.  ROSS,  M.D.,  Montreal. 
TAS.  STEWART,  M.D.,  Montreal. 

While  it  was  recognized  that  it  would  be  unlikely,  if  not 
impossible,  that  Sir  John  would  be  able  to  take  his  place  again 
during  the  session,  a  hopeful  feeling  was  experienced  that  his 
immense  vitality  would  enable  him  to  recover,  and  that  a 
period  of  thorough  rest  would  so  recuperate  his  strength  that 
he  could  once  more  resume  the  duties  of  his  high  position. 

On  Friday  morning  re-assuring  tidings  were  conveyed  in 
the  following  bulletin,  which  was  posted  in  the  hotels  and  all 
places  of  general  resort  : 

EARNSCLIFFE,  May  29,  10  a.m. 

The  Premier  passed  a  quiet  and  comfortable  night,  and  this  morn- 
ing his  physical  strength  shows  distinct  improvement  since  yesterday. 
(Signed)  R.  W.  POWELL,  M.D. 

At  10.30  Sir  John  Thompson  had  an  interview  with  him 
for  about  half  an  hour.  Although  all  business  had  been  for- 


His  HOUR  OF  REST  HAD  COMF,  45, 


bidden  by  his  physicians,  the  Premier  could  not  refrain  from 
following  his  old  routine  and  during  the  day  gave  directions 
with  regard  to  certain  matters  that  required  attention.  At  two 
o'clock  a  cablegram  of  enquiry  and  sympathy  was  received 
from  H.R.H.  the  Princess  Louise,  to  which  he  dictated  the 
reply  :  "  Thanks  for  your  gracious  message.  Am  improving." 
At  three  o'clock,  when  the  House  met,  the  excitement  had  some- 
what abated, and  at  fouro'clock,  when  Dr.  Powell  callcd.hc  found 
Sir  John  sitting  up  and  seeming  better.  In  answer  to  enquiries 
he  was  telling  how  he  felt  and  what  nourishment  he  had 
taken,  when  the  terrible  stroke  of  paralysis  came,  and  he  sank 
back  unconscious.  Further  medical  aid  was  at  once  summoned, 
but  hemorrhage  on  the  brain  had  succeeded  the  paralysis  and 
the  doctors  feared  that  death  would  ensue  in  a  few  hours. 
The  sad  news  was  conveyed  to  Sir  Hector  Langevin  in  a  note 
from  Sir  James  Grant,  and  by  him  communicated  to  the  House 
of  Commons. 

Never  in  the  history  of  Parliament  was  there  a  more  affect- 
ing scene  than  that  which  followed  the  motion  for  adjourn- 
ment. As  the  Premier's  old  companion,  his  own  eyes  full  of 
tears,  announced  the  nigh  approach  of  death  to  one  whom 
they  all  revered  and  loved,  sympathetic  glances  and  sympa- 
thetic words  were  exchanged  by  political  friend  and  political 
foe,  every  face  was  a  picture  of  sorrow,  and  the  dimmed  eyes 
of  his  old  friends  showed  that  the  loss  of  their  leader  would  be 
a  personal  bereavement,  while  among  his  opponents  nothing 
was  heard  but  the  kindest  words  of  the  stricken  statesman,  the 
greatest  admiration  for  his  abilities,  and  the  deepest  regret  at 

o 

the  prospect  of  his  death. 

But  the  end  was  not  to  be  yet.  The  dauntless  spirit  strug- 
gled hard,  and  when  the  last  bulletin  was  issued  that  night  all 

hope  was  not  destroyed  : 

EARNSCLIFFE,  n p.m. 

Sir  John's  condition  still  continues  very  precarious.  Loss  of  power  of 
speech  Respiration  and  circulation  weak.  Rests  somewhat  better  than 
during  the  afternoon. 

Takes  a  moderate  degree  of  liquid  nourishment. 

f Signed)  R-  w-  POWELL,  M.D. 

J.  A.  GRANT,  M.D. 
HENRY  P.  WRIGHT,  M.D. 


452         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONAED. 

And  so  it  went  on  for  seven  days  and  nights,  the  vital 
forces  gradually  lowering,  until,  at  10. 1 5,  of  the  evening  of  June 
6th,  he  calmly  and  peacefully  passed  away.  His  hour  of  rest 
had  come,  and  the  soul  of  the  great  statesman,  the  revered 
chieftain,  winged  its  way  into  eternity. 

We  will  not  try  to  express  the  grief  with  which  the  sad 
news  was  received  from  one  end  of  Canada  to  the  other.  The 
task  has  been  better  performed  by  more  able  pens,  and  we  will, 
instead,  quote  the  words  of  his  friend  and  faithful  follower,  Mr. 
C.  H.  Macintosh,  M.P.  for  Ottawa,  in  the  Citizen  of  June  9th  : 

'"O,  friends!  our  chief  State-oracle  is  mute!'  He  who 
served  Canada  faithfully  and  well,  has  been  called  to  his  long 
home  :  Sir  John  Macdonald  is  no  more,  but  his  name  will  be 
revered  by  generations  yet  to  come,  and  a  nation's  tears  con- 
secrate the  spot,  where  soon  will  rest  another  distinguished 
mortal  who  has  put  on  immortality.  It  is  hard  to  part  from 
those  we  love  ;  doubly  bitter  from  those  whose  friendship  has 
been  enjoyed,  whose  character  has  been  esteemed,  whose 
splendid  abilities  reflected  glory  upon  the  entire  common- 
wealth: Many  hearts  will  ache,  many  eyes  be  dimmed,  when 
the  sad  news  is  flashed  throughout  the  D-ominion,  that  Sir 
John  Macdonald  is  dead  :  that  the  hand  ever  raised  in  defence 
of  his  country's  interests  is  cold  and  still  ;  that  the  tongue, 
ever  eloquent  in  a  great  cause,  is  pulseless  and  silent  forever. 
Tremblingly,  we  pay  this  tribute  to  one  whose  inestimable 
services  to  his  party  and  whose  patriotic  devotion  to  Canada, 
commanded  the  respect  of  every  civilized  community  in  the 
world.  Tremblingly,  we  chronicle  the  irreparable  loss  which 
the  wisdom  of  Providence  has  ordained,  and,  bowing  submis- 
sively to  the  decree,  bid  farewell  to  him  who,  but  a  few  days 
ago,  was  employing  his  great  mental  faculties  in  solving  the 
problem  of  how  best  to  promote  the  welfare,  the  happiness,  the 
future  comfort  of  millions  who  placed  implicit  confidence  in 
his  statesmanship,  and  were  unswerving  in  their  fealty  to  his 
principles.  He  who 

"  Hath  run  his  bright  career, 

And  served  men  nobly,  and  acceptance  found, 
What  can  he  better  crave,  than  then  to  die, 
And  wait  the  issue,  sleeping  under  ground  ?* 


AFFECTING  SCENES  IN  THE  HOUSE  OK  COMMONS. 


453 


"True,  indeed,  the  poet's  words,  but  the  lesson  is  hard  to 
learn,  the  burthen  heavy  to  bear.  We  know,  but  scarce 
can  realize,  that  the  voice  is  hushed,  the  hand  still,  the  heart 
cold  ;  that  never  more  can  praise  or  censure,  eulogy  or  blame, 
pass  beyond  the  precincts  of  the  dark  and  silent  tomb.  Vain  it 
is  to  boast  'of  fleeting  things,  too  certain  to  be  lost';  we 
know  the  blow  must  fall,  we  know  the  parting  must  come  ; 
but,  human-like,  dream  that  the  day  is  long  and  the  Angel  of 
Death  far  off.  It  is  not  for  man  to  pierce  the  mysterious 
labyrinth,  or  to  discover  the  dread  secrets  beyond  the  silent 
shores  ;  affliction  comes,  and  teaching  the  lesson  of  humility, 
brings  us  nearer  the  realms  of  kindliness,  charity  and  forbear- 
ance. We  realize  how  vain  are  human  pursuits,  how  flimsy 
the  world's  rewards,  what  mockery  its  greatest  honours,  how- 
short  its  most  potent  enjoyments.  As  the  cradle  is  pushed 
aside,  and  life's  trials,  vicissitudes,  triumphs  and  successes 
follow  in  rapid  review,  it  seems  but  a  fleeting  moment  ere  we 
stand  beside  a  grass-covered  mound — mourning  what  was, 
but  what  has  ceased  to  be.  The  Here  and  Hereafter,  the 
Sunshine  and  Sunset,  never  lose  sight  of  one  another." 

When  the  announcement  was  made  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons the  scene  was  one  not  soon  to  be  forgotten.  The 
Chamber  was  hung  with  emblems  of  mourning,  the  empty 
chair  of  the  dead  Premier  being  heavily  draped,  and  on 
his  desk  lay  a  beautiful  floral  shield,  the  tribute  of  his  loyal 
followers  in  the  House.  As  Sir  Hector  Langevin  rose  to 
speak,  the  deepest  silence  prevailed,  and  when,  struggling  in 
vain  to  stifle  his  emotions,  sobs  choked  his  utterance,  many 
members  bowed  their  heads  on  their  desks,  or  sat  erect  with 
tears  rolling  down  their  cheeks,  while  spectators  in  the  gallery 
wept  audibly.  The  tribute  of  Mr.  Laurier  was  a  noble  one, 
most  eloquent  and  touching,  and  evidently  proceeded  from  Ins 
heart.  The  following  are  some  of  the  speeches  delivered  in 

the  House  : 

Sir  Hector  Langevin— "  Mr.  Speaker,  as  the  oldest  Privy 
Councillor,  it  falls  to  my  lot  to  announce  to  the  House  that  our 
dear  old  chief,  the  First  Minister  of  Canada,  is  no  more.  After 
a  painful  illness  of  two  weeks,  death  put  an  end  to  his  earthly 


454         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

career  on  Saturday  last.  To  tell  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  my  feelings 
under  the  circumstances  is  more  than  I  can  do.  I  feel  that  by 
the  death  of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  Canada  has  lost  its  greatest 
statesman,  a  great  patriot,  a  man  of  whom  any  country  in  the 
world  would  be  justly  proud.  Her  Majesty,  our  gracious 
Queen,  never  had  a  more  devoted  and  loyal  subject  than  the 
grand  old  man  whose  loss  we  all  deplore  and  regret  from  the 
bottom  of  our  hearts.  For  nearly  fifty  years  he  has  directed 
the  public  affairs  of  this  country.  He  was,  among  the  fathers 
of  Confederation,  the  most  prominent  and  distinguished.  He 
put  his  whole  soul  into  that  great  undertaking,  knowing  full 
well  that  the  confederation  of  all  the  British  North  American 
provinces  would  give  to  our  people  a  country  and  institutions 
to  be  proud  of,  and  to  the  Empire,  not  only  a  right  arm,  but  a 
great  and  safe  highway  to  her  Indian  and  other  possessions. 
He  told  me  more  than  once  how  grateful  he  was  to  the  people 
of  Canada  to  have  allowed  him  to  have  consummated  that 
great  work.  The  fact  is  his  love  for  Canada  was  equal  to  that 
he  had  for  his  own  mother  country. 

"  When  the  historians  of  Canada  write  the  history  of  the 
last  fifty  years,  they  will  have  to  write  the  life  of  Sir  John 
Macdonald,  and  in  writing  his  life  they  may  not  agree  with  all 
his  public  acts,  but  they  cannot  fail  to  say  that  he  was  a  great 
man,  a  most  distinguished  statesman,  and  that  his  whole  life 
was  spent  in  the  service  of  his  country,  dying  in  the  midst  of 
his  official  duties,  not  having  a  day's  rest  before  he  passed  to  a 
better  world.  I  need  not  express,  Mr.  Speaker,  my  own  per- 
sonal feelings.  Having  spent  half  of  my  life  with  him  as 
his  follower  and  his  friend,  his  departure  is  the  same  as  if  I 
lost  half  of  my  existence.  I  remember  how  devoted  he  was, 
not  only  to  the  old  Province  of  Canada,  but  how  chivalrous  he 
showed  himself  to  the  Province  of  Quebec,  and  especially  to 
my  French-Canadian  countrymen.  He  had  only  a  word  to 
say,  and  instead  of  being  at  the  head  of  a  small  band  of 
seventeen  Upper  Canada  members,  he  would  have  had  all  the 
representatives  of  his  province  behind  him,  but  as  he  told  me 
several  times  he  preferred  to  be  just  to  his  French  com- 
patriots and  allies,  and  the  result  was  that  when  Confederation 


MR.  LAUUIKR'S  TRIBUTE.  455 


came  the  Province  of  Quebec  had  confidence  in  him,  and  on 
his  death-bed  our  great  chief  could  see  that  his  just  policy  lias 
secured  peace  and  happiness  to  all.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  would 
have  wished  to  continue  to  speak  of  our  dear  departed  friend, 
and  have  spoken  to  you  about  his  goodness  of  heart,  the 
witness  of  which  I  have  been  so  often,  but  I  feel  that  I  must 
stop,  my  heart  is  full  of  tears.  I  cannot  proceed  further.  I 
therefore  move, '  that,  in  the  opinion  of  this  House,  the  mortal 
remains  of  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  John  Macdonald,  G.C.H., 
should  be  publicly  interred,  and  that  this  House  will  concur  in 
giving  to  the  ceremony  a  fitting  degree  of  solemnity  and 
importance.'  " 

Mr.  Laurier. — "  Mr.  Speaker,  I  fully  appreciate  the  motion 
which  the  honourable  gentleman  has  just  proposed  to  the 
House,  and  we  all  concur  that  his  silence  under  the  circum- 
stances is  far  more  eloquent  than  any  human  language  can  be. 
I  fully  appreciate  the  intensity  of  the  grief  which  fills  the  soul 
of  all  those  who  were  the  friends  and  followers  of  Sir  John  A. 
Macdonald  at  the  loss  of  the  great  leader,  whose  whole  life  has 
been  so  closely  identified  with  their  party,  a  party  upon  which 
he  has  thrown  such  brilliancy  and  lustre.  \Ve  on  this  side  of 
the  House,  who  were  his  opponents,  who  did  not  believe  in  his 
policy,  nor  in  his  methods  of  Government,  we  take  our  full 
share  of  their  grief  for  the  loss,  which  they  deplore  to-day  i 
far  and  away  beyond  the  ordinary  compass  of  party  strife.  It 
is  in  every  respect  a  great  national  loss,  for  he  is  no  more  who 
was,  in  many  respects,  Canada's  most  illustrious  son,  and  who 
was,  in  every  sense,  Canada's  most  foremost  citizen  and 

statesman. 

«•  At  the  period  of  life  to  which  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  had 
arrived    death,  whenever  it   comes,  cannot  come  unexpected. 
Some  few  months  ago,  during  the  turmoil  of  the  late  , 
when   the   country  was  made  aware  that    on   a    certain  day 
the  physical  strength  of  the  veteran    Premier  had   not 
equal  to  his  courage,  and  that  his  intense  labour  for  the  tun 
beino-   had  prostrated  his  singularly  wiry  frame,  everybody, 
wi  h  the  exception  perhaps  of  his  buoyant  self,  was  painful  y 
Tnx  ous  lest,  perhaps,  the  angel  of  death  had  touched  him  with 


456         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

his  wings.  When  a  few  days  ago,  in  the  midst  of  an  angry 
discussion  in  this  Parliament,  the  news  spread  in  this  House 
that  of  a  sudden  his  condition  had  become  alarming,  the 
surging  wave  of*  angry  discussion  was  at  once  hushed,  and 
every  one,  friend  and  foe,  realized  that  this  time  for  a  certainty, 
the  angel  of  death  had  appeared,  and  had  crossed  the  threshold 
of  his  home.  Thus  we  were  not  taken  by  surprise,  and  although 
we  were  prepared  for  the  sad  event,  yet  it  it  almost  impossible 
to  convince  the  unwilling  mind  that  it  is  true  that  Sir  John 
Macdonald  is  no  more,  that  the  chair  which  we  now  see  vacant 
shall  remain  forever  vacant,  that  the  face  so  familiar  in  this 
Parliament  for  the  last  forty  years,  shall  be  seen  no  more, 
and  that  the  voice  so  well-known  shall  be  heard  no 
more,  whether  in  solemn  debate  or  in  pleasant  and  mirth- 
ful tones.  In  fact  the  place  of  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald 
in  this  country  was  so  large  and  so  absorbing  that  it 
is  almost  impossible  to  conceive  that  the  politics  of  this 
country,  the  fate  of  this  country,  will  continue  without  him. 
His  loss  overwhelms  us.  For  my  part,  I  say  with  all  truth, 
his  loss  overwhelms  me,  and  it  also  overwhelms  this  Parlia- 
ment as  if,  indeed,  one  of  the  institutions  of  the  land  had  given 
way. 

"  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  now  belongs  to  the  ages,  and  it 
can  be  said  with  certainty  that  the  career  which  has  just  been 
closed  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  careers  of  this  century. 
It  would  be  premature  at  this  time  to  attempt  to  divine 
or  anticipate  what  will  be  the  final  judgment  of  history 
upon  him,  but  there  were  in  his  career  and  in  his  life  features 
so  prominent  and  so  conspicuous  that  already  they  shine  with 
a  glory  which  time  cannot  alter.  These  characteristics  appear 
before  the  House  at  the  present  time  such  as  they  will  appear 
to  the  end  in  history.  I  think  it  can  be  asserted  that,  for  the 
supreme  art  of  governing  men,  Sir  John  Macdonald  was  gifted 
as  few  men  in  any  land  or  in  any  age  were  gifted,  gifted  with 
the  most  high  of  all  qualities,  qualities  which  would  have  shone 
in  any  theatre,  and  which  have  shone  all  the  more  conspic- 
uously  the  larger  the  theatre.  The  fact  that  he  could  congre- 
gate together  elements  the  most  heterogeneous,  and  blend 


MR.  LAURIKR'S  TRII;UTF 


them  into  one  compact  party  and  to  the  end  of  his  life  keep 
them  steadily  under  his  hand,  is  perhaps  altogether  unprece- 
dented. The  fact  that  during  all  these  years  he  maintained 
unimpaired,  not  only  the  confidence,  but  the  devotion  and  the 
ardent  devotion  and  affection  of  his  party,  is  evidence  that 
besides  these  high  qualities  of  statesmanship  to  which  we  were 
the  daily  witnesses,  he  was  also  endowed  with  that  inner, 
subtle,  undefinable  characteristic  of  soul  which  wins  and  keeps 
the  hearts  of  men. 

As  to  his  statesmanship,  it  is  written  in  the  history  of 
Canada.  It  may  be  said,  without  any  exaggeration  whatever, 
that  the  life  of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  from  the  date  he  entered 
Parliament,  is  the  history  of  Canada,  for  he  was  connected 
and  associated  with  all  the  events,  all  the  facts,  with  all  the 
developments  which  brought  Canada  from  the  position  Canada 
then  occupied — the  position  of  two  small  provinces  having 
nothing  in  common  but  the  common  allegiance,  and  united  by 
a  bond  of  paper  and  unity  and  by  nothing  else — to  the  present 
state  of  development  which  Canada  has  reached.  Although 
my  political  views  compel  me  to  say  that  in  in}-  judgment  his 
actions  were  not  always  the  best  that  could  have  been  taken 
in  the  interest  of  Canada.  Though  my  conscience  compels 
me  to  say  that  of  late  he  has  imputed  to  his  opponents  motives 
which  I  must  say  in  my  heart  he  has  misconceived,  yet  I  am 
only  too  glad  here  to  sink  those  differences,  and  to  remember 
only  the  great  services  he  has  performed  for  his  country  ;  to 
remember  that  his  actions  displayed  unbounded  fertility  ot 
resource,  a  high  level  of  intellectual  conception,  and, 
above  all,  a  far-reaching  vision  beyond  the  event  of  the  day, 
and  still  higher,  permeating  the  whole,  a  broad  patriotism 
to  Canadian  welfare,  Canada's  advancement  and  Canada's 
glory. 

"  The  life  of  a  statesman  is  always  an  arduous  one,  ana 
very  often  it  is  an  ungrateful  one.  More  often  than  otherwise 
his  actions  do  not  mature  until  he  is  in  his  grave.  Not  so, 
however,  in  the  case  of  Sir  John  Macdonald.  His  career  has 
been  a  singularly  fortunate  one.  His  reverses  were  few  and 
of  short  duration.  He  was  fond  of  power,  and,  in  my 


THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


judgment,  if  I  may  say  so,  that  was  the  turning  point  of  his 
history.     He  was  fond  of  power  and  he  never  made  any  secret 
of  it     Many  times  we  have  heard  him  avow  it  on  the  floor  of 
this  Parliament,  and  his  ambition  in  this  respect  was  gratified 
as  perhaps  no  other  man's  ambition  ever  was.     In  my  judg- 
ment even  the  career  of  William  Pitt  can  hardly  compare  with 
that   of  Sir  John    Macdonald   in    this    respect,   for,  although 
William  Pitt,  moving  in  a  higher  sphere,  had  to  deal  with 
problems  greater  than  ours,  yet   I   doubt  if,  in    the   manage- 
ment of  a  party,  William  Pitt  had  to  contend  with  difficulties 
equal  to  those  that  Sir  John  Macdonald  had  to  contend  with. 
"In    his    death,    too,    he    seems    to  have    been    singularly 
happy.     Twenty  years  ago    I   was  told  by  one  who,  at  that 
time,  was  a  close  personal    and   political  friend   of  Sir  John 
Macdonald,  that  in  the  intimacy  of  his  domestic  circle  he  was 
fond  of  repeating  that  his  end  would  be  as  the  end  of  Lord 
Chatham,  that  he   would   be  carried   away  from   the  floor  of 
Parliament  to  die.     How  true  his  vision  into  the  future  was, 
we  now  know,  for  we  saw  him  at  the  last  with  enfeebled  health 
and  declining  strength,  struggling  on  the  floor  of  Parliament 
until,  the  hand  of  fate  upon  him,  he  was  carried  to  his  home  to 
die,   and   thus  to  die  with  his  armour  on  was  probably   his 
ambition.     Sir,  death  is  the  supreme  law,  and  although  we  see 
it  every  day  in  every  form,  although  session  after  session  we 
have  seen  it  in  this  Parliament,  striking  right  and  left  without 
any  discrimination  as  to  age  or  station,  yet  the  ever  recurring 
spectacle  docs  not  in  any  way  remove  the  bitterness  of  the  sting. 
Death  always  carries  with  it  an  incredible  sea  of  pain,  but  the 
one  thing  sad  in  death  is  that  which  is  involved  in  the  word 
separation — separation  from  all  we  love  in  life.     This  is  what 
makes  death  so  poignant,  when  it  strikes  a  man  of  intellect  in 
middle  age.     But  when  death  is  the  natural  termination  of  a 
full  life,  in  which  he  who  has  disappeared  had  given  the  full 
measure  of  his  capacity,  has  performed  everything  required 
from  him,  and  more,  the  sadness  of  death  is  not  for  him  who 
goes,  but  for  those  who  love  him 'and  remain.     In  this  sense  I 
am  sure  the   Canadian   people   will  extend  unbounded  sym- 
pathy to  the  friends  of  Sir  John   Macdonald,  to  his  sorrowing 


LYIN<;  IN  STATE. 


children,  and,  above  all,  to  the  brave  and  noble  woman,  his 
companion  in  life,  his  chief  helpmeet. 

"  Thus,  Mr.  Speaker,  one  after  another  we  see  those  who 
have  been  instrumental  in  bringing  Canada  to  its  present  state 
of  development  removed  from  amongst  us.  To-day  we 
deplore  the  loss  of  him  who,  we  all  unite  in  saying,  was  the 
foremost  Canadian  of  his  time,  and  who  filled  the  largest  place 
in  Canadian  history.  Only  last  week  was  buried  in  the  city  of 
Montreal  another  son  of  Canada,  one  who,  at  one  time,  had 
been  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  Liberal  Party,  one  who  will 
ever  be  remembered  as  one  of  the  noblest,  purest  and  greatest 
characters  that  Canada  has  ever  produced  —  Sir  Antoine  Ainu- 
Dorion.  Sir  Antoine  Aimo  Dorion  had  not  been  in  favour  of 
Confederation.  Not  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  principle,  but 
he  believed  that  the  union  of  these  provinces  at  that  day  was 
premature.  When,  however,  Confederation  had  become  a 
fact,  he  gave  the  best  of  his  mind  and  heart  to  make  it  a 
success.  It  may  indeed  happen,  sir,  when  the  Canadian 
people  see  the  ranks  thus  gradually  reduced  and  thinned  of 
those  upon  whom  they  have  been  in  the  habit  of  relying  for 
guidance,  that  a  feeling  of  apprehension  will  creep  into  the 
heart,  lest,  perhaps,  the  institutions  of  Canada  may  be 
imperilled. 

"  Before  the  grave  of  him  who,  above  all,  was  the  father  ot 
Confederation  let  not  grief  be  barren  grief,  but  let  grief  be 
coupled  with  the  resolution,  the  determination,  that  the  work- 
in  which  Liberals  and  Conservatives,  in  which  Brown  and 
Macdonald  united,  shall  not  perish,  but  that,  though  united 
Canada  may  be  deprived  of  the  services  of  her  greatest  men, 
yet,  still  Canada  shall  and  will  live.  I  agree  to  the  motion." 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  House  a  Conservative  caucus 
was  held,  at  which  the  members  were  arranged  in  groups  ol 
four  to  act  as  a  guard  of  honour  over  the  body  of  the  Premier 
from  the  time  of  arrival  at  the  Parliament  Buildings  until 
hour  set  for  the  funeral.     Each  quartette  went  on  duty 
hour  and  a-half,  when  it  was  relieved  by  the  next  group. 

Farly  on  Tuesday  morning  all  that  was  mortal  of  Sir  J 
Macdonald   was   brought    to    the    Senate    Chamber,  and   the 


460         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

casket  opened,  that  those  who  chose  might  gaze  for  the  last 
time  on  the  well-known  features.  Near  the  head  was  placed 
a  table  on  which  were  arranged  the  insignia  of  the  various 
orders  which  had  been  bestowed  in  recognition  of  high  and 
valuable  services.  The  floral  tributes,  composed  of  the  rarest 
and  most  beautiful  flowers,  formed  one  continuous  bed  and 
filled  the  room  with  their  aroma.  Conspicuous  amongst  these 
was  one  of  circular  form  fashioned  out  of  rare  white  roses  and 
small  sprigs  of  trailing  fern,  "  from  Her  Majesty  Queen  Vic- 
toria in  memory  of  her  faithful  and  devoted  servant."  The 
dead  Premier  lay  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  an  Imperial  Privy 
Councillor,  his  sword  by  his  side,  and  his  cocked  hat  across  his 
breast.  The  face  looked  so  peaceful  and  quiet  that  it  brought 
to  mind  the  beautiful  lines  of  the  "  Poet  Priest  of  the  South," 
which  were  said  to  have  been  the  favourite  verses  of  Sir  John. 
He  was  especially  fond  of  the  first  and  the  last  two  stanzas  : 

"  My  feet  are  wearied  and  my  hands  are  tired, 

My  soul  oppressed  ; 
And  I  desire,  what  I  have  long  desired, 
Rest — only  rest. 

*  *  *  *  * 

'Twas  always  so  ;  when  but  a  child  I  laid 

On  mother's  breast 
My  weary  little  head,  e'en  then  I  prayed, 

As  now — for  rest  ! 

And  I  am  restless  ;  still  'twill  soon  be  o:er  ; 

For,  down  the  West, 
Life's  sun  is  setting,  and  I  see  the  shore 

Where  I  shall  rest  !  " 

At  10.15  Lord  Stanley  arrived,  attended  by  Major  Colville, 
military  secretary  ;  Viscount  Kilcoursie,  Capt.  Walsh,  Lt.-Col. 
Smith  and  Lt.-Col.  Macpherson,  A.D.Cs.,  and  closely  followed 
by  Major  General  Herbert  and  Capt.  Streatfield,  A.D.C.,  and 
the  members  of  the  late  Ministry. 

Lord  Stanley  walked  first,  bearing  in  his  hands  an  immense 
wreath  of  white  roses  and  maidenhair  fern,  to  which  was 
attached  a  card  with  the  words,  "In  loving  memory  from 
Stanley  of  Preston  and  Constance  Stanley,"  a  last  loving 
tribute  of  respect,  which  he  reverentially  laid  on  the  casket. 


THE  FUNERAL  AT  OTTAWA.  4r,r 


With  eyes  brimming  over  with  tears  His  Excellency  gave  one 
long,  lingering  look  at  the  face  of  the  statesman  whom  he  had 
learned  to  love  and  to  value,  and  then,  with  mournful  step  and 
downcast  head,  passed  silently  out  of  the  chamber. 

After  the  Ministers,  Senators  and  Members  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  the  general  public  were  admitted,  and  from  that 
time  until  late  into  the  night,  and  all  next  morning  until  the 
hour  of  the  funeral,  one  continuous  line  of  sad  faced  men  and 
women  passed  through  the  chamber.  The  funeral  took  place 
the  next  day,  and  in  the  history  of  the  Dominion  there  has 
never  been  seen  so  large  or  so  impressive  a  cortege.  At  one 
o'clock  the  bearers  entered  the  Senate  Chamber,  and  lifting 
the  casket  shoulder  high  the  solemn  march  began.  The  two 
senior  whips,  Messrs.  Taylor  and  Trow,  bearing  the  Queen's 
wreath,  and  Messrs.  Daly  and  Pope,  M.P's,  carrying  their 
Excellency's  wreath,  headed  the  procession.  Then  followed 
the  mourners.  Next  were  the  dignitaries  of  the  State.  Guards 
lined  the  corridors  and  stair-way  leading  to  the  main  entrance^ 
where  the  black  plumed  hearse  stood  in  waiting,  and  as  the 
chieftain's  form  passed  through  the  portals  of  Parliament  for 
the  last  time  and  under  the  canopy  of  mourning  drapery  which 
covered  the  high  groined  archway,  the  tower  bell  pealed  forth 
a  solemn  stroke  ;  the  bells  in  every  church  in  the  city  seemed 
to  take  up  the  sound,  and  like  a  monster  chime  rung  by  a 
master  hand,  the  solemn  funeral  dirge  was  tolled  in  unison. 
So  from  the  dim  chamber  where  he  lay  in  state  they  bore  their 
chieftain  out  into  the  glorious  sunlight  where  the  multitude 
were  gathered. 

At.  I.I  5  the  procession  got  underway  and  slowly,  solemnly, 
the  vast  concourse  moved  out  upon  the  street,  through  the 
eastern  gate,  in  the  following  order  : 

Squad  of  Dragoon  Guards,  four  abreast. 

Band  of  the  Governor-General's  Foot  Guards. 

Band  of  the  43rd  Battalion. 

Militia  Officers  in  Uniform. 

Two  cars  of  Floral  Tributes. 

The  Hearse,  drawn  by  four  horses. 

The  Pall-bearers,  being  Members  of  the  late  Cabinet. 


462         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


Carriage  containing  Mr.  Hugh  J.  Macdonald,  "  Little  Jack,"  Lieut. 

Col.  J.  Pennington  Macpherson  and  Rev.  Dr.  Williamson. 
Carriage  containing    Dr.    Powell,    Mr.   Fred.  White,    Mr.  Joseph  Pope 

and  Mr.  George  Sparks. 

Carriage  containing  His  Excellency  the   Governor-General  and  Col.  Sir 

Casimir  Gzowski,  representing  Her  Majesty  the  Queen. 

Lieutenant-Governors. 

The  Senate. 
Judges  of  the  Courts  of  Law. 

The  Commons. 

Officials  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
Parliamentary  Press  Gallery  and  Pages. 

Consular  Corps. 
Provincial  Legislatures. 

Law  Associations. 

Medical  Associations. 

The  Deputy  Ministers. 

The  Grand  Trunk  Railway  Officials. 

The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Officials. 

Officers  of  the  Militia,  not  in  uniform. 

The  Mayor  and  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Ottawa. 

Other  Municipal  Bodies. 

Liberal  Conservative  Associations. 

Deputations  from  Cities  and  Towns. 

Citizens. 

At  St.  Alban's  Church  the  casket  rested  on  a  bier,  consist- 
ing of  two  mahogany  pedestals  covered  with  a.  banner  of 
purple  and  gold,  placed  beneath  a  handsome  baldachino  of 
purple  silk.  The  service  was  conducted  by  the  Rev.  J.  J. 
Bogert,  assisted  by  Venerable  Archdeacons  Lauder,  Bedford- 
Jones  and  others.  Many  eyes  were  suffused  when  the  choir 
chanted  the  tenth  verse  of  the  goth  Psalm  :  "  The  days  of  our 
age  are  three  score  and  ten,  and  though  men  be  so  strong  that 
they  come  to  four  score  years,  yet  is  their  strength  then  but 
labour  and  sorrow,  so  soon  passeth  it  away  and  we  are  gone." 

The  chanting  of  the  psalms  over,  the  choir  and  congrega- 
t;on  together  sang  Bishop  Heber's  beautiful  hymn  : 

Now  the  labourer's  task  is  o'er  : 

Now  the  battle  day  is  past ; 
Now  upon  the  further  shore 

Lands  the  voyager  at  last. 
Father,  in  Thy  gracious  keeping 
Leave  we  now  Thy  servant  sleeping. 


THE  FUNERAL  AT  OTTAWA. 


The  reading  of  the  beautifully  appropriate  fifteenth  chapter 
of  Corinthians,  with  its  message  of  resurrection  and  immor- 
tality, was  marked  by  a  most  curious  coincidence.  Just  as 
Venerable  Archdeacon  Lauder,  the  reader,  reached  the  passage 
"  We  shall  not  all  sleep,  but  we  shall  be  changed,  in  a  moment, 
in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  at  the  last  trump  (for  the  trumpet 
shall  sound),"  a  movement  at  the  door  led  the  military  to 
believe  that  the  service  was  over,  and  a  trumpeter  outside 
sounded  the  "  assembly,"  the  notes  reverberating  through  the 
church  and  startling  the  congregation.  After  an  anthem  and 
the  reading  of  the  committal  portion  of  the  burial  service,  the 
choir  sang  Stainer's  "Sevenfold  Amen  "and  the"NuncDimittis," 
"  Lord  now  lettest  Thou  Thy  Servant  Depart  in  Peace,"  and 
the  congregation  moved  out  of  the  church,  followed  by  the 
solemn  strains  of  "  The  Dead  March  in  Saul." 

The  procession  was  reformed  on  Daly  Avenue,  and  pro- 
ceeded by  way  of  Rideau  and  Wellington  Streets  to  the 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway  station.  The  earlier  part  of  the  day 
had  been  intensely  hot  and  oppressive,  the  sun  beating  down 
from  a  cloudless  sky  with  blistering  intensity  on  the  heads  of 
the  thousands  of  mourners,  but  now  a  change  took  place,  the 
sky  grew  overcast  with  black  and  threatening  clouds,  the  air 
became  murky  and,  before  it  could  be  realized,  the  storm  of 
rain  burst  down  in  a  blinding  deluge.  As  the  head  of  the 
procession  reached  Parliament  Hill,  a  vivid  flash  of  lightning 
lighted  up  the  sky,  and  a  peal  of  thunder  rent  the  air,  drown- 
ing the  beating  of  the  muffled  drums,  as  if  nature,  too,  desired 
to  join  in  bidding  a  last  farewell  to  him  whose  mortal  body 
was  being  borne  away  forever  from  the  scenes  of  his  triumphs 
and  his  usefulness. 

The  train  which  was  to  carry  Kingston's  son  back  to  his 
old  home  was  waiting  at  the  depot,  draped  in  black,  and 
decked  out  with  trappings  appropriate  to  its  mournful  mission. 

The  hearse  drew  up  at  the  gangway,  the  bearers  gently 
lifted  out  the  casket,  and,  as  the  body  of  the  Premier  was 
slowly  borne  into  the  funeral  car,  the  pall-bearers  stood  bare- 
headed on  either  side,  and  the  hushed  silence  which  fell  upon 
the  multitude  was  only  broken  by  the  solemn  music  of  the 


464        THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

band  playing,  soft  and  low,  the  sweet  and  tender  strains 
of  "  Nearer  My  God  to  Thee."  Nothing  could  have  rivalled 
in  intensity  of  pathos  the  solemn  scene  and  its  accompaniment 
of  sad,  sweet  music.  A  throb  of  deep  emotion  thrilled  the 
crowd,  and  a  deep  sigh  of  sorrow  that  arose  as  died  away  the 
last  mellow  notes  of  music,  seemed  like  the  echo  of  a  great 
Amen. 

It  took  nearly  twenty  minutes  to  transfer  the  immense  pile 
of  floral  offerings  to  the  car,  and  while  this  was  in  progress 
many  friends  pressed  around  the  bereaved  relatives  and  offered 
their  personal  condolences.  Now  everything  was  in  readiness, 
the  gangway  was  removed,  the  mourners  boarded  the  cars, 
softly  the  notes  of  the  Dead  March  ascended,  the  whole 
vast  multitude,  moved  by  a  common  impulse  of  sorrow, 
uncovered  their  heads,  and  sobs  and  sighs  were  heard  on  every 
hand.  So  the  burial  train  moved  out. 

The  interior  of  the  funeral  car  was  heavily  draped  with 
crape,  which  covered  sides  and  ceiling  and  flowed  in  waves  out 
upon  the  floor.  Heavy  fringed  drapery  was  carried  around 
the  sides,  and  the  ceiling  and  dome  were  worked  out 
with  rosettes  in  black  cloth.  In  the  centre  of  the  floor  stood 
the  biers  on  which  rested  the  coffin  ;  while  occupying  the  sides 
and  almost  the  entire  floor  space,  were  the  floral  tributes 
offered  in  loving  memory  of  the  illustrious  dead. 

The  journey  was  one  of  impressive  solemnity,  not  only 
because  of  the  deep  feeling  of  those  on  the  train,  but  as 
well  because  of  the  many  timely  tributes  of  respect  and  mani- 
festations of  sorrow  from  the  people  along  the  route.  It  was  a 
journey  the  like  of  which  has  never  been  seen  in  Canada,  the 
counterpart  of  which  may  not  occur  again  in  a  lifetime.  Sir 
John  had  many  times  been  the  central  figure  of  a  triumphal 
progress  through  the  country  among  the  people  he  so  well 
loved  and  served,  and  on  those  occasions  the  crowds  that 
assembled  at  every  stopping  place  bore  testimony  to  a  polit- 
ical popularity  that  was  as  hearty  as  it  was  continuous.  But, 
to-day,  Sir  John  dead,  carried  in  pomp  from  the  scene  of  his 
parliamentary  triumphs  to  the  home  of  his  youth  and  to  his 
grave,  attracted  not  the  huzzas  of  the  multitude,  but  the  deep, 


Tin-;  JOURXKV  T  ON 

4'  '.-> 


tearful  -net  of  a  nation.  The  massed  mourners  of  the  capital 
were  not  more  indicative  of  the  general  feeling  than  the  soli 
tary  farmer  who  stood  at  the  roadside,  and,  as'  the  train  sped 
by,  reverently  uncovered  his  head  at  the  sight  of  the  emblems 
Ihc  thousands  upon  thousands  who  took  their  places 
in  the  funeral  cortege  in  Ottawa  bore  testimony  to  Canada's 
grief  at  the  loss  of  her  greatest  statesman  ;  but  that  testimony 
was  not  more  striking  than  the  deputations  who  met  the  train 
at  the  stations  of  the  country  towns  along  the  route,  and 
offered  their  tribute  of  respect  and  regret.  It  was  an  historical 
journey.  Perhaps  it  might  be  called  the  last  great  triumphal 
progress  of  the  grand  old  man's  earthly  career— for,  though  it 
was  a  funeral  train,  the  tributes  of  grief  of  the  people  made  it 
assuredly  the  crowning  glory  of  a  long  life  well-spent. 

It  was  10.20  p.m.  when  the  train  arrived  at  Kingston,  at 
which  time  there  were  fully  10,000  people  assembled  in  the 
streets  near  the  station.  As  the  train  ceased  to  move  the 
clock  over  the  Town  Hall  began  to  toll.  "A"  battery  was 
present  under  the  command  of  Captain  Gaudet,  and  formed 
two  lines  from  the  train  to  the  City  I  fall.  At  a  signal  from 
Chief  of  Police  Horsey,  eight  constables  stepped  forward  and 
received  the  casket.  The  spectacle,  as  the  procession  moved 
from  the  train  towards  the  buildings  under  the  vivid  glare  of 
the  electric  light,  was  solemn  in  the  extreme. 

The  body  was  carried  into  the  City  Hall  and  placed  on 
a  bier,  over  which  was  a  canopy  with  four  plumes  over  the 
four  corners,  and  crape  over  all.  The  floor  was  covered  with 
snow-white  duck  with  a  deep  border  running  around  the 
room.  On  the  stage  near  the  head  of  the  casket  was  a  full 
length  portrait  of  Sir  John,  as  a  young  man,  heavily  draped 
and  surrounded  by  masses  of  beautiful  flowers.  The  cover  of 
the  casket  was  at  once  removed  and  the  awaiting  thousands 
allowed  to  view  the  face  of  their  old  friend.  Entering  at  one 
door  and  retiring  by  another,  confusion  was  averted,  and  the 
living  stream  was  allowed  to  pass  by  until  after  midnight, 
when  the  doors  were  closed,  and  the  room  left  in  charge  of  the 
guard  of  honour,  which  was  composed  of  the  cadets  of  the 
Royal  Military  College  under  Captain  Moran. 

vni    IT  30 


466         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

Before  five  o'clock  the  next  morning  people  began  to  make 
their  way  into  the  mortuary  chamber,  for  a  last  gaze  on  the 
features  of  him  whom  all  Kingston  knew  so  well.  As  morn- 
ing advanced  the  crowd  of  pilgrims  increased,  until  at  times 
the  crush  became  so  great  that  the  doors  had  to  be  closed. 
Thousands  of  visitors  poured  in  from  the  adjacent  country, 
and  by  every  train  and  boat,  and  nearly  all  wore  mourning  or 
mourning  badges.  Numbers  who  were  personal  friends 
lingered  at  the  casket ;  all  were  reverential,  and  many  were 
deeply  affected.  Here  the  late  Premier  had  spent  his  earliest 
years;  had  gone  to  school  with  other  lads;  had  passed  the  days 
of  his  youth  ;  had  dwelt  in  manhood's  prime  ;  had  made  his 
first  steps  in  that  brilliant  career  which  the  old  limestone  city 
had  watched  for  nearly  half  a  century,  until  he  had  attained 
such  an  eminence  that  her  citizens  were  proud  of  the  glory 
which  he  had  reflected  upon  them.  It  was  here  that  he  had 
formed  those  early  tender  ties  which  twine  closest  around  the 
heart,  and  here  were  scores  of  friends  who  had  never  faltered 
in  their  loyal  support  and  sympathy  from  the  hour  that  he  was 
first  induced  to  offer  himself  as  their  representative.  To 
Kingston  he  had  always  turned  with  a  feeling  of  warm 
affection  felt  for  no  other  place  in  the  wide  Dominion,  and  it 
was  peculiarly  fitting  that  to  his  old  home  he  should  be 
brought  to  receive  the  last  sad  honours,  and  to  be  laid  beside 
the  dear  ones  who  had  gone  before.  The  blow  was  felt  in 
Kingston  with  a  sorrow  that  no  other  place  could  feel,  and  the 
old  city  mourned  her  son  with  an  intensity  of  grief  that 
showed  how  large  a  place  he  had  filled  in  her  heart.  But  not 
alone  were  her  citizens  permitted  to  give  their  tribute  of  tears 
to  his  memory,  for,  from  the  far  Pacific  on  the  west  to  the 
Atlantic  on  the  east,  they  came,  the  representatives  of  tens  of 
thousands  of  friends  in  far  off  places,  to  do  him  honour.  Cities, 
towns,  villages,  urban  and  rural  constituencies  sent  their  quota 
of  delegates,  and  all  professions,  classes  and  creeds  were 
present  to  take  part  in  the  greatest  and  most  solemn  pageant 
Canada  had  ever  witnessed. 

At  two  o'clock  the  funeral  cortege  was  organized  in  front 


FUNKKAI.  AT  KINGSTON. 


467 


of  the  old  historic  city  hall,  and  moved  off  in  order  correspond- 
ing  to  that  which  had  been  arranged  in  Ottawa. 

As  the  procession  moved  along  Princess  street,  headed  by 
the  Gananoque  Carriage  Company's  band,  playing  Mendels- 
sohn's funeral  march,  the  dense  crowd  made  way,  and  all 
heads  were  uncovered  in  respectful  sympathy.  Up  Princess 
street  and  away  out  through  the  tollgate  and  beyond  the 
city  the  mournful  cortege  wended  its  way,  the  houses  all  along 
the  line,  even  out  in  the  country,  displaying  their  tokens  of 
universal  bereavement.  The  great  chief  who  had  followed 
near  and  dear  ones,  and  many  an  old  friend,  o\er  this  road 
was  now  being  borne  to  his  last  resting  place  in  the  beautiful 
cemetery  of  Cataraqui.  At  last  the  lovely  spot  is  reached  and 
the  vast  crowds  cluster  on  every  point  of  vantage  to  get  a 
view  ;  the  bearers  raise  the  casket  on  their  shoulders  and, 
followed  by  the  mourners,  make  stately  progress  to  the  new 
made  grave.  The  bell  in  the  little  stone  church  behind  the 
pine  trees  tolls  its  plaintive  knell,  the  multitude  upon  the 
hillside  reverently  bare  there  heads,  and  the  form  of  the 
beloved  statesman  sinks  into  its  narrow  bed,  whence  it  shall 
only  rise  when  the  last  trump  shall  sound.  The  Venerable 
Archdeacon  Jones  read  the  solemnly  beautiful  service  of  the 
English  Church,  and  as  the  mournful  words,  "  Earth  to  earth, 
ashes  to  ashes,  dust  to  dust,"  were  wafted  over  the  solemn 
stillness  of  the  scene,  and  the  yet  more  impressive  rattle  of  the 
earth  on  the  coffin  lid  told  that  forever  from  mortal  sight  had 
passed  John  Alexander  Macclonald,  the  matchless  leader,  the 
true  patriot,  the  warmhearted  friend,  those  whose  family  ties 
had  been  severed,  and  the  colleagues  who  stood  sadly  looking 
on,  were  not  alone  in  their  grief,  for  in  that  vast  concourse 
there  was  hardly  an  eye  that  was  not  dimmed  with  tears. 

The  sad  duty  over,  the  vast  concourse  turn  sorrow-stricken 
from  the  grave,  gathering  fragments  of  stone,  leaves  and  other 
small  things,  to  bear  away  as  mementoes,  the  sighing  pine 
trees  sing  a  soft  hymn  of  requiem,  and,  once  more  silence 
reigns  in  the  city  of  the  dead. 

/\nd  while  Canada  mourned  the  loss   of  her  greatest 
and  thousands  gathered  round  his  grave,  the  solemn  death  bell 


468         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 


of  Westminster  Abbey  called  the  people  of  England  together 
to  join,  in  spirit,  in  the  sad  and  solemn  obsequies.  Her 
Majesty,  the  Queen,  and  all  the  Royal  Family  were  repre- 
sented. The  Marquis  of  Lome,  Lord  Knutsford,  Lord 
Kimberly,  Lord  Aberdeen,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  a  large  number  of  other  distinguished  people 
were  present,  and  here,  within  the  majestic  pile  where  reposes 
all  that  is  mortal  of  England's  greatest,  noblest  and  truest 
sons,  men  whose  influence  on  the  field,  in  legislative  halls,  on 
the  bench,  in  church  and  in  state,  have  made  her  what  she  is, 
the  parent  of  free  nations  and  the  home  of  liberty  ;  in  the 
presence  of  a  sympathetic  audience  which  filled  every  available 
place  in  the  choir  and  the  transepts,  a  memorial  service  was 
held,  and  the  tears  of  the  motherland  flowed  in  unison  with 
those  of  her  greatest  colony.  The  significance  of  such  a  cere- 
mony, in  such  a  place,  may  be  gathered  from  the  comments  of 
the  London  Times: 

"  Westminster  Abbey  yesterday  offered  a  spectacle  which 
is  without  precedent  in  the  long  and  varied  annals  of  that 
venerable  building.  A  congregation,  eminently  representative 
of  all  ranks  and  classes  of  Englishmen,  from  the  Sovereign 
downwards,  assembled  to  take  part  in  a  solemn  service  held  in 
memory  of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  and  to  testify  to  the  strength 
and  sincerity  of  the  sympathy  felt  in  this  country  with 
our  fellow-subjects  in  Canada.  Many  a  great  Englishman 
sleeps  within  the  Abbey,  and  many  a  requiem  sung  within  its 
walls  has  awakened  mournful  echoes  in  the  hearts  of  English- 
speaking  peoples  beyond  the  seas.  But  this  is  the  first  time 
that  a  great  sorrow,  primarily  falling  upon  our  fellow-subjects 
abroad,  has  awakened  in  the  mother  country  a  sentiment  so 
strong  as  to  demand  and  receive  expression  in  the  ancient 
church  that  is  consecrated  by  so  many  of  our  proudest  associ- 
ations. Our  roll  of  heroes  would  be  sadly  curtailed  were  we 
to  remove  from  it  the  names  of  those  who  did  their  work 
in  foreign  lands  and  laid  broad  and  deep  the  foundations  of 
empire  on  which  self-governing  communities  have  since  based 
the  fabric  of  their  liberties.  But  the  great  soldiers  and  admin- 
istrators, whose  reward  was  scaled  and  perfected  by  their  final 


MOVEMENTS  TO  ERECT  MONUMENTS.  47, 


"con 


laboured  for  the  greatness  of  Canada,  has  been  tl 
devoted  servant  of  the  Canadian  people,  and  has  sought  at 
the,r  hands  the  guerdon  of  faithful  service.  It  is  in  the  char- 
ter of  a  Canadian  statesman  that  he  is  now  honoured  and 
mourned  by  the  people  of  this  country  as  they  have  been  wont 
>  honour  and  mourn  men  whose  lives  were  given  to  their  own 
service.  Because  he  was  a  Canadian  statesman  his  bones  may 
not  mingle  with  those  of  our  illustrious  dead,  but  the  service 
at  the  Abbey  is  the  outward  sign  of  a  profound  conviction 
that  the  great  Canadian  is  also  a  great  Englishman,  and  that 
his  service  to  the  Dominion  ranks  him  with  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  those  who  have  served  the  mother  country." 

Even  before  the  last  scenes  had  taken  place,  movements 
were  originated  in  the  cities  of  Toronto,  Montreal  and 
Kingston  to  erect  monuments  to  his  memory.  As  might  be 
expected,  the  latter  place  was  prompt  and  energetic  in  action. 
The  citizens  aimed  at  a  memorial  that  would  be  national  in 
character  and  extent,  and  organized  committees  in  outside 
places  to  assist  in  carrying  out  the  scheme.  Many  eminent 
persons,  including  Her  Royal  Highness,  the  Princess  Louise, 
have  lent  their  names.  In  the  autograph  volumes  now  being 
circulated  for  the  signatures  of  subscribers  to  the  fund,  is 
a  preface  from  the  able  pen  of  Principal  Grant,  of  Queen's 
College,  which  fitly  describes  the  characteristics  ot  Sir  John 
Macdonald  : 

"Though  dead  the  ideas  that  inspired  him  live.  He 
believed  that  there  was  room  on  the  continent  of  America  for 
at  least  two  nations,  and  he  was  determined  that  Canada 
should  be  a  nation.  He  believed  in  the  superiority  of  the 
British  Constitution  to  any  other  for  free  men,  and  that 
the  preservation  of  union  with  the  mother  country  was 
necessary  to  the  making  of  Canada.  He  had  faith  in  the 
French  race,  and  believed  that  a  good  understanding  between 


472         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

French  and  English-speaking  Canadians  was  essential  to  the 
national  welfare.  The  people  followed  him  not  only  as 
a  leader  but  as  an  actual  embodiment  of  those  fundamental 
ideas.  No  one  charged  him  with  exaggeration  when  he  said, 
concerning  himself:  '  There  does  not  exist  in  Canada  a  man 

o 

'  who  has  given  more  of  his  time,  more  of  his  heart,  more  of 
'  his  wealth,  or  more  of  his  intellect  and  powers,  such  as  they 
'  may  be,  for  the  good  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada/  They 
accepted  his  last  public  utterance  :  '  A  British  subject  I  was 
'  born  ;  a  British  subject  I  will  die,'  as  the  confession  of  their 
own  faith.  To  the  doing  of  his  work  he  brought  great 
qualities,  and  all  were  laid  unreservedly  on  the  altar  of 
his  country.  The  combination  of  imaginative  power  and 
insight,  with  a  just  appreciation  of  the  necessities  of  the 
present,  made  him  a  statesman.  In  virtue  of  a  quick  judg- 
ment and  extraordinary  grasp  of  detail  he  was  a  supreme  man 
of  affairs.  Those  who  knew  him  best,  knew  him  to  be 
also  essentially  just,  humane,  and  Gocl-fearing.  He  loved 
power,  but  the  people  believed  that  he  sought  it  that  he  might 
minister  to  the  country  and  not  to  himself.  Canadians  will 
not  let  the  memory  of  this  great  man  die." 

Mr.  Henry  Olger,  an  intimate  friend  and  supporter  in 
Kingston,  expressed  his  views  in  the  following  terse  and 
graphic  terms  : — • 

"  I  can  think  of  no  man  whose  qualities  it  would  be  more 
difficult  to  capture  in  words  than  those  of  Sir  John  Mac- 
donald's,  there  was  that  in  him  which  refused  to  be  defined. 
A  history  of  his  acts  and  words,  all  that  he  has  done  and  said, 
would  not  make  him  known  to  those  who  never  came  in 
personal  contact  with  him.  There  was  in  him  some  indescrib- 
able charm  that  acted  by  presence,  seemingly  without  means 
or  argument,  a  sort  of  intellect  of  the  heart  which  pleased  and 
convinced,  and  drew  and  bound  men  to  him.  He  was 
'  organized  victory.' " 

Steps  have  also  been  taken  to  erect  a  fitting  memorial  in 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  in  grateful  recognition  of  the  distinguished 
services  rendered  by  Sir  John  Macdonald  to  the  British 
Empire,  and  we  cannot  more  appropriately  conclude  our  task 


TRIBUTE  PAID  Hv  LOUI)  DUFKERIN. 


473 


than  by  quoting  the  tribute  paid  to  his  memory  by  the  Mar- 
quis of  DufTerin  and  Ava,  the  chairman  of  the  committee 
formed  to  carry  out  this  purpose  : 

"We  are  assembled  here  to  do  honour,  not  to  a  consum- 
mate party  leader,  or  a  skilful  tactician,  but  to  a  great 
Imperial  statesman,  who,  as  the  trusted  Minister  of  the  Crown, 
and  the  chosen  representative  of  the  Canadian  people  during 
so  many  years,  used  his  great  abilities  and  industry  and  zeal 
to  promote  the  best  interests  of  Her  Majesty's' Canadian 
subjects,  and  to  maintain  unimpaired  those  ties  of  interest  and 
affection  which,  I  trust,  are  long  destined  to  bind  the  peoples 
of  Canada  and  Great  Britain  in  a  fraternal  union.  I  cannot 
help  desiring  to  bear  my  personal  testimony  to  those  engaging 
and  lovable  qualities  which  endeared  Sir  John  Macdonald  to 
every  representative  of  the  Crown  that  was  sent  over  from  this 
country  to  assume  the  reins  of  government.  His  equable  and 
genial  temperament,  his  delicate  courtesy,  his  genuine  kind- 
ness, his  considerate  frankness,  rendered  him  one  of  the  most 
charming  and  satisfactory  public  men  with  whom  I  have  ever 
had  the  good  fortune  of  being  associated  in  the  conduct  of 
public  business.  Above  all  things  this  must  be  placed  to  the 
record  of  his  great  qualities,  that  he  always  showed  a  proud 
eagerness  to  take  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  whatever 
line  of  action  the  head  of  the  Canadian  Government  may  have 
pursued  on  his  recommendation,  to  shield  him  from  any  popu- 
lar resentment  to  which  that  action  may  have  given  rise,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  show  a  most  scrupulous  anxiety  to  avoid 
the  slightest  appearance  of  sheltering  either  himself  or  his 
party  behind  the  prestige  or  the  authority  of  the  Crown. 

"  A  firm  friend,  a  most  generous  and  placable  opponent,  a 
charming  companion,  an  affectionate  husband  and  a  most 
tender  father,  Sir  John  Macdonald,  after  a  long  life  spent  in 
the  service  of  his  country,  has  descended  to  the  grave  mourned 
by  his  Sovereign  and  all  her  representatives,  passionately 
regretted  by  his  personal  friends  and  adherents,  respected  even 
by  those  who  most  differed  from  him  in  political  opinions,  and 
universally  honoured  by  the  Canadian  people.  In  these 
circumstances  it  seems  to  me  only  natural  that  Canadian 


474         THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD. 

lamentations  should  find  an  echo  in  English  hearts,  and  that 
we  on  this  side  of  the  water  should  desire  to  mark  our  appre- 
ciation, our  reverence,  and  our  love  of  one  who  so  nobly 
fulfilled  his  duty,  and  has  left  us  all  so  bright  and  honourable 
an  example.  During  the  last  half-century  in  the  four  quarters 
of  the  globe  there  have  been  colonial  statesmen  of  first-rate 
ability  endeavouring  to  advance  the  fame  and  the  material 
interests  of  England  and  of  Englishmen,  but  amongst  them  to 
my  mind  no  name  will  shine  with  more  conspicuous  brilliancy 
on  the  page  of  history,  both  in  regard  to  the  length  of  his 
service  and  the  success  of  his  administration,  than  that  of  Sir 
John  Macdonald." 

Into  the  darkness  of  the  pitiless  grave 
We  stretch  dumb  hands,  as  we  would  rive  again 
From  his  fierce  clutch  Death's  last  and  greatest  prey 
,  "  We  will  not,  cannot  lose  him  !  "     Such  the  cry 
That  rose  in  anguish  from  the  million  hearts 
Who  counted  up  those  agonizing  hours, 
And  throbbed  response  to  every  parting  pang 
Of  his,  their  guide,  their  father,  and  their  friend, 
Not  ours  to  choose  ;  another  will  than  ours 
Is  done.     We  stand  before  the  eternal  gates, 
And  know  the  bolts  are  drawn  for  evermore. 

What  shall  we  say?     How  speak,  when  every  breast 

Is  vibrant  to  the  sting  of  hopeless  loss  ? 

Like  infant  babble  fall  the  trembling  words 

Which  strive  to  voice  a  grief  that  has  no  name, 

Or  praise  of  him  whose  fame  transcends  all  praise. 

Silence  best  fits  the  time  when  the  bowed  face, 

Manhood's  stern  sorrow,  and  the  nation's  tears 

Are  our  first  tribute  to  the  nation's  dead. 

Not  the  cold  tomb  receives  him  ;  he  is  shrined 

In  the  warm  hearts  of  half  a  continent. 

Vainly  shall  marble  rise  ;  his  monument 

Is  the  broad  land  he  built,  and  loved,  and  died  for. 

For  not  more  surely  on  the  hard-fought  field 
Of  victory  falls  the  soldier  (thinking  nought 
Of  self  but  all  of  duty)  in  the  cause 
He  has  sworn  faith  to — never  martyr  sealed 
More  surely  his  devotion — than  did  he, 
Who  for  the  space  of  half  an  age  gave  brain, 
And  soul,  and  tireless  thought,  his  best,  his  all, 


LINES  BY  MRS.  ROTIIWKLI,.  4/-5 


To  one  sole  purpose,  his  dear  country's  good, 
Lay  down  his  life  in  service  for  her  sake. 
He  stood  beside  her  birth-bed  ;  fondly  held 
Her  baby  hand  when  her  first  steps  were  trod  ; 
Saw  her  first  maiden  blush,  her  budding  powers  ; 
And  at  the  last,  for  that  she  needed  him, 
Spared  not  one  hour  of  toil  till  Death's  stroke  fell. 

But,  oh  bereaved  people  !  while  ye  hold 

The  peace  of  heart-break  by  the  new  filled  grave, 

Hearken  the  words  he  left  ye,  echoing  back 

From  those  far  courts  we  may  not  penetrate — 

Alike  our  consolation  and  command. 

Hoard  them  as  priceless  treasures  in  your  souls, 

Write  them  in  fire  and  brass  that  all  may  see, 

Ring  them  through  mart  and  hall  that  all  may  hear, 

Bind  them  as  frontlets  "on  your  children's  brows— 

"  I  have  loved  Canada  with  a  passionate  love." 

Oh  land,  not  all  bereft  while  these  his  words, 

Live  to  inspire  thee — while  his  works  remain 

Undying  witness  of  his  care  for  thee, 

And  his  great  memory,  undimmed,  endures 

While  one  stream  leaps,  or  one  green  hill  shall  wave 

Through  all  the  fair  land  that  he  loved  so  well. 

See  thou  prove  worthy  of  his  gift  to  thee. 

Hold  fast  his  hope  for  thee — lift  up  thy  head- 

And  tread  unfaltering  in  that  forward  road 

His  hand  still  points  thee  though  it  guides  no  more. 


.       .  :  4'"       '       ' 

•*          ' 


1973 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY 


Macpherson,  James  Pennlngton 
Life  of  the  Right  Hon.   Sir 
V126K3        John  A.  I-fecddnald 
v.2 
cop.  2