The life of Sir Humphrey Gilbert : England's first empire builder

THE LIFE OF
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

W - J^O C.J X) S Clues aLtumdr^/uvTi tn or fan ■

Sir Humphrey Gilbert.

From Hollands ^' Herwologia Anglica.'

THE LIFE OF
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

ENGLANUS FIRST EMPIRE BUILDER

BY

WILLIAM GILBERT GOSLING

fSt, JoAn^s, Newfoundland)

AUTHOR OF

*' LABRADOR : ITS DISCOVERY, EXPLORATION

AND development"

ILLUSTRATED

LONDON

CONSTABLE & CO. Ld.

1911

Richard Clay & Sons, Limited,

brunswick street, stamford street, s.e.,

and bungay, suffolk.

PREFACE

I FEEL assured that readers of this Life of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert will wonder why such an interesting and
important character had not before received the attention
of historians. It came as a surprise to me, I remember,
when I wished to get particulars of his voyage to New-
foundland, to find that no biography of England's First
Empire Builder had been written, and I then determined
to undertake the task myself. I had nearly completed my
work when I learned that the Prince Society of Boston
had published a life of Sir Humphrey Gilbert ; but being
intended for members of the Society only, it is out of
the reach of the general reader.

I have been at great pains and considerable expense
to obtain all possible information on every detail of his
career, and can conscientiously affirm that every possible
source of knowledge has been explored. In this connec-
tion I beg to acknowledge my indebtedness to the Rev.
Walter Raleigh Gilbert, of the Priory, Bodmin, Corn-
wall, for permission to examine his family records and
papers. Mr. Gilbert is the direct lineal descendant of
Sir Humphrey, and I had great hopes of obtaining some
interesting new facts, although Mr. Gilbert warned me
that he thought it very unlikely. The search was, unfor-
tunately, fruitless, but I am none the less indebted to
Mr. Gilbert. I have also to thank him for permission to
reproduce the portraits of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and vSir
Walter Ralegh now in his possession. These are thought
to be very early portraits if not actually contemporary,
and have not hitherto been published.

W. G. Gosling.

St. Johns^

Newfoundland.

288350

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

INTRODUCTION I

I FAMILY CONNECTIONS, BIRTH AND BOYHOOD . . ID

II HIS INTRODUCTION AT COURT AND FIRST MILITARY

SERVICE ........ 24

III HUMPHREY GILBERT IN IRELAND .... 36

IV THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, AND FIRST THOUGHTS

OF COLONIZATION ...... 54

V HIS MARRIAGE ; PARLIAMENTARY CAREER ; SURVEYOR

OF ARTILLERY ....... 74

VI THE CAMPAIGN IN THE LOW COUNTRIES ... 83

VII THE ARTS OF PEACE. "QUEEN ELIZABETH'S

achademy" 102

vm 1574-1577 120

IX 1578-1579 145

X 1 580-1 583 183

XI the eve OF DEPARTURE. 1 582- 1 583 . . . 2o6

XII HAIES'S NARRATIVE 223

XIII HAiEs's NARRATIVE {continued) . . . -254

XIV AN APPRECIATION 274

XV 1583-1610 280

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT'S COAT OF ARMS Book Cover

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT FROM HOLLAND'S " HERcoOLOGIA

anglica" Frontispiece

A manuscript note in the British Museum copy says,
" Taken frojn a picture in the Strand'''

To face page
VIEW OF COMPTON CASTLE FROM "BEAUTIES OF ENGLAND

AND WALES" lO

COMPTON CASTLE, PRESENT DAY . . . . '. 1 7

GREENWAY ON THE DART, PRESENT DAY . . . -23

PLAN OF NEWHAVEN, 1 562, FROM A CONTEMPORARY

MANUSCRIPT IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM . . -35

QUEEN ELIZABETH, FROM AN EARLY PORTRAIT . . . 50

MAP ACCOMPANYING "DISCOURSE OF A DISCOVERIE OF A

NORTH-WEST PASSAGE" 60

MAP OF LOW COUNTRIES 95

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT, 1 584 Ill

MAP ILLUSTRATING FROBISHEr's VOYAGE, 1 5 78 . . I26

SIGNATURE TO "HOW HIR MAJESTIE MAY ANNOY THE
KING OF SPAIN " AND USUAL SIGNATURE OF SIR
HUMPHREY GILBERT (iN TEXT) . . . -139

ix

X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

To face page
STATUE OF SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT, TRURO CATHEDRAL . 150

BERNARDINO DI MENDOZA 1 56

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM 160

SIR WALTER RALEGH FROM A PORTRAIT, 1 569 . . 20I

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT'S FLEET ENTERING THE HARBOUR

OF ST. JOHNS, AUGUST 1 5 83 233

{From a painting by Mr. J. W. Hayward)

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT TAKING POSSESSION OF NEW-
FOUNDLAND 239

{From a painting by Mr, J. W. Hayward )

MEMORIAL WINDOW IN THE GUILDHALL, PLYMOUTH . . 260

PEDIGREE

OF

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

Devonshire Pedigrees, recorded in
the Herald's Visitation of 1620; with
additions from the Harleian MSS., and
the printed collections of Westcote and
Pole, by John Tuckett. Published
1859.

GILBERT^

Thomas Gilber

Geoffrey of Comptoi
temp. Ed. II.

William of Compto

William of Comptc

William of Comptc

Wiliiani.

wife of
Yard.

Otes.

wife of
Batten.

John of Ax minster

Alice, dau. and cob.
of John Mules.

1
Otes, sheriff (
Devon, 15 Edv
IV., 1474-5-

Elizabeth, dau. of
Sir John Crocker
of Lyneham.

I
Thomas of Cc

I
Joan, wife of Richard
Prideaux of Theo-
borough.

Otes of Green wi

Katherine, wife of
George Raleigh
of Fardel.

Sir John Gilbert
(ist son), no
issue.

I
Sir John Gilbert = Elizabeth, dau. of
sheriff of Devon, Sir Richard Chud-
16 Eliz. 1573-4 leigh of Ashton.
(no issue).

. . . dau. of Sir
Richard Molineux
of Sefton.

I
Humphrey
(2nd son).

Sir Hu
drc

I

Otho

died in Belgiur

(3rd son).

EDIGREE

Vmy, dau. of ... .

ane, dau. and coh. of Wm.
Compton of Compton.

l^lizabeth, dau. and coh. of
Oliver Champernon of
North Tawton.

Joan, wife of John Bampfield
of Poltimore.

Isabel, dau. of Gervise
Moore of Columpton.

ilsabel, dau. of Walter
Gambon of Morestone.

Elizabeth, dau. of John Hill
of Shilston.

wife of
Gibbs.

. wife of
. Holway.

fn

Isabel, dau. and heir of John
Reynward of Cornwall.

Geoffrey, married and
had a son Edward.

Elizabeth, wife of Sir
Thos. Grenville of
Stow, Co. Cornwall.

Katheriiie, dau. of Philip
Champernon of Modbury,
remarried Walter Raleigh.

ey Gilbert = Elizabeth, dau. and heir of Adrian

I at sea. Sir Anthony Ager of Co. a doctor of

Kent. medicine.

Emma, dau. of .... of
Co. Line, widow of
Andrew Fulford.

1

Arthur

(4th son), killed

at the siege of

Amiens.

Anthony
(5th son).

Raleigh
of Compton,
1620.

Elizabeth, dau. and heir
of John Kelley of
K el ley.

Humphrey
(ist son),
aged 5.

Raleigh

(2nd son),

aged 4.

Ager

13rd son)

aged 3.

Ferdinand

(4th son),

aged 2.

I

Amy

(a daughtei

aged 1 2.

I To face p. i

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THE LIFE OF
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

^^ INTRODUCTION

Until quite recently, historians seem to have taken it
for granted that, for nearly one hundred years, England
entirely neglected to take advantage of the discoveries
made by the men of Bristol under the inspiration and
guidance of John Cabot.

That they first reached the continent of America,
first told of the marvellous wealth of fish of all sorts
found in the waters through which they journeyed, and
first described the country, clothed with forests and
abounding with game; that they then failed to make
good their discoveries, and left the further exploration
and enjoyment of the new-found lands to the Bretons,
Normans, and Basques, is not in accordance with the
genius of the race.

Provoked by the taunt that the English nation, of all
others, remained "in sluggishe securitie and continual
neglect of any notable enterprises by sea or land," the
industrious Hakluyt undertook to clear the fair fame
of England from such undeserved obloquy, and began
to compile that wonderful collection of Voyages so aptly
termed by Froude "the great prose epic of the modern
English nation." Without this great work England's
maritime history in the sixteenth century could never
have been written. But in recent years the gradual
collection and classification of public and private docu-
ments, both English and foreign, have laid open to us

:2.;,:; .; ; THE LIFE OF

a mass of material not available to the first vindicator
of England's maritime prowess.

But neither the whole nor yet the half has been told,
nor ever can be told, for there were undoubtedly numer-
ous voyages made by the English to the New World of
which there is no record whatever. Voyages un-
chronicled because unostentatious, not undertaken in
quest of gold or for the acquisition of territory, but
simply enterprised in search of the humble, unheroic
codfish. The part played by the codfish in England's
history is by no means inconsiderable. It was the quest
of the codfish that first took England's mariners from
the home waters, and it was from the ranks of the cod-
fishers that the sailors were largely recruited for Eng-
land's ever victorious fleet from the days of Elizabeth to
Victoria.

The demand for dry salt codfish was so great that
very early in the fifteenth century English fishermen had
to go far afield for it. We learn from that quaint poem,
**Ye English Policie to Kepe the Sea," and from many
State documents, that fifty years and more before the
date of Cabot's voyages fishermen, from both the east
and west coast of England, had been in the habit of
making their way, "by nedle and by ston," to Iceland,
for "stocke fysche."

It seems somewhat curious that such should have
been the case when the home waters were teeming with
fish. But only one fish, the codfish, could be prepared
so that it would remain fit for food for an indefinite
period, and that useful fish was to be obtained more
abundantly in Iceland than elsewhere. Besides, the
cold, dry climate of Iceland was particularly well
adapted for transforming the cod into the ** stick" or
"stock" fish of commerce. One is accustomed to speak
of "the roast beef of Old England," and we picture our
ancestors growing lusty and strong on a generous meat
diet, but an examination of the account books of noble
houses proves that in early times dry codfish and salt

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 3

herrings appeared much oftener on the bill of fare than
did the juicy roast.

When John Cabot returned from his first voyage in
1497, his partners, the Bristol men, said, "they can
bring so many fish that this kingdom will have no more
business with Iceland," and they immediately began to
prove the truth of their assertion. Cabot sailed again
for the New World in 1498 with a larger fleet, to be
followed in 1501, 1503, 1504, and 1505 by other expedi-
tions, undertaken by members of his first crews,
undoubtedly all for the purpose of taking codfish.

While it is somewhat a matter of controversy, there
is good evidence for the belief that Sebastian Cabot and
Sir Thomas Pert made an extended exploration of the
American seaboard in 1508, with the assistance and
under the aegis of the Crown of England.

In 1521, Henry VIII and Wolsey determined to send
out a powerful fleet to the new-found realms, pertaining
to the Crown of England by virtue of Cabot's discovery.
Sebastian Cabot, who, in the meanwhile, had taken
service with Spain, was sent for to command the expedi-
tion. When he arrived he found the vessels almost
ready, and 30,000 ducats appropriated for their outfit.
But disputes arose with the Great Livery Companies,
who were sharing in the adventure. They objected to
Sebastian Cabot being put in command, "as we here
say was never in that lande hymself, all if he maks
reporte of manie thyngs he hath heard his Father and
other men speak in tymes past " — a jealous aspersion of
Sebastian Cabot's knowledge and character, which his
whole history seems to contradict. Wolsey had been
chaplain to the Earl of Dorset, and lived at Bristol in
the early years of the century, and therefore must have
known all particulars of the Cabot voyages; that he
chose Sebastian Cabot to command the expedition is
sufficient evidence to offset the objection of the Drapers'
Company. While their meaning is not quite clear, it
appears that the Drapers' Company preferred to employ
B 2

4 THE LIFE OF

English mariners instead of aliens. They said that
the King and his counsellors "were duely and sub-
stauncially informed in such manr. as perfite know-
ledge might be had by credible reporte of maisters and
mariners naturally borne within this Realm of England,
having experienced and exercised in and about the fore-
said Island, as well in knowledge of the land, the due
courses of the sea thiderward and homeward, as in know-
ledge of the havens dayngers and sholds there uppon
that coste." As it stands, this statement implies that
there were many English seamen well acquainted with
the voyage; but the context seems to contradict it, "that
then it were the lesse jepardy to aventer thider, than it
is nowe, all though it may be furder hens than fewe
English maryners can tell."

There is no record of the sailing of this expedition.
Cabot tells us that he wrote to Spain and suggested that
he should be recalled, and presumably the adventure
was therefore abandoned.

It does not appear that Henry VIII, good Catholic
as he then was, paid any heed to Pope Alexander VPs
division of the New World between Spain and Portugal,
in spite of the terrible threat annexed to that celebrated
Bull^ "If any shall presume to infringe, he ought to
know that he shall thereby incur the indignation of
Almighty God, and his holy apostles Peter and Paul."
Henry undoubtedly considered that the countries dis-
covered by Cabot, and upon which the flag of England
had been planted, properly belonged to him, and he
made several efforts to substantiate his claim. We
learn that in 1525 he endeavoured to secure the services
of Centurini to conduct an exploratory expedition.
Lord Edmund Howard, about the same time, petitioned
Wolsey to employ him upon a similar enterprise.

In 1527, he sent out John Rut, a naval officer, in the
Mary Guildford, a King's ship. Rut's letter to Henry
VIII, written from the harbour of St. John's, Newfound-
land, "in bad English and worse writing," is the first

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 5

written news from the New World in the English
language. In it he describes his voyage, "to his utter-
most of his power," and refers to instructions given
him at his departure, to seek other islands. It would
thus appear that this was not a fishing voyage, but
had some other purpose, perhaps exploratory, perhaps
political.

There were several other English vessels upon the
coast the same year, one of which conveyed Rut's letter
to England, but Hakluyt was unable to obtain any
particulars regarding them, to his great annoyance
and ours.

The only other English voyage to the new-found
lands of which there is any account for over a genera-
tion, is that of Master Hore, in 1536. Hore also sailed
in a King's ship under the King's favour and patron-
age. Hakluyt rode fifty miles to obtain the story from
one of the survivors, and it was well worth the journey,
for it is one of the quaintest in his repertoire.

There then comes a long hiatus in the history of
English voyages to the American Continent. Nowhere
can there be found any record of any expedition, public
or private, for many years. The Reformation and the
breach with Rome absorbed men's minds, and no
attempt was made to maintain England's title to any
portion of the New World.

But the demand for codfish still continued.

M. Henri Harrisse, in his John Cabot, 1896, says —

"Surely the English who had discovered the North-
East Coast and who, with the Norman, Breton, and
Portuguese fishermen, continued to frequent the fishing
banks and even to make discoveries in that region, had
nothing to learn from the Spaniards ! " But in a more
recent publication, Decouverte et Evolution de Terre
Neuve, M. Harrisse abandons this idea, and declares
that Newfoundland remained une quantite negligeable
for England until the Treaty of Utrecht. This theory
is, I think, capable of most thorough disproof.

6 THE LIFE OF

But it is to Judge D. W. Prowse that the honour
belongs of having demonstrated in his excellent History
of Newfoundland, 1896, that, although the Crown of
England had not by any executive act maintained its
title, the hardy fishermen of the West Country had by
no means surrendered what they had discovered, and
doubtless continued steadily to pursue their calling in
the prolific waters of Newfoundland. The evidence in
support of this theory is rather relative than direct, but
it is none the less convincing.

In 1522, many complaints were made by English
merchants that their ships were "spoyled of their goods "
by the French ; whereupon the King sent Christopher
Coo with five ships of war to cruise in the mouth of the
Channel and protect the returning fleet, presumably
from Newfoundland. Christopher Coo not only pro-
tected the English fishermen, but made reprisals upon
the French fleet, taking, among other ships, a Breton
vessel loaded with fish from Newfoundland.

Between the years 1 528-1 533, it is recorded that the
Iceland fleet had been reduced in numbers from 149 to
85. It seems probable that many of these vessels had
been diverted to the trans-Atlantic fishery. The growth
of England's marine was immense during the reign
of Henry VIII. He took the greatest personal interest
in his ships — in their models and sailing qualities. He
brought shipwrights out of Italy expert In the building
of galleys ; but instead of allowing them to build accord-
ing to their own models, he set them to work on a
design which he had invented himself. It was pre-
sumably the vessel built from his own design, that he
sent ten ladies from his court to inspect. These odd
naval critics sent him a joint letter of approval in the
following quaint terms: *'The newe greate shippe is so
goodlie to behold that in all our liefs we have not scene
(excepting your royal person and my lord the Prince
your Sonne) a more pleasant sight." In i545j Henry,
with one hundred vessels thoroughly efficient and up
to date, was able to oppose successfully the French fleet.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 7

Many of these were merchant ships which had been
generously subsidized by the King upon the under-
standing that they were to do service whenever called
upon. The Venetian Ambassador, writing a few years
after, stated that there were numbers of English mariners
conversant with the navigation of the Atlantic.

A Spanish geographer of note, Alonzo de Santa
Cruz, who had accompanied Sebastian Cabot on his
voyage to La Plata in 1530, and who was associated with
him in the Casa de Contratacion, left an unpublished
.MS. geography dated 1536, entitled El Yslario General,
in which he states of Labrador, "It is frequented by
the English, who go there to take fish, which the natives
catch in great numbers." The Casa de Contratacion
was a nautical school, with special charge over the
navigation of the New World. Information was drawn
from every available source, and the statement of Santa
Cruz may be considered excellent evidence. More direct
evidence of these unchronicled voyages is to be obtained
from several Acts of Parliament passed about the
middle of the century, ostensibly for the maintenance of
shipping.

The first Act to mention the New World was passed
in 1542. It had come to light that a good deal of
foreign-caught fish was being surreptitiously brought
into England. Instead of catching the fish themselves,
certain English fishermen had been in the habit of pro-
ceeding to mid-Channel, and there meeting the Breton
vessels, had purchased their supplies from them. This
Act imposed heavy penalties upon such offenders, but
made exception to all such fish as might be bought in
"Icelande, Orkney, Shetlands, Irelande or Newlande.'*
The inference is therefore plain that trans-Atlantic fish-
ing voyages were then of common occurrence, requiring
statutory regulation.

Another Act was passed in 1549, forbidding the levy-
ing of tolls by the Royal Navy from any "Merchants
and Fishermen as have used and practised the adven-
tures and journeys into Icelande, Newfoundland,

8 THE LIFE OF

Irelande and other places commodious for fishing."
Hakluyt quotes this Act, and points out that the trade
to Newfoundland "was common and frequented in the
reign of Edward VI." Lord Thomas Seymour was
Admiral of the Fleet at this period, and one of the
principal articles of his attainder was that he had
obtained large sums by this illegal procedure; from
which it may be deduced that the fishing fleets were
of considerable proportions; a few isolated fishermen
would have been robbed with impunity.

In Elizabeth's reign several Acts were passed refer-
ring to the fisheries in Newfoundland, but by that
time the trade was in full evidence and a matter of
history.

The first description of Newfoundland by an English-
man was that of Anthony Parkhurst in 1578, who at
Hakluyt's request, wrote to him fully about the country.
In his letter he made the remarkable statement that
"The English are commonly lordes of the harbours
wherein they fish, and do use all strangers help in fish-
ing, if need require, according to an old custom of
the country." Which statement is confirmed .a few
years later by Edward Haies, the historian of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert's voyage. We are led to conclude,
therefore, that the English were recognized in some
measure as "lords of the soil," by virtue of Cabot's
discovery, — the right of England, while neglected by
the Crown, having been maintained by a long succes-
sion of humble codfishermen. How this rude but effica-
cious authority was converted into actual possession and
colonization, it is the object of this book to relate. To
quote Mr. Edward Haies, "it is knit up in the person"
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.

It seems very extraordinary that no biography of this
remarkable man has hitherto been written. The best
account of him is contained in the Dictionary of National
Biography J but this is naturally restricted. There is
also a sketch of his life, with a collection of his letters
and some of his writings, published by the Prince

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 9

Society of Boston, strictly for the members of the
Society, thus making it a difficult book to obtain and
consequently expensive.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert was, as the title of this book
declares, "England's first Empire Builder," and why
the part he played in this most important of world
stories has not been fully told, is somewhat of a mystery,
except that it is human nature to forget the defeated,
and Humphrey Gilbert failed in his great design.

He has also suffered in reputation from being over-
shadowed by his illustrious half-brother Walter Ralegh.
The exploits of this picturesque favourite of Elizabeth
have been ever a subject for historians. Numerous
biographies have been written of him, and in the effort
to belaud him, and to magnify his share in English
colonization, Humphrey Gilbert has been pushed into
the background. Very few of Ralegh's biographers
have done Sir Humphrey Gilbert justice, and many of
them have grossly wronged him. An effort is here
made to restore these two celebrated men to their proper
relative positions. Humphrey Gilbert will be found to
be the author and the pioneer; Ralegh, the follower and
imitator.

Since this book was completed an amusing example
of the general opinion held about Gilbert and Ralegh
has come to the notice of the writer. In recent numbers
of that staid weekly paper, the Spectator^ there has
been a discussion about squirrels, and a correspondent
has called attention to the fact that the little vessel in
which Gilbert was cast away was named The Squirrel;
he supposes that, roaming together through the woods
of Devon, Gilbert had imbibed some of Ralegh's love
of nature ! and had therefore bestowed this name upon
his vessel ! The fact being, that if they had roamed
the woods together, Gilbert would have led Ralegh by
the hand, for he was a man when Ralegh was yet a
little boy.

A great many of the references to Gilbert by Ralegh's
biographers are of similar tenor.

CHAPTER I

FAMILY CONNECTIONS, BIRTH AND BOYHOOD

The surname Gilbert is evidently of Norman origin,
but it is certain that the Gilbert family was established
in Devon long before the time of William the Con-
queror. We find that in the reign of Edward the
Confessor the Gilberts were already prominent and pos-
sessed of considerable property at Manaton, near Dart-
moor. From the number of grants and favours
showered upon them by the Conqueror, it may be safely
inferred that the Gilberts vigorously supported his cause,
as might have been expected from their Norman descent.
In Doomsday Book the name is written "Gislebert," to
which was at one time added the proud prefix of "Fitz,'*
but this was soon discarded, and the name written
"Jilbert," "Jelbert," and "Gilbert."

From the eleventh to the sixteenth century the family
maintained its importance, furnishing many men of
renown, soldiers and high sheriffs, priests and bishops,
for the service of their country and Church.

In the time of Edward II, a certain Geoffrey Gilbert
married Jane, the daughter and heiress of William
Compton, of Compton, near Torbay, thus bringing into
the family Compton Castle, which remained their chief
seat for ten or twelve generations. This building in a
restored condition still stands, and is considered a most
interesting example of a fortified manor house. It is
defended by machicolations and a portcullis, and is said
to have had a secret underground passage to one of the
neighbouring houses (see Appendix).

About the year 1535, the head of the family was Otho
Gilbert, the second or third of that name, but while his

10

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^ .5

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SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 11

ancestors apparently lived at Compton Castle, he made
his home at Greenway on the River Dart. An early
county history thus describes this charming residence :
"Greenway is very pleasantly and commodiously situ-
ated, with delightsome prospect to behold the barks and
boats to pass and repass upon the river flowing from
Totnes to Dartmouth."

In addition to these family residences Otho Gilbert
possessed the manors of Brixham, Sandridge, (the birth-
place of John Davies), and Hansford, and considerable
other landed property. He was therefore a man of
wealth and importance in the west country. His chief
claim to distinction, however, so far as history informs
us, was his marriage to Katherine, daughter of Sir
Philip Champernoun, of Modbury, Kent, and thus
becoming the father of the subject of this memoir.

It was not the first time these families had inter-
married, for we find that about two hundred years before
a William Gilbert of Compton had married a Champer-
noun.

At Greenway were born the five children of this
marriage. Katherine, the eldest and the only daughter,
(who married George Ralegh, her mother's step-son),
John, Humphrey, and Adrian, all to become famous
and achieve the honour of knighthood, and Otis who
died in his youth.

With their usual acquisitiveness, some biographers of
Walter Ralegh have claimed Greenway as the home of
his boyhood, but it does not seem that his connection
with Greenway could have been anything more than an
occasional visit to his half-brothers.

In passing, it is interesting to observe that the Gilbert
family at St. Malo, over the way, also furnished some
men of note. One in particular, Guillaume Guilbert,
was a member of Jacques Cartier's momentous expe-
dition of 1535, when that intrepid explorer first dis-
covered the River St. Lawrence, and ascended it as far
as the site of the city of Montreal.

12 THE LIFE OF

There seems to have been a very close connection
between many Devon and Norman families at that
period, as may be learned from a letter written in 1554
by Sir Peter Carew, a cousin of Katherine Gilbert.
"Are we not allianced with Normandy?" said he.
"Yea, what ancient family is either there or in France
but we claim by them and they by us? Why should
we not rather embrace their love than submit ourselves
to the servitude of Spain ? " It is probable that he had
the Gilbert and Champernoun families particularly in
mind when he wrote.

Otho Gilbert died in 1547, his will being proved on
June 16 of that year. He directed that his body "be
honestly buried within the church of Marledon," his
heir male to have the use and occupancy of Compton
Castle and Greenway during his life, the same to be
left to the next heir male, and so on. To Humphrey he
left the manor of Hansford, with sundry other lands,
tenements, etc., in Borington and Offewell. To his
wife Katherine he left the manor of Brixhampton, and
sundry lands in Cornewoode, Plymouth, Ipplepen, Wol-
borough, and Axminster. To the other children he
left in trust the manor of Galmeton, and lands in
Semley and Lisbury. To his mother, Isabelle, he
bequeathed the not very munificent sum of £20. The
youngest child, Otis, was to remain in the guardianship
of his mother; Humphrey and Adrian to be in the
keeping of their uncle, Philip Penkevell, and Katherine
to be "where she will at her election." In after life,
John Gilbert is generally spoken of as "of Greenway,"
and Humphrey as "of Compton," the reason for which
is not easy to understand, both properties being entailed
and belonging to John Gilbert, the heir-at-law. It is
possible Compton might have been leased to Humphrey,
although we have no information that he ever lived
there.

The date of Humphrey Gilbert's birth cannot be ascer-
tained. Though generally stated to have taken place

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 13

in 1539, it seems probable that it occurred at an earlier
date.

After a short period of widowhood, Katherine Gilbert
married Walter Ralegh, of Fardell and Hayes, in Devon-
shire, and by him had two sons, Carew and Walter,
and a daughter, Margaret. Authorities differ as to which
was the elder son, but the date of Walter Ralegh's birth
is known to have been 1552, so that he was at least
thirteen years younger than Humphrey Gilbert. This
great difference in the ages of these famous half-brothers
has been generally overlooked by historians, who, in
their desire to eulogize Ralegh, have given him the
credit of being the instigator of their joint enterprises,
whereas he but followed in the footsteps of his elder
brother. Gilbert's was the master mind.

There is a famous picture by a well-known artist, in
which Gilbert and Ralegh are depicted as two eager-
eyed boys of about the ages of thirteen to fifteen years,
listening with rapt attention to the tale of adventure
unfolded by an ancient mariner. Though interesting, the
picture is not historically correct, for when Ralegh was
a boy of thirteen, Humphrey Gilbert was a man fighting
for his Queen and country.

Katherine Gilbert came herself from a famous family.
Many times in English annals are the Champernouns
mentioned with distinction and honour. At this time,
her brother. Sir Arthur Champernoun, was Vice-Admiral
of the West Country and owner of a small fleet of
vessels, which, after the manner of the time, was not
above doing a little privateering when occasion arose.
His son Gawen Champernoun, Humphrey Gilbert's
first cousin, married Gabrielle, daughter of the County
Montgomerie, the celebrated Huguenot leader, thus pro-
viding family reasons for the interest taken by Gilbert
and Ralegh in the Huguenot Wars in France. The
Carews, another celebrated West Country family, of
whom more will be related hereafter, were cousins on
their mother's side. The Grenvilles were relations

14 THE LIFE OF

through the Gilbert branch, the brave Sir Richard
being often referred to as a cousin.

Walter Ralegh, senior, achieved a temporary notoriety
in 1549, about the time of his marriage with Katherine
Gilbert. The adventure which befell him and had such
important historical results, must have created a pro-
found impression on the imaginations of the Gilbert
boys. The story is related in Hooker's continuation
of Holingshed's Chronicles. It was at the time of the
"Rising in the West," when the peasantry, who up to
that time had remained faithful to the old religion,
rebelled against the laws enforcing the reformed mode
of worship. Ralegh, accompanied by some mariners,
was riding one day from Exeter to his home at Hayes,
when he overtook an old peasant woman telling her
beads. He said to her roughly, "What is the good of
your beads ? " and told her of the laws which had just
been passed putting down all idolatries. The old woman
hobbled away, and breaking into the midst of the con-
gregation which were assembled in the parish church,
told the people what she had heard. "Ye must leave
your beads now; no more Holy Bread nor Holy Water,
it's all gone from us or to go, or the gentlemen will burn
your houses over your heads." The congregation rushed
out like a swarm of bees, overtook Ralegh, and im-
prisoned him in the tower of the church ; where he was
kept until the insurrection was crushed, "being many
times threatened with death."

The insurgents besieged Exeter, and thousands took
the field ; but being almost without arms, and having no
leaders of ability, they were speedily conquered by the
Royal Army under Lord Grey of Wilton. It is said
over 4000 poor peasants lost their lives in this hopeless
struggle.

When the disturbance first broke out. Sir Peter and
Sir Gawen Carew, who were Katherine Gilbert's first
cousins, were sent down from London to endeavour by
their influence to pacify the people. Failing to accom-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 15

plish this, Sir Peter Carew hurried to London to report
to the Lord Protector, only to find himself accused of
having fanned a riot into a rebellion by his violent
conduct.

It seems possible that this incident in the career of
Ralegh senior, and the association of the Carews might
have led to his acquaintance with Katherine Gilbert
and their subsequent marriage.

It was to be expected that the mother of such famous
sons would be a woman of remarkable character, a
supposition amply borne out by a story of her preserved
in Foxe's Book of Martyrs. It was retold by Edwards
in his Life of Raleghy but cannot be omitted from a
life of Gilbert, who was old enough at that time for the
incident to make a great impression upon him.

During the reign of Mary, Exeter was again the scene
of religious persecutions, but the oppressed had now
become the oppressor, and the adherents of the Reformed
Church were being imprisoned, despoiled, and put to
death for their religious beliefs. One of these, a poor
woman named Agnes Prest, lay in prison in Exeter
Castle. While ignorant and uneducated, she was firm
in her devotion to the reformed faith, a devotion which
was to carry her at last to the stake. Her brave attitude
gained for her great notoriety through the country.
Foxe relates : "There resorted to her the wife of Walter
Ralegh, a woman of noble wit and godly opinions, who
coming to the prison and talking with her, she said her
creed to the gentlewoman," and discoursed so ably about
religion that when Mrs. Ralegh "returned home to her
husband, she declared to him that in her life she had
never heard any woman, of such simplicity to see, to
talk so godly and so earnestly; insomuch, that if God
were not with her she could not speak such things.
* I was not able to answer her, I who can read and she
cannot.' "

These were troublous times for Katherine Ralegh and
her connections, all staunch Protestants. For her thus

16 THE LIFE OF

publicly to sympathize with one under trial for her faith
was to share in the danger, and evidences great bravery
and nobility of character.

The West Country gentlemen were almost to a man
bitterly opposed to the restoration of the Roman
Catholic religion, and were more strenuous still in their
opposition to the Spanish marriage. They had had
more opportunities than others for knowing the cruel-
ties inflicted upon their fellow-countrymen by the
Inquisition in Seville, and had therefore more reason
to dread the advent of Philip of Spain and possible
introduction of that hated tribunal.

When Sir Hugh Wyatt was planning his desperate
attempt to dethrone Mary and restore the Protestant wor-
ship, Sir Peter Carew and Sir Arthur Champernoun were
known to be supporting him. Information was laid
before the Queen in Council that these West Country
knights had been plotting to prevent Philip from land-
ing on English shores, but had hot been able to agree
upon a plan. Wyatt's scheme, as afterwards disclosed,
was that as soon as Philip landed, when indignation
would be at fever heat, a rebellion was to be started.
Courtenay was to lead the insurgents from Cornwall,
Wyatt undertook to raise Kent, the Carews Devon,
and others the Midland counties. But perhaps, in
addition, these knights of Devon, relying confidently
upon the assistance of every vessel and mariner in the
West Country, may have contemplated attacking the
Spanish fleet upon the seas and capturing Philip, or at
least causing him to abandon the attempt to land in
England. Such a deed of daring-do would not have
appeared too desperate for them. They were already
beginning to feel their power, and were quite willing
to try conclusions with Spain.

But through the weakness and treachery of Courtenay
the plot failed, and Wyatt's rebellion was crushed. Sir
Arthur Champernoun was arrested, but was released
upon tendering his services as a loyal subject. Sir

mMi^-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 17

Peter and Sir Gawen Carew were proclaimed traitors,
and Sir Thomas Dennys ^ was sent to arrest them. But
receiving warning, Sir Peter Carew made his escape,
"having persuaded Mr. Walter Ralegh to convey him
away in his bark." They fled across the Channel to
France, and were received with great cordiality by the
French monarch, who dreaded the alliance of Spain and
England as much as did the West Countrymen. Carew
immediately continued his plans to prevent Philip from
landing, and being supplied with ships from France,
cruised about the Channel for months plundering the
Spanish shipping. But before Philip put in an appear-
ance France withdrew her support, and Carew perforce
abandoned his design.

Thus the boyhood of Humphrey Gilbert was spent
among a galaxy of famous men, uncles, cousins, and
other relations, all taking prominent parts in the stirring
events of the times. One can imagine how deeply these
incidents would impress themselves upon his mind, and
how his boyish enthusiasm would have been aroused
for the cause which his relations upheld so bravely,
and for which he, when his turn came, was to fight
so valiantly.

They were all seamen. Walter Ralegh owned and
sailed his bark. Sir Arthur Cfiampernoun had several
vessels, as also had the Carews, employing them in the
semi-trading, semi-piratical voyages of the time. Doubt-
less some of the neighbouring shipping were also
engaged in the distant trans-Atlantic fisheries, and
stories of the strange New World would have been
commonly current in the neighbourhood.

The Gilbert and Ralegh families were rich in children.
Walter Ralegh, senior, had been twice married before
he espoused Katherine Gilbert, and had two sons and a
daughter by these marriages. With the five Gilberts
and the three children of his union with Katherine

* Sir Humphrey Gilbert speaks later of " my cousin Dennys."
C

18 THE LIFE OF

Gilbert, there would thus have been eleven juniors to
claim the attention of the parents. But owing to the
difference between the ages of the first and last families,
it is probable that the elders were out in the world while
the younger members w^ere yet babies. After the
marriage with Ralegh, Hayes became their home, and
there the Ralegh children were born. There is no
evidence that Greenway or Compton was ever the
residence of the Ralegh family, as is so often stated in
biographies of Ralegh, and it is probable that the
Gilberts were not long at Hayes.

In Hooker's Chronicles is found the following brief
account of Humphrey Gilbert's boyhood : " From his
childhood he was of a very pregnant wit and good dis-
position ; his father died leaving him very young ; his
mother did cause him to be sent to school to Eton
College, and from thence, after he had profited in the
elements and principal points of grammar, he was sent
to Oxforde and did there prosper and increase very well
in learning and knowledge." Anthony a Wood in
Athence Oxoniensis says he devoted himself at Oxford
to the study of navigation and the art of war. It is,
however, impossible to find out when or how long he
attended those seats of learning.

In a letter written in 1581, Gilbert says he had served
the Queen for twenty-seven years, "from a boy to the
age of white heres," and confirms the statement in a
letter written two years later, thus indicating that he had
entered her service in 1554-55, when he was but fifteen
years old. As there hardly seems time for him to have
studied both at Eton and Oxford prior to that date, it is
probable that his birth took place earlier than the date
generally given.

His subsequent history will show that his scholarly
attainments were far above the average of his day, and
if the groundwork only had been laid during his student
days, it could not have been acquired without many
years* study. Such of his writings as are left to

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 19

us are lucid and masterly, and abound in lofty senti-
ments expressed with poetic imagery. They display an
intimate acquaintance with both Greek and Latin philo-
sophers and poets, and Latin quotations are frequently
used. He had also studied numerous French and
Spanish authors, and could probably speak these
languages fluently.

But the greatest proof of his scholastic ability is to be
found in the design which he drew up and presented
to Elizabeth for the establishment of a University for
the training of gentlemen's sons, to be called "Queen
Elizabeth's Achademy." This remarkable treatise has
been quoted recently in one of the leading weekly papers
as offering suggestions for the improvement of educa-
tion in our own day. It is of such interest and import-
ance that later on in this volume some space will be
devoted to its consideration. Suffice it here to say that
the author of such a proposal must of necessity have
been a man of learning and culture.

It is a matter of regret that nothing more definite can
be ascertained about Gilbert's boyhood and schooldays,
nor how his uncle, Philip Penkevell, exercised his
guardianship.

We gather from the document referred to above, that
he had a profound contempt for guardians under the
law, who brought up their wards "in idleness and
lascivious pastimes, . . . obscurely drouned in education,
of purpose to debase their minds, lest, being better
qualified, they should disdain to stoop to the marriage
of such purchasers' (guardians') daughters."

The lot of the schoolboy of this period, "with his
satchel and shining morning face," was not a happy
one. No wonder he crept "like snail unwillingly to
school." It is recorded of Humphrey Gilbert's cousin,
Sir Peter Carew, that being a turbulent boy, he was
chained up in the school-house yard like a dog, but
that he broke his chain and ran away.

The inculcation of learning was particularly strenu-

C2

20 THE LIFE OF

ous at Eton. The oft-quoted experiences of Thomas
Tusser are a case in point. He was first a chorister at
St. Paul's, went to Eton about 1540, and afterwards to
Cambridge. He took to farming and recorded his
experiences in The Hundred Goode Pointes of Hus-
bandrie (1557), and then blossomed out as a poet. Of
his schooldays he says —

"From Paul's I went, to Eton Sent,
To learn straightways, the Latin phrase,
When fifty three stripes given to me,

At once I had
For fault so small, or none at all.
It came to pass, thus beat I was."

As it was before, so it was after Gilbert's time at
Eton. In 1563, a number of scholars were driven by
ill-treatment to run away; occasioning the good old
Ascham to write his Scholemaster, urging gentler and
more attractive methods of imparting knowledge.
Humphrey Gilbert's experiences at Eton were not likely
to have been of a very pleasant description.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I

COMPTON CASTLE

From Cassell's Gazetteer of Great Britain and Ireland,

1893.

"Compton Castle, ancient manor house, E. Dev. 3 w.
of Torquay. The castle is a very fine example of a
fortified dwelling of the early part of the 15th cent.
The buildings originally enclosed a quadrangle, and
were surrounded by a wall twenty feet in height which
remains almost intact. The tower at one angle was

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 21

originally one of four; near it may be seen the postern
gate, which had a portcullis. The chapel, which is
well preserved, has a plain vault with a room over it
apparently intended for the priest; two squints afford
four views of the altar from adjoining rooms. The
fortification displays a striking peculiarity, viz. the
numerous machicolated bartizans which, in the absence
of a moat, protect the approach to the castle. At the
back there are the remains of the old-fashioned garden.
The building is now used as a farmhouse."

COMPTON CASTLE

From The Panorama of Torquay, by Octavian Blewitt,
London, 1832.

** ... It is remarkable that so little is known about
this ancient structure. It is by far the most interesting
fortified mansion in the west of England, although we
really know nothing more respecting it than the pos-
sessor's names. We have, indeed, little besides some
scanty information relative to the manorial lords, — but
we trust some able person will, ere long, consult the
public records and throw more light on its history. A
part of the mansion has been modernized and is now
occupied. The north front with its embattled tower and
ancient gateway, and the broken windows of the chapel
adjoining must engage the attention of every visitor;
and the dilapidated walls look venerably grand in the
sombre garb of ivy which entwines them. In the floor
of the room over the gateway is an oblong opening of
some size, used probably for concealing plate and other
treasures. There is also a subterranean passage for a
short way pointing to Berry Pomeroy. A local tradition
mentions, we believe, that this communicated with
Aptor in the same parish.

22 THE LIFE OF

"The brief history of the manor of Compton is as
follows : At the time of Domesday Survey it was held
by Stephen under Juhel de Tolnais; its ancient name
was Contune, Osolf possessed it in the reign of Edward
the Confessor, and in the time of Henry II it was in the
hands of Maurice de Pola . . . ancestor of . . . Sir
William Pole . . . hence Compton was designated
Compton Pole. . . . Lady Alice de Pola gave the manor
to the Comptons, in whose possession it remained for
seven descents; a co-heiress of the Comptons, by
marriage with the Gilberts, brought it in the reign of
Edward II into the family of Sir Humphrey Gilbert."

GREENWAY

From Panorama of Torquay, by. O. Blewitt, p. 150.

"After leaving Dartmouth . . . we . . . soon pass on
the right the bathing and boathouse attached to the
Green way estate. The river now turns at a right-angle
and forms the bay of Greenway, which, from many
parts, resembles a lake of great beauty. The Dart in
one creek of this bay approaches Torquay by little more
than a mile. Greenway, late the residence of Edward
Marwood Elton, Esq., is romantically situated on the
projecting neck of land on the east bank. It is
embosomed in wood, and the estate commands some of
the most enchanting scenery on the river. On the left
we notice Dittisham Parsonage, delightfully situated on
a rising ground; and a little beyond, the church and
cottages of the little village, which is one of the most
picturesque objects on the Dart. The country around
is richly wooded, and the village is almost hid among
the trees. . . . The scenery of this part of the Dart is
unequalled either in richness or beauty. From Dittisham

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 23

on the left and Greenway on the right shore to the point
where the river again contracts, the grandeur of the
stream strikes every tourist; the picturesque inequality
of the ground on either side adds much to its effect, and
the plantations which adorn each slope recline even to
the water's edge."

CHAPTER II

HIS INTRODUCTION AT COURT AND FIRST MILITARY
SERVICE V

1555-1562

The years 1554-5, indicated by Gilbert as the date of
his entry into Elizabeth's service, were a trying period
for the young Princess. It was the time of Wyatt's
rebellion, and every effort had been made to draw Eliza-
beth into the plot. Letters, written to her by the King
of France, offering the protection and shelter of his
Court, were intercepted, and her strongest protestations
hardly saved her from the charge of complicity in the
proposal. It was a case of "save me from my friends,'*
and Elizabeth displayed great firmness of character
when, thus young and thus tempted, she contrived to
walk circumspectly, and to keep herself clear of any act
which could be construed into treason by her watchful
enemies. It is now generally conceded by historians
that she was cognizant of all that was being done, and
that Mary's anger against her was quite justified. She
was arrested and imprisoned in the Tower on March 18,
1554. Renaud, the Spanish Ambassador, and Bishop
Gardiner openly urged that she should be put to death.
*' There would be no peace in England so long as she
was alive," they said. For some time she was in great
danger. The unfortunate Wyatt had been tortured into
an admission that Elizabeth had shared in the plot, a
statement which he afterward retracted when brought
to the block. She was kept in the closest confinement,
and none of her attendants were allowed to be with her.
Several of the gentlemen of her household were im-
prisoned in the Tower at the same time, and were even

24

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 25

tortured in the attempt to make them give evidence
against her. On one occasion, when Mary happened to
be ill, Gardiner actually made out a warrant for her
execution, and she was only saved by the refusal of the
Lieutenant of the Tower to recognize the document
which did not have the Queen*s signature.

In spite, however, of the indiscretions of her friends
and the machinations of her enemies, it was found im-
possible to implicate her, and in May she was released
from the Tower and sent to Woodstock. None of her
devoted band of attendants were permitted to accom-
pany her; the touching incident is related, however,
that they waited along the roadside to greet her as she
passed. In April 1555, Mary so far relented as to send
for Elizabeth to join her at Hampton Court. On the
way thither she was again met by the gentlemen and
yeomen of her household to the number of sixty, but
none were allowed to approach her.

It was not until October 1555, that Elizabeth was
entirely freed from suspicion and permitted to return
to Hatfield, to resume once more the dignity of a
Princess of the blood royal. She at once sent for all
her old servants, and chief among them her old gover-
ness, Mrs. Katherine Ashley. As her relations with
Mrs. Ashley, and through her to Humphrey Gilbert,
have a considerable bearing upon his after history, it is
necessary to describe them somewhat in detail.

Katherine Ashley was by birth a Champernoun, prob-
ably an aunt of Katherine Gilbert, but it has been
impossible to trace the exact relationship ; her husband,
William Ashley, was a near relation of the unfortunate
Anne Boleyn. It was a curious trait in Elizabeth's
character that she was never known to mention her
mother's name, although for her mother's relations she
always showed great solicitude.

When Elizabeth was quite a child Mrs. Ashley was
appointed to the trusted position of governess, and in
that capacity gained Elizabeth's life-long regard, in

26 THE LIFE OF

spite of the fact that by her intriguing disposition she
on several occasions brought danger and trouble to her
royal charge. The date at which Mrs. Ashley assumed
the guardianship of Elizabeth has not been ascertained,
but it was certainly before the death of Henry VIII on
January 30, 1547. A letter of about this date from
Roger Ascham to Mrs. Ashley, or Astley, as he calls
her, possesses some interest.

"Gentle Mrs. Astley. Would God my wit wist what
words would express the thanks you have deserved of
all true English hearts, for that noble imp (Elizabeth)
by your labor and wisdom now flourishing in all goodly
godliness, the fruit whereof doth even now redound to
her Grace's high honour and profit.

"I wish her Grace to come to that end in perfectness
and likelihood of her wit, and painfulness in her study,
true trade of her teaching, which your diligent oversee-
ing doth most constantly promise. And although this
one thing be sufficient for me to love you, yet the knot
which hath knit Mr. Astley and you together, doth so
bind me also to you, that if my ability would match
my good will you should find no friend faster. He is a
man I loved for his virtue before I knew him through
acquaintance, whose friendship I account among my
chief gains gotten at Court. . . .

"My good will hath sent you this pen of silver for a
token. Good Mistress, I would have you in any case to
labour and not to give yourself to ease. I wish all
increase of virtue and honour to that my good lady
(Elizabeth) whose wit, good Mrs. Astley, I beseech you
somewhat favour. ... I send my lady Elizabeth her
pen, an Italian book, and a book of prayers. Send the
silver pen which is broken and it shall be mended
quickly. Your ever obliged friend, Roger Ascham.

"To his very loving friend Mrs. Astley."

It was about this time that Ascham became Eliza-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 27

beth's tutor, very possibly obtaining that position
through the interest of Mr. and Mrs. Ashley.

Immediately after the death of Henry VIII, Lord
Thomas Seymour made a proposal of marriage to the
Princess Elizabeth, but was refused by that wise young
person. He then married Katherine Parr, Henry VIII's
widow, and the Princess Elizabeth resided with them.
While there she was the object of attentions from
Seymour which were decidedly unseemly, to say the
least. Katherine Parr died in 1548, and Seymour at
once renewed his suit to Elizabeth, and apparently
received considerable assistance in furthering the same
from Mrs. Ashley. When the Council discovered the
intrigue Seymour was arrested, and also Mrs. Ashley,
and Parry, the Princess's cofferer, another most devoted
retainer. For some time no information could be
obtained from them, and it was suspected that they had
been sworn to silence by Elizabeth ; but, under com-
pulsion, they at length admitted that they knew of the
Admiral's suit and had used their influence with Eliza-
beth in his favour. Mrs. Ashley made some very
damaging admissions as to the conduct of the Admiral
to the girl Princess, who was then but fifteen years old.
But even thus young, Elizabeth gave evidence of that
wonderful talent for diplomacy, which was later to con-
duct England to the highest place among European
nations, and absolved herself from any complicity in
the designs of Seymour. A letter she wrote at this
time to the Lord Protector Somerset has greatly puzzled
historians. Mrs. Ashley had been deprived of her post
of governess, having shown herself "unmeet to occupy
any such place," and was succeeded by Lady Tyrwhitt.
Elizabeth was much put out, and wrote as follows to
Somerset —

^'^ Hatfield^ March 7, 1549.

"My Lord. I have a request to make unto your
Grace, which fear has made me omit till this time . . .

28 THE LIFE OF

peradventure your Lordship and the rest of the Council
will think that I favour her evil doing, for whom I shall
speak, which is Kateryn Ashley that it would please
your Grace and the rest of the Council to be good unto
her. Which thing I do, not to favour her in any evil
(for that I would be sorry to do) but for these considera-
tions that follow. . . . First because she has been with
me a long time, and many years, and hath taken great
labour and pain in bringing me up in learning and
honesty; and therefore I ought of very duty speak for
her. . . . The second is because I think that whatsoever
she hath done in my Lord Admiral's matter, as concern-
ing the marrying of me^ she did it because knowing him
to be one of the Council, she thought he would not go
about any such thing without the Council's consent
thereto. . . . The third cause is because that it shall and
doth make men think, that I am not clear of the deed
myself (but that it is pardoned to me because of my
youth) because that she I love so well is in such a place.
. . . Written in haste from Hatfield, this Seventh day
of March. Also if I may be so bold, not offending, I
beseech your Grace and the rest of the Council to be
good to Master Ashley, her husband, which because he
is my kinsman, I would be glad he should do well.
Your assured friend, to my little power, Elizabeth."

If she had been entirely innocent would she not have
been glad to see Mrs. Ashley punished? Or did she
fear further and more compromising confessions, and
endeavour to purchase Mrs. Ashley's silence by her
intercession ? Was it because she saw that if Mrs. Ash-
ley were kept in prison it in a measure implicated her,
as showing that there had been improper conduct and
plotting? Or did the poor child cling to the woman
who had for so long been a mother to her, and act
simply from motives of pure affection ? But whatever
the facts, Elizabeth continued to protect the Ashleys for
the rest of their lives, always keeping Kat Ashley, as

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 29

she familiarly termed her, in close personal attendance.
Once again, in 1556, Mrs. Ashley was suddenly arrested
and kept in prison for some months, for what reason,
except that of being Elizabeth's devoted attendant, is
not known. Her passion for intrigue continued, never-
theless, and we hear of her afterwards taking part in
Elizabeth's many tangled love affairs. When Mrs.
Ashley lay on her deathbed in 1565, Elizabeth continu-
ally visited her; and when she died, mourned her
sincerely and unaffectedly.

Mrs. Ashley was, therefore, a person of very consider-
able influence with Elizabeth. Hooker tells us that
after young Humphrey was, "as his friends thought,
very well furnisht, they would have put him to the Inns
of Court. But an aunt of his. Mistress Ashley, after
she saw the young gentleman and had some conference
with him, fell in such liking with him that she preferred
him to the Queen's service; and such was his counten-
ance, forwardnesse and good behaviour that Hir
Majestic had a special good liking to him, and verie
oftentimes would familiarlie discourse and confer with
him in matters of learning."

It seems most probable that this occurred about
October 1555, when Elizabeth returned to Hatfield, — a
date which agrees very closely with that indicated by
Gilbert as the beginning of his service at Court. At
his age the office could only have been that of a page,
and at that period the Princess Elizabeth required service
of no other description. The habit of personal loyalty
and devotion to his Queen, begun thus early, remained
with Gilbert throughout his life.

Elizabeth spent much of her time at Hatfield in study
under Roger Ascham, to such good purpose that he
continually held her up as an example to the male youth
of England. "It is to your shame, young Gentlemen
of England, that one maid should go beyond you all
in excellency of learning and knowledge of divers
tongues." Seeing the close friendship of Ascham with

30 THE LIFE OF

the Ashleys, it is not unlikely that young Humphrey
may also have received the benefit of instruction from
that wisest of schoolmasters, and have imbibed from him
that interest in learning which he afterwards displayed.

It has been stated above that it has been impossible
to find out when Gilbert was at Oxford. He was only
fifteen years of age in 1554, and could hardly have gone
there prior to that date, and after October 1555 he was
in the household of the Princess.

One authority states that "such onely went to Uni-
versities, who prove most ingenuous and towardly, and
who in love of learning will begin to take paines of
themselves, having attained in some sorte the former
partes of learning; being good grammarians at least,
able to understand, write and speak Latin in good sorte.
Such as have good discretion how to governe themselves
there and to moderate their expenses; which is seldom
times before fifteen years of age; which is also the
youngest age admitted by the statutes of the University
as I take it." But when we are informed that the
students were forbidden to play marbles, we conclude
that many of them were mere youngsters.

At this period Oxford was again the centre of
Catholicism and was the scene chosen for the martyr-
doms of Latimer and Ridley in 1555, and of Cranmer
in 1556. As Gilbert's connections were all Protestants
it is possible that he may have been removed from
Oxford on account of religion, and have been placed
with his aunt, Mrs. Ashley, in the comparative safety
of Elizabeth's Court. Elizabeth "trimmed her sails" at
this time, to quote old Camden, and outwardly at least
professed Roman Catholicism, but Mrs. Ashley was
always known to be a Protestant. When she was
arrested in June 1556, sundry "scandalous books against
the religion and the King and Queen " were found in
her possession ; when she was set at liberty some months
afterwards she was deprived of her office of governess
and forbidden ever again to go to Elizabeth. Whether

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 31

this prohibition continued during the short remaining
period of Mary's life has not been ascertained.

If young Humphrey Gilbert remained in Elizabeth's
household he would have participated in the brave show
made by Elizabeth, when on "the 28th of November,
came riding through Smithfield and Old Bailey and
through Fleet Street unto Somerset Place, my good
lady Elizabeth's Grace, the Queen's sister, with a great
company of velvet coats and chains, her Grace's gentle-
men, and after, a great company of her men, all in red
coats, guarded with a broad guard of black and cuts "
(slashes). But after five days' visit only, she "rode
bravely back again " to Hatfield. During 1557, Eliza-
beth made several state visits to Mary, always attended
by a noble company of lords and gentlemen. The
anxiety to worship at the shrine of the rising star was a
source of great embarrassment to Elizabeth, for she had
to be most careful not to arouse the jealousy of the
unhappy, dying Mary, while at the same time it was
necessary for her to maintain her popularity. "There is
not a lord or gentleman in the realm who has not sought
to place himself, or a brother, or a son, in her service,"
writes the Venetian Ambassador. Sir Thomas Pope,
who was now entrusted with the safe keeping of Eliza-
beth, was a most amiable guardian, and did all he could
to amuse and entertain his royal charge. Pageants and
plays and hunting parties were arranged for her. On
one of the latter occasions she was accompanied by
"twelve ladies clothed in white satin on ambling
palfreys, and twenty yeomen in green, all on horseback.
On entering the forest she was met by fifty archers in
scarlet boots with yellow caps armed with gilded bows;
one of whom presented her with a silver-headed arrow
winged with peacocks' feathers. At the close of the
sport, her Grace was gratified with the privilege of
cutting the buck's throat."

After her many vicissitudes Elizabeth at length began
to enjoy the state and royal pleasures of a Princess;

32 THE LIFE OF

and her retinue, doubtless to the youngest page, shared
her gaiety, with the expectancy of favours to come to
increase their joy.

It must be again noted that we have only Gilbert's
own statements as evidence of his service at the Princess
Elizabeth's Court, for his name is not mentioned in the
lists of her attendants at that time. Presumably he
continued to form one of Elizabeth's retinue until he
reached man's estate and was able to take up his chosen
profession of arms.

When in 1582, Ralegh's star first swam into the
firmament of Elizabeth's Court, she thus worded the
warrant appointing him a Captain in Ireland : —

"But chiefly Our pleasure is to have our servant
Walter Rawley trained some time longer in that Our
Realme, for his better experience in martial affairs, and
for the especial care We have to do him good, in respect
to his kindred that have served Us, some of them (as
you know) near about Our Person ; these are to require
you that the leading of the said band may be committed
to the said Rawley," etc.

" His kindred " referred to were doubtless Mrs. Ashley
and Humphrey Gilbert, but as Mrs. Ashley had been
dead some seventeen years, one rather questions the
validity of the excuse so far as she was concerned.
Humphrey Gilbert, as we shall learn, continued to serve
his Queen all his life long.

As usual, Ralegh's introduction at Court also has
been ascribed by his biographers to Mrs. Ashley; one
of the latest says : "The Queen had heard of Humphrey
Gilbert's nephew (sic half-brother) from Humphrey
Gilbert's aunt, one of her intimate attendant women."
That Mrs. Ashley, who died in 1565, should have told
the Queen about her young nephew is not impossible,
but that the Queen should have treasured the memory for
nearly seventeen years is truly wonderful !

John Stow, that "paineful writer of English
chronicles," says: "Sir Humphrey Gilbert first got his

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 88

reputation at New Haven, where he served with great
commendation." The occupation of New Haven
occurred in 1562-3; Gilbert was therefore twenty-three
years of age when he first saw active service. A
rehgious war had broken out in France. The Catholic
party, led by the Guises, were in the ascendency, held
Paris, and were supported by Catherine de Medici and
the young King. The Protestants were led by the
Prince of Cond^, the brave old Admiral Coligny, the
Vidame de Chartres and tHe County Montgomerie. The
war centred around the sea-port towns on the Channel.
Montgomerie was in command at Rouen, and the
Vidame de Chartres at New Haven (Havre de Grace),
and both places were closely besieged by the Guises.
Frantic appeals for help were made to Queen Elizabeth
in the name of the Reformed religion ; but she remained
callous, until the offer was made to deliver to her the
town of New Haven until such time as Calais was again
restored to England. The loss of Calais still rankled
deeply, and both Queen and people were eager to avail
themselves of any chance to regain it. Besides, the
triumph of the Catholic faction, and possible peace with
Spain, would have been a serious menace to England,
and the astute Cecil strongly urged the Queen to accept
the proposal of the French Protestants. True to her
avaricious nature she drove a hard bargain, and had New
Haven positively secured to her in return for a loan of
100,000 crowns and the support of 6000 troops. Half of
the troops were to hold New Haven, and half to be
employed in the defence of Rouen and Dieppe. Their
value to the Huguenots was materially lessened, how-
ever, by the strict instructions they had received not to
take the open field, but to fortify and hold the hostage
towns. The Huguenot leaders in vain protested, and
pointed out that unless they received more active assist-
ance they would be unable to maintain the fight, and the
English troops would be then driven from France. This
was exactly what happened in the end. Rouen and

34 THE LIFE OF

Dieppe were taken by the Guises, Coligny was taken
prisoner, and Cond6, being practically left alone in the
field, made peace with the Guises and combined with
them to drive the English out of the country. Notice
was sent to Warwick, that the war being over he was
expected at once to withdraw his troops. But, as the
main object of the English had been to regain a footing
in France, they saw no reason for giving up their
position so easily.

It being soon discovered that the French townspeople
of New Haven were plotting to deliver the town to the
besiegers, all of them, men, women and children, were
bundled out of city limits, and the English troops
remained to fight it out alone. They were confident of
being able to hold their position, and promised to spend
their last drop of blood before a French foot should
re-enter the place. But a deadlier foe than the French
attacked the beleagured city. The dreaded plague made
its appearance there, and the English troops died like
flies. In spite of continual reinforcements, it was seen
that to continue to hold it would mean a terrible loss of
life, and Dudley, Earl of Warwick, who commanded the
English forces, therefore capitulated on July 28, 1563,
withdrawing with all the honours of war. The miserable
remnants of the troops which returned to England were
in terrible plight, and Elizabeth, although deeply
chagrined at the loss of New Haven, was more than
usually solicitous for their welfare. When ordering
succour to be sent to them she made excuses for their
defeat, saying, **they would have withstood the French
to the utmost of their lives ; but it was thought the part
of Christian wisdom not to tempt the Almighty to con-
tend with the inevitable mortal enemy of the plague."
A mortal enemy it proved, for tens of thousands of
people died from the plague thus introduced into
England.

Such are the main features of the war in which
Humphrey Gilbert was first engaged. Naturally the

i

^ s-y*

h y

■i

J

Plan of New Haven, 1562.

From a contejitporary Manuscript in the British Museum.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 85

exploits of such a youthful combatant were not likely to
be fully chronicled. In addition to the quotation already
given, however, Stow informs us that in an encounter
on June 5, 1563, Captain Jelbert was wounded. The
Dictionary of National Biography states that this
occurred on September 26, 1563, "fighting against the
French Catholics " ; but, as we have seen, the English
troops had been withdrawn at the end of July, and
peace reigned in France at that date. Among the Eng-
lish troops the West Countrymen held a prominent place,
and were among the first to reach the scene of war.
Tremayne, Strangeways, Kelligrews, Champernoun are
among the names mentioned, and with them doubtless
went young Humphrey Gilbert, eager to win his spurs.
As has been already mentioned, Gawen Champernoun
married the daughter of County Montgomerie, but
whether the marriage had previously taken place, or
was a romantic sequel to the New Haven campaign,
has not been ascertained. In either case, Gilbert would
have acquired a personal interest in the war, in addition
to the desire to serve his Queen, and to assist the French
Protestants.

D 2

CHAPTER III

HUMPHREY GILBERT IN IRELAND

One would like to be able to eliminate this next
chapter from the history of Humphrey Gilbert. Fate
took him to that distressful country — Ireland, and the
record of his exploits there will be found revolting to
our modern ideas. We have become tender-hearted in
these later days, and conduct our wars with a minimum
of brutality; war is confined to the fighting man, and
non-combatants are protected with solicitude. We have
the spectacle of England, in her latest war, supporting
a whole multitude of women and children while their
fathers and husbands were in arms against her. In the
days of Elizabeth these women and children would have
been left to perish, if not, indeed, immediately put to
the sword. Then, a conquered country was laid waste
"with fire and sword," and the enemy was extirpated
"root and branch." That such was the plan of cam-
paign in Ireland, and that Gilbert was an unhappy agent
in its execution, must not, therefore, be attributed to
any specially bloodthirsty proclivities on his part, but
rather to the custom of the age.

We first hear of Humphrey Gilbert in Ireland under
Sir Henry Sidney in 1566. Sidney was Lord President
of Wales when he received the appointment to this
command, — an honour thrust upon him in spite of his
protests. He had had previous experience in Ireland,
under Sussex, and knew it to have been the grave of
many reputations. Besides he felt that his purse could
not bear the strain that a military command under
Elizabeth entailed, for she had the pleasant habit of leav-
ing her commanders, both on sea and land, to pay their

36

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 3T

own troops. Sidney saw beggary, with a further pro-
spect of disgrace, as a consequence of his new appoint-
ment, and struggled to get himself relieved, but without
avail. At length, in December 1565, he unwillingly
took his departure to his new command, first stipulating
that he was to be provided with such troops, money,
and supplies as he should find necessary for the task
which had been set him.

The account given by him of the condition of the
country on his arrival there marks that period as the
most distressing in Ireland's sad history. Sidney's
predecessor, Sussex, had left affairs in a terrible state,
and the feuds between the Butlers and the Geraldines
completed the ruin. The Emerald Isle was a blackened
desert. Of Munster, he wrote: —

"A man might ride twenty or thirty miles nor ever
find a house standing, and the miserable poor were
brought to such wretchedness that any stony heart would
have rued the same. Out of every corner of the woods
and glens they came creeping forth upon their hands,
for their legs could not bear them; they looked like
anatomies of death; they spoke like ghosts crying out
of their graves; they did eat the dead carrions, happy
when they could find them ; yea they did eat one another
soon after, inasmuch as the very carcasses they spared
not to drag out of their graves ; and if they found a plot
of watercresses or shamrocks, there they flocked as to
a feast for a time. Yet were they not at all long to
continue therewithal, so that in short space there were
none almost left, and a most populous and plentiful
country was suddenly left void of man and beast; yet
surely in all that war there perished not many by the
sword, but all by the extremity of the famine which they
themselves had wrought."

Of the English garrison within the Pale, Sidney wrote
in almost equally disparaging terms; half clad, unpaid,
and without a proper supply of provisions, they were
forced to pillage the surrounding country in order to

38 THE LIFE OF

sustain their lives. "The soldiers were worse than the
people," wrote Sidney, "so beggarlike that it would
abhor a general to look at them." With such an army
and such an enemy, in so destitute a country, there could
be none of the "pomp and circumstance of glorious
war." The campaign was bound to become sordid and
brutal.

The immediate cause of the present outbreak was the
rebellion of Shan O'Neil. This turbulent chief had
visited London in 1562, his entry thereto being thus
described by Camden : " He was accompanied by a
guard of galloglasses armed with hatchets, all bare-
headed, their hair flowing in locks upon their shoulders,
on which were yellow surplices dyed with saffron, with
long sleeves, short coats and thrum jackets, which caused
as much staring and gaping as if they had come from
China or America." There he vowed allegiance to
Elizabeth, but returning to Ireland he broke his vows,
declaring that they had been extorted from him. The
explanation he gave of the affair is very plausible, and
one cannot help feeling some sympathy for him, black-
guard as he undoubtedly was. "When I was with the
Queen, she said to me herself that I had, it was true,
safe conduct to come and go, but it was not said when
I might go; they kept me there until I had agreed to
things so far against my honour and profit that I would
never perform them while I live. . . . Ulster is mine
and shall be mine."

To "extirpate this proud rebel" was the first task of
Sir Henry Sidney, but it could not be undertaken until
he was furnished with the men and money which had
been promised him when he unwillingly accepted the
appointment. Again and again he wrote, asking that
this undertaking should be fulfilled, or that he should
be immediately recalled; he even tried to bribe Cecil
to effect this — " I will give you all my land in Rutland-
shire to get me leave to go into Hungary, and think
myself bound to you while I live. I take my leave in

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 39

haste, as a thrall forced to live in loathsomeness." It
was estimated that ;^36, ooo were required to pay the
arrears due to the army, and to provide the necessary
additional troops and arms; but to part with such a
sum tore at Elizabeth's heartstrings, and she insisted
that the reinforcements should be greatly reduced. It
was July 1566, before the troops for this service, under
Colonel Edward Randolphe, assembled at Bristol, and
departed for Lough Foyle, Captain Gilbert command-
ing a company of his own fellow-countrymen from
Devon.

Randolphe landed at Derry, and fortified himself
securely there while waiting for vSidney, who was not
able to join him until October 12. Leaving Randolphe
in camp, Sidney made a short but most successful cam-
paign into Shan's territory, and then retired again to
headquarters at Drogheda. Shan then took the initi-
ative, and arrived in the neighbourhood of the camp at
Derry with all his men, intending to attack it. But
Randolphe moved out of camp and took him by
surprise near Lough Foyle, inflicting upon him the most
severe defeat that the Irish had ever suffered at the
hands of the English. In the pursuit of the flying rebels
Randolphe was slain by a chance bullet. Captain
Gilbert participated in this encounter, and as soon as
it was over proceeded to Sidney at Drogheda to make
a report. Sidney at once (October 12) sent him with
dispatches for Elizabeth, informing her of the situa-
tion, and saying that the bearer. Captain Gilbert, would
relate all that befell in Colonel Randolphe's late
encounter with the rebels.

He had been in Ireland but four months, and there
does not seem to have been sufficient reasons of State
to occasion Sidney to send him so soon back to England.
Neither the dispatches nor the news he carried were of
such paramount importance as to require a messenger
of his calibre; and we are therefore obliged to conclude
that he had obtained leave of absence from the army to

40 THE LIFE OF

return to England for some private purpose of his own,
and that Sidney merely took advantage of his departure
to send dispatches to the Queen.

What Gilbert's design was in obtaining leave he very
soon disclosed. An idea long brooding in his mind
had begun to take shape, an idea which was to be
pregnant with vast consequences to the English nation,
the possibility of finding a passage to Cathay by the
north-west.

An endeavour will be made in a subsequent chapter
to trace the associations which caused Gilbert's mind
to turn in this direction, and how the idea developed
into a full-blown scheme of colonization ; but here it
must suffice to say, that immediately upon his return
to England, he presented a petition to Elizabeth for
assistance "to enterprise and give the attempt with all
possible speed for the discovery of a passage to
Cathay . . . which taking good success shall be great
honour and strength to your Majesty, with immortal
fame throughout the world." But Elizabeth failed to
be impressed by the flattering prospect held out to her,
and dispatched him back to Ireland soon after, charged
with the execution of a design of which she herself at
the time was quite obsessed.

The idea had been evolved, — whether by Elizabeth
herself, or Humphrey Gilbert, or his West Country
friends, cannot now be determined, — to plant an English
colony in Ulster. But wherever the idea originated,
Elizabeth saw in Humphrey Gilbert the man best fitted
to carry out the enterprise. A trusted servant, a soldier
of distinction, a man of great influence among the West
Countrymen, having already some experience in Ireland.
Fate had sent him to her just at the crucial moment, and
his own great designs were ruthlessly set aside, in order
that this scheme, fraught with woe for Ireland, should
be attempted.

In the meanwhile, many of Gilbert's company left by
him in Ireland are reported "to have run away without

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 41

licence or passport." As they had come most of them
from Devon, it was surmised that they would make their
way there, when they were to be arrested and sent back
to their duty.

Elizabeth wrote to Sidney on April 3, 1567, that "the
English were to be allured to plant in Ulster," and on
the 25th of the same month she directed that ;^ioo was to
be paid to Gilbert, "he being sent to Ireland on special
service." He was authorized to press men in Chester
or elsewhere who were willing to go with him.

Writing to Sidney on June 11, Elizabeth acknow-
ledged his letter asking for further particulars of the
plan, but declared that she could only "generally con-
firm our fond determination that we do earnestly meane
the same," and could not supply any further informa-
tion, as it had not been determined how many settlers
were needed, nor the cost of maintenance, nor the
revenue to be expected. "But," she added, "this we
think to give ease to your desire and to make you the
principal Mynister for the execution of the same, for
the furderance whereof we think it good ye do confere
with our servant Gilbert now presently there, who as
we know knoweth the meaning of sundry gentlemen of
good accompt in his country that presently are gyven
to be at charge with our assent to levy good nombers of
men to repayre thither to those parts of Ireland there
to serve us, and to take possession of some partes of
landes there . . . yeilding to us both due obedience and
reasonable yeerly revenue." On July 6, she wrote again,
giving further particulars, and informed Sidney that
"Our servant, Humfry Gilbert, is instructed from certain
gents in the west parts here to deale with you in this
behalf, which you shall best know of himself if he have
not already imparted it to you." A suggestion was made
by Vice-Chamberlain Knollys at the same time, that
Gilbert should be made President of the Colony in
Ulster, if he and his friends succeeded in establishing
himself there.

42 THE LIFE OF

Very soon after Gilbert's return to Ireland Sir Arthur
Champernoun, his uncle, went over to confer with him
about the plantation, bearing also letters from Cecil to
Sidney urging the furtherance of the scheme. But for
some reason not now ascertainable, the design of
colonizing Ulster was abandoned for a time.

This was not due to lack of ardour on Gilbert's part,
for he appears to have taken up the idea with some
zeal. Early in 1568, he and some others petitioned the
Queen for a grant of all those lands known by the name
of Munster. The preamble to the petition begins thus
plausibly: — "Sith it seemeth good to the Queen's
Majesty to use means to reduce the Realm of Ireland to
civility and obedience, it standeth with the duty of good
subjects to offer their assistance for the furtherance of
the same." They modestly asked for a grant of all the
escheated and forfeited lands in Munster, and all the
havens and islands lying between Rosse and the Sound
of Blaskey, with the prerogative of fishing in the same.
They offered to build a town in the haven of Baltymore,
and to pay her Majesty rentals for all lands, and ;;£"200
for the right of fishing. The profits and commodities
to accrue to England were manifold; the rebellious Irish
were to be replaced by loyal English citizens; the
havens " now enjoyed by Spaniards and French " were
to be secured to English fishermen and traders; the
number of mariners was thus to be greatly increased;
the "noisome number of pirates " who haunted the south
coast were to be "discouraged," and finally these havens
were to be made the base for attacks on the trade from
France, Flanders, Scotland, Spain and Portugal.

Sidney gave his approval to the scheme, but no great
progress seems to have been made. In 1569, Sir Peter
Carew, Sir Warham St. Leger, Sir Richard Grenville,
and many others, having obtained some ancient title
deeds to estates in Munster, went there with a number
of their retainers, and endeavoured to take possession.
This aroused the Irish holders of the property to frenzy,

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 43

and they fell upon some of Carew's retainers and mas-
sacred them with much brutality. Carew retaliated,
and attacking the house of Sir Edward Butler, put every
man, woman, and child found within the walls to the
sword. All Munster was now in a blaze, and Humphrey
Gilbert, now a Colonel, was charged with the task of
beating out the flames of rebellion.

Notwithstanding his colonization schemes, he had
continued to serve with the army. On December i6,
1567, he had mustered his company at Mullingar, some
of whom were "harquebussiers on horseback," for which
he received extra pay by special command of the Queen.
There are several notices of small actions in which he
was engaged during the first half of 1568, but being
•^---^ounded, or falling ill, he was forced to retire to
England. When he was sufficiently recovered to take
up his duties again, Elizabeth wrote particularly to
Sidney about him. She said: — "Our servant Humfry
Gilbert who hath remayned here, as we have perceaved
contrary to his own will, from his place of service there,
by reason of his dangerous sickness this sommer,
whereof being ones recovered he fell into the same again.
So as until this present it seemed he could not con-
veniently depart hence towardes his services there.
And therefore we would have you to graunt him allow-
ance of such interteynment as pertaineth to his charge
and as largely as he should have been alowed if he had
been there present all this tyme, which we do more
favourably yeld unto him, becaus we judg him a
faythful Servant and ocry ( ?) toward and well able to
serve us not only in the place whereof he hath charg,
but of somme better, if any such were there mayde,
whereunto he might be preferred."

This was unwonted solicitude on the part of Elizabeth.

On July 12, 1569, Gilbert wrote to Cecil from Dublin
asking that he be allowed to return to England "for
the recovery of his eyes." As to his late services, he
would leave them to be reported by others, "as he was

44 THE LIFE OF

one that served." These reports, if they were ever
made, have not, however, come down to us, and we are
not aware of what his services at that time particularly-
consisted.

A few months afterwards, (October 1569), we have a
very long and flattering account of the services of Colonel
Gilbert from the pen of Captain Ward, who served with
him in the pacification (sic) of Munster. Gilbert lay with
his "horseband" at Limerick, where he was joined by
Captain Ward. "On the 23rd of September the Colonel
departed with his company and mine to Killmallock,
upon credible advertisement that the rebels under James
FitzMaurice and McCarthy More would that night come
to besiege and burn the town. And indeed they came
the next day within half-a-mile of the town with 2000
footmen and near sixty horsemen, meaning to have kept
us all within the town and there to have famished us."
Captain Ward with his company was given the charge
to defend the gates of the town, "while the Colonel
mounted himself and his band on horseback, meaning
only to sally out and view them ; but being in the field
they entered into a skirmish, the enemy dividing his
forces into two parts, in which skirmish the Colonel him-
self first charged the galloglasses, at the which charge
the Colonel's horse was shot through with a harquebus
and hurt with an axe, and his target struck through with
a spear. After this some of the Colonel's company
uncommanded passed over a ford, whereupon the
Colonel with the rest of his company was enforced to
follow them for their better direction. They were no
sooner over the ford than the rebels with their whole
force of horse and foot charged upon them, and they
were forced to retire, which through the suddenness of
the matter bred such disorder that they had all been
distressed, if the Colonel had not most valiantly, being
the last man, with his own hands defended the ford
against all the enemy whilst all his band passed over.
In this charge the Colonel with his own hands did

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 45

unhorse two, slew one, and hurt six of them, they being
above 20 horsemen which charged upon him, besides
certain galloglasses that following his band were be-
tween him and them, and yet, by the great blessing of
God, he broke through them all and escaped unhurt to
the preserving of his whole company saving one man."

The next day Colonel Gilbert started for Cork to join
forces with Captain Shute and to bring him with his
band to Killmallock, which difficult feat, (the enemy
lying between them), he succeeded in accomplishing
without the loss of a man. The strain of this exploit
threw him into a fever, but immediately upon his
recovery, he took the field again, an'd besieged the
important castle Garrystown, ^'And God be praised,"
Ward piously exclaims, "within three hours we won
it and did put to sword forty persons, the Colonel com-
manding me under pain of death to put them all to the
sword." The effect of this terrible severity was imme-
diate, for following closely upon the enemy "they
accounting him more like a devil than a man, and are
so afraid of him that they did leave and give up 26
castles. ... I think they will not defend any castles
against him." Many of the principal rebels came in
and sued for the Queen's mercy upon their knees, "so
that the evil through fear and the good subjects through
his courtesy are both brought into such love and fear
of him as I think the like was never seen before in so
short a time. I assure your Honour that although I
knew him to be a valiant and worthy gentleman, yet
did I not, nor any one else, think that he would have
been half so sufficient as he is for government in place
of great charge."

Gilbert also wrote to Cecil on the same day, inform-
ing him of his appointment to the command in Munster,
which, he stated, was done much against his will, "1
making most earnest and humble suit to the contrary,
knowing my insufficientories to be such, both for want
of years, experience, and all other virtues necessary for

46 THE LIFE OF

such an officer. That authority was to me but a sweet
poison, that would in the end turn to my confusion and
utter discredit, rather than to the increase of my poor
reputation. Most humbly desiring your Honour, there-
fore, to revoke me from hence with expedition lest I
should both hinder the Queen's Majesty's service and
lose that little credit in a few days which I have all my
life travailed for." He urged further, that his eyes were
in such a condition, that if not attended to, he was
in danger of losing his sight; and concluded his letter
with praises of Captains Ward and Shute for their
valiant service in the recent campaign.

On December 6 he wrote again, giving full particulars
of his manner of dealing wath the rebels. From the
simple, matter-of-fact manner in which he describes his
terrible plan of campaign, we can see that the hideous-
ness of it was not apparent to him. He had been placed
in command in Munster with orders to reduce the
country to obedience, and unflinching severity seemed
to him the best method of accomplishing that purpose.
After describing the submission of the Earl of Glencarne
and his chief follower, he says: — "But to God's glory
be it spake I may now say in respect to my charge, with
Hercules, ' Non plus Vetra.' And for that. Right
Honourable, it may the better appear what course I have
held in these parts, I thought it good to advertise Your
Honour particularly thereof, to the end I might try by
Your Honour's favourable advice and instructions take
such order hereafter therein as may seem best for the
well governing of myself and the country, and the
furtherance of the Queen's Majesty's service, being
hitherto enforced for want of assistance in counsel and
experience in politic government, to follow my own
simple opinion.

*' First, Right Honourable, I refused to parley or to
make peace with any rebels, neither have I received
any upon protection without his humble submission
presently swearing them to be true to the Queen's

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 47

Majesty, and taking bonds and pledges of them for
keeping of Her Highness peace, never practising directly
or indirectly to bring in any rebels, for that I would
not have them to think that the Queen's Majesty had
more need of their service than they had of her mercy,
neither that we were afraid of any number of them
our quarrell being good, putting also all those from
time to time to the sword that did belong, fed, accom-
pany or maintain any outlaws or traitors. And after
my first summoning of any castle or fort, if they w^ould
not presently yeild it, I would not afterward take it of
their gift but win it per force, how many lives so ever
it cost, putting man, woman, and child of them to the
sword, neither did I spare any malefactor unexecuted
that came to my hands in any respect, using all those
that I had protected with all courtesy and friendship,
refusing to take any gift of any man lest my friendship
should have been thought more hurtful unto them than
my malice, neither did I make strange to infringe the
pretended liberties of any city or town incorporate,
not knowing their charters, to further the Queen's
Majesty's service, answering them that the Prince had
a regular and absolute power, and that which might
not be done by the one I would do by the other in cases
of necessity. Being for my part constantly of this
opinion that no conquered nation will ever yeild will-
ingly their obedience for love but rather for fear.
Most humbly desiring your Lordship favourably to
consider of me and my doings, for that Right Hon. it
pleased your Lordship and the Council to leave me in
this charge against my will, I having made to Your
Honour and the Council most humble and often suit
to the contrary, unfolding my own imperfections and
want of ability for so great a charge, having put into
my hands not only the sword martially, but the whole
charge of Munster, being utterly unaccompanied by any
lawyers or other for the aiding of me in that behalf,
most humbly desiring your Honour presently to revoke

48 THE LIFE OF

me from hence for that I am overladen and utterly tired,
but enforced for want of necessary servants not only
to be mine own Secretary, but let myself run to spoil
by intollerable expenses every way to my utter undoing
if the Queen's Majesty do not favourably consider of me.
And so I most humbly commit your Lordship to God.
"From the City of Limerick, December 6th, 1569."
There is no attempt at concealment or palliation about
this letter. Gilbert had no misgiving that his conduct
would be viewed in any but a favourable light. He
took credit to himself for having evolved the plan, and
was satisfied at his success; but he was weary of the
strain and responsibility of this brutal warfare, and
begged to be relieved of his command. Nor did Sidney,
nor Cecil, nor the Council see anything unnecessarily
cruel about these revolting scenes; Sidney wrote in
high praise of his services : — "For the Colonel I cannot
say enough. The highways are now made free where
no man might travel undespoiled. The gates of the
cities and towns are now left open, where before they
were continually shut or guarded with armed men.
There was none that was a rebel of any force but has
submitted himself, entered into bond and delivered
hostages, the arch-rebel James FitzMaurice only ex-
cepted, who is become a bush-beggar, not having 20
knaves to follow him, and yet this is not the most or
the best that he hath done; for the estimation that he
hath won to the name of Englishmen there, before
almost not known, exceedeth all the rest; for he in
battle brake so many of them, where he showed how far
our soldiers in valour surpassed these rebels, and he
in his own person any man he had. The name of an
Englishman is more terrible now to them than the sight
of a hundred was before. For all this I had nothing to
present him with but the honour of knighthood, which
I gave him (Jany. ist, 1570); for the rest I recommend
him to your friendly support."

That such methods of warfare were deemed worthy of

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 49

the reward of knighthood indicates the opinion held of
them. "For the rest," to quote Sidney, six years after-
ward he was still trying to collect the sums due to him.
The poet, Thomas Churchyard, in his Generall
Rehersall of Warres, 1579, gives some terrible, grue-
some details of this campaign in Ireland, and also offers
some excuses for the harshness of the measures. He
relates what we have already heard, that Gilbert always
offered the Queen's pardon before attacking any castle
or town, and if it were refused, never after gave them
another chance, but exterminated them all, male and
female, young and old. Churchyard says that this
course in the end was merciful, because no one dared to
resist him, but '* yielded without blows, bloodshed, or
loss either to their party or his." "Also it gave him
such expedition in his services as that thereby he recov-
ered more Fortes in one dale then by strong hand would
have been wonne in a yere, respectyng the smalness of
his Companie, and the gayning of time was one of his
chiefest cares, bothe because he had no provision of
victuales for his people, but pulled it as it were out of
the enemies mouth perforce. And also for that, his
companie being so small in number, not knowyng how
to have supplies, could not leave with the losse of menne
to the winnyng of every pettie forte." Further to strike
terror into the hearts of these unhappy creatures, "His
maner was that the heddes of all those (of what sort
soever thei were) which were killed in the daie should
be cutte of from their bodies, and brought to the place
where he encamped at night, and should there be layd
on the grounde by each syde of the waie leadyng into
his owne Tente, so that none could come into his Tente
for any cause but commonly he must passe through a
line of heddes, which he used ad terrorem, the dedde
feeling nothying the more paines thereby; and yet did
it bryng greater terror to the people, when they sawe
the heddes of their dedde fathers, brothers, children,
kinsfolk and friends, lye on the ground before their

E

50 THE LIFE OF

faces as they came to speake with the saide Colonell.
Which course maie by some bee thought to be cruell, in
excuse whereof it is answered, That he did but thenne
beginne that order with theim, which thei had in effecte
ever to fore used toward the Englishe. And further
that he was out of doubte, that the dedde felt no paines
by cutting of their heddes according to the example of
Diogenes, who being asked by his friends what should
be doen wyth hym when he dyed, answered in this sorte.
' Caste me on a dunghill,' saith he, whereunto his
friendes replied saying : ' The Dogges will thenne eat
you,' his answer thereto was thus, ' Why then set
a staffe by me ' ; Whereunto they answered, ' you shall
not feele them,' to whom he again replied with these
wordes, ' what neede I then to care ? '

"But certainly to this course of government there was
much blood saved and great peace ensued in haste.
For through the terror the people conceived thereby,
it made short warres. For he reformed the whole
country of Munster and broughte it into an universall
pease and subjection within six weekes."

Churchyard then gives some instances of his personal
bravery in the field. At Knockfergus, with 150 footmen,
"he withstood 4000 kernes and 600 horsemen of O'nyles
companie and then killed and hurt of the enemie about
200." At Kilkenny, he went with thirteen others to view
the enemy's position, and finding them in battle array
to the number of 1200, did not hesitate to attack them.
"In this charge his black curtail horse, whereupon he
then served, was verie sore hurt under hym in eight
places."

Again at Killmallock on September 13, 1569, he skir-
mished with his band against about 3000 rebels, holding
by himself a ford against thirty horsemen. "Also in this
scirmouche his black Curtail horse, of whom I spoke
before, was hurte in divers places of the bodie, and was
shot through the necke with a Harquebush. And the
said Colonell 's targette was stricken through with divers

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Queen Elizabeth,

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SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 51

dartes, besides many blows upon his armour, but in
person not hurte. Whereat the Irish wondered so much
thei made sondrie songs and Rimes of hym and his
black curtail horse, imagining himselfe to have been an
enchaunter that no men could hurte, riding on a Devill."

After returning to England, Churchyard says he lived
for the most part at Court.

The measures taken by Gilbert achieved their pur-
pose, and Munster was quiet for a time. But allegiance
is not won in this manner. No sooner had he retired
from the command than James FitzMaurice returned.
Immediately all Munster was in rebellion again, and
the few Irish who had supported the English were seized
and summarily hanged. The Earl of Glencarne, whose
submission had been received with so much congratula-
tion, found himself in considerable danger. In a letter
to Gilbert, he told him how he had been approached by
the Earl of Thomond and induced to join the rebellion,
but that he had refused. He begged Gilbert to come
again to Munster to keep the peace.

Gilbert, however, had received the leave of absence
for which he had pleaded, and left Dublin on January 24,

1570, bearing a letter from Sidney to Sir William Cecil
requesting that he should be paid the moneys due him,
which letter, however, w^as of no avail. After a short
holiday he returned to Ireland, and we learn from the
accounts of his band, continued there at least until March

1 57 1, but nothing of importance is chronicled regarding
his actions. We do not know when his service in
Ireland actually ceased. He was in England to attend
Parliament from April 2 to May 29, 157 1 ; and on July
14, the Queen wrote directing that Sir Humphrey Gilbert
should receive his pay, though he had been absent from
his charge in Ireland till May Day last, and as he
declared large sums to be due him and his band for
services in Ireland, ;£6oo was to be paid to him until
they had particulars of his account.

His departure from Ireland was a matter of very

E2

52 THE LIFE OF

general regret, and for many years afterwards his
services were referred to in terms of high praise. In
1582, his illustrious half-brother, Ralegh, then serving
as a Captain in Munster, where Gilbert had commanded
thirteen years before, wrote thus of his services : —
"Would God the service of Sir Humphrey Gilbert might
be rightly looked into, who with the third part of the
garrison now in Ireland ended a rebellion not much
inferior to this in two months ! Or would God his own
behaviour were such in peace as it did not make his
good services forgotten, and hold him from the pre-
ferment he is worthy of ! I take God to witness, I speak
it not for affection but to discharge my duty to Her
Majesty; for I never heard or read of any man more
feared than he is among the Irish nation ! And I do
assuredly know that the best about the Earl of Desmond,
aye, and all the unbridled traitors of those parts, would
come in here and yeild themselves to the Queen's mercy
were it but known that he were to come among them.
The end shall prove this to be true." Ralegh intended
to pay a high tribute to the prowess of his elder brother,
but from a twentieth-century standpoint it is questionable
praise. It was a terrible reputation that he left behind
him in Ireland.

One of Humphrey Gilbert's "little bills," which he
so long endeavoured to collect, is preserved at the
Record Office, and is quite interesting. His pay, if he
could have collected it, appears to have been good. As
Colonel he received 20 shillings per diem, as Pettit-
Captain 8 shillings, and as Captain of Kernes 4
shillings, in all 32 shillings sterling per day. His total
expenses for 100 " harquebusiers on horseback" and
200 kernes, for about nine months, appear to have been
£33^5 7^' sterling, against which he received on
account ;^6oo.

In 1572, Gilbert again endeavoured to obtain a grant
of the south-east coast of Ireland. He drew up a
memorandum for Sir John Parrott, describing the

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 58

"yncyvyll " condition of Ireland and the advantages
that would accrue to England were it made "cyvyll."
He lays great stress upon the danger of allowing the
French and Spaniards to get a footing there. Already
large numbers of Spanish vessels resorted there fishing
and trading. Were the coast granted to him as
requested, all these irregular proceedings would be
stopped, and the Spaniards made to contribute hand-
somely to Her Majesty's Customs. For his share,
like the Newfoundland clergyman described by Sidney
Smith, he was "to pocket every tenth fish." Other
privileges asked for were, the sole right to trade with
the Irish and to work mines, to be admiral of those seas,
to receive from Elizabeth a ship of loo tons to be
employed in this service, to have power to apprehend
pirates, and to have the grant of all such lands as he
should win from the "wild Irish." Poor creatures!
they were spared this last spoliation.

CHAPTER IV

THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, AND FIRST THOUGHTS
OF COLONIZATION

In Studying the lives of great men we are perhaps
inclined to be too analytical, too prone to seek for the
influences which directed them upon the careers that
made them famous. Very often a mere accident marks
the turning-point in their lives, and determines their
after existence, but in the generality of cases their careers
seem to be marked out for them from the beginning, in
fact to be almost "hereditarious," to quote one of the
earliest "furtherers" of English exploration, and no
subtle deductions are necessary to account for their
actions. Gilbert undoubtedly belongs to the latter class.
His boyhood was spent in an atmosphere of adventure
by sea, and all his family connections, Champernouns,
Carews, Grenvilles, Raleghs, and Gilberts, had "their
business in great waters."

In no part of England was the remarkable uplift and
expansion of Elizabeth's reign more noticeable than in
the West Country. It was there that the genius of the
race found its birth, there that the nation discovered that
its destiny lay upon the ocean. From there old William
Hawkins, the father of trans-Atlantic trade, made his
first West Indian voyages, from there sprang out the
bold little ships that laid Spain's Armada low, and
, placed England first among European nations.

In Gilbert's case, therefore, it would have been more
remarkable if he had not adopted the career of explorer
and colonizer, and one is only surprised that from the
first he did not make the sea the profession of his life.
But the interest which his aunt, Mrs. Ashley, could

54

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 55

exercise for him at Court no doubt occasioned his being
sent there as offering the best opening, and influenced
him to adopt the profession of arms as his chief pursuit.
One can easily imagine how the "travellers' tales" of
Dartmouth and Plymouth revolved in his mind during
his youthful days at Eton and Oxford, and intensified
his yearnings for his loved Greenaway ; how later the
glamour of the sea laid hold of him and would not be
denied, and in the midst of the fighting at Newhaven
and the brutalities of the Irish rebellion, his mind ever
turned to the realms of fable and adventure across the
Western ocean.

At Newhaven, or, as it was called by the French, Havre
de Grace, he was in the thick of gossip about the New
World. Havre had long been the centre of the Huguenot
faction,^ and from there had departed the ill-fated
expedition of Villegagnon and his devoted band of
enthusiasts, who, driven to desperation by persecutions
in the Old World, determined to make a home in the
New, where they could worship in peace according to
their belief. Again, a few months before the English
occupation, Jean Ribault had sailed from Havre with
another band of Huguenots intending to found a colony
in Florida. We are not concerned with the sad histories
of these colonies, — histories which we can be sure formed
a constant topic of conversation among the Huguenot
townspeople and their English sympathizers. The
survivors of the Florida colony landed in England in
1565. One of them, an artist named Le Moyne, settled
at Blackfriars and was known to Sidney, Ralegh and
doubtless to Gilbert also.

Gilbert would also have met at Havre Richard Eden,
whose translation of Peter Martyr's Decades, 1555, was
the first publication in England to give any detailed

^ The principal harbour in Conception Bay, Newfoundland, is
called Harbour Grace, being undoubtedly named after Havre de
Grace, indicating that fishermen from that town were the first to
frequent it regularly. — Havre was built by Francis I about 1520-30.

56 THE LIFE OF

account of the New World. Eden was secretary to the
Vidame de Chartres, and continued in his service for
ten years.

A curious document of a later date gives "sundry
reports of the country Humphrey Gilbert goeth forth
to discover," principally from that prince of romancers,
David Ingram, but it also contains a synopsis of the
experiences of other travellers and the opinions of
geographers. Among those quoted is Andrew Thevett,
with whom it is said Gilbert conferred in person. Where
and when he met Thevett is unknown, but it is not
unlikely that he encountered him also during the siege of
Newhaven, and drew knowledge, if not inspiration, from
that renowned geographer.

But it is unnecessary to go abroad to seek for associa-
tions which might have influenced Humphrey Gilbert
to devote himself to maritime discovery; the very air
at home was full of it. With Sebastian Cabot's return
to England in 1547, there had been an outburst of
enthusiasm for mercantile expansion. He was able to
tell, not always truthfully it must be admitted, not only
of the first great success of English mariners fifty years
before, but also of the rapidly growing colonies of
Spain.

The career of Sebastian Cabot has been the subject of
much heated debate among historians. Between the
excessive admiration of the one school and the unquali-
fied condemnation of the other, it is not easy to arrive
at a proper appreciation of his character and achieve-
ments. The indisputable facts are that he was trusted
by both Spain and England with the highest offices in
their marine, with Venice, the while, intriguing for his
services. When he went to England in 1547, continual
representations were made from Spain that he should
be returned. We cannot believe that they were all
deceived as to his ability and attainments. But withal
he was a boaster and a liar, if contemporary chronicles
reported him correctly; as a leader of men he was a
failure, and he was a traitor, or a would-be traitor, to

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 57

each country he served. Efforts have been made to
minimize the effect of his arrival in England, but the
fact remains that new enterprises were very shortly
undertaken, in the preparation for, and direction of
which, he was actively engaged.

In the search for new marts the far-off Cathay was
again considered, and the question of a shorter passage
thereto by the north-east or north-west again debated.
Cabot pronounced in favour of the former route, and
thither accordingly were dispatched two expeditions at
the risk and adventure of the revivified corporation of
Merchant Adventurers; the first under Willoughby. in
1553, and the second under Chancellor in 1555. They
did not find the north-east passage, but by their means
a lucrative trade was opened up with Russia.

In the last year of Edward VI's reign the Merchant
Adventurers had been promised exclusive privileges of
trade with any countries discovered by them ; which
promise was confirmed, and the company incorporated,
by Mary in 1555, with Sebastian Cabot as Governor of
the Company. In November 1566, Elizabeth renewed
the grants made by her predecessors, the Company now
being called "The Fellowship of English Merchants for
the discovery of new trades."

Humphrey Gilbert was a member of this Company,
but when he joined it cannot now be ascertained.

It is not impossible even that he may have known "the
good old man Master Cabota," although he does not
record the fact; but at least he knew many members of
the Merchant Adventurers' Company who had been
intimately associated with Cabot during the last few
years of his life, prominent among whom were Stephen
Burrough and Anthony Jenkinson. Cabot's experiences
and sayings must have been daily referred to by mem-
bers of the company, and Gilbert would have thus been
au fait with all that was known of that first momentous
attempt to find China by way of the north-west, and the
consequent discovery of the "new lands."

In addition to these ventures in which Gilbert was

58 THE LIFE OF

pecuniarily interested, his friend and neighbour in the
West Country, John Hawkins, had just accomplished
two most profitable voyages, slave trading to the Spanish
West Indies, which may be said to have aroused the ire
of the Spaniards and the cupidity of the English in
about equal ratio. The West Country was ablaze with
enthusiasm for voyages of discovery. Elizabeth herself
became an "adventurer" in several expeditions, and
ships of the Royal Navy were freely loaned for the
purpose.

Camden gives a spirited account of how "this wise
and careful Princess rigged out her fleet with all manner
of tacklin and ammunition, built a castle at Upnor for
its defence, and augmented the pay of the sailors, so
that she was justly called ' the restorer of the naval
glory and Queen of the North Sea,'' The wealthier
inhabitants of the Seacoast did likewise follow the
Queen's example in building ships of war with all cheer-
fulness, insomuch in a little time the Queen's fleet, in
conjunction with her subjects shipping, was so potent,
that it was able to furnish out 20,000 fighting men for
sea service."

It was undoubtedly a period of great mercantile ex-
pansion. Last, but probably not least, there were the
numerous yearly fishing voyages made by the humble
West Country fishermen to the prolific waters of the
new-found land. In our introductory chapter, reasons
have been advanced which amount to clear proof that
these voyages were common, although quite unrecorded.
Gilbert himself furnishes us with further testimony. In
his Discourse of a North-West Passage, published in
1576, but written ten years before, he quotes the experi-
ence "of our yeerly fishers to Labrador and Terra Nova."
He knew these fishermen, had questioned them, and
learned all they could tell him of the waters they fre-
quented. But no other reference to these voyages can be
found. From Hore's voyage in 1536, to Anthony Pank-
hurst's in 1578, there is no record of any English voyage

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 59

to Newfoundland, and it has been the custom to say that
the country was therefore abandoned by England, but
clearly such was not the case.

There was therefore superabundant reason why Gilbert
should desire to emulate his friends, should himself join
the search for "Cathay and other unknown rich parts
of the world," and also why he should revert to the
route first chosen by Englishmen, that by the north-
west.

Gilbert was about twenty-four years old when he
returned from Newhaven, he was in his twenty-seventh
year when he went to Ireland, the interval he devoted
to the study of the problem, and embodied the results in
a pamphlet which was published ten years later under
the title A Discourse of a Discoverie for a New Passage
to Cataia.

This pamphlet was given to the world, apparently
without the consent of the author, by the poet Gascoigne
in 1576. The story of its publication will be dealt with
more at large in its proper place in this history; at
present we are concerned only with its contents.

Gascoigne, in his preface, tells us how it came to be
written. Gilbert, with the impetuous ardour of youth,
wished to set out at once on this voyage, which promised
so much novelty and adventure; but, says Gascoigne,
"You must herewith understand (good Reader) that the
author havinge a worshippfull knight to his brother,
who abashed at this enterprise (as well for that he him-
self had none issue, nor other heier whome he ment to
bestow his landes upon, but onely this authour, and
that this voyage seemed strag and had not been com-
monly spoken of before, as also because it seemed
impossible to the common capacities) did seme partly
to dislike his resolutions and to disuade him from the
same; therupon he wrote this treatise unto his said
brother, both to execuse and cleare himself from the
note of rashnesse and also to set down such authorities,
reasons and experiences, as had chiefly encouraged him

60 THE LIFE OF

unto the same, as may appear by the letter next follow-
ing, the which I have inserted for that purpose."

The letter itself is interesting, not only for the purpose
mentioned by Gascoigne, but as an example of Gilbert's
epistolary style.

"A Letter of Sir Humfry Gilbert, Knight, sent to
HIS Brother, Sir John Gilbert, of Compton, in

THE COUNTIE OF DeVON, KnIGHT, CONCERNING THE

Discourse of this Discoverie.

"Sir,—

"You might iustly have charged mee with an
Vnsettled head if I had at any time taken in hand, to
discover VtopiUy or any countrey fained by imagination :
But Cataia is none such, it is a countrey, well knowen to
be described and set foorth by all moderne Geographers y
whose authoritie in this art (contraire to all other) beareth
most credit, and the passage thereunto, by the North-
west from vs, through a sea which lieth on the Northside
of Labrador^ menciohed and proved, by no smal number
of the most expert, and best learned amongst them. By
whose authoritie, if I (amongest others) have beene
moved, to hope of that passage, who can iustly blame
me ? sith everie man is best to be credited and beleeved,
in his own professed art and science, wherin he doth
most excell.

"And if I would not give that credit to those authours
which they deserve, but were so wedded vnto my owne
ignorance, that neither the authoritie of learned Geo-
graphers ^ the reasons of wise Philosophers, nor the
experience of painfull Travellers, might persuade me to
believe a trueth : Then might I iustly be accompted
selfe willed (which a learner ought chiefly to eschewe)
holding for a Maxime, that, Discentem oportet credere.
And knowing you to be one that may easily be induced
to hearken, and yeelde to reason, I will briefly ope vnto
you, some fewe of the grounds of mine opinion, to the

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 61

ende you may better vnderstad, that my hope of this
discoverie and passage was not so rashe, or foolishe, as
you hertofore have deemed : but contrariwise, grounded
vpon a very sure foundation, and that no Vnadvisedly,
but after my long consideration and great conferece,
had with such as I know to be both wise, learned, and
of great experience, as well touching this passage, as
the wonderfull w^elth and commodities, which might and
would ensue thereby, it being once discovered : whose
abundance of riches and treasure, no man of learning,
and iudgement doubteth, for that the countreys them-
selves, and their commodities are apparently knowen by
sundry mens experience.

"But as it is one thing to speak, and another by reason
to confirme, so I will briefly do my endevour to prove
the same. And have herewith all sent you, for your
better vnderstandinge, a rough draught, of a vniversall
Map in the end of the boke, sufficiet to explanethe matter,
with those names only in effect which are mencioned in
the discourse : to the ende that by resorting to this
general Mappe, & finding without difficultie, everie
particular place mencioned herein, you may the better
gather my meaning, and conceive my reasons alledged
for the proofe of this passage, nowe in question : which
I will prove three way.

"All which, I have divided into severall chapters, which
may fully deliver vnto you the whole contents of this
worke, by their severall titles : as followeth.

"Fare you well from my lodging the last of June,
Anno D. 1566,

"Your loving Brother,

"HuMFRY Gilbert.'*

The General Map which accompanies the Discourse
is, like all maps of the period, of a very crude descrip-
tion. According to M. Henri Harrisse, it bears a
strong family likeness to the maps of the Franco-Italian
school, such as those of Verrazano and Maggioli.

62 THE LIFE OF

It shows Newfoundland (Baccalaos) as a group of
islands, and Labrador stretching to the north and east,
as it seemed to early navigators to do, owing to the
variation of the compass. It also shows Greenland point-
ing to the westward as the same variation would make
it appear to any one approaching from the east. (See
Labrador, Its Discovery y Exploration and Development,
by W. G. Gosling. Alston Rivers, Ltd., 1910.)

The Discourse itself is a remarkable document. Gil-
bert first endeavoured to prove that America was an
island, and ransacked both ancient and modern writers
for evidence in support of the theory. Plato, Aristotle,
and Strabo are made to yield proof of the contention,
and all the modern geographers are quoted, especially
Peter Martyr and Ortelius. He argues, with a certain
amount of correctness, that Asia and America must be
separated because there is such dissimilarity between
both the human and animal species of the two continents.
He then lays great stress upon the course of the currents ;
one, which had been correctly observed by Jenkinson,
running westward from the north parts of Russia; the
other, evidently a confused idea of the Gulf Stream,
running northerly along the coast of America, which
currents, he argued, must find an outlet on the north
coast of America. The experiences of early travellers are
next brought to bear, many of them quite fabulous, but
all of equal value in his eyes. Sebastian Cabot is
particularly quoted, and, as usual, when speaking of
this much-debated man, his statements are plainly at
variance with fact, and add more confusion to the contro-
versy. We note here a late addition to the Discourse,
as Gilbert relates a story told him by Salvaterra, a
Spanish gentleman, whom he met in Ireland in 1568.
At some period Gilbert and Anthony Jenkinson had a
dispute before the Queen and Lords on the respective
merits of a north-east and north-west passage. The
arguments used on both sides are given, but are not
very convincing. Gilbert evidently had some knowledge

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 63

of the prevailing winds in the North Atlantic in the
spring and autumn, for he said one advantage of the
North- West Passage was that one could sail thither with
the easterly winds and return with the westerly.

The case for the existence of a passage is now con-
sidered closed, and he proceeds to dilate upon the advan-
tages to be derived from a trade with China. Quite apart
from the riches accruing from the purely mercantile
transactions, he points out what a tremendous increase
in shipping and mariners must result from this new
trade. He then adds a most important suggestion.
"Also," he says, "we might inhabite some part of these
countreys and settle there such needy people of our
countrey which now trouble the Commonwealth, and
through want here at home are inforsed to commit out-
ragious offences whereby they are dayly consumed of
the gallows." In order that a resting-place to and from
Cathay may be afforded, he suggests that some con-
venient port near Sierra Nevada (Hudson's Straits?)
should be inhabited. We will have occasion to return
to these suggestions again.

If his brother were not convinced by this "Brief and
simple discourse written in haste," he would then impart
a larger discourse which he had written on the same
theme. He also informed his brother that he had been
preparing himself to put his schemes into effect, that he
had written a discourse on navigation wherein he devised
to amend the errors of sea cards, which usually made
degrees of longitude of the same size in every latitude;
that he had invented a spherical instrument with a com-
pass of variation for the perfect proving of the longi-
tude ; had written directions for pricking a sea card, with
certain infallible rules for determining upon its first
discovery how far a bay or strait stretched into the land.

All knowledge of these so-called inventions has been
lost, but whether they added anything of value to the
art of navigation of the day or not, they are at least
evidence of years of study on his part.

-.>

64 THE LIFE OF

He closes his discourse with the following eloquent
peroration, written in that lofty tone which will be often
noted in his writings : — "Desiring you hereafter never to
mislike with me, for the takinge in hande of any laudable
and honest enterprise; for if through pleasure or idle-
nesse we purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but
the shame remaineth for ever.

"And therefore to give me leave without offence,
always to live and die in this mind. That he is not
worthy to live at all, that for fear or danger of death,
shunneth his countrey's service and his own honour :
seeing death is inevitable and the fame of vertue im-
mortall. Wherefore in this behalf e, Mutare vel timere
sperno."

It will be found that in this declaration he was
strangely prophetic. Upon it he modelled his life and
his death.

This treatise, with its false arguments and false deduc-
tions, was yet a remarkable compilation for that time,
and had far-reaching effects upon the course of English
adventure. It no doubt materially assisted the expedi-
tions of Frobisher in 1576-7-8, and from those voyages
proceeded in natural sequence the voyages of Davis,
Waymouth, Hall, Knight, Hudson, Button, Gibbons,
Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, Fox, and James, to name
the earlier adventurers only. Having once set them-
selves to the task of finding of North- West Passage, the
English never gave up the search. One expedition after
another was prepared, thousands upon thousands of
pounds spent, and hundreds of valuable lives lost in this
vain pursuit. It was not until 1851, that Collinson and
McClure proved that a passage did really exist, and not
until 1905, nearly 340 years after Humphrey Gilbert's
Discourse was written, that the passage was actually
accomplished by the Norwegian expedition under the
command of Captain Roald Amundsen in the little Gjoa.

A recent historian sees in this Discourse "the hand of
Ralegh." An examination of the facts concerning its

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 65

composition shows that it was written when Ralegh was
fourteen years old. Similar instances are found at every
turn. Many of Ralegh's biographers treat Humphrey
Gilbert as the Baconians do Shakespeare, — not a shred
of authorship is left to him.

But this unpretentious treatise, written to overcome
the embarrassing solicitude of an elder brother, and
published surreptitiously, has another and far greater
claim to fame; for in it we have in the paragraphs
already quoted the first definite proposal to plant an
English colony in the New World. The evolution of
the colonization idea in Humphrey Gilbert's mind can
be plainly discerned henceforward, until in the end we
will find that it grew into a vision of an English colony,
so complete and well ordered that a hundred years
hardly saw its fulfilment. Here, therefore, we have the
germ from which sprang the present mighty Empire of
the United States and those great colonies which are
now the pride of the English race, destined, doubtless,
to become themselves powerful world empires.

This is not to say that Humphrey Gilbert originated
the idea of colonization in England, but that he first
crystallized the indefinite, and made of it a concrete
proposition.

The history of the world is a history of colonization
enterprises, and the idea was doubtless as familiar in
Elizabeth's day as it is in our own. England had experi-
enced colonization at the hands of various invading
peoples, beginning with the Romans under Julius
Caesar ; Rome itself was colonized by a wandering band
of exiles, if ancient myths are to be believed, and so on
throughout the ages. It is quite unnecessary to point
to the example of Spain and France, as some have done,
for the origin of the idea in England. France and Eng-
land arrived almost simultaneously at the colonization
period, and succeeded in making permanent settlements
within a few years of each other. Spain was their fore-
runner in the path of colonization, but her action did not

66 THE LIFE OF

occasion theirs and was by no means the pattern which
they followed.

Curiously enough, the question of colonization is
raised with the very first mention of the New World to
be found in English literature. It is in a quaint little
play entitled A newe Interlude and a mery of the iiij
principal points of philosophy. Only one copy
remains, and that not complete, for the colophon has
been torn away, and it is therefore impossible to say
exactly when it was printed. From internal evidence,
however, it has been decided to have been in 15 17. The
author tells how —

" Within this xx yere
Westward we found newe landes
That we never hearde tell of before this."

He bewails the pusillanimity of some English sailors
that had prevented them from being further explored,
and exclaims —

"O what a thyng a had be than
Yf they that be English men
Myght have been the furst of all
That there should take possessyon,
And made first buyldynge and habytacion
A memory perpetuall.
And also what an honourable thynge
Both to the realme and the kynge,
To have had his dominion extendynge
There into so farre a ground."

The regret here expressed with so much feeling was
undoubtedly not the personal opinion of the author only,
but would have been the general sentiment of the day,
the talk of the street, and was but enunciated in the little
play, to be declaimed over and over again in the
presence of thousands of people.

But English literature in the first half of the sixteenth
century is singularly free from any reference to the
founding of colonies, or, as a matter of fact, to the New
World at all. England had other affairs of more press-
ing importance to attend to at that time. Her position

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 67

among the nations of Europe had to be assured; and the
progress of the Reformation left little room in men's
minds for voyages of discovery. It is with nations as
with the animal kingdom, maturity has to be attained
before the species can be propagated, and England at
this period had not reached that age. Her energies had
to be conserved for her own growth, the populace had
to be retained and not allowed to swell the ranks of other
countries. In 1558, Vice-Admiral Martin was stationed
in the Channel with a powerful squadron and directed
to prevent all persons whatsoever from leaving the
kingdom without a licence. Hence we find an Act
passed even so late as 1571, authorizing the forfeiture of
the lands of any person who should leave the kingdom
without the Queen's licence and fail to return after warn-
ing had been given to do so. When, at length, coloniza-
tion schemes were debated, one of the principal objections
was that the country would be drained of her needed
populace ; and when Letters Patent for the purpose were
finally granted, special clauses had to be inserted per-
mitting the transport of such of her Majesty's subjects
as were willing to go.

England was not then over populated, although,
strangely enough, several writers seemed to be of that
opinion, and the old simile of the swarming bees cannot
be advanced in her case. Nor were her first colonists
induced by a desire for religious freedom, as were the
two Huguenot attempts at colonization under Ville-
gagnon and Ribaut.

The first English colonists were not driven from their
homes by religious persecutions, although we shall hear
later of a proposal to plant a colony of English Catholics
in America for which Gilbert assigned a portion of the
rights granted to him.

Richard Eden, in the preface of his translation of
Peter Martyr's Decades y 1555, regrets that such a large
portion of America remained unexplored, its oppor-
tunities for trade unavailed of, and its inhabitants uncon-

F 2

68 THE LIFE OF

verted. He urged his fellow-countrymen to undertake
the glorious work, but does not suggest that it should
be done by means of colonization.

A few years later, 1563, that bombastical pirate,
Thomas Stukeley ("Lusty Stukeley"), appeared before
Elizabeth, and declared his intention of founding a king-
dom in Florida, from whence he would write to her, "in
the style of one prince to another, as his 'dear sister.' "
His real design, however, was very shortly revealed;
"the sea was his Florida," for he retired to his old haunts
on the south coast of Ireland, and resumed his old trade
of piracy. His empty boasting was not taken seriously,
and cannot be said to have any historical significance.

In fact, nowhere can there be found a definite genuine
proposal to plant an English colony in the New World,
until Humphrey Gilbert evolved and propounded the
scheme. The idea did not come to him in its entirety
at once, but gradually unfolded itself in his mind ; there-
fore the importance of tracing all the little details in
his life, especially all those bearing upon this question,
is manifest, and is of surpassing interest, — seeing its
stupendous issue.

In passing let it be noted that Ralegh, to whom has
been attributed the authorship of the colonization idea
in England, was between thirteen and fourteen years old
at this time.

But Gilbert had to curb his adventurous spirit, and
in July was obliged to accompany the troops to Ireland,
as has been already related. As soon as he was able,
however, he was back again in England. Carrying
dispatches from Sidney to Elizabeth, he reached London
in November 1566, at about the time when the Act of
Incorporation of the Merchant Adventurers Company
was passed, and doubtless thought it an opportune time
for the furtherance of the scheme he had so much at
heart. Counting no doubt upon his interest at Court,
he presented the following petition for the gracious
consideration of her Majesty : —

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 69

" Forasmuch as it hath pleased your Majesty to estab-
lish by Parliament the Corporation for the discovery of
new trades, I, your Higness' humble servant and sub-
ject, Humfrey Gylberte, being one of the same company,
am thereby encouraged and mind with your Majesty's
license and favour to enterprise and give the attempt
with all possible speed, for the discovery of a passage to
Cathay, and all the other rich parts of the world, hitherto
not found. Which taking good success shall be great
honour and strength to Your Majesty with immortal
fame throughout the world, besides the great enriching
of Your Higness and your country with increase and
maintenance of your navy. It may therefore please Your
Majesty to grant me these privileges following, as well
in consideration of premises, as also of the great charges
that I shall sustain by setting forward the same, besides
the apparent miserable travell hazard and peril of my
life. Wherein I submit my self to the good pleasure and
will of God.

"i. First that it may please Your Highness for
the first four voyages, so as the same be performed
within the space of ten years next following March
come twelvemonths, viz. being in Anno 1568, to
grant to me the use and occupation at Your
Majesty's adventure, of such two of Your Majesty's
ships with their furnitures mete for such a voyage
as by Your Higness Lord Admiral shall be thought
fit for such a service with Your Majesty's com-
mission if need shall be for the oppressing of
mariners and other persons mete for same.

"2. And also that I and the heirs male of my
body and for default of such issue then the heirs
male of the body of Otis Gilbert deceased, may and
shall pay but half the Custom and subsidy payable
by English men born for such goods and mer-
chandize as we shall by the space, of years by
our selves deputies or assigns, being English born,
transport or cause to be transported in one or two

70 THE LIFE OF

ships or vessels unto any place or places hereafter
to be by me, my aid or advice discovered towards
the northwest or any part of the west, and also
shall pay but I2d. for every ton of merchandize
brought from such places during the said time in
two such ships aforesaid, and no more whatsoever
might otherwise have growing to Your Highness
heirs or successors for any such merchandize so
brought or transplanted as aforesaid.

"3. Also that I and my heirs may have and
enjoy of Your Majesty's gift, the tenth part of all
such lands, territories, and countries as shall be
discovered as is aforesaid towards any part of the
north and west as shall be by us chosen with all
the profit thereto appertaining with free passage
egress and regress to the same, holding the same
of your Majesty, your heirs and succesors by the
yearly rent of a knight's fee, for all manner of
service and other payments to be set or taxed.

"4. Also that it may please Your Majesty to
grant me during my life the Captainship unto and
government to Your Majesty's use of all such
countries and territories as shall by me or my
advice discovered as is aforesaid (with convenient
fee and allowance for such a charge) and the same
to be occupied and exercised by me or my deputy
or deputies so as your Majesty shall allow of him
or them by me to be nominated.

"5. Also that it may please your Majesty to
grant me and the heirs male of my body and for
default of such issue to the heirs male of Otis
Gilbert deceased, the one half of your Majesty's part
of such goods, fines and forfeitures or penalties as
shall hereafter fortune to be forfeited by infringing
the privilege of the said corporation for any offence
committed towards the northwest or taking any
point of the west.

"6. Also that all ships as shall from time to

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 71

time be employed about the traffic into any of the
discovered countries of any corporation for dis-
covery of new trades, both outwards and home-
wards with their gynge (?) may be free forever of
all arrests, imprests, and impeachments for any
common service of the Realm unless it be at the
setting forth of a general army and navy and by
virtue of your Highness special commission for
the same under your Bill signed."

The Act, just passed, granted to the Corporation of
the Merchants Adventurers the sole right to trade with
any places northwards, north-eastwards, or north-west-
wards from London, not known or frequented prior to
the recent voyages undertaken by the Company. There
was therefore some question whether or not the
privileges asked for by Humphrey Gilbert were an
infringement of the rights of the Company, and his
petition was accordingly submitted to them for their
comment and approval. The reply made is tabulated
side by side with his petition.

To the first and second articles it was replied —

"Touching the aid of shipping and releasement of
custom it is not prejudicial to the Company if it please
Her Majesty to grant them, notwithstanding since the
Company have from the beginning of the first attempt
minded the discovery of Cathay and have made divers
attempts thereof and are determined so to do again
either by the northeast or by the northwest. They
desire to have the rule and ordering of all discoveries
towards the said parts agreeing to their privileges
wherein they will not refuse but desire the good advice
helf and conference of Mr. Gilbert, if it please him,
with reasonable conditions to enterprise it or to assist
them therein.

"Item, The said fellowship doth mislike wholly the
third request as derogatory to their privileges. For it
is granted to them that they shall and may subdue

72 THE LIFE OF

possess and occupy all manner of towns, isles, and
main lands of the Infidels, lying northwards, northeast-
wards, or northwestwards, which shall be found, as
vassals and subjects of the realm, and to acquire the
title dominion and jurisdiction of those places to be
found, unto the Queen's majesty and her successors
for ever. Moreover it is granted to the said fellowship
that none shall traffic, visit, or sail to any such country
^ying as is aforesaid undiscovered without the order
and agreement of the said fellowship.

"Touching the fourth request the said fellowship can
very well like that Mr. Gilbert accepting the freedom
of the said society may be appointed in person and not
by substitute to be captain and governor of the countries
by his travel to be found, so as the liberty of traffic and
the privileges aforesaid be entirely preserved to the
said fellowship.

"To the fifth and sixth the said society submit them-
selves to the Queen's Majesty's pleasure."

In the preamble to his petition the discovery of a
north-west passage to Cathay is offered as the first
inducement, but the body of the petition treats mainly
of the rights and privileges to be granted him in the
countries he might discover.

Following up the idea of colonization expressed in
his Discourse, he petitions that he should be appointed
governor of all the lands he might discover, and have
a grant in fee of one-tenth of the same. Colonization is
therefore implied, although it is not proposed in so
many words.

But again he was forced to control his ambitions.
Prompted by the opposition of the Merchant Adven-
turers Company, Elizabeth, as we have heard, sent him
back to Ireland, charged with a mission to plant a
colony there instead of in the New World. This
association of ideas is certainly remarkable, and the
speculation naturally arises whether the design for
colonizing Ulster may not have originated with

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 73

Humphrey Gilbert himself and have been proposed to
Elizabeth by him, or whether his petition may not at
least have suggested the idea to her, or to its projectors,
whoever they were.

Some years were to elapse before he could again
return to his favourite project.

There are two copies of Gilbert's petition in the
Record Office, neither of them is signed nor dated,
and but one is in Gilbert's handwriting. Owing to
some internal differences in dates it is evident that one
was written some months before the other, the first
probably in May or June, and the second in November,
1566. From a letter written by Anthony Jenkinson to
Cecil early in 1566, it seems that he also was interested
in this petition. He asks permission to undertake an
expedition to discover Cathay, and says that he had
talked the matter over with Gilbert, that they had
determined to make the trial at their own charges, and
that he had asked Gilbert to solicit the privilege on
their joint account. The petitions, however, make no
reference to him.

CHAPTER V

HIS MARRIAGE; PARLIAMENTARY CAREER; APPOINTMENT AS
SURVEYOR OF ARTILLERY

During Sir Humphrey Gilbert's visit to England in
1570, bearing upon him *'the blushing honours" of
knighthood, he wooed and won Mistress Anne Ager, the
daughter of Sir Anthony Ager, of Otterden, Kent, and
heiress of a considerable fortune. Her father had been
Marshal of Calais when it was taken by the French
in 1558, and had lost his life in its defence, "having,"
says Stowe, "performed many notable deeds of valour."
"Preferring to die rather than join those who betrayed
the city," says another writer.

Gilbert was then in his thirty-second year, and was
doubtless a gallant figure when he went a-wooing
Mistress Anne, and easily won her heart and hand. Of
his personal appearance we have no accurate descrip^
tion, beyond the statement of Hooker that he was "a
man of higher stature than the common sort and of
complexion cholericke." Sir Walter Ralegh was about
six feet in height, and of a powerful build, his hair and
beard were black and wavy, his eyes dark and piercing ;
a description which, with a change in colouring, would
very probably answer for Sir Humphrey Gilbert. No
striking family likeness, however, is to be observed in
their portraits. Gilbert's is the handsomer, the more
refined, the more intellectual face; but it lacks the
strength and fire which are noticeable in all the portraits
of Walter Ralegh.

Gascoigne the poet, writing of Gilbert about this time,
says he was "well and worshipfully born and bred,
endowed with great gifts of the mind and well given

74

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 75

to the advancement of knowledge and virtue." He had
long familiarity with the Court of Elizabeth, was a
soldier of renown, having distinguished himself by his
recent services in Ireland, and was heir to his brother
Sir John Gilbert, besides having considerable landed
property of his own. He was undoubtedly quite a
"parti," and the young couple doubtless began their
wedded life with every prospect of happiness.

We know little of Lady Gilbert, but cannot imagine
that her life was a very happy one. The wives of
enthusiasts are seldom happy. For Gilbert's coloniza-
tion schemes were to become an absorbing passion, and
upon them he lavished not only his own but his wife's
fortune. But not to anticipate the story, their outset
in life was no doubt brilliant.

In the thirteen years of their married life she bore
him six sons and one daughter. Their names were —
(i) John, who succeeded to the title and left no issue;
(2) Humphrey; (3) Otho, who died in Belgium; (4)
Arthur, killed at the siege of Amiens; (5) Anthony;
(6) Ralegh, who fell heir to the estates, and from whom
the present family is descended.

Their home may have been for a short time at
Compton, and doubtless they often visited Greenway;
from 1573 to 1578 they lived quietly at Limehouse,i and
lastly at the Manor of Minster in Steppey.

The next event to be recorded in Humphrey Gilbert's
life is his representation of the town of Plymouth in
Elizabeth's fourth Parliament, which sat from April 2
to May 29 in the year 1571. Associated with him was
Sir John Hawkins, who resided in Plymouth and

1 Limehouse. — In Stowe's London we find the following interest-
ing account of Limehouse : — " There hath been of late, in place of
elm trees, many small tenements raised towards Ratcliffe ; and
Ratcliffe itself hath been also increased in building eastward, in place
where I have known a large highway, with fine elm trees on both
sides, that the same hath now taken hold of Lime Hurst or Lime
Host, corruptly called Lime House, sometime distant a mile from
Ratcliffe."

76 THE LIFE OF

enjoyed great popularity with his fellow citizens. The
Gilbert family owned a good deal of property both in
and around Plymouth, and it was probably through this
interest that he obtained his election. The seafaring
population of Plymouth was well represented.

Elizabeth was always extremely averse to summoning
Parliament, and only dire necessity, in the shape of
want of funds, ever compelled her to do so. This par-
ticular Parliament was composed principally of the ultra-
Protestant party, and proved to be more independent,
and more determined to stand upon its rights than any
Elizabeth had had to contend with before. She was a
very masterful young woman at this period, and had
a more exalted opinion of the prerogative of the Crown
than even her august father, Henry VIII. But this
session she met her match. The House quietly ignored
the insignificant program laid down for them in the
Speech from the Throne, and proceeded to discuss
matters of graver import with a freedom of speech
hitherto unknown. Theoretically, freedom of speech
was the dearest privilege of the House, and had been
frankly and fully admitted by Henry VIII, but Eliza-
beth continually endeavoured to interfere in the debates,
and even ordered members into arrest for daring to speak
on subjects she declared to be taboo. When the matter
of granting Letters Patent to some Bristol merchants,
giving them a monopoly of the salt trade, was under
discussion, she sent a peremptory message to the House
telling them not to waste time debating matters which
did not concern them. The granting of monopolies was
one of the most treasured prerogatives of the Crown,
and the source of considerable revenue. At first they
had been instituted under the guise of fostering trade,
but they had become gross impositions. From this time
forth, in spite of Elizabeth's arbitrary message, they
were freely criticized, and the principle condemned by
the Commons, until, at her very last Parliament, the
aged Queen bowed to the inevitable, and withdrew every

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 77

patent she had granted, apostrophizing the patentees
as "harpies and horse-leeches."

But on this occasion she had a vaHant champion in
the House in the person of Humphrey Gilbert. The
Speaker, Fleetwood, on receipt of Elizabeth's message,
called the attention of the House to the fact that the
granting of patents was the prerogative of the Crown
solely, when Humphrey Gilbert arose, and spoke
vehemently in support of Fleetwood's statement. He
denounced the motion which had been made condemn-
ing the issue of the patent in question as a vain device,
and an infringement of the prerogative of the Crown.
"What was the difference," he asked, "between saying
that the Queen was not to use the privileges of the
Crown and saying that she was not Queen ? " He
warned the House not to trespass upon her known
clemency, that it was not good to sport with princes,
and to take heed lest, if they persisted in their inter-
ference, the Queen should exercise her powers, extirpate
their challenged liberty, and assume an arbitrary sway.

That Gilbert should have taken the part of the Queen
against the Commons, was to be expected from his long
and intimate connection with the Court, but one would
hardly have expected a man of his enlightenment to have
taken this particular opportunity to do so. The abuse
was flagrant, and in this instance meant the ruin of some
seven thousand industrious people for the enrichment of
a few merchants who had "a pull" at Court. Nothing
more was said at the time, but a few days afterwards a
staunch patriot, Peter Wentworth,^ attacked Gilbert in
unmeasured terms. He said the speech was an insult to
the House of Commons, accused Gilbert of untruly in-
forming her Majesty of a motion made in the House on

^ Peter Wentworth was a patriot who deserves ever to be held in
remembrance. Again and again in EHzabeth's Parliaments, he arose to
defend the liberties and rights of the Commons. Twice he was ordered
to the Tower as a punishment for his freedom of speech, the first
occasion in 1576 for a month only, but on the second occasion he was
imprisoned for a longer period and ended his days there.

78 THE LIFE OF

the Queen*s prerogative, of fawning upon his Sovereign,
compared him to a chameleon which can change itself
to all colours except white, and called him "a flatterer,
a liar, and a naughtie man." Gilbert vainly endeavoured
to defend himself against these accusations; three times
he essayed to speak, but each time "received the denial
of the House."

This incident affords another example of the extrava-
gant devotion offered to Elizabeth by her courtiers; no
adulation was too gross and no language too florid in
which to sing her praises; she was almost a deity in
their eyes; and no doubt Gilbert was frankly aghast
that any of her august prerogatives should be assailed.

A short account of the transactions of this Parliament
will not be amiss. On the first day it met for business
a Bill was introduced compelling all persons to attend
Church every Sunday, and to receive Communion twice
a year according to the rites of the Church of England.
For half the session the Commons debated this Bill, in
spite of Elizabeth's warning that Church questions were
outside of their province, — a position which she main-
tained by refusing to give her assent to the Bill at the
end of the session.

Among the Acts passed were several upholding
Elizabeth's title, declaring it to be high treason even
to discuss the question of an heir to the throne, "except
the same be the natural issue of her body." Camden,
speaking of his personal knowledge says that a " double
entendre " was conveyed in this sentence, which caused
many unseemly jokes to be made. The publishing of
Bulls, Pardons, or other documents from the See of
Rome was made an act of high treason. The Act
referred to in a previous chapter, forbidding any person
to leave the country without licence, was passed. An
important Act for the maintenance of navigation and
increase of Mariners, renewing the permission to her
Majesty's subjects to transport out of the Dominion any
Herring or other Sea-fish ; permitting them to sell any

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 79

Cods or Lings in barrels, "using no fraud or deceit in
the barrelling thereof," decreeing a standard size for
barrels of herring, and forbidding any fish caught by
foreigners to be dried in England. An Act regulating
the import of bow-staves, the preamble of which states,
that "Whereas the use of Archery not only hath
ever been but yet is, by God's special gift to the English
nation, a singular defence to this Realm." An Act pro-
hibiting any Hoy or Plate (small vessels) from trading
to France or Norway, because the number of Hoys had
marvellously increased to the decay of Mariners and
Ships, — a line of reasoning which seems somewhat con-
tradictory. Robert, Earle of Leicester, was permitted to
found his Hospital at Warwick for the support of twelve
old soldiers, which still continues its beneficent office,
in the quaint manner then authorized, to the comfort
of its favoured occupants and the delighted interest of
visitors ever since. By another Act, all persons over the
age of seven years were required to wear upon their
heads, on Sundays and holy days, a cap of wool "knit,
thicked, and dressed in England." Reforestation was
enforced by another, in quite modern manner; and
finally the whole raison d'etre of the Parliament, so
far as Elizabeth was concerned, the granting to her of
a subsidy of ;^ 100,000, was unanimously voted, and
the session closed.

Elizabeth, in her speech, expressed herself tolerably
well satisfied with the work of the session, but remarked
that "Some members of the Lower House had shown
themselves arrogant and presumptuous, especially in
venturing to question her prerogatives. They had for-
gotten their duties by wasting their time in superfluous
speech, and had meddled with matters not pertaining to
them, nor within the capacity of their understanding.
The audacious folly of this sort deserved her severest
censure."

She had the right to the last word in this dispute, and
she did not forget to use it. But, as we have had to

80 THE LIFE OF

record, Humphrey Gilbert was not among those con-
temptuously termed "this sort." Probably as a reward
for his devotion to his Queen at the expense of his
country, Elizabeth issued Letters Patent on June 15,
157 1, appointing him "Surveyor for seven years for
executing the statutes, for the maintenance of artillery,
horses, armour, and weapons, and the suppression of
unlawful games, by which archery was greatly decayed."
This appointment was renewed in 1575, also for a term
of seven years.

The statutes referred to principally are 33 Henry VH,
Caps. 5 and 9, and 4 and 5 Philip and Mary, Cap. 2.
By them were decreed the arms, armour, and horses
each squire, knight and noble, according to his degree,
was to maintain for the service of the Crown. These
Acts apparently were more "honoured in the breach
than in the observance," and it was determined to stir
up the defaulters. Sir Humphrey was made General
Surveyor, and six commissioners were appointed to
assist him. Offenders against the laws were, however,
to be permitted to compound their offences on payment
of a fine, and of these fines Gilbert was to receive "one
moiety and one-fifth of the other moiety," or three-fifths
of the whole. We have no indication whether this
office was genuine or merely a means by which Hum-
phrey Gilbert could fill his purse, after the manner of
similar patents showered upon Ralegh and other of
Elizabeth's courtiers; nor have we any knowledge how
he performed his duties.

During the years 1571-72, Sir Humphrey was inter-
ested with Sir Thomas Smyth, Lord Burleigh, and the
Earl of Leicester in some experiments made by one
Meadley, who declared he could turn iron into copper
by means of vitriol. Strype gives us an account of the
transaction in his Life of Sir Thomas Smyth,^ and some

^ Sir Thomas Smyth was selected by Elizabeth for the post of
Principal Secretary of State in succession to Lord Burleigh when he
was advanced to the Lord Chancellorship.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 81

correspondence between Meadley and Lord Burleigh,
preserved at the Record Office, fills in some details.
Alchemy had not yet grown into the science of
chemistry, and the transmutation of metals was firmly
believed in. It nevertheless gives one somewhat of a
shock to find these four men, leaders of thought in their
day, so able and wise in many things, so easily duped
by a common cheat.

Sir Thomas Smyth seems to have been the leader in
the matter, and to have induced first Gilbert and then
the others, to join him. Strype thus describes the four
partners. *'Sir Thomas Smythe," he says, "had a very
busy active mind and a philosophical head," Lord
Burleigh had also "a philosophical genius," Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert was **a learned knight and of a projecting
head," and the Earl of Leicester "was very forward in
offering iron and lead " to be transmuted.

Meadley first changed iron into copper at Sir Thomas
Smyth's house in London, but the process proved too
expensive; he declared, however, that if he could find
in England the "primum ens vitrioli," the cost would
be very much less. Sir Thomas and Sir Humphrey
furnished him with ;^ioo, and leased some property
from Lady Mountjoy at ;^300 per annum, which would
supply, Meadley declared, the necessary ingredients.
Sir Thomas was now sent Ambassador to France, and
the chief conduct of the affair devolved on Sir Hum-
phrey. Presumably he either suspected Meadley of
being an impostor, or perhaps thought he was con-
cealing from them the knowledge he really possessed.
Anyhow they immediately fell out. We don't know
what Sir Humphrey said of Meadley, but Meadley wrote
to Lord Burleigh in most virtuous indignation against
Gilbert. He accused Smyth and Gilbert of sending a
man to spy upon him, and to have taken Lady Mount-
joy's house in their own name, excluding his. He com-
plained that his name had been "scorched with ill
report," and declares that he was ready to repay all the

G

82 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

money he had received and "so cleanse his hands of
such pytche." He said, Sir Humphrey "loketh to have
attendance of me in things yt my nature can nott and
wyll nott permitt," that "he regardeth neither word nor
bonde," and that "if he offered violence he would do so
at his perill." He then concludes by offering to let
Burleigh into his secret and to make for him loo tons
of perfect copper per annum. Another letter declares
that he is still encountering "Mr. Gilbert's malice and
foul policy," but offers, if his own name is included in
the patent, and Gilbert's excluded, to proceed at once to
work on Leicester's and Burleigh's soil.

The patent he referred to was to incorporate into "The
Society of the New Art," Burleigh, Smyth, Leicester,
and Gilbert, to whom was granted the privilege of
making copper and quicksilver by way of transmutation.
Her Majesty was to receive two per cent, of the
proceeds.

Gilbert now departed on his campaign to the Low
Countries, but when Smyth came back, he was still so
convinced of the possibility of the transaction that he
made peace with Meadley and set him to work again,
but the only result was a crop of debts. Smyth and
Gilbert lost over ^400 in the transaction. How this
august company finally became disillusionized and dis-
solved partnership is not related. Strype says, "I make
no doubt that Sir Thomas smarted in his purse for his
chymical covetousness, and Gilbert seems to have been
impoverished by it, while Meadley was beggared, for
I find him two years after made prisoner for debt."

y

CHAPTER VI

THE CAMPAIGN IN THE LOW COUNTRIES

Sir Humphrey Gilbert began his military career
fighting with the Huguenots against the Catholic party
in Normandy in 1562; and we now find him employed
ten years later fighting on behalf of the Protestants in
the Netherlands against their Spanish oppressors. The
Spanish yoke had borne heavily upon the Low Countries,
and at this period they appeared to be reduced to a con-
dition of utter hopelessness. Rebellion seemed out of
the question.

Margaret of Parma, who governed in the Netherlands
on behalf of her brother, Philip H, had ruled the
unhappy country with a rod of iron. Among other
ordinances, intended to quench the burning zeal of the
Protestant Reformers, she gave orders that all heretics
were to be slain, whether they had given in their allegiance
or not ; and Alva, who had just succeeded her, continued
this career of butchery, and openly boasted that, by his
orders, he had done to death no less than 1 8,600 Protestants.
William the Silent had been driven to exile, and the few
who still had the hardihood to defy Spain, like the
rebelling West Countrymen in Mary's reign, took to
the sea and carried on an irregular warfare against the
Spanish shipping. They were known as "Sea Gueux,"
or "water beggars," and conducted their operations
largely from English ports, having the open sympathy
of the people, and the connivance, if nothing more, of
the Court.

In January 1572, the Spanish Ambassador waited upon
Elizabeth, and made formal complaint against the sup-
port and assistance given to these patriot pirates by the
English. It suited Elizabeth's policy at the time to
G2 83

84 THE LIFE OF

stand well with Spain, and she accordingly issued a
proclamation commanding all Netherlanders, suspected
of hostile designs against Spain, at once to leave Eng-
land, and ordering that all ships of war belonging to
them then harbouring in English ports should be seized
and confiscated. An additional reason for this edict
was that the Easterling merchants complained that their
trade was being interfered with by the Sea Gueux.

It so happened that one of the most able of Dutch sea
rovers, William Van der Merk, then lay in Dover with
several ships. Being warned in time, he slipped away,
and driven to desperation, made a descent upon the
town of Brill, thus carrying out an intention which had
been contemplated for some time. The townspeople
fled in dismay, and the "water beggars" took posses-
sion of the town, venting their enmity upon the Catholic
priests and churches only. In a few days most of the
townspeople returned and threw in their lot with their
assailants. The revolt spread rapidly; Flushing and
nearly all the other chief cities followed the example of
Brill, and made a desperate effort to throw off the yoke
of Spain. They invited William of Orange to return
and assume the Government, and urgently appealed for
help to the Protestant Queen of England.

Elizabeth, whose policy was to "run with the hare
and hunt with the hounds," desired to encourage the
revolt without coming to an open breach with Spain.
By the Treaty of Blois, April 19, 1572, France and
England agreed surreptitiously to assist the Nether-
landers. Bands of Englishmen were therefore encour-
aged to go to their aid. Just at this time there was quite
an outburst of military enthusiasm in London. All
through the winter large numbers of recruits had
mustered weekly for training in martial exercises. On
May Day they paraded before the Queen at Greenwich,
"where," says Stow, "they showed many warlike feats,
but were hindered by the weather."

Whether it was in the enthusiasm for their newly-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 85

acquired military exercises, or influenced by direct
encouragement from the Queen, the troops which went
across to the Netherlands appear to have been drawn
largely from these musters. The first detachment,
numbering about 300, was under the command of the
bold Thomas Morgan. They were received into Flushing,
and valiantly assisted the townspeople in repelling an
attack from the Spaniards. Morgan wrote letters to
England, telling of the strength and richness of the
town, and induced Sir Humphrey Gilbert to contract
with the Flushingers to raise troops and come to their
assistance. Accordingly, in July he crossed the Channel
with ten bands numbering altogether 1500 men.

In examining into the circumstances surrounding this
expedition under Gilbert, there is again unearthed one
of those strange deeds of duplicity with which Elizabeth
conducted her foreign policy. Not that Elizabeth was
singular in this respect. Machiavelli's Prince ^ was then
the guide-book for diplomatic conduct, and Qui nescit
dissimulare nescit regnare was the motto generally
acted upon. As in the case of the Huguenots, the assist-
ance of Elizabeth had been gained by the offer to her of
the town of Newhaven ; so now the Netherlanders tried
to bribe her by the promise of Flushing. The Spanish
Ambassador, De Guaras, wrote to the Duke of Alva on
June 30: "She told me that emissaries were coming
every day from Flushing to her, proposing to place
the town in her hands. If it was for the service of his
Majesty, and if his Majesty approved, she said, she
would accept the offer. With the English who were
already there and with others whom she would send
over for the purpose, it would be easy for her to take
entire possession of the place, and she would then make
it over to the Duke of Alva or to any one whom the Duke
w^ould appoint to receive it."

* Even at that time this sinister motive was recognized. Arch-
bishop Parker, writing to Lord Burleigh—" This Machiavell govern-
ment is strange to me for it bringeth forth strange fruit."

86 THE LIFE OF

De Guaras could have had no object in misrepresenting
Elizabeth, nor is it possible that he could have mis-
understood her, and we can only conclude that Elizabeth
either actually contemplated this piece of blackest
treachery to the Netherlanders, or wished to make it
appear to Spain that she intended it. Whatever the
design may have been, Gilbert went over and fought
desperately against the Spaniards, and every precaution
was taken to make it appear that he did so entirely with-
out the knowledge and support of the Queen and her
Council. We are therefore encouraged to hope that the
idea of winning Spain's neutrality by such a piece of
treachery was abandoned.^

We are now faced with another problem. Was Eliza-
beth moved by a genuine desire to help the Nether-
landers against England's arch-enemy, Spain, or was
the mainspring of her actions the intention to hold
Flushing, and how far was Sir Humphrey Gilbert aware
of the real design ? Before we can arrive at any con-
clusion it is first necessary to follow exactly what
happened.

Alva was kept carefully informed of the course of
events in England. He had been advised that Sir
Humphrey Gilbert was to be sent to Flushing some time
before his departure ; and on July 22, he received a letter
telling of the equipment of Gilbert's band and its arrival
at Flushing. This seems to have taken place early in
July, 1572. Sir Humphrey Gilbert found his position
greatly complicated by the presence at Flushing of ^
number of Huguenots, who had gone to the assistance
of their Protestant friends. On July 15, he agreed to a
form of capitulation with the Governor and Borough-
men of Flushing on behalf of both the French and

* It appears that in addition to sending troops to the Netherlands,
Elizabeth also lent them money. Ralegh, when on trial for his life,
said, " I knew the Queen of England*lent not her money to the States,
but she had Flushing, Brill, and other towns in assurance for it. She
lent not her money to the King of France without she had Newhaven
for it."

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 87

English volunteers. Two hundred English and the
same number of French were to remain in the town for
a guard, and in case of attack equal numbers of both
nations were to be received, but neither was allowed
to control the situation. All the wounded and sick were
to be sheltered in the town without respect to numbers.
The gentlemen and soldiers of both nations were to have
free access to the town if provided with proper pass-
ports.

One would imagine from this that the townspeople
of Flushing, knowing the offers which had been made
to deliver their town to Elizabeth, were determined to
guard themselves against any such eventuality. They
evidently looked upon their volunteer allies with grave
suspicion. Froude, who has examined this episode with
great care, thinks that the rumour of Elizabeth's pro-
posed treachery had reached their ears, and that "Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, little knowing the service which
Elizabeth had rendered him, was at a loss to compre-
hend the hostility with which he found himself
regarded."

The commander of the Flushingers was t'Zaareets,
or, as he is generally called in English accounts, Sara
or Zara. With him Gilbert had a sort of divisum
imperium, which was not properly defined, and led to
many misunderstandings and jealousies.

With the exception of Gilbert's letters and con-
temporary State Papers, the only detailed account we
have of this campaign was written by Sir Roger
Williams, and published in 1618, under the title The
Actions of the Lowe Countries. Sir Roger Williams
served all through the campaign, and, as we shall see,
had but a poor opinion of the manner in which it was
conducted. One other account we have in the narrative
poem of Gascoigne, called **Dulce Bellum," but this
latter gives more particularly Gascoigne's personal
adventures, gallant and ungallant, and is so confused
that it is of little historical value. It is hard to dis-

88 THE LIFE OF

tinguish, to use his own phrase, *"twixt broyles and
bloudie warres."

Gilbert and t*Zaareets decided first to make an
expedition into Flanders and to endeavour to take
Bruges, which they were informed was poorly garrisoned.
Landing opposite to Flushing with 1400 English, 400
Walloons, and 600 French troops, they occupied the
village of Ardenburgh, intending from thence to attack
Sluys and Bruges. Some 800 troops were placed in
ambush during the night, near the gates of Sluys, and
when the gates were opened in the morning they might
easily have taken the town; but having been told "to
lie close," they did so literally, and lost their oppor-
tunity. As soon as they were discovered by the towns-
people, a smart artillery fire was opened on them,
followed by a sortie.

Sir Humphrey and t'Zaareets now arrived on the scene,
and the townspeople were driven back. The Spanish
commander then began a parley as if he intended to
surrender the town, but in reality to gain time until he
could communicate with the Duke of Alva. At the
end of four days, when the allied troops went to receive
his submission, they were greeted with such a hot
artillery fire that they "retired faster than they came."
Gilbert and t'Zaareets next decided to attack Bruges.
Arriving opposite the town at break of day, they sent a
trumpeter to demand its surrender. The commander,
the Count de Reux, rudely replied that he would see
them hanged first. This is not a figurative speech.

The historian proceeds: "Sir Humphrey was then in
great choler, swearing divers oathes that he would put
all to the sworde unlesse they would yeeld."

But t'Zaareets persuaded him to retire without making
an assault, which was done all the more quickly
when they heard that large reinforcements were on the
way.

Lying at Ardenburgh a few days afterwards, they
heard of a convoy on the way to Bruges, and ambushing

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 89

it successfully, killed many of the troops, and took the
artillery and supplies. But being informed that a large
body of Spanish troops, under Juliano Romero, was
marching into Flanders, they hastily retreated. Roger
Williams, who is not without a vein of humour, says,
"this newes made us not to take counsell twice about
our retraite. Whereupon we marched with all speed
towards Flushing."

But instead of returning at once to Flushing, they
decided to cross to the island of South Beveland, and
to besiege the town of Tergoes, having been informed
that it was poorly garrisoned. But to their surprise
and discomfiture they found it well defended by a Spanish
garrison under Pedro Pacheco.

The attacking party under Morgan was surprised by
Pacheco, and defeated with considerable loss before
Gilbert and t'Zaareets arrived. William says, "I per-
suaded myself the moste of them were afraid. I am to
blame to judge their minds, but let me speake troth. I
doe assure you it was not without reason, for the most
of us entered with Yorke were slaine; such as escaped
swam and struggled through muddy ditches."

The next day Pacheco sallied out and attacked his
besiegers, but was driven back with much loss.
Williams here blames his commanders for not having
cut off Pacheco from the town, which would have been
quite possible had they known the country. It was no
excuse that they did not know the way. As Williams
rightly remarks, "A commander who enters the enemie's
countries ought to know the places he doth attempt, or
be furnisht with guides. . . . But we were so ignor-
ant that we knew not our own state, much less the
enemie's."

The next day they abandoned the siege, "for want
of artilleries," it was alleged, and returned to Flushing.
Arriving at the town, they received a rebuff from the
inhabitants, who refused to let them enter until they
had wiped out the disgrace of their unsuccessful cam-

90 THE LIFE OF

paign, whereupon they retired to the Httle village of
Souburg.

While lying there they were attacked by a powerful
Spanish force from the city of Middleburgh, who, by
way of striking terror into the hearts of the allied troops,
"prepared a great number of haulters, giving them to
their soldiers with a commandment to hang all the
prisoners they should take." "But," continues Williams,
"it is no surety to reckon without an host, — for the
allied troops gave the enemy a complete overthrow,
driving them clean out of the Campe, and follow-
ing them in defeate half-way to Middleburgh. After,
our men hung a number of them with their own
haulters."

This act of valour restored their prestige in the eyes
of the townspeople, and they were again admitted into
the town.

Dissensions and jealousies now began to break out
between the English and the French, and the towns-
people apparently sided at first with the latter. Lord
Burleigh, writing to the Earl of Leicester on Aug. lo,
gives us an indication of the intention of Elizabeth and
her Council in sending Gilbert to Flushing. He says,
"Our people in Zealand and the Low Countrys do not
prosper, but fall to pillage. And beside that we see
the French will prevent them of the town of Flushing,
which if they shall do, there is no cause why they should
continue there. We therefore do send over one, Pyck-
man, a very wise and valiant man, to confer with Sir
Humphrey Gilbert upon the estate, and principally to
devise how they may prevent the French in the taking
of Flushing." "Prevent" is, of course, used in the
same sense as it is in the Book of Common Prayer, and
proves that Flushing was the goal of their ambition,
and the desire of helping the Netherlanders but a
secondary consideration.

Fortunately copies of both the instructions given to
Pyckman and the letter which he carried to Sir Hum-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 91

phrey Gilbert have been preserved. They are excellent
examples of the diplomacy of the day.

The letter to Sir Humphrey Gilbert begins by ex-
pressing the great concern that the Queen and her
Council had for her subjects serving under him, many
of them *'a choyse sorte of gentlemen of good estima-
tion and habilitie"; and "although your goinge thither
was without our direction, yet seeing you are there,
our desires and Counsells are that some good order and
government mighte be established amongst you for your
own better government, — and to recover the likinge of
the people of that lowe countrie to whose succor your
first cominge was by you, as we take it, ment." He is
enjoined to take counsell of Pyckman, and to return
him speedily with an answer.

Pyckman was evidently to carry by word of mouth
the gist of the instructions to Gilbert. He was cautioned
not to let it be known that he went to the Low Countries
except "of his own private mind," and he and Gilbert
were to be doubly cautious that the matter of their con-
ferences was not to get abroad. Pyckman was informed
that Gilbert had left Flushing and made an incursion
into Flanders which had not been very successful,
although the English had acted with great bravery.
The Council thought that Gilbert's troops had been
unnecessarily made to bear the brunt of every encounter,
and that the French had drawn him away from Flushing
in order that they might take possession of it them-
selves.

They then disclosed the real purpose of the expedition
in the following : "And for that Sir Humphrey Gilberte
well knoweth, that if that towne should so be by them
possessed, the fruites of his journey were voide, and
that wee see no purpose at all of the aboade of him or
any of his Companie in those partes, if it be gotten
and kept by the French, he shall there forthwith use
all good policie to prevent the perill, and not to omit
any occasion to recover the towne and to indevor to

92 THE LIFE OF

gayne the good will of the inhabitants by assuring of
them that his intention is wholly to healpe them to their
auncient liberties." How the town was to be got into his
power, they left to his own consideration, "and of those
who will be secreat with him. . . . For if the French
have any inkling of his intent he will be prevented."
Pyckman was instructed to tell Gilbert that the Duke of
Alva had complained of the presence of his band in
the Netherlands, who, Alva said, had given out that
they were there by her Majesty's commands. As it
was not true that her Majesty had sent them there, the
statement must be contradicted, and in such a way that it
should get to Alva's ears. Gilbert was to let it be known
that, far from having any designs upon any territory
of the King of Spain, they were only anxious to prevent
it from falling into the hands of his enemies, "and in
thus doinge the verie truthe of her majestie's intention
shall be uttered." But in the next paragraph Gilbert
is again instructed to give his attention to the keeping
of Flushing and the recovery and keeping of Sluys.

Another letter for Sir Humphrey was confided to
Pyckman. It contained instructions to return to Eng-
land with all his troops, but was only to be used if he
happened "to be in any place distante from Flushing,
and thereby take occasion to withdraw himself and his
nombers to the enterprise of Flushing, upon pretence
of his cominge awaye by the commandment of the same
letter."

It would be hard to get more varieties of duplicity
in one letter. The French, the Spaniards, the Nether-
landers were all to be deceived in turn. Every action
was but to be the blind for some other. One could be
certain beforehand that it would not be possible to
pursue such a devious path successfully. Gilbert, how-
ever, appears to have succeeded in establishing himself
in Flushing, whether by force or policy we are not
informed, and to have held it until the final denouement.

Gilbert wrote to Burleigh on Aug. 13, telling him that

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 98

he had heard a large number of French were shortly to
come to Flushing. He asked for instructions what to
do therein, as he was otherwise determined to leave the
town.

"They practise here," he said, "to use our soldiers
very evil, and to banish those of the townspeople that
are our friends; and do in effect starve the English
soldiers by practice, only to cause mutinies to have the
soldiers run away, so that I and the few English that
be in this town are sure to be murdered if I continue
here. Therefore my most humble suit is that I know
without delay what her Majesty will have done touch-
ing this island and town. If her Majesty or your
Honour will have me do it, I will procure a mutiny, if
I can, between the townspeople and the French, and
will take the townspeople's part, and will die for it and
all my people, except we cut all the Frenchmen in pieces
and the Governor also. I know this is the like plot laid
for us." He asks for a galley and one or two frigates
in order that the plot may be more certain. He praises
his soldiers highly, saying they had fought valiantly
on the 9th, "had killed diverse Spaniards, and made
them run away towards Middleburgh three miles like
peasants."

He thanks Burleigh for his favours, and will be at all
times ready to take anything in hand, "with Gideon's
faith."

On Aug. 29, Sir Humphrey wrote again to Burleigh,
informing him that they were to join forces with the
Prince of Orange on the 31st; but in a postscript he
adds that the project w^as deferred through the cowardice
of t'Zaareets, the Dutch commander, "who hardly dares
do anything that is accompanied by danger." Gilbert
thought this an opportune time to press for the payment
of the money due to himself and his troops for their
services in Ireland three years previously, and begs
Lord Burleigh "to procure that I may be paid the sum
so soon as may be, for that my utter undoing dependeth

94 THE LIFE OF

thereon. I having mortgaged certain lands and entered
into great bonds for the payment of money, all which
if they be not paid will turn to my discredit for ever,
and therefore I do desire your honour to stand my good
Lord as always heretofore you have done, otherwise I
had quailed long ere this."

This was followed by a letter on Sept. 3, giving full
particulars of the strength of the armies of the Prince
of Orange and the Duke of Alva. Encouraged by their
success at Souburg, they had decided to make another
attack upon Tergoes on the 6th instant. Not a single
French soldier remained at Flushing, so if there were
more English sent over before the French should return,
the place might be possessed without bloodshed. Yet
nothing could be attempted unless the English were
masters of the sea, otherwise the ships of war belonging
to the town could cut off all their supplies.

When he next wrote, three days afterwards, he had
just heard of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, at
which he was greatly moved, but trusted it was not so
horrible as report said. He hoped that Burleigh would
point out to the Queen the danger ready to fall on her if
she did not look to taking revenge for these atrocities,
seeing that if the opportunity favours, there is nothing
else to look for but the tragical destruction of all the
Protestants in Europe. He reported that affairs in the
Low Countries were in such train that if the Prince of
Orange had but moderate succour he would utterly over-
throw the Duke of Alva, and consequently all the other
enemies of Christianity. This letter was written from
before Tergoes, the siege of which had been begun as
intimated in the previous letter. On the next day he
wrote again, declaring that with a little more help he
would be able to place both the islands of Walchern and
South Beveland in the hands of her Majesty, and added
the following curious postscript, showing that he knew
full well that her Majesty's instructions were often
meant for show only, and not intended to be carried out.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 95

*'I do know that Her Majesty and My Lords of the
Council are many times enforced to pretend that they
nothing desire. Wherefore what letter soever shall be
sent me from the Lords of the Council for revoking of
me home, I will think them but for form, except your
Honour do write me your private letters to return, and
then I will without delay, God willing, obey them, other-
wise proceed here as I shall see cause."

As an indication of the close espionage kept by Spain
on the English Court, Antonio Fogaza wrote to the
Duke of Alva on Sept. 8, informing him that Gilbert
had sent the copy of a letter received by the Governor
of Flushing, containing promises from the Admiral of
France, to the effect, that if the Queen would join France
and break with Spain, they would pay her 200,000
ducats.

Froude argues that it was through Elizabeth's double
dealing that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was
brought about. While pretending to receive Alencon's
addresses and to join France against Spain, she was all
the while secretly treating with Alva to make her own
advantage out of the matter. When Catherine de Medici
discovered this rapprochement between England and
Spain, and saw that no assistance was to be gained
from Protestant England, she threw the whole of her
influence on the side of the Guises against the Huguenots,
and authorized the massacre. This reasoning seems
somewhat strained. On the contrary, it appears that
Elizabeth at the time favoured the French alliance, but
after the massacre she shifted her position and again
encouraged Spain.

The siege of Tergoes was found to be a matter of
more difficulty than was at first supposed. The town
was well defended by Pedro Pacheco, and the besiegers
were so badly provided with the munitions of war that
they were unable to pursue their advantages. A quarrel
also arose between Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Morgan.
Morgan considered himself insulted, and wanted to

96 THE LIFE OF

withdraw from Sir Humphrey Gilbert's command ; but,
the informant says, the matter was too trivial to be called
an insult, and he had endeavoured to make peace
between them.

Gilbert, writing from Flushing on Sept. 27 to Bur-
leigh, asks him not to give heed to any complaints made
against him by those "who had misused themselves.*'

He was then returning to Tergoes, where they had
made a breach and intended to assault, "which he utterly
misliked yet could not let it, being agreed on in my
absence." Williams seems to think the assault had
a fair chance of success, but that their actions were
greatly hampered by "a great picke and jealousie which
grewe between Sir Humphrey and Saras, so each would
fain disgrace his fellow." The result was that the
"camisado" was repelled, with ten persons hurt and
slain; but, says Sir Humphrey, "it was a marvel it had
not cost 500 lives." After praising several of the gentle-
men who distinguished themselves in this foolhardy
assault, he adds that it had taught the Spaniards a
wholesome lesson, that "they would be glad to make
good wars with us, for that we have hanged so many
of them and are liker to take of them than they of us."

Williams records that both Sir Humphrey and Saras
served very valiantly, but the failure "so quailed our
courage that we despaired of the towne." But receiving
large reinforcements from the Prince of Orange, they
continued the siege. These new troops were, however,
"simpler men than ourselves, yea, so rawe that they
brought us every day into more disorders," says
Williams.

But the siege of Tergoes was soon to be brought to a
conclusion by a most daring and remarkable feat of
arms. The Spanish troops under Avila and Mondragon
were assembled at Bergen-op-Zoom, distant from the
island of South Beveland about eight miles, and separ-
ated therefrom by half-submerged lands known as
"Verdronken Lands." The problem of transport was

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 97

a difficult one, but finally a peasant declared that there
was a fordable path across these lands, and offered to
lead the troops. The aged veteran, Mondragon, imme-
diately decided to attempt the crossing, and selecting
3000 of his ablest troops, plunged in first with the guide,
followed in double column by his soldiers, and accom-
plished the crossing with the loss of but a few men. He
at once got into communication with Tergoes by means
of beacons; and the besiegers, seeing that it was hope-
less to endeavour to oppose them, fled to their ships in
disorder, pursued by the Spaniards. Numbers of them
were slain, and many of them were drowned before
they could get on shipboard. Gilbert has left us no
account of this disaster, and our information is derived
from Sir Roger Williams, who tersely closes his
narrative with the remark, ''So ended our ignorant poor
siege."

Sir Humphrey and his troops were so discomfited by
this defeat, that they decided to return to England, not-
withstanding that the Prince of Orange offered them
many inducements to remain.

The Spanish agent, De Guaras, wrote on Nov. 4 that
Lord Burleigh had informed him that "although no
notice had been taken of the Queen's offer to recall the
English troops, she had ordered Sir Humphrey Gilbert
to return." But the Spaniards were not deceived by
this plausible attempt to make a virtue of necessity.
De Guaras wrote a few days later that Sir Humphrey
Gilbert had returned on Nov. 5 with about 800 troops,
and Antonio Fogaza added the interesting information
that he went secretly to Court as soon as he landed and
gave an account of his proceedings. He was then sent
away as secretly as he had come, and was ordered to
make a public entry into the city as if he had not been
at Court, and to pretend that he dared not go thither
until his friends had interceded and obtained pardon
for him for having gone on the expedition without leave.
"This is the sort of strategy they usually employ. The

98 THE LIFE OF

purpose being, of course, to be able to show the King
that it was not done by the Queen's wish, whereas in
reality nothing can be done without her license. I beg
your Excellency to be convinced that these Englishmen
would not have come back had they any place to go to
there."

A humiliating close to a disgraceful episode in
English foreign politics. Gilbert and his brave followers
were dispatched under false colours, and had to return
by stealth. But his reputation does not necessarily
suffer thereby. He was given a difficult and thankless
part to play. If successful he would be acknowledged,
if he failed he was to be disowned. Elizabeth's prin-
cipal inducement in allowing the departure of the ex-
pedition was to gain Flushing, but she dared not let
Spain, France, or the Netherlands know of her inten-
tion. Each was to be given a different reason for the
action.

She had agreed with France to assist the Lowlanders
surreptitiously. Spain was told that Gilbert and his
band had acted entirely against her wishes, and would
be recalled if Spain desired it. The Lowlanders were
given to understand that the help they received from
England was entirely disinterested, while Gilbert was
instructed to take and hold Flushing, else there was no
object in his staying there. After the massacre of St.
Bartholomew she desired to be on friendlier terms with
Spain, and Gilbert returned in pretended disgrace, but
nevertheless a continual stream of men and money
poured across the Channel to the assistance of William
of Orange.

Elizabeth was an opportunist. Her motto might very
properly have been "sufficient unto the day is the evil
thereof," for she lived from day to day only, always
avoiding a decision, and satisfied with any temporary
respite. She now sided with France and now with
Spain, played off one courtier against another, and drove
the many suitors for her hand frantic by her pretended

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 99

indecision. Her whole life was a puzzle to her Court,
and is an everlasting problem for historians.

We conclude that Gilbert was aware from the first that
if possible he was to obtain possession of Flushing, and
that help for the Netherlanders was a secondary con-
sideration. But yet we can see that he was deeply inter-
ested in the cause of his co-religionists. He was thrilled
with horror by the massacre of St. Bartholomew, and
he begged Burleigh to use his influence with the Queen
to send more help to William of Orange. Perhaps the
hope held out of obtaining some portion of the Low
Countries was diplomatic on his own part. If Elizabeth
would not help the Protestants for the sake of their
religion, she might do so in the hope of acquiring
territory of importance.

In any case there was no pretence about the help he
gave to the Netherlanders. That at least was as genuine
as it w^as important. With little assistance, and without
even moral support, by his efforts the Spaniards were
held at bay for months, giving time to the Prince of
Orange to assemble his forces. The rebellion thus
begun, ended after desperate fighting in the establish-
ment of the Republic of the United Netherlands in
1609.

It is somewhat surprising to find that Motley dis-
misses the assistance of the English in a brief line. The
Dutch commander, t'Zaareets, whom Gilbert charges
with cowardice and bad generalship, is given the credit
for the successful actions fought by Gilbert and his
English volunteers.

We learn from Howe's continuation of Stow's
Annals, 1615, that Walter Ralegh accompanied his
brother throughout this campaign, a statement which
seems to have escaped the notice of Ralegh's
biographers, both ancient and modern. It yet appears
to have been a most probable occurrence. Ralegh's
history, before he attracted the notice of Elizabeth,
is almost unknown. Many efforts have been made to

H 2

100 THE LIFE OF

lift the veil which obscures it, but hitherto without
success.

Camden says he accompanied Henry Champernoun
to France in 1569, where he fought on the side of the
Huguenots, and it has been generally assumed that he
remained there until 1576, but this cannot be demon-
strated satisfactorily.

That Ralegh would wish to accompany his brother
on his knight-errant expedition to the Low Countries
is most natural, and by assuming that he did so, another
problem in his career is also satisfactorily solved. He is
first heard of in London in 1576. In that year the poet
Gascoigne published his satirical poem, "The Steele
Glasse," to which are prefixed some verses signed
"Walter Rawley, of the Middle Temple."

The verses themselves are of little value either as
poetry or evidence, and are only interesting as they
indicate a certain amount of friendship and familiarity
with Gascoigne. This is confirmed by the fact that
Ralegh afterward adopted the motto Tarn Marte quam
Met curio f which had always been used by Gascoigne.

Where and when this friendship developed has never
been explained, beyond the fact that it was probably
through the instrumentality of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
Gascoigne had never been in France, where Ralegh was
supposed to have spent the years 1569 to 1576. In his
narrative poems, entitled "A Voyage into Holland,"
and " Dulce Bellum," he tells us that he left England in
March 1572, and joined Morgan's band of volunteers
at Flushing. He was in Brill shortly after it was taken
by the "Sea Gueux," whose dissolute conduct he
describes, and was all through the campaign under
Gilbert and t'Zaareet. Of the siege of Tergoes he
writes —

" I was again in trench before Tergoes.
Yet surely this withouten bragge or boast
Our English bloudes did there full many a deede
Which may be chronicled in every coaste

SIR HUMPHREY GILBEIit Ui'

For bold attempts ; and well it was agreed
That had their heads been ruled by warie-heedt
Some othere feat had been attempted then
To show their force like worthie English men."

This criticism is presumably directed against t'Zaa-
reets, for of Gilbert he had the highest opinion, as
expressed in his Preface to Gilbert's Discourse of a
Discoverie of a Passage to Cathay. Gilbert returned
to England in 1572, but Gascoigne stayed on until the
summer of 1574. Probably in the winter of 1575, he
paid the visit to Gilbert at Limehouse, described in the
Preface above referred to.

If it be admitted that the statement in Stowe's Annals
is correct, a place and occasion are found for the
acquaintance of Gascoigne and Ralegh. It is to be
hoped that the chivalrous young Ralegh was only a
companion in arms, and did not share in the dissolute
adventures of the poetic soldier of fortune.

An interesting antithesis is noted in the fact that
Gascoigne's praise of Humphrey Gilbert and Walter
Rawley's verses laudatory of Gascoigne both appeared
by way of prefaces in the year 1576. Churchyard, in
his Generall Rehersall of Warres, 1579, says Sir
Humphrey Gilbert "had for his entertainement of his
owne personne in wages and other allowances verie
neere ten thousand marks per annum, besides verie
large allowances for all the Officers, Capitaines and
Soldiours under his regimente.'*

CHAPTER VII

THE ARTS OF PEACE. " QUEEN ELIZABETH'S ACHADEMY."

For ten years, almost without intermission, Hum-
phrey Gilbert had toiled "midst war's alarms." Two
years in Newhaven, five in Ireland, and six months in
the Low Countries, he had been actively engaged
fighting for his Queen, his country, and his religion.

His marriage, his career in Parliament, his aspira-
tions towards the North- West Passage, his colonization
schemes for Ireland, his duties as Surveyor of Artillery,
and his interest in the chimerical experiments of Meadley,
constitute a very full life, leaving, one would think, little
room for other interests. But his appears to have been
one of those active minds whose capacity for work
increases the more fully it is employed. It is always
the busy man who has time for something more, and the
idle man who has time for nothing. We are now to find
that Gilbert took the deepest interest in matters quite
foreign to his usual avocations.

Several references have been made to Gascoigne's
Preface to the Discourse of a North-West Passage,
While it may be thought that it should have accom-
panied the description of that work, from point of time
it is evident that it belongs more properly to the period
now dealt with. The Discourse of a North-West
Passage was written in 1566, but the Preface was
written in 1575 or 1576, and the interesting contem-
porary description it gives us of Gilbert during the
" piping times of peace " belongs, therefore, to the latter
period.

Gascoigne was the most prominent man in literature

102

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 103

in the early Elizabethan days. He was a gentleman
by birth and education, a member of Gray's Inn, a
traveller and a soldier. But he was a sad scamp. Just
before he went to Holland in 1572, he had offered him-
self as a "burgess" for the town of Bedford, but they
would have none of him. The petition against his
appointment, presented to the Lords of the Privy
Council, gave the following good and sufficient
reasons —

"Firste he is indebted to a greate nomber of
personnes etc.

"Then he is a defamed person and noted as well
for manslaughter as for other greate crymes.

"Then he is a common Rymer and a deviser of
slanderous Pasquelles against divers personnes of
greate callinge.

"Then he is a notorious ruffiane and especiallie
noted to be bothe a Spie, an Athiest and a Godles
personne."

Praise from such a source might reasonably be con-
sidered questionable, but Gascoigne was not entirely
void of good feeling, as many of his writings show,
and in his last days (his death occurred in 1577) was
quite a reformed character.

The Discourse was reprinted by Hakluyt in 1589,
but the Preface was not included, and is now repub-
lished for the first time, being of interest, not only for
the glimpse it gives us of Gilbert, but also as a speci-
men of the work of a noted Elizabethan author.

"Preface to
A Discourse of a Discoverie
/or a new Passage to Cataia,
Written by Sir Hornfrey Gilherty Knight.^

* British Museum, C. 32, B. 29.

104 THE LIFE OF

"George Gascoigne

Esquire to the Reader

"Every man that is of iudgment and hath a reason-
able disposition to the atteining of anie vertue, together
with a discretion to vse the Benefites of nature, will
confesse, that we are by as great reason bounde to
encourage and commend the industrie of the diligent
as to dispraise and punish the slouth or abuse of the
negligent : For if princes doe not as well rewarde and
cherish the well deserving subiecte, as their Judges and
Magistrates are readie to correct the offendour, the
Common Wealth might then quickly be deprived both
of the one and the other : I meane that as fast as the
sword of Justice should weede out the one, so fast the
scourg of ingratitude woulde chase out the other. And
so thereby their dominions might (in the end) become
naked and altogether unfurnished.

"We see the good huswife is no lesse curious to
decke her bees hive, to rub and perfume it with sweete
herbes, to cover and defend it from raine with clay
and boordes, and to place it in the warme Sunshine
safe from the Northerly blastes : then She is readie to
wreck her malice on the drones, to smoke and smoulder
them with Bunte and Brimstone, to fray and chase
them out by soudain noyse, and to kill them and caste
them away, as vnprofi table members in her Micro-
cosmos. Yea, and with Melodic of Basons and Tim-
brils will shee welcome home her swarme, if at anye
time they doe (waspishly) goe astray, and yet at last
retourne to their former abyding.

"Thus muche (gentle reader) I have thought good
(Allegorically) to write in the behalfe of the right
worshipful and my very frend S. Humfrey Gilbert,
Knight, the true author of this little (yet profitable)
Pamphlet, intituled A Discourse of a Discoverie for a
newe passage to Cataia, &c. In whose Commendation
I would fayne writ^ as much as hee deserveth, w^re J

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 105

not afrayde to bee condemned by him of flatterie : which
blame (with my friendes) I vse not to deserve. But
surely, over and besides that, hee is a gentleman wel
and worshipfully borne and bredde, and well tryed to
bee valiant in martiall affayres, wherby hee hath
worthely beene constituted a Coronell and general! in
places requisite, and hath with sufficiencie discharged
the same, both in this Realme, and in forreigne
Nations: hee is also indued withsundrie great gyftes
of the mine, and generally well given to the aduaunce-
mente of knowledge and verue. All whiche good
partes I rather set downe constrained by the present
occasion, then prompted by any vaine desire to currie
fanoure [sic] with my friende : For his vertues are suffi-
cient to praise themselves. And it shalbe a sufficient
conclusion for my prayses, to wishe that our realme had
store of suche Gentlemen.

"But as the good Gardener doth cover his tender
herbes in winter, and cherishe them also in summer :
so have I thought my selfe bounden somewhat to say
in the commendation of this present Treatise, and
somewhat to answere vnto the obiections that might bee
made by such as list to caville at everie commendable
enterprise.

"And surely I cannot chuse, but highly prayse the
noble minde and courage of the Authour, who wrote
respectinge the publique profit that might ensue by
this Discouerie, then the delicate life of a Courtier,
well countenanced and fauoured both by his Prince
and all the Nobilitie, had prepared his owne bodie to
abide the malice of the windes and wanes, and was euen
ready to have perfourmed the voyage in proper person,
if he had not beene by her Maiestie otherwise com-
manded and imployed in martiall affairs, as well in
Ireland, as sithence in other places.

"You must herewith vnderstand (good Reader) that
the authour hauinge a worshipfull Knight to his
brother, who abashed at this enterprise (as well for

106 THE LIFE OF

that he himselfe had none issue, nor other heier whome
he ment to bestow his lands vpon, but onely this
Authour, and that this voyage then seemed strage and
had not beene commonly spoken of before, as also
because it seemed vnpossible vnto the common capa-
cities) did seeme partly to mislike his resolutions, and
to disuade him from the same, thereupon he wrote this
Treatise vnto his saide Brother, both to excuse and
cleare himselfe from the note of rashnesse, and also to
set downe such Authorities, reasons, and experiences,
as had chiefly encouraged him vnto the same, as may
appeare by the letter next following, the which I have
here inserted for that purpose. And this was done
about vii years now past, sithence which time the
originall copies of the same have lien by the authour
as one rather dreading to hazarde the Judgements of
curious perusers, then greedie of glorie by hasty
publication.

"Now it happened that my self being one (amongst
manie) beholding to the said S. Humfrey Gilbert for
sundrie curtesies, did come to visit him in Winter last
passed at his house in Limehowse, and beeing verie
bolde to demaunde of him howe he spente his time in
the loytering vacation from martiall stratagemes, he
curteously tooke me up into his Studie, and there
shewed me sundrie profitable and verie comendable
exercises, which he had perfected painefully with his
owne penne : And amongst the rest this present Dis-
couerie. The which as well because it was not long,
as also because I vnderstoode that M. Fourboiser (a
kinsman of mine) did pretend to trauaile in the same
Discouerie, I craued it at the saide S. Humfreyes
handes for two or three dayes to reade and to peruse.
And he verie friendly granted my request, but stil
seming to doubt that thereby the same might, contrarie
to his former determination, be Imprinted.

"And to be plaine, when I had at good leasure
perused it, and therwithall conferred his allegations by

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 107

the Tables of Ortelius, and by sundrie other Cosmo-
graphicall Mappes and Charts, I seemed in my simple
iudgement not only to like it singularly, but also
thought it very meete (as the present occasion serueth)
to give it out in publike. Whereupon I have (as you
see) caused my friendes great trauaile and mine owne
greater presumption to be registred in print.

"But since I haue thus aduentured both his rebuke,
and mine owne reproofe, let me thus muche alledge
in both our defences.

** I . First it is but a Pamphlet and no large discourse,
and therefore the more to be borne withal : since the
faults (if any be) shalbe the fewer, because the volume
is not great.

"2. Also it was ment by the authour, but as a priuate
Letter vnto his Brother for his better satisfaction : and
therefore his imperfections therein (if any were) are to
be pardoned, since it is very likely that if he had ment
to publish the same, he would with greater heede have
obserued and perused the worke in everie parte.

"3. Againe, it commeth foorth without his consent:
so that he had neither warning nor time to examine,
nor yet to amende anie thing that were worthie mis-
liking.

"4. Furthermore it treateth of a matter wherof no
man hath heretofore written particularly, nor shewed
ani approued reason for the same. So that not only
his trauaile and paine are very commendable (who out
of sundrie Authorities woulde gather one reasonable
coniecture) but also the worke is not to be thought
bareine, although it doe not fully proove so much as
may be expected, since he that plougheth in a flintie
field, speedeth well if he reape but an indifferent crop.

"5. And last of all it is to bee considered, that of
things vncertaine, the greatest Gierke that euer was
could write but probably.

" Herewithall, as I have preposterously answered
such obiections as might be made against it, So now

108 THE LIFE OF

let me say that a great learned man (euen M. Dee) doth
seeme very well to like of this Discouerie and doth
much commende the Authour, the which he declareth
in his Mathematical preface to the english Euclide. I
refer thee (Reader) to peruse the same, and thinke it
not strange though I be encouraged by so learned a
foreleader, to set forth a thing whiche hee so well
liked of.

"To conclude, whereas other Cosmographical workes
doe but shew vs things already knowen and treated of,
this Discouerie doeth tend to a very profitable and com-
mendable practise of a thing to bee discouered. So
that I thought it my part, both for great good will to
the authour, and for publike perfourmance of a com-
mon duetie, to commend a little Bee so much commend-
able, to defend it from the stormes of obiections, with
boords and clay of direct answers : To set it in the
sunshine (as you see) and to ring it out with my best
basons, for the better expressing of such ioye and
comfort, as I have therein conceiued.

"All whiche, together with the frendly costructions
of th' authours travaile and my boldnes, I comend
(gentle reader) vnto thy curteous consideration, wish-
inge vnto thee, much profite by perusing this treatise,
vnto the authour, much prayer according to his deserts,
to my kinsman (who nowe attepteth to prove the same
discouery) happy returne, and to my selfe, some
thankes and none ill will, for my presumption.

"So that the Authour being thereby incouraged, may
be the more willing hereafter to publishe some other
well worthy which he hath in readinesse, and whereof
hee hath made me alreadie an eyedwitnes. Farewell.

"From my lodging where I march amongst the
Muses for lacke of exercise in Martiall exploytes, this
12 of April 1576.

"A friend to all well

"willing Readers.

"George Gascoine.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 109

**A Prophetical So

net of the same George Gascoine

vpon the commendable trauaile which

Sir Humfrey Gilbert hath dis

closed in this worke.

Men praise Columbus for the passing skil

Which he declared, in Cosmographie,
And nam'd him first (as yet we cal him stil)

The 2 Neptune, dubd by dignity
Americus Vesputius, for his paine,

Neptune the 3 ful worthely was named,
And Magellanus by good right did gaine,

Neptune the 4 ful fitly to be famed.
But al those three, and al the world beside,

Discouered not, a thing of more empricey
Then in this booke, is learnedly descride,

By vertue of my worthie friendes deuice,
Yf such successe, to him {as them) then fall,
Neptune the 5 we iustly may him call.

Tam Marti quam Mercurio."

The commendation of Dr. John Dee, referred to in
the foregoing, does not amount to a great deal. In the
preface to his Euclid, published in 1570, Dee contends
that the English ought to be the most expert seamen,
owing to the situation of their country, and that im-
portant discoveries of famous and rich countries could
be made if they were energetically undertaken. Not
mentioning Gilbert by name, he says: "And though,
of late, a young gentlemen, a courragious captaine,
was in great readiness, with good hope, and great
causes of persuasion, to have ventured for a discovery
(either westerly by Cape de Paramantic or easterly
above Nova Zembla) and was at the very nere tyme
of attempting, called and employed otherwise (both

no THE LIFE OF

then and since) in great good service to his country, as
the Irish rebels have tasted : Yet I say, if the same
Gentleman doo not hereafter deal therewith, some one
or other should listen to the matter."

Dee took great interest in all the voyages of dis-
covery of the day, and was afterwards an adventurer
or shareholder in the expeditions of both Frobisher and
Gilbert.

Gascoigne does not appear to be at all apologetic for
having in a manner cribbed Gilbert^s pamphlet, but
rather considers that he is doing the author a good
turn, and at the same time advancing the project of his
kinsman, Frobisher, by making public such an excellent
argument for the success of the undertaking.

Among the documents which Gilbert had in readi-
ness and of which Gascoigne was an "eyed-witness,"
was doubtless that fuller study on the North-West
Passage with which he had threatened his brother.
What would we not give to have it now ! Many
problems relating to the early voyages to the New
World would doubtless be cleared up by it, and
much new light shed on these earliest colonization
ideas.

Of the other "commendable exercises plainly per-
fected by his own penne," referred to by Gascoigne,
we have left to us an unpublished manuscript entitled
How Hir Majesty may annoy the King of Spain, and
a treatise called Queen Elizabeth's Achademy, It is
of the latter we wish first to speak.

The manuscript is preserved in the British Museum
in the form in which it was presented to Queen Eliza-
beth. It has been twice published in recent years, first
by Sir H. Ellis in Archceologia, and secondly by the
Early English Text Society, under the editorship of
Dr. Furnivall.

Sir H. Ellis is of opinion that it was presented to
Elizabeth in 1570, but with the fuller knowledge we
have of Gilbert's history we can be reasonably certain

Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 1584..

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 111

that it was one of those studies which occupied his
attention during his "loytering vacation from martial
stratagemmes " in the years 1573-6.

It may well have elicited Gascoigne*s praise, for it is
an elaborately prepared scheme for a University, in
some respects, even of a wider scope than the magni-
ficent educational institutions of the present day. But
while we are principally concerned in educating the
masses, Sir Humphrey devoted his attention to the
requirements of the classes, "the Queen's Wardes, and
others the youth of the nobility and gentry."

It had been a custom from Anglo-Saxon times for
Kings and great nobles to receive into their houses the
children, both male and female^, of relations and friends,
in order that they might be trained in courtly manners
and receive educational advantages unobtainable in
their own homes. In the Royal Court these wards were
originally called "Henxmen" or "Henchmen," and
were under the control of the Lord Chancellor, who
also held the post of Master of Wards.

From the number of treatises on manners and morals
written during the sixteenth century, principally in-
tended as a guide to the upbringing of these youths,
we gather that the practice was quite a common one.
Ben Jonson thus comments on the custom : —

" The noblest way
Of breeding up our youths in letters, arms,
Fair mien, discourses, civil exercises,
And all the blazon of a gentleman —
Where can he learn to vault, to ride, to fence,
To move his body gracefuUer, to speak
His language purer, or to turn his mind
Or manners more to the harmony of nature
Than in these nurseries of nobility ? "

The Early English Text Society collected and repub-
lished a number of the treatises above referred to, and
issued them under the title of The Bahees Bookf appro-
priately adopted from the first item contained in it.
The pictures given of life in a nobleman's family of

112 THE LIFE OF

the day are both interesting and amusing. The ele-
mentary character of the instructions conveys a very
distinct impression of the crudeness of the times. The
principal duty of the Wardes was to wait upon their lord's
table, and perform other menial offices, in return for
which they were trained in all courtly behaviour, and
educated after the fashion of the times. Class interest
was maintained by this custom ; a great noble would by
its means obtain a large number of friends and sup-
porters, the tendency of the youths being to continue
their allegiance to their protector, even after they had
withdrawn from his household.

Many of the treatises are a long series of "Don'ts."
"Don't pick your teeth, don't spit over the table, don't
gobble your soup, don't speak with your mouth full,
don't eat with your knife, and don't dip your meat in
the salt-cellar may be taken as examples of the directions
thought necessary for proper behaviour at meals.

Sir Nicholas Bacon, father of the great Lord Bacon,
was Master of the Wards in the early part of Elizabeth's
reign, and was succeeded in office by Sir William Cecil
in 1561. On his retirement he wrote a long letter to
Cecil, recommending many changes in the treatment of
the Wards. He said : *'That the proceeding hath been
preposterous appeareth by this; the chief thing the
most in price, in Wardship is the wardes mynde; and
next to that is his bodie; the last and meanest is his
land. Now hitherto the chiefe care of governance hath
been to the land, being the meanest; and to the bodie
being the better, very small; but the mynde, being the
best, none at all; which methinks is plainly to set the
carte before the horse." He then suggested a curri-
culum for them, which, if carried out, would certainly
have been efficient, so far as their education was
concerned.

Camden states that Cecil succeeded Sir Thomas
Parry and not Sir Nicholas Bacon in this office, "which
office he discharged, as he did all others, like a good

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 113

husband for the Queen and the Wards, very modestly
in respect to his private advantages, and not unprofit-
ably for his followers and dependants, though without
the least blemish to his integrity." Poor Wards ! The
management of their affairs must have amounted to a
popular scandal, and have been a continual subject of
discussion at Court. Sir Nicholas Bacon's recommenda-
tions passed unheeded, and no attempt was made by
Cecil to remedy the abuses.

Two notable treatises dealing with this subject had
just been published in England, Roger Ascham's
Scholemaster, 1570, and Sir Thomas Hobey's transla-
tion of Baldissare Castiglioni's Cortigiano or Courtier y
1561.

Of the latter William Michael Rossetti says : Castig-
lioni's ideal Courtier is a truly noble and gallant gentle-
man, furnished with all sorts of solid no less than
splendid qualities. His ultimate raison d'etre is, that
he should always, through good and evil report, tell
his sovereign the strict truth of all things which it
behoves him to know. The tone throughout is lofty,
and of more than conventional or courtly rectitude:
indeed the book as a whole is hardly what one asso-
ciates mentally with the era of Pagan Popes, of a
Caesar Borgia just cleared off from Romagne, and an
Alessandro di Medici impending over Florence." As
such it was an inspiring model for Humphrey Gilbert,
who saw his own associates falling so far short of its
standard.

Roger Ascham's little masterpiece is a model for
schoolmasters for all time. He was moved to write it
by hearing, when dining with Lord Burleigh, that
some Eton scholars, driven by the cruelty of their
masters had run away from college. While he wrote
more particularly for "my little children and poor
schoolhouse," he also had much to say about the youth
of the gentry and nobility. He wished to see the young
men "brought up in good order of living, and in some

114 THE LIFE OF

more severe discipline than commonly they be.'* . . .
"From seven to seventeen young men commonly be
carefully enough brought up. But from seventeen to
seven-and-twenty, (the most dangerous time of a man's
life and the most difficult to stay well in) they have
commonly the rein of all license in their own hands,
and specially such as do live at Court." . . . "The
fault is in yourselves, ye noblemen's sons, and there-
fore ye deserve the greater blame that commonly the
meaner men's children come to be the wisest counsellors
and greatest doers in the weighty affairs of this realm."
. . . "Therefore ye great and noblemen's children if
ye will have rightfully that praise and enjoy surely
that place which your fathers have and elders had, and
left unto you, ye must keep it as they got it, and that
is the only way of virtue, wisdom and worthiness."
Again he says: "Yet I hear say some young gentle-
men of ours count it their shame to be counted learned ;
and perchance they count it their shame to be counted
honest also, for I hear say that they meddle as little
with the one as the other. A marvellous case that
gentlemen should be so ashamed of good learning and
never a whit ashamed of ill manners."

As has been already related, Humphrey Gilbert in
his youth was probably brought under the influence of
good old Ascham, and having been a ward himself,
the publication of Ascham's little book and his own
experiences moved him to suggest a remedy for the
gross mismanagement in the upbringing of those unfor-
tunate lads who were deprived of their natural
guardians. Ascham deals only with the mental and
moral training of the young; Gilbert goes further, and
devises a complete scheme, not only for general educa-
tion, but in addition, for physical training and for
practical instruction jn every branch of knowledge
necessary to fit a young man for the service of his
country.

We learn from Gilbert that the custody of these

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 115

wards was often deputed to others. As an instance, in
1558, Queen Mary granted "the wardship and mar-
riage *' of the son of Sergeant Prideaux to the notorious
Thomas Stukely. They were farmed out, and the
farmers, seeing a profit in the transaction, were accus-
tomed to pay a douceur to the Commissioner for the
privilege. Naturally the education of the youths was
neglected shamefully. Gilbert says they were **for the
most parte brought up in idleness and lascivious
pastimes, estranged from all serviceable vertues to
their prince and countrey, obscurely drowned in educa-
tion, of purpose to abase their mindes, leaste, being
better qualified, they should disdaine to stoupe to the
marriage of such purchasers daughters " !

Gilbert suggested that an Academy should be erected
in London for their education, so that "there shall be
hereafter no gentleman within this realme but is good
for something; whereas now for the most parte of them
are good for nothing."

Gilbert went into the matter very thoroughly. He
enumerated all the professors, as we would now call
them, to be employed, the salaries to be paid them, and
the duties they were expected to perform. The first on
the list is the "scholemaster '* for Latin and Greek,
who was to be assisted by two ushers; next in order
are a "scholemaster " for Hebrew and another for Logic
and Rhetoric. Gilbert pauses here to accentuate the
importance of learning to speak one's own language
with fluency, to which end, the "choyse of wordes, the
buyldinge of sentences, the garnishment of figures, and
the other beauties of Oratorie *' were to be taught.
Oratory he considered a most important accomplish-
ment for those who were bound to do Knight's service.
The teaching of this art still leaves much to De desired,
at least in English schools.

A teacher of Moral Philosophy was to give instruc-
tion in both civil and martial politics, by which means
"they shall learn more at home than most old men do
I 2

116 THE LIFE OF

which have travelled furthest abroad." He considered
they would learn more wit and policy from these
lectures than from "schole learnings, and therefore
meetest for the best sorte, to whom it chiefly pertaineth
to have the managing of matters of estate and policy."
Chaucer is quoted in support of this opinion : ** For
the greatest schole clerkes are not always the wisest
men." ^

There were to be professors of mathematics and
geometry. One of the duties of the latter was to teach
the science of artillery, both in theory and practice.
All were to be taught "to ride, make ready and handle
a horse," and a soldier was to train them in all martial
exercises. The Professor of Mathematics was to pay
particular attention to teaching the art of navigation
with the knowledge of the necessary stars and the use
of nautical instruments. The model of a fully rigged
ship was to be provided, so that every part thereof
should be thoroughly understood.

A Doctor of Physic was to give instruction in what
we would call to-day "first aid to the wounded," and
was to explain the use of all "simples." He was also
to conduct experiments in chemistry, and was particu-
larly directed to give an account of them in plain
language, Gilbert*s experiences with Meadley no doubt
making this latter stipulation seem to him most neces-
sary. So thoroughly was the transmutation of metals
believed in, that an Act had been passed in Henry IV's
reign making the "Multuplication of metals" or coins
a penal offence. Gilbert desired that the professors of
the Academy should not be liable to punishment if their
experiments proved successful. The Doctor of Physic
was not only to deal in medicine, but also to give in-
structions in surgery, "by reason that Chirugerie is not
nowe to be learned in any other place than a Barber's

^ Roger Ascham, in his Scholemaster^ by the bye, refers to this as a
" lewd and spiteful proverb, sounding to the great hurt of learning
and shame of learned men."

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 117

shoppe, and in that shoppe most dangerous especially
in tyme of plague, when the ordinary trimming of men
for clenlynes must be done by those which have to
do with infected personnes.'* In this Gilbert showed
himself greatly in advance of his age. The association
of surgery and medicine was an entirely new idea, and
not in fact put in common practice until centuries
afterwards.

There was to be a lecturer on Civil Law, and another
in Divinity. A lawyer was to teach them the practice
of the law, — "it being most necessary that noblemen and
gentlemen should learne to be able to put their owne
case in law, and to have some judgement in the office
of a Justice of Peace and Sheriffe."

The French, Italian, Spanish and High Dutch
languages were to be taught by special instructors.

The lighter arts were not be neglected, "dauncing
and vawting *' and music were to be taught, each by its
own professor. Nearly all the treatises on education
at that time lay great stress upon the teaching of music,
although it is not generally mentioned in the curriculum
of the grammar schools.

Lastly the youths were to be instructed in that essen-
tially gentlemanly art — heraldry.

A University must necessarily have a library attached,
and for the support of this Gilbert asked for the follow-
ing important decree, that "all printers in England for
ever should be charged to deliver to the Library of the
Academy, at their own charges, one copy, well bounde,
of every booke, proclamacion, or pamphlet that they
shall printe." This suggestion, adopted later for the
British Museum Library, has occasioned it to become
one of the greatest collection of books the world has
known.

The total yearly cost for the upkeep of the Academy
was to be ;{^2,966 13s. ^d,y or, say, ^^24,000 of our
money, which cannot be considered expensive, seeing
the thorough and varied education provided.

118 THE LIFE OF

In addition to their scholastic duties the professors
of the Academy were required to issue a series of pub-
lications at stated intervals, embodying the results of
their studies and experiments, a plan which is followed
by many modern universities. Gilbert's intention was
not only that the public should benefit by the learning
of the University, but that the glory of the founder
should be held in remembrance, which was to be
emphasized by a sermon to be preached on the ani-
versaries of the birth, and ascension to the Throne, of
the Virgin Queen.

Gilbert further urged on behalf of his proposal that
book learning only was to be obtained at Oxford and
Cambridge, and that all gentlemanly accomplishments
were entirely neglected there. His dominant idea was
to train the youth of the gentry to be of service to their
country y who "in times past knew nothing but how to
hollow a hound or to lure the hawk." Ascham says :
"Commonly the young gentlemen of England go un-
willingly to school, but run fast to the stable." The
State had more interest in education of children than
either parents or guardians, therefore attendance at the
Academy was to be made compulsory.

He apostrophizes Elizabeth, as the only means of
bringing "this seely frozen island into everlasting
honour." In the future when the face of an English
gentleman appeared it would be known that he was
either a soldier, philosopher, or courtier, and "no
gentleman within the realm but good for somewhat,
whereas nowe, the moste part of them are good for
nothinge."

He ends his dissertation with a peroration in his
usual lofty style : " Better is it to have Renoune among
the good sorte than to be lorde over the whole world.
For so shall your Majesty make yourself to live among
men for ever and therewithall bring yourself into
Godde's favour, so farre as the benefits of goode workes
may prevaile."

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 119

But Elizabeth must have been getting used to Gil-
bert's high-flown proposals by that time, and his
treatise was most carefully filed away. The niggard-
liness, which left unpaid and half starved the sailors of
the fleet that defeated the Armada, was not likely to
expend any such sum on education as Gilbert pro-
posed. A scholar herself, we are not aware that Eliza-
beth ever evinced any extraordinary desire to educate her
people.

But at least the proposition does credit to Gilbert's
heart and head. As a writer in a recent number of the
Spectator says : ** It was a scheme fitting a great mind
in a great age, when a new sense of responsibility was
being called out to meet the new great needs of the
time : and it was a scheme worthy the heroic temper
of a man determined always to live and die in this mind
— that he is not worthy to live at all that for fear, or
danger of death, shunneth his country's service and
his own honour seeing death is inevitable and the fame
of virtue immortal ! "

This writer urges the adoption for present day needs
of Gilbert's great idea, that the end and aim of educa-
tion was the service of the State, and urges that
Patriotism should be included in the curriculum of
every school.

It is interesting to note the growing popularity of
Empire Day, devoted to the inculcation of this some-
what neglected virtue into the minds of the school
children of the Empire, and to find one of the great
London dailies quoting Humphrey Gilbert's long for-
gotten treatise in connection therewith.

Thus Gilbert's work is not entirely lost, and may
bear some fruit even at this far-off date.

CHAPTER VIII

•1574-1577

Gilbert now put aside all extraneous occupations, and
devoted himself wholly to the great purpose of his life.
Ever since his first fruitless attempt to organize an
expedition to seek out Cathay, the goal of so many
maritime aspirations before and since, he had been
maturing his plans for another attempt. Although
busily engaged in the service of his Queen and country,
we find his master passion asserting itself again and
again, well-known geographers and adventurers were
sought out and questioned, and his studies in navigation
and seamanship steadily pursued. He felt that the time
was ripe for another attempt.

The Merchant Adventurers' Company had done nothing
to justify their jealous opposition to his original plan.
They had maintained their trade with Russia, but had
since made no attempt for Cathay, either by the north-
east or north-west. But they still pursued their dog in
the manger policy, forcing Gilbert to direct his energies
to another latitude. As the north-west route was barred
to him, he decided to go south, to the temperate zone
on the other side of the equator, where he would be free
from monopolists. The London merchants and the
Merchant Adventurers were not invited to share in this
enterprise, it was reserved for his own particular friends
and fellow-countrymen of Devon ; the close of the
negotiations being apparently celebrated by a dinner,
which was given to Sir Humphrey and others by the
Municipality of Plymouth, the cost of which was duly
entered in their records. The plan of the expedition
was summed up in a petition to her Majesty dated

120

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 121

March 22, 1574. It is not signed, but is endorsed as
follows —

"Supplicated of certen gents in ye Weste partes for a
newe navigacion.

"Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir George Peckham, Mr.
Carlisle, Sir R. Grenville, and others — voiages."

Sir George Peckham was a moderate Roman Catholic,
a lifelong friend of Gilbert, and an executor of his will.
Mr. Carlisle was a son-in-law of Walsingham, and ten
years later proposed himself to carry on Gilbert's
colonial enterprises; and the brave Sir Richard Gren-
ville, the glorious finish of whose life at "Flores in the
Azores " will ever thrill the British heart, was a cousin
on the Gilbert side of the house.

On the same day the same " gents of the west parts "
solicited the support of the Lord High Admiral in
another petition. The first document is a short one.
Permission is asked to embark upon an enterprise for
the discovery of rich and unknown lands, "Fatally, and
as it seemeth by God's providence, reserved for Eng-
land and for the honour of Your Majesty." The most
attractive feature of the petition to the parsimonious
Elizabeth was that these adventurous "gents" proposed
to fit out the expedition at their own costs and charges.
They asked only for her gracious permission to sail,
and her blessing. If they were successful, and a new
and lucrative trade were developed as the result of their
expedition, they asked for a monopoly of the same.
The introduction of Christianity and the blazoning
abroad of her Majesty's sovereignty and noble virtues
were added inducements.

The petition to the Lord High Admiral is much more
explicit. The preamble asks that he would take the
affair into his protection and commend the same to
her Majesty. The details of the enterprise are then
specified under the following heads : — ^

" The matter hitself that has offred to be attempted.
"That hit is feasible.

122 THE LIFE OF

"What means we have commodiously to atchieve it.

"The commodities to grow of hit.

"An answer to such difficulties and matters as may
be objected.

"That there is no injurie off red to any Prince or
Contrey or an offence of amitie."

"The offre for performance thereof wt^oute Her
Majesty's charge or adventure."

The countries which they designed to explore lay to
the south of the equator, beyond any then occupied by
either Spain or Portugal, where the climate was similar
to that of England. They claimed to have ships of their
own well prepared, and English mariners and sailors
to whom the way thither almost was already known.
This is an interesting statement, as at that time English
mariners are not recorded as having been further south
than the West Indies and the Spanish Main. The
advantage of trading to a country of like climate to
England would be that English cloths would find a
ready sale there. As the Portuguese had monopolized
the East, the Spaniards the West, and the French the
North, the South only was left for the English, to whom
in times past all the others had been first offered. The
writers refer, no doubt, to the offer said to have been
made by Columbus to Henry VII; they also appear to
ignore the title of England to the north parts by reason
of Cabot's discovery. They dilated on the advantages
which would accrue to England from the increase of
navigation, the importation of gold, silver, and spices
direct, instead of through Spain, the employment of the
idle populace in the manufacture of goods to be
exported, and the introduction of Christianity "without
the errors of papistry."

To the objections which they imagined would be
offered, probably the result of controversies with the
faint-hearted, they boasted that they would be strong
enough to withstand any attacks from the Spaniards
or Portuguese, and besides they did not intend to enter

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 123

their ports, but to continue south to the temperate zones.
As to the dispeopling of England, was not England
overrun with people who could not be supported and
were driven to commit crimes, for which they were daily
executed? Instead of causing the waste or decay of
mariners and shipping, these distant voyages would
occasion a great development of the merchant marine;
it was absurd to say that these mariners might be absent
on distant voyages when they might be urgently needed
at home, for in that case they had better not go out
of English waters at all.

They had no intention of touching at Spanish or
Portuguese possessions except in the way of friendly
traffic, the principle of which had been already admitted
in the case of Hawkins. Not only had traffic been
permitted, but possession and planting of people also,
as in the case of Stukely, who pretended that he was
going to Florida. The French, although acknowledg-
ing the authority of the Pope, had not hesitated to
attempt colonization in both Florida and Brazil ; it was
therefore hardly to be expected that other nations, not
acknowledging the Pope, and not parties to the agree-
ment, should be bound by his decision.

The petitioners intended to fit out for the expedition
four ships at a cost of ;^5ooo.

All they asked from the Queen was permission to
make the voyage, exclusive privileges of trade with the
countries discovered, and **specialle orders to be
appointed by Her Majestic for the stablishing of Her
Majestie's dominion and amitie in such places as they
shall arrive unto."

Nothing more is heard of these petitions. It is
possible that Elizabeth refused her consent at the in-
stance of Spain ; it is possible that the petitioners them-
selves were not able to put their intention into practice.
Just at this time also Frobisher began to agitate for a
voyage towards Cathay by the north-east. As we have
heard, he had been associated with Gilbert in Ireland,

124 THE LIFE OF

and probably imbibed some of his enthusiasm for
discovery.

We learn, from a letter written by Michael Lok, in
the latter part of 1576 or early 1577, that in 1574, the
Privy Council wrote to the Muscovy Company, sug-
gesting that it was time for them to attempt again to
find the north-east passage to Cathay, and recommend-
ing Frobisher for the purpose. The Company took the
matter into consideration but came to no decision.
Frobisher then obtained another letter from the Queen,
or Privy Council, calling upon the Company either to
undertake the enterprise themselves or to grant him
permission to do so. During the controversy he
changed the direction of his plan from the north-east to
the north-west. It has been generally asserted that the
publication of Gilbert's Discourse of a N,W, Passage
occasioned Frobisher's voyage, but as the publication
took place in May, and Frobisher started a few weeks
afterward, the statement requires qualification. Lok
distinctly disclaims it. He made Gilbert's acquaintance
at Easter 1575, and learned that he had been for many
years "a great good wilier to the enterprise." He grants
that the object of the publication of the Discourse was
the encouragement of the voyage, "although to say the
truthe without giving offence, neither that boke, coming
out so late, nor his former discourses " were the origin
of the expedition, which had been decided on long
before.

This was Lok's point of view. But considering the
previous friendship of Gilbert and Frobisher, and that
Gascoigne borrowed Gilbert's treatise because his kins-
man Frobisher was contemplating a like enterprise, it
is reasonable to conclude that Gilbert largely influenced
both the inception and direction of Frobisher's voyages.
Gascoigne would undoubtedly have at once shown the
Discourse to Frobisher, or that the latter had already
seen it, for it is more than probable that he was early
in consultation with Gilbert.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 125

Gilbert was a member of the Merchant Adventurers'
Company, and he was one of the subscribers to, or
"adventurers" in Frobisher's expedition. There was
therefore no jealousy, but, on the contrary, suggestion,
advice, and pecuniary assistance. Frobisher's voyages
can be reasonably said to have been the outcome of
Gilbert's agitation. The mere attempt by Lok to dis-
prove it shows there was at the time a tendency to give
him the credit of starting the enterprise.

Camden gives the whole merit of the idea to Gilbert.
He says: "At this time some studious heads, moved
with a commendable desire to discover the more remote
regions of the World and the secrets of the Ocean, put
forward some well moneyed men, no less desirous to
reap profit by it, to discover whether there were any
Strait in the north part of America, through which men
might sail to the nigh country of Cathay, and so the
wealth of the East and West might be conjoined by a
mutual commerce. These learned men argued, etc."
He then quotes largely from Gilbert's Discourse, with-
out, however, mentioning it by name ; and finally gives
a short account of Frobisher's expeditions. Cause and
effect could not be clearer shown.

It is curious to note that the opponents of colonization
argued that, by it, England would be denuded of her
population, and that those who were in favour of it
urged, on the other hand, that it would relieve England
from pauperism and overcrowding. The latter theory
was originated by Gilbert in his Discourse, and,
strangely enough, it seems gradually to have out-
weighed the contrary argument. It was used with much
effect by the colony planters of the early seventeenth
century.

The fear of Spain and the authority of the Pope were
still matters for mighty consideration, and Gilbert and
his associates found it necessary to assemble arguments
to prove that neither one nor the other should be
regarded. The Popes' division of the world between

126 THE LIFE OF

Spain and Portugal no doubt greatly retarded foreign
adventure while England was Catholic, but to Protestant
England it was une quantite negligeable. And as
for Spain, had not Hawkins already bearded her in
her most treasured stronghold?

The proposed enterprise required both moral and
physical courage, and with these attributes the West
Countrymen were well endowed.

No. I, Vol. I, of the State Papers, Colonial Series,
is entitled, "Pointes sett down by the Committee
appointed to confer with Mr. Carlisle, etc.," and the
date of 1574 is attributed to it. The editor thought it
to be a commentary upon the petition of Gilbert, which
we have just been considering. This is, however, an
error. The paper appears in Hakluyt's Voyages under
its proper date of 1583, and is a reply to a petition of
Carlisle of the same period. It is rather a pity that
the Colonial State Papers should have begun with an
error.

Frobisher's voyage in 1576 attracted a great deal of
attention, not only because it appeared to support the
theory of a North- West Passage to Cathay, but also
because of the accidental finding of a piece of gold ore
which ** kindled a great opinion in the heartes of many
to advance the voyage again." A company was formed
with the ambitious title of "The Company of Kathai,"
in which the Queen, Lord Burleigh, Walsingham,
Leicester, and many notable lords and ladies of the
Court became ''venturers," Of the success, or rather
the failure of Frobisher's voyages we are not par-
ticularly concerned. The acquisition of "gold ore" far
outweighed the desire to discover the North- West Pas-
sage, and to this vice of greed was attributed at the
time the failure to find the passage. The stones with
which they freighted their vessels, Camden says, "when
neither gold nor silver nor any other metal could be
extracted from them, we have seen cast forth to mend
the highways."

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 127

One part of the plan for Frobisher's last voyage seems
particularly to betray the hand of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
It was designed that loo men should be left in Meta
Incognita to inhabit and possess the land, to form an
outpost on the pathway to Cathay, and to guard the
mines already found. A timber house was taken, all
ready to be set up, and it was arranged for lOO men
under the leadership of Capt. Fenton to remain over
the winter. But Frobisher found it impossible to carry
out this intention. So much of the provision for the
fleet was destroyed by leakage, that the provisions
which had been intended for this little colony had to
be taken for the voyage home. The timber for the
house, and the coal were landed. Remains of the latter
were found by Capt. Hall in 1865 on an island in
Frobisher*s Straits, called by the Eskimos "Kodlu-
narn," or white man's island, thus showing that the
tradition had remained for nearly 300 years.

The next document to engage our attention is pre-
served at the State Paper Office, and is endorsed "A
discourse How Hir Majesty may annoy the King of
Spayne, November 6, 1577." A signature appears at
the end, which has been much defaced, but can yet be
made out as "H. GYLBERTE." A doubt has there-
fore been raised as to the authorship. Froude considers
it to have been written by some "inspired old sea dog,'*
but makes no attempt to decide who. Others have
attributed it to Hawkins. There seems, however, to be
but little doubt that the signature which has been erased
denotes the real authorship. It is not in Gilbert's hand-
writing, but the matter, the style, and the succeeding
events all point to Gilbert as the author. We can be
sure that the erasure was not made by the author, who
could have had no possible object in concealing his
identity from the Queen and Council. Reasons will
be advanced later which will probably account for the
action. It is to be noted also that the signature, so far
as it can be made out, is "H. GYLBERTE," which is

128 THE LIFE OF

the way Sir Humphrey always spelt his name, while
others spelt it in almost every other possible way except
this.

The luse of the word "annoy" in the title seems
almost humorous when we consider the nature of the
proposed "annoyance."

The writer apologizes for touching upon affairs of
State, as he is but a "syllie member" of the Common-
wealth.^

"But, in their country's service the meanest and
simplest ought not to yeild themselves second to the
wisest and best.

"And so to the matter."

He pointed out that England's policy differed greatly
from that of the Continental Powers, and he would
therefore "spyn a thread propper for our English
loomes."

If England were to endure as a nation she must com-
mand the sea. This "inspired old sea dog" saw as
clearly as our modern publicists that England's safety,
nay, her very existence, depended upon her being
powerful enough at sea to ward off any blow that might
be directed at her. But in opposition to our modern
ideas he held that to compass this safety it was as
necessary to cripple the enemy as to strengthen one-
self. He said : " I hold it as lawful in christian policie
to prevent a mischief betimes as to reveng it to late."
Was not the malicious disposition of England's arch-
enemy, Spain, manifestly seen ? It was folly to wait
until the enemy had matured his plans and was ready
to attack you. Take every advantage you can and
attack him first before he accomplishes your un-
doing.

Elizabeth is adjured to seek God's kingdom and to
treat as "Mermayde's songs and sweet poisons" the
advances of those of a different religion, for no assur-

* The word " syllie " is used in the sense of humble, or rude ; in
which sense it is also used in Queen Elizabeth's Achademy.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 129

ance could be placed in such leagues. " It is more than
tyme to pare their nayles to the stumpes, that are most
ready prest to pluck the crown from your highnes head."
Therefore, all Papists and suspected adherents of Eng-
land's enemies should be quietly and firmly suppressed.
Then, before they can get breath, a swift and deadly
blow must be struck at the naval power of Spain.

The scheme now proposed would hardly recommend
itself to modern politicians, but then no doubt it seemed
quite in order. Under colour of Letters Patent for the
discovery and inhabiting of St. Lawrence Island, the
countries in the north lately discovered by Frobisher, or
elsewhere, a fleet was to be prepared which should sail
for "N.L." (meaning, of course, Newfoundland). There,
every summer, were assembled large numbers of fishing
vessels from Spain, Portugal, and France. While the
fleets were scattered and the men away fishing, these
vessels were to be taken piecemeal. The best were to
be brought back and the poorest destroyed. We are
left to guess what was to be done to the unfortunate
fishermen. The measure which the Spaniards meted
out to the crews of Hawkins's fleet was no doubt to be
measured to them again. If not actually slain in the
encounter, they would have been left to provide for
themselves in a desolate and uninhabited country,
where they would be powerless to help their country's
navy. The Spaniards and Portuguese were to be par-
ticularly selected for attack, the French to be spared as
far as possible. The writer proposed to undertake this
fell design without any cost to her Majesty; indeed, he
expected to make considerable profit, for the Newfound-
land fish, cautiously indicated by two letters, ''N.F.,"
"is a principal and rich and everywhere vendible
merchandise, and by the gayne thereof, shipping,
victuall, munition, and the transporting of five or six
thousand soldiers may be defrayed."

The captured vessels were to be taken into Holland
or Ireland, or, masquerading as pirates, they were to

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180 THE LIFE OF

•harbour in some unfrequented part of Her Majesty's
[coasts, under the protection of some friendly Vice-
:Admiral, where six months' provision of food and four
^of drink were to be stored ready for their return.

Gilbert had profited by his experience in the Low
Countries, and in excuse for this covert attack upon a
country with whom England was nominally at peace,
suggested that the Queen and Council should disclaim
any knowledge of it. So far as they were concerned it
was a colonization enterprise, and the friendly Vice-
Admiral, who was to shelter them, was to be made the
scapegoat and "afterwards committed to prison as in
displeasure of the same."

Gilbert knew his Queen well, — no expense and much
gain, a blow at her enemies and no blame; — a better
scheme couldn't have been devised.

If it were feared that this attack would end in break-
ing off commercial relations with Spain and Portugal,
and the price of tropical commodities thereby enhanced,
it was proposed to follow up the attack. With the profits
of the first enterprise an expedition was to be imme-
diately fitted out for the "W.L" The "S" were to be
driven out, and the country subdued to the Crown of
England. *'By which meanes your Majesty's doubtfull
frendes or rather apparaunt enemyes shall not only be
made weake and poor, but therewith yourself and your
realme made strong and riche, both by sea and lande,
as well there as here."

When the enemy's shipping was destroyed and no
means left them to maintain shipping, then "of force
this realme being an Island shalbe discharged from all
forraine perills, if all the Monarchies of the world should
join against us." He then prophetically sees England
"Mistress of the Seas," and none able to cross them
without her permission.

If the Queen approves of the enterprise, he will then
give full particulars for the attack on the "W.I."

The "Discourse " then closes, in Gilbert's usual style,
with an impassioned and poetic appeal: "But if your

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 181

Majesty like to do it at all, then would I wish your High-
ness to consider that delay doth often tymes prevent the
performaunce of good thinges; for the winges of man's
life are plumed with the feathers of death. And so
submitting my self to your Majestis favourable judge-
ment, I cease to trouble your highness any further.
Novembris 6, 1577.

" Your Mates, most faithful
"Servaunte and subject."

Connected with the above is another paper also bear-
ing the title, "A Discourse how her Maiestie may meete
with and annoy the King of Spaine." It is apparently
intended to supplement the former, and gives particulars
of the attack upon the West Indies, which he had
advocated.

The enormities of the Church of Rome and the horrors
of the Inquisition are dilated upon. England would
certainly be attacked as soon as the time arrived, but
the King of Spain must be taught that peace at any
price would be better for him than war with England —
a sentiment which, extraordinarily enough, was after-
wards voiced by the well-known Spanish proverb, "Con
todo el mundo guerra, y paz con Inglaterra." A
description then follows of Cuba and Hispaniola, which
could be taken with but little risk; in addition, a fleet
could be sent to the Bermudas, and from that coign of
vantage pounce upon the returning Spanish galleons.
The West Indies was Spain's most vulnerable point,
and a blow struck there would be felt more seriously
than elsewhere. Let England attack the West Indies,
and the King of Spain would have little heart for
making trouble in Europe.

On the day that the first " Discourse " was signed,
Nov. 6, 1577, Sir Humphrey Gilbert had an interview
with Dr. Dee at Mortlake. This interesting personage,
scientist, astrologer, and alchemist, w as greatly interested
in the nautical enterprises of the day, and was consulted
by many of the voyagers, but whether in pursuit of

K 2

182 THE LIFE OF

information or to get their horoscopes cast, is open to
question. No significance attached to the visit noted
above, so far as can be ascertained, but another entry in
Dr. Dee's Diary, under date August 5, 1578, is of con-
siderable importance, as will be seen later.

The style of these "Discourses" is unmistakably Gil-
bert's; the suggestion that a patent for colonization
should be used as a subterfuge, also points to him as the
author. He was the only one at that time who had any
idea of colonization, and he no doulbt intended the plan
he proposed as an extra inducement for the issuance of
his Patent. That the Queen should disclaim all know-
ledge of the attack on the Newfoundland fishing fleets
is a lesson that Gilbert had learned in Holland, to his
sorrow. If the plan were to succeed, it must be kept an
inviolable secret, hence the rather futile device of indicat-
ing important places by letters only. After it had been
received and studied by the Council it was even thought
desirable that Gilbert's name should be erased. Spain
had spies everywhere and watched every move.

A few months afterward the long-looked-for Letters
Patent were granted, ostensibly for colonization only;
and as soon as possible he departed with a powerful
fleet, the most important that had ever sailed from
England; but its constitution was hardly that of a
colonizing expedition ; its preparation had been hurried,
and its destination and movements were so carefully
concealed that it is difficult now to learn anything about
them. As to the destination, the only hint we have is
the entry in Dr. Dee's Diary above referred to. It
reads : "Mr. Reynolds of Bridewell tok his leave of me
as he passed toward Dartmouth to go with Sir Umfrey
Gilbert toward Hocheleya." It will be remembered that
in the "Discourse," St. Lawrence Island is suggested as
the destination of the pretended colonization expedition.
The connection between these " Discourses " and Gilbert's
Letters Patent seems to be clearly established, but in the
Letters Patent, now to be considered, there is no hint
of any such purpose as is displayed by the "Discourses" ;

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 133

on the contrary, piracy, or any attack upon the ships or
territory of a friendly prince, is forbidden with suspicious
insistence, considering the practice of the times.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII

"A Discourse how hir Maistie may annoy
"the Ki. of Spayne.

''Nov. 6thy 1577.

"I am bowld (most excellent Soueraigne) to exercise
my pen touching matters of state, because I am a syllie
member of this Comon Weale of England, and doe not
offer myself therein as an Instructor, or a reformer, but
as a Welwiller to yo Mstie. and my Countrie, wherein
the meanest or simplest ought not to yeeld them selves
second to the best, or wisest. In wch. respect I hope to
be pdoned, if through want of judgement I be mistaken
herein. And so to the matter.

"The safety of Principates, Monarchies, and Comon
Weales rest chiefly on making theire enemies weake,
and poore, and themselves strong and rich. Both wch.
god hath specially wrought for yor. maties. safety, if
yor. highness shall not overpas good opportunities for
the same, when they are offered. For yor. neighbs.
infelicities through civill warres, hath weakened and im-
poverished them both by sea, and land. And hath
strengthened yor. Mates. Realme, both by throne, and
thother, wch. thinge is so manyfest, that it weare more
then in vayne, to go about to prove the same, And for
that this yor. Mates. Realme of England requireth other
consideracons then those wch. are of ther continent, I
will omitt them, and spyn a threed propper for o'
English homes. First yo' highnes owght undoubtedly
to seeke the kingdome of heaven, and upon that foun-
dacon to beleeve that there can never be constant, and
firme league of amytie betwene those princes, whose

184 THE LIFE OF

division is planted by the woorme of thier conscience.
So that their leagues and fayre wordes, ought to he held
but as Mermaydes songes, sweete poysons, or macque-
sites, that abuse wth. outward plawsabilytie, and gay
showes. For in troth as in such leagues there is no
assurance, so Christian princes ought not for any
respect to combyne them selves in amytie, wth. such
as are at open and professed warres wth. god himself e.
For non est consilium omnino contra Deum. So that
no state or comon weale can florishe, where the first and
principall care is not for goddes glorie, and for thadvans-
ing of the pollisies of his spirituall kingdom, wch. done,
yo' matie. is to think that it is more then tyme to pare
theire nayles by the stumpes, that are most readie prest
to pluck the crowne (as it were in despite of god) from
yo' highnes head, not only by foraine force ; but also
by stirring up of home factions. And therefore the best
waie is first to purge, or at least wise to redresse yo'
owne kingdome of theire suspected adherentes, I meane
not by banishment, or by fire, and sworde, but by
dimynishing theire habilities by purse, creditt and force.
Then to forsee by all diligente meanes, that yo* sus-
pected neighbors may not have opportunity to recover
breath whereby to repayre theire decayed losses; which
for yo' safetie is principally to be don, by the farther
weakening of their navies, and by p'serving and
increasing of yo' owne.

"And the deminishing of their forces by sea is to be
done eyther by open hostilytie, or by some colorable
meanes ; as by geving of lycence under Ires, patentes to
discover and inhabyte some stranne place, wth. speciall
proviso for their safetyes whome pollisy requyreth to
have most anoyed by which means the doing of the
contrarie shalbe imputed to the executors fawlt; yo'
highnes Ires, patentes being a manyfest shew that it was
not yo' Mates pleasure so to have it. After the publick
notyse of wch. in fact, yo' Matie is either to avowe the
same (if by the event thereof it shall so seme good) or
to disavowe both them and the fact, as league breakers,

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 135

leaving them to pretend yt as done wthout yo' privitie,
either in the service of the prince of Orange or other-
wise.

"This cloake being had for the raigne, the way to
worke the feate is to sett forth under such like colour
of discoverie, certayne shippes of warre to the N.L. wch.
wth. yo' good licence I will undertake wthout yo' Maties.
charge; in wch. place they shall certaynely once in the
yeere meete in effecte all the great shipping of France,
Spayne, and Portyngall, where I would haue take and
bring awaye wth. these fraygthes and ladinges the best
of those shippes and to burne the worst, and those that
they take to carrie into Holland or Zeland, or as pirattes
to shrowd them selves for a small time uppon yo'
Mastes' coastes, under the friendship of come certayne
vice-admirall of this Realme, who may be afterwardes
comitted to prison, as in displeasure for the same, against
whose returnes, six months provision of bread, and fower
of drinck to be layd in some apt place : together with
municion to serve for the number of five or six thou-
sand men, wch. men wth. certaine other shippes of warr
being in a readynes, shall p'tend to inhabit St. Lawrence
Island, the late discouered Contries in the North, or else-
where, and not to ioyne wth. the others but in some
certaine remote place at sea.

"The setting forth of shipping for this service will
amounte to no great matter, and the returne shall cer-
tainely be wth. great gayne, for the N.F. is a principal!
and rich and everie where vendible merchandise : and
by the gayne thereof, shipping, victuall, munition, and
the transporting of five or six thousand soldiers may be
defrayed.

" It may be sayd that a fewe shippes cannot possibilie
distres so many : and that although by this service yow
take or destroy all the shipping you find of theirs in
those places : yet are they but subiectes shippes, theire
owne p'ticular navies being nothing lesoned thereby,
and therefore theire forces shall not so much be
diminyshed, as yt is supposed, whereunto I answere : —

136 THE LIFE OF

''There is no doubt to perform it wthout danger. For
although they may be many in number, and great of
burthen, yet are they furnished with men, and munition,
but like fishers, and when they come upon the coastes,
they do awaies disperse them selves into sundry portes,
and do disbarke the most of their people into small
boates for the taking, and drying of theire fish, leauing
fewe or none abore theire shippes, so that there is as
little doubt of the easye taking and carrying of them
away : as of the decaying hereby of those princes forces
by sea. For theire owne proper shippinges are very
fewe, and of small forces in respect of the others, and
thiere subiectes shipping being once destroyed yt is
likely that they will never be repaired, partly through
the decaye of the owners, and p'tly through the losses
of the trades whereby they mainteyned the same. For
euerie man that is hable to build shippes doth not dis-
pose his wealth that waye, so that their shipping being
once spoyled, yt is likely that they will neuer be
recouered to the like number and strength, but if they
should, yt will require a long time to season timber for
that purpose, all wch. space we shall have good oppor-
tunity to proceed in our farther enterprises. And all the
meanetyme the foresayd princes shall not only be
disapointed of theire forces as aforesayd, but also lesse
great revenues, whch. by traffick they formerly gayned;
and shall therewthall endure great famine for want of
such necessarie victualles &ces. as they former enioyed
by those voyages.

"It may also be obiected that although this may be
done in act, yet is it not allowable, being against yo'
Mates, league, for although by the reach of reason mens
les may be obscured, yet unto God nothing is hidden,
wch. 1 answere thus : —

"I hold it as lawfull in Christian pollicie to pVent
a mischief betimes : as to reveng it to late, especiallie
seing that god him selfe is a party in the common
quarrells now a foote, and his enemy malitiouse dis-
position towardes yo' highnes, and his church mani-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 137

festlie seen although by godes mercifull providence not
yet thoroughlie felt.

"Further it may be saide that if this should be done by
Englishmen under what colour soever they should
shrowd themselves, yet will that cut us of from all
trafficke wth those that shalbe annoyed by such meanes ;
and thereby utterlie undoe the state of merchandise,
decay the mayntenance of the shipping of this Realme
and also greatly diminishe yo' mates' customes to whch
I replie thus : —

"To p*vent these danngers (that although yo' highnes
may at the first distres both the French, Spanyshe, and
Portengall yet there needeth none to be towched but the
Spaniardes, and Portengall, or the Spaniards alone) by
the w^ant of whose trafficke there is no necessity of such
decaye and losses as p'tly appeared by the late restrainte
betwene yo' Masty' and them. And the forces of the
Spaniards, and Portingalls, being there so much decayed
as aforesaid; The French of necessitie shalbe brought
under your highnes lye assuring yo' msty' the case
being as it is, it were better a thousand folde thus to
gayne the start of them, rather then yerely to submitt
o' selves subiect to haue all the merchanntes shippes of
this Realme stayed in their handes; whereby they shal
be armed at our costes, to beate us with roddes of our
owne making, and ourselves thereby spoyled both of
our owne wealth and strength.

"And touching the contynuance of traffick wherewth
to increase and maintaine our shipping, and yo' mates
revenues, and also to provide that the prices of sotherne
wares shall not be inhannced to the detriment of the
Comon Weale there may be good meanes found for the
p 'venting thereof, as hereafter followeth : —

" It is true if we shold indure the losse of those trades,
and not recover those commodities by some other
meanes, that then yo' Maty might be both hindred in
shippinge, and customes, to the great decaie of the
Comon Weale.

"But if yo' highnes will permit me with my associates

138 THE LIFE OF

eyther overtly or covertly to perfourme the aforesaide
enterprise : then with the gayne thereof there may be
easely such a competent companie transported to the
W.I. as may be hable not only to disposses the S.
thereof, but also to possesse for ever yo' Matie and
Realme therewth, and thereby not only be countervail,
but by farr to surmount wth gaine, the aforesaid sup-
posed losses : besides the gowld and silver mynes, the
profitt of the soyle, and the inward and outward customs
from thence. By wch meanes yo' highnes doubtfull
frendes, or rather apparante enemyes shall not be only
made weake and poore, but therewth yo' selfe, and
Realme made strong and rich, both by sea, and by
lande, as well there, as here, and where both is wrought
under one, it bringeth a most happy conclusion. So that
if this may be well brought to passe (where of there is
no doubt), then have we hitt the mark we shott at, and
wonn the goale of our securities to the imortall fame of
yo' Matie, For when yo' enemyes shall not have ship-
ping, nor meanes left them wherby to maintayne
shipping to annoye yo' Matie nor your subiectes be any
longer enforced for want of other trades to submitt them
selves to the dannger of theire arrestes, then of force
this Realme being an Island shalbe discharged from all
forraine y'ills if all the Monarchies of the world should
ioyne against us, so long as Ireland shal be in safe
keping, the league of Scotland maintayned, and further
amitie concluded with the prince of Orange, and the
King of Denmark. By wch. meanes also yo' matie
shall ingraffe and glewe to yo' crowne, in effect all the
Northerne and Sotherne viages of the World, so that
none shalbe then well hable to crosse the seas, but subiect
to yo' highnes devocion : considering the great increase
of shippinge that will growe, and be mayntayned by
those long vyages, extending them selves so many
sundrie wayes. And if I may p'ceave that yo' highnes
shall like of this enterprise, then will I most willinglie
expresse my simple opinion, wch. waye the W.I. maye
wthout difficultie be more surprised, and defended

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 139

wthout wch resolution it were but labor lost, Bt if yo*
Matie like to do it at all, then wold I wish yo' highnes
to consider that delay doth often tymes prevent the
p'fourmaunce of good thinges : for the Winges of mans
life, are plumed wth the feathers of Death. And so
submitting my selfe to yo' Maties favourable iudgement
I cease to trouble yo' highnes any further.

Nouembris : 6. 1577.
"Yo' Maties most faithfull

"servannt and subiect."

Copy of note inserted in the Calendar of State Papers :
"This has been signed, but the signature has been
obliterated with a pen. It is, however, conjectured to be
H. GYLBERTE. In the following year Sir Humfrey
Gylberte received a patent for the occupation and settle-
ment of Newfoundland."

"A Discourse hoe hir Matie may meete with
"and annoy the K. of Spayne.

"It is most certaine and true that the king of Spayne
is wholie addicted to the Pope, and is the chiefe mayn-
tainer of the Romish religion, anH so hath sworne divers
and sundry tymes to mayntayne the Church of Rome to
the uttermost of his power, and thereby an enemie to all
others that be not of the same religion, Also the whole
troupe of Papists have reposed theire assured trust and
confidence in him, and so arest hopeing for a daie to
serve theire turne, wherefore so long as they be of that
religion and we of ours there can be betwene us and
them no good friendship.

"Also in like manner the Clergie of Spaine with the

140 THE LIFE OF

holye Inquisitores, finding them selves to have such
power in matters of rehgion as they have both ou the
king and all his subiectes, do not forget what they haue
to do in defence of theire quarrell, wherein wth all dili-
gence like carefull persons losing no tyme that may
serue for their purpose they execute the same to the
losse both of lyfe and goodes of diuers strangeres trading
into those Countries, wthout regard of any league or
amitie of any religious prince whatsoever.

"In like manner in all the dominions of the king of
Spaine, where the sayd Inquisitores and Clergie do and
may rule, the labour wth all diligence to make the people
beleve that only theire religion is the thing that most
pleaseth God, and that all other religions be abhominable
heresies whereby the people are brought to hold us to
be worse then Turkes, and that they may wth a goode
conscience do to us any harme as to a Turke or Sarasen,
assuringe themselves that in so doing they do God good
service : Thus theise men, having this rooted in theire
harts supersticon and false religion, must neades hate us
that seeke to advannce only the sincere and pure religion
of god according to his holy worde.

"Item also it is right well knowne that the Queenes
Mate, is the chief head of the Church of Christ and so
an enemie to the Church of Rome, whereby it is certaine
that the king of Spaine wth all those of his affinitie must
neades be enemyes to the Queenes Matie and the realme
of England. And it is most certayne if any time may
serue them they will execute their malice to the utter-
moste of their power, wthout any regard or respect of
friendship p'mysed, so that it is right neadefull to p*vide
before hand howe to be in a redines to wthstand theire
great malice and hatred. And although that the p'sent
necessity may breade some cloaked meanes of friendship,
yet this cankered sore must neades rype and breake
foorth to some great harme, happen it where and when
it will, unles god alter the matter, the wch he maye when
it pleaseth him, as it is most truly sayd man proposeth and
god disposeth. It is godes will that men do theire best

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 141

in all good causes, and then he will do the rest that they
cannot p'fourme to wthstand so great enemies, and
especiallie those that be meerely against the trewe
religion of god as the Spainiardes be.

"Item, who seeth not howe severe they be in Spaine in
the gou'ment and maintenannce of the matters of their
religion and how loose and careles we be in the maynte-
nance of ors ? It is therefore to be looked for whether
of those two is likelyest by mans reason to p'vayle. The
same doth bread great cause to put this matter in ques-
tion to feare the sequell and to p'vide for the same.

"Nowe theise matters considered, it is good cause to
pVide before hand howe and by what meanes such and
so great a prince as the king of Spaine is, wth all the
whole troupe of the Catholicks may best be withstanded
and most endamaged wth least charges to the Queenes
Matie, and most assurannce to the realme if at tyme he
shall move warr to the Queenes Matie, as by all the
reasons before alledged doth appeare that it is to be
doubted he will. Therefore, according to my dutie and
to the best af my poore knowledg, I do shewe hereafter
following by what meanes the king of Spaine may be
brought to knowe that any kinde of peace shalbe better
for him then warres wth. England.

"Although I knowe my self to be most unhable to take
upon me to set foorth such matter as I have p'mised in
such good order as it ought to be, to shewe by what
meanes the Queenes Matie may not only withstand the
king of Spayne if her grace be thereunto constrayned
but also mightely endamage him, yet for so much as I
have p'mysed the same, and as it is well knowne my
long travell into diuers Countries of dutie ought to
render some benefitt to this Countrie maketh me the
bolder to take this in hand, and specially because yo'
honor I trust will accept my good will and p'don this
my plaine manner of writing. And thus coming to
the matter that is p'mysed, I doe find that there is two
waies in especiall by the wch this may be done : The
same is to deale wth the king of Spaine in this West

142 THE LIFE OF

Indias, the wch landes is more estemed of him then any
other that he possesseth els where, and there he is
weakest and leste hable to ayde when any neade
requireth, and for the Queene's Matie nothing more
easyer or better to deale withall then that place, sth
leste charges and most assurannce and not certayne the
least of both theise wayes will so trouble him and
utterly overthrowe his trades into theise partes as
hetherto the like hath not been done, nor by any other
meanes that I knowe can be don.

"The first way by wch this may be done is to send
a power of men and Shippes to the Hand called His-
paniola, otherwise Sancta Domingo, and the Hand of
Cuba, wch be ioyned both together, and to set the men
a land and to take both the Hands, wch may easely be
done, because there is but fewe people in them both,
and those that be there, be only in the port townes by
the sea side, and wthin the land is fewe people, or none
at all. This being done, the place is such that hardly
any power can remoue them, and the places be such, as
it may let all the traude of the king of Spaine into the
Indias, and thus the sayd company being set a land
restes to be showed howe they may be pVided of victualls
for the tyme of their continuannce there if it shalbe
found neadfull to be so, the wch. is as hereafter
followeth : —

"First there is in the sayd Hand of Hispaniola great
abundance of Cattell of all manner of sortes, so that
there can be no lack of flesh to eate nor of good fish in
the Rivers and in the Sea, were the Company never
so many nor nev' so great.

"Item, for bread there is a roote called Juca, of the
wch is made good bread called Casserby, verie good as
they do use it, and sufficient to serue at all times for
any number of people that may go thither.

"Item, there is a great number of excellent good
horses of the breede of the Jennettes of Spaine, and
sufficient of number to serue and it be for fiue or six
thousand men, only they must carry saddells and bridells

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 148

with them wth other furniture, for as for horses there
can be no lack of them.

"Item, in the said Hand is great store of Mynes of
fyne gold, and in the Riuers is much found; There is
no better in the whole Indias and in great quantity, so
that being by skillfull men sought it will not only
countervaile all charges, but also yield great treasures
so long as the same is kept in the possession of whome
soew' it be.

"Item, there is great quantytie of sugers that many
tymes and yeerely there are great shippes laden of iii/
or V tonn a peece wch goeth day lie for Spaine, and
from thence laden to div's places of Christendome.

"Item, there is in the sayd Hand great number of
Negros, called in English Motions, that some tyme
were slaves and haue ronn away from theire mes, and
do dwell in many places of the Hand and haue wiues
and children and be valiant men; theise will gladly
receave ayde and libertie, and so they may be brought:
to do great service and be most desirous to finde such
an occasion.

"Item, in the sayd Hand is a Cittie named Santam
Domingo, by the wch name the sayd Hand is most
commonly called; it is of no great strength, nor the
people of no great knowledge howe to defend, nor of
any great number. There is also a fewe Spanyardes
in other portes of the said Hand but of no force, and
wthin the land there is no place inhabited wth Spani-
ardes. The saide Hand is one of the best in those partes
of the world in abundance of all thinges.

"The land of Cuba is a very healthfull and fertill Hand.
There is in the saide Hand great abundannce of Cattle
of all manner of sortes sufficient for a great number of
men, and for bread the said Cassaby and a grayne called
Maies wch. makes good bread; there is also great plenty
of great hennes and div's other fowles wth plentie of
fish both in the sea and in the Riuers. There is also
many good mynes of div's sortes of Mettalles as Copper
leade and silver, good portes for Shippes.

144 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

The second waie by wch the king of Spaine may
mightely be troubled when neade shall requier is by
taking of the fleetes that comes out of the Ilandes
homewardes for Spaine, in the wch cometh all the kinges
treasure and of the Subiectes also the wch treasure hath
been the principall aide wherewth to do all the great
artes that the Emperor Charles did in his tyme and the
pryde of t\ie Spanyardes to this day.

*'And the waye wherby to do this most aptly and not
to misse to meat wth the saide Fleetes in theire comyng
home into Spaine is to appoint the Shippes that shall be
neadef ull for the same to go from hence as secretly as
they may to the Hand of Bearmunda, wch Hand is distant
from the Canal or strait of Bahama 50 leagues through
wch strait the fleetes that come out of the Indias for
Spaine must neades come, and so they cannot faile to
meete with them in that place, but the fleetes passing
once the saide Hand may and do alter theire course, as
it wilbe hard to meete wth them afterwardes, and to set
upon them in the portes unles men can pointe theire
tymes so redily as they may come even when they be
readie to depart, wch cannot be done, the treasure will
not be aboard, and so no good to be done. There may
be many thinges more saide in this beahlfe wch I leave,
becaue the tyme will best shewe them when this shalbe
put in execution. It is also to be remembered that the
lest losse that may happe in any p'te of the Indias to
the king of Spayne wilbe more greavous unto him than
any losse that can happen to him els where, and this is
also most sure that the Queenes Matie at all tymes that
neede shall require shall doe more by this meanes wth
the charges of twentie thousand poundes then by any
other meanes with a hundreth thousand poundes. And
also it is most certayne that the king of Spaine being
set a worke by theise ways, the Queenes Matie shall
little neede to care for any harme that he can do in theise
portes.

"ENDORSED. Discourses how hir Matie may annoy
the king of Spayne."

CHAPTER IX

1578-1579

The first Letters Patent, permitting the planting of
an English colony, were granted to Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, of Compton, on June 11, 1578. It was a
momentous document, and became the model for all
subsequent grants for a similar purpose; as such, it
may perhaps be called the Magna Charter of Greater
Britain.

Gilbert undoubtedly prepared it, and the conditions
and arguments are the fruit of his fertile brain. The
full document appears as an appendix.

Sir Humphrey and his heirs for ever were granted
permission to seek out and discover any heathen and
barbarous lands not occupied by any Christian king;
to inhabit and remain there, and to transport there
"such and as many of our subjects as shall willingly
accompany him." To legalize this action, all statutes
against fugitives or absentees were repealed, so far as
they related to Sir Humphrey and his colonists.

The lands occupied were to be held in fee simple,
upon payment to the Crown of one fifth part of all the
gold and silver that in them might be found. Power
was granted to resist and repel all persons who should
attempt to settle or to trade within two hundred leagues
either way of any of the countries so chosen and settled.
While in the main portion of the grant the term "for
ever " is always used, this clause provides that such
lands and countries shall be occupied within six years.

For the encouragement of the enterprise it was
decreed that the countries occupied under this grant
L 145

146 THE LIFE OF

should thenceforth appertain to the Crown of England,
and that all the persons "who shall now in this first
journey for discovery, or in the second journey for
conquest hereafter" travel to or settle in such lands,
and their heirs for ever, should enjoy all the privileges
of free denizenship of England.

Power was granted to Sir Humphrey, and his heirs
for ever, to govern, to punish, to pardon, and to make
laws, provided only that such laws were not contrary
to the laws of England, nor against the true religion
professed by her Church.

The High Treasurer of England, and or any four
of the Privy Council, were empowered to grant licenses
to Sir Humphrey to transport from England or Ireland
all goods and commodities that were necessary for the
colony.

The final provision was made, that if Sir Humphrey,
or any of his company, committed any act of piracy
or hostility against the subjects of any king in amity
with England, and failed to make restitution, then he
and his followers were to be cast forthwith from out
the allegiance of England, and might be pursued
with hostility by any prince who found himself
wronged.

How far Elizabeth's practice was at variance with
her precepts may be seen in the case of Drake, who
was then away on his famous voyage. Remembering
also her policy in regard to the Low Countries, one
inclines to the opinion that this clause was added
purely and solely for a ''cloak and a defence."

In a paragraph quoted above it will be noted that
the first expedition was to be for discovery, and a
subsequent voyage for conquest, but from its composi-
tion it is easy to see that the first expedition was at
least well able to defend itself, or as Gilbert's earliest
biographer, Haies, expresses it, "able to encounter a
king's power at sea."

We have no information about the preparation of this

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 147

formidable fleet. It must have been a work of months,
and could not have been accomplished between the date
of the signing of Letters Patent, June ii, and the date
of sailing, which, although it did not finally take place
until September 23, had been intended for a much
earlier date. We therefore conclude that Gilbert had
received intimation that the Letters Patent were to be
granted months before they were actually signed, and
that the preparation of his fleet had occupied his atten-
tion at least all the preceding winter. This intimation
might very well be placed at about the time of the receipt
of the "Discourse how her Majestie may annoy the
King of Spain.

The names of the venturers in this first voyage,
either in monies or commodities, were —

"Lord North, Mr. Edmondes of the Privy Chamber,
Sir Matthew Arrundell, Sir Edward Horsey, Sir Wm.
Morgan, Sir John Gilbert, Sir Geo. Peckham, Chas.
Arrundell, Mr. Mackwilliam, Walter Rowley, Carew
Rowley, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Edward, Henry Mowell,
Mr. Wigmore, John Dudley, Thos. Dudley, Will
Mohan, Edward Bartley, Thos. Smith (Customer of
London), Edmund Eltoft, Geo. Carrowe of Okington,
Mr. Rudgway, Lawrence Radford, Adrian Gilbert,
Geo. Carrowe, Chas. Champernoune, Robt. Wraye,
Thos. Hammond, Mr. Walet, Edward Snelling, Mr.
Haies (gent of Liverpool), John Upton, Wm. Hawkins,
Wm. Martin, Lawrence Barckham, John Rodford,
Simon Bowiar, and Mr. Warckhope."

It will be observed that Gilbert was ably supported
by his relations and friends. When he was planning
his second expedition he was careful to safeguard all
who had first assisted him and to his relations he
accorded special privileges.

The following paper, from the Record Office, gives
us a full account of the ships, officers, crews, and
armaments of Humphrey Gilbert's fleet.
L 2

148

THE LIFE OF

— The whole number of gents
solgiars and mariners are: —
CXXVI— 126.

An Acer, admiral! of the fleete in Burdon 250 Tunns havinge
caste peces 24, fowlers 4, one Brasse pece, Sir Humfry Gylbat
generall, Henrye Pedley Mr., his mates, Richard Smythe Boteswane.
John Inglish Mr. Battes deputye of his ship.
Richard Wigmore esquie,
Thomas Hamonde gent
Thomas Skivington gent
Edward Ventris gent
Jaquis Harvye a french gent

ThomTs} - ^°"°" &^^t

Willm. Heringe gent )

Thomas Reboldes gent

Willm. Stonewell gent

Edward Dethicke gent

John Friar phistion

Surgeons

Mustiions

Trumpeter

Drume

The Hope of Greneway, Vice Admirall of 160 Tunnes / havinge
in her of caste peces — XVIII, fowlers fower.
Carye Rawlye, brother to Syr Humfrye Gilberte, Capitayne,
Jacobbe Whidon Mr. / his mate John Perden
Willm. Horselye, Mr. Gouer,
Henrye Noell espuier, an Ancient by Lande,
Robert Wary gent \

Jame Fulford gent |

George Whetstone gent
Anthony Hamton gent
Henry Barker gent
Andrew Piper gent I

Surgeo I, Trumpiter i, j

The Falcon, w*=^ was the Quenes ship of 100 Tunnes havinge in
her Caste peces 15, fowlers 4, doble bases 12, Capitayne Walter
Rawlye, brother to Syr Humfrye Gilberte, a capitayne of An Ancient
by Lande

Fardinando, the Portugale, his Mr.
Edward Eltofe, esquire,
Charles Champemewme, gent,
John Robtes gent
John Flere gent
Thomas Holbome gent
John Antoll gent I

Will. Higford gent J

The Red Lyon, of a i 10 Tunnes, havinge caste peces XII, Doble
bases VI,

Myles Morgayne of Tredgar in the Countye of Mulmot, esquier,
Capitayne,

John Anthony his Mr., His mates Rise Sparowe, black Robin, Edward
Marvayle boteswane,

The whole number of gents
solgiars and mariners are 80.

- The whole number of gents,
solggars and mariners are 70.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 149

The whole number of gents,
solggars, and mariners, are 53.

Drew Tonne Mr. Gow,
George Harbart gent
Edmond Mathew gent
Charlet Bucly gent
Rise Lewes gent
John Martin gent
Thomas Mychelas gent
John Ameridath gent
Lewis Jones gent

The Gallion, of 40 Tunnes, havinge of caste peces 6, viz :— fower
fawlconettes, one mynier, one falcon,

Richard Veall, capitayne, ,

Corrte Feykinborow, Mr., his mate Richard Nycols,
Thomas Fowler Mr. Gow,

- The whole number of gents,
solgiars, and mariners are 28

Beniamin Butler gent
Francis Rogers gent
George Worselye gent
Arthur Messinger gent

The Swallow of 40 Tunnes, ") The whole number in her of sol-
Capitayne John Vernye, gent J giars and mariners — 28

The lytell Frigate or Squirrel of 8 Tunnes. The whole number
of Solgiars and mariners are 8.

The whole number of gent, solgiars, and mariners in this fleet are
CCCLXV, 365., the said ships well vitaled at their deyture with Beef
for thre monethes.

Ite w^'' Fyshe and Byscate for a year at III byscates a day for a
man, Wth pease and Benes for a yere, Besydes particular provisions.

M"^ that Syr Humfre, his ships came to Dartmouthe August 25,

Dyvers provisions for aparall stolle away by a pynisse Sep. 8 /

Mr. Knollis came to Dartmouthe the X of September /

It depte to Plymouth the 22 of September /

Ite the 26 of September the sayd navy depted out of Dartmouth
and wear dyspsed by contrary wyndes some to the Isle of Wyte some
other wayes /

Ite the sayd ships arived at Plynouth the 1 5 of October.

Ite the 29 of October in barked agayne from thence and by tempest
inforced to take harborow / whear they remayned untill the 19 of
November."

Sir Humphrey's flagship, or, as she was then called,
the Admiral, bore the name of his forbearing wife — "An
Ager," and for a motto: ''Quid Non'' ("Why Not"),
which Gilbert had inscribed upon his own coat-of-arms,
and which was typical of the originality of his mind
and the daring with which he executed his designs.
Among the gentlemen on board we notice Mr.
Reynolds, who took his leave of Dr. Dee on August 5.

150 THE LIFE OF

Carew Ralegh commanded the "Hope of Greneway,"
bearing the appropriate motto ''Meliora spero " ("I hope
for better things "), a hope which was, unhappily, but
short-lived, for she sprang a leak and had to return.

The "Falcon," a Queen's ship, flying the bold motto :
''Nee mortem peto nee finem fugio'' ("I neither seek
death nor flee the end "), was commanded by Walter
Ralegh, then twenty-six years of age. It was no doubt
his first command at sea, and was his initiation in a
career to which he also largely devoted his life. As a
soldier he had attained the rank of Captain of a com-
pany. With him, as master, was Ferdinando, a
Portuguese, of whom we shall hear more later.

The "Red Lion," under Captain Miles Morgan,
carried ''Now or Never" as her motto, unhappily all
too appropriate.

The last two of Sir Humphrey's particular fleet, the
Swallow and the little Squirrel, lived to fight another
day, and formed part of the ill-fated expedition of 1583.

That portion of the fleet under the command of Henry
Knowles, or Knollys, requires no particular mention,
for reasons which will be developed later.

In all there were ten or eleven ships and 525 men
assembled under Gilbert's command, an unnecessarily
powerful fleet, it will be surmised, for a peaceful voyage
of discovery.

So evidently thought the Spanish Ambassador, Bern-
ardino de Mendoza. Writing to the King, on May 6,
1578, he says —

" Humphrey Gilbert, with a son of Knollys, treasurer
of the household, and member of the Council, has four
ships in the river, which he has bought with his own
money, and fully armed, and intends to take out with
other gentlemen. It is said that he is to accompany
Stockwell wfth his six ships now ready in the West
Country, on a voyage of discovery, but the design of
Humphrey Gilbert is understood to be to land on the
island of Santa Genela, and he is therefore to take with

Statue of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.

Truro Cathedral.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 151

him a man of the Chaldean nation, who is here, and
well versed in that navigation and language.'*

We have no account of any expedition enterprised
by Stockwell, nor has it been possible to find out what
place was intended by Santa Genela. Over a month
before Gilbert's patent was signed some of his ships
were lying ready in the river, and Spanish spies were
carefully watching him.

On June 3, Mendoza writes again in reference to
Gilbert's voyage: "Although it is given out that he is
bound on a different voyage from that undertaken by
Master Stockwell, it is believed that when they are out
at sea, they will join together and go towards the Indies,
unless there be some disturbance in Ireland or Scotland
which should detain them. They are taking with them a
Portuguese called Simon Fernandez, a great rogue, who
knows that coast well, and has given them much in-
formation about it. He has done the King of Portugal
much dis-service in consequence of the large amount
of property which his subjects have lost there through
him. When Champigny was here, it was agreed with
the Earl of Leicester, in his own chamber, the Queen
being present, that the way to be safe from your Majesty
and to injure your prosperity was to make the Indian
voyage and rob the flotillas, if they could not set foot
on the coast itself, as by this means, they might stop
the receipt of so much money from there by your
Majesty — Orange continues to urge this course, he
being of the same opinion."

Fernandez was no doubt " Fernandino the Portugale,"
who sailed with Ralegh. The ideas propounded by
the author of How Hir Majesty may annoy the King
of Spain had evidently become popular, and received
the endorsation of both Leicester and William of
Orange.

On June 13, Mendoza writes again; "The Queen has
given permission for Gilbert to sail and to Frobisher
also. I am having this shipmaster shadowed by spies

152 THE LIFE OF

to discover whether he starts on the voyage, and to
know for what purpose Gilbert wishes to take him."

By "this shipmaster*' Mendoza undoubtedly meant
Simon Fernandez.

Another letter on August 14, says: '*I have sent a
man expressly to make the voyage with Humphrey
Gilbert, so that if he returns, he will give a full account
of it to me. I have been fortunate in finding a person
both faithful and competent, he being an Englishman,
and if they should touch in Spain on their return, he
is to go straight to Court and address himself to you." ^

In spite of having some of his vessels ready in May
it was months before Gilbert was able to sail. Writing
to Walsingham on September 23, he ascribes his delay
to the non-arrival at Dartmouth of his London ship-
ping, which were detained by head winds. He
addresses Walsingham as his principal patron, to whose
interest he owed the Letters Patent from the Queen,
and always his good and honourable friend, and begs
him to keep him in her Majesty's good countenance
and credit. The time was late for his departure, but
yet not unfit for travel. No hint is given as to his
destination. Gilbert soon found that his hopeful view
of the season was far from being correct. Leaving
Dartmouth on September 26, his fleet was immediately
dispersed by gales of wand, and forced to put back to
the Isle of Wight. On October 29, they embarked
again, but were again forced by a violent tempest to
return to harbour, from whence they finally departed
on November 19 for parts unknown.

Nearly all historians have stated that he went to
Newfoundland, but had to return immediately without
accomplishing anything. Such, however, is certainly
not the case. It is impossible that his fleet could have
made the voyage across the North Atlantic in the winter
season. It seems certain that he did not attempt it.
Gilbert's destination is shrouded in mystery. The

^ A spy was also sent with Frobisher's expedition in 1578.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 153

secret was well kept at the time, and is still unfathomed.
In a letter written by Henry Kelligrew on August 23,
1577, he says, that there was a rumour current that
Sir Humphrey Gilbert was to go to Peru, to the
assistance of John Oxenham, who was reported to have
taken ;^i5o,ooo in gold. On October 10, 1578, he
writes again : **Sir Humphrey Gilbert with his 10 ships
set sail on Sept. 25th, but I know not whither." Even
Mendoza, with his inside information, was at a
loss, and could only make wild guesses at Gilbert's
intention.

Although there is no express statement to that effect,
we can be reasonably certain that this powerful fleet was
organized to carry out the schemes proposed in How
Hit Majesty may annoy the King of Spain, and in
the endeavour to keep the secret is seen the reason why
Gilbert's name was obliterated from that document.

We have still other evidence of the care with which
the destination of this fleet w^as kept secret.

In 1578 was published a poem by Thomas Church-
yard, called "The Entertaynement of the Queen's
Majestic into Suffolke and Norfolke." In his Epistle
Dedicatorie to Mr. Gilbert Gerrard, Attorney General,
he says : *' I have placed at the end of this discourse a
feawe verses in the honoring of good minds and travel-
lyng bodies, meaning thereby Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
Master Henry Knolles and others, right worthy and
honest gentlemen presently passed towards a happy
voyage, as I hope." This quaint poem is reprinted as
an appendix to this chapter, and will undoubtedly be
read with much interest. Suffice it here to note that
the poet's little lad, whom he sent to search for news,
returns with the story that Sir Humphrey Gilbert and
many of the poet's friends had taken leave of Court
and slipped away to sea.

"But whither, no man knowes,
Save that they are in Barke.
Who with one mind, and one consentj
Do hope to hitte one marke."

154 THE LIFE OF

The poet then takes leave of them, apostrophizing
each in turn. He cannot imagine why they should
leave home, where they are so well off.

" Some people happly think
a greedie hope of gayne,
And heaps of gold you hope to find
doth make you take this payne.
Oh sure that cannot be,
Conceive the case who list,
For having that which thousands want
alreadie in your fist."

For the poet's explanation of the problem we refer
our readers to the poem itself.

But before the final departure on November 19,
Knollys separated himself from Gilbert's command,
taking with him "as many of the company as either
the long time of staie by contrary wyndes have tyred,
or his affection altered." He was a contumacious, con-
ceited man, and presuming upon his relationship to
the Queen, openly stated that he was superior to twenty
knights, and that he demeaned himself in taking service
under Gilbert. "He used me so dissdainfullie," writes
Gilbert to Walsingham, "as my rash and foolish con-
dicion hath seldom been sene to indure." When Gil-
bert, by way of healing the breach that had sprung up
between them, asked Knollys to dine with him, he was
met with the ungracious reply, "that he would leave
my trencher for those beggars that were not able to pay
for their meals which seemed a bare thank for my
good will."

Two of Knollys' men were under suspicion of having
committed a murder in Plymouth, but Knollys refused
to give them up. On another occasion he himself had
shown sympathy with Holbeame, a notorious pirate.
When Gilbert quietly and privately remonstrated with
him about his conduct, he flew into a rage, and with-
drew from the expedition. Gilbert was of opinion that
Knollys was disaffected from the first, and only joined
it to further some design of his own.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 155

A deposition was made as to the circumstance before
the Mayor of Dartmouth, which was signed by Wm.
Hawkins, Walter Rowley, Miles Morgan, John
Robartes, and Edmund Eltoffe. But what connection
Hawkins had with the matter it is difficult to surmise,
except that he was one of the "venturers."

Gilbert had still seven ships left, well manned and
victualled, and he declared himself as well able as
before to carry out *'that he had undertaken," but does
not specify what that was. He was particularly hurt
at the desertion of his cousin Denny, who had become
dissatisfied because of a small reproof and therefore
followed Knollys.

The next news we have of the expedition is in a letter
written by Sir John Gilbert to Walsingham, dated
December 20. He contradicts the report that Humphrey
Gilbert's fleet was poorly victualled, and declared that
they had provisions enough for a year, and had re-
victualled each time they had been forced to put back,
on the last occasion in Ireland.

We have only confused accounts of what happened
after leaving Ireland. Haies, the historian of Gilbert's
second voyage, relates only that "he adventured to
sea, when having tasted of no less misfortune he was
shortly after driven to retire home with the loss of a
tall ship, and more to his grief a valiant gentleman
Miles Morgan."

In spite of considerable research no particulars can
be obtained of this disaster. John Hooker in an address
to Ralegh, obscurely refers to the expedition thus : —
"Infinite commodities in sundry respects would have
ensued from that voyage, if the fleet then accompany-
ing you, had according to appointment followed you ;
or yourself had escaped the dangerous sea-fight, where-
in many of your company was slain, and your ships
therewith also sore battered and disabled." This is the
sole reference that can be found to a naval encounter
with the Spaniards, but upon this slim formation some

156 THE LIFE OF

of Ralegh's biographers have built up quite a display of
heroism on his part.

On February 26, 1579, the watchful Mendoza reports
that Gilbert and Knollys had returned, and that the
sole result of their expedition was the capture of a
French ship with merchandise. The spy had also
returned, but what he reported is not related. If there
had been a fight with Spaniards at sea, as indicated
by Hooker, it is certain that the spy's accounts of it
would have been transmitted to Spain.

It seems very probable, therefore, that Miles Morgan
and his tall ship were lost in a storm.

What its destination may have been, or by what
agency defeated, whether buffeted by storms or van-
quished by the enemy, Gilbert's first expedition was a
failure. A sympathizing contemporary expresses his
regret that "So forward a mind should have so back-
ward a success." Mendoza also writes: "Not only
have they abandoned the navigation to Cathay, but
they have been so sickened with the little profit pro-
duced from their last voyage that not a man or a sailor
has been paid his wages." Were it not for Mendoza's
letter his return would have been unrecorded. A
melancholy contrast to the returning fleet, pictured in
the Discourse How Hir Majesty viay annoy the King
of Spain, with strings of captured vessels in its wake,
forced to hide in some Irish port until the "annoyance "
of the King of Spain had blown over.

The King of Spain was, however, quite sufficiently
annoyed as it was. Gilbert intended, as soon as his fleet
refitted, to have sailed again on his destined voyage,
but fate, in the person of the Spanish Ambassador,
intervened. Such strong representations were made to
the Queen and her Council, as to the intended piracies
of Gilbert, that the Council were forced to notice them,
and on April 26 they wrote to Sir Humphrey " revoking
him from his intended journey of the seas for seking
of forryne cuntries, or if he shall proceede in it, that

Bernardino de Mendoza.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 157

he putt in sureties," for himself and his associates, to
refrain from any piratical action."

This letter was evidently not delivered, for on May 28,
they wrote to Sir John Gilbert, quoting the above letter,
and saying that they understood that he had sailed
before its receipt, and could not stay his enterprise
without very considerable loss. Sir John had written
defending his brothers against the charge of piracy,
and had undertaken to be answerable for them. The
Council informed him that further complaints had been
received; that a Spanish vessel laden with oranges had
been taken in Walfled Bay, which must be returned
and her captain recompensed. They had heard that
"Rouley" had returned to Dartmouth, and that Sir
Humphrey was still on the coast, therefore Sir John was
required "friendlie to advise them to surcease from
proceeding anie further, and to remand them at home
and answer such as have been by their company
damaged."

A letter was also sent to the Sheriff, Vice-Admirals,
and Justices of the Peace, of the County of Devon,
instructing them forthwith to charge Sir Humphrey and
his company to repair to land, and that Rawley, Eltoffe,
and others, who were said to be in Dartmouth, were
to be instructed "to surcease from their intended journey
and to medle no further therein without express order
from their Lordships." The Sheriff was also instructed
to make diligent inquiry about any piracies committed
by Gilbert, Rawley, Fortescue or any others of the
expedition, and to commit the perpetrators to prison, or
take sureties from them to answer the charges.

The accusations against Gilbert and his company are
contained in the following paper —

"Demands of the King of Spain's subjects against
Sir Humphrey Gilbert.

"First, the ship named MARY, Master Gellam
Malerna, laden with linen-cloth, haberdash wares, and
other merchandise; which, following her voyage from

158 THE LIFE OF

Spain, was taken by ships of the saide Sir Humfrey and
one Master Miles Morgan, and part of the goods were
sold in Cornwall, as it has been well proved.

" Item, they demand restitution of the spoil committed
by the aforesaid Ships in Galica, where they came aland
and sacked the village, and did many outrages to the
inhabitants and the church ; part of which spoil was
likewise sold in Cornwall.

"Item, restitution of certain iron taken from a
Spaniard.

"Item, a barque of Sir Humfreys's, one Mr. Wig-
more being captain, had part of the linen-cloth. He
bought of Derifall, master of Mr. Knowell's ship named
the FRANCES, a cable and anchor belonging to the
French ship that Mr. Knowell's ship took, and paid
for them in linen-cloth, being pancel of our demand.

"The Ambassador's request is that the king's subjects
rnay be recompensed for the wrongs done [them, and
that the male] factors may be punished according to the
amity and league between their Majesties.

"Endorsed. Information against Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, One name corrected in Burghley's hand."

Later on the Spanish ship was restored, and in order
to recompense the Captain for his ruined cargo, he was
permitted to purchase and transport three hundred
quarters of grain from Devonshire. Gilbert, writing to
VV^alsingham, on February 5, 1583, disclaims any
participation in these piracies, and, indeed, claims par-
ticular merit for having refrained from any illegal act.
He says his first voyage involved him in heavy losses,
because he would not himself nor suffer any of his com-
pany to do anything contrary with his word given to
Her Majesty; for if he had not preferred his credit to
his gain he need not have returned as poor as he then
did.

Mendoza continues to refer to him scornfully as a
pirate and robber. On June 29, 1579, he writes :
"James FitzMaurice, the Irishman, is now said to be

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 159

on the coast of Cornwall, with a ship of eight hundred
tons and two small ones, with which he has captured
a Bristol vessel, throwing all the crew into the sea.
In consequence of this, Humphrey Gilbert, who was
robbing on the Coast, has been ordered to go in pursuit
of the Irishman, who although he has so few ships is
causing them some anxiety."

It is extraordinary how well informed Mendoza
always was. The above letter was written on June 29,
but it was not until July 24, that a Commission was
given to Sir Humphrey Gilbert to attack James Fitz-
Maurice. Some one exceptionally well posted in the
intentions of the Privy Council was evidently in the
pay of the Spanish Ambassador.

The Commission empowered Sir Humphrey to com-
mandeer any ships or vessels with their pilots and
mariners that he might require, whether ''within
liberties or without." He was instructed to "pursue,
ponysshe, correct and plague the said James " and his
rebellious navy. More particular instructions were
appended. FitzMaurice was to be carefully watched
and his movements at sea promptly reported. If he
were encountered, and Gilbert found himself able to
attack him, he was to do so, for Her Majesty's honour,
and his own safety and credit. If FitzMaurice left
Ireland, Gilbert was to follow him up and see in what
country he took refuge. Finally, he was authorized to
levy upon the most convenient towns for any supplies
he needed.^

Gilbert continued in this employment until the follow-
ing October 5, when Walsingham notified him that his
ships were no longer required, and asked him to send
some trustworthy person to Ireland to receive them.

^ The result of this levy is amusing. Dublin was called upon for
supplies, and sent some biscuits to Cork, but being made of musty
corn " was wholly lost saving that little that was uttered to such ships
as Sir Humphrey Gilbert had in entertainment whom hunger com-
pelled to feed upon it."

160 THE LIFE OF

The letter is addressed to him, at Baldismyre near
Feversham, Kent, so that at that time he was not in
command of his vessels. Mendoza, as usual, kept
watch, and reported early in September that Gilbert had
landed in Galicia and sacked a monastery. He made
complaint to the Queen on the matter, who at once, he
says, ordered the men to be arrested, and assured him
that they should be punished.

Gilbert in due course sent in a bill for the hire of his
ships and the payment of himself and crews, but, a's
usual, it was quite another matter to get it paid.

On July II, 1581, he wrote a letter to Walsingham,
which is here given in full. Poor Sir Humphrey ! the
lot of a public servant under Elizabeth was certainly a
hard one ; he was drawm away from his colonizing plans
to perform a duty for which he did not even have the
small satisfaction of getting paid. Hard as was his lot,
that of Lady Gilbert makes even greater demands upon
our sympathy, although we trust that Gilbert spoke meta-
phorically when he said that her clothes had been sold to
pay his debts.

"S^ greate extremitye enforceth me most humblie and
earnestlie to crave your honors speedy furtherance of
me, for the small some of monye w^h remaynethe duue
for the service of her Majestic in Irelande; w^h weere
stayed and employed ther, by the Lords Justices
arrestes and not by my shuet : I did lose by yt above
two thousand pundes : by meanes that I was stayed
here and could not be permitted to retorne into Irelande
to save my shippes and goodes : w^h weare stolen and
carried awaye, as your Honor and my Lordes doe very
well knowe. My recommeninge is sett down and per-
fected and allowed, under the Awditor's hand of Ire-
lande as you knowe. And my Lord Deputie that nowe
is, wrotte his letters to my Lo. of the Counsell longe
sythens, for my paymente, but as yet I can gett
nothinge. A miserable thinge it ys that I, poore man,

Sir Francis WalsixNgham.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 161

havinge served Her Ma^ie in warres and peace above
seven and twenty yeres, shoulde be nowe subjecte to
daylie arrestes, executions, and outlawries; yea and
forside to gadge and sell my wyffes clothes from her
backe, who browgthe me so good a lyvinge. The
Queenes Matie hath allwaies said that her highness
would releve me : and shall I now sterve without Her
Maties privatie for wante of my owne. Her Ma^ie did
never yet denye me anye thinge that that I wer asked,
althoughe I never enjoyed anythynge to proffytt that
ever Her Majestic gave me. So that my case is thus
evill, not throwe wante of Her Mai^s most gracyous
and bownterfulle consideration in my good, but throwe
my evill happe otherwaies. Therfore my most humble
shute is that your honor will wouchsafe without delaye
to present this my pytteful peticion to her Mamies owne
consideration ; whoe I am suer will never detain my
owne from me, neyther yet denye me anye other reason-
able shure for my releiffe, that have served her highness
from a boye to the age of white heeres

*'Menster in Shippey, the XI of July 1581.
"Yor Honnors moste homble to commannde,

**Hy Gylberte."

It will be noted that he complains of being detained
in England, and that during his absence his ships were
despoiled. Although no direct evidence can be found
on the matter, we infer that, as a result of Mendoza's
complaint of his raid in Galicia, he was summoned to
England to answer the charge, and during this enforced
absence he suffered the loss of ;^2,ooo.

But even this piteous appeal failed to secure payment,
and on October 25 following, he wrote again to Wal-
singham, explaining some of the items in his bill of
expenses, and giving us, by the way, some account of
the services he had rendered.

"It seemeth yor. honor thincketh yt muche that I

M

162 THE LIFE OF

should be allowed the some sett downe by the awditor
in my accomptes for the service of Three of my shippes
in Irlande ; trulie I am not allowed so muche as I ought,
for I was appointed admirall of all the ships that
served then in Irelande vntill Sir John Parrett came
over with her Mamies shipping, and am allowed but
xviijii. a dale waiges, wch is ewy ordynarie Sea
Captaines paie.

"Also the Anne Ager was a shippe of Two hundred
Four score and thirten tonnes or there abouts, and in
my reckoninge she is sett donne but Two hundred and
Fowertie tonnes, so that I am wronged thereby, Thirtie
seven pundes tene shillinges.

"Also I had in the Anne a hundred and twentie men
of my owne company besides thirtie that were of Mr.
Savelles and the p'vost marshalls men whome I
victayled at my owne chardges, as I did all the rest, and
am allowed but for a hundred men, so that I am
wronged therein Twentie mens w^ages and fyftie mens
victailes for one month, amountinge to Fortie one
poundes Thirtenn shillings and Fower pence.

"And when it pleased yor honor to thincke that her
matie is duble charged in the accompte for the same
shippe it is nothinge so vnder yor honors Correction,
for the first chardge is for the Captaine and Seaventen
officers wth Fower score and two men for one monthe
and a dale, begynninge the one and twentieth dale of
July 1579 and endinge the eyghten dale of August next
followinge, wch tyme she wth the other shippes kept at
Sea to garde the Coste. And was from the xixth. dale
of August, being the next dale after, appointed to moer
her selfe hard by the walls of kynsall for the defense
of the towne, at wch tyme there was Thre score of her
company dischardged, and had allowance but for fortie
men afterwardes, from the said xixth. dale of August
until the xijth. daie of October then next following,
being the daie of her dischardge, so that there is
not any double charge sett downe for the Anne, the

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 163

latter allowannce begynninge at thende of the first
dischardge.

"And to satisfie yor honor for the service my shippes
did, trulie they did as they were directed by the
governor and therfore not to be blamed were it more or
lesse, but the Rebels did twise or thrise offer to assayell
the towne of kynsall but durst not by meanes of the
fear they had of the Artillerye of the Anne Ager, so
that they did at that tyme the service of garrisoners for
the defence of the towne, wch otherwise was lyke to
have been spoyled.

"And for the relief she wasted vyctailes and went to
yohall, where were two frenche shippes well ordynanced
and manned, and entred them by force and toke them
bothe, they assystinge the Rebells of the towne against
her Maties forces, vntill the doinge of wch service the
Erie of Wormewood could not come over the River of
yohall to assayle the towne by meanes of their artillerye.

"And touching the frygott she was employed as a
passenger betweene England and Ireland and brought
over St. Drew Drewry and others with letters.

"Farthere there was at that time of my owne powder
spent in my said shippes and employed by the lorde
Justice to the value of Sixteen poundes sterling, as
appeareth by a note of Oliver Bramfordes who was then
Gierke of the Checke, the wch note I have redye to
shewe and am not allowed for the same.

"I hope my case shall be measured as others hathe
bene, who are paied both freight and wages, that spent
her Matie much more money then the allowances of
my shippes cometh vnto and yet did (wthout offence
being spoken) as lytell service as they for any thinge I
knowe, wch I hope should have bene better yf I might
haue had leave to serue in them my selfe.

" I trust yor honor maketh no doubt that theis shippes
served the Queene in suche sorte as aforesaid, for that
is manyfestlie knowne vnto my lordes of the Counsel!
bothe by Sr. Willm Dreurys Ire, late lorde Justice,

M2

164 THE LIFE OF

sent over by my selfe touchinge the same matter, as
appereth by yor honors Ire directed to me dated the
vth. of October 1579, as also by my lorde Greys Ires to
my lordes of the Counsell dated the xxxth. of January
1580, besides the testimonyall therof vnder the Auditors
hande who hathe sett downe my particuler accomptes
for the service of the said shippes.

"And for the better proofe therof I have the lorde
Justices Comission and instrucons to shewe vnder his
hande and her Maties Counsell of Irelande and vnder
the privie Scale of the same Realme.

"I most humblie besechinge yor honor for yor better
satisfacon that Sr. Warram Sellinger may be called
before you and my lordes of the counsell to speake his
knowledge herein, who aucthorised with others by the
lorde justices warrant did first staye bothe me and my
men and shippes for the aforesaide services, and did
by the lyke aucthoritie dischardge the same.

"Thus muche I thought good to advertise yor honor
concerning yor late obiections for the entertaynment of
my shippes in Ireland, wch were employed there by the
governors arrest and commandment and not by any
desire of myne, and in trothe it hathe in effecte vtterly
vndone me, for when my shippes were dischardged
wthout paie and my selfe stayed upon bonde and sureties
in England by Commandement from my lordes of the
privie Counsell, the Company stole, solde, and gaged
all that I had there and ranne away with some of my
shippes, to my hindrance above Two thousand poundes,
as yor honor and my lordes of the Counsell p'tlie
knoweth. So that if I should not be relieved wth the
smale some that remaynethe dewe to me for those
services I should be vterly vndone, not able to shewe
my hedd for detts, wherefore I most humblie crave yor
honors speedie furtherance herein, that I may eyther be
allowed as the awditor hathe sett downe or otherwise
as yt shall please my lordes of the Counsell to appoint,
desiringe only their present resolution of this my sute,

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 165

and so I most humblie Comytt yor honor to god.
Westmir., dated the xxvth. dale of October 1581.
"Yor ho. moste hble to co'ande

"Hy Gylberte."

No trace can be found of any action against him for
the raid on Galicia. Mendoza's complaint had to be
ostensibly recognized by ordering Gilbert to appear
and answer the charges made against him, and there
the matter probably ended.

In July 1582, the sum of ^2747 185. g^d. was paid to
Ed. Denney, Sir H. Gilbert and others, on account of
services rendered in Ireland, which it is presumed
covered the hire of his ships, for which he had so long
been dunning the Government.

He was fortunate in getting paid. Sir Henry Sidney
ruined himself in Elizabeth's service. A State paper
shows that he expended thirty pounds a week as Lord
President of Wales, but was allowed only twenty pounds.
In Ireland he spent a fortune, and was rewarded by
abuse. Walsingham also spent his fortune in the
Queen's service, and when he died was buried at mid-
night because there was no money to pay for a State
funeral.

APPENDIX I

The Letters Patent graunted by her Majestic to Sir
Humfrey Gilbert, knight, for the inhabiting and plant-
ing of our people in America. Elizabeth by the grace
of God Queene of England, &c. To all people to whom
these presents shall come, greeting. Know ye that of
our especiall grace, certaine science and meere motion,
we have given and granted, and by these presents for
us, our heires and successors, doe give and graunt to
our trustie and welbeloved servaunt Sir Humfrey Gil-
bert of Compton, in our Countie of Devonshire knight.

166 THE LIFE OF

and to his heires and assignes for ever, free libertie and
licence from time to time and at all times for ever here-
after, to discover, finde, search out, and view such
remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countreys and
territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince
or people, as to him, his heires and assignes, and to
every or any of them, shall seeme good : and the same
to have, hold, occupie an enjoy to him, his heires and
assignes for ever, with all commodities, jurisdictions,
and royalties both by sea and land : and the sayd Sir
Humfrey and all such as from time to time by licence
of us, our heires and successours, shall goe and travell
thither, to inhabite or remaine there, to build and
fortifie at the discretion of the sayd sir Humfrey, and
of his heires and assignes, the statutes or acts of Parlia-
ment made against Fugitives, or against such as shall
depart, remaine or continue out of our Realm of Eng-
land without licence, or any other acte, statute, lawe,
or matter whatsoever to the contrary in any wise not-
withstanding. And wee doe likewise by these presents,
for us, our heires and successours, give full authoritie
and power to the saide Sir Humfrey, his heires and
assignes, and every of them, that hee, they, and
every or any of them, shall and may at all and every
time and times hereafter, have, take, and lead in the
same voyages, to travell thitherward, and to inhabite
there with him, and every or any of them, such and
so many Qf our subjects as shall willingly accom-
pany him and them, and every or any of them, with
sufficient shipping, and furniture for their transporta-
tions, so that none of the same persons, nor any of
them be such as hereafter shall be specially restrained
by us, our heires and successours. And further, that
he the said Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and every
or any of them, shall have, hold, and occupy and enjoy
to him, his heires or assignes, and every of them for-
ever, all the soyle of all such lands, countries, &
territories so to be discovered or possessed as aforesaid,
and of all cities, Castles, Townes and Villages, and

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 167

places in the same, with the rites, royalties and juris-
dictions, as well marine as other, within the sayd lands
or countries of the seas thereunto adjoyning, to be had
or used with ful power to dispose thereof, & of every
part thereof in fee simple or otherwise, according to the
order of the lawes of England, as nere as the same
conveniently may be, at his, and their will & pleasure,
to any person then being, or that shall remaine within
the allegiance of us, our heires and successours, paying
unto us for all services, dueties and demaunds, the fift
part of all the oare of gold and silver, that from time to
time, and at all times after such discoverie, subduing
and possessing shall be there gotten : all which lands,
countries and territories, shall for ever bee holden by
the sayd Sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes of us,
our heires and successours by homage, and by the sayd
payment of the sayd fift part before reserved onely for
all services.

**And moreover we doe by those presents for us, our
heires and successours, give and graunt licence to the
sayde Sir Humfrey Gilbert, his heires or assignes, and
to every of them, that hee and they, and every or any
of them shall, and may from time to time, and all times
for ever hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter,
expulse, repell, and resist, as well by Sea as by land,
and by all other wayes whatsoever, as without the
speciall licence the liking of the sayd Sir Humfrey, and
his heires and assignes, shall attempt to inhabite within
the sayd countreys, or any of them, or within the
space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or
places within such countreys as aforesayd, with the
subjects of any Christian prince, being in amitie with
her Majesty, where the sayd Sir Humfrey, his heires
or assignes, or any of them, or his or their, or any of
their associates or companies, shall within sixe yeeres
next ensuing, make their dwellings or abidings, or that
shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter unlaw-
fully to annoy either by Sea or land, the sayd Sir
Humfrey, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or his

168 THE LIFE OF

or their, or any of their companies : giving and graunt-
ing by these presents, further power and authoritie to
the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and every
of them from time to time hereafter to take and surprise
by all maner of meanes whatsoever, all and every
person and persons, with their shippes, vessels, and
other goods and furniture, which without the licence
of the sayd sir Humfrey, or his heires or assignes as
aforesayd (the subjects of our Realmes and dominions,
and all other persons in amitie with us, being driven
by force of tempest or shipwracke onely excepted), and
those persons, and every of them with their shippes
vessels, goods, and furniture, to detaine and possess,
as of good and lawfull prize, according to the discre-
tion of him the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and
assignes, and of every or any of them. And for unit-
ing in more perfect league and amitie of such countreys,
landes and territories so to bee possessed and inhabited
as aforesayd, with our Realmes of England and Ireland,
and for the better encouragement of men to this enter-
prise : wee doe by these presents grant, and declare,
that all such countreys so hereafter to bee possessed and
inhabited as aforesayd, from thenceforth shall be of the
allegiance of us, our heires, and successours. And wee
doe graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and
assignes, and to all and every of them, and to all and
every other person and persons, being of our allegiance,
whose names shall be noted or entered in some of our
courts of Record, within this our Realme of England,
and that with the assent of the sayd sir Humfrey, his
heires or assignes, shall nowe in this journey for dis-
coverie, or in the second journey for conquest hereafter
travell to such lands, countries and territories afore-
said, and to their and every of their heires : that they
or every and any of them being either borne within our
sayd Realmes of England or Ireland, or within any
other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter
shall be inhabiting with any the lands, countreys, and
territories aforesayd, with such licence as aforesayd,

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 169

shall, and may have, and enjoy all the privileges of
free denizens and persons native of England, and with-
in our allegiance : any law, custome, or usage to the
contrary notwithstanding.

"And forasmuch, as upon the finding out, discover-
ing and inhabiting of such remote lands, countreys and
territories, as aforesayd, it shall be necessarie for the
safetie of all men that shall adventure themselves in
those journeys or voiages, to determine to live together
in Christian peace and civill quietnesse each with other,
whereby every one may with more pleasure and profit,
enjoy that whereunto they shall attaine with great paine
and perill : wee for us our heires, and successours are
likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents
doe give and graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey and his
heires and assignes for ever, that he and they, and
every or any of them, shall and may from time to time
for ever hereafter within the sayd mentioned remote
lands and countreys, and in the way by the Seas
thither, and from thence, have full and meere power
and authoritie to correct, punish, pardon, governe and
rule by their, and every or any of their good discretions
and pollicies, as well in causes capitall or criminall, as
civill, both marine and other, all such our subjects and
others, as shall from time to time hereafter adventure
themselves in the sayd journeys or voyages habitative
or possessive, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite
any such lands, countreys or territories as aforesayd, or
that shall abide within two hundred leagues of any the
sayd place or places, where the sayd sir Humfrey or
his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any of his
or their associates or companies, shall inhabite within
sixe yeeres next ensuing the date thereof, according to
such statutes, lawes and ordinances, as shall be by him
the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, or every,
or any of them devised or established for the better
government of the sayd people as aforesayd : so alwayes
that the sayd statutes, lawes and ordinances may be as
nere as conveniently may, agreeable to the forme of the

170 THE LIFE OF

lawes & pollicy of England : and also, that they be not
against the true Christian faith or religion now pro-
fessed in the church of England, nor in any wise to
withdraw any of the subjects of people of those lands
or places from the allegiance of us, our heires or suc-
cessours, as their immediate Soveraignes under God.
And further we doe by these present for us, our heires
and successours, give and graunt full power and author-
itie to our trustie and welbeloved counseller, sir William
Ceceill knight, lord Burleigh, our high treasurer of
England, and to the lord treasurer of England for us,
for the time being, and to the privie counsell of us, our
heires and successours, or any foure of them for the
time being, that he, they, or any foure of them, shall,
and may from time to time and at all times hereafter,
under his or their handes or scales be vertue of these
presents, authorize and licence the sayd sir Humfrey
Gilbert, his heires and assignes, and every or any of
them by him and themselves, or by their or any of their
sufficient atturneys, deputies, officers, ministers, factors
and servants, to imbarke and transport out of our
Realmes of England and Ireland, all, or any of his or
their goods, and all or any the goods of his or their
associates and companies, and every or any of them,
with such other necessaries and commodities of any
our Realmes, as to the sayd lord treasurer or foure of
the privie counsell of us, our heires or successours for
the time being, as aforesayd, shall be from time to time
by his or their wisdoms or discretions thought meete
and convenient for the better reliefe and supportation
of him the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes,
and every or any of them, and his and their and every
or any of their sayd associates and companies, any act,
statute, lawe, or other thing to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding.

"Provided alwayes, and our will and pleasure is, and
wee doe hereby declare to all Christian kings, princes
and states, that if the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires or
assignes, or any of them, or any other by their licence

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 171

or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter
robbe or spoile by Sea or by land, or doe any acts of
unjust and unlawfull hostilitie to any of the Subjects
of us, our heires, or successours, or any of the subjects
of any King, prince, ruler, governour or state being
then in perfect league and amitie with us, our heires or
successours : and that upon such injurie, or upon just
complaint of any such prince, ruler, governour or state,
or their subjects, wee our heires or successours shall
make open proclamation within any the portes of our
Realme of England commodious, that the sayd sir
Humfrey, his heires or assignes, or any other to whom
these our Letters patent may extend, shall within the
terme to be limited by such proclamations, make full
restitution and satisfaction of all such injuries done,
so as both we and the saide Princes, or others so com-
playning, may holde themselves fully contended : And
that if the saide sir Humfrey, his heires or assignes,
shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accord-
ingly, within such time to be limited : that then it shall
be lawful to us, our heires and successours, to put the
saide sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and
adherents, and all the inhabitants of the saide places
to be discovered as is aforesaide, or any of them, out
of our allegiance and protection, and that from and
after such time of putting out of protection the saide
sir Humfrey, and his heires, assignes, adherents and
others so to be put out, and the saide places within
their habitation, possession and rule, shal be out of
our protection and allegiance, and free for all Princes
and others to pursue with hostilitie as being not our
Subjects, nor by us any way to bee advowed, main-
tained or defended, nor to bee holden as any of ours,
nor to our protection, dominion or allegiance any way
belonging, for that expresse mention, &c. In witnesse
whereof &c. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the
ii day of June, the twentieth yeere of our raigne.
Anno Dom. 1578.

"Per ipsam Reginam, &c."

172 THE LIFE OF

APPENDIX II

The Entertaynemente of the Queenes Maistie into
Suffolke and Norffolhe, by Thomas Churchyard, 157S.

Extract from the " Epistle Dedicatorie " to Maister
Gilbert Gerard.

"... I have placed at the end of this discourse a
fewe verses, in the honoring of good mindes, and travel-
ling bodyes, meaning thereby Sir Humfrey Gilbert,
Maister Henry Knolles, and others, right worthy and
honest Gentlemen, presently passed towards a happy
voyage as I hope. . . ."

"A matter touching the lourney of
Sir Humfrey Gilbarte, Knight.

"The man that travels much,

with mind and body both,
(Whose restlesse lims, and labring thoughtes,

through heaps of hazards goth,)
A while would gladly rest,

and so some sollace taste,
To sharp the sense, and ease the heart,

that toyle doth weare and waste.
But though with charged brest,

I seeke to steale a nappe,
In hope sound sleepes would soone forget,

the griefe of thanklesse happe :
Some cause calls op my Muse,

and bids my wits awake,
That downe is layde on quiet coutch,

a little ease to take :
As lately loe you heard,

by Verses penned well,
Which soundes so shrilly through my eares

and tings so like a Bell,
That though in sadde dead sleepe,

my wery body were,
I must rise vp and whet my witts,

and lend a louing eare.
To that new tale I heare,

of friends that hence do go
Unto a soyle they never saw,

another world I trow

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 173

That few or none have found :

well, what should more be sayd,
The lourney that my friends do take,

full long in head I wayed,
Yet thought to pause awhile,

(eare pen to paper past)
To see how course of world wold go,

and things fell out at last.
And thus in my delay

I caught a slumber sweete,
And sure me thought in fearful dream,

of sweauon, did I meete
The Golden Heart, and other Ships,

that to this voyage goes.
Which Barks wer bravely vnder saile,

where water ebbs and floes.
And where the view of Countrey soile,

was farre from Saylers sight.
And men were forst to trie the Seas

in storm or darkest night.
But eare my dreame could ende,

a voyce gan call alowde,
Where is Churchyard ? doth he sleepe ?

or is he crept in Clowde,
To shun the use of penne

and matter worthy note ?
Whereat I started out of bedde,

and streight way vp I gote,
And to my Studie dore

in haste therewith I went
As one that fain would write some thing

that might the worlde content.
Then brought I vnto mind,

the heauie Dreame I had.
Yet eare I wrote one English verse,

I cald my little ladde.
And bad him runne with speede

abroade, and bring some newes.
And learne the truth of every thing,

that I might shape my Muse
To please the peoples eares

with frute of Poets penne.
My Lackey had not walkt in Powles

not twentle paces then,
But heard that sundrie friends

of mine, had taken leaue
At. Courte, and were all Shipte away.

This brute may thee deceyue
Thou foolish Boy (quoth I)

nay sir, by sweete Sainct John
(Quoth he) Sir Humfrey Gilbart sure

and all his troupe is gone.
But whether, no man knowes

save that they are in Barke

174 THE LIFE OF

Who with one mind, and one consent,

do hope to hitte one marke.
A ha Sir boy (quoth I)

I knew this long agoe,
Shut study dore, packe hence awhile,

and musing even so,
I marueld howe this Knight,

could leaue his Lady heere,
His friends, and pretty tender babes

that he did hold so deere,
And take him to the Seas,

where dayly dangers are.
Then wayd I how, immortal Fame

was more than worldly care,
And where great mind remaynes

the bodyes rest is small.
For Countreys wealth, for priuate gayne

or glory seeke we all.
And such as markes this world,

and notes the course of things
The weake and tickle stay of states

and great affayres of Kings,
Desires to be abroade,

for causes more than one,
Content to liue as God appountes

and let the world alone.
Yea such as deepely looke,

into these worldly toyes.
And freedome of the body still

and noble mind enioyes.
Are glad to trudge and toyle

and driue off time awhile.
And at our ydle-leasures laughs

or at our follies smyle :
That will not take some paynes,

and trye both land and Seas,
For Knowledge seeke, and heape of happe

to do our Country ease.
O Gilbart, noble Knight,

God send thee thy desire,

0 manly Knolles, and worthy Wight
whose heart doth stili aspire

1 wish thee great renowne,
and noble Carie too,

And noble North, with Wigmore wise,

I wish you well to do.
O Rawley ripe of sprite,

and rare right many wayes.
And liuely Nowell, God you guide,

to purchase endless prayse.
Goe comely Cotton too,

and march amidde the rancke,
And honest Dennie with the best,

must needes deserue some thanke

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 175

George Carie forth I call,

and sure John Roberts here,
A speciall sparke with present witte,

in person shall appeare.
Miles Morgan gaynes good Fame,

and Whetstone steps in place,
And seekes by travell and by toyle,

to winne him double grace.
John Vdall is not hidde,

nor Rowles I do forgette,
The rest I vow to publish out,

and so dwell in their dette.
But though that Francis Knolles

comes last vnto my mind.
Among the first that shall do well,

he will not be behind.
O faithful friends farewell,

I named you all aroe.
For World to view, whiles world doth last,

what courage you do shoe.
What charges you are at,

what venter you have made.
And how you seeke to traffike there,

where neuer yet was trade. =
And most of you such men,

as liuings have at home.
So great and good, that sure abroade

yee neede not for to rome :
Faire houses, lands, and wiues,

great friends, and of the best,
Good stayes and pillers, wherevpon

the strongest heere may rest :
Well knowne, and honord both.

In credite every way.
In perfite plighte and state to Hue,

and laugh, though world say nay.
This strange adiew of youres

doth argue noble harts.
And in your brestes are noble giftes

and many noble parts.
For hauing wealth at will,

and world at becke and call,
Propt vp with Princes favoure still,

so sure ye could not fall:
And yet to leaue that hope,

to seeke vncertayne happe,
And so committe your goods and Hues

to every stormy clappe
That suddayne tempest brings :

me think the venture great.
The value of your valiant minds,

surmounts the fire in heate.
Whereof such hote desires

of doing good, doth rise,

176 THE LIFE OF

The kindled coales and flames thereof

do sparkle through the Skyes.
Some people happly thinke

a greedie hope of gayne,
And heapes of gold you hope to find,

doth make you take this payne.
Oh sure that can not be,

conceyue the case who list,
For having that which thousands want,

alreadie in your fist,
You meane to clime for Fame

as high as eye may looke,
And search the Creekes and priuie Portes

and every secret nooke.
As farre as shippe may sayle :

I trust for Countreys good :
And for the common wealthes auayle,

You offer life and bloud.
Let world now speake the worst,

and bable what they please.
What thing could make you take those toyles

and so forsake your ease.
If God moud not your minds,

to things he liketh well.
And that your good and deepe consaytes,

wherein you long did dwell,
Did lead and haul you hence,

as men prepared and wrought,
To shew what witte and skill men haue,

and serue the makers thought.
That all thing cleerely sees :

tis God and your good mind.
That driues you to this high attempt,

for any thing I find.
And as he sent you out,

so can he bring you in.
Yea, safely home, that you shall shew

at large where you have bin.
And now to tell it plaine,

not one of all your troupe,
(Of gentle race) that heere at home,

did hold down head or droupe.
But bravely bore it out :

which shews, no neede it was,
That did procure those gallants gay,

from hence it has to passe.
Thus sure some other thing

than gayne, did cause you goe,
Some noble fire that burnes in brest,

whose flames of force must shew
Good meaning and good mind,

good frute and grayne withall.
When season serues, and harvest commas,

and hope for hire doth call.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 177

You might have walkt the streetes,

as other gallants do,
Yea kept the Court and Countrey both,

in Pawles have ietted too.
If mind had not bin drawne,

to things of greater weight,
And had not harts held up your heads

another kind of height.
Perhaps in ydle dayes,

you would set men a worke,
And call them to accompt in hast,

that close in corners lurke :
And aske in open place,

how they would spend their time,
And if they say they had no mind

the loftie Cloudes to clime
Yet would you wish they should

see what on earth is found
And search the proofe, and sayle by arte,

about the world so round.
At home to tarrie still,

but breedes grosse bloud and witte,
Then better with the Fawcon flie,

then heere on dunghill sitte.
And see how browes do feede,

on tainted carren bare,
Or liue a lewd and wretched life

vpon a hungry share.
At home much time is lost

and neuer found againe,
Much household cares, and common griefes,

do breake both sleepe and brayne.
Abroade men win great wealth,

or knowledge gayne at least.
At home we runne to wanton sportes,

and smell out euery fest.
Abroade small bankers are,

it will not quit the cost,
At home is naught but making love

to every painted post.
Abroade the flesh is tamde,

and brought in feare and frame.
At home oft times pride goes before,

and after cometh shame.
Abroade we Wisdome leame,

and do from follie flee.
At home some daunce so in a nette,

their selves they cannot see.
Abroade where service is,

much honor may be wonne.
At home our gay vayneglory goes,

like shadow in the Sunne.
Abroade bare robes are best,

and Manhoode makes the showe

178 THE LIFE OF

At home young Maister must be fine,

or all is lost you know.
Abroade few quarrels are,

a brawle is bought so deere.
At home they cogge, they foyst, they royst,

and reuell all the yeare.
Abroade is Courteys speech,

and ciuill order still,
At home when rudenesse keepes no rule,

wilde wantons take their will.
Abroade may health be got,

for labour lengthens life,
At home the Goute, the cramp, the cold,

and each disease is rife.
Abroade the sightes are strange,

and wonders may be seene.
At home a stale and balde deuice,

but dubs the spreetes I weene.
Abroade we learn to spare,

to serue our turn in thend.
At home men set the cocke on hoope,

and vaynly spoyle and spend.
Abroad few theeues you have,

they find so little grace.
At home foule shiftes and robbries both,

abounde in every place.
Thus proove I travells best,

for body, soule, and sense,
And ease a nurse to pamper vice,

and buckler of defence.
Where virtue cannot strike,

nor enter any way.
The buckler hath such wicked barres

dame Vertues force to stay.
With rest leawd lust doth rise,

and soon subdues the mind.
And toyle beates backe fond Venus toyes,

and strikes vaine fancie blind.
Much rest runnes riot still,

and breatheth treasons oft.
And toyle plucks downe those haugtie hearts

that lookes to mount alofte.
Rest maketh mischief ripe,

and settes bad things abroch,
Toyle teacheth men to conquer Fame,

and flee from foule reproch.
Rest loves to dallie much,

like whelp that waues the tayle,
Toyle is for vertue quicke as Bee,

for Vice as slow as snayle.
Rest sowes no blessed seede,

yet reapes a curssed grayne,
Toyle weedes the ground, and planteth floures

where nettles did remayne.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 179

Rest will no dutie know,

but shakes off schakels still,
Toyle makes the body apt to stoupe,

to bend and shew good will.
Rest is a retchlesse ioy,

that sees not his owne harmes,
Toyle casts out many a vayne consayte,

that rest brings in by swarmes.
If toyle bring these good things

that I have told before,
And rest but want and beggrie breedes,

with sundrie mischiefs more,
They ought have endlesse lawd

that in these loytring dayes
Set ydle hands and heads a worke,

to winne immortall prayse.
And they that first found out

the strange and forrayne soyle.
Are gon themselves to win the prise,

or take the open soyle,
Which shews that more than men,

halfe Gods if I say troth.
Whole kingdomes scarcely ca suffice

their minds and manhoode both.
Now have they taken leave

of worldly pleasures all.
That young and lusty were to liue,

and now to toyle they fall.
That finely were brought vp,

yea now they bidde adiew,
The glittring Court, the gallat towne

the gorgious garments new,
The brauerie of this world,

the pride and pomp of earth.
And look not backward any way,

to ritches, race, or birth.
To worthy wife or friend,

to babes, nor neerest kinne,
But only to the Lord aboue,

and iourney they are in.
And all for Countreys cause,

and to enrich the same.
Now do they hazard all they have :

and so for wealth and fame,
They fare along the Seas,

they sayle and tide it out.
They hale and stretch the sheates aloft,

they toyle and dread no doubt.
They feed on Bisket hard,

and drincke but simple beere.
Salt beefe, and Stockfish drie as kecke,

is now their greatest cheere.
And still a fulsome smell

of pitch and tarre they feele,

N 2

180 THE LIFE OF

And when Seasicke (God wot) they are,

about the shippe they reele.
And stomacke belcheth vp,

a dish that Hadocks seeke,
A bitter mess of sundry meates,

a Sirrope greene as leeke. ;

Then head and hart doth heaue,

and body waxeth cold,
Yet face will sweat, a heauie sight,

the same is to behold.
But they must needes abide

a greater brunt than this,
And hope that after hellish paynes,

there comes a time of blisse.
Yet note the torments strange,

that toyling saylers haue.
Who Hues at mercie of the Seas ;

yea surge and swelling wave,
Would swallow vp the Shippe,

if Pylots were not good,
And some in time of great distresse

vnto their tackle stood.
Sometime a flaw of wind

blowes Maister ore the Hatch,
And boy fro toppe comes tumbling downe,

and at a cord doth catch
To save his sillie life,

aloofe then cries my mates.
No neerer short the Ship she tacks,

and on the sand she grates.
And plying for aboorde,

about the vessell goes.
And through the shroudes and clouted sayles

a gale of winde there bloes.
That seemes to shake the Barke,

in sunder every ribbe,
Then is no time to heaue the can,

to crie carous and bibbe.
But each man to his worke,

they fall and flie apace,
Innecke of this a man of warre

that seekes to giue the chace.
The spie in half a kenne,

vp Souldyoures ho in hast
The Captayne calls, yet vnder hatch,

a sort of them are plast.
To beate the enmie out,

that should the Shippe assayle.
At length the Cannon bullet flyes

and shotte as thicke as hayle
Goes off to murther men,

and such a smoke doth rise,
A few may well regard the Seas,

or scarce behold the Skyes.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 181

Some grone and bidde goodnight,

their day watch waxeth dimme,
Some ca not speake, their heads are off,

and some have lost a limme.
Some lyes on hatches lame,

they haue no legges to stand,
And some have lost the vse of arme,

or maymed of a hand.
And some are fighting still,

and gets no harm at all,
But he that speedeth best the while,

makes boast thereof but small.
These brawles and bloudy broyles

to end or quiet brought,
A new begginnes, as yll a storme,

that troubles more their thought.
The Rockes and wretched streights,

that they must safely passe.
The narrow Creekes and doubts they find

in compasse of their glasse,
Is daunger wonders great,

so that these Saylers toyle.
Rests all on hazards, eare they come

to any certayne soyle.
I could rehearse a heape

of sorrows that they haue.
But you that Hue in peace at home,

and mince the matter braue,
Will scarce believe a troth.

and toyle that travelers take.
Well noble Pilgrims, as in Verse

I write this for your sake.
In Prose at your returne,

looke for a greater prayse.
A Booke that to the loftie Skyes,

your rare renowne shall rayse.
This write I for your friends

that you have left behinde,
Your worthy wives, whose patient hearts

beare many things in mind.
And sitte and shakes their heads

at that they can not mend.
And many a sigh and sadde consaite,

along the Seas they send,
To follow those that flie

from them God wot too fast
And carried are in rotten Barkes

about with every blast,
And tosses vp and downe

the Seas, our Lord knowes where.
O Husbands when you saw your wiues,

shedde many a bitter teare,
How could you part from them ?

the cace is answered thus.

182 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

You are not ruled by love of babes,

nor womens willes yewus.
But guided by such grace,

as God himself hath sent,
And that you do is done indeed

vnto a good intent.
God graunt you good successe,

the whole harts ease you crave,
As much of wealth and honour both

as ever men may haue.
A safe and short returne,

not long from home to dwell,
A quiet happy iourney still,

and so deere friends farewell.

FINIS.

CHAPTER X

1580-1583

Sir Humphrey now found himself in a very difficult
position. After years of effort he had succeeded in
obtaining his colonizing patent; by mortgaging his own
property and that of his wife, and by importuning his
friends, he had raised enough money for the expedi-
tion of 1578, the ultimate object of which was to pave
the way for his greater and more important project.
Through dissensions, ill-luck, and mismanagement, it
had proved a dismal failure; his stores and capital had
been wasted, and himself, undeservedly, discredited.

In the meanwhile the term of his patent was running
out. Six years had been allotted to him in which to
plant his colony, and about half of them had already
slipped away without anything being accomplished.

His ship, the Anne Agety disappears from history,
and of the fleet of seven staunch ships that set sail in
1578, but one remained to him, and that the least
of the flock — the ill-fated little Squirrel of eight or ten
tons.

Nevertheless, it appears that in 1581, he had some
hope of setting forth again. Mendoza as usual knew
all that was going on. In January 15S1, he wrote to the
King of Spain as follows : " I wrote in former letters
that ships were being fitted out to leave this in February
to plunder in the East Indies and on the way thereto,
— Drake going to the Moluccas and Knollys to Brazil.
Humphrey Gilbert, who accompanied Knollys on his
other voyage, is to go with six ships to Cuba with the
intention of fortifying himself in some convenient spot,
whence he may sally forth to attack the flotillas leaving

>83

184 THE LIFE OF

San Domingo, New Spain, Peru, and other neighbour-
ing places. The best way to stop their fit of activity-
will be for your Majesty to order that not one of the
ships that sail for the Indies shall be spared and that
every man on board of them shall be sent to the bottom."

The confident arrogance with which Mendoza con-
signs the English ships and sailors to perdition is
somewhat surprising, seeing that Drake, in spite of the
orders that had been given to destroy him, had but
three months before returned from his famous circuit
of the globe, having flouted the Spanish flag in every
clime.

Once again also we find Gilbert credited with the
intention of putting into practice one of the schemes
proposed for the ''annoyance" of the King of Spain.

We learn from the Acts of the Privy Council, that in
October of the same year. Sir Humphrey, on the
strength of his patent, had made plans to transport
grain and provisions out of the country into parts
beyond the seas. It was held by the Council that he had
had his chance and could no longer claim the privileges
of his patent, and in addition it was decided that his
hardly obtained Letters Patent should be revoked.
Further consideration, however, resulted in the cancel-
ling of this irritating and unjust ruling. One would
have expected Gilbert to give up in the face of so many
discouragements, but he still struggled on.

Having nothing tangible left to mortgage, he evolved
the brilliant idea of marketing some of the nebulous
rights accorded to him by his Letters Patent. He ap-
parently thought he could lay claim to all the Atlantic
seaboard of North America, and, curiously enough, he
found many who were willing to purchase from him
specified tracts of that coast, solely on the strength of
his patent.

The first transaction of this sort, in point of date,
was with that extraordinary personage. Dr. John Dee.
In his diary under the date of August 28, 1580, he

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 185

records that he had been in treaty with Sir Humphrey
Gilbert for his grant of discovery, and on September lo
he writes: "Sir Humfry Gilbert graunted me my
request to him, made by letter, for the royaltyes of dis-
covery all to the North above the parallel of the 50
degree of latitude, in the presence of Stoner, Sir John
Gilbert his servant or retainer; and thereupon he toke
me by the hand with faithful promises in his lodging
of John Cooke's house in Wichcross Street, where we
dyned, only us three together, being Saturday."

Dr. Dee thus became possessed of the barren land
of Labrador. The details of the deal would have been
interesting. Did he select the northern portion of the
seaboard, still hoping that Frobisher's golden dreams
would be realized? or did Gilbert "push it on him," to
use an "Americanism," as being the least desirable
portion of the continent? and what was the consider-
ation for which it was transferred?

The next to purchase an interest in his Letters Patent
were Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard.
Connected with this transaction is an extremely interest-
ing item of history which seems generally to have
escaped the notice of historians.

Elizabeth's policy toward the two great religious
bodies then contending for the mastery in England has
been often ably demonstrated. Her own religious feel-
ings were not deep. She had been carefully nurtured in
the Protestant religion, but during Mary's reign found
it advisable, outwardly at least, to conform to Roman
Catholicism. As soon as she became Queen she began
quietly to reinstate the Church of England. But she
had no prejudices against the Catholic religion. Pro-
vided she was Queen, she was willing that her people
should worship how they pleased. The laws against
the Catholics had not been enforced for many years,
and Mass was regularly said in many private houses
without any attempt on the part of the authorities to
prevent it. Whether it was purely indifference, or a

186 THE LIFE OF

larger spirit of tolerance which governed her, may be
open to question. At all events, there had been no
religious persecution in her reign, and she proudly
boasted that no one had as yet suffered for his religious
opinions. This condition of things might have con-
tinued, and quite a modern spirit of toleration have
grown up in the land, but the pretensions of the Papacy
to temporal power, and the dream of recovering Eng-
land to the allegiance of the Papal See continually
tempted aggressive methods from the Catholic party.
The Jesuits, under Allen, Campion and Parsons, had
just made a determined raid upon England. Deceived
by the interest which their preaching naturally excited,
they thought England about to become Catholic again,
and not confining themselves to religious teaching they
openly preached sedition and rebellion. Plots were
hatched to assassinate Elizabeth, and once at least her
life was in great danger. Matters were soon brought
to such a pass that tolerance was no longer a virtue,
and the Council decided to take action, and that quickly.

Parliament was summoned in January 1581, to deal
with the situation. A speaker, quoted by Froude, ex-
pressed the sentiment of the House, when he said :
"They have been encouraged by the lenity of the laws.
We must show them that as the Pope's curses do not
hurt us, so his blessings cannot save them. We must
make laws to restrain these people, and we must prepare
force to resist violence which may be offered here or
abroad.'* An Act was then passed, 23 Elizabeth,
chap, i., making it high treason to practise to withdraw
subjects of the Crown of England to the Romish
religion, forbidding the celebration of Mass, either
publicly, or privately, and enforcing all to attend the
services of the Established Church.

Campion and his associates were arrested, tortured
and put to death ; they endeavouring to show that they
were martyrs for their religion, and the Queen and
Council equally resolute to treat them solely as
traitorous, rebellious subjects.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 187

The result of these stringent enactments and firm
suppression of treason soon became apparent. A large
section of English Catholics, while devoted to their
religion, were still loyal to their Queen and country,
and when they were forced to choose between them,
gave in their allegiance to the Church established by
law. Another small section, equally patriotic, were yet
anxious to continue to worship after the manner of
their forefathers ; to these Humphrey Gilbert's coloniza-
tion scheme appeared to offer a solution of their diffi-
culty. The leaders of this movement were Sir George
Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard, who in 1582, obtained
a grant from Sir Humphrey Gilbert of a portion of his
rights under his Letters Patent.

Two bands of Huguenots had made attempts to free
themselves from religious persecution by seeking a
home in the New World. Why should not English
Catholics take pattern by them and found a colony
over-seas where they could maintain their allegiance
to the Crown and yet enjoy unmolested the services of
the Roman Catholic religion. The money obtained by
the sale of this portion of his rights would also assist
Gilbert to continue his project, now in danger of
collapsing for want of funds. It seemed a good scheme
all round, and was at once taken up with some
enthusiasm.

Sir George Peckham was the son of Sir Edmund
Peckham, Treasurer of the Mint through three reigns,
who voluntarily exiled himself in 1564, on account of
the triumph of Protestantism, and died in Rome in the
same year. Sir George Peckham was a life-long friend
and supporter of Humphrey Gilbert. He had joined
him in the first expedition of 1578, was now again
assisting; after Gilbert's death he endeavoured to keep
alive the ideals for which he had sacrificed his life, and
was an executor of his will. He and Lady Peckham
were prominent Roman Catholics. In December 1580,
they were both arrested and confined to the Marechelsea
charged with having harboured and entertained

188 THE LIFE OF

Campion the Jesuit, and one "Gilbarte a notorious
practiser.'* On the same day Morice Pyckeringe, the
keeper of the Gatehouse Prison, was also arrested,
because he had received money from Sir George Peck-
ham, and had distributed it to the poor CathoHcs whom
he had in his keeping. When examined Pyckeringe
told the following story : Lady Peckham came to him
and asked if he had not many prisoners on account of
their religion, to which he replied that he had too many
poor people for that cause, and that they were likely
to starve because he had no allowance for them. Lady
Peckham then asked him if he would give them some
money from Sir George and herself, to which he
assented. Sir George Peckham then gave him two
angells, which he handed to a poor scholar named
Gifford, who had been a long time in prison, for dis-
tribution among the prisoners. This, he declared, was
all that transpired. We are not informed, but trust
that Pyckeringe was shortly released, and that the
kindly generosity of Sir George and Lady Peckham
was not visited heavily upon them.

Sir George Carey, Knight Marshall, was ordered to
search Sir George Peckham 's house in Bucks for
treasonable letters; but pesumably nothing was found,
for very soon the rigour of their imprisonment was
relaxed.

In February 1581, Lady Peckham was released from
the Fleet Prison, to join her husband, who was in the
Tower, or to repair to her own house, as she wished;
and Sir George Peckham at the same time was granted
much greater freedom within the precincts of the Tower,
"the rather in consideracion of his presente conformitie
in resorting to the churche." In the following month,
at the intercession of his friends, (chief among whom
was no doubt Gilbert), and upon his undertaking to con-
tinue to conform, he was set at liberty. Perhaps in
earnest of his conformity, at this time he presented the
"Church House" at Denham, Bucks, for the use of

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 189

the Parish. But while conforming himself, Sir George
Peckham busied himself to bring about a happier con-
dition of things for poor Catholics. (Or did the initiative
again come from Lady Peckham 's tender heart?)

Sir Thomas Gerrard, knight of Bryn, had been High
Sheriff of Lancaster, but conspiring to assist Mary,
Queen of Scots, he was committed to the Tower, from
whence he obtained his release only by the payment of
enormous fines. The family were prominent Roman
Catholics, and the family seat, "Brynne Hall," had
been the resort of Papish priests, and the scene of many
surreptitious celebrations of the Mass.

Sir Thomas was a cousin of Sir Gilbert Gerrard, the
Attorney-General, to whom he was forced to relinquish
the family seat, probably in return for his "interest
exercised in sparing him from the punishment justly
due on account of his treason."

The first rumour that we have of this movement on
the part of the Catholics, is in an anonymous letter to
Walsingham dated April 19, 1582, which reads :
"There is a muttering among ye papists that Sir
Humfrye Gilbarde goeth to seeke a newe founde land.
Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard goeth
wt him. I have hearde it said among ye papistes
yt they hope it will prove ye best journeye for England
yt was made these fortie yeres."

Mendoza, in a letter to the King of Spain, dated
one week later, says : " Humphrey Gilbert is fitting out
three more ships to go to Florida and land in the place
where Stukely went, and subsequently Jean Ribault,
who was killed by Pero Melandez. When the Queen
was asked to assist this expedition, Gilbert was told in
the Council that he was to go, and as soon as he had
landed and fortified the place, the Queen would send
him ten thousand men to conquer it, and hold the
port."

On June 6, the articles of agreement between Sir
Humphrey Gylberte of Compton, Sir Thomas Gerarde

190 THE LIFE OF

of Brynne, and Sir George Peckham of Denham were
signed and delivered; and also, on the same day, a
further agreement with Sir George Peckham alone.
The first document states that in consideration of certain
amounts subscribed by Sir Thomas Gerrard and Sir
George Peckham to Sir Humphrey Gilbert's proposed
voyage of discovery, and for the more speedy execution
of the Queen's grant to him, the said Sir Humphrey
granted to the said Sir Thomas Gerrard and Sir George
Peckham the right to explore all that portion of the
American coast from Cape Breton to Cape of Florida,
and to select two islands of any four found by them,
to be occupied and planted with a colony, and also on the
mainland adjoining the said island, 1,500,000 acres of
land. The grantees were to pay a small rental for the
land, and two-fifths of all gold, silver, pearls, or precious
stones that may be found thereon. Sir Humphrey
undertook to secure the Queen's consent to the transport
of the would-be colonists, and to confirm the agreement
upon his own return from his journey. The agreement
with Sir George Peckham is expressed in almost the
same words, and grants to him 500,000 acres adjoining
the 1,500,000 granted to him and Sir Thomas Gerrard
conjointly.

Mendoza was soon informed of the transaction, and
made the following comment upon it —

"As I wrote some time ago, Humphrey Gilbert was
fitting out ships to gain a footing in Florida, and in
order to make this not only prejudicial to your Majesty's
interest, but injurious to the Catholics here, while
benefiting the heretics, Walsingham indirectly ap-
proached two Catholic gentlemen, whose estate had
been ruined, and intimated to them that, if they would
help Humphrey Gilbert in the voyage their lives and
liberties might be saved, and the Queen, in considera-
tion of the service, might be asked to allow them to
settle there (Florida) in the enjoyment of freedom of

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 191

conscience and of their property in England, for which
purpose they might avail themselves of the intercession
of Philip Sidney. As they were desirous of living as
Catholics, without endangering their lives, they thought
the proposal was a good one, and they gave an account
of it to other Catholics, who also approved of it, and
offered to aid the enterprise with money. Petitions
were presented to the Queen upon the subject, and she
granted them a patent under the Great Seal of England
to colonize Florida on the banks of the river Norum-
beage where they are to be allowed to live as their
conscience dictates and to enjoy such revenues as they
may possess in England. This privilege is not con-
fined to those who leave here for the purpose of coloniza-
tion, but is extended to all Englishmen away from
England, even to those who may have been declared
rebels, and whom the Queen now restores to her grace
and favour, embracing them once more as loyal sub-
jects. The only object of this is to weaken and destroy
them by any means, since they have now discovered
that persecution, imprisonment and the shedding of
martyrs' blood only increase the number of Catholics;
and if the proposed measure be adopted the seminaries
abroad cannot be maintained, nor would it be possible
for the priests who come hither to continue their pro-
paganda, if there were no persons here to shelter and
support them. By this means what little sound blood
be left in this diseased body would be drained. I gave
notice to the Catholics, through the priests who go
amongst them, what are the real objects of the Queen
and Council in extending this favour to them, and also
that the country in question belonged to your Majesty
and was defended by fortresses, so that directly they
landed they would be slaughtered as Jean Ribaut was.
In addition to this, I say, that their consciences will be
touched, as they will be acting against the interests of
his Holiness, who should be informed of the matter
through Dr. Allen, so that they, the Catholics, might

192 THE LIFE OF

learn whether they could properly undertake the
voyage.

"This action of mine has caused some of them to
withdraw whilst others, out of indifference, persist in
their intention, believing that it is not really against
your Majesty, because in the Map the country is called
* New France,' which, they say, proves that it was
discovered by Frenchmen, and that since Cortes fitted
out ships on the coast to go and conquer countries for
the Catholic church, they could do the same. I have
also written about it to the Abbot Briceno in Rome, as
well as to Dr. Allen, pointing out how important it
is that they should make every effort to prevent the
enterprise in the interest of the conversion of England."

Mendoza either coloured his narrative to suit his
correspondent, or was not so well informed as usual,
for the proposition did not come originally from Wal-
singham, however much he may have urged it on
afterwards. Nor were there any Letters Patent issued
to Peckham and Gerrard, so far as can now be ascer-
tained. Sir Philip Sidney's part in the transaction will
be explained later.

Very shortly after finalizing their agreement with
Gilbert, Gerrard and Peckham petitioned Walsingham
for liberty to carry out the plan there outlined. They
asked first, that all persons, whose names would be
recorded in a book kept for the purpose, should be per-
mitted to emigrate with their families to the New World,
and to take with them all necessary provisions. All
"recusances of abilitie," i.e. all well-to-do Roman
Catholics, upon whom fines had been imposed for refus-
ing to attend the services of the Established Church,
should be permitted to make preparations for the voyage,
so soon as they had paid their fines ; and all other recu-
sants should have the same permission, upon their under-
taking to pay their fines "at soche tyme as God shall
make them able to paie the same." They undertook not to

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 193

make the permission an excuse to transfer their allegiance
to any foreign prince, nor to commit any breach of the
peace. Every tenth person whom they took away was
to be such as had no means of support in England.

Permission was undoubtedly granted at once. Men-
doza wrote on July 25, 1852: "The ships that the
Catholics were fitting out here are reduced to two, which
will be taken by Humphrey Gilbert for the purpose of
reconnoitring the best place to land next year. These
two vessels are already in Southampton Water, and are
only waiting a fair wind to sail."

On March 17, 1583, Mendoza writes: "The ships
that Humphrey Gilbert was fitting out with the design
of taking Catholics to the coast of Florida are now
getting ready to sail, as the two ships they sent last
summer to explore seem a long while gone."

There is but one other slight reference to these "spiers
out of the land," which will be given later. They
undoubtedly sailed and returned, but no account of
their adventures has been preserved. Not content with
the evidence of their own emissaries, some well-wisher
of Gilbert, probably Hakluyt, was at pains to collect
information from other sources. The greatest living
authority on the seaboard of North America was David
Ingram, a sailor, then living at Barking. He, if any
one, should know all about it, for he had walked the
whole distance from Florida to Cape Breton, a
pedestrian feat which probably has never been accom-
plished by any one but himself and his two companions.
He had been one of Hawkins' sailors in his disastrous
voyage in 1568. After the defeat at San Juan de
Ulloa, Hawkins found himself with one vessel, terribly
overcrowded with his own men and those who had
escaped from his captured ships. They had hardly
any provisions, and would certainly have died of hunger
and disease had they attempted the voyage home in
such plight. A number of the men elected to be set
on shore and take their chance of escape that way rather
o

194 THE LIFE OF

than to remain on board to certain death. One hundred
and thirteen were therefore landed at some point on
the coast of Florida. The greater part of them died or
were killed by savages; some made their way back to
Mexico; while another band set out to the northward.
Incredible as it may appear, three men of this party,
David Ingram, Browne, and Twide walked all the way
to Cape Breton, and were rescued by a French vessel.

The result of this inquiry is contained in two papers
at the Record Office. One is entitled "Sundrie reportes
of ye Contrie Sir Humphrey Gilberte goes to discover,"
and the other, "Certain questions to be demaunded of
David Ingram, sayler dwelling at Barkinge in the
county e of Essex. What he observed in his travell on
the north side of the river of May where he remayned
three months or thereabouts.*' The first paper, so far
as it relates to David Ingram; is also reprinted by
Hakluyt in his edition of 1589, substantially in the same
language. We presume that the Record Office paper
is the original evidence as given "before Sir Fraunceys
Walsingham, Knight, and divers others of good judge-
ment and credit in August and September 1582," upon
which Hakluyt elaborated. The Calendar of State
Papers first gave the date of this paper as 1580 and
afterwards as 1583, neither of which is right.

To deal first with Ingram's story. A bare narration
of the facts would have been sufficiently marvellous,
but he realized that, like Bottom, he was expected "to
discourse wonders," and therefore gave glowing
accounts of "rubies four inches long," pearls in
"pottles" and "pecks," "bracelets of gold and silver,"
"breast plates of gold," "gold in the rivers in lumps
as big as a man's fist," towns a mile or more in length,
and in the houses utensils for humble purposes of
massive silver. The fertility of the country was marvel-
lous, palms, grapes, corn, cassaba, everywhere in pro-
fusion. Numerous rivers full of fish. Wild animals
of every kind, including elephants, and sheep with red

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 195

wool. Of the people, their king and customs, he also
gave wonderful accounts, especially of a nation of five
or six thousand people governed by a negro.

The second paper forcibly reminds one of the saying
"Ask me no questions and I will tell you no lies." To
the leading questions put to him at his cross-examina-
tion, Ingram replied in the manner evidently expected.
Each of his statements is quaintly prefaced : " He hath
confessed," which seems to convey a sense of something
extorted; but Ingram evidently lied readily. How he
must have enjoyed the amazement of his august
listeners ! But apparently they at last became sceptical,
for the final paragraph reads : " Divers other matters
of great importance he hath confessed (yf they be true)
which he sayeth that upon his lyfe he offereth to goe
to the place to aprove the same true." Although he is
not mentioned in Haies's narrative, it appears that he
did accompany Sir Humphrey in 1583, for in Sir
George Peckham's Westerne Planting, published im-
mediately after Haies's return, there is the following
note : "This David Ingram was in the last journey with
Sir Humphrey and is very desirous to be employed
thither again." Purchas tells us: "As for David In-
gram's perambulation to the north parts. Master
Hakluyt in his first edition published the same; but it
seemeth some incredibilities of his reports caused him
to leave him out in the next impression, the reward of
lying not to be believed in truths."

The first paper contains, in addition to David In-
gram's wild statements, tabulated lists of minerals,
precious stones, trees, grains, beasts, birds, etc., to be
found in the country, derived from "Verrazimis, Jaques
Cartier, John Barros, Andrew Thevett, and John
Walker. Of which number Sir Humphrey Gilbert did
confer in person with the last three named." It has
been suggested already that he might have met Thevett
while at Havre in 1561-62, but where he conferred with

John Barros, the Portuguese Livy, cannot be surmised
o 2

196 THE LIFE OF

from anything we know of his history. John Walker
is unknown to fame — a humble fisherman, probably,
who made yearly trips across the Atlantic for codfish.

There are several interesting notes to these papers.
One states that in 1579, "Simon Ferdinando, Mr. Secy,
Walsingham's man^ went and came to and from the
said coast in three months in the little Frigatt without
any other consort and arrived at Dartmouth from
whence he had embarked when he began his viage."
Ferdinando, it will be remembered, was Master of the
Falcon, commanded by Walter Ralegh in Gilbert's
expedition in 1578, and was referred to by Mendoza as
"a great rogue who knows the coast well." The map
known as Dee's map was said to have been drawn from
data furnished by Ferdinando.

Another paragraph describes the finding of a silver
mine, by John Walker on the river of Norumbega in
1580, and his voyage home in seventeen days.

A marginal note, to the description of the savages'
houses by Ingram, reads: "Sir Humphrey Gilbert's
man which he sent to discover the lande reporteth their
houses to be built in lyke mannor rounde." We have
a possible clue to the identity of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's
man in the following —

Peckham, in a marginal note to his Westerne Plant-
ing, (which note by the bye may have been the work of
his editor, Hakluyt) enumerates the English voyagers
to America, and among them mentions William Battes.
Among the officers of the An Ager in 1578 was a "Mr.
Battes deputye of the ship," and it seems not unlikely
that he was the man selected by Gilbert to make the
preliminary voyage.

During the absence of his harbingers, Gilbert made
several other transfers to his Catholic friends. On
February 28, 1583, in consideration of divers sums dis-
bursed by them, he transferred to vSir George Peckham
and his second son, George, "all that river and port
called by Master John Dee, Dee River, which river,
by the description of John Verazanus, a Florentine

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 197

lyeth in septentrional latitude about 42 degrees, and
hath his mouth lying open to the south, half a league
broad on thereabouts, and entering the same bay
between the east and north increaseth his breadth
and continueth twelve leagues or thereabouts and then
maketh a gulf of twenty leagues or thereabouts and
containeth in itself five small islands, newly named
the Cinq Isles, and the said Gulf and the five isles and
all other isles lying within the said gulf together with
1,500,000 acres of land within the supposed continent
lying next adjoining upon said river." They were to
pay seven shillings per annum for every thousand acres
"manured," (i.e. cultivated), and two-fifths of all the
gold and silver found. A curious stipulation is made
that if any person should seek the subversion of the
''Commonwealth of Sir Humphrey," his heirs or suc-
cessors, the contract was to become null and void. Poor
Sir Humphrey ! In imagination he saw himself over-
lord of half the continent of America.

Peckham then proceeded to sublet his interest;
William Rowsell, of Cork Co., Devon, purchasing
from him 500,000 acres, and paying "to Her Majesty
and said patentee in all things as Sir George payeth,
ratiably. And further paying to the said Sir George
yearly on the first of January one steel target and one
good arming sword in the name of Chiefage only."

In July 1583, Sir Humphrey made another deal; this
time with Sir Philip Sidney, that "preux chevalier,
sans peur et sans reproche." To quote John Richard
Green: "Sidney, the nephew of the Earl of Leicester,
was the idol of the time, and perhaps no figure reflects
the age more fully and more beautifully. Fair as he
was brave ; quick of wit as of affection ; noble and
generous in temper; dear to Elizabeth as to Spenser;
the darling of the Court and of the Camp; his learning
and genius made him the centre of the literary world
which was springing into birth on English soil." ^

1 Sidney was the son of Sir Henry Sidney, Gilbert's old com-
mander in Ireland. In a letter to the Earl of Stafford, on July 21, he

198 THE LIFE OF

Mendoza had reported some time before that Sidney
was interested in the proposed Roman Catholic colony,
now to take effect in duly executed Articles of Agree-
ment with Sir Humphrey. It is a more interesting
document than the others, and contains stipulations not
found in any of them. The cause for the transaction
is stated to be Sir Humphrey's anxiety for the more
speedy execution of Her Majesty's grant to him, and
the enlargement of Her Majesty's Dominions. Sidney,
his heirs and successors, are empowered to discover and
occupy 3,000,000 acres, paying for every 1000 acres so
discovered and manured, fifteen pence and two-fifths of
all the gold and silver that may be found therein. A
further payment of one halfpenny sterling for every
acre manured is to be made for the maintenance of a
Navy and Soldiers, and for the general defence of those

says, "We are half persuaded to enter into the journey of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert very eagerlie, whereunto your Mr. Hackluit hath
served for a very good trumpet." Hakluyt had intended to accom-
pany Gilbert on his voyage, but just at this time receiving the appointment
of Chaplain to the Earl of Stafford, was unable to do so. The Sidney
and Gilbert families were also distantly connected by marriage.
Philip Sidney's brother, Robert, married Barbara Gammage, a great
beauty and heiress. Ralegh, at the Queen's instigation, tried to
interfere in the disposal of the lady's hand, claiming that he was " her
father's cousin germanye considering she hath not any neerer kin nor
better."

Since the above was written I have had the pleasure of reading
the recently pubhshed, and most interesting Z(/"^ of Sir Philip Sidney^
by Mr. Percy Addleshaw. Mr. Addleshaw considers Sidney's chief
characteristic to have been his uncompromising Protestantism. He
says, " The greatest blot upon his career is his loathing for those of
the old faith. He hated all Catholics with a bitterness quite un-
warranted by facts." Yet we find him chosen by Sir George Peckham
and Sir Thomas Gerrard to help them in their scheme to plant a
Catholic colony in the New World. It is barely possible, of course,
that in appearing to assist the Catholics in this matter, he was but
pursuing the idea which Mendoza suggested, — that it was a plot
devised against the Catholics, intended to get them out of the country
and deposited where they would be unable to help the cause of their
religion. Mr. Addleshaw, in commenting on Sidney's transaction with
Peckham, has overlooked the fact that it was ostensibly to assist the
Catholics. He has also mistaken the nature of the grant obtained by
Sidney. It was not by a charter, procured by persuasion from Eliza-
beth, but by articles of agreement with Sir Humphrey Gilbert, that he
secured his principality in America.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 199

countries. This fund was to be kept in a treasure-house
set apart for that purpose, and to be under the manage-
ment of the chiefest governor and thirteen councillors
for martial and marine causes to be chosen by the
people. In addition, one-sixtieth part of all lands of
every temporal person and one-fortieth part of all lands
and revenues of every spiritual person were to be
allowed for the maintenance of maimed soldiers and
for the encouragement of learning — equally worthy
objects, but here curiously associated. Sidney and his
successors were to have the execution of all laws within
their boundaries, but the whole tract remained within
"the commonwealth of Sir Humphrey." Knowing the
esteem in which Elizabeth held Sidney, "the chiefest
jewel in her kingdom," his influence was enlisted to
get permission for the promoters to transport would-be
colonists out of the kingdom, it being a matter of grave
question at the time, whether it was good policy for
England to allow her populace to leave her shores,
even for the purpose of founding a new Empire
over-seas.

Sidney promptly made an agreement with Sir George
Peckham by which he transferred to him all his recently
acquired principality ; from which it seems probable, that
the grant may have been intended for Peckham from
the first, Sidney only lending it the weight of his name.

The fact that the author of the Arcadia interested
himself in Sir Humphrey Gilbert's colonizing project
is perhaps not without literary significance. That
curious romance was written about this time for the
amusement of the Countess of Pembroke, during an
enforced retirement at Wilton. Perhaps the stories
current about the New World had set Sidney's imagina-
tion working ; or perhaps it was the other way, and when
Gilbert made his proposition, Sidney dreamed of another
Arcadia in the proposed colony. However that may
be, Sidney materially assisted Gilbert and readily entered
into the scheme to plant a colony of English Catholics
in the new-found land.

200 THE LIFE OF

It is a matter of great regret that the sums of money ^
paid to Gilbert for his impalpable rights cannot be
ascertained.

Mendoza did all he could to thwart the scheme.
Writing on May 6, 1583, he says : *'The Council have
suggested to the Catholics to contribute a sum of money
to carry on the enterprise in Florida, upon which
Humphrey Gilbert has sailed with the ships I described
to your Majesty, in which case they promise to release
the prisoners and will allow them to live without perse-
cution. As they have been warned that the expedition
is an illicit one, and fear that the offer is only a trap to
discover them, they are keeping in the background.
Although some few Catholics out of indifference and
penury have gone with Gilbert, selling what little pro-
perty was left to them for the purpose." Here the
incident closes, never to be revived again.

In the next charter for the colonization of Newfound-
land, granted in 161 o, the following clause was inserted :
"And lastly because the principall effects which we can
desire of this action is the conversion of the people in
those parts, if any be there inhabiting, unto the true
worship of God and Christian religion, in which respecte
we would be loathe that any person should be permitted
to passe that be suspected to asserte the superstitions of
the Church of Rome."

James, however, soon departed from this ultra-bigoted
view, for in 1623, he granted a charter to Lx)rd Baltimore,
a Catholic, whose design was to colonize with his co-
religionists chiefly, if not entirely. His colony was
planted at Ferryland, in Newfoundland, but was soon
abandoned, — a scoffing West Country ship-master de-
claring that "the air of Newfoundland agrees perfectly
well with all God's creatures except Jesuits and schis-
matics, a great mortality among whom so frightened my
Lord Baltimore that he utterly left the country."

1 Mr. Addleshaw says that at this time Sidney was in great
financial difficulty. Possibly, therefore, he may have made money out
of the deal by reselling to Sir George Peckham at a profit.

Sir Walter Raleigh.

From a portrait, Jj6g.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 201

Sir George Peckham, although apparently conform-
ing, continued to assist the Roman Catholics. In 1584,
and again in 1587, he was reported to be harbouring
Jesuits and recusants. Sir Thomas Gerrard remained
true to his faith. He was imprisoned for treason in
1588, and was not released until 1594. Five years later,
he again incurred the anger of the Queen by assisting
a Catholic priest to escape from the Marshalsea.

It is necessary now to return somewhat in point of
date, and to discuss other matters preparatory to Gil-
bert's departure on his great enterprise. As befitted
every man with a family about to start upon a perilous
voyage, Sir Humphrey first made his will. This
"writing indented" is dated July 8, 1582. "Calling to
mind the mortality of mankind and the uncertain event
of long voyages in marine and martial affairs, and care-
fully foreseeing least through his death, captivity, or
other mishap, this intended enterprise might quaell, and
for the avoiding of such inconveniences as might ensue
to the hindrance of so godly and honourable an enter-
prise," Sir Humphrey appointed his brother, Sir John
Gilbert of Greenway, Devon, Sir George Peckham of
Denham, Bucks, and William Archer (Ager) of Borne,
Kent to be his trustees and executors. He placed in
their hands the control of his kingdom, to be used for
the benefit of his wife, and his children during their
minority, in the following manner. All customs, rents,
royalties, jurisdictions, and services were to be reserved
for his heirs male. To Dame Anne his wife, he be-
queathed one third of these revenues, during the minority
of his heir male, to be reduced to one fifth after said heir
attained his majority; in addition he gave to her one
entire seignory or lordship, fifty English miles square,
at her choice, which was to become a jointure for the
wife of the Chief Governor of the country under the
Crown of England for ever.

To each one of his sons he gave "a like seignory at
least," and to each daughter a lesser but still substantial
portion of twenty square miles. Each was to have the

202 THE LIFE OF

execution of justice within his or her domain, and to
pay a small fee to the general purse. In addition,
each was to furnish, forty days out of every year, a well-
armed soldier on horseback.

His executors were empowered to dispose of lands to
settlers, reserving sites for towns and forts, and making
provision for commons and pasture land. For the
better maintenance of poor inhabitants ten acres of land
were to be given for every house built, on payment of
a small rent.

Every person sent over at the expense of the mother
country was to have a lease for three lives, sixty acres
of land, with allowance for "housebote, hedgebote, and
ploughbote,*' — terms in ancient English law meaning
an allowance of wood for the repairs of houses, hedges,
and ploughs, or other farm implements. These tenants
were to pay small rentals, and after death or alienation
"a best beast for a Herriot" (?).

Each emigrant was required to bring with him the
following : a quarter of wheat, 20s. ; four bushels of
barley, 65. 8d.; four bushels of oats, 3s. ^d. ; two
bushels of beans, 5s. ; two bushels of peas, 45. ; one
hatchet, i2d,; one pickaxe, i2d.; one hand saw, i2d.;
one spade, 12^.; total, 43s. A modest but efficient
outfit, providing for the building of their houses and the
cultivation of the land. If they came furnished, at their
own charge, with "a sword, a dagger, and a hargabusse
of encrease," they were to have six score acres. Every
gentleman, who brought with him five men fully
equipped and furnished, was to receive two thousand
acres in fee simple ; if ten men, four thousand acres, and
so on in proportion. And each man so brought was
to receive six score acres.

Every tenant to sixty acres of land was bound to
maintain a longbow and a sheaf of arrows, together with
a sword, a dagger, and wooden target. Tenants of
twenty-four acres were to maintain a fighting man
besides themselves, and every gentleman leasing 2000

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 203

acres was enjoined to keep a light horse furnished for
the wars, ** after such time as God shall send sufficient
horses in those parts, and in the meantime to keep two
men for shot in lieu of such horses." One halfpenny
sterling per acre was to be levied for the maintenance
of an army and navy for the general defence of the
country.

Provision was made in addition for the maintenance
of maimed soldiers, for learning, lectures, schools, and
"other good and godly uses in such sort as is thought
most meet by the chief magistrates and law makers."

Sir Humphrey further decreed that every country
parish should be just three miles square, "with the
church in the midst thereof ; " every minister, besides
his tythes, was to have three hundred acres of land as
near his church as possible. Plurality of benefices was
strictly prohibited, and if any minister absented himself
for more than six months in any one year he was to be
deprived of his living. Every bishop was endowed with
ten thousand acres, and every archbishop with twenty
thousand acres. \

Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Commonwealth was an ideal
one. We can imagine the long hours spent by him
in dreaming over its possibilities. He intended that it
should be practically an absolute monarchy, although
thirteen councillors elected by the people were to assist
the Governor in organizing its defence. The law-
making powers granted by his Patent made him almost
absolute, and he evidently calculated to exercise them.
It was an idyllic picture that he painted. The neatly-
laid-out parishes centreing around the church and par-
sonage; the schools, with a curriculum to be modelled
doubtless upon "Queen Elizabeth's Achademy." Re-
membering the Act passed for the establishment of
Leicester's Hospital in Warwick, he also arranges for
the maintenance of his old soldiers ; ministers, bishops,
and archbishops are all to be provided for. One won-
ders how the Roman Catholic colonists would have fared.

204 THE LIFE OF

and if they would have enjoyed the freedom promised
them, for, as will be told later, the first English ordinance
declared on the North American continent by Gilbert
was that the public exercise of religion should be
according to the Church of England.

Sir Humphrey was a prophet and a seer, far ahead
of his time, and many long years were to elapse before
a Colony could be firmly established.

It will be noted that no rentals were to be paid until
seven or ten years after the lands had been occupied,
showing that Gilbert realized the truth afterward
enunciated by Bacon in his essay on " Plantations " :
"Planting of countries is like planting of wood, for you
must take account to leese almost twenty years profit
and expect your recompense in the end. For the prin-
cipal thing that hath been the destruction of most planta-
tions hath been the base and hasty drawing of profit in
the first years." ^

Gilbert did not, however, realize, as did Bacon, that
the idle and vicious would not make good colonists.
His proposal to employ them arose from a confusion of
ideas; the mother country was to be benefited by re-
lieving her of "those needy people who were daily con-
sumed of the gallows." As such it was an argument in
favour of colonization ; but from the point of view of the
colonies it was a fatal error. Bacon detected the fallacy.
"It is a shameful and unblessed thing," he writes, "to
take the scum of the people and wicked, condemned men,
to be the people with whom you plant, for they will ever
live like rogues and not fall to work, but be lazy and do
mischief, and spend victuals, and be quickly weary, to
the discredit of the plantation." Painfully was Gilbert
to realize this truth even in his short experience. Another
sad error was fallen into by Gilbert, which Bacon de-
tected and corrected. Deceived by the reports from the

^ Bacon was himself a shareholder in the Company that planted
the oldest colony now remaining under the Crown of England, that of
Guy's Colony at Cupid's Cove, Newfoundland, in the year 1610.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 205

Spanish colonies, and by the accounts brought back by
Ingram and John Walker, Gilbert thought the New
World abounded in the precious metals. A condition of
every grant made by him was, that he was to receive two-
fifths of all the gold, silver, pearls or precious stones that
might be found, one-half of which he was to pay as
tribute to the Crown of England. The hope of finding
gold was one of the principal inducements offered, and
drew many subscribers. Bacon, however, with the wis-
dom born of twenty-five years' longer experience, says :
** Moil not too much underground, for the hope of mines
is very uncertain and useth to make the planters lazy in
other things."

A passage in the letter written by Ralegh to Cecil
about this time, which has already been quoted, excites
our curiosity. Speaking of Gilbert, he says: ''Would
God his own behaviour were such in times of peace as it
did not make his good services forgotten." It seems to
infer that Gilbert had acted in some reprehensible
manner; but, apart from the false accusation of piracy
trumped up by Mendoza, there is no rumour of any
charge against him. Nor is it likely that it was this
charge of piracy to which Ralegh referred, for he him-
self was implicated in it. From all his contemporaries
we hear nothing but high praise of Gilbert's character ;
it seems likely, therefore, that the imputation in
Ralegh's letter was not of this nature. Perhaps Gil-
bert's absorption in his colonization enterprises for the
moment caused Ralegh to be impatient with him. In
Ralegh's opinion he should have kept himself in promi-
nence and sought other military commands, putting
to the sword and hanging unfortunate Irish kerns, for
instance, instead of laying the foundation of Greater
Britain.

CHAPTER XI

THE EVE OF DEPARTURE

1582-1583

The money obtained from the Catholic would-be
colonizers was not sufficient to enable Gilbert to fit
out his expedition, and he therefore, in -quite modern
style, converted himself and his schemes into what
would now be called a Joint-Stock Company. The
title of the Company was somewhat cumbrous — "The
Merchant Adventurers with Sir Humphrey Gilbert,"
but it was thoughtfully provided that the name might
be changed whenever *'it shall please God that ye
Queen's Majesty or Sir Humphrey Gilbert shall give the
contries some other name or names." The members of
the Company, with their apprentices, were to be free
of all manner of trade to the countries discovered,
"all fishes and fishing thereabout excepted," — a very
important exception when Newfoundland comes to be
considered.

Nearly all the members of this new Company were
inhabitants of the town of Southampton, and Sir
Humphrey undertook that all merchandise from his
"Commonwealth" should be imported into that city
and no other, unless specially permitted by the officers
of the Company. A Staple or Mart was to be established
there especially for the marketing of the Company's
goods. The Company was to be governed by four
officers, to be chosen by Sir Humphrey before his
departure — a Governor, a Treasurer, Agent, and Secre-
tary. If any of these officers died or resigned while
Gilbert was away. Sir Francis Walsingham, "Chief and
Principal Patron of the Company," was to nominate

206

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 20T

their successors. The annual meeting of the Company
was to be held on August i in each year, in South-
ampton, at 8 o'clock in the morning, when, after divine
service or sermon, "eight of the most wisest and dis-
creetest " persons were to be elected directors of the
Company, and all "convenient orders, decrees, and
statutes " for the government of the Society were to be
passed. The shares of the Company were to be p(,$
each, either in money or goods. And as land was plenty
in the New World, and promises cheap, each holder of
one share was entitled to looo acres of land.

Every adventurer in person, and not in goods, was
to be free of all trade in the countries occupied, that of
fish and fishing again excepted, and those who adven-
tured both their person and purse were entitled to a
double portion of lands. In order to induce the adven-
turers in person to settle in the country, "now intended
to be discovered, conquered, seased or possessed," a
redoubled portion of land was offered, provided they
remained there at least eight months. Volunteers for
the new colony were evidently not numerous, as was to
be expected. It was an unheard-of thing at that time
for English people to leave their homes to start afresh
in a country about which so little was really known, and
so many fabulous tales related. More than ordinary
courage, or more than ordinary unhappiness at home,
was required to make a colonist, but the grant of thou-
sands of acres of land would doubtless attract many
waverers.

The lands were to be "in free soccage tenure," paying
to Sir Humphrey, his heirs or assigns, after the first
seven years, ten shillings for every lOOO acres. "In
further reward and for perpetual memory " of these first
adventurers, they were "fully discharged from all tor-
tures, marshall laws, arrests or attachments," notwith-
standing any powers or authority granted to Sir
Humphrey for the governance of the countries dis-
covered. A rash promise one would suppose, consider-

208 THE LIFE OF

ing the class from which he proposed to draw his first
colonists.

The blood relations of Sir Humphrey and Lady
Gilbert, presumably to the remotest cousinship, seeing
that no limit is placed to the tie of consanguinity, were
made free of all liberties, immunities, and privileges in
the countries about to be taken possession of.

The next clause in the agreement is quite refreshing.
Sir Humphrey indulges himself with a little revenge.
For twelve years the Muscovy Company had thwarted
his plans and balked his ambitions; now that he had
obtained his charter in spite of their opposition, he took
care that no one connected with that Company should
share in the glorious results of his endeavours, now
about to be enjoyed. He therefore expressly inhibited
and forbade, that any member of the Muscovy Com-
pany or their children, should hold shares in his Com-
pany, or be admitted into his kingdom. Included in
this terrible deprivation were such inhabitants of the
town of Southampton as did not at once join his Com-
pany. His attitude is natural. He considered that he
was bestowing a great favour upon the town of South-
ampton in thus singling it out before all other towns in
the realm, and that any inhabitant should stand aloof
and not recognize the privilege thus conferred upon
him was certainly annoying. If any of these short-
sighted people or any member of the Muscovy Company
dared to set foot in his domains, he undertook to seize
and confiscate their ships, and divide the proceeds
between himself and his Company.

While he remembered his enemies he did not forget
his friends, and stipulated with his new Company, that
all the adventurers in his first expedition of 1578, should
be to all intents and purposes members of the present
Company, and share with them in his generous partition
of the North , American continent.

For the relief of any poor and decayed members of
the Company, Sir Humphrey set aside 10,000 acres of

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 209

land and one per cent, of his rentals. The members of
the Company, not to be outdone, also promised one per
cent, of their receipts for the same charitable purpose.

The last clause of the agreement provides that any
dispute arising between Sir Humphrey and his Company
should be referred for settlement to the Lord Chancellor
of England for the time being.

The date of this interesting document is November 2,
1582. Viewed from our standpoint it was a preposterous
proposition, but to Sir Humphrey and his colleagues it
was real and genuine, and seriously they debated every
clause. The foundations of their empire were to be
well and truly laid. Sir Humphrey thought imperially,
and saw a vision of a great commonwealth over which
he was to reign supreme under the crown of England.
He peopled it with England's surplus population, who
had been unfortunate or unhappy at home, but who
would now obtain another chance in a sphere where they
were not handicapped by their past.

We find nowhere in his writings any cant about con-
verting the savage inhabitants of the New World, — an
argument which was urged with so much insistence by
Eden, Hakluyt, Peckham, and other early supporters
of colonization, but which the early colonizers them-
selves so entirely neglected. The Spaniards made a
continual parade of the conversion of the natives, and
more cruelty was perpetrated and more lives sacrificed
in the name of religion, than even on the altar of the
Gold Demon.

Nor was mere gain the incentive which prompted
Gilbert, although as much cannot be said for the Adven-
turers with him, who, when not induced by friendship
or relationship, undoubtedly dreamed of "Africa and
golden joys," and were entirely mercenary in their
interests. A list of the Adventurers is still preserved,
among whom may be noted : Lord Burleigh, Earls
Warwick, Sussex, Leicester, Sir Christopher Hatton,
Sir Francis Knowles, Sir Henry Sidney, Philip Sidney,

210 THE LIFE OF

John Dee, and Anthony Parkhurst.^ A separate list
is given of the Southampton Adventurers ^ and the
amount each subscribed, headed by Sir Francis Wal-
singham with £^0- The total amount subscribed was
;^555j equal to about $22,000 of our money.

Walsingham endeavoured to interest other cities in
the enterprise. Hakluyt preserves some correspondence,
consisting of letters from Walsingham to himself, and
to Mr. Thomas Aldworth, Mayor of Bristol, and the reply
of the Mayor, the gist of which seems to be that the
Mayor in a letter to Walsingham had expressed the
interest of himself and the city in maritime adventures;
thereupon Walsingham wrote to Hakluyt commending
him for his studies in that line, and entrusting to him
a letter to the Mayor. In this letter he informed the
Mayor that Sir Humphrey was then about to sail on a
voyage of discovery, and urged him to send two ships
to join the expedition. Mr. Thomas Aldworth forthwith
called the merchants of Bristol together to hear Mr.
Hakluyt on the subject, and to discuss the project ; with
the result, that instead of helping Gilbert, they offered
to fit out two vessels and to place them under the com-
mand of Carlile — Walsingham 's son-in-law — to sail in
six weeks. The date given in Hakluyt to the first two
letters was March 1582, but from the context and the
date of the reply it is certain that it should have been

1583.

The merchants of Bristol intended to join hands with
the Muscovy Company, and a committee of this Com-
pany was appointed to confer with Carlile upon the
intended attempt upon the hithermost parts of America.
Their arguments and proposals were embodied in a

1 Anthony Parkhurst accompanied Hawkins as a gentleman
adventurer in 1563, and afterwards regularly prosecuted the fishery
in Newfoundland.

2 Among the Southampton Adventurers are found two named
Capelin. This is the name given to a little fish found in Newfound-
land waters in great abundance, and may possibly explain its derivation,
which has been hitherto inexplicable.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 211

paper also preserved by Hakluyt, but as it was undated
it has been generally misunderstood and the date 1574
given to it. The Committee expressed themselves well
persuaded of the suitableness of the country, and pro-
posed that a colony of 100 men should be planted there
to gain knowledge of the country. The cost was to be
borne by the cities of Bristol and London. They recom-
mended that her Majesty should grant Letters Patent to
Carlile, conveying practically the same privileges as
were contained in Gilbert's patent, especially the permis-
sion to colonize. As Gilbert had carefully excluded them
from any share in his privileges, they no doubt thought
this an excellent opportunity to be revenged on him, and
to secure the coveted prize for themselves.

But Carlile was not altogether pleased with their pro-
posals, and he wrote a long discourse in April 1583,
which is also to be found in Hakluyt, to dissuade the
merchants of the Muscovy Company from demanding
too quick a return for their investment, seeing that the
amounts they had at stake were quite insignificant. His
proposition was mainly to colonize Newfoundland, — the
many advantages of which he dilated on at considerable
length.

Neither he nor the Committee of the Muscovy Com-
pany made any reference to Gilbert, whose thunder they
were so barefacedly trying to steal.

But the Queen and Council did not accede to this
request for Letters Patent, undoubtedly considering that
Gilbert held the field, and must be given a fair chance to
operate under his grant. Nor does it appear that
Walsingham went out of his way to forward his son-in-
law's suit, for Gilbert still continued to address him as
his chief friend and patron. On February 7, 1583,
Gilbert wrote a most interesting letter to him. He had
heard from Walsingham that her Majesty, having
"especial care for his well being and success, desired him
to stay at home, as a man noted for no good hap at sea."

This was naturally a great shock to his enthusiasm,
p 2

212 THE LIFE OF

and an awkward matter to deal with. He must express
his obHgation for the Queen's interest in him; yet he
bitterly resented the imputation on his ability. He is at
much pains to explain the cause of the failure of his
previous expedition, and darkly hints that it need not
have turned out so badly had he not preferred his credit
to his gain. He did not himself break the promise he
had made to her Majesty, nor did he permit any of his
Company to do so. The nature of the promise is not
explicitly given, but one infers that it was his under-
taking not to engage in piracy. It was rather hard,
in the light of this statement, that he should have
been charged with this crime and brought from
Ireland at a critical moment to answer Mendoza's
accusations. He then explains that the delay in
the present voyage was not from any fault of his,
but was God's doing, who sent such a violent head
wind that he was unable to sail. It was well known
that vessels had been blown from the Azores to England
without setting a sail ; how was it possible for him to set
out in the teeth of such a tempest? He next cunningly
reminds Walsingham that the Queen was to receive one-
fifth of all the gold, silver, and precious stones obtained,
without any cost or risk to herself. Elizabeth's idio-
syncrasies were evidently well known to him. Con-
tinuing, he says: "The great desire I have to perform
the same hath cost me first and last the selling and
spending of a thousand marks land a year of my own
getting, besides the scorn of all the world for conceiving
so well of a matter that others held as ridiculous,
although now by my means better thought of. If the
doubt be my want of skill to execute the same, I will offer
myself to be opposed by all the best navigators and
cosmographers within this realm. If it be cowardliness,
I seek no other purgation thereof than my former service
done to Her Majesty. If it be the suspicion of daintiness
of diet or sea sickness, in those both I will yeild myself
second to no man living, because that comparison is

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 213

rather hardiness of body than a boast of virtue. But how
Httle account soever is made of the matter or of me, I
trust Her Majesty, with the favour of my 28 years
service, will allow me to get my living, as w^ell as I may
honestly (which is every subject's right) and not to con-
strain me by idle abode at home, to beg my bread with
my wife and children, seeing I have Her Majesty's grant
and license under the Great Seal of England for my
departure, without the which I would not have spent a
penny in this action ; wherein I am most borne to Her
Majesty for her great favour, which of all things I most
desire."

Gilbert claimed for himself the credit for having urged,
in season and out of season, in the face of ridicule and
abuse, his theories about colonization, until at last they
were beginning to be generally accepted.

The contents of this letter would at once have been
made known to Elizabeth, and whether moved by the
hope of gain held out to her, or by the justice of Gil-
bert's plea, she withdrew her objections.

But there was now another influence at work in
Gilbert's interest. A few months before, Ralegh had
returned from Ireland and attracted the notice of the
Queen. Perhaps he had been introduced by Sir
Humphrey. Perhaps old Fuller's story of his chivalrous
action in spreading his cloak over "a plashy place" for
Elizabeth to walk upon is true ; perhaps it was his able
arguments before the Council on the Irish situation ; but
more probably it was his own gallant figure that attracted
the elderly susceptibilities of Elizabeth; in any case he
had rapidly won the position of first favourite,^ tempor-
arily replacing "her sweet Robin," Leicester. His influ-
ence became at once so great that in May 1583, even the
great Lord Burleigh himself asked for his support, and
at the same period we find Ralegh writing to his rival
Leicester that the Queen began again to have him in

1 Ralegh was so ungrateful in after years as to refer to Elizabeth as
" a lady whom time had surprised."

214 THE LIFE OF

regard. It thus happened that he was able to further
the suit of his beloved and admired elder brother, and
undoubtedly did so, for Elizabeth chose him to be the
medium to convey to Gilbert her final assent to his
departure. This he did in the following touching letter—

^^ Richmond^ March 7,1583.

"Brother: — I have sent you a token from Her
Majestic, an ancor guided by a lady as you see; and
farther, Her Highness willed me to send you worde that
she wished you as great good hap and safty to your ship,
as if she herself were thear in person ; desiring you to
have care for your sealf , as of that which she tendereth ;
and therefore for her sake you must provide for it accord-
ingly.

''Further, she commandeth me that you leve your
picture with me. For the rest I leve till our meeting, or
to the report of this bearer, who would needs be mes-
senger of this good neuse. So I commit you to the will
and protection of God, Who send us such life or death
as He shall please, or hath appointed.

"Your treu brother,

"W. Ralegh."

The portrait of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, here repro-
duced, is in the possession of his lineal descendant the
Rev. Walter Raleigh Gilbert. It bears the following
inscription : "vSyr Humfrye Gilbert, Knight — drowned
in the discovery of Virginia 1584"; the mistake in the
date indicating that it is not quite contemporary, unless
the inscription was added incorrectly at a later date. The
portrait generally reproduced is that contained in
Holland*s Hercoolgia Anglica (see Frontispiece). A
manuscript note on the copy in the British Museum
reads : "Taken from a picture in the Strand." It seems
rather a delicate and refined type of face to accompany
such a splendid physique. His brow is Shakespearian
and thoughtful, and his demeanour dignified. It is a

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 215

beautiful face, and seems to shadow forth his "prophetic
soul." The motto "Quid Non" which appears on his
portrait, and was generally used by him, is significant of
the man. No idea was too original for him, no enterprise
too daring. Why not a North- West Passage? Why
not a London University? Why not England, Mistress
of the Seas? Why not an Empire over-seas? The
originality, and the "great unrest" of his mind, stand
out even in that age of moral and intellectual upheaval.

The assistance rendered by Ralegh was opportune.
To have been stopped again at that time would have
broken Gilbert's heart, even as already he was broken
in purse and credit. The time of his charter would have
elapsed, and the work of his lifetime been wasted.

It is not, however, sufficient for the biographers of
Ralegh to record the simple obvious fact of this brotherly
assistance, but they must now magnify their hero into
the position of prime mover and organizer of the expe-
dition. Although Gilbert began his plans when Ralegh
was a schoolboy, and had them practically matured
before he was out of his teens; although he was a pro-
minent man, a leader and commander in Ireland and the
Low Countries, when Ralegh was an unknown subaltern
serving under him ; although Ralegh obtained his first
command at sea under Gilbert in 1578; although Gilbert
was ceaselessly working cut his plans, pulling every
string, making desperate efforts to raise money for his
expedition, while Ralegh was serving in a subordinate
position under Grey in Ireland; and although the pro-
gression of Gilbert's ambitions is manifest, from the
beginning in 1566 until the final attempt in 1583; yet,
now, Ralegh becomes the leader, and Gilbert merely the
tool ! Ralegh's latest biographer even credits him with
having incited Walsingham to propose the Catholic
colonization scheme; upon what grounds it is hard to
imagine. It will be clear to any one who consults the
records here collected, that Ralegh had absolutely
nothing to do with the matter, but that it was the natural

216 THE LIFE OF

outcome of the friendship which had long subsisted
between Gilbert and Sir George Peckham. Another
writer declares that Gilbert obtained his Patent in 1578
through Ralegh's influence,— a glaring historical ana-
chronism !

When the mantle slipped from Gilbert's shoulders, as
it was soon to do, Ralegh eagerly assumed it. The first
English colonizing expedition under Gilbert failed miser-
ably. The next under Ralegh achieved a little more
and made a proportionately greater failure. But Gilbert
was the originator and the leader, and Ralegh only the
follower.

In addition to the influence Ralegh was able to use
with Elizabeth he also rendered, or intended to render,
most important practical assistance. He purchased, or
some say had specially built from designs of his own,
a vessel for the expedition, sparing no expense in her
equipment. She was the largest of the fleet, being 200
tons, but, as we shall hear, was the cause of bitter dis-
appointment.

The Queen's consent being thus obtained, the time
grew on for departure. After the manner of the age, it
was but fitting that a bard or herald should chronicle the
auspicious event, and sing the praises of the hero of
the expedition. On this occasion the office was filled by
one Stephanus Parmenius of Buda, "late bedfellow" of
Hakluyt at Oxford, in an "Embarkation Ode" of about
300 elegant Latin hexameters, preceded by an address,
"To the noble and illustrious Humphrey Gilbert,
Knight."

The bard first apologizes that he, "an unknown
foreigner " should have attempted the lofty theme when
there were so many gifted men better able to accomplish
it. Born of Christian parents, amid Turkish slavery and
degradation, he had been sent abroad to visit the univer-
sities of Europe. During three years he had wandered
about the Continent, viewing the cities, churches, and
manners of the various nations, and making the acquaint-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 217

ance of famous men. But without being invidious he
was compelled to say that no country had pleased him
so much as Britain. "Wherefore I had long desired to
display some token of gratitude for the kindness and
consideration which had been shown me. While I was
engaged calling upon and making the acquaintance of
several excellent men in London, my friend Richard
Hakluyt took me to visit you, informing me of your
intention of founding, at an early date, a colony in the
New World. While this object was under discussion, I
had the opportunity of recognizing your powers both of
body and mind as worthy of undying record, aye, and 1
did so recognize them, and regarded them with such
honour that when, shortly afterwards, I heard your
virtues and exploits further extolled on all hands, I
thought this by far the most favourable opportunity for
me to discharge in some measure the debt of friendship
and devotion due to you and to your country. This is
the source to which my Embarkation Ode owes its
origin. It remains for me, noble Sir, to wish you a
safe and prosperous journey and return, and beg you
to consider my great regard for you in accordance with
your kindness, influence, and high renown. Farewell.
March 31, 1583."

The following is a som.ewhat free translation of the
Ode, omitting some of the less pertinent parts.

It begins with an address to the Thames " river blessed
with unbroken repose," and promises a joyful celebration
when the Argo, now to be dispatched, returns in
triumph. It continues after this manner : "What means
this gift of swiftly changing sky ? The heavy storm
clouds are resolved into thin air, the mists disperse,
calm seas shine in the sun, the South wind is lulled and
the propitious East wind grows stronger. Sails are
spread to catch the following breeze, sails with which
Gilbert, that lasting ornament of the British race, directs
his course to an unknown world across an almost
unknown sea. When shall I be permitted to sing the

218 THE LIFE OF

song of praise of our hero, and telling of deeds accom-
plished stir the hearts of wondering grandsons ?

*' Father Nereus himself with favouring trident controls
the waves. Here and there the dolphins leap from out
the Ocean depths, as though offering their curved backs
to bear up the keel which ploughs the friendly waters.
Old Proteus too, who feeds deep down the herds of
Neptune, draws back the veil of fate for future ages
and sings of deeds to be achieved by children yet
unborn.

"O ! Anglia, happy island, famed for the blessings of
peace and war, the glory of the wide world, now rich in
resources and thickly peopled, having won renown by
thy deeds, and reared thy head on high throughout the
world, careful of thy destiny, lest some day thy wide
spread dominions should fall by their own weight, now
may'st thou win new city walls for thy sons and extend
thy rule far and wide.

" Hail Gilbert ! noble heart, to thee alone through all
these ages is reserved a region never ruled by any king.
A new land awaits thy search, a land which knows no
Babylonian sceptre nor unconquered might of Macedon,
no Persian valour ever reached, nor ever felt the blow
of Latian arms. In that land never did Mohammed's
tribe mutter their prayers, nor cunning Spaniards prac-
tise their bloody cruelties in religion's name.

"There a race of mortals dwells, of human stock
unknown. Perhaps a remnant of the ancient family of
Fauns ; sprung from mother earth, they still retain their
ancient manners and lead the life of primitive man's
rude age. What time, Saturn fleeing from the wrath
of his son made his home in Latinus and estabHshed
there the golden age, thence degenerating through the
ages of silver and bronze to that of iron, once more (so
sing the bards) to be restored to that of gold. Am I
deceived, or is the golden age about to dawn again ?
When I turn my eyes towards the Britains, dwelling
amid the snows, I see many proofs of the returning

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 219

golden era. For there God's will is held in honour
great; there reigns an Amazon as dear to God as once
was Hera; there golden liberty dwells in cities un-
encompassed by walls; there sword and dirk, javelin
and spear are welded into ploughshares, and warriors
erstwhile well versed in war now pass the time in peace
and court the sweets of friendship ; this country, inflict-
ing no wrong on any other nation, yet bears arms,
dulled indeed with the rust of peace but still a menace
to her foes. Kow many heroes born for war, how many
hearts of steel dost thou still nurse : Ten thousand chief-
tains and a thousand captains bear evidence, and of these
thousands most renowned our glorious Gilbert, to whom
the Muses bear honour, to whose famed story Pallas
lends a willing ear.

"To pass all else, how great a thing it is for the peace
and good of the human race to hazard all the chances
and dangers of the seas. To leave a family yet young
and the sweet embraces of his cherished wife. She,
Ageria, counting one by one on her slender fingers the
thousand dangers of a thousand seas. Whose father
and brother too, comrades of high example, for their
country's honour and renown, besieged within the
gates of Calais, preferred to die rather than join those
who betrayed the city with ignominy to preserve their
lives.

"But if we may not yet admit that this golden age has
come again in our world, what is there to prevent its
existence in lands unknown ? I foretell, and may
Heaven favour my words, I foretell the years in which
a foreign people will be united under our Gilbert's sway ;
when citizens, knowing naught of fraud or guile, may
grow accustomed to find happiness in simple virtue,
rather than, yielding to inclination of effeminacy, plunge
their enervated frames into the depths of lazy self-
indulgence and luxurious ease. There a man's value
will not be measured by birth, nor the people's liberty
crushed by riches. There, mother earth will give her

220 THE LIFE OF

fruits abundantly with little toil ; no care shall draw the
young to premature decline; nor stern labour so rob
them of all leisure that they may not enjoy the rewards
of virtue.

"Oh ! that it were mine to board your lucky ship, with
thee to explore the far off sea and there to lay the
foundation of a new and powerful nation. But me the
fates forbid ; although I fain would sing thy noble deeds,
1 am constrained unwillingly to return to Ister's sad
stream. Yet may the fates reserve me for that office,
and there will not be wanting a poet to sing in that
New World of nature's many gifts unknown under our
sky.

"While I write, the nymphs are gathering on the
green sward, twining their hair with laurel and fresh
olive leaves, thronging to honour our Elizabeth, Queen
of the Sea. She, from her lofty tower near the cool
river, looks forth, and even now on Father Thames she
sees Gilbert's slanting sails gradually fade away in the
distance. Grant thy favour, noble Queen, and aid the
sails now ready at thy bidding, for thou alone dost
wield a sceptre worthy to be carried forward over the
world under such auspices. Thou alone hast so blessed
thy people with unbroken peace, that now under thy
guidance they can extend thy rule. If tradition may be
trusted, of mothers such as you the demi-gods were born
of old; of such a mother came the mighty Hector, or
Achilles, mightier still. I lie, unhappy man, if virtue
does not glitter in thy fair form as brightly as some
jew^el glitters in its setting of gold. I lie and say no
more, if thou dost not openly enjoy secure repose,
while other princes confined as if within some dungeon
dure, their very banquets spoiled by fear of death, enjoy
sleep only in furtive intervals of rest, troubled by fearful
portents. I lie, and say no more, if thy people do not
wish for thee eternal life, since thou dost establish thy
dominion by no stern lash, nor dread of death or
punishment; but by thy countless merits hast thou won

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 221

loyal service. Clemency unarmed sits guardian in thy
wide open gates.

"Dost thou not see how America, who lately humbly
offered loyalty, now with hair dishevelled and unkempt,
stretches forth her huge right hand, and says : * Hast
thou any regard, sister Anglia, for our tears and dost
thou mourn at all at our hard lot ? Hast thou the heart
to ignore our troubles and all the disasters which we
have borne, since the insatiable desire for gold, for
surely 'twas no love of virtue induced the Spaniards to
invade our land. From that time, hoping to learn of
God, we have been taught to erect altars to mortal men
and to pray to dumb imperfect images. Why are we
dragged down to earth ? If our minds are clear, why
cannot we seek God directly in the clear heaven ? Why
do we see men reduced by fire, starvation, or the sword
in the name of religion ? Not this way lies religion, not
thus in my judgment does God delight to see His
kingdom guarded !

'* ' If happy amid unbroken peace thou art averse to
undertake to win our regions with expenditure of blood,
there is a land hard by separated by a channel of the
sea. This land hath been already discovered for thee,
what time great hearted Cabot displayed his sails in our
seas; a land there is neither made too cold by the
adjacent north nor yet by immoderate heat into arid
sand. Stretch thy beneficial hand toward this land and
lay there thy sceptre. May it be ours to hope for some
measure of rest through thee and may for us the day
of gladness dawn.' "

This unfortunate poet was so carried away by his
poesy, that he decided to accompany the hero of his
song, and lost his life in the unknown waters of the New
World. There is a curious air of inspiration about all
the writers of Elizabeth's day. Even this poor foreign
scholar, coming to England, imbibes the prevalent
enthusiasm and indulges in no mean vein of prophecy.

222 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

"Queen of the Seas" was surely a new title to bestow
on England's Queen, but how prophetic ! Then the
picture of Anglia "rearing her head on high throughout
the world, careful of her destiny, lest some day her wide
spread dominions should fall by their own weight," might
easily have been written for our day. And again, the
contrast drawn between Elizabeth, openly at ease among
her subjects, and other sovereigns dreading assassination
and cowering prisoners in their own castles, could with
equal truth be drawn to-day. "Clemency unarmed sits
guardian in thy wide open gates " is happily still true
in Britain and Greater Britain.

The poet's vision of the New World has not been com-
pletely realized, but in comparison with the Old has a
semblance of truth. At least in the New World a man's
value is not measured by birth, although in these days
of multi-millionaires riches threaten the liberty of the
people. Mother earth gives her fruits abundantly with
comparatively little toil, and widespread efforts are
made to shorten the hours of labour. But for the savage
occupants of the New World, England's rule was to be
almost as deadly as that of Spain. No "day of glad-
ness" dawned for them, and nowhere was a more per-
sistent exterminating war waged than in that island dis-
covered by "great hearted Cabot" for England, her first
colony in North America and, destiny would seem to
say, her last. Canada may fall by her own weight, but
Newfoundland is not likely to be tempted from her
allegiance.

So far as we are aware this Latin poem has not been
previously translated nor quoted by historians, yet we
venture to think it furnishes a valuable picture of Eliza-
beth's auspicious times.

CHAPTER XII

The tragedy of Humphrey Gilbert's life now rapidly
culminates. The story of his last voyage has been told
in an inimitable manner by Edward Haies, of "Lere-
pool," owner and master of the Golden Hind — and "a
principall actour in the same voyage who alone con-
tinued unto the end, and by God's speciall assistance
returned home with his retinue safe and entire."

It would be presumption to try to improve upon the
quaint phraseology of Haies, therefore, in the following
narrative, it has been preserved whenever possible. He
had been one of the subscribers to Gilbert's voyage in
1578, but so far as can be ascertained did not accompany
it in person. Now, however, he became, as he says, **a
principall actour," and upon him it devolved to tell the
unhappy tale. Perhaps his account appeared in pam-
phlet form immediately after his return, but it is known
to us only through the medium of Hakluyt's Voyages.

One can imagine the interest and excitement of the
worthy Hakluyt over Gilbert's projects. From boyhood
to the last day of his life, voyages of adventure were
his passion and delight. He tells with great empresse-
ment how, when a lad, he paid a visit to his cousin
Richard Hakluyt of the Middle Temple, and found him
with a map of the world spread before him. "He,
seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began
to instruct my ignorance. . . . From the Mappe he
brought me to the Bible and turning to the 107 Psalme
directed me to the 23 and 24 verses, where I read, that
they which go down to the sea in ships, and occupy by
the great waters, they see the works of the Lord, and

223

224 THE LIFE OF

His wonders in the deepe, which words of the Prophet
together with my cousin's discourse (things of high
and rare delight to my young nature) took in me so
deepe an impression, that I constantly resolved, if ever
I were preferred to the University, I would by God's
assistance prosecute that knowledge and kind of litera-
ture, the doores whereof (of a sort) were so happily
opened before me." Faithfully he fulfilled the duties
thus self-imposed; but he himself, beyond crossing the
Channel, never went down to the sea in ships or saw
His wonders in the deep. At this time he was thirty
years of age, and his enthusiasm had reached such a
height that, as has been already mentioned, he fully
intended to have accompanied Gilbert, but his appoint-
ment as chaplain to Edward, Earl of Stafford, and
departure to France, prevented him from indulging his
adventurous longing. But he did what he could to
help. To Sidney he had been a "worthy Trumpet,"
and the year before had dedicated to him the first edition
of the Voyages. In this dedication he thus refers to
Humphrey Gilbert's projected voyage. "The time
approacheth," he says, "and now is, that we of England
may share and part stakes (if we will ourselves) both
with the Spaniard and Portingale, in part of America
and other regions yet undiscovered." Hakluyt had
imbibed to the full Gilbert's plan of colonization. Two
arguments seemed to appeal to him most forcibly : the
first, that it would relieve England from her surplus
criminal population ; and second, that by this means the
savage inhabitants of America might become converted
to Christianity. In the "Dedication" to Sidney before
mentioned, he says : "Yea if we woulde beholde with the
eye of pitie howe al our prisons are pestered and filled
with able men to serve their countrie, which for small
robberies are dayly hanged up in great numbers, even
twentie at a clap out of one jayle (as was seen at the
last assizes at Rochester), we would hasten and further
every man to his power, the deducting of some colonies

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 225

of our superfluous people into those temperate and fertile
parts of America, which being within sixe weekes sayl-
ing of England are yet unpossessed of any Christians."

In the same " Dedication " he urges the advancement
of the Kingdom of Christ by spreading the Gospel to
the heathen, using the somewhat peculiar argument that,
as it is promised, if we first seek the Kingdom of God,
all other things will be added unto us : ergOy if we wish
to get rich we must serve God. In another place, he
describes the people of America crying out unto the
people of England, their next neighbours, to come and
help them, and bring to them the glad tidings of the
Gospel. He was also greatly chagrined, when asked by
some Roman Catholics how many converts had Been
made by the Protestants, not to be able to instance a
single one.

Sydney confessed himself to be greatly influenced by
Hakluyt, and materially assisted Gilbert. Upon the
Mayor and Aldermen of Bristol, Hakluyt had also
exercised his persuasive powers in Gilbert's behalf, albeit
ineffectually; and finally, not being able to go on the
expedition himself, he had provided a substitute, the
unfortunate Stephanus Parmenius, "who," says Haies,
"of pietie and zeale to good attempts adventured in this
action, minding to recorde in the Latin tongue, the
gests and things worthy of remembrance happening in
these discoveries, to the honour of our nation, the same
being adorned with the eloquent stile of this orator and
rare Poet of our time." But much as we regret the
stately hexameters of his promised Gilbertiad, we can
more easily spare him than our "industrious Hakluyt,"
whom fate fortunately preserved from the voyage.

It was in the early part of June 1583, that Gilbert
assembled his fleet at Causet Bay near Plymouth.
Compared to that of 1578, it was very unpretentious; it
certainly could not be said of it that "it was able to
withstand a King's power at sea." The ships that now
composed his fleet were: "i. The Delight^ alias the
Q

226 THE LIFE OF

George, of burthen 120 tunnes was Admiral: in which
went the General, and William Winter, Captaine in
her and part owner, and Richard Clarke, master.

"2. The Barke Ralegh, set forth by Mr. Walter
Ralegh, of the burthen 200 tunnes, was then Viz
Admirall, in which went Mr. Butler, Captaine and
Robert Davis of Bristol Master.

''3. The Golden Hind, of burthen 40 tunnes, was the
Reare Admiral; in which went Edward Haies Captaine
and Owner, and William Cox of Limehouse master.

"4. The Swallow y of burthen 40 tunnes, in her was
Captaine Maurice Browne.

**5. The Squirrell of burthen 10 tunnes, in which went
Captain William Andrews and one Cade master.

"We were in number in all about 260 men; among
whom we had of every faculty good choice, as Ship-
wrights, Masons, Carpenters, Smiths and such like,
requisite to such an action; also mineral men and
refiners. Besides for solace of our people and allurment.
of the savages we were provided of Musike in good
variety; not omitting the least toys as Morris dancers,
Hobly horses, and Maylike conceits to delight the
savage people, whom we intended to winne by all faire
meanes possible. And to that end we were indifferently
furnished of all petty haberdashirie wares to barter with
those simple people." But these kindly preparations
were wasted, for in all their voyage they met with none
of the inhabitants of the country.

So far as can be traced, no member of the first expedi-
tion now sailed under Gilbert's command — a somewhat
significant circumstance, — and although there were a
Swallow and Squirrell in each fleet, it is not certain that
they were the same vessels. It seems probable that there
were two vessels called the Swallow, but that the
Squirrell was one and the same, and the sole relic of
the former fleet. The Bark Ralegh is not to be con-
fused with the Ark Ralegh or Ark Royal, which was
of about 700 tuns burden, and was the flagship of Lord

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 227

Howard of Effingham at the defeat of the Armada.
Haies had chosen an auspicious name for his vessel,
calling it after Drake's famous ship, then lying in dock
at Deptford, where she remained for nearly a century,
the cynosure of all nautical eyes. It was deservedly a
fashionable name for ships at that time.

After they had assembled, a great discussion took
place as to the route to be followed — "whether from the
south, northward, or from the north, southward." The
former was the easier course, but the summer was well
on, and if they made a southern landfall and then started
to cruise northward, they were certain to be surprised
by winter in inclement latitudes ; but if they went north
first, the weather would improve as they went south, and
they would be able to secure comfortable quarters for
the winter. In addition to this excellent reason, their
departure had been so long delayed that their provisions
were already beginning to fall short, and it was neces-
sary to consider carefully how best they could be re-
plenished. It was therefore decided that they should
"take the Newfoundland in our way, which was but
seven hundred leagues from our English Coast; where
being usually and until the fine of August, a multitude
of ships repairing thither for fish, we should be relieved
abundantly with many necessaries, which after the
fishing ended, they might well spare and freely impart
to us."

" Not staying long upon that Newland Coast we might
proceed southward, and follow still the sunne until we
arrived at places more temperate to our content."

" Wherefore suppressing all objections to the contrary
we resolved to begin our course Northward and to follow
directly as we might the trade way to Newfoundland ; from
whence after refreshing and reparation of our wants we
intended without delay to proceed into the south not
omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract
of land appeared to our view worthy of search." The
"trade way to Newfoundland" is a rather remarkable

Q2

228 THE LIFE OF

phrase, and is further evidence of a regular and well-
known visitation of fishing vessels, at a time when it
has been supposed that the English entirely neglected
the country.

In the previous December, Gilbert had carefully
selected the watchwords to be used upon the voyage,
and had sealed them up "in two bullets or scrowles."
That sealed with yellow wax was to be immediately
opened, and was for use on the English and Irish coasts ;
the other, sealed with red wax, was to be opened when
the Irish coast had been left, and was to serve for the
rest of the voyage. This seems rather a childish pre-
caution, but as much importance appears to have been
attached to it as to the guarding of signal code-books in
the Navy in our own day. Gilbert also devised a clumsy
method of communicating the ordinary nautical com-
mands, by means of flags during the day, and lights by
night.

Leaving the Scilly Isles, the little fleet were directed
to make the best of their way to that most famous land-
mark, Cape Race (the first name, by the by, to appear
on any map of the American seaboard), then proceeding
northward, they were to rendezvous at Rogneux or
Fermous, and there to stay for the space of at least
ten days. If the ships became separated and failed to
meet at the places named, they were then to rendezvous
at some point in Cape Breton. If a ship left harbour,
she was instructed to leave carefully arranged marks "of
the General's private device written by himself, also
sealed in close wax, whereby every man was certified
what to leave for instruction of after comers."

"Orders thus determined and promises mutually given
to be observed, every man withdrewe himself into his
charge, the ankers being already weyed and our ships
under sail, having a soft gale of winde, we began our
voyage upon Tuesday the eleventh day of June 1583 —
In this manner we set forth the weather faire and goode
all day, but a great storme of thunder and winde fell

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 229

the same night. Thursday following when we hailed
one another in the evening (according to the order before
specified) they signified unto us out of the Vizadmirall
that both the Captaine and very many of the men were
fallen sicke. And about midnight the Vizadmirall for-
sook us notwithstanding we had the winde east, faire
and good. But it was afterwards credibly reported that
they were infected with a contagious sicknesse and
arrived greatly distressed at Plimmouth; the reason I
never could understand, sure I am no cost was spared
by their ouner Master Ralegh, in setting them forth ;
Therefore I leave it unto God."

Haies was evidently suspicious, but Sir Humphrey
took a different view of the affair, and in a letter to Sir
George Peckham told how he had been deserted in fine
weather with a fair wind. *' I pray you," he said, "solicit
my brother Ralegh to make them an example to all
knaves."

This letter will be given in full in its proper place.

The loss to Gilbert was enormous and irreparable,
and probably caused the failure of the enterprise. He
could neither wait nor turn back. It was already the
fifth anniversary of the granting of his charter, when
he sailed, and but one year remained to him in which
to bring his life work to a successful issue. He was
justly incensed. Ralegh had expended ;£'2000 in the
building and fitting up of this vessel, and when she
returned to port was no doubt as disappointed as Gil-
bert; unless the captain showed good cause for his
action, we can be sure that Ralegh made an example
of him, as requested.

As a result of this desertion, the Golden Hind was
promoted to be "Vizadmirall," and Captain Haies takes
care to record that he therefore removed his flag from
the mizen unto the foretop.

For thirteen days they had thick fogs and heavy
winds, and were driven far south of their course, to
lat. 41°. When they came about on the other tack, they

230 THE LIFE OF

were driven almost as much too far to the north. This
made the voyage a very long one, though Haies tells us
it had often been performed in twenty-two days during
March, April and May. The experience of centuries
confirms these observations, for easterly winds prevail
in the North Atlantic during the spring months, and
westerly winds during June, July and August.

They lost company with the Swallow and Squirrell,
in spite of Sir Humphrey's elaborate instructions for
keeping together, and did not meet with them again
until they reached the coast of Newfoundland. They
took soundings as they passed over the Banks, and
recorded that *Hhe Portugals and French have a notable
trade of fishing upon this banke, where are sometimes
a hundred or more saile of ships, who commonly begin
the fishing in April and end in July. That fish is large
and always wet having no lande there to drie and is
called Corre fish." Land was at last made in about
lat. 51°, on July 30, seven weeks after their departure.
As nearly as they could judge, they found themselves
at the mouth of Grand Bay, that is, in the Straits of
Bell Isle. The land they saw was probably Labrador,
of which they gave as unflattering a description as did
Cartier in 1534. "Forsaking this bay and uncomfortable
coast (nothing appearing unto us but hideous rocks and
mountains, bare of trees and voide of any green herbe)
we followed the coast to the south with weather faire and
cleare. We had sight of an island named Penguin, of
a foule there breeding in abundance, almost incredible,
which cannot flie, their wings not able to carry their
bodie being very large (not much lesse than a goose) and
exceeding fat; which the Frenchmen used to take with-
out difficulty upon the Island and to barrell them up
with sake. But for lingering of time we had made the
like provision."

The islands here described are now known as "The
Funks." Cartier had visited them in 1534, and obtained
two boatloads of penguins in about half-an-hour. Whit-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 231

bourne (1622) describes an ingenious method of taking
them. A plank was laid from the rocks to the boat, and
the foolish birds driven along it, thus making them
walk the plank literally and metaphorically. This sea-
fowl was the Great Auk, and continued to be found
until about 1830, when the persistent slaughter of cen-
turies had the usual effect, and the species became
extinct. An egg of the Great Auk is one of the rarest
natural history specimens, and is worth hundreds of
pounds. Early voyagers declared that Penguin was a
name used by the American aborigines, and, as it was
undoubtedly of Welsh origin, argued from it the veri-
fication of the voyages of Madoc of Wales. To continue
Haies's narrative. *' Trending this coast we came to
the island called Baccalaos, being not past two leagues
from the maine; to the south thereof lieth Cape S.
Francis, 5 leagues distant from Baccalaos between which
goeth in a great Bay, of the vulgar sort, called the Bay
of Conception." The name Baccalaos has been the
subject of much controversy. It was said to have been
the name given by Cabot to the country he discovered,
because of the great quantity of codfish found there,
which, he declared, the natives called "baccalaos." The
word is, however, of European origin, in common use
in several countries, and means a stick or stock-fish,
i. e. a dry salted codfish. Cabot undoubtedly bestowed
the name, and it appears upon many early maps; that
it should have been retained by this little island is
interesting, and perhaps not without significance.

In Conception Bay they met with the Swallow again,
and found, to their surprise, that her crew had "suffered
a sea-change." "All her men were altered into other
apparell ; whereof it seemed their store was so amended
that for joy and congratulation of our meeting, they
spared not to cast up into the air and overboard, their
caps and hats in good plenty. The Captaine, albeit
himself was very honest and religious yet was he not
appointed of men to his humour and desert; who for

232 THE LIFE OF

the most part were such as had bene by us surprised
upon the narrow seas of England, being pirots and had
taken at that instant certaine Frenchmen laden one barke
with wines and another with salt. Both which we
rescued and tooke the manne of warre and all her men,
which was the same ship now called the Swallow^ follow-
ing still their kind so oft as (being separated from the
Generall) they found opportunity to robbe and spoile.
And because God's justice did follow the same company
even to destruction and to the overthrow also of the
Captaine (though not consenting to their misdemeanour)
I will not conceale anything to the manifestation and
approbation of his judgements — Therefore with further
enquiry it was known, how this company met with a
barke returning home after the fishing with his freighte ;
and because the men in the Swallow were very nere
scanted of victual, and chiefly of apparell, doubtful
withal where and when to find and meete with their
Admirall, they besought the Captaine they might go
aboard this Newlander, only to borrow what might be
spared, and rather because the same was bound home-
ward. Leave given, not without charge to deale favour-
ably, they came aboard the fisherman, whom they rifled
of tackle, sailes, cables, victuals, and the men of their
apparell ; not sparing by torture (winding cords about
their heads) to draw out what else they thought good.
This done with expedition (like men skilfull in such
mischiefe) as they tooke their cocke boate to go aboard
their own ship, it was overwhelmed in the sea, and
certaine of these men were drowned : the rest were pre-
served only by those silly soules whom they had before
spoyled, who saved and delivered them aboard the
Swallow. What became afterwards of the poor New-
lander, perhaps destitute of sails and furniture sufficient
to carry them home (whither they had not lesse to run
than 700 leagues) God alone knoweth, who took venge-
ance not long after of the rest that escaped at this

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 233

This is a curious story. Far from being piratically
inclined, Sir Humphrey, at some time prior to the
mustering in Causet Bay, had played the part of knight-
errant and had rescued two French vessels from an
English pirate. So far so good, but then he appears
to have commandeered the pirate I We are left to
imagine by what persuasive arts. The men of the
Swullow also do not apjpear to have attempted any con-
cealment of the piracy they had committed, nor to have
dreaded any punishment at Sir Humphrey's hands.
** There weren't no ten commandments" on the
American main in those days.

Haies continues: "Thus after we had met with the
Swallow^ we held on our course southward, untill we
came upon the harbor called S. John, about 5 leagues
from the former Cape of S. Francis : where before the
entrance of the harbor we found also the Frigate or
Squirrell lying at anker. Whom the English merchants
(that were and alwaies be Admirals by turnes inter-
changeably over the fletes of fishermen within the same
harbor) would not permit to enter into the harbor. Glad
of so happy a meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate
in one day (being Saturday the 3rd. of August) we made
readie our fights and prepared to enter the harbor, and
resistance to the contrary notwithstanding, there being
within of all nations to the number of 36 sailes. But
first the Generall despatched a boat to give them know-
ledge of his coming for no ill intent, having commission
from Her Majesty for his voiage he had in hand. And
immediately we followed with a slacke gale, and in the
very entrance which is but narrow, not above 2 buts
lengths, the Admirall fell upon a rocke upon the larboard
side by great oversighte in that the weather was faire,
the rocke much above water fast by the shore where
neither went any sea gate. But we found such readiness
in the English merchants to help us in that danger, that
without delay were brought a number of boats, which
towed off the ship and cleared her of danger."

234 THE LIFE OF

The entrance to the Harbour of St. John's, called
"The Narrows," is one of the most magnificent pieces
of scenery to be found on the American seaboard. It
is about half-a-mile long and from 200 to 300 yards wide.
The hills on either side are almost perpendicular, and rise
to the height of 700 feet. At the inner end of "The
Narrows," as it opens out into the harbour, on the star-
board or northern side stands the historic Chain Rock,
so called on account of the chain or boom which used to
be stretched from it across the mouth of the harbour in
time of war, to prevent the entrance of hostile ships. On
the south side, about fifty yards from the shore, there is
another rock characteristically called "The Pancake."
At low water, and in rough weather, the sea breaks over
it, and it was upon this rock, no doubt, that the Delight
ran ashore. " The Narrows " has been the scene of many
notable occurrences, but probably never has a more
picturesque or momentous incident been witnessed there
than the entrance of Sir Humphrey's little fleet. In spite
of the untoward accident, it must have been with great
exultation that Sir Humphrey, after a lifetime of plan-
ning, at length cast anchor in the new world. With
what speculation must he have viewed the rugged hills
surrounding the harbour ! But the expected gold-mine
was not in those hills : it was on the fishing ledges
outside !

The conduct of the English merchants then in St.
John's was not creditable. They would not let the little
Squirrell enter, but when Sir Humphrey made his way
in with his "show of fight," there was a sudden change
of sentiment, and when his vessel ran ashore they
hastened to help him off. That the English "were and
always be Admirals by turns interchangeably over the
fleets of fishermen within the harbor" is a noteworthy
piece of information. Later on, Haies says, "For our
English merchants command all there," and we learn
from the letter of Stephanus Parmenius to Hakluyt,
which is given later, that out of 36 vessels in the har-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 285

hour, 20 were Spanish and Portuguese. Of the re-
mainder some were French, so that the English must
have been in a considerable minority. Five years pre-
viously, Anthony Parkhurst, in a letter to Hakluyt, had
given similar information. He estimated that there
were fishing in Newfoundland waters 150 sail of French,
100 Spanish, 50 Portuguese, and but 50 English ships;
as an excuse for this backward state of things he in-
stanced the great trade the English had in Iceland. But,
he said, the Spanish "be better appointed for shipping
and furniture of munition, than any nation saving the
Englishmen, who commonly are lords of the harbors
where they fish and do use all strangers helpe in fish-
ing if need require according to an old custome of the
country, which thing they do willingly, so that you take
nothing more from them than a boate or twaine of salt,
in respect to your protection of them against rovers or
other violent intruders, who do often put them from
good harbors, etc." Hakluyt, in a sidenote to Haies's
statement quoted above, says, "English ships are the
strongest and Admirals of other fleets, fishing upon the
south parts of Newfoundland." But seeing that they
were in such small numbers comparatively, the "old
custom of the country," referred to by Parkhurst, must
have been of more than usual efficacy. It is probable
that the English were recognized in some measure as
lords of the soil on account of the discoveries of Cabot,
which, when backed by larger and better armed ships,
easily gave them the precedence.

To continue Haies's narrative : —

"Having taken place convenient in the road we let
fall ankers, the Captaines and masters repairing aboard
our Admirall : whither also came immediately the
Masters and owners of the fishing fleete of Englishmen,
to understand the General's intent and cause of our
arrival there. They were all satisfied when the General
had shewed his commission and purpose to take pos-
session of those lands to the behalfe of the crowne of

236 THE LIFE OF

England, and the advancement of Christian rehgion in
those Paganish regions, requiring but their lawfull ayde
for repayring of his fleete, and supply of some neces-
saries, so farre as might conveniently be afforded him,
both out of that and other harbors adjoyning. In lieu
whereof, he made offer to gratifie them, with any favor
or priveledge, which upon their better advise they
should demand, the like being not to be obtained here-
after for greater price. So craving expedition of his
demand, minding to proceede further South without
long detention in those partes, he dismissed them, after
promise given of their best indevour to satisfie speedily
his so reasonable request. The marchants with their
Masters departed, they caused fortwith to be discharged
all the great Ordinance of their fleete in token of our
welcome.

"It was further determined that every ship of our
fleets should deliver unto the Marchants and masters of
that harbour a note of all their wants : which done, the
ships, as well English as strangers, were taxed at an
easy rate to make supply. And besides, Commissioners
were appointed, part of our owne companie and part of
theirs, to go into other harbours adioyning (for our
English marchants command all there) to leavie our
provision : whereunto the Portugals (above other
nations) did most willingly and liberally contribute.
Insomuch as we were presented (above our allowance)
with wines, marmalads, most fine ruske or bisket, sweet
oyles and sundry delicacies. Also we wanted not of
fresh salmons, trouts, lobsters and other fresh fish
brought daily unto us. Moreover as the manner is in
their fishing, every weeke to chose there Admirall a new,
or rather they succeede in orderly course, and have
weekly their Admirals feast solemnized : even so the
General, Captaines and masters of our fleete were con-
tinually invited and feasted. To grow short, in our
abundance at home, the intertainment had bene delight-
full, but after our wants and tedious passage through

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 237

the Ocean, it seemed more acceptable and of greater
contentation, by how much the same was unexpected in
that desolate corner of the world : where at other times
of the yeare, wilde beasts and birds have only the fruition
of all these countries, which now seemed a place very
populous and much frequented."

Thus was fulfilled Sir Humphrey's first purpose in
going to Newfoundland. By this easy and inexpensive
method he had revictualed his ships. Haies' description
of the proceedings conveys the idea that the fishing fleet
were delighted to give of their substance, but behind it
one can see the influence of the mailed fist; if Gilbert
had not been sufficiently powerful to enforce his demands
his men would have gone hungry. (See letter of Par-
menius to Hakluyt, following.)

Hakluyt, in a side-note to Haies's statement that the
harbour was abandoned to the wild beasts and birds for
the greater part of the year, says, *'No savages are in
the south part of Newfoundland." This was probably
true at that time, but the arrow- and spear-heads found
on the banks of the river, about two miles to the west of
St. John's are proof that the Beothuks, the aboriginal
inhabitants of Newfoundland, did at one time inhabit
this part of the island.

"The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of
August, the Generall and his Company were brought
on land by English marchants, who showed unto us
their accustomed walks unto a place they call the Garden.
But nothing appered more than Nature it selfe without
art : who confusedly had brought forth roses abundantly,
wilde, but odoriferous, and to sense very comfortable.
Also the like plentie of raspis berries, which doe grow
in every place."

The harbour of St. John's in its pristine condition must
have been charmingly beautiful. Entering between the
lofty hills of "The Narrows," the harbour turns sharply
to the left; on the south, the hills at "The Narrows"
continue their rugged and precipitous character; on the

288 THE LIFE OF

north the rise from the water's edge is less steep, and
the hill not ever 400 feet high. The harbour is about
half-a-mile wide and one and a half miles long; at
the western end a substantial brook flows at the base
of the hills, opening into a beautiful valley many miles
in extent. The picturesque city of St. John's now covers
the northern slope; fishermen's huts and stages cluster
about the mouth of the harbour ; the south-side hills are
rugged and bare of trees, but a mantle of shrubs and
bushes makes them glow with colour as they catch the
last rays of the setting sun. The harbour is still beauti-
ful, but it must have been incomparably more so
when it opened to the view of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
The hills on either side were then covered with the
forest primeval, the dusky green of the spruce and fir
enlivened by the lighter foliage of the birch, witch-hazel
and aspen ; lofty pines reared their heads far above the
other trees, and the open spaces were covered with
bushes of luscious whortle-berries (locally ** hurts"),
raspberries, and wild roses. The forest has gone, con-
verted to the use of man or swept away by fire, but
Nature's gardens, as described by Haies, are yet to be
found on the outskirts of the city. The brilliance and
freshness of the summer months in Newfoundland are
unequalled in any part of the world, the atmosphere
seems to have more than the usual allowance of ozone.
Little wonder that Sir Humphrey became "a northern
man," and decided at once to take formal possession of
this beautiful harbour, so snug, so accessible, and so
convenient, — for to this day the cod fishery off the
harbour of St. John's ranks as one of the best in the
island. Accordingly —

" Munday following, the Generall had his tent set up,
who being accompanied with his own followers, sum-
moned the marchants and masters, both English and
strangers to be present at his taking possession of those
Countries. Before whom openly was read and inter-
preted unto the strangers his Commission : by vertue

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 289

whereof he took possession in the same harbor of St.
Ihon, and 200 leagues every way, invested the Queenes
Maiestie with the title and dignitie thereof, and delivered
unto him (after the custome of England) a rod and a
turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him,
his heires and assignes for ever : And signified unto al
men, that from that time forward, they should take the
same land as a territorrie appertaining to the Queene
of England, and himselfe authorised under her Maistie
to possesse and enioy it. And to ordaine lawes for the
government thereof, agreeable (so neere as conveniently
might be) unto the lawes of England : under which all
people coming thither thereafter, either to inhabit or
by way of traffique, should be subiected and governed.
And especially at the same time for a beginning, he
proposed and delivered three lawes to be in force imme-
diatly. That is to say : the first for Religion, which in
publique exercise should be according to the Church of
England. The 2. for maintenance of her Maisties right
and possession of those territories, against which if any-
thing were attempted preiudiciall the partie or parties
offending should be aduiged and executed as in case of
high treason, according to the lawes of England. The
3. if any person should utter words sounding to the
dishonour of her Maiestie, he should loose his eares, and
have his ship and goods confiscate.

"These contents published, obedience was promised
by generall voyce and consent of the multitude as well
of Englishmen as strangers, praying for continuance of
this possession and government begun. After this, the
assembly was dismissed. And afterward were erected
not farre from that place the Armes of England ingraven
in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood. Yet further
and actually to establish this possession taken in the
right of Her Maiestie, and to the behoofe of Sir Hum-
frey Gilbert knight, his heires and assigns for ever :
the Generall granted in fee farme divers parcels of land
lying on the water side, both in this harbour of S. lohn,

240 THE LIFE OF

and elsewhere, which was to the owners great com-
moditie, being thereby assured (by their proper inherit-
ance) of grounds convenient to dresse and drie their
fish, whereof many times before they did fail, being pre-
vented by them that came first into the harbour. For
which grounds they did covenant to pay a certaine rent
and service unto Sir Humfrey Gilbert, his heires or
assignes for ever, and yeerely to maintain possession of
the same, by themselves or their assignes."

Thus, eighty-six years after the discovery by John
Cabot and the men of Bristol, was the annexation of
Newfoundland to the Crown of England confirmed by
quaint and formal ceremony. But nearly a generation
was yet to elapse before it was actually occupied by
settlers. In spite of the obligations Gilbert was under to
his Roman Catholic friends, the first law he ordained
was that the public exercise of religion should be accord-
ing to the Church of England. He perhaps thought it
sufficient that the private exercise of religion should be
free and untrammelled.

His third law is significant. Had some whispering
tongues already breathed scandals about Queen Eliza-
beth ? Her sudden infatuation for Ralegh must have
been well known, and its bearing upon the voyage could
not but have been commented on. Rumours had doubt-
less come to Gilbert's ears, which his loyalty, his long
service, and his brotherly affection all called upon him
to terminate instantly. Like Sheridan's "Critic," he
would have no scandal about Queen Elizabeth.

One of the English merchants in wSt. John's harbour
at this time was Richard Whitbourne, — this being the
fourth year in succession that he had fished at New-
foundland. His first voyage was made in a ship
belonging to a Southampton merchant. Master Cotton,
who was one of the largest subscribers in Gilbert's
Southampton Company, and was then in command
of a "worthy ship of 220 tons" belonging to one
Master Crooke, also of Southampton. In 1622, he pub-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 241

lished a pamphlet to induce colonists to go to New-
foundland, and tells that about thirty-six years before,
"Sir Humphrey Gilbert, a Devonshire Knight, came
thither with two good ships and a pinnace, and brought
with him a large Patent, from the late most renowned
Queen Elizabeth^ and in her name took possession of
the country, in the harbor of St. John's, whereof I was
an eye-witness."

Whitbourne continued to visit Newfoundland and
became an enthusiastic supporter of colonization pro-
jects. He saw the first permanent settlement made in
1610, and in 16 15,' was sent out with a commission from
the Court of Admiralty to impanel juries and settle
disputes; this being the first exercise of English judica-
ture in the Colony. The early history of the city of
St. John's is unknown. It is not until 1626 that there
is any record of houses being built or of people residing
there, and it is therefore presumed that the recipients of
Sir Humphrey's grants of land were not able to main-
tain the titles he had given them.

Haies continues —

"Now remained only to take in provision granted,
according as every ship was taxed, which did fish upon
the coast adioyning. In the meane while, the Generall
appointed men unto their charge : some to repaire and
trim the ships, others to attend in gathering togither
our supply and provision : others to search the com-
modities and singularities of the countrey, to be found
by sea or land, and to make relation unto the Generall
what eyther themselves could knowe by their owne
travaile and experience, or by good intelligence of Eng-
lish men or strangers, who had longest frequented the
same coast. Also some observed the elevation of the
pole, and drewe plats of the countrey exactly graded.
And by what I could gather by each mans severall
relation, I have drawn a brief description of the New-
foundland, with the commodities by sea or lande alreadie
made, and such also as are in possibilitie and great

R

242 THE LIFE OF

likelihood to be made : Nevertheless the Cardes and
plats that were drawing, with the due gradation of the
harbors, bayes, and capes, did perish with the Admirall :
whereof in the description following, I must omit the
particulars of such things.

A Briefe Relation of the New Founds Lande, and
THE Commodities Thereof

''That which we doe call the Newfound land, and the
Frenchmen Bacalaos, is an Hand, or rather (after the
opinion of some) it consisteth of sundry Hands and
broken lands, situate in the North regions of America,
upon the gulfe and entrance of the great river called
S. Laurence in Canada. Into the which, navigation
may be made both on the South and North side of this
Hand. The land lyeth South and North, containing
in length between three and 400 miles, accounting from
Cape Race (which is 46 degree 25 minutes) unto the
Grand Bay in 52 degrees of Septentrionall latitude.
The Hand round about hath very many goodly bayes
and harbors, safe roads for ships, the like not to be
found in any part of the knowen world. The common
opinion that is had of intemperature and extreme cold
that should be in this country, as of some part it may
be verified, namely the North, where I grant it is more
colde then in countries of Europe, which are under
the same elevation : even so it cannot stand with reason
and nature of the clime, that the South parts should be
so intemperate as the brute hath gone.^ For as the same
doe lie under the climats of Briton, Anjou, Poictou in
France, between 46 and 49 degrees, so can they not so
much differ from the temperature of those countries :

^ This prejudicial "brute" still persists. The winters in New-
foundland are by no means so cold as the neighbouring provinces,
and, one year with another, there are not twenty-four hours of zero
weather in St. John's. The summers are delightfully bright and hot.
In the interior and on the west coast, spring arrives much earlier than
on the east coast, and agriculture is pursued with marked success.
Newfoundland will yet be noted for its farm produce, cattle and
sheep.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 243

unlesse upon the outcoast lying open unto the Ocean
and sharp windes, it must in deede be subject to more
colde, then further within the lande, where the moun-
taines are interposed, as walks and bulwarkes, to defend
and to resist the asperitie and rigor of the sea and
weather. Some hold opinion that Newfound Land,
might be the more subject to cold, by how much it
lyeth high and neere unto the middle region. I grant
that not in Newfound land alone, but in Germany, Italy
and Afrike, even under the Equinoctiall line, the moun-
taines are extreme cold, and seldom uncovered of snow,
in their culme and highest tops, which commeth to passe
by the same reason that they are extended towards the
middle region : yet in the countries lying beneath them,
it is found quite contrary. Even so all hils having their
discents the vallies also and low grounds must be like-
wise hot or temperate, as the climat doeth give in New-
found land : though I am of opinion that the Sunnes
reflection is much cooled, and cannot be so forcible in
the Newfoundland, nor generally throughout Arherica,
as in Europe or Afrike : by how much the Sunne in
his diurnall course from East to West, passeth over (for
the most part) dry land and sandy countries, before he
arriveth at the West of Europe or Afrike whereby his
motion increaseth heate, with little or no qualification
by moyst vapours. Where, on the contrarie he passeth
from Europe and Afrike unto America over the Ocean,
from whence it draweth and carieth with him abundance
of moyst vapours, which doe qualifie and infeeble greatly
the Sunnes reverberation upon this countrey chiefly of
Newfound land, being so much to the Northward.
Neverthelesse (as I sayd before) the cold cannot be so
intolerable under the latitude of 46 47 and 48 (especiall
within land) that it should he unhabitable, as some doe
suppose, seeing also there are very many people more
to the North by a great deale. And in these South
parts there are certain beastes. Ounces or Leopards, and
birds in like manner which in the Sommer we have seene,
K 2

244 THE LIFE OF

not heard of in countries of extreme and vehement cold-
nesse. Besides as in the monethes of June, July, August
and September, the heate is somewhat more then in
England at those seasons : so men remaining upon the
South parts neere unto Cape Rece, until after Holland-
tide, have not found the cold so extreme, not much differ-
ing from the temperature of England. Those which
have arrived there after November and December, have
found the snow exceeding deepe, whereat no marvaile,
considering the ground upon the coast, is rough and
uneven, and the snow is driven into the places most
declyning as the like is to be scene with us. The like
depth of snow happily shall not be found within land
upon the playner countries, which also are defended by
the mountaines, breaking off the violence of winds and
weather. But admitting extraordinary cold in those
South parts, above that with us here : it cannot be so
great as in Swedland, much lesse in Moscovia or
Russia : yet are the same countries very populous, and
the rigor of cold is dispensed with by the commoditie
of Stoves, warme clothing, meats and drinkes : all which
neede not be wanting in the Newfound land, if we had
intent there to habitate.

" In the South parts we find no inhabitants, which by
all likelihood have abandoned those coastes, the same
being so much frequented by Christians : But in the
North are savages altogether harmlesse. Touching the
commodities of this countrie, serving either for susten-
tation of inhabitants, or for maintainence of traffique,
there are and may be made divers : so Yt it seemeth
Nature hath recompenced that only defect and incom-
moditie of some sharpe cold, by many benefits : viz.
With incredible quantitie, and no lesse varietie of
kindes of fish in the sea and fresh waters, as Trouts,
Salmons and other fish to us unknowen : Also Cod
which alone draweth many nations thither, and is to
become the most famous fishing of the world. Abund-
ance of whales, for which also is a very great trade in
the bayes of Placentia and the Grand bay, where is made

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 245

Traine oiles of the Whale : Herring the largest that have
bene heard of, and exceeding the Malstrond herring of
Norway : but hitherto was never benefit taken of the
herring fishery. There are sundry other fish very deli-
cate, namely the Bonito, Lobsters, Turbut, with others
infinite sought after not : Oysters haveing pearle but not
orient in colour : I tooke it by reason they were not
gathered in season.

"Concerning the inland commodities, aswel to be
drawen from this land, as from the exceeding large
countries adjoyning : there is nothing which our East
and Northerly countries of Europe doe yeelde but the
like also may be made in them as plentifully by time
and industrie : Namely rosen, pitch, tarre, sopeashes,
dealboord, mastes for ships, hides, furres, flaxe, hempe,
corne, cables, cordage, linnen-cloth, mettals and many
more. All which the countrie will aford and the soyle
is apt to yeelde.

"The trees for the most in those South parts, are
Firretrees, Pine and Cypresse, all yeelding Gumme and
Turpentine.

"Cherrie trees bearing fruit no bigger than a small
pease. Also peare trees but fruitlesse. Other trees of
some sorts to us unknowen.

The soyle along the coast is not deepe of earth, bring-
ing foorth abundantly peason and small, yet good feed-
ing for cattel. Roses passing sweet, like unto our muske
roses in forme, raspases, a berry which we call Hurts,
good and holesome to eat. The grasse and herbe doth
fat sheep in very short space, proved by English mar-
chants who have carried sheepe thither for fresh victuall
and had them raised exceeding fat in lesse then three
weekes. Peason which our countreymen have sown in
the time of May, have come up faire, and bene gathered
in the beginning of August, of which our Generall had
a present, acceptable for the rareness, being the first
fruits coming up by art and industrie in that desolate
and dishabited land.
" Lakes and pooles of fresh water, both on the tops of

246 THE LIFE OF

mountaines and in the vallies. In which are said to be
muskles not unlike to have pearle, which I had put in
triall, if by mischance falHng unto me, I had not bene
letted from that and other good experiments I was
minded to make.

"Foule both of water and land in great plentie and
diversitie. All kind of green foule : Others as bigge as
Bustards, yet not the same. A great white foule called
of some a Gaunt.

"Upon the land divers sorts of haukes, as faulcons,
and others by report : Partridge most plentifull larger
than ours, gray and white of colour, and rough-footed
like doves, which our men after one flight did kill with
cudgels, they were so fat and unable to flie. Birds some
like Blackbirds, linnets, canary birds, and other very
small. Beasts of sundry kindes, red deare, bufiies or a
beast, as it seemeth by a tract and foote very large in
manner of an oxe. Bears, ounces or leopards, some
greater and some lesser, wolves, foxes, which to the
Northward a little further are black, whose furre is
esteemed in some Countries of Europe very rich. Otters,
bevers, marternes : And in the opinion of most men
that saw it, the Generall had brought unto him a Sable
alive, which he sent unto his brother sir John Gilbert
knight of Devonshire : but it was never delivered, as
after I understood. We could not observe the hundreth
part of creatures in those uninhabited lands : but these
mentioned may induce us to glorifie the magnificent
God, who hath superabundantly replenished the earth
with creatures serving for the use of man, though man
hath not used a fift part of the same, which the more
doth aggravate the fault and foolish slouth in many of
our nation, chusing rather to live indirectly, and very
miserably to live and die within this realme pestered
with inhabitants, then to adventure as becometh men,
to obtaine an habitation in those remote lands, in which
Nature very prodigally doth minister unto mens en-
devours, and for art to worke upon.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 247

"For besides these alreadie recounted and infinite
moe, the mountaines generally make shew of mineral!
substance : Iron very common, lead, and somewhere
copper. I will not averre of richer mettals : albeit by
the circumstances following, more then hope may be
conceived thereof."

In addition to this description of the country by Haies,
we have another written by the official chronicler of the
voyage — Stephanus Parmenius. A few days after
their arrival in St. John's, taking advantage doubtless
of some returning well-fished vessel, he indited a long
letter in Latin "To the worshipful Master Richard
Hackluit of the College of Christchurch in Oxford,
Master of Arts and Philosophic, his friend and brother."

Hackluyt thoughtfully gives us "the same in Eng-
lish " as follows —

"To the worshipfull, Master Richard Hakluit at
Oxford in Christchurch, Master of Arts, and Philo-
sophic, his friend and brother.

"I had not purposed to write unto you, when the
promise of your letters came to my mind : You thought
in June last to have followed us your selfe, and therefore
I had left order that you should be advertised of my
state, by Master Doctor Humfrey : but so you would not
be satisfied : I will write therefore to you almost in the
same words, because I have no leasure at this time to
meditate new matters, and to vary or multiply words.

"The II of June we set saile at length from England
in good earnest, and departed, leaving the haven and
land behind us at Plimmouth : our Fleete consisted of
five shippes : the greatest which the Admirals brother
had lent us, withdrewe her selfe from us the third day,
we know not upon what occasion : with the rest we sailed
still together till the 23. July: at which time our view
of one another being intercepted by the great mists,
some of us sailed one way, and some another : to us
alone the first land appeared, the first of August, about

248 THE LIFE OF

the latitude of 50. degrees, when as before we had
descended beyond 41. degrees in hope of some Southerly
windes, which notwithstanding never blew to us at any
fit time.

** It is an Island which your men call Penguin, because
of the multitude of birdes of the same name. Yet wee
neither sawe any birds, nor drew neere to the land, the
windes serving for our course directed to another place,
but we mette altogether at that place a little before the
Haven, whereunto by common Councell we had deter-
mined to come, and that within the space of two houres
by the great goodnesse of God, and to our great joy.
The place is situate in Newfound land, betweene 47. and
48. degrees, called by the name of St. Johns : the
Admirall himselfe by reason of the multitude of the
men, and the smallnesse of his ship, had his company
somewhat sickly, and had already lost two of the same
company, which died of the Flixe : of the rest we con-
ceive good hope. Of our company (for I joyned myself e
with Maurice Browne, a very proper gentleman) two
persons by a mischance were drowned; the rest are in
safetie, and strong, and for mine owne part I was never
more healthy. We arrived at this place the third of
August : and the fift the Admirall took possession of
the Countrey, for himselfe and the kingdome of Eng-
land : having made and published certain lawes, con-
cerning religion, and obedience to the Queen of Eng-
land : at this time our fare is somewhat better, and
daintier, than before : for in good sooth, the experience
of so long time hath taugt us what contrary windes wee
have found, and what great travell wee may endure
hereafter : and therefore wee will take such order that
wee will want nothing : for we found in this place about
twenty Portugall and Spanish shippes besides the
shippes of the English : which being not able to match
us, suffer us not to bee hunger starved : the English
although they were of themselves strong ynough, and
safe from our force, yet seeing our authoritie, by the

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 249

Queenes letters patents, they shewed us all manner of
duety and humanitie.

"The maner of this Countrey and people remaine now
to be spoken of. But what shall I ^ay, my good
Hakluyt, when I see nothing but a very wildernesse?
Of fish here is incredible abundance, whereby great
gaine growes to them, that travell to these parts : the
hooke is no sooner throwne out, but it is eftsoones
drawne up with some goodly fish : the whole land is full
of hilles and woods. The trees for the most part are
Pynes and of them some are very olde, and some yong :
a great part of them being fallen by reason of their age,
doth so hinder the sight of the land, and stop the way
of those that seeke to travell, that they can go no wither :
all the grasse here is long, and tall, and little differeth
from ours. It seemeth also that the nature of this soyle
is fit for corne : for I found certaine blades and eares in
a manner bearded, so that it appeareth that by manuring
and sowing, they may easily be framed for the use of
man : here are in the woodes hush berries, or rather
straw berries growing up like trees, of great sweetnesse.
Beares also appear about the fishers stages of the
Countrey, and are sometimes killed, but they seeme to
bee white, as I conjectured by their skinnes, and some-
what lesse than ours. Whether they bee any people in
the Countrey I knowe not, neither have I scene any to
witnesse it. And to say trueth, who can, when as it is
not possible to passe any whither? In like sort it is
unknowen, whither any metals lye under the hilles : the
cause is all one, although the very colour and hue of the
hilles seeme to have some mynes in them : we moved the
Admirall to set the woods afire, that wee might have
space, and entrance to take view of the Countrey, which
motion did nothing displease him, were it not for feare
of great inconvenience that might thereof insue : for it
was reported and confirmed by very credible persons,
that when ihe like happened by chance in another Port,
the fish never came to the place about it, for the space of

250 THE LIFE OF

7. whole yeeres after, by reason of the waters made bitter
by the Turpentine and Rosen of the trees, which ranne
into the rivers upon the firing of them. The weather is
so hot this time of the yeere, that except the very fish,
which is layd out to be dryed by the sunne, be every
day turned, it cannot possible bee preserved from burn-
ing : but how cold it is in the winter, the great heapes,
and mountaines of yce, in the middest of the Sea have
taught us : some of our company report, that in May
they were sometimes kept in, with such huge yce, for
16. whole dayes together, as that the Islands thereof
were threescore fathoms thicke, the sides whereof which
were toward the sunne, when they were melted, the whole
masse or heap was so inverted and turned in maner of
balancing, that that part which was before downward
rose upward, to the great peril 1 of those that are neere
them, as by reason wee may gather. The ay re upon
land is indifferent cleare, but at Sea towards the East
there is nothing els but perpetuall mists, and in the
Sea it selfe, about the Banke (for so they call the place
where they find ground fourty leagues distant from the
shore, and where they beginne to fish) there is no day
without raine. When we have served, and supplied
our necessitie in this place, we purpose by the helpe of
God to passe towards the South, with so much the more
hope every day, by how much the greater the things
are, that are reported of those Countreys which we go
to discover. Thus much touching our estate.

" Now I desire to know somewhat concerning you, but
I feare in vaine, but specially I desire out of measure to
know how my Patrone Master Henry Umpton doth
take my absence : my obedience and dutie shall alwayes
bee ready toward him as long as I live : but in deede
I hope that this journey of ours shalbe profitable to his
intentions. It remaineth that you think me to be still
yours and so yours as no mans more. The sonne of God
blesse all our labors, so farre, as that you your selfe may
be partaker of our blessing. Adieu my most friendly,

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 251

most sweete, most vertuous Hakluyt : In Newfound
land, at Saint Johns Port, the 6. of August 1583.
"STEVEN PARMENIUS of

"Buda, yours."

The imagination of all had been inflamed by the stories
of Davy Ingram, and the learned Parmenius, as well as
Sir Humphrey and Haies, expected to find the country
shining with the precious metals. Haies was doomed to
bitter disappointment on this account ; he tells —

"For amongst other charges given to inquire out the
singularities of this country, the Generall was most
curious in the search of metalls, commanding the
mineral man and refiner, especially to be diligent. The
same was a Saxone borne, honest and religious, named
Daniel. Who after search brought at first some sort of
Ore, seeming rather to be yron than other metall. The
next time he found Ore, which with no small show of
contentment he delivered unto the Generall, using pro-
testion, that if silver were the thing which might satisfie
the Generall and his followers, there it was, advising
him to seeke no further : the perill w^hereof he under-
tooke upon his life (as deare unto him as the Crowne of
England unto Her Majestic, that I may use his owne
words) if it fell not out accordingly.

"My selfe at this instant liker to die than to live, by
a mischance, could not follow this confident opinion of
our refiner to my owne satisfaction : but afterward
demanding our Generals opinion therein, and to have
some part of the Ore, he replied : Contente yourselfe, I
have scene ynough, and were it but to satifie my private
humour, I would proceed no further. The promise
unto my friends, and necessitie to bring also the South
countries within compasse of my Patent neere expired,
as we have alreadie done these North partes, do only
perswade me further. And touchmg the Ore I have
sent it aboard, whereof I would have no speech to be
made so long as we remaine in harbor : here being both

252 THE LIFE OF

Portugals, Biscains, and Frenchmen not farre off, from
whom must be kept any bruit or muttering of such
matter. When we are at sea proofe shalbe made : if it
be to our desire, we may returne the sooner hither
againe. Whose answere I iudged reasonable, and con-
tenting me well : wherewith will I conclude this narra-
tion and description of the Newfound land, and proceed
to the rest of our voyage, which ended tragically."

Haies returns again to this subject, as will appear
later.

Sir Humphrey lay in St. John's harbour for seventeen
days, and it is very improbable that Daniel could have
explored the country at any distance from St. John's.
It is possible that he reached Conception Bay and
noted the immense mass of iron which capped Bell
Island. Apparently it had already been discovered, for
Parkhurst in his letter to Hakluyt in 1578, describing
Newfoundland, tells of "ye island of yron." It remained
unnoticed for centuries, and has only been developed
within the past twenty years. Daniel probably obtained
his sample of silver ore or galena in St. John's harbor
itself. About fifty years ago great excitement was
caused by the rumour of the discovery of silver near the
mouth of the harbor. The prospectors were as sure that
they had discovered an Eldorado as Sir Humphrey
Gilbert had been. But the first blast that was fired blew
away every trace of the ore.

Contrary to his expectations. Sir Humphrey was well
pleased at the prospects in Newfoundland. A few days
after his arrival in St. John's, he wrote the following
letter to his faithful friend and supporter. Sir George
Peckham —

"Sir George, I departed from Plymouth on the
eleventh of June with five sails, and on the thirteenth
the Barke Rawley ran from me in faire weather, having
a large winde. I pray you solicit my brother Rawley
to make them an example to all knaves. On the third

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 253

of August we arrived at a port called St. John's, and will
put to the sea from thence (God willing) so soon as our
ships will be ready. Of the New Found Land I will say
nothing until my next letters. Be of good cheare, for if
there were no better expectation, it were a very rich
demaynes, the Countrey being very good and full of all
sorts of victuall, as fish both of the fesh water and Sea-
fish. Deere, Pheasants, Partridges, Swannes, and divers
Fowles else. I am in haste, you shall by every mes-
senger heare more at large. On the fifth of August, I
entred here in the right of the Crowne of England ; and
have engraven the Armes of England, divers Spaniards,
Portugals and other strangers witnessing the same. I
can stay no longer ; fare you well with my good Lady :
and be of good cheare, for I have comforted myselfe,
answerable to all my hopes. From St. John's, in the
New Found Land, the 8 of August 1583.

"Yours wholly to command, no man more,

"Hum. Gilbart."

This is our last news from Sir Humphrey personally.
He wrote, evidently in haste, to apprize Sir George
Peckham of his arrival and his satisfaction with what
he had seen. We feel sure that he must have written
other letters also at that time, but unhappily nothing
more has come down to us. The above letter to Sir
George Peckham was printed in Purchas His Pilgrims,
probably from the mass of material left by Hakluyt to
which Purchas fell heir.

CHAPTER XIII

HAiEs's NARRATIVE {continued)

Sir Humphrey was now to pay the penalty for having
recruited his men so largely from the ranks of the
pirates and buccaneers that swarmed the English coast.

** While the better sort of us," says Haies, "were
seriously occupied in repairing our wants and continuing
the matters for the commoditie of the voyage ; others of
another sort and disposition were plotting of mischief.
Some casting to steal away our shipping by night,
watching opportunitie by the Generals and Captaines
lying on shore : whose conspiricies discovered, they
were prevented."

It has been argued from the fact of Sir Humphrey
and his officers sleeping on shore, that houses of some
pretensions had been erected in St. John's. Haies does
not, however, mention houses of any description ; and as
the erection of "some houses" in St. John's is recorded
as a matter of note in 1627, we are of opinion that Sir
Humphrey and his officers slept in the tent which we are
told he had set up.

Defeated in their designs on their own shipping, the
mutineers nevertheless accomplished their piratical in-
tentions. Going to an adjoining harbour, probably the
next to the southward. Bay Bulls, they seized a vessel
laden with fish, and setting the fishermen on shore,
sailed off to parts unknown. A great many more
stole away into the woods, awaiting an opportunity to
get home on some returning fishing vessel, which "daily
departed from the coast : Some were sicke of fluxes
and many dead : and, in briefe, by one meanes or other
our company was diminished, and many by the Generall

254

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 255

licensed to return home. Insomuch as after we had
reviewed our people resolved to see an end to the voyage,
we grewe scant of men to furnish all our shipping ; it
seemed good, therefore, to the Generall to leave the
Swallowe with such provision as might be spared for
transporting home the sicke people. The Captaine of
the Delight or Admirall returned into England, in whose
stead was appointed Captaine Maurice Brown, before
captaine of the Swallow, who also brought with him
into the Delight all his men of the Swallow, which
before have bene noted of outrage perpetrated and com-
mitted upon fishermen they met at sea."

We hear nothing more of the Swallow, but conclude
that she got back safely, for otherwise Haies would have
certainly noted it ; nor are we informed whether those
that absconded with the fishing vessel met their just
reward. Justice was not long of arm in those days,
and escape could have been easily effected by making
a port in France, and selling both ship and cargo.

Sir Humphrey chose to continue on the voyage in the
little Squirrell; "being most convenient to discover upon
the coast, and to search into every harbour or creeke,
which a great ship could not doe." To defend her
against possible enemies she was therefore prepared
"with nettings and fights and overcharged with bases
and such small Ordinance, more to give a shew, than
with judgment to foresee unto the safetie of her and the
men, which afterward was an occasion of her overthrow."

St. John's had been well chosen as a place to replenish
their stores, for they now went on their way rejoicing,
well supplied, not only with necessaries, but with
luxuries: "Wines, bread or ruske, fish wette and drie,
sweete oiles, besides many other such as marmalades,
figs, lymmons barralled, and such like. In briefe we
were supplied of our wants commodiously, as if we had
beene in a countrey or some Citie populous and plentiful!
of all things."

On August 20, the Delight, Golden Hind and

256 THE LIFE OF

Squirrell again set sail from St. John's, which port from
their observations they made out to be in 47°, 40^ In
reality it is in 47°, 34', so that they were six miles too
far north in their reckoning. The next day they passed
Cape Race, which they said was in 46°, 25', which was
again an error, this time on the other side, as it is in
46°, 39'-

"Under this Cape we were becalmed a small time,
during which we layd out hookes and lines to take
Codde, and drewe in less than two houres, fish so large
and in such abondance that many dayes after we fed
upon no other provision."

They now shaped their course for that island of fogs
and shifting sands, "Sable Island," not thus named for
its dusky hue or blacker reputation, but because it is an
island of sand — "sablon." They had met in St. John's
a Portuguese who told them, that some thirty years
before he had been in a ship which landed both cattle
and swine there to breed. "This seemed unto us very
happie tidings to have an island lying so neare unto the
maine, which we intended to plant upon, such store of
cattell whereby we might at all times conveniently be
relieved of victuall, andi served of store for breed."
Other accounts state that cattle were left on Sable Island
in 15 18 by Baron de Heri, and yet others, that they
escaped from the wreck of some Spanish ships.

"In this course we trended along the coast, which
from Cape Race stretcheth into the Northwest, making
a bay with some called Trepassa. Then it goeth out
againe toward the West, and maketh a point, which with
Cape Race lieth in maner East and West. But this
point inclineth to the North : to the west of which goeth
in the bay of Placentia. We sent men on land to take
view of the soyle along this coast, whereof they made
good report, and some of them had wil to be planted
there. They saw Pease growing in great abundance
everywhere.

"The difference betweene Cape Race and Cape Briton

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

257

is eighty-seven leagues. In which navigation we spent
eight dayes, having many times the wind indifferent
good ; yet could we never attaine sight of any land all
that time, seeing we were hindered by the current. At
last we fell into such flats and dangers, that hardly any
of us escaped : where neverthelesse we lost our Admirall
with al the men and provision, not knowingly certainly
the place. Yet for inducing men of skill to make con-
iecture, by our course and way we held from Cape Race
thither (that thereby the flats and dangers may be in-
serted in Sea cards, for warning to others that may
follow the same course hereafter), I have set downe the
best reckonings that were kept by expert men, William
Cox Master of the Hindy and lohn Paul his mate, both
of Limehouse.

"Reckonings kept in our course from Cape Race to-
wards Cape Briton, and the Island of Sablon, to the
time and place where we lost our Admirall.

August 22. West . . . .14 leagues.

West and by south . 25

Westnorthwest . .25

Westnorthwest . . 9

Southsouthwest . . 10

Southwest . . .12

Southsouthwest . .10

Westnorthwest . .12

Summe of these leagues 1 1 7

Here we lost our
Admiral.

The reckoning of John Paul Masters mate from Cape Race.

August 22.

23-
24.

25-
26.
27.
28.

29.

West .

North and by west

Southwest and by south

West and by south

West and by north

Southwest

Southwest

Southwest

Westsouthwest

Northwest and by west

14 leagues.

9

5
40

7
3
9
7
7
20

Summe of all these leagues 1 2 1

Here we lost our
Admirall.

Our course we held in clearing us of these flats was
s

258 THE LIFE OF

Eastsoutheast, and Southeast, and south fourteen leagues
with a marvellous scant winde." ^

The Maner how our Admirall was Lost.

"Upon Thursday the 27 of August toward the evening
our General caused them in the frigat to sound, who
found white sand at 35 fathoms being then in latitude
44 degrees." They were then evidently very close to
Sable Island; but the wind coming South they stood
to the Northwest, strongly against the advice of Master
Coxe of the Golden Hind. Nevertheless they followed
the Admiral, unable to prevent the mischief which they
saw threatening. "The evening was fair and pleasant,
yet not without token of storm to ensue, and most part
of this Wednesday night, like the Swanne that singeth
before her death, they in the Admirall or Delight con-
tinued in sounding of Trumpets, with Drummes, and
Fifes; also winding the Cornets, Haughtboyes; and in
the end of their joUitie left with battell and ringing of
doleful knels." Porpoises in herds circled round them,
portending storm, and in the frigat, strange voices were
heard, which scared the helmsman from his post. But
Haies considered these reports "frivolous."

On the 29th, they had a strong south-east gale, with
thick fog, so that they could not see a cable length before
them. In the early morning they found themselves
entangled amongst flats and sands, with the depth of
water varying considerably in a very short distance.
They immediately signalled to the Delight to come about
and stand to seaward. But it was too late; no watch

1 The courses steered by Sir Humphrey Gilbert's fleet as laid
down by William Coxe, master, and John Paul, master's mate of the
Golden Hind^ have been carefully worked out for me by Capt. William
English, Harbour Master of St. John's. They prove that John Paul
was the better navigator, for his reckoning leads exactly to the northern
end of Sable Island, where we may conclude that the Delight was
lost ; while Coxe's reckoning indicates a point fifty or sixty miles to
the Eastward. The description of the wreck, the flats and shoals, and
the great variation in the soundings in short distances, confirm this
decision.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 259

had been kept, and they had no idea of their danger,
and being a much larger vessel and some distance ahead
of the Golden Hindy they almost immediately struck
and soon went to pieces. The Golden Hind and
Squirrell with difficulty managed to save themselves.
"In this distresse wee had vigilant eyes unto the
Admirall whom wee saw cast away, without power to
give the men succour, neither could wee espie any of
the men that leaped overboard to save themselves, either
in the same Pinnasse or Cocke, or upon rafters, and such
like maners, presenting themselves to men in those ex-
tremities : for wee desired to save the men by every
possible meanes. But all in vane, sith God had deter-
mined their ruine : yet all that day, and part of the next,
we beat up and down as neere unto the wreck as was
possible for us, looking out if by good hap we might
espie any of them.

''This was a heavie and grievous event to lose at one
blow our chief ship freighted with great provision,
gathered together with much travell, care, long time,
and difficultie. But more was the loss of our men,
which perished to the number almost of a hundred
soules. Amongst whom was drowned a learned man,
an Hungarian, borne in the citie of Buda, called hereof
Budaus, who of pietie and zeale to good attempts, ad-
ventured in this action, minding to record in the Latin
tongue, the gests and things worthy of remembrance,
happening in the discoverie, to the honour of our nation,
the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this
Orator, and rare Poet of our time."

But here also perished one more mourned than Par-
menius, even Daniel, the honest Saxon refiner, the dis-
coverer of inestimable riches, as Haies firmly believed.

"No lesse heavie was the loss of Captain Maurice
Brown, vertuous, honest and descrete gentleman, who
shewed himself a man resolved and never unprepared
for death, as by his last act of this tragedie appeareth,
by reporte of them that escaped this wrecke miraculously,

S 2

260 THE LIFE OF

as shal bee hereafter declared. For when all hope was
past of recovering the ship, and that men began to give
over, and to save themselves, the Captaine was advised
before to ship also for his life, by the Pinnesse at the
Sterne of the ship ; but refusing that counsell he would
not give example with the first to leave the shippe, but
used all meanes to exhort his people not to despaire, nor
so to leave off their labour choosing rather to die, than
to incurre infamie by forsaking his charge, which then
might be thought to have perished through his defaulte,
shewing an ill president unto his men by leaving the
ship himself. With this minde he mounted upon the
highest decke, where hee attended imminent death and
unavoidable how long I leave it to God who withdraweth
not his comfort from his servants at such times. In the
meane season, certaine to the number of 14 persons
leaped into a small pinnesse (the bignes of a Thames
barge, which was made in Newfound land) cut off the
rope wherewith it was towed and committed themselves
to God's mercie, amidest the storme, and rage of sea
and windes, destitut of foode, not so much as a droppe
of fresh water."

The extraordinary voyage and escape of this boat's
crew is best told in the language of "Master Richard
Clarke of Weymouth, master of the ship called the
Delight, going for the discovery of Norembega, with
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 1583. Written in excuse of that
fault of casting away the ship and men, imputed to his
oversight."

The imputation was undoubtedly made by Hakluyt,
in addition to the strictures of Haies which we have
already heard, for Hakluyt, in his Discourse of Western
Planting, written in the following year but not published
until 1877, strongly recommended that a school of
navigation should be established, and all mariners
compelled to pass an examination in seamanship
before being allowed to take charge of a vessel.
"Which order," he says, "if it had bene established in

m^iSM

Memorial Window in the Guildhall,
Plymouth.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 261

England, such grose and insufficient fellows as he that
caste away the Admirall of Sir Humfrey's company with
an C persons in her, to the West of Newfoundland this
tyme twelve monthes, had not bene admitted to so great
a chardge."

Clarke endeavours to throw the blame upon Sir
Humphrey, and declares that he kept on the course
which brought them to destruction at Sir Humphrey's
express injunction. Hakluyt in a marginal note says,
"Herein Clarke untruly chargeth Sir Humphrey Gil-
bert," making the statement, no doubt, after due inquiry
and consultation with Captain Haies and Master Cox
of the Golden Hind. That the discovery of their danger
was first made by the Golden Hind, although a consider-
able distance in the wake of the Delight, is condemnation
sufficient of Clarke.

"A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth, master
of the ship called the Delight, going for the discovery
of Morembega, with Sir Humfrey Gilbert 1583.
Written in excuse of that fault of casting away the ship
and men, imputed to his oversight.

"Departing out of Saint Johns Harborough in the
Newfound land the 20. of August unto Cape Raz, from
thence we directed our course unto the He of Sablon or
the Isle of Sand, which the Generall Sir Humfrey
Gilbert would willingly have scene. But when we came
within twentie leagues of the Isle of Sablon, we feel
to controversie of our course. The Generall came up
in his Frigot and demanded of mee Richard Clarke
master of the Admirall what course was best to keepe :
I said that Westsouthwest was best : because the wind
was at south and night at hand and unknowen sands
lay off a great way from the land. The Generall com-
manded mee to go Westnorthwest. I told him again
that the Isle of Sablon was Westnorthwest and but 15.
leagues off, and that he should be upon the Island
before day, if hee went that course. The Generall sayd,
my reckoning was untrue, and charged me in her

262 THE LIFE OF

Majesties name, and as I would shewe my selfe in her
Countrey, to follow him that night. I fearing his
threatenings, because he presented her Majesties person,
did follow his commaundment, and about seven of the
clocke in the morning the ship stroke on ground, where
shee was cast away. Then the Generall went off to sea,
the course that I would have had them gone before,
and saw the ship cast away men and all, and was not
able to save a man, for there was not water upon the
sand for either of them much lesse for the Admirall^
that drew fourteene foote. Now as God would the day
before it was very calme, and a Souldier of the ship
had killed some foule with his piece, and some of the
company desired me that they might hoyse out the boat
to recover the foule, which I granted them : and when
they came aboord they did not hoyse it in againe that
night. And when the ship was cast away the boate was
asterne being in burthen one tunne and a halfe : there
was left in the boate one oare and nothing els. Some
of the company could swimme, and recovered the boate
and did hale in out of the water as many men as they
coulde : among the rest they had a care to watch for
the Captaine or the Master : They happened on my
selfe being the Master, but could never see the Cap-
taine : Then they hailed into the boate as many men
as they could in number i6. whose names hereafter I
will rehearse. And when the i6 were in the boate,
some had small remembrance and some had none : for
they did not make account to live, but to prolong their
lives as long as it pleased God, and looked every
moment of an houre when the Sea would eate them up,
the boate being so little and so many men in her, and
so foule weather, that it was not possible for a shippe
to brooke halfe a coarse of sayle. Thus while wee re-
mayned two dayes and two nights, and that wee saw
it pleased God our boate lived in the Sea (although we
had nothing to help us withall but one oare, which we
kept up the boate withall upon the Sea, and so went

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 263

even as the Sea would drive us) there was in our Com-
pany one Master Hedly that put foorth this question to
me the Master. I doe see that it doth please God, that
our boate lyveth in the Sea, and it may please God that
some of us may come to the land if our boate were not
overladen. Let us make sixteene lots, and those foure
that have the foure shortest lots we will cast overboard
preserving the Master among us all. I replied unto
him, saying, no, we will live and die together. Master
Hedly asked me if my remembrance were good : I
answered I gave God prayse it was good, and knewe
how farre I was off the land, and was in hope to come
to the lande within two or three days, and sayde they
were but three score leagues from the land (when they
were seventie) all to put them in comfort. Thus we
continued the third and fourth day without any susten-
ance, save onley the weedes that swamme in the Sea,
and salt water to drinke. The fifth day Hedly died and
another moreover ; then wee desired all to die : for in
all these five dayes and five nights we saw the sunne
but once and the Starre but one night, it was so foule
weather. Thus we did remaine the sixt day : then we
were very weeke and wished all to die saving onely my
selfe which did comfort them and promised they should
come soone to lande by the help of God : but the com-
pany were very importunate, and were in doubt they
should never come to land, but that I promised them
the seventh day they should come to shore, or els they
should cast me overboord : which did happen true the
seventh day, for at eleven of the clock wee had sight
of the land, and at 3. of the clocke at afternoone we
came on land. All these seven dayes and seven nights,
the wind kept continually South. If the wind had in
the meantime shifted upon any other point, wee had
never come to land : we were no sooner come to land,
but the wind came clean contrary at North within halfe
an hour aftcx^ our arrivall. But we were so weake that
one could scarcely helpe another of us out of the boate,

264 THE LIFE OF

yet with much adoe being come all on shore we kneeled
down upon our knees and gave God praise that he had
dealt so mercifully with us. Afterwards those which
were strongest holpe their fellowes unto a fresh brooke,
where we satisfied ourselves with water and berries very
well. There were al sorts of berries plentie, & as goodly
a countrey as ever I saw : we found a very fair plaine
Champion ground that a man might see very farre
every way : by the Sea side was here and there a little
wood with goodly trees as good as ever I saw any in
Norway, able to mast any shippe, of pyne trees, spruse
trees, firre, and very great birch trees. Where we came
on land we made a little house with boughes, where
we rested all that night. In the morning I devided the
company three and three to goe every way to see what
foode they could find to sustaine themselves, and
appointed them to meete their againe at noone with
such foode as they could get. As we went aboord we
found great store of peason as good as any we have in
England : a man would thinke they had beene sowed
there. We rested there three days and three nights
and lived very well with peas and berries, wee named
the place St. Laurence in Canada, and we found it
very full of Salmons. When wee had well rested our
selves wee rowed our boat along the shore, thinking
to have gone to the Grand Bay to have come home with
some Spanyards which are yeerely there to kill the
Whale : And when wee were hungry or a thirst we
put our boate on land and gathered peas and berries.
Thus wee rowed our boate along the shore five dayes :
about which time wee came to a very goodly river that
ranne farre up in to the Countrey and saw very goodly
growen trees of all sortes. There wee happened upon
a ship of Saint John de Luz, which ship brought us
into Biskay to an Harborough called The Passage.
The master of the shippe was our great friend, or els
wee had bene put to death if he had not kept our
counsayle. For when the visitors came aboord, as it is
the order in Spaine, they demaunding what we were.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 265

he sayd wee were poor fishermen that had cast away our
shippe in Newfound land, and so the visitors inquired
no more of the matter at that time. Assoone as night
was come he put us on land and bad us shift for our
selves. Then had wee but tenne or twelve miles into
France, which we went that night, and then cared not
for the Spanyard. And so shortly after we came into
England toward the end of the year 1583."

" After this heavie chance " they were greatly discom-
fited. They were uncertain of their position, some
thinking even that they were engulfed in the Bay of
St. Lawrence; they continued beating up and down,
thinking they must be near the land, continually
sounding and getting from fifty to forty fathoms.
When the wind was from the South they had flats and
shoals to leeward and were fearful of sharing the fate
of the Delight. The weather continued thick and
blustering and the cold noticeably increased, their pro-
visions began again to get scant and their clothes were
worn out, all their surplus stores having been lost in
the Delight. No wonder that they lost courage. In
the little Frigat they were particularly distressed and
continually besought Sir Humphrey to return to Eng-
land. Whenever they drew near to the Golden Hind
they made signs of their condition by pointing to their
mouths and holding up their rags to view. Dissatis-
faction soon spread to the people of the Golden Hind,
and they also clamoured to return home. Sir Humphrey
was naturally not insensible to these protests, and call-
ing the Captain and Master of the Golden Hind into
consultation, they finally decided to abandon any
further exploration and to turn their prows homeward,
"withal protesting himselfe greatly satisfied with that
hee had sene and knewe already. Reiterating these
words : Be content wee have scene enough, and take
no care of expence past ; I will set you f oorth royally the
next Spring, if God send us safe home. Therefore I
pray you let us no longer strive here, where wee fight
against the elements ! Omitting circumstances how

266 THE LIFE OF

unwillingly the Captaine and Master of the Hinde con-
descended to this motion, his owne company can
testifie : yet comforted with the Generall's promises of
a speedie return at Spring, and induced by other
apparent reasons, proving an impossibilitie to accom-
plish the action at that time, it was concluded on all
hands to retire. So upon Sunday in the afternoon the
31 of August, we changed our course, and returned back
for England." And, horrible portent ! at the very
moment they came about there passed between them
and the land "a very lion, in shape, hair, and colour,"
not swimming but sliding upon the water, with the
greater part of his body well in view. He took no notice
of their presence "beyond turning his head to and fro
with ougly demonstration of long teeth, and to bidde
us farewell he sent forth a horrible voyce, roaring or

bellowing as doth a lion What opinion others had

thereof, and chiefly the Generall himselfe I forbear to
deliver; But he took it for Bonum Omen, rejoycing
that he was to warre against such an enemie, if it were
the devill."

The days of enchantment were hardly passed. In
this walrus, as it undoubtedly was, they saw the evil
genus of the place, lying in hiding so long as they
attempted to invade his domain, but coming out and
exulting at their discomfiture the instant they turned
back.

"The winde was large (fair) for England at our
returne, but very high and the sea rough, insomuch as
the Frigate wherein the Generall went was almost
swallowed up. Munday in the afternoon wee passed
in the sight of Cape Race, having made as much way
in little more than two days and nights backe againe
as before wee had done in eight dayes from Cape Race,
unto the place where our ship perished. Which hind-
rance thitherward and speed backe againe is to be
imputed unto the swift current, as well as to the windes,
which we had more large in our return."

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 267

Haies indicates that he and Cox, the master of his
vessel, were unwilling to give up the voyage, but were
overpersuaded by Sir Humphrey, on his assurance that
he was more than satisfied with what he had already
seen. There was nothing desperate about their situa-
tion, and a few days' perseverance would have provided
a change in the weather and a favourable opportunity
to come up to the Nova Scotian shore, where they could
have made a safe harbour until the equinoxes had
passed. Thence, they might have comfortably con-
tinued their exploration along the coast for two or three
months. But the lure of gold and silver overcame other
considerations. Their minds had been inflamed by the
fabulous stories of Davy Ingram and "Sir Humphrey's
man " ; Frobisher's sad experience was forgotten, and
the reports of Daniel, the Saxon refiner, were taken for
gospel. They Were therefore quite willing to be dis-
couraged, they had seen enough, and only wanted to
get to England in order that they might fit out a larger
expedition to return to this northern Peru, where they
might acquire riches to outvie the Spaniards. The
planting of an English Colony, the spread of English
commerce, religious freedom for loyal Roman Catholics,
the relief of the poor in over-populated England, the
conversion of the savages, all were forgotten and over-
shadowed by the reputed discovery of silver by Daniel
— a discovery which three hundred years of coloniza-
tion has failed to verify !

On Monday Sir Humphrey, who had run a nail
into his foot, came on board the Golden Hind to get
the surgeon to dress it. They congratulated themselves
that their dangers were then past and that they would
soon be home. Haies entreated him to stay on the
Hind, but we would not be persuaded, and returned
to the little Squirrell. "Immediately after followed a
sharpe storm which we overpassed for that time.
Praysed be God."

The weather being fair the General! again went on

268 THE LIFE OF

board the Hind "to make merry" with the Captain;
and ship's company. They discoursed on many things
touching their voyage, he lamenting greatly the loss
of the Delight, more the loss of the men, and most of
all the loss of his books and notes. In addition, he was
out of measure grieved by the loss of "somewhat," which
he refused to explain to Haies, of more importance than
his books or anything else. This Haies concluded to
be the ore which Daniel had brought to him while
lying in St. John's. "Whatsoever it was, the remem-
brance touched him so deepe, as not able to contain
himselfe, he beat his boy in a great rage, even at the
same time, so long after the miscarrying of the great
ship, because upon a faire day, when wee were becalmed
upon the coast of Newfoundland neere unto Cape Race,
he sent his boy aboord the Admirall, to fetch certaine
things : amongst which, this being chiefe was yet for-
gotten and left behind. After which time, he could
never conveniently send againe aboord the great ship,
much lesse he doubted her ruine so neere to hand."

This ineffectual display of temper added fresh con-
firmation to Haies opinion that a mine had been dis-
covered in Newfoundland which would make them rich
beyond the dreams of avarice. More than that. Sir
Humphrey had not been at all in favour of the northern
parts, but he had changed his mind completely, and
had become, as he said, "a Northern man altogether."
At first he was quite willing to give grants of land in
St. John's, but afterwards suddenly ceased to do so,
although certain English merchants were most anxious
to obtain them, "offering to imploy their money and
travell upon the same; yet neither by their owne suite,
nor of others of his own company, whom he seemed
willing to pleasure at first, could it be obtained." This
was all very suspicious; again, when talking of their
return the next year, he arranged that Haies was to go
South and discover in that direction, while he himself
returned to St. John's. And when Haies asked how

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 269

he intended to raise sufficient funds for such an extensive
plan, he replied : " Leve that to mee, I will aske a
pennie of no man. I will bring good tidings unto Her
Majestie, who will be so gracious, to lend me 10,000
pounds; for he did thanke God with al his heart for
that he had seene, the same being enough for us al and
that we needed not to seeke any further. And these
last wordes he would often repeat, with demonstration
of great fervencie of mind, being himselfe very con-
fident and settled in beliefe of inestimable good by his
voyage." Haies admits, nevertheless, that the greater
part of his company "mistrusted altogether" these
assurances, but that was because they had not been let
into the secret. He continues: "Leaving the issue of
this good hope unto God, who knoweth the truth only,
and can at his pleasure bring the same to light : I will
hasten to the end of this tragedie, which must be knit
up in the person of our Generall. And as it was God's
ordinance upon him, even so the vehement persuasion
and intreatie of his friends could nothing availe to divert
him from a wilfull resolution of going through in his
Frigat, which was overcharged upon her decks, with
fights nettings and small artillerie, too cumbersome for
so small a boate, that was to pass through the ocean sea
at fhis season of the yere, when by course we might
expect much storme of foule weather, whereof indeed
we had enough."

When they entreated him from the Hind to make
the rest of his journey with them, this was his answer :
"I will not forsake my little company going homeward
with whom I have passed so many stormes and
perils."

Haies rather uncharitably considers that he was in-
fluenced in making this decision by fear of what men
might say of him. Before leaving England the hard
report had been circulated that he was afraid of the
sea, and that he took this course to disprove the
calumny, thus allowing the "winde of a vain report"

270 THE LIFE OF

to outweigh his own life. If any such feeling influenced
him it was probably the solicitous, if somewhat frank,
message sent to him by his Queen — that he was noted
as a man "having no good hap at sea." For a seaman
to be called unlucky was almost as bad as to be called
a coward, and the statement had to be disproved at
whatever cost.

But we, who can claim to know him perhaps better
than Haies did, can see no reason for attributing to
him any but the highest motives in making this speech.
It was an attitude of mind and an answer which
his whole life leads us to expect. Long ago he had
written : " He is not worthy to live at all, that for
feare, or danger of death shunneth his countrey's
service, and his owne honour : seeing death is inevitable
and the fame of virtue immortal." It was an age of
lofty ideals and great deeds. Only a few years later
Sidney, his relative and friend, was to come as quickly
to a decision, and to act with equally self-denying
generosity. "Give it to him, his need is greater than
mine, and " I will not forsake my little company " are
speeches of immortal fame, and the devil's advocate
can assail neither the one nor the other.

Haies continues: "Seeing he would not bend to
reason, he had provision out of the Hinde^ such as was
wanting aboord his Frigat. And so we committed him
to God's protection, and set him aboord his Pinnesse,
wee being more than 300 leagues onward of our way
home."

They succeeded in reaching across to the longitude
of the Azores in safety, and then sailed northward until
they "got into the height and elevation of England."
Here they encountered very foul weather with terrific
seas, caused, Haies supposed, by the unevenness of
the ocean bed; but whatever occasioned them, more
outrageous seas had never been encountered by the
oldest seamen on board. Also, at night, upon their
main yard the weird corposant fires "flamed amaze-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 271

ment." A certain harbinger of dreadful weather and
disaster at sea.

"Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoon,
the Frigat was neere cast away, oppressed by waves,
yet at that time recovered; and giving forth signes of
joy, the Generall sitting abaft with a booke in his hand,
creid unto us into the Hinde (so oft as we did approach
within hearing) ' We are as neere to heaven by sea as
by land.' Reiterating the same speech^ well beseeming
a souldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testifie he
was.

"The same Munday night about twelve of the clock,
or not long after, the Frigat being ahead of us in the
Golden Hinde, suddenly her lights were out, whereof
as it were in a moment we lost the sight, and withall
our watch cryed, the Generall was cast away, which was
too true. For in that moment the Frigat was devoured
and swallowed up of the Sea. Yet still we looked out
all that night, and ever after until we arrived upon
the coast of England. Omitting no small saile at sea
unto which we gave not the tokens betweenee us agreed
upon to have perfect knowledge of each other, if at
any time we should be separated."

"In great torment of weather, and perill of drown-
ing," Haies continued on his voyage.

"Bound sadly home —
Supposing that they saw the King^s ship wrecked
And his great person perish."

On September 22, they arrived at Falmouth, but pro-
ceeded at once to Dartmouth, hoping that they might
there hear news of Sir Humphrey. But it was their
sad duty instead to inform Sir John Gilbert of their
"hard successe." Haies asked Sir John to come on
board the Golden Hind and make inquiry among the
crew of all that had befallen, but he professed himself
satisfied with the report made by Captain Haies, and
did not altogether despair of his brother's safety.
Eighteen years before he had opposed Sir Humphrey's

272 THE LIFE OF

adventurous designs, and thus at last were his fore-
bodings to be realized.

Haies took harbour at Weymouth, all his men tired
with the tediousness of so unprofitable a voyage, but
even so he found cause for congratulation, for ''amongst
very many difficulties, disappointments, mutinies, con-
spiracies, sicknesses, mortalite, spoylings and wrecke by
sea which were afflictions more than in so small fleete
or so short a time may be supposed, — it pleased God
to support this company, of which only one man died
of a maladie inveterate and long infested; the rest kept
together in reasonable contentment and concord, begin-
ing, continuing and ending the voyage, which none
els did accomplish either not pleased with the action, or
impatient of wants or prevented by death.

"Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise
and last action of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, faith-
fully, for so much as I thought meete to be published :
wherein may alwaies appear (though he be extin-
guished) some sparkes of his ventures, he remaining
firm and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest
and Godly, as was this, to discover, possess and to
reduce unto the service of God and Christian pietie,
those remote and heathen countreys of America, not
actually possessed by Christians and most rightly apper-
taining unto the Crowne of England : unto the which,
as his zeale deserveth high commendation : even so he
may justly be taxed of temeritie and presumption rather
in two respects."

The strictures which Haies made upon Sir Hum-
phrey's conduct are such as would naturally be expected
from a disappointed shareholder ! They were, first, that
"he was too prodigal of his own patrimony and too
careless of other men's expences on a ground imagined
good." That Sir Humphrey's plans were too indefinite,
and his information about the countries he proposed to
explore too slight, to have warranted him in inducing
people to invest their money.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 273

Second, that when his first expedition failed, his
pride occasioned him "to thruste himself againe into
action for which he was not fit."

In short, Haies felt that he had been induced to invest
his money in a wild cat scheme; the disastrous ending
of which was doubly galling when he felt so certain
that Daniel had discovered a mine of great richness, all
knowledge of which was lost.

CHAPTER XIV

AN APPRECIATION

Thus died Sir Humphrey Gilbert, one of the noblest
and most single-minded of the great Elizabethans,
observing to the bitter end the golden rule which he had
set up as his standard so many years before. Rather
than appear to shun death he almost courted it. Mutate
vel timer e sperno. As he returned to his little boat and
his faithful companions, this adage so boastfully uttered
must have recurred to his memory. It was a curiously
exact illustration of the principle he had enunciated, and
even more accurately has been measured out to him the
reward which he promised to those who met death in
their country's service. The fame of his virtue is
immortal. Whenever brave deeds and noble words are
enumerated his are not forgotten. That he first en-
deavoured to enlarge, the boundaries of Britain has been
generally overlooked, but the last great message which
he left us is a legacy for all time, for the comfort of those
who go down to sea in ships, and of those who are left
behind. "We are as near to heaven by sea as by land,"
may have been said before, but never surely with such a
tragic issue to stamp it upon the memory.

The mainspring of his life was his <ievotion to his
Queen. "From a boy to the age of white hairs " hehsEd
occupied himself in her service. As a humble member
of her household, a young soldier in France, a ruler in
Ireland, a member of Parliament, a commander of
troops in the Low Countries, and as a pioneer of
colonization he had served her faithfully, always with
regard to her wishes, and for the advancement of her
glory.

274

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 275

His patriotism and his devotion to his Queen seem to
merge, and it is difficult at times to distinguish between
them, but when, during his session in Parliament, these
interests appeared to clash, his lifelong habit of personal
loyalty won the day. He would have had patriotism
the basis of all education. The youth of the nobility
were to be taught that their first duty was to the common-
wealth, and in order that they might be of value, they
were to be trained as soldiers, lawgivers, counsellors,
and in all that pertained to high offices of state. No
longer was their aim in life to be bounded by their ability
"to hallo a hound or lure a hawk." Although intimately
known to Elizabeth and the recipient of continual pre-
ferment, yet their relationship was ever dignified and self-
respecting. We find with him none of the grovelling
flatteries which so often make the conduct of her courtiers
appear despicable. His confidence in her favour and
kindly feeling to himself are many times manifested.
" Her Majestie never yet denied me of anything "
was not a meaningless speech. Though his petitions
were often delayed, they were always granted in the
end.

That this confidence was not misplaced her personal
letters bear witness. Thus she wrote to Sir Henry
Sidney, directing that he should be promoted; to
Walsingham, expressing concern for his safety if he
departed on his arduous journey; and through Ralegh
her farewell, as to "a person whom she tendereth."
There is an almost tender tone in her expressions of
interest in his affairs, indicating the high esteem and
respect with which she regarded him.

The greatest blot upon his career which has been
recorded, was the cruelty of his conduct to the unhappy
Irish ; the only extenuation for which that can be sug-
gested is that it was the custom of the age, and not a
purely personal fault. Sir Henry Sidney, Essex,
Ralegh, and many others are implicated in similar
atrocities, and even the gentle Spenser witnessed and

T 2

276 THE LIFE OF

condoned them. In the histories of the European wars
of the period are found many parallel instances.

But the raison d'etre of this book is to proclaim
Humphrey Gilbert as the father of English colonization.
His mind was strikingly original in an age when every
man was a genius. In everything he showed himself a
seer and a prophet, but in this particular he was "the voice
crying in the wilderness." He was not aware himself
at first of the extent to which his theories would develop.
When he first propounded his schemes, all England
looked askance ; it was an unheard-of thing for English
people to leave their native land ; moreover, the law im-
posed heavy fines and forfeitures upon absentees. It was
a difficult task to overcome such deep-rooted prejudices.
Well might he say that he hacl "to endure the scorn of
all the world for conceiving so well of a matter that
others held as ridiculous, although now by my meanes
better thought of." In all great movements the same
order may be observed, at first the "voice," then the few
followers and a generation of education, and finally
universal adoption. So it was in the beginning of this
wonderful movement which has hardly yet reached its
climax. Humphrey Gilbert at first recommended the
planting of but one hundred men to hold the pass to
Cathaia; when he soon proposed formal assumption of
sovereignty over some part of the New World and the
planting of a colony, he had but a few of his relations
and personal friends to assist him — and perhaps their
support was obtained rather by his persistence than
from any conviction of their own — but in the end he
reckoned among his associates some of the greatest men
of the day. In the meanwhile his conception of a
colony had grown to be almost Utopian.

We have read how he endeavoured to accomplish his
project, how unhappily he failed, and how nobly he
died. But to him is the honour of being the first to
make the attempt, and of having broken the path which
was to lead England to the apex of her glory.

Camden, writing about twenty years later, says of

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 277

him, that he was "a quick and lively spirited gentleman,
famous for his knowledge in matters relating to both
war and peace " ; and of his colonization schemes he
says, "learning too late himself and teaching others
that it is a difficult thing to carry over colonies in too
remote countries upon private men's purses, that he and
others in an erroneous credulity had persuaded them-
selves to their own cost and detriment." But neverthe-
less it was thus that success was afterwards achieved.

Of his personal character there seems to be nought but
praise. Edmund Howes, in his continuation of Stowe's
Annals, 1615, says: "He was a great favourer of the
arts and learning, and despised Piracie." Yet we find
him accused of that crime by Mendoza, and, for a time,
somewhat under a cloud on account of it. But whether
piracy was a crime or not depended on where and upon
whom it was committed. If upon their own nation and
in the home waters it was quickly punished by death, if
upon the Spaniards and on the high seas it was a deed
of renown for which the reward was knighthood and
high honour. Whether Gilbert, on either of his voyages,
was personally guilty of preying upon peaceful com-
merce is not proven ; that he proposed the destruction
of the helpless Spanish fleet at Newfoundland informs
us in what light he regarded actions of the kind. It is
permitted to scotch the snake before it is ready to strike ;
to cripple Spanish power on the sea was therefore the
duty of every Briton, a duty they all cheerfully per-
formed. But this was not regarded as piracy by the
English, whatever the Spanish ambassadors may have
called it. Gilbert on several occasions disclaimed any
piratical designs, and indeed flattered himself that he
had abstained when he might have gathered sufficient
booty to defray the expenses of his voyages.

Gilbert confessed himself of a somewhat hot and
choleric disposition. In the campaign in the Low
Countries we find him several times reported as having
given exhibitions of temper, and even on his last voyage
he breaks out in a rage against the boy who had neg-

278 THE LIFE OF

lected his orders some weeks before. Haies comments
on this weakness, but notes that "the crosses, turmoils,
and afflictions, both in the preparation and execution of
this voyage, did correct the intemperate humours which
before wee noted to bee in this Gentleman, and made
unsavourie and lesse delightful his other manifold
vertues. Then as he was refined and made nearer draw-
ing unto the image of God ; so it pleased the divine will
to resume him unto himselfe, whither both his and every
other high and noble mind have always aspired."

Of his private life we have no information. His refer-
ences to his wife in his letters show an apologetic attitude
towards her, in that he had spent upon his visionary
schemes her dower as well as his own patrimony. This
is a habit common to all enthusiasts. They know they
are jeopardizing the welfare of those dearest to them, but
are yet irresistibly borne along on their career by the
passion which absorbs them.

As a leader of men Gilbert was not a success. Failure
and disappointment met him on every hand. In Ireland
alone was he judged to have succeeded, and there the
peace which he procured at such dreadful cost lasted
but a moment. In the Netherlands the conditions were
such that success was well nigh impossible. The allied
troops were distraught by jealousies, suspecting each
other and suspected by those they went to succour. He
cannot be held responsible for the reverses that naturally
followed. Although his leadership might have been at
fault, his bravery in the field was conspicuous; his
subordinates and his superior officers are alike in their
praise of him in this respect.

And as to his great purpose, he was a generation ahead
of his time. The art of colonization was unknown in
England, and it took a generation of attempts and
failures before the secret of success was learned. Per-
haps the nation was not quite ready for it, and those that
embarked upon it did so but half-heartedly. The idea
was too new, and it was necessary for those destined to

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 279

succeed to grow up in familiarity with it. They were a
noble band of failures, those first colonizers — Gilbert,
Ralegh, Grenville, Cavendish, Lane and White.

Froude classes Gilbert amongst " England's Forgotten
Worthies." To be sure his study was written fifty years
ago, but have Gilbert, Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher, and
Davis ever been forgotten ? In his masterly, lucid style
he makes the age live again, but the details he gives are
often far astray. His prejudices are notorious; still
much may be forgiven the author of such an illuminat-
ing paragraph as the following —

"The springs of great actions are always difficult to
analyze — impossible to analyze perfectly — possible to
analyze only very proximately; and the force by which
a man throws out of himself a good action is invisible
and mystical, like that which brings out the blossom and
the fruit upon the tree. The motives which we find men
urging for their enterprises seem often insufficient to
have prompted them to so large a daring. They did
what they did from the great unrest in them which made
them do it, and what it was may be best measured by
the results in the present England and America."

This seems particularly applicable to Sir Humphrey
Gilbert. While in this study of his life an attempt has
been made to analyze his motives and trace the influ-
ences which surrounded him, perhaps Froude's explana-
tion is nearer the truth, and he did what he did from the
"great unrest" in him. An unrest born of the times —
caused by the expansion of space, of thought, of learn-
ing, of freedom, which makes Elizabeth's reign one of
the most wonderful periods in history. When one tells
over the names of the great Elizabethans, — great in
every department of thought and of action, — it is evident
that there was some force, common to all of them, which
stirred them to the accomplishment of such great work.
Gilbert's motto, so well chosen for himself, seems gener-
ally appropriate for the age.

CHAPTER XV

1583-1610

The circumstances in which Lady Gilbert and her
family of young children had been left were deplor-
able, although Sir Humphrey thought that he had
made ample provision for them. It appears that he had
bought the Manor of Mynster in the Isle of Sheppey,
from Lord Cheyney, and should have made the last pay-
ment of 1000 marks on July 4, 1583. But before that
day he had made a pro forma sale of the property to
Sir Edward Hobey, and had taken a lease from him in
return. It was proposed that Sir Edward Hobey was
to default on the last payment to Lord Cheyney, thus
allowing the property to revert to him, upon the assur-
ance that Lord Cheyney would sell the property to him
again for account of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, according
to the original agreement. The object of this circuitous
dealing was to enable Sir Humphrey, who had "en-
tangled the land with dyvers remaynders and uses, to
avoid those intanglements." But Sir Edward Hobey
had abused the trust reposed in him, and in Sir Hum-
phrey's absence had *'onely used the advantage of the
new assurance (sale or lease) to the defraudinge of the
lease made by him to Sir Humphrey — and hee no waye
prejudyced to the value of one pennye."

"Wherefore the Lady Gilbert moste humbly prayeth
that she maye enjoye her lease accordinge to the true
meaninge of the first bergayne, because it is the only
staye that is lefte her to lyve by in her husband's
absence."

We are not informed of the result of this extraordinary
transaction, the commercial morality of which appears to

280

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 281

be so questionable. Lady Gilbert continued in sore
need of financial assistance, for in 1585, Sir Walter
Ralegh was moved to interest himself in her behalf,
and procured for her from Elizabeth "A graunte of all
such lands in the countie of Kent as Richard Guilford,
Esquire, was seased of at the time of his departure
beyond the seas contrarie to a statute made against
fugitives, with a further graunte to the saide Ladie of
all the goods, chattels and debts anie way due to the said
Guylford at his said departure, and that it shall be
lawful for the said Ladie for the recoverie of the sayd
goods and debts eyther to sue for ye same in Her
Maistie's name or in her owne. The goods to have
forever without anie accompt and the landes for so long
time as they shall be in Her Majestie's hands. Sub-
scribed by Mr. Attorney Generall. Procured by Sir
Walter Ralegh xiij s, iiijd."

But again peaceful enjoyment of her grant was not
vouchsafed to her, for a year later, in October 1586,
complaint was made to the Privy Council that Guilford's
friends or retainers were trying to dispossess her, one
"Moyle " having forcibly entered the house. The Privy
Council directed that steps were to be taken to restore
quiet possession to her and to maintain her in it.

Before many years, however, her eldest son John
succeeded to the title and estates of his uncle Sir John
Gilbert, who died childless. He also died without issue,
and in 1608, the estate devolved upon Ralegh Gilbert,
Sir Humphrey's youngest son, from whom the present
representatives of the family are descended. John Gil-
bert the second accompanied his uncle. Sir Walter
Ralegh, on his ill-fated expedition to Guiana, in 1595.
After their return he and his uncle fell out over the
division of profits of a privateering expedition. A copy
of the letter, somewhat mutilated, which Ralegh wrote
to him is reprinted in Edward's Life of Ralegh. He
writes in a very reproachful, satirical strain, accusing
his nephew of ingratitude. Among other things he

282 THE LIFE OF

reminds him that "the seat where you are — (Guilford's
estate in Kent) that it was not alone for yourself that
you had it, and that I have yett so many enemies for
it bothe in courte and countrie. And — howsoever you
may answer — the world knows well enough what I have
dun, and will judge you accordingly, both for your
father, your unkell, and your selfe." . . . He concludes :
"And for your fortunes otherwise, fear not that I will
labour to lessen them ; as I will not hereafter look after
them. And when myne shall be at worst, yet they shal
never neade your healpe, whatsoever yours have dun
myne. Your Unkell, Walter Ralegh."

Even before Sir Humphrey sailed on his last voyage,
his brother Adrian Gilbert had been plotting in some
measure to supplant him. Adrian Gilbert is spoken
of as a doctor of medicine, and is thus described in
Aubrey's Lives: "He was an excellent chymist and a
great favourite of Mary, Countess of Pembroke, with
whom he lived and was her operator. He was a man of
great parts, but the greatest buffoon in England, cared
not what he said to man or woman of what quality
soever. Some curious ladies of our countries have rare
receipts of his. 'Twas he that made the curious wall
about Rollington Park at Wilton." He had inherited
Sandridge from his father, so was early thrown into
association with that famous scion of this hamlet, John
Davis. In October 1579, John Dee records that Adrian
Gilbert and John Davis had reconciled themselves to
him, having been estranged through the wiles of one
Emery; in June 1580, they visited him again. The
object of these visits is not disclosed, but we may pre-
sume that they were for the purpose of learning whether
the stars were propitious for some intended undertaking.

In January 1583, Mr. Secretary Walsingham and
Adrian Gilbert visited him to discuss the North- West
Passage and arranged to meet him the next day. At
this meeting John Davis was present, and again they
talked in secret of the North- West Passage. On March 6,

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 283

there was another conference, when Adrian Gilbert, John
Davis, Mr. Alderman Barnes, Mr. Towerson, Mr. Yong,
and Mr. Hudson again discussed the possibility of a
passage to Cathay.^

No sooner had all hope of the return of Sir Humphrey
been abandoned, than Adrian Gilbert petitioned the
Queen for Letters Patent empowering him to organize
an expedition to seek the North- West Passage. This was
Sir Humphrey's original idea, but, as we have seen, had
been abandoned by him for a full colonization scheme.
Letters Patent were therefore granted on February 6,
1584, to Adrian Gilbert and his associates, who were to
be known as "The colleagues of the fellowship for the
discovery of the Northwest Passage." The original
petition was in the name of Adrian Gilbert, John Dee,
and John Davis, and included a request for liberty to
colonize. A first draft of the Letters Patent substitutes
Walter Ralegh for John Dee, but the final document,
as executed, drops the colonization portion and is in the
name of Adrian Gilbert only. Under this patent John
Davis made his ever-memorable voyages to the North-
west. The expeditions were financed chiefly by William
Saunderson, whose wife was Sir Walter Ralegh's niece,
being the daughter of his step-sister. Saunderson also
bore the brunt of the expense of Sir Walter Ralegh's
expeditions, being at one time security for him for over
;^ 1 00,000.

While Adrian Gilbert was thus prompt to take up
one portion of Sir Humphrey's plans, Walter Ralegh
was equally eager to appropriate another. The date of
the expiry of Sir Humphrey's patent was June 11, 1584,
but it must have been realized at once that there was
no possibility for exercising the rights under the patent
in the short time that remained. All Sir Humphrey's
sub-leases became invalid with his patent; and Sir Philip
Sidney, Sir George Peckham, Sir Thomas Gerrard, John

^ Could this by any chance have been Henry Hudson?

284 THE LIFE OF

Dee and the Southampton Company had to submit to see
their dreams of principalities vanish "like the baseless
fabric of a dream." Sir George Peckham did indeed make
an endeavour to keep alive interest in Sir Humphrey's
patent, and as soon as possible after the return of Haies,
published a pamphlet called "The Western Planting."
In it he described the country Sir Humphrey had taken
possession of in the right of the Crown of England, and
all the benefits that must accrue if his scheme of coloniza-
tion were carried out. But no action was taken by any
of the leaseholders, and the patents of Adrian Gilbert
and Walter Ralegh being issued a few months later,
finally prevented any pretence of claim being made by
the leaseholders. One wonders what became of the
grants issued to the English fishermen in St. John's
harbour. Doubtless they tried to keep them alive, but
within a few years, having no legal title, must perforce
have abandoned them. But seeing that St. John's was
not settled until some years after other harbours, it is
possible that claims arising out of Gilbert's grants were
long maintained.

Sir Walter Ralegh was now in the heyday of his rela-
tionship with the Queen, and secured the reversion of Sir
Humphrey's patent withaut difficulty. His patent was
signed on March 25, 1584, and is almost word for word an
exact duplicate of Sir Humphrey's. An important differ-
ence is, however, worthy of notice. The monopoly of trade
to the countries discovered is secured to the patentee
with the exception of "the subjects of our Realmes and
Dominions, and all other persons in amitie with us,
trading to the Newfound lands for the fishing, as here-
tofore they have commonly used." A similar clause to
this is inserted in the patent granted to John Guy
and others in 1610, under which the oldest colonial
settlement now under the Crown of England was
made.

Walter Ralegh has been acclaimed as the founder of
England's colonial empire upon the strength of this

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 285

patent, the idea and the very words of which were taken
direct from Sir Humphrey Gilbert. It was Ralegh's
privilege to try to carry on his brother's work; he had
learned his lesson well, had learned to think imperially,
and saw a vision of Greater Britain. He followed Sir
Humphrey's plans exactly and also sent harbingers to
survey the land. Within a month he dispatched two
barks under Captains Philip Amadas and Arthur Bar-
low, and with them, our former acquaintance Simon
Ferdinando. Queen Elizabeth offered to defray all
expenses provided he himself refrained from going. In
a few months Barlow and Amadas returned telling of
the charming fertile country they had found and taken
possession of in the name of Queen Elizabeth, who forth-
with named it after herself "Virginia." Of Ralegh's
attempt in the following year to plant a colony in this
auspiciously named country, of the errors made in the
plans and the selection of colonists, of the estrangement
of the natives by Grenville, and the abandonment of the
colony the next year we need not tell. In 1587, another
colony was sent out and left in the country. The Com-
mander of the expedition was Captain John White and
our old friend Simon Ferdinando the "continuall pilot."
The account of this voyage says, the "all knowing Fer-
dinando" did what he could to bring the voyage to
confusion, and our last record of him is that he "with
much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth." A new school
of navigators had evidently arisen.

The coming of the Armada made it impossible to send
succour to the little band of colonists the next year, and
so in spite of continued efforts to reach them on the part
of Ralegh, they were perforce abandoned and were
murdered by the native Indians.

Ralegh was able to carry the experiment a little
further than Gilbert, and his failure was proportionately
greater. As a consequence of this second failure colon-
ization was dropped for nearly twenty years. It is
evident that the country was not ready for it, the very

286 THE LIFE OF

novelty of the idea bred suspicion and fear in the people
with whom the experiment was tried, and inclined them
to be half-hearted in their attempts to overcome the first
obstacles. It took just a generation from the time when
Gilbert first sought and obtained his patent, to the first
permanent establishment of the English people in the
New World.

Gilbert's programme found able advocates in Sir
George Peckham and Richard Hakluyt. The former
was very largely interested in trying to keep Gilbert's
patent alive, seeing that he held such an extensive sub-
lease under it. The pamphlet written by him, referred
to above, was reprinted twice by Hakluyt, and no doubt
had considerable influence in familiarizing the rising
generation with the idea. Hakluyt himself never ceased
to preach from this his favourite text. He religiously
collected all the information available about the new
countries and interviewed every traveller. He, a second
time, had some intention of going himself to see the
promised land. Writing to Walsingham from Paris on
January 7, 1584, he says: "And now because I know
this present enterprise is like soon to wax cold and fall
to the ground unless in this second voyage all diligence
in searching out every hope of gain be used, and calling
to mind that your Honor made a motion heretofore unto
me whether I could be contented to go myself into the
action, these are to put your Honor out of doubt, that
for mine own part I am most willing to go now in the
same, this present setting forth, and in the service of
God and my country to employ all my ample observa-
tions, reading, and reference whatsoever." Why this
offer was not accepted is not told.

On April i he wrote again, this time strongly recom-
mending the foundation of a* School for Navigation in
England. "In my simple judgement it would be the
best hundred punds bestowed, that was bestowed these
five hundred years in England." He had received the
support of Sir Francis Drake and the promise of a

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 287

yearly subscription from that renowned navigator. He
wrote again on the 7th complaining that the promise
which had been made him of a prebendary at Bristol
had not been fulfilled, and reminded Walsingham of
all he had done to further the Western discoveries. He
also referred to a book he had written in support of this
design, with which the Queen had been greatly pleased.
This was no doubt his own Discourse of Western Plant-
ings which he modestly left out of his own publications,
although it is considerably the most learned and able
document on the subject, of the age. It remained in
obscurity for nearly 300 years, when a manuscript copy
of it was discovered and published by the Maine His-
torical Society (1877). The advantages of colonization
are fully argued. First, as became a preacher, he urged
the conversion of the heathen. He then dwelt upon all
the advantages of commerce with the new world. Of
Newfoundland he wrote enthusiastically, quoting Peck-
ham and Parmenius. Besides the great wealth of the
fisheries, he stated that pitch, tar, resin, soap-ashes,
masts for vessels and rich furs could be obtained from
there. He took an idea from the author of " How Her
Majestie may annoye the King of Spain," and pointed
out how easy it would be to sweep the Spanish fishing
fleet from those seas and thus deal Spain a paralysing
blow. As to the fishery, he instanced that the French
often made two trips to the Grand Banks yearly, thus
making excellent gains. The increase of shipping would
be enormous — "a taste of this increase we have had in
our own selves by our trade of fishing in Newfoundland."
But he counselled seeking the more southern fishing-
grounds off Cape Breton or Nova Scotia, where they
would be free of ice. Hakluyt also declares England
to have become overcrowded during the long peace and
freedom from disease, that the people were ready to eat
one another up, the trades overcrowded and thousands
of people idle. Colonization was to improve this con-
dition of things by transferring some across the seas,

288 THE LIFE OF

and finding employment for those left at home by the
great increase of commerce.

It is an able presentation of the case, and it is a
great pity that Hakluyt's contemporaries did not have
the advantage of studying it.

In 1585, the King of Spain at last had serious cause
for annoyance, as Sir Bernard Drake was sent to New-
foundland to seize the Spanish fishing vessels, and
returned with a goodly number, containing over 600
mariners. Sir John Gilbert, in whose charge these
unfortunates were placed, was instructed that as Her
Majesty's subjects in Spain had been used in "hard and
unsufferable strain," the diet of the Spanish mariners
was to be reduced to threepence per day, and to consist
principally of salt fish.

After the defeat of the Armada, the operations of
British fishermen in Newfoundland waters increased
apace. In 1594, Ralegh wrote to Robert Cecil, urging
him to send some armed vessels to protect the fishing-
fleet returning home from Newfoundland, which he
estimated at over one hundred ships. "If thos should
be lost," he wrote, "it would be the greatest blow that
ever was given to Ingland."

Voyages had been made within the Gulf of St. Law-
rence, even as far as Anticosti, in search of whales and
walrus. Quantities of the latter animals were discovered
at the Magdalen Islands ; one successful fisherman wrote
that they yielded an abundance of oil, "which, if it
will make soap, the King of Spain can burn his olive-
trees."

But except for the unsuccessful voyages for the relief
of Ralegh's colony, there was no communication with
the seaboard south of Cape Breton for many years, and
no further attempt at colonization.

In 1595, Ralegh sought to rehabilitate himself in the
graces of Elizabeth by striving to find and win the
fabled Eldorado, supposed to be situated in Guiana,
and to exceed in riches either Mexico or Peru. The
expedition was for conquest and spoils, without any idea

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 289

of colonization. The disastrous result of the second
attempt to settle in Virginia had disgusted Ralegh with
the idea. He despised the day of small things, says
one of his biographers. He therefore made over his
patent to a company, and for himself desired to rival
Pizarro and Hernando Cortes.

The failure' of this expedition sunk Ralegh deeper in
disgrace, instead of restoring him to favour, as he had
hoped. But the great idea for which Gilbert gave his
life was not dead. There still lived one who had been
intimately associated with him, had adopted in its
entirety his scheme of political economy, and saw with
him that England's empire lay upon the seas and across
the seas. Richard Hakluyt, now Prebendary of West-
minster, was never tired of propagating this doctrine.
In 1589, he published his greatest sermon, The Principal
Navigation^ Voyages^ and Discoveries of the English
Nation.^

When Ralegh sold out his grant, Hakluyt was one of
the company to take it over; it is more than likely that
he was the promoter of the plan. But nothing could be
achieved in the few remaining years of the life of the
patent. In 1598, 1599, 1600, he republished his famous
book, greatly enlarged by the numerous voyages of the
intervening years. In 1602, was made the next voyage
to Virginia, under Capt. Gosnoll and Capt. Bartholomew
Gilbert, sailing from Dartmouth ; but whether this Capt.
Gilbert was a relative of Sir Humphrey cannot be ascer-
tained. It was but a voyage of discovery, and was
completed without misadventure.

In 1603, "by the inducements and perswasions of

1 A copy of this book is one of the writer's dearest possessions. It
is in the original calf binding, now black and shining with the use of
320 years. Its history, could it be told, would doubtless reveal num-
berless instances when it has aroused an enthusiasm for exploration
and adventure, and influenced England's sons to carry her flag yet
further, to spread to some remoter clime those ideals of liberty, order,
and justice which have enabled England to hold what her sons have
gained.

U

290 THE LIFE OF

Master Richard Hakluite, Master John Whitson being
Mayor, with his brethren the Aldermen, and most of the
merchants of the city of Bristow, reised a stock of ;^iooo
to furnish out two Barkes," to resume once more the
exploration of America. In 1605, further knowledge of
the coast was obtained from the voyage of Capt. Wey-
mouth. The time now seemed ripe for another attempt
to be made to plant a colony in this latter promised
land, of which such glowing reports were continually
received. In 1606, therefore, another colonizing patent
was issued to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers,
Rich. Hakluyt, Prebendary of Westminster, Edward
Maria Wingfield, adventurers of London ; and to Thos.
Hamon, Ralegh Gilbert, Wm. Parker, Geo. Popham,
and others, adventurers of Plymouth. Licence was
granted them "to deduce sundry of our people" into
Virginia and other parts of America between 34° and
45° N.L. Two colonies were to be planted, the first by
the Merchant Adventurers of London aforesaid, and the
second by the Merchant Adventurers of Plymouth.

The history of the securing of this grant is not forth-
coming, but we can surmise with safety that it was
Richard Hakluyt and young Ralegh Gilbert who again
revived the idea.

Captain Newport was placed in command of the
expedition sent out by the London adventurers, and
succeeded in planting the first colony of Englishmen
that was to endure. The spiritual affairs of the colony
were entrusted to Hakluyt, who, however, prudently
sent a substitute, Mr. Robert Hunt, to officiate for
him.

The second colony, which was to be planted in the
northern portion of the companies' limits, was dispatched
in May 1607, under Captains Popham and Ralegh
Gilbert. During the winter, which was very severe,
Captain Popham died, and the command devolved upon
Captain Gilbert. But news coming from England that
Sir John Gilbert was dead, Captain Gilbert, who sue-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 291

ceeded to the estates, was compelled to return to Eng-
land, and the whole company "finding nothing but
extreme extremities " in the New World, decided to
return with him.

There seemed to be a malign fate attaching to the
enterprises of the Gilberts and Raleghs.

At Newfoundland, as has already been stated, the
fishing operations of the English were greatly increased.
The setting up of the Arms of England by Humphrey
Gilbert endorsed the rights derived from Cabot's dis-
covery and marked it for the English Crown, doubtless
giving additional reason to the domineering West
Countrymen for lording it over the fishermen of other
nations. But no attempt was made to settle in New-
foundland until 1610. The claim has been made by
some historians that St. John's had been populated even
long before Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage. Lorenzo
Sabine, History of American Fisheries, 1853, has been
quoted in support, as he makes the statement that some
forty or fifty houses for the accommodation of fishermen
were built in Newfoundland so early as 1522. This state-
ment is entirely unsupported, and is, in fact, contradicted
directly by authentic accounts. It is beyond any question
a misprint for 1622, and it seems strange that it should
have been seriously considered. Sir Humphrey's patent
only authorized him to take possession of and settle
lands unpossessed of any Christian nation, and Haies.
when relating their excellent entertainment in that deso-
late corner of the world, concludes with the statement
"where at other times of the year, wilde beastes and birds
have only the fruition of all those countries, which now
seemed a place very populous and much frequented."
Thus clearly showing that it was only used as a fishing
station in summer months. Haies and Peckham both
assemble arguments to prove that it was habitable ; had
it been inhabited already, their arguments would have
been unnecessary.

Richard Whitbourne, in his Discourse and Discovery
u 2

292 THE LIFE OF

of Newfoundland, 1622, is at great pains to show how
beneficial it would be for their fishing operations if each
ship left one-fifth part of her crew to take care of the
property left behind, and to make ready stages and
fish flakes for the next summer. One of the harbours
strongly recommended by him to be thus utilized was
St. John's. This was a new and original proposition,
and was urged with great insistence; if there had been
at that time houses in St. John's and people living in
them all the year round, he would have surely stated it,
as he would have needed no other argument to prove its
feasibility. It is 1626, before we have definite informa-
tion of any houses erected at St. John's, although, as
we shall hear later, a portion of Sir Wm. Alexander's
company, intended for Nova Scotia, wintered there in
1622-3. In 1627, one William Payne wrote to Catherine,
Lady Conway, expressing the hope that Lord Conway
would come in for a proportion in the lot of St. John's,
Newfoundland, well known to be the chief and prime lot
in the whole country. Great hope of good commodities
from thence; some houses having been already built
there, it would require no great charge to follow. Forty
years, therefore, had elapsed after Sir Humphrey's
assumption of sovereignty before St. John's was per-
manently inhabited.

But other parts of Newfoundland had been inhabited
before St. John's. On February 9th, 1609, certain mer-
chants of London and Bristol, who had been interested
in the fishing trade to Newfoundland, petitioned the
Privy Council for letters patent to permit the coloniza-
tion of the country. The articles submitted by them
began by stating their confidence that the country was
habitable in winter, and their reasons for the belief.
They said that 200 English ships and 6000 fishermen
annually visited the country, and that if any foreign
Power were to take possession and fortify it, the loss
to English trade "would be of more consequence than
now can be imagined." It was therefore highly import-

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 293

ant that it should be settled by the English, thus secur-
ing the valuable trade that had been developed. By
which means also not only would the valuable fisheries
be very greatly increased, but many other commodities
of great commercial importance to England would be
produced by the settlers. They therefore prayed for the
grant of a portion of the country "never yet inhabited
by any Christian people."

These "Articles" were submitted to the Master and
Wardens of Trinity House, who, after carefully debating
upon them on February 24, 1609, declared their opinion
"that people may very well lyve there," and recom-
mended that the prayer of the petition should be granted.
Accordingly, on May 2, 16 10, Letters Patent were
granted to Henry, Earl of Northampton, Keeper of the
Privy Seal; Sir Lawrence Tanfield, Chief Baron of the
Exchequer; Sir John Dodderidge; Sir Francis Bacon,
Solicitor General ; John Slaney ; Humphrey Slaney ;
John Guy ; Philip Guy, and many others, incorporating
them under the title of the "Company of Adventurers
and Planters of the City of London and Bristol for the
Colony or Plantation of Newfoundland." John Guy, a
young and enterprising merchant of Bristol, and Hum-
phrey Slaney, of London, were the leading spirits in
the Company. They had been engaged in the fisheries
in Newfoundland, and saw that if they were to be secured
to the English nation, it was necessary to colonize the
country. Purchase says that he had in his possession a
tract written by Guy in 1609, urging the undertaking,
but no copy of it is now extant. The Patent goes on to
say : " Being desirous to establish a colony or colonies
in the southern and eastern parts of Newfoundland, unto
the coast and harbors whereof our subjects for fifty years
and upwards yearly used to resort in no small numbers
to fish, intending to secure the said trade of fishing for
ever, We being well assured that the lands and countries
adjoining said coasts where our subjects used to fish
remain so desolate of inhabitants that scarce any one

294 THE LIFE OF

savage person hath in many years been seen in the most
parts thereof, and well knowing that the same is very
commodious to us and our dominion, and that by the
law of nature and nations we may possess ourselves and
make grant thereof without doing wrong to any other
Prince or State considering they cannot justly pretend
any soverignty or right thereto, in respect the same is
not possessed or inhabited by any Christian or any other
whomsoever."

This preamble is conclusive evidence, first, that Eng-
lish fishermen had continually fished on the coast of
Newfoundland for fifty years and more, and, second,
that, up to that date, no European had settled, or made
any permanent habitation in the country. The grant
made lo this company comprised all that portion of the
country contained between the parallels passing through
Cape Bonavista on the north, and Cape St. Mary's on
the west, together with all the lands and islands within
ten leagues of the coast from 46" to 52° N. Lat. Excep-
tion is again made, as in Ralegh's Patent, to the rights
of fishermen, both English and foreign, "who do at
present or hereafter shall trade to the parts aforesaid for
fishing."

Rights of all sorts were conveyed to this Company —
to the mines and minerals, fishing, huntings and com-
modities,— ^to make and pass current such coins as may
be required in Newfoundland, — to punish, pardon and
to govern. All persons inhabiting the colony or to be.
born there to become free denizens and natural subjects
of England. Nothing was left out that could be thought
of to give power to the Company, and to induce colonists
to go out and tempt fate in the New World.

We are surprised to find that Hakluyt was not a share-
holder in this Company. Nor can there be traced a
single member who was interested with Gilbert, Ralegh,
or the Virginia Company. They were apparently chiefly
merchants who had been engaged in the Newfound-
land fisheries, and therefore readily supported Guy's
proposal.

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 295

Among the Company will be first noticed the great
Lord Bacon, then Solicitor General. His influence at
Court was not great at that time. In spite of many
efforts to ingratiate himself, James held him at arm's
length, and it was not until after Sir Robert Cecil's
death in 1612, that he gained the ear of the King. But
while he may have been unable to exercise any influence
in the securing of the charter of Guy's Company, it is
more than probable that he drafted it, and that its wise
provisions are owing to his penetration and forethought.
His counsels no doubt occasioned the selection of fit
and proper persons as colonists, and it is not improbable
that John Guy received from him, viva voce, his first
speculations on Plantations^ if not, indeed, a MS. copy
of that wise little essay. As it was not included in the
first edition of the Essays in 1597, but first appeared in
the second edition, 1612, it is reasonable to conclude that
it was the direct outcome of his meditations upon the
proposed colony in Newfoundland.

One can imagine how the noble Ralegh, now under-
going his fifteen years' imprisonment, chafed at his
chains when he saw others taking up, and bringing to
a successful issue, the designs of Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
in which he himself had made such a dismal failure.
But colonization had ceased to occupy his attention.
His case was desperate, and needed a more powerful
remedy than such kudos as could be obtained by the
slow and doubtful process of colonization.

He still dreamed of El Dorado, and continually
begged that he be set at liberty and allowed once more
to go in search of it. Finally, James's cupidity was
aroused, and the old eagle was again set free to seek for
prey, once more to meet disaster and disappointment;
and again to return and give himself up to captivity,
from which the headsman's axe was to release him at
last.

But to return to Guy's Colony. As he was familiar
with the country, and had instigated the enterprise,
he was chosen to lead the little band of settlers who

296 THE LIFE OF

were again to attempt the colonization of Newfound-
land.

Some time in the spring of 1610, they set out, and,
reaching the coast of Newfoundland in safety, took up
their abode in Cowper's or Cuper's Cove, in Conception
Bay. In process of time this name has been converted
into Cupid's, by pure inadvertence, we are assured, and
not on account of any amorous proclivities among the
inhabitants.

It was a beautiful little bay sheltered from the north
and east, well wooded, with two rivers falling into it,
and with excellent fishing grounds in close prox-
imity.

That this was the first settlement in Newfoundland
we have the evidence of several contemporary witnesses.
The first of these is Sir William Alexander, who issued
his little tract. An Encouragement to Colonies^ in 1624.
Speaking of Newfoundland, he says : ** The first houses
for a habitation were built in Cupids Cove within the
Bay of Conception, where people did dwell for sundrie
yeares together, and some well satisfied both for pleasure
and profit are dwelling there still." He also furnishes
us with the first record of any one spending the winter
in St. John's. The first ship that he sent to take pos-
session of his grant in Nova Scotia was late in getting
out. Returning, they put into St. John's, where part
of the company decided to stay, sending the ship back
to England. Some of these people took service with the
fishermen arriving at St. John's in the spring of 1623,
and refused to go on to Nova Scotia in the vessel shortly
after arriving from Sir William Alexander. It is very
probable that the people who separated themselves from
Sir William Alexander's colony remained at St. John's,
and thus made the first permanent settlement there. The
Bristol Company made a second settlement at Bristol's
Hope (Harbour Grace) soon after that at Cupid's. A
third attempt was made at Trepassey, with Welshmen
as colonists, under the command of the eccentric Sir

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT 297

William Vaughan, but failed miserably. He was, how-
ever, still full of the idea, and in his fantastic book. The
Golden Fleece J published 1626, urged the colonization
of Newfoundland. He several times stated that "John
Guy, Alderman of Bristol, was the first Christian that
planted and wintered in that Island, establishing
an English colony at Cuper's Cove in Conception
Bay." Vaughan was certainly acquainted with every
detail.

Guy himself bears evidence to his claim of first settler.
In his first letter to the Company, May 16, 161 1, he
tells how he disproved by his own experience the doubt
which had been entertained whether Newfoundland was
habitable during the winter; and that many fishermen,
"seeing their safety," had become in love with the
country, and intended to settle in it.

The little settlement of Cupid's still survives, as a
humble fishing hamlet. It has been outstripped in the
race in Newfoundland, and all around it are more
flourishing villages; but it has a claim to notice which
is unique, for it is the oldest colonial settlement now
within the bounds of Greater Britain. Virginia and the
New England colonies antedated it, but they are no
longer within the empire. Quebec was also settled two
years earlier, but the credit of it belongs to France. Sir
George Somers was wrecked on the Bermudas in 1609,
and remained there until 1610, when he went on to
Virginia with all his company save three men who
elected to remain behind; but it was not until 161 2 that
a charter was granted authorizing the planting of a
colony in Bermuda.

Newfoundland was discovered by the first English
sailors to cross the Atlantic Ocean, was formally taken
possession of by Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1583, and
contains the oldest colonial settlement in the empire.
It has therefore a triple reason for its title of the Most
Ancient Colony of Newfoundland.

Thus after many days was consummated the project

298 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT

which Sir Humphrey Gilbert first proclaimed, to which
he devoted his life and fortune, and in the execution of
which death overtook him.

Such was the beginning of Greater Britain, — is the
end in sight ?

The rise of the British Empire has been accomplished;
further expansion is undesirable, perhaps impossible;
must we now watch its decline and fall ? Will Great
Britain become a lesser Britain, and will Greater Britain
cease to exist ? These are the most important questions
a Britisher can ask himself to-day. For it is evident
we are at the parting of the ways. Elements of disinte-
gration are plainly noticeable in many parts of the
Empire. Destiny seems to be gradually forcing from
the Empire some of its most important parts, against
their will and in spite of their protestations of loyalty.

A continuation of the present " laissez-faire " policy
will undoubtedly end in dissolution. It is imperative
that a constructive policy should be formulated, if we
wish to preserve intact this Great Empire which our
forefathers have bequeathed to us.

Can we not with advantage adopt Humphrey Gilbert's
motto, ''Quid iVon," and ask. Why not a closer Federa-
tion? Why not a Federal Parliament and Federal
Laws ? Why not a Federal Defence Force ? Why not
the Imperial Federation of Greater Britain ?

INDEX

Addleshaw, Percy, 198, 200
Ager, Anne, 74. See also Gilbert,
Lady Anne

, Sir Anthony, 74

Aid worth, Thomas, 210
Alexander VI, Pope, 4

, Sir William, 292

Allen, the Jesuit, 186

, Dr., 191, 192

Alva, Duke of, 85, 86, 92, 94, 95
Amadas, Captain Philip, 285
Amundsen, Captain Roald, 64
Andrews, Captain William, 226
Anne Ager (ship), 148, 149, 162,

163, 183
Archer (Ager), William, 201
Ardenburgh, 88
Arundel, Charles, 147

, Sir Matthew, 147

Ascham, Roger, 26, 29-30, 113-4,

116
Ashley, Mrs. Katherine, 25-30,
32, 54

, William, 25

Avila, 96

k Wood, Anthony, 18

Axminster, 12

B

" Babees Book, The " 1 1 1
Baccaloes Island, 231
Bacon, Lord Francis, 204, 205,
295

, Sir Nicholas, 112

Baffin, 64
Baltimore, 200
Barckham, Lawrence, 147
Barlow, Arthur, 285
Barnes, Alderman, 283

Barros, John, 195

Bartley, Edward, 147

Battes, William, 196

Bergen- op-Zoom, 96

Bermuda, 297

Borington, 12

Bowiar, Simon, 147

Bramford, Oliver, 163

Briceno, Abbot, 192

Brill, 84, 86

Bristol Company, 290, 292-5,

296
Brixham, 11
Brixhampton, 12
Browne (sailor), 194

, Captain Maurice, 226, 255,

259
Bruges, 88
Burleigh, William Cecil, Lord,

51, 80, 81, 90, 92, 93, 96, 97,

126, 205, 209
Burrough, Stephen, 57
Butler, Sir Edward, 43

, Captain, 226

Button, 64
Bylot, 64

Cabot, John, 3, 240

, Sebastian, 3, 56-7, 62, 122,

231
Cade, Master, 226
Camden, Richard, 58, 78, 100,

126, 276
Campion, the Jesuit, 186, 188
Capelin, Mr., 210
Carew, Sir Gawen, 14, 17
, Sir Peter, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17,

19, 42-3

Family, 13

Carey, Sir George, 188

299

300

INDEX

Carlile, Mr., 210, 211
Carlisle, Mr., 121
Carrowe, George, 147
Cartier, Jacques, 11, 230
Cathay, 59,69,71,72, 124
Cecil, Sir William. See Burleigh
Centurini, 4

Champernoun, Sir Arthur, 13, 16,
17,42

, Charles, 147

, Gabrielle, 13

, Gawen, 13

, Henry, 100

, Sir Philip, 1 1

Family, 13

Chancellor, 57
Cheyney, Lord, 280
China, trade with, 63
Churchyard, Thomas (poet), 49-

50, 51, loi, 153, 154, 172
Clarke, Richard, 226, 261-6
Collinson, 64

Columbus, Christopher, 122
" Company of Kathai, The" 126
Compton, William, 10
Castle, lo-ii, 12, 18,20-2,

75
Conway, Catherine Lady, 292
Coo, Christopher, 6
Cooke, John, 185
Cornewoode, 12
Cotton, Mr., 147

, Master, 240

Cowper's Cove. See Cupid's Cove
Cox, William, 226, 257, 258, 266
Crooke, Master, 240
Cuba, Island of, 142, 143
Cupid's Cove, 296-297

D

Daniel, Mr., 259, 267
Davis, John, 11, 64, 282, 283

. Robert, 226

De Guaras, 85, 86, 97

Dee, Dr. John, 109-10, 131, 132,

149, 184, 185, 196, 210, 283,

284
Z>^//^/2/ (ship), 225, 234, 255, 258-

68
Dennys, Sir Thomas, 17, 155
Derifall, Mr., 158
Desmond, Earl of, 52

"Discourse of a North- West

Passage," 58, 59-65, 102-9
Drake, Sir Bernard, 288

, Sir Francis, 183, 184, 286

Drewry, Sir William, 163

, St. Drew, 163

Dudley, John, 147
, Thomas, 147

Eden, Richard, 55, 56, 67-8

Edmondes, Mr., 147

Edward, Mr., 147

Elizabeth, Queen, 24-33, 43, 51,
57, 58, 76-80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 91,
95, 98, 123, 126, 185-6, 213,
275, 285

Ellis, Sir H., no

Eltoft, Edmund, 147, 155, 157

Enghsh, Captain William, 258

Exeter, 14, 15

Falcon (ship), 148, 150, 196
Fenton, Captain, 127
Ferdinando, Simon, 150, 151, 152,

196, 285
FitzMaurice, James, 44, 48, 51,

158, 159
Fleetwood, Tj
Florida, 55
Flushing, 85-94
Fogaza, Antonio, 95, 97
Fortescue, 157
Fox, 64

Frances (ship), 158
Frobisher, Martin, 64, 123, 126,

127, 129, 151, 152
Froude, 127, 279

Galicia, 160-1, 165
Gallion (ship), 149
Galmeton, 12
Gammage, Barbara, 198
Gardiner, Bishop, 24, 25
Garrystown, 45

Gascoigne (poet), 59, 60, 74-5, Z^,
100, loi, 102-4

INDEX

301

Gdtes, Sir Thomas, 290

George (ship), 226

Gerrard, Mr. Gilbert, 153

, Sir Gilbert, 189

, Sir Thomas, 185, 187, 189,

190, 192, 198, 201, 283

Gibbons, 64

Gifford, Mr., 188

Gilbert, Adrian, 11, 12, 147, 282,
283

, Lady Anne, 75, 160, 201,

278, 280-281. See also
Ager

, Anthony, 75

, Arthur, 75

, Captain Bartholomew, 289

, Geoffrey, 10

, Sir Humphrey: birth, 11-

13 ; family, 10-17 ; boy-
hood, 17-20 ; at Court, 24-
32 ; at Newhaven, 32-5 ;
in Ireland, 36-53 ; "N.W.
Passage, 54-73 ; marriage,
74 ; appearance, 74 ; in the
Netherlands, 83-101 ; Dis-
course of a N.W. Passage,
102-10; "Queen Eliza-
beth's Academy," 1 10-19;
preparations, 120-44; ex-
pedition of, 1578, 145-82;
expedition against James
FitzMaurice, 159-65 ; ex-
pedition to Galicia, 160-1,
165 ; expedition to New-
foundland, 183-271 ; will,
201-3 ; death, 271 ; char-
acter, 275-9

', Humphrey (junior), 75

, Isabella, 12

, Jane, 10

, John, 1 1, 12, 60, 75, 281

, Sir John, 75, i47, i55, i57,

201, 271, 281, 288

, Katherine, 11, 12, 13, 15

, Otis, 12

, Otto, lo-ii, 12, 75

, Ralegh, 75, 281, 290

, Rev. Walter R., 214

, William, 1 1

Glencarne, Earl of, 46, 51
Golden Hind (ship), 226, 227, 229,

255, 265-6
Gosnoll, Captain, 289

Greenway, 11, 12, 18, 22-3, 75
Grenville, Sir Richard, 42, 121
Grenville family, 13-14
Guilbert, Guillaume, 11
Guilford, Richard, 281
Guy, John, 293, 295, 297
Guy's Colony, 295

H

Haies, Captain Edward, 8, 147,

223, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230-47,

251-2,254-73,291
Hakluyt, Richard, i, 5, 193, 195,

198, 210, 223-5, 247, 260-1, 286,

289
Hall, Captain, 64, 127
Hammond, Thomas, 147, 290
Hansford, 11, 12
Harbour Grace, 55, 296
Harrisse, Henri, 5, 61
Hatfield, 29

Hatton, Sir Christopher, 209
Havre, 55

Hawkins, John, 58, 75, 127, 193,
210

, William, 54, 147, 155

Hawkridge, 64
Hayes, 18
Henry VII, 122

VIII, 3, 4, 6

Hispaniola Island, 142, 143
Hobey, Sir Edward, 280
Holbeame (pirate), 154
Hooker, John, 155
Hope of Greenway (ship), 148,

150
Hore, 5, 58

Horsey, Sir Edward, 147
"How Hir Majesty may annoy

the King of Spain," no, 127-

44
Howard, Lord Edmund, 4
Hower, Edmund, 277
Hudson, 64, 283
Hunt, Robert, 290

Ingram, David, 56, 193, 194, I95,

196, 205
Ipplepen, 12
Ireland, 36-53, 72-3

302

INDEX

J

James I, 200

Jenkinson, Anthony, 57, 62, 73
Jonson, Ben, in

K

Kelligrew, Henry, 153
Kilkenny, 50
Kilmallock, 44, 45, 50
Knockfergus, 50
Knowles, Sir Francis, 209
Knowles, Henry, 150, 153, 154,
156, 158, 183

Labrador, 230
Le Moyne, 55
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of,

79, 80, 81, 90, 126, 151, 209, 213
Letters Patent for Colonization,

145-6, 165-71
Limehouse, 75
Lisbury, 12

M

Mackwilliam, Mr., 147

Marledon, 12

Martin, Vice-Admiral, 67

, William, 147

Mary, Queen, 25, 31, 57, 115

Mary (ship), 1 57

Mary Guildford (ship), 4

McClure, 64

Meadley, 80, 81, 82

Medici, Catherine de, 95

Melandez, Pero, 189

Mendoza, Bernardino de, 150-65,

183-4, 189-200
Merchant adventurers, 57, 68,

71-2, 120, 125, 206-10, 290
Minster, 75, 280
Mohan, Will, 147
Mondragon, 96, 97
Montgomerie, County, Z2>
More, McCarthy, 44
Morgan, Captain Miles, 150, 155,
156, 158

, Thomas, 85, 95, 147

Motley, 99
Mowell, Henry, 147

Mullingar, 43

Munster, 42-3, 46, 50, 51

Muscovy, 208, 210, 211

N

Newfoundland, 235-53, 287, 291

298
Newhaven, 33, 34, 55, 56, 86
Newport, 290
North, Lord, 147

Offewell, 12

O'Neil, Shan, 38, 39

Orange, William of, 84, 94, 97,

98, 99, 151
Oxenham, John, 153

Pacheco, Pedro, 89, 95
Parker, Archbishop, 85

, W^illiam, 290

Parkhurst, Anthony, 8, 58, 210,

235, 252
Parma, Margaret of, 83
Parmenius,Stephanus(poet), 216-

22,225, 247-51, 259
Parr, Katherine, 27
Parrott, Sir John, 52, 162
Parry, Mr., 27
Parsons, the Jesuit, 186
Paul, John, 257, 258
Payne, William, 292
Peckham, Sir Edmund, 187

, Sir George, 121, 147, 185-

92, 195-201, 216, 252, 283,
284, 286

, Lady, 187, 188, 189

Pembroke, Countess of, 199
Penguin Island, 230-1, 248
Penkevell, Philip, 12, 19
Pert, Sir Thomas, 3
Philip of Spain, 16-17
Plague, 34

Plymouth, 12, 75-6, 120, 290
Pope, Sir Thomas, 31
Popham, George, 290
Prest, Agnes, 15
Prideaux, Sergeant, 1 1 5
Prince Society, 8
Prowse, Judge D. W., 6

INDEX

303

Purchase, 293
Pyckeringe, Morice, il
Pyckman, 90, 91, 92

Quebec, 297

" Queen Elizabeth's Academy,"
1 10-19

R

Radford, Lawrence, 147

Ralegh, Carew, 13, 147, 150

, George, n

, Margaret, 13

, Sir Walter, 1 1, 13, 32, 52, 74,

86, 99-101, 147 150, 155,
157,198,205,213,229,281,
282, 284-6, 288-9, 295

, Walter (senior), 13, 14, 17

Ralegh (ship), 226-7

Randolphe, Colonel Edward, 39

Red Lyon (ship), 148, 150

Renaud, The Spanish Ambas-
sador, 24

Reux, Count de, 88

Reynolds, Mr., 149

Ribault, Jean, 55, 67, 189, 191

Rising in the W^est, 14

Robartes, John, 155

Rodford, John, 147

Romero, Juliano, 89

Rossetti, W. M., 113

Rowsell, WiUiam, 197

Rudgway, Mr., 147

Rut, John, 4-5

Sabine, Lorenzo, 291
Sable Island, 256
St. Bartholomew's Day, 94, 95
St. John's, 233-4, 237-9, 241, 242,
254, 256, 268, 284, 291, 292, 296
St. Lawrence River, 1 1
St. Leger, Sir Warham, 42
Salvaterra, 62
San Domingo, 142, 143
Sandridge, 11
Santa Cruz, Alonzo de, 7
Sara, Saras, 96. See also t'Zaareets
Saunderson, William, 283
Secy, Mr., 196

Sellinger, Sir Warram, 164
Semley, 12

Seymour, Lord Thomas, 8, 27
Shute, Captain, 45, 46
Sidney, Sir Henry, 36-7, 38, 39,
165, 197, 209, 275

, Sir Philip, 48, 49, 191, 192

193, 197-200, 209, 225, 283

, Robert, 198

Slaney, Humphrey, 293

Sluys, 88, 92

Smyth, Sir Thomas, 80, 82, 147

Snelling, Edward, 147

Somers, Sir George, 290, 297

Somerset, Lord Protector, 27

Soubourg, 90, 94

South Beveland, Island of, 94

Southampton Company, 284

Spectator, 9

Squirrel (ship), 9, 149, 150, 183,

226,230,233,234,255,271
Stafford, Earl of, 197
Stockwell, Mr., 150, 151
Stoner, Mr., 185
Stow, John, 32
Stukeley, Thomas, 68, 115, 123,

189
Sussex, Earl of, 209
Swallow (ship), 149, 150, 226,

230-3, 255

Tergoes, 89, 94-101
Thevett, Andrew, 56, 195
Thomond, Earl of, 51
Towerson, Mr., 283
Trepassey, 296
Tusser Thomas, 20
T wide (sailor), 194
Tyrwhit, Lady, 27
t'Zaareets, 87, 88, 93, 99

U
Ulster Colony, 90-2
Umpton, Henry, 250
Upnor, 58
Upton, John, 147

Vidame de Chartres, 56
Villegagnon, 55, 67
Virginia, 284-6, 289, 297

304

INDEX

w

Walchern, Island of, 94
Walet, Mr., 147
Walker, John, 195, 196, 205
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 126,

159,165,189,190, 192, 194,206,

210, 211, 215
Warckhope, Mr., 147
Ward, Captain, 44, 46
Warwick, Earl of, 34, 209
Warwick Hospital, 79
Wentworth, Peter, 'j'j
Weymouth, Captain, 64, 290
Whitbourne, Richard, 240, 241,

291
White, Captain John, 285

Wigmore, Mr., 147, 158
Williams, Sir Roger, 87, 89, 90,

96,97
Willoughby, 57
Wingfield, Edward M., 290
Winter, Captain William, 226
Wolborough, 12
Wormwood, Earl of, 163
Wraye, Robert, 147
Wyatt, Sir Hugh, 16, 24

Yong, Mr., 283

Zara, 87. See also t'Zaareets

THE END

Richard Clay ^ Sons, Limited, London and Bungay.

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