Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of Sir Philip Sidney"

See other formats 


THE   LIFE   OF 

SIR    PHILIP   SIDNEY 


CAMBRIDGE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

C.  F.  CLAY,  MANAGER 

Hontron:    FETTER  LANE,   E.G. 

lElrtttturBf) :    100   PRINCES   STREET 


flrtn  gork:    G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS. 

Bombap.,  Calcutta  anU  iWaHraa:    MACMILLAN  AND  CO.,   Lin. 
STotonto:  J.  M.  DENT  AND  SONS,  LTD. 
THE  MABUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 


THE    LIFE     OF 

SIR    PHILIP    SIDNEY 


BY 
MALCOLM    WILLIAM    WALLACE 

ASSOCIATE    PROFESSOR    OF    ENGLISH    LITERATURE,    UNIVERSITY    COLLEGE, 

TORONTO 


Cambridge : 

at  the  University  Press 

1915 


(ffambr  ingr : 

PRINTED   BY   JOHN    CLAY,   M.A. 
AT   THE   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 


PREFACE 

"FT  is  more  than  fifty  years  since  Mr  Fox-Bourne  published  his 
'  excellent  Memoir  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney.  Although  many 
books  have  since  been  published  on  the  subject  no  one  of  them 
represents  a  first-hand  attempt  to  examine  the  sources  of 
information;  their  authors  have  simply  availed  themselves  of 
Mr  Fox-Bourne's  labours.  An  exception  should  be  noted  in 
the  case  of  Professor  Fliigel's  Einleitung  to  his  edition  of  the 
Apologie  and  Astrophel  and  Stella,  but  this  is  a  collection  of 
notes  rather  than  a  detailed  'Life.'  Some  twenty-five  years 
ago  Mr  Fox-Bourne  re-wrote  his  Memoir  in  a  briefer  and  more 
popular  form  for  the  Heroes  of  the  Nation  series  of  biographies, 
and  in  this  edition  he  was  able  to  incorporate  some  new  facts 
regarding  Sidney's  life  which  the  lapse  of  time  had  brought  to 
light. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  may  be  unnecessary  to  offer 
any  apology  for  another  study  of  the  life  of  a  man  whose 
character  and  achievements  have  always  possessed  a  peculiar 
fascination  for  his  countrymen.  I  have  attempted  to  make  a 
thorough  examination  of  the  manuscript  and  published  sources 
of  information,  and  to  estimate  Sidney's  significance  by  studying 
him  in  his  relation  to  his  contemporaries  and  to  the  history  of 
his  time.  To  what  has  been  previously  known  of  his  life  I 
have  been  able  to  add  some  significant  details,  notably  the 
account  of  his  school-days  based  on  Marshall's  manuscript — 
a  document  of  very  unusual  interest  which  I  was  so  fortunate  as 
to  discover  at  Penshurst.  The  story  of  his  more  intimate  relation 


vi  Preface 

to  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  also  of  real  significance.  In  addition 
I  have  discovered  a  number  of  facts  which  are  interesting 
rather  than  significant,  for  example,  the  identity  of  H.  S.,  and 
the  name  of  one  of  Sidney's  translations  which  had  been  for- 
gotten. And  finally  I  have  incorporated  in  this  account  of  his  life 
many  new  facts  of  very  slight  importance,  and  I  am  afraid  that 
my  desire  to  tell  everything  that  a  student  of  Sidney's  life 
might  wish  to  know  has  sometimes  had  the  effect  of  obscuring 
the  wood  by  the  multitude  of  the  trees. 

In  telling  the  story,  however,  I  have  constantly  tried  to 
remember  that  details  find  their  chief  value  in  the  degree  in 
which  they  throw  new  light  on  the  character  or  amplify  the 
conceptions  which  we  have  already  formed.  In  one  of  his  letters 
Mr  George  Meredith  writes:  "We  cannot  come  to  the  right 
judgment  in  Biography  unless  we  are  grounded  in  History. 
It  is  knowledge  of  the  world  for  the  knowing  of  men.  Question 
the  character,  whether  he  worked,  in  humanity's  mixed  motives, 
for  great  ends,  on  the  whole:  or  whether  he  inclined  to  be 
merely  adroit,  a  juggler  for  his  purposes.  Many  of  the  famous 
are  only  clever  interpreters  of  the  popular  wishes.  Real  great- 
ness must  be  based  on  morality.  These  platitudes  are  worth 
keeping  in  mind."  I  have  tried  to  keep  in  mind  similar  con- 
siderations and  to  deduce  as  just  an  estimate  from  the  facts  as 
possible. 

To  my  late  colleague  and  friend,  Professor  George  S. 
Stevenson,  I  am  indebted  for  the  deep  interest  which  he  took 
in  my  work,  for  many  helpful  suggestions,  and  for  reading 
the  proof  of  the  first  half  of  the  book.  It  is  a  melancholy 
pleasure  to  record  here  my  sense  of  the  supreme  loss  which  his 
death  means  to  his  friends  and  to  the  university. 

In  preparing  the  Notes  on  Sidney's  Portraits  I  am  much 
indebted  to  the  courtesy  and  wide  knowledge  of  Mr  Milner  of 
the  National  Portrait  Gallery. 


Preface  vii 

• 

This  account  of  Sidney's  life  was  completed  before  the  out- 
break of  war  in  August  last.  When  we  are  able  once  more  to 
turn  to  books  that  deal  with  themes  not  directly  related  to  the 
one  all-engrossing  subject,  the  life  of  Sidney  may  possess  a  new 
interest  for  us,  for  he,  too,  died  in  the  Netherlands  in  defence 
of  ideals  strangely  similar  to  those  for  which  the  British  nation 
is  to-day  engaged  in  a  life-and-death  struggle. 

M.  W.  W. 

UNIVERSITY  COLLEGE, 
TORONTO. 

June  26,  1915. 


CONTENTS 

CHAP.  PAGE 

I.  BIRTH  AND  PARENTAGE 1 

II.  CHURCH  PREFERMENT 

III.  SHREWSBURY  SCHOOL      ....  35 

IV.  A  VISIT  TO  OXFORD 51 

V.  SIR  HENRY  IN  IRELAND,  1566—1571      ....  72 

VI.  UNIVERSITY  EDUCATION          ...  88 

VII.  SAINT  BARTHOLOMEW 112 

VIII.  CONTINENTAL  TRAVEL 124 

IX.  AT  COURT 147 

X.  AN  AMBASSADOR  OF  THE  QUEEN 172 

XI.  1577—1579 195 

XII.  SIDNEY  A  MAN   OF   LETTERS — THE  Arcadia  AND   THE 

Apologie  for  Poetrie 220 

XIII.  Astrophel  and  Stella 241 

XIV.  1581 260 

XV.  1582 276 

XVI.  1583 291 

XVII.  1584 303 

XVIII.  1585 316 

XIX.  THE  NETHERLANDS          .......  335 

XX.  MILITARY  OPERATIONS     .        .        .        .        .        .        .  365 

XXI.  THE  END         .                380 

POSTSCRIPT 400 

FACSIMILE  PAGE  OF  MARSHALL'S  MANUSCRIPT 

between  pp.  404  and  405 

APPENDIX  I 405 

APPENDIX  II 424 

INDEX 426 


CHAPTER   1 

BIRTH   AND    PARENTAGE 

PHILIP  SIDNEY  was  born  "  on  Friday  the  last  of  November 
being  St  Andrew's  day,  a  quarter  before  five  in  the  morning  " 
in  the  year  1554,  according  to  an  entry  made  by  his  father, 
Sir  Henry  Sidney,  in  a  family  psalter1.  Both  his  father  and 
his  mother  were  closely  related  to  many  of  the  noblest  English 
families  of  the  time.  By  his  mother,  Mary,  the  eldest  daughter 
of  John  Dudley,  Duke  of  Northumberland,  and  Jane  Guilford, 
his  wife,  he  was  descended  from  the  great  houses  of  Grey, 
Talbot,  Beauchamp  and  Berkeley;  his  father  was  the  son  of 
that  Sir  William  Sidney  who  had  commanded  the  right  wing 
of  the  English  army  at  Flodden,  who  had  later  become  Tutor 
and  Chamberlain  and  Steward  of  the  Household  to  King  Edward 
the  Sixth,  and  who  was  related  to  the  Brandon  Dukes  of  Suffolk. 
It  was  in  his  mother's  lineage,  however,  that  Philip  himself 
always  felt  the  greatest  pride. 

"  Though,  in  all  truth,"  he  once  declared,  "  I  may  justly  affirm  that  I 
am  by  my  father's  side  of  ancient  and  always  well-esteemed  and  well- 
matched  gentry,  yet  I  do  acknowledge,  I  say,  that  my  chiefest  honour 
is  to  be  a  Dudley2," 

1  A  large  folio  preserved  in  the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  It 
contains  155  leaves  and  each  page  is  richly  illuminated.  The  volume  is  bound 
in  oak  boards  with  leather  back  and  brass  corners. 

a  In  his  reply  to  the  author  of  Leicester's  Commonwealth,  Printed  by  Collins 
in  his  Memoirs  of  the  Lives  and  Actions  of  the  Sidneys,  etc.  (p.  64),  prefixed  to 
his  Letters  and  Memorials  of  State. . .  .written  and  collected  by  Sir  Henry  Sidney 
....the  famous  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  etc.,  and  otherwise  known  as  the  Sidney 
Papers.  (2  vols.,  London,  1746.) 

w.  L.  S.  1 


2  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

and  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  wishing  to  impress  on  his  young  son  the 
moral  obligations  imposed  by  noble  birth,  wrote  to  him, 

"  Remember,  my  son,  the  noble  blood  you  are  descended  of  by  your 
mother's  side,  and  think  that  only  by  virtuous  life  and  good  action  you 
may  be  an  ornament  to  that  illustrious  family1." 

The  Dudleys  traced  their  descent  from  Kobert  de  L'Isle, 
one  of  the  barons  who  rebelled  against  King  John.  He  was  the 
son  of  Ralph  de  L'Isle,  who  was  the  grandson  and  heir  of  another 
Ralph  de  L'Isle.  Throughout  the  13th,  14th  and  15th  centuries 
the  family  was  represented  by  men  who  played  conspicuous 
parts  in  English  history.  Robert  de  L'Isle  in  1265  was  in 
rebellion  against  Henry  III  under  Simon  de  Montfort's  leader- 
ship ;  Warine  de  L'Isle,  his  son,  followed  his  father's  example 
by  taking  up  arms  in  protest  against  the  supremacy  of  the 
Spencers,  Edward  IFs  favourites,  and  suffered  a  traitor's 
death.  Gerard  de  L'Isle,  his  son,  having  been  restored  in 
blood,  won  an  honourable  reputation  as  a  soldier  in  the  Scottish 
and  French  wars  of  Edward  III,  as  did  also  his  son,  Warine, 
both  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father  and  after  his  death.  This 
Warine  was  survived  by  an  only  daughter,  Margaret  (1361- 
1392),  the  wife  of  Thomas,  Lord  Berkeley,  and  from  this  union 
there  was  an  only  daughter,  Elizabeth,  who  was  born  in  1388 
and  who  married  Richard  Beauchamp,  Earl  of  Warwick. 
The  three  daughters  of  this  marriage  all  made  great  matches: 
Margaret  (1404-1468)  became  Countess  of  Shrewsbury,  Eleanore, 
Duchess  of  Somerset,  and  Elizabeth,  Lady  Latimer.  The  Earl 
of  Shrewsbury  and  his  son  John  Talbot,  who  had  been  created 
Baron  L'Isle  in  1444  and  Viscount  L'Isle  in  1452,  were  both 
killed  at  the  battle  of  Chastilion  in  1453.  Thomas  Talbot,  son 
of  John  Talbot,  succeeded  to  his  father's  dignities,  but  he  died 
without  issue  in  1471.  His  sister  Elizabeth  had  married 
Sir  Edward  Grey,  who  was  created  Baron  L'Isle  in  1476  and 
Viscount  L'Isle  in  1486.  It  was  their  daughter  Elizabeth  who 
became  the  wife  of  Edmund  Dudley,  Esq.,  Henry  VH's  infamous 
minister,  and  mother  of  John  Dudley,  afterwards  Duke  of  North- 
umberland, who  was  Philip  Sidney's  grandfather2. 

1  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  i,  p.  9.  2  See  genealogical  tree,  p.  3. 


Birth  and  Parentage 


& 

!>;                           ..  -t3  a 

*                 §  3-1 

"on                       8 

JH                         ;sj 

£ 

J 
S 

d 

Ql  J2  t^S 
tw                         1    "    (H  ^^ 

r-S       1    a 

-P     13 

I'i 

1 

Id 

^     tH 

tbfi           £k| 
^3        <N 

I    * 

11 

;  i 

• 

S  CO             "-d                •   e8 

||      s  1    aw 

a      •«   « 

C 

.  —  : 

M 

>, 

18  ^i 

2    'S    3 

»  <D           *           ^  QO 

ll 

S            o 

1     I 

>>     s 
a^>.  1 

„  S    <D         ^ 

1  ^ 

"1         d         0^ 

pS 

A 
to 

1 

O 

*-» 

^.  i-H      ti                p( 

-es        n 

!_,   H^  ^J             «^H 

1    2^ 

•J3       §      Ji^ 

a 

CO 

1 

CO 

JH 

I 

73 

— 

";|^CQ       2 

a   g& 

"°      1       So 

fl 

w 

1—  1 

as 

H 

1-1 

j- 

0>        1^              Jl 
tn      ,          *-C  fe 

"7 

T3 

§"* 

a 

QQ 

Isle,  grandson  and  heir  of  Ralph  de  L'Isle 

Le,  m.  Alice,  daughter  and  heir  of  Henry, 
Lord  of  Heyford-  Warine 

Cassandr) 

Warine  de  L'Isle,  Constable  of  Windsor  Ca 
-i  sister  and  heir  c 
360),  m.  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  kord  Stranj 

6,  1383;  m.  Margaret,  daughter  and  heir  oi 

5 

CO 

1—  1 
CO 
CO 

i—  i 

1 

88,  Richard  Beauchamp,  Earl  of  Warwick  ; 

Eleanore,  b.  1408  ;  m.  (1)  Lord  Roos, 
(2)  Duke  of  Somerset 

d  Baron  L'Isle  1444,  Viscount  L'Isle  1452, 
m.  Joan,  daughter  of  Thomas  Chedder 

b,  m.  Sir  Edward  Grey,  who  was  created  B 
in  1476,  Viscount  L'Isle  in  1486  and  d. 

Henry  Stafford,  Anne,  m.  Sir  John 
Wiltshire  Willoughby 

John  Dudley,  Duke  of  Northumberland, 

I 

rl  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Guilford,  m. 
Leicester  Lady  Jane 
0)  (1532—1588)  Grey 

ai 

*H        jj 

CO 

<o 

43 

oj  ^t4  ^ 

®  _ 

h-  1 

1    1 

•8 

1—  1 

.a 

CO 

•3       s 
2     F-i~ 

a^ 

jj 

-•3— 

1 

J^ 

o 

i 

2w 

1  S«i 

M4 

43 

^i   r^"' 

ja 

a* 

^-H  qH 

•e 

H 

G~ 

t-t  ^^  CO 

6 

M 

o 

091 

<D     C? 

S 

• 

H^o 

J= 

S 

a   d- 

vH 

ja 

2   2 

48-3 

31 

5 

jS 

3 

•g 

-0    0 

<o 
Jo 

l^rEH  — 

^H 

Q 

_K~j_^- 

Oj"" 

Lc8_ 

a 

®" 

§ 

T)        t) 

g^ 

^ 

.  S 

JS 

o 

j-t 

-f    s 

1 

1  I 

"^TJ 

W 

-'I 

^ 

H! 

•f  •§ 

P**  ni-^' 

« 

i  i 

a'1* 

0?  g 

-f3 

d 

9  'g  fl 

e 

T3 

-1      "I 

.3  S 

.  * 

of  J3 

•a  .§ 

S^ 

co  >-i 
-*  ^ 

rHQQ 

«M 

L  o 

p 

i5 

.»H    ^* 

fi.  r-l 

a  I'S 

.  ^H  *rt 

^  1  ^  r 

To 

JH        M 

•^  M 

^  "~^ 

i  r 

v-H      CO      O 

O  ^  4^ 

2 

(D            0 

L-§S 

§  § 

d-w 

•1' 

1 

«|B      A 

"»£  « 

L  y>         L'C  _l_'t> 

^ 

43 

1  ^^ 

1 

h-^    O                   °0 

t>       -g    -e 

9 

1 

H 

"S  H^      'S 

^ 

O           o       ® 

fe 

i 

3^0        ^5 

o  j?* 

111 

o 

l"^" 

a 

o 

^ 

o^*C     ^ 

.ills 

4  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

The  Sidneys  traced  their  descent  in  unbroken  male  succession 
from  the  time  of  King  Stephen  or  Henry  II.  A  charter  is  still 
preserved  at  Penshurst  in  which  Henry  II  before  his  accession 
to  the  throne  of  England  grants  to  William  de  Sidne  (who  had 
accompanied  him  from  Anjou  and  who  later  became  his  Chamber- 
lain) the  manor  of  Sutton  in  Surrey,  and  from  this  fact  the  name 
of  the  family  has  sometimes  been  derived1. 

Throughout  the  centuries  they  were  well-esteemed  and  well- 
matched  gentry,  but  no  alliance  with  the  greatest  families  is 
recorded  until  the  marriage  of  Nicholas  Sidney,  Esquire  (Philip's 
great-grandfather)  with  Anne,  daughter  of  Sir  William  Brandon, 
and  cousin  and  one  of  the  heirs  of  Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of 
Suffolk.  The  Brandons  traced  their  descent  from  the  Conqueror 
and  also  from  Alexander,  King  of  Scotland,  and  Nicholas  Sidney's 
son,  Sir  William,  inherited  from  his  mother  lands  in  Lincoln- 
shire, Yorkshire  and  Lancashire,  the  extent  of  which  was 
further  increased  by  purchase  and  lease  by  Sir  Henry  Sidney2. 

Sir  William  Sidney  (1482-1554),  Philip's  grandfather,  was 
a  man  of  great  note  throughout  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  In 
1510,  being  then  an  Esquire  of  the  King's  House,  he  saw  service 
against  the  Moors  in  Spain  ;  two  years  later  he  held  command 
in  the  French  war  under  Lord  Edward  Howard,  High  Admiral 
of  England,  and  was  knighted  for  his  bravery  at  the  burning 
of  Conquest.  In  the  battle  of  Flodden  he  commanded  the 
right  wing  of  the  English  army,  and  was  then  for  his  valour 


1  "  The  name  of  Sidney  is  said  to   be   a  corruption  of  Saint  Denis  but 
without  any  probability  afforded   by   circumstances.     The   first   on   record, 
Sir  William  Sidney,  Chamberlain  to  Henry  II,  had  a  grant  from  that  monarch 
of  Sutton  in  Surrey ;  and  as  Stepney,  near  Blackwall,  is  a  proved  corruption 
of  Stephen's  Heath,  analogy  would  more  safely  derive  Sidney  from  Sutton 
Heath."     Nichols,  Topographer  and  Genealogist,  vol.  m,  p.  393. 

2  Among  the  Penshurst  documents  delivered  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham 
on  May  26,  1589,  "for  the  use  of  Mrs  Elizabeth  Sidney"  (Sir  Philip's  daughter), 
parcel  17  contained   "A   deed   of  feoffment  by  Sir  Wm.  Stanley,  Knight, 
unto  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  Knight,  and  others,  of  his  third  part  of  the  fee  simple 
land  of  Charles  the  elder,  late  Duke  of  Suffolk  in  York,  Lincoln,"  etc.     The 
document  is  dated  February  19th,  but  the  year  is  torn  off.     The  parcel  also 
contained  "  thirteen  obligations  concerning  the  Duke  of  Suffolk's  lands  in 
Lincolnshire,"  "  An  indenture  of  lease  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney  of  the  fifth  part 
of  the  late  Duke  of  Suffolk's  lands,"  etc.     Penshurst  MS. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  5 

made  Knight  Banneret1.  He  took  part  in  Henry's  later  French 
wars  and  from  that  monarch  received  many  tokens  of  his  favour. 
He  was  made  a  Knight  of  the  Garter,  a  member  of  the  Privy 
Council,  and  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  received  from  the 
King  several  grants  of  land,  the  most  extensive  of  which  were 
the  monastery  or  abbey  of  Robertsbridge  in  Sussex  in  15392 
and  Penshurst  in  1552.  Most  of  these  marks  of  royal  favour 
were  conferred  upon  Sir  William  in  direct  recognition  of  the 
services  which  he  and  the  Lady  Anne,  his  wife  (the  daughter 
of  Sir  Hugh  Pagenham),  had  rendered  to  Prince  Edward,  who 
had  been  committed  almost  exclusively  to  their  care.  Sir 
William  was  his  tutor,  and  Chamberlain  and  Steward  of  the 
Household,  Lady  Anne  his  governess  ;  her  sister  was 

"  in  such  place  as  among  meaner  personages  is  called  a  dry  nurse,  for 
from  the  time  he  left  sucking  she  continually  lay  in  bed  with  him  so  long 
as  he  remained  in  woman's  government3." 

When  the  Prince  was  but  two  years  old  Henry  Sidney,  then 
ten  years  of  age  and  a  henchman  of  King  Henry  (his  godfather), 
was  formally  appointed  to  be  henchman  to  Prince  Edward — 
"  the  first  boy  that  ever  he  had4."  A  pretty  story  is  told  of 
Sir  William,  on  one  occasion  when  Edward  was  six  or  seven 
years  old,  summoning  his  granddaughter,  Jane  Dormer,  who 
was  of  about  the  same  age,  to  be  the  Prince's  playfellow,  and 
of  their  "  reading,  playing  or  dancing  and  such  like  pastimes 
answerable  to  their  spirits  and  innocence  of  years."  They 
also  played  cards,  and  the  Prince  is  credited  with  having 
remarked  at  one  stage  of  the  game,  "  Now,  Jane,  your  King  is 
gone,  I  shall  be  good  enough  for  you5."  Two  of  Sir  William's 
daughters,  Mabell  and  Elizabeth,  were  members  of  the  house- 
hold of  the  Lady  Mary,  Edward's  sister,  by  whom  they  were 


1  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  77.     The  Pedigree  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  compiled 
by  EoVt  Cooke,  Clarencieux  King  of  Arms  temp.   Eliz.     London,   privately 
printed,  1869. 

2  Letters    and    Papers — Foreign    and    Domestic — Henry     VIII,    vol.    xrv, 
Pt.  1,  April,  1539. 

3  Sir  Henry  Sidney  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 

4  Ibid. 

5  Henry  Clifford,  Life  of  Jane  Dormer,  Duchess  of  Feria,  p.  59. 


6  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

much  beloved  "  for  their  rare  virtue  and  zeal  in  Catholic 
religion1."  They  died  unmarried  in  her  service. 

Lady  Sidney  died  in  1544  and  Sir  William  ten  years  later. 
Of  their  family  of  two  sons  and  seven  daughters  one  son,  Henry, 
and  four  daughters,  survived  their  father.  Mary  was  the  wife 
of  Sir  William  Dormer,  who  had  been  considered  a  great  enough 
match  for  Jane  Seymour,  but  whose  mother,  preferring  to  have 
him  "  matched  in  a  kindred  of  good  fame,"  had  arranged  the 
marriage  with  Lady  Sidney2  ;  from  this  union  there  were  two 
daughters — Anne,  who  married  Sir  Walter  Hungerford,  and 
Jane,  who  married  the  great  Spanish  Count  de  Feria.  Lucy  was 
the  wife  of  Sir  James  Harrington,  and  became  the  mother  of  three 
sons — Sir  John,  Sir  Henry  and  Sir  James,  and  eight  daughters. 
Anne  was  the  wife  of  Sir  William  Fitz William,  and  had  one  son, 
Sir  William,  and  three  daughters.  Frances  was  to  become  the 
wife  of  Thomas  RatclifTe,  Earl  of  Sussex,  and  to  die  without  issue. 

Henry  Sidney  was  born,  probably  at  Baynard's  Castle 
in  London,  where  his  father  chiefly  lived,  on  July  20,  15293, 
and  during  his  childhood  and  early  manhood  was  closely  asso- 
ciated with  the  Court.  Wood  records  that  he  "  became  a 
student  in  New  College  (as  it  seems)  in  1543  or  thereabouts, 
but  making  no  long  stay  there4."  Edward  VI,  whose  bedfellow 
he  had  often  been,  distinguished  him  with  his  very  special  favour 
throughout  his  life,  and  Molyneux  tells  us  that  when  Sir  Henry 
was  one  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Edward's  privy  chamber 
"  he  was  then  reputed  for  comeliness  of  person,  gallantness  and 
liveliness  of  spirit,  virtue,  quality,  beauty  and  good  composition 
of  body,  the  only  odd  man  and  paragon  of  the  Court5."  When 

1  Henry  Clifford,  Life  of  Jane  Doimer,  Duchess  of  Feria,  p.  13. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  42. 

"  The  nativity  of  Henry  Sidney  was  on  Tuesday  the  twenty  day  of  July 
upon  St  Margaret's  day  in  the  morning  a  quarter  after  one  of  the  clock,  the 
twenty-one  year  of  Henry  the  Eight  and  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
five  hundred  twenty  and  nine.  His  god-father  was  King  Henry  the  Eight : 
his  other  god-father  was  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  after  Earl  of  Southampton 
and  Lord  Privy  Seal :  his  godmother  was  the  Lady  Kingston  wife  to  Sir  Wm. 
Kingston,  Knt  of  the  most  noble  order,  and  controller  of  King  Henry  the  Eight 
his  household."  Sidney  Psalter. 

*  Athenae  Oxonienses,  ed.  Bliss,  3rd  ed.  1813,  vol.  I,  col.  513. 
6  Holinshed's  Chronicle,  vol.  m,  p.  1548. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  1 

it  is  remembered  that  the  Duke  of  Northumberland  counted 
on  nothing  more  than  on  the  marriages  of  his  children  to  secure 
the  stability  of  his  family,  that  he  married  his  son  John  to  the 
daughter  of  the  Protector  Somerset,  his  son  Guilford  to  the 
Lady  Jane  Grey  and  his  daughter  Catherine  to  Henry,  Lord 
Hastings,  another  possible  claimant  to  the  English  throne,  the 
marriage  of  his  eldest  daughter  Lady  Mary  to  Henry  Sidney 
is  a  testimony  that  Northumberland  anticipated  a  brilliant 
career  for  the  young  King's  favourite.  The  marriage  took  place 
at  Asser  on  March  29,  1551,  and  was  "  afterward  most 
publicly  and  honourably  solemnized  in  Ely  Place  in  Holborn 
in  the  Whitsuntide  holidays  next  following1."  The  marriage 
covenants  between  the  Earl  of  Warwick  (he  was  created  Duke 
of  Northumberland  some  months  later)  and  Sir  William  Sidney, 
by  which  the  Earl  conveys  to  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Mary  the 
manor  of  Halden  in  Kent,  are  dated  May,  1551 2.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  June,  attended  by  four  servants,  Sir  Henry  accompanied 
the  Marquis  of  Northampton  on  his  mission  to  the  French  King, 
Henry  II,  to  whom  he  carried  the  habit  of  the  Order  of  the  Garter, 
and  on  July  17th  he  set  out  for  England  bearing  despatches 
from  Northampton  to  the  Privy  Council3.  On  October  llth 
his  father-in-law  was  created  Duke  of  Northumberland,  and 
on  the  same  day  Henry  Sidney  and  William  Cecil  were  knighted, 
a  fact  which  Sir  Henry  in  his  later  life  was  fond  of  recalling. 
During  the  remaining  years  of  Edward's  reign  honours  and 
rewards  came  thick  and  fast  upon  Sir  Henry.  On  December 
26, 1552,  he  was  again  sent  on  a  French  embassy4,  and  Sir  William 
Pickering,  English  ambassador  at  Paris,  wrote  to  the  Privy 
Council  commending  Sidney's  dexterity  and  his  discreet  and 
wise  handling  of  the  matter  confided  to  him,  and  to  Sir  William 
Cecil  of  Sir  Henry's  great  wisdom  and  circumspection5. 

Sir  Henry  also  held  many  offices — Chief  Cup-bearer  to  the 
Bang  for  life,  Chief  Cypherer  to  the  King  for  life,  and  Chief 
Steward  of  various  royal  manors,  mansions  and  parks6. 

1  Sidney  Psalter.  2  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  83. 

3  State  Papers — Foreign — Edward  VI. 

4  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  Dec.  26,  1552. 

5  State  Papers— Foreign— Edward  VI,  Jan.  17,  1553. 
'  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  83. 


8  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

The  boy-king  seemed  to  delight  in  doing  him  honour,  and  Sir 
Henry  himself  has  given  us  this  account  of  their  relationship  : 

"  As  that  sweet  prince  grew  in  years  and  discretion,  so  grew  I  in  favour 
and  liking  of  him,  in  such  sort  as  by  that  time  I  was  twenty-two  years 
old  he  made  me  one  of  the  four  principal  gentlemen  of  his  bedchamber. 
While  I  was  present  with  him  he  would  always  be  cheerful  and  pleasant 
with  me,  and  in  my  absence  gave  me  such  words  of  praise  as  far  exceeded 
my  desert.  Sundry  times  he  bountifully  rewarded  me  ;  finally  he  always 
made  too  much  of  me ;  once  he  sent  me  into  France  and  once  into  Scot- 
land. . .  .Lastly  not  only  to  my  own  still  felt  grief  but  also  to  the  universal 
woe  of  England  he  died  in  my  arms1." 

During  the  last  two  years  of  Edward's  reign  Sir  Henry  was 
one  of  the  chief  lieutenants  of  Northumberland.  We  find  him 
in  the  company  of  his  father-in-law  at  Court2,  and  in  the  north 
of  England  repressing  the  rebels  in  the  summer  of  1552,  whence 
he  is  despatched  post-haste  with  messages  to  the  Council  and 
King,  which  he  must  deliver  before  -going  to  his  wife,  as  North- 
umberland awaits  an  answer  at  Newcastle3.  In  December  of 
the  same  year  there  was  talk  of  his  being  sent  as  ambassador 
to  the  Emperor4. 

Immediately  before  Edward's  death  there  can  have  been 
few  young  noblemen  in  England  whose  worldly  prospects  were 
more  brilliant,  or  who  enjoyed  a  greater  measure  of  domestic 
happiness  than  Sir  Henry  Sidney.  Many  years  later  when  his 
estate  was  much  decayed  he  estimated  that  he  was  worth 
£30,000  less  than  at  the  death  of  King  Edward5.  If  we  multiply 
this  sum  by  six  or  seven  to  reduce  it  to  the  terms  of  its  value  in 
our  own  day  it  becomes  obvious  that  Sir  Henry  was  a  very 
wealthy  man  in  his  own  right,  besides  being  prospective  heir 
to  the  vast  estates  of  his  father  in  several  English  counties. 
Moreover,  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  his  great  match 
with  the  daughter  of  Northumberland  was  not  merely  a  mariage 

1  Sir  Henry  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 

z  State  Papers — Dom. — Edward  VI,  vol.  xiv,  June  4,  1552. 

3  State  Papers — Dom. — Addenda — Edward  VI,  vol.  rv,  July  25,  1552. 

4  State  Papers — Dom. — Edward  VI,  vol.  xv,  Dec.  28,  1552. 

'  If  I  die  tomorrow  next  I  should  leave  them  [his  sons]  worse  than  my 

father  left  me  by  £20000 yea  and  £30000  worse  than  I  was  at  the  death 

of   my  most  dear  King  and  master  King  Edward  the  Vlth."     Sir  Henry  to 
Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  9 

de  convenance.  Practically  all  marriages  in  sixteenth  century 
English  society  were  arranged  by  parents  and  for  worldly 
reasons,  but  we  know  that  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Mary  were 
bound  together  throughout  their  lives  of  sorrow  and  disappoint- 
ment by  ties  of  the  warmest  affection  and  admiration.  Of 
their  relation  to  each  other  before  the  time  of  their  marriage 
we  know  nothing,  but  there  still  remains  a  curious  bit  of  evidence 
regarding  the  happiness  of  their  early  married  life.  In  a  copy 
of  Hall  and  Grafton's  Chronicle  which  is  still  extant,  there  are 
manuscript  Latin  verses  written  by  Sir  Henry,  and  the  following 
moralizing  lines  by  Lady  Mary,  in  which  it  would  surely  be 
an  excess  of  caution  to  refuse  to  recognize  Lady  Sidney's 
sense  of  insecurity  on  the  dizzy  heights  to  which  her  family 
had  attained,  and  of  fear  lest  a  sword  of  Damocles  was  suspended 
over  the  Sidney  household  : 

"  To  whyshe  the  best  and  fere  the  worst 

are  to  points  of  the  wyese 
to  suffer  then  whatt  happen  shall 
that  man  is  happy  thryese.     1551 

Mary  Sidney 

fere  god." 

"  Upon  the  good  daye  have 
thou  in  mind  the  unware 
who  that  may  come  behind 
Is  not  for  to  sped  thou  think  a  pain 
Will  not  the  thing  that  thou  maeist  not  attain 
for  thou  and  none  other  art  cause  of  thy  let 
if  that  which  thou  mayest  not  thou  travel 
to  get.     Scriptum  manu  felix. 

M.  S." 

"  Of  al  thinges  the  newest  is  the  best 
saue  of  loue  and  frinship  which 
the  elder  it  waxeth  is  euer  the  better 
Escript  par  la  maine  d'un 
femme  heuruse  assavoir 

[Mary  Sidjney1." 

1  Catalogue  of  the  Anderson  Auction  Co.,  New  York — Tuesday  and  Wed- 
nesday, Feb.  1  and  2,  1910  (Selections  from  the  library  of  George  G.  Tillotson): 

"  Edward  Hall  and  Richard  Grafton — The  Union  of  the  two  noble  and  illus- 
tre  famelies  of  Lancastre  and  Yorke  etc.  Londini :  Richard  Grafton,  1548." 
The  volume  was  bought  by  Dodd,  Mead  and  Co..  of  New  York  City. 


10  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

In  her  later  life  Lady  Mary  was  to  find  need  of  the  stoicism 
which  she  here  seems  to  invoke.  The  lines  thus  carelessly 
jotted  down  form  a  dramatic  background  to  her  future  experience 
of  tragic  sorrow,  ill-health,  isolation  and  petty  trouble.  To 
her  husband  she  was  to  remain  "  a  full  fair  lady,  in  mine  eye 
at  least  the  fairest "  ;  she  was  to  find  in  him  the  "  noble  and 
careful  father  "  of  her  children,  whom  she  honoured  for  his 
uprightness  and  unswerving  devotion  to  whatsoever  things 
were  of  good  report,  and  if  pride  in  the  character  of  their 
offspring  is  one  of  the  truest  sources  of  happiness  for  mature 
men  and  women,  the  mother  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  the  Countess 
of  Pembroke  was  not  denied  one  of  the  greatest  consolations 
of  life.  In  spite  of  these  things  there  was  probably  no  period 
after  the  death  of  Edward  VI  when  Lady  Sidney  would  have 
felt  impelled  to  subscribe  herself  a  happy  woman  without  many 
qualifications. 

To  what  extent  Sir  Henry  Sidney  was  involved  in  the  con- 
spiracy of  his  father-in-law  to  secure  the  throne  for  Lady  Jane 
Grey  we  do  not  know.  He  was  a  witness  to  Edward's  will1 
on  June  21st,  and  on  July  4th,  only  two  days  before  his  death, 
Edward  bestowed  on  him  a  manor  in  Wiltshire — the  last  of 
many  gifts.  On  July  21st  or  22nd  he  received  his  pardon  from 
Queen  Mary2.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  the  story  of 
Sir  Henry's  life  during  the  intervening  days.  He  was  on  terms 
of  the  closest  intimacy  with  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  North- 
umberland and  Sir  Andrew  Dudley,  Northumberland's  brother  ; 
Lord  Hastings  and  Ambrose  Dudley  were  his  warm  friends, 
and  all  of  these  were  deeply  involved.  Moreover,  in  a  letter 
to  Queen  Mary,  the  authenticity  of  which  there  seems  little 
reason  to  doubt,  Lady  Jane  says  that  the  news  of  her  accession 
was  communicated  to  her  by  Lady  Sidney. 

"  The  person  by  whom  this  news  was  brought  unto  me  was  the  Lady 
Sidney,  my  sister-in-law,  daughter  of  the  duchess  of  Northumberland  ; 
she  told  me  with  seriousness  more  than  common  that  it  was  needful  I 
should  go  with  her  and  I  did  so3." 

1  Queen  Jane  and  Queen  Mary,  p.  91. 

2  Froude,  History  of  England,  vol.  vi,  p.  48.     Queen  Jane  and  Queen  Mary, 
p.  13. 

8  Pollino. 


ij  Birth  and  Parentage  11 

At  first  sight  it  seems  strange  that  Sir  Henry  should  have  escaped 
a  lodging  in  the  Tower.  It  is  not  difficult,  however,  to  conjecture 
an  explanation.  In  the  first  place  his  strong  common  sense  may 
have  forewarned  him  of  the  futility  of  the  whole  scheme,  and 
he  may  have  been  able  to  view  the  feverish  activity  of  the  whole 
Dudley  family  as  the  intoxication  of  ambition.  He  must  have 
found  it,  however,  an  almost  impossible  role  not  to  come  out 
definitely  for  the  one  side  or  the  other,  and  he  can  never  have 
been  in  greater  need  of  the  circumspection  which  characterized 
his  whole  life  than  he  was  at  this  juncture.  One  circumstance 
which  must  have  told  strongly  in  his  favour  with  Queen  Mary 
was  the  fact  that  two  of  his  sisters,  Mabell  and  Elizabeth,  had 
long  been  members  of  her  household,  and  were  so  entirely  devoted 
to  her  that 

"  when  the  Queens  (the  wives  of  King  Henry)  had  sought  with  much 
importunity  to  have  them  in  their  service  they  would  by  no  means  leave 
the  Lady  Mary  although  the  King  himself  requested  it1." 

These  ladies  were  much  beloved  by  Mary  for  their  rare  virtue 
and  zeal  in  the  Catholic  religion.  And  Sir  Henry  had  at  least 
one  other  friend  at  Court.  His  father  had  not  only  placed  his 
own  daughters  in  Lady  Mary's  household  ;  it  was  he  who 
persuaded  his  granddaughter  Jane  Dormer  to  accept  a  similar 
service,  and  for  this  child  of  his  dead  sister  Sir  Henry  had  always 
had  an  especially  warm  feeling.  When  we  remember  further 
that  it  did  not  need  Northumberland's  dying  message  to  per- 
suade Mary  that  his  children  were  rebels  by  his  commandment 
and  not  of  their  own  free  wills,  and  that  she  sincerely  wished  to 
be  merciful  wherever  it  was  possible  to  show  mercy,  it  is  not 
strange  that  the  Sidneys  were  able  to  avoid  the  full  force  of 
the  blow  when  it  descended. 

What  is  perhaps  stranger  is  the  fact  that  Sir  Henry,  although 
neither  liking  nor  liked  as  he  had  been,  to  use  his  own  phrase, 
found  employment  under  the  new  sovereign  within  a  few  months 
and  was  even  shown  unusual  favours.  On  March  13,  1554,  he 
started  on  a  journey  to  Spain,  having  been  appointed  a  member 

1  Clifford,  Life  of  Jane  Dormer,  p.  62. 


12  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

of  the  deputation  sent  thither  to  escort  King  Philip  to  England, 
where  he  was  to  wed  the  English  Queen1.  The  ambassadors, 
among  whom  were  the  Earl  of  Bedford  and  Lord  Fitzwalter, 
had  a  formal  audience  with  Philip  on  June  23rd2,  and  returned 
with  him  to  England  on  July  19th3.  During  his  absence  Queen 
Mary  had  granted  to  Sir  Henry  the  wardship  of  Robert  Paken- 
ham,  probably  one  of  his  young  cousins,  on  May  28th,  and  on 
November  8th  she  ratified  all  the  letters  patent  which  had  been 
granted  to  him  and  his  father  by  the  late  King,  and  confirmed 
Sir  Henry  in  all  his  offices  such  as  Chief  Cypherer,  Serjeaunt  of 
the  Otter  Hounds,  etc.4  Ten  days  later  Sir  Henry  was  ordered 
to  attend  upon  the  Lord  Cobham,  who  had  gone  to  welcome 
Cardinal  Pole  and  to  accompany  him  from  Rochester  to  Graves- 
end,  and  when  on  November  30th  Sir  Henry's  first  son  was  born 
King  Philip  himself  was  godfather  andgave  the  boy  his  own  name. 
In  the  multifarious  business  of  governing  Spain  and  her  posses- 
sions the  Spanish  King  never  forgot  the  occasion  ;  many  years 
later  when  the  news  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  death  reached  him 
he  scribbled  on  the  despatch  in  the  laconic  manner  which 
characterized  him  :  "  He  was  my  godson5." 

The  magnificence  of  the  christening  festivities  at  Penshurst 
must  have  seemed  in  strange  contrast  to  the  immediately  pre- 
ceding events  of  death  and  tragedy  which  had  taken  place  in 
the  Dudley  and  Sidney  families.  The  second  god-father  on 
the  occasion  was  John  Russell,  Earl  of  Bedford,  now  an  old  man 
with  but  a  few  months  to  live.  Under  Henry  VIII  he  had  been 
in  high  favour,  was  Lord  Privy  Seal  during  the  reigns  of  both 
Edward  VI  and  Mary,  and  had  headed  the  English  deputation 
which  was  sent  to  Spain  to  arrange  Philip's  marriage  with  Queen 
Mary.  He  was  a  devoted  friend  of  the  Dudleys,  and  his  grand- 
daughter was  later  to  become  the  wife  of  Ambrose  Dudley. 
The  godmother  was  Jane,  Duchess  of  Northumberland,  now 
within  a  few  weeks  of  her  death,  an  old  woman,  though  but 
forty-six  years  of  age.  Few  human  beings  can  have  had  a  more 

1  Queen  Jane  and  Queen  Mary,  p.  68. 

2  Hume,  Two  English  Queens  and  Philip,  p.  56. 

1  Queen  Jane  and  Queen  Mary,  p.  77.  *  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  84. 

6  State  Papers — Spanish,  ed.  Martin  A.  S.  Hume,  1892.  Advices  from 
Deventer  (Paris  Archives),  Nov.  9,  1586. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  13 

bitter  experience  of  the  vicissitudes  of  life  than  this  unhappy 
woman.  She  had  given  herself  absolutely  to  the  furtherance 
of  her  husband's  ambitious  schemes,  and  during  the  weeks 
preceding  and  following  Edward's  death  we  find  her  very  active 
in  the  work  of  bending  Lady  Jane  to  her  will  and  of  securing 
for  her  son  the  title  of  King.  Then  came  the  sudden  collapse 
of  all  her  hopes.  On  August  22nd  her  husband  was  beheaded, 
and  on  February  12th  her  son,  Guilford,  and  her  daughter- 
in-law,  Lady  Jane,  met  a  similar  fate.  Her  four  surviving 
sons,  John,  Ambrose,  Kobert  and  Henry,  had  lain  in  the  Tower 
for  more  than  a  year  under  condemnation  of  death  for  treason. 
They  bad  been  released,  though  still  standing  attainted  of  high 
treason,  on  October  18,  1554,  and  John,  the  eldest,  went 
directly  to  Penshurst,  where  three  days  later  he  died — some  five 
weeks  before  Philip  Sidney  was  born.  The  Duchess  herself 
had  been  turned  out  of  her  house,  and  her  furniture  and  house- 
hold goods  had  been  confiscated.  Of  her  thirteen  children  only 
three  sons  and  two  daughters  remained,  and  she  now  desired 
nothing  but  that  her  surviving  children  should  be  restored 
in  blood  and  that  she  should  be  granted  a  speedy  release  from 
the  cares  of  this  world.  She  had  been  successful  in  securing 
the  friendship  of  the  Duchess  of  Alva  and  several  Spanish  lords 
now  in  England,  who  had  already  "  done  her  sons  good,"  and 
no  doubt  she  welcomed  King  Philip's  presence  at  Penshurst 
as  a  sign  of  good  omen.  Her  will1,  written  entirely  with  her 
own  hand  a  short  time  after  this  event,  although  "  with  great 
weakness,"  is  a  remarkable  composition.  She  forbade 

"  any  pomp  to  be  showed  upon  my  wretched  carcass  that  hath  had  at 
times  too  much  in  this  world  full  of  all  vanities,  deceits  and  guiles  ;  and 
whoever  doth  trust  to  this  transitory  world  as  I  did  may  happen  to  have 
an  overthrow  as  I  had.  Therefore  to  the  worms  will  I  go  as  I  have  afore 
written  in  all  points  ;  as  you  will  answer  it  afore  God  and  you  break  any 
jot  of  it  your  wills  hereafter  may  chance  be  as  well  broken." 

Bitterly  remembering  that  "none  of  my  children  shall  inherit 
the  degree  I  die  in,"  she  expresses  the  hope  that  the  Queen's 
Highness  will  be  good  and  gracious  lady  to  them.  This  document 

1  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  33. 


14  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

contains  the  first  reference  we  have  to  Philip  Sidney  after 
his  birth.  The  Duchess  bequeaths 

"  to  her  daughter  Mary  Sidney  200  marks,  and  200  marks  to  her  little 
son,  but  if  he  chance  to  die  the  money  to  go  to  his  mother,  and  she 
chance  to  die  the  money  to  go  to  her  son,  and  if  they  both  die  to  go  to  her 
son  Sidney." 

Worn  out  by  her  sorrows  she  died  at  her  manor  of  Chelsea 
on  January  22,  1555,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  there  with 
great  solemnity  on  February  1st1. 

The  trouble  in  which  the  Dudleys  found  themselves  involved 
had  made  most  serious  inroads  on  the  possessions  of  Sir  Henry 
Sidney  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  confirmed  in  his  offices 
and  escaped  the  dangers  of  confiscation.  In  the  seven  months 
which  elapsed  between  the  death  of  Edward  VI  and  that  of 
Sir  William  Sidney2,  Sir  Henry  spent  some  £10,000,  largely 
no  doubt  for  the  purpose  of  mitigating  the  calamities  that  had 
overtaken  his  wife's  family.  He  continued  to  find  employment, 
however,  under  Mary,  and  the  kindly  feelings  which  in  his  later 
life  he  entertained  toward  Spain,  and  King  Philip  in  particular, 
make  it  probable  that  he  was  one  of  the  many  Englishmen 
for  whom  the  Spanish  king  performed  friendly  offices  in  pur- 
suance of  his  deliberate  policy  of  conciliation.  When  in  April, 
1555,  Sir  Henry's  sister  Frances  became  the  wife  of  Thomas 
Katcliffe,  Lord  Fitzwalter,  and  afterwards  Earl  of  Sussex, 
King  Philip  honoured  the  occasion  by  his  presence3.  During 
the  whole  of  the  succeeding  month  the  Court  was  on  the  qui 
vive  expecting  daily  to  hear  that  Queen  Mary  had  given  birth 
to  a  child,  and  messengers  who  were  to  announce  the  happy 

1  Machyri's  Diary,  p.  81.     Her  monument,  mu^i  defaced,  may  still  be  seen. 
The  inscription  is  quoted  by  Collins,  p.  36. 

2  Sir  William  died  at  Penshurst  Feb.  10,  1554,  and  was  buried  in  the  church 
there  on  Feb.  26th.     A  magnificent  raised  tomb  was  erected  to  his  memory 
by  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  the  inscription  on  which  is  given  by  Collins,  p.  82.     An 
account  of  the  funeral  is  preserved  in  a  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  (Add.  26676, 
f.  89). 

3  Calendar  of  State  Papers— Venetian,  No.  67  (April  29,  1555).     In  his  will 
the  Earl  of  Sussex  makes  very  special  mention  of  the  five  precious  stones 
given  him  by  King  Philip  "  when  I  was  sent  in  commission  into  Spain  for  the 
concluding  of  the  marriage  between  Queen  Mary  and  him  and  to  bring  him 
into  England."     Lansdowne.  MSS.  vol.  xxxix,  f.  60. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  15 

event  to  the  various  princes  of  the  continent  were  ordered 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  start.  Sir  Henry  was  ap- 
pointed to  go  to  the  King  of  the  Romans  and  the  King  of 
Bohemia  ;  his  passport  was  signed  by  Philip  and  Mary1,  and 
on  May  6th  he  received  500  marks  in  prest  toward  his  expenses2. 

It  was,  however,  only  one  of  the  many  occasions  on  which 
the  poor  Queen  was  doomed  to  disappointment,  and  no  ambassa- 
dors were  needed.  On  March  14,  1556,  Sir  Henry  was  ordered 
by  the  Council  "  to  repair  hither  to-morrow,"  and  on  April 
28th  he  was  appointed  Vice-Treasurer  and  General  Governor 
of  all  the  King  and  Queen's  revenues  in  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland. 
In  company  with  Lord  Fitzwalter,  his  brother-in-law,  who  was 
Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  Sir  Henry  set  out  at  once  and  reached 
Dublin  on  Whitsunday.  His  first  duties  were  those  of  the 
soldier ;  he  "  had  the  leading  both  of  horsemen  and  footmen, 
and  served  as  ordinarily  with  them  as  any  other  private  captain 
did  there,"  and  within  two  months  of  his  arrival  proved  his 
soldiership  in  a  great  battle  by  killing  with  his  own  hand 
James  MacConnell,  a  mighty  captain  of  the  Scots  who  had 
invaded  Ulster.  Later  he  was  appointed  Lord  Justice,  and 
in  April,  1557,  he  returned  to  England  to  seek  money  for  the 
Irish  enterprise.  He  was  in  Ireland  again  in  July,  and  was  not 
to  see  England  for  over  two  years — when  the  dream  of  Spanish 
ascendancy  had  passed  away  and  a  new  queen  had  for  nearly 
a  year  been  seated  on  the  throne.  They  were  strenuous  years 
for  Sir  Henry.  On  four  different  occasions,  during  the  absences 
of  Sussex,  he  acted  in  his  stead  as  Deputy.  On  one  occasion 
Queen  Mary  sent  him  £200  for  his  own  use  by  way  of  reward 
for  his  services,  but  inadequate  funds,  forces  and  munitions 
made  his  task  a  hopeless  one,  and  he  longed  for  nothing  more 
than  to  be  recalled. 

During  the  years  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney's  first  employment 
in  Ireland  it  is  probable  that  Lady  Sidney  continued  to  live  at 
Penshurst.  They  must  have  been  sad  and  lonely  years  for  the 
young  wife,  beset  with  the  bitter  memories  of  recent  events, 
deprived  of  her  husband's  society,  and  living  in  a  part  of  the 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Mary,  vol.  iv. 
*  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  May  6,  1555. 


16  Birth  and  Parentage,  [CH. 

country  rather  remote  from  her  friends.  Nor  had  she  yet  drained 
her  cup  of  sorrows.  In  August,  1557,  while  the  bells  of  the 
churches  in  London  and  every  English  shire  were  ringing  and 
bonfires  were  blazing  to  express  the  nation's  joy  because  the 
English  cause  had  triumphed  in  the  battle  of  St  Quintin's  in 
France,  Lady  Mary  learned  that  her  young  brother,  Harry 
Dudley,  was  amongst  the  slain  on  the  English  side1.  The  next 
year  death  visited  Penshurst  itself.  A  little  daughter,  Margaret, 
had  been  born  about  the  time  of  Sir  Henry's  departure  in  1556, 
but  she  lived  less  than  two  years,  and  was  buried  at  Penshurst, 
April  13,  15582.  We  have  almost  no  definite  information  as 
to  Lady  Sidney's  life  at  this  time  ;  the  only  event  that  has  been 
recorded  was  the  passing  of  an  Act  of  Parliament  in  1558 
whereby  Ambrose  Dudley  and  Kobert  Dudley,  Knights,  and 
Lady  Mary  Sidney  and  Lady  Catherine  Hastings  were  re- 
stored and  enabled  in  blood  and  name3. 

When  Sir  Henry  returned  to  England  Philip  was  almost 
five  years  old.  We  can  imagine  with  what  watchful  care  his 
mother  had  tended  him  during  the  years  when  he  was  her  chief 
solace.  Both  now  and  until  he  was  ten  years  of  age  her  sweet 
and  noble  character,  not  yet  warped  by  years  of  disappointment 
and  petty  cares,  must  have  been  the  chief  force  in  shaping  his 
development.  We  know  that  during  these  years  he  had  the 
best  possible  tutors4,  but  we  may  assume  that  of  these  the  best 
was  his  mother.  Unfortunately  we  have  only  the  most  frag- 
mentary information  regarding  Lady  Mary's  acquirements, 
but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  she  may  have  belonged  to 
the  group  of  famous  women  scholars  of  her  day,  among  whom 
her  sister-in-law  Lady  Jane  Grey  and  Queen  Elizabeth  were 
conspicuous.  Her  interest  in  contemporary  literature  is  attested 
by  Geffraie  Fenton's  dedication  to  her  in  1567  of  Certaine 
Tragicall  Discourses.  In  1552  when  Hoby  was  translating  his 
Courtier  in  Paris  he  sent  to  Sir  Henry  an  Epitome  of  the  Italian 
Tongue  which  he  had  compiled  for  this  special  purpose — about 

1  Machyrfs  Diary,  pp.  147,  150. 

*  British  Museum  MSS.  Add.  34891.     Her  epitaph  is  quoted  in  Collins, 
Memoirs,  p.  97. 

8  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  37.  *  Aubrey,  Brief  Lives,  etc.,  vol.  n,  p.  247. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  17 

a  year  after  the  marriage  of  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Mary.  Lady 
Cecil,  Lady  Bacon  and  Lady  Hoby1,  three  of  the  brilliant 
daughters  of  Sir  Anthony  Coke,  were  among  Lady  Mary's 
most  intimate  friends,  and  we  know  that  she  conversed  easily 
in  Italian.  The  scraps  of  Latin  and  French  in  her  handwriting 
in  the  Sidney  copy  of  Grafton's  Chronicle  suggest  that  she  had 
received  an  education  in  languages.  Her  beautiful  handwriting 
can  hardly  be  paralleled  in  the  sixteenth  century  collections 
in  the  Public  Record  Office  except  by  that  of  her  son  Philip. 
Lady  Mary  was  well  qualified  both  by  her  character  and  by 
a  liberal  education  to  have  almost  exclusive  charge  of  her  boy 
during  the  first  ten  years  of  his  life,  and  of  this  there  is  no  better 
evidence  than  the  only  letter  which  has  survived  of  the  many 
she  must  have  written  him2. 

Another  important  influence  in  Philip's  early  environment, 
which  we  must  not  forget,  was  exercised  by  the  noble  old  castle 
in  which  he  lived.  Few  of  the  stately  homes  of  England  would 
have  been  better  calculated  than  was  Penshurst  to  instil  into 
the  mind  of  a  sensitive  boy  ideals  of  dignity  and  simple  beauty 
and  a  feeling  for  the  historic.  The  manor  had  come  into  the 
possession  of  the  Sidneys  only  some  two  years  before  Philip 
was  born,  when  Edward  VI  granted  it  to  Sir  William  Sidney3. 
The  name  is  derived 

"  from  the  old  British  word  Pen,  the  height  or  top  of  anything,  and  hyrst, 
a  woods.  It  is  called  in  some  ancient  records  Pencestre  and  more 
vulgarly  Penchester,  from  some  fortified  camp  or  fortress  anciently  situ- 
ated there4." 

In  the  Doomsday  Book  we  learn  that  it  was  in  the  possession 
of  a  family  who  took  their  name  from  the  place.  Sir  Stephen 
de  Penchester,  who  was  Constable  of  Dover  Castle  and  Warden 
of  the  Cinque  Ports  under  Henry  III  and  Edward  I,  was  buried 
in  Penshurst  church,  where  the  recumbent  effigy  from  his  tomb, 
now  standing  erect,  still  remains.  Under  Edward  II  the  manor 
passed  to  John  de  Pulteney,  who  was  afterwards  knighted 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.     Lady  Mary  to  Burleigh,  April,  1573. 

a  V.  p.  70. 

8  The  letters  patent  are  quoted  by  Collins — Memoirs,  p.  81. 

4  Hasted,  History  of  Kent,  vol.  I,  p.  408. 

w.  L.  S.  2 


18  Birth  and  Parentage  [en. 

and  who  was  four  times  Lord  Mayor  of  London  ;  in  1322  he 
had  license  to  embattle  his  mansion  house  of  Penshurst.  A 
similar  license  was  granted  to  Sir  John  Devereux,  the  owner 
of  the  manor  under  Richard  II.  From  the  time  of  Henry  VI 
Penshurst  passed  successively  into  many  hands.  It  was  pur- 
chased by  the  Duke  of  Bedford  and  by  him  bequeathed  to 
his  brother,  Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  at  whose  death  it 
reverted  to  the  Crown.  Henry  VI  bestowed  it  on  Humphrey 
Stafford,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  in  whose  family  it  remained  for 
a  long  time.  Once  more  it  reverted  to  the  Crown,  however, 
and  on  March  24,  1547,  John,  Earl  of  Warwick  (Lady  Sidney's 
father),  applied  for  a  grant  of  Warwick  Castle,  park,  etc.,  or  of 
Tonbridge  and  Penshurst  together  with  Hawlden  and  Canon- 
bury1.  His  application  was  successful,  but  on  July  18,  1551, 
he  gave  Penshurst  to  the  King  again  in  exchange  for  other 
property.  Edward  immediately  bestowed  it  on  Sir  Ralph 
Fane,  but  he,  a  few  months  later,  was  accused  of  being  an 
accomplice  with  the  Duke  of  Somerset  and  was  beheaded  on 
February  26th.  His  estates  were  forfeited,  and  on  April  25, 
1552,  Penshurst  passed  into  the  possession  of  Sir  William  Sidney, 
in  whose  family  it  still  remains. 

At  first  sight  the  castle  impresses  one  with  a  sense  of 
austerity  and  bareness.  Its  grey  walls  encrusted  with  moss 
and  lichen,  black  and  yellow  and  brown,  and  its  battlemented 
towers  suggest  an  ancient  fortress.  This  impression  is  empha- 
sized by  the  absence  of  great  trees  in  close  proximity  to  the 
building.  But  the  exquisite  beauty  of  colour  in  the  walls, 
and  the  atmosphere  of  antiquity  which  pervades  the  rather 
heterogeneous  pile  give  to  Penshurst  a  unique  charm  among 
English  manor-houses.  The  oldest  part  of  the  castle  (and  also 
of  the  neighbouring  church)  probably  dates  from  the  year  1200, 
but  the  greater  part  was  the  work  of  John  de  Pulteney  in  the 
first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Later  additions  were 
made  by  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  in  1579  and 
1585,  his  son  Robert,  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  others.  The  most 
distinctive  feature  is  the  great  Hall — one  of  the  few  remaining 
in  England.  The  steep  roof  is  supported  by  massive  oak 

1  State  Papers — Dora. — Edward  VI,  vol.  i. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  19 

timbers  springing  from  grotesquely  carved  human  figures. 
At  one  end  is  the  Screens — split  oaken  panels  which  separate 
the  Porch  from  the  Hall  proper  ;  immediately  above  is  the 
Minstrels'  Gallery,  and  above  this  a  beautiful  window  filled  with 
very  ancient  glass.  In  the  midst  of  the  Hall  is  the  great  fire- 
place ;  in  the  roof  above  it  was  an  opening  through  which  the 
smoke  escaped.  At  the  farther  end  of  the  Hall  is  the  dais 
where  the  lord  of  the  manor  dined  with  his  family  and  friends. 
From  the  dais  a  stone  staircase  leads  to  an  upper  chamber, 
a  narrow  slit  in  the  wall  of  which  allowed  the  lord  to  keep  an 
eye  on  the  revelry  of  his  retainers  in  the  Hall  below. 

Before  the  Sidneys  inhabited  Penshurst  its  chief  association 
with  literature  was  in  the  person  of  the  great  scholar  and  human- 
ist, Humphrey  of  Gloucester.  On  a  manuscript  written  by 
Capgrave,  the  historian,  and  still  preserved  in  the  library  of 
Oriel  College,  Oxford,  is  an  inscription  written  in  French  to 
the  effect  that  "  This  book  belongs  to  me,  Humphrey,  Duke 
of  Gloucester,  the  gift  of  brother  John  Capgrave,  who  presented 
it  to  me  at  my  manor  of  Penshurst,  New  Year's  Day,  14381." 
Since  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  time  many  poets  have  celebrated  the 
beauties  of  Penshurst  and  the  virtues  of  the  Sidneys,  and  among 
these  Ben  Jonson  and  Waller  are  only  the  most  notable. 

Jonson's  lines  have  often  been  quoted  : 

"  Thou  art  not,  Penshurst,  built  to  envious  show 
Of  touch  or  marble  ;  nor  canst  boast  a  row 
Of  polished  pillars  or  a  roof  of  gold  : 
Thou  hast  no  lantern  whereof  tales  are  told  ; 
Or  stair,  or  courts  ;  but  stand'st  an  ancient  pile, 
And  these  grudged  at,  art  reverenced  the  while." 

Jonson  also  refers  to 

"  That  taller  tree,  which  of  a  nut  was  set, 
At  his  great  birth  where  all  the  muses  met " — 

in  allusion  to  "  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  Oak,"  the  tree  which  had 
been  planted  to  commemorate  his  birth  and  which  survived 
until  1768. 

1  Penshurst,  the  Hon.  Mary  Sidney,  1903,  p.  7. 

2—2 


20  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

During  Philip's  early  boyhood  there  must  have  been  long 
periods  during  which  he  saw  but  little  of  his  parents,  for  on 
Elizabeth's  accession  Lady  Mary  became  one  of  the  principal 
ladies-in-waiting  on  her  Majesty,  and  Sir  Henry  was  in  constant 
attendance  at  the  Court.  Lady  Mary  had  probably  known 
Elizabeth  from  childhood,  and  she  now  shared  in  the  prosperity 
which  had  suddenly  become  the  portion  of  the  surviving 
members  of  the  Dudley  family.  The  Sidneys  were  on  terms 
of  special  intimacy  with  the  Spanish  ambassadors  at  Elizabeth's 
Court,  and  they  served  as  intermediaries  in  many  delicate 
negotiations.  In  the  autumn  of  1559,  for  instance,  when  the 
ambassador  of  the  Emperor  and  De  Quadra,  the  ambassador 
of  Spain,  were  attempting  to  bring  about  a  marriage  between 
the  Archduke  Charles  of  Austria  and  the  English  Queen,  Lady 
Sidney  was  the  intermediary  between  Elizabeth  and  the 
ambassadors,  and  her  share  in  the  elaborate  fencing  which  was 
considered  necessary  may  be  read  in  great  detail  in  De  Quadra's 
reports  to  his  master,  printed  in  the  Spanish  State  Papers. 
A  year  later,  again,  it  was  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Sidney  who 
were  the  chief  agents  in  attempting  to  consummate  a  scheme 
whereby  the  Queen  with  the  approval  of  Philip  of  Spain  was  to 
marry  Lord  Kobert  Dudley  and  undertake  to  re-establish 
Catholicism  in  England.  After  some  months  the  Queen 
decided  that  the  power  of  Philip  could  not  be  made  use  of 
in  bringing  about  her  marriage  with  Dudley,  and  the  close  of 
these  negotiations  was  definitely  marked  by  the  Council's 
refusal  to  admit  the  Papal  Nuncio  to  England.  There  is  nothing 
surprising  in  this  friendliness  of  the  Sidneys  toward  Spain  and 
toward  Catholicism.  To  King  Philip  they  were  bound  by 
ties  of  gratitude.  Moreover,  Sir  Henry  believed,  as  did  almost 
all  of  Elizabeth's  advisers,  including  Cecil  and  Bacon,  that  the 
Queen's  safety  depended  on  the  friendship  of  Spain,  and 
although,  many  years  later,  he  came  to  regard  Catholicism 
and  patriotism  as  incompatible  professions  in  England,  at  this 
time  he  probably  regarded  the  distinction  between  the  new 
religion  and  the  old  as  a  matter  of  slight  importance.  De 
Quadra  wrote  to  his  master  that  Sir  Henry  was  "  not  at  all 
well  informed  on  religious  questions."  His  virtues  were 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  21 

primarily  those  of  the  soldier  and  administrator  ;  for  politics 
and  diplomacy,  as  also  for  theology,  he  had  neither  aptitude 
nor  taste. 

Early  in  1560  Sir  Henry  was  appointed  Lord  President  of 
the  Council  in  the  Marches  of  Wales  and  continued  in  this  office 
for  the  rest  of  his  life.  The  holding  of  the  Welsh  presidency 
did  not  preclude  the  accepting  of  other  and  more  important 
duties,  and  Sir  Henry  was  frequently  recalled  from  his  post  to 
undertake  special  missions.  Early  in  1562  he  was  despatched 
to  France,  where  he  was  to  co-operate  with  Throgmorton,  the 
resident  English  ambassador,  in  labouring  "  to  procure  peace 
betwixt  the  French  King  and  his  subjects."  In  August  he  was 
sent  to  Edinburgh  to  express  to  the  Queen  of  Scots  Elizabeth's 
deep  regret  that  as  a  result  of  "  the  extreme  and  cruel  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Duke  of  Guise's  party  in  France,"  the  proposed 
meeting  between  the  two  Queens  in  the  north  of  England  must 
be  postponed  for  at  least  a  year.  In  Edinburgh  Sir  Henry 
spent  two  busy  weeks  in  conferences  with  the  Scottish  Queen. 
He  also  saw  much  of  John  Knox,  with  whom  he  afterwards 
carried  on  a  friendly  correspondence.  In  future  years  Sir 
Henry  must  often  have  remembered  as  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing experiences  of  his  life  the  fortnight  during  which  he  was  in 
frequent  and  intimate  intercourse  with  the  two  most  striking 
figures  in  the  Scotland  of  his  day. 

In  October  Elizabeth  sent  English  troops  to  the  support 
of  the  French  Protestants,  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  and  Sir  Henry  accompanied  his  brother-in-law  as 
military  adviser.  He  was  in  London  again  to  report  to  the 
Queen  and  Council  in  less  than  a  month,  but  momentous  events 
had  taken  place  there  during  his  absence.  The  Queen  had 
suddenly  fallen  ill  of  small-pox  and  for  some  days  her  life  was 
despaired  of.  Should  she  die  it  was  hardly  possible  that  England 
could  escape  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  The  crisis  passed,  however, 
and  before  Sir  Henry  reached  London  Mary  Stuart  was  able  to 
send  her  congratulations  to  Elizabeth  on  her  perfect  recovery 
and  to  express  her  joy  "que  ce  beau  visage  neu  diminura  rien 
de  sa  perfection1." 

1  State  Paper*— ScottwA— Eliz.,  Nov.  2,  1662. 


22  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH 

Elizabeth  had  been  more  fortunate  than  at  least  one  of  her 
faithful  attendants.  Lady  Mary  Sidney,  while  helping  to 
nurse  the  Queen  back  to  health,  had  herself  contracted  the 
disease,  and  when  she  recovered  it  was  to  find  that  her  face  was 
permanently  marked.  To  the  proud,  sensitive  woman  it  was 
an  unspeakable  calamity. 

"  When  I  went  to  Newhaven,"  Sir  Henry  afterwards  wrote1,  "  I  left  her 
a  full  fair  lady,  in  mine  eye  at  least  the  fairest,  and  when  I  returned  I 
found  her  as  foul  a  lady  as  the  small-pox  could  make  her,  which  she  did 
take  by  continual  attendance  of  her  Majesty's  most  precious  person  (sick 
of  the  same  disease),  the  scars  of  which  (to  her  resolute  discomfort)  ever 
since  hath  done  and  doth  remain  in  her  face,  so  as  she  liveth  solitarily 
sicut  nicticorax  in  domicilio  suo." 

Henceforth  she  frequented  the  Court  only  when  Elizabeth 
commanded  her  presence,  and  she  was  denied  even  the  satis- 
faction of  knowing  that  any  feelings  of  gratitude  stirred  her 
mistress'  heart.  In  future  years  her  husband's  long  absences 
from  the  country  made  her  presence  in  London  imperative  in 
order  that  she  might  look  after  his  interests,  but  whenever  it 
was  possible  she  retired  to  Penshurst  and  devoted  herself  to 
her  children.  Besides  Philip,  there  were  now  two  little  daughters, 
Elizabeth,  who  was  born  at  the  beginning  of  October,  1560, 
and  who  was  the  godchild  of  the  Queen2,  and  Mary,  who  was 
born  at  Ticknell,  near  Bewdley  in  Wales,  on  October  27,  15613. 
On  November  19,  1563,  a  second  son  was  born  who  was 
named  after  Lady  Sidney's  brother,  Lord  Kobert3. 

During  the  winter  months  of  1563  Sir  Henry  was  occupied 
with  his  duties  in  Wales.  In  the  spring  he  was  summoned 
home  to  assist  in  the  wretched  conclusion  of  the  English  inter- 
vention in  France.  While  Warwick  was  making  his  noble  but 
hopeless  defence  of  Havre,  Sir  Henry  was  employed  in  the  work 
of  sending  him  reinforcements.  When  Warwick  was  elected 
a  Knight  of  the  Garter,  Sir  Henry,  in  his  absence,  was  installed 
at  Windsor  in  his  stead.  On  April  23rd  of  the  following  year 
he  was  himself  made  a  Knight  of  the  Most  Noble  Order  and  was 

1  Letter  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 

*  State  Papers— Foreign— Eliz.  Henry  Kelligrew  to  Throgmorton,  Oct.  10, 
1660. 

3  Sidney  Psalter. 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  23 

installed  on  Sunday,  May  14th1.  The  remainder  of  this  year 
he  spent  in  his  Presidency  from  whence  in  November  he  wrote 
the  Council  that  if  they  wished  to  put  into  the  provincial 
governments  men  of  the  new  religion  they  must  send  them  from 
England,  as  there  were  none  in  Wales.  None  of  his  duties  was 
more  repugnant  to  him  than  the  persecution  of  recusants. 

Meanwhile  a  larger  sphere  of  activity  was  opening  up  for 
Sir  Henry.  The  anarchy  that  existed  in  Ireland  and  the  failure 
of  the  Earl  of  Sussex  to  improve  the  situation  had  made  some 
change  imperative,  and  from  the  beginning  Sir  Henry's  previous 
experience  and  his  generally  recognized  abilities  both  in  military 
affairs  and  in  administration  had  marked  him  out  for  the  office. 
As  early  as  1562  it  was  rumoured  that  he  would  be  given  the 
appointment,  but  Elizabeth  then  needed  Sir  Henry's  services 
elsewhere,  and  she  forced  Sussex  to  remain  at  a  post  for  which 
he  had  shown  his  utter  incapacity.  In  Ulster  the  O'Neills  had 
crushed  their  hereditary  enemies,  the  O'Donnells,  and  their 
chief,  Shan,  had  made  himself  so  powerful  that  it  seemed 
not  unlikely  that  he  would  establish  his  sovereignty  over  the 
whole  island.  Summoned  to  England,  he  had  come  under  an 
elaborate  safe-conduct,  and  after  treating  with  Elizabeth  much 
as  one  sovereign  with  another,  and  intriguing  with  De  Quadra, 
he  had  returned  to  Ireland  to  make  himself  more  powerful 
and  dangerous  than  ever.  The  ambiguous  loyalty  of  Kildare 
and  Desmond,  the  great  Earls  of  the  South,  did  not  prevent 
their  occasionally  corresponding  with  Shan ;  Ormond,  the 
head  of  the  Butler  clan  and  a  friend  of  Elizabeth  from  their 
childhood,  was  prosecuting  his  long  feud  with  Desmond,  and 
by  his  presence  at  Elizabeth's  Court  was  doing  much  to  thwart 
all  consistent  justice  in  English  dealings  with  Ireland.  The 
English  Pale  was,  if  possible,  in  a  more  wretched  condition  than 
the  rest  of  the  country.  Sussex  had  failed  to  have  Shan 
poisoned,  and  in  the  field  he  was  no  match  for  him.  Finally 

1  In  the  British  Museum  there  is  preserved  a  beautifully  illuminated  full 
page  manuscript  (Add.  30808) — "  the  Arms  and  Styles  of  the  Knights  and 
Companions  of  the  most  honourable  Order  of  the  Garter,  made  and  set  forth 
at  the  present  installation  of  the  right  worshipful  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  Knight, 
Lord  President  of  Wales,  who  was  installed  at  Windsor  on  Sunday,  the  14th 
day  of  May,  1564,  in  the  6th  year  of  our  Sovereign  lady,  Queen  Elizabeth." 


24  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH. 

he  secured  his  recall  in  1564,  and  Sir  Nicholas  Arnold  was  left 
with  limited  authority  and  more  limited  means.  He  did  all 
that  it  was  in  blood  and  iron  to  do,  but  he  was  powerless  to 
move  beyond  the  Pale  or  even  to  protect  it  adequately  from 
Shan's  incursions.  Desperate  as  to  whether  she  should  recog- 
nize Shan's  authority  or  make  a  fresh  attempt  to  crush  him, 
Elizabeth  turned  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney. 

No  wonder  he  shrank  from  the  task  and  declared  that  if 
the  Queen  would  but  grant  him  leave  to  serve  her  in  England, 
or  in  any  place  in  the  world  else  saving  Ireland,  or  to  live  private, 
it  should  be  more  joyous  to  him  than  to  enjoy  all  the  rest  and 
to  go  thither.  He  knew  the  details  of  the  Irish  problem  better 
than  any  statesman  of  the  day,  he  had  no  faith  in  any  solution 
except  in  a  large  policy  of  firm  dealing  and  uniform  justice, 
and  he  had  no  hope  that  such  a  policy  would  be  adequately 
supported.  To  crush  Shan  O'Neill  seemed  to  him  no  impossible 
task  if  men  and  money  were  provided  in  sufficient  quantity, 
but  he  knew  that  half  the  explanation  of  his  predecessors' 
failures  was  to  be  found  in  the  wretched  support  which  had 
been  granted  them  from  England.  Moreover,  the  ancient 
feud  between  Desmond  and  Ormond  regarding  the  boundaries 
of  their  jurisdiction  and  also  regarding  certain  prize  wines, 
promised  to  be  a  greater  obstacle  to  good  government  in  Ireland 
than  Shan's  pride  of  place.  Only  recently  when  Desmond 
was  in  London  Sir  Henry  had  been  employed  on  the  controversy, 
and  he  knew  that  the  Queen  was  determined  that  Ormond  should 
have  what  he  wished,  and  that  she  was  indifferent  to  the  right 
or  wrong  of  the  matter.  A  bitter  feud  between  Sussex  and 
Leicester  constituted  one  more  reason  calculated  to  give  Sir 
Henry  pause.  During  Mary's  reign  he  and  Sussex  had  been 
on  excellent  terms,  and  the  latter  had  held  a  high  opinion  of 
Sir  Henry's  abilities,  but  he  resented  the  appointment  of 
Leicester's  brother-in-law  to  the  office  in  which  he  had  so  signally 
failed.  Nevertheless  a  desperate  situation  had  to  be  faced, 
and  Sir  Henry  yielded  when  the  Queen  showed  an  unwonted 
willingness  to  accept  the  conditions  which  he  laid  down.  He 
reminded  her  that  until  the  country  was  reduced  to  order  it 
was  fatuous  to  be  concerned  primarily  as  to  the  expense,  and 


i]  Birth  and  Parentage  25 

made  the  following  stipulations  before  he  would  go  :  He  should 
retain  his  Presidency  of  Wales,  and  carry  with  him  £12,000 
to  pay  the  debts  which  had  already  been  incurred,  he  should 
have  power  to  levy  what  troops  he  considered  necessary  and 
should  be  supplied  with  the  money  to  pay  them,  his  appoint- 
ment should  be  for  a  maximum  period  of  three  years,  and  he 
should  be  at  liberty  to  return  to  England  at  any  time  if  he  deemed 
it  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  service.  These  conditions  he 
submitted  to  the  Queen  on  May  20th1,  and  on  June  22nd  the 
Council  announced  his  appointment  to  Arnold.  A  similar 
letter  was  sent  to  Shan  O'Neill,  who  had  the  effrontery  to 
reply  praising  Arnold's  government  and  expressing  the  hope 
that  Sidney  would  do  as  well.  On  July  4th  his  instructions 
were  drawn,  and  after  he  had  himself  modified  them  they 
were  revised  on  July  9th.  Still  he  delayed  his  departure,  for 
the  money  which  he  insisted  on  taking  with  him  was  not  forth- 
coming, and  the  necessity  of  doling  out  a  certain  amount  to 
the  Scottish  nobles  who  were  in  rebellion  against  Queen  Mary 
increased  the  difficulty  of  finding  the  Irish  funds.  On  October 
13th  Sir  Henry  was  reappointed  Lord  President  of  Wales2. 
Meanwhile  reports  came  in  steadily  of  O'Neill's  capture  of  forts 
and  castles  which  he  manned  with  his  own  followers,  and  at 
length  on  October  25th  the  Lord  High  Treasurer  Winchester 
was  able  to  inform  Sir  Henry  that  he  had  paid  to  his  servant, 
Owen  More,  £11,000  parcel  of  the  £12,000  contained  in  his 
privy  seal.  Events  at  Court  during  these  months  were  not 
calculated  to  raise  his  hopes.  The  Desmond-Ormond  feud 
became  more  acute,  and  Sussex  and  Sir  Henry  were  interrogated 
as  to  their  opinions  on  the  subject  by  the  Privy  Council.  Lady 
Sidney's  health  was  so  bad  that  there  seemed  no  likelihood  of 
her  being  able  to  go  with  her  husband,  but  when  Sir  Henry 
reached  Chester  in  the  middle  of  November  she  was  able  to 
accompany  him.  There  for  more  than  six  weeks  they  were 
stayed  by  contrary  winds,  and  Cecil  strove  in  vain  to  write 
comforting  letters  telling  Sir  Henry  of  his  own  sympathy  and 
that  of  the  Queen,  and  reporting  an  "  atonement  "  made  between 

1  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz. 
1  Wright,  I,  210. 


26  Birth  and  Parentage  [CH.  i 

Sussex  and  Leicester.  One  of  Sir  Henry's  vessels  in  attempting 
to  put  to  sea  was  wrecked  with  most  of  his  household  stuff 
and  utensils,  the  whole  of  Lady  Sidney's  apparel  and  all  her 
jewels,  many  horses,  stable  stuff,  etc.  Sir  Henry  estimated 
the  loss  at  much  more  than  £1500.  It  was  with  a  sad  heart 
that  he  finally  reached  Dublin  on  January  13,  1566. 


CHAPTER  II 

CHURCH  PREFERMENT 

ELIZABETH'S  settlement  of  the  religious  question  was  far 
from  satisfactory  to  a  majority  of  her  more  zealous  Protestant 
subjects.  It  was  not  only  that  the  Marian  bishops — "  the 
caged  wolves  " — were  not  brought  to  the  block  forthwith ;  the 
Marian  priests,  they  bitterly  complained,  were  to  a  great  extent 
left  undisturbed.  It  is  impossible  now  to  determine  at  all 
accurately  the  number  of  deprivations  during  the  early  years 
of  Elizabeth's  reign  ;  the  estimates  vary  from  2001  to  18752. 
What  is  certain,  however,  is  that  Elizabeth  was-  most  anxious 
to  conciliate  the  Catholics,  and  to  place  no  unnecessary  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  those  inclined  to  conform,  and  that  deprivation 
was  by  no  means  confined  to  Catholics  but  extended  even  to 
those  who  had  been  in  exile  during  Mary's  reign  and  whose 
consciences  would  not  allow  them  to  accept  the  "  popish 
abominations"  which  were  retained  in  the  English  establish- 
ment. The  controversy  regarding  vestments  raged  throughout 
the  first  decade  of  the  reign,  and  this  together  with  the  many 
abuses  that  were  countenanced  in  the  new  church  stirred  the 
anxious  fears  as  well  as  the  indignation  of  the  professors  at 
Zurich  and  Geneva.  Their  point  of  view  is  seen  in  a  letter 
written  by  Beza  to  Bullinger  in  1566  on  "  this  most  distressing 
subject." 

"  What  must  we  say,"  he  asks,  "  when  not  only  the  papists  are  left  in 
possession  of  the  revenues  of  their  benefices  but  even  of  their  ecclesiastical 
offices  upon  merely  taking  an*  oath  to  maintain  the  reformation ;  so 
that  godly  brethren  are  for  the  most  part  placed  under  the  authority, 

1  Dr  Gee  in  The  Elizabethan  Clergy. 

*  Father  Birt  in  The  Elizabethan  Religious  Settlement. 


28  Church  Preferment  [CH. 

and  compelled  to  submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  those  who  are  in  general 
both  unlearned  and  in  their  hearts  the  most  bitter  enemies  of  true  religion? 
What  must  we  say  when  there  are  openly  sold  in  the  court  of  the  metro- 
politan dispensations  for  non-residence,  for  plurality  of  benefices. .  .and 
even  for  obtaining  a  benefice  during  childhood,  and  other  things  of  this 
kind  than  which  Home  herself  has  nothing  more  disgraceful  or  abom- 
inable1?" 

George  Withers  in  a  letter  to  the  Elector  Palatine  complains 
bitterly  of  the  same  abuses  : 

"  the  ministry  is  in  fact  nothing  at  all  nor  is  there  any  discipline.  For 
those  persons  cannot  be  said  to  be  ministers  of  Christ  but  servants  of 
men,  who  can  do  nothing  according  to  the  prescript  of  the  word,  but 
are  obliged  to  act  in  every  respect  at  the  nod  of  the  Queen  and  the  bishops. 
What  must  we  say  when  most  of  them  are  popish  priests,  consecrated 
to  perform  mass ;  and  the  far  greater  part  of  the  remainder  are  most 
ignorant  persons,  appointed  at  the  will  of  the  people  not  to  the  ministry 
of  the  word  but  to  repeat  the  office  of  the  day  or  festival  which  almost 
any  child  might  do  without  difficulty  ?  What  must  we  say  when  those 
who  preside  over  the  churches  are  allowed  to  be  absent  from  them  for  the 
sake  of  study  or  attendance  on  other  things2  ?" 

As  a  matter  of  fact  traffic  in  benefices  of  all  kinds  was  common, 
pluralism  and  absenteeism  were  widespread.  That  children 
frequently  held  benefices  does  not  seem  to  have  been  true,  and 
the  statement  of  Perceval  Wiburn3  (one  of  the  Marian  exiles 
who  had  become  prebendary  of  Winchester  and  Rochester 
but  who  had  been  deprived  for  nonconformity)  that  "  even 
boys,  and  others  not  in  holy  orders,  may  be  capable  of  holding 
ecclesiastical  preferment"  seems  to  refer  to  exceptional  cases. 
Even  then  the  boy  was  supposed  to  be  at  the  time  a  student 
in  the  University  where  he  was  preparing  himself  for  the  duties 
of  his  office.  It  is  somewhat  surprising,  then,  to  say  the  least, 
that  the  first  event  which  it  is  possible  to  chronicle  in  the  life 
of  Philip  Sidney  after  the  date  of  his  birth  is  his  institution  as 
incumbent  of  the  parsonage  of  Whitford  in  the  parish  of  Skyveog 
by  the  reverend  father  in  God,  Thomas,  Bishop  of  St  Asaph. 
This  event  occurred  in  May,  1564,  when  Philip  was  nine  years  of 
age.  A  few  months  later  took  place  his  induction  as  prebend 

1  Zurich  Letters  (Parker  Soc.),  2nd  Series,  p.  130. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  163.  »  Ibid.,  p.  360. 


n]  Church  Preferment  29 

of  Llangunlo  in  the  diocese  of  St  Davids,  and  at  some  date 
which  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  he  was  installed  as 
prebend  of  Hereford1. 

The  history  of  Whitford  parsonage  in  the  reigns  of  Edward 
and  Mary  reflects  strangely  the  unsettled  and  mercenary 
character  of  the  times.  On  October  21,  1547,  Hugh  Whitford, 
the  incumbent,  devised,  granted,  etc.,  to  Roger  Chaloner  and 
John  Whitford 

"  this  his  charge  and  parsonage  of  Whitford  with  the  mansion  place 
belonging  to  the  same  and  also  all  glebe  land . . .  and  the  emoluments, 
advantages  and  appurtenances  to  the  said  parsonage  and  mansion  place 
in  any  wise  pertaining  or  belonging  " 

for  the  term  of  twenty-one  years  from  the  feast  of  St  Michael 
last  past.  During  this  period  they  are  to  keep  the  place  in 
good  repair  and  to  make  an  annual  payment  to  the  said  Hugh 
of  £30.  If  they  fail  to  make  due  payment  he  is  to  have  his 
parsonage  again.  The  indenture  is  signed  "  By  me  Hugh 
Whitford  Clerk,"  and  attached  to  it  is  a  Latin  parchment  in 
two  parts  beginning  respectively  Et  nos  Robertus  and  Et  nos 
Richardus  in  which  the  bishop  and  the  dean  of  St  Asaph  sanction 
the  bargain2.  After  a  number  of  years  Chaloner  assigned  his 
moiety,  and  various  persons  became  successively  the  owners  of 
the  benefice.  Finally,  however,  their  rights  were  impugned 
on  the  ground  that 

"  the  supposed  dean  of  the  Church  of  St  Asa[ph  was]  not  by  the  law  of 
the  church  dean,  for  that  he  obtained  t[he  same]  by  simony  which  also 
appeareth  by  sentence," 

and  the  question  was  raised  as  to  the  legality  of  a  grant  made 
by  a  priest  who  had  obtained  a  deanery  of  a  Cathedral  church 
by  simony3. 

1  In  a  modem  list  (probably  compiled  by  the  Honourable  Miss  Mary  Sidney) 
of  the  documents  preserved  at  Penshurst,  the  "  Installation  of  Philip  as  Prebend 
of  Hereford  "  is  number  twenty-eight.  I  have  not  found  the  original  docu- 
ment. Molineux  mentions  Sir  Henry  Sidney's  especial  good  will  to  the  church 
at  Hereford  and  his  friendly  gift  to  it.  (Holinahed's  Chronicle,  vol.  m,  p.  1552.) 

8  Penshurst  MS. 

3  Penshurst  MS.,  consisting  of  a  single  sheet  nearly  half  of  which  is  gone 
and  the  rest  falling  to  pieces.  On  one  side  is  the  "  Byll,"  on  the  other  the 
"  Rebuttal." 


30  Church  Preferment  [CH. 

I  have  not  discovered  either  the  date  or  the  outcome 
of  this  suit,  but  the  legal  deprivation  of  Hugh  Whitford  by 
Thomas,  Bishop  of  St  Asaph,  and  the  sequestration  of  the 
fruits  of  the  benefice  in  1564  seemed  at  first  to  nullify  all 
claims  which  were  based  on  the  original  assignment  of  interest. 

"  Upon  consideration  of  the  towardness  and  virtuous  qualities  conceived 
in  the  said  Philip  Sidney  he  was  admitted,  collated,  instituted  and 
thereto  inducted. .  .in  the  same  charge  and  parsonage  with  all  issues, 
profits,  commodities  and  advantages  to  the  same  belonging  or  in  any 
wise  growing  or  appertaining." 

On  May  6,  1564,  in  a  Pateat  universis  per  presented  Philip 
Sidney,  Clerk,  announces  that  he  has  chosen  Gruff  Jones,  Clerk, 
rector  during  his  absence,  although  the  documents  in  which 
Thomas,  Bishop  of  St  Asaph,  announces  his  institution2  and 
induction3  are  dated  May  7th,  and  May  8th  respectively.  Im- 
mediately on  the  deprivation  of  Hugh  Whitford  the  bishop  had 
committed  all  the  fruits  of  the  benefice  to  the  custody  of  William 
Mostyn  and  Gruff  Jones,  and  on  June  4th  by  an  indenture  of 
covenant  Philip  Sidney  and  William  Mostyn  "  his  surety, 
factor  and  friend"  bind  themselves 

"  that  if  it  shall  fortune  at  any  time  hereafter  the  title,  of  the  said  Philip 
to  be  repealed  or  annulled,  and  any  other  title  claim  or  interest  justly 
presented  by  any  person  or  persons  approved,  and  by  order  of  law  allowed," 

that  then  the  said  Philip  shall  resign  into  the  hands  of  the  bishop 
all  his  claims  to  the  parsonage.  Moreover,  in  that  event  he 
and  Mostyn  covenant 

"  to  sustain,  bear  and  pay  all  manner  of  costs  and  charges  sustained  and 
borne  as  well  by  him  [the  bishop]  and  his  officers  and  other  ministers 
and  sequesters  in  and  upon  the  same  benefice  and  parsonage  of  Whitford 
by  reason  of  the  depriving,  sequestration  or  any  other  process  from  all 
manner  of  costs  and  charges  ordinary  and  extraordinary  rising  and  grow- 
ing upon  the  same  and  at  all  times  during  the  incumbency  of  the  said 
Philip  in  the  said  parsonage." 

1  Penshurst  MS.     The  appointment  of  Gruff  Jones  as  rector  in  the  absence 
of  Philip  Sidney. 

2  Penshurst  MS.     A  parchment  with  the  large  dependent  seal  of  the  Bishop 
of  St  Asaph. 

8  Penshurst  MS.     The  induction  of  Philip  Sidney  as  rector. 


n]  Church  Preferment  31 

As  though  the  bishop  were  not  yet  sufficiently  hedged 
about,  Philip  and  Mostyn  further  agree  to 

"  keep  harmless  the  said  reverend  father,  his  heirs,  executors  and  adminis- 
trators from  all  damages,  costs,  charges,  trouble  and  expense  as  well  for 
and  concerning  the  deprivation,  sequestration,  collation,  induction  and 
admission,  as  other  things  done  and  executed  about  the  said  rectory  and 
parsonage  of  Whitford  before  the  day  of  making  hereof  or  that  may  here- 
after happen  or  ensue  by  reason  or  occasion  of  the  same1." 

The  cokl-blooded  spirit  of  bargaining  is  probably  somewhat 
heightened  by  the  precise  legal  phraseology,  but  the  whole 
transaction  contains  little  to  admire  unless  it  be  the  business- 
like qualities  of  the  bishop.  All  the  parties  to  the  contract  were 
probably  aware  that  the  new  incumbent  was  not  likely  to  be 
left  in  undisturbed  possession.  Both  Gruff  Jones  and  William 
Mostyn  had  claims  on  the  benefice  quite  apart  from  the  fact 
that  the  bishop  had  recently  committed  its  revenues  to  their 
custody.  On  August  14,  1563,  Griffith  ap  ed  ap  John,  whom  I 
identify  with  Gruff  Jones,  had  bound  himself  with  others  for 
the  true  payment  of  £65.  6s.  8d.  to  Robert  Johns  and  John 
Thomas  ap  Holl  ap  —  -  of  Skyveog  for  the  last  year's  tithes  of 
Whitford  parsonage.  These  gentlemen,  whose  rights  were 
based  on  the  original  assignment  to  Chaloner  and  John  Whitford, 
agreed  on  August  6,  1564,  to  deliver  Gruff  Jones'  obligation 
to  Philip  Sidney  on  the  feast  of  Candlemas  next  coming,  provided 
that  Hugh  Whitford  had  not  before  that  time  established  his 
claim  by  due  process  of  law2.  Hugh  Whitford  did  not  succeed 
in  re-establishing  himself,  and  we  may  assume  that  the  tithes 
were  paid  to  Philip  Sidney,  but  one  of  the  claimants  at  least — 
Robert  Johns — did  not  for  that  reason  resign  his  interest  in  the 
benefice.  As  we  shall  see,  he,  William  Mostyn  and  Hugh  Whit- 
ford had  each  to  be  bought  off  eventually  before  Philip  Sidney 
was  left  unmolested  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  sinecure. 

Meanwhile  he  had  become  possessed  of  another  benefice. 
In  the  register  of  the  diocese  of  St  Davids  it  is  recorded  that 
in  1565  Philip  Sidney,  Scholar,  was  instituted  prebend  of 

1  Penshurst  MS.    An  Indenture  of  Covenant  made  the  4th  day  of  June, 
1564. 

2  Penshurst  MS. 


32  Church  Preferment  [CH. 

Llangunlo  in  place  of  T.  Bulkley,  who  had  been  deprived1, 
and  there  are  still  in  existence  at  Penshurst  two  Latin  parch- 
ments dealing  with  the  fact.  The  first  of  these  records  his 
induction  on  January  14,  1565,  and  refers  to  the  deprivation 
of  Thomas  Bulkley  ;  the  second  announces  the  installation  of 
Harry  Tannar,  Clerk,  in  the  prebend,  for  and  in  the  behalf  of 
Mr  Philip  Sidney,  on  the  9th  day  of  November,  1565. 

We  may  assume  that  up  to  this  time  Sir  Henry  Sidney  himself 
had  conducted  the  negotiations  regarding  Philip's  appointments 
both  at  Whitford  and  Llangunlo,  but  on  November  17,  1565, 
a  few  days  after  Harry  Tannar's  installation  at  Llangunlo, 
Sir  Henry  reached  Chester  on  his  way  to  Ireland  to  assume  his 
duties  as  Lord  Deputy,  and  in  his  absence  Philip's  interests 
were  looked  after  by  his  uncle,  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  William 
Mostyn's  claims  on  Whitford  parsonage  were  the  first  to  be 
disposed  of.  It  will  be  remembered  that  on  October  21, 
1547,  Hugh  Whitford  had  granted  a  moiety  of  his  rights  to 
John  Whitford  for  a  period  of  twenty-one  years.  John  Whit- 
ford entered  into  and  enjoyed  the  premises,  and  by  a  deed  of 
assignment  dated  October  7,  1559,  he 

"  for  due  consideration  granted  the  same  to  William  Mostyn  of  Mostyn 
within  the  County  of  Flint,  Esquire,  for  the  residue  of  the  said  term  of 
years  by  force  whereof  the  said  William  Mostyn  into  the  premises  entered, 
and  was  and  is  thereof  possessed." 

We  have  here  the  explanation  of  the  fact  that  on  Philip  Sidney's 
appointment  Mostyn  figures  as  his  surety,  factor  and  friend. 
On  November  26,  1566,  however,  William  Mostyn  "  for 
due  consideration  "  assigns  to  Philip  Sidney,  Esquire,  son  of 
Sir  Henry  Sidney,  all  his  rights  to  the  benefice  absolutely2. 

The  claims  of  Robert  Jones  and  Hugh  Whitford  were  not 
so  easily  disposed  of,  and  finally  the  various  suits  depending 
between  the  said  parties  were  by  common  consent  handed  over 
to  the  arbitration  of  William,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  Robert, 
Earl  of  Leicester.  As  a  result  of  this  arbitration  Robert 
Jones  was  paid  £100  by  Philip  Sidney,  in  consideration  of  which 
he  on  April  30,  1567,  gave  a  quit-claim  resigning  absolutely 

1  Henry  Gee,  The  Elizabethan  Clergy,  p.  291. 

2  Penshur&t  MS.     Parchment  with  seal  attached. 


n]  Church  Preferment.  33 

his  rights  in  the  benefice  and  promising  to  give  up  all  actions 
and  quarrels  with  a  large  number  of  people1.  The  arbitrators 
gave  absolute  judgment  against  Hugh  Whitford  and  in  favour 
of  Philip,  who,  however,  must  pay  to  Hugh  Whitford  during 
his  natural  life  an  annuity  of  £30.  On  April  20,  1567,  Robert 
Mason  of  Ludlow  and  William  Mostyn  of  Whitford  became 
sureties  for  the  payment  of  this  annuity  in  the  sum  of  £500. 
Nevertheless  an  attempt  was  made  at  once  to  compound  with 
Hugh  Whioford  for  this  annuity  by  the  payment  of  a  lump 
sum,  and  on  April  27,  1567,  in  consideration  of  100  marks 
paid  to  him  by  Philip  Sidney,  he  resigned  all  right,  title  and 
interest  that  he  had  in  the  benefice  to  Gryfnth  Jones,  clerk, 
and  his  successors,  and  unto  the  said  Philip  Sidney,  Esquire. 
He  further  agreed 

"  to  forsake  and  revoke  all  and  all  manner  of  actions,  quarrels,  trespasses, 
appeals  and  demands  whatsoever  unto  the  reverend  father  in  God  now 
Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  Gryffith  Jones,  clerk,  Philip  Sidney,  Esquire,  and 
unto  William  Mostyn,  Esquire,  and  to  any  of  them  severally  by  these 
presents  all  and  all  manner  of  actions,  such  quarrels,  debts,  trespasses, 
appeals  and  demands  whatsoever  now  hanging  and  depended,  moved,  or 
stirred  between  me  and  the  said  parties  or  any  of  them,  as  well  in  all  and 
every  cause  ecclesiastical  as  temporal  from  the  beginning  of  the  world 
unto  the  day  of  the  date  hereof2." 

One  would  suppose  that  this  document,  with  its  beautiful 
dependent  seal  ornamented  with  skull  and  cross-bones,  would 
have  bound  the  militant  Hugh  in  chains  of  iron,  but  he  was 
not  yet  to  coase  from  troubling.  When  Sir  Henry  returned 
to  England  in  April,  1568,  he  found  Hugh  still  stirring  about 
his  rights  in  the  benefice,  and  the  story  is  closed  by  an  inden- 
ture dated  June  10,  1568,  between  Sir  Henry  and  Philip  of 
the  one  part  and  Hugh  ap  Howell  alias  Whitford  of  the  other, 
in  which,  in  consideration  of  £100  now  paid  to  him  by  Sir  Henry, 
the  said  Hugh  gives  up  all  claims  on  his  annuity  and  every- 
thing else  connected  with  the  benefice,  and  agrees  that  hence- 
forth Philip  Sidney  is  to  have  quiet  possession  of  Whitford 
parsonage3. 

1  Penshurst  MS.     Quit-claim  of  Robert  Jones. 

2  Penshurst  MS.     Quit-claim  of  Hugh  Whitford. 

3  Penshurst  MS.     Indenture  between  Sir  Henry  and  Philip  of  the  one  part 
and  Hugh  Whitford  of  the  other. 

w.  L.  s.  3 


34  Church  Preferment  [CH.  n 

I  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  give  this  long  account 
of  comparatively  unimportant  events  in  the  life  of  Philip 
Sidney  because  it  furnishes  us  in  its  detail  with  what  is  perhaps 
a  unique  example  of  the  trafficking  in  benefices  which  was 
common  during  the  early  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  and,  to 
a  lesser  extent,  much  later.  Leicester  was  referred  to  by  his 
most  malicious  detractor  as  "he  that  sweepeth  away  the  glebe 
from  so  many  benefices  throughout  the  land  and  compoundeth 
with  the  parson  for  the  rest1,"  and  in  his  will  the  Earl  gives 
authority  to  his  executrix  and  overseers  to  sell  "  the  parsonage 
of  Warrington  which  I  have  in  Lancashire2."  Elizabeth 
frequently  drew  upon  church  funds  for  the  relief  of  her  impover- 
ished pensioners,  and  at  some  undetermined  period  she  granted 
to  Philip  Sidney  a  Welsh  sinecure  worth  £120  per  annum  which 
was  many  years  later  held  by  George  Herbert,  the  poet.  Un- 
principled as  these  transactions  seem  when  viewed  from  a 
modern  point  of  view  we  must  remember  that  the  public 
conscience  was  only  awaking  to  the  objectionableness  of  the 
practice  in  Elizabeth's  day,  and  that  unqualified  condemnation 
of  those  who  enjoyed  the  revenues  flowing  from  such  sources 
would  be  beside  the  point.  In  contemporary  France  condi- 
tions were  probably  much  worse.  There, 

"  benefices  were  but  a  form  of  royal  revenue ;  it  was  by  them  that  ser- 
vices in  war,  or  diplomacy  at  court,  merit  in  art  or  literature  or  dancing, 
were  rewarded.  Non-residence  was  almost  universal  Benefices  were 

dealt  in,  says  a  Venetian  ambassador,  like  stock  at  Venice3." 

• 

We  shall  probably  not  be  far  wrong  in  assuming  that  through- 
out his  life  Philip  Sidney's  slender  purse  was  chiefly  replenished 
with  moneys  derived  from  his  various  benefices. 

1  Leicester's  Commonwealth  (1st  edition,  1584,  p.  69). 

2  Collins'  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  i,  p.  72. 

3  Armstrong,  The  French  Wars  of  Religion,  pp.  10-11. 


CHAPTER   III 

SHREWSBURY  SCHOOL 

OF  Philip's  school-days  we  are  able  to  relate  more  events 
and  to  give  more  detailed  minutiae  than  of  any  other  period 
of  his  life.  This  is  due  to  the  discovery  of  a  manuscript  at 
Penshurst  which  has  hitherto  been  unaccountably  overlooked. 
It  is  an  "  old  mouse-eaten  record  "  stitched  together  in  book 
form,  and  contains,  besides  the  covers,  twenty  pages,  of  which 
the  last  two  are  blank.  On  the  outside  of  the  front  cover  is 
written,  "The  Account  of  Mr.  Philip  Sidney's  Expenses  since 
the  3rd  of  December,  1565,  until  the  Feast  of  St.  Michael  the 
Archangel,  1566."  Page  1  records  those 

"  Sums  of  money  received  by  me,  Thomas  Marshall,  your  Lordship's 
humble  servant,  to  the  use  of  my  young  master  Mr.  Philip  Sidney  since 
your  honour's  departure  with  my  Lady  from  Westchester  towards  Ire- 
land, namely  Monday  the  3rd  of  December,  1565,  until  Michaelmas  next 
ensuing,  anno  1566." 

Pages  2  to  18  inclusive  are  devoted  to 

"  The  Account  of  such  sums  of  money  as  I  Thomas  Marshall  have  disbursed 
for  my  young  master  Mr.  Philip  Sidney  beginning  upon  Tuesday  the  4th 
of  December  1565  and  ending  at  Michaelmas  next  ensuing  anno  1566." 

Philip  had  been  enrolled  as  a  student  of  Shrewsbury  School 
on  October  17,  1564 — the  same  day  on  which  Fulke  Greville, 
who  was  to  become  his  most  intimate  friend  during  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life,  and  James  Harrington,  his  first  cousin, 
became  students  of  the  same  institution.  The  period  covered 
by  the  accounts,  then,  is  approximately  that  of  the  boy's 
second  year  in  the  school.  The  manuscript  is  literally  falling 

3—2 


36  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

to  pieces  as  a  result  of  damp,  and  a  large  irregular  section, 
somewhat  triangular  in  shape,  has  been  eaten  out  of  the  bottom 
of  each  sheet.  Fortunately,  the  number  of  items  that  are 
irrecoverable  is  comparatively  small.  Before  proceeding  to 
examine  the  contents  in  detail,  however,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  know  something  of  the  school  which  Philip  was  attending. 

One  or  more  grammar  schools  had  probably  existed  in 
Shrewsbury  from  very  early  times.  A  Guild  School  had  been 
kept  by  the  Drapers'  Company1,  and  it  is  almost  certain  that 
the  collegiate  churches  of  St  Mary  and  St  Chad — both  of 
which  are  mentioned  in  Doomsday — each  had  a  grammar 
school ;  otherwise  they  would  have  failed  to  perform  one  of 
the  essential  functions  of  such  institutions.  Moreover,  from 
the  Chantry  certificates  of  Edward  VI  we  know  that  the 
neighbouring  Salop  parishes  of  Wellington,  Oswestry,  St 
Leonard's  in  Bridgenorth,  Madelay,  and  Newport  each  had 
its  grammar  school  taught  by  a  schoolmaster  or  priest2.  But 
the  Chantries  Acts  of  1545  and  1547  had  swept  away  most 
if  not  all  of  these  foundations,  and  in  the  first  three  years  of 
Edward  VI's  reign  the  failure  of  the  Protector  and  the  Council 
to  carry  out  their  good  intentions  regarding  new  institutions 
had  caused  a  cry  of  protest  to  go  up  from  every  part  of  Eng- 
land. Under  the  Duke  of  Northumberland  a  considerable 
number  of  schools  were  re-founded,  and  of  this  number  Shrews- 
bury was  one.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  the  chief  credit  for 
this  happy  issue  was  accorded  to  a  draper  and  bailiff  of  the 
town,  and  that  the  endowment  of  the  new  school  was  derived 
from  the  tithes  of  the  dissolved  collegiate  churches  of  St  Mary 
and  St  Chad. 

The  charter  of  the  "Free  Grammar  School  of  King 
Edward  VI  in  Shrewsbury"  was  granted  on  February  10,  1552, 
in  response  to  the  earnest  petitions  of  the  bailiffs  and  burgesses 
of  the  town  and  of  many  people  in  the  surrounding  country. 
A  small  endowment  had  been  settled  upon  the  new  seat 
of  learning,  a  timber  building  was  purchased  by  the  bailiffs 
for  £20,  some  adjacent  houses  were  rented,  and  under  the 

1  Leach,  English  Schools  at  the  Reformation,  p.  34. 
1  Ibid.,  pp.  187-9. 


m]  Shrewsbury  School  37 

£ 

head-mastership  of  a  certain  "  Sir  Morys  "  work  was  begun  at 
once.  During  the  next  ten  years  we  know  almost  nothing  of  the 
school.  Sir  Morys  was  succeeded  after  a  few  months  by  John 
Eyton,  who  had  to  be  "  avoided  "  ;  the  name  of  his  successor 
is  not  known.  The  real  history  of  Shrewsbury  School  begins 
with  the  appointment  to  the  head-mastership,  on  June  21, 
1561,  of  Thomas  Ashton,  a  fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
In  the  year  1562  he  enrolled  289  boys,  and  in  each  of  the 
succeeding  five  years  the  admissions  averaged  about  1001. 
In  other  words,  there  were  probably  about  400  boys  under 
Ashton's  charge  at  any  one  time  during  Philip  Sidney's  resi- 
dence in  Shrewsbury,  and  so  great  was  the  reputation  of  the 
school  that  Camden,  writing  in  1586,  could  call  it  "  the  largest 
school  in  all  England  for  the  education  of  youth."  Of  Ashton's 
two  assistants,  Thomas  Wylton,  who  resigned  in  1568,  and 
Richard  Atkys,  who  held  the  position  until  his  death  in  1587, 
we  know  little  more  than  the  names,  and  we  have  no  reason 
for  assuming  even  that  they  were  graduates  of  Oxford  or 
Cambridge,  although  Atkys  continued  to  hold  his  place  for  ten 
years  after  the  promulgation  of  the  ordinances  of  1577  which 
required  the  third  master  to  be  a  B.A.  at  least.  At  any  rate, 
Ashton's  personality  towered  far  above  that  of  his  colleagues, 
and  it  was  his  ideals  that  shaped  the  character  of  the  school. 
When  he  resigned  the  head-mastership  in  1571  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  his  continued  interest  in  the  wel- 
fare of  the  institution  which  he  had  virtually  founded  showed 
itself  in  many  ways.  He  continued  to  watch  over  its  finances  ; 
he  secured  a  sufficient  additional  endowment  from  the  Crown 
to  place  the  school  on  a  stable  basis,  and,  most  important  of 
all,  he  drew  up  ordinances  which  were  to  remain  in  force  for 
more  than  two  hundred  years,  and  which  gave  him  the  oppor- 
tunity not  only  of  determining  the  path  which  was  to  be 
followed  in  the  present  but  also  of  suggesting  incidentally 
ideals  for  the  future.  In  his  last  years  Ashton  had  earned  the 
admiration  of  the  Queen,  of  Burleigh,  Leicester  and  Bedford, 
in  his  conduct  of  the  affairs — political  and  private — of  the 
Earls  of  Essex,  and  the  first  Earl  showed  his  appreciation  of 
1  Owen  and  Blakeway,  History  of  Shrewsbury,  vol.  n,  p.  96. 


38  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

the  schoolmaster's  worth  by  leaving  him  an  annuity  of  £40. 
He  died  in  1578.  "  He  is  a  man,  God  be  blessed  for  him, 
that  hath  done  much  good  in  Shropshire,"  wrote  a  certain 
Shrewsbury  draper  when  Ashton  resigned  his  charge1.  What 
Philip  Sidney's  estimate  of  his  schoolmaster  was  is  not  recorded, 
but  we  may  feel  fairly  sure  that  he  shared  the  sentiments 
expressed  some  thirty  years  later  by  one  of  his  schoolfellows, 
Andrew  Downes,  then  Regius  Professor  of  Greek  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge.  Referring  to  Ashton,  Downes  says  : 

"  I  name  this  gentleman  who  has  now  been  long  dead,  that  I  may  do 
honour  to  his  memory,  for  after  God  and  my  parents  he  is  the  person  to 
whom  I  am  most  indebted  for  all  the  literature  I  possess.  Whatever  I 
have  of  humanity,  or  of  any  good  in  me,  proceeds  from  him ;  nor  do 
I  feel  so  grateful  to  the  Almighty  for  anything  else  as  for  this,  that  by  his 
providence  I  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  a  preceptor  of  whom  all  his  scholars 
may  be  justly  proud.  Amid  all  the  misfortunes  of  my  life,  of  which  I 
have  had  an  ample  share,  I  consider  it  as  a  supreme,  indeed  an  unparalleled 
felicity  that  my  father  put  me  when  a  boy  under  the  care  of  this  most 
excellent  person2." 

It  is  not  strange  that  Philip  Sidney's  father  was  anxious 
to  place  his  son  under  the  care  of  such  a  master.  Sir  Henry 
had  been  appointed  Lord  President  of  Wales  in  1560,  and 
almost  every  year  his  official  duties  led  him  to  spend  some 
time  in  Shrewsbury,  where  his  residence,  the  Council  House, 
was  just  opposite  the  school.  For  instance,  in  1562,  we  read 
in  the  Corporation  Accounts : 

"  Paid  for  wine,  an  ox,  feeding  of  horses,  and  other  necessaries  given  to 
Sir  Henry  Sidney,  Knight,  Lord  President  in  the  Marches  of  Wales  while 
he  was  here  in  the  town  in  the  month  of  August,  on  account  of  his  favour 
to  the  town— £12.  slO.  d83." 

In  this  way  he  would  become  acquainted  with  the  character  of 
the  school,  and  it  is  just  possible  that  he  had  known  the  school- 
master even  before  this  time,  as  there  is  some  reason  to  believe 
that  Ashton  had  previously  acted  as  tutor  to  the  sons  of  Sir 
Andrew  Corbet,  a  member  of  the  Council,  and  a  warm  friend 

1  Owen  and  Blakeway,  vol.  i,  p.  365. 

2  Quoted  in  the  Blakeway  MSS.  printed  in  A  History  of  Shrewsbury  School. 
By  Alfred  Rimmer. 

1  Owen  and  Blakeway,  vol.  i,  p.  354. 


in]  Shrewsbury  School  39 

of  Sir  Henry.  No  doubt  the  possibility  of  having  his  son  within 
easy  reach  of  Ludlow,  the  chief  seat  of  the  Lord  President, 
was  also  an  argument  in  determining  Sir  Henry's  choice  of  a 
school. 

When  Philip  Sidney  entered  Shrewsbury  the  growing  fame 
of  the  institution  and  the  excellence  of  the  instruction  were  in 
striking  contrast  to  the  external  equipment.  The  timber 
building  in  Ratonyslone1 — still  called  the  School  Lane — which 
had  been  purchased  by  the  bailiffs  in  1551,  together  with  the 
adjoining  houses  which  were  rented,  constituted  the  entire 
school  premises  until  1582,  and  although  an  anonymous  chroni- 
cler of  Shrewsbury  refers  to  them  as  "  Situate  near  unto  the 
Castle  gate  of  the  said  town  upon  a  goodly  prospect2,"  Thomas 
Ashton,  writing  to  his  bailiffs  in  1574  and  urging  the  necessity 
of  more  substantial  and  commodious  quarters,  has  to  refer  to 
the  existing  building  as  "  old  and  inclining  to  ruin  "  and  its 
location  as  "an  evil  place3."  To  reach  the  school  the  boys 
had  to  pass  the  common  gaol  of  the  town.  In  the  ruinous 
timber  houses  the  danger  from  fire  was  so  great  that  one  of 
Ashton's  ordinances  forbade  the  use  of  candles.  Sanitary 
arrangements,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  letter  just  referred  to, 
were  almost  entirely  lacking.  There  were  no  residences  either 
for  masters  or  boys  ;  there  was  neither  chapel  nor  library ; 
the  students  were  "  tabled  "  by  the  householders  of  the  town, 
who  were  given  rather  extensive  authority  over  their  young 
charges.  In  spite  of  all  defects,  however,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  school  flourished. 

Ashton's  ordinances,  to  which  reference  has  already  been 
made,  did  not  come  into  force  formally  until  February  11, 
1578,  but  negotiations  on  the  subject  between  the  ex-head- 
master and  the  bailiffs  had  extended  over  a  period  of  seven 
years,  and  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  in  assuming  that  the 
picture  of  the  school-life  which  may  be  drawn  from  the  ordi- 
nances is  substantially  that  of  a  few  years  earlier,  when  Philip 
Sidney  was  one  of  the  scholars4.  His  schoolmates  were 

1  Rimmer,  op.  cit.,  p.  29.  2  Taylor  MS.     Quoted  by  Rimmer,  p.  20. 

*  Fisher,  Annals  of  Shrewsbury  School,  p.  425. 

4  For  a  full  list  of  the  ordinances  see  Baker's  History  of  St  John't  College, 
Cambridge:  vol.  i,  pp.  407-413. 


40  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

drawn  from  every  rank  of  society.  The  majority  were  from 
the  middle  classes,  but  there  were  also  sons  of  lords,  knights, 
and  gentlemen.  Shrewsbury  was  a  free  grammar  school,  that 
is  there  was  no  charge  for  tuition  (except  a  graduated  scale 
of  entrance  fees)  ;  and  elementary  instruction  was  not  given, 
although  at  a  somewhat  later  period  "  an  accidens  schole  for 
begynners  "  was  established.  Most  of  the  scholars  had  no 
doubt  passed  through  the  song  schools  and  writing  schools 
of  the  time.  The  boys  who  came  from  a  distance — the  great 
majority — boarded  about  the  town  suburbs,  and  their  "  hosts  " 
were  obliged  to  "  cause  and  see  all  suche  their  children  or 
tablers  to  resorte  to  their  parishe  churche  everie  sondaie  and 
holidaie  to  heare  devine  service,  at  morninge  and  eveninge 
praier."  In  a  general  way  they  were  probably  expected  to 
stand  in  loco  parentis  to  their  "  tablers  "  ;  for  example,  in 
1582  the  bailiffs  made  a  proclamation 

"  that  no  scholars,  boys  nor  prentices  should  that  night  (election  evening) 
go  abroad  to  disquiet  the  town  with  unreasonable  noises,  fightings,  and 
disorders  which  were  wont  usually  to  proceed  as  that  night," 

under  penalty  of  £5  fine  to  each  householder  who  let  them  out1. 
"  No  slogardie  a-night "  was  permitted  in  Ashton's  school. 
From  the  Purification  (February  2nd)  until  All  Saints'  Day 
(November  1st)  the  boys  were  required  to  be  in  their  places 
at  the  school  by  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  of  the  approach 
of  which  hour  they  received  warning  by  the  ringing  of  a  bell 
for  fifteen  minutes.  During  the  rest  of  the  year  school  began 
at  seven  o'clock,  but  was  closed  an  hour  later  in  the  afternoon. 
The  boys  probably  had  their  breakfast  before  coming  to  the 
school;  for  the  statutes  make  no  mention  of  an  interval  for 
this  purpose,  and  in  a  non-residential  school  an  interval  would 
not  have  been  practicable2.  As  soon  as  the  bell  ceased  ringing 
prayers  were  "  sung  and  said  every  morning  devoutly  upon 
their  knees."  The  second  and  third  schoolmasters  conducted 
this  service  each  for  one  week  in  turn.  The  roll  was  then 
called  and  absentees  were  punished  by  the  master  "  according 
to  his  discretion  and  their  deserts."  The  head  schoolmaster 

1  Bimmer,  p.  75. 

2  The  boys  at  Eton  rose  at  5  a.m. 


rn]  Shrewsbury  School  41 

began  his  work  an  hour  later.     One  is  not  surprised  to  find 
among  Philip  Sidney's  expenses  the  item  "  For  wax  sises  to 
burn  in  the  school  a-mornings  before  day...4d.,"   although 
the  later  ordinances  prescribed  that  "  no  candle  shall  be  used 
in  the  said  school  for  breeding  diseases  and  danger  and  peril 
otherwise."     Eleven  o'clock  was  the  hour  for  dinner  and  work 
was  resumed  at  a  quarter  to  one,  the  school  bell  having  again 
been  rung  for  fifteen  minutes.     Again  there  were  prayers  and 
roll-call,  and  the  afternoon  session  in  winter  closed  at  half- 
past  four,  "  if  daylight  will  serve  thereunto,"  in  summer  at 
half-past  five.     Nor  were  these  long  hours  relieved  by  extended 
vacations  ;   the  school  broke  up  only  at  Christmas  for  eighteen 
days,  at  Easter  for  twelve  days,  and  at  Whitsuntide  for  nine 
days.     The   weekly   holiday  was   on   Thursday,   when   "  the 
scholars  of  the  first  form  before  they  go  to  play  shall  for  exer- 
cise declaim  and  play  one  act  of  a  comedy."     On  Sunday,  as 
we  have  seen,  the  boys  attended  their  various  parish  churches  ; 
if  in  any  particular  church,   however,  a   sermon  was  to  be 
preached,  they  were  all  expected  to  hear  it.     Several  monitors 
were  appointed  for  each  church  "  to  note  as  well  their  absence 
as  misbehaviour  in  anything."     There  is  no  reference  in  the 
statutes  to  any  wider  extension  of  the  monitorial  system  as 
it  was  known  in  several  other  English  schools  of  the  time, 
at  Eton  and  Westminster,  for  example1.     Failure  to  return 
promptly  after  vacation,   wilfulness  or  obstinacy  concerning 
the  laws  of  the  school,  and  betting,  open  or  covert,  were  all 
severely  punished,  usually  by  expelling  the  offender.     To  what 
extent  the  rod  was  used  we  have  no  information  ;    at  Eton 
we  know  that  Udall's  severity  constituted  one  of  his  claims  to 
fame. 

Of  the  school  sports  our  only  information  is  contained  in 
one  of  the  statutes  to  the  effect  that  "  the  scholars'  play 
shall  be  shooting  in  the  long  bow  and  chess  play,  and  no  other 
games  except  it  be  running,  wrestling,  or  leaping,  and  no  game 
to  be  above  one  penny  or  match  above  four  pence."  It  was 

1  At  Eton  there  were  eighteen  praepostors.  At  Saffron  Walden  in  Henry 
Yin's  reign  they  had  "  prepositores  in  the  field  when  they  play,  for  fyghtyng, 
rent  clothes,  blew  eyes,  or  siche  like  "  (v.  Maxwell  Lyte,  History  of  Eton  College, 
p.  136). 


42  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

the  renaissance  period  in  the  popularity  of  archery  as  of  many 
other  things,  and  Ashton  was  probably  of  the  same  mind  as 
his  great  contemporary  schoolmaster,  Roger  Ascham,  that  "if 
a  man  would  have  a  pastime  wholesome  and  equal  for  every 
part  of  the  body,  pleasant  and  full  of  courage  for  the  mind . . . 
let  him  seek  chiefly  of  all  other  for  shooting1."  Evidently  he 
did  not  share  Ascham's  enthusiasm  for  cock-fighting — a  sport 
which  seems  to  have  been  popular  at  Eton.  One  of  Philip 
Sidney's  expenditures  was  "  for  certain  bird  bolts  for  to  shoot 
at  birds."  The  Severn  flowed  close  by  the  school,  and  we  may 
suppose  that  the  young  Salopians  were  accustomed  to  cleave 
with  pliant  arm  the  glassy  wave. 

The  course  of  instruction  for  Shrewsbury  boys,  like  that 
provided  in  all  other  grammar  schools  of  the  period,  was  almost 
exclusively  in  the  classics.  The  statutes  prescribed  the  study 
of  Cicero,  Caesar's  Commentaries,  Sallust,  Livy  and  "two  little 
books  of  Dialogues  drawn  out  of  Tully's  Offices  and  Lodovicus 
Vives  by  Mr  Thomas  Ashton  "  for  prose,  and  for  verse,  Virgil, 
Horace,  Ovid  and  Terence  ;  in  Greek  the  text-books  were 
Cleonarde's  grammar,  the  Greek  Testament,  Isocrates  ad 
Demonicum,  or  Xenophon's  Cyrus.  The  head-master  was 
given  discretion  to  depart  somewhat  from  the  prescription, 
however,  by  substituting  for  these  authors  "  some  of  them 
mentioned  in  the  table  for  manner  of  teaching  to  be  read  in 
the  school,"  a  document  the  discovery  of  which  would  surely 
prove  interesting.  In  which  of  the  seven  classes  of  the  school 
these  various  authors  were  read  we  are  not  told2,  but  Thomas 
Marshall's  accounts  record  the  purchase  by  Philip  Sidney,  in 
his  second  year,  of  "  Ashton's  doing  of  Tully's  Offices  and 
Lodovicus,  Virgil,  Sallust  and  Cato."  Other  items  show  us 
that  the  boy's  studies  were  not  confined  to  the  books  mentioned 
in  the  statute.  The  purchase  of  a  French  grammar  and  of 
"  example-books  for  phrases  and  sentences  in  Latin  and  French" 
points  to  his  study  of  at  least  one  modern  language,  in  which 
we  also  know  that  he  could  write  a  letter  to  his  father  ;  he 

1  Toxophilus  (Arber's  reprint),  p.  46. 

8  For  the  apportionment  of  a  very  similar  list  of  authors  to  each  of  the 
seven  forms  at  Eton  and  Winchester,  see  Maxwell  Lyte,  op.  cit.,  p.  139,  and 
Sargeaunt,  Annals  of  Westminster  School,  p.  39. 


m]  Shrewsbury  School  43 

had  probably  begun  the  study  before  coming  to  Shrewsbury, 
for  Aubrey  tells  us  that  as  a  child  he  had  the  best  tutors  pro- 
curable, and  we  know  that  his  sister  Mary  had  a  French  tutor 
at  Penshurst  before  she  was  eight  years  of  age.  "  Example- 
books  for  the  secretary  hand  "  suggests  the  origin  of  the  beauti- 
ful handwriting  which  distinguishes  his  letters  from  all  those 
of  his  contemporaries.  Unlike  the  gentlemen — and  statists — 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  he  did  not  hold  it  a  baseness  to  write 
fair  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  esteemed  the  writing  of  a  legible  hand 
a  matter  of  great  importance.  .  "  I  would,  by  the  way,  your 
worship  would  learn  a  better  hand,"  he  wrote  to  his  brother 
Robert  in  1580  ;  "  you  write  worse  than  I,  and  I  write  evil 
enough."  "  Radolphus  Gualterus  Tigurinus  "  was  a  text-book 
on  quantity  and  prosody1.  The  well-known  Puritanism  of 
Ashton  and  Atkys,  as  also  of  Lawrence  (who  became  a  master 
at  Shrewsbury  in  1568),  is  attested  by  Philip's  purchase  of 
Calvin's  Catechism2.  That  there  is  no  mention  of  Greek  books 
is  not  surprising,  for  they  would  be  studied  only  in  the  last 
two  years.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  Philip  never  acquired 
more  than  a  smattering  of  that  language.  Writing  to  Languet 
in  1574,  he  says  that  "there  are  some  things  also  which  I  wish 
to  learn  of  the  Greeks  which  hitherto  I  have  but  skimmed 
on  the  surface."  Languet  answered : 

"  About  the  Greek  language  I  cannot  advise  you.  It  is  a  beautiful 
study  but  I  fear  you  will  have  no  time  to  carry  it  through,  and  all  the  time 
you  give  to  it  will  be  lost  to  your  Latin,  which  though  it  is  considered  a 
less  interesting  language  than  the  Greek  is  yet  much  more  important 
for  you  to  know." 

1  De  Syttabarum  et  Carminum  ratione,  Libri  duo,  Authore  Radolpho  Gual- 
thero  Tigurino.     The  first  edition  was  published  at  Zurich  in  1542.     A  sentence 
from  the  introduction  to  the  second  book  defines  the  scope  of  the  whole  work : 
"Superior!  libro  quantum  et  necessitas  postulavit  et  instituta  permisit  brevitas 
Syllabarum  quantitatem  absoluimus  :    nunc  quo  modo  eaedem  in  pedes  hi 
vero  in   certum  ordinem  et  compositionem  legitimam  adeoq;    carmen    dis- 
ponendi  sint,  docebimus."     A  copy  is  in  the  British  Museum. 

2  Calvin's  Catechism  was  also  used  in  Rivingston  School,  founded  in  1568 
by  Pilkington,  the  Puritan  Bishop  of  Durham,  where  both  governors  and 
schoolmasters  were  required  to  express  their  abhorrence  of  "  Romish  super- 
stition, doctrine  and  idolatry"  (v.  Works  of  Bp.  Pilkington,  p.  663.     Parker 
Society). 


44  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

To  this  Sidney  replied  : 

"  Of  Greek  literature  I  wish  to  learn  only  so  much  as  shall  suffice  for 
the  perfect  understanding  of  Aristotle.  For  though  translations  are  made 
almost  daily  still  I  suspect  they  do  not  declare  the  meaning  of  the  author 
plainly  or  aptly  enough ;  and  besides  I  am  utterly  ashamed  to  be  follow- 
ing the  stream,  as  Cicero  says,  and  not  go  to  the  fountain  head1." 

It  would  seem  clear  that  neither  at  Shrewsbury  nor  Oxford 
had  he  given  much  attention  to  Greek.  Of  music,  to  which 
two  hours  a  week  were  devoted  at  Westminster,  there  is  no 
mention,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  it  was  included  in  the 
curriculum,  for  in  later  years  we  find  Philip  bitterly  regretting 
the  deficiency  of  his  education  in  this  respect. 

It  remains  substantially  true,  then,  that  the  education  of 
a  Shrewsbury  boy  was  almost  entirely  confined  to  Latin.  The 
"  versifying  "  and  writing  of  themes  or  epistles  which  consti- 
tuted part  of  the  regular  Saturday  programme,  and,  indeed, 
during  school  hours  all  exercises — oral  or  written — were  in 
Latin.  "All  men  covet  to  have  their  children  speak  Latin," 
wrote  Ascham  in  the  Schoolmaster,  and  the  practice  of  restrict- 
ing young  children  to  its  use,  which  he  condemns,  was,  we 
know,  all  but  universal.  Colloquial  Latin  was  learned  chiefly 
from  the  comedies  of  Terence,  and  at  Shrewsbury  the  weekly 
exercise  in  declamation  from  one  of  his  plays  was  no  doubt 
looked  on,  in  part,  as  a  preparation  for  the  yearly  Whitsuntide 
play.  It  was  performed  in  the  "  Quarrel,"  a  piece  of  land 
near  the  Severn,  and  under  Ashton's  superintendence  acquired 
a  great  reputation.  Both  the  Shrewsbury  Corporation  and  the 
Drapers'  Company  contributed  at  times  to  the  expense  of  the 
performance,  which  on  one  occasion  at  least  was  repeated 
throughout  the  Whitsun  holidays,  and  attracted  large  numbers 
of  people  to  Shrewsbury.  It  is  probable  that  Ashton's  interest 
in  his  boys'  Latinity  was  not  his  primary  concern  in  the  giving 
of  the  Shrewsbury  play,  in  which  work  he  seems  to  have  been 
engaged  even  before  his  appointment  to  the  head-mastership. 

Any  attempt  to  estimate  the  influence  which  his  Shrewsbury 
days  exercised  on  Philip  Sidney's  later  life  must  necessarily 

1  The  Correspondence  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  Hubert  Languet,  ed.  Pears, 
pp.  24,  26,  28. 


ni]  Shrewsbury  School  45 

be  tentative,  but  it  is  surely  not  fanciful  to  ascribe  something 
of  the  insatiable  desire  of  learning  which  characterized  his 
brief  career  to  his  former  head-master's  similar  enthusiasm  and 
to  the  atmosphere  which  pervaded  the  school.  "  The  principal 
care,  then,"  wrote  Ashton  to  the  bailiffs  in  the  letter  from  which 
quotation  has  already  been  made,  "  is  to  make  provision  for 
those  which  shall  go  out  from  this  school,  for  their  further  learn- 
ing and  study,"  and  in  announcing  his  determination  to  have 
scholarships  established  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  he  reminds 
them 

"  how  the  poor  are  forced  to  give  over  this  learning  and  study  for  that 
they  can  have  no  place  in  neither  university,  in  any  college,  in  default 
neither  the  shire  nor  the  school  aforetime  hath  made  provision  therefor." 

It  speaks  well  for  the  scholarship  of  the  school  that  among 
Philip  Sidney's  companions  were  Fulke  Greville,  Andrew 
Downes,  and  John  Meighen,  who  was  to  occupy  the  position 
of  head-master  for  more  than  half  a  century,  that  Lawrence  on 
resigning  his  post  in  1583  could  boast  that  within  twelve  years 
he  had  sent  over  one  hundred  students  to  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge, and  that  Camden  in  1586  could  refer  to  Shrewsbury  as 
"  the  largest  school  in  all  England  for  the  education  of  youth." 
We  may  also  assume  that  the  pronounced  Puritan  atmosphere 
made  a  strong  impression  on  the  boy.  We  can  picture  him 
at  this  time  as  he  appears  in  the  beautiful  Penshurst  portrait 
of  himself  and  his  brother  Robert,  a  serious,  thoughtful  boy, 
perhaps  too  much  devoted  to  his  studies  and  meditation,  too 
little  given  to  mirth,  religious  more  than  boy  beseemed.,  and 
withal  somewhat  haughty  and  reserved,  conscious  of  the  noble 
blood  from  which  he  was  descended  on  the  mother's  side,  and 
proud  of  his  high-minded  father,  who  was  Lord  Deputy  of 
Ireland. 

"  Though  I  lived  with  him  and  knew  him  from  a  child,"  says  Fulke 
Greville,  "  yet  I  never  knew  him  other  than  a  man :  with  such  staiednesse 
of  mind,  lovely,  and  familiar  gravity,  as  carried  grace,  and  reverence 
above  greater  years.  His  talk  ever  of  knowledge,  and  his  very  play  tend- 
ing to  enrich  his  mind :  So  as  even  his  teachers  found  something  in  him 
to  observe  and  learn  above  that  which  they  had  usually  read,  or  taught." 


46  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

From  Thomas  Marshall's  book  of  accounts  we  know  many  of 
the  details  of  Philip's  life  during  the  greater  part  of  the  second 
year  that  he  spent  at  Shrewsbury.  In  the  early  summer  of 
1565  Sir  Henry  Sidney  had  been  appointed  Lord  Deputy  of 
Ireland,  and  on  November  17th  he  reached  Chester.  Lady 
Mary  accompanied  him,  though  the  earlier  plan  had  been  that 
she  should  wait  in  England  until  her  lord  was  established  in 
Dublin.  For  nearly  two  months  the  Lord  Deputy  and  his 
wife  were  prevented  by  contrary  winds  from  crossing.  Always 
prone  to  melancholy,  Sir  Henry  wrote  to  Cecil  on  December 
3rd  that  he  had  no  mind  for  Ireland,  and  that  he  had  never 
been  so  weary  of  any  place  as  of  this  in  which  he  was  stayed, 
where  neither  meat,  drink  nor  good  lodging  was  procurable. 
Perhaps  his  spirits  were  the  more  depressed  by  the  fact  that 
on  this  very  day  he  had  parted  for  an  indefinite  period  from 
the  boy  whom  he  styled  lumen  familiae  suae.  Philip,  accom- 
panied by  two  schoolboy  friends,  had  come  up  from  Shrewsbury 
to  bid  farewell  to  his  father  and  mother,  and  they  left  him  at 
Westchester  on  Monday,  December  3rd,  when  they  started  for 
the  coast  in  the  hope  of  effecting  a  passage.  On  January  9th 
they  were  still  in  Holyhead,  but  at  length  on  January  13th 
they  reached  Dublin. 

Philip,  together  with  his  friends  and  Thomas  Marshall,  a 
servant  under  whose  supervision  he  had  been  left,  remained 
in  Westchester  for  two  days  and  a  half.  That  he  had  been 
ill  a  short  time  previously  we  learn  from  one  of  the  first  of 
Marshall's  entries : 

"  Item,  for  a  yard  of  cloth  to  make  Mr.  Philip  a  pair  of 
boot  hose,  having  none  but  a  pair  of  linen  which  were 
to  thin  to  ride  in  after  his  disease  . .  . .  . .  3s.  4d." 

On  Wednesday  the  little  nags  which  the  boys  rode  had  all 
been  shod,  various  bills  had  been  paid,  and  in  the  afternoon 
the  party  set  out.  That  night  they  spent  at  Chirke,  at  "  one 
Mr.  Ed[war]ds,"  and  the  next  day  they  were  back  in  Shrews- 
bury1. Several  items  representing  Philip's  expenditures  im- 
mediately after  coming  back  to  school  are  not  recoverable 

1  His  Shrewsbury  laundry  bills  are  reckoned  from  December  6th. 


m]  Shrewsbury  School  47 

because  of  the  mutilation  of  the  manuscript,  but  the  following 
suggest  the  resumption  of  his  studies  after  an  absence  of  some 
duration,  possibly  caused  by  the  "disease"  already  referred  to: 

"  Item,  upon  Monday  the  10th  day  for  the  mending  of  the  lock 
of  Mr.  Philip's  coffer,  and  for  an  iron  bolt  for  his  chamber 
door  12d. 

Item,  upon  Thursday  the  13th  day  for  black  silk  buttons  8d, 
for  quills  2d,  for  a  black  silk  lace  2d  . .  . .  . .  . .  I2d. 

Item,  for  gum,  gall  and  copperas  to  make  ink,  and  a  pot  for 
same  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  6d. 

Item,  for  a  pen  and  inkhorn  and  sealing-wax     . .          . .  6d. 

Item,  for  two  quire  of  paper  for  example-books,  phrases  and 
sentences  in  Latin  and  French  . .  . .  . .  . .  Sd. 

Item,  for  wax  sises  to  burn  in  the  school  a-  mornings  before  day     4d. 

Item,  for  mending  a  glass  window  in  his  chamber         . .          . .      4d." 

Another  December  entry  introduces  us  to  Philip's  famulus  : 

"  Item,  for  a  pair  of  shoes  for  Randal  Calcott  who  attendeth 
on  Mr.  Philip  with  me,  who  since  he  came  hath  not  put 
your  lordship  greatly  to  further  charges  besides  his  diet, 
shoes  and  washing  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  12d." 

Randal  seems  to  have  been  hard  on  shoes,  for  between  Christ- 
mas and  Michaelmas  Marshall  had  to  buy  seven  pairs  for  him, 
each  costing  12d.,  whereas  Philip's  ordinary  shoes  cost  but 
lOd.  His  washing  amounted  to  2s.  Qd.  for  each  three  months 
— just  half  the  cost  of  Philip's.  The  accounts  furnish  us  no 
information  as  to  the  cost  of  "  diet,"  but  a  total  expenditure 
of  14s.  6d.  for  shoes  and  washing  for  nine  months  does  not  seem 
extravagant,  even  if  we  make  allowance  for  the  much  greater 
value  of  money  at  that  time. 

Philip,  meanwhile,  was  making  preparations  for  spending 
his  Christmas  vacation  away  from  Shrewsbury.  He  was 
"  polled  "  by  the  barber,  he  bought  three  dozen  silk  points 
and  "  certain  bird  bolts  for  to  shoot  at  birds,"  and  Marshall 
bought  cloth  "  to  make  him  a  coat  to  wear  w[ith]  his  cape 
against  Christmas,  not  hav[ing  a]ny  fit  garment  to  go  in." 
He  spent  the  holiday  at  Eton  near  Wroxeter,  the  beautiful  seat 
of  Sir  Richard  Newport.  Sir  Richard  was  the  son  of  Thomas 
Newport  of  High  Ercall,  High  Sheriff  of  Shropshire,  and  Lady 


48  Shrewsbury  School  [CH. 

Newport  was  the  only  daughter  of  Chief  Justice  Bromley. 
Their  daughter  Magdalen1  was  later  to  become  famous  as  the 
mother  of  two  famous  sons — Edward,  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury 
(who  was  born  at  Eton),  and  George  Herbert,  the  poet.  Sir 
Richard's  son  Francis  was  born  in  the  same  year  as  Philip, 
although  he  did  not  enter  Shrewsbury  School  until  1569.  Of 
Philip's  visit  to  the  Newports  at  this  time  we  have  no  details, 
unless  we  are  to  conjecture  from  the  following  entry  that  the 
bird-shooting  of  the  boys  had  resulted  in  a  slight  accident  to 
Philip  : 

"  Item,  the  llth  day  (of  January)  for  an  ounce  of  oil  of  roses 
and  another  of  camomell  to  supple  his  knee  that  he  could 
not  ply  or  bend  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  6d." 

The  only  interesting  information  to  be  derived  from  Mar- 
shall's accounts  during  the  winter  and  spring  months  has  to 
do  with  the  books  purchased  by  Philip,  and  these  we  have 
already  mentioned.  The  Whitsuntide  play  for  the  year  was 
Julian  the  Apostate,  and  it  is  recorded  that  "  Queen  Elizabeth 
made  progress  as  far  as  Coventry  intending  for  Salop  to  see 
Mr.  Ashton's  play  but  it  was  ended2."  Perhaps  the  pre- 
sentations were  brought  to  an  abrupt  conclusion  on  account 
of  an  outbreak  of  plague  in  the  school  referred  to  by  Marshall 
on  May  30th : 

"Item,  for when  we  went  [to  the  house  of]  Sir 

Andrew  Co[rbet  and  that  of  Sir]  Richard  Newpo[rt  when 

the  scholar]s  were  sick  . .          . .          . .          . .          . .      4d." 

The  entry  which  immediately  follows  is  lost,  but  from  the 
next  two  items  we  know  that  three  weeks  later  Philip  had 
returned  to  Shrewsbury : 

"  Imprimis,  the  21st  day,  for  a  Sallust  for  him 14d. 

Item,  for  perfumes  to  air  the  chamber  with  when  we  came  forth 
of  the  country  after  the  young  gentlemen  were  recovered. .  12rf." 

Shrewsbury's  experience  of  these  epidemics  was  as  frequent 
as  that  of  other  English  towns.  In  1563  by  a  resolution  of 
the  Corporation  it  was 

1  V.  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury' s  Autobiography,  ed.  Lee,  p.  9. 
1  Rimmer,  op.  cit.,  p.  56. 


m]  Shrewsbury  School  49 

"Agreed  that  a  proclamation  shall  be  made. .  .that  if  any  person  inhabit- 
ing within  the  town  or  franchise  do  go  or  ride  to  London,  or  any  other 
place  where  plague  doth  remain,  that  he  shall  not  return  and  come 
within  4  miles  to  this  town  or  franchise  before  2  months  be  fully  ended . . . 
and  that  no  person  inhabiting  within  the  said  town  or  franchise  do  receive 
or  lodge  any  person  that  cometh  from  any  place  where  the  plague  doth 
reign,  nor  receive  into  their  custody  any  wares  apparel  or  household 
stuff  that  cometh  from  any  such  place  upon  pain  of  disfranchisement1." 

I  have  found  no  reference,  except  Marshall's,  to  the  plague 
in  1566,  and  we  may  assume  that  it  was  of  short  duration. 
In  1575,  however,  the  MS.  chronicle  records  that  "  the  Queen's 
Majesty  went  a  progress  towards  Shrewsbury,  but  because  of 
death  within  a  four  miles  of  the  same  she  came  no  further 
than  Lichfield,"  and  there  was  a  very  serious  outbreak  in 
August  and  September  of  15762.  So  seriously  did  these  con- 
stantly recurring  plagues  interfere  with  the  work  of  the  school 
that  one  of  Ashton's  ordinances  required  that  "  a  house  shall 
be  provided  within  the  county  for  the  masters  and  scholars 
to  resort  to  in  time  of  plague,"  and  during  Meighen's  head- 
mastership  a  country  house  for  this  purpose  was  built  at 
Grinshill,  a  few  miles  from  Shrewsbury.  As  we  have  seen, 
Philip  Sidney  spent  the  three  weeks  during  which  the  school 
was  closed  in  June,  1568,  partly  with  the  Newports,  partly  at 
the  home  of  Sir  Andrew  Corbet  of  Moreton  Corbet,  Shropshire. 
Sir  Andrew  was  a  special  friend  of  Ashton  and  of  Sir  Henry 
Sidney,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Council  in  the  Marches  of 
Wales.  Of  his  numerous  family  of  boys,  Vincent,  the  third 
son,  had  been  born  in  the  same  year  as  Philip  Sidney,  and  was 
at  this  time  at  school  in  Shrewsbury  ;  Robert,  the  eldest  son, 
was  later  Philip's  companion  in  Venice,  and  in  a  letter  intro- 
ducing him  to  Languet,  Philip  refers  to  him  as  his  cousin  and 
"  my  very  greatest  friend,  a  man  of  high  birth,  but  one  who, 
as  Buchanan  says,  'In  excellence  of  parts  outdoes  his  birth/  " 
We  may  be  sure  that  Philip  found  his  enforced  vacation  a  not 
intolerable  experience. 

Toward  the  end  of  June  Marshall  was  much  occupied  with 
providing  a  very  unusually  elaborate  addition  to  the  rather 

1  Owen  and  Blake  way,  op.  cit.,  p.  354. 
*  Ibid.,  pp.  362  and  370. 

W.  L.  S.  4 


50  Shrewsbury  School  [CH.  in 

meagre  wardrobe  of  his  young  charge,  as  the  following  extracts 
from  his  accounts  will  show  : 

"Item,  the  25th  day,  for  making  of  his  green  coat  whereof  the 

cloth  came  from  my  fellow  Knight1  . .  . .  . .  2s. 

Item,  for  a  quarter  of  green  sarcenet  for  the  collar  and  to 

face  it  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  14d. 

Item,  for  a  yard  of  fustian  to  line  the  body  of  the  same  . .  lOd. 

Item,  for  a  yard  and  an  half  of  cotton  to  line  the  skirts  . .  I2d. 

Item,  for  buttons  thereto   . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  8d. 

Item,  for  14  yards  of  lace  to  compass  it  about  . .          . .  . .  22d. 

Item,  for  4  skeins  of  silk     . .          . .          . .          . .          . .  . .      8d. 

Item,  for  canvas  for  the  collar       . .          . .          . .          . .  . .      Id." 

Such  an  unusual  expenditure  for  dress  pointed  to  coming 
events  of  unusual  importance.  The  first  of  these  took  place 
early  in  July.  Philip  was  a  "  tabler  "  in  the  home  of  Mr 
George  Leigh,  a  Shrewsbury  gentleman,  and  was  now  invited 
by  his  host  to  stand  in  a  kind  of  boy-godfather  relation  to 
his  son.  Marshall's  account  is  as  follows  : 

"Imprimis,  upon  Thursday  the  llth  day,  at  the  christening  of 
a  son  of  Mr.  Leigh's  who  beareth  his  name,  given  to  the 
midwife  20d.  and  to  the  nurse  20d.,  and  more  money  was 
offered  to  the  mother  but  it  would  not  be  taken — My  Lady 
Newport  being  godmother  . .  . .  . .  . .  3s.  4dL" 

In  later  years  Philip's  name  was  to  be  borne  by  many  infants 
ranging  in  dignity  from  the  sons  of  William  of  Orange  and  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke  to  the  son  of  Tarleton,  the  jester,  but  Philip 
Leigh  was  surely  the  first  of  those  who  were  thus  made  immortal. 

1  A  servant  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney  whose  name  occurs  several  times  in  Mar- 
shall's accounts.  Writing  to  Leicester  on  Dec.  13,  1565,  before  starting  for 
Ireland,  Sir  Henry  refers  to  Ralph  Knight  as  "  a  foul  baby"  to  whom  Leicester 
may  safely  entrust  any  commissions. 


CHAPTER    IV 

A   VISIT    TO    OXFORD 

THE  remaining  pages  of  Marshall's  manuscript  (more  than 
half  of  the  total)  are  filled  with  the  details  of  Philip's  visit  to 
Kenilworth  and  Oxford  on  the  occasion  of  the  Queen's  famous 
visit  to  the  University  in  August  and  September,  1566.  This 
was  probably  the  most  memorable  of  the  boy's  experiences  at 
this  period  of  his  life,  and  it  is  a  piece  of  great  good  fortune 
that  a  record  of  it  should  have  been  preserved  even  though  it 
be  of  a  fragmentary  character. 

At  Shrewsbury,  as  we  have  seen,  there  were  very  few  holi- 
days, and  from  Whitsuntide  until  Christmas  there  were  none 
unless  a  visit  to  the  school  of  some  great  personage  procured 
the  boys  a  day's  freedom,  or  an  outbreak  of  the  plague  drove 
them  to  seek  greater  security  in  the  country.  We  may  be 
sure,  then,  that  when  about  noon  on  July  24th,  Philip,  with 
a  little  company  of  his  friends  and  attendants,  rode  out  of 
Shrewsbury  to  pay  a  visit  to  his  uncle,  the  great  Earl  of 
Leicester,  at  Kenilworth  Castle  and  at  the  University  of  Oxford, 
the  boy  was  nothing  loath  to  vary  the  quiet  monotony  of  his 
school  life  by  seeing  something  of  the  world  in  which  his  nearest 
relatives  were  playing  conspicuous  roles.  Besides,  his  beloved 
studies  were  not  to  be  entirely  suspended,  for  his  books  had  been 
packed  in  two  canvas  alum  bags  for  the  journey,  and  Mr  Ashton 
was  one  of  the  party.  Already  the  Earl  of  Leicester  had  singled 
out  his  promising  nephew  for  his  special  favour,  a  favour  which 
was  to  continue  throughout  Philip's  life,  and  which  in  its  spon- 
taneousness  and  singleness  was  to  do  much  toward  redeeming 

4—2 


52  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [en. 

a  character  essentially  selfish  and  unprincipled.  No  doubt 
the  Earl  was  desirous  that  Philip  should  not  be  allowed  to 
degenerate  into  a  mere  student,  and  had  summoned  him  to 
be  a  spectator  of  the  events  which  were  about  to  take  place. 
In  these  the  great  Queen  herself  was  to  be  the  central  figure, 
and  Leicester,  the  Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  was 
to  be  the  official  host  of  his  Sovereign. 

His  uncle's  greatness  might  well  have  made  a  deep  impres- 
sion on  the  boy.  On  Robert  Dudley  the  royal  favour  was  now 
bestowed  in  an  unparalleled  fashion.  He  had  all  the  qualities 
which  Elizabeth  prized — youth,  good  looks,  good  manners, 
and  a  genius  for  flattery.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  if 
Elizabeth  ever  wished  to  marry  anyone  it  was  the  handsome, 
reckless,  unprincipled  man  whom  she  had  distinguished  with 
her  special  favour  from  the  days  when,  as  boy  and  girl,  they 
had  studied  Latin  together  under  Roger  Ascham.  During  the 
years  immediately  following  Lady  Dudley's  death  their  inti- 
macy scandalized  the  English  people,  from  the  Puritans  to  the 
members  of  the  Privy  Council.  Honours  came  thick  and  fast 
upon  the  favourite,  and  he  was  in  constant  and  close  attendance 
upon  Elizabeth.  Kenilworth  Castle  was  only  the  most  magni- 
ficent of  the  gifts  she  lavished  upon  him.  On  two  successive 
days  of  September,  1564,  she  created  him  Baron  Denbigh  and 
Earl  of  Leicester  ;  while  on  progress  in  1565  she  honoured  him 
by  a  visit  to  Kenilworth.  He  had  become  Chancellor  of  the 
University  of  Oxford  on  December  31,  1564,  and  in  a  burst 
of  magnanimity  Elizabeth  had  attempted  in  1565  to  bring  about 
his  marriage  with  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  The  negotiations  for 
a  marriage  between  Elizabeth  and  the  Archduke  Charles  of 
Austria,  which  Cecil  and  the  other  members  of  the  Council 
were  now  earnestly  seeking  to  bring  to  a  conclusion,  caused 
no  change  in  the  relations  of  the  Queen  and  Leicester.  Philip 
Sidney  might  well  be  impressed  by  his  uncle's  greatness. 

The  little  cavalcade  which  we  have  seen  leaving  Shrewsbury 
on  a  July  afternoon  consisted  of  ten  persons.  Philip  Sidney 
was  attended  by  Thomas  Marshall  and  Randal  Calcott,  his 
Shrewsbury  famulus,  a  boy  probably  about  his  own  age. 
Philip  rode  a  nag  which  had  been  presented  to  him  by  Viscount 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  53 

Hereford,  Lord  Ferrers  of  Chartley,  afterwards  the  first  Earl 
of  Essex,  already  a  friend  of  the  boy  to  whom  he  became 
later  so  warmly  attached  ;  his  saddle,  covered  with  French 
skins,  had  been  bought  for  the  occasion.  Another  member  of 
the  party  was  Edward  Onslow,  a  Shrewsbury  boy  and  a  friend 
of  Philip,  llis  father,  Richard  Onslow,  had  been  Recorder  of 
London  since  1563,  and  a  few  weeks  before  the  time  of  our 
story  had  been  made  Solicitor-General  to  the  Queen  ;  in  the 
same  year  he  was  to  become  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons1. 
Edward  Onslow,  on  the  present  occasion,  was  attended  by  two 
servants.  Mr  George  Leigh,  at  whose  home  in  Shrewsbury 
Philip  was  a  "  tabler,"  and  to  whose  son  he  had  recently  stood 
as  god-father,  was  also  of  the  party,  as  was  Mr  Ashton,  the  head- 
master ;  they  were  each  attended  by  one  man.  At  Shifnal, 
a  few  miles  from  Shrewsbury,  the  company  halted  for  "  after- 
noon drinking,"  and  reached  Wolverhampton  for  supper,  where 
they  passed  the  night.  On  Thursday  they  dined  at  Brume- 
geame,  and  the  afternoon  pause  was  made  at  Hampton-on-the- 
Hill.  But  disappointment  was  in  store  for  our  travellers. 
At  this  point  Marshall's  manuscript  is  mutilated  to  such  an 
extent  that  four  or  five  entries  are  irrecoverable — entries 
which  might  possibly  have  contained  an  explanation  of  what 
follows.  Perhaps  a  messenger  met  them  at  Hampton-on-the- 
Hill,  or  possibly  at  Coventry,  where  they  would  have  spent 
the  night,  with  the  information  that  a  change  of  plans  had 
necessitated  their  return  to  Shrewsbury.  At  any  rate,  on 
Saturday  we  find  the  following  entry: 

QJ     "  Item,  upon  Saturday,  the  27th  day  at  Boningall,  an  inn 

5  miles  on  this  side  Wolverhampton  for  dinner     . .         . .      6s." 

The  same  night  they  reached  Shrewsbury.  The  three-and-a-half 
days  of  continuous  riding  in  July  had  told  disastrously  on  Philip, 

1  Roger  Onslow,  Edward's  grandfather,  was  at  this  time  Sheriff  of  Salop. 
A  member  of  the  Mercers'  Company  of  Shrewsbury,  he  had  lived  most  of  his 
life  in  London,  and  was  a  special  friend  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  to  whom  he  was 
somewhat  distantly  related.  Richard  Onslow's  great-great-grandson  and  the 
latter' s  nephew,  Arthur,  were  also  Speakers  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Edward 
Onslow,  Philip  Sidney's  friend,  "  was  knighted  at  some  uncertain  time,  married 
Isabel,  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Shirley  of  Preston  Place,  Sussex,  and  died 
2  April.  1615"  (Diet.  Nat.  Biog.). 


54  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

who  was  sorely  chafed  and   "  breaking-forth  through  heat." 
Two  of  Marshall's  purchases  on  their  return  were  as  follows : 

"Item,  upon  Monday,  the   29th  day,   for  a  yard  of  Holland 
for  two  pair  of  linen  hose  for  Mr.  Philip  after  he  came  from 
Killingworth  because  of  his  merrygaUs1  and  breaking-forth 
through  heat         . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .      18d. 

Item  for  a  box  of  ointment  for  his  merrygalls  and  after  that  for 

another  to  have  with  us  to  Killingworth  if  the  like  should  hap      2s." 

Elizabeth's  movements  when  on  progress  were  always 
uncertain.  From  Lord  Burghley's  diary  we  learn  that  on 
August  3rd  she  was  at  Collyweston  in  Northamptonshire, 
and  on  August  5th  at  Stamford.  It  was  more  than  two  weeks 
before  Philip  was  once  more  advised  to  set  out  for  Kenilworth. 
On  August  14th  he  again  left  Shrewsbury.  This  time  there 
were  only  six  in  the  party — Philip,  attended  by  Thomas 
Marshall  and  Randal  Calcott,  Mr  Ashton  and  his  man,  and 
Davy  Long.  Long  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  David 
Longdon,  a  shoemaker  by  trade,  who  was  at  this  time  a  servant 
of  Ashton  but  who  afterwards  became  the  first  bailiff  of 
Shrewsbury  School  and  a  serjeant  of  the  town.  The  travellers 
spent  the  first  night  with  Sir  Richard  Newport  at  Arcole2, 
where  Philip  had  frequently  visited  before.  The  next  morning, 
accompanied  by  their  host,  they  set  out  again,  and  that  night 
they  reached  Wolverhampton ;  on  Friday,  the  16th,  they 
proceeded  by  way  of  Brumegeame  and  Hampton-on-the-Hill 
to  Coventry,  where  the  Earl  of  Leicester  was  staying.  Philip 
and  Mr  Ashton  spent  the  night  as  the  guests  of  the  Earl,  and 
on  Saturday  the  party  reached  Kenilworth. 

The  next  morning  Marshall  and  Davy  Long  rode  over  to 
Coventry  "  to  speak  with  my  Lord  of  Leicester  for  the  knowledge 
of  Mr.  Philip's  apparel."  Before  setting  out  from  Shrewsbury 
the  first  time  Marshall  had  evidently  been  concerned  that  his 
young  charge  should  be  attired  in  a  manner  befitting  his  rank 
and  the  occasion.  Hitherto,  Philip's  wardrobe  had  been  of 

1  "Merry-galls,  a  sore  produced  by  chafing"  (N.  E.  D.). 

2  "  Ercall  was  the  Caput  of  those  vast  estates  which  formed  the  heritage 
of  the  Newports — a  heritage  than  which  none  greater  has  accrued  to  any  single 
Shropshire  family  since  the  advent  of  the  Normans"  (Eyton,  Antiquities  of 
Shropshire,  vol.  rx,  p.  63). 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  55 

the  most  modest  proportions.  Sometimes  Robert  Wright,  a 
servant  of  his  father  at  Ludlow,  sent  a  garment  or  some  cloth  ; 
sometimes  Marshall  had  to  convert  old  doublets  into  new  hose. 
The  sums  expended  for  clothing  were  always  small.  On  the 
present  occasion,  for  instance,  Philip  was  provided,  amongst 
other  things,  with  a  canvas  doublet,  pinked,  the  collar  and 
facing  of  which  were  of  white  sarcenet,  a  pair  of  velvet  shoes, 
a  white  leather  jerkin  "  whereof  the  skin  came  from  my  fellow 
Knight,"  two  dozen  of  silk  points,  etc.,  but  the  only  serious 
outlay  on  which  Marshall  had  ventured  was  the  following : 

"Item,  a  pair  of  velvet  overstocks  that  I  made  him  of  his 

old  black  velvet  gown,  the  charges  whereof  followeth : 
Imprimis  for  a  yard  of  double  sarcenet  to  line  them  with     . .          6«. 
Item,  for  two  yards  two  nails  and  a  half  of  satin  of  Bruges  to 

line  the  panes1  of  his  hose      . .         . .         . .         . .         . .   5s.  Id. 

Item,  for  half  a  yard  of  white  lining  and  hah*  a  quarter       . .          8d. 
Item,  for  a  yard  of  cotton  for  an  outer  lining  . .         . .       I2d. 

Item,  for  half  a  yard  and  a  nail  of  Holland  to  line  the  hose 

inwardly  . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         8d. 

Item,  for  a  quarter  pennyweight  of  jean  fustian  for  two 

pockets  in  his  hose       . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         4d. 

Item,  for  five  ounces  of  lace  and  a  yard,  for  the  panes  of  his 

hose        . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .  11s.  Id. 

Item,  for  an  ounce  and  a  pennyweight  of  silk  to  sew  them  . .        12d. 
Item,  for  the  making  of  them    . .         . .         . .         . .         . .          4s." 

Perhaps  Marshall  had  misgivings  lest  the  great  Earl  should 
not  approve  of  his  preparations  ;  more  probably  Leicester  had 
summoned  him  to  discuss  the  subject.  None  of  Elizabeth's 
nobles  was  so  addicted  to  dress  as  was  the  favourite,  and  that 
was  one  of  the  reasons  why  Elizabeth  approved  of  him.  When 
in  1571  he  kept  the  feast  of  St  Michael  at  Warwick  the  magni- 
ficence of  his  attire  quite  overwhelmed  the  spectators.  Had 
poor  Marshall  been  acquainted  with  the  Earl's  predilections 
he  might  well  have  feared  a  rebuke  at  the  interview.  He 
might  have  justly  pleaded  that  he  had  done  all  he  could 
with  the  money  at  his  disposal,  for  before  beginning  the  first 
journey  to  Kenilworth  he  had  been  compelled  to  borrow  £6 

1  "  Panes,  strips  made  by  cutting  or  slashing  a  garment  longitudinally 
for  ornamental  purposes"  (N.  E.  D.). 


56  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

from  Mr  Leigh,  and  on  the  second  journey  he  had  to  appeal 
to  Sir  Kichard  Newport  at  Coventry  for  £3  Is.  and  some  two 
weeks  later  to  the  Earl  himself  at  Oxford  for  a  loan  of  £3  20d. 
Marshall  made  no  record  as  to  the  outcome  of  the  interview, 
but,  fortunately,  he  set  down  an  exact  list  of  the  apparel  "  that 
the  Earl  of  Leicester  vouchsafed  to  bestow  "  on  his  nephew, 
and  which  was  immediately  ordered  from  Whittell,  Leicester's 
tailor  in  London.  The  inventory  is  as  follows  : 

"Imprimis  a  short  damask  gown  guarded1  with  velvet   and  laid  on 

with  lace. 
Item,  a  double  taffeta  coat  guarded  throughout  with  the  same  and 

covered  with  lace. 
Item,  a  crimson  satin  doublet,  cut. 
Item,  a  green  taffeta  doublet,  cut. 
Item,  a  canvas  doublet  streaked  with  blue. 
Item,  a  canvas  doublet  streaked  with  red  and  silver. 
Item,  a  plain  canvas  doublet  not  yet  received,  which  is  to  be  sent 

by  Whittell,  the  Earl's  tailor. 

Item,  a  pair  of  crimson  velvet  hose  with  silk  netherstocks. 
Item,  a  pair  of  hose  of  stamell2  of  carnation  colour,  with  netherstocks 

of  the  same. 
Item,  a  pair  of  green  leather,  laid  on  with  lace  and  netherstocks 

of  crewel. 
Item,  a  pair  of  blue  leather,  laid  on  with   lace   and   netherstocks 

of  crewel. 
Item,  a  white  leat[her]   jerkin   compassed  with   parchm[ent]   lace 

of  gold. 

Item,  a  red  leatfher]  jerkin. 
Item,  a  black  leat[her  jejrkin. 
Item,  six  pair  of  [double  so]led  shoes,  two  white,  [two  black,  and] 

two  blue. 

Item,  a  shir[t ]  With  black  silk  and  sil[ver ]. 

Item,  a  shprt ]  black  silk. 

Item,  two " 

The  rest  of  the  page  is  completely  eaten  away,  but  we  have 
read  enough  to  be  sure  that  in  the  great  Oxford  celebrations 
the  gorgeous  attire  of  the  serious-faced,  handsome  boy  who 

1  "  Guard — to  ornament  (a  garment,  etc.)  with  'guards'  to  trim  as  with 
lace,  braid,  etc."  (N.  E.  D.). 

*  Florio  gives  as  one  definition  of  the  word  "  stame."  "  Also  a  kind  of 
cloth  as  our  Penystone  or  Stammell  is." 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  57 

rode  beside  the  Chancellor  made  him  a  conspicuous  figure. 
He  was  to  meet  his  Sovereign  probably  for  the  first  time,  and 
Leicester,  who  was  determined  that  he  should  make  a  good 
impression,  believed  in  assisting  nature  by  art. 

From  Saturday  until  the  following  Thursday  (August  22nd) 
Philip  remained  at  Kenilworth  Castle.  How  he  occupied  him- 
self we  do  not  know.  The  following  is  the  only  entry  of  any 
interest  that  is  not  hopelessly  mutilated  in  Marshall's  manuscript : 

"  Item,  upon  Wednesday  the  21st  day,  given  in  reward  [to]  Mr. 
Spilsberie  a  French  crown,  for  his  gen[tle]ness  showed  at  all 
times  to  Mr.  [P]hilip  and  his  Master  and  all  yo[ur]  Lordship's 
servants  that  the[re  w]ere  attending  on  him,  as  my[self,] 
Sterry,  Whitton,  Pope  and  Pavy,  [there  be]ing  no  place  else 
with to  plant  his  fo[ot a]bode  there  . .  . .  6.?." 

The  latter  part  of  the  item  suggests  that  Kenilworth  was 
crowded  with  visitors,  and  it  would  seem  clear  that  certain  of 
Sir  Henry  Sidney's  servants  had  been  summoned,  perhaps  from 
Ludlow,  Penshurst  or  London,  to  attend  Philip  at  Oxford.  No 
doubt  Philip  did  some  reading  with  Mr  Ashton,  and  he  would 
almost  certainly  visit  Warwick  Castle,  five  miles  to  the  south- 
east, now  the  seat  of  his  uncle  Ambrose,  Earl  of  Warwick.  Like 
Kenilworth,  it  dated  from  the  time  of  the  Normans,  and  had 
long  been  intimately  associated  with  the  history  of  the  Dudleys. 
He  may  even  have  ridden  somewhat  farther  in  the  opposite 
direction  to  Dudley  Castle — but  of  all  this  we  know  nothing. 
On  Thursday  afternoon  he  set  out  for  Oxford,  under  the  con- 
duct of  Dr  Wilson1,  whom  Leicester  had  specially  appointed 

1  Thomas  Wilson  is  best  known  to  students  of  English  as  the  author  of 
The  Arte  of  Rhetorique  (1553)  and  The  Rule  of  Reason  containyng  the  Arte 
of  Logigue  (1551).  At  Cambridge,  where  he  took  his  B.A.  (1545-6)  and  M.A. 
(1549),  he  was  a  student  of  Sir  John  Cheke  and  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  and  became 
a  friend  of  Roger  Ascham.  He  had  long  been  attached  to  the  Dudley  family, 
and  on  the  fall  of  Northumberland  had  gone  abroad.  At  Ferrara  he  took 
the  degree  of  LL.D.  in  1559,  and  in  1561  was  made  Master  of  Requests  to 
Elizabeth.  He  was  now  under  Leicester's  patronage  and  was  a  friend  of 
Lady  Sidney,  During  the  present  celebrations  at  Oxford  he  was  incorporated 
as  a  doctor  on  September  6th  ;  five  years  later  Cambridge  conferred  on  him 
a  similar  honour.  After  serving  on  various  missions  to  Portugal  and  the 
Netherlands  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  Privy  Council  in  1577,  when  he 
succeeded  Sir  Thomas  Smith  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  in  1580  he  became 
Dean  of  Durham.  He  died  in  1586. 


58  A  Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

to  take  charge  of  his  nephew  on  the  way.  The  first  night 
was  spent  "  at  one  Mr.  Ranles  beyond  Warwick  "  ;  the  next 
day  the  party  stopped  for  dinner  at  Tuddington,  and  the  same 
night  they  reached  Oxford.  It  is  little  wonder  that  Philip 
was  again  suffering  from  "  merry- galls." 

On  arriving  at  Oxford  Philip,  with  the  other  members  of 
the  party,  went  to  an  inn,  where  they  stayed  two  days,  but  oil 
Sunday  (August  25th)  he  took  up  his  abode  in  one  of  the  colleges 
and  remained  there  during  the  whole  of  his  visit.  Marshall's 
entry  reads  : 

"  Item,  the  same  day  at  night  supper  at  Lincoln  College  with  Mr. 
Bridgewater1,  one  of  my  Lord  of  Leicester's  chaplains  and  rector 
of  the  same  College,  and  so  continued  at  his  table  during  our  abode 
there  with  the  whole  train,  and  partly  lodged  there  also,  the  space 
of  15  days,  viz.  from  the  said  Sunday  at  supper  inclusive  until  the 
8th  of  September  being  Sunday  at  after  dinner." 

Philip  had  a  full  week  in  which  to  become  acquainted 
with  Oxford  and  the  colleges  before  the  arrival  of  the  Queen 
— and  his  new  finery — were  to  engross  his  whole  attention. 
Unfortunately  our  book  of  accounts  gives  us  no  information 
as  to  how  he  spent  the  time  :  the  items  set  down  for  this  week 
are  not  very  suggestive  even  for  a  vivid  imagination.  Marshall 
records  expenditures  for  shoeing  and  pasturing  the  horses  and 
mending  saddles  and  bridles,  for  the  purchase  of  scaling-hose, 
garters  and  "  a  pair  of  doublesoled  shoes  for  Mr.  Philip  and 
another  for  Randall,"  "  for  mending  Mr.  Philip's  double  taffeta 
coat  and  for  making  his  blue  streaked  canvas  doublet  meet  for 
him,"  for  paper  and  ink,  but  as  to  how  the  boy  occupied  himself 
from  day  to  day  we  have  no  hint.  Nevertheless  we  may  be 
sure  that  under  the  guidance  of  Mr  Ashton,  Mr  Bridgewater 

1  John  Bridgewater,  or  Aquaepontanus,  as  he  styled  himself,  had  been 
elected  rector  of  Lincoln  College  on  April  14,  1563,  on  the  resignation  of  Dr 
Francis  Babington.  He  had  previously  (May  1,  1562)  been  admitted  to  the 
rectory  of  Wolton  Courtney  in  the  diocese  of  Wells.  He  took  his  M.A.  from 
Brasenose  College  in  1566.  In  1574  he  resigned  his  rectory-ship  of  Lincoln 
College  to  prevent  expulsion,  because  he  was  actually,  or  very  near  it,  a  Roman 
Catholic.  At  Bheims  he  was  said  to  have  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  and 
he  published  several  pro-Catholic  Latin  works  on  the  Continent.  He  was  living 
in  great  esteem  at  Friers  in  Germany  in  1594.  Wood  says  he  was  "  a  good 
scholar  and  well  read  in  several  languages"  (v.  Wood's  Aihenae). 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford^  59 

and  Dr  Wilson  he  explored  many  of  the  beautiful  buildings 
and  quadrangles  which  his  father  had  often  described  to 
him,  and  looked  on  the  strangely  picturesque  student-world; 
of  which  he  was  soon  to  become  a  member,  with  wonderment 
mingled  with  a  sense  of  eager  anticipation. 

Even  in  1566  Oxford  was  a  great  University.  In  the 
sixteen  colleges  and  eight  halls  there  were  some  seventeen 
hundred  students,  distinguished  for  their  modesty,  taciturnity, 
obedience  and  devotion  to  their  studies,  if  we  may  believe  a 
contemporary  writer1.  From  all  parts  of  England,  he  informs 
us,  they  came  hither,  such  famous  schools  as  Winchester, 
Eton,  Durham  and  London  sending  the  greater  number.  So 
perfect  was  the  discipline  and  so  great  the  zeal  for  learning 
that  Erasmus  had  compared  the  colleges  to  well-ordered 
monasteries.  The  students  assembled  for  morning  chapel  at 
five  o'clock,  after  which  they  spent  their  day  in  serious  pur- 
suit of  knowledge — of  rhetoric,  logic,  philosophy,  etc.,  or  of 
Latin,  Greek  and  Hebrew — under  the  tuition  of  University 
professors  or  of  their  tutors  in  the  individual  colleges.  The 
college  gates  were  closed  for  the  night  at  eight  o'clock  in 
winter  and  nine  in  summer,  and  woe  to  the  student  who  was 
found  without  after  these  hours,  for  the  Proctors  would  accept 
"  hardly  any  excuse."  Nor  does  our  author  fail  to  mention 
the  beauty  of  the  city  situated  in  the  midst  of  cultivated 
fields,  rich  pastures  and  wooded  hills,  the  salubrity  of  the  air, 
and  the  healthfulness  of  the  region.  The  colleges,  he  reminds 
us,  were  enduring  monuments  of  beauty  calculated  to  raise  the 
mind  from  low-thoughted  care  to  noble  resolves  and  aspirations. 

To  Philip  Sidney,  accustomed  as  he  was  to  the  painfully 
meagre  equipment  of  Shrewsbury  School,  this  somewhat 
idealized  picture  would  scarcely  have  seemed  overdrawn  as 
he  wandered  about  the  streets  or  investigated  the  various 
quadrangles.  From  Lincoln  College,  by  following  the  lane 
which  separates  it  from  Exeter  (now  Brasenose  Lane),  he 
would  have  easy  access,  by  an  entrance  from  St  Mary's,  into 

1  Fierbertus :  Descriptio  Oxoniensis  Academiae  (Ox.  Hist.  Soc.),  p.  16. 
Fierbertus,  or  Nicholas  Fitzherhert,  was  a  student  of  Exeter  College  during 
the  whole  of  the  time  spent  by  Philip  Sidney  at  Christ  Church. 


60  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

the  "  common  schools  " — twelve  in  number — where  the  pre- 
cocious boy  who  was  never  "  other  than  a  man  "  may  have 
chosen  to  hear  his  first  lectures.  Or,  walking  along  Jesus 
College  Lane  (now  Market  Street),  he  could  reach  North  Gate 
Street  (Cornmarket)  in  two  or  three  minutes,  and  High  Street 
was  equally  accessible  along  Allhallows  Street.  We  may  be 
sure  that  it  was  with  very  special  interest  that  he  visited 
Christ  Church — amplissimum  sane  omniumque  augustissimum 
Collegium — of  which  he  was  soon  to  be  enrolled  as  a  member. 

On  Saturday,  the  last  day  of  August,  the  Queen  arrived, 
attended  by  a  numerous  company — the  Spanish  Ambassador, 
the  Marquis  of  Northampton,  the  Earls  of  Warwick,  Ormond, 
Sussex,  Kutland  and  Oxford,  Sir  William  Cecil  and  many  other 
noblemen.  Roger  Marbeck,  the  University  Orator,  welcomed 
her  in  a  Latin  oration — the  first  of  many  to  which  she  was  to 
listen  during  the  coming  week — in  which  he  made  public 
confession  of  the  incredible  joy  which  the  University  had 
recently  experienced  when  they  received  the  Earl  of  Leicester 
as  their  new  Chancellor.  He  expatiated  on  the  wonders  of 
Elizabeth's  scholarship  and  on  the  indebtedness  of  the  Univer- 
sity to  her,  and  when  he  concluded  the  Queen  was  well  pleased 
and  gave  him  her  hand  to  kiss.  About  a  mile  from  the  town 
the  royal  company  was  met  by  Mayor  Williams,  the  Aldermen 
and  certain  burgesses,  all  in  scarlet  gowns.  The  Mayor  delivered 
up  to  the  Queen  his  mace,  received  it  again  from  her  with  a 
silver  cup,  double  gilt,  worth  £10  and  containing  sixty  angels. 

From  this  point  to  the  city  the  procession  was  a  most 
formal  one,  and  was  calculated  to  impress  the  multitude  from 
Oxford  and  the  surrounding  country  who  thronged  the  Wood- 
stock road,  with  a  sense  of  the  greatness  and  magnificence  of 
England's  Queen.  The  Clarenceux  king-at-arms  was  present, 
and  the  procession  was  formed  under  his  direction  ;  Clarenceux 
himself  wore  a  military  uniform  richly  decorated  with  the 
national  and  royal  heraldic  devices.  The  three  Esquire 
Bedells  led  the  way  on  horseback,  bearing  aloft  their  golden 
staves.  Then  came  the  Chancellor  of  the  University  and  the 
Mayor  of  the  city,  followed  by  the  chief  members  of  the  nobility. 
As  they  rode  they  gave  free  vent  to  their  high  spirits,  and 


rv]  A  Visit  to  Oxford  61 

the  magnificence  of  their  dress  and  of  their  horses'  trappings 
was  unparalleled  in  the  experience  of  the  spectators.  Next  in 
order  rode  the  royal  lictors  bearing  huge  sceptres,  and  then 
the  Earl  of  Sussex,  who  carried  a  sword  the  hilt  of  which  was 
richly  decorated  with  gold  work  and  gems,  in  an  elaborately 
chased  scabbard.  A  short  distance  behind  came  the  chariot 
of  the  Queen,  slowly  drawn  by  beautiful  horses  decorated 
with  scarlet  trappings.  The  chariot  was  open  on  all  sides, 
and  on  a  gilded  seat  in  the  height  of  regal  magnificence  reposed 
the  Queen.  Her  head-dress  was  a  marvel  of  woven  gold,  and 
glittered  with  pearls  and  other  wonderful  gems  ;  her  gown 
was  of  the  most  brilliant  scarlet  silk  inwoven  with  gold,  partly 
concealed  by  a  purple  cloak  lined  with  ermine  after  the  manner 
of  a  triumphal  robe.  Beside  the  chariot  rode  the  royal  cursi- 
tors,  resplendent  in  coats  of  cloth  of  gold,  and  the  marshals, 
who  were  kept  busy  preventing  the  crowds  from  pressing  too 
near  to  the  person  of  the  Queen.  Immediately  behind  the 
chariot  came  the  royal  attendants  and  women-in-waiting, 
who  were  no  less  striking  either  in  regard  to  the  beauty  of  their 
dress  or  the  caparisons  of  their  horses  than  were  the  more 
noble  attendants  of  Her  Majesty.  Then  followed  a  number  of 
high-bred  Spanish  jennets  decorated  with  silk  and  gold  trap- 
pings ;  these  weie  led  and  had  no  riders.  The  royal  guard, 
magnificent  in  gold  and  scarlet  silk,  brought  up  the  rear  of  the 
procession.  Of  these  there  were  about  two  hundred — not  to 
forestall  danger  but  honoris  causa — and  on  their  shoulders  they 
bore  huge  bows  and  iron  clubs  like  battle-axes.  As  the  pro- 
cession approached  the  city  gate,  the  visitors  were  received 
with  a  universal  shout  of  welcome  which  ceased  only  when 
they  had  reached  the  enclosure  of  Christ  Church. 

They  entered  the  city  by  the  north  gate,  called  Bocardo, 
which  was  richly  ornamented  for  the  occasion  and  bore  the 
inscription,  in  great  capital  letters,  Decet  Regem  regere  Legem. 
Here  Robert  Deale  of  New  College  welcomed  the  Queen  in 
the  name  of  the  scholars,  who,  in  academic  garb,  lined  both 
sides  of  North  Gate  Street  from  Bocardo  to  Carfax.  As  the 
Queen  passed  they  knelt  and  cried  Vivat  Regina  Elizabetha, 
and  the  shout  was  taken  up  by  the  multitude  of  men  and 


62  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

women,  boys  and  girls,  who  had  secured  seats  in  the  windows 
or  were  standing  on  the  roofs  of  the  houses.     The  Queen  was 
much  pleased,  and  replied  from  time  to  time,  Gratias    ago, 
Gratias  ago.     At  Carfax,  Giles  Lawrence,  the  Regius  Professor 
of  Greek,  pronounced  an  oration  to  Her  Majesty  in  Greek, 
which  she,  replying  in  the  same  language,  declared  to  be  the 
best  she  had  ever  heard  in  that  kind.     From  Carfax  to  Christ 
Church  she  passed  along  Fish  Street  between  the  ranks  of  the 
Bachelors,   Masters   of   Arts   and   Doctors,   all   wearing   their 
distinctive  academic  costumes,  and  at  the  door  of  the  Hall 
she  listened  to  another  oration  by  Mr  Kingsmill,  whom  she 
thanked  and  assured  that  he  would  have  done  well  had  he 
had  good  matter.     Beneath  a  canopy  carried  by  four  senior 
Doctors  the  Queen  entered  the  Cathedral.     She  knelt  in  prayer 
in  the  choir  while  Dr  Godwm,  the  Dean,  offered  up  thanks- 
giving for  Her  Majesty's  safe  arrival  in  Oxford,  and  the  choir 
sang  the  Te  Deum  accompanied  by  cornets,  after  which  the 
Queen  went  through  the  gardens  to  the  apartments  which  had 
been  prepared  for  her  in  the  wing  facing  the  east.     The  students 
of  the  college  had  all  vacated  their  rooms  in  order  that  the 
various    noblemen    might    be    accommodated ;     the    Spanish 
Ambassador  occupied  the  lodgings  of  the  Warden  of  Merton. 
We  can  give  only  the  most  cursory  account  of  the  busy 
week  which  followed  the  arrival  of  the  Queen.     On  Sunday 
morning  she  was  indisposed  and  did  not  attend  the  Cathedral 
service,  but  she  was  present  in  the  afternoon  when  Mr   Thomas 
Harris  of  New  College  preached.     At  night  the  nobility  assem- 
bled in  the  Hall  of  Christ  Church,  where  the  students  gave  a 
Latin  play,  Marcus  Geminus,  and  the  audience  was  so  enthu- 
siastic that  when  the  Queen  heard  an  account  of  the  evening's 
entertainment  she  decided  that   she   would   "  lose   no   more 
sport  hereafter."     Indeed  the  University  had  spared  no  pains 
to  make  the  occasion  unique  among  dramatic  performances. 
The  walls  and  ceiling  of  the  noble  hall  were  decorated  with 
gilded  panelling,  the  stage  "  set  about  with  stately  lights  of 
wax  variously  wrought,"  extended  across  one  end,  and  at  the 
other  end  and  along  the  sides  banks  of  seats  rising  one  above 
the  other  had  been  constructed.     The  seat  prepared  for  the 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  63 

Queen  was  directly  opposite  the  stage — a  veritable  bower 
covered  with  golden  hangings  and  furnished  with  tapestries 
and  cushions.  So  magnificent  was  the  improvised  theatre, 
says  one  who  was  present,  that  you  might  have  thought  you 
were  in  one  of  the  ancient  Roman  palaces. 

Dramatic  performances  in  the  evening,  and  lectures  and 
disputations  in  the  afternoon  and  occasionally  in  the  morning, 
constituted  the  programme  of  the  week.  On  Monday  and 
Wednesday  evenings  were  given  the  first  and  second  parts 
respectively  of  Palamon  and  Arcite,  a  play  by  Richard  Edwards, 
the  Master  of  the  Children  of  the  Chapel  Royal.  The  enthu- 
siasm of  the  Queen  and  the  nobles  was  unbounded,  and  their 
enjoyment  of  the  play  would  have  been  unalloyed  but  for 
an  unfortunate  accident  at  the  performance  of  the  first  part 
of  the  play,  when,  owing  to  the  press  of  the  multitude,  the 
wall  of  a  staircase  formed  of  huge  square  stones  fell  and  killed 
three  persons — a  scholar,  a  college  servant  and  a  townsman. 
On  Thursday  night  was  played  a  Latin  tragedy,  Progne,  com- 
posed by  Dr  James  Calfhill,  Canon  of  Christ  Church.  The 
disputations  were  held  for  the  most  part  in  St  Mary's,  and  in 
none  was  the  Queen  more  interested  than  in  that  on  the  subject 
"  The  moon  is  the  cause  of  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  "  ; 
Mr  Edmund  Campion  of  St  John's  College  was  respondent, 
and  managed  before  concluding  his  speech  to  connect  the  names 
of  the  Queen  and  Leicester  in  a  fashion  sufficiently  deft  to 
please  Her  Majesty.  On  Thursday  afternoon  she  "  made  a 
very  comfortable  and  eloquent  oration  in  Latin  "  in  St  Mary's 
before  the  whole  University,  an  oration  which  was  received 
with  such  shouts  of  applause  that  the  very  walls  resounded. 

On  Friday  the  Queen's  visit  was  to  come  to  an  end,  and 
the  sorrow  of  the  great  crowds  that  thronged  the  city  was  to 
be  read  in  their  sad  faces  and  quiet  demeanour.  In  the  morn- 
ing a  special  Convocation  was  held,  at  which  the  degree  of 
Master  of  Arts  was  conferred  on  many  of  the  noblemen  who 
were  present,  and  certain  Masters  and  Doctors  of  Cambridge 
were  admitted  to  the  same  degree  in  the  sister  University. 
Presents  of  gloves  were  given  by  the  University  to  Her  Majesty 
and  to  certain  of  the  nobles  and  officers  of  the  royal  household, 


64  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

and  after  dinner  Mr  Toby  Matthew,  in  the  name  of  the  members 
of  the  college,  bade  the  Queen  farewell.  He  did  not  fail  to 
commemorate  the  eloquence  of  her  oration  of  the  preceding 
day  and  to  thank  her  for  the  honour  which  she  had  conferred 
on  the  University,  and  the  Queen  was  so  well  pleased  that  she 
nominated  him  her  Scholar.  Then  the  procession  which  had 
entered  the  quadrangle  six  days  before  was  re-formed,  and  pro- 
ceeded by  way  of  Carfax  to  St  Mary's  and  thence  along  High 
Street  to  the  East  Gate.  The  students  who  lined  both  sides 
of  High  Street  shouted  Vivat  Regina  as  the  procession  passed, 
but  the  innumerable  "  schedes  of  verses  "  which  were  pasted 
on  the  fronts  of  St  Mary's,  All  Souls',  and  University  College 
expressed  the  poignancy  of  the  grief  experienced  by  the  Uni- 
versity in  being  compelled  to  part  from  Her  Majesty.  At 
the  head  of  the  procession  rode  four  Doctors  in  scarlet  gowns 
and  hoods,  followed  by  four  Masters  in  black  gowns  and  hoods, 
and  then  came  the  Mayor  and  about  fifteen  of  the  Aldermen — 
also  in  their  scarlets.  The  representatives  of  the  city  took 
leave  of  the  Queen  at  Magdalen  Bridge,  where  their  liberties 
ended,  and  Her  Majesty  proceeded  on  her  way  to  Ricot,  some 
eight  miles  distant,  where  she  was  to  be  the  guest  of  Mr  Norris. 
The  representatives  of  the  University  accompanied  her  to 
Shotover,  some  two  miles  from  the  city  limits  and  the  boundary 
of  the  University  liberties.  Here  she  listened  graciously  to  the 
last  of  many  orations,  again  delivered  by  Roger  Marbeck,  the 
University  Orator,  and  took  final  leave  of  the»city  with  the 
words  :  "  Farewell,  the  worthy  University  of  Oxford  ;  fare- 
well, my  good  subjects  there  ;  farewell,  my  dear  Scholars, 
and  pray  God  prosper  your  studies  ;  farewell — farewell1." 

What  share  Philip  Sidney  took  in  the  events  of  this  famous 
week  we  do  not  know.  We  may  be  sure  that  Elizabeth  and 
Cecil  would  look  on  him  with  special  interest,  not  only  as 
Leicester's  nephew,  but  as  the  son  of  the  Lord  Deputy  of 
Ireland.  To  many  of  those  most  prominent  in  the  celebration 
Philip  was  closely  related,  and  with  many  others  he  was  to 
come  into  intimate  contact  in  the  .immediate  future.  Leicester 

1  The  narrative  has  been  compiled  from  the  various  accounts  given  in 
Elizabethan  Oxford  (Ox.  Hist.  Soc.)  and  Nichol's  Progresses. 


iv]  A  Visit  to  Oxford  65 

and  Warwick  were  his  uncles,  Huntingdon  and  Sussex  his 
uncles  by  marriage.  Don  Guzman  de  Silva,  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  was  a  warm  friend  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney ;  the  Earl 
of  Ormond  was  his  inveterate  enemy.  The  Earl  of  Oxford, 
now  about  twenty-one  years  of  age,  was  a  few  years  later  to 
be  Philip's  successful  rival  for  the  hand  of  Anne  Cecil.  Among 
those  who  took  part  in  the  disputations  were  Mr  Thornton, 
afterwards  Philip's  tutor,  Toby  Matthew,  who  was  to  become 
Canon  and  Dean  of  Christ  Church  and  Archbishop  of  York, 
and  Edmund  Campion,  "  the  protomartyr  of  the  English 
Jesuits,"  who  was  now  a  protege  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  and  who 
more  than  ten  years  later  was  to  entertain  high  hopes  of  per- 
suading Philip  Sidney  to  enter  the  fold  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
If  for  speculation  we  could  substitute  actual  information 
regarding  Philip's  actions  during  this  week  it  would  be  an 
interesting  chapter  in  the  story  of  his  life. 

For  two  days  after  the  departure  of  the  Queen  Philip 
tarried  in  Oxford.  He  had  given  rewards  to  the  Earl  of 
Leicester's  servants,  and  "  to  one  Oliver,  a  Frenchman,  preferred 
to  your  Lordship's  service  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,"  and  there 
were  still  other  matters  to  attend  to,  notably  to  provide  for 
the  carrying  to  Shrewsbury  of  his  new  wardrobe.  For  this 
purpose  Marshall  purchased  a  trunk  and  also  "  a  saddle  either 
to  carry  a  trunk  on  or  to  ride  in,  with  girths,  surcingle,  leather- 
ings and  Warwick  Staff1."  A  certain  Mr  Yates  of  Gloucester- 
shire loaned  his  horse  for  the  occasion,  and  on  Sunday  afternoon, 
September  8th,  Philip  turned  his  back  on  the  city  of  romance, 
as  it  must  have  seemed  to  him,  and  began  the  journey  toward 
Shrewsbury.  One  of  the  events  of  that  Sunday  afternoon 
ride  between  Woodstock  and  Chipping  Norton — or  perhaps 
the  scene  was  the  inn  at  Chipping  Norton — where  they  spent 
the  night,  is  pleasant  to  remember  : 

"  Item,  given  by  Mr.  Philip's  commandment  to  a  blind  harper 

who  is  Sir  William  Holies'  man  of  Nottinghamshire      ..  12d.2" 

1  The  badge  of  the  Dudleys.          . 

2  Sir  William  Holies  of  Haughton,  Nottinghamshire,  was  the  second  son 
of  Sir  William  Holies,  Lord  Mayor  of  London.     In  1547  he  married  Anna 
daughter  and  hen-ess  of  John  Densell.     Their  son,  Denzil  Holies,  was  the  father 

W.L.  s.  5 


66  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

Many  years  afterwards  it  was  perhaps  this  very  gcene  which 
Sidney  had  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote  : 

"  Certainly,  I  must  confess  my  own  barbarousness.  I  never  heard  the 
old  song  of  Percy  and  Douglas  that  I  found  not  my  heart  moved  more 
than  with  a  trumpet,  and  yet  is  it  sung  but  by  some  blind  crowder  with 
no  rougher  voice  than  rude  style  ;  which,  being  so  evil  apparrelled  in  the 
dust  and  cobwebs  of  that  uncivil  age,  what  would  it  work  trimmed  in  the 
gorgeous  eloquence  of  Pindar  ?  " 

On  Monday  (September  9th)  the  travellers  reached  Strat- 
ford-on-Avon  in  time  for  dinner,  and  those  sentimentally 
inclined  may  speculate  on  the  possibility  of  Master  Philip's 
having  here  caught  sight  of  a  child,  at  this  time  aged  two  years 
and  some  four  months,  who  was  to  become  even  more  famous 
than  the  hero  of  our  story.  That  night  they  reached  the 
home  of  a  Mr  Sheldon  at  Belie,  whose  son,  Greg,  had  accom- 
panied them  from  Oxford.  Here  they  remained  all  day  Tues- 
day, and  on  Wednesday  they  dined  and  spent  the  night  with 
"  Mr.  Blunt  at  Kittermaster."  On  Thursday  they  reached 
Bewdley — a  seat  of  the  Council  of  the  Marches — where  they 
were  the  guests  of  Sir  George  and  Lady  Blount.  Sir  George 
was  a  member  of  the  Welsh  Council  and  an  old  friend  of 
Philip's  father.  Some  time  before  Monday  (September  16th) 
they  reached  Shrewsbury. 

Once  more  the  nephew  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester  was  a 
"  tabler  "  in  the  home  of  Mr  George  Leigh,  and  one  of  the 
boys  of  a  great  public  school.  The  old  town  on  the  western 
confines  of  England  where  he  could  lift  his  eyes  to  the  Welsh 
hills  was  far  remote  from  those  channels  in  which  flowed  the 
more  striking  political  and  social  events  of  the  day,  and  must 
have  seemed  strangely  quiet  and  retired  to  Philip  after  his 
excursion  into  the  realms  of  pomp  and  pageantry.  Some  of 
Marshall's  entries  after  their  return  remind  us  that  his  charge 
is  once  more  merely  a  student — the  son  of  the  poor  Lord 
Deputy  of  Ireland. 

"  Item,  upon  Saturday  the  21st  day  for  a  yard  and  a  nail 

of  housewife's  cloth  to  make  him  4  pair  of  socks  . .      4d. 

of  John  Holies,  first  Earl  of  Clare  (1564?-1637),  whose  daughter  Arabella 
married  Thomas  Went  worth,  Earl  of  Straff  ord,  and  whose  eon  Denzil  was  the 
famous  parliamentarian. 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  67 

£ 

Item,  for  two  yards  and  an  half  of  shop  cloth  to  make  him 
ten  handkerchers         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .         . .      5a, 

Item,  the  24th  day  for  two  quires  of  paper     . .         . .         . .      Sd. 

Item,  for  a  Cato,  his  former  being  lost,  and  a  French  grammar  I2d. 

Item,  for  ink          4d." 

There  are  other  entries — "  for  mending  his  gown  of  changeable 
taffeta,"  for  shoes,  boots,  gloves,  needles,  thread,  etc.,  and, 
as  if  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  day  of  silk  points,  crimson 
velvet  hose  and  doublets  of  many  colours  had  gone  by,  the 
last  item  in  the  manuscript,  on  Michaelmas  Day,  reads  : 

"  Item,  for  two  dozen  of  thread  points    . .          . .          . .          . .      6d." 

No  account  of  Philip's  school-days  can  be  in  any  sense  of 
the  word  adequate  if  it  ignores  the  influence  exerted  on  him 
in  this  formative  period  by  the  characters  of  his  father  and 
mother.  Serious,  high-minded,  upright  in  all  their  acts  and 
thoughts,  they  coveted  no  good  thing  for  their  son  so  much 
as  that  he  should  grow  up  to  be  a  God-fearing,  self-respecting 
man,  a  worthy  scion  of  the  great  families  from  whom  he  was 
descended.  Of  Lady  Sidney's  relations  to  her  eldest-born  we 
know  little.  At  the  end  of  Marshall's  book  she  has  signed 
her  name  "  M.  Sidney" — probably  to  indicate  that  she  has 
examined  the  accounts  and  found  them  satisfactory.  On 
the  same  page  is  written  in  her  own  handwriting  in  two 
successive  lines,  "  [G]od  grant  me  grace  to —  "  and  "  God 
grant  me  grace —  •"  :  the  succeeding  prayer  has  completely 
faded  from  the  manuscript,  but  it  requires  no  great  effort  of 
the  imagination  to  conjure  up  the  scene  of  the  pious  mother 
dedicating  herself  anew  to  the  task  of  instilling  into  her  young 
son  those  ideals  which  alone  could  give  lasting  happiness,  as 
she  had  learned  during  her  own  short  life  of  tragedy  and 
sorrow.  To  the  late  spring  or  early  summer  of  this  same  year 
we  may  with  a  fair  degree  of  certainty  assign  the  following 
letter — the  first  written  by  Sir  Henry  to  his  son1.  If  we 
remember  that  the  Lord  Deputy's  efforts  to  crush  the  rebellion 

1  (a)  It  was  first  printed  by  T.  Dawson,  London,  1591.  Referring  to  the 
copy  which  is  preserved  in  Shrewsbury  School  Library,  Fisher  says :  "  It  appears 
from  the  title-page  that  the  letter  was  written  in  1566." 

(6)  Collins  prints  the  letter  "  Ex  Autog.  apud  Penshurst."  and  gives  it 
the  caption  "  Sir  Henry  Sidney  to  his  son  Sir  Philip  Sydney,  at  School  at 

5—2 


68  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [CH. 

of  Shan  O'Neill  were  being  constantly  thwarted  by  intrigues 
at  Court  and  by  Elizabeth's  continual  upbraidings,  that  he 
was  writing  to  Leicester  to  express  his  "  hope  of  a  speedy 
redemption  from  this  my  miserable  thraldom,"  and  that  his 
health  was  so  seriously  undermined  that  he  was  in  physical 
pain  a  great  part  of  the  time,  the  letter  takes  on  a  peculiar 
interest.  It  reads  as  follows  : 

"  SON  PHUJP  : 

I  have  received  two  letters  from  you,  one  written  in  Latin, 
the  other  in  French  ;  which  I  take  in  good  part,  and  will  you  to  exercise 
that  practice  of  learning  often ;  for  that  will  stand  you  in  most  stead 
in  that  profession  of  life  that  you  are  born  to  live  in.  And  now,  since 
this  is  my  first  letter  that  ever  I  did  write  to  you,  I  will  not  that  it  be  all 
empty  of  some  advices  which  my  natural  care  of  you  provoketh  me  to 
wish  you  to  follow,  as  documents  to  you  in  this  your  tender  age. 

Let  your  first  action  be  the  lifting  up  of  your  mind  to  Almighty  God 
by  hearty  prayer ;  and  feelingly  digest  the  words  you  speak  in  prayer, 
with  continual  meditation  and  thinking  of  Him  to  whom  you  pray,  and 
of  the  matter  for  which  you  pray.  And  use  this  as  an  ordinary  act,  and 
at  an  ordinary  hour  ;  whereby  the  time  itself  shall  put  you  in  remembrance 
to  do  that  you  are  accustomed  to  do  in  that  time. 

Apply  your  study  to  such  hours  as  your  discreet  master  doth  assign 
you,  earnestly ;  and  the  time  I  know  he  will  so  limit  as  shall  be  both 
sufficient  for  your  learning  and  safe  for  your  health.  And  mark  the 
sense  and  the  matter  of  that  you  do  read,  as  well  as  the  words ;  so  shall 
you  both  enrich  your  tongue  with  words  and  your  wit  with  matter,  and 
judgment  will  grow  as  years  grow  in  you. 

Be  humble  and  obedient  to  your  masters,  for,  unless  you  frame 
yourself  to  obey  others — yea,  and  feel  in  yourself  what  obedience  is, 
you  shall  never  be  able  to  teach  others  how  to  obey  you. 

Be  courteous  of  gesture  and  affable  to  all  men,  with  diversity  of 
reverence  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  person.  There  is  nothing  that 
winneth  so  much  with  so  little  cost. 

Use  moderate  diet  so  as,  after  your  meal,  you  may  find  your  wit 
fresher  and  not  duller,  and  your  body  more  lively  and  not  more  heavy. 

Shrewsbury,  An.  1566.  9  Eliz.  then  being  of  the  age  of  XII  years."  (Philip 
was  not  twelve  years  old  until  November  30,  1566.) 

(c)  In  that  year  "  Old  Master  Onslow  "  was  Sheriff  of  Salop  and  "  Master 
Justice  Corbet,"  a  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench,  was  Recorder  of  Shrewsbury. 
Both  would  have  official  apartments  in  the  Council  House  (v.  Fisher,  op. 
cit.,  p.  11).  The  opening  sentences  of  Sir  Henry's  letter  suggest  a  period  a 
few  months  after  his  arrival  in  Ireland,  and  Lady  Sidney's  hope  that  Philip's 
good  master  might  govern  him  "  yet  many  years "  almost  precludes  the 
possibility  of  assigning  the  letter  to  a  later  period. 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  69 

Seldom  drink  wine,  and  yet  sometimes  do,  lest,  being  enforced  to  drink 
upon  the  sudden,  you  should  find  yourself  enflamed.  Use  exercise  of 
body,  yet  such  as  is  without  peril  to  your  bones  or  joints  ;  it  will  increase 
your  force  and  enlarge  your  breath.  Delight  to  be  cleanly  as  well  in 
all  parts  of  your  body  as  in  your  garments ;  it  shall  make  you  grateful 
in  each  company — and  otherwise  loathsome. 

Give  yourself  to  be  merry ;  for  you  degenerate  from  your  father 
if  you  find  not  yourself  most  able  in  wit  and  body  to  do  anything  when 
you  are  most  merry.  But  let  your  mirth  be  ever  void  of  all  scurrility 
and  biting  words  to  any  man  ;  for  a  wound  given  by  a  word  is  oftentimes 
harder  to  be  cured  than  that  which  is  given  by  the  sword. 

Be  you  rather  a  hearer  and  bearer  away  of  other  men's  talk  than 
a  beginner  and  procurer  of  speech ;  otherwise  you  shall  be  accounted 
to  delight  to  hear  yourself  speak.  If  you  hear  a  wise  sentence  or  an 
apt  phrase,  commit  it  to  your  memory  with  respect  of  the  circumstances 
when  you  shall  speak  it.  Let  never  oath  be  heard  to  come  out  of  your 
mouth,  nor  word  of  ribaldry ;  so  shall  custom  make  to  yourself  a  law 
against  it  in  yourself.  Be  modest  in  each  assembly,  and  rather  be  rebuked 
of  light  fellows  for  maidenlike  shamefastness  than  of  your  sad  friends 
for  pert  boldness.  Think  upon  every  word  that  you  will  speak  before 
you  utter  it,  and  remember  how  nature  hath  ramparted  up,  as  it  were, 
the  tongue  with  teeth,  lips — yea,  and  hair  without  the  lips,  and  all 
betokening  reins  and  bridles  for  the  loose  use  of  that  member. 

Above  all  things  tell  no  untruth ;  no,  not  in  trifles.  The  custom  of 
it  is  naughty.  And  let  it  not  satisfy  you  that  for  a  time  the  hearers  take 
it  for  a  truth  ;  for  after  it  will  be  known  as  it  is  to  your  shame.  For  there 
cannot  be  a  greater  reproach  to  a  gentleman  than  to  be  accounted  a  liar. 

Study  and  endeavour  yourself  to  be  virtuously  occupied.  So  shall 
you  make  such  a  habit  of  well-doing  in  you  as  you  shall  not  know  how  to 
do  evil,  though  you  would.  Remember,  my  son,  the  noble  blood  you  are 
descended  of  by  your  mother's  side ;  and  think  that  only  by  virtuous 
life  and  good  action  you  may  be  an  ornament  to  that  illustrious  family. 
Otherwise,  through  vice  and  sloth,  you  may  be  counted  lobes  generist 
one  of  the  greatest  curses  that  can  happen  to  man. 

Well,  my  little  Philip,  this  is  enough  for  me,  and  too  much,  I  fear, 
for  you.  But  if  I  find  that  this  light  meal  of  digestion  nourish  in  anything 
the  weak  stomach  of  your  capacity,  I  will,  as  I  find  the  same  grow  stronger, 
feed  it  with  other  food. 

Commend  me  most  heartily  unto  Master  Justice  Corbet,  old  Master 
Onslow,  and  my  cousin,  his  son.  Farewell !  Your  mother  and  I  send 
you  our  blessings,  and  Almighty  God  grant  you  His,  nourish  you  with 
His  fear,  govern  you  with  His  grace,  and  make  you  a  good  servant  to 
your  prince  and  country  ! 

Your  loving  father,  so  long  as  you  live  in  the  fear  of  God, 

H.  SIDNEY." 


70  A   Visit  to  Oxford  [en. 

"  A  postscript  by  my  Lady  Sidney,  in  the  skirts  of  my  Lord 
President's  letter  "  was  appended  as  follows  : 

"  Your  noble,  careful  father  hath  taken  pains  with  his  own  hand 
to  give  you,  in  this  his  letter,  so  wise,  so  learned  and  most  requisite  pre- 
cepts for  you  to  follow  with  a  diligent  and  humble,  thankful  mind,  as 
I  will  not  withdraw  your  eyes  from  beholding  and  reverent  honouring 
the  same — no,  not  so  long  as  to  read  any  letter  from  me.  And  therefore, 
at  this  time,  I  will  write  unto  you  no  other  letter  than  this  ;  whereby 
I  first  bless  you,  with  my  desire  to  God  to  plant  in  you  His  grace,  and, 
secondarily,  warn  you  to  have  always  before  the  eyes  of  your  mind  these 
excellent  counsels  of  my  lord,  your  dear  father,  and  that  you  fail  not 
continually,  once  in  four  or  five  days,  to  read  them  over. 

And  for  a  final  leave-taking  for  this  time,  see  that  you  show  yourself 
as  a  loving,  obedient  scholar  to  your  good  master,  to  govern  you  yet  many 
years,  and  that  my  lord  and  I  may  hear  that  you  profit  so  in  your  learning 
as  thereby  you  may  increase  our  loving  care  of  you,  and  deserve  at  his 
hands  the  continuance  of  his  great  joy,  to  have  him  often  witness  with 
his  own  hands  the  hope  he  hath  in  your  well-doing. 

Farewell,  my  little  Philip,  and  once  again  the  Lord  bless  you  ! 

Your  loving  mother, 

MARY  SIDNEY." 

The  beauty  of  the  family  relationship  which  is  suggested 
in  this  letter  is  perhaps  unique  in  the  sixteenth  century.  Lady 
Jane  Grey's  account  of  her  relations  to  her  parents1  furnishes 
us  with  a  strange  contrast  to  the  picture  given  above. 

"  When  I  am  in  presence  either  of  father  or  mother,"  she  says,  "  whether 
I  speak,  keep  silence,  sit,  stand,  or  go,  eat,  drink,  be  merry,  or  sad,  be 
sewing,  playing,  dancing,  or  doing  anything  else,  I  must  do  it,  as  it  were, 
in  such  weight,  measure  and  manner,  even  so  perfectly,  as  God  made 
the  world,  or  else  I  am  so  sharply  taunted,  so  cruelly  threatened,  yea, 
presently  sometimes  with  pinches,  nips  and  bobs,  and  other  ways,  which 
I  will  not  name  for  the  honour  I  bear  them,  so  without  measure  misordered, 
that  I  think  myself  in  hell. ..."  And  again  she  declares :  "  whatsoever  I 
do  else,  but  learning,  is  full  of  grief,  trouble,  fear,  and  whole  misliking 
unto  me." 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  disingenuousness  which  charac- 
terized so  many  of  even  the  best  men  of  Elizabeth's  day  traced 
its  origin  in  no  slight  degree  to  the  prevailingly  harsh  discipline 
to  which  children  were  subjected.  From  such  an  unhappy 

1  Quoted  by  Ascham  in  The  Schoolmaster  (ed.  Arber),  p.  47. 


iv]  A   Visit  to  Oxford  71 

experience  Philip  Sidney  was  spared.  It  is  a  thousand  pities 
that  we  know  so  little  of  his  relations  to  his  mother  ;  to  his 
father,  however,  we  know  that  from  his  youth  up  he  was  an 
intimate  companion  and  friend.  Noblesse  oblige  became  early 
the  master-light  of  the  son's  life  as  it  was  that  of  the  father's. 
To  a  remarkable  degree  we  find  the  dominant  traits  of  Sir 
Henry's  character  reproduced  in  his  son — his  pride  of  family, 
his  engrossing  conviction  that  only  in  disinterested  service  for 
prince  and  country  could  a  man  find  a  worthy  end  toward 
the  achieving  of  which  he  could  bend  the  whole  of  his  energies, 
his  enthusiastic  belief  in  the  elevating  influences  of  art  and 
literature  and  the  study  of  antiquity,  his  uniform  kindliness 
toward  all  those  of  whatsoever  degree  with  whom  he  came  in 
contact,  his  high,  religious  seriousness.  When  Philip  Con- 
cluded his  schoolboy  days  at  Shrewsbury  he  might  justly  have 
been  accounted  a  fortunate  youth— fortunate  in  his  birth,  in 
his  parentage,  and  in  the  ideals  of  character,  of  religion,  and 
of  scholarship  which  had  constituted  his  early  environment. 


CHAPTER   V 

SIR  HENRY  IN  IRELAND,    1566 — 1571 

THE  imagination  fails  to  conjure  up  an  adequate  picture  of 
the  miseries  of  Ireland  at  this  time.  Within  the  narrow  con- 
fines of  the  English  Pale,  where,  alone,  English  rule  was  more 
than  nominal,  the  country  was  desolate,  and  the  rule  and 
oppression  of  the  stronger  obtained  everywhere.  Outside  the 
Pale  a  multitude  of  feudal  chieftains  reigned  each  in  his  small 
principality.  The  people  lived  like  savages.  Many  had  no 
clothing  but  the  skins  of  wild  beasts  and  no  houses  but  holes 
in  the  earth.  Marriage  rites  had  fallen  into  disuse  or  were 
scoffed  at.  Warfare  more  or  less  petty  was  almost  constantly 
waged,  and  if  in  an  interval  of  peace  some  district  began  to 
show  the  good  effect  of  cultivation  it  was  soon  reduced  to  its 
wonted  desolation  by  a  fresh  outbreak  of  hostilities  or  by  the 
cruel  exactions  known  as  "coin  and  livery"  which  the  chief- 
tains practised  on  their  churls. 

"  Coin  and  livery,"  says  a  gentleman  living  in  Ireland  at  the  time,  "  is 
this.  There  will  come  a  kern  or  Gallowglas,  which  be  the  Irish  soldiers, 
to  lie  in  the  churl's  house.  Whiles  he  is  there  he  will  be  master  of  the 
house  ;  he  will  not  only  have  meat  but  money  also  allowed  him,  and  at 
his  departure  the  best  things  he  shall  see  in  the  churl's  house  be  it  linen 
cloth,  a  shirt,  mantle  or  such-like.  Thus  is  the  churl  eaten  up,  so  that 
if  dearth  fall  in  the  country  where  he  dwelleth  he  should  be  the  first 
starved,  not  being  master  of  his  own1." 

Of  consistent  administration  of  justice  there  was  nowhere  a 
pretence.  "  Surely,"  wrote  Sir  Henry  to  the  Queen,  "  there 
was  never  people  that  lived  in  more  misery  than  they  do — 
such  misery  as  in  troth  hardly  any  Christian  with  dry  eyes 
could  behold." 

1  Censura  Literaria,  vol.  rv,  p.  83. 


CH.  v]      Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  73 

Deeply  conscious  of  the  heavy  responsibility  resting  upon 
him  for  the  settlement  of  this  chaos,  Sir  Henry  attacked  the 
problem  with  energy,  clear-headed  common  sense  and  high- 
minded  devotion  which  have  given  him  a  unique  place  among 
the  English  governors  of  Ireland.  He  was  a  very  plain  man 
and  he  had  no  elaborate  theories  regarding  the  problem.  The 
solution  at  which  he  proposed  to  arrive  was  very  simple. 
Ireland  was  a  dependency  of  England,  and  the  first  step  to 
be  taken  was  to  reduce  it  from  a  state  of  anarchy  to  one  of 
order :  rebellion  whether  formidable  or  petty  must  be  stamped 
out.  In  the  second  place,  law  and  justice  must  be  evenly 
administered,  even  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  realm,  and 
justice  must  be  assured  to  the  churl  as  absolutely  as  to  the 
feudal  lord.  When  we  remember  Sir  Henry's  remarkable 
ability  as  a  soldier  and  as  an  administrator  and  his  unswerving 
devotion  to  unselfish  ends,  we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion 
that  had  he  received  adequate  support  from  Elizabeth  he 
would  have  added  to  the  annals  of  her  reign  one  of  its  most 
creditable  chapters.  But  he  never  learned  how  to  adapt 
himself  to  a  policy  of  compromise  and  half-measures,  and  to 
his  wily,  double-dealing  mistress  his  forthright,  transparent 
honesty  always  savoured  of  simplicity. 

On  his  arrival  he  first  addressed  himself  to  Shan  O'Neill 
as  the  most  immediate  danger  that  threatened  English  rule. 
This  "  monarchical  tyrant "  showed  himself  now  humble,  now 
insolent,  but  to  all  Sir  Henry's  attempts  to  come  into  personal 
contact  with  him  Shan  replied  by  reminding  the  Deputy  that 
Sussex  had  tried  to  poison  him,  and  that  he  had  narrowly 
escaped  perpetual  imprisonment  in  London  when  under  safe- 
conduct  he  had  gone  thither  to  visit  the  Queen.  With  the 
Council  Sir  Henry  had  at  once  grown  into  much  favour,  and 
he  used  the  money  he  had  brought  to  pay  outstanding  debts. 
But  his  desire  to  begin  a  constructive  programme  was  negatived 
by  Elizabeth's  indecision.  Sir  Henry's  plan  of  administration, 
according  to  which  a  President  and  Council  were  to  be  estab- 
lished in  each  of  the  four  provinces,  had  been  allowed  by  the 
English  Privy  Council  and  by  the  Queen,  and  he  now  pressed 
for  the  appointment  of  Sir  Warham  St  Leger  in  Munster — 


74  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566—1571          [CH. 

"  an  honest  and  a  sufficient  man."  But  Elizabeth  chose  to 
listen  to  Ormond's  insinuations.  A  Council  in  Munster  would 
shorten  his  feudal  authority,  Elizabeth  suspected  Sir  Henry 
of  affection  to  Desmond,  she  objected  to  the  choice  of  Sir 
Warham  St  Leger,  she  objected  because  the  country  could 
not  bear  the  cost  of  the  Munster  experiment.  She  was  not 
sure  that  she  wished  to  launch  on  so  large  a  project  as  the 
"  extirpation "  of  Shan  was  sure  to  prove.  By  Ormond's 
procurement  copies  of  her  letters  to  the  Lord  Deputy  were  in 
circulation  in  Dublin  before  Sir  Henry  received  them,  and  popular 
reports  that  he  was  in  disgrace  paralyzed  his  power.  Almost 
maddened  by  the  treatment  he  was  receiving,  he  begged  Cecil 
and  Leicester  to  have  him  recalled.  He  informed  the  Council 
of  a  great  confederacy  between  Shan  and  the  Earl  of  Argyle, 
and  he  predicted  that  Shan  would  soon  invade  the  English 
Pale.  He  begged  them  that  if  the  disgrace  of  Calais  was  to 
be  repeated  in  Ireland  they  would  spare  him  the  shame  of  having 
it  happen  in  his  government. 

By  July  the  Queen's  letters  were  more  favourable.  Although 
upbraiding  him  for  the  querulous  expressions  he  used  in  his 
reports  and  commanding  him  not  only  to  be  favourable  to 
Ormond,  but  to  allow  him  to  practise  one  "  kind  "  of  coin 
and  livery,  which  Sir  Henry  had  abolished,  she  promised  that 
money  and  troops  would  be  sent  to  wage  war  on  Shan.  On 
September  22nd  Sir  Henry  with  some  2000  men  marched  out 
of  Drogheda  and  entered  Shan's  country.  Meanwhile  Shan 
had  decided  to  attack  Drogheda  in  the  absence  of  Sir  Henry, 
and  to  carry  off  Lady  Sidney.  Sarsfield,  the  Mayor  of  Dublin, 
hurried  up  with  troops  in  response  to  a  message  from  Lady 
Sidney,  and  was  able  to  give  such  assistance  to  St  Leger  and 
Heron,  who  had  been  left  in  command  by  Sir  Henry,  that 
Shan  was  repulsed  with  great  loss1.  He  turned  north  to 
Deny  and  was  again  driven  back.  Sir  Henry  followed  up  his 
advantage,  and  in  all  made  eight  or  nine  raids  upon  Shan, 
moving  80  swiftly  and  unexpectedly  that  when  Shan  received 
news  of  the  approach  of  the  bear  and  the  ragged  staff2  he  was 
usually  incredulous. 

1  Campion,  History  of  Ireland  (1571).  2  The  badge  of  the  Dudleys. 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  75 

Not  for  many  years  had  there  been  such  an  exhibition  of 
English  power  in  Ireland,  nor  of  power  BO  beneficently  exer 
cised  toward  everyone  except  Shan  and  his  followers.  But  to 
Elizabeth  it  seemed  a  small  thing.  When  Sir  Henry  returned 
to  the  Pale  it  was  to  receive  letters  of  sharp  reproof  and  a 
command  to  proceed  into  Munster  to  determine  the  Ormond- 
Desmond  cause.  Accordingly  Shan  received  a  new  lease  of 
life,  and  from  January  to  April  the  Deputy  travelled  through 
all  parts  of  the  south  and  west  of  the  island. 

Into  the  minute  details  of  this  long  journey  we  cannot 
follow  him1.  His  long  report  to  Elizabeth  (April  20,  1567) 
constitutes  one  of  the  most  vivid  pictures  of  the  miserable 
state  of  Ireland  in  the  sixteenth  century  which  has  come  down 
to  us.  It  was  a  hard  and  painful  journey  for  Sir  Henry.  Though 
sorely  troubled  with  the  disease  of  the  country,  the  stone,  he 
was  indefatigable  in  seeking  to  restore  order.  Jenyson,  the 
English  auditor,  visited  him  in  Munster,  and  he  wrote  Cecil  that 
it  pitied  his  heart  to  see  the  Lord  Deputy  so  continually  busied 
in  the  causes  from  six  in  the  morning  till  nine  at  night2.  Every- 
where Elizabeth's  complaining  and  reproachful  letters  pursued 
him,  and  with  one  disastrous  result,  according  to  Sir  Henry's 
own  testimony. 

"  Thereupon  received  I  many  a  bitter  letter  which  indeed  tired  me,  and 
so  perplexed  my  most  dear  wife  as  she  fell  most  grievously  sick  upon  the 
same,  and  in  that  sickness  remained  once  in  trance  above  fifty-two  hours. 
Upon  whose  recovery  I  sent  her  into  England  where  she  lived  till  my 
coming  over3." 

Of  Lady  Sidney's  life  at  this  time  few  details  have  survived : 
we  hear  of  her  being  present  at  a  communion  service  in  Dublin 
Cathedral,  and  in  her  husband's  letters  she  occasionally  sends 
commendations  to  Lady  Cecil  and  Lady  Bacon,  but  excepting 
her  share  in  the  defence  of  Drogheda  we  know  little  of  how 
she  passed  her  days.  She  probably  had  her  children,  Eliza- 
beth, Mary,  Robert  and  Ambrosia,  with  her.  Lady  Sidney's 

1  F.  Letter  to  Walsingham,  March  1, 1583,  and  Sir  Henry's  report  to  Eliza- 
beth, Collins'  State  Paper*,  p.  18. 

8  State  Paper#^Iri8h—EU*t)  March  16,  1567. 
3  Sir  Henry  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 


76  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571          [CH. 

ill-health  had  now  become  chronic,  and  when  she  left  for  Eng- 
land she  was  probably  too  weak  to  take  her  children  with  her. 
A  few  months  later,  and  just  about  the  time  that  Sir  Henry 
joined  her  in  London,  Elizabeth  died  at  Kilmainham,  the 
Deputy's  residence  in  Dublin.  Her  death  took  place  on 
November  8,  1567,  and  she  was  buried  in  the  Cathedral 
Church  at  Dublin1. 

On  reaching  Dublin  Sir  Henry  prepared  at  once  to  resume 
the  campaign  against  Shan  O'Neill,  and  before  the  end  of 
April  he  was  in  Ulster.  His  harrying  the  country  three  months 
previously  had  not  been  in  vain.  Shan,  realizing  that  the 
end  was  at  hand,  had  sought  to  make  peace,  but  the  Deputy 
answered  none  of  his  letters.  Shan's  old  enemies,  the 
O'Donnells,  had  joined  with  Sir  Henry,  and  while  the  latter 
was  ravaging  Tyrone  the  O'Donnells  overwhelmed  Shan  in  a 
great  battle  near  Derry.  He  fled  to  the  Irish  Scots  in  the  far 
north-east  of  Antrim.  They  were  now  led  by  Allaster 
McConnell ;  their  pent-up  grievances  burst  forth  during  a 
drunken  brawl,  and  from  the  slaughter  which  followed  only 
two  or  three  of  Shan's  followers  escaped.  Of  the  death  of  their 
great  leader,  Campion  says  that  Gillespie  (Allaster  McConnell' s 
nephew) 

"  mangled  him  cruelly,  lapped  him  in  an  old  Irish  shirt,  and  tumbled 
him  into  a  pit  within  an  old  chapel  hard  by.  Whose  head  four  days  after 
Captain  Piers  (the  Seneschal  of  Clandeboy)  cut  off,  and  met  therewith 
the  Deputy,  who  sent  it  before  him  staked  on  a  pole  to  the  Castle  of 
Dublin,  where  it  now  standeth." 

Leaving  garrisons  in  Glenarm,  Belfast  and  Carrickfergus,  Sir 
Henry  received  the  submission  of  all  the  chiefs  who  had  fought 
under  Shan,  and  especially  of  Tirlough  Lenagh,  the  Tanist 
of  Tyrone,  who  had  been  chosen  O'Neill  in  his  stead.  He  also 
insisted  on  the  immediate  departure  of  the  Scots,  and  returned 
to  Dublin  leaving  Ulster  in  such  quiet  as  it  had  not  known 
for  many  years. 

1  For  An  Epitaph  made  for  Mistress  Elizabeth  Sidney,  the  daughter  of  the 
Bight  Honourable  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  etc.,  see  Additional  MSS.  Eg.  2642, 
fol.  214.  There  are  twenty-four  verses  in  English  and  also  six  in  Latin — 
Carmina  in  laudem  et  mortem  ejusdem  Eliz. 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  77 

Sir  Henry  now  proceeded  to  make  sure  the  holding  of  what 
he  had  won.  He  fortified  Carrickfergus  and  likewise  Athenry 
— the  chief  town  in  Connaught.  At  Athlone  he  built  a  stone 
bridge  over  the  swift-flowing  Shannon,  and  built  it  so  well 
that  for  the  future  certain  and  easy  access  to  Connaught  was 
assured.  He  began  the  re-edification  of  Dublin  Castle,  which 
was  literally  falling  into  ruin.  The  records  of  the  kingdom 
he  found 

"  in  an  open  place  subject  to  wind,  rain  and  all  weather,  and  so  neglected 
that  they  were  taken  for  common  uses.  Whereupon  with  great  care 
and  diligence  he  caused  them  to  be  perused  and  sorted  and  placed  within 
the  Castle  of  Dublin  in  a  room  well  boarded  with  a  chimney  for  a  fire 
so  that  neither  by  the  moisture  of  the  walls  nor  any  other  means  they 
could  receive  prejudice.  And  several  divisions  were  made  for  laying 
them  separate,  and  one  of  discretion  and  skill  appointed  to  look  after 
them  with  an  assignment  for  his  labour.  He  also  caused  the  statutes 
and  ordinances  of  the  realm  which  lay  hid  and  hardly  known  (but  kept 
in  safety)  to  be  searched,  surveyed  and  viewed  by  men  of  the  best  learning, 
skill  and  discretion  he  could  select,  giving  them  express  charge  to  peruse 
all  and  collect  so  many  thereof  as  they  should  think  necessary  and  expe- 
dient to  be  made  public.  Which  being  perused  he  caused  them  to  be 
printed1." 

But  whether  engaged  in  the  works  of  war  or  peace  Sir  Henry 
in  the  eyes  of  his  sovereign  was  an  unprofitable  servant. 
Almost  weekly  he  received  sharp  and  bitter  letters  from  her. 
Referring  merely  incidentally  to  the  suppression  of  Shan,  she 
complained  that  Sir  Henry  had  not  disbanded  his  forces,  that 
he  was  spending  money  uselessly  on  forts  and  bridges,  that 
none  of  the  Butlers  could  have  any  justice  in  Ulster  because 
of  Sir  John  of  Desmond,  the  Earl's  brother.  Disgusted  with 
a  service  in  which  he  had  sacrificed  his  health  and  £3000  of 
his  own  money,  Sir  Henry  was  comforted  only  by  Cecil's  private 
assurances  of  sympathy  and  friendship.  At  length  he  managed 
on  July  5th  to  procure  license  to  return,  but  although  he  was 
expected  from  week  to  week  throughout  the  summer,  it  was 
October  before  he  arrived  in  England.  On  reaching  Chester 
he  was  compelled  by  illness  to  wait  several  days  before  pro- 
ceeding to  London.  "  The  Viceroy  of  Ireland  is  expected  every 

1  Collins'  Memoirs,  p.  90. 


78  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566—1571          [OH. 

day,"  de  Silva  wrote  Philip  on  October  18th ;  "  he  has  been 
delayed  longer  than  was  thought.  His  wife  sends  to  tell  me  to- 
day that  she  looks  for  him  hourly."  He  arrived  accompanied  by 
a  large  number  of  Irish  chiefs  and  their  followers,  who  came 
at  their  own  suit  "  chiefly  to  behold  the  high  majesty  of  our 
sacred  sovereign."  When  Elizabeth  beheld  the  cavalcade 
approaching  Hampton  Court  she  inquired  with  surprise  who 
it  was  that  came  with  such  a  brave  show.  On  being  informed, 
she  replied  :  "  It  is  well  enough,  for  he  hath  two  of  the  best 
offices  in  the  kingdom." 

"  When  I  came  to  the  Court,"  Sir  Henry  himself  declared,  "  it  was  told 
me  that  it  was  no  war  that  I  had  made  nor  worthy  to  be  called  a  war,  for 
that  Shan  O'Neill  was  but  a  beggar,  an  outlaw,  and  one  of  no  force,  and 
that  the  Scots  stumbled  on  him  by  chance. . .  .And  within  few  days  after 
I  was  charged  for  not  redressing  the  damages  done  to  Ormond  and  his 
followers  by  Sir  John  of  Desmond." 

As  if  to  complete  Sir  Henry's  disgrace,  Elizabeth,  without 
consulting  him,  ordered  Desmond  and  his  brother  to  be  sent 
over  from  Ireland  and  thrown  into  the  Tower,  where  they  were 
detained  for  seven  years — a  piece  of  impolicy  which  was 
directly  responsible  for  the  succeeding  rebellion  in  Munster. 

It  was  a  dreary  home-coming  for  Sir  Henry.  His  health, 
as  a  result -of  the  privations  and  hardships  to  which  he  had 
subjected  himself,  was  wretched,  the  news  of  his  little  daughter's 
death  in  Dublin  soon  reached  him,  and  the  Queen's  utter 
failure  to  appreciate  his  services  wounded  him  deeply. 

"  Sidney,  the  Viceroy  of  Ireland,  came  to  supper  with  me  the  night  before 
last,"  wrote  de  Silva  on  November  15th. ..."  Sidney  is  much  dissatisfied 
with  the  way  in  which  the  Queen  has  treated  him  as  both  he  and  others 
have  told  me.  They  say  his  treatment  is  in  consequence  of  his  not  having 
managed  the  Earl  of  Ormond's  affairs  well.  He  thinks  that  considering 
his  services  and  the  success  of  his  administration  in  Ireland  he  ought  to 
be  rewarded." 

Six  weeks  later  he  wrote :  "  I  am  told  that  the  Viceroy  has 
resigned,  displeased  with  their  treatment  of  him  after  his 
services  there,  and  that  the  Queen  has  appointed  the  Vice- 
Chamberlain  as  his  successor."  An  elaborate  diagnosis  of  his 
disease — The  State  of  Sir  H.  Sidney's  Body — which  was  drawn 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566—1571  79 

up  in  February,  1568,  reads  in  parts  as  though  it  had  been 
made  for  the  special  purpose  of  keeping  him  at  home,  for  in  it 
he  is  warned  against  "all  places  full  of  bogs,  fens  and  marshes"; 
moreover,  "  riding  post  long  journeys  or  upon  a  stirring  horse 
galloping  the  field  clad  in  heavy  armour  and  such-like  are 
very  hurtful  for  the  stone."  There  was  indeed  some  talk  of 
sending  Knowles,  but  from  month  to  month  it  became  more 
evident  that  the  best  available  man  would  not  be  too  good. 
Large  numbers  of  Scots  had  landed  on  the  Antrim  coast,  and 
Tirlough  Lenagh's  actions  were  causing  suspicion  :  continually 
the  Queen  received  letters  from  Ireland  begging  that  Sir  Henry 
might  be  sent  back.  "  The  people  gape  for  the  Lord  Deputy's 
return,"  Captain  Malby  reported  from  Carrickfergus.  On 
February  16th  de  Silva  learned  that  after  much  entreaty  the 
Viceroy  had  consented  to  return  to  his  government. 

Six  months  were  to  pass  before  Sir  Henry  actually  set  out, 
during  which  time  he  was  constantly  sent  for  to  the  Court  to 
discuss  Irish  problems.  No  doubt  he  spent  part  of  the  time 
in  his  Presidency,  where  he  was  busy  in  June,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  in  securing  to  Philip  quiet  possession  of  Whitford  parson- 
age. In  July  he  became  reconciled  to  his  brother-in-law, 
Sussex,  who  was  now  at  length  consoled  by  the  Presidency  of 
York  for  Sir  Henry's  continued  holding  of  the  Welsh  Presi- 
dency. Whether  he  was  consulted  before  the  forfeiture  of  all 
the  Desmond  holdings  in  Munster  on  July  12th  there  is  no 
record.  On  August  2nd  he  paid  a  visit  to  Oxford,  where  Philip 
was  now  a  student.  He  lodged  in  the  Dean's  House  at  Christ 
Church,  and  there  the  degree  of  M.A.  was  conferred  on  him. 
When  a  day  or  two  later  he  left  Oxford  he  took  Philip  with 
him.  Just  one  month  remained  before  Sir  Henry  was  to  return 
to  Ireland  and  its  insoluble  problems,  and  he  had  determined 
to  enjoy  a  few  weeks  of  his  boy's  society  before  setting  out. 
On  their  way  to  Wales  they  stopped  to  pay  a  visit  to  Kenil- 
worth,  and  it  is  pleasant  to  see  the  much-suffering  Lord  Deputy 
free  from  care  for  once. 

"  My  dearest  Lord,"  he  wrote  Leicester  a  few  days  later,  "  I  could  not 
come  so  near  your  fair  and  ancient  Castle  of  Kenilworth  as  my  way  led  me 
to  do  and  leave  it  unseen,  but  thither  I  went  where  the  entertainment  that 


80  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571          [CH. 

my  cousin  Thomas  Blount  and  other  your  servants  gave  me  showed 
their  civility,  and  that  they  knew  me  to  be  your  Lordship's  well- beloved 
brother.  There  met  me  my  Lord  Berkeley,  Sir  Fulke  Greville  and  John 
Stanhope.  Sir  Giles  Poole  and  Thomas  Throgmorton  of  Gloucestershire 
came  thither  with  me.  I  would  not  hunt,  but  fish  I  did,  and  took  an 
hundred  good  breames  at  a  draught,  which  I  appointed  to  be  kept  for  you 
till  your  Lordship's  coming.  I  was  never  more  in  love  with  an  old  house, 
nor  never  new  work  could  better  be  bestowed  than  that  which  you  have 
done.  I  have  appointed  salvo  meliori  judicio  where  your  chapel  shall 
stand — in  the  void  room  by  Caesar's  tower  or,  agreeably  with  the  stately 
buildings  of  the  house,  to  fill  up  a  part  of  the  room  between  John  of  Gaunt' s 
building  and  the  porter's  lodge.  Which  chapel,  if  you  will  get  me  home 
this  next  spring,  I  and  Cox  at  our  own  proper  cost  and  charges  will  be 
bound  to  begin  and  finish  within  one  year  in  fair,  decent  and  durable 
manner." 

This  letter  wa$  written  from  Shrewsbury  on  August  8th,  when 
for  three  days  Sir  Henry  had  been  sore  troubled  with  his  dis- 
ease. On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  Cecil  commending  to  his 
care  his  wife  and  boy,  and  sending  his  regards  to  Lady  Cecil, 
Lady  Bacon  and  Sir  Nicholas.  Sir  Henry  spent  the  month 
in  Wales  with  Lady  Mary  and  Philip,  lumen  familiae  suae  ; 
to  all  of  them  it  must  have  seemed  a  blessed  interval. 

By  September  6th  the  Deputy  had  landed  in  Carrickfergus. 
Separated  from  his  family,  he  could  at  least  know  that  they 
were  left  under  the  protection  of  warm  friends — of  whom  the 
warmest  was  Her  Majesty's  Principal  Secretary.  All  Cecil's 
letters  at  this  time  bear  testimony  to  his  enthusiasm  and  high 
regard  for  the  Sidneys.  In  a  letter  of  August  10th  he  begs 
Sir  Henry 

"  to  keep  an  assured  account  of  my  inner  hearty  good  will  to  you  and 
yours,  and  to  measure  me  by  deeds  and  not  by  words,  for  surely,  sir,  I 
have  neither  many  times  such  leisure,  nor  indeed  pleasure  to  use  many 
words  as  I  may  have  commodity  in  friendly  offices  to  show  myself  your 
assured  bounden  friend,  and  as  you  have  gently  and  courteously  remem- 
bered in  your  commendations  my  wife,  and  your  little  maid,  my  daughter 
[Anne  Cecil],  so  I  wish  health  to  my  good  Lady,  your  wife,  and  increase 
of  all  goodness  to  your  son,  my  darling  master  Philip1." 

Three  weeks  later,  and  just  before  Sir  Henry  sailed,  Cecil 
wrote  him  : 

1  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  vol.  xxv,  Aug.  10,  1568. 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  81 

"  Now  I  have  not  many  things  of  weight  saving  one,  and  that  is  heavy 
for  you  to  bear,  considering  you  have  therein  offended  many,  and  not  to 
detain  you  in  longer  expectation  this  it  is ;  you  carried  away  your  son 
and  my  scholar  from  Oxford,  not  only  from  his  book  but  from  the  commodity 
to  have  been  seen  of  my  lords  his  uncles,  and  to  have  been  opposed  by 
me,  and  to  have  pleasured  both  me  and  my  wife.  I  think  indeed  either 
you  forgot  the  Queen's  progress  to  be  so  near,  or  else  you  have  some 
matter  of  merit  to  allege  both  for  your  taking  Him  from  Oxford  and  for 
detaining  of  him  so  long  in  wild  Wales.  I  think  my  Lord  of  Leicester 
will  challenge  you  earnestly,  and  therefore  I  will  say  Dixi1." 

We  have  here  another  proof  of  Leicester's  early  devotion  to 
his  nephew  and  of  Sir  William's  and  Lady  Cecil's  enthusiastic 
liking  for  him.  Beneath  the  words  of  playful  reproof  there  is 
an  undertone  of  genuine  disappointment.  Though  dwelling 
constantly  in  a  "  tubful  of  business,"  Cecil  found  time  to 
write  Sir  Henry  frequent  brief  notes2 — quite  apart  from  the 
formal,  Secretary's  letters — in  which  he  gave  unwonted  ex- 
pression to  his  friendly  sentiments.  Here  is  one  written  from 
Hampton  Court  on  Nov.  19th. 

"  MY  GOOD  LORD  : 

I  find  myself  inwardly  touched  with  some  care  for  lack  of 
understanding  how  and  what  you  do,  for  since  your  departure  out  of 
England  I  never  heard  of  your  proceeding  in  Ireland,  which  to  one  that 
hath  inwardly  conceived  and  printed  in  his  mind  characters  of  true  friend- 
ship towards  you  cannot  but  breed  grief  of  mind,  and  in  this  sort  have  I 
of  late  time  written  sundry  letters  but  to  them  I  have  no  answer.  And 
yet  if  I  may  once  hear  that  you  do  well  I  will  take  that  only  for  a  full 
satisfaction. ..  .My  Lady,  your  wife,  shall,  I  trust  be  here  on  Monday, 
and  so  I  end." 

Sir  Henry,  in  acknowledging  these  "  most  kind  and  loving 
letters,"  could  only  protest  that  they  gave  him  more  comfort 
than  ever  he  looked  to  enjoy  in  that  government.  The  con- 
stant knowledge  of  Cecil's  approval  and  friendship  was  indeed 
Sir  Henry's  chief  solace  and  support. 

From  Carrickfergus  the  Deputy  made  a  short  progress 
through  Ulster  and,  thanks  to  the  exertions  of  Captains  Piers 
and  Malby,  whom  he  had  left  in  charge,  found  the  country  in 

1  Ibid.,  Sept.  3,  1568. 

»  Ibid.,  Oct.  24th,  Nov.  6th,  Nov.  19th,  Nov.  29th. 

w.  L.  s.  6 


82  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571          [CH. 

an  unwonted  state  of  order.  He  had  satisfactory  conferences 
both  with  Tirlough  Lenagh  and  the  Antrim  Scots.  Of  the 
prosperity  of  the  district  about  Carrickfergus  Sir  Henry  himself 
has  left  quite  an  idyllic  picture — provisions  were  cheap  and 
abundant  and  trade  was  carried  on  with  Scotland,  the  Isle  of 
Man  and  the  English  Pale  ;  "out  of  France  in  one  summer 
three  barks  of  forty  tons  apiece  discharged  their  loading  of 
excellent  good  Gascoigne  wine,  the  which  they  sold  for  nineteen 
cow  skins  the  hogshead." 

But  if  Ulster  was  at  peace  Munster  promised  to  keep 
Sir  Henry  more  than  occupied.  There  the  situation  had  changed 
radically  within  the  year.  To  pleasure  Ormond  Elizabeth  had 
not  only  imprisoned  Desmond,  but  had  meted  out  similar 
treatment  to  his  brother  Sir  John,  whose  government  of 
Desmond's  country  had  called  forth  Sir  Henry's  commendation. 
The  imprisonment  of  the  Geraldine  chiefs  was  followed  by  the 
forfeiting  of  their  lands,  and  Sir  Henry  was  ordered  to  proceed 
with  the  work  of  sequestration.  This  would  have  been  suffi- 
cient in  itself  to  precipitate  a  rebellion,  but  two  other  courses 
had  been  decided  on,  either  one  of  which  was  almost  equally 
potent  in  the  same  direction.  For  the  first  time  a  serious 
attempt  was  to  be  made  to  introduce  Protestantism  in  a  country 
where  all  the  natives  were  Catholics.  Moreover,  England 
was  about  to  attempt  in  the  south  and  west  of  the  island 
the  first  of  her  fatal  colonization  schemes.  In  its  inception 
Sir  Peter  Carew  made  the  mistake  of  beginning  by  seizing  certain 
lands  belonging  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond.  The  immediate  effect  of 
this  act  was  to  drive  the  latter's  brothers,  Piers  and  Edmund 
and  "  that  blessed  babe  Edward  Butler,"  who  had  been  brought 
up  in  Sir  Henry  Sidney's  household,  to  raise  troops  for  their 
own  defence,  and  James  Fitzmaurice,  a  brother  of  the  Earl 
of  Desmond,  deemed  the  time  opportune  to  make  a  supreme 
effort  to  prevent  the  annihilation  of  the  power  of  the  Geraldines. 
He  was  joined  by  the  Earl  of  Clancarty  and  all  the  chieftains 
of  the  south-west,  he  despatched  the  Archbishop  of  Cashel  to 
Spain  to  beseech  Philip  to  aid  him  with  an  army,  and  he 
had  no  difficulty  in  persuading  the  Earls  of  Thomond  and 
Clanricarde  to  rouse  all  Connaught  and  Tirlough  Lenagh  to  take 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  83 

the  field  in  Ulster.  Absurd  stories  to  the  effect  that  Leicester 
was  to  be  King  of  England  and  Sir  Henry  Sidney  King  of 
Ireland  fanned  the  flame,  and  by  the  summer  of  1569  the  whole 
country  was  in  a  blaze. 

Into  the  minute  details  and  ramifications  of  this  first 
Desmond  rebellion  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  go  now.  Sir  Henry 
with  such  forces  as  he  could  muster  marched  through  Munster, 
through  Connaught,  and  finally  through  Ulster  to  the  very 
north  of  the  island,  beating  down  all  opposition.  Had  the 
Butlers  joined  with  the  Geraldines,  or  had  a  Spanish  army 
actually  landed,  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  the  Deputy's 
slender  resources  would  have  been  equal  to  the  occasion. 
After  returning  from  Ulster  Sir  Henry  made  a  progress  through 
the  whole  south  and  west,  holding  sessions  for  the  punishment 
of  the  rebels.  In  Kilkenny  alone  he  had  above  sixty  persons 
condemned  and  executed.  "  In  this  journey,"  he  himself 
says,  "  I  did  as  good  service  as  ever  I  did  in  any  peaceable 
progress." 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  assume  that  Sir  Henry  Sidney  is 
not  to  be  held  responsible  for  his  full  share  of  this  wild  work 
of  ruthless  injustice  and  bloodshed.  He  was  an  enthusiastic 
advocate  of  the  solution  of  the  Irish  problem  by  means  of 
colonists,  and  no  part  of  his  work  in  Ireland  was  more  gratify- 
ing to  him  than  the  success  of  a  colony  of  forty  families  of  the 
reformed  churches  of  the  Low  Countries,  which  he  planted  in 
the  ruinous  town  of  Swords  near  Dublin.  We  do  not  know 
that  he  was  apprised  of  the  scheme  of  the  Munster  adventurers 
from  the  beginning,  but  on  June  30,  1569,  he  gave  it  his 
definite  approval.  Three  of  the  adventurers,  St  Leger,  Carew 
and  Gilbert,  were  among  his  best  friends  and  most  trusted 
lieutenants.  Of  his  warm  approval  of  St  Leger  we  have  already 
heard.  At  the  funeral  of  Sir  Peter  Carew  a  few  years  later 
(he  died  on  Nov.  27,  1575)  Sir  Henry  said  : 

"  Here  lieth  now  in  his  last  rest  a  most  worthy  and  a  noble  gentle 
knight,  whose  faith  to  his  prince  was  never  yet  stained,  his  truth  to  his 
country  never  spotted,  and  his  valiantness  in  service  never  daunted. 
A  better  subject  the  prince  never  had1." 

Archceologia,  vol.  xxvrn,  p.  96. 

6—2 


84  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571          [CH. 

Humphrey  Gilbert  he  considered  one  of  the  best  English 
captains  in  Ireland  ;  his  letters  to  Cecil  frequently  refer  to 
Gilbert's  abilities  and  worth,  and  Sir  Henry  knighted  him 
for  his  services  in  helping  to  suppress  this  very  rebellion. 
Sir  Nicholas  Malby — "the  valiant  Malby" — and  Sir  Edward 
Fitton,  the  President  of  the  Connaught  Council,  of  whom 
Sir  Henry  declared  that  he  had  "  ministered  nothing  but  justice 
and  that  too  mildly,"  were  men  of  the  same  stamp.  They  were 
all  capable  soldiers  and  administrators,  not  given  to  examining 
too  closely  the  right  or  wrong  of  the  enterprise  in  which  they 
were  engaged,  and  prepared  ruthlessly  to  stamp  out  all  opposi- 
tion to  the  Queen's  authority.  The  trouble  was  that  English- 
men, one  and  all,  had  come  to  look  on  Ireland  as  a  land  given 
over  to  rebellion  and  barbarism  ;  its  inhabitants  they  con- 
sidered as  irreclaimable  savages,  and  they  contemplated  a 
"  killing  "  of  them — men,  women  and  children — much  as  they 
would  have  contemplated  the  work  of  freeing  the  land  from  a 
pack  of  wolves.  Judged  by  the  standard  of  his  own  day — 
the  only  fair  criterion  for  judging  any  man — Sir  Henry  was 
conspicuous  for  his  love  of  justice  to  every  man  of  whatever 
condition,  but  even  his  humanity,  for  which  he  was  known 
everywhere,  did  not  extend  to  the  wretched  people  whom  he 
was  sent  to  govern,  when  they  were  in  rebellion  against  his 
sovereign.  In  saying  this  we  are  only  recognizing  that  he 
shared  a  sentiment  which  was  universal  among  Englishmen 
of  his  day. 

Peace  was  once  more  temporarily  established,  but  the 
Orrnond  barb  remained  fastened  in  Sir  Henry's  side.  It  was 
the  same  story.  Ormond  complained  that  he  could  get  no 
justice  of  Sidney,  the  Queen  wrote  him  "  bitter  "  letters,  and 
Ormond's  exaction  of  coin  and  livery  and  his  freedom  from  all 
charges  on  his  lands,  even  those  within  the  Pale,  spread  dis- 
content and  mutiny  among  his  neighbours.  "  If  you  joy 
anything  in  my  life,"  Sir  Henry  wrote  Cecil  at  the  beginning  of 
1570,  "  get  me  home  this  next  April  for  I  feel  I  shall  not  live 
here  till  midsummer."  But  Elizabeth  had  no  wish  to  recall 
a  servant  whose  ability  she  had  never  doubted.  On  May  4th 
he  wrote  to  the  Council  beseeching  them  that  Lady  Sidney 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  85 

might  have  license  to  come  to  Dublin,  and  on  June  21st  he 
wrote  to  Tremayne,  urging  him  to  hasten  her  coming.  A  month 
later  Tremayne  was  in  Ireland,  and  he  wrote  to  Cecil  that 
unless  the  Lord  Deputy  were  relieved  of  his  griefs  he  could 
be  of  no  long  continuance  in  this  world. 

Poor  Lady  Mary's  troubles  at  home  had  hardly  been  less 
grievous  than  those  of  her  husband  in  Ireland,  and  they  were 
not  markedly  different  in  kind.  Her  health  was  wretched,  she 
was  never  able  to  satisfy  her  creditors,  and  she  was  made 
miserable  by  her  sense  of  the  Queen's  ingratitude.  Cecil  had 
remained  her  steadfast  friend.  Sir  Henry  had  frequently  to 
thank  him  for  his  "  courteous  visitation "  of  his  wife,  and 
when  her  last  son  was  born  (March  25,  1569)  Cecil  and 
Sussex  were  the  god-fathers.  Probably  to  emphasize  the  newly 
established  friendliness  between  the  Sidneys  and  Sussex,  the 
boy  was  named  after  him — Thomas — not  much  it  would  seem 
to  Sir  Henry's  liking. 

"  I  most  heartily  thank  you,"  he  wrote  to  Cecil,  "  for  the  great  honour 
you  did  rne  in  helping  to  make  a  Christian  of  my  little  son,  rejoicing  not 
a  little  in  any  kind  of  alliance  that  may  be  between  us,  and  the  straighter 
the  more  joyfuller  to  me.  But  indeed  I  have  not  my  will  for  I  left  order 
that  if  it  were  a  boy  it  should  have  been  a  William,  if  a  wench  Cycell1." 

In  many  ways  Cecil  befriended  Lady  Sidney,  and  she  did 
not  hesitate  constantly  to  avail  herself  of  his  friendship.  In 
the  following  letter  which  she  wrote  to  him  on  June  1st,  1570, 
regarding  a  suit  to  the  Queen,  we  have  a  sadly  realistic  picture 
of  her  life  at  the  time  : 

"  Sir,  these  occasions  force  me  to  continue  my  troubling  of  you  beseech- 
ing you  to  regard  the  greatness  of  the  cause  thereof  unto  me.  First,  sir, 
whereas  it  pleaseth  you  to  send  me  word  you  think  if  I  did  move  the 
matter  myself  it  were  likely  I  might  obtain  my  suit,  truly,  to  that,  neither 
can  I  be  there  in  any  time  before  the  progress  so  to  benefit  myself,  for 
that  I  am  entered  upon  great  cause  into  the  diet  already.  Neither  if  I 
were  there  could  I  have  the  face  to  speak  so  effectually  as  I  am  sure  I 
should  thereby  profit  myself  in  that  I  speak.  I  once  again  most  humbly 
crave  your  goodness  herein  unto  me  as  once  more  to  continue  earnestly 
to  speak  in  it.  And  since  there  is  no  flat  denial  made  I  hope  there  may 

1  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  June  30,  1669. 


86  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571          [CH. 

be  grace  obtained The  term  ends  on  Wednesday,  the  progress  begins 

shortly  after.  I  shall  be  left  in  miserable  state  any  way  if  it  please  not 
your  honour  to  take  care  of  me,  for  after  the  term  once  ends  I  shall  want 
my  friends'  assistance  in  all  my  causes." 

She  goes  on  to  say  that  if  it  is  granted  later  it  will  be  of 
little  "  commodity  "  to  her, 

"  where  now  if  it  were  finished  I  am  offered  present  money.     Truly  I 

have  moved  divers  my  friends  in  court How  then  can  she  [the  Queen] 

stick  at  so  small  a  trifle  as  poor  £22  a  year  for  12  years'  service  ?  Well, 
God  knows  to  what  end  I  only  desire  it. ..." 

To  the  long  letter  was  added  a  postscript : 

"  Yet  once  more  pardon  me  I  beseech  your  Lordship  that  I  crave  again 
your  speedy,  earnest  care  of  me  even  for  God's  sake  that  my  poor  creditors 
may  be  imprested  their  due.  I  know  if  you  knew  the  miserable  state  I 
live  in  with  my  health  for  it,  your  virtue  would  move  you  to  pity1." 

It  is  a  distressing  picture — that  of  the  high-born  lady  broken 
in  health  and  cumbered  with  debt,  and  so  eager  to  gain  posses- 
sion of  even  a  small  sum  of  money  that  she  is  willing  to  make 
some  sacrifice  of  her  dignity  in  the  effort.  There  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  she  was  able  to  go  to  Ireland  as  Sir  Henry 
wished,  and  toward  the  end  of  the  year  he  secured  his  recall. 

To  one  important  task  Sir  Henry  had  still  to  give  his 
attention,  the  holding  of  a  session  of  the  Irish  Parliament. 
Although  about  to  leave  Ireland,  as  he  believed  for  the  last 
time,  he  never  exerted  himself  more  strenuously  for  the 
well-being  of  the  country.  He  was  gratified  by  the  passing 
of  many  laws  which  would  put  the  permanent  revenue  on  a 
more  stable  basis,  and  would  make  for  the  extension  of  law 
and  justice.  One  of  his  schemes  for  the  planting  of  grammar 
schools  throughout  the  land  had  been  allowed,  but  the  Parlia- 
ment, to  Sir  Henry's  great  sorrow,  had  negatived  his  desire 
to  establish  a  University  in  Dublin. 

On  March  18,  1571,  Sir  Henry  saw  his  children  embarked 
for  England,  and  one  week  later  he  followed  them.  At  his  de- 
parture he  was  given  a  remarkable  proof  of  the  high  estimation 

1  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  June  1,  1570. 


v]  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland,  1566 — 1571  87 

in  which  his  services  to  the  country  were  held.     To  quote 
Campion  : 

"  He  was  honoured  at  the  point  of  his  going  with  such  recourse,  pomp, 
music,  shows  and  interludes  as  no  man  remembereth  the  like.  He  took 
ship  towards  England  at  the  key  of  Divelin  [Dublin]  in  Lent  following, 
accompanied  to  sea  with  the  Estates  and  Worshipful  of  Ireland  with 
innumerable  hearty  prayers,  and  with  that  wish  of  his  return  whereof 
but  few  Governors  in  these  last  sixty  years  have  held  possession.  The 
man  was  surely  much  loved  of  them  from  his  first  office  of  Treasurer 
in  the  second  year  of  Queen  Mary,  stately  without  disdain,  familiar  with- 
out contempt,  very  continent  and  chaste  of  body,  no  more  than  enough 
liberal,  learned  in  many  languages  and  a  great  lover  of  learning,  perfect 
in  blazoning  of  arms,  skilful  of  antiquities,  of  wit  fresh  and  lively,  in 
consultations  very  temperate,  in  utterance  happy,  which  his  experience 
and  wisdom  have  made  artificial,  a  preferrer  of  many,  a  father  of  his 
servants,  both  in  war  and  peace  of  commendable  courage." 

With  these  words  Campion  concludes  his  History,  and  we 
cannot  but  feel  that  in  the  contemporary  character-sketch 
we  have  a  portrait  of  Sir  Henry,  which  is  fairly  discriminating 
and  genuinely  suggestive  of  the  man. 


CHAPTER  VI 

UNIVERSITY   EDUCATION 

THE  only  fact  which  we  are  able  to  record  in  the  life 
of  Philip  Sidney  between  Michaelmas,  1566 — the  date  of 
Marshall's  last  entry  in  his  book  of  accounts — and  August  2, 
1568,  when  his  father  visited  Oxford  to  receive  the  degree  of 
M.A.,  is  that  at  some  time  before  the  latter  date  Philip  had 
become  a  student  of  Christ  Church1.  The  matriculation  and 
subscription  books  of  the  University  are  available,  unfortunately, 
only  from  about  1570.  There  is  no  real  evidence  for  assuming 
that  1568  was  the  year  in  which  Philip  began  his  college  life 
rather  than  1567,  nor  does  his  age  make  the  one  date  more 
probable  than  the  other.  Kichard  Carew  had  entered  Christ 
Church  in  1566  at  the  age  of  eleven,  and  a  University  statute 
of  1581  recognizes  matriculants  under  twelve  and  over  sixteen 
years  of  age2. 

We  have  little  detailed  knowledge  of  the  three  or  four  years 
which  Philip  spent  at  the  University,  and  the  greater  part  of  what 
we  do  know  has  to  do  not  with  his  studies,  but  with  his  relation 
to  his  father's  friend,  Sir  William  Cecil.  The  intimacy  between 
the  two  families  had  never  been  greater  than  it  was  during  this 
summer  of  1568,  when  we  first  hear  of  the  boy's  having  attracted 
the  great  statesman's  attention.  In  a  letter  to  Sir  Henry  on 
August  10th,  Cecil  wrote  : 

"As  you  have  gently  and  courteously  remembered  in  your  commenda- 
tions my  wife,  and  your  little  maid,  my  daughter,  so  I  wish  health  to  my 
good  Lady,  your  wife,  and  increase  of  all  goodness  to  your  son,  my  darling 
master  Philip3." 

1  Mr  Fox-Bourne's  claim  to  have  fixed  the  date  within  a  month  or  two 
cannot  be  allowed.     See  his  Preface,  ix. 

2  Register  of  the  University  of  Oxford  (Ox.  Hist.  Soc.),  vol.  n,  p.  167. 

3  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  vol.  xxv. 


CH.  vi]  University  Education  89 

We  have  already  heard  him  a  few  weeks  later  upbraiding 
Sir  Henry  for  carrying  off  from  Oxford  "  your  son  and  my 
scholar."  Some  three  months  later  Sir  Henry  wrote  Cecil  from 
Ireland : 

"  I  most  heartily  thank  you  for  your  courteous  visitation  of  my  wife. 
I  pray  you  sometime  barken  of  our  boy  and  be  working  how  to  get  home 
the  father.  I  have  no  more,  but  with  my  most  hearty  commendations 
to  yourself,  my  lady  and  my  sweet  jewel,  your  daughter,  I  wish  you  all 
as  well  as  I  would  myself1." 

On  January  29th  Cecil  wrote  Sir  Henry :  "  Your  Philip  is 
here,  in  whom  I  take  more  comfort  than  T  do  openly  utter  for 
avoiding  of  wrong  interpretation.  He  is  worthy  to  be  loved, 
and  so  I  do  love  him  as  he  were  my  son2." 

Cecil  felt  unwonted  enthusiasm  for  his  friend's  handsome 
boy,  and  the  expression  with  which  his  last  letter  concludes 
may  have  been  drawn  out  by  some  tentative  suggestion  of 
Sir  Henry  regarding  an  alliance  between  the  families.  This  at 
length  took  the  form  of  a  definite  proposal  that  Philip  and  Anne 
Cecil,  the  sweet  jewel  of  Sir  Henry's  letters,  be  betrothed.  In 
the  circumstances  the  proposal  was  a  most  natural  one.  Mar- 
riages in  the  sixteenth  century  were  almost  invariably  arranged 
by  the  parents,  and  Cecil  believed  heartily  in  the  practice  ; 
"  marry  thy  daughters  in  time  lest  they  marry  themselves," 
was  the  advice  which  he  himself  afterwards  gave  to  his  own 
son,  Robert.  The  date  of  Anne  Cecil's  birth  is  not  known, 
but  she  was  probably  about  one  year  younger  than  Philip3. 
Cecil's  reply  to  Sir  Henry's  proposal  was  highly  characteristic  : 

"My  good  Lord:  If  my  power  for  doing  or  my  leisure  for  writing  were 
as  some  portion  of  my  desire  is  to  testify  to  you  my  good  will  you  should 
have  as  good  proof  thereof  as  I  see  you  have  in  hope  an  assurance.  I 

1  Collins'  Letters,  etc.,  p.  40,  Nov.  30,  1568. 

2  State  Papers,  ut  supra,  vol.  xxvn. 

3  On  Nov.  30,  1557,  Sir  Philip  Hoby  wrote  Cecil  upbraiding  him  for  not 
planning  to  visit  Byssham,  Sir  Philip's  seat,  at  Christmas,  "  all  of  which," 
he  says,  "  I  know  doth  come  of  my  Lady  because  she  cannot  leave  little  Tanni- 
kin,  her  daughter....!  pray  you   desire   my  Lady  to  come  and  to  bring 
Tannikin  with  her,  and  I  hope  so  to  provide  for  her  and  her  nurse  as  all  the 
house  shall  be  merry  and  that,  notwithstanding,  at  her  own  ease  and  quiet." 
(State  Papers — Domestic — Mary,  vol.  xi.)     See  Burghley's  letter  to  Rutland 
(p.  93),  from  which  it  might  be  inferred  that  at  the  end  of  the  year  1571,  Anne 
was  about  sixteen  years  of  age. 


90  University  Education  [CH. 

thank  you  for  your  free  offer  made  to  me  by  your  letters  by  Cocker 
concerning  your  son,  whom  truly  I  do  so  like  for  his  own  conditions  and 
singular  towardness  in  all  good  things  as  I  think  you  a  happy  father  for  so 
joyful  a  son.  And  as  for  the  interest  that  it  pleaseth  you  to  offer  me  in 
him  I  must  confess  if  the  child  alone  were  valued  without  the  natural  good 
that  dependeth  of  you  his  father,  I  could  not  but  think  him  worthy  the 
love  I  bear  him,  which  certainly  is  more  than  I  do  express  outwardly  for 
avoiding  of  sinister  interpretation.  For  as  for  the  account  to  have  him 
my  son  I  see  so  many  incidenties  as  it  sufficeth  me  to  love  the  child  for 
himself  without  regard  therein  of  my  daughter,  whom  surely  I  love  so 
well  as,  so  it  be  within  my  degree  or  not  much  above,  I  shall  think  none 
too  good  for  her.  Thus  you  see  a  father's  fondness  which  to  a  father  I 
dare  discover,  and  so  for  this  time  it  sufficeth1." 

Cecil  was  essentially  cold  and  calculating,  and  given  to 
scanning  sharply  the  "  incidenties  "  of  a  situation.  His  letter 
to  Sir  Henry  meant  that  the  determining  consideration  in  the 
choice  of  Anne  Cecil's  husband  would  be  his  rank  and  his 
wealth.  Accordingly  Sir  Henry  drew  up  a  statement  of  his 
assets  and  liabilities  and  sent  Edward  Waterhouse,  the  Clerk 
of  the  Council,  to  negotiate  with  Cecil. 

"Let  me  know  what  you  would  have  me  do,"  wrote  Sir  Henry,  "and 
you  shall  find  me  ready.  For  before  God  in  these  matters  I  am  utterly 
ignorant  as  one  that  never  made  a  marriage  in  his  life.  But  I  mean  truly 
and  sincerely  loving  your  daughter  as  one  of  my  own,  regarding  her 
virtue  above  any  other  dot,  and  your  friendship  more  than  all  the  money 
you  will  give.  And  for  my  boy  I  confess  that  if  I  might  have  every 
week  a  boy  I  should  never  have  none  like  him,  and  accordingly  I  have 
dealt  with  him,  for  I  do  not  know  above  a  hundred  a  year  of  mine  that 
I  have  not  already  assured  to  him4." 

The  negotiating  went  on  for  nearly  a  year.  In  June 
Sir  Henry  sent  commendations 

"  to  my  dear  jewel  and  our  daughter  I  trust,  of  whose  recovery  I  rejoice 
not  a  little.     In  truth  afore  God  I  assure  you  that  I  joy  in  no  child  I  have  ' 
so  much  as  in  her,  that  child  only  except  who,  I  trust  shall  enjoy  her." 

1  State  Papers — Ireland— Eliz.,  vol.  xxvn,  Feb.  2,  1569. 

"  Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports— Salisbury  MSS.,  Apr.  7,  1569.  Perhaps 
Sir  Henry  had  this  matter  in  his  mind  when  sometime  in  1568  he  caused  a 
detailed  statement  to  be  drawn  up  of  the  yearly  value  of  his  lands  and  other 
possessions  in  the  counties  of  Lincoln,  Rutland,  Kent  and  Surrey.  The  total 
amounted  to  £1140.  4«.  2rf.  per  annum.  (Lansdowne  MSS.,  vol.  x,  fol.  107 +  . 
a  Latin  document  of  eleven  pages.) 


vi]  University  Education  91 

By  August  tentative  marriage  settlements  were  drawn  up1, 
and  when  the  Earl  of  Leicester  interested  himself  in  the  affair 
he  and  Cecil  were  able  to  agree  on  the  amounts  which  should 
be  settled  on  Philip  and  Anne  respectively  by  their  parents. 
Throughout  the  greater  part  of  his  Life  Philip  was  regarded 
as  Leicester's  heir,  and  no  doubt  this  fact  was  of  primary 
importance  in  the  mind  of  the  worldly  Cecil.  The  terms  were 
submitted  to  Sir  Henry,  who  was  not  disposed  to  cavil.  John 
Thomas,  his  treasurer,  reported  to  Cecil  that  the  Lord  Deputy 

' '  doth  very  well  like  every  of  them  [the  articles]  and  is  ready  to  perform 
it  in  such  sort  as  by  yourself  shall  be  thought  meet.  I  moved  him  also 
touching  the  marriage  money  to  know  whether  he  would  receive  it  himself 
or  else  bestow  the  same  upon  the  two  children,  for  so  I  promised  your 
honour  I  would  do.  He  is  very  well  contented  the  money  shall  be  employed 
to  their  commodity,  and  that  he  will  receive  no  part  of  it  himself,  which 
he  promised  me  he  would  affirm  in  his  next  letter  unto  your  honour,  etc.2" 

Sir  Henry  evidently  regarded  the  arrangement  as  settled. 
Two  days  later  he  wrote  congratulations  to  Lady  Cecil  on  the 
engagement  between  their  children,  and  to  Anne  he  sent  his 
"  loving  and  father's  kiss."  He  begged  Lady  Cecil  to  have 
regard  that  her  son  [Philip]  should  not  study  too  much  "  for 
I  fear  he  will  be  too  much  given  to  his  book,  and  yet  I  have 
heard  of  few  wise  fathers  doubt  that  in  their  children3." 
Cecil,  however,  had  by  no  means  made  up  his  mind.  On 
Sept.  7th  he  wrote  to  Nicholas  White,  an  agent  of  his  in  Ireland, 
asking  him  to  look  into  the  terms  of  the  agreement  as  carefully 
as  he  could,  and  on  Oct.  27th  White  replied  : 

"I  have  a  doubt  of  the  articles  accorded  between  H.  S.  and  your  honour. 
I  thought  the  land  had  been  of  greater  value  and  I  do  not  find  what  A.  C. 
shall  have  if  P.  S.  at  the  years  of  consent  refuse  to  marry.  But  considering 
it  is  wisely  provided  that  A.  C.  shall  have  free  liberty  of  consenting  at 
those  years,  the  interim  is  well  bestowed  in  mutual  friendship  which  is 
plentifully  perceived  from  your  honour  to  him." 

The  marriage  contract  reached  Sir  Henry  in  Ireland  when 
the  Munster  rebellion  was  at  its  height ;  he  failed  to  return  it 
at  once  and  eventually  it  was  mislaid.  This  served  Cecil  as  a 

1  Ibid.,  Aug.  6,  1569. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  xxix,  Oct.  24,  1569. 

8  Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports— Salisbury  MSS.,  Oct.  26,  1569. 


92  University  Education  [CH. 

pretext  to  complain  of  Sir  Henry's  coldness  in  the  matter — 
the  preliminary  to  his  breaking  off  negotiations. 

"  I  am  sorry,"  Sir  Henry  answered,  "  that  you  find  coldness  anywhere 
in  proceeding  where  such  good  liking  appeared  in  the  beginning,  but  for 
my  part  I  never  was  more  ready  to  perfect  that  matter  than  presently 
I  am,  assuring  you  for  my  part  if  I  might  have  the  greatest  Prince's 
daughter  in  Christendom  for  him,  the  match  spoken  of  between  us  on 
my  part  should  not  be  broken." 

This  letter  was  dated  Feb.  24,  1570,  and  in  it  Sir  Henry  still 
refers  to  "  our  daughter  Anne,"  but  we  may  feel  sure  that 
before  this  time  Cecil  had  decided  against  the  match.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  guess  at  his  reasons.  Sir  Henry  grew  less  and  less  in 
favour  with  Elizabeth,  his  patrimony  was  decreasing  and  he  was 
always  in  money  difficulties.  Philip's  chances  of  some  day  being 
Leicester's  heir  were  very  uncertain.  Perhaps  Lady  Sidney's 
constant  applications  for  assistance  may  have  had  a  share  in 
determining  Cecil's  attitude  :  "Be  sure  to  keep  some  great  man 
thy  friend  but  trouble  him  not  for  trifles,"  was  another  of  his 
maxims,  the  latter  part  of  which  Lady  Sidney  was  wont  to 
violate.  Perhaps  his  own  elevation  to  be  Baron  of  Burghley, 
coinciding  almost  exactly  as  it  does  in  time  with  the  date  of 
Sir  Henry's  last  letter,  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  his 
resolving  to  look  higher.  At  any  rate  within  the  next  eighteen 
months  Cecil — or  Burghley,  as  we  must  now  call  him — definitely 
rejected  Philip  as  a  suitor  for  his  daughter's  hand,  seriously  con- 
sidered another  possible  husband,  and  finally  about  Midsummer, 
1571,  decided  on  the  young  Earl  of  Oxford,  who  was  already 
reputed  one  of  the  most  dissolute  and  wrong-headed  of  the 
younger  courtiers.  As  a  ward  he  had  lived  for  some  years  at  Cecil 
House,  where  in  a  fit  of  passion  he  had  killed  one  of  the  servants 
on  July  23,  15671.  On  August  3,  1571,  Burghley  notes  :  "  The 
Earl  of  Oxford  declared  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  at  Hampton 
Court  his  desire  to  match  with  my  daughter  Anne,  whereto  the 
Queen  assented2."  Dazzled  by  the  brilliance  of  the  match 
Burghley  was  able  to  perceive  fine  qualities  in  his  prospective 
son-in-law.  A  very  interesting  letter  which  he  wrote  to  the 

1  Notes  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  by  the  Lord  Treasurer  Burghley  (Mur- 
din,  Burghley  State  Papers).  2  Ibid. 


vi]  University  Education  93 

Duke  of  Kutland  is  illustrative  both  of  his  character  and  of  his 
point  of  view  in  the  matter  of  the  marriage  : 

"  I  think  it  doth  seem  strange  to  your  Lordship,"  he  wrote  on  Aug.  15th, 
"to  hear  of  a  purposed  determination  in  my  Lord  of  Oxford  to  marry 
with  my  daughter,  and  so  before  his  Lordship  moved  it  to  me  might  I 
have  thought  it.  For  at  his  own  motion  I  could  not  well  imagine  what 
to  think,  considering  I  never  meant  to  seek  it  nor  hoped  of  it.  And  yet 
reason  moved  me  to  think  well  of  my  Lord,  and  to  knowledge  myself 
greatly  beholding  to  him,  as  indeed  I  do.  Truly,  my  Lord,  after  I  was 
acquainted  of  the  former  intention  of  a  marriage  with  Mr.  Philip  Sidney, 
whom  always  I  loved  and  esteemed,  I  was  fully  determined  to  have  of 
myself  moved  no  marriage  for  my  daughter  until  she  should  have  been  near 
sixteen  years,  that  with  moving  I  might  also  conclude.  And  yet  I  thought 
it  not  inconvenient  in  the  meantime,  being  free,  to  harken  to  any  motion 
made  by  such  others  as  I  should  have  cause  to  like.  Truly,  my  Lord, 
my  good  will  served  me  to  have  moved  such  a  matter  as  this  in  another 
[direction  than  this]  is,  but  having  some  occasion  to  doubt  of  the  issue 
of  the  matter  I  did  forbear,  and  in  mine  own  concept  I  could  have  as  well 
liked  there  as  in  any  other  place  in  England.  Percase  your  Lordship 
may  guess  where  I  mean,  and  so  shall  I,  for  I  will  name  nobody. 

Now  that  the  matter  is  determined  betwixt  my  Lord  of  Oxford 
and  me,  I  confess  to  your  Lordship  I  do  honour  him  as  much  as  I  can 
any  subject,  and  I  love  him  so  dearly  from  my  heart  as  I  do  mine 
own  son,  and  in  any  case  that  may  touch  him  for  his  honour  and  weal 
I  shall  think  mine  own  interest  therein.  And  surely,  my  Lord,  by  dealing 
with  him  I  find  that  which  I  often  heard  of  your  Lordship  that  there 
is  much  more  in  him  of  understanding  than  any  stranger  to  him  would 
think.  And  for  mine  own  part  I  find  that  whereof  I  take  comfort  in  his 
wit  and  knowledge  graven  by  good  observation1." 

By  this  time  the  match  had  been  publicly  announced,  for 
Sir  William  Fitz William,  on  August  19th,  wrote  Burghley 
congratulations  from  Ireland,  although  he  confessed  to  a  wish 
that  Philip  were  to  be  the  bridegroom.  The  marriage  took 
place  in  December,  1571,  and  for  the  rest  of  her  short  life 
Anne  Cecil  was  to  be  the  chief  object  upon  which  the  almost 
insane  brutality  of  her  husband  exercised  itself. 

To  what  extent  Philip  Sidney  was  personally  interested  in 
the  plan  for  marrying  him  to  Burghley's  daughter  we  do  not 
know.  From  the  time  of  his  entering  the  University  he  kept 
up  a  regular  correspondence  with  the  great  statesman  who  had 

1  Hist.  Alan.  Com.  Reports — MSS.  of  the  Duke  of  Rutland. 


94  University  Education  [CH. 

distinguished  him  with  such  especial  marks  of  favour,  but  of 
this  correspondence  there  have  survived  only  three  letters,  all 
of  them  written  by  Philip,  two  in  Latin  and  one  in  English. 
We  first  hear  Philip  talk  in  propria  persona  in  the  Latin  letter 
of  March  12,  1569  ;  the  English  letter,  the  last  of  the  three, 
is  dated  February  27,  1570 — approximately  the  date  when 
the  marriage  negotiations  were  broken  off.  Philip  may  have 
known  little  or  nothing  regarding  the  progress  of  the  negotia- 
tions, but  he  now  probably  found  himself  on  less  free  and 
intimate  terms  with  Burghley  and  his  household  than  he  had 
hitherto  been.  The  Latin  letters,  Philip's  earliest  extant  writings, 
are  as  follows1: 

"Your  marvellous  kindnesses,  quite  undeserved  by  me,  lead  me,  most 
excellent  Sir,  though  I  cannot  do  it  fitly  and  as  becomes  me,  to  write 
this  letter  to  you  ;  but  this  certainly  I  do  not  that  you  may  see  what 
favourable  progress  I  have  made  in  my  studies.  For  on  this  point,  to 
speak  truthfully  and  not  without  heavy  grief,  I  must  confess  that  I  can 
in  no  way  satisfy  either  your  expectation  or  my  own  desire.  But  I  write 
this  on  purpose  that  I  may  not  seem  guilty  of  neglect  towards  one  who 
has  done  me  so  many  favours,  and  so  show  myself  altogether  unable  to 
emulate  his  goodness.  This  is  my  reason  then  for  troubling  you,  who 
are  so  busied  about  such  weighty  and  extensive  work,  with  my  poor  talk, 
that  you  may  understand,  as  far  as  I  can  explain  it,  with  what  grateful 
memory  I  recall  your  kindnesses  towards  me ;  and  I  know  that  I  shall 
never  have  any  other  thought  than  this.  And  I  beseech  you  that  what  I 
am  doing  with  the  best  intention  you  will  receive  in  good  part,  and  not 
condemn  me  for  boldness  and  imprudence  because  I  trouble  you  with  a 
letter  in  order  that  you  may  know  the  mind  which  I  have  concerning 
you.  The  duties  and  the  respect  which  I  owe  to  you,  and  which  I  wish 
most  heartily  to  perform,  will  bind  me  closely  to  you  all  life  long,  and 
always  I  shall  set  before  myself,  ever  more  and  more  eagerly,  to  find 
my  happiness  in  deserving  well  of  you.  Farewell. 

Your  most  devoted, 

PHILIP  SIDNEY." 

The  second  Latin  letter  is  dated  some  four  months  later 
(July  8th)  and  reads  as  follows  : 

"I  am  very  well  aware,  honoured  Sir,  that  I  may  have  incurred  your 
just  censure  in  that  I  have  not  written  to  you  for  so  long  a  time,  since 
I  knew  that  you  expected  me  to  write  more  frequently,  and  that  you  were 
pleased  not  only  to  accept  in  good  part  my  letters,  however  crude  they 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  March  12,  1569.  The  translation  is  from 
Mr  Fox -Bourne's  Memoir,  p.  34. 


vi]  University  Education  95 

were,  but  to  answer  them  most  generously.  This  may  have  given  rise 
in  you  to  some  natural  suspicion  of  ingratitude  on  my  part,  than  which 
I  have  always  thought  there  is  no  vice  more  detestable,  no  offence  more 
unworthy,  and  no  crime  more  heinous ;  in  a  youth  it  betrays  rudeness 
of  manners,  in  a  mature  man  it  is  worthy  of  the  deepest  censure,  in  old 
age  it  is  positively  wicked.  Therefore  I  beseech  your  honour  to  believe 
that  nothing  is  farther  from  me,  that  there  is  nothing  I  would  more  care- 
fully avoid.  I  might  perhaps  offer  some  just  excuse  both  with  regard  to 
the  place  and  time,  but  if  I  freely  confess  myself  guilty  of  some  negligence 
I  hope  you  will  not  be  too  harsh  in  your  judgment  upon  me.  I  would 
write  to  you  at  greater  length  and  thank  you  for  the  many  singular  benefits 
and  kindnesses  which  you  have  shown  both  to  my  father  and  me  if  I 
knew  whether  you  wished  me  to  write  longer  letters  or  whether  I  could 
do  so  creditably  with  my  small  ability.  But  why  should  I  write  more 
since  I  have  speaking  letters  [a  messenger  ?]  who  can  inform  you  more 
fully  both  concerning  my  father's  affairs  and  my  own.  Farewell,  and  as 
you  have  begun  I  beseech  you  to  continue  to  love  me. 

Yours  in  most  humble  sort, 

PHILIP  SiDNBY1. 

OXFORD,  July  8,  1569." 

Naturally  these  compositions  are  self-conscious  and  reveal 
little  enough  of  the  writer's  personality ;  their  elaborate 
apologies  and  moral  generalizations  remind  one  of  the  tone  of 
the  Queen's  Latin  orations  before  the  Universities.  The  third 
letter — Philip's  earnest  extant  piece  of  English  composition — 
is  much  more  satisfactory.  It  is  dated  February  26,  1570, 
and  if  its  logic  is  not  convincing  it  leaves  no  doubt  of  the 
aggressiveness  of  the  young  collegian,  who  was  now  little 
more  than  fifteen  years  of  age.  Some  time  before,  Philip's 
enthusiasm  for  his  tutor  had  led  him  to  secure  from  Leicester 
and  Burghley  a  promise  that  the  next  vacant  canonry  in 
Christ  Church  should  be  given  to  Thomas  Thornton.  Such  a 
vacancy  had  now  occurred,  but,  to  Philip's  great  disgust,  a 
rival  candidate  had  appeared  in  Mr  Toby  Matthew.  Philip's 
anxiety  and  indignation  could  not  confine  themselves  within 
the  bounds  of  the  Latin  in  which  he  ordinarily  wrote  to  Cecil. 
His  letter  reads  : 

"Right  Honourable:  I  am  forced  for  better  expedition  to  use  an 
unaccustomed  manner  of  writing  to  you,  the  cause  proceeding  from  a 

1  Lansdovme  MSS.,  vol.  xi,  fol.  169.  The  letter  has  been  printed  in  the 
original  Latin  by  Zouch,  pp.  3T&-9. 


96  University  Education  [CH. 

report  of  some  whom  neither  can  I  judge  friendly  to  myself  nor  yet  indif- 
ferent towards  him  from  whom  they  seek  by  malice  to  prevent  and  detain 
his  worthy  preferment,  sued  for  and  obtained  by  his  honourable  benefactors, 
I  mean  my  singular  good  Lord,  my  Lord  of  Leicester,  and  especially 
yourself,  by  whose  favour  (attained  by  the  request  of  my  friends  and  his 
desert  towards  me,  assisted  by  the  worthiness  of  his  life  and  learning) 
Mr  Thornton,  my  reader,  hath  unto  him  granted  the  next  preferment  of 
a  canonry  in  this  College  of  Christ  Church.  And  sithence  it  hath  pleased 
God  (as  I  gave  you  humbly  to  understand  in  my  last  letter)  to  call  unto 
his  mercy  one  Thomas  Day,  by  mean  whereof  it  resteth  in  your  honourable 
favour  to  present  (according  to  your  former  pretence)  him,  as  well  for  whose 
cause  as  divers  others  I  do  account  myself  no  less  bound  than  I  ought. 
For  that  it  is  very  constantly  reported  that  Mr  Toby  Matthew's  friends 
should  use  in  his  behalf  some  earnest  suit  unworthy  their  callings,  because 
it  was  moved  before  the  death  of  the  incumbent,  by  the  which  should 
seem  they  sought  rather  by  spite  to  prevent  the  one  than  honestly  to  prefer 
the  other,  these  are  therefore  most  humbly  to  request  such  your  wonted 
favour  as  neither  your  honourable  benefit  may  be  revoked,  my  humble 
and  earnest  suit  prevented,  neither  the  person  himself  so  discredited, 
but  that  he  may  with  your  favour  enjoy  his  advowson  by  your  means 
obtained  and  yourself  promised.  Thus  humbly  commending  my  duty 
unto  your  good  opinion,  myself  prest  at  your  commandment  I  humbly 
end.  From  Oxford  this  26th  of  February,  anno  15691. 

Yours  in  as  humble  sort  as  your  own, 

PHILIP  SIDNEY." 

It  is  not  strange  to  find  the  youthful  incumbent  of  Whitford 
assuming  the  legitimacy  of  using  high  influence  to  secure  a 
benefice,  and  enthusiastic  devotion  to  his  friends  was  not  more 
characteristic  of  Philip  Sidney  as  a  boy  than  as  a  man.  Toby 
Matthew  was  the  handsome  youth  whom,  a  few  years  earlier, 
Philip  had  heard  bid  the  Queen  an  eloquent  farewell  when  she 
left  Christ  Church,  and  who,  a  few  months  before  the  date  of 
Philip's  letter,  had  been  unanimously  elected  Public  Orator  of 
the  University  at  the  age  of  twenty-three.  Philip's  intercession 
on  the  present  occasion  was  successful,  and  Thornton  succeeded 
to  Thomas  Day's  stall2,  but  in  some  unexplained  way  the 

1  Old  Style.     Lansdowne  MSS.,  vol.  xn,  fol.  111. 

2  Anthony  a  Wood  is  obviously  wrong  when  he  says  that  Thomas  Thornton 
succeeded  Thomas  Day  as  canon  in  1667  (Athence,  m,  922).     For  a  contem- 
porary scandalous  ballad  regarding  the  relations  of  this  Thomas  Day  (who 
had   been   canon  of   Christ   Church   since    1546)  with  the  profligate  wife  of 
Dr  Cooper,  the  dean  of  Christ  Church,  see  Athence,  i,  610. 


vi]  University  Education  97 

friends  of  Toby  Matthew  also  had  their  desire  when  a  few 
months  later  in  the  same  year  he  too  became  a  canon  of  Christ 
Church. 

It  is  a  difficult  matter  to  gain  a  very  clear  idea  of  the  kind 
of  training  which  an  undergraduate  received  at  Oxford  in  the 
second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  A  decade  before  the 
death  of  Henry  VIII  the  fine  enthusiasm  which  had  marked 
the  earlier  years  of  the  century  had  begun  to  decline,  and 
during  the  troubled  mid-century  period  learning  in  the  Univer- 
sities reached  a  low  ebb.  Nor  was  there  any  but  very  gradual 
improvement  during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  The  number  of 
students,  indeed,  had  increased  from  about  1000  during  the 
reign  of  Mary  to  between  1700  and  1800  at  the  time  when  Philip 
Sidney  was  an  undergraduate  ;  by  the  end  of  the  century  there 
were  probably  about  25001.  The  unsettled  political  conditions 
of  the  age  and  the  engrossing  interest  in  controversial  theology 
were  unfavourable  to  learning,  and  yet  it  is  probable  that  the 
usual  condemnation  of  the  Universities  at  this  time  is  too 
sweeping.  It  was  a  great  transition  period  with  regard  to 
ideals  of  education.  The  old  scholastic  ideal  was  discredited, 
but  in  the  home  of  lost  causes  it  still  stubbornly  strove  to  hold 
its  ground  against  the  rising  tide  of  humanistic  and  practical 
ideals.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  agree  with  Mr  Pollard  that 
the  laments  over  the  decay  of  University  education  at  this 
time  "  refer  only  to  scholastic  learning  which  had  been  the 
speciality  of  a  professional  class2."  What  men  like  Roger 
Ascham  lamented  was  rather  a  falling-off  from  the  days  when 
Smith  and  Cheke  had  made  Cambridge  famous  throughout 
Europe  for  her  Greek  scholarship,  or  from  the  earlier  days  of 
the  great  Humanistic  movement  at  Oxford.  Ascham,  though 
in  this  case  he  must  be  considered  a  special  pleader,  was  able 
to  rejoice  in  the  "  many  goodly  plants  "  which  were  once  more 
springing  up  in  the  academic  grove  of  Cambridge,  and  there 
were  not  wanting  other  contemporary  panegyrists  of  the 
Universities.  We  have  already  noted  Fitzherbert's  rather 
dithyrambic  account  of  the  excellence  of  the  discipline  and  of 

1  Huber,  Die  Englische  Universitdten,  trans.  Newman,  Tol.  i,  p.  311. 

2  The  Political  History  of  England,  1547-1603.  p.  322. 

w.  L.  s.  7 


98  University  Education  [CH. 

the  zeal  for  learning.  Harrison1  also  emphasizes  the  strict 
discipline,  the  effectiveness  of  the  colleges  in  training  their  own 
students,  and  the  excellence  of  the  instruction  in  the  faculties 
of  law  and  medicine,  though  he  condemns  strongly  the  favour- 
itism which  made  it  difficult  for  a  poor  man's  son  to  hold  a 
fellowship,  and  the  appointment  of  those  who  by  their  conduct 
brought  reproach  upon  the  University.  On  the  other  hand, 
Anthony  a  Wood  is  very  harsh  in  his  estimate.  The  academic 
heads,  he  finds,  concerned  chiefly  in  political  intrigues,  the 
tutors  slothful,  the  students  given  over  to  luxury  and  loose 
living  and  indifferent  to  study.  Wood's  fervour  of  condemna- 
tion hardly  suggests  a  judicial  judgment,  and  one  cannot  but 
feel  that  it  needs  modification  if,  turning  aside  from  the 
opinions  of  individual  writers,  he  considers  the  character  of 
the  men  who  passed  through  the  academic  halls.  We  shall 
look  more  closely  into  Philip's  contemporaries  at  Oxford  a 
little  later,  but  we  may  here  hazard  the  opinion  that  the 
ancient  University  has  rarely  counted  within  her  walls  at  one 
time  a  group  of  men  more  distinguished  in  their  after  lives 
for  scholarship,  literary  gifts,  native  ability  and  high  character. 
To  be  sure  none  of  these  qualities  may  have  been  the  direct 
product  of  the  University  in  any  given  case,  but  it  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  the  society  was  hopelessly  degenerate,  from 
which  went  forth  scholars  like  Sir  Henry  Savile,  Camden 
and  Hooker,  or  the  band  of  devotees  with  Campion  at  their 
head,  who  were  to  become  the  Catholic  martyrs.  Laurence 
Humphrey,  the  President  of  Magdalen,  who  was  Regius  Pro- 
fessor of  Greek  and  Divinity,  was  a  man  no  less  eminent  for 
scholarship  than  for  high  character ;  even  Wood  admits  this 
generously  while  condemning  Humphrey's  strong  Puritanical 
tendencies.  Or  again,  if  we  consider  the  remarkable  output  of 
academic  plays,  chiefly  in  Latin,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  in  the 
stagnation  of  all  intellectual  interests  in  the  University. 

"We  do  it"  (i.e.  give  these  plays),  says  William  Gager,  one  of  the 
dramatists,  "to  recreate  ourselves,  our  house,  and  the  better  part  of  the 
University,  with  some  learned  Poem  or  other ;  to  practise  our  own  style 

1  The  Description  of  England  (Holinshed's  Chronicles,  vol.  i,  pp.  251-2, 
ed.  1807). 


vi]  University  Education  99 

either  in  prose  or  verse  ;  to  be  well  acquainted  with  Seneca  or  Plautus. . . 
to  try  their  voices  and  confirm  their  memories,  to  frame  their  speech  ; 
to  conform  them  to  convenient  action,  to  try  what  metal  is  in  every  one 
and  of  what  disposition  they  are1." 

However  defective  the  instruction,  and  however  far  from  high 
scholarly  ideals  the  spirit  of  the  University  may  have  been, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  offered  to  the  serious-minded 
undergraduate  much  that  was  calculated  to  develop  his 
faculties  and  to  quicken  his  interest  in  the  things  of  the  spirit. 
As  we  have  already  said,  it  was  a  transition  period  in  which 
the  old  Trivium  and  Quadrivium  were  slowly  yielding  place 
to  more  modern  conceptions  of  education. 

"For  the  other  lectures,"  says  Harrison,  "as  of  philosophy,  logic, 
rhetoric  and  the  quadrivials,  although  the  latter  (I  mean  arithmetic, 
music,  geometry  and  astronomy,  and  with  them  all  skill  in  the  perspectives) 
are  now  smally  regarded  in  either  of  them,  the  Universities  themselves 
do  allow  competent  stipends  to  such  as  read  the  same2." 

It  was  on  Grammar,  Rhetoric  and  Logic  that  the  chief 
emphasis  was  placed.  Grammar  had  already  ceased  to  be  a 
subject  of  instruction  at  Cambridge,  where  it  was  considered 
a  preparatory  school  subject,  but  at  Oxford  it  still  held  an 
important  place  in  the  curriculum  of  the  first  year.  Indeed 
the  degree  of  "  Bachelor  of  Grammar  "  was  still  given — a  kind 
of  license  to  teach  in  secondary  schools.  Under  "  Grammar  " 
was  comprised  the  chief  part  of  the  formally  linguistic  training 
— the  study  of  Latin  authors,  for  Greek  had  sunk  to  a  low  place 
and  lectures  in  this  subject  were  given  only  very  irregularly. 
Under  "  Rhetoric  "  was  included  not  only  what  we  understand 
by  formal  Rhetoric,  but  also  the  literary  and  historical  study 
of  classical  authors,  and  the  effective  use  of  Latin  in  the 
"  disputations  "  or  public  debates.  Logic  consisted  wholly  in 
the  study  of  Aristotle,  in  Latin  translations  ;  the  system  of 
Ramus,  which  had  gained  a  foothold  at  Cambridge,  and  in 
which  Philip  Sidney  was  in  later  years  to  become  especially 
interested,  was  not  tolerated  at  Oxford.  After  finishing 
the  work  in  these  three  subjects  the  student  proceeded  to 
Mathematics  (including  Music),  Philosophy,  moral  and  natural, 

1  Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature,  vol.  vi,  p.  303.         *  Op.  cit.,  p.  252. 

7—2 


100  University  Education  [ctt. 

and  Metaphysics.  In  Grammar  and  in  Rhetoric  the  University 
provided  two  lecturers,  and  three  in  each  of  the  other  subjects 
— Logic,  Arithmetic,  Music,  Geometry,  Astronomy,  Natural 
Philosophy,  Moral  Philosophy,  and  Metaphysics.  The  subjects 
of  the  "  quadrivium,"  however,  as  we  have  already  seen,  were 
held  in  low  esteem.  The  lecturers  in  Music  for  instance  were 
frequently  dispensed  from  giving  the  course,  on  the  ground 
that  no  students  presented  themselves  for  instruction.  Besides 
the  lecturers  just  mentioned  there  were  University  professors 
of  Greek  and  Hebrew1. 

Already,  however,  the  instruction  offered  by  the  University 
was  coming  to  assume  a  distinctly  secondary  place  as  compared 
to  the  work  of  the  college  tutors  and  lecturers.  The  colleges 
had  also  gained  the  right  to  elect  the  proctors,  and  accordingly 
both  the  discipline  and  the  work  of  instruction  were  no  longer 
primarily  vested  in  the  University  proper,  which  concerned 
itself  chiefly,  through  Congregation,  with  examining  candidates 
for  degrees.  Not  that  formal  examinations  in  our  sense  of 
the  word  were  held  :  that  system  had  been  introduced  at 
Cambridge,  but  for  many  years  yet  Oxford  continued  to  exact 
no  other  test  than  that  of  "  disputations." 

Disputations  served  the  purpose  not  only  of  examinations, 
but  of  training  in  Latin  expression  and  in  addressing  an  audience 
as  well.  Accordingly,  all  undergraduates  from  the  time  of 
their  entering  the  University  were  required  to  "  frequent  the 
schools,"  that  is  to  constitute  the  audience  before  whom  the 
disputations  took  place.  They  were  held  on  each  Monday, 
Wednesday  and  Friday  of  the  term,  and  on  each  occasion 
three  students  took  part — one  as  a  "  respondent "  and  two 
as  "  opponents."  Each  candidate  for  the  B.A.  was  required 
to  "  oppose  "  once  before  being  "  generalis  creatus  "  (about 
the  end  of  his  third  year),  and  to  be  "  generalis  creatus  "  in 
each  of  the  four  terms  before  his  graduation.  These  disputa- 
tions were  very  formal  exercises.  The  disputants  were  con- 
ducted from  St  Mary's  by  the  yeoman  bedell  of  Arts  to  the 
Schools  where  four .  regent  masters  or  lecturers  known  as 

1  Much  of  my  material  regarding  the  curriculum  I  have   derived   from    the 
Register  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  vol.  n,  ed.  A.  Clark  (Ox.  Hist.  Soc.). 


vi]  University  Education  101 

"  Moderators  "  presided.     The  subjects  of  debate  were  often 
fantastic  enough,  e.g.  : 
"  Gloria  beatqruni  erit  insequalis. 

An  virtus  principis  plus  possit  in,  curanda  struma  quam  medicina. 
An  ob  raundi  senectam  homines  sint  minus  heroici  nunc  quain  olim." 

Although  the  undergraduate's  only  duty  with  regard  to 
University  disputations  during  the  first  two  or  three  years  of 
his  course  was  that  of  attendance,  he  was  required  to  take  an 
active  part  from  the  first  in  the  college  disputations,  which 
were  much  more  searching  and  which  constituted  the  "  term 
examinations  "  of  the  course-  It  was  on  one  of  these  occasions 
at  Christ  Church  some  time  during  1569  that  we  hear  of  Philip 
Sidney's  taking  part. 

"Being  a  scholar  in  Oxford,"  says  Richard  Carew,  "of  fourteen  years 
age  and  three  years  standing,  upon  a  wrong  conceived  opinion  touching  my 
sufficiency,  I  was  there  called  to  dispute  extempore  (impar  congressus  Achilli) 
with  the  matchless  Sir  Philip  Sidney  in  presence  of  the  Earls  Leicester, 
Warwick  and  divers  other  great  personages." 

His  biographer  adds  : 

"Si  quseritis  hujus 
Fortunam  pugnse,  non  est  gjuperatus  ah  illo1." 

Of  Philip's  tutors  at  Oxford  the  first  was  Thomas  Thornton, 
in  whose  behalf  we  have  already  seen  him  so  zealous.  Thornton 
was  at  this  time  a  young  man  about  twenty-eight  years  of  age. 
He  afterwards  became  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University,  and  in 
later  life  Master  of  Ledbury  Hospital  in  Herefordshire,  where 
he  died  and  was  buried  in  1629.  The  inscription  on  t|ie  monu- 
ment over  his  tomb  bears  witness  to  the  purity  of  his  Latinity 
and  also  "  that  he  was  a  common  refuge  for  young  poor  scholars 
of  great  hopes  and  parts,  and  tutor  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney  when 
he  was  of  Christ  Churcl}2."  The  fact  that  he  took  Camden, 

1  Carew' 8  Survey  of  Cornwall,  Book  n,  p.  103  (London,  1723). 

2  Wood's  Faeti,  Part  i,   col.   225.     Thornton  was  a  contributor  to  the 
Exequies  Illustrissimi  Equitis  D.  Philippi  Sidnaei,  etc.,  the  memorial  volume 
published  by  the  University  of  Oxford  in  1587.     Some  of  his  verses  rise  above 
mere  frigid  eulogy  and  almost  amount  to  real  characterization,  e.g.  : 

"  In  plus  quam  Martis,  pacis  alumnus  eras. 
Relligio,  pietas,  doctrina,  modestia,  candor, 
Consilium  prudens,  non  temerata  fides, 
Hae  te  virtutes  ornarunt:   haec  tua  vera 
Gloria:   non  durus,  non  truculentus  eras." 


102  University  Education  [CH. 

then  a  poor  scholar,  from  Broadgates  Hall  and  transferred  him 
to  Christ  Church,  where  he  kept  his  protege  at  his  own  expense 
and  in  his  own  lodgings,  would  seem  to  justify  one  part  of  the 
eulogy.  Whether  Thornton's  appointment  was  in  any  way 
responsible  for  his  ceasing  to  be  Philip's  tutor  does  not  appear, 
but,  at  any  rate,  less  than  one  week  after  the  date  of  Philip's 
letter  to  Burghley  we  hear  that  he  has  a  new  tutor.  Inciden- 
tally too,  we  learn  that  his  health  was  not  good.  On  March 
3,  1570,  the  Earl  of  Leicester  wrote  to  Parker,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  praying  "  for  license  to  be  granted  to  my  boy 
Philip  Sidney,  who  is  somewhat  subject  to  sickness,  for  eating 
flesh  this  Lent."  He  asks  that  the  said  license  be  granted  unto 
him  "  in  whatsoever  form  may  seem  best  unto  you  so  as  he 
may  have  with  him  Mr  Doctor  Cooper,  who  is  his  tutor1." 
Doctor  Thomas  Cooper  had  been  Dean  of  Christ  Church  since 
1566,  and  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University  from  1567  to  1570, 
when  he  became  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  He  was  already  famous 
for  the  Dictionary  which  bore  his  name2,  and  he  afterwards 
engaged  in  the  Martin  Marprelate  controversy  when  as  Bishop 
of  Winchester  he  published  An  Admonition  to  the  People  of 
England,  1589.  He  died  at  Winchester  in  1594.  He  was  held 
in  universal  respect  both  for  "  his  learning  and  sanctity  of 
life3."  He  was  probably  the  most  distinguished  man  of  his 
day  at  Oxford,  not  even  excepting  Laurence  Humphrey,  the 
Regius  Professor  of  Greek,  who  succeeded  him  as  Vice- 
Chancellor. 

Philip's  third  tutor  was  Nathaniel  Baxter,  who  was  to 
become  known  as  a  minor  poet  and  vigorous  Puritan  contro- 
versialist. After  holding  an  appointment  in  Ireland  for  some 
years  he  became  vicar  of  Troy  in  Monmouthshire,  where  he 
composed  his  remarkable  "  philosophic  "  poem — Sir  Philip 
Sidney's  Ourania*,  which  he  dedicated  to  Philip's  sister,  the 
Countess  of  Pembroke,  and  which  contains  metrical  epistles 
to  various  ladies  of  the  Sidney  and  Dudley  families.  As  late 

1  Zouch,  Memoirs,  p.  29,  where  the  letter  is  quoted  in  extenao  from  a  MS. 
in  the  library  of  Bene't  College,  Cambridge. 

2  Thesaurus  Linguce  Romance  et  Briiannicce,  etc. ,  London,  1565. 
8  Wood's  Athence,  i,  608. 

*  Printed  at  London,  4to,  1606. 


vi]  University  Education  103 

as  1635  Baxter  was  engaged  in  theological  controversy  with  a 
Mr  John  Downes.  In  the  Ourania  the  shade  of  Sir  Philip 
approaches  and  inquires  of  Baxter  who  he  is  : 

"I  was  reader  (quoth  he)  in  former  days 
Unto  great  Astrophill,  but  now  am  one, 
Stripped,  and  naked,  destitute,  alone. 
Naught  but  my  Greekish  pipe  and  staff  have  I 
To  keep  my  Lambs  and  me  in  misery. 

Art  thou  (quoth  he)  my  tutor  Tergaster  ? 

He  answered,  yea  :   such  was  my  happy  chance. 

I  grieve  (quoth  Astrophill)  at  thy  disaster  ; 

But  fate  denies  me  learning  to  advance. 

Yet  Cynthia  shall  afford  thee  maintenance. 

My  dearest  sister,  keep  my  Tutor  well, 

For  in  his  element  he  doth  excel." 

"  My  tutor  Tergaster,"  it  has  been  pointed  out,  was  evidently 
Philip's  playful  name  for  Back-ster  or  Baxter.  "  Cynthia  " 
is  Philip's  sister  Mary,  the  Countess  of  Pembroke1. 

What  was  the  effect  of  Philip  Sidney's  training  and  what 
was  his  own  estimate  of  it  ?  These  are  questions  which  we 
can  answer  only  approximately.  The  Puritanic  spirit  was 
strong  in  the  University  at  the  time — a  fact  that  is  illustrated 
in  men  like  Philip's  tutors  or  in  Laurence  Humphrey,  and  we  may 
assume  that  this  made  a  lasting  impression  upon  him.  That 
he  was  a  hard  student  we  have  the  testimony,  if  it  were  needed, 
of  his  father,  of  two  of  his  tutors,  and  of  Fulke  Greville. 
At  least  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  he  considered 
the  Oxford  fields  mere  barren  pastures  ;  when  we  remember 
the  character  of  some  of  his  instructors  and  of  his  friends  we 
would  rather  conclude  that  the  University  was  in  a  real  sense 

1  Mr  Fox -Bourne,  following  Zouch,  assumes  that  Robert  Dorset  was  also  a 
tutor  of  Philip.  Dorset  was  a  canon  of  Christ  Church,  who  afterward  became 
rector  of  Ewelme  in  Oxfordshire,  a  doctor  of  divinity,  and  dean  of  Chester. 
He  died  at  Ewelme  on  May  29,  1580.  Zouch  evidently  assumes  that  he  was 
Philip's  tutor  on  the  strength  of  a  letter  written  by  Dorset  to  Philip  in  June, 
1676.  At  this  time  Dorset  was  acting  as  tutor  to  Robert  Sidney,  and  in  writing 
to  urge  Philip  to  be  his  guest  at  Ewelme,  Dorset  refers  to  the  warm  interest 
which  he  had  taken  in  Philip  when  the  latter  was  a  student  at  Oxford.  But 
he  does  not  say  that  he  had  been  Philip's  tutor.  See  Appendix  to  Zouch's 
Memoirs. 


104  University  Education  [CH. 

responsible  for  the  genuine  scholarship,  the  eager  thirst  for 
learning  and  for  deeds  of  high  emprise  which  distinguished  his 
short  life.  Dr  Humphrey  in  a  Latin  poem  written  after 
Philip's  death  makes  him  apostrophize  his  Alma  Mater  thus  : 

"  Oxonise  matri  quid  dicam  ?    quidve  rependam, 
Quae  puri  lactis  flumina  larga  dedit1?" 

Perhaps  had  he  been  speaking  in  propria  persona  Philip  would 
have  used  more  qualified  language.  Writing  to  his  brother 
Robert  ten  years  later,  he  recommends  the  study  of  Tacitus, 
Livy  and  Plutarch,  emphasizes  the  value  of  Arithmetic  and 
Geometry,  belittles  that  of  Astronomy,  and  regrets  his  own 
lack  of  Music.  "  So  you  can  speak  and  write  Latin,  not 
barbarously,"  he  adds,  "  I  never  require  great  study  in  Cicero- 
ni anism,  the  chief  abuse  of  Oxford,  qui  dum  verba  sectantur 
res  ipsas  negligunt2."  This  sounds  like  an  impatient  remini- 
scence of  disputations.  In  attempting  to  advise  his  brother 
he  lays  chief  stress  on  more  practical  studies — of  the  topo- 
graphy, fortifications,  manners,  laws,  commerce  and  polity  of 
the  countries  of  Europe.  These  were  the  things  which  seemed 
to  him  of  first  importance,  and  doubtless  Oxford  seemed  to 
him  too  much  occupied  with  splitting  words.  He  was  inclined 
in  later  days,  too,  to  regret  his  small  Greek — his  being  compelled 
to  read  Aristotle  and  Plutarch  in  translation.  But  we  must 
not  forget  that  a  tendency,  which  was  to  be  much  stronger  at 
the  end  of  the  century,  had  already  set  in,  in  favour  of  empha- 
sizing the  practical  use  of  studies.  This  tendency  may  be 
recognized  in  the  ideals  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  in  founding 
Gresham  College,  or  in  those  which  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert 
propounded  in  his  Qveen  Elizabeth's  Academy,  1570.  In  1560 
Dr  Humphrey  himself,  in  a  work  on  the  education  of  nobles, 
had  emphasized  the  importance  of  a  knowledge  of  antiquities 
and  the  statutes  of  our  realm,  of  geography  and  of  religion. 
Indeed  most  books  of  the  period  which  deal  either  directly  or 
indirectly  with  education  are  witnesses  to  the  silent  change 
that  was  slowly  proceeding,  and  the  growing  practice  on  the 

1  Exequice,  opening  poem. 

1  Pears.   The  Correspondence  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  Hubert  Languet, 
p.  201. 


vi  ]  University  Education  105 

part  of  young  men  of  noble  birth  to  leave  the  University 
before  graduating  was  only  another  indication  of  it. 

Some  such  consideration  may  have  decided  Philip  Sidney 
against  completing  his  formal  course.  The  period  of  under- 
graduate study  was  fixed  at  sixteen  terms,  that  is  four  years, 
but  an  express  exception  was  made  for  the  sons  of  the  nobility, 
and  as  the  son  of  a  knight,  Philip  might  hare  taken  his  degree 
in  three  years.  He  might  have  done  it  in  even  less  time,  for 
"  dispensations,"  which  made  this  possible,  were  common 
enough,  and  were  granted  for  a  great  variety  of  reasons. 
Possibly  the  pestilence,  which  in  April,  1571,  caused  the  sugperiT 
sion  of  University  activity  in  Oxford,  and  which  was  so  virulent 
that  almost  a  year  elapsed  before  the  University  resumed  its 
work  in  the  city,  may  have  been  responsible  for  his  departure. 
We  do  not  know,  however,  just  when  his  connection  with  the 
University  ceased. 

There  has  been  a  persistent  tradition  that  Philip  was  at 
one  time  a  student  at  Cambridge.  Fulke  Greville  passes  over 
the  story  of  their  University  days  in  silence,  remarking  only 
that  PhiUp's  "  teachers  found  something  in  him  to  observe 
and  learn  above  that  which  they  had  usually  read  or  taught." 
The  anonymous  editor  of  Sidney's  works  wb.o  styles  himself 
PhilopnjUppos,  assumes  that  he  did  riot  study  at  Cambridge, 
and  Collins  makes  the  same  assumption.  Of  later  writers  the 
more  uncritical,  like  Zouch,  accept  the  tradition  ;  the  more 
cautious,  like  Mr  Fox-Bourne,  Mr  J.  A.  Symonds  and  Mr 
Fliigel,  reject  it1. 

There  is  contemporary  evidence,  however,  that  leaves  no 
reasonable  doubt  on  the  question.  Among  the  great  number 
of  laudatory  poems  which  were  called  forth  by  the  death  of 
Sidney  in  1586,  was  one  by  George  Whetstone,  which  appeared 
in  1587.  Whetstone  was  present  at  Zutphen  when  Sidney  fell, 
and  he  apologizes  for  the  months  that  elapsed  between  the 

1  Hunter  assumes  that  Philip  studied  at  Cambridge  but  without  any  ex- 
amination of  the  evidence.  (Chorus  Vatum,  Bk.  iv,  p.  34.)  Of  the  Cambridge 
historians  Joseph  Wilaon  is  the  only  one  to  claim  Philip,  whom  he  declares 
to  have  been  a  student  of  Christ's  College.  (Memorabilia  Cantabrigia:,  1803.) 
James  Smith,  in  Wilton  and  its  Associations,  says  that  Philip  "  was  afterwards 
transferred  to  Cambridge." 


106  University  Education  [OH. 

time  of  that  event  and  the  publication  of  his  biographical 
poem  by  declaring  his  desire  "to  be  heedful  that  I  publish 
nothing  but  truth  of  so  true  a  Knight."  In  a  gloss  regarding 
Sidney's  learning  he  says  :  "  He  was  in  his  time  and  for  his 
continuance  reputed  the  best  scholar  in  Cambridge1."  Such 
evidence  is  not  lightly  to  be  set  aside,  but  we  have  even  more 
unimpeachable  testimony  to  the  fact  that  Philip  spent  some 
time  at  Cambridge  in  a  more  or  less  formal  relation  to  the 
University.  In  the  memorial  volume  published  by  the  Univer- 
sity of  Oxford,  the  first  poem  is  by  Laurence  Humphrey,  the 
Vice-Chancellor,  and  is  entitled  "  Ad  Utramque  Academiam 
Philippi  Sidnaei  Umbra."  In  it  occur  the  following  lines  : 

"  Cantabriae  grates  ex  toto  pectore  fundo. 
Hospes  eram,  gratum  prsebuit  hospitium. 


Oxonise  matri  quid  dicam  ?   quidve  rependam, 
Quse  puri  lactis  flumina  larga  dedit  ?  " 

These  lines  can  only  be  interpreted  as  meaning  that  Philip 
studied  at  both  Universities,  though  his  sojourn  at  Cambridge 
was  relatively  unimportant.  It  is  surely  not  permissible  to 
interpret  them  as  referring  to  some  occasion  when  Philip  was 
the  "  guest  "  of  Cambridge  and  to  the  kindly  welcome  which 
she  extended  to  him  at  that  time.  Such  a  reading  would  con- 
vict the  Vice-Chancellor  of  incoherence  in  his  composition. 

The  fact  that  within  four  months  of  Sidney's  death  (and 
several  months  before  the  appearance  of  either  of  the  Oxford 
volumes)  Cambridge  had  produced  a  memorial  volume  of  many 
poems  is  not  lacking  in  significance.  It  was  published  by 
Alexander  Nevile,  the  scholarly  secretary  of  Parker,  Grindal 
and  Whitgift,  and  an  esteemed  friend  of  Philip.  The 
introductory  poem  of  the  volume  is  "Ad  Academiam  carmen 
consolatorium  Al.  Nevilli "  : 

"  Die  mater  sobolis  doctae,  laniata  capellos 
Manibus  ah,  quorsum  libas  lamenta  sepultis  ? 
Nee  risu  gaudent  superi,  nee  fletibus  umbras. 
Occidit  heu  nostrse  lux,  spes  et  gloria  gentis, 

1  "  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  his  honourable  life,  his  valiant  death  and  true  virtues 
etc.  by  Q.  W.  Gent."     London,  Thomas  Cadman  [1586-71. 


vr]  University  Education,  107 

Unica  lux  aulse,  spes  pacis,  gloria  belli. 
Sidneius  Tumulo  clausus  jacet  hoc,  jacet  eheu1." 

Of  course  it  is  possible  that  "  the  mother  of  the  learned  race  " 
is  in  such  distress  merely  because  a  great  and  good  man  is 
dead.  It  is  even  more  possible  that  "  aulae  "  refers  to  the 
court  rather  than  to  a  college  hall.  The  natural  interpretation, 
however,  would  seem  to  be  that  Cambridge  is  bewailing  the 
loss  of  a  son. 

When  Philip  left  Oxford  we  do  not  know.  Perhaps  the 
superior  reputation  of  Cambridge  as  an  institution  of  learning 
attracted  him  ;  perhaps  the  outbreak  of  the  plague  was  the 
occasion  of  his  leaving.  The  language  of  Humphrey's  poem 
suggests  a  comparatively  short  stay,  and  the  phrase  "  for  his 
continuance,"  used  by  Whetstone,  may  possibly  refer  to  the 
same  fact.  That  he  became  acquainted  there  with  Spenser  and 
Gabriel  Harvey,  is  at  least  highly  probable.  Spenser,  on  leav- 
ing Cambridge,  spent  some  time  with  his  relations  in  the  north 
of  England,  yet  it  was  within  a  few  months  of  his  graduation 
that  he  seems  to  have  been  employed  in  Ireland  either  under 
Sir  Henry  Sidney  or  in  an  embassy  to  him2.  This  fact,  and 
his  establishment  a  little  later  at  Leicester  House  become 
easily  explicable  if  we  may  assume  that  his  friendship  with 
Philip  dated  from  their  Cambridge  days. 

At  Oxford  Philip  made  the  acquaintance  of  many  of  the 
men  with  whom  he  was  to  be  thrown  into  intimate  contact 
during  the  rest  of  his  life.  Fulke  Greville,  his  Shrewsbury 
friend,  was  at  Broadgates  Hall,  just  across  the  street  from 
Christ  Church.  There  was  a  close  relationship  between  the 
wealthiest  of  the  colleges  and  the  most  flourishing  of  the  Halls; 
many  students  were  entered  as  of  either  the  one  or  the  other, 
and  many  Broadgates  students  went  over  to  Christ  Church. 
In  the  Hall  Philip  made  several  friends  who  were  to  become 
famous.  Among  these  was  William  Camden  (1551-1623),  who 

1  Academice    Cantabrigiensis    Lachrymce    Tumulo    Nobilissimi   Equitis    D. 
Philippi  Sidneii  Sacratce  (London,    1587).      Nevile  was  cousin  of    Bamabe 
Googe. 

2  In  A  view  of  the  present  state  of  Ireland,  Irenaeus  (Spenser)  speaks  of  his 
having  been  present  "  at  the  execution  of  a  notable  traitor  at  Limerick  called 
Murrogh  O'Brein."     This  event  took  place  in  July,  1577. 


108  University  Education  [CH. 

as  the  greatest  antiquary  of  his  time  acknowledged  his  deep 
obligations  to  Philip,  both  during  their  Oxford  days  and  later. 
He  had  entered  Magdalen  as  a  sizar  in  1566,  but  on  the  inyi- 
ta.tion  of  Mr  Thornton  had  removed  first  to  Broadgates  and 
eventually  to  Christ  Church,  where  Mr  Thornton  maintained 
him.  Richard  Carew  (1555-1620)  and  his  kinsman  George 
Carew,  both  students  of  Broadgates,  also  encouraged  the  anti- 
quarian bent  of  Camden.  Richard  we  have  already  seen  pitted 
against  Philip  in  disputations  :  he  is  remembered  chiefly  for 
his  Survey  of  Cornwall?  but  he  also  assistecj  Camden  in  writing 
his  Britannia,  and  had  a  high  reputation  for  scholarship. 
George  Carew  (1554-1629)  also  was  known  for  his  learning. 
In  1575  we  find  him  serving  under  Sir  Henry  Sidney  in  Ireland, 
where  he  spent  much  of  the  next  twenty-five  years  of  his  life. 
Charles  I  created  him  Earl  o,f  Totnes,.  His  elder  brother  Peter, 
whose  Latin  oration  had  delighted  Elizabeth  in  1566,  and  who 
took  his  B.A.  from  Exeter  in  1572,  also  went  to  Ireland,  where 
after  achieving  knighthood,  he  died  in  battle  on  November  27, 
1575.  Another  Broadgates  man  whom  Philip  perhaps  did  not 
meet  was  George  Peele  (1558?-1597?),  the  dramatist,  who 
entered  the  Hall  in  March,  1571,  and  who,  some  three  years 
later  went  over  to  Christ  Church1. 

In  his  own  college  Philip's  most  famous  contemporary  was 
Richard  Hakluyt  (1553?-1616),  who  was  admitted  a  student 
of  Christ  Church  in  1570.  In  later  life  he  and  Philip  were 
drawn  together  by  their  common  interest  in  scholarship  and 
"  plantation,"  and  in  1582  Hakluyt  dedicated  to  Philip  his 
first  book,  the  Divers  Voyages.  Walter  Raleigh  entered  Oriel 
College  probably  in  1567,  and  seems  to  have  remained  at  the 
University  at  least  two  years.  Fuller  says  that  he  was  also 
of  Christ  Church,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  his 

1  Most  of  Sidney's  biographers,  including  Fox-Bourne,  make  the  mistake 
of  assuming  that  his  friendship  with  Dyer  dated  from  this  time.  But  Dyer, 
who  was  probably  ten  years  older  than  Philip,  had  left  the  University  withput 
a  degree,  had  travelled  on  the  Continent  and  was  at  Court  by  1566.  In  1573, 
Gilbert  Talbot  speaks  of  him  as  having  been  in  Elizabeth's  displeasure  "these 
eleven  years."  In  1574,  he  was  one  of  the  most  intimate  of  the  friends  of  Sir 
Henry  and  Lady  Mary  Sidney  at  the  Court.  (V.  letter  from  Lady  Mary  to 
Molyneux  dated  September  1,  1574,  in  Collins,  Letters,  etc.,  i,  67.) 


vi]  University  Education  109 

acquaintance  with  Philip  dated  from  this  period.  In  after  years 
we  find  them  thrown  into  occasional  contact  by  the  fact  that 
both  were  interested  in  schemes  of  colonization  and  discovery 
in  America,  but  we  know  little  of  their  actual  relations  to  each 
other1.  The  most  learned  Englishman  of  the  period  was  Henry 
Savile  (1549-1622),  for  whom  Philip  had  the  highest  regard, 
and  with  whom  he  afterwards  corresponded  familiarly2.  He 
became  fellow  of  Merton  in  1565,  took  his  B.A.  in  1566  and 
his  M.A.  in  1570,  and  was  afterwards  to  become  Warden  of 
Merton  and  Provost  of  Eton.  One  of  his  closest  friends  both 
now  and  throughout  his  life  was  Thomas  Bodley,  who  had  also 
been  a  fellow  of  Merton  since  1564.  He  took  his  M.A.  in  1566 
and  in  1569  was  elected  junior  proctor  of  the  University.  Like 
Raleigh  he  claimed  Exeter  as  his  birthplace,  and  both  he  and 
Savile  had  begun  their  life-long  friendship  with  another  Exeter 
youth,  who  at  this  time  was  "  still  increasing  in  learning  and 
prudence. .  .in  humility  and  piety,"  Richard  Hooker  (1553?- 
1600).  Hooker  entered  Corpus  Christi  in  1567  ;  in  1573  he 
became  a  scholar  of  the  foundation.  There  is  no  record  of 
Philip's  personal  relation  to  either  Bodley  or  Hooker,  but  that 
he  knew  them  can  hardly  be  doubted  when  we  remember  the 
warm  friendship  that  subsisted  between  them  and  Savile.  We 
are  likewise  ignorant  of  his  relations  to  Fulke  Greville's  kins- 
man, John  Lyly,  who  entered  Magdalen  College  about  1569. 
The  fact  that  Lyly,  soon  after  leaving  the  University,  became 
a  'protege  of  the  Earl  of  Oxford  would  lead  us  to  infer  that  he 
and  Sidney  were  never  on  terms  of  intimacy,  and  indeed  their 
characters  were  so  diverse  that  it  is  hardly  credible  they  should 
ever  have  been  much  attracted  to  each  other. 

Two  others  of  Philip's  contemporaries  at  Oxford  demand  a 
word  of  notice— Edmund  Campion  (1540-1581)  and  Robert 
Parsons  (1546-1610).  It  is  probable  that  his  acquaintance  with 

1  Raleigh  wrote  an  epitaph  on  Sir  Philip.     ( V.  Collier's  Poetical  Decameron, 
n.  143.)     In  Sidneiana  (Roxburghe  Club)  is  a  letter  from  J.  P.  Collier  in  which 
he  seeks  to  prove  that  Raleigh  was  the  author  of  the  epitaph  on  "  Sir  Philip 
Sidney,  Knight,  Lord  Governor  of  Flushing,"  which  was  published  in  1595  at 
the  end  of  Spenser's  Colin  Clout,  and  which  finds  a  place  in  most  modern 
editions  of  Spenser. 

2  See  letter  from  Philip  to  his  brother  Robert  in  Pears,  ut  supra. 


110  University  Education  [CH. 

Campion  dated  from  1566,  when  the  young  orator's  eloquence 
called  forth  the  enthusiastic  praise  and  good  will  of  both 
Elizabeth  and  Leicester.  Since  then  Leicester  and  Sir  Henry 
Sidney  had  patronized  him  ;  he  was  now  fellow  of  St  John's 
College,  and  in  1568  was  elected  junior  proctor.  Parsons  was 
a  fellow  of  Balliol,  and  he  too  was  an  admirer  of  Sir  Henry, 
whom  he  considered  "  a  very  honourable,  calm  and  civil  gentle- 
man, nothing  hot  in  the  new  religion,  but  rather  a  great  friend 
to  Catholics."  Campion's  theological  disputes  with  Mr  Thornton 
and  Toby  Matthew  had  already  brought  him  under  suspicion, 
and  in  1570  he  left  the  University  and  went  to  Dublin, 
where  for  nearly  a  year  he  was  safe  under  the  protection  of 
Sir  Henry  Sidney  and  of  James  Stanihurst,  the  Speaker  of 
the  Irish  House  of  Commons,  and  where  he  busied  himself  in 
writing  his  History  of  Ireland,  and  in  entering  warmly  into 
Sir  Henry's  schemes  for  an  Irish  University.  It  was  soon 
obvious,  however,  that  he  could  not  be  safe  in  Ireland.  One 
of  Sir  Henry's  last  acts  before  leaving  the  country  in  March, 
1571,  was  to  save  Campion  from  arrest  by  sending  him  a  private 
warning,  and  not  long  afterward  the  young  enthusiast  was  on 
the  Continent,  where  a  few  years  later,  as  we  shall  see,  he  was 
once  more  to  meet  Philip  Sidney. 

It  would  be  easily  possible  still  further  to  expand  the  list 
of  those  who  were  Philip's  contemporaries  at  Oxford,  and  who 
afterward  achieved  a  certain  degree  of  fame.  For  instance, 
there  was  Arthur  Atey  of  Merton  College,  who  took  his  M.A. 
in  1564  and  became  senior  proctor  in  1570.  Two  years  later 
he  succeeded  Toby  Matthew  as  Public  Orator  of  the  University, 
which  position  he  held  for  ten  years.  Philip  Sidney  and  Thomas 
Bodley  were  among  his  intimate  friends,  and  for  many  years 
he  was  the  secretary  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  Philip  must 
also  have  known  Richard  Stanihurst,  the  son  of  the  Irish 
Speaker,  and  a  pupil  of  Campion.  He  was  of  University 
College  and  took  his  B.A.  in  1568.  He  afterwards  contributed 
a  description  of  Ireland  to  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  but1  was 
best  known  for  his  remarkable  translation  of  the  first  four 
books  of  the  Aeneid  in  what  Nash  called  "  a  foul,  lumbering, 
boisterous,  wallowing  measure." 


vi]  University  Education  111 

One  cannot  read  this  list  of  names  without  being  struck  by 
the  number  of  famous  men  whose  acquaintance  Philip  made  at 
Oxford  during  his  undergraduate  days,  and  by  the  fact  that 
they  were  almost  without  exception  famous,  at  least  in  part, 
for  their  scholarship.  If  we  remember  that  a  University 
education  consists  of  something  more  than  the  hearing  of 
lectures  we  shall  see  how  absurd  is  the  assumption  that  Philip 
Sidney's  Oxford  years  were  barren  of  results.  We  shall  assuredly 
be  much  nearer  the  truth  if  we  assume  that  they  were  years 
spent  in  a  stimulating,  intellectual  atmosphere,  and  that  they 
were  responsible  in  no  small  measure  for  the  absorbing  interest 
in  history  and  literature  which  distinguished  Philip's  later  life. 
During  the  three  years  of  foreign  travel  which  succeeded  his 
University  days  his  devotion  to  study,  instead  of  yielding  to 
the  novel  interest  of  seeing  new  men  and  cities,  increased  from 
year  to  year,  as  did  also  his  desire  to  translate  the  knowledge 
which  he  had  gained  into  worthy  action.  It  is  not  to  be 
thought  of  that  such  tastes  and  ideals  had  developed  inde- 
pendently of  the  influence  exerted  by  several  years  of  familiar 
intercourse  with  men  like  Savile  and  Raleigh,  Bodley  and 
Spenser. 


CHAPTER   VII 

SAINT    BARTHOLOMEW 

THE  departure  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney  from  Ireland  in  the  spring 
of  1571  was  the  signal  for  a  re-establishment  of  the  anarchy 
from  which  his  firmness  and  untiring  devotion  had  partially 
redeemed  the  country.  His  brother-in-law,  the  Treasurer, 
Sir  William  FitzWilliam,  was  left  in  command,  but  he  was 
given  even  less  assistance  from  England  than  had  been  doled 
out  to  his  predecessor.  Not  a  strong  administrator  under 
any  conditions,  Fitz William  could  only  write  home  fiercely 
that  he  would  not  be  responsible  for  holding  the  country 
should  any  serious  attack  be  made  upon  it,  and  he  was  helpless 
as  he  saw  his  garrisons  diminish,  his  soldiers  grow  mutinous 
and  the  native  chiefs  flout  whatever  semblance  of  English 
authority  remained.  Sir  John  Perrott,  a  capable  soldier,  was 
sent  over  as  President  of  Munster.  For  about  a  year,  until 
the  supply  of  money  which  he  had  brought  with  him  was 
exhausted,  he  did  terrible  execution  among  the  rebellious 
natives  ;  then  he  too  was  left  to  his  fate,  and  we  have  the  old 
story  of  mutinous  soldiers  reduced  by  necessity  to  live  like 
bands  of  brigands.  Once  more  the  fatuous  lack  of  continuity 
in  the  English  policy  in  Ireland  was  illustrated  by  Elizabeth's 
determination  to  try  conciliation  again  in  Munster.  The  Earl 
of  Desmond,  who  had  been  kept  a  prisoner  in  London  for  some 
years,  was  allowed  to  return  to  Ireland,  and  the  policy  of 
planting  English  colonies  was  renewed  when  a  son  of  Sir  Thomas 
Smith  was  given  a  grant  of  lands  near  Knockfergus.  This 
latter  enterprise  soon  added  another  to  the  list  of  English 
failures  in  Ireland,  but,  not  yet  convinced  of  the  impossibility 


CH.  vn]  Saint  Bartholomew  113 

of  success  in  this  direction,  Elizabeth  determined  on  one  more 
similar  effort  in  Ulster  on  a  grand  scale  under  the  Earl  of 
Essex. 

Meanwhile,  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  broken  in  health,  was  living 
in  the  less  troubled  atmosphere  of  London  and  his  Welsh 
Presidency.  In  May,  1571,  he  sat  on  several  parliamentary 
committees  and  in  August  one  of  his  servants  writing  to  him 
from  Dublin,  has  heard  that  he  has  gone  to  Flanders  to  the 
Spae  for  the  sake  of  his  health1.  In  December,  FitzWilliam 
heard  a  report  that  Sir  Henry  would  return  to  Ireland  as  Lord 
Deputy,  but  the  memory  of  his  Irish  experiences  was  still  too 
fresh  to  permit  of  his  again  accepting  the  hopeless  task. 
Throughout  the  year,  however,  he  was  constantly  consulted 
by  the  Council  on  Irish  matters,  and  in  May,  1572,  he  again 
sat  on  a  parliamentary  committee  "  to  consult  and  deliberate 
upon  matters  concerning  the  Queen  of  Scots."  They  were 
days  of  great  national  peril,  and  the  northern  rebellion  and 
the  Bidolphi  conspiracy  had  been  only  the  most  conspicuous 
examples  of  the  dangers  which  centred  in  Mary  Stuart.  Still 
Elizabeth  refused  to  agree  to  her  execution,  even  when  a 
deputation  from  both  houses  of  Parliament  strongly  urged  her 
to  this  course.  Norfolk,  however,  was  executed  on  June  2nd 
and  Northumberland  on  August  22nd,  and  the  hopes  of  the 
Marian  party  were  further  dashed  by  the  final  consummation 
of  the  much-discussed  treaty  with  France,  by  the  terms  of 
which  each  country  bound  itself  to  assist  the  other  in  case 
of  invasion  for  any  cause  whatsoever.  Once  more  England 
had  succeeded  in  playing  off  one  of  the  great  continental  powers 
against  the  other,  and  to  gain  so  great  a  point  Elizabeth  was 
quite  willing  to  discuss  a  project  of  marriage  between  herself 
and  the  French  King's  young  brother,  the  Due  d'Alen9on,  who 
was  nineteen  years  her  junior,  and  who  was  now  substituted 
for  the  older  brother,  Anjou. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  the  slight  appreciation  which 
Elizabeth  showed  of  the  work  .of  those  who  did  her  the 
best  service  in  these  days  of  national  stress.  That  Sir  Henry 
Sidney  should  be  given  some  signal  reward  for  what  he  had 

1  Salisbury  MSS.,  August,  1671. 
w  L.  s.  8 


114  Saint  Bartholomew  |~CH. 

accomplished  in  Ireland  was  generally  assumed :  Elizabeth 
offered  him  a  peerage  unaccompanied  by  any  grant  of  land  or 
money  to  support  the  greater  dignity.  The  dismay  which  this 
offer  caused  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Sidney  is  reflected  in  a  letter 
written  by  the  latter  to  Burghley.  She  refers  to  Sir  Henry's 
"  hard  choice  " 

"  as  either  to  be  a  Baron,  now  called  in  the  number  of  many  far  more  able 
than  himself  to  maintain  it  withal,  either  else  in  refusing  it  to  incur  her 
Highness'  displeasure ....  Titles  of  greater  calling  cannot  be  well  wielded  but 
with  some  amendment  at  the  Prince's  hand  of  a  ruinated  state  or  else  to 
his  discredit  greatly  that  must  take  them  upon  him." 

She  acknowledges  Burghley's  goodness  in  trying  to  serve 
them,  and,  "a  poor  perplexed  woman,"  she  begs  him  "to  stay  the 
motion  of  this  new  title  to  be  any  further  offered  him1."  Her 
request  was  probably  granted,  for  Sir  Henry  received  neither 
peerage  nor  money  reward  either  at  this  time  or  later.  For 
the  next  three  years  he  was  occupied  almost  exclusively  in 
Wales,  while  Lady  Sidney  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  time 
in  attendance  on  her  majesty  at  Court. 

Sir  Henry  and  the  Earl  of  Leicester  had  decided  that 
Philip's  education  was  to  be  continued  by  foreign  travel,  and 
throughout  the  month  of  May,  1572,  his  father  and  mother 
were  busy  making  preparations  for  his  departure.  On  May  25th 
the  Queen  granted  her  license 

"to  her  trusty  and  well-beloved  Philip  Sidney,  Esq.,  to  go  out  of  England 
into  parts  beyond  the  seas,  with  three  servants  and  four  horses,  etc.,  to 
remain  the  space  of  two  years  immediately  following  his  departure  out 
of  the  realm,  for  his  attaining  the  knowledge  of  foreign  languages2." 

The  plan  was  that  he  should  proceed  to  Paris  where  Sir  Francis 
Walsingham,  an  old  friend  of  his  father,  was  resident  ambassa- 
dor, and  that  he  should  remain  there  several  months.  Toward 
autumn,  if  the  times  seemed  propitious,  he  would  proceed  to 
Germany  and  from  there  to  Austria  and  Italy. 

Philip  was  now  in  his  eighteenth  year,  a  handsome,  studious, 
eager-hearted  boy,  yearning  for  the  large  excitement  that  the 
coming  years  would  yield.  He  could  hardly  have  set  out  upon 

1  State  Papers— Ireland— Eliz.,  May  2,  1572. 

2  Collins'  Memoirs,  vol.  I,  p.  98.     Quoted  from  the  Penshurst  original. 


vn]  Saint  Bartholomew  115 

.  • 

his  travels  under  more  favourable  auspices.  He  had  already 
made  many  friends  and  won  some  fame  as  a  student,  and  he 
was  now  leaving  England  solely  for  the  purpose  of  adding  to 
his  acquirements  and  of  fitting  himself  to  translate  them  into 
some  form  of  service  for  his  Queen  and  country.  Both  Burghley 
and  Leicester  commanded  him  to  correspond  with  them  during 
his  stay  on  the  Continent.  His  father  supplied  him  most 
generously  with  money  and  provided  for  his  being  supplied 
regularly  by  means  of  a  letter  of  credit  drawn  by  the  Italian 
banker  and  merchant,  Acerbo  Vellutelli,  who  resided  in  England. 
Indeed  the  expense  of  his  travels  must  have  been  a  serious 
drain  on  Sir  Henry's  resources.  A  Penshurst  manuscript  of 
date  August  20,  1575,  which  is  entitled  "  A  brief  note  of 
sundry  payments  for  Mr.  Philip  Sidney,"  enumerates  sums 
amounting  to  £1576.  9s.  8d.  during  the  preceding  three  years, 
and  this  account  is  obviously  incomplete1.  A  letter  in  which 
the  Earl  of  Leicester  commended  his  nephew  to  Walsingham 
gives  us  an  interesting  glimpse  of  the  young  man  besides 
showing  us  the  Earl's  almost  paternal  interest  in  him  : 

"Mr  Walsingham :  Forasmuch  as  my  nephew,  Philip  Sidney,  is  licensed 
to  travel,  and  doth  presently  repair  to  those  parts  with  my  Lord  Admiral, 
I  have  thought  good  to  commend  him  by  these  my  letters  friendly  unto 
you  as  to  one  I  am  well  assured  will  have  a  special  care  of  him  during  his 
abode  there.  He  is  young  and  raw,  and  no  doubt  shall  find  those  countries 
and  the  demeanours  of  the  people  somewhat  strange  unto  him  ;  and 
therefore  your  good  advice  and  counsel  shall  greatly  behove  him  for  his 
better  direction,  which  I  do  most  heartily  pray  you  to  vouchsafe  him, 
•with  any  friendly  assurance  you  shall  think  needful  for  him.  His  father 
and  I  do  intend  his  further  travel  if  the  world  be  quiet  and  you  shall  think 
it  convenient  for  him ;  otherwise  we  pray  you  we  may  be  advertised 
thereof  to  the  end  the  same  his  travel  may  be  thereupon  directed  accord- 
ingly2." 

Philip  was  to  find  the  world  strangely  unquiet  before  he 
left  France,  and  his  experience  of  English  religious  troubles,  of 
which  the  execution  of  the  premier  peer  of  the  realm  on  the 

1  Other  Penshurst  MSS.  are  a  receipt  for  £400  given  by  Philip  Sidney  to 
an  agent  of  Vellutelli  on  November  6,  1573,  and  a  similar  receipt  for  £80  on 
February  2,  1576.  There  is  also  a  receipt  dated  June  28,  1574,  for  £135  paid 
by  Sir  Henry  to  Vellutelli. 

4  Add.  MSS.  34591,  foL  503.     Leicester  to  Walsingham,  May  26,  1572. 

O £ 


116  Saint  Bartholomew  [CH. 

eve  of  his  setting  forth  must  have  been  a  forcible  reminder, 
was  to  pale  before  the  experiences  awaiting  him  in  Paris.  He 
left  England  in  the  train  of  the  Lord  High  Admiral  Edward 
Fiennes  de  Clinton,  who  was  a  warm  friend  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney, 
and  who  on  May  4th  had  been  created  Earl  of  Lincoln  at  the 
same  time  that  the  Queen  had  proposed  to  raise  Sir  Henry 
to  the  peerage.  Lincoln  was  sent  to  the  Court  of  Charles  IX 
to  ratify  the  French  treaty  and  also  to  further  the  negotiations 
regarding  the  marriage  of  the  English  Queen  and  the  Due 
d'Alencon.  He  was  accompanied  by 

"Lords  Talbot,  Clinton,  Dacre,  Sand,  Rich,  Sir  Edward  Hastings,  Sir 
Henry  Borough,  Giles  Brydges,  Sir  Arthur  Champernowne,  Philip  Sidney, 
Sir  Jerome  Bowes,  Messrs  Charles  Arundel,  Middlemore,  Scudamore, 
Ralph  Bowes,  Luke  Paston  and  Captain  Shule," 

according  to  an  undated  manuscript  preserved  in  the  Salisbury 
collection1.  The  Earl  of  Lincoln  was  all  the  more  interesting, 
we  may  assume,  in  the  eyes  of  Philip  Sidney  because  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  the  husband  of  the  fair  Geraldine,  whose 
praises  had  been  sung  by  the  Earl  of  Surrey,  and  who  some 
twenty  years  before  the  time  of  which  we  write  had  become 
the  third  wife  of  the  Lord  High  Admiral.  The  embassy 
reached  Paris  on  June  8th,  and  was  honoured  with  a  series 
of  magnificent  entertainments.  The  joy  of  the  King  and  the 
Court  over  the  new  league  with  England  was  unbounded,  and 
shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  Englishmen  the  King  and  his 
two  brothers  Anjou  and  Alen£on  dined  alone  with  Lincoln, 
Walsingham  and  Sir  Thomas  Smith2.  The  general  entertain- 
ment consisted  of  comedies,  music  and  grand  dinners,  and  all 
went  merry  as  a  marriage  bell.  Indeed  the  approaching 
marriage  of  Margaret,  the  King's  youngest  sister,  and  Henry, 
the  young  King  of  Navarre,  which  had  been  arranged  by  the 
King  almost  at  the  same  time  that  he  signed  the  English 
treaty,  was  a  pledge  of  the  sincerity  of  the  English  alliance, 
for,  taken  together,  they  meant  the  subordination  of  Spanish 
and  Catholic  influences  at  the  French  Court.  To  be  sure  there 

1  Conjecturally  assigned  to  the  year  1557  ! 

2  Sir   Thos.   Smith  to  Burghley,   June    18,    1572  (Ellis,  Original  Letters, 
Series  2,  vol.  m,  p.  12). 


vn]  Saint  Bartholomew  117 

were  rumours  that  Elizabeth  did  not  intend  to  support  the 
French  King  loyally  in  the  war  which  they  had  agreed  to  wage 
in  support  of  the  rebellious  Netherlanders,  that  Margaret  of 
Valois  really  loved  Henry  of  Guise  not  Henry  of  Navarre,  and 
that  Charles  IX,  weak  and  vacillating  as  always,  would  soon 
fall  again  under  the  dominion  of  his  mother,  Catherine  de' 
Medici.  But  these  were  only  rumours.  Coligny  was  obviously 
the  one  trusted  adviser  of  the  King,  and  he  was  most  anxious 
to  bring  about  the  marriage  of  Alengon  and  the  English  Queen. 
Charles  loaded  the  English  ambassadors  with  magnificent 
presents1,  and  when  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  took  his  departure  the 
King  expressed  to  him  the  hope  that  his  sister's  would  not 
be  the  only  marriage  on  which  those  who  wished  well  to  Europe 
would  have  cause  to  congratulate  themselves2. 

Sidney  remained  in  Paris  about  three  months  and  during 
that  time  we  catch  only  infrequent  glimpses  of  him.  It  was 
now  that  he  began  his  devoted  friendship  for  Walsingham 
with  whom,  we  may  infer  from  Leicester's  letter,  he  had  not 
previously  been  acquainted.  With  the  members  of  the  Court 
circle  his  relations  seem  to  have  been  unusually  intimate. 

"He  was  so  admired,"  we  are  told,  "among  the  graver  sort  of  courtiers 
that  when  they  could  at  any  time  have  him  in  their  company  and  conver- 
sation they  would  be  very  joyful,  and  no  less  delighted  with  his  ready  and 
witty  answers  than  astonished  to  hear  him  speak  the  French  language 
so  well  and  aptly  having  been  so  short  a  while  in  the  country3." 

The  young  King  of  Navarre  honoured  him  with  his  friend- 
ship, for  Fulke  Greville  tells  us  that  Henry  "  having  measured  and 
mastered  all  the  spirits  in  his  own  nation  found  out  this  master- 
spirit among  us  and  used  him  like  an  equal  in  nature,  and  so 
fit  for  friendship  with  a  King4."  But  the  most  striking  mark 
of  favour  came  from  the  King  himself  when  on  August  9th 

1  Michelet,  Histoire  de  France,  Tome  n,  p.  339. 

*  Froude,  History  of  England,  x,  p.  105. 

8  Lodovic  Bryskett :  A  Discourse  of  Civitt  Life  Containing  the  Ethike  Part 
of  Morall  Philosophic  (Lond.,  1606),  p.  160.  Bryskett  made  this  statement  on 
the  occasion  of  the  famous  meeting  at  his  "little  cottage  which  I  had  newly 
built  near  unto  Dublin"  when  Spenser  told  the  party  that  he  was  engaged  on 
his  Faerie  Queene. 

•  Life  (Oxford,  1907),  p.  31. 


118  Saint  Bartholomew  [CH. 

Charles  created  the  young  Englishman  a  Gentleman  Ordinary 
of  the  Bedchamber  and  Baron  de  Sidenay.  The  patent — 
a  badly  stained  parchment — is  preserved  at  Penshurst,  where 
we  may  still  read  the  reasons  which  moved  the  King  to  bestow 
this  singular  honour — the  greatness  of  the  house  of  Sidney, 
their  nearness  to  the  English  sovereigns,  and  then  the  young 
man's  own  virtues — "  pour  les  bonnes  et  louables  vertus  qui 
sont  en  luy,"  "  pour  ces  causes  et  autres."  In  later  years 
Sidney's  German  friends  sometimes  addressed  their  letters  to  the 
Baron  de  Sidenay,  and  this  form  of  address  was  used  on  at 
least  one  occasion  by  the  Burgomaster  and  Council  of  Flushing 
in  referring  to  him1 :  further  than  this,  however,  his  new  title 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  used. 

To  what  extent  Sidney  became  acquainted  with  the  remark- 
able company  of  famous  men  who  were  congregated  in  Paris 
during  these  months  we  do  not  know.  Coligny,  his  son-in-law, 
Teligny,  and  Conde,  the  Huguenot  leaders,  he  would  surely 
meet.  Among  the  famous  scholars  who  were  in  the  city  at 
the  time  were  Languet,  Du  Plessis  Mornay,  the  reputed  author 
of  the  Vindiciae  contra  Tyrannos,  Hotman,  author  of  the 
Franco  Gallia,  and  Ramus,  the  great  mathematician  and  philo- 
sopher, whose  attacks  on  the  Aristotelian  logic  had  made  his 
name  famous  throughout  Europe,  and  who  was  to  be  numbered 
among  the  victims  of  the  massacre2.  Sidney  knew  Ramus 
intimately.  "  You  not  only  entertained  the  tenderest  love  for 
the  writer  [Ramus]  when  alive,"  wrote  one  of  Sidney's  friends 
a  few  years  later,  "  but  now  that  he  is  dead,  esteem  and  rever- 
ence him3."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was  at  this 
time  also  that  he  first  met  Languet,  his  most  intimate  guide 
and  friend  during  the  succeeding  two  and  a  half  years  which 
he  spent  on  the  Continent.  Languet  had  lived  in  Paris  on 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  xi,  fol.  7. 

2  For  an  account  of  his  death  v.  Michelet,  op.  cit.,  Tome  rr,  pp.  388-393. 

3  Theophilus  Banosius  in  his  dedication  to  Sidney  of  his  Petri  Rami  Com- 
mentariorum  de  Eeligione  Christiana  Libri  Quatuor. .  .Francofurti  Apud  Andream 
Wechelum,  1577.     Banosius  was  one  of  Sidney's  enthusiastic  admirers  :    "  I 
remember  well  when  I  first  saw  you,"  he  continues..  "  when  I  first  contemplated 
with  wonder  your  uncommon  endowments  of  mind  and  body  ;    I  remember 
well,  I  say,  the  words  of  Gregory  who  declared  the  Angli  or  English  who  were 
at  Rome  to  be  really  Angels."     Quoted  in  Zouch's  Memoirs,  pp.  316-317. 


vn]  Saint  Bartholomew  119 

behalf  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony  for  some  nine  years,  and  now 
his  life  was  in  great  danger1.  One  of  his  most  intimate  friends 
in  the  French  capital  was  Walsingham.  In  a  letter  to  Languet 
some  eighteen  months  after  this  time  Sidney  refers  to  "  your 
friend  Walsingham2,"  and  Languet  in  reply  refers  to  his  admira- 
tion of  the  English  ambassador  and  to  the  kindnesses  which 
he  has  experienced  at  his  hands.  Still  later  Languet's  letters 
contain  references  to  his  correspondence  with  Walsingham. 
These  considerations  make  it  highly  probable  that  Sidney 
would  meet  Languet  for  they  must  both  have  been  constantly 
at  the  English  embassy.  He  may  also  have  met  Michel  de 
1'Hopital  (1505-1573),  the  Chancellor  of  France,  regarding 
whom  he  afterwards  expressed  the  opinion  that  France  had 
"  never  brought  forth  a  more  accomplished  judgment  more 
firmly  builded  upon  virtue."  In  later  years  Du  Plessis  Mornay 
became  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends. 

Sidney  would  enjoy  the  series  of  pageants  and  celebrations 
in  honour  of  the  approaching  marriage — the  first  manage 
mixte  between  Catholics  and  Huguenots,  which,  it  was  fondly 
hoped,  was  to  usher  in  the  days  of  universal  peace  in  France. 
Paris,  even  when  not  en  fete,  was  the  gayest  and  most  beautiful 
city  in  Europe,  famous  ,for  its  fashions  and  its  restaurants, 
and  the  centre  of  French  intellectual  life.  The  scene  in  Notre 
Dame  on  August  18th,  when  Margaret  of  Valois  became  the 
wife  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  was  one  of  very  unusual  interest. 
During  the  ceremony  Margaret's  willingness  to  accept  Henry 
as  her  husband  was  indicated  only  when  her  royal  brother  put 
his  hand  on  the  back  of  her  head  and  forced  her  to  bow.  While 
mass  was  being  said  the  bridegroom  and  Coligny  withdrew  from 
the  church3.  The  marriage  had  taken  place  in  spite  of  the  Pope's 
failure  to  send  a  dispensation,  and  the  event  was  regarded  as 
the  climax  of  the  success  which  the  Huguenots  under  Coligny 's 
leadership  had  achieved.  There  were  those  who  declared  that 
Coligny  was  mad  to  remain  in  the  city  with  only  a  small 

1  V.  his  own  statement :  Huberti  Langueti  Epistolce  Ad  PhUippum  Sydnceium, 
ed.  Lord  Hailes,  Edinb.,  1776,  p.  19. 

2  Pears,  The  Correspondence  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  Hubert  Languet,  p.  36. 
8  Michelet,  op.  cit.,  Tome  n,  p.  352. 


120  Saint  Bartholomew  [CH. 

body-guard,  and  who  pointed  out  the  daily  increasing  strength 
of  the  Guises  :  on  the  other  hand  Henry  of  Guise  had  shaken 
Coligny's  hand  a  few  days  before  in  the  presence  of  the  King, 
and  the  Huguenot  leader  relied  for  safety  on  the  honour  of 
Charles  IX. 

The  immediate  causes  of  the  great  massacre  are  still  a 
matter  of  dispute,  and  this  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  them. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Charles  IX  was  sincere,  so  far 
as  such  a  weakling  can  be  sincere  about  anything,  when  he 
pledged  his  word  to  Coligny,  whom  he  treated  as  his  bosom 
friend.  When  on  August  22nd  the  Admiral  was  shot  by  an 
assassin  concealed  in  a  house  belonging  to  Guise,  it  is  incredible 
that  the  King's  anger  and  indignation  were  simulated.  He 
hastened  to  the  bedside  of  the  wounded  man  and,  after  exclud- 
ing his  mother  and  Anjou,  had  an  interview  with  him  in  private. 
He  swore  that  he  would  take  such  vengeance  on  the  would-be 
murderers  that  the  day  should  be  remembered.  Two  days 
later  he  had  consented  to  the  great  massacre.  A  weakling 
morally  and  intellectually,  he  was  as  clay  in  the  hands  of 
Catherine  de'  Medici  and  her  minions.  They  told  him  that 
the  Huguenots  were  arming  everywhere  in  the  belief  that  the 
King  had  sanctioned  the  attempt  on  the  Admiral's  life,  and 
they  worked  upon  his  imagination  and  his  fears  to  the  point 
of  persuading  him  that  his  own  life  depended  on  a  successful 
counterstroke  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  house  of  Guise.  The 
considerations  which  had  prompted  the  Queen  mother  to  throw 
in  her  lot  with  the  Guises,  whom  she  loved  as  little  as  the 
Huguenots,  are  more  difficult  to  unravel,  but  there  is  small 
doubt  that  chief  among  them  was  her  perception  of  Queen 
Elizabeth's  insincerity  both  in  the  matter  of  the  marriage 
with  Alen9on  and  of  prosecuting  the  war  in  the  Low  Countries. 
If  the  Huguenots  were  not  to  have  the  support  of  a  cordial 
and  active  alliance  with  England,  then,  Catherine  concluded, 
the  Valois  dynasty  had  better  rely  on  the  Catholics  who  could 
count  on  the  support  of  Spain. 

The  massacre  of  Saint  Bartholomew  is  one  of  the  blackest 
pages  in  French  history.  The  actual  killing  began  in  the 
early  hours  of  Sunday,  August  24th,  and  continued  for  nearly 


vn]  Saint  Bartholomew  121 

a  week.  The  royal  palace  itself  was  drenched  in  blood  when  the 
victims  were  chased  from  room  to  room  and  after  being  des- 
patched were  thrown  from  the  windows  to  the  court  below. 
So  infectious  was  the  spirit  of  killing  that  Charles  IX  himself 
joined  in  the  sport.  The  heart  turns  sick  at  the  mere  recital 
of  the  events  of  those  days  and  nights  of  carnage.  Men, 
women,  children — none  were  spared.  The  cry  "  Voila  un 
Huguenot !  "  was  a  sufficient  warrant  to  the  mob.  The  num- 
ber killed  within  the  city  has  been  variously  estimated  from 
1000  to  10,000  ;  outside  Paris  at  least  10,000  were  massacred1. 
But  mere  numbers  give  little  idea  of  the  real  significance  of 
the  crime.  The  Huguenots  never  recovered  from  the  blow, 
never  again  found  a  leader  like  the  great  Admiral.  Conde  and 
Navarre  were  forced  to  become  Catholics,  and  their  example 
was  imitated  by  thousands  of  their  followers,  in  whose  hearts 
reigned  fear  and  distrust.  The  seeds  of  selfishness,  of  cruelty 
and  insincerity  which  are  sown  by  a  Saint  Bartholomew 
produce  their  evil  harvests  through  the  centuries.  Hence 
the  bitter  reflection  of  the  great  French  historian,  "  C'est,  je 
crois,  de  ce  temps  qu'en  fran9ais  sans  doute  a  voulu  dire 
peut-etre2," 

The  scenes  of  perfidy  and  horror  which  Sidney  witnessed 
from  the  house  of  Walsingham,  where  he  seems  to  have  been 
in  no  great  personal  danger,  made  a  deep  and  lasting  impres- 
sion on  his  mind.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  his  attitude 
to  the  French  as  a  nation  and  to  Catholicism  was  radically 
modified  for  all  future  time  by  his  awful  experience.  An  echo 
from  these  days  is  heard  in  the  letter  written  some  eight  years 
later  in  which  Sidney  attempts  to  persuade  Elizabeth  to 
reject  Alen9on  as  a  husband — 

"a  Frenchman  and  a  Papist,  in  whom  (howsoever  fine  wits  may  find 
further  dealings  or  painted  excuses)  the  very  common  people  well  know 
this,  that  he  is  the  son  of  a  Jezabel  of  our  age,  and  that  his  brother  made 
oblation  of  his  own  sister's  marriage  the  easier  to  make  massacres  of  our 
brethren  in  belief3." 

1  Armstrong,  The  French  Wars  of  Religion,  p.  33. 
3  Michelet,  xn,  p.  7. 
8  Collins,  vol.  I,  p.  288. 


122  Saint  Bartholomew  [CH. 

The  horror  which  the  news  of  the  massacre  inspired  in 
England  may  easily  be  imagined,  and  the  anxiety  which  must 
have  tortured  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Sidney  until  they  were 
assured  of  their  son's  safety,  is  suggested  by  a  letter  written 
by  Sir  Thomas  Smith  to  Walsingham1.  After  referring  to 
"  these  new  treasons  and  cruelties  more  barbarous  than  ever 
the  Scythians  used,"  he  proceeds  : 

"I  am  glad  yet  in  these  tumults  that  you  did  escape,  and  the  young 
gentlemen  that  be  there  with  you ;  and  that  the  King  had  so  great  pity 
and  care  of  our  nation,  so  lately  with  strait  amity  confederate  unto  him. 
. . .  .How  fearful  and  careful  the  mothers  and  parents  that  be  here  be  of 
such  young  gentlemen  as  be  there  you  may  easily  guess  by  my  Lady 
Lane,  who  prayeth  very  earnestly  that  her  son  might  be  safely  sent  home 
with  as  much  speed  as  may  be." 

Two   days  earlier  (September  9th)   the  Council  had  already 
addressed  to  Walsingham  the  following  letter2 : 

"Where  we  understand  that  the  English  gentlemen  that  were  in  Paris 
at  the  time  of  the  execution  of  the  murder,  were  forced  to  retire  to  your 
house,  where  they  did  wisely ;  for  your  care  of  them  we  and  their  friends 
are  beholding  to  you,  and  now  we  think  good  that  they  be  advised  to 
return  home  ;  and  namely  we  desire  you  to  procure  for  the  Lord  Wharton 
and  Mr  Philip  Sidney  the  King's  license  and  safe-conduct  to  come  thence, 
and  so  we  do  require  you  to  give  them  true  knowledge  of  our  minds  herein." 

Whether  we  are  to  credit  Charles  IX  with  so  great  pity  and 
care  of  our  nation  as  Sir  Thomas  Smith  ascribes  to  him,  or 
whether  we  are  to  consider  the  report  as  one  invented  by  the 
politiques  of  the  time  to  allay  popular  feeling,  we  cannot  now 
determine.  As  to  the  strength  of  the  popular  feeling  in  England 
there  can  be  no  question.  "  Sith  these  late  and  execrable 
murders  of  the  true  servants  of  God  there,"  wrote  Smith  to 
Walsingham  on  December  llth3,  "the  minds  of  the  most 
number  are  much  alienated  from  that  nation,  even  of  the  very 
Papists,  much  more  of  the  Protestants  here,"  and  the  reception 
of  the  French  ambassador  by  Elizabeth  and  her  Council 
strained  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries  to  the 

1  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  Series  3,  vol.  m,  p.  377. 

2  Digges'  Compleat  Ambassador,  p.  250. 
8  Ellis,  op.  cit.,  Series  3,  vol.  iv,  p.  6. 


vn]  Saint  Bartholomew  123 

breaking-point.  Nevertheless  politic  considerations  prevailed 
over  sentimental.  England  could  not  afford  to  further  an 
alliance  between  the  two  great  Catholic  powers  of  Europe  ; 
Walsingham  remaine'd  at  Paris,  Elizabeth  continued  to  discuss 
the  Alen9on  marriage,  and  when  in  October  a  daughter  was 
born  to  the  French  Queen  the  Queen  of  England  consented  to 
be  the  godmother  and  sent  the  Earl  of  Worcester  in  state 
to  represent  her  at  the  ceremony. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

CONTINENTAL  TRAVEL 

BEFOKE  Walsingham  received  the  letter  from  the  English 
Council  in  which  Sidney  was  ordered  to  return  home,  he  had 
already  sent  his  young  charge  forward  into  Germany.  A 
favourable  opportunity  for  doing  so  had  presented  itself  in 
the  fact  that  a  party  including  Dr  John  Watson,  the  dean  of 
Winchester,  was  travelling  in  that  direction.  On  October  17th 
Walsingham  wrote  to  Leicester  : 

"It  may  please  your  Lordship  to  understand  that  by  certain  that  return 
from  Frankfort  I  understand  that  one  of  the  gentlemen  that  departed 
hence  with  intention  to  accompany  your  nephew  Mr  Philip  Sidney  to  Heidel- 
berg died  by  the  way  at  a  place  called  Bladin  in  Lorraine,  who  by  diverse 
conjectures  I  took  to  be  the  Dean  of  Winchester,  who,  as  I  advertised  your 
Lordship  by  Mr  Argall,  I  employed  to  encounter  the  evil  practices  of  your 
said  nephew's  servant.  If,  then,  your  Lordship,  now  he  being  void,  may 
not  speedily  take  order  in  that  behalf,  if  already  it  be  not  done,  the  young 
gentleman  your  nephew  shall  be  in  danger  of  a  very  lewd  practice,  which 
were  great  pity  in  respect  of  the  rare  gifts  that  are  in  him1." 

What  the  practices  were  to  which  Walsingham  refers  we  have 
no  means  of  determining,  but  at  least  he  was  mistaken  in  his 
conjecture  that  the  dean  of  Winchester  had  died  by  the  way2. 
Sidney  reached  Frankfort  safely  and  took  up  his  residence 
in  the  house  of  Andrew  Wechel,  the  famous  printer.  Wechel 
was  one  of  the  best  representatives  of  the  scholar-printer  in 
Europe,  and  in  this  respect  was  only  carrying  on  the  tradition 

1  Harley  MSS.,  vol.  260,  p.  3486. 

2  John   Watson   (1520-1584).     Appointed  dean   of  Winchester  in    1570. 
In  1580  he  became  bishop  of  Winchester.     Sir  Francis  Walsingham  was  one 
of  the  "  chief  overseers  "  of  his  will. 


CH.  vni]  Continental  Travel  125 

established  by  his  father,  Christian  Wechel.  He  too  had  escaped 
with  difficulty  from  Paris  during  the  massacre,  and  it  is  quite 
possible  that  Sidney  had  known  him  there. 

It  is  probable  that  Sidney  found  himself  domiciled  in 
Wechel's  house  primarily  because  Hubert  Languet,  one  of  the 
best  known  of  contemporary  Protestant  scholars  and  diplo- 
mats, was  also  living  there.  There  is  good  reason  to  believe 
that  Sidney  had  made  his  acquaintance  in  Paris,  and  had  there 
begun  what  was  to  prove  the  most  notable  friendship  of  his 
life.  Born  at  Vitteaux  in  Burgundy,  in  1518,  Languet  had 
pursued  scholarly  ideals  from  his  very  childhood,  and  after 
studying  at  different  French  and  Italian  Universities,  had 
received  the  doctorate  from  the  University  of  Padua.  When 
he  was  about  thirty  years  6f  age  he  came  under  the  influence 
of  Melanchthon,  embraced  the  reformed  religion,  and  for  several 
years  spent  much  time  at  Wittenberg.  His  interest  in  contem- 
porary politics  was  as  great  as  his  devotion  to  learning  and 
religion,  and  between  1551  and  1560  he  visited  Denmark, 
Sweden,  Norway  and  Lapland,  besides  twice  revisiting  Italy. 
For  some  years  he  resided  in  his  native  France,  where  he  was 
esteemed  one  of  the  wisest  and  most  enlightened  counsellors 
of  the  Huguenots.  During  this  period  he  was  the  official  repre- 
sentative at  the  French  Court  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  and 
numbered  among  his  friends  all  the  famous  Protestant  scholars 
of  the  period.  It  was  in  this  capacity  that  he  was  residing  in 
Paris  at  the  time  of  the  massacre,  and  he  owed  his  life  to  the 
good  offices  of  the  bishop  of  Orleans,  who  protected  him  in 
his  house  and  found  means  to  enable  him  to  leave  the  country. 
It  is  one  of  the  remarkable  incidents  in  Sidney's  career  that 
before  he  had  completed  his  eighteenth  year  he  should  have 
attracted  in  so  notable  a  way  the  interest  and  devotion  of  this 
elderly  man  of  the  world.  Throughout  the  remaining  years  of 
his  life  Languet  devoted  himself  to  his  youthful  friend  with  a 
truly  fatherly  devotion,  and  to  his  wisdom  and  high  ideals  of 
living  Sidney  owed  more  than  he  owed  to  the  influence  of  any 
other  of  his  large  number  of  noteworthy  friends. 

We  have  no  detailed  information  of  Sidney's  occupation 
during  the  first  winter  which  he  spent  on  the  Continent,  but 


126  Continental  Travel  [CH. 

we  can  easily  imagine  how  seriously  he  pursued  his  studies 
under  Languet's  guidance,  and  how  much  he  enjoyed  the 
opportunity  of  meeting  the  many  famous  or  learned  men  with 
whom  he  was  thrown  into  contact.  On  March  23rd  he  wrote 
to  his  uncle,  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  that  he  had  spent  the  pre- 
ceding Thursday  with  Count  Lodowick  (Louis  of  Nassau),  the 
Prince  of  Orange's  second  brother,  with  whom  was  one  Sham- 
bourg,  an  Almain  whom  Sidney  had  known  at  the  French 
Court.  He  asks  Leicester  to  thank  Culverwell,  the  bearer  of 
the  letter,  for  courtesy  shown  Sidney  when  the  latter  was  in 
some  extremity  for  money1.  This  is  the  first  record  of  the 
money  difficulties  in  which  Sidney  was  almost  continuously 
involved  during  the  rest  of  his  life,  for  he  always  used  his  means 
lavishly,  and  he  seems  never  to  have  learned  the  art  of  adjust- 
ing his  expenditure  to  his  income.  Three  days  before  the  date 
of  this  letter  he  had  drawn  a  bill  of  exchange  for  £120  sterling 
on  William  Blunt,  Master  of  the  Counter  in  Wood  Street,  for 
merchandise  which  he  had  received  from  Christian  Rolgin  in 
Frankfort2. 

Languet's  duties  as  ambassador  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony 
had  taken  him  to  the  Imperial  Court  at  Vienna,  and  thither 
Sidney  followed  him  some  time  during  the  early  summer. 
He  proceeded  by  way  of  Heidelberg  and  Strassburg  and  seems 
even  to  have  visited  Basle3.  In  Heidelberg  he  met,  for  the 
first  time,  the  famous  printer,  Henry  Stephens,  and  a  warm 
friendship  at  once  sprang  up  between  them.  Stephens  made 
a  visit  to  Strassburg  for  the  express  purpose  of  again  seeing 
his  young  friend,  and  on  this  occasion  he  presented  Sidney 
with  a  small  manuscript  volume  containing  Greek  maxims, 
copied  by  his  own  hand4.  Some  time  later  Stephens  again 
met  Sidney  at  Vienna,  where  they  saw  much  of  each  other, 
and  Stephens  has  himself  recorded  his  increase  of  affection 
for  the  young  Englishman  as  he  had  greater  opportunities  of 

1  Appendix  to  the  Third  Report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission. 
The  Marquis  of  Bath's  MSS.  at  Longleat,  page  200,  item  213,  chest  F.  10. 

2  Quoted  in  extenso  in  Zouch's  Memoirs,  p.  81. 

3  V.  Fliigel's  Einleitung  to  his  edition  of  Astrophel  and  Stella  and  Defence 
of  Poesie,  s.  xvi. 

4  Hunter's  Chorus  Vatum,  vol.  iv,  p.  12. 


vm]  Continental  Travel  127 

knowing  him1.  In  Strassburg  Sidney  also  made  the  acquaintance 
of  another  famous  scholar,  who  showed  him  much  courtesy, 
John  Sturm.  Lord  Burghley,  writing  to  Sturm  on  July  18th, 
acknowledges  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  him  which  had 
been  brought  by  a  servant  of  Sidney.  Burghley  sends  his 
reply  by  the  same  messenger  and  says  :  "I  thank  you  very 
much  for  your  kind  reception  of  Philip  Sidney,  and  I  know  that 
his  most  honoured  parents  will  thank  you  a  great  deal 
more2." 

On  arriving  at  Vienna  Sidney  was  eagerly  welcomed  by 
Languet,  whose  solicitude  for  his  welfare"  could  not  have  been 
greater  had  the  young  Englishman  been  his  own  son.  Sidney 
now  made  the  acquaintance  of  many  well-known  men  at  the 
Imperial  Court,  and  Languet's  friends  became  his.  His  eager- 
ness to  acquaint  himself  with  the  European  situation  as  widely 
as  possible,  however,  urged  him  to  continue  his  travels.  Toward 
the  end  of  August  he  set  out  for  a  three  days'  trip  in  Hungary, 
but  several  weeks  elapsed  before  he  returned  to  Vienna.  During 
these  weeks,  as  also  during  the  remainder  of  his  travels,  he 
found  Languet's  friends  willing  and  eager  to  show  him  courtesy. 
He  had  carried  with  him  a  letter  of  introduction  to  a  Doctor 
Purkircher,  whose  kindnesses  to  him  he  acknowledged  in  a 
letter  to  Languet.  In  his  reply  Languet  complains  of  his 
young  friend's  protracted  stay  :  while  commending  Sidney's 
eagerness  to  become  acquainted  with  foreign  cities  and  the 
manners  of  men,  he  fears  the  dangers  of  the  journey,  and  he 
wishes  that  Sidney  might  be  accompanied  by  some  one  who 
could  act  as  a  guide  and  wise  interpreter.  Such  an  one 
Languet  could  easily  have  provided  had  he  known  Sidney's  plans. 
This  is  the  first  of  Languet's  extant  letters  to  his  protege,  and 
it  is  similar  in  tone  to  the  great  majority  of  those  which  he  was 
to  write.  They  are  filled  with  superlative  expressions  of  his 
friendship  and  of  his  solicitude,  and,  mingled  with  these, 

1  In  the  Latin  dedication  (seven  pages)  to  Sidney  of  the  Novum  Testa- 
mentum  (Greek) — Excudebat  Henricus  Stephanua,  anno  MDLXXVI.     In  1578 
he  sent  to  Sidney  a  copy  of  his  edition  of  Plato  in  three  volumes,  and  in  1581 
dedicated  to  him  his  edition  of  Herodian. 

2  Zurich  Letters,  Second  Series,  p.  217. 


128  Continental  Travel  [CH. 

complaints  regarding  Sidney's  failure  to  write  letters  regularly 
or  to  conform  his  plans  to  Languet's  ideas. 

Sidney  spent  October  with  his  friend  in  Vienna  and  made 
the  acquaintance  of  many  learned  men,  among  whom  Vulco- 
bius,  Abondius,  and  Bouchetell  continued  their  friendship  with 
him  by  means  of  letters  for  several  years.  Languet  in  turn 
became  warmly  attached  to  two  of  Sidney's  English  friends 
who  were  with  him  in  Vienna — Lodowick  Bryskett1  and  Thomas 
Coningsby2,  and  he  was  much  relieved  to  learn  that  they  were  to 
accompany  Sidney  when,  about  the  beginning  of  November3,  he 
set  out  for  Italy.  Languet  was  most  reluctant  to  see  him  go, 
and  attempted  to  persuade  him  to  travel  in  Germany  until  the 
inauguration  of  the  King  of  Poland — an  event  which  Languet 
was  most  anxious  that  Sidney  should  witness,  if  for  no  other 
reason  than  that  he  considered  Englishmen  culpably  indifferent 
to  Polish  affairs4.  Italy  was  the  land  of  the  sorceress  who 
corrupted  men's  morals  and  undermined  their  religious  convic- 
tions, and  Languet  must  remember  that  Sidney  was  only  nine- 
teen years  of  age.  He  extorted  from  him  a  promise  that  he 
would  not  visit  Rome  at  any  rate — a  promise  which  Sidney 
kept,  though  he  often  afterwards  reproached  Languet  for 
having  prevented  him  from  seeing  the  eternal  city. 

Languet's  fears  regarding  the  corrupting  influence  of  Rome 
upon  young  men  were  shared  by  many  Englishmen  of  the 
time.  The  Italianated  Englishman  of  the  proverb  had  obtained 
a  wide  notoriety.  Ascham's  strictures  on  Italian  travel  are 

1  He  had  been  clerk  of  the  Irish  Council  under  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  and  later 
held  several  minor  offices  in  Ireland  especially  under  Lord  Grey  de  Wilton. 
He  is  best  known,  of  course,  because  of  his  friendship  with  Spenser,  and  for  his 
account  of  the  party  of  friends  who  had  met  at  his  house  near  Dublin  on  one 
occasion  when  Spenser  announced  to  them  that  he  was  engaged  on  the  Faerie 
Queene     He  contributed  two  poems  to  the  collection  of  elegies  published  by 
Spenser  after  Sidney's  death  under  the  title  of  Astrophd. 

2  Knighted  in  1591  for  his  bravery  in  the  French  war  of  which  he  has  left 
a  valuable  account  (ed.  J.  G.  Nicholls — Miscellanies,  Camden  Society).     He 
married  Philippa,  second  daughter  of  Sir  William  Fitz William,  and  therefore  a 
first  cousin  of  Philip  Sidney. 

8  A  receipt  signed  by  Sidney  in  Venice  for  money  which  he  received  from 
Thomaso  Balbani  on  his  letter  of  credit  from  Vetturelli  is  dated  November  6, 
1573.  The  receipt  is  among  the  Penshurst  MSS. 

4  Epistolcn,  p.  13. 


vm]  Continental  Travel  129 

too  well  known  to  need  repetition,  but  many  other  references 
to  the  subject  are  found  among  Elizabethan  writers.  In  the 
precepts  which  Lord  Burghley  gave  to  his  son  we  find  the 
following :  "  Suffer  not  thy  sons  to  pass  the  Alps.  For  they 
shall  learn  nothing  there  but  pride,  blasphemy  and  atheism." 
In  popular  estimation  Italy  was  responsible  for  much  of  the 
corruption  of  morals  and  manners  in  contemporary  England. 
While  her  achievements  in  letters  and  the  arts  attracted  the 
young  Englishman  of  the  time  irresistibly,  those  who  were  most 
solicitous  for  the  preservation  of  the  soundest  traits  in  the 
national  character,  when  they  saw  their  sons  depart  upon  their 
travels,  could  not  but  remember  that  in  the  home  of  the 
Renaissance  decadence  had  set  in.  Especially  to  the  Puritanic, 
Italy  was  synonymous  with  irreligiousness,  insincerity,  indo- 
lence and  gross  immorality.  Paris  shared  the  same  bad  repu- 
tation only  in  a  lesser  degree.  "  Englishmen  who  come  hither 
are  soon  corrupted,"  wrote  Lord  Cobham,  the  English  ambassa- 
dor at  Paris,  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  "  and  by  many  enticements 
drawn  to  leave  their  religion1." 

Accompanied  by  Bryskett,  Coningsby  and  Griffin  Madox, 
a  faithful  Welsh  servant,  Sidney  left  Vienna.  Languet  had 
given  him  many  letters  of  introduction,  and  when  Sidney  parted 
from  his  old  friend  his  tears  scarcely  permitted  him  to  say 
farewell.  He  had  promised  to  write  regularly,  to  avoid  all 
unnecessary  dangers,  and  to  take  special  care  of  his  health, 
and  Languet  was  comforted  by  the  assurance  that  they  would 
soon  meet  each  other  again  at  Cracow,  where  they  both  expected 
to  be  present  at  the  inauguration  of  the  King  of  Poland,  to 
which  dignity  the  Duke  of  Anjou  had  been  elected  in  the 
preceding  May.  The  journey  to  Venice  was  uneventful  and 
Bryskett  has  left  us  a  pleasant  picture  of  their  travels  written 
many  years  later  : 

"Through  many  a  hill  and  dale, 

Through  pleasant  woods,  and  many  an  unknowne  way, 
Along  the  bankes  of  many  silver  streames, 
Thou  with  him  yodest ;  and  with  him  didst  scale 

1  State  Papers— Foreign— Eliz.,  Feb.  21,  1580. 
W.L.  S.  9 


130  Continental  Travel  [CH. 

The  craggie  rocks  of  th'  Alpes  and  Appenine  ! 
Still  with  the  Muses  sporting,  while  those  beames 
Of  vertue  kindled  in  his  noble  brest, 
Which  after  did  so  gloriously  forth  shine1  ! " 

Only  one  definite  event  of  the  journey  is  recorded,  and  it 
throws  some  rather  unpleasant  light  on  one  side  of  Sidney's 
character.  We  have  not  the  details  of  the  story,  but  it  would 
appear  that  when  a  dishonest  host  overcharged  Sidney  for  his 
lodgings,  the  latter  accused  Coningsby  of  having  in  some  way 
purloined  the  money.  When  he  discovered  that  he  was  mis- 
taken he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  especially  concerned 
regarding  his  own  conduct.  We  shall  find  that  this  was  not 
the  only  occasion  when  his  fiery,  emotional  temper  bore  down 
his  instincts  of  generosity  and  even  of  common  justice. 

On  his  arrival  in  Venice  Sidney  was  warmly  received  by 
several  of  Languet's  friends,  chief  among  whom  were  the  Count 
of  Hanau,  who  was  to  become  one  of  Sidney's  warmest  friends 
on  the  Continent,  and  Arnaud  du  Ferrier,  the  French  ambassa- 
dor at  Venice  and  a  friend  of  Fra  Paolo  Sarpi.  They  were  both 
untiring  in  their  efforts  to  be  of  service  to  him.  and  through 
them  he  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  what  he  himself  calls 
the  magnificent  magnificences  of  the  magnificoes  of  Venice. 
He  was  just  too  late  to  meet  the  famous  French  scholar, 
Francis  Perrot,  another  of  Fra  Paolo's  friends,  nor  is  there  any 
reason  to  believe  that  he  met  the  great  Servite  friar  who  at 
this  time  was  living  at  Mantua.  How  he  must  have  delighted 
in  the  picturesque  beauty  of  the  city  we  can  imagine,  and  its 
romantic  history  would  make  a  very  special  appeal  to  him. 

The  greatness  of  Venice  had  begun  to  decline  before  the 
time  of  Sidney's  visit ;  both  her  political  and  commercial 
prestige  was  being  questioned.  It  was  now  almost  half  a 
century  since  the  Peace  of  Cambrai  had  shorn  her  of  much  of 
her  power,  but  the  consciousness  of  the  fact  that  she  had 
fallen  from  her  high  estate  came  slowly.  Both  in  her  own  eyes 
and  in  those  of  Europe  she  still  held  the  gorgeous  East  in  fee, 
and  if  she  was  no  longer  regarded  as  the  sole  safeguard  of  the 

1  A  Pastoral  Aeglogue,  etc.     Spenser's  Works,  Globe  ed..  p.  567. 


vm]  Continental  Travel  131 

West,  she  was  at  least  a  powerful  buffer  State  against  the 
Turk,  and  likely  to  be  one  of  the  most  important  members 
of  any  coalition  that  might  be  formed  against  that  dreaded 
enemy.  For  a  quarter  of  a  century  she  had  been  less  slow  to 
resent  the  insolence  of  the  Ottoman  power  in  the  Levant  than 
she  would  have  been  when  her  greatness  was  at  its  zenith. 
Her  long  enjoyment  of  commercial  prosperity  and  her  employ- 
ment of  mercenary  troops  had  both  tended  to  unfit  her  for 
strenuous  warfare.  But  when,  in  1570,  the  Turk  attacked 
Cyprus,  the  Venetians  had  risen  to  the  occasion  in  a  manner 
not  unbefitting  their  former  greatness.  The  defence  of  Fama- 
gosta  (1571)  was  one  of  the  brightest  pages  in  their  history, 
and  when  within  a  few  months  the  allied  Venetian,  Spanish 
and  Papal  forces  won  the  battle  of  Lepanto,  Europe  knew  that 
one  of  the  greatest  battles  in  defence  of  civilization  had  been 
fought,  and  that  the  Venetian  admiral  had  been  the  chief 
instrument  in  checking  the  Ottoman  ambition  of  overrunning 
the  whole  Continent. 

But  the  Pope  and  Philip  of  Spain  were  too  busy  suppressing 
heresy  to  continue  their  assistance  against  the  invader,  and 
only  a  few  months  before  Sidney  visited  Venice  she  had  been 
compelled  to  cede  Cyprus  to  the  Turk  and  to  pay  him  a  huge 
indemnity.  The  blow  was  a  fatal  one  as  far  as  her  political 
status  and  her  commercial  pre-eminence  were  concerned,  but 
her  love  of  liberty  and  independence  was  still  to  be  evidenced 
in  the  work  of  Fra  Paolo  and  in  his  country's  loyal  apprecia- 
tion of  his  services,  and  at  the  very  moment  Tintoretto  and 
Paolo  Veronese  were  producing  their  masterpieces  within  the 
city.  The  glories  of  the  republic,  both  past  and  present,  must 
have  made  his  visit  a  wonderful  experience  for  the  young 
Englishman,  and  it  is  pleasant  to  think  of  his  delight  as  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  the  churches  and  palaces  rich  with 
the  productions  of  Giovanni  Bellini  and  Carpaccio. 

It  was  the  diminution  in  the  glory  of  the  city-republic, 
however,  of  which  Sidney  seems  to  have  been  most  conscious, 
and  he  confessed  his  disappointment  to  Languet,  who  inter- 
preted it  as  a  vindication  of  his  own  lack  of  enthusiasm  for 
Italian  travel. 

9—2 


132  Continental  Travel  [CH. 

"I  judge  from  your  letter,"  he  wrote  on  December  21st,  "that  the 
splendour  of  Venice  does  not  equal  your  expectation;  nevertheless  Italy 
has  nothing  fit  to  be  compared  to  it,  so  that  if  this  does  not  please  you, 
the  rest  will  disgust  you.  You  will  admire  the  wit  and  sagacity  of  the 
people.  They  are  in  truth  witty  and  keen,  and  yet  most  of  them  carry 
more  on  the  surface  than  they  have  within,  and  they  very  generally  spoil 
their  attainments  by  display  and  make  themselves  offensive1." 

Sidney's  mature  opinion  of  Italy  and  of  Venice  in  particular 
he  recorded  some  years  later  in  a  letter  to  his  brother : 

"  Also  for  Italy,  we  know  not  what  we  have,  or  can  have  to  do  with  them 
but  to  buy  their  silks  and  wines,  and  as  for  the  other  point,  except  Venice, 
whose  good  laws  and  customs  we  can  hardly  proportion  to  ourselves 
because  they  are  quite  of  a  contrary  government ;  there  is  little  there 
but  tyrannous  oppression,  and  servile  yielding  to  them  that  have  little 
or  no  right  over  them.  And  for  the  men  you  shall  have  there,  although 
indeed  some  be  excellently  learned,  yet  are  they  all  given  to  counterfeit 
learning,  as  a  man  shall  learn  among  them  more  false  grounds  of  things 
than  in  any  place  else  that  I  know  ;  for  from  a  tapster  upwards  they 
are  all  discoursers.  In  fine,  certain  matters  and  qualities,  as  horsemanship, 
weapons,  painting  and  such,  are  better  there  .than  in  other  countries ; 
but  for  other  matters,  as  well,  if  not  better,  you  shall  have  them  in  nearer 
places2." 

Sidney  was   always   too   good   an   Englishman   to  appreciate 
the  virtues  of  other  countries  at  more  than  their  true  worth. 

To  what  he  counted  true  learning  Sidney  devoted  himself 
most  assiduously  under  Languet's  guidance.  To  write  easily 
in  Latin  Languet  considered  the  principal  object  of  his  studies, 
the  indispensable  means  whereby  he  would  be  able  in  future 
to  continue  the  friendships  which  he  was  now  contracting. 
Accordingly  they  agreed  to  write  once  each  week.  Languet 
was  better  than  his  word  ;  Sidney  seems  to  have  fallen  some- 
what short  of  it,  but  at  least  he  wrote  regularly  enough  to  earn 
the  elder  man's  enthusiastic  praise  for  the  improvement  in  his 
Latinity.  In  some  respects  Languet's  are  curious  letters. 
They  deal  chiefly  with  contemporary  politics,  but  in  the 
majority  of  them  are  elaborate  protestations  of  affection  mingled 
with  upbraidings  for  Sidney's  failure  to  write  regularly — 
surely  a  sign  of  the  cooling  of  his  friendship.  He  addresses 

1  Pears,  p.  12. 

*  Letter  to  Robert  Sidney,  1579.     Quoted  by  Pears,  p.  198. 


vin]  Continental  Travel  133 

the  young  man  as  his  son,  but  often  the  letters  read  like  those 
of  a  jealous  lover  to  his  mistress.  Languet  excuses  his  tone 
on  the  ground  of  his  devotion,  and  nowhere  is  that  devotion 
more  evident  than  in  his  detailed  advice  regarding  Sidney's 
studies.  He  urges  him  to  read  Cicero's  letters,  both  for  the 
matter  contained  in  them  and  for  the  purpose  of  "  double 
translation,"  in  order  to  improve  his  style,  though  he  warns 
him  against  mere  Ciceronianism  or  such  devotion  to  imitative 
graces  in  his  style  that  he  should  give  a  secondary  place  to  the 
matter.  Latin  pronunciation  Languet  also  considered  of  the 
greatest  importance1.  In  December  Sidney  writes  that  he  is 
learning  the  sphere  and  a  little  music,  asks  Languet  if  he  can 
procure  Plutarch's  works  for  him  in  French,  and  offers  to  send 
any  of  a  number  of  Italian  historical  works  which  he  has  been 
reading.  Sidney's  extreme  devotion  to  study  indeed  aroused 
Languet's  fears  when  in  response  to  several  inquiries  Sidney 
confessed  that  his  health  was.  indifferent  and  that  he  was  in 
rather  low  spirits.  Languet  suspected  that  lack  of  money 
might  be  partly  responsible  for  the  young  man's  troubles  and 
authorized  him  to  draw  upon  him  for  whatever  amount  he 
needed.  He  also  urged  him  to  go  to  Padua,  whither  the  Count 
of  Hanau  had  already  gone,  and  where  Sidney  would  find  more 
quiet,  better  friends  and  an  atmosphere  more  to  his  liking2. 

Sidney  had  already  taken  a  house  in  the  old  University 
town,  and  immediately  after  taking  up  his  abode  in  it  he  wrote 
to  Languet,  on  January  15th,  in  much  better  spirits. 

"Behold  at  last  my  letter  from  Padua !  not  that  you  are  to  expect 
any  greater  eloquence  than  is  usually  to  be  found  in  my  epistles,  but  that 

you  may  know  I  have  arrived  here  as  I  purposed  and  in  safety 1  have 

already  visited  his  Excellency,  the  Count,  and  the  Baron  Slavata,  your 
worthy  young  friends,  and  while  I  enjoy  their  acquaintance  with  the 
greatest  pleasure  to  myself  I  am  perpetually  reminded  of  your  surpassing 
love  of  me8." 

The  University  atmosphere  only  increased  his  thirst  for  learn- 
ing, and  Languet  begs  him  to  be  careful  of  his  health  while 
he  advises  him  regarding  his  studies.  "  I  call  those  things 
essential  to  you,"  he  wrote,  "  which  it  is  discreditable  for  a 

Eptstolce,  p.  22.  2  Ibid.  »  Pears,  p.  22. 


134  Continental  Travel  [OH. 

man  of  high  birth  not  to  know,  and  which  may,  one  day,  be 
an  ornament  and  a  resource  to  you1."  Accordingly  he  approves 
of  the  elements  of  astronomy  and  geometry  because  of  their 
practical  use  in  war,  though  he  fears  that  close  application  to 
mathematics  may  depress  both  Sidney's  spirits  and  his  health, 
"  and,"  he  adds,  "  you  know  you  have  no  health  to  spare." 
He  is  afraid  that  Sidney  will  not  be  able  to  devote  sufficient 
time  to  Greek  to  justify  the  effort  he  must  expend  on  acquiring 
it ;  some  superficial  knowledge  of  German  in  addition  to  the 
four  languages  with  which  Sidney  is  already  acquainted  would 
probably  be  of  more  practical  use.  But  it  was  on  philosophy, 
history  and  contemporary  politics  that  Languet  laid  most  stress  : 

"Next  to  the  knowledge  of  the  way  of  salvation,  which  is  the  most 
essential  thing  of  all,  and  which  we  learn  from  the  sacred  Scriptures,  next  to 
this,  I  believe  that  nothing  will  be  of  greater  use  to  you  than  to  study  that 
branch  of  moral  philosophy  which  treats  of  justice  and  injustice.  I 
need  not  speak  to  you  of  reading  history,  by  which  more  than  anything 
else  men's  judgments  are  shaped,  because  your  own  inclination  carries 
you  to  it  and  you  have  made  great  progress  in  it2." 

And,  lastly,  Languet  never  tired  of  emphasizing  the  import- 
ance of  the  education  which  is  derived  from  intercourse  with 
good  and  great  men.  We  shall  be  in  little  danger  of  over- 
estimating the  influence  which  he  exercised  on  the  character 
of  Sidney's  mind.  He  gives  long  accounts  of  contemporary 
political  happenings,  primarily,  one  feels,  for  the  sake  of 
shaping  the  young  man's  mind  and  of  relating  events  to  the 
great  movements  they  illustrate.  Languet  was  not  only  a 
good  man  but  a  statesman  of  no  mean  calibre,  and  his  whole 
interest  in  his  protege's  education  was  that  it  should  be  a 
training  in  character  and  statesmanship.  The  melancholy 
which  was  becoming  habitual  to  him  was  banished  by  nothing 
so  effectively  as  by  a  letter  from  Ferrier  or  Count  Lewis  of 
Hanau  reciting  the  praises  of  the  young  Englishman,  for  these 
letters  he  prized  as  pledges  of  a  happy  issue  for  the  great 
hopes  which  he  had  founded  on  the  boy. 

Meantime  Languet  was  growing  impatient  over  Sidney's 
protracted  stay.  In  every  letter  he  refers  to  the  approaching 

1  Pears,  p.  25.  2  Ibid.,  p.  26. 


vm]  Continental  Travel  135 

inauguration  of  the  King  of  Poland  as  to  an  event  of  supreme 
importance.  In  one  letter  he  tells  of  having  made  the 
acquaintance  of  a  young  Pole  of  Cracow,  a  noble  youth  of 
scholarly  attainments,  who  is  to  entertain  Sidney  at  the  great 
celebration.  In  another  he  tells  of  the  multitude  of  minstrels, 
players,  jugglers  and  clowns  who  are  all  making  their  way  to 
Cracow1.  Nevertheless  he  hardly  makes  us  appreciate  the 
reasons  for  his  laying  so  much  stress  upon  the  event,  and 
Sidney  seems  to  have  been  in  no  hurry  to  leave  Italy.  He 
alleges  "  business "  at  first  which  prevents  his  immediate 
return,  and  then  his  desire  to  travel  to  Poland  in  the  company 
of  the  Count  of  Hanau,  whose  journeyings  about  Italy  will 
delay  his  setting  out  for  some  time.  Accordingly  it  was 
midsummer  before  he  again  crossed  the  Alps. 

We  know  only  a  few  details  of  his  further  stay  in  Italy. 
There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  formally  enrolled 
as  a  student  in  the  University  of  Padua,  attracted  to  it  as  he 
must  have  been  by  the  long  tradition  of  English  scholars  who 
had  studied  or  lectured  there.  Languet  constantly  fears  for 
his  health  and  discourages  his  interest  in  pure  scholarship. 
He  never  tires  of  urging  what  Sidney  himself  so  eloquently 
declared  in  later  years,  that  the  highest  end  of  knowledge 
consists  "  in  the  knowledge  of  a  man's  self,  in  the  ethic  and 
politic  consideration  with  the  end  of  well  doing  and  not  of 
well  knowing  only,"-  "  the  ending  end  of  all  earthly  learning 
being  virtuous  action2."  He  also  warns  Sidney  constantly 
against  his  over-seriousness,  and  Sidney  confesses  : 

"I  readily  allow  that  I  am  often  more  serious  than  either  my  age  or  my 
pursuits  demand  ;  yet  this  I  have  learned  by  experience  that  I  am  never 
less  a  prey  to  melancholy  than  when  I  am  earnestly  applying  the  feeble 
powers  of  my  mind  to  some  high  and  difficult  object3." 

Languet  rejoices  in  Sidney's  friendship  with  the  Count  of 
Hanau  and  Baron  Slavata,  and  reminds  him  of  Cicero's  dic- 
tum that  friendship  is  the  salt  and  condiment  of  life4.  He 
fears,  however,  lest  new  friends  rob  him  of  the  place  he  holds 
in  Sidney's  affection. 

1  Epistolce,  p.  22.  2  Apologiefor  Poetrie,  ed.  Collins  p.  13. 

3  Pears,  p.  29.  «  Epistolas,  p.  31. 


136  Continental  Travel  [en. 

By  February  26th  Sidney  was  once  more  in  Venice,  where 
he  had  his  portrait  painted.  Before  he  left  Venice  Abondius 
had  drawn  a  sketch  of  him  for  his  own  amusement,  and  Languet 
wrote  that  he  had  consoled  himself  for  his  young  friend's 
absence  by  visiting  his  likeness  at  the  house  of  Abondius. 
Accordingly  Sidney  in  his  reply  presented  this  sketch  to  Languet, 
who,  not  yet  content,  insisted  that  Sidney  have  his  portrait 
painted  in  Venice,  where  the  services  of  the  greatest  painters 
in  the  world  might  be  had.  Titian  was  still  living  there,  an 
old  man,  but  we  do  not  know  that  Sidney  ever  met  him.  He 
hesitated  in  his  choice  between  the  great  master's  two  greatest 
pupils — Tintoretto  and  Veronese,  but  on  February  26th  he 
wrote  to  Languet :  "  This  day  one  Paul  of  Verona  has  begun 
my  portrait  for  which  I  must  stay  here  two  or  three  days 
longer1."  Some  six  weeks  later  the  portrait  was  forwarded  to 
Languet.  Two  of  Sidney's  English  friends,  Robert  Corbett 
and  Richard  Shelley,  were  travelling  from  Venice  to  Vienna, 
and  to  them  Sidney  entrusted  it.  His  sense  of  humour  was 
sufficient,  however,  to  prevent  his  complying  with  one  of 
Languet's  requests.  Inspired  by  Abondius'  portrait  Languet 
for  the  first  time  in  his  life  became  a  poet,  and  he  had  forwarded 
his  verses  to  Sidney  with  the  request  that  they  be  written 
under  the  portrait — "  if  there  shall  be  room  for  them." 

"As  to  your  lines,"  Sidney  wrote  in  reply,  "although  it  is  truly  a  thing 
to  boast  of,  'to  be  praised  by  one  so  full  of  praise,'  and  though  they  are 
most  welcome  to  me  as  testifying  your  undying  affection  for  me,  yet  I 
cannot  think  of  sinning  so  grievously  against  modesty  as  to  have  such 
a  proclamation  of  my  praises,  especially  as  I  do  not  deserve  them,  inscribed 
on  my  portrait." 

Languet    received    k    safely    and    at    once    wrote    his    first 
impressions  : 

"Master  Corbett  showed  me  your  portrait,  which  I  kept  with  me  some 
hours  to  feast  my  eyes  on  it,  but  my  appetite  was  rather  increased  than 
diminished  by  the  sight.  It  seems  to  me  to  represent  some  one  like 
you  rather  than  yourself,  and,  at  first,  I  thought  it  was  your  brother. 
Most  of  your  features  are  well  drawn,  but  it  is  far  more  juvenile  than  it 
ought  to  be.  I  should  think  you  were  not  unlike  it  in  your  12th  or  13th 
year2." 

1  Pears,  p.  42.  J  Pears,  p.  77— Letter  of  Juno  11,  1574. 


vin]  Continental  Travel  137 

A  year  later  he  wrote  : 

"As  long  as  I  enjoyed  the  sight  of  you  I  made  no  great  account  of  the 
portrait  which  you  gave  me,  and  scarcely  thanked  you  for  so  beautiful  a 
present.  I  was  led  by  regret  for  you,  on  my  return  from  Frankfort,  to 
place  it  in  a  frame  and  fix  it  in  a  conspicuous  place.  When  I  had  done 
this  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  so  beautiful,  and  so  strongly  to  resemble  you, 
that  I  possess  nothing  which  I  value  more.  Master  Vulcobius  is  so  struck 
with  its  elegance  that  he  is  looking  for  an  artist  to  copy  it.  The  painter 
has  represented  you  sad  and  thoughtful.  I  should  have  been  better 
pleased  if  your  face  had  worn  a  more  cheerful  look  when  you  sat  for  the 
painting1." 

I  have  discovered  no  reference  to  the  portrait  after  this  time. 
Should  it  even  yet  some  day  come  to  light  few  unearthings  of  six- 
teenth century  treasures  would  be  of  such  surpassing  interest. 

From  Venice  Sidney  made  a  short  excursion  to  Florence 
and  Genoa,  much  to  the  distress  of  Languet,  who  wrote  him 
a  long  letter  reciting  the  innate  wickedness  of  the  Etruscans 
and  Savoyards  and  supporting  his  contentions  with  much 
historical  evidence.  He  feared  both  for  Sidney's  personal 
safety  and  for  his  morals,  and  he  was  much  relieved  to  learn 
that  the  traveller  was  once  more  in  Padua,  whither  he  had 
returned  about  the  middle  of  April  after  spending  a  few  more 
days  in  Venice.  In  these  two  cities  he  passed  the  spring  and 
early  summer,  now  in  the  one,  now  in  the  other.  Of  his  occupa- 
tion during  these  months  we  know  but  little.  He  wrote  very 
often  but  rather  irregularly  to  Languet,  thus  calling  down 
voluminous  reproaches  upon  himself.  He  had  not  taken  his 
counsellor's  advice  as  to  making  the  excursion  to  Florence 
from  Venice,  nor  did  he  write  to  him  until  his  return.  Languet 
was  much  hurt  by  such  conduct.  All  he  wanted,  he  declared, 
was  a  letter  in  which  Sidney  should  have  said,  "  I  am  alive 
and  well — at  Florence,  or  Genoa2."  But  a  letter  from  Sidney 
full  of  affection  and  tender  solicitude  dispelled  all  Languet' s 
fears  and  irritation  at  the  same  time,  and  he  breaks  forth  into 
a  paean  of  praise  in  honour  of  the  day  when  he  had  the  good 
fortune  first  to  meet  so  noble  a  youth.  He  has  lost  nearly  all 
the  friends  of  his  earlier  days — many  of  them  at  St  Bartholomew, 

1  Pears,  p.  94 — Letter  of  June  6,  1575. 

2  Epiatolce,  p.  64. 


138  Continental  Travel 

many  in  the  civil  commotions  of  the  rest  of  Europe,  and 
as  Sidney  was  always  the  dearest  of  these  friends  so  is  he  now 
almost  the  only  surviving  one1. 

None  of  Sidney's  letters  to  his  parents  or  friends  in  England 
at  this  period  has  been  preserved.  In  writing  to  Languet  he 
occasionally  refers  to  his  having  received  a  letter  from  his 
father,  or  of  having  sent  one  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  but  these 
have  all  disappeared.  One  interesting  reference  to  his  life  at 
this  time  is  preserved  in  Venice,  where,  after  his  return  from 
Florence  and  Genoa,  he  took  out  a  license  to  carry  arms.  On 
April  19th  a  motion  was  made  in  the  Council  of  Ten 

"that  license  be  given  to  Sir  (!)  Philip  Sidney,  an  Englishman,  son  of  the 
most  illustrious  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  Governor  of  the  province  of  Calais  (!), 
who  is  staying  here  on  his  way  to  Padua,  where  he  designs  to  take  up  his 
abode  for  the  purpose  of  studying,  to  carry  arms  in  this  city  of  Venice 
and  all  cities,  towns,  and  other  places  of  our  dominion,  with  a  gentleman 
attending  him  (appresso  di  lui)  named  Lodovico  Bruschetto,  and  with 
three  servants,  whose  names  are  to  be  noted  in  the  office  of  the  Chiefs 
of  this  Council,  and  in  the  Chanceries  of  the  places  where  he  shall  sojourn 
he  taking  oath  that  they  shall  remain  in  his  house  and  at  his  charges. 
Ayes  13.     Noes  0.     Neutral  I2." 

It  had  been  finally  arranged  between  Sidney  and  Languet 
that  Sidney  should  return  to  the  north  in  the  company  of  the 
Count  of  Hanau. 

"It  will  be  far  more  convenient  for  you  to  travel  through  Germany 
with  the  Count,"  Languet  had  written,  "especially  as  none  of  your  people 
speak  German,  and  therefore  it  is  better  you  should  wait  for  his  coming, 
so  that  he  comes  away  before  Midsummer :  for  I  fear  the  heat  for  you, 
spare-framed  as  you  are,  and  knowing  as  I  do  your  voracious  appetite 
for  fruit ;  and  therefore  I  forewarn  you  of  fever  and  dysentery  if  you 
stay  there  during  the  summer3." 

Sidney  was  loath,  however,  definitely  to  turn  his  back  on  the 
more  remote  parts  of  the  civilized  world,  which  he  might  never 
visit  again.  From  Corbett  Languet  learned  that  Sidney  was 
waiting  for  a  letter  from  his  father  before  determining  on  hia 

1  Epistolae,  p.  69. 

2  Calendar  of  State  Papers — Venetian,  No.   583,  April  19,  1574,   Consiglio 
Comune,  No.  31. 

8  Pears,  p.  64. 


vin]  Continental  Travel  139 

immediate  future,  and  Languet  concluded  that  his  wilful 
protege  was  meditating  not  only  a  visit  to  Rome  but  also  to 
Constantinople.  The  dangers  of  the  latter  journey— from  the 
pirates  by  sea  and  brigands  by  land — had  become  proverbial, 
but  fearful  to  contemplate  as  were  these  hazards  they  were  not 
equal  in  Languet's  opinion  to  those  moral  dangers  which  were 
involved  in  a  visit  to  the  city  of  the  Popes.  It  is  probable  that 
lack  of  money  prevented  Sidney's  embarking  on  either  expedi- 
tion. In  the  beginning  of  June  he  learned  of  the  death  of  the 
French  King,  and  Languet  soon  wrote  him  that  the  King  of 
Poland  would  visit  Venice  before  returning  to  France  to  claim 
his  new  dignity. 

"I  would  gladly  give  all  that  is  dearest  and  most  precious  to  mo  in  the 
world,"  Languet  wrote  on  June  25th,  "to  have  you  here  with  us  now, 
that  you  might  be  made  known  to  the  King  of  France  and  form  an  acquaint- 
ance with  some  of  his  suite.  It  would  be  useful  to  you  if  ever  you  return 
to  the  French  court1." 

Under  the  circumstances  the  worldly-wise  diplomat  busied 
himself  with  making  friends  for  Sidney,  among  those  who 
might  secure  him  the  opportunity  in  Venice  which  was  impossible 
in  Vienna. 

"I  advise  you  to  do  what  you  can  to  become  known  to  the  King,"  he 
wrote.  "You  will  be  able  to  do  so  through  Du  Ferrier  or  Montmorino 
or  Pibrac  or  Bellievre.  Du  Ferrier  you  know  well,  Montmorino  too 
knows  you  and  loves  you.  I  have  mentioned  you  in  fitting  terms  to 
Bellievre  and  Pibrac  from  each  of  whom  I  have  received  the  strongest 
expressions  of  good  will.  You  will  remember,  however,  that  in  the  midst 
of  hurry  and  tumult  you  must  watch  for  your  opportunity  and  not  be  too 
bashful2." 

Whether  Sidney  actually  met  the  King  we  do  not  know.  He 
met  Pibrac  and  wrote  to  Languet  some  rather  harsh  strictures 
on  that  statesman's  conduct  in  connection  with  the  Massacre 
of  St  Bartholomew.  It  is  interesting  to  read  Languet's  reply 
and  to  see  how  uniformly  he  attempts  to  translate  all  sorts  of 
events  into  educational  material.  Very  gently  he  condemns 
the  practice  of  assuming  that  a  man  is  a  villain  because  he  has 

1  Pears,  p.  78.  2  Ibid.,  p.  83. 


140  Continental  Travel  [CH. 

erred  in  some  slight  point.  All  sins  are  not  equal.  Pibrac's  learn- 
ing, genius  and  eloquence  are  eulogized,  and  Languet  does  not 
believe  that  he  ever  advised  an  unprincipled  course  of  conduct. 

Languet's  last  letter  to  Sidney  is  dated  July  24th,  and 
some  time  during  the  next  month,  we  may  assume,  Sidney 
returned  to  the  north  in  the  company  of  the  Count  of  Hanau. 
During  July  he  had  been  far  from  well,  and  he  had  written 
Languet  of  having  severe  pains  in  his  head  and  of  having 
barely  escaped  a  pleurisy.  To  his  ill-health  Languet  ascribed 
the  young  man's  rather  petty  complaints  of  the  ungracious 
behaviour  of  certain  of  his  friends  who  had  gone  away  without 
bidding  him  farewell.  The  older  man's  reply  is  in  his  wisest, 
paternal  tone.  Sidney  had  digested  his  wrath  and  Languet 
reminds  him  :  "  You  will  have  to  adopt  this  plan  many  times 
before  you  reach  my  age  unless  you  wish  to  pass  your  whole 
life  in  quarrelling."  He  saw  Sidney's  tendency  to  take  himself 
too  seriously,  and  probably  rightly  ascribed  it  to  a  certain 
haughtiness  and  lack  of  a  sense  of  humour ;  he  never  wearies  of 
urging  him  to  moderate  his  pretensions  in  his  relations  to  other 
men  and  to  curb  his  impulse  to  harsh  and  unconsidered  criticism. 

On  August  4th  Sidney  drew  the  last  of  the  money  which 
was  to  his  credit  in  Venice1,  and  he  probably  left  Italy  soon 
afterward.  On  arriving  in  Vienna,  he  became  seriously  ill, 
with  the  result  that  he  was  detained  there  for  some  time2,  and 
we  can  imagine  with  what  solicitude  and  tender  care  Languet 
attended  him.  On  recovering  sufficiently  he  made  a  visit  of 
some  duration  in  Poland,  "  which  time,"  he  wrote  to  Lord 
Burghley,  "  I  might  perchance  have  employed  in  more  profit- 
able, at  least  more  pleasant  voyages3."  He  was  in  Vienna 
again  on  November  27th,  when  he  wrote  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
giving  him  an  account  of  the  political  situation  in  Poland  and 
at  the  Emperor's  Court4.  Once  more  he  found  himself  "  not 

1  Accerbo  Vetturelli  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  October  21,  1574  (Add.  MSS. 
17520,  2).   Sir  Henry  had  deposited  £135  with  Vetturelli  on  June  28th  according 
to  a  receipt  given  by  John  Lugerini,  an  agent  of  Vetturelli,  which  is  preserved 
at  Penshurst. 

2  Sidney  to  Burghley   December  17,  1574  (State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.). 

3  Ibid. 

*  Cotton  MSS.  QaXba,  B,  xi,  p.  370. 


vin]  Continental  Travel  141 

„  ^ 

in  very  good  estate  of  body."  References  of  this  kind  recur 
so  frequently  throughout  Sidney's  later  life  that  in  spite  of  his 
reputation  for  horsemanship  and  prowess  in  the  tournament, 
we  must  conclude  that  he  had  inherited  something  of  his 
mother's  physical  weakness. 

The  winter  of  1574-5  Sidney  spent  with  Languet  at  the 
Imperial  Court.  Of  these  months  we  know  little  except  that 
the  delight  of  the  two  friends  in  each  other's  society  knew  no 
diminution,  and  that  they  both  contracted  a  warm  friendship 
for  Edward  Wotton,  who  was  also  residing  in  Vienna,  and  who 
was  afterwards  one  of  Sidney's  warmest  friends.  From  the 
opening  sentence  of  the  Apologiefor  Poetrie  we  know  that  they 
both  gave  themselves  to  the  study  of  horsemanship  under  the 
tuition  of  John  Pietro  Pugliano,  an  equerry  at  the  Emperor's 
Court.  Sidney  corresponded  with  certain  of  his  Venetian 
friends,  especially  Don  Caesar  Caraffa,  who  wrote  to  him  on 
February  3rd  of  the  death  of  Edward,  the  young  Earl  of 
Windsor,  and  asked  Sidney,  on  returning  to  England,  to  convey 
his  love  and  condolences  to  each  of  Windsor's  relatives1. 
Sidney's  intimacy  with  his  Venetian  friends  had  been  so  pro- 
nounced that  it  had  caused  rumours  to  reach  his  friends  in 
England  that  he  was  succumbing  to  the  attractions  of 
Catholicism.  Walsingham  mentioned  the  rumours  in  a  letter 
to  Languet. 

"I  will  write  to  Master  Walsingham  on  this  subject,"  Languet  reported 
to  Sidney,  "and  if  he  has  entertained  such  a  thought  about  you,  I  will 
do  what  I  can  to  remove  it ;  and  I  hope  my  letter  will  have  sufficient 
weight  with  him  not  only  to  make  him  believe  what  I  shall  say  of  you, 
but  also  endeavour  to  convince  others  of  the  same2." 

Of  the  new  friends  whom  Sidney  made  during  this  winter  at 
Vienna  two  stand  out  prominently — Banosius,  the  future 
biographer  of  Ramus  and  editor  of  his  Commentaries,  and 
Charles  de  1'Ecluse.  They  were  both  friends  of  Languet,  and 

1  Add.  MSS.  15914,  16. 

2  Pears,  p.  92.     Simpson  in  his  life  of  Campion  (p.  114)  says  that  these 
suspicions  were  aroused  by  Sidney's  intimacy  with  his  cousin  Shelley,  the 
English  prior  of  Malta.     The  explanation,  however,  is  not  very  plausible, 
especially  if  we  remember  that  Shelley  was  travelling  with  Robert  Corbett,  a 
staunch  Protestant,  whom  Sidney  called  "my  very  greatest  friend." 


142  Continental  Travel  [CH. 

Sidney  was  especially  attracted  to  them  because  of  their  interest 
in  literature.  For  many  years  they  were  among  his  most  regu- 
lar correspondents.  The  Count  of  Hanau  was  compelled  to 
leave  Vienna  before  Sidney  had  returned  from  Poland — much 
to  the  regret  of  both  young  men.  Their  intimacy  is  evidenced 
by  a  letter  which  the  Count  wrote  to  him  on  January  30th  : 

"Sir :  I  hoped  very  much  before  I  left  Vienna  that  you  would  return  from 
Poland  that  I  might  again  have  the  pleasure  of  your  society  which  I  prize 
so  highly  and  of  which  your  long  stay  has  deprived  me  to  my  great  regret. 
Nevertheless  I  trust,  by  the  help  of  Providence,  to  see  you  again  at  the 
next  Frankfort  fair,  together  with  Monsieur  Languet,  who  has  assured 
me  that  you  will  come.  I  beg  you  also  to  do  me  the  great  favour  of  coming 
to  spend  some  time  at  Hanau  in  order  that  we  may  revive  and  continue 
the  friendship  with  which  you  have  honoured  me  from  the  very  beginning  of 
our  acquaintance,  which  I  hope  to  preserve  in  its  entirety,  and  of  which 
I  hope  to  give  you  proof  in  deeds  whenever  an  opportunity  presents 
itself.  I  have  not  written  you  sooner  partly  because  of  the  tedium  of 
my  travels  and  partly  because  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  assured 
means  of  having  my  letters  conveyed  to  you.  I  arrived  at  my  house  of 
Steinaw  with  all  my  suite  safe  and  sound,  thanks  to  God,  on  the  first  day 
of  January,  and  was  warmly  welcomed  by  my  subjects.  I  have  come  here 
to  my  house  at  Ortenburgh  in  order  to  attend  to  some  business,  and  I  hope 
within  two  or  three  days  to  be  on  the  way  to  Dillenburgh.  From  there 
I  go  to  Heidelberg  to  visit  the  Elector  Palatine,  and  then  to  Busweiler, 
from  whence,  when  I  have  finished  some  business,  I  hope  to  return  to 
Hanau  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  to  await  your  coming  with  Monsieur 
Languet.  I  shall  welcome  you  both  as  heartily  as  I  now  send  you  my 
affectionate  greetings.  I  pray  God  that  he  may  keep  you  in  perfect  health 
and  give  you  a  long  and  happy  life  with  the  complete  fulfilment  of  your 
noble  and  virtuous  aspirations.  From  the  Chateau  of  Ortenburgh  this 
30th  of  January,  1575.  Your  affectionate  friend  at  your  service. 

PHILIP  Louis,  Count  of  Hanau,  etc.1" 

In  his  letter  to  Leicester,  written  at  the  end  of  November, 
Sidney  had  informed  him  that  in  the  near  future  the  Emperor 
would  probably  visit  Prague  where  for  two  years  he  had  been 
much  wished  for,  in  order  that  he  might  determine  the  question 
of  the  Bohemian  succession.  He  left  Vienna  toward  the  end 
of  February,  and  Languet  found  it  necessary  in  his  official 

1  Add.  M98.  21522,  fol.  138  [French]. 


vm]  Continental  Travel  143 

capacity  to  accompany  him.  The  time  was  now  drawing  near 
when  Sidney  must  return  to  England  for  he  had  already  long 
overstayed  the  period  of  absence  mentioned  in  his  license1, 
but  in  order  to  postpone  as  long  as  possible  the  separation 
from  his  friend  he  too  determined  on  another  visit  of  a  few 
days  to  Prague.  It  was  only  for  a  few  days,  however.  Languet 
busied  himself  in  planning  each  detail  of  Sidney's  journey  ; 
he  wrote  letters  of  introduction  for  him — to  Doctor  Ursinus 
at  Heidelberg,  to  Count  Louis  of  Witgenstein  at  the  Court  of 
the  Elector  Palatine,  and  having  done  all  that  paternal  solicitude 
could  do  he  took  leave  of  the  young  man  who  had  come  to 
occupy  so  warm  a  place  in  his  heart.  Sidney  was  ill  supplied 
with  money  as  usual  :  Languet  lent  him  what  he  needed, 
and  wrote  to  Wechel,  the  Frankfort  printer,  and  a  Doctor 
Glauburg,  asking  them  to  furnish  him,  should  he  need  more 
money  before  leaving  the  Continent.  Sidney  gave  to  Languet 
a  bond  for  what  he  had  received  and  asked  Wotton  also  to 
sign  it — much  to  Languet's  displeasure.  "You  wrong  me," 
he  wrote,  "if  you  imagine  I  trust  anyone  more  than  yourself2." 
On  March  5th  Sidney  reached  Dresden3  where  Wotton  was 
to  join  him.  From  here  he  proceeded  to  Heidelberg,  and  then 
to  Strassburg4,  where  he  met  Lobetius  and  Sturm,  with  both 
of  whom  he  was  already  acquainted.  Of  his  further  travels 
we  have  no  clear  account.  Languet  speaks  of  his  plans  for 
visiting  Basle  and  of  proceeding  through  Burgundy  to  Paris, 
but  we  have  no  record  of  his  having  actually  undertaken  the 
journey.  Overcome  by  his  desire  to  see  Sidney  once  more, 
Languet  journeyed  from  Prague  to  Frankfort  where  they 
spent  some  time  together.  Whether  they  were  able  to  accept 
the  Count  of  Hanau's  invitation  to  visit  him  or  not  we  do  not 
know.  About  the  middle  of  May  Languet  was  compelled  to 
return  to  Prague  after  which  time  Sidney  wrote  to  him  from 

1  No  doubt  the  period  had  been  formally  extended.     On  February  16th 
Thos.  Wilkes  was  sent  secretly  to  the  Count  Palatine,  and  in  his  instructions 
the   Queen   "  would  have  the  occasion  of  his  journey  known  to  be  as  for 
the  meeting  with  Philip  Sidney."     (State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.,  February  16, 
1575.) 

2  Pears,  p.  93.  *  Epistolce,  p.  105. 

4  Earl.  MSS.  6992,  18  (quoted  by  Fliigel,  s.  xin).     V.  also  Pears,  p.  92. 


144  Continental  Travel  [OH. 

Heidelberg1.  On  May  31st  he  took  ship  at  Antwerp  for 
England2  accompanied  by  Edward  Wotton  and  the  faithful 
Griffin  Madox. 

Sidney  had  been  absent  from  England  almost  exactly 
three  years,  and  wonderfully  fruitful  years  they  had  been  for 
him.  He  was  no  longer  the  boy — "young  and  somewhat 
raw"  as  his  uncle  had  described  him  when  he  set  out  on  his 
travels — but  a  man  of  the  world,  whose  dearest  interests 
were  those  of  the  mature  and  talented  men  of  his  day.  The 
most  sanguine  hopes  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney  and  the  Earl  of 
Leicester  when  they  "  designed  him  to  travel "  had  been  more 
than  realized.  He  had  spent  several  months  at  the  French 
Court  and  a  much  longer  period  at  that  of  the  Emperor.  He 
had  been  an  eyewitness  of  the  greatest  tragedy  in  the  history 
of  his  time,  he  had  seen  something  of  the  splendours  of  Italy 
and  had  familiarized  himself  with  her  relation  to  the  Great  Turk 
in  other  than  a  vague,  hearsay  fashion.  He  had  gained  a 
grasp  of  the  complicated  European  political  situation,  not 
only  as  far  as  France,  Spain  and  the  Netherlands  were  concerned, 
but  in  the  German  States,  in  Poland,  Bohemia  and  the  Empire. 
He  had  gained  this  knowledge  not  only  from  books,  though 
his  historical  reading  had  been  very  wide,  but  by  meeting  per- 
sonally and  discussing  affairs  with  the  nobility,  the  statesmen 
and  the  most  famous  literary  men  of  Europe. 

The  supreme  influence  exerted  on  Sidney's  character 
during  these  decisive  years  was,  of  course,  that  of  Languet. 
He  it  was  who  taught  him  to  interpret  the  significance  of 
contemporary  events,  and  who  communicated  to  him  his  own 
philosophy  of  history.  They  had  been  drawn  together  inevit- 
ably by  their  common  hign-mindedness,  their  common  interest 
in  history,  literature  and  politics,  and  perhaps  also  by  their 
having  shared  a  common  danger.  A  more  intimate  acquaint- 
ance only  increased  their  friendship,  and  it  was  an  incalculable 
piece  of  good  fortune  for  Sidney  that  he  should  have  excited 
the  interest  and  affection  of  so  wise  and  devoted  a  diplomatist 
as  Hubert  Languet.  Their  friendship  constitutes  an  almost 

1  Epistolce,  p.  115. 

*  Sidney  to  Count  of  Hanau,  London,  June  12,  1675  (Pears,  p.  224). 


vni]  Continental  Travel  145 

unique  example  of  highly  paternal  devotion  on  the  one  hand 
repaid  by  deep,  affectionate  respect  on  the  other.  Languet 
saw  to  it  that  his  friends  became  Sidney's,  and  he  also  took 
care  that  Sidney's  studies  should  be  directed  in  such  a  way 
that  the  young  Englishman  might  be  able  to  keep  in  touch 
with  continental  politics,  not  only  by  reason  of  his  intelligent 
comprehension  of  the  situation  but  by  means  of  his  facility  in 
the  use  of  Latin.  No  education,  in  Languet's  judgment,  was 
comparable  in  importance  to  that  which  was  derived  from  inter- 
course with  the  men  who  were  chiefly  responsible  for  the  making 
of  the  history  of  the  time. 

Our  eulogy  of  Languet's  influence  must  be  modified,  perhaps, 
by  the  recognition  of  a  certain  worldly  wisdom  in  his  ideas, 
which  was  hardly  consistent  with  the  proud  integrity  of  the 
man,  and  in  which  we  may  recognize  the  defect  of  the  quality 
last  mentioned.  The  point  is  illustrated  in  some  sentences 
from  one  of  the  last  of  his  letters  before  Sidney  sailed  for  home. 

''When  you  reach  England,"  he  wrote,  "see  to  it  that  you  cultivate  the 
good-will  of  Cecil,  who  is  friendly  to  you  and  who  can  smooth  your  path 
in  every  way.  In  no  way  will  you  be  able  to  secure  his  favour  more 
certainly  than  by  your  affection  for  his  children,  or  at  least  by  pretending 
that  you  love  them.  But  remember  that  an  astute  old  man  who  has 
been  made  wise  by  his  long  experience  in  affairs  of  state  will  easily  see 
through  the  pretences  of  youth.  It  will  also  be  to  your  advantage  to 
cultivate  the  friendship  of  Mr.  Walsingham . . .  .Men  are  wont  to  feel  warmly 
towards  youths  who,  they  see,  are  seeking  out  the  society  of  the  wise .... 
To  sum  up,  it  is  necessary  that  he  who  wishes  to  live  above  contempt 
in  the  courts  of  powerful  Kings  should  moderate  his  pretensions,  digest 
many  injuries,  avoid  with  the  utmost  care  every  occasion  for  quarrelling, 
and  cultivate  the  good-will  of  those  in  whose  hands  rests  his  fortune. 
But  I  shall  cease  to  weary  you  further,  for  you  understand  all  these  things 
better  than  I1." 

Sidney  was  to  understand  some  of  these  things  very  well  in 
the  years  that  followed,  as  we  shall  see.  He  was  to  remain 
in  essentials  the  noble-minded  youth,  devoted  whole-heartedly 
to  whatever  things  were  of  good  report,  in  whom  his  contem- 
poraries delighted  to  recognize  the  president  of  noblesse  and 
of  chivalry,  but  he  was  also  a  child  of  his  age.  Perhaps  the 

1  Epistolce,  p.  104  (March  10,  1575). 
W.  L.  S.  10 


146  Continental  Travel  [CH.  vni 

scorn  of  consequence  was  illustrated  in  his  actions  more  than 
in  those  of  any  Englishman  of  his  day,  but  he  was  by  no  means 
a  stranger  to  the  faith  in  politic  considerations,  in  indirection 
of  method,  and  in  the  effectiveness  of  the  personal  influence  of 
the  great.  It  was  a  faith  that  was  almost  inseparable  from  the 
conditions  of  Court  life  at  the  time  and  not  inconsistent  with 
essential  nobility  of  character.  We  have  already  seen  it  exem- 
plified in  the  character  of  a  man  of  such  downright  honesty 
as  Sidney's  father,  and  it  must  be  taken  into  account  in  any 
estimate  of  Burghley  or  Walsingham,  of  Bacon  or  Henry  of 
Navarre  or  even  of  Hubert  Languet. 


CHAPTER  IX 

AT   COURT 

A  PEW  days  after  arriving  in  England  Sidney  wrote  to  his 
friend  the  Count  of  Hanau  : 

"On  the  last  day  of  May  a  fair  wind  wafted  me  to  this  our  island  nest, 
where  I  found  all  my  family  well ;  the  Queen,  though  somewhat  advanced 
in  years,  yet  hitherto  vigorous  in  her  health,  which  as  it  is  God's  will  that 
our  safety  should  hang  on  so  frail  a  thread  is  with  good  reason  earnestly 
commended  to  the  care  of  Almighty  God  in  the  prayers  of  our  people. 
She  is  to  us  a  Meleager's  brand ;  when  it  perishes  farewell  to  all  our 
quietness1." 

Sidney  had  at  once  taken  his  place  at  the  Court  of  the  Queen, 
where  he  was  to  experience  all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  courtier's 
lot.  It  must  not  be  imagined  that  he  was  too  young  to  expect 
employment.  Men  matured  early  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth, 
and  the  young  man  in  his  twenty-first  year  who  could  speak  of 
his  sovereign  as  "somewhat  advanced  in  years"  before  she  was 
forty-two,  might  legitimately  hope  that  she  would  entrust  to 
him  some  not  insignificant  role  in  the  administration  of  his 
country's  affairs. 

From  the  letter  quoted  above  it  would  seem  certain  that 
before  leaving  the  Continent  Sidney  had  learned  of  the  death 
of  his  sister  Ambrosia2,  which  had  taken  place  at  Ludlow  Castle 

1  June  12,  1575  (Pears,  p.  96). 

2  The  inscription  on  her  tomb  states  that  she  was  the  fourth  daughter  of 
Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Mary,  and  I  conjecture  that  she  was  born  in  the  autumn 
of  1565  shortly  before  her  parents  set  out  for  Ireland.     It  is  possible  that  her 
birth  is  referred  to  in  a  letter  written  by  Cecil  to  Sir  Henry  on  November  4, 
1565,  in  which  he  wishes  health  and  strength  to  Lady  Sidney  "  that  she  may 
when  you  both  shall  think  meet  follow  your  Lordship."     (State  Papers — Irish — 

10—2 


148  At  Court  [CH. 

on  February  22nd.  She  was  probably  about  nine  or  ten  years 
of  age,  and  as  her  short  life  coincided  with  the  period  spent  by 
Philip  at  Shrewsbury,  Oxford  and  Cambridge  and  on  the  Con- 
tinent, it  is  probable  that  he  had  only  rarely  seen  her.  She  was 
buried  in  the  Collegiate  Parish  Church  at  Ludlow,  where  Sir 
Henry  raised  a  sumptuous  monument  to  her  memory1. 

During  the  three  years  of  Philip's  absence  from  England 
Sir  Henry  had  been  occupied  chiefly  in  administering  the  affairs 
of  his  Welsh  presidency,  though  he  was  frequently  summoned 
to  spend  weeks  and  even  months  at  the  Court  to  consult  on 
Irish  affairs.  To  Sir  Henry  they  were  years  of  comparative 
peace  and  quiet,  and  he  steadily  resisted  the  pressure  which 
was  put  upon  him  to  take  charge  once  more  of  English  affairs 
in  Ireland.  There  matters  could  hardly  have  been  worse. 
The  characteristic  vacillation  of  the  English  policy  had  never 
been  more  pronounced.  Essex's  enterprise  in  Ulster  had  failed 
utterly  ;  Desmond  was  again  an  independent  chief  in  Munster  ; 
the  wild  chiefs  of  Connaught  were  vowing  that  they  would 
capture  Dublin  itself.  The  year  1573  ended  with  what  Froude 
defines  as  "the  universal  destruction  of  the  English  power  in 
Ireland."  FitzWilliam,  the  Deputy,  and  Essex  quarrelled  con- 
tinually regarding  the  limits  of  their  respective  jurisdictions, 
and  were  agreed  in  nothing  but  their  bitter  indignation 
against  the  Queen  and  Council  for  their  lack  of  adequate 
support.  Essex  retrieved  his  reputation  in  a  very  dubious 
way  by  the  treacherous  massacre  of  the  O'Neills  in  1574,  and 
by  perpetrating  the  horror  of  the  Rath! in  massacre  in  the 
following  year. 

Eliz.)  The  dates  of  birth  of  the  different  children  of  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Mary. 
as  nearly  as  I  have  been  able  to  determine  them,  are  as  follows  : 

Philip,  November  30,  1554. 

Margaret,  1556.  She  died  in  1558,  aged  one  year  and  three-quarters  accord- 
ing to  the  inscription  on  her  tomb  in  Penshurst  Church. 

Elizabeth,  October,  1560.     She  died  in  1567.     V.  p.  22. 

Mary,  October  27,  1561. 

Robert,  November  19,  1563. 

Ambrosia,  1565  ?. 

Thomas,  March  25,  1569. 

1  Churchyard,  in  The  Worthiness  of  Wales  (Spenser  Soc.),  gives  an  elaborate 
description  of  the  tomb.  V.  p.  67. 


ix]  At  Court  149 

Fitz William  had  long  been  demanding  his  recall,  now  with 
threats,  now  with  tears,  but  the  Queen  found  no  one  to  whom 
she  was  willing  to  entrust  the  office  who  was  also  willing  to 
take  it.  That  she  must  again  turn  to  Sir  Henry  had  been 
felt  by  all  those  most  conversant  with  Irish  affairs  from  the 
time  he  left  the  country  in  1571.  It  is  little  wonder,  however, 
that  he  was  not  eager  to  assume  again  what  he  himself  called 
his  "thankless  charge."  His  duties  as  Lord  President  of  Wales 
were  a  source  of  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  him.  "A  happy 
place  of  government  it  is,"  he  once  declared,  "for  a  better 
people  to  govern,  or  better  subjects  to  their  Sovereign,  Europe 
holdeth  not1."  He  took  an  honest  pride  in  the  effectiveness 
of  his  government,  and  he  delighted  in  the  work  of  restoring 
the  royal  castles  and  collecting  and  preserving  the  antiquities 
of  the  country.  As  a  zealous  and  learned  antiquarian  he  was 
known  throughout  England.  Matthew  Parker,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  and  founder  in  1572  of  the  Elizabethan  Society  of 
Antiquaries,  was  one  of  his  intimate  friends,  and  we  have  a 
glimpse  of  their  relation  to  each  other  during  this  year  in  an 
extant  letter  of  the  Archbishop.  In  sending  to  Sir  Henry  a 
copy  of  his  edition  of  Thomas  of  Walsingham  he  recognizes 
his  friend's  love  of  antiquities,  and  begs  for  the  loan  of  some 
rare  volumes  from  Sir  Henry's  library2.  Queen  Elizabeth, 
too,  was  much  more  gracious  to  the  man  who  had  served  her 
well,  when  he  was  not  "  putting  her  to  charge."  Obeying  a  rare 
impulse  of  human  sympathy,  she  wrote  to  Sir  Henry,  on  the 
death  of  his  daughter  Ambrosia,  the  kindliest  of  her  letters 
to  him.  It  is  written  in  Elizabeth's  involved,  characteristic 
style  but  is  sufficiently  unusual  to  be  worth  quoting8. 

"Good  Sidney4: 

Although  we  are  well  assured  that  by  your  wisdom  and  great 
experience  of  worldly  chances  and  necessities,  nothing  can  happen  unto 
you  so  heavy  but  you  can  and  will  bear  them  as  they  ought  to  be  rightly 
taken,  and,  namely,  such  as  happen  by  the  special  appointment  and  work 

1  Letter  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 

2  Collins,  vol.  i,  p.  67. 

3  State  Papers— Dom.—Eliz.  Warrant  Book,  vol.  I,  p.  83,  February.  1575. 

4  This  address  is  substituted  for  the  formal '  Right  trusty  and  well  beloved  ' 
which  has  been  struck  out. 


150  At  Court  [CH. 

of  Almighty  God  which  he  hath  lately  showed  by  taking  unto  Him  from 
your  company  a  daughter  of  yours,  yet,  forasmuch  as  we  conceive  the  grief 
you  yet  feel  thereby,  as  in  such  cases  natural  parents  are  accustomed, 
we  would  not  have  you  ignorant  (to  ease  your  sorrow  as  much  as  may  be) 
how  we  take  part  of  your  grief  upon  us,  whereof  these  our  letters  unto 
you  are  witness,  and  will  use  no  further  persuasions  to  confirm  you  re- 
specting the  good  counsel  yourself  can  take  of  yourself  but  to  consider 
that  God  doth  nothing  evil,  to  whose  holy  will  all  is  subject  and  must  yield 
at  times  to  us  uncertain.  He  hath  yet  left  unto  you  the  comfort  of  one 
daughter  of  very  good  hope,  whom,  if  you  shall  think  good  to  remove 
from  those  parts  of  unpleasant  air  (if  it  be  so)  into  better  in  these  parts, 
and  will  send  her  unto  us  before  Easter,  or  when  you  shall  think  good, 
assure  yourself  that  we  will  have  a  special  care  of  her,  not  doubting  but 
as  you  are  well  persuaded  of  our  favour  toward  yourself,  so  will  we  make 
further  demonstration  thereof  in  her,  if  you  will  send  her  unto  us.  And 
so  comforting  you  for  the  one,  and  leaving  this  our  offer  of  our  good  will 
to  your  own  consideration  for  the  other,  we  commit  you  to  Almighty 
God." 

Mary  Sidney,  who  was  thus  early  summoned  to  the  life  of  a 
court,  was  not  yet  fourteen  years  of  age.  During  the  next  two 
years  which  she  spent  in  attendance  on  the  Queen  she  became 
known  as  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  attractive  of  the  young 
ladies  of  the  Court. 

Of  Lady  Sidney's  life  during  this  period  we  know  little  that 
is  not  depressing.  Utterly  broken  in  health  and  harassed  by 
money  difficulties,  she  had  become  embittered  and  her  letters 
are  usually  querulous  in  tone.  The  Earl  of  Leicester  evidently 
showed  little  disposition  to  assist  her,  and  it  was  to  Burghley 
that  she  turned  for  help  in  her  difficulties.  We  are  only  very 
imperfectly  acquainted  with  her,  but  it  is  difficult  to  put  aside 
entirely  the  suspicion  that  the  poor  lady  was  herself  the  cause 
of  some  of  her  troubles.  In  a  letter  of  February  1,  1573, 
addressed  to  Sussex,  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  she  begs  him 

"to  lend  me  three  or  four  linen  pieces  of  hangings,  for  that  it  may  please 
you  understand  her  Majesty  hath  commanded  me  to  come  to  the  Court, 
and  my  chamber  is  very  cold,  and  my  own  hangings  very  scant  and  nothing 
warm :  myself  rather  a  little  recovered  of  great  extremity  of  sickness 
than  that  I  can  either  boast  of  hope  of  perfect  health  or  dare  adventure 
to  lie  in  so  cold  a  lodging  without  some  further  health 1." 

1  Cottonian  MSS.  Vespasian,  F.  xn,  fol.  179. 


ix]  At  Court  151 

She  goes  on  to  exonerate  herself  from  the  charge  of  having 
been  negligent  about  returning  similar  "wardrobe  stuff"  on 
a  previous  occasion.  In  another  very  long  undated  letter  to 
Sussex  she  pours  out  her  complaints  bitterly  about  having  been 
deprived  of  her  wonted  lodgings  at  the  Court : 

"The  chamber  the  Gentleman  Usher  saith  your  Lordship  hath  appointed 
me,  truly,  my  Lord,  was  never  yet  but  the  place  for  my  servants  :  neither 
is  it  fit  for  the  coldness  and  wideness  of  it  for  one  of  my  weakness  and 
sickliness,  having,  besides,  no  way  out  of  it  for  me  but  through  the  open 
cloister  either  to  her  Majesty  or  otherwise,  which  it  hath  always  this  many 
years  pleased  her  Highness  to  give  me  favourable  respect  of,  and  for  that 
occasion  and  my  health  did  herself  will  my  brother,  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
5  years  past  to  let  me  have  his  good-will  to  have  those  two  chambers 
whereof  one  now  is  taken  from  me,  and  never  before  since  that  time, 
and  the  best  of  both,  and  the  most  convenient  as  well  for  my  repair  to  her 
Majesty  as  for  the  way  into  the  garden1." 

Sussex  was  constantly  at  enmity  with  his  brother-in-law,  Sir 
Henry,  and  he  detested  Leicester  ;  it  is  just  possible  that  he 
subjected  Lady  Sidney  to  petty  indignities  which  go  far  to 
excusing  her  unrestrained,  voluble  outpouring  of  her  woes. 
In  a  letter  to  Burghley2  acknowledging  his  kindnesses  she  refers 
to  her  long  friendship  with  Lady  Hoby  "whom  of  long  time 
I  have  been  very  greatly  beholding  and  bound  unto  for  her 
Ladyship's  good-will  towards  me."  She  also  speaks  of  having 
been  "not  able  to  stir  abroad  by  extreme  sickness."  She 
apologizes  for  having  troubled  Burghley  so  much  with  "letters 
for  a  man  of  mine"  and  promises  not  to  sin  again  in  this  respect. 
In  almost  all  of  her  letters  there  is  a  depressing  recurrence  of 
the  same  themes, — her  illness,  her  lack  of  money,  her  prose- 
cution of  suits  at  Court,  the  various  forms  of  injustice  that 
are  meted  out  to  her.  To  her  servant  John  Cokram  she  writes 
"from  her  Majesty's  manor  of  Greenwich  this  Tuesday  after 
Saint  Barthelmew's  day,  1573,"  begging  him  to  send  her  £10. 
She  enumerates  the  various  sums  she  has  had  to  expend  since 
her  husband's  departure — for  medical  attention,  for  hats  and 
gloves,  and  adds  in  a  postscript : 

1  Cottonian  MSS.  Titus,  B.  n,  fol.  304. 

2  State  Papers— Dom.—Eliz.  vol.  xci,  April,  1573. 


152  At  Court  [CH. 

"I  have  written  you  this  long  discourse  that  you  may  if  need  so  require 
send  it  to  my  lord  to  satisfy  him  why  I  send  to  you  his  warrant  so  soon, 
but  if  you  list  to  use  me  otherwise  it  shall  not  be  the  worse  for  you.  £11 
hath  the  heartening  of  my  first  suit  cost  me  since  my  lord  went,  for  which 
I  am  promised  £300  at  all  aventure  to  the  party  that  hath  bought  it. ... 
And  so  helping  me  presently  with  my  money  you  shall  be  troubled  no  more 
with  me  this  year.  But  under  £10  at  this  present  will  not  serve  my  turn. 
And  once  again  as  you  esteem  of  my  good  will  and  quiet  with  you,  deal 
this  honestly  with  me  as  to  send  it  this  night  though  you  strain  your 
uttermost  credit1." 

A  month  later  she  wrote  to  Burghley  asking  for  a  lease  of 
lands  belonging  to  "Nicholas  Halswell  her  Highness'  ward." 
Only  the  signature  and  the  following  postscript  are  written 
in  her  own  hand  : 

"I  beseech  your  Lordship  pardon  me  I  write  no  larger  nor  with  my  own 
hand  for  I  am  so  very  sick  as  I  cannot  endure  to  write  although  I  must 
confess  it  were  my  part  not  to  trouble  your  good  Lordship  in  this  or  any 
other  suit  without  further  respect  of  your  great  courtesies  and  noble 
dealings  with  me2." 

Lady  Sidney  was  to  write  many  similar  letters3  in  the  imme- 
diately succeeding  years — letters  which  illustrate  the  widespread 
ramifications  of  the  woes  of  the  courtier's  lot.  That  she  had 
many  devoted  friends  we  know,  among  whom  "  the  wise,  noble 
Mr  Dyer,"  as  she  calls  him  in  one  of  her  letters,  was  among 
the  most  eager  to  serve  her,  but  the  conclusion  is  inevitable 
that  she  was  wretched  both  in  body  and  mind,  and  there  was 
nothing  ennobling  in  her  unhappiness.  When  not  in  attend- 
ance on  the  Queen  she  lived  in  a  house  near  Paul's  Wharf4 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  residence  of  her  sister,  the 

1  Add.  MSS.  15914,  f.  12. 

2  Lansdowne  MSS.  vol.  xvn,  fol.  41  (September  12,  1573). 

3  On  August  7,  1576,  she  wrote  to  Burghley  on  hearing  that  the  Queen 
had  denied  her  suit :   •'  my  present  estate  being  such  by  reason  of  my  debts 
as  I  cannot  go  forward  with  any  honourable  course  of  my  living ....  Her 
Majesty's  unkindness  brings  me  no  small  disgrace  amongst  such  as  are  not 
determined  to  wish  me  well."     (State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.)    In  another  long 
letter  to  Burghley  she  rails  against  her  "  monstrous  vile  and  wicked  "  detractors, 
and  says  she  has  not  been  able  to  hold  up  her  head  to  write.       (Lansdowne  MSS. 
vol.  XXHI,  fol.  184,  October  29,  1576.) 

*  Perhaps  to  be  identified  with  "  my  house  at  Saint  Anthony's,"  from  which 
she  wrote  the  first  of  the  letters  to  Sussex  which  has  been  quoted. 


ix]  At  Court     %  153 

Countess  of  Huntingdon,  and  of  Baynard's  Castle,  the  town 
residence  of  her  daughter  Mary  after  her  marriage  in  1577  to 
the  Earl  of  Pembroke.  Some  of  her  letters  are  written  from 
Durham  House,  the  residence  in  the  Strand  of  the  Earl  of 
Essex.  When  Sidney  returned  to  England1  the  joy  of  home- 
coming must  have  been  forgotten  by  him  in  the  sight  of  his 
mother's  unhappiness. 

A  few  days  after  his  arrival  in  London  Sidney  wrote  to 
Languet  a  letter  in  which  he  conveyed  to  his  old  friend  the 
good  wishes  of  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Sidney.  He  was  able  to 
report  himself  almost  restored  in  health ;  he  announced  that 
he  would  be  absent  from  London  for  some  time  and  that  in 
consequence  he  would  not  be  able  to  send  letters  to  the  Con- 
tinent until  his  return.  Instinctively  Languet  felt  that  there 
was  a  danger  of  the  young  man's  giving  himself  up  to  the 
frivolities  of  Court  life,  and  in  his  reply  he  besought  him  "  amid 
the  turmoil  of  a  court  and  so  many  temptations  to  waste 
time"  not  to  give  up  the  practice  of  the  Latin  language;  if 
so,  he  would  have  to  charge  him  with  indolence  and  love  of 
ease.  Probably  neither  of  the  friends  guessed  that  almost 
six  months  would  elapse  before  Sidney  should  write  his  next 
letter  to  Languet. 

Queen  Elizabeth  was  about  to  set  out  on  the  most  extended 
and  most  magnificent  of  all  her  progresses,  and  the  whole 
Court  was  in  a  pleasurable  state  of  excitement  in  anticipation 
of  the  gaieties  incidental  to  these  provincial  tours.  Moreover, 
it  was  rumoured  that  the  entertainment  which  the  Earl  of 
Leicester  was  providing  for  her  Majesty  at  Kenil worth  would 
far  outshine  that  which  had  ever  before  been  offered  by  a  noble- 
man to  his  sovereign.  Kenil  worth — and  everything  else  which 
the  Earl  possessed — had  been  given  to  him  by  the  Queen,  and 
he  was  determined  not  only  to  express  his  gratitude  in  a  form 
which  made  a  singular  appeal  to  the  heart  of  Elizabeth,  but  to 

1  Just  at  this  time  Lady  Sidney  had  a  less  distressing  problem  on  her 
hands.  Mary  Wynibanke,  who  was  in  her  service,  refused  to  perform  her 
contract  of  marriage  with  Sebastian  D'Auvalx,  gentleman  of  France,  who 
sought  redress  through  the  French  ambassador.  Sir  Henry  was  no  further 
helpful  than  "  to  will  him  to  take  his  remedy  by  law." 


154  At  Court  [CH. 

make  a  supreme  demonstration  of  his  devotion  to  her,  in  the 
hope  that  even  at  this  late  day  she  might  consider  him  as  a 
prospective  husband.  It  is  obvious  that  Sidney's  natural 
interest  in  the  progress  would  be  much  heightened  by  the  fact 
that  his  uncle  was  to  play  the  most  conspicuous  role  among  the 
noblemen  who  surrounded  the  Queen.  Besides,  it  had  been 
definitely  understood  for  some  time  that  Sir  Henry  Sidney  had 
at  length  agreed  once  more  to  accept  the  Irish  Deputyship, 
the  Queen  having  been  persuaded  by  the  urgency  of  the  situation 
to  agree  to  the  conditions  laid  down  by  Sir  Henry1.  Wearied 
out  by  the  recriminations  and  ill-success  of  Fitz William  and  the 
Earl  of  Essex,  Elizabeth  was  once  more  dispatching  Sir  Henry 
to  Ireland,  but  there  were  many  preliminaries  to  arrange,  and 
Sir  Henry,  together  with  his  wife  and  daughter,  who  were  in 
attendance  on  the  Queen,  was  to  accompany  the  Court  in  its 
progress.  Philip  was  thus  able  to  look  forward  to  the  rare 
opportunity  of  spending  two  or  three  months  in  the  company 
of  his  father,  mother  and  sister ;  moreover,  the  majority  of 
the  noblemen  and  ladies  who  accompanied  the  Court  were 
either  relatives  or  intimate  friends  of  his  family. 

The  Earl  of  Leicester's  entertainment  of  the  Queen  at 
Kenilworth  is  so  well  known  and  was  of  such  an  elaborate  and 
detailed  character  that  only  the  briefest  sketch  of  it  can  be 
given  here2.  After  dinner  at  Long  Ichington  and  "pleasant 
pastime  in  hunting  by  the  way  after,"  her  Majesty  reached  Kenil- 
worth at  eight  o'clock  on  the  ninth  of  July.  She  was  welcomed 
by  a  Sybil  who  "pronounced  a  proper  poesie  in  English  rhyme 
and  meter."  Then  six  trumpeters,  "every  one  an  eight  foot 
high"  proved  themselves  "  harmonious  blasters,"  and  their  music 
was  followed  by  the  appearance  of  the  Lady  of  the  Lake  who 
recited  to  Her  Majesty  the  history  of  the  Castle  from  the  time 
of  King  Arthur,  and  concluded  her  speech  by  declaring 
"  The  Lake,  the  Lodge,  the  Lord,  are  yours  for  to  command." 

1  In  a  letter  to  Sir  Henry  dated  May  15th  Walsingham  assumes  that  the 
matter  is  settled.     (Collins,  p.  70.) 

2  The  sources  of  our  information  regarding  the  Kenilworth  entertainment 
are,  of  course,  Laneham's  letter  and  Gascoigne's  Princely  Pleasures,  both  of 
which  are  printed  in  the  first  volume  of  Nichols'  Progresses.     Laneham's  letter 
is  most  easily  accessible  in  Dr  Furnivall's  edition  in  The  Shakespeare  Library. 


ix]  At  Court  155 

At  length  the  Queen  reached  her  chamber,  "when  after  did 
follow  so  great  a  peal  of  guns  and  such  lightning  by  fire  work  a 
long  space  together,  as  Jupiter  would  show  himself  to  be  no 
further  behind  with  his  welcome  than  the  rest  of  his  Gods." 
The  next  day  was  Sunday,  and  the  forenoon  was  spent  in  hearing 
divine  service  ;  in  the  afternoon  there  was  pleasant  music  and 
dancing,  and  in  the  evening  there  were  fireworks  of  such 
magnificent  and  realistic  sort  that  honest  Laneham,  a  dependent 
of  Leicester,  to  whose  account  of  the  proceedings  we  are  indebted 
for  our  most  vivid  picture  of  them,  would  have  been  "  vengeably 
afeard"  had  he  not  known  that  Jupiter  did  all  in  amity.  The 
next  day  the  Queen  hunted  the  "hart  of  force"  and  had  delect- 
able sport:  Laneham  describes  for  us  "the  earning  of  the 
hounds  in  continuance  of  their  cry,  the  swiftness  of  the  deer, 
the  running  of  footmen,  the  galloping  of  horses,  the  blasting 
of  horns,  the  hallowing  and  hueing  of  the  huntsmen,  with  the 
excellent  echoes  between  whiles  from  the  woods  and  waters 
in  valleys  resounding."  At  every  turn  the  Queen  was  met  by 
allegorical  personages  who  reminded  her  of  "the  rare  and  singular 
qualities  of  both  body  and  mind  in  her  Majesty  conjoined,  and 
so  apparent  at  eye."  As  Her  Majesty  was  crossing  a  bridge, 
Proteus  appeared  in  the  character  of  Arion  sitting  on  a  dolphin's 
back,  and,  after  a  consort  of  music  had  sounded  from  within 
the  dolphin,  Proteus  sang  to  the  Queen  a  song  of  congratulation. 
And  so  with  great  variety  of  sports  the  days  passed.  There 
was  much  of  hunting  and  bear-baiting ;  there  was  tumbling 
and  a  rustic  bride-ale,  morris-dancing  and  running  at  the 
quintain,  masques,  an  old  historical  show  by  the  men  of 
Coventry  in  which  the  chief  role  was  taken  by  Captain  Cox — 
"the  foremost  figure  in  English  story-book  and  ballad  history1," 
and  the  singing  of  a  ballad  of  "King  Arthur  at  Camelot"  by 
a  minstrel  to  the  accompaniment  of  his  harp.  Knighthood 
was  conferred  on  certain  gentlemen  of  worship,  and  at  last  on 
July  27th  the  Queen  departed.  Laneham's  unqualified  delight 
in  everything  from  the  abundant  food  and  drink  to  the  magnifi- 
cence and  liberality  of  his  master  and  his  own  proximity  to 
the  great  of  the  land  is  very  infectious,  and  few  spectacular 
1  Furnivall's  Forewords  to  hie  edition,  p.  ix. 


156  At  Court  [CH. 

events  have  had  a  more  worthy  chronicler.  We  may  assume 
that  Sidney  knew  him  well,  and  we  may  hope  that  he  delighted 
in  the  rare  fellow  who  was  "  sometime  at  my  good  Lady  Sidney's 
chamber,  a  noblewoman  that  I  am  as  much  bound  unto  as 
any  poor  man  may  be  unto  so  gracious  a  lady1." 

From  Kenilworth  the  Court  removed  to  Lichfield,  where  for 
eight  days  the  Queen  enjoyed  the  Cathedral  music  and  made 
excursions  into  the  neighbourhood.  From  here  she  proceeded 
to  Chartley,  the  seat  of  the  Earl  of  Essex.  Lady  Essex  was 
no  favourite  of  Elizabeth,  who  did  her  the  honour  of  this  visit 
probably  to  please  the  absent  Earl.  From  Chartley,  Elizabeth 
wrote  to  him  in  her  most  friendly  vein.  There  is  every  reason 
to  suppose  that  Sidney,  too,  visited  Chartley  at  this  time, 
though  we  have  no  definite  record  of  the  fact.  If  so,  he 
would  make  the  acquaintance  of  Penelope  Devereux,  the  eldest 
daughter  of  the  Earl  and  Countess,  who  was  some  years  later  to 
inspire  his  chief  poetical  work.  She  was  now  about  twelve  years 
of  age — a  mere  child  from  our  point  of  view — but  probably 
much  less  of  a  child  in  the  eyes  of  her  contemporaries.  Mary 
Sidney  was  only  two  years  her  senior,  but  she  was  already 
installed  as  a  member  of  the  Court  circle  of  ladies,  and  a  month 
later  when  the  Queen  was  at  Woodstock  a  Court  poet  could 
address  Mistress  Mary  in  the  lines, 

"  Though  young  in  years,  yet  old  in  wit,  a  gest  due  to  your  race, 
If  you  hold  on  as  you  begin,  who  is't  you'll  not  deface2  ?  " 

Whether  Sidney  was  especially  attracted  to  Penelope  at  this 
time  we  cannot  say  ;  the  whole  question  of  their  relation  to 
each  other  will  be  discussed  elsewhere. 

After  leaving  Chartley  the  Queen  visited  Stafford  Castle, 
Dudley  Castle,  Hartlebury  Castle  and  the  City  of  Worcester, 
where  she  remained  from  August  13th  to  August  20th.  On 
September  llth  she  was  at  Woodstock,  where  she  remained 
for  some  days,  and  after  a  visit  to  Reading  she  returned  to 
Windsor  Castle. 


1  Laneham's  Letter  (ed.  Furnivall),  p.  59. 

8  The  Queenes  Majesties  Entertainment  at  Woodstock.     V.  article  by  J.  W. 
Cunliffe  in  Pub.  Mod.  Lang.  Ass.,  March,  1911,  p.  100. 


ix]  At  Court  157 

On  July  31st  Sir  Henry  Sidney  was  sworn  one  of  Her 
Majesty's  Privy  Council1,  and  two  days  later  by  letters  patent 
was  appointed  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland2.  His  'Instructions' 
were  dated  at  Lichfield  on  the  same  day3,  and  on  August  3rd 
he  was  present  at  a  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council4.  On  August 
12th  he  took  leave  of  her  Majesty,  "kissing  her  sacred  hands, 
with  most  gracious  and  comfortable  words,"  at  Dudley  Castle, 
from  whence  she  wrote  to  Essex  announcing  that  Sir  Henry 
would  embark  within  eight  days  ;  in  the  same  letter  she  wrote 
her  unqualified,  matter-of-fact  approval  of  the  Rathlin 
slaughter5.  On  August  20th  Sir  Henry  made  his  will,  which 
was  signed  by  Philip  Sidney,  Edward  Montague,  W.  Blunt 
and  five  other  persons6.  The  father  and  son  paid  a  visit  to 
Shrewsbury  together,  of  which  we  know  nothing  more  than  is 
told  us  by  the  following  entry  in  the  corporation  accounts  : 

"Spent  and  given  to  Mr  Philip  Sidney  at  his  coming  to  this  town  with 
my  Lord  President,  his  father,  in  wine  and  cakes  and  other  things — Is.  2d." 

At  the  same  time  the  corporation  entertained  Mr  Robert 
Corbet  "at  his  return  home  from  beyond  the  seas7."  It  was 
September  8th  before  Sir  Henry  landed  in  Ireland  and 
proceeded  to  Drogheda. 

We  may  be  sure  that  Philip  did  not  take  leave  of  his  father 
until  immediately  before  the  latter  set  sail.  In  a  letter  to 
Languet  apologizing  for  his  long  silence  he  pleads  in  excuse  that 
he  had  to  accompany  the  Queen  in  her  progress  and  to  see  his 
father  off8.  That  the  magnificence  of  his  apparel  during  the 
Kenilworth  festivities  was  comparable  with  that  of  his  visit  to 
Oxford  during  the  Queen's  visit  some  nine  years  earlier  may 

1  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council. 

2  Burghley's  Notes  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Reign  (Murdin). 
8  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Carew. 

*  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council. 

5  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Carew. 

6  Marquis  of  Bath's  MSS.     (Appendix  to  third  Report  of  Hist.  Man.  Com. 
p.  199). 

7  Owen  and  Blakeway,  op.  cit.  p.  360.      The  date  given  in  the  accounts 
is  1574, — a  palpable  error.     The  reference  to  Corbet  shows  that  1575  is  the 
correct  date. 

8  Praetexes  tuae  cessationi  vestros  progressus  et  deductionem  illustris  tuiparentis. 
(Epistolce,  p.  139.) 


158  At  Court  [OH. 

be  deduced  from  the  following  note  of  hand  which  is  still 
preserved  among  the  Penshurst  MSS. : 

"Be  it  known  to  all  men  by  these  presents  that  I  Philip  Sidney,  Esquire, 
do  owe  unto  Richard  Bodway,  citizen  and  merchant  tailor  of  London, 
the  sum  of  forty-two  pounds  six  shillings  of  lawful  money  of  England, 
to  be  paid  to  the  said  Richard  Rodway,  his  executors,  administrators  or 
assigns,  or  to  one  of  them,  the  nine  and  twentieth  day  of  September  next 
coming  after  the  date  hereof.  To  the  whole  payment  well  and  truly  to 
be  made  I  bind  me,  my  heirs,  executors  and  administrators  by  these 
presents.  Sealed  with  my  seal  given  the  8th  day  of  August  in  the  17th 
year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  lady  Elizabeth,  by  the  grace  of  God 
Queen  of  England,  France  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  etc.  By 
me  Philippe  Sidney. 

Sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of  us 
HENRY  WHITE.  GRIFFITH  MADDOX." 

The  indebtedness  was  well  and  truly  paid,  for  a  stroke  has 
been  drawn  through  the  words  'By  me  Philippe  Sidney.' 

In  October  Sidney  took  part  in  London  in  another  elaborate 
ceremony  when  the  eldest  daughter  of  Lord  and  Lady  Russell  was 
baptized  in  Westminster  Abbey.  Lady  Russell  was  Elizabeth, 
the  fourth  daughter  of  Sir  Anthony  Cooke ;  she  had  been  the 
wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Hoby,  who  died  in  1566,  and,  it  will  be 
remembered  that  she  had  long  been  one  of  Lady  Sidney's 
warmest  friends.  In  1574  she  had  married  Lord  Russell,  second 
son  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  and  the  Queen  had  consented  to  be 
godmother  when  their  first  child  was  baptized,  for  she  had  long 
admired  and  liked  Lady  Russell.  As  the  Court  was  at  Windsor, 
however,  the  Queen  appointed  the  Countess  of  Warwick  to 
act  as  her  deputy  :  the  Countess  of  Sussex  was  also  godmother 
and  the  Earl  of  Leicester  godfather.  The  baptismal  ceremony 
on  October  27th  was  unusually  splendid,  and  there  was 
assembled  a  great  company  of  lords  and  ladies,  knights,  barons 
and  earls.  The  Countess  of  Warwick's  train  was  borne  by 
Lady  Burghley  and  Lady  Bacon,  sisters  of  Lady  Russell.  The 
child  was  baptized  by  the  dean  and  given  the  name  of  Elizabeth. 

"In  the  meantime  Mr.  Philip  Sidney  came  out  of  the  chapel  called  St. 
Edward's  Shrine,  having  a  towel  on  his  left  shoulder,  and  with  him  came 
Mr.  Delves,  bearing  the  basin  and  ewer,  and  took  the  say  Then  the 
deputy  came  forth,  her  train  borne,  and  they  two  kneeling  she  washed, — 


ix]  At  Court     .  159 

then  other  gentlemen  with  two  basins  and  ewers,  came  to  the  Countess 
of  Sussex  and  the  Earl  of  Leicester  ;  and  they  having  washed,  immediately 
came  from  the  aforesaid  place  of  St.  Edward's  shrine  gentlemen  with  cups 
of  hippocras  and  wafers  ;  that  done,  they  all  departed  out  of  the  church." 

The  ceremony  was  followed  by  "a  stately  and  costly  deli- 
cate banquet1." 

Absorbing  as  Sidney's  interest  in  the  varied  pageantry  of 
the  summer  must  naturally  have  been,  it  is  difficult  to  forgive 
his  utter  neglect  of  the  man  to  whom  he  had  been  under  the 
greatest  of  obligations  during  the  preceding  three  years.  On 
December  2nd  Languet  received  the  first  letter  which  Sidney 
had  written  since  reaching  England  six  months  before  except 
that  which  he  wrote  immediately  after  his  arrival  in  early 
June.  The  old  man  was  in  no  mood  to  accept  conventional 
excuses.  His  letters  to  Sidney  had  never  been  more  frequent 
nor  longer  than  during  these  months,  and  moreover  he  knew 
that  Sidney  had  found  time  to  write  to  other  friends  on  the 
Continent.  The  letter  which  Sidney  at  length  sent  is  lost  and  we 
know  of  its  contents  only  by  Languet's  references  in  his  reply. 
The  young  man's  light-hearted  explanations  of  his  silence  were 
especially  irritating :  he  had  been  much  occupied — but  Caesar 
had  been  even  more  so,  and  had  found  time  to  write  his  com- 
mentaries in  camp. 

"Just  consider,  I  beg  you,"  Languet  continued,  "what  it  means  that  for 
such  a  long  period  you  did  not  choose  to  devote  a  single  hour  to  those 
who  love  you  dearly  as  you  know,  and  who  are  more  concerned  for  your 
welfare  than  for  their  own.  Had  you  sacrificed  one  dance  per  month 
you  could  have  satisfied  us  abundantly.  Last  year  you  were  here  with 
us  for  three  or  four  months  together.  Recall  to  mind  how  many  excellent 
authors  you  read,  and  how  much  good  you  derived  from  reading  them  ; 
if  in  such  a  short  time  you  were  able  to  learn  so  much  that  was  of  value 
in  the  right  ordering  of  your  life,  surely  the  memory  of  it  should  have 
withheld  you  from  burying  yourself  in  mere  empty  pleasures2." 

After  further  reproaching  Sidney  for  his  surrender  of  himself 
to  frivolity,  Languet  adopts  a  milder  tone.  His  sternness,  he 
declares,  is  a  poor  return  for  the  kindliness  of  Sidney's  letter. 

1  Hargreave  MSS.     Quoted  in  Wiffen's  House  of  Russell,  vol.  i,  pp.  502-505. 

2  Epistolce,  p.  139. 


160  At  Court  [CH. 

He  is  deeply  grieved  to  learn  that  Sidney's  health  is  indifferent, 
though  he  is  inclined  to  ascribe  his  ill-health  to  his  unrestrained 
devotion  to  pleasure.  Sidney  had  written  something  in  jest 
about  taking  a  wife  ;  Languet  insists  on  discussing  the  subject 
seriously.  He  rejoices  to  hear  of  the  favours  lavished  on  the 
young  man  by  his  relatives  and  friends,  and  he  sends  greetings 
to  Wotton,  Corbet  and  his  other  English  acquaintances. 
"Farewell,"  he  concludes,  "and  remember  that  you  have  to 
do  with  a  man  who  does  not  easily  endure  being  put  off  with 
mere  words." 

There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  Sidney's  jesting 
reference  to  marriage  had  any  relation  to  a  particular  young 
lady,  though  we  may  be  sure  that  there  was  much  speculation 
as  to  the  future  wife  of  the  young  man  who  was  looked  on  as 
the  heir  not  only  of  his  father  but  also  of  the  great  Earls  of 
Leicester  and  Warwick.  We  may  notice  here  one  project  of 
marriage  for  Sidney  with  a  daughter  of  Lord  Berkeley  which 
had  been  discussed  during  his  absence  on  the  Continent.  A 
great  lawsuit  had  been  pending  between  the  Berkeleys  and 
the  Lords  Lisle  ever  since  the  death  in  1418  of  Thomas,  Lord 
Berkeley,  who  had  married  Margaret  the  sole  heiress  of  Warine, 
Lord  Lisle,  and  at  Penshurst  there  are  still  extant  in  two  large 
folio  volumes  papers  relating  to  this  suit,  which  lasted  for  almost 
two  centuries.  Sir  Henry  Sidney  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  Lord  Berkeley  of  his  day1  and  the  proposal  of  marriage 
seems  to  have  originated  with  Leicester,  probably  with  a  view 
to  compounding  the  quarrel.  At  any  rate,  on  October  26, 
1573,  four  friends  of  Lord  Berkeley  wrote  to  him  the  following 
frank  expression  of  their  opinion  in  the  matter  : 

"  Because  you  are  over  resolutely  determined  to  leave  your  daughter  to 
inherit  your  land,  and  not  to  give  the  same  to  any  heir  male  of  your  house, 
which  is  great  pity,  we  think  it  necessary  for  you  upon  reasonable  conditions 
to  accept  the  offer  of  Mr.  Philip  Sidney  if  the  same  be  again  made ;  if  also 
a  further  offer  be  made  by  Mr.  Robert  Sidney  for  one  of  your  younger 
daughters  we  likewise  hold  the  same  nothing  necessary  for  you  to  refuse. 

1  See  Sir  Henry's  letter  to  Leicester  on  August  8,  1568  (Collins,  vol.  i, 
p.  34),  in  which  he  tells  of  meeting  Lord  Berkeley  and  Thomas  Throkmorton  at 
Kenilworth.  Throkmorton  is  one  of  the  subscribers  of  the  letter  which  follows. 


ix]  At  Court  161 

Your  Lordship  cannot  bestow  your  daughter  more  honourably  in  this 
land,  as  we  think ;  for  these  possibilities  are  very  deed  certain,  or  to  be 
made  very  certain,  the  Earl  of  Leicester  greatly  tendering  the  younger 
son  for  that  he  is  his  godson  and  beareth  his  name1." 

There  is  no  record  of  the  negotiations  having  proceeded  further. 

A  curious  story  to  the  effect  that  Sidney  was  at  one  time  a 
candidate  for  the  Kingship  of  Poland  may  be  dealt  with  here, 
as  it  was  at  this  time  that  Stephen  Bathori,  the  Prince  of 
Transylvania,  was  raised  to  that  dignity  by  the  Electors,  and 
as  his  death  did  not  occur  until  a  short  time  after  that  of 
Sidney.  Bathori's  great  competitor  for  the  vacant  Polish  throne 
was  no  less  a  personage  than  the  Emperor,  and  Languet's 
letters  to  Sidney  contain  long  accounts  of  the  varied  progress 
of  their  respective  candidacies.  Needless  to  say  they  contain 
no  hint  that  the  young  Englishman  was  personally  interested 
in  the  outcome.  The  story  was  first  related,  it  would  seem, 
by  Naunton  in  his  Fragmenta  Regalia,  which  was  probably 
written  about  1630,  where  it  is  stated  that  Queen  Elizabeth 
"refused  to  further  his  [Sidney's]  advancement,  not  out  of 
emulation,  but  out  of  fear  to  lose  the  jewel  of  her  times."  The 
story  has  been  repeated  by  Fuller,  Anthony  a  Wood,  Collins, 
Nichols,  Zouch,  Gray  and  Fox-Bourne,  but  it  may  be  dismissed 
as  an  absurdity.  It  probably  originated  in  Sidney's  well- 
known  interest  in  Polish  politics  in  general,  and  in  Stephen 
Bathori's  rule  in  particular,  to  which  Fulke  Greville  makes 
reference  in  his  Life. 

In  London  Sidney  probably  lived  part  of  the  time  with 
his  mother  in  the  house  opposite  Paul's  Wharf  but  generally 
at  Leicester  House,  to  which  address  his  numerous  letters  from 
his  continental  friends  were  always  directed.  From  Venice 
Don  Caesar  Carafia  continued  to  send  him  news  and  warm 

1  MSS.  of  Lord  Fitzhardinge  at  Berkeley  Castle  (Appendix  to  Third  Report 
of  Hist.  Man.  Com.,  1872).  Sidney  has  a  passing  reference  to  the  great  lawsuit 
in  his  'Defence'  of  Leicester  (Collins,  Mem.  p.  65).  In  his  will,  the  Earl  of 
Leicester  bequeathed  lands  recovered  from  Lord  Berkeley  and  refers  to 
them  as  having  come  by  descent.  (Ibid.  p.  72.)  The  quarrel  was  finally 
settled  by  arbitration  in  1604,  when  Robert  Sidney  was  the  Dudley  claimant. 
(Ibid.  116.)  A  reference  to  the  great  sum  which  the  suit  had  cost  is  made  in 
the  Memorial  of  Thomas  Nevitt  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester  (Sidneiana). 


w.  L.  S. 


11 


162  At  Court  [CH. 

regards  to  the  members  of  his  family1.  From  Vienna  Charles 
de  1'Ecluse  wrote  frequently.  In  December  he  sent  a  long 
friendly  letter  to  '  Baron  Sidney '  in  which  we  learn  of  the  latter's 
anxiety  to  procure  a  certain  portrait  which  Abondius  feels 
certain  he  can  buy — probably  the  same  portrait  which,  six 
months  later,  Languet  has  to  confess  his  inability  to  secure 
because  the  rogue  who  owned  it  would  not  part  with  it2.  In 
the  following  May  de  1'Ecluse  expresses  his  pleasure  that  Sidney 
liked  his  book  which  he  had  sent  him,  and  in  June  he  sends  an 
account  of  a  dinner  at  which  Dr  Purkircher  was  present  when 
they  drank  Sidney's  health  in  very  good  Austrian  wine  and 
promised  themselves  to  drink  it  in  still  better  Hungarian  when 
they  met  again3.  Sidney's  most  indefatigable  correspondent, 
however,  was  Banosius,  the  translator  of  the  Commentaries  of 
Ramus  and  his  biographer.  No  less  than  eight  of  his  letters 
to  Sidney,  all  written  within  the  space  of  a  few  months,  have 
been  preserved4;  they  deal  largely  with  his  dedication  of  his 
works  on  Ramus  to  Sidney  but  contain  much  information  on 
the  affairs  of  Poland  and  Casimir's  military  movements,  as  well 
as  personal  news  of  many  of  Sidney's  friends,  and  an  account 
of  the  festivities  at  the  Count  of  Hanau's  marriage.  From 
these  letters  one  comes  to  feel  how  deep  an  impression  Sidney 
had  made  on  these  men,  all  of  whom  were  devoted  friends  of 
Languet. 

During  the  winter  of  1575-1576  Sidney's  practical  interest 
in  English  politics  began.  He  was  especially  interested  in 
Ireland  on  his  father's  account,  but  he  was  at  least  equally 
interested  in  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Queen  with  which  the 
fortunes  of  the  Netherlands  were  so  intimately  bound  up.  In 
the  autumn  of  1575  William  of  Orange  had  dispatched  St 
Aldegonde  and  two  other  commissioners  to  England  to  implore 
Elizabeth  to  accept  the  sovereignty  of  their  country.  The 
Queen  was  not  at  all  anxious  to  do  anything  of  the  sort.  She 

1  V.  his  letters  of  October  22,  1575,  and  December  2,  1575  (Add.  MSS. 
17520,  4,  and  15914,  25). 

2  Add.  MSS.  17520,  6.     Languet,  Epistolce,  p.  151. 

3  Add.  MSS.  15914,  folios  29  and  31. 

4  Add.  MSS.  15914,  21,  27  and  28 ;   17520,  8  ;   18675,  4,  6,  7,  and  8. 


ix]  At  Court      *  163 

would  consider  the  proposal  only  when  she  became  convinced 
that  the  alternative  was  to  see  the  provinces  fall  into  the 
hands  of  France.  Just  at  the  moment  the  danger  from  that 
source  was  promising  to  dissolve.  The  Due  d'Alencon,  the 
King's  younger  brother,  had  fled  from  the  Court  and  had 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  Huguenot  army.  Under 
leaders  like  La  Noue,  Conde,  Duke  Casimir,  and,  a  few  months 
later,  Henry  of  Navarre,  the  Huguenots  swept  everything 
before  them.  On  the  outcome  of  the  struggle  would  depend 
Elizabeth's  answer  to  the  envoys  of  Orange.  She  was  delighted 
to  find  the  power  of  the  Guises  checked,  for  they  were  the  sworn 
friends  of  Spain :  on  the  other  hand,  she  did  not  wish  the 
Huguenots  to  become  all-powerful  in  France,  for  in  that  event 
they  would  almost  certainly  be  willing  to  do  for  the  Nether- 
lands what  the  Queen  preferred  not  to  do.  Any  such  increase 
in  the  power  of  France  she  could  not  consider.  "France  and 
Spain,"  declared  Camden  in  his  Annals,  "are,  as  it  were,  the 
scales  in  the  balance  of  Europe,  and  England  the  tongue  or 
holder  of  the  balance."  When  the  French  King  brought  about 
a  suspension  of  hostilities  by  renewing  the  toleration  edicts 
Elizabeth  was  well  pleased.  She  was  once  more  able  to  hold 
the  balance  without  undue  alarm,  and  accordingly  she  dis- 
missed St  Aldegonde  with  scant  ceremony. 

What  Sidney  thought  of  such  a  policy  it  is  not  difficult  to 
guess.  Even  before  the  Huguenots  had  risen,  Alen9on  had 
succeeded  his  brother  in  the  role  of  suitor  for  the  hand  of 
Elizabeth,  and  the  French  ambassador  urged  the  match  by 
every  means  in  his  power.  As  usual,  Elizabeth  was  non- 
committal. She  lent  Alencon  money,  but  she  insisted  that 
she  must  see  him  before  making  a  decisive  reply  to  his  proposal. 
Many  of  her  Council  approved  of  the  match,  and  it  is  quite 
possible  that  Sidney  at  this  time  may  also  have  regarded 
Alen9on  as  the  head  of  the  French*  Protestants  and  eligible  as 
a  husband  for  the  Queen.  At  any  rate  it  is  a  very  interesting 
fact  that  Alen9on  wrote  to  him  urging  him  to  visit  France1. 
Sidney  seems  to  have  seriously  meditated  taking  a  part  in  the 

1  Languet,  Epistolce,  p.  151. 

11—2 


164  At  Court  [CH. 

Huguenot  war1,  and  Languet  was  inclined  to  think  that  he 
might  welcome  the  opportunity  of  spending  several  months 
in  France  and  becoming  acquainted  with  that  country  as  he 
already  knew  Germany  and  Italy,  thus  carrying  out  the  plans 
which  had  been  interrupted  by  the  St  Bartholomew  massacre. 
The  Renaissance  spirit  was  still  strong  at  the  French  Court 
and  was  exercising  a  powerful  influence  on  England.  Even 
Alencon  himself  was  a  poet  and  encouraged  sculptors  and 
painters ;  in  Catherine  de'  Medici  the  traditions  of  her  race 
still  lived  and  gave  colour  to  the  life  of  her  Court.  Why 
Sidney  gave  up  his  proj  ect  we  do  not  know.  Perhaps  the  sudden 
conclusion  of  peace  and  the  breaking  off  of  the  marriage 
project  are  a  sufficient  explanation. 

During  the  same  winter  Sidney  contracted  a  warm  friend- 
ship with  the  Earl  of  Essex,  who  was  spending  his  sojourn  in 
England  at  Durham  House  in  the  Strand.  We  have  already 
seen  an  instance  of  the  interest  which  Essex  took  in  Sidney 
when  the  latter  was  but  a  small  boy2 ;  their  respective  ages 
were  now  thirty-six  and  twenty-one,  and  they  were  attracted 
to  each  other  by  common  interest  in  the  Irish  question  and 
by  similarity  of  temperament.  Essex  found  himself  hopelessly 
compromised  financially  as  a  result  of  his  Irish  enterprise,  and 
he  was  now  engaged  in  a  long-drawn-out  attempt  to  persuade 
the  Queen  "to  shape  some  gracious  resolution"  for  him.  She 
had  insisted  on  his  mortgaging  to  her  the  greater  portion  of 
his  estates  for  the  repayment  of  the  sums  expended  in  his 
former  expedition,  and  now  he  found  that  "my  land  being 
entangled  to  her,  no  man  will  give  me  credit  for  any  money3." 
The  Queen's  first  offers  were  rejected  by  Essex,  and  some 
details  relating  to  his  future  employment  in  Ireland  were 

1  On  February  2nd  he  received  £80  from  the  banker  Vellutelli,  and  on  Feb. 
ruary  21  £350  from  Walter  Alderford,  an  agent  of  his  father.     The  receipts 
which  he  gave  are  now  among  the  Penshurst  MSS.     On  February  22nd  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  "  Servant  Walker"  asking  him  to  pay  £20  to  his  sister's  old 
governess,  Mrs  Anne  Mantell,  as  that  sum  was  owing  her  for  wages.     This 
letter  is  also  preserved  at  Penshurst,  and  is  endorsed  "  Received  £10  in  part  of 
payment.     Robert  Mantell." 

2  See  pp.  52-53. 

3  Devereux,  Lives  of  the  Earls  of  Essex,  i,  p.  130. 


ix]  At  Court     *  165 

referred  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney.  The  latter's  reply  was  most 
favourable  to  the  Earl,  to  whom  personally  it  was  quite  satis- 
factory ;  Sir  Henry's  secretary,  Waterhouse,  reported  to  him 
that  the  only  criticism  of  its  contents  had  come  from  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  who  thought  that  Sir  Henry  "had  not  made  it 
apparent  enough  to  her  Majesty,  or  the  Lords,  that  you  earnestly 
wished  the  Earl's  return1."  The  passage  has  been  cited  to 
prove  that  Leicester  had  already  begun  his  intrigue  with  Lady 
Essex,  who,  after  her  lord's  death,  eventually  became  Lady 
Leicester,  but  we  can  only  say  that  it  is  one  of  those  pieces  of 
very  inconclusive  evidence  which  in  the  eyes  of  his  contem- 
porary detractors  were  sufficient  to  convict  him  of  treasons 
capital  and  proved,  if  not  confessed.  Waterhouse's  letter 
tells  us  that  it  was  Philip  Sidney  who  accompanied  Sir  Henry's 
messenger  to  deliver  his  letters  to  Essex,  and  further  gives  us 
the  interesting  information  that  the  Earl  called  him  his  son  by 
adoption.  Of  their  intimacy  we  have  many  proofs,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  Earl  already  hoped  that  he  might  some  day 
call  the  young  man  his  son  by  marriage,  but  we  have  no  evidence 
that  Sidney  felt  any  special  interest  at  this  time  in  the  Earl's 
eldest  daughter  whom,  no  doubt,  he  had  opportunities  of 
meeting  daily. 

Some  time  during  the  year  1576  Sidney  was  appointed 
"Cup-bearer"  to  the  Queen  with  an  annual  fee  of  £30 2.  On 
June  16th  Robert  Dorset,  his  old  Oxford  tutor,  sent  him  an 
urgent  invitation  to  be  his  guest3.  Dorset  was  living  at  Ewelm, 
near  Oxford,  where  he  was  acting  as  tutor  to  Robert  Sidney, 
now  a  lad  in  his  thirteenth  year,  and  on  hearing  that  his  old 
pupil  was  about  to  visit  the  University  he  hastened  to  extend 
his  invitation.  Whether  the  visit  actually  took  place  we  do 
not  know. 

On  May  9th  Essex  was  appointed  by  letters  patent  Earl 
Marshal  of  Ireland  after  having  sold  a  considerable  portion 
of  his  estates  in  order  to  satisfy  his  creditors.  He  went  to 
Chartley  to  put  his  affairs  in  order,  deposited  his  will  in  the 
safe  keeping  of  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  and,  on  July  22nd, 

1  Collins,  i,  168.  2  Hunter,  Chorus  Vatum,  p.  8. 

3  Zouch,  p.  376. 


166  At  Court  [CH. 

set  sail  from  Holyhead.  He  reached  Dublin  next  day.  Sir 
Henry  was  absent  from  the  capital,  but  on  August  10th  they 
met  some  28  miles  from  Dublin  and  "there  was  great  shew  of 
friendly  salutations  of  permanent  friendships1." 

It  is  highly  probable  that  Philip  Sidney  accompanied  his 
friend  to  Ireland. 

"I  am  convinced,"  Languet  wrote  him  on  August  13th,  "from  the  letter 
which  you  wrote  to  me  from  London  on  the  2 1st  of  June  that  you  had 
intended  to  tell  me  nothing  of  your  journey  to  Ireland  unless  my  letter 
had  reached  you  just  before  your  departure ;  for  you  had  written  word 
of  your  intention  to  other  friends  some  time  before,  who  had  informed 
me  of  it,  and  you  were  equipped  for  your  expedition  when  you  wrote  to  me2." 

He  probably  joined  his  father  in  Connaught  immediately 
after  landing,  for  on  August  15th  Sir  Henry  wrote  to  Walsingham 
as  though  Philip  had  been  with  him  some  time.  "  This  journey 
finished,"  he  wrote,  "I  intend  to  return  Philip  Sidney  by  whom 
you  shall  understand  as  much  as  I  can  write  or  report3." 

Since  leaving  England  Sir  Henry  had  spent  a  strenuous  year, 
during  which,  in  his  own  words,  "I  have  passed  through  each 
province  and  have  been  almost  in  each  county  thereof4."  His 
problem  seemed  to  him  less  hopeless  than  it  had  ever  seemed 
before,  and  he  began  to  dream  of  yet  seeing  Ireland  obedient 
and  prosperous.  "  If  I  might  once  see  it,"  he  wrote  to  Burghley, 
"it  should  be  more  joy  to  me  than  to  get  an  earldom  of  lands 
in  England5."  Whatever  we  may  think  of  Sir  Henry's  enthu- 
siasm for  forcing  on  the  Irish  people  a  religion  which  they 
did  not  want,  we  must  respect  the  high-minded  unselfishness 
and  the  zeal  for  reform  which  characterized  all  his  efforts. 
The  financial  problem  remained,  as  always,  insoluble.  The 
£20,000  per  annum  which  he  was  granted  for  the  Irish  estab- 
lishment was  not  sufficient  to  allow  him  to  relax  the  'cess' 
which  was  levied  on  landowners,  and  there  were  ominous 
mutterings  against  the  tax  among  the  gentlemen  of  the  Pale. 

Of  Philip  Sidney's  visit  to  his  father  we  know  only  a  few 

1  Devereux,  op.  cit.  p.  136. 

2  Epistolce,  p.  154.     Froude  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  Philip  accom- 
panied his  father  to  Ireland  in  1575.     V.  History,  vol.  x,  p.  531. 

3  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  vol.  LVI,  fol.  40. 

4  Ibid.     Sir  Henry  to  Elizabeth,  April  29,  1576.          5  Ibid.     May  3,  1570. 


ix]  At  Court  167 

details.  We  have  already  seen  that  on  August  10th  Sir  Henry 
was  approaching  Dublin.  His  stay  there  was  to  be  a  short 
one,  for  he  learned  almost  immediately  after  his  arrival  that 
the  young  Burkes  had  broken  their  parole,  had  crossed  the 
Shannon  after  cutting  their  English  garments  in  pieces  to  mani- 
fest their  contempt  for  English  authority,  and  were  attempting 
to  raise  the  whole  west  country1.  Two  thousand  Scots  had 
already  landed  in  Connaught  to  assist  them,  and  on  August 
15th  Sir  Henry  wrote  to  the  Privy  Council :  "I  intend,  God 
willing,  to  be  amongst  them  myself  within  these  ten  days," 
as  he  was  "now  almost  in  a  readiness  to  advance  towards 
Connaught  to  repress  the  stirs  there2."  During  the  next  six 
weeks  Philip  had  an  opportunity  to  learn  at  first  hand  the 
terribly  effective  methods  which  his  father  employed  against 
Irish  rebels.  Here  is  Sir  Henry's  account  of  their  expedition  : 

"I  passed  the  river  Shannon,  I  went  to  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard's  chief 
house  before  named,  I  broke  it  and  took  him,  he  protesting  ignorance  and 
innocence,  but  God  knoweth  untruly,  and  so  hath  since  most  manifestly 
been  proved.  I  proclaimed  the  sons  rebels  and  traitors,  and  committed, 
led  away  and  still  detained  the  father ;  I  planted  there  two  worthy  and 
sufficient  gentlemen,  namely  Thomas  Le  Strange  and  Captain  Collier 
with  a  garrison  of  250  men,  who  valiantly  did  their  devoir  as  well  in 
offending  the  rebels  as  in  defending  the  subjects.  I  sent  for  the  Earl's 
followers  to  come  to  Galway,  as  well  English  as  Irish,  whose  names  I  have 
forgotten  saving  only  MacKenzie  and  Mackremmon3." 

Sir  Henry  and  Philip  were  at  Athlone  on  September  4th4  and 
had  reached  Galway  some  time  before  September  16th5.  Of  their 
stay  in  Galway  Sir  Henry  has  left  us  one  picturesque  detail  : 

"There  came  to  me  also  a  most  famous  feminine  sea-captain,  called 
Granny  O'Malley,  and  offered  her  services  unto  me  wheresoever  I  would 
command  her,  with  three  galleys  and  two  hundred  fighting  men,  either  in 
Ireland  or  Scotland.  She  brought  with  her  her  husband,  for  she  was  as  well 
by  sea  as  by  land  more  than  master's  mate  with  him.  He  was  of  the 
nether  Burkes,  and  now  as  I  hear  Mack  William  Euter,  and  called  by 

1  Sir  Henry  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583. 

2  State  Papers— Irish— Eliz.,  Aug.  15,  1576 

8  Letter  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583.  '  Collins,  i,  p.  128. 

5  The  letter  written  to  Philip  by  Charles  de  1'Ecluse  from  Vienna  on 
June  8,  1576,  is  endorsed  (not  in  Philip's  hand)  "  Recu  a  Galway  le  16  Septemb. 
1576." 


168  At  Court  [CH. 

nickname  Richard  in  Iron.  This  was  a  notorious  woman  in  all  the  coast 
of  Ireland :  this  woman  did  Sir  Philip  Sidney  see  and  speak  with ;  he 
can  more  at  large  inform  you  of  her1." 

On  September  20th  Sir  Henry  wrote  to  the  Council  an 
account  of  his  operations. 

"I  have  been  still  occupied  as  presently  I  am,"  he  wrote,  "in  a  kind  of 
an  actual  war  and  continual  search  for  the  rebels,  sometimes  dispersing 
one  part  of  my  forces  into  one  part  of  the  country,  and  sometimes  into 
another,  as  I  was  directed  by  the  best  intelligence  where  their  haunt  was. 
But  the  hollow  hearts  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  secret  lurking  of  the  rebels 
is  such,  and  hath  been  yet  hitherto  as  I  have  had  no  great  hand  upon  them, 
though  I  have  at  sundry  times  slain  of  their  men,  taken  their  prey,  and 
some  of  their  best  and  strongest  holds  from  them." 

It  had  been  strenuous  work,  and  Sir  Henry  as  he  was  about 
to  set  out  for  Sligo  confesses  that  he  is  "  not  a  little  wearied 
with  the  toilsome  travel  of  this  wearisome  journey  in  tracing 
and  searching  the  rebels  from  place  to  place  and  the  ill-success 
I  have  to  light  upon  them2." 

What  share  Philip  took  in  these  strenuous  operations  is 
not  recorded.  Whetstone  refers  to  "his  service  in  Ireland3" 
in  a  fashion  which  suggests  that  he  had  taken  his  full  share  of 
the  attendant  hardships.  The  reference  in  the  Apologie  for 
Poetrie  to  the  bareness  of  learning  in  Ireland  and  to  the  devout 
reverence  of  the  Irish  for  their  poets  was  probably  based  on 
his  personal  experiences  at  this  time.  Whatever  these  experi- 
ences were  they  were  to  be  brought  to  a  sudden  termination. 

"Here  heard  we  first,"  Sir  Henry  writes,  "of  the  extreme  and 
hopeless  sickness  of  the  Earl  of  Essex,  by  whom  Sir  Philip  being  often 
most  lovingly  and  earnestly  wished  and  written  for,  he  with  all  the  speed 
he  could  make  went  to  him,  but  found  him  dead  before  his  coming,  in  the 
castle  at  Dublin4." 

Philip  probably  set  out  from  Galway  on  September  20th  or  very 
shortly  afterwards,  for  in  a  letter  to  Sussex  dated  September  19th 

1  Letter  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583.  Froude's  statement  that  "  a  close 
acquaintance  sprang  up  as  was  natural  between  herself  and  young  Philip" 
(Hist,  x,  532)  must  be  set  down  as  a  mere  embellishment  of  the  story.  He  also 
errs  in  placing  the  scene  of  their  meeting  at  Cork. 

•  Collins,  i,  p.  130. 

8  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  his  honourable  life,  etc. 

4  Letter  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1583 


ix]  At  Court  169 

Sir  Henry  refers  him  "to  the  report  of  this  bringer,  my  son1," 
and  in  a  letter  to  Burghley  dated  the  following  day  he  writes : 
"  I  pray  your  Lordship  in  the  rest  of  [the  affairs  of]  Ireland  for 
this  time  give  credit  to  Ph.  Sidney2." 

The  unfortunate  Essex  had  been  taken  ill  with  an  attack 
of  dysentery  on  August  20th  from  which  it  became  gradually 
evident  that  he  was  not  to  recover.  On  his  death-bed  his 
chief  thought  was  for  his  children,  and  in  the  hope  that  he 
might  secure  their  future  he  busied  himself  in  writing  letters 
to  the  Queen  and  Burghley,  and  in  arranging  the  details  of 
his  will.  On  September  22nd  he  passed  away. 

How  deep  Sidney's  grief  must  have  been  when  he  reached 
Dublin  only  to  find  that  he  was  too  late  we  may  easily  imagine. 
During  the  course  of  his  illness  Essex  had  dispatched  messengers 
into  the  west  country  in  the  hope  that  he  might  see  his  young 
friend  once  more,  but  when  he  knew  that  his  wish  was  not  to 
be  gratified  he  left  him  a  message  on  the  subject  that  was  nearest 
his  heart. 

"  Tell  him,"  said  the  dying  man,  "I  send  him  nothing,  but  I  wish  him 
well,  and  so  well  that  if  God  do  move  both  their  hearts  I  wish  that  he  might 
match  with  my  daughter.  I  call  him  son ;  he  is  so  wise,  BO  virtuous  and 
godly  ;  and  if  he  go  on  in  the  course  he  hath  begun,  he  will  be  as  famous 
and  worthy  a  gentleman  as  ever  England  bred3." 

The  Earl's  body  was  conveyed  to  England,  and  on  November 
26th  was  interred  at  Carmarthen.  Edward  Waterhouse  had 
charge  of  the  arrangements,  and  it  is  probable  that  Sidney  was 
closely  associated  with  him  in  the  task,  for  Waterhouse,  writing 
to  Sir  Henry  Sidney  from  Chartley  on  November  14th  to  give 
an  account  of  his  proceedings  since  leaving  Ireland,  says  that 
he  will  "stand  to  the  report  of  Sir  [sic\]  Philip  Sidney  above 
any  other4." 

It  was  not  until  October  13th  that  Sir  Henry  Sidney  was 
able  to  reach  Dublin5,  where  he  heard  rumours  to  the  effect 

1  Cottonian  MSS.  Vespasian,  F.  xn.  2  State  Papers— Irish— Eliz. 

3  Devereux,  op.  cit.  I,  p.  139.  *  Collins,  I,  p.  147. 

5  Fliigel,  in  his  usually  accurate  study  of  Sidney's  life,  is  in  error  in  sup- 
posing that  Philip  too  returned  to  Dublin  only  on  October  13th,  and  that  Sir 
Henry  went  over  to  Carmarthen  to  attend  the  funeral  of  Essex.  (Eirileitung. 
S.  xx vi.) 


170  At  Court  [CH. 

that  Essex  had  died  of  poison.  He  at  once  instituted  a  careful 
inquiry  into  all  the  circumstances,  and  was  able  to  report  to 
Walsingham  that  "there  was  no  appearance  or  cause  of  sus- 
picion that  could  be  gathered  that  he  died  of  poison1."  The 
rumours  were  revived  some  three  years  later  when  the  marriage 
of  Lady  Essex  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester  became  known,  and 
they  have  been  preserved  in  various  vindictive  accounts  of 
Leicester's  life.  There  was  no  evidence,  however,  which  gave 
to  these  suspicions  a  shadow  of  probability. 

While  occupying  himself  in  attempting  to  reduce  to  order 
the  tangled  affairs  of  the  deceased  Earl,  Sidney  must  have 
looked  with  unusual  interest  on  Penelope  Devereux,  the  eldest 
daughter.  Not  only  had  Essex's  last  wish  been  communicated 
to  him,  but  the  subject  had  become  one  of  general  interest  and 
was  being  much  discussed. 

"All  these  Lords,"  wrote  Waterhouse  to  Sir  Henry,  ''that  wish  well  to 
the  children  [of  Essex]  and,  I  suppose,  all  the  best  sort  of  the  English  lords 
besides,  do  expect  what  will  become  of  the  treaty  between  Mr.  Philip  and 
my  Lady  Penelope.  Truly,  my  Lord,  I  must  say  to  your  Lordship,  as  I 
have  said  to  my  Lord  of  Leicester  and  Mr.  Philip,  the  breaking-off  from 
this  match  if  the  default  be  on  your  parts  will  turn  to  more  dishonour 
than  can  be  repaired  with  any  other  marriage  in  England2." 

We  shall  see  later  that  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
Sidney  at  this  time  felt  any  special  interest  in  Penelope,  whom 
he  probably  regarded  as  a  mere  child.  The  question  of  his 
attitude  toward  their  possible  marriage  was  one  on  which  at 
least  it  was  not  necessary  to  make  up  his  mind  at  present.  We 
catch  only  a  glimpse  of  him  during  the  remaining  months  of 
this  year.  On  reaching  London  he  found  letters  awaiting  him 
from  his  continental  friends — one  from  Andreas  Paulus  and 
two  from  Languet,  who  not  only  continued  to  send  detailed 
reports  on  current  events  in  the  Empire  and  in  Poland,  but 
enclosed  special  papers  which  he  thought  might  interest 
Sidney  on  Persian  and  Spanish  affairs. 

"I  hope  my  letters  will  find  you  in  London,"  he  wrote,  "after  a  safe 
passage  from  Ireland,  and  that  you  are  enjoying  the  delightful  ease  of  your 
court,  which  after  the  perils  and  hardships  of  your  wearisome  journey  will 
seem  even  more  pleasant  to  you  now  than  formerly." 

1  Collins,  i,  p.  140.  2  Collins,  i,  p.  147. 


ix]  At  Court  171 

The  delightfulness  of  his  return  to  Court  must  have  been 
modified  once  more  by  his  mother's  troubles.  The  longest  of 
her  letters  to  Burghley  is  dated  October  29,  1576,  and  the  theme 
is  only  a  variation  on  those  we  have  heard  in  her  earlier  letters. 
Medley,  the  alchemist,  who  had  a  few  years  earlier  been  held  in 
high  estimation  by  such  men  as  Burghley  himself,  Leicester,  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  and  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  was  now  discredited 
and  imprisoned  in  the  Counter.  Just  what  Lady  Mary's  rela- 
tion to  him  was  we  cannot  well  determine,  but  a  few  extracts 
from  her  letter  will  suggest  her  unhappiness  and  bitterness  of 
spirit.  She  writes  "  as  soon  as  I  have  been  able  to  hold  up  my 
head  to  write  since  the  receipt  of  your  most  honourable  and  most 
dear  welcome  letter."  She  does  not  dare  "to  renew  my  suit 
to  your  Lordship  for  any  more  liberty  for  the  unhappy  prisoner 
because  I  see  you  have  no  liking  thereto,"  though  she  insists 
that  there  is  "  the  less  likelihood  of  so  great  ill  in  him  for  that 
his  accusers  be  so  monstrous  vile  and  wicked  themselves." 
She  pours  forth  complaints  in  general  and  in  detail  for  her  own 
"discredit  by  such  mates,"  and  leaves  on  our  minds  an  impres- 
sion that  her  life  was  one  of  constant  vexation. 

From  Greenwich  Sidney  wrote  on  November  4th  to  Robert 
Walker,  his  father's  steward  at  Oxford,  asking  him  to  make 
"provision  of  a  stable  and  hay  and  provender  for  half  a  score 
of  horses  which  are  coming  out  of  Ireland.  Within  this  ten 
days  I  look  for  them1."  We  may  assume  that  he  was  at  Car- 
marthen on  November  26th  at  the  funeral  of  Essex,  and  soon 
afterward  we  find  him  engrossed  in  preparations  for  under- 
taking his  first  public  employment. 

1  Penshurst  MS. 


CHAPTER  X 

AN   AMBASSADOR   OF   THE   QUEEN 

THE  year  1577  opened  auspiciously  for  the  younger  members 
of  the  Sidney  family.  Mary  Sidney  had  just  completed  her 
fifteenth  year,  but  she  was  already  reputed  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  interesting  young  women  of  the  Court  circle,  and 
gossip  was  busy  regarding  her  future  husband.  In  December 
a  correspondent  of  the  Earl  of  Rutland  wrote  from  the  Court 
that  some  people  thought  that  Mrs  Sidney  would  be  the  Lady 
of  Wilton  but  that  he  was  not  of  that  mind1.  The  rumour  was 
well  founded,  however.  The  Earl  of  Pembroke,  whose  first 
wife,  Catherine  Talbot,  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury, 
had  been  dead  a  little  more  than  a  year,  was  now  about  forty 
years  of  age.  He  was  an  especial  friend  of  Leicester,  who 
communicated  to  Sir  Henry  the  likelihood  of  the  match  provided 
he  could  find  a  sufficient  dowry.  Sir  Henry  was  delighted  with 
the  news  ;  the  disparity  between  the  ages  of  his  daughter  and 
her  prospective  husband  does  not  seem  to  have  given  him  any 
concern,  and  although  he  was  deeply  troubled  as  to  how  he 
was  to  find  the  dowry,  he  wrote  to  Leicester  "  protesting  before 
the  Almighty  God  that  if  he  and  all  the  powers  on  earth  would 
give  me  my  choice  for  a  husband  for  her  I  would  choose  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke2." 

In  the  same  letter  Sir  Henry  wrote  :  "  Good  my  Lord, 
send  Philip  to  me  ;  there  was  never  father  had  more  need  of 
his  son  than  I  have  of  him.  Once  again,  good  my  Lord,  let 

1  R.  Brackinbury  to  Earl  of  Rutland,  December  12,  1576.     Belvoir  MSS. 
Hist.  Man.  Com.) 

2  February  4,  1577  (Collins,  I,  p.  89). 


CH.  x]  An  Ambassador  of  the  .Queen  173 

me  have  him."  No  doubt  Sir  Henry,  besides  craving  for  his 
son's  companionship,  had  learned  during  Philip's  brief  visit 
to  prize  his  judgment.  Ireland  was  for  the  moment  unusually 
quiet,  but  the  Lord  Deputy's  perplexities  were  hardly  lessened 
by  the  fact.  Ormond,  whom  he  heartily  detested,  was  losing 
no  opportunity  of  thwarting  his  plans,  the  Queen  was  insisting 
that  the  quarterly  allowance  to  the  Lord  Deputy  should  be 
reduced  in  amount,  and  the  mutterings  against  the  cess  on 
the  part  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  Pale  were  threatening  to  develop 
into  an  open  refusal  to  pay. 

Sir  Henry  had  evidently  heard  no  rumour  that  Philip  was 
to  be  sent  on  a  mission  for  the  Queen,  for  even  in  the  following 
month  he  addressed  to  his  son  a  letter  asking  him  to  show  all 
possible  courtesies  to  Sir  Cormack  MacTeige  MacCartye,  an 
Irish  chief  who  was  about  to  visit  London1.  For  some  time, 
however,  Philip  had  been  busily  occupied  in  preparing  for  a 
visit  to  the  Continent.  Perhaps  it  was  in  order  to  learn 
whether  he  would  set  out  under  good  auspices  that  he  paid  a 
visit  on  January  16th  to  Dr  John  Dee,  the  famous  astrologer, 
at  Mortlake2.  Philip  was  accompanied  on  this  occasion  by 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Dyer,  and  other  friends ;  we  may  notice 
here  that  Dr  Dee  numbered  amongst  his  clients  not  only  all 
the  famous  navigators  of  the  day,  but  Burghley,  Walsingham 
and  the  Queen  herself.  Philip's  '  Instructions  3 '  were  drawn  on 
February  7th.  As  ambassador  for  the  Queen  he  was  sent  to 
the  Emperor  Rudolf  and  his  mother  to  "condole  the  death"  of 
the  late  Emperor,  and  on  his  way  he  was  to  visit  the  Count 
Palatines  Lewis  and  Casimir  to  "  condole  the  death  "  of  their 
father.  The  document  makes  it  clear,  however,  that  the  chief 
duty  of  the  young  envoy  was  to  inform  himself  as  thoroughly 
as  possible  regarding  contemporary  political  and  religious 
affairs  in  the  Empire  and  among  the  Princes  of  Germany. 
Leicester  provided  him  with  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Count 
Casimir4,  and  he  set  out  accompanied  by  his  friends  Fulke 

1  March,  1577  (Collins,  i,  p.  163). 

2  Dr  Dee's  Diary  (Camden  Soc.)  p.  2. 

3  Barley  MSS.  vol.  xxxvi,  p.  295. 

4  Cotton  MSS.  Gatba,  B.  xi,  f.  412,  February  20,  1577. 


174  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

Greville1  and  Edward  Dyer2  and  a  distinguished  company  of 
attendants3.  He  was  evidently  not  forgetful  of  the  dignity 
that  attaches  to  the  Queen's  representative,  for  in  all  places 
where  he  lodged  he  caused  a  tablet  to  be  hung  upon  which  were 
inscribed  the  following  lines  beneath  the  Sidney  coat  of  arms : 

Illustrissimi  <t-  Generasissimi  Viri 

Philippi  Sidnaei  Anqli 
Pro-regis  Hiberniae  filii,  Comitum  Warwici 
Et  Leicestriae  Nepotis,  Serenis&imi 
Reginae  Angliae  ad  Caesarem  Legati*. 

On  March  1st  Dr  Thomas  Wilson,  the  English  ambassador 
at  Brussels,  wrote  to  Walsingham  that  he  had  provided  lodgings 
for  Philip  Sidney  and  was  making  ready  to  wait  upon  him  and 
give  him  the  best  advice  he  could5.  Four  days  later  Sidney 
had  arrived,  and  Wilson  announced  that  they  were  about  to 
ride  over  to  Louvain  to  pay  their  respects  to  Don  John  of 
Austria,  the  hero  of  Lepanto,  and  now  Governor  of  the  Nether- 
lands for  his  half-brother,  Philip  of  Spain.  The  interview  took 
place  the  next  day,  and  notwithstanding  Sidney's  plain  speech 
they  had  fair  and  sweet  answers.  Fulke  Greville  gives  the 
following  quaint  account  of  Don  John's  attitude  : 

"Though  at  the  first  in  his  Spanish  haughture,  he  gave  him  access  as  by 
descent  to  a  youth,  of  grace  as  to  a  stranger,  and  in  particular  competition 
(as  he  conceived)  to  an  enemy ;  yet  after  a  while  that  he  had  taken  his 
just  altitude,  he  found  himself  so  stricken  with  this  extraordinary  Planet, 
that  the  beholders  wondered  to  see  what  ingenuous  tribute  that  brave 
and  high-minded  Prince  paid  to  his  worth  ;  giving  more  honour  and  respect 
to  this  hopeful  young  gentleman  than  to  the  embassadors  of  mighty 
Princes6." 

1  Languet,  p.  162. 

2  V.  State  Papers— Foreign— Eliz.,  July  20,  1577.      Daniel  Rogers  to  Wal- 
singham. 

3  "  On  Monday  next  Mr.  Sidney  goes  toward  the  Emperor  accompanied  by 
Sir  H.  Lea,  Sir  Jerome  Bowes,  Mr.  Basset,  Mr.  Cressie,  Mr.  Brouker(if  he  be  well) 
Mr.  M.  Stanhope  and  others."     Thos.  Screvan  to  Earl  of  Rutland,  February  16, 
1577.     (Belvoir  MSS.— Hist.  Man.  Com.  Report.) 

4  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  100.     Sir  Henry  Wotton  was  accustomed  to  set  up 
a  similar  tablet  wherever  he  travelled  on  the  Continent  (v.  Pearsall  Smith's 
Life  and  Letters  of  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  I,  93). 

5  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.    Brussels,  March  1,  March  5,  and  March  10, 
1577. 

•  Greville,  op.  cit.  p.  32. 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  175 

From  Brussels  and  Louvain  Sidney  proceeded  to  Heidelberg 
to  visit  the  Elector  Palatine  and  his  brother  Prince  Casimir. 
On  March  22nd  he  wrote  Burghley  a  short  letter1  in  which  he 
was  able  to  assure  him  of  his  good  health  and  referred  him  for 
details  of  his  journey  to  the  report  which  he  had  written  on 
the  same  day  to  Walsingham2.  It  is  an  admirable  letter — 
serious  and  formal  in  tone,  lucid  and  succinct.  The  Elector 
was  at  present  at  Amberg,  a  town  in  the  Upper  Palatinate, 
and  Sidney  proposed  to  visit  him  there  while  on  his  way  to 
Prague ;  meanwhile  he  had  spent  some  time  with  Casimir  and 
had  carried  out  Her  Majesty's  instructions  as  far  as  that  Prince 
was  concerned.  We  may  conjecture  that  the  absence  of  the 
Elector  caused  the  young  ambassador  no  serious  disappoint- 
ment, for  Fulke  Greville  tells  us  that  the  mere  conveying  of 
compliments  "sorted  better  with  his  youth  than  his  spirit," 
and  that  his  real  interest  centred  in  that  article  of  his  instruc- 
tions "which  gave  him  scope  (as  he  passed)  to  salute  such 
German  Princes  as  were  interested  in  the  cause  of  our  Religion 
or  their  own  native  liberty3."  Casimir,  like  his  father,  was 
an  earnest  Calvinist,  and  was  eager  to  see  the  establishment  of 
a  Protestant  League  or  Foedus  Evangelicum  not  only  throughout 
Germany  but  in  the  whole  of  Europe.  This  was  a  project 
dear  to  Sidney's  heart,  and  he  found  in  Casimir  "great  mis- 
contentment  that  his  brother  begins  to  make  alteration  in 
Religion,"  having  already  established  Lutheranism  in  the 
Upper  Palatinate.  The  Elector,  Sidney  declared,  was 

"of  a  soft  nature,  led  to  these  things  only  through  conscience,  and  Prince 
Casimir  wise  that  can  temper  well  with  the  other's  weakness.  The 
other  Princes  of  Germany  have  no  care  but  how  to  grow  rich  and  to  please 
their  senses,  the  Duke  of  Saxony  so  carried  away  with  the  ubiquity  that 
he  erows  bitter  to  the  true  Lutherians.  The  rest  are  of  the  same  mould, 
thinking  they  should  be  safe  though  all  the  world  were  on  fire  about  them, 
except  it  be  the  Landgrave  William  and  his  bretheren  and  this  Prince 
Casimir." 

On  the  whole  the  prospects  for  a  League  were  far  from  bright. 
Casimir  hoped  soon  to  lead  an  army  to  the  support  of  the 

1  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.     Heidelberg,  March  22,  1577. 

2  Cotton  MSS.  Oalba,  B.  xi,  f.  387.  '  Op.  cit.  p.  41. 


176  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

Huguenots,  and  then  he  "  saith  that  I  shall  hear  that  he  is  dead 
or  that  he  hath  left  a  miserable  France  of  the  Popish  side." 
Casimir  had  also  told  him  of  a  rumour  that  Don  John  was  to 
marry  the  Queen  of  Scots  "  and  so  to  stir  troubles  in  England." 

On  the  day  on  which  this  dispatch  was  written  Sidney  left 
Heidelberg1.  Failing  to  find  the  Elector  Palatine  at  Amberg 
as  he  had  hoped  to  do,  he  proceeded  toward  Prague  and  reached 
the  city  on  Maundy  Thursday.  On  Easter  Monday  he  had 
audience  and  expressed  to  the  Emperor  "how  greatly  her 
Majesty  was  grieved  with  the  loss  of  so  worthy  a  [friend  as]  the 
Emperor  his  father  was."  He  went  on  to  relate  "her  Majesty's 
good  hope  of  him  that  he  would  second  his  father  in  his  virtues 
and  the  manner  of  his  government."  Lastly  he  gave  him  to 
understand  "how  nobly  her  Majesty  had  proceeded  in  the 
Low  Country  matters  and  up[on  what]  good  grounds2." 

"He  answered  me  in  Latin  with  very  few  words,"  Sidney 
reported,  but  those  words  were  gracious  and  friendly  if  some- 
what indefinite,  and  when  the  young  ambassador  took  his  leave 
the  Emperor  presented  him  with  a  great  chain3.  The  next 
day  Sidney  delivered  the  Queen's  letters  to  the  Empress,  a 
sister  of  Philip  of  Spain,  and  to  her  daughter,  the  widow  of 
Charles  IX  of  France.  His  own  brief  account  of  the  interview 
suggests  the  sympathetic  tact  with  which  he  performed  his 
duty. 

"  Of  the  Emperor  deceased  I  used  but  few  words  because  in  truth  I  saw 
it  bred  some  trouble  unto  her  [the  Empress]  to  hear  him  mentioned  in 
that  kind.  She  answered  me  with  many  courteous  speeches  and  great 
acknowledging  of  her  own  beholdingness  to  her  Majesty.  And  for  her  son 
she  said  she  hoped  he  would  do  well,  but  that  for  her  own  part  she  said 

1  The  account  of  his  visit  to  the  Imperial  Court  is  derived  from  the  second 
of  his  formal  reports  to  Walsingham  written  on  May  3rd  after  his  return  to 
Heidelberg.    The  document  is  among  the  Cottonian  MSS.  (Galba,  B.  xi,  f.  363) ; 
one  edge  was  seriously  injured  by  the  fire  which  wrought  havoc  among  the  MSS. 
of  that  collection. 

2  Sidney  has  been  credited  by  several  of  his  biographers  with  having  made 
a  bitterly  anti-Catholic  speech  on  this  occasion  and  of  having  exhorted  the 
Emperor  to  beware  of  Rome  and  Spain.     The  story,  which  does  little  credit 
to  his  judgment,  arose  from  a  confusion  of  the  accounts  of  what  he  said  to  the 
Emperor  and  of  what  Fulke  Greville  reports  that  he  said  to  the  Princes  of 
Germany  in  general. 

8  Waterhouse  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  June  10,  1577  (Collins,  I,  193). 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the*  Queen  177 

she  had  given  herself  from  the  world,  and  would  not  greatly  stir  from 
thenceforward  in  it.  Then  did  I  deliver  the  Queen  of  France's  letter,  she 
standing  by  the  Empress,  using  such  speeches  as  I  thought  were  fit  for  her 
double  sorrow,  and  her  Majesty's  good  will  unto  her,  confirmed  by  her 
wise  and  noble  governing  of  herself  in  the  time  of  her  being  in  France. 
Her  answer  was  full  of  humbleness,  but  she  spake  so  low  that  I  could  not 
understand  many  of  her  words." 

Sidney  then  visited  the  young  princes  and  informed  himself 
regarding  their  characters  and  the  probable  trend  of  events 
at  the  Imperial  Court.  He  discovered  that  the  Emperor  was 
"wholly  by  his  inclination  given  to  the  wars,  few  of  words, 
sullen  of  disposition,  very  secret  and  resolute,  nothing  the 
manner  his  father  had  in  winning  men  in  his  behaviour,  but 
yet  constant  in  keeping  them."  His  brother  Ernest  was 
similar  to  him  and  both  were  "  extremely  Spaniolated."  Then 
follow  brief  notes  on  Mathias,  Maximilian,  Albertus  and  Wen- 
ceslaus,  younger  princes  of  the  house.  Much  detailed  information 
which  he  had  collected  he  would  report  to  Walsingham  on  his 
arrival  in  England. 

One  other  interesting  event  of  Sidney's  visit  to  Prague  was 
his  meeting  with  Campion,  whom  he  had  known  at  Oxford  and 
who  had  been  a  protege  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney.  Campion  had 
left  England  in  April,  1571,  and  entered  the  Seminary  at 
Douai.  In  the  autumn  of  1572  he  had  proceeded  to  Rome  and 
a  few  months  later  had  become  a  member  of  the  Jesuit  order. 
He  had  spent  the  year  of  his  novitiate  at  Prague  and  Briinn, 
and  since  September,  1574,  he  had  been  Professor  of  Rhetoric 
in  the  Jesuit  College  at  Prague.  Of  this  meeting  with  Sidney 
his  biographer,  Simpson,  gives  the  following  account : 

"When  Sidney  reached  Prague  he  wished  much  to  see  Campion,  whom 
he  had  known  at  Oxford,  and  whom  his  father  had  protected  in  Ireland. 
Their  meeting,  says  Parsons,  was  difficult,  for  Sir  Philip  was  afraid  of  so 
many  spies  set  and  sent  about  him  by  the  English  Council ;  but  he  managed 
to  have  divers  large  and  secret  conferences  with  his  old  friend.  After 
much  argument  he  professed  himself  convinced,  but  said  that  it  was  neces- 
sary for  him  to  hold  on  the  course  which  he  had  hitherto  followed  ;  yet 
he  promised  never  to  hurt  or  injure  any  Catholic,  which  for  the  most  part 
he  performed ;  and  for  Father  Campion  himself  he  assured  him  that 
whereinsoever  he  could  stand  him  in  stead  he  should  find  him  a  trusty 
friend,  which  he  performed  not,  for  afterwards,  Campion  being  condemned 

w.  L.  s.  12 


178  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

to  death,  and  the  other  in  most  high  favour,  when  he  might  have  done 
him  favour  he  denied  to  do  it,  for  fear  not  to  offend ....  According  to  a 
letter  of  Father  Thomas  Fitzherbert  of  February  1,  1628,  Sidney  had  the 
courage  to  confess  in  England  that  one  of  the  most  memorable  things  he 
had  witnessed  abroad  was  a  sermon  by  Campion  at  which  he  had  assisted 
with  the  Emperor  in  Prague1." 

Campion's  own  account  is  contained  in  a  letter  which  he 
wrote  a  few  months  later  to  his  old  tutor,  John  Bavand  : 

"Now  listen  to  my  news.  The  Emperor  Rudolf,  a  prudent,  brave  and 
good  youth,  and  a  sincere  son  of  the  Church,  has  fixed  upon  himself  the 
eyes  and  the  hearts  of  the  Germans  and  Bohemians.  If  he  lives  great 
things  are  expected  of  him.  The  Empress  Dowager,  Maximilian's  widow, 
and  sister  of  Philip  of  Spain,  is  living  at  Prague.  A  few  months  ago  Philip 
Sidney  came  from  England  to  Prague  as  ambassador,  magnificently  provided. 
He  had  much  conversation  with  me, — I  hope  not  in  vain,  for  to  all  appear- 
ance he  was  most  eager.  I  commend  him  to  your  sacrifices,  for  he  asked 
the  prayers  of  all  good  men,  and  at  the  same  time  put  into  my  hands  some 
alms  to  be  distributed  to  the  poor  for  him,  which  I  have  done.  Tell  this 
to  Dr.  Nicholas  Sanders,  because  if  any  one  of  the  labourers  sent  into  the 
vineyard  from  the  Douai  seminary  has  an  opportunity  of  watering  this 
plant,  he  may  watch  the  occasion  for  helping  a  poor  wavering  souL  If 
this  young  man,  so  wonderfully  beloved  and  admired  by  his  countrymen, 
chances  to  be  converted,  he  will  astonish  bis  noble  father,  the  Deputy  of 
Ireland,  his  uncles  the  Dudleys,  and  all  the  young  courtiers,  and  Cecil 
himself.  Let  it  be  kept  secret1." 

Campion's  assumption  that  Sidney  was  almost  ready  to 
embrace  Catholicism  is  absurd  enough,  as  everything  else  that 
we  know  about  him  at  this  time  bears  witness,  and  Parsons' 
statement  that  Sidney  professed  himself  convinced  is  negatived 
by  Campion's  own  letter.  That  Sidney  was  attracted  to  the 
brilliant  young  Englishman  who  in  his  devotion  to  an  ideal 
had  turned  his  back  on  all  worldly  ambitions,  that  he  asked 
the  prayers  of  all  good  men  and  gave  Campion  alms  to  dis- 
tribute— this  is  probable  enough.  It  is  just  possible  that  in 
his  desire  to  appreciate  the  point  of  view  of  a  high-minded 
English  Catholic  he  allowed  Campion  to  suppose  that  he  was 
more  friendly  to  Catholicism  than  he  really  was.  The  story 
may  serve  at  least  to  dispose  of  the  foolish  statement  which  has 

1  Edmund  Campion,  A  Biography,  1896  edition,  pp.  115-116. 

2  Ibid.  p.  123. 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the*  Queen  179 

sometimes  been  made  that  Sidney  was  distinguished  by  his 
bigotry  toward  Catholics.  The  truth  is  that  both  he  and  his 
father  always  deprecated  harsh  measures  toward  them  when 
the  political  importance  of  such  an  attitude  was  not  obvious. 
Simpson  describes  him  accurately  enough  as  "hating  the 
Spanish  faction,"  but  "not  at  all  disposed  to  force  all  Catholics 
into  it  by  an  indiscriminate  persecution1."  Sir  Henry  might 
refer  to  "the  poison  of  Papistry"  in  his  reports  to  the  Council, 
but  on  many  occasions  we  find  him  using  his  good  offices  in  favour 
of  recusants — to  such  an  extent  indeed  that  he  sometimes  laid 
himself  open  to  sharp  criticism2.  Philip's  sympathy  for  indi- 
vidual recusants  who  were  persecuted  is  well  illustrated  in  a 
kindly  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Lady  Kitson  on  March  28, 
15813,  in  response  to  her  request  that  he  would  intercede  with 
Walsingham  for  Sir  Thomas  Cornwallis.  His  desire  to  contri- 
bute something  toward  bringing  about  "a  speedy  easing  of  the 
greatness  of  her  burden"  is  very  evident.  We  shall  find  him 
in  later  years  approving  of  harsh  measures  and  even  profiting 
from  recusants'  fines,  but  his  condemnation  was  reserved  for 
their  treason,  not  for  their  religion.  For  almost  ten  years  of 
his  short  life  he  was  closely  associated  in  the  popular  mind 
with  the  struggle  in  the  Netherlands,  a  fact  which  sufficiently 
explains  the  dedication  to  him  of  violently  anti-Catholic 
pamphlets  and  the  growth  of  the  erroneous  idea  that  he  was 
especially  bitter  in  his  feeling  toward  recusants. 

His  mission  to  the  Imperial  Court  concluded,  Sidney  left 
Prague"  and  returned  to  Heidelberg,  arriving  there  on  April 
30th.  The  next  day  he  had  a  friendly  audience  with  the 
weak  Elector  Palatine  at  Neustadt4.  After  conveying  to  him 


1  Op.  dt.  p.  334. 

2  Cf.   Walsingham's  letter   to   Sir  Henry,  August   9,  1580  (Lucy  Aikin, 
Memoirs  of  the  Court  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  n,  p.  163).     Cf.,  too,  a  petition  dated 
October,  1582,  to  the  Corporation  of  Hereford  praying  for  the  removal  of  two 
recusants  from  the  Council  with  whom  Sir  Henry  "  has  most  painfully,  charitably 
and  learnedly  used  all  godly  means  to  reconcile  them,  but  all  in  vain."     The 
Corporation  of  Hereford  MSS.  (Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports), 

8  Nichols,  Progresses  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  vol.  n,  p.  250. 
*  Ludwig,  Count  Palatine  to  Queen,  Neustadt,  May  1,  1577  (State  Paper*— 
Foreign — Eliz. ). 

12—2 


180  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [en. 

the  Queen's  condolences,  Sidney  urged  him  in  Her  Majesty's 
name 

"to  have  merciful  consideration  of  the  Church  of  the  Religion  so  notably 
established  by  his  father  as  in  all  Germany  there  is  not  such  a  number  of 
excellent,  learned  men,  and  truly  would  rue  any  man  to  see  the  desolation 
of  them." 

Much  more  he  added  in  the  same  vein,  but  the  Elector  merely 
replied  that  for  her  Majesty's  sake  he  would  do  much,  and  that 
he  misliked  not  of  the  men  but  must  be  constrained  to  do  as 
the  other  Princes  of  the  Empire.  Naturally  Sidney  was  not 
hopeful  as  to  the  prospects  of  the  Foedus  Evangelicum.  He 
was  about  to  leave  Heidelberg  to  visit  the  Landgrave  and 
reserved  his  final  judgment  until  he  had  once  more  discussed 
the  situation  with  Casimir,  but  he  confessed  to  Walsingham, 
"My  hope  doth  every  day  grow  less  and  less1." 

On  May  4th,  Sidney  set  out  for  Kaiserslautern  intending  to 
proceed  to  visit  the  Landgrave2,  but  a  few  days  later  he  was 
compelled  to  send  the  Queen's  letter  by  a  messenger  who  was 
to  explain  that  the  Queen  for  weighty  reasons  had  recalled  him3. 
At  Cologne  he  parted  from  Languet,  who  had  probably  been  with 
him  during  the  greater  part  of  his  visit  except  during  the  time 
that  he  spent  in  Prague. 

"  I  felt  incredible  satisfaction  from  our  intercourse  during  so  many  days," 
Languet  wrote  him4,  but  he  adds,  "My  pleasure,  great  as  it  was,  produced 
a  greater  sorrow  than  I  ever  before  felt  and  it  has  scarcely  yet  subsided." 

He  refers  to  his  jesting  at  their  separation  "with  a  yiew  to 
drive  away  your  low  spirits  and  my  own."  Languet  had 
especially  enjoyed  making  the  acquaintance  of  Fulke  Greville 
and  the  other  members  of  the  party,  and  Sidney  had  been 
able  to  exact  from  him  a  definite  promise  that  he  would  visit 
them  in  England5.  Of  a  very  important  subject  which  they 
discussed  in  deta.il  we  shall  hear  presently. 

When    Sidney    left    Cologne    Languet   saw   that   he   was 

1  Cotton  MSS.  GaJba,  B.  xi,  f.  363.  2  Ibid. 

3  William  Landgrave  of  Hesse  to  Elizabeth,  May  20,  1577.  Cassel  (State 
Papers — Foreign — Eliz. ). 

«  Epistolce,  p.  163  (June  14,  1577). 

6  Sidney  to  Languet,  October  1,  1577  (Pears,  op.  cit.  p.  116). 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the*  Queen  181 

"  burning  to  be  presented  to  Orange  and  form  an  acquaintance 
with  him,"  but  Languet  urged  him  not  to  depart  from  the 
letter  of  his  instructions  and  to  return  to  England  forthwith. 
By  great  good  fortune,  however,  another  messenger  arrived 
with  a  letter  from  the  Queen  directing  him  to  visit  the  Prince. 
He  proceeded  to  Antwerp,  and,  after  failing  to  meet  the  Prince 
at  Brussels,  he  left  Antwerp  on  May  27th  and  went  by  way  of 
Breda  to  Gertruidenberg,  where  the  Prince  and  Princess  were 
staying1.  The  days  that  followed  his  arrival  must  have  been 
among  the  happiest  that  Sidney  ever  spent.  We  can  imagine 
his  delight  in  this  opportunity  of  spending  some  time  in  the 
society  of  William  of  Orange  and  his  noble  accomplished  wife, 
Charlotte  of  Bourbon.  St  Aldegonde,  too,  was  visiting  the 
Prince  and  they  both  expressed  to  Sidney  their  high  admiration 
for  his  friend  Languet.  Sidney  stood  godfather  to  the  Prince's 
daughter2 — the  second  of  six  that  Charlotte  of  Bourbon  was 
to  bear  to  him  ;  she  was  named  Elizabeth,  no  doubt  in  honour 
of  the  English  Queen.  At  Sidney's  departure  the  Princess 
gave  him  a  chain  of  gold  and  a  fair  jewel3.  Of  his  conversa- 
tions with  Orange  during  these  days  we  have  no  detailed  record, 
but  of  their  importance  we  may  judge  by  the  fact  that  Sidney 
was  commissioned  in  the  name  of  Orange  to  offer  to  Her  Majesty 
the  union  of  the  two  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zealand  with 
the  Crown  of  England4.  This  was  a  proposal  which  Elizabeth 
was  by  no  means  eager  to  accept ;  accordingly  she  sent  another 
envoy  to  discuss  the  matter,  who  reported  to  her  among  other 
things  that  the  Prince  had  conceived  a  great  opinion  of  Mr 
Sidney6.  A  more  remarkable  testimony  to  the  impression 
which  Sidney  made  on  Orange  at  this  time  is  given  us  by  Fulke 
Greville,  who  relates  a  conversation  which  he  had  with  the 
Prince  some  two  years  later.  On  that  occasion  Orange 
requested  Greville  to  say  to  the  Queen  that,  although  he  had 
been  either  an  actor  or  at  least  acquainted  with  the  greatest 

1  Wilson  to  Burghley,  Antwerp,  May  28,  1577  (State  Papers— Foreign— 
Eliz.). 

*  Collins,  i,  p.  192.  •  Ibid.  p.  193. 

*  Daniel  Rogers  to  Walsingham,  Horn  in  North  Holland,  July  20,   1677 
(State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.). 

*  Ibid. 


182  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

actions  and  affairs  of  Europe  during  the  last  twenty  years, 
he  protested  that,  if  he  could  judge 

"her  Majesty  had  one  of  the  ripest  and  greatest  Counsellors  of  Estate  in 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  that  at  this  day  lived  in  Europe :  to  the  trial  of  which 
he  was  pleased  to  leave  his  own  credit  engaged,  until  her  Majesty  might 
please  to  employ  this  gentleman  either  amongst  her  friends  or  enemies1." 

As  we  shall  see  presently,  Orange  gave  the  young  Englishman 
an  even  more  striking  evidence  of  his  regard. 

Sidney's  visit  to  the  Prince  came  to  an  end  on  one  of  the 
early  days  of  June.  On  June  2nd  both  the  Prince  and  Princess 
wrote  letters  to  Elizabeth  acknowledging  those  which  they 
had  received  from  her,  and  referring  to  Sidney's  visit.  We 
may  assume  that  he  conveyed  these  letters  to  the  Queen  in 
person  and  that  he  left  Gertruidenberg  shortly  after  they  were 
written2.  He  was  at  Bruges  on  June  5th3,  and  probably  sailed 
within  a  day  or  two.  Both  Walsingham  and  Waterhouse 
wrote  to  Sir  Henry  on  June  10th  announcing  Philip's  arrival. 

"Mr.  Sidney  is  returned  safe  into  England,"  Waterhouse  reported,  "with 
great  good  acceptation  of  his  service  at  her  Majesty's  hands,  allowed  of 
by  all  the  Lords  to  have  been  handled  with  great  judgment  and  discretion, 
and  hath  been  honoured  abroad  in  all  the  Princes'  courts  with  much 

extraordinary  favour God  blessed  him  so,"  he  adds,  "that  neither  man, 

boy  or  horse  failed  him,  or  was  sick  in  this  journey ;  only  Fulke  Greville 
had  an  ague  in  his  return  at  Rochester4." 

Walsingham's  letter  might  well  have  caused  the  father's 
heart  to  swell  with  pride.  Already  on  April  9th  he  had  written 
Sir  Henry  that  Philip  was  winning  golden  opinions,  and 
Sir  Henry  in  his  reply  modestly  expressed  his  great  joy5. 
Walsingham's  second  letter  concludes  as  follows6  : 

"Now  touching  your  Lordship's  particular,  I  am  to  impart  unto  you 
the  return  of  the  young  gentleman,  Mr.  Sidney,  your  son,  whose  message  very 
sufficiently  performed,  and  the  relating  thereof,  is  no  less  gratefully  received 
and  well  liked  of  her  Majesty,  than  the  honourable  opinion  he  hath  left 

Greville's  Life,  pp.  26-27. 

Waterhouse  wrote  Sir  Henry  Sidney  on  June  1st,  that  Philip  was  expected 
within  ten  days  (Collins,  I,  192). 

Epistolas,  p.  163.  *  Collins,  j,  p.  193. 

Cotton  MSS.  Titus,  B.  x,  f.  1-172,  May  15,  1577. 
Collins,  i,  p.  193. 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the.  Queen  183 

behind  him  with  all  the  Princes  with  whom  he  had  to  negotiate  hath  left 
a  most  sweet  savour  and  grateful  remembrance  of  his  name  in  those  parts. 
The  gentleman  hath  given  no  small  arguments  of  great  hope,  the  fruits 
whereof  I  doubt  not  but  your  Lordship  shall  reap,  as  the  benefit  of  the 
good  parts  which  are  in  him,  and  whereof  he  hath  given  some  taste  in  this 
voyage,  is  to  redound  to  more  than  your  Lordship  and  himself.  There  hath 
not  been  any  gentleman  I  am  sure  these  many  years  that  hath  gone 
through  so  honourable  a  charge  with  as  great  commendations  as  he.  In 
consideration  whereof  I  could  not  but  communicate  this  part  of  my  joy 
with  your  Lordship,  being  no  less  a  refreshing  unto  me  in  these  my 
troublesome  business  than  the  soil  is  to  the  chafed  stag.  And  so  wishing 
the  increase  of  his  good  parts  to  your  Lordship's  comfort  and  the  service 
of  her  Majesty  and  his  country  I  humbly  take  my  leave." 

From  the  time  of  his  return  to  England  in  1577  Sidney's 
one  absorbing  interest  during  the  remainder  of  his  life  was  in 
the  cause  of  continental  Protestantism,  with  which  he  believed 
the  welfare  of  England  to  be  bound  up.  Primarily  he  devoted 
himself  to  rendering  assistance,  in  whatever  way  seemed 
possible,  to  the  oppressed  Netherlanders  in  their  struggle  to 
throw  off  the  intolerable  yoke  of  Spain,  not  only  because  of 
his  natural  sympathy  for  a  brave  people  who  were  fighting  for 
their  religious  and  political  liberty,  but  because  he  saw  that 
the  outcome  of  the  struggle  would,  in  all  probability,  be  decisive 
of  the  fate  of  all  Europe.  In  William  of  Orange  he  found  a 
hero  after  his  own  heart,  a  -man  inspired  by  the  pure  love  of 
liberty,  and  in  no  sense  of  the  word  a  merely  bigoted  leader 
of  a  religious  party.  Sidney  was  now  personally  acquainted 
with  all  the  more  prominent  Protestant  leaders  of  the  Con- 
tinent, in  the  Netherlands,  in  Germany,  and  in  France,  and  we 
hear  much  of  his  voluminous  correspondence  with  them.  One 
of  the  most  notable  of  the  Huguenot  thinkers,  Philip  du  Plessis 
Mornay,  had  come  to  England  some  two  months  before  Sidney's 
return,  on  a  mission  from  the  King  of  Navarre,  and,  as  Languet 
prophesied,  the  similarity  of  their  characters  made  them 
friends.  Mme  de  Mornay  says  that  her  husband's  most  intimate 
friends  during  the  eighteen  months  which  he  spent  in  London 
were  Walsingham  and  Sidney,  the  latter  of  whom  she  describes 
as  "the  most  accomplished  gentleman  in  England1." 

1  M&noires  de  Mme  du  Plessis  Mornay,  p.  117. 


184  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

Sidney's  interest  in  the  Low  Countries  at  this  time  was  of 
a  much  more  personal  kind  than  has  ordinarily  been  supposed. 
Languet's  letters  abound  in  references,  intentionally  enigmatic, 
to  a  proposal  which  he  had  been  commissioned  to  make  to 
Sidney,  and  to  which  Sidney  was  unable  to  give  a  decisive 
answer.  In  the  first  letter  which  Languet  wrote  him  after 
his  departure  he  says  :  "  See  that  you  do  not  forget  what  I 
said  to  you  at  the  mouth  of  the  Maine,  and  write  about  it  as 
soon  as  you  can,  as  you  have  more  than  once  promised  me. 
(June  14,  1577)."  In  his  next  letter  Languet  returns  to  the 
subject : 

"You  remember  how  often  I  have  begged  you  to  let  me  know  as  soon 
as  possible  the  opinion  of  your  friends  concerning  that  matter  of  which  I 
spoke  to  you  at  the  mouth  of  the  Maine,  and  you  promised  that  you  would 
do  so.  And  now,  forsooth,  you  have  written  me  from  Bruges  that  there 
are  reasons  which  almost  make  you  despair  of  the  possibility  of  a  successful 
issue,  and  you  have  asked  me  as  far  as  I  can  to  discourage  the  hopes  of 
the  other  parties.  But  you  should  not  on  that  account  grow  cold;  you 
should  have  found  out  the  desire  of  your  own  people  and  communicated  it 
to  us  forthwith  as  you  promised  to  do.  I  know  what  has  come  into  your 
mind  to  make  you  consider  the  matter  a  difficult  one  to  arrange,  for  when 
the  other  parties  discussed  the  project  with  me  it  instantly  occurred  to 
me  that  you  were  the  son  of  a  family ;  I  did  not,  however,  wish  to  diminish 
the  expectations  of  these  people  lest  they  should  cancel  the  commission 
which  they  had  given  to  me  to  approach  you  and  sound  your  feelings. 
I  did  not  wish  to  elaborate  even  to  you  the  difficulties  which  I  thought 
might  easily  arise.  You  will  say,  What  is  the  point  of  all  this?  Was  it 
that  you  might  deceive  both  parties?  On  the  contrary  I  did  it  out  of 
affection  for  you.  I  simply  made  a  proposal  to  you  which  others  had 
ordered  me  to  make,  nor,  if  you  remember  rightly,  did  I  use  any  persuasion ; 
I  simply  referred  the  whole  matter  to  your  consideration.  You  answered 
that  what  I  proposed  was  not  displeasing  to  you  but  that  you  were  not 
absolutely  your  own  master,  that  you  would  return  to  your  own  people, 
discover  their  wishes,  and  report  the  result  to  me  without  delay.  How 
this  has  shown  my  affection  for  you,  you  do  not  yet  see,  but  now  I  shall 
explain.  I  thought  that  the  opinion  which  those  friends  of  ours  had  con- 
ceived of  you  would  redound  to  your  honour  wherever  it  was  known,  and 
assuredly  you  were  bound  by  your  promise  to  point  out  this  fact  to  those 
without  whose  consent  the  affair  cannot  go  forward.  If  at  the  very 
beginning  you  had  cast  aside  all  hope  of  carrying  the  matter  through, 
you  would  not  have  promised  me  what  you  did  promise,  and  such  is  your 
modesty  that  you  would  have  kept  silent  to  avoid  the  imputation  of 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  185 

vanity.  Now,  as  it  is,  you  have  considered  it  necessary  to  take  some 
persons  into  your  confidence  in  order  to  keep  your  promise  to  me,  and  no 
one  could  suspect  that  you  were  doing  anything  from  personal  motives. 
However,  there  was  no  need  for  you  to  be  so  anxious  as  to  how  you  could 
justify  yourself  to  others  in  the  event  of  failure.  I  myself  would  have  had 
your  justification  ready  if  you  had  written  in  reply,  and  I  would  still  have 
it  ready  now  had  I  your  letter.  And  I  implore  you  by  our  friendship  to 
send  it,  lest  those  friends  of  ours  think  they  are  being  slighted  by  you,  or 
that  I  have  not  acted  in  good  faith  in  this  matter.  On  my  return  from 
Cologne  I  wrote  to  our  common  friend  and  said  that  I  had  made  the  pro- 
posal to  you,  as  we  had  agreed,  and  that  you  liked  it  well,  and  were  grateful 
to  them  for  having  such  an  opinion  of  you,  but  that  you  could  not  come  to 
any  determination  on  the  subject  until  you  had  consulted  those  who  had 
a  control  over  you  ;  that  you  promised  to  learn  their  will  as  soon  as  you 
returned  to  your  country,  and  to  acquaint  us  with  it.  I  have  now  received 
a  letter  from  that  friend  of  ours,  in  which  he  says  :  'L' affaire  que  S9avez 
est  enseveli.  Nous  attendons  la  resolution  de  vostre  part,  c'est  a  dire 
de  celuy  que  S9avez.  Car  de  nostre  coste  nous  sommes  asseurez  ayans 
le  consentement  de  la  principale  personne.  Monsieur  Ley  en  a  parle. 
Tout  est  resolu  moyennant  qu'ayez  response  ou  resolution  de  1'autre  coste.' 
You  see  in  what  a  strait  I  am  placed.  I  really  have  been  afraid  on  this 
account  to  go  to  them,  although  they  have  invited  me  more  than  once,  and 
I  have  devised  various  excuses  for  not  going,  for  I  did  not  wish  to  deprive 
them  of  all  hopes  of  concluding  the  business,  until  I  should  hear  from 
you  that  no  hope  remained.  For  though  I  think  that  the  thing  is  very 
difficult  I  do  not  believe  it  is  quite  impossible.  What  if  your  fortune 
or  some  good  genius  should  infuse  into  your  friends  or  even  your 
Zenobia  a  spirit  of  liberality  towards  you  ?  I  am  now  sent  for  by  our 
friends  on  matters  of  such  importance  that  I  must  needs  obey  the  call. 
When  they  ask  me  what  news  I  bring  on  this  matter  of  ours  I  shall  have 
nothing  to  say  except  that  I  have  not  yet  heard  from  you.  If,  as  I  said 
before,  you  had  written  anything  of  any  kind  I  might  have  made  up  some 
tale  to  satisfy  them  without  any  loss  of  their  regard  for  you."  (July  15.) 

The  subject  recurs  continually  in  the  correspondence  of 
the  two  friends,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  subjoined  extracts: 

Languet  to  Sidney  (September  23). 

"I  beseech  you  to  pardon  me  if,  much  less  gently  than  I  should,  I  have 
importuned  you  to  send  me  an  answer  regarding  that  matter  which  was 
agreed  upon  between  us.  I  have  done  so,  I  assure  you,  for  this  reason, 
that  both  your  reputation  and  my  own  have  begun  to  suffer  with  our  friends 
here.  They  are  persuaded  that  you  changed  your  mind  in  Holland,  and 
that  you  preferred  another  proposal  to  that  which  was  agreed  upon  between 
us.  Moreover,  they  believe  that  I  am  aware  of  all  these  things,  but  that 


186  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

I  conceal  my  knowledge  from  them.  I  called  God  to  witness  that  I  was 
utterly  ignorant  of  those  things  which  they  were  saying  about  you,  that 
I  did  not  believe  they  were  true,  and  that  I  had  not  up  to  that  time  received 
a  letter  from  you,  for,  indeed,  I  have  not  received  that  which  you  say 
you  wrote  to  me  on  July  23.  After  I  have  learned  your  wish  in  the  matter 
I  shall  bring  it  about,  as  I  hope,  that  they  will  accept  in  good  part  whatever 
you  have  decided  upon,  and  that  without  any  diminution  of  their  affection 
for  you." 

Sidney  to  Languet  (October  1). 

"The  leaning  of  our  minds  is  such  at  this  present  time  that  (should  the 
wars  be  continued  in  Flanders)  I  am  in  some  hope  that  the  prediction 
which  you  formerly  uttered  respecting  me  at  Vienna  will  have  a  happy 
fulfilment ....  I  have  written  to  you  three  times  on  that  important  affair 
of  mine,  so  that  I  think  you  are  satisfied  on  that  score." 

Languet  to  Sidney  (October  9). 

"You  remember  of  whom  we  spoke  as  we  were  walking  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Maine.  The  Elector  of  Brandenburg  is  said  to  be  looking  eagerly 
in  that  direction,  but  the  other's  constancy  has  not  yet  yielded  to  his  rank 
and  greatness,  so  strong  are  the  hopes  which  she  has  conceived.  So  now 
she  will  sigh  when  she  discovers  the  uselessness  of  her  constancy  and  the 
frustration  of  her  hopes.  I  beseech  you  to  pardon  me  if  I  have,  perchance, 
been  too  insistent  in  importuning  an  answer  to  the  matters  we  agreed  upon." 

Languet  to  Sidney  (November  28). 

"The  Elector  of  Brandenburg  was  a  suitor  for  the  hand  of  the  Princess 
of  whom  we  spoke  as  we  walked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Maine.  But  she 
considered  that  her  word  was  given  to  one  whom  you  know  of,  and  so  as 
she  had  promised  her  brother,  seeing  that  no  answer  had  arrived  from  him, 
she  would  not  transfer  her  affections  to  another  object ;  and  therefore  he 
has  married  a  daughter  of  the  Prince  of  Anhalt.  I  do  not  know  whether 
you  laugh  at  the  prophecy  I  uttered  at  Vienna.  But  I  begin  to  hope  I 
shall  not  be  a  false  prophet,  for  things  seem  to  tend  to  the  quarter  which 
I  pointed  out.  It  is  your  business  to  drive  them  on,  and  if  you  do  so  you 
will  do  well  for  the  peace  and  quietness  of  your  country." 

There  are  other  similar  references  in  the  correspondence. 
Sidney  wrote  no  letters  between  October  1st  and  March  1st,  and 
in  a  letter  of  the  latter  date  he  rails  against  his  own  "indolent 
ease"  and  "a  corrupt  age,"  and  declares  that  he  will  be  a  cynic 
unless  Languet  reclaim  him.  "Regarding  her  of  whom  I 
readily  acknowledge  how  unworthy  I  am,"  he  adds,  "I  have 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  187 

written  you  my  reasons  long  since,  briefly  indeed,  but  yet  as 
well  as  I  was  able."  Ten  days  later  he  writes :  "  I  seem  to  myself 
to  see  our  cause  withering  away,  and  am  now  meditating  with 
myself  some  Indian  project."  Languet  in  his  letters  frequently 
urges  the  advantages  of  matrimony. 

I  have  given  these  long  extracts  from  the  letters  in  order 
that  it  may  be  seen  how  seriously  the  project  was  discussed. 
Evidently  marriage  with  a  princess  was  under  discussion,  and 
it  was  intimately  connected  with  a  prophecy  which  Languet 
had  made  regarding  Sidney's  future.  The  clue  to  both  of  these 
allusions  is  to  be  found  in  a  report  sent  by  Mendoza,  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  to  the  King  of  Spain,  on  April  12,  1578  : 

"There  is  much  talk  here,"  he  writes,  "of  a  marriage  between  Sidney, 
Leicester's  nephew,  the  heir  of  Henry  Sidney,  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
and  of  Leicester's  property,  and  a  sister  of  Orange,  who  enters  very 
willingly  into  the  suggestion,  and  promises  as  a  dowry  to  make  him  lord  of 
Holland  and  Zealand,  by  this  means  and  other  gifts  gaining  over  Leicester, 
who  has  now  turned  his  back  upon  France,  to  which  he  was  formerly 
so  much  attached1." 

The  story  furnishes  us  with  one  more  remarkable  instance 
of  the  impression  which  Sidney  made  upon  the  ablest  men  of 
his  day.  It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  why  the  project 
failed,  and  indeed  Sidney  seems  to  have  been  convinced  that 
it  was  impracticable  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  reflect  upon  it. 
So  definitely  did  he  feel  this  that  Languet  says  he  had  some 
difficulty  in  persuading  Orange  that  Sidney  was  not  acting 
an  insincere  part.  But  Orange  did  not  know  Elizabeth  as  her 
own  subjects  knew  her.  Her  objection  to  any  Englishman's 
accepting  foreign  honours  was  notorious  ;  moreover,  had  she 
openly  countenanced  the  proposal  of  Orange  her  consent 
would  have  been  bitterly  resented  by  Spain,  and  Elizabeth 
was  not  yet  ready  for  an  open  breach.  It  is  clear,  however, 
that  she  did  not  at  once  refuse  her  assent,  and,  a  year  after 
negotiations  had  been  begun,  the  subject  was  being  openly 
discussed  in  the  Court.  During  this  period,  and  for  some 
months  longer,  Elizabeth  blew  hot  and  cold  alternately,  but 
at  length  Sidney  understood  that  what  he  wished  was  impossible. 

1  State  Papers — Spanish — EKz.,  p.  575. 


188  .    An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

His  admiration  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  only  increased  as  the 
years  went  by  and  was  warmly  reciprocated  ;  the  freedom  of 
the  Netherlands  was  the  dearest  interest  of  the  remainder  of 
his  days,  and  in  seeking  to  further  it  he  was  to  give  his  life. 

On  April  21st,  while  Sidney  was  absent  on  his  continental 
embassy,  his  sister  Mary  became  the  wife  of  the  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke1. She  had  not  yet  half  completed  her  sixteenth  year. 
"She  was  a  beautiful  lady  and  had  an  excellent  wit,"  Aubrey 
tells  us,  "  and  had  the  best  breeding  that  that  age  could  afford. 
She  had  a  pretty,  sharp  oval  face.  Her  hair  was  of  a  reddish 
yellow."  Her  portrait,  attributed  to  Gheerardt,  which  now 
hangs  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery,  is  remarkably  life-like, 
and  suggests  the  sprightliness,  the  charm  of  manner,  and  the 
intellectual  powers  for  which  she  was  famed  among  her  con- 
temporaries. 

The  match  had  been  arranged  entirely  through  the  good 
offices  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and,  although  Sir  Henry  was 
sorely  troubled  as  to  where  he  was  to  find  his  daughter's  dowry, 
his  delight  was  as  unbounded  as  was  his  gratitude  to  his  brother- 
in-law. 

"I  pray  you  let  me  know,"  he  wrote  to  him,  "what  sum  of  money  and 
at  what  days  you  have  ordered  me  to  pay  my  Lord  of  Pembroke.  I  am 
made  very  happy  by  the  match.  If  God  should  take  me  away  it  would 
be  more  charge  to  your  nephew  or  yourself  than  if  it  be  done  in  my  time2." 

The  marriage  portion  had  been  fixed  at  £3000,  and  Sir  Henry 
was  sorely  perplexed  as  to  where  he  could  raise  such  a  sum. 

"I  beseech  you,  sir,"  he  wrote  to  Walsingham,  "favour  me  in  getting 
my  payment  for  my  warrant  of  £3000  and  the  £1600  which  I  laid  out  for 

debt  due  before  my  entering  into  charge 1  have  no  other  means  to 

satisfy  my  Lord  of  Pembroke  for  my  daughter's  marriage  money  but  this 
way3." 

The  warrant,  however,  remained  unpaid.  Sir  Henry  had 
already  paid  Pembroke  £1500,  and  on  December  18th  he  gave 
him  £1000  more4,  which  he  had  borrowed  three  days  earlier 

1  Sidney  Psalter. 

2  State  Papers,  Carew,  May  19,  1577. 

8  State  Papers— Ireland— Eliz.,  September  16,  1577. 
*  Add.  MSS.  15552,  fol.  i.     Pembroke's  receipt. 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  189 

from  his  brother-in-law,  Sir  James  Harrington1  ;  on  February 
3,  1578,  he  made  the  final  payment  of  £5002. 

Sidney  was  warmly  attached  to  his  sister,  and  henceforth 
he  was  to  spend  much  time  in  her  company  either  at  Wilton, 
or  at  Baynard's  Castle,  the  Earl's  town  house.  Almost  imme- 
diately after  his  return  home  he  seems  to  have  determined  to 
visit  his  father  in  Ireland  again3,  but  he  changed  his  plans, — 
probably,  as  we  shall  see,  because  he  found  that  he  could  be 
of  more  help  to  Sir  Henry  at  the  Court.  He  may  possibly  have 
been  at  Kenilworth  in  the  last  days  of  June  when  Leicester, 
Warwick  and  Lord  and  Lady  Pembroke  visited  the  old  castle4  ; 
together  with  his  brother  Robert  he  was  at  Wilton  on  August 
21st  on  a  visit  to  the  Earl  and  Countess,  and  on  September  5th 
he  had  not  yet  returned  to  the  Court5.  He  was  again  at  Wilton 
on  December  16th,  when  he  wrote  to  Leicester  to  ask  if  he 
might  venture  to  "remain  absent  from  the  Court  this  Christmas 
time6." 

Other  interests  and  duties,  however,  kept  him  very  busily 
employed  throughout  the  year.  Of  these  the  most  absorbing 
was  his  desire  to  do  something  to  promote  the  League,  and  to 
persuade  Elizabeth  to  intervene  actively  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Low  Countries.  To  this  end  he  wrote  many  long  letters  to 
Casimir  and  the  Prince  of  Orange,  to  both  of  whom  Elizabeth 
had  sent  her  thanks  for  their  courtesies  shown  to  Mr  Sidney, 

1  Add.  MS.  17620,  fol.  12.     "A  Book  of  all  my  receipts  of  money,  payments 
and  allowances  out  of  the  same  since  November,  1577.     At  which  time  your  L. 
sent  me  over  into  England  to  receive  such  sums  as  hereafter  followeth,  and  to 
make  payment  thereof  accordingly.    Ed.  Pakenham. ' '    Pakenham  was  employed 
by  Sir  Henry  as  his  treasurer  for  some  years.     He  was  related  to  his  master, 
as  Sir  Henry's  mother  was  a  Pakenham.     He  was  among  the  mourners  at  Sir 
Philip's  funeral. 

2  Ibid.     "  Paid  unto  Philip  Williams  to  the  use  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  in 
clear  and  full  payment  of  £3000  promised  unto  the  same  Earl  for  the  dower 
of  your  L.  daughter,  now  wife  to  the  aforesaid  Earl,  the  sum  of  five  hundred 
pounds  as  by  his  L.  acquittance  confessing  the  receipt  thereof  bearing  date 
the  3rd  of  February  may  appear." 

8  Waterhouse  to  Sir  Henry,  June  26,  1577  (Collins,  p.  199). 
*  Bdvoir  MSS.  (Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports).  George  Savile  to  the  Earl  Rutland. 
June  26,  1577. 

6  Waterhouse  to  Sir  Henry  (Collins,  pp.  209,  211). 
«  Harleian  MS.  6992,  fol.  42. 


190  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [CH. 

and  vague  assurances  of  good  will.  For  negotiating  the  pro- 
posed League  for  the  advancement  of  the  common  cause  she 
sent  over  to  them  Daniel  Kogers  and,  afterwards,  Robert 
Beale,  both  friends  of  Sidney,  and  for  many  months,  as  we  have 
seen,  it  seemed  not  improbable  that  she  would  countenance 
some  of  the* projects  that  were  nearest  Sidney's  heart.  Languet, 
however,  was  never  really  deceived  either  as  to  the  feasibility 
or  the  desirability  of  the  League. 

"Those  who  are  only  moderately  versed  in  the  affairs  of  Germany,"  he 
wrote,  "know  that  it  is  not  an  easy  task  to  bring  about  that  which  Master 
Rogers  attempted  in  the  first  instance  with  a  few  princes  and  Beale  after- 
wards with  more." 

The  chief  value  of  their  embassies,  he  believed,  consisted  in 
the  fact  that  they  "  added  not  a  little  to  the  reputation  of  your 
most  gracious  queen  in  Germany,"  but  he  knew  that  with  the 
exception  of  Casimir,  the  Duke  of  Brandenburg,  and  the  Duke 
of  Brunswick,  there  was  none  of  the  German  princes  inclined 
to  sacrifice  his  personal  interests  for  the  sake  of  a  cause.  In  the 
autumn  Sidney  expected  to  start  on  a  visit  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange  almost  immediately.  Orange  was  urgent  that  Elizabeth 
should  appoint  Leicester  to  a  command  of  English  troops  in 
Flanders  and  send  Sidney  as  his  deputy1.  These  hopes  were 
fed  by  moderate  encouragement  from  the  Queen  but  she  had 
no  real  intention  of  taking  a  decided  step.  Accordingly 
Sidney  was  alternately  hopeful  and  despondent. 

As  the  defender  at  the  Court  of  his  father's  reputation  and 
actions,  he  found  much  to  occupy  him  during  these  months. 
We  have  already  seen  that  certain  gentlemen  of  the  Pale  had 
begun  to  complain  bitterly  against  the  cess  which  Sir  Henry 
found  it  necessary  to  impose  if  his  administration  was  to  be 
kept  really  effective  ;  they  declared  that  this  ancient  tax  in 
kind  on  every  plough-land  amounted  to  an  enormous  sum,  but 
they  were  no  better  pleased  when  Sir  Henry  proposed  to  convert 
the  cess  into  a  modest  annual  rental.  His  waiving  the  Lord 
Deputy's  right  to  purchase  supplies  for  his  own  household  at 
arbitrary  rates,  and  his  proving  by  old  records  that  the  cess 

1  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.     [Davison]  to  Leicester,  October  3,  1577. 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the.  Queen  191 

had  been  a  legitimate  imposition  since  the  times  of  Edward  III, 
availed  no  more,  and  at  length  Sir  Henry  had  some  of  those 
who  refused  payment  locked  up  in  Dublin  Castle.  The  members 
of  a  deputation  sent  over  to  England  on  behalf  of  the  discon- 
tented landowners  were  imprisoned  in  the  Fleet. 

One  of  the  chief  difficulties  in  administering  the  law  in 
Ireland  consisted  in  the  fact  that  Elizabeth  wished  her  favourite, 
the  Earl  of  Ormond,  to  be  free  from  all  such  impositions  as 
the  cess, — an  exception  which  did  much  to  embitter  the  oppo- 
sition of  lesser  landowners.  Sir  Henry  insisted  on  levying 
the  tax  on  all  impartially  even  though  Walsingham  warned 
him  that  the  man  who  governed  Ireland  successfully  must 
count  Ormond  among  his  friends,  and  accordingly  he  drew 
upon  himself  the  Queen's  reproaches,  not  only  because  of  his 
treatment  of  Ormond,  but  also  because  of  the  necessity  of 
furnishing  ships  and  treasure  to  meet  the  rumoured  invasion 
of  Ireland  by  James  Fitzmaurice.  "Her  Majesty  angry  at 
the  first,  when  money  was  demanded,  said  that  Henry  Sidney 
did  always  seek  to  put  her  to  charge,"  Waterhouse  reported. 
However,  he  was  able  to  add  that  the  supplies  were  granted, 
and  that  in  Leicester,  Walsingham,  and  other  members  of  the 
Council,  Sir  Henry  had  staunch  friends. 

In  all  his  activity  as  Sir  Henry's  agent  in  England  Water- 
house  refers  to  the  fact  that  his  conduct  is  being  directed  by 
Philip  Sidney.  The  latter  was  well  aware  that  Ormond  had 
been  at  enmity  with  his  father  for  many  years,  and  that  now, 
as  he  had  done  in  the  past,  he  was  spreading  reports  to  the 
effect  that  Sir  Henry  was  to  be  recalled  as  he  was  enriching 
himself  and  stirring  up  discontent  in  Ireland.  It  was  difficult 
to  do  much  in  the  face  of  a  situation  of  this  sort :  something 
of  Sidney's  attitude  is  revealed  in  a  letter  sent  by  Waterhouse 
to  Sir  Henry  on  September  16th  from  the  Court  at  Oatlands  : 

"Some  little  occasions  of  discourtesies  have  passed  between  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  and  Mr.  Philip  Sidney,  because  the  Earl  lately  spake  unto  him 
and  he  answered  not,  but  was  in  dead  silence  of  purpose,  because  he  im- 
puteth  to  the  Earl  such  practices  as  have  been  made  to  alienate  her  Majesty's 
mind  from  your  Lordship ....  The  Earl  of  Ormond  saith  he  will  accept  no 
quarrels  from  a  gentleman  that  is  bound  by  nature  to  defend  his  father's 
causes,  and  who  is  otherwise  furnished  with  so  many  virtues  as  he  knows 


192  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  [OH, 

Mr.  Philip  to  be ;  and  on  the  other  side  Mr.  Philip  hath  gone  as  far,  and 
showed  as  much  magnanimity  as  is  convenient,  unless  he  could  charge 
him  with  any  particularities,  which  I  perceive  he  yet  cannot1." 

The  letter  suggests  something  of  the  anger  and  indignation 
which  must  have  possessed  Sidney's  soul.  He  had  already, 
however,  taken  steps  to  do  something  in  a  more  constructive 
way  to  further  his  father's  interests.  Writing  from  Windsor 
Castle  on  the  last  of  September,  Waterhouse  reported  to  Sir 
Henry  that 

"Mr.  Philip  had  gathered  a  collection  of  all  the  articles  which  have  been 
enviously  objected  to  your  government,  whereunto  he  hath  framed  an 
answer  in  way  of  discourse,  the  most  excellently  (if  I  have  any  judgment) 
that  ever  I  read  in  my  lif e ;  the  substance  whereof  is  now  approved  in 
your  letters  and  notes  by  Mr.  Whitten.  But  let  no  man  compare  with 
Mr.  Philip's  pen.  I  know  he  will  send  it  to  your  Lordship,  and  when  you  read 
it  you  shall  have  more  cause  to  pray  God  for  him  than  to  impute  affection 
to  me  in  this  my  opinion  of  him2." 

Sidney's  Discourse  on  Irish  Affairs3  is  divided  into  seven 
parts,  of  which  the  first  three  are  lost.  It  deals  almost  entirely 
with  the  cess  troubles,  and  is  a  clear,  manly  defence  of  his 
father's  record.  He  maintains  that  the  levy  of  a  tax  on  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Pale  for  the  defence  of  the  country  is  a  most 
reasonable  proceeding,  and  he  approves  with  especial  warmth 
his  father's  attempts  to  make  it  apply  to  all  landowners 
impartially.  He  refers  to  his  father  as  "an  honest  servant, 
full  of  zeal  in  his  prince's  service,  and  not  without  well-grounded 
hopes  of  good  success."  Regarding  England's  general  policy 
in  Ireland  he  held  the  same  views  as  his  father,  and  as  all  other 
English  statesmen  of  the  time  : 

"For  until  by  time  they  find  the  sweetness  of  due  subjection  it  is  im- 
possible that  any  gentle  means  should  put  out  the  remembrance  of  their 
lost  liberty,  and  the  Irishman  is  that  way  as  obstinate  as  any  nation, 

with  whom  no  other  passion  can  prevail  but  fear For  under  the  sun 

there  is  not  a  nation  which  live  more  tyrannously  than  they  do  one  over 
the  other ....  For  little  is  lenity  to  prevail  in  minds  so  possessed  with  a 
natural  inconstancy  ever  to  go  to  a  new  fortune,  with  a  revengeful  heart 
to  all  English  as  to  their  only  conquerors,  and  that  which  is  most  of  all 
with  so  ignorant  obstinacy  in  papistry  that  they  do  in  their  souls  detest 
the  present  government." 

1  Collins,  i,  p.  227.  2  Ibid.  p.  228. 

3  Cotton  MSS.  Titus,  B.  xn,  fol.  557. 


x]  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen  193 

These  extracts  show  sufficiently  how  difficult  was  the  conception 
of  real  toleration  in  Elizabeth's  day,  even  for  one  who  was  formed 
by  nature  to  love  justice,  to  respect  the  rights  of  other  men, 
and  to  prefer  kindly  dealings  to  harsh  measures.  It  is  strange 
to  reflect  that  Sidney's  mind  was  untroubled  by  the  idea 
that  there  was  anything  in  the  Irish  obstinacy  in  papistry 
which  was  akin  to  the  Dutch  obstinacy  in  Protestantism. 
That  his  Discourse  had  any  effect  upon  the  Queen  there  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  ;  her  attitude  was  determined  by  less 
academic  considerations.  The  rumours  that  Sir  Henry  was 
to  be  recalled  continued  to  spread,  and  early  in  January 
Walsingham  wrote  to  his  friend  that  although  the  Queen  was 
somewhat  appeased  she  seemed  disposed  to  recall  him  under 
colour  of  a  conference  regarding  a  plan  to  diminish  charges  in 
Ireland.  Walsingham  could  only  add  by  way  of  comfort  that 
they  were  urging  upon  her  the  desirability  of  her  bestowing  on 
Sir  Henry  some  mark  of  favour,  either  nobilitation,  or  granting 
his  suit  for  certain  lands,  or  both.  In  February  he  was  ordered  to 
repair  to  Her  Majesty's  presence.  In  April  Mendoza  heard,  first, 
that  Sir  Henry  was  to  come  over  to  take  charge  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots,  and  then  that  he  was  to  lead  ten  thousand  men  into 
Flanders.  Both  of  these  reports  we  may  set  down  as  'colours.' 
He  could  not  come  at  once,  as  he  was  anxious  to  leave  the 
country  'in  universal  quiet,'  and  to  compose  certain  cess 
difficulties.  It  was  September  18th  before  he  reached  Chester 
bringing  with  him  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  'that  arch  traitor,' 
and  his  son.  He  was  so  ill  that  he  could  not  proceed  to  London 
for  some  ten  days. 

"When  I  came  to  the  Court  to  know  how  I  was  entertained,"  he  says, 
"I  confess  well,  but  not  so  well  as  I  thought  and  in  conscience  felt  I  had 

deserved Notwithstanding  all  these  my  painful  services  I  was  accounted 

servus  imitilis  for  that  I  had  exceeded  a  supposed  commission. .  .and 
although  somewhat  I  had  exceeded  in  spending  her  Majesty's  treasure,  I 
had  too  far  exceeded  in  spoiling  my  own  patrimony1." 

To  none  of  her  servants  did  the  Queen  show  less  gratitude 
than  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney.  He  was  the  most  capable  admin- 
istrator sent  by  England  to  Ireland  in  Elizabeth's  reign,  and 

1  Sir  Henry  Sidney  to  Walsingham,  March  1,  1683. 
w.  L.  s.  13 


194  An  Ambassador  of  the  Queen          [en.  x 

he  left  behind  him  a  reputation  for  honesty  and  a  love  of 
justice  that  is  unique.  In  the  years  that  followed  his  withdrawal 
the  Irish  State  Papers  abound  in  expressions  of  the  hope  that 
he  may  return.  "  If  Sir  Henry  Sidney  can  but  sit  in  his  chair 
he  will  do  more  good  than  others  with  all  their  limbs."  "  Sir 
Henry  Sidney  is  cried  for  by  the  children  in  the  street."  "  The 
public  desire  Sir  Henry  Sidney  above  all  others  to  be  Lord 
Deputy."  These  are  a  few  of  the  opinions  expressed  by  various 
correspondents  of  Burghley  and  Walsingham,  and  after  Sir 
Henry  had  passed  from  all  earthly  cares  Auditor  Jenyson,  in 
reporting  to  Burghley  the  joy  of  the  Irish  multitude  in  the  news 
that  Lord  Deputy  Perrott  was  to  be  recalled,  adds  : 

"Sir  Henry  Sidney  was  of  great  credit  and  also  famous  in  this  govern- 
ment as  by  divers  his  erections  appeareth,  and  most  chiefly  by  the  bridge 
at  Athlone,  which  is  one  of  the  best  acts  done  for  the  commonwealth1." 

1  State  Papers— Irish— Miz.,  January  26,  1587. 


CHAPTER  XI 

1577—1579 

FOR  a  year  or  more  there  is  little  to  record  in  Sidney's  life 
but  thwarted  plans  and  disappointed  hopes.  His  eager  enthu- 
siasm for  taking  an  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Low 
Countries  had  been  chilled  by  Elizabeth's  failure  to  take  any 
decided  stand,  and  accordingly  we  find  him  vacillating  between 
the  plan  of  joining  Orange  or  Casimir  in  a  private  capacity 
and  that  of  launching  on  some  Indian  project.  In  each  of 
Frobisher's  voyages  of  1576,  1577  and  1578  he  was  an  adven- 
turer to  the  amount  of  £25,  £50  and  £67.  10s.  respectively1, 
and  in  the  spring  of  1577  Languet  noticed  in  him  a  certain 
wish  to  accompany  that  great  navigator.  When  Frobisher 
returned  in  September  and  it  was  learned  that  he  had  brought 
much  'ore'  with  him  Sidney  was  greatly  excited  by  the 
marvellous  tales  that  were  current  in  London.  In  a  letter  to 
Languet  he  says  :  "I  wrote  to  you  a  year  ago  about  a  certain 
Frobisher  who,  in  rivalry  of  Magellan,  has  explored  that  sea 
which  he  supposes  to  wash  the  north  part  of  America.  It  is  a 
marvellous  history."  He  goes  on  to  relate  how  a  young  man 
who  had  accompanied  Frobisher  on  this  first  voyage  had 
brought  back  a  piece  of  earth  which  the  London  assayers 
pronounced  "the  purest  gold  and  without  any  intermixture  of 
other  metal ! "  Frobisher  had  now  returned  a  second  time  with 
two  hundred  tons  of  the  same  ore.  It  was  his  opinion  that  the 
island  from  which  it  had  been  dug  "  is  so  productive  in  metals  as 
to  seem  very  far  to  surpass  the  country  of  Peru.  There  are  also 
six  other  islands  near  to  this  which  seem  very  little  inferior." 
Sidney  wishes  Languet  to  send  him  at  once  any  information  he 
may  possess  regarding  the  working  of  mines  and  the  reduction 
•of  ores,  and  he  is  much  concerned  as  to  the  best  means  of 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial,  vol.  I. 

13—2 


196  1577—1579  [CH. 

protecting  the  new  Eldorado  against  possible  incursions  of 
Spaniards  or  Danes1. 

Languet  was  by  no  means  sceptical  regarding  his  young 
friend's  wonderful  narrative  but  he  was  inclined  to  play  the 
role  of  the  moralist  rather  than  to  rejoice. 

"If  what  you  say  of  your  Frobisher  is  true,"  he  wrote,  "he  will  doubt- 
less eclipse  the  reputation  not  only  of  Magellan,  but  even  of  Christopher 
Columbus  himself.  Who  could  have  expected  that  the  extreme  north 
would  at  last  supply  us  with  so  great  incitement  to  evil.  You  may  now 
well  despise  the  voyage  to  the  Indies  since  you  have  stumbled  on  that 
gift  of  nature,  of  all  others  the  most  fatal  and  hurtful  to  mankind,  which 
nevertheless  nearly  all  men  desire  with  so  insane  a  longing  that  it  is  the 
most  powerful  of  all  motives  to  them  to  incur  the  risk." 

He  fears  that  the  undermining  of  England's  prosperity  which 
was  begun  by  the  converting  of  much  of  her  arable  lands  into 
pasture  will  be  completed  by  the  rush  of  Englishmen  to  the 
new  world,  and  by  the  spilling  of  English  blood  which  will  be 
necessary  to  keep  possession.  He  fears,  too,  the  effect  on 
Sidney  himself  of 

"these  islands  all  of  gold,  which  I  dare  say  stand  before  your  mind's  eye 
day  and  night.  Beware,  I  entreat  you,  and  do  not  let  the  cursed  hunger 
after  gold  which  the  Poet  speaks  of,  creep  over  that  spirit  of  yours,  into 
which  nothing  has  hitherto  been  admitted  but  the  love  of  goodness,  and 
the  desire  of  earning  the  good-will  of  all  men2." 

Sidney's  illusions  and,  with  them,  Languet's  fears,  were  soon 
dispelled  when  the  assayers  pronounced  the  ore  worthless. 
Sidney's  interest  in  American  and  Indian  projects,  however, 
was  to  continue  to  be  one  of  the  great  interests  of  the  remaining 
years  of  his  life.  No  doubt  he  took  a  less  active  part  in  these 
enterprises  than  he  would  otherwise  have  done  had  his  means 
been  greater.  His  name  figures  prominently  in  the  list  of 
those  who  as  late  as  April,  1579,  had  not  completed  the  payment 
of  their  subscriptions  to  Frobisher's  ventures,  and  we  constantly 
hear  of  his  borrowing  money3. 

1  Pears,  p.  118.  2  Pears,  p.  124. 

3  On  September  28,  1577,  he  gave  to  Anthony  Gamage,  citizen  and 
alderman  of  London,  an  acknowledgment  of  indebtedness  to  the  extent  of 
£300  for  which  sum  Robert  Walker  and  Win.  Blount  were  equally  bound  with 
him.  The  document  was  witnessed  by  Edward  Dyer  and  Arthur  Atye,  and 
the  condition  of  the  obligation  was  such  that  if  £210  were  paid  Gamage  on 


xi]  1577—1579  197 

His  relation  to  his  uncle,  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  seems  to 
have  been  of  the  closest,  and  we  frequently  find  their  names  asso- 
ciated. Together  with  Warwick  they  spent  part  of  December 
at  Wilton,  and  in  the  letter  which  Sidney  wrote  Leicester 
after  his  departure  we  hear  of  a  'poor  stranger  musician'  to 
whom  the  Earl  had  shown  favour  at  his  nephew's  suit.  The 
letter  concludes  with  words  which  form  a  more  striking  proof 
of  their  intimacy.  "I  will  no  further  trouble  your  Lordship," 
Sidney  writes,  "but  with  remembrance  of  my  duty  to  your 
Lordship  and  my  Lady  and  aunt.  And  so  I  humbly  leave  you 
both  to  the  Eternal  who  always  prosper  you1."  These  words 
can  only  mean  that  Leicester  was  already  married  to  the 
recently  widowed  Countess  of  Essex,  and  that  Sidney  was 
aware  of  the  fact.  There  were  probably  very  few  persons  in  the 
secret  at  this  time2,  and  it  was  not  until  September  20th  of  the 
following  year  that  Sir  Francis  Knowles,  the  Countess'  father, 
insisted  upon  a  repetition  of  the  marriage  ceremony  at  Wan- 
stead.  It  is  significant  that  Sidney  was  one  of  the  Earl's  few 
confidants,  though  we  cannot  but  wonder  at  his  indiscretion 
in  committing  to  paper  such  momentous  information. 

Sidney  was  at  Court  again  before  New  Year's  Day,  when  he 
presented  '  a  smock  of  camerick '  as  a  gift  to  the  Queen.  During 
the  winter  he  saw  much  of  Du  Plessis,  to  whose  daughter  he 
became  godfather  a  few  months  later3,  and  of  one  or  two 
continental  friends,  notably  Butrech,  who  were  sojourning  in 
London.  From  Languet  and  the  Frankfurt  booksellers  he 
received  various  books  on  continental  affairs.  But  he  could 
not  shake  off  his  sense  of  disappointment  in  the  Queen's 
vacillating,  indefinite  policy.  Always  inclined  to  melancholy, 
he  now  felt  utterly  depressed  by  Elizabeth's  failure  to  show 
any  adequate  appreciation  of  his  father's  services  or  to  be 

April  5th  ensuing,  the  obligation  was  to  be  void  and  of  none  effect  (Latin 
parchment  at  Penshurst).  On  February  7,  1578,  Sidney  borrowed  £100  of 
Mr  Williby  of  Bore  Place  (Add.  MSS.  17520,  12). 

1  Harleian   MS.    6992,   f.   42.      Sidney  to  Leicester,  December  16,  1577. 
Collins  prints  the  letter  with  an  incorrect  date — 1582. 

2  The  author  of  Leicester's  Commonwealth  says  that  the  first  ceremony  took 
place  at  Kenilworth  (1st  edition,  1584,  p.  49). 

3  Mdmoires  de  Mme  du  Plessis  Mornay,  p.  119. 


198  1577—1579  [CH. 

really  interested  in  his  own  plans.  In  no  very  admirable 
mood  he  wrote  to  Languet  on  March  1st : 

"The  use  of  the  pen,  as  you  may  perceive,  has  plainly  fallen  from  me, 
and  my  mind  itself,  if  it  was  ever  active  in  anything,  is  now  beginning, 
by  reason  of  my  indolent  ease,  imperceptibly  to  lose  its  strength,  and  to 
relax  without  any  reluctance.  For  to  what  purpose  should  our  thoughts 
be  directed  to  various  kinds  of  knowledge  unless  room  be  afforded  for 
putting  it  into  practice  so  that  public  advantage  may  be  the  result  which 
in  a  corrupt  age  we  cannot  hope  for ....  Do  you  not  see  that  I  am  cleverly 
playing  the  stoic  ?  Yea  and  I  shall  be  a  cynic  too  unless  you  reclaim  me1." 

He  had  evidently  in  mind  the  principle  which  he  had  often 
formulated  that  the  end  of  all  education  was  virtuous  action, 
and  he  was  now  drawing  the  deduction  that  if  a  corrupt  age 
afforded  no  room  for  such  action  why  should  one  not  allow  his 
mind  to  relax  in  indolent  ease  ?  Sidney  was  never  capable  of 
indulging  such  a  mood  for  a  very  long  period,  and  at  least  we 
must  admit  that  he  was  sorely  tried.  In  October  Orange  had 
been  urgent  that  Leicester  should  come  over  and  bring  Sidney 
as  his  deputy2,  and  now  Casimir  was  begging  the  Queen  that 
Sidney  be  sent  as  a  kind  of  joint  commander  with  himself3. 
The  Court  was  eagerly  discussing  the  prospect  of  his  marriage 
with  Orange's  sister,  but  in  spite  of  all  these  things  Sidney  saw 
little  prospect  of  anything  definite  being  done.  For  some 
time  indeed  it  appeared  that  he  would  actually  proceed  to  the 
Low  Countries4.  Languet  heard  that  the  Queen  had  decided 
to  send  troops  under  the  command  of  Leicester,  and  Mendoza 
reported  that 

"the  Queen  has  appointed  Lord  Howard  to  be  Admiral  of  the  six  ships 
which  are  being  fitted  out  with  Henry  [sic]  Sidney,  a  nephew  of  Leicester's 
to  be  Vice-Admiral,  the  other  captains  being  selected  men.  It  is  under- 
stood that  these  ships  will  take  three  standards  of  infantry  raised  by  the 
Guilds  or  trained  bands  of  this  city,  although  some  suspect  that  they  will 
go  over  to  Flanders.  Walsingham  is  going  there,  and  he  is  such  a  devilish 
heretic  that  he  constantly  favours  those  like  himself  and  persecutes  the 
Catholics  in  order  to  pledge  the  Queen  more  deeply  to  his  way  of  thinking5." 

1  Pears,  p.  143. 

2  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.     Davison  to  Leicester,  October  3,  1577. 

3  Ibid.     Casimir  to  Sidney,  April  25,  1578. 

4  A  correspondent  of  Walsingham  in  April  assumes  that  Sidney's  departure 
is  imminent  (Calender  of  Scottish  Papers). 

6  State  Papers — Spanish — Eliz.     Mendoza  to  Zayas,  June  13,  1578. 


xi]  1577—1579  199 

Butrech  reported  the  rumour  to  Languet,  whom  it  filled  with 
rejoicing,  but  nothing  seems  to  have  come  of  it.  Perhaps 
Mendoza,  who  had  been  in  England  only  a  few  months,  did  not 
yet  know  how  difficult  Walsingham  or  any  one  else  would  find 
such  a  task.  Elizabeth  finally  decided  that  Leicester  should 
not  go,  and  that  Sidney  might  do  so  only  as  a  private  person. 

"I  have  sent  you  a  letter,"  Leicester  wrote  to  Hatton  in  July,  "which  I 
received  yesterday  from  Casimir ;  it  is  of  no  new  date.  You  may  see 
what  he  writes  and  how  earnestly.  Since  my  hap  is  not  to  be  in  so  honour- 
able a  voyage  nor  charge,  I  would  be  most  glad  that  my  nephew  might  go 
to  Casimir ;  and  if  he  may  not  as  from  her  Majesty,  yet  after  the  other 
sort  you  say  her  Majesty  could  like  of,  I  beseech  you  further  it,  and  I  shall 
be  most  glad  it  may  be  obtained1." 

The  leave  was  granted,  but  as  Sidney  was  on  the  point  of 
setting  out  the  Queen  added  the  last  straw  to  the  burden  of  dis- 
appointed hopes  which  he  carried,  by  insisting  that  he  should  be 
the  bearer  of  a  message  calculated  to  dash  any  expectations 
which  Casimir  might  entertain  of  her  assistance.  Leicester 
reports  the  incident  to  Walsingham  thus  : 

"When  my  nephew  Philip  was  to  take  his  leave  and  receive  his  dispatch, 
among  other  small  comforts  he  should  have  brought  to  the  Prince,  he  was 
specially  commanded  by  her  Majesty  to  tell  Duke  Casimir  that  she  marvelled 
not  a  little,  and  was  offended  with  him  for  giving  out  that  his  coming 
was  by  her  means,  and  that  she  misliked  any  such  speeches,  and  prayed 
her  name  might  not  be  so  abused,  since  she  did  not  command  him  to  come, 
but  the  States  had  entertained  him  and  they  should  maintain  his  coming ; 
with  such  other  small  encouragement  to  that  prince,  whose  cause  of 
coming  you  and  I  and  almost  all  men  know.  Yet  this  earnestly  has  she 
commanded  Philip  to  say  to  him,  writing  such  a  letter  besides  of  cold  com- 
fort that  when  I  heard  of  both  I  did  all  I  could  to  stay  him  at  home,  and 
with  much  ado  I  think  I  shall,  seeing  I  know  not  what  he  should  do  there 
but  bring  discouragement  to  all  her  best  friends.  For  my  part  I  had 
rather  he  perished  in  the  sea  than  that  he  should  be  the  instrument  of  it2." 

Leicester  was  certainly  right  in  dissuading  his  nephew.  Elizabeth 
was  not  to  be  ready  for  several  years  to  interest  herself  actively 

1  July  9,  1578  (Add.  MSS.  15891).     "A  Book  of  Letters  received  by  Sir 
Christopher  Hatton,  Vice-Chamberlain  to  Queen's  Majesty  from  sundry  persons 
and  procured  by  him  to  be  written  in  this  same  book."     The  great  majority  of 
these  letters  have  been  printed  in  extenso  in  Nicolas'  Life  of  Hatton  (1848). 

2  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.,  August  1,  1578. 


200  1577—1579  [OH. 

in  the  affairs  of  the  Netherlands,  and  Sidney  could  have  served 
only  as  an  instrument  of  discouragement  to  his  friends. 

No  doubt  he  was  also  influenced  by  the  fact  that  his  father 
was  about  to  return  and  needed  his  help.  Sir  Henry  had  already 
written  earnestly  to  Leicester  on  the  subject1 : 

"I  understand  by  Philip  that  he  hath  put  on  a  determination  to  go  into 
the  Low  Countries  to  serve  the  States  in  company  and  under  the  conduct 
of  Casimir,  which  if  it  be  so,  what  lack  his  presence  shall  be  unto  me  at 
my  coming  over,  having  to  answer  so  many  complaints  and  informations 
as  the  malice  of  my  enemies  here  devised  against  me,  I  leave  to  your  Lord- 
ship to  consider.  But  if  the  matter  be  not  of  that  weight  as  his  stay 
shall  be  requisite  to  assist  me  I  would  not  then  hinder  his  determination 
in  a  matter  wherein  he  is  to  purchase  himself  so  much  honour  and  credit 
to  stay  him." 

Sir  Henry  wrote  in  a  similar  tone  to  his  son  on  the  same  day2, 
and  his  earnestness  is  a  proof  of  the  extent  to  which  he  now 
relied  on  that  son's  judgment. 

The  difficulties  which  beset  his  father  weighed  no  less 
heavily  on  Sidney's  mind  than  did  his  own  problems.  We 
have  already  seen  something  of  his  activity  on  behalf  of  Sir 
Henry  ;  in  the  summer  of  1577  he  had  been  on  the  point  of 
visiting  him  in  Ireland3,  and  he  probably  remained  in  England 
only  because  he  felt  that  he  could  there  the  better  counter  the 
attacks  of  Ormond.  After  Sir  Henry's  recall  in  February,  1578, 
Sidney  was  in  constant  communication  with  him,  and  urged 
him  to  postpone  his  actual  return  for  some  months  in  order 
that  his  enemies  might  not  interpret  his  home-coming  in  a 
derogatory  manner.  Walsingham  was  labouring  to  secure 
nobilitation  for  him  or  some  other  notable  recognition  of  his 
services,  and  Sidney  was  anxious  that'  Sir  Henry's  friends 
should  make  his  path  as  pleasant  as  possible  before  his  arrival. 
"Among  which  friends,"  he  tells  his  father,  "before  God  there 
is  none  proceeds  either  so  thoroughly  or  so  wisely  as  my  Lady, 
my  mother.  For  mine  own  part  I  have  had  only  light  from 
her4."  Sidney's  recorded  references  to  his  mother  are  very 

1  Cotton  MS.  Titus,  B.  xra,  fol.  257,  August  1,  1578. 

2  Sidney  Papers,  i,  p.  392. 

8  Ibid,  i,  p.  199.     Waterhouse  to  Sir  Henry,  June  26,  1577. 
*  Ibid,  i,  p.  247,  April  25,  1578. 


xi]  1577—1579  201 

few  in  number,  but  it  is  pleasant  to  be  able  to  believe  from  such 
as  we  have  that  his  society  did  much  to  lighten  the  burden  of 
her  days.  Something  of  the  exasperation  which  possessed  him 
while  engaged  in  these  devious  businesses  is  shown  in  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  at  this  time.  He  had  been  irritated  and  filled 
with  suspiciousness  by  the  fact  that  whatever  he  himself  wrote 
to  his  father  or  learned  from  him  was  as  promptly  known  by 
the  Ormond  faction.  Evidently  without  a  tittle  of  evidence  he 
decided  that  Molyneux,  Sir  Henry's  faithful  secretary,  was  the 
culprit,  and  he  wrote  him  as  follows  : 

"MB.  MOLLINEUX  : 

Few  words  are  best.  My  letters  to  my  father  have  come  to  the 
eyes  of  some.  Neither  can  I  condemn  any  but  you  for  it.  If  it  be  so, 
you  have  played  the  very  knave  with  me ;  and  so  I  will  make  you  know 
if  I  have  good  proof  of  it.  But  that  for  so  much  as  is  past.  For  that  is 
to  come,  I  assure  you  before  God  that  if  ever  I  know  you  do  so  much  as 
read  any  letter  I  write  to  my  father,  without  his  commandment,  or  my 
consent,  I  will  thrust  my  dagger  into  you.  And  trust  to  it  for  I  speak  it 
in  earnest.  In  the  meantime,  farewell.  From  Court,  this  last  of  May, 
1578. 

By  me, 

PHILIP  SIDNEY1." 

The  letter  was  as  little  creditable  to  Sidney's  heart  as  it  evi- 
dently was  to  his  head,  and  we  may  hope  that  Molyneux'  dignified 
reply  caused  his  young  master  to  be  ashamed  of  himself. 
Angry,  and  baffled  in  his  hopes,  he  allowed  his  impulsiveness 
and  the  dash  of  arrogance  and  self-righteousness  in  his  tempera- 
ment to  override  his  sense  of  courtesy  and  justice.  In  extenu- 
ation we  can  only  plead  that  the  morbid  anger  that  possessed 
him  had  been  stirred  by  the  sight  of  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
unforgivable  wrongs  suffered  by  his  father.  No  doubt,  too, 
his  mother's  wretched  condition  both  in  health  and  spirits 
tended  to  depress  him.  Poor  Lady  Mary's  bitterness  of  heart 
found  little  to  assuage  it,  and  the  petty  yet  intolerable  char- 
acter of  her  griefs  is  illustrated  in  an  incident  connected  with 
her  husband's  return  to  Court.  She  had  requested  Molyneux 
to  make  arrangements  with  the  Lord  Chamberlain  Sussex  to 

1  Sidney  Papers,  I,  p.  256. 


202  1577—1579  [CH. 

assign  a  room  in  Hampton  Court  to  Sir  Henry  where  he  might 
meet  people  on  Irish  and  Welsh  business.  The  application 
was  unsuccessful  :  no  room  could  be  spared.  Lady  Mary 
then  urged  Molyneux  to  try  to  procure  a  room  on  condition 
that  it  be  used  in  the  daytime  only  and  for  the  dispatch  of 
business  only. 

"When  the  worst  is  known,"  she  concludes  rather  bitterly,  "old  Lord 
Harry  and  his  old  Moll  will  do  as  well  as  they  can  in  parting  like  good 
friends  the  small  portion  allotted  our  long  service  in  Court,  which  as  little 
as  it  is  seems  something  too  much1." 

It  is  not  strange  that  Sidney  at  this  time  wrote  Languet  that 
he  was  weary  of  the  life  of  the  Court  and  would  fain  fly  from 
its  light  to  betake  himself  to  the  privacy  of  secluded  places. 

During  this  year,  when  the  Queen's  attitude  was  making 
Orange  despair  of  ever  receiving  real  assistance  from  her, 
when  Burghley,  Walsingham,  Leicester  and  Davison  were 
indignant  and  apologetic  by  turns,  as  their  mistress  tended  by 
turns  to  assist  in  crushing  the  Dutch  by  demanding  instant 
repayment  of  the  money  she  had  lent  them  or  gave  them 
fair  words,  Elizabeth  was  pursuing  the  same  policy  which  had 
actuated  her  throughout  her  reign.  She  had  no  interest,  it 
must  be  repeated,  in  the  efforts  of  the  Dutch  to  achieve  either 
religious  or  political  liberty.  Her  interest  was  in  balancing 
the  power  of  France  against  Spain.  To  the  Regent  Morton 
in  Scotland  she  refused  all  assistance  until  he  was  driven  from 
the  Regency  and  the  spectre  of  a  Gallic  invasion  of  the  northern 
kingdom  in  favour  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  once  more  rose  before 
her  eyes.  When  Orange  in  despair  of  English  aid  accepted 
the  offer  of  Alen£on  to  come  to  his  aid  as  a  volunteer  Elizabeth 
was  once  more  frightened  by  the  possibility  of  the  States 
becoming  a  French  dependency.  Her  tactics  at  this  juncture 
were  a  repetition  of  those  she  had  employed  very  often  in  the 
past.  The  marriage  project  with  Alengon  which  had  been 
dropped  for  some  two  years  was  now  revived  and  with  a  sufficient 
promise  of  success  to  persuade  Alen§on  to  withdraw  from  his 
project  of  aiding  Orange.  There  were  the  usual  long  pre- 
liminaries— she  must  first  meet  her  proposed  husband  ;  if 
1  Sidney  Papers,  I,  p.  272. 


xi]  1577—1579  203 

their  hearts  were  inclined  to  each  other,  then,  etc.,  etc.  But, 
she  stipulated,  she  must  be  entirely  free  to  accept  or  reject. 
Alengon  was  invited  to  come  over  privately  and  without 
ostentation  ;  he  preferred  to  come  publicly  and  to  have  his 
coming  celebrated  in  a  fashion  befitting  its  importance.  He 
finally  insisted  that  he  should  send  M.  Simier  as  his  ambassador 
to  arrange  preliminaries,  and  to  this  the  Queen  at  length 
reluctantly  agreed.  The  French  Court  was  delighted  with  the 
prospect  of  the  marriage  though  somewhat  suspicious  from 
past  experience  :  the  whole  English  nation  hated  the  prospect, 
for  the  very  name  of  Alen9on  was  inseparably  associated  in 
their  minds  with  St  Bartholomew  and  Catherine  de'  Medici. 

In  the  initial  negotiations  Sidney  took  a  small  part,  and, 
as  we  shall  soon  see,  he  was  to  take  a  more  serious  share  in 
the  proceedings  somewhat  later.  The  English  ambassador  at 
Paris  wrote  in  December  that  a  bastard  brother  of  Morton 
had  arrived  at  the  French  Court  and  had  been  warmly  welcomed 
and  entertained.  The  ambassador  urged  that  until  the 
reason  of  his  visit  was  discovered  it  would  be  desirable  that 
the  Queen  send  someone  to  the  King  of  France  to  make  an 
excuse  for  delaying  the  coming  of  M.  Simier. 

"She  has  therefore  sent  Philip  Sidney,"  Mendoza  reported  to  his  master, 
"which  has  had  the  effect  of  stopping  Simier,  who  is  understood  to  have 
arrived  at  Calais.  The  ambassador  has  also  written  several  times  and 
now  confirms  it  that  the  King  of  France  is  one  of  the  sovereigns  who  have 
entered  into  the  League  formed  by  your  Majesty  and  the  Pope,  and  this 
news  greatly  disturbs  the  Queen1." 

The  news  was  not  sufficiently  disturbing,  however,  to  prevent 
Simier's  arrival  on  January  5th — an  event  that  was  to  prove 
of  moment  in  the  lives  of  several  of  the  men  in  whom  we  are 
interested. 

In  the  meantime  an  event  took  place  which  gave  very 
great  pleasure  to  Sidney  and  helped  to  revive  his  drooping 
spirits.  This  was  the  unexpected  visit  to  the  English  Court  of 
Casimir  and  Languet.  The  news  of  their  coming  was  brought 
from  Ghent  by  a  servant  of  Sidney  who  chanced  to  be  there  on 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers— Spanishr—Eliz.,  December  31,  1578. 


204  1577—1579  [OH. 

business  for  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  the  messenger  had 
hardly  reached  London  before  those  whom  he  announced  also 
arrived.  Casimir  had  suddenly  resolved  "to  make  a  voyage 
into  England  to  see  her  Majesty  before  he  return  home  being 
so  near  the  sea  as  he  is."  The  object  of  his  visit  according  to 
the  Spanish  ambassador  was  "  to  reconcile  him  with  the  French." 
Nothing  so  definite,  however,  is  needed  to  explain  it.  Casimir 
had  experienced  within  the  last  few  months  a  full  measure 
of  the  Queen's  waywardness,  and  no  doubt  hoped  by  a  personal 
interview  to  place  himself  on  a  less  equivocal  footing.  He  had 
been  encouraged  by  Elizabeth  to  take  an  active  part  on  behalf 
of  Orange,  and  she  had  to  a  considerable  extent  directed  his 
movements  ;  on  the  other  hand  she  had  expressly  forbidden 
him  to  assert  that  his  coming  into  the  Low  Countries  had  been 
instigated  by  her,  and  had  disclaimed  all  responsibility  for  his 
acts.  In  other  words,  she  wished  him  to  serve  her  as  her  own 
piratical  men  of  Devon  did:  he  should  act  according  to  her 
directions,  and  if  he  were  successful,  or  if  it  proved  convenient 
for  the  Queen  to  acknowledge  his  successes,  the  glory  should 
be  hers  ;  if  it  proved  otherwise  he  must  be  prepared  to  assume 
the  odium  and  to  declare  solemnly  that  he  alone  was  the  author 
of  his  own  acts.  Casimir  did  not  yet  understand  the  theory 
of  service  on  these  conditions,  and  he  came  to  England  to 
persuade  the  Queen  to  give  him  substantial  and  open  assist- 
ance. 

Two  days  before  Casimir  left  Ghent  (January  13th)  Languet 
wrote  to  Sidney  from  that  city  evidently  without  a  thought  of 
coming  to  England.  He  had  been  very  ill  for  some  two  months 
but  he  had  been  cheered  by  more  frequent  letters  from  his 
young  friend  and  especially  by  a  long  letter  full  of  kindness 
from  Sir  Henry  Sidney.  Languet's  heart  overflowed  in 
gratitude,  and  he  speaks  of  his  great  desire  once  more  to 
see  Sidney.  The  opportunity  suddenly  presented  itself,  and 
Languet,  conscious  of  rapidly  failing  health,  obeyed  an  im- 
perious impulse  to  visit  England  and  the  young  man  who  had 
come  to  occupy  the  chief  place  in  his  heart,  before  it  should 
be  too  late.  On  January  20th  both  Sidney  and  his  father  were 
commissioned  by  the  Queen  to  meet  Casimir  when  he  landed 


xi]  1577—1579  205 

and  to  accompany  him  to  London1.  The  visitors  reached  the 
Tower  on  the  evening  of  January  22nd,  and  Casimir  "was 
there  by  divers  noblemen  and  others  honourably  received  and 
conveyed  by  cresset  light  and  torch  light  to  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham's  house  in  Bishopsgate  Street,  where  he  was  received 
with  sounding  of  trumpets,  drums,  fifes,  and  other  instruments 
of  music,  and  there  both  lodged  and  feasted  till  Sunday  next ; 
that  he  was  by  the  nobility  fetched  to  the  Court  at  West- 
minster, where  he  talked  with  her  Majesty,  and  after  lodged 
in  Somerset  House.  In  the  week  following  he  hunted  at  Hamp- 
ton Court.  On  Sunday,  the  first  of  February,  he  beheld  a 
valiant  justing  and  running  at  the  tilt  at  Westminster ;  on 
the  next  morrow  he  saw  them  fight  at  barriers  with  swords 
on  horseback.  On  Tuesday  he  dined  with  the  Lord  Mayor  of 
London  ;  on  Wednesday  with  the  Duchess  of  Suffolk  at  her 
house  called  the  Burgokening,  or  Barbican,  by  Red-cross 
Street ;  on  Thursday  at  the  Stilyard,  etc.  On  the  8th  of 
February  the  Queen  made  him  Knight  of  the  Garter,  by  deliver- 
ing to  him  the  collar  and  putting  the  Garter  on  his  leg  at  White- 
hall. On  the  14th  of  February  he  departed  from  London 
homewards,  with  great  rewards  given  by  the  Queen's  Majesty, 
the  nobility,  men  of  honour,  the  Mayor  of  London,  and  citizens 
of  that  city2." 

Casimir  had  made  a  good  impression  on  the  Queen  and  she 
had  shown  him  unusual  courtesies.  The  good-will  of  the 
Londoners  toward  the  Low  Countries  was  reflected  in  their 
banqueting  of  Casimir  and  presenting  to  him  a  chain  and 
plate  to  the  value  of  2000  crowns.  Leicester  was  in  constant 
attendance  on  him  and  took  him  to  visit  Wanstead. 

Languet's  pleasure  in  the  opportunity  which  he  now  had 
of  meeting  Sidney's  friends  and  the  members  of  his  family 
was  unbounded.  The  friendship  of  Edward  Dyer  he  called 
"  a  precious  gem  added  to  my  store"  ;  regarding  Fulke  Greville 
he  was  no  less  enthusiastic.  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  whose  generous 
soul  never  forgot  an  obligation,  devoted  himself  to  showing 

1  Spanish  State  Papers.     Mendoza   to  Zayas,  January    19,    1579.     Add. 
MSS.  17520.  12. 

2  Nichols'  Progresses,  n,  p.  277. 


206  1577—1579  [CH. 

honour  to  the  man  to  whom  his  son  owed  more  than  to  any 
other  single  person,  and  a  warm  friendship  and  mutual  regard 
sprang  up  between  the  two  men.  One  of  the  most  popular 
forms  of  entertainment  of  the  time  was  to  take  one's  guests 
to  see  the  bear-baiting  and  bull-baiting1.  Paris  Garden,  the 
headquarters  of  the  sport,  was  directly  across  the  river  from 
Sir  Henry's  house  at  Paul's  Wharf,  and  on  at  least  one  occasion 
he  accompanied  Casimir  to  the  famous  resort.  On  the  day 
when  the  visitors  left  London  Sir  Henry  presented  to  Languet  a 
gold  chain  for  which  he  paid  £45 2  and  then  accompanied  him 
to  Dover.  From  here  Languet  wrote  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony 
on  February  17th.  Casimir's  party  hastened  their  departure  to 
such  an  extent  that  Languet  had  no  opportunity  of  bidding 
Sidney  and  Dyer  farewell. 

"I  cannot  think,"  he  wrote  to  Sidney  from  Flushing,  "by  what  ill-luck 
it  fell  out  that  I  had  no  opportunity  of  taking  leave  of  yourself  and  Master 

1  Machyn  in  his  Diary  gives  us  several  instances  of  its  popularity  :    "  The 
same  day  at  afternoon  was  a  bear-baiting  on  the  Bankside,  and  there  the  great 
blind  bear  broke  loose,  and  in  running  away  he  caught  a  serving  man  by  the 
calf  of  the  leg  and  bit  a  great  piece  away,  and  after  that  by  the  hockle-bone, 
that  within  three  days  after  he  died."     (December  9,  1554,  p.  78.)     "Afore 
the  Queen  one  of  the  bears  was  baited,  and  after  the  morris-dancers  went  into 
the  court,  dancing  in  many  offices."     (March  21,  1559,  p.  191.)     "The  25th 
day  (of  May,  1559)  they  (the  French  ambassadors)  were  brought  to  the  Court 
with  music  to  dinner,  for  there  was  great  cheer  ;  and  after  dinner  the  bear  and 
bull-baiting,  and  the  Queen's  grace  and  the  ambassadors  stood  in  the  gallery 
looking  of  the  pastime  until  six  at  night. .  .the  26th  day  of  May  they  went 
from  the  Bishop's  House  to  Paul's  Wharf  and  took  barge  and  so  to  Paris 
Garden,  for  there  was  both  bear  and  bull-baiting,  and  the  captain  with  a 
hundred  of  the  guard  to  keep  room  for  them  to  see  the  baiting"  (p.  198). 
"  The  28th  day  of  October  (1561),  the  which  was  Saint  Simon  and  Jude's  day, 
was  at  Whitehall  great  baiting  of  the  bull  and  bear  for  the  ambassadors  of 
France  that  came  out  of  Scotland,  the  which  the  Queen's  grace  was  there,  and 
her  Council  and  many  noblemen"  (p.  270).    Laneham's  description  of  the  bear- 
baiting  at  Kenilworth  in  1575  is  well  known. 

2  The  following  items  are  taken  from  a  manuscript  book  of  accounts  kept 
by  Edward  Pakenham,  Sir  Henry's  treasurer  (Add.  MSS.  17520,  12) :  "  For  my 
boat-hire  from  the  Court  to  follow  your  L.  when  you  went  in  haste  to  meet 
Duke   Casimir  the  20th  of  January.     For  my  boat-hire  when  your  L.  went 
to  the  Parrish  Garden  with  Casimir,  going   and   coming. .  .3s.     For  money 
given  unto  your  L.  to  give  unto  Dethick,  the  goldsmith,  for  colouring  my  chain 
which    your    L.    gave    unto    Mr.    Languet,    and    for    his    pains    in    going 
and  coming  to  your  L.  the  14th  of  February. .  .15s.     For  the  price  of  my 
chain  which  your  L.  gave  to  Mr.  Languet  the  same  day. .  .£45. 

Allowed  by  me — H.  SIDNEY." 


xi]  1577—1579  207 

Dyer,  though  in  truth  I  had  nothing  for  you  but  tears  and  sighs.  Yet  I 
am  sorry  that  I  could  not  let  you  see  even  tears  and  sighs  as  pledges  of 
my  great  regard  for  you ;  but  it  was  not  my  fault,  for  our  party  was 
hastening  away  as  if  they  were  taking  leave  of  enemies,  not  of  friends, 
and  I  should  have  given  great  offence  if  I  alone  had  behaved  with  common 
sense  instead  of  being  mad  with  the  rest.  As  it  was  I  did  not  make  such 
speed  but  that  before  I  crossed  the  river  which  flows  by  Sandwich,  all  the 
horses  which  were  to  have  conveyed  us,  were  gone,  and  had  not  Sir  Hales  had 
compassion  on  me,  and  lent  me  his  servant's  horse,  I  must  have  returned 
to  the  town.  When  we  reached  the  Foreland  of  Kent,  though  the  wind 
was  not  quite  favourable,  I  persisted  in  urging  my  friends  to  embark, 
until  they  consented,  that  we  might  not  any  longer  trespass  on  the  polite- 
ness of  your  noble  father1." 

Fulke  Greville  accompanied  Languet  on  the  voyage,  and  their 
friendship  increased  with  further  acquaintance. 

Since  the  preceding  summer  Sidney's  brother  Robert  had 
been  in  Germany  to  perfect  himself  in  languages  and  to  see  the 
world.  After  passing  from  the  care  of  Robert  Dorset  at  Ewelme 
he  had  matriculated  at  Christ  Church  in  15742  ;  his  attendance 
at  the  University  had  been  irregular,  however,  and  he  was 
a  rather  desultory  student.  "I  am  sure  you  cannot  but  find 
what  lack  in  learning  you  have  by  your  often  departing  from 
Oxford3,"  his  father  wrote  him,  and  Languet  declared  to  Philip 
that  he  had  not  taken  such  care  as  he  ought  of  his  brother's 
education4.  Nevertheless  Languet  considered  his  natural  dis- 
position excellent,  and  Sir  Henry  could  write  to  him  of  the 
happiness  he  derived  from  "the  universal  testimony  that  is 
made  of  you,  of  the  virtuous  course  you  hold  in  this  your  juvenile 
age,  and  how  much  you  profit  in  the  same,  and  what  excellent 
parts  God  hath  already  planted  in  you."  Another  letter  of 
Sir  Henry's  written  a  few  months  earlier  concludes,  "God 
bless  you  my  sweet  child,  in  this  world  and  forever,  as  I  in  this 
world  find  myself  happy  by  my  children5."  In  the  midst  of 
harassing  cares  of  many  kinds  Sir  Henry  and  Lady  Sidney 
knew  little  but  happiness  in  their  relation  to  their  children. 

1  Pears,  p.  157. 

2  Register  of  Univ.  of  Oxford  (Ox.  Hist.  Soc.),  Part  n,  p.  57 
8  Sidney  Papers,  I,  p.  247,  March  25,  1579. 

4  Epistolce,  p.  215. 

5  Sidney  Papers,  I,  p.  272,  October  28,  1578. 


208  1577—1579  [OH. 

Robert  was  now  living  with  a  servant  of  Sir  Henry's — Harry 
White — and  was  finding  great  difficulty  in  making  the  £100 
per  year  which  his  father  allowed  him  meet  his  needs.  When 
Languet  was  asked  to  superintend  his  education  he  feared  lest 
the  young  man  had  enjoyed  so  much  of  liberty  that  it  might 
be  difficult  to  hold  him  in  check. 

Sir  Henry  Sidney's  reliance  on  the  judgment  of  his  elder 
son  as  well  as  his  pride  in  that  son's  character  appears  every- 
where in  his  letters  to  Robert, — kindly  paternal  letters  filled 
with  expressions  of  affection,  good  advice,  and  reproof  of 
Robert's  failure  to  keep  his  expenditure  within  the  sum  allowed 
him.  "I  hear  well  of  you  and  the  company  you  keep  which  is 
of  great  comfort  to  me.  To  be  of  noble  parentage  usually 
raises  an  emulation  to  follow  their  great  examples."  "Pray 
daily  ;  speak  no  thing  but  truly.  Do  no  dishonest  thing  for 
any  respect."  "Write  to  me  monthly,  and  either  in  Latin  or 
French."  In  similar  fashion  Sir  Henry  had  written  to  Philip 
some  twelve  years  before.  But  the  one  piece  of  advice  which 
Sir  Henry  reiterates  until  Robert  must  have  become  somewhat 
restive  under  it,  is  that  he  should  imitate  in  all  things  his  elder 
brother.  To  Philip  was  committed  the  direction  of  his  studies, 
of  his  travels  and  of  his  conduct. 

"Follow  the  direction  of  your  most  loving  brother  who  in  loving  you  is 
comparable  with  me  or  exceedeth  me.  Imitate  his  virtues,  exercises, 
studies  and  actions ;  he  is  a  rare  ornament  of  this  age,  the  very  formular 
that  all  well-disposed  young  gentlemen  of  our  Court  do  form  also  their 
manners  and  life  by.  In  truth  I  speak  it  without  flattery  of  him  or  of 
myself :  he  hath  the  most  rare  virtues  that  ever  I  found  in  any  man. . . . 
In  your  travels  these  documents  I  will  give  you,  not  as  mine,  but  his 
practices.  Seek  the  knowledge  of  the  estate  of  every  prince,  court  and 
city  that  you  pass  through.  Address  yourself  to  the  company  to  learn 
this  of  the  elder  sort,  and  yet  neglect  not  the  younger. . .  .These  he  effec- 
tually observed  with  great  gain  of  understanding.  Once  again  I  say, 
imitate  him1." 

Sidney  justified  his  father's  estimate  of  him  as  far  as  his 

relation  to  his  brother  was  concerned  by  the  warm,  half  fraternal, 

half  paternal  interest  which  he  took  in  him.     Perhaps  with 

something  of  a  fellow-feeling  for  Robert's  tendency  to  spend 

1  Sidney  Papers,  i,  p.  246. 


xi]  1577—1579  209 

his  money  freely,  he  supplemented  his  allowance  generously 
and  at  infrequent  intervals  wrote  him  long,  kindly  letters  in 
which  expressions  of  brotherly  affection  were  mingled  with 
very  solemn  and  very  wise  advice. 

"I  am  sure,  he  writes,  "you  have  imprinted  in  your  mind  the  scope  and 
mark  you  mean  by  your  pains  to  shoot  at,  for  if  you  should  travel  but  to 
travel,  or  to  say  you  had  travelled,  certainly  you  should  prove  a  pilgrim — 
no  more.  But  I  presume  so  well  of  you  that  though  a  great  number  of 
us  never  thought  in  ourselves  why  we  went,  but  a  certain  tickling  humour 
to  do  as  other  men  had  done,  you  purpose,  being  a  gentleman  born,  to 
furnish  yourself  with  the  knowledge  of  such  things  as  may  be  serviceable 
for  your  country  and  calling ;  which  certainly  stands  not  in  the  change 
of  air,  for  the  warmest  sun  makes  not  a  wise  man, — no,  nor  in  learning 
languages,  although  they  be  of  serviceable  use,  for  words  are  but  words 
in  what  language  soever  they  be, — and  much  less  in  that  all  of  us  come  home 
full  of  disguisements  not  only  of  apparel,  but  of  our  countenances  as  though 
the  credit  of  a  traveller  stood  all  upon  his  outside,  but  in  the  right  informing 
your  mind  with  those  things  which  are  most  notable  in  those  places  which 
you  come  into.  Of  which  as  the  one  kind  is  so  vain  as  I  think,  ere  it  be- 
long, like  the  mountebanks  in  Italy,  we  travellers  shall  be  made  sport  of  in 
comedies,  so  may  I  justly  say  who  rightly  travels  with  the  eye  of  Ulysses, 
doth  take  one  of  the  most  excellent  ways  of  worldly  wisdom.  For  hard  sure 
it  is  to  know  England  without  you  know  it  by  comparing  it  with  some 
other  country1." 

Sidney  goes  on  to  specify  worthy  subjects  that  may  engage 
the  traveller's  attention — political  situations,  national  re- 
sources, topography,  fortification,  manners  and  morals,  religion, 
policies  and  laws.  Here  we  have  a  protest  against  the 
affected  Euphuistic  Court,  the  character  of  which  depressed 
Languet  during  his  brief  visit. 

"'The  habits  of  your  Court,"  Languet  wrote  a  few  months  after  his  return 
to  the  Continent,  "seemed  to  me  somewhat  less  manly  than  I  could  have 
wished,  and  most  of  your  noblemen  appeared  to  me  to  seek  for  a  reputa- 
tion more  by  a  kind  of  affected  courtesy  than  by  those  virtues  which  are 
wholesome  to  the  State  and  which  are  most  becoming  to  generous  spirits 
and  to  men  of  high  birth.  I  was  sorry,  therefore,  and  so  were  other  friends 
of  yours,  to  see  you  wasting  the  flower  of  your  life  on  such  things,  and  I 
feared  lest  that  noble  nature  of  yours  should  be  dulled,  and  lest  from 
habit  you  should  be  brought  to  take  pleasure  in  pursuits  which  only 
enervate  the  mind2." 

1  Printed  in  Instructions  for  Travellers  (1633). 

2  Pears,  p.  167,  November  14,  1579. 

w.  L.  s.  14 


210  1577—1579  [CH. 

The  old  Huguenot  was  not  likely  to  be  imposed  on  by  the 
accomplishments  of  the  Hattons  and  Oxfords  by  whom  Eliza- 
beth was  surrounded. 

When  Languet  returned  to  the  Continent  Robert  Sidney 
met  him  at  Flushing,  and  henceforth  Languet  lavished  on  him 
something  of  the  devoted  care  which  a  few  years  earlier  he  had 
shown  to  Philip.  He  at  once  put  himself  into  communication 
with  Dr  Lobetius  and  John  Sturm,  the  famous  educational 
reformer,  regarding  the  course  of  study  most  profitable  for  the 
young  man,  and  they  travelled  together  by  way  of  Antwerp, 
Cologne  and  Frankfort  to  Strassburg.  To  Orange  and  La  Noue, 
the  greatest  of  Huguenot  soldiers,  who  was  now  in  command 
of  the  Dutch  troops,  Languet  carried  letters  from  Sidney,  and 
both  were  exceedingly  kind  to  Sidney's  young  brother.  Orange 
seated  him  at  dinner  between  his  wife  and  daughter,  and  La 
Noue  was  most  gracious1. 

"  I  have  taken  care,"  Languet  wrote,  "  that  he  should  make  the  acquaint- 
ance and  prepare  a  way  to  the  friendship  of  such  persons  here  as  I  consider 
eminent  for  their  character.  The  Prince  of  Orange  and  La  Noue  espe- 
cially welcomed  him,  and  La  Noue,  who  is  full  of  courtesy  showed  him  every 
attention  yesterday  as  long  as  we  were  in  the  citadel.  Your  letters  gave 
great  pleasure  to  La  Noue  and  the  Prince  ;  both  of  them  thanked  me  warmly 
for  what  I  had  done  towards  gaining  them  your  good  will.  I  have  no  doubt 
they  will  show  you  in  their  letters  how  well  pleased  they  are." 

At  Arnheim,  Languet  presented  Robert  to  Prince  John  of 
Nassau,  and  from  Frankfort  they  turned  aside  to  Neustadt  to 
pay  their  respects  once  more  to  the  Prince  ' '  for  he  had  made 
your  brother  promise  him  this  when  he  was  in  Zealand." 
After  a  hard  journey  in  which  Languet,  Robert  and  Henry 
White,  his  servant,  all  suffered  from  fever  or  colds  they  reached 
Strassburg  on  April  28th,  and  Languet,  after  arranging  with 
some  difficulty  for  a  supply  of  money  for  his  protege,  set  to  work 
to  find  him  a  suitable  tutor — a  difficult  task,  for  Languet 
insisted  on  his  being  not  only  learned  but  of  polished  manners. 
He  finally  chose  a  certain  Peter  Hubner,  a  Silesian  who  had 
studied  under  Ursinus  at  Heidelberg,  and  he  was  fortunate 
in  finding  lodgings  for  young  Sidney  in  Sturm's  household. 

1  Epistolas,  p.  219,  March  11,  1579. 


xi]  1577—1579  211 

Languet  watched  over  the  boy,  whose  disposition  pleased  him 
"  more  and  more,"  as  if  he  had  been  his  father1,  and  he  never 
seems  to  have  felt  that  his  responsibility  for  the  rather  wayward 
youth  was  a  burden,  though  his  own  health  was  wretched  from 
this  time  onward  and  he  was  rarely  free  from  bodily  discomfort 
or  pain2. 

Sidney,  meanwhile,  was  sharing  in  the  apprehension,  not 
to  say  disgust,  which  was  almost  universal  in  England  as  a 
consequence  of  the  arrival  of  Simier  to  negotiate  a  marriage 
between  his  master  and  the  English  Queen.  Of  the  Council 
Sussex  alone  was  favourable ;  Burghley  alone  hesitated. 
The  Queen  seemed  really  inclined  to  the  match,  and  Burghley 
weighed  the  advantages  of  a  secured  French  alliance  and  the 
possibility  of  a  child's  being  born  who  would  be  undisputed 
heir  of  the  throne,  against  the  very  obvious  disadvantages 
of  a  marriage  between  a  woman  of  forty-six  and  a  youth  of 
twenty-three,  especially  when  that  youth  was  a  Papist,  a  French- 
man, a  son  of  Catherine  de'  Medici,  and  an  object  of  aversion 
to  the  whole  English  nation.  There  was  no  pretence  of  con- 
cealing this  national  dislike  of  the  marriage  project.  In  March 
the  preacher  at  the  Royal  Chapel  declared  in  the  Queen's 
presence  that  England  did  not  need  a  second  foreign  marriage ; 
Queen  Mary's  experience  was  sufficient3.  In  April  the  Bishop 
of  Ely  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Queen  in  which  he  attempted 
earnestly  to  dissuade  her  from  the  marriage4.  The  Queen 
seemed  now  hot,  now  cold,  but  as  evidences  increased  of  the 
universal  opposition  of  both  courtiers  and  people,  the  spirit  of 
perversity  or  some  other  equally  incalculable  cause  led  her  to 
grow  more  and  more  favourable.  Simier  was  feted  and  at 
once  became  a  favourite  with  her  Majesty — her  petit  singe. 
In  August  Alen§on  himself  arrived — a  man  unprepossessing 
both  in  appearance  and  character  in  the  eyes  of  everyone 

1  See  a  letter  of  Languet  to  Hubner,  June  4,  1579,  admonishing  him  to 
see  to  it  that  Robert  learns  to  speak  German  (Zurich  Letters,  n,  p.  310). 

2  On  May  24th  he  wrote  to  Sidney  a  very  long  letter  wholly  on  the  subject 
of  Robert's  temperament,  his  needs,  and  the  plans  which  Languet  was  making 
for  his  education  (Epiatolce,  p.  231). 

s  Froude,  vol.  x,  p.  487. 

4  Lansdowne  MSS.  vol.  xxvm,  No.  70. 

14—2 


212  1577—1579  [CH. 

except  the  Queen.  "She,  who  was  accustomed  to  the  stately 
presence  of  the  Dudleys  and  the  Sidneys,  declared  she  had 
never  seen  a  man  who  pleased  her  so  well,  never  one  whom  she 
could  so  willingly  make  her  husband1."  When  Alen9on  after 
a  few  days  returned  to  France  the  belief  was  general  that  he 
would  soon  be  King  of  England. 

Perhaps  the  Queen  was  inclined  to  look  more  favourably 
on  her  foreign  suitor  at  this  juncture  for  the  very  reason  that 
one  of  the  Dudleys  had  ceased  for  the  time  being  to  be  fair  in 
her  eyes.  At  the  beginning  of  July  Simier  had  made  the 
momentous  discovery  of  Leicester's  marriage,  and  had  lost 
no  time  in  imparting  his  information  to  the  Queen.  Her 
anger  was  unbounded  and  was  not  lessened  by  the  fact  that 
Hatton — her  mouton — had  contracted  a  similar  secret  marriage. 
"Leicester  and  Hatton  are  married  secretly,"  wrote  the  Queen 
of  Scots  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  "  which  hath  so  offended 
this  queen,  it  is  thought  she  has  been  led  upon  such  miscon- 
tentment  to  agree  to  the  sight  of  the  Duke  of  Alengon2." 
Mendoza,  who  had  evidently  not  heard  the  reason  for  Leicester's 
disgrace,  reported  that  he 

"has  retired  to  a  house  of  his  five  miles  away  where  the  Queen  has  been 
to  see  him,  and  where  she  remained  two  days  because  he  feigned  illness. 
She  afterwards  returned  secretly  to  London.  A  sister  of  Leicester's  of 
whom  the  Queen  was  very  fond,  and  to  whom  she  had  given  apartments 
at  Court,  retired  at  the  same  time  as  her  brother3." 

This  refers  doubtless  to  Lady  Sidney.  Fulke  Greville  says  that 
Leicester  "like  a  wise  man  under  colour  of  taking  physic 
voluntarily  became  prisoner  in  his  chamber4."  According  to 
Camden  he  was  ordered  not  to  stir  from  Greenwich  Castle,  and 
Elizabeth  was  dissuaded  from  her  purpose  of  sending  him  to 
the  Tower  only  on  the  advice  of  Sussex. 

Sussex,  however,  was  at  bitter  enmity  with  Leicester  now 
as  always,  for  he  was  the  chief  of  the  pro-French  faction5. 

1  Froude,  x,  p.  494.  2  Quoted  by  Froude,  x,  p.  493,  July  4,  1579. 

3  Spanish  State  Papers — Eliz.,  July  6,  1579.  *  Life,  p.  60. 

5  The  author  of  Leicester's  Commonwealth  accuses  Leicester  of  attempting 
to  poison  Simier  and  Sussex,  but  Leicester  attempted  to  murder  most  of 
the  prominent  characters  of  the  time  according  to  his  detractor.  V.  pp.  28 
and  37. 


1577—1579'  213 

Oxford,  a  mere  time-server,  was  also  of  the  party,  though  only 
a  year  before  Mendoza  had  described  him  as  "a  very  gallant 
lad"  who  did  not  wish  to  entertain  Frenchmen,  while  Leicester, 
Walsingham,  Pembroke  and  Hatton  were  the  leaders  of  the 
bitter  opposition  to  the  project. 

"The  whole  Council,"  declared  Mendoza,  "except  Sussex  and  Burghley 
disapprove  of  the  Alengon  marriage  and  have  told  the  Queen  so. . .  .Many 
documents  have  been  sent  to  her  lately  dissuading  her  from  the  business. 
This  has  been  managed  through  Leicester  and  Hatton  through  whose 
hands  most  of  the  papers  have  reached  her1." 

With  one  of  these  documents  we  are  especially  concerned,  for 
it  was  written  by  Sidney,  and  its  origin  is  probably  indicated 
in  another  of  Mendoza's  letters.  Leicester  was  allowed  to  return 
to  London  about  the  middle  of  August  and  after  an  interview 
with  the  Queen  "his  emotion  was  remarked." 

"A  meeting  was  held  on  the  same  night  at  the  Earl  of  Pembroke's  house, 
there  being  present  Lord  Sidney  [sic]  and  other  friends  and  relatives. 
They  no  doubt  discussed  the  matter,  and  some  of  them  afterwards  remarked 
that  Parliament  would  have  something  to  say  as  to  whether  the  Queen 
married  or  not.  The  people  in  general  seem  to  threaten  revolution 
about  it2." 

It  was  probably  at  this  meeting  at  Baynard's  Castle  that 
Sidney  undertook  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Queen  in  which  he 
should  point  out  to  her  the  inconveniences  attendant  upon  the 
match.  He  told  Languet  afterward  that  he  was  ordered  to 
write  by  those  whom  he  was  bound  to  obey,  and  with  this 
clue  we  may  conjecture  that  besides  the  Earl  of  Pembroke 
and  Sir  Henry  Sidney  there  were  present  that  night  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  Walsingham  and  possibly  Sir  Christopher  Hatton, 
with  whom  Leicester  and  his  nephew  were  both  on  terms  of 
especial  intimacy  at  this  time.  Before  considering  the  letter 
itself,  however,  we  must  turn  our  attention  to  an  unpleasant 
incident  which  had  given  Sidney  much  notoriety  a  few  days 
earlier. 

We  have  seen  that  no  one  had  been  more  ostentatiously  in 
favour  of  the  French  match  than  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  Burghley's 

1  Stale  Papers — Spanish— Eliz.,  October  16,  1679. 
*  Ibid.,  August  25,  1579. 


214  1577—1579  [OH. 

scapegrace  son-in-law.  Unhampered  by  any  principles  except 
that  of  self-advancement,  this  brutal  debauchee1  was  anxious 
only  to  say  what  was  pleasing  to  the  Queen,  and  so  successful 
was  he  that  he  had  become  one  of  her  favourites.  He  was 
much  in  the  company  of  Ale^on's  suite  during  the  few  days 
of  that  Prince's  visit  to  London.  Sidney,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  recognized  as  one  of  the  chief  of  the  younger  men  who 
were  most  opposed  to  the  marriage,  although  he  maintained 
"a  liberal  conversation  with  the  French,  reverenced  amongst 
the  worthiest  of  them  for  himself2."  Of  the  encounter  between 
these  two  strangely  diverse  courtiers  our  only  version  is  that 
given  by  Fulke  Greville.  Speaking  of  Sidney  he  says  : 

"Being  one  day  at  tennis,  a  peer  of  this  realm,  born  great,  greater  by 
alliance,  and  superlative  in  the  prince's  favour,  abruptly  came  into  the 
tennis-court,  and  speaking  out  of  these  three  paramount  authorities,  he 
forgot  to  entreat  that  which  he  could  not  legally  command. .  .at  last  with 
rage  (which  is  ever  ill-disciplined)  he  commands  them  to  depart  the  Court. 
To  this  Sir  Philip  temperately  answers  that  if  his  Lordship  had  been  pleased 
to  express  desire  in  milder  characters,  perchance  he  might  have  led  out 
those  that  he  should  now  find  would  not  be  driven  out  with  any  scourge 
of  fury.  This  answer  (like  a  bellows)  blowing  up  the  sparks  of  excess 
already  kindled,  made  my  Lord  scornfully  call  Sir  Philip  by  the  name  of 
puppy. . .  .The  French  Commissioners  unfortunately  had  that  day  audience 
in  those  private  galleries  whose  windows  looked  into  the  tennis-court. 
They  instantly  drew  all  to  this  tumult,  every  sort  of  quarrels  sorting  well 
with  their  humours,  especially  this.  Which  Sir  Philip  perceiving,  and 
rising  with  inward  strength  by  the  prospect  of  a  mighty  faction  against 
him,  asked  my  Lord  with  a  loud  voice  that  which  he  heard  clearly  enough 
before.  Who  (like  an  echo  that  still  multiplies  by  reflexions)  repeated 
this  epithet  of  puppy  the  second  time.  Sir  Philip,  resolving  in  one  answer 
to  conclude  both  the  attentive  hearers  and  passionate  actor,  gave  my 
Lord  a  lie,  impossible  (as  he  averred  to  be  retorted)  in  respect  all  the  world 
knows  puppies  are  gotten  by  dogs  and  children  by  men. 

Hereupon  these  glorious  inequalities  of  fortune  in  his  Lordship  were 
put  to  a  kind  of  pause  by  a  precious  inequality  of  nature  in  this  gentleman. 
So  that  they  both  stood  silent  a  while  like  a  dumb  show  in  a  tragedy,  till 
Sir  Philip,  sensible  of  his  own  wrong,  the  foreign  and  factious  spirits  that 
attended,  and  yet  even  in  this  question  between  him  and  his  superior, 

1  Some  two  years  later  Lord  Henry  Howard  declared  that  Oxford  had 
attempted  to  murder  Leicester  on  his  way  to  Wanstead,  and  Philip  Sidney  in 
his  bed  (State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  CLI). 

*  Greville,  Life,  p.  63. 


xi]  1577—1579  215 

tender  to  his  country's  honour,  with  some  words  of  sharp  accent  led  the 
way  abruptly  out  of  the  tennis-court,  as  if  so  unexpected  an  accident  were 
not  fit  to  be  decided  any  farther  in  that  place.  Whereof  the  great  Lord 
making  another  sense  continues  his  play  without  any  advantage  of  reputa- 
tion as  by  the  standard  of  humours  in  those  times  it  was  conceived. 

A  day  Sir  Philip  remains  in  suspense  when  hearing  nothing  of  or 
from  the  Lord  he  sends  a  gentleman  of  worth  to  awake  him  out  of  his  trance, 
wherein  the  French  would  assuredly  think  any  pause,  if  not  death,  yet  a 
lethargy  of  true  honour  in  both.  This  stirred  a  resolution  in  his  Lordship 
to  send  Sir  Philip  a  challenge1.  Notwithstanding,  these  thoughts  in  the 
great  Lord  wandered  so  long  between  glory,  anger  and  inequality  of  state 
as  the  Lords  of  her  Majesty's  Council  took  notice  of  the  differences,  com- 
manded peace,  and  laboured  a  reconciliation  between  them2." 

Finding  neither  Oxford  nor  Sidney  amenable  to  their  wishes, 
the  Council  referred  the  quarrel  to  the  Queen.  Character- 
istically she  pointed  out  to  Sidney  the  difference  in  degree 
between  earls  and  gentlemen  and  the  respect  inferiors  owed 
to  their  superiors.  He  replied  with  spirit  that  place  was  never 
intended  for  privilege  to  wrong,  and  that  the  difference  of 
degrees  between  free  men  could  not  challenge  any  other  homage 
than  precedency.  Nevertheless  the  Queen's  command  was 
sufficient  to  prevent  the  duel  actually  taking  place. 

For  us  the  chief  interest  of  the  incident  consists  in  the  fact 
that  Sidney  seems  to  have  had  no  misgivings  whatever  regarding 
what  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  do  to  preserve  his  honour. 
Writing  to  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  a  few  days  later  he  said  : 

"As  for  the  matter  depending  between  the  Earl  of  Oxford  and  me 
certainly,  Sir,  however  I  might  have  forgiven  him,  I  should  never  have 
forgiven  myself  if  I  had  lain  under  so  proud  an  injury  as  he  would  have  laid 
upon  me  ;  neither  can  anything  under  the  sun  make  me  repent  it,  nor  any 
misery  make  me  go  one  half -word  back  from  it.  Let  him,  therefore,  as  he 
will,  digest  it.  For  my  part  I  think  tying  up  makes  some  things  seem 
fiercer  than  they  would  be3." 

Even   Languet,  when   he  received   Sidney's  letter  giving  an 
account  of  the  quarrel,  was  far  from  unequivocal  condemnation 

1  The  challenge  is  said  to  have  been  carried  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  who  was 
a  friend  of  both  Sidney  and  Oxford. 

2  Life,  pp.  63-67. 

8  August  28,  1579.  Add.  MS.  15891,  fol.  31.  Printed  in  Nicolas'  Life 
of  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  (1847),  p.  128. 


216  1577—1579  [CH. 

"I  am  aware,"  he  wrote,  "that  by  a  habit  inveterate  in  all  Christendom, 
a  nobleman  is  disgraced  if  he  does  not  resent  such  an  insult ;  still  I  think  you 
were  unfortunate  to  be  drawn  into  this  contention  although  I  see  that  no 
blame  is  to  be  attached  to  you  for  it.  You  can  derive  no  true  honour 
from  it,  even  if  it  gave  you  occasion  to  display  to  the  world  your  con- 
stancy and  courage." 

He  goes  on  to  observe  that  several  writers  learned  in  the  law 
have  in  our  own  time  discussed  duelling,  and  that  an  English 
writer,  William  Newburgh,  has  cited  the  decrees  of  a  certain 
synod  in  which  duelling  is  absolutely  condemned  and  forbidden 
to  Christians.  On  this  point  Languet  expresses  no  opinion  ; 
he  is  more  concerned  for  Sidney's  personal  safety. 

"Since  your  adversary  has  attached  himself  to  Anjou's  party,"  he  adds, 
"if  your  wooer  shall  return  to  you  with  a  crowd  of  French  noblemen  about 
him,  you  must  be  on  your  guard,  for  you  know  the  fiery  nature  of  my 
countrymen1." 

Sidney  himself  was  simply  conscious  of  his  own  rectitude  and 
had  no  impulse  to  fly  in  the  face  of  the  accepted  traditions  of 
the  society  in  which  he  lived.  It  was  a  greater  and  more 
original  genius  almost  contemporary  with  Sidney  who  was 
the  first  to  lend  the  weight  of  his  authority  to  a  condemnation 
of  the  practice. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  quarrel  with  Oxford  Sidney 
submitted  a  letter  to  the  Queen  in  which  he  summed  up  the 
arguments  which  counted  chiefly  in  his  own  mind  against  the 
marriage  project.  He  had  already  by  words  delivered  to  her 
most  gracious  ear  the  general  sum  of  his  travelling  thoughts  on 
the  subject,  as  he  phrased  it :  now  in  more  formal  fashion, 
and  after  consultation  with  his  friends  and  relatives2,  he  essays 
the  task  in  writing.  The  letter3  is  amazingly  frank  and  direct, 
and  it  is  a  question  whether  all  Sidney's  elaborated  arguments 
had  any  object  except  to  show  the  Queen  how  intense  and  bitter 
was  the  popular  aversion.  He  deals  little  in  flattery,  though 
he  does  not  altogether  neglect  it.  With  little  of  apology  or 

1  Epistolce,  pp.  238-240. 

2  Sir  Henry  Sidney  in  a  Council  meeting  declared  "  The  marriage  cannot 
be  made  good  by  all  the  counsel  between  England  and  Rome.     A  mass  may  not 
be  suffered  in  the  Court."    He  affirmed  all  of  Sir  Walter  Mildmay's  anti-Papist 
speech.     Murdin,  Burghley  Papers,  October  6,  1679. 

3  Printed  by  Collins,  p.  287. 


xi]  1577—1579  217 

introduction  he  opens  his  argument.  The  Queen's  chief 
strength  consists  in  the  Protestant  section  of  her  own  people 
whose  hearts  will  "  be  galled  if  not  aliened  when  they  shall  see 
you  take  a  husband,  a  Frenchman  and  a  Papist,  in  whom 
(howsoever  fine  wits  may  find  further  dealings  or  painted 
excuses)  the  very  common  people  well  know  this,  that  he  is 
the  son  of  a  Jezabel  of  our  age  ;  that  his  brother  made  oblation 
of  his  own  sister's  marriage,  the  easier  to  make  massacres  of 
our  brethren  in  belief  ;  that  he  himself,  contrary  to  his  promise 
and  all  gratefulness,  having  his  liberty  and  principal  estate  by 
the  Huguenots'  means,  did  sack  Lacharists,  and  utterly  spoil 
them  with  fire  and  sword.  This  I  say  even  at  first  sight  gives 
occasion  to  all,  truly  religious,  to  abhor  such  a  master,  and 
consequently  to  dimmish  much  of  the  hopeful  love  they  have 
long  held  to  you."  The  English  Catholics,  whom  he  describes, 
perhaps  thinking  of  his  own  father's  impoverished  state,  as 
"  men ...  of  great  riches  because  the  affairs  of  state  have  not 
lain  on  them,"  he  charges  with  essential  disloyalty;  he  cites 
the  Northern  rebellion  and  declares  that  at  this  present  they 
want  nothing  so  much  as  a  head. 

Against  Alen§on  (he  was  now  Duke  of  Anjou  also,  but  was 
generally  referred  to  in  England  as  'Monsieur')  he  urges  his 
light  ambition,  the  French  disposition,  his  own  education,  his 
inconstant  temper  against  his  brother,  his  thrusting  himself 
into  the  Low  Country  matters,  his  sometimes  seeking  the 
King  of  Spain's  daughter,  sometimes  your  Majesty,  his  being 
sometimes  hot  and  sometimes  cold,  the  race's  unfaithfulness. 

"He  of  the  Romish  religion  and  if  he  be  a  man,  must  needs  have  that 
manlike  property  to  desire  that  all  men  be  of  his  mind  :  you  the  erector  and 
defender  of  the  contrary  and  the  only  sun  that  dazzleth  their  eyes.  He 
French,  and  desiring  to  make  France  great ;  your  Majesty  English  and 
desiring  nothing  less  than  that  France  should  not  grow  great." 

The  idea  that  an  alliance  with  Monsieur  can  strengthen 
England  in  her  foreign  relations,  he  scouts.  England's  strength 
is  in  the  loyalty  of  her  own  people,  who  are  devoted  to  the 
Queen  and  who  live  in  so  rare  a  government  "  where  neighbours' 
fires  give  us  light  to  see  our  quietness."  "In  the  behalf  of 
your  subjects  I  durst  with  my  blood  answer  it  that  there  was 


218  1577—1579  [CH. 

never  monarch  held  in  more  precious  reckoning  of  her  people." 
He  glances  at  the  fact  that  Queen  Mary  made  "an  odious 
marriage  with  a  stranger  which  is  now  in  question  whether 
your  Majesty  shall  do  or  no."  Reverting  to  his  own  cherished 
project  of  the  Protestant  League  he  says  : 

"I  do  with  most  humble  heart  say  unto  your  Majesty  (having  assayed 
this  dangerous  help)  for  your  standing  alone  you  must  take  it  for  a  singular 
honour  God  hath  done  you  to  be  indeed  the  only  Protector  of  his  Church, 
and  yet  in  worldly  respects  your  Kingdom  very  sufficient  so  to  do,  if  you 
make  that  religion  upon  which  you  stand,  to  carry  the  only  strength, 
and  have  abroad  those  that  still  maintain  the  same  course,  who  as  long 
as  they  may  be  kept  from  utter  falling  your  Majesty  is  sure  enough  from 
your  mightiest  enemies."  He  concludes  with  a  final  contemptuous  thrust 
at  Monsieur :  "As  for  this  man,  as  long  as  he  is  but  Monsieur  in  might, 
and  a  Papist  in  profession,  he  neither  can  nor  will  greatly  shield  you  ;  and 
if  he  get  once  to  be  King  his  defence  will  be  like  A j ax's  shield,  which  rather 
weighed  them  down  than  defended  those  that  bare  it." 

Elizabeth  had  probably  never  in  the  whole  course  of  her 
reign  received  a  letter  comparable  with  this  for  boldness  and 
frankness  of  speech.  The  correspondence  of  her  better  advisers 
is  characterized  by  indirectness  and  elaborateness — perhaps  a 
reflection  of  her  own  epistolary  style ;  that  of  the  worser  sort 
abounds  in  insincere  servility  and  adulation.  No  doubt  those 
for  whom  Sidney  was  spokesman  chose  him  *because  he 
*  would  speak  plainly.  The  sentiments  are  those  of  Walsingham 
and  Burghley  ;  the  style  is  Sidney's  own.  In  a  remarkable 
sense  of  the  word  Sidney  exemplified  what  was  best  in  the 
popular  ideals  of  his  day,  and  in  this  letter  his  intense  anti- 
French,  anti-Catholic  prejudices  are  essentially  English.  "  I 
wonder,"  Languet  wrote  him  a  few  months  later,  "  why  the  Duke 
of  Anjou  has  conceived  this  dislike  of  you.  If  he  hates  you 
only  because  you  opposed  him  in  England,  he  will  soon  be 
reconciled  to  you."  If  Anjou  had  ever  seen  this  letter  we 
should  need  no  laboured  explanation  of  his  dislike.  Fulke 
Greville  answers  the  question,  Whether  it  were  not  an  error, 
and  a  dangerous  one,  for  Sir  Philip,  being  neither  magistrate 
nor  councillor,  to  oppose  himself  against  his  sovereign's  pleasure 
in  things  indifferent  ?  by  saying  that  his  worth,  truth,  favour 


xi]  1577—1579  219 

and  sincerity  of  heart,  together  with  his  real  manner  of  pro- 
ceeding in  it,  were  his  privileges.  He  goes  on  to  say  that 
although  Sidney  found  a  sweet  stream  of  sovereign  humours 
in  that  well-tempered  Lady  to  run  against  him,  yet  found  he 
safety  in  herself  ;  her  princely  heart  was  a  sanctuary  unto  him 
and  he  kept  his  access  to  Her  Majesty  as  before.  Elizabeth 
was  no  doubt  amused  by  the  naivete  of  such  a  letter,  at  the 
same  time  that  she  approved  of  the  honest  loyalty  which  it 
evinced.  Nevertheless  Sidney  had  boldly  opposed  her  will 
and  was  the  spokesman  of  the  Leicestrian  faction;  it  was 
not  Elizabeth's  wont  to  let  such  an  act  pass  without  punishment, 
and  for  some  months  Sidney  tasted  to  a  mild  degree  of  the 
disfavour  which  Dudleys  and  Sidneys  alike  were  experiencing. 
Over  his  fortunes  in  the  ensuing  months  there  hung  what  Languet 
called  "  a  sort  of  cloud,"  and  it  was  just  a  year  later  that  he  was 
able  to  congratulate  Sidney  on  having  "  again  come  forth  from 
the  shadows  into  the  open  light  of  the  Court."  It  was  to  be 
a  happy  and  a  fruitful  year  in  his  life,  at  least  in  comparison 
with  those  which  had  immediately  preceded  it. 


CHAPTER  XII 

SIDNEY   A   MAN   OF   LETTERS — THE   ARCADIA   AND 
THE   APOLOGIE  FOR  POETRIE 

AFTER  discharging  his  duty  to  Queen  and  country  by  writing 
this  letter  Sidney  seems  to  have  ceased  from  further  active 
opposition  to  the  French  match.  To  this  course  Languet  had 
urged  him  strongly  : 

"I  admire  your  courage  in  freely  admonishing  the  Queen  and  your 
countrymen  of  that  which  is  to  the  State's  advantage.  But  you  must  take 
care  not  to  go  so  far  that  the  unpopularity  of  your  conduct  be  more  than 

you  can  bear 1  advise  you  to  persevere  as  long  as  you  can  do  anything 

that  may  benefit  your  country,  but  when  you  find  that  your  opposition 
only  draws  on  you  dislike  and  aversion,  and  that  neither  your  country, 
your  friends,  nor  yourself  derive  any  advantage  from  it,  I  advise  you  to 
give  way  to  necessity  and  reserve  yourself  for  better  times ;  for  time 
itself  will  bring  you  occasions  and  means  of  serving  your  country1." 

There  was  indeed  little  reason  to  believe  that  continued  oppo- 
sition could  be  of  service.  The  Puritan,  John  Stubbs,  who 
had  written  a  bitter  and  injudicious  pamphlet  against  the 
French  marriage,  and  Page,  the  bookseller  who  had  sold  it, 
were  made  example  of  in  November  when  in  front  of  the  Palace 
at  Westminster  "their  right  hands  were  struck  off  with  a 
cleaver  driven  through  the  wrist  with  a  beetle."  It  was  one 
of  Elizabeth's  most  unworthy  acts.  The  bravery  and  dignity 
of  both  men  as  they  underwent  punishment  made  a  deep 
impression  on  the  people2. 

Sidney's  first  impulse  was  to  join  Orange.  Languet  urged 
him  to  do  so,  and  emphasized  the  value  of  military  experience 

1  Pears,  p.  170. 

2  "Mr.  Stubbs,   his   words   upon   the   scaffold,   etc."     Harington,   Nugat 
Antiquas  (ed.  1779),  ra,  p.  179. 


CH.  xn]  The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie  221 

under  two  such  pre-eminent  leaders  as  Orange  and  La  Noue, 
both  of  whom  were  warmly  attached  to  the  young  Englishman. 
He  advised  him,  however,  to  make  up  his  mind  definitely 
before  discussing  the  plan  in  public. 

"You  know  that  last  year  you  gave  some  persons  a  hope  that  you  were 
coming  into  this  country,  and  though  it  was  no  fault  of  yours  that  you 
did  not  come,  still  if  the  same  thing  should  happen  again,  many  persons 
will  feel  that  there  is  a  want  of  constancy  in  you." 

Du  Plessis  thought  Sidney  would  be  unwise  to  leave  his  own 
country.  Sidney  hesitated  when  he  heard  that  Alen£on  would 
probably  return  to  the  Low  Countries.  Languet  was  able  to 
assure  him  that  at  least  many  months  would  elapse  before 
Alen9on's  return — months  which  might  be  used  to  wonderful 
advantage  under  La  Noue's  tuition.  When  the  States  decided 
in  May,  1580,  to  send  an  ambassador  to  Alen9on,  offering  him 
the  sovereignty  of  their  country,  Languet  accompanied  the 
party  on  private  business  for  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Orange, 
and  before  he  set  out  he  wrote  to  Sidney  regarding  plans  he 
had  made  for  his  reception1.  So  certain  did  Languet  feel  about 
it  that  he  reminded  Sidney  once  more  of  the  prophecy  he  had 
once  made  in  Vienna2. 

But  Sidney  did  not  leave  England.  As  we  shall  see,  his 
interest  in  various  literary  matters  had  developed  strongly 
even  before  the  time  of  his  submitting  his  letter  to  the  Queen, 
and  it  was  to  develop  strongly  for  some  time.  Hitherto  his 
reputation  had  been  great  as  a  favourer  of  learning  and  a  patron 
of  men  of  letters3. 

"The  Universities  abroad  and  at  home  accounted  him  a  general  Maecenas 
of  learning,"  Fulke  Greville  tells  us,  "dedicated  their  books  to  him,  and 
communicated  every  invention  or  improvement  of  knowledge  with  him . . . 
there  was  not  a  cunning  painter,  a  skilful  engineer,  an  excellent  musician 
or  any  other  artificer  of  extraordinary  fame  that  made  not  himself  known 
to  this  famous  spirit  and  found  him  his  true  friend  without  hire." 

1  Epistolas,  p.  271,  May  6,  1580. 

*  Ibid.  p.  262,  March  12,  1580. 

1  In  November,  1579,  Lambertus  Danaeus,  the  Genevan  theologian,  sent  to 
Sidney  through  Languet  a  copy  of  his  Geographiam  Poeticam  which  he  had 
dedicated  to  Sidney.  Epistolce,  p.  248. 


222  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [OH. 

He  "did  not  only  encourage  learning  and  honour  in  the  schools," 
Greville  continues,  "but  brought  the  affection  and  true  use 
thereof  into  the  Court  and  Camp."  For  a  year  or  more  after  the 
partial  withdrawal  of  the  Queen's  favour  literature  was  to  be  his 
chief  interest  and  writing  his  chief  occupation.  He  spent  the 
time  partly  at  Leicester  House1  but  principally  at  Wilton  in 
the  society  of  his  sister,  Mary,  the  Countess  of  Pembroke,  to 
whom  he  was  warmly  attached,  and  whose  tastes  coincided  in 
a  remarkable  degree  with  his  own.  He  was  by  no  means  free 
from  melancholy — partly  because  he  was  temperamentally 
inclined  to  it,  partly  because  he  did  not  regard  his  literary  work 
in  a  serious  way.  It  was  merely  a  diversion  to  fill  in  months 
of  enforced  inaction  when  he  would  have  wished  to  be  per- 
forming some  work  that  would  be  of  advantage  to  his  country 
or  to  the  Protestant  cause.  He  was  able  to  see  much  of 
the  various  members  of  his  family,  however,  and  from  his 
relations  to  his  family  his  most  unalloyed  happiness  was 
always  derived. 

Early  in  February  Sir  Henry  Sidney  proceeded  to  Wales  to 
assume  the  duties  of  his  Presidency,  and  about  the  same  time 
Philip  went  down  to  Wilton2.  Lady  Pembroke's  eldest  son 
William  (who  was  to  become  Shakespeare's  patron)  was  born 
on  April  8th.  The  Countess  of  Warwick  represented  the  Queen 
as  godmother,  and  the  godfathers  were  the  Earls  of  Warwick 
and  Leicester — the  latter  represented  by  his  deputy  Philip 
Sidney3.  Sir  Henry  was  accustomed  to  take  advantage  of  his 


1  During  the  autumn  months  he  was  in  London,  as  is  shown  by  Spenser's 
letters,  and  also  by  a  letter  written  to  him  on  October  16th  by  the  Earl  of 
Clanrickard  asking  him  "  to  be  a  mean  to  my  very  good  Lord,  your  father,  on 
my  behalf"  (State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  vol.  LXIX).     On  New  Year's  Day  he 
presented  to  the  Queen  a  cup  of  cristall  with  a  cover  (Nichols,  n,  289),  and  he 
was  evidently  still  in  London  on  January  16th  when  Fabianus  Niphus  wrote 
to  Dannewitz,  the  secretary  of  Archduke  Matthias,  that  "  Philip  Sidney,  a  young 
man  of  eminent  wit  and  virtue,  is  wholly  with  us,  and  displays  great  affection 
for  our  prince"  (State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.). 

2  From  there  he  wrote  to  Arthur  Atye,  Leicester's  secretary,  on  March  25th 
(State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  cxxxvi).     No  doubt  he  occasionally  visited 
London.     Spenser's  letter  to  Harvey  of  April,  1580,  reports  Sidney  in  good 
health.     Haslewood.  p.  269. 

8  Sidney  Psalter. 


XH]     The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologia  for  Poetrie     223 

proximity  to  Wilton  to  visit  his  children,  but  in  June  Walsing- 
ham  informed  him  of  Her  Majesty's  pleasure 

"for  your  continual  residence  within  your  charge  without  any  kind  of 
removing  from  thence  these  dangerous  times... and  this  care  she  hath 
commanded  me  to  recommend  unto  your  Lordship  the  more  earnestly 
for  that  she  is  given  to  understand  that  your  Lordship  doth  sometime 
resort  to  Wilton1." 

There  seemed  to  be  something  almost  of  personal  spitefulness 
in  Elizabeth's  attitude  to  Sir  Henry.  Irish  affairs  were  going 
badly.  James  Fitzmaurice  and  Sanders  had  landed  in  the 
preceding  autumn  and  the  Desmond  rebellion  was  blazing 
throughout  the  southern  half  of  the  island.  Ormond  had 
been  dispatched  as  military  governor  of  Munster,  but  he  too 
was  complaining  bitterly  of  inadequate  supplies,  and  capable 
soldiers  like  Malbie  and  Drury  were  declaring  that  Sir  Henry 
Sidney  was  the  only  man  who  could  handle  the  situation. 
Meanwhile  the  Queen  had  found  no  one  willing  to  be  his  suc- 
cessor, and  although  Sir  Henry  was  at  this  very  time  giving 
every  assistance  which  he  could  possibly  render  to  Arthur, 
Lord  Grey2,  who  had  been  designated  Lord  Deputy,  the  Queen 
in  her  fatuousness  seemed  to  visit  on  his  head  all  her  troubles 
in  Ireland.  In  August  Walsingham  was  compelled  to  communi- 
cate to  his  friend  a  second  rebuke  consequent  on  his  failure  to 
proceed  vigorously  against  "recusants  and  obstinate  persons 
in  religion,"  and  to  this  letter  he  added  a  friendly  foot-note : 
"Your  Lordship  had  need  to  walk  warily  for  your  doings  are 
narrowly  observed,  and  her  Majesty  is  apt  to  give  ear  to  any 
that  shall  ill  you3."  It  is  little  wonder  that  Sir  Henry,  so 
broken  in  health  that  he  could  no  longer  use  a  pen,  when  he 
reflected  on  the  character  of  his  service  to  the  Queen  during 
the  past  twenty  years,  was  filled  with  bitterness  of  heart. 

1  Sidney  Papers,  I,  p.  274. 

2  See  a  long  detailed  letter  of  advice  written  by  Sir  Henry  to  Lord  Grey 
(Sidney  Papers,  i,  279).     "  You  shall  have  the  best  advice  that  I  shall  be  able 
to  give  you,  protesting  that  if  Philip  Sidney  were  in  your  place,  who  most 
earnestly  and  often  hath  spoken  and  written  to  do  this  loving  office,  he,  I  say, 
should  have  no  more  of  me  than  I  most  willingly  will  write  to  you  from  time 
to  time." 

8  Sidney  Papers,  i,  p.  276. 


224  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

Sidney  probably  returned  to  Court  in  the  early  autumn. 
In  a  letter  to  his  uncle  written  at  Clarinton  on  August  2nd  in 
which  he  tells  of  having  brought  his  sister  home,  he  says  that 
he  has  a  bad  cold  which  keeps  him  from  Court.  He  doubts 
not  that  Her  Majesty  will  ask  for  him,  "  but,"  he  adds  cynically, 
"so  long  as  she  sees  a  silk  doublet  upon  me  Her  Highness  will 
think  me  in  good  case1."  On  November  29th  he  described 
himself  as  ill  and  melancholy  in  a  letter  to  Sebastian  Pardini, 
the  Paris  agent  of  Don  Antonio  of  Portugal2.  Possibly  because 
of  his  literary  preoccupation  there  are  comparatively  few  facts 
to  chronicle  in  Sidney's  life  during  1580.  At  some  time  during 
the  year  he  was  one  of  the  defenders  in  a  tournament  when  the 
Earl  of  Arundell  with  his  assistant,  Sir  William  Drury,  chal- 
lenged all  comers3,  and  it  was  also  during  this  year  that  he 
received  a  grant  from  the  Earl  of  Leicester  of  the  Stewardship 
to  the  Bishop  of  Winchester*.  His  finances  were  now  as 
always  a  source  of  trouble.  On  April  23rd  he  and  his  father 
had  sold  to  Sir  Stephen  Twilbie  a  Lincolnshire  manor5,  and  on 
June  1st  of  the  following  year  he  gave  to  his  father  a  release 
for  the  manor  of  Eppesbrook  near  Penshurst,  which  they  had 
jointly  purchased  a  short  time  before  from  Thomas  Willoughby6. 
Obscure  in  significance  as  these  facts  may  be,  they  suggest 
that  Sidney  was  in  need  of  money.  This  we  know  indepen- 
dently by  references  in  Languet's  letters  to  Robert's  impecunious 
condition. 

A  long  letter  to  this  brother  written  from  Leicester  House 
in  October  of  this  year  gives  us  one  of  the  pleasanter  pictures 
of  Sidney's  life  at  the  time.  Languet's  reports  of  the  young 
man  had  been  on  the  whole  very  favourable  and  encouraging. 
Dr  Lobetius  had  had  direct  oversight  of  him  during  his  stay 
in  Sturm's  household  at  Strassburg,  and  when  Lobetius  left 
the  city  Robert  had  removed  with  the  concurrence  of  Languet 

1  MS.  of  C.  Cottrell  Dormer,  Esq.  Appendix  to  Third  Report  of  Hist.  MSS. 
Com. 

2  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.      Pardini   to  Sidney,  February  21,   1581. 
Italian. 

3  Nichols'  Progresses,  n,  p.  334. 

4  Marquis  of  Bath's  MSS.     Appendix  to  Third  Report  of  Hist.  MSS.  Com. 

5  Penshurst  Latin  Parchment.  6  Ibid. 


xn]      The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      225 

and  Sidney  to  Leipzig.  Apart  from  his  inability  to  make  his 
means  meet  his  necessities  Languet's  only  criticism  of  the  youth 
had  been  regarding  a  report  he  had  heard  that  Robert  was 
anxious  to  join  Casimir  when  the  latter  led  his  forces  into  France, 
and  in  defence  of  himself  Robert  might  kave  urged  that  his 
elder  brother  had  advised  him  to  see  "any  good  wars"  if  he 
could  hear  of  such.  The  following  extracts  will  illustrate  the 
tone  of  the  letter  referred  to1 : 

"MY  DEAR  BROTHER  : 

For  the  money  you  have  received  assure  yourself,  for  it  is  true, 
there  is  nothing  I  spend  so  pleaseth  me  as  that  which  is  for  you.  If  ever 
I  have  ability  you  will  find  it ;  if  not,  yet  shall  not  any  brother  li ving  be 
better  beloved  than  you  of  me.  I  cannot  write  now  to  N.  White ;  do 
you  excuse  me.  For  his  nephew,  they  are  but  passions  in  my  father 
which  we  must  bear  with  reverence,  but  I  am  sorry  he  should  return  till 
he  had  the  circuit  of  his  travel,  for  you  shall  never  have  such  a  servant 
as  he  would  prove  ;  use  your  own  discretion  therein.  For  your  counten- 
ance, I  would  for  no  cause  have  it  diminished  in  Germany ;  in  Italy  your 
greatest  expense  must  be  upon  worthy  men  and  not  upon  householding. 
Look  to  your  diet,  sweet  Robin,  and  hold  up  your  heart  in  courage  and 
virtue ;  truly  great  part  of  my  comfort  is  in  you." 

After  a  long  discourse  on  the  manner  of  reading  history,  he 
proceeds  : 

"My  time  exceeding  short  will  suffer  me  to  write  no  more  leisurely : 
Stephen  can  tell  you  who  stands  with  me  while  I  am  writing.  Now,  dear 
brother,  take  delight  likewise  in  the  Mathematical ;  Mr.  Savile  is  excellent 
in  them.  I  think  you  understand  the  sphere  ;  if  you  do  I  care  little  for 
any  more  astronomy  in  you.  Arithmetic  and  geometry  I  would  wish  you 
well  seen  in,  so  as  both  in  matter  of  number  and  measure  you  might  have 
a  feeling  and  active  judgment.  I  would  you  did  bear  the  mechanical 
instruments  wherein  the  Dutch  excel.  I  write  this  to  you  as  one  that  for 
myself  have  given  over  the  delight  in  the  world,  but  wish  to  you  as  much, 
if  not  more,  than  to  myself.  So  you  can  speak  and  write  Latin,  not  bar- 
barously, I  never  require  great  study  in  Ciceronianism,  the  chief  abuse  of 
Oxford,  Qui  dum  verba  sectantur,  res  ipsas  negligunt.  My  toyful  books, 
I  will  send,  with  God's  help,  by  February,  at  which  time  you  shall  have 
your  money.  And  for  £200  a  year  assure  yourself  if  the  estates  of  England 
remain  you  shall  not  fail  of  it ;  use  it  to  your  best  profit.  My  Lord  Leicester 
sends  you  forty  pounds,  as  I  understand  by  Stephen,  and  promiseth  he 
will  continue  that  stipend  yearly  at  the  least ;  then  that  is  above  Commons. 
In  any  case  write  largely  and  diligently  unto  him,  for  in  truth  I  have  good 

1  Sidney  Papers,  i,  p.  283. 
W.  L.  S.  15 


226  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

proof  that  he  means  to  be  every  way  good  unto  you.  The  odd  £30  shall 
come  with  the  hundred  or  else  my  father  and  I  will  jarl.  Now,  sweet 
brother,  take  a  delight  to  keep  and  increase  your  music  ;  you  will  not 
believe  what  a  want  I  find  of  it  in  my  melancholy  times.  At  horsemanship 
when  you  exercise  it  read  Orison  Claudia,  and  a  book  that  is  called  La 
Gloria  de  VCavatto  withal,  that  you  may  join  the  thorough  contemplation 
of  it  with  the  exercise,  and  so  shall  you  profit  more  in  a  month  than  others 
in  a  year,  and  mark  the  bitting,  saddling  and  curing  of  horses.  I  would 
by  the  way,  your  worship  would  learn  a  better  hand :  you  write  worse 
than  I,  and  I  write  evil  enough.  Once  again  have  a  care  of  your  diet  and 
consequently  of  your  complexion  ;  remember  Gratior  est  veniens  in  pulchro 
corpore  Virtus.  Now,  sir,  for  news  I  refer  myself  to  this  bearer ;  he  can 
tell  you  how  idle  we  look  on  our  neighbour's  fires,  and  nothing  is  happened 
notable  at  home  save  only  Drake's  return,  of  which  yet  I  know  not  the  secret 
points,  but  about  the  world  he  hath  been,  and  rich  he  is  returned.  Portugal, 
we  say,  is  lost,  and,  to  conclude,  my  eyes  are  almost  closed  up,  overwatched 
with  tedious  business.  God  bless  you,  sweet  boy,  and  accomplish  the 
joyful  hope  I  conceive  of  you. . .  .Lord,  how  I  have  babbled !  Once  again 
farewell,  dearest  brother. 

Your  most  loving  and  careful  brother, 

PHILIP  SIDNEY. 
At  Leicester  House  this 
18th  of  October,   1580." 

In  these  latter  months  of  1580  Sidney's  inaction  and  con- 
sequent gloom  are  reflected  in  all  we  hear  of  him.  We  have 
heard  him  describe  himself  as  "ill  and  melancholy"  to  Pardini, 
and  to  Robert,  as  one  who  has  given  over  the  delight  in  the 
world.  Languet,  in  his  last  extant  letter,  is  deeply  concerned 
lest  Sidney  sink  into  slothful  ease,  and  urges  him  to  seek  Dyer's 
counsel  in  arriving  at  some  definite  resolution  as  to  his  future 
course1.  He  reminds  him  that  however  pleasant  it  may  be 
to  enjoy  familiar  intercourse  with  his  family,  and  however 
useful  he  may  be  to  his  father,  his  first  duty  is  to  his  country, 
and  in  the  present  circumstances  he  can  do  nothing  better 
for  her  than  acquire  military  training  under  La  Noue  and 
Orange  which  may  one  day  prove  of  the  highest  value. 

"If  the  advice  which  you  offered,  believing  it  to  be  good  for  England, 
was  not  received  as  it  deserved,"  Languet  had  already  written  him,  "you 
must  not  therefore  be  angry  with  your  country,  for  good  citizens  ought 
to  pardon  her  every  wrong,  and  not  for  any  such  reason  desist  from  working 
for  her  preservation." 

1  Epistolce,  pp.  287,  288,  October  28,  1580. 


XH]      The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      227 

Sidney's  reference  to  his  "toyful  books"  of  which  Robert  has 
heard,  shows  how  lightly  he  estimated  such  work :  evidently 
he  had  never  ventured  even  to  confess  to  Languet  that  he  had 
been  engaged  in  such  vain,  amatorious  occupations. 

To  these  occupations  we  must  now  give  our  attention. 
It  is  in  the  spring  of  1578  that  we  first  hear  of  Sidney's  especial 
interest  in  literature.  Early  in  May  the  Queen  paid  a  visit  to 
Leicester  at  Wanstead,  and  part  of  her  entertainment  consisted 
of  a  masque  or  pastoral  farce— The  Lady  of  May— written  by 
Sidney.  It  is  a  very  slight,  unpretentious  production— some 
ten  pages  written  in  prose  through  which  are  interspersed 
several  short  poems.  The  Lady  of  May  has  two  suitors, — a 
forester  of  many  deserts  and  many  faults,  and  a  shepherd  of 
small  deserts  and  no  faults.  She  likes  them  both  but  loves 
neither,  and  she  appeals  to  the  Queen  "as  to  the  beautif idlest 
Lady  these  woods  have  ever  received"  to  help  her  decide. 
Rhombus,  a  neighbouring  schoolmaster,  "that  is  to  say,  a 
Pedagogue,  one  not  a  little  versed  in  the  disciplinating  of  the 
juvenal  frie,"  attempts  to  present  the  case  to  Her  Majesty,  but 
is  repulsed  by  the  May-lady  for  his  tedious  pompousness.  The 
suitors  then  present  their  own  cases  in  verse ;  another  shepherd 
and  another  forester  revile  each  other  in  prose,  and  after 
Rhombus  has  again  tried  to  "  endoctrinate  their  plumbeous  cere- 
brosities,"  the  Queen  finally  delivers  judgment  for  the  shepherd. 
The  piece  is  rather  an  extempore  pastoral  scene  in  which  are 
elements  of  both  the  farce  and  the  masque,  than  a  regular  masque 
as  that  form  came  to  be  understood  somewhat  later.  The  graceful 
phrasing  of  the  flattery  of  the  Queen,  the  out-of-doors  atmo- 
sphere, the  picturesque  contrasts  in  the  costumes,  and  the 
really  amusing  pompousness  of  the  schoolmaster  unite  to  give 
the  little  play  considerable  merit,  though  it  is  chiefly  notable 
in  that  Rhombus  is  without  doubt  the  prototype  of  Holofernes. 

Some  two  months  after  the  Wanstead  entertainment,  on 
July  26th,  the  Queen  visited  Audley  End  at  Saffron  Walden, 
and  there  she  was  waited  on  by  the  Vice-Chancellor,  heads  of 
colleges,  and  scholars  of  the  University  of  Cambridge.  Sidney 
was  now  on  the  point  of  setting  out  for  Holland,  and  it  was  only 
when  he  had  come  to  Audley  End  to  take  his  leave  that  he 

15—2 


228  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

learned  in  full  the  conditions  under  which  he  was  to  go.  As 
we  have  seen,  he  declined  the  office  of  carrying  discouragement 
to  his  continental  friends1.  We  may  assume  that  he  now 
renewed  Cambridge  acquaintances.  When  Gabriel  Harvey, 
who  was  present  at  the  Audley  End  celebrations,  a  few  weeks 
later  published  his  Gratulationes  Valdinenses  he  dedicated  one 
division  of  the  book  to  Sidney — mihi  multis  nominibus  longe 
charissimum.  When  Harvey  was  presented  to  the  Queen 
she  spoke  of  having  previously  heard  of  him  from  Leicester, 
and  we  have  already  seen  that  a  year  before  the  time  with  which 
we  are  now  dealing,  Spenser  was  with  Sir  Henry  Sidney  in 
Ireland  ;  these  facts  suggest  that  Sidney's  relation  to  his 
former  Cambridge  acquaintances  had  been  much  more  intimate 
in  the  years  that  had  passed  since  he  left  the  University  than 
has  ordinarily  been  supposed.  What  is  certain  is  that  by  the 
latter  part  of  1579  Spenser  had  come  to  London  and  was 
living  at  Leicester  House,  that  he  was  on  terms  of  familiarity 
with  Sidney  and  Dyer,  and  that  they  together  discussed  literary 
questions.  In  the  following  winter  Spenser  published  his 
Shepherd's  Calendar  and  dedicated  it  to  Sidney — 

"  To  him  that  is  the  president 
Of  Noblesse  and  of  chevelree." 

The  prefatory  letter  written  by  Spenser's  friend,  Edward 
Kirke,  described  Sidney  as  "a  special  favourer  and  maintainer 
of  all  kind  of  learning."  In  after  days  Spenser  was  generous 
in  his  expressions  of  indebtedness.  He  calls  Sidney  "the 
patron  of  my  young  Muses,"  and  refers  to  him  as  "that  most 
heroic  spirit" 

"  Who  first  my  muse  did  lift  out  of  the  floor 
To  sing  his  sweet  delights  in  lowly  lays." 

The  title  of  one  of  Spenser's  lost  works,  Stemmata  Dudleiana, 
suggests  that  it  was  written  to  recognize  the  favours  shown  him 
by  Leicester  and  his  nephew,  and  many  years  later,  in  dedicating 
The  Ruins  of  Time  to  the  Countess  of  Pembroke,  Spenser  refers 
to  his  "most  entire  love  and  humble  affection  unto  that  most 
brave  knight  your  brother  deceased."  The  references  to 

1  See-pp.  199-200. 


xn]     The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      229 

Sidney  in  Spenser's  Astrophel  and  Colin  Clout  similarly  express 
the  warmest  enthusiasm  and  admiration.  These  references, 
however,  together  with  the  Spenser-Harvey  correspondence, 
furnish  us  with  the  whole  of  our  information  as  to  the  relations 
of  the  two  men  whose  tastes  and  character  fitted  them  in  an 
unusual  degree  for  friendship,  and  from  these  sources  we  learn 
only  very  little  that  is  not  of  a  general  character.  Our  scanty 
stock  of  detailed  information  has  been  eked  out  by  two  state- 
ments, one  or  both  of  which  have  been  very  generally  repeated 
by  writers  on  the  subject1 — statements  which  are  calculated 
to  enable  the  imagination  to  conjure  up  a  picture  of  more 
intimate  relations  than  we  are  warranted  in  affirming.  The 
first  of  these  is  that  Spenser  was  for  a  time  Sidney's  guest  at 
Penshurst,  the  second  that  they  were  both  members  of  a 
literary  club  in  London  called  the  Areopagus  which  also  num- 
bered Harvey,  Edward  Dyer,  Fulke  Greville,  and  others  of 
Sidney's  courtly  friends  among  its  members.  For  neither 
statement  have  I  been  able  to  find  any  justification2.  The 
second  is  based  on  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  written 
by  Spenser  to  Harvey  : 

"As  for  the  two  worthy  gentlemen,  Master  Sidney  and  Master  Dyer,  they 
have  me,  I  thank  them,  in  some  use  of  familiarity ;  of  whom  and  to  whom, 
what  speech  passeth  for  your  credit  and  estimation,  I  leave  yourself  to 
conceive,  having  always  so  well  conceived  of  my  unfeigned  affection  and 
zeal  towards  you.  And  now  they  have  proclaimed  in  their  apfiuircrym  a 
general  surceasing  and  silence  of  bald  rhymers,  and  also  of  the  very  best, 
too :  instead  whereof  they  have  by  authority  of  their  whole  Senate, 
prescribed  certain  laws  and  rales  of  quantities  of  English  syllables  for 
English  verse,  having  had  thereof  already  great  practice,  and  drawn  me 
to  their  faction3." 

Spenser  obviously  intends  to  give  his  friend  a  humorous 
account  of  what  he  well  knew  was  a  Herculean  task,  and  ac- 
cordingly he  refers  to  the  partnership  of  Sidney  and  Dyer  as  an 
Areopagus  or  whole  Senate.  Harvey  evidently  understands  him 
in  this  sense  when  he  replies :  "  Your  new-founded  apetco-rrayov 

1  By  Fox-Bourne,  Fliigel,  Sidney  Lee,  etc. 

2  Harvey's  reference  to  "a  goodly  Kentish  garden  of  your  old  Lords"  is  an 
altogether  inadequate  foundation  for  the  first  statement. 

3  Haslewood,  Ancient  Critical  Essays,  vol.  n,  p.  288. 


230  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

I  honour  more  than  you  will  or  can  suppose ;  and  make  greater 
account  of  the  two  worthy  gentlemen  than  of  two  hundred 
Dionisy  Areopagitae  or  the  very  notablest  senators  that  ever 
Athens  did  afford  of  that  number."  He  several  times  refers  to  the 
opinions  of  the  "two  gentlemen"  but  expressly  forbids  Spenser 
even  to  show  his  poems  to  "any  else,  friend  or  foe"  ;  the 
letters  contain  no  reference  to  Greville  or  any  "  others  of  Sidney's 
courtly  friends."  It  would  be  pleasant  to  know  that  there 
was  a  warm  personal  friendship  between  Sidney  and  Spenser, 
and  that  Sidney  knew  and  appreciated  at  its  true  worth  the 
Faerie  Queene,  of  which  Harvey  had  such  a  poor  opinion,  but 
these  are  subjects  for  pleasant  speculation  only.  Sidney's 
rather  grudging  appreciation  of  the  Shepherd's  Calendar  in 
his  Apologie  must  give  us  pause  when  we  are  contemplating 
any  such  imaginative  flights.  We  simply  know  that  Sidney 
and  Dyer  had  Spenser  "in  some  use  of  familiarity."  Though 
living  at  Leicester  House,  Spenser  can  only  promise  Harvey  to 
show  his  Iambics  to  Sidney  and  Dyer  "at  my  next  going  to 
the  Court."  Within  a  few  months  Spenser  went  to  Ireland  as 
secretary  to  Lord  Grey,  and  he  did  not  return  to  England 
until  some  three  years  after  Sidney's  death. 

From  the  extracts  already  quoted  we  learn  that  Sidney  and 
Dyer  have  become  enthusiasts  for  English  quantitative  verse 
and  are  scourging  'bald  rhymers'  as  no  true  poets.  Harvey 
seems  to  suggest  that  he  himself  was  the  originator  of  the 
movement : 

"I  cannot  choose  but  thank  and  honour  the  good  angel  (whether  it  were 
Gabriel  or  some  other)  that  put  so  good  a  motion  into  the  heads  of  those 
two  excellent  gentlemen,  Mr.  Sidney  and  Mr.  Dyer,  the  two  very  diamonds 
of  her  Majesty's  court  for  many  special  and  rare  qualities,  as  to  help 
forward  our  new  famous  enterprise  for  the  exchanging  of  barbarous  and 
balductum  rhymes  with  artificial  verses." 

Harvey's  own  prosody  varied  somewhat  from  that  observed 
by  Sidney,  Dyer  and  Spenser — a  scheme  which  had  been  drawn 
up  by  'Master  Drant'  and  revised  by  Sidney  and  Spenser. 
They  all  laboured  hard  to  hold  each  other's  attempts  "  in  great 
good  liking  and  estimation,"  but  it  was  an  uphill  task.  Harvey 
confessed  that  he  was  "  wont  to  have  some  prejudice  of  the 


xn]     The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      231 

man" — Drant — and  utterly  rejected  his  authority.  He  and 
Spenser  both  confess  their  great  difficulty  with  the  accent,  and 
though  Harvey  virtuously  condemns  all  wrenching,  and  the 
devising  of  any  'counterfeit,  fantastical  accent  of  our  own,'  he 
feels  that  his  own  practice  needs  much  explanation,  and  relieves 
himself  by  flings  at  "this  ill-favoured  orthography  or  rather 
pseudography,"  which  hopelessly  confuses  the  determination 
of  the  quantity.  The  result  of  Sidney's  efforts  remains  in  the 
poems  of  the  Arcadia  ;  the  majority  of  Spenser's  have  happily 
perished.  When  somewhat  later  Sidney  wrote  his  Apologie  he 
was  much  more  tolerant  of  rhyme. 

Harvey  regards  Sidney  and  Dyer  as  "  our  very  Castor  and 
Pollux"  in  the  writing  of  "  delicate  and  choice  elegant  Poesie," 
and  he  can  hardly  refer,  except  to  a  slight  extent,  to  poems  of 
the  equivocal  sort  which  we  have  been  discussing.  The  chron- 
ology of  Sidney's  various  works  is  still  far  from  being  accurately 
determined,  but  we  can  glean  from  various  sources  something 
definite  on  the  subject.  In  the  Apologie  Sidney  speaks  of 
"in  these  my  not  old  years  and  idlest  times  having  slipt 
into  the  title  of  a  poet,"  and  he  also  gives  us  his  reason 
for  having  practised  in  this  "unelected  vocation."  "Over- 
mastered by  some  thoughts,"  he  says,  "I  yielded  an  inky  tribute 
unto  them."  Of  his  own  efforts  he  always  spoke  in  disparaging 
tones.  They  were  the  product  of  his  idlest  times  ;  he  allowed 
none  of  them  to  be  printed  during  his  lifetime ;  probably 
many  of  his  best  friends,  like  Languet,  were  unaware  of  their 
existence.  However  Sidney  might  exalt  the  function  of  the 
poet  and  of  poetry,  he  could  not  forget  that  in  England  poets 
"are  almost  in  as  good  reputation  as  the  mountebanks  in 
Venice."  Like  several  others  of  the  noble  youth  of  the  Court, 
he  paid  tribute  to  the  promptings  of  the  Renaissance  spirit  by 
writing  both  prose  and  verse,  but  he  is  extremely  anxious  that 
it  be  understood  that  these  are  but '  toyful  books '  produced  for 
the  entertainment  of  indulgent  friends.  At  no  time  did  he  set 
any  serious  estimate  on  the  value  of  the  books  he  wrote. 

In  1579-1580  Sidney  was  known  as  a  writer  of  poems,  and 
as  we  shall  see  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  these  poems 
are  included  in  the  sonnet  sequence  of  Astrophel  and  Stella. 


232  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

It  was  almost  certainly  in  1580,  during  his  residence  with  his 
sister  at  Wilton,  that  he  wrote  the  Arcadia.  It  was  written,  he 
tells  us,  in  the  letter  prefaced  to  the  first  printed  edition,  because 
«he  desired  him  to  do  it.  He  further  says  that  it  was  written 
on  loose  sheets  of  paper,  most  of  it  in  his  sister's  presence,  the 
rest  by  sheets  sent  unto  her  as  fast  as  they  were  done.  It  was 
done  only  for  her,  only  to  her.  She  is  urged  to  keep  it  to  herself, 
or  to  such  friends  as  will  weigh  errors  in  the  balance  of  good- will. 
His  excuse  for  writing  is  that 

"a  young  head,  not  so  well  stayed  as  I  would  it  were,  and  shall  be  when 
God  will,  having  many  many  fancies  begotten  in  it,  if  it  had  not  been  in 
some  way  delivered,  would  have  grown  a  monster,  and  more  sorry  would  I 
be  that  they  came  in  than  that  they  got  out.  But  his  chief  safety  shall 
be  the  not  walking  abroad." 

Aubrey  tells  a  story  on  the  authority  of  his  great- uncle,  who 
remembered  Sidney,  that  "he  was  often  wont,  as  he  was  hunting 
on  our  pleasant  plains,  to  take  his  table-book  out  of  his  pocket 
and  write  down  his  notions  as  they  came  into  his  head  when 
he  was  writing  his  Arcadia^ " — and  the  context  shows  that  he 
is  referring  to  Salisbury  Plain.  At  Wilton  an  avenue  of  trees 
is  still  pointed  out  as  that  in  which,  according  to  tradition, 
Sidney  composed  the  Arcadia. 

An  important  reference  to  the  romance  is  contained  in  a 
letter2  written  by  Greville  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  in 
November,  1586, — immediately  after  Sidney's  death. 

"Sir,"  writes  Greville,  "this  day  one  Ponsonby,  a  book-binder  in  Paul's 
Churchyard,  came  to  me  and  told  me  that  there  was  one  in  hand  to  print 
Sir  Philip  Sidney's  old  Arcadia,  asking  me  if  it  were  done  with  your  honour's 
voice  or  any  other  of  his  friends.  I  told  him  to  my  knowledge,  no,  then 
he  advised  me  to  give  warning  of  it,  either  to  the  archbishop  or  Doctor 
Cousin,  who  have,  as  he  says,  a  copy  to  peruse  to  that  end.  Sir,  I  am  loath 
to  renew  his  memory  unto  you,  but  yet  in  this  I  must  presume,  for  I  have 
sent  my  lady,  your  daughter,  at  her  request,  a  correction  of  that  old  one, 
done  four  or  five  years  since,  which  he  left  in  trust  with  me,  whereof 
there  is  no  more  copies,  and  fitter  to  be  printed  than  the  first,  which  is  so 
common :  notwithstanding,  even  that  to  be  amended  by  a  direction  set 
down  under  his  own  hand,  how  and  why,  so  as  in  many  respects,  especially 
the  care  of  printing  of  it,  is  to  be  done  with  more  deliberation." 

1  Vol.  ii,  p.  248.  *  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.  vol.  cxcv. 


xn]      The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      233 

From  this  letter  we  learn  that  there  were  two  versions  of  the 
novel — the  old  Arcadia — of  which  there  were  many  manuscript 
copies,  and  a  revised  version,  of  which  there  was  a  single  copy. 
If  we  are  to  take  Greville's  statement  literally  the  old  Arcadia 
was  completed  in  1581  or  1582  :  this  may  have  been  the  case, 
or,  again,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  statement  is  not  exact. 
The  project  referred  to  in  the  letter  was  thwarted,  and  on 
August  23,  1588,  Ponsonby  himself  was  licensed  to  print  the 
work1.  It  appeared  in  1590  in  quarto  form.  It  was  divided 
into  chapters  each  of  which  was  preceded  by  a  summary,  and 
a  preface  informed  the  reader  that  "  The  division  and  summary 
of  the  chapters  was  not  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  doing,  but 
adventured  by  the  overseer  of  the  print  for  the  more  ease  of 
the  readers."  It  is  almost  beyond  doubt  that  this  edition  was 
printed  from  the  revised  version  of  which  we  have  just  heard, 
and  that  Fulke  Greville  was  the  "  overseer2."  Its  differences 
from  the  old  Arcadia  were  at  once  remarked.  In  1591,  Sir 
John  Harington,  in  his  notes  to  his  translation  of  the  Orlando 
Furioso,  printed  a  sonnet  which  he  described  as  "  that  excellent 
verse  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  in  his  first  Arcadia,  (which  I  know 
not  by  what  mishap  is  left  out  in  the  printed  book3)."  The 
second  edition  appeared  in  1593  in  folio,  and  differed  from  the 
first  chiefly  in  the  fact  that  half  of  the  third  book  and  the 
whole  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  were  additions.  According  to  a 
prefatory  address  to  the  reader  by  H.  S.,  this  second  edition 
was  superintended  by  the  Countess  of  Pembroke.  H.  S. 
speaks  of  the  disfigured  face  wherewith  the  work  had  appeared 
in  the  first  edition,  and  describes  the  work  of  the  Countess  as 
that  of  correcting  the  faults  and  also  supplying  the  defects. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the  quarto  varies  only  slightly  from 
that  portion  of  the  first  folio  edition  which  corresponds  to  it4. 

1  Arber's  Transcript  of  the  Register  of  the  Company  of  Stationers,  n,  fol. 
2316. 

2  W.  W.  Greg's  Pastoral  Poetry  and  Pastoral  Drama,  p.  148. 

3  Collier's  Poetical  Decameron,  vol.  I,  p.  66. 

4  In  the  years  1907  and  1908  Mr  Bertram  Dobell  became  possessed  of 
three  manuscripts  all  of  them  copies,  as  he  believes,  of  the  old  Arcadia.     A 
detailed  account  of  the  differences  between  these  texts  and  that  of  the  first 
folio  would  lead  us  too  far  afield.     The  title  of  one  of  the  manuscripts  refers  to 
the  romance  as  having  been  made  in  the  year  1580.     V.  Mr  Dobell's  article  in 
the  Quarterly  Review,  July,  1909. 


234  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

The  text  of  the  first  folio  remained  substantially  that  of  the 
many  editions  which  succeeded  it1,  although  "  a  supplement 
of  a  defect  in  the  third  part  of  this  history"  was  added  by 
Sir  W.  Alexander  in  1621  and  a  sixth  book  by  R.  Beling  in  1624. 
The  identity  of  H.  S.  who  writes  the  prefatory  letter  to  the 
reader,  and  who  evidently  speaks  for  the  Countess,  has  hitherto 
remained  unknown.  It  is  not  a  matter  of  any  great  importance, 
but  as  it  has  caused  more  or  less  speculation  on  the  part  of 
most  students  of  Sidney,  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  furnish  the 
solution  of  the  riddle.  Aubrey  says  that  the  letters  are  the 
initials  of  Mr  Henry  Sandford,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke's  secretary2, 
but  his  statement  has  been  ignored  by  all  later  writers — perhaps 
because  of  Aubrey's  reputation  for  giving  unreliable  information. 
In  this  case,  however,  he  was  telling  the  truth.  The  proof  is 
to  be  found  in  one  of  the  Harleian  manuscripts  in  the  British 
Museum3 — John  Hoskins'  "Directions  for  Speech  and  Style 
containing  all  the  Figures  of  Rhetoric  etc.  etc.  The  Quotations 
being  taken  out  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  Arcadia,  the  first  edition 
in  quarto  without  Samford's  additions."  Of  Hoskins'  informa- 
tion there  can  be  no  question.  He  had  been  a  student  at  New 
College  and  afterward  of  the  Middle  Temple.  He  knew  Sidney 
personally,  as  we  shall  see,  and  was  on  intimate  terms  with 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  John  Donne  and  Sir  Henry  Wotton4. 
In  the  Peplus,  the  memorial  volume  published  in  1587  in  memory 
of  Sidney  by  alumni  of  New  College,  Oxford,  eight  of  the 
poems  are  by  Hoskins.  Across  the  top  of  the  pictorial  frontis- 
piece of  this  little  volume  is  a  banner  on  which  is  inscribed 
the  word  'Arcadia.'  Hoskins'  admiration  of  Sidney's  romance 
and  of  its  author  is  reiterated  throughout  his  Rhetoric,  and  it 
would  be  absurd  to  impeach  his  testimony  as  to  the  identity 
of  H.  S.  Sandford  was  "a  good  scholar  and  poet"  according 
to  Aubrey,  and  we  know  that  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  entrusted 
weighty  matters  to  him5. 

1  In  an  account  book  at  Belvoir  Castle  the  following  item  occurs  for  the 
year  1598-9  :  "  For  Sir  Ph.  Sidney's  Arcadia.    9s."     (Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports.) 

2  Vol.  i,  p.  311. 

3  MS.  4604.     On  the  outside  is  written  large  in  red  pencil  "Ban.  Man- 
waring'  s  Booke  MDCXXX."     It  contains  49  pages. 

4  Jteliquice  Wottoniance,  1685,  pp.  378,  432. 

5  V.  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  I,  pp.  353,  370. 


xn]     The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      235 

Any  attempt  to  discuss  adequately  the  many  bibliographical 
and  literary  questions  connected  with  the  Arcadia  would  require 
at  least  many  chapters.  Its  popularity  was  unbounded,  and 
before  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  it  had  gone  through 
fifteen  editions.  It  was  translated  into  French  in  1625  and  into 
German  in  1629.  The  names  of  the  English  writers  whose 
work  was  influenced  by  it  would  make  a  long  list.  That 
Shakespeare  made  use  in  King  Lear  of  an  incident  from  the 
romance,  and  that  Milton  showed  his  remarkable  familiarity  with 
it  in  his  EikonoTdastes,  is  known  to  everyone.  Its  sources  have 
of  course  been  made  the  subject  of  minute  investigation.  One 
of  the  early  references  to  the  question  occurs  in  John  Hoskins' 
unpublished  Rhetoric  to  which  we  have  just  referred.  After 
ascribing  Sidney's  eloquence  and  his  powers  of  description  to 
his  familiarity  with  Aristotle's  Rhetoric,  Hoskins  continues  : 
"I  think  also  that  he  had  much  help  out  of  Theophrasti  Imagines. 
For  the  web  (as  it  were)  of  his  story  he  followed  three — Helio- 
dorus  in  Greek,  Sanazarus'  Arcadia  in  Italian  and  Diana  de 
Montemaior  in  Spanish."  Later  study  of  the  question  has 
confirmed  and  elaborated  Hoskins'  analysis. 

From  an  early  date,  too,  there  has  been  an  effort  to  dis- 
cover what  more  is  meant  than  meets  the  eye  in  Arcadia.  Just 
one  hundred  years  after  Sidney's  death  a  correspondent  of 
Aubrey  furnished  him  with  a  rough  interpretation  of  the 
characters,  derived,  he  says,  from  relatives  of  Sidney.  Accord- 
ing to  this  letter,  Philoclea  and  Pamela  in  the  novel  are  the  ladies 
Penelope  and  Dorothy  Devereux ;  Pyrocles  and  Musidorus 
are  their  husbands.  Gynecia  is  hesitatingly  identified  with 
the  ladies'  mother  and  both  Amphialus  and  Philisides  with 
Sidney  himself.  Some  very  incorrect  historical  information  is 
added,  and  we  may  agree  with  the  writer  of  the  letter  that  his 
key  "  is  not  worth  anything."  There  is  general  agreement  that 
in  the  mouth  of  Philisides,  the  melancholy  shepherd,  Sidney 
put  many  of  his  own  sentiments,  and  it  would  be  strange, 
considering  the  date  of  composition  of  the  Arcadia,  had  the 
heroine,  Philoclea,  not  reflected  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  the 
charms  of  Penelope  Devereux.  Further  than  this  it  would  not 
be  safe  to  go.  There  are,  to  be  sure,  occasional  local  references. 


236  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

No  one  could  fail  to  recognize  in  Sidney's  description  of  Helen, 
Queen  of  Corinth,  another  Queen  well  known  to  readers  of  the 
romance,  or  rather  it  was  the  kind  of  conventional  description 
of  her  which  that  Queen  loved  to  hear. 

"For,  being  brought,  by  right  of  birth,  a  woman,  a  young  woman,  a  fair 
woman,  to  govern  a  people  in  nature  mutinously  proud,  and  always  before 
so  used  to  hard  governors  as  they  knew  not  how  to  obey  without  the 
sword  were  drawn,  yet  could  she  for  some  years  so  carry  herself  among 
them,  that  they  found  cause,  in  the  delicacy  of  her  sex,  of  admiration, 
not  of  contempt,  and,  which  was  notable,  even  in  the  time  that  many 
countries  about  her  were  full  of  wars,  which,  for  old  grudges  to  Corinth, 
were  thought  still  would  conclude  there,  yet  so  handled  she  the  matter 
that  the  threatened  ever  smarted  in  the  threateners,  she  using  so  strange, 
and  yet  so  well-succeeeding  a  temper  that  she  made  her  people,  by  peace, 

warlike,  her  courtiers,  by  sports,  learned,  her  ladies,  by  love,  chaste So 

as  it  seemed  that  court  to  have  been  the  marriage- place  of  Love  and  Virtue, 
and  that  herself  was  a  Diana  apparelled  in  garments  of  Venus." 

The  real  biographical  significance  of  the  Arcadia  consists 
in  its  style,  which  is  of  the  man  himself.  In  its  combination 
of  Arcadian  and  heroic  elements,  its  vagueness  as  to  time  and 
place,  in  its  very  confusion  of  episode,  the  unreality  of  its 
portraiture  and  the  dreaminess  of  its  atmosphere  is  reflected 
Sidney's  tendency  to  turn  in  spirit  from  the  world  of  things  as 
they  were  to  the  world  of  things  as  they  might  be.  According 
to  his  own  definition  it  is  a  poem  in  which  is  expressed  the 
ideality  of  his  own  nature.  In  Arcadia  there  are  men  who  are 
brave,  high-minded,  chivalric,  and  women  who  are  beautiful 
and  good,  and  if  there  are  also  others  who  are  selfish  or  wicked 
they  are  subordinates  who  make  the  virtues  of  the  heroes  and 
heroines  '  stick  more  fiery  off.'  In  this  world  there  is  much 
of  magnificent  pageantry  ;  everywhere  the  aesthetic  sense  is 
charmed  by  beauty  of  landscape,  beauty  of  architecture, 
beauty  of  dress.  These  beauties  are  elaborated  in  long,  involved 
parenthetic  sentences  suggestive  of  the  rich  abundance  of  the 
material  and  of  the  author's  unwillingness  to  pass  from  the 
enumeration  of  the  details  of  beauty  to  the  more  prosaic  business 
or  relating  a  story.  The  test  of  narrative  is  no  more  applicable 
in  the  estimation  of  the  Arcadia  than  it  would  be  in  the  case  of 


XH]     The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      237 

the  Faerie  Queene  or  The  Eve  of  St  Agnes.  The  Elizabethan 
zest  for  experience  and  delight  in  deeds  of  adventure  and  high 
emprise  have  overwhelmed  considerations  of  exact  coherence  and 
literary  form. 

Milton's  stricture  on  the  romance — that  it  was  a  vain 
amatorious  poem — cannot  be  brushed  aside.  The  god  of 
Arcadia  is  Love,  and,  like  Musidorus,  we  are  sometimes  uncertain 
whether  he  should  be  apostrophized  as  a  celestial  or  as  an 
infernal  spirit.  The  preoccupation  of  the  writer's  mind  with 
the  facts  of  sex  is  much  in  evidence ;  even  the  father  and  mother 
of  Philoclea  and  Pamela  are  made  to  fill  sufficiently  unedifying 
roles.  In  spite  of  his  deep  moral  earnestness  there  was  nothing 
of  the  Puritan  in  Sidney.  He  represents  rather  the  more 
complex  Renaissance  type  in  which  moral  earnestness  was  not 
incompatible  with  an  impatient  rejection  of  all  ascetic  ideals. 
His  melancholy  was  a  melancholy  of  his  own,  compounded  of 
many  simples,  but  it  was  not  akin  to  the  Puritan's  melancholy 
which  was  a  recrudescence  of  the  ideals  of  the  mediaeval  Church, 
and  which  condemned  as  evil  in  themselves  the  desires  and 
passions  of  the  natural  man.  Sidney  had  no  enthusiasm  for 
special  prohibitions  and  restraints,  and  he  would  probably 
have  allowed  great  latitude  to  the  man  whose  aims  in  life  were 
on  the  whole  upright. 

The  date  of  composition  of  Sidney's  Apologie  for  Poetrie 
has  never  been  accurately  determined.  Mr  Fox-Bourne,  for 
instance,  assigns  it  to  the  year  1583,  Shuckburgh  and  Churton 
Collins  to  1580-1.  There  has  been  general  agreement,  however, 
that  in  writing  it  Sidney  had  in  mind  Gosson's  School  of  Abuse, 
which  appeared  in  August,  1579,  and,  consequently,  that  his 
own  work  is  of  later  date. 

Gosson  had  dedicated  his  book  to  Sidney  evidently  without 
having  sought  permission.  On  October  15th  Spenser  wrote  to 
Harvey  : 

"  New  books  I  hear  of  none,  but  only  of  one  that  writing  a  certain  book 
called  The  School  of  Abuse  and  dedicating  it  to  Master  Sidney  was  for  his 
labour  scorned,  if  at  least  it  be  in  the  goodness  of  that  nature  to  scorn. 
Such  folly  is  it  not  to  regard  aforehand  the  inclination  and  quality  of  him 
to  whom  we  dedicate  our  books." 


238  Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH. 

Primarily  The  School  of  Abuse  is  an  attack  upon  the  abuses  of 
the  contemporary  stage,  but  the  author  includes  "  poets  and 
pipers  and  such  peevish  cattle"  in  his  denunciation.  With 
Gosson's  strictures  on  the  indecency  of  many  comedies  of  the 
time  Sidney  was  in  perfect  sympathy.  In  the  Apologie  he  too 
condemns  plays  that  stir  laughter  in  sinful  things  ;  he  de- 
nounces their  scurrility  and  declares  that  they  are  not  without 
cause  cried  out  against.  Gosson's  attack  on  the  stage  had  not 
been  in  quite  unmeasured  terms  ;  he  had  even  admitted  that 
some  players  were  sober,  discreet,  properly  learned  and 
honest,  and  that  some  of  their  plays  were  without  rebuke. 
It  was  his  more  or  less  incidental  attack  on  poets  and  poetry 
that  stirred  Sidney's  scorn,  for  it  exemplified  all  the  narrowness 
and  illiberalism  which  for  some  time  had  been  revealing  them- 
selves as  the  characteristic  defects  of  the  qualities  of  puritanism. 
Gosson's  name  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  Apologie ;  his  book 
was  probably  present  specifically  to  Sidney's  mind  only  when 
he  was  composing  one  short  section  of  the  Apologie — that  in 
which  he  enumerates  "the  most  important  imputations  laid  to 
the  poor  poets."  That  Gosson  was  in  any  sense  responsible 
for  Sidney's  undertaking  to  write  the  essay  there  is  no  reason 
to  believe.  Though  the  Apologie  remained  in  manuscript,  it 
is  at  least  improbable  that  Gosson  would  have  dedicated  to 
Sidney  the  second  edition  of  The  School  of  Abuse  in  1586  had 
Sidney's  work  been  generally  recognized  as  a  reply  to  Gosson. 
In  the  absence  of  all  definite  evidence  as  to  the  date  of 
composition  of  the  Apologie  we  may  hazard  the  opinion  that 
the  work  as  we  have  it  to-day  was  not  composed  at  one  time. 
Mr  Shuckburgh  has  pointed  out  the  similarity  between  many  of 
the  ideas  expressed  by  Sidney  in  the  letter  which  he  wrote  to 
his  brother  Robert  in  October,  1580,  and  those  elaborated  in 
the  earlier  part  of  the  Apologie  where  the  various  functions 
of  the  historian,  orator,  philosopher  and  poet  are  treated. 
Spenser's  lost  work  The  English  Poet  may  have  originated  in 
conversations  which  also  gave  rise  to  the  Apologie,  in  the 
months  immediately  preceding  Spenser's  departure  for  Ireland. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  last  division  of  the  Apologie,  which  deals 
with  the  state  of  contemporary  English  literature,  must  surely 


xn]     The  Arcadia  and  the  Apologie  for  Poetrie      239 

have  been  written  several  years  later.  The  references  to  the 
Shepherd's  Calendar  and  to  the  tedious  prattling  of  euphuism 
"  in  certain  printed  discourses"  suggest  a  period  when  Spenser's 
poem  and  Lyly's  novel  had  become  well  known.  Moreover, 
Sidney's  antipathy  to  rhyme  has  disappeared ;  he  now  finds 
in  it  both  the  sweetness  and  majesty  of  quantitative  verse. 
A  more  convincing  argument,  perhaps,  may  be  based  on  his 
contemptuous  reference  to  the  artificial  love-songs  and  sonnets 
of  the  day.  He  condemns  them  not  only  because  of  their 
insincerity  but  because  he  remembers  how  much  better  poetic 
ability  might  be  employed  in  singing  the  praises  of  the  immortal 
beauty,  the  immortal  goodness  of  that  God  who  giveth  us 
hands  to  write  and  wits  to  conceive.  It  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  this  passage  was  written  before  Sidney's  own  sonnet- 
writing  days  had  passed.  He  himself  has  been  admitted  to 
the  company  of  these  paper  blurrers,  he  tells  us,  and  he  offers 
as  an  excuse  that  he  had  yielded  an  inky  tribute  to  certain 
thoughts  by  which  he  had  been  overmastered.  The  tone 
recalls  that  of  the  last  sonnet : 

"  Leave  me,  O  Love,  that  reachest  but  to  dust," 

and  the  air  of  detachment  from  all  such  trivialities  and  the 
religious  tone  accord  rather  with  the  latter  period  when  Sidney 
was  translating  into  English  the  religious  works  of  Du  Bartas 
and  Du  Plessis  Mornay.  We  may  conjecture  that  the  Apologie 
was  begun  towards  the  end  of  1579  or  during  1580  and  that 
it  was  concluded  in  1583  or  1584. 

The  little  volume  which  appeared  in  two  editions  in  1595 
(one  by  Henry  Olney  entitled  An  Apologie  for  Poetrie,  the 
other  by  William  Ponsonby  entitled  The  Defence  of  Poesie) 
has  been  accounted  by  common  consent  the  most  unequivocally 
successful  of  Sidney's  literary  works.  While  showing  a  perfect 
familiarity  with  Aristotle  and  Scaliger,  the  author  treats  his 
subject  in  a  genuinely  original  way.  Like  most  writers  of 
the  time  he  overloads  his  pages  with  classical  references,  but 
rather,  one  feels,  because  he  has  lived  with  classical  authors 
until  they  have  become  a  part  of  himself  than  from  any  vain 
desire  to  parade  his  learning.  Indeed  no  quality  is  more 


240        .          Sidney  a  Man  of  Letters  [CH.  xn 

alien  to  the  style  of  the  essay  than  pedantry.  In  its  mingling 
of  gravity  and  gaiety,  of  colloquialism  and  dignified,  elevated 
speech,  it  is  a  true  reflection  of  Sidney's  character.  His  mind 
plays  easily  over  the  field  which  he  is  treating,  and  the  enthusiasm 
of  his  personality  fuses  the  seemingly  incongruous  elements.  More 
than  history  or  philosophy  or  any  of  the  sciences,  he  maintains, 
poetry  tends  to  elevate  the  whole  man.  Its  delightful  teaching 
leads  us  to  virtuous  action,  the  rational  object  of  all  learning. 
Sidney's  love  of  beauty  includes  the  beauty  of  a  well-ordered 
life  ;  all  other  beauty  reaches  but  to  dust.  It  is  because,  like 
Arnold,  he  believes  that  as  time  passes  our  race  will  find  a 
surer  and  surer  stay  in  poetry  that  he  urges  its  claims  in  such 
unqualified  terms,  because  he  believes  that  its  future  is  immense. 
His  criticisms  of  contemporary  literature  missed  the  mark  in 
some  instances,  but  his  book  endures  because  in  essence  it  is 
profoundly  true,  and  because  it  is  a  true  reflex  of  the  author's 
versatile,  high-minded,  gracious  personality. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

ASTRO PHEL   AND  STELLA 

No  episode  in  Sidney's  life  has  been  more  widely  discussed 
or  more  variously  interpreted  than  that  which  constitutes  the 
theme  of  his  sonnet  sequence,  Astrophel  and  Stella.  This  has 
been  due  in  part  no  doubt  to  the  promise  which  the  poems  seem 
to  contain  of  introducing  us  to  the  author's  very  self — of 
revealing  to  us  the  human  side  of  a  man  regarding  whom  we 
have  known  only  facts  of  comparatively  slight  significance  as 
to  his  real  character.  On  the  other  hand,  much  of  the  discus- 
sion of  the  subject  has  been  little  more  than  the  love  of  spicy 
gossip  which  masquerades  as  love  of  literature.  It  has  been 
held  that 

"the  whole  series  form  a  regular  design,  the  object  being  to  exercise  the 
imagination  on  a  set  theme,  according  to  the  traditional  rules  of  a  par- 
ticular poetical  convention,"  and  that  to  suppose  that  Sidney  "after  having 
been  seasoned  in  all  the  fashions  of  society,  should  suddenly  have  been 
carried  away  by  an  irresistible  passion  for  a  woman,  with  whom  he  had 
long  been  accustomed  to  associate  without  any  feelings  beyond  those  of 
simple  friendship,  and  who  had  just  become  the  wife  of  another,  is  as 
injurious  to  his  intellect,  as  his  readiness  to  blazon  abroad  his  illicit  relations 
with  Stella,  assuming  that  his  passion  was  sincere,  would  be  to  his  delicacy 
and  sense  of  honour1." 

Again,  the  sonnets  have  been  read  as  an  illustration  of  that 
theory  of  Platonic  love  which  Castiglione's  Courtier  had  made 
especially  familiar  to  Elizabethans2.  On  the  other  hand,  many 
scholars  have  considered  the  sonnets  essentially  autobiogra- 
phical, in  spite  of  their  obviously  conventional  character  in 
many  respects3.  Their  high  poetic  quality,  the  "  obviousness" 

1  Courthope,  A  History  of  English  Poetry,  n,  p.  228. 

2  Fletcher,  Did  Astrophel  Love  Stella  ?    Modern  Philology,  October,  1907. 

3  Jusserand,  Pollard,  Schelling,  for  example. 

W.  L.  S.  16 


242  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

of  their  sincerity,  and  Sidney's  own  statement  that  he  writes 
'in  pure  simplicity'  have  been  cited  on  the  one  hand,  while 
their  "obvious"  artificiality  and  the  fact  that  they  are  imitative 
of  early  sonnets  by  Petrarch  and  the  members  of  the  Pleiade 
have  appeared  equally  unanswerable  arguments  by  those  who 
hold  the  other  view. 

Before  entering  on  controversial  ground  we  may  somewhat 
reduce  the  distance  between  the  opposing  points  of  view  by 
recognizing  certain  facts  that  are  indisputable.  Sidney  was 
an  eager  student  of  Italian  and  French  literature,  and  there  is 
no  question  whatever  that  the  influence  of  Petrarch,  Ronsard 
and  Du  Bellay  is  seen  in  many  of  his  own  poems.  Man  is  an 
imitative  creature,  and  when  Sidney  decided  to  write  sonnets 
he  went  to  those  who  were  the  recognized  masters  of  the  form 
in  order  to  learn  from  them.  These  borrowings  are  in  no 
sense  furtive  or  concealed  :  they  were  patent  to  anyone  who 
could  read  with  understanding.  Nor  is  there  any  question  of 
the  conventionality  of  the  early  sonnets  in  the  sequence  quite 
apart  from  all  question  of  imitation.  The  beauty  and  hard- 
heartedness  of  the  lady  are  ever  recurring  themes.  There  is 
much  talk  of  the  murdering  boy,  Cupid,  and  of  his  dart ; 
Stella's  brows  are  his  bows  and  Astrophel  is  shot  by  a  glance 
of  her  eye.  Moreover,  the  sonnets  are  saturated  with  the 
Neo- Platonic  doctrine  of  Love.  The  poet  recognizes  that  it  is 

"True,  that  true  beauty  virtue  is  indeed, 
Whereof  this  beauty  can  be  but  a  shade  "  ; 

and  the  strife  between  Desire  and  Virtue  or  Reason  is  constantly 
before  us.  There  was  no  book  better  known  to  the  Court 
circle  of  Sidney's  day  than  the  Courtier,  It  had  been  trans- 
lated by  Sir  Thomas  Hoby,  whose  wife  was  the  intimate  friend 
of  Lady  Sidney.  Sir  Thomas  died  in  1566  ;  Lady  Hoby  some 
years  later  married  Lord  Russell,  a  son  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford, 
and  in  the  elaborate  christening  festivities  of  the  eldest  child 
of  this  marriage  we  have  already  seen  Sidney  taking  a  part1. 
The  intimacy  of  the  Sidney  family  with  that  of  the  trans- 
lator of  Castiglione  makes  it  doubly  probable  that  Sidney  was 

1  V.  page  158. 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  243 

intimately  acquainted  with  a  book  which  must  have  seemed 
to  him  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  products  of  the  period,  and 
something  of  the  noble  idealism  of  which  he  managed  to  trans- 
fuse into  his  own  Arcadia.  The  Court  of  Urbino  must  often 
have  been  in  his  mind  if  for  no  other  reason  than  that  the 
Court  of  Elizabeth  suggested  it  by  contrast. 

That  Astrophel  and  Stella  is  imitative  in  some  of  its  poems, 
conventional  in  others,  and  illustrative  of  the  theories  of  Neo- 
Platonism  throughout  is  beyond  question,  but  these  are  con-' 
siderations  which  have  little  or  no  bearing  on  the  question  of 
Sidney's  "  sincerity."  Arnold's  Thyrsis  is  no  less  sincere 
because  it,  too,  is  written  in  a  conventional  form,  and  Neo- 
Platonism  was  in  the  Elizabethan  atmosphere.  The  question 
which  we  must  ask  ourselves  is  this  :  What  kind  of  evidence 
shall  we  seek  in  our  endeavour  to  arrive  at  some  determination 
of  the  question  ?  Recognizing  that  Sidney's  poems  followed 
in  a  measure  the  model  which  had  been  set  by  others,  and  remem- 
bering that  they  were  the  progenitors  of  a  line  of  sonnet 
sequences,  many  of  them,  like  Watson's  Passionate  Centurie  of 
Love,  purely  conventional  and  literary  in  character,  how  are 
we  to  sift  out  the  fact  from  the  fiction  in  Sidney's  own  poems  ? 
The  answer  can  hardly  be  doubtful.  In  the  first  place  we 
must  look  for  whatever  external  evidence  there  may  be, 
quite  outside  of  the  poems,  and  in  the  second  place  we  must 
study  the  poems  themselves ;  we  must  ask  whether  they 
present  a  coherent  story  and  whether  this  story  is  in  accord 
with  what  we  know  of  the  facts  of  Sidney's  life,  and,  more 
especially,  with  our  conception  of  Sidney's  character.  It  will 
not  do  to  rely  on  purely  general  considerations  relating  to  the 
literary  tendencies  of  the  time.  Our  only  hope  lies  in  a  first- 
hand study  of  Sidney's  life  and  character,  and  in  that  light 
seeking  for  an  interpretation.  Such  a  method  will  hardly  lead 
us  to  an  actual  demonstration  of  the  truth,  but  it  will  at  least 
bring  us  nearer  to  probability  than  we  can  otherwise  attain1. 

1  Mr  Pollard's  study  of  the  question  (Sir  Philip's  Sidney's  Astrophd  and 
Stella,  London,  1888)  is  by  far  the  most  thorough  and  most  convincing  with 
which  I  am  acquainted.  My  own  indebtedness  to  him  will  be  obvious  to  anyone 
familiar  with  his  book. 

16—2 


244  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

Apart  from  the  sonnets,  our  information  regarding  Sidney's 
relations  with  Penelope  Devereux  is,  unfortunately,  scanty. 
She  was  probably  some  eight  years  younger  than  he,  though 
there  is  no  exact  information  as  to  the  date  of  her  birth. 
Sidney  probably  met  her  for  the  first  time,  as  we  have  seen,  at 
Chartley  in  the  summer  of  1575  ;  at  this  time  she  was  about 
thirteen  years  of  age.  During  the  next  year  Sidney  saw  much 
of  her  father,  who  was  residing  temporarily  at  Durham  House, 
and  in  the  summer  of  1576  he  accompanied  Essex  to  Ireland. 
The  Earl's  affection  for  his  young  friend  was  evidenced  in  his 
dying  wish  that  Sidney  might  some  day  marry  Penelope. 
There  had  evidently  been  previous  discussion  of  the  plan,  for 
something  like  a  formal  betrothal  seems  to  be  referred  to  by 
Waterhouse  when  he  speaks  of  ' '  the  treaty  between  Mr.  Philip 
and  my  Lady  Penelope"  and  adds: 

"Truly,  my  lord,  I  must  say  to  your  Lordship  as  I  have  said  to  my  Lord 
of  Leicester  and  Mr.  Philip,  the  breaking  off  from  the  match,  if  the  default 
be  on  your  parts,  will  turn  to  more  dishonour  than  can  be  repaired  with 
any  other  marriage  in  England1." 

Almost  certainly,  then,  a  formal  agreement  of  marriage  had 
been  drawn  up  and  accepted  by  Sir  Henry  Sidney  and  Leicester 
of  the  one  part  and  the  Earl  of  Essex  of  the  other.  Essex  was 
accustomed  to  call  Philip  his  'son.' 

Waterhouse's  reference  to  "the  breaking  off  from  the  match  " 
was  no  doubt  occasioned  by  the  fact  that  when  Essex  died  his 
estates  were  hopelessly  encumbered,  and  hence  his  fatherless 
daughter  would  be  no  great  match  in  the  eyes  of  the  worldly 
wise.  Besides,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  did  not  share  his  son's 
enthusiasm  for  Essex  :  in  a  letter  to  Leicester  he  once  took 
God  to  record  that  he  could  not  brook  him.  To  Penelope  and 
also  to  her  younger  sister,  Dorothy,  the  Earl  had  been  able  to 
leave  only  £100  yearly,  and  a  further  sum  of  £2000  each  "  for 
their  advancement  in  marriage2."  Philip  Sidney,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  heir  presumptive  to  the  vast  estates  of  the  Earl  of 

1  Waterhouse  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  November  14,  1576  (Sidney  Papers, 
i,  147). 

2  Lansdowne  MSS.  vol.  x,  fol.  107.     The  Earl  of  Essex'  will,  September 
22,  1576. 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  245 

Leicester  as  well  as  to  the  properties  of  his  father  and  the  Earl 
of  Warwick.  Penelope's  mother,  a  daughter  of  Sir  Francis 
Knowles,  was  Elizabeth's  cousin,  but  was  more  detested  by  the 
Queen  than  perhaps  any  other  woman  at  the  Court.  Scandal 
declared  that  her  relations  with  Leicester  had  not  been  innocent 
during  the  lifetime  of  Essex  ;  within  a  few  months  of  his  death 
she  and  Leicester  were  married.  Sidney,  as  we  know,  was 
aware  of  this  marriage,  and  he  must  have  recognized  at  once 
that  he  was  now  a  much  less  eligible  parti  than  he  had  recently 
been  regarded.  We  may  be  quite  sure  that  from  some  time 
in  the  year  1577,  at  the  latest,  the  Earl  of  Leicester  would 
have  considered  a  marriage  between  his  impecunious  nephew 
and  his  step-daughter  as  mere  midsummer  madness,  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Sidney  would  have  dissented 
from  this  opinion.  We  know  that  he  had  put  aside  absolutely 
all  thought  of  the  marriage  which  had  been  contemplated,  for 
we  have  seen  him  anxious  during  part  of  the  years  1577  and 
1578  to  win  the  consent  of  the  Queen  to  his  union  with  a  princess 
of  the  house  of  Orange.  Nor  is  there  the  least  reason  to  suppose 
that  Sidney  would  of  necessity  object  to  the  theory  of  a 
mariage  de  convenance.  He  probably  rejoiced  as  much  in  the 
great  match  which  his  sister  made  at  this  time  as  did  his  father, 
and  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  personal  charms  of 
Orange's  sister  had  anything  to  do  with  Sidney's  eagerness  to 
marry  her. 

For  nearly  five  years  before  Penelope's  marriage  in  1581 
Sidney  must  have  had  very  unusual  opportunities  of  seeing 
her  constantly,  for  during  a  great  part  of  this  period  he  was 
living  at  Leicester  House,  which  was,  of  course,  her  home. 
During  this  time  she  grew  from  childhood  to  be  a  beautiful, 
clever  and  fascinating  woman,  and  it  would  have  been  strange, 
indeed,  had  propinquity  in  this  case  failed  to  work  in  any 
degree  the  results  for  which  it  is  proverbial.  Sidney  has  himself 
confessed  to  his  susceptibility  to  the  charms  of  women1,  and 
we  may  be  sure  that  he  had  not  been  adamant  to  those  of 
Penelope.  We  may  be  equally  sure,  however,  that  he  had  not 
succumbed  to  them  in  any  serious  sense  at  any  early  period 

1  Sonnet  xvi. 


246  Astrophel  and  Stella  [en. 

in  their  acquaintance,  for  during  these  years  we  find  him  ab- 
sorbed in  Irish  and  continental  politics,  and  planning  his  own 
marriage  with  Orange's  sister.  As  late  as  March,  1580,  Languet 
still  cherished  the  hope  that  this  project  might  yet  be  feasible, 
and  even  though  Sidney  probably  knew  better,  it  will  hardly 
be  seriously  contended  that  he  allowed  Languet  to  prosecute 
such  hopes,  especially  if  we  remember  their  high  political 
significance,  while  he  himself  was  deeply  in  love  with  another 
woman.  In  his  own  words,  he  saw  and  liked  ;  he  liked  but 
loved  not. 

Just  one  year  after  Languet's  last  reference  to  Sidney's 
high  hopes  in  Holland,  we  hear  of  negotiations  for  the  marriage 
of  Penelope  Devereux  and  the  young  Lord  Rich.  Burghley, 
Walsingham  and  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  had  been  designated 
by  the  Earl  of  Essex  guardians  of  his  children,  and  the  idea  of 
the  match  was  conceived  by  one  of  these  guardians  and  by 
him  communicated  to  the  others.  On  March  10,  1581,  the 
Earl  of  Huntingdon  wrote  Burghley  as  follows  : 

"May  it  please  your  Lordship :  Hearing  that  God  hath  taken  to  his 
mercy  my  Lord  Rich  who  hath  left  to  his  heir  a  proper  gentleman  and  one 
in  years  very  fit  for  my  Lady  Penelope  Devereux  if  with  the  favour  and 
liking  of  her  Majesty  the  matter  might  be  brought  to  pass.  And  because 
I  know  your  Lordship's  good  affections  to  the  father  gone,  and  also  your 
favour  to  his  children,  I  am  bold  to  pray  your  furtherance  now  in  this 
matter,  which  may,  I  think,  by  your  good  means  be  brought  to  such  pass 
as  I  desire.  Her  Majesty  was  pleased  the  last  year  to  give  me  leave  at 
times  convenient  to  put  her  Highness  in  mind  of  these  young  ladies,  and 
therefore  I  am  by  this  occasion  of  my  Lord's  death  the  bolder  to  move 
your  Lordship  in  this  matter.  I  have  also  written  to  Mr.  Secretary  Walsing- 
ham herein.  And  so  hoping  of  your  Lordship's  good  favour,  I  do  commit 
you  to  the  tuition  of  the  Almighty.  At  Newcastle,  the  10th  of  March, 
15801. 

Your  Lordship's  most  assured, 

H.   HUNTINGDON2." 

Penelope's  guardians  were  not  concerned  as  to  whether  she 
wished  to  marry  the  young  Lord  Rich  or  not ;  they  no  doubt 
expected  her,  as  a  well-behaved  young  woman,  to  follow  their 

1  Old  style.     Huntingdon  was  Lord  President  of  the  North. 

2  Lansdowne  MSS.  vol.  xxxi,  No.  40. 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  247 

wishes  in  the  matter  implicitly.  The  marriage  was  arranged, 
like  a  majority  of  the  marriages  in  the  Court  circle  of  the  time, 
like  the  marriage  of  Anne  Cecil  or  Mary  Sidney  for  example, 
on  purely  worldly  considerations.  Lord  Rich  was  a  proper 
gentleman,  that  is,  he  was  wealthy;  moreover  (a  gratuitous 
argument),  he  was  very  fit  in  years  to  be  Penelope's  husband. 
The  marriage  took  place,  probably  without  delay.  Our  only 
information  as  to  what  Penelope's  sentiments  were  at  the 
time  is  contained  in  a  letter  written  many  years  later  by  the 
Earl  of  Devonshire,  her  second  husband,  to  King  James.  In 
this  letter  the  Earl  of  Devonshire,  defending  his  marriage, 
writes  the  king  that  Lady  Rich 

"being  in  the  power  of  her  friends,  was  married  against  her  will  unto  one 
against  whom  she  did  protest  at  the  very  solemnity,,  and  ever  after; 
between  whom,  from  the  first  day,  there  ensued  continual  discord,  although 
the  same  fears  that  forced  her  to  marry  constrained  her  to  live  with  him1." 

This  statement  is  our  only  evidence  as  to  Penelope's  attitude 
toward  her  husband  at  the  time  of  their  marriage.  On  August 
23rd  of  that  year  her  young  brother,  now  Earl  of  Essex, 
announced  in  a  letter  to  Burghley  that  he  was  leaving  the 
University  for  a  short  time  with  young  Lord  Rich,  "  qui  mihi 
muUis  de  causis,  tuae  sapientiae  non  obscuris,  est  charissimus2." 
On  September  29th  the  Bishop  of  London  had  to  complain  to 
Burghley  of  disorders  in  Lord  Rich's  house3. 

At  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Penelope  Devereux  there  is 
no  reason  to  think  that  Sidney  considered  himself  her  lover 
in  any  but  a  conventional,  a  literary  sense.  Those  who  were 
responsible  for  arranging  the  match  were  among  his  warmest 
well-wishers.  Huntingdon  was  his  uncle  by  marriage,  Burghley 
had  admired  and  loved  him  from  his  earliest  years.  His 
friendship  with  Walsingham  was  closer  than  with  either  of  the 
others4.  It  is  hardly  credible  that  these  men  would  thwart 
Sidney's  wishes,  nor  is  it  any  more  credible  that  they  arranged 

1  Devereux,  The  Devereux  Earls  of  Essex,  I.  p.  165. 

2  Lansdoume  MSS.  vol.  xxxm,  fol.  20. 

3  Ibid.  fol.  24. 

4  On  April  10th  he  wrote  to  Molyneux  asking  his  assistance  in  securing  an 
office  in  Wales  for  Fulke  Greville ;    the  next  day  Walsingham  wrote  to  Sir 
Henry  Sidney  to  the  same  effect.     Collins,  I,  p.  293. 


248  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

the  marriage  of  Penelope  Devereux,  to  whom  he  had  once  been 
betrothed,  and  to  whom  he  had  more  recently  been  writing 
sonnets,  without  Sidney's  hearing  of  the  project,  unless  the 
marriage  followed  hard  upon  the  opening  of  negotiations. 
That  would  be  in  accord  with  the  custom  of  the  times,  and 
Penelope's  mood  may  have  been  an  additional  argument 
against  postponement.  What  that  mood  was  Sidney  must 
have  known,  we  may  be  sure,  when  we  remember  that  he  was  in 
daily  contact  with  many  persons  closely  related  to  Lady  Rich — 
her  mother  and  step-father  and  Lady  Huntingdon,  for  example. 
A  wave  of  honest  indignation  must  have  broken  over  him  as 
he  learned  of  the  essentially  brutal  treatment  which  had  been 
accorded  her,  and  with  Sidney  to  feel  was  to  act  where  action 
was  at  all  possible. 

To  proceed  further  with  the  story  it  is  necessary  to  rely 
entirely  on  the  sonnets.  To  this  statement  there  is  one  excep- 
tion. In  all  Sidney's  other  works  and  letters  which  are  extant 
we  have,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  only  one  reference  to  these  poems, 
but,  fortunately,  for  our  purpose  it  is  a  highly  significant 
reference.  In  the  Apologie  he  tells  us,  in  the  depreciatory 
manner  he  was  accustomed  to  assume  when  speaking  of  his 
own  literary  works,  that  he  has  slipped  into  the  title  of  a  poet 
"  in  these  my  not  old  years  and  idlest  times."  Toward  the  end 
of  the  work  he  says  :  "  But  I,  as  I  never  desired  the  title,  so 
have  I  neglected  the  means  to  come  by  it.  Only,  overmastered 
by  some  thoughts  I  yielded  an  inky  tribute  unto  them.""  This 
statement  is  all  the  more  significant  because  of  the  incidental 
character  of  its  occurrence,  and  it  is  strange  that  it  has  not 
attracted  the  attention  of  those  who  have  studied  the  subject. 
Surely  the  natural  interpretation  of  these  words  is  that  Sidney 
sought  in  his  sonnets,  or  in  those  of  them  which  he  has  in  mind, 
to  give  expression  to  an  overmastering  passion  which  possessed 
him. 

None  of  the  sonnets  was  published  during  Sidney's  lifetime. 
Three  editions  appeared  in  the  year  1591,  two  by  Thomas  New- 
man, the  first  of  which  contained  an  Epistle  to  the  Reader  by 
Thomas  Nash  and  a  considerable  number  of  sonnets  by  other 
authors,  and  one  by  Matthew  Lownes  which  was  little  more 


xin]  Astrophel  and  Stella  249 

than  a  reprint  of  Newman's  first  edition.  In  the  second  edition 
of  the  Arcadia  (1593)  the '  overseer'  of  the  work,  Henry  Sandford, 
the  Countess  of  Pembroke's  secretary,  declares  that  the  pains 
which  the  Countess  has  taken  with  the  volume  will  not  be  the 
last  which  her  love  of  her  brother  will  make  her  consecrate  to 
his  memory.  This  promise  was  redeemed  when  the  first 
collected  edition  of  Sidney's  works  appeared  under  the  direction 
of  the  Countess  in  1598.  In  this  volume  the  sonnets  follow 
the  order  of  the  earlier  editions,  but  they  are  now  for  the  first 
time  numbered,  and  they  are  printed  from  a  better  text. 
There  are  significant  changes  however.  The  'Songs'  which 
in  the  earlier  editions  had  been  printed  together  after  the 
sonnets,  are  now  distributed  through  them.  There  is  one  new 
sonnet — XXXVII ;  there  are  additions  to  Songs  VIII  and  X, 
and  Song  XI  is  new.  All  these  additions  are  of  such  a  character 
as  to  make  inevitable  the  deduction  that  they  had  been 
previously  withheld  from  publication — or  circulation — because 
they  revealed  too  much.  A  last  addition  consisted  of  Certain 
Sonnets  Written  by  Sir  Philip  Sidney — 27  in  number — 19  of 
which  were  now  printed  for  the  first  time,  the  remaining  eight 
having  appeared  in  Constable's  Diana  (1594).  Why  they  were 
not  incorporated  in  the  larger  sonnet  sequence,  of  which  at 
least  some  of  them  are  assuredly  an  essential  part,  does  not 
appear.  The  text,  and  the  arrangement  of  sonnets  and  songs 
in  the  1598  edition,  supervised  as  it  was  by  the  person  most 
competent  to  edit  it  intelligently,  we  must  accept  as  definitive, 
and  there  is  the  less  difficulty  in  doing  so  since  it  is  not  possible 
to  change  the  order  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  any  real  gain  in 
the  coherence  of  the  story. 

The  first  32  sonnets,  with  the  single  exception  of  number  24 — 
the  punning  invective  against  Lord  Rich1 — were  obviously 
written  before  Penelope's  marriage,  and  they  bear  out  the 
theory  that  up  to  this  time  both  Sidney  and  Penelope  were 
heart-whole.  During  this  time  he  was 

"  Studying  inventions  fine,  her  wits  to  entertain, 
Oft  turning  others'  leaves." 

1  Mr  Pollard  suggests  that  the  sonnet  was  given  its  present  position  for  the 
purpose  of  misleading  the  over-curious. 


250  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

We  learn  that  Stella  is  cold  of  heart,  fair  of  skin,  and  black- 
eyed,  but  we  hear  nothing  more  specific  about  her  than  praise 
of  her  beauty  and  complaint  of  her  hardness  of  heart.  The 
poet  condemns  Euphuistic  writing  and  conventional  imitation 
of  Petrarch,  he  discusses  various  phases  of  Neo-Platonic  doc- 
trine, he  introduces  mythological  tales,  and  talks  much  of  Cupid. 
He  declares  that  he  had  wished  to  devote  himself  to  literary 
work  and  to  the  study  of  Philosophy  and  Science  (Sonnet  X). 
Again  he  upbraids  himself  as  a  bankrupt  of  all  those  goods 
which  heaven  had  lent  to  him  ;  his  youth  is  wasting  and  his 
knowledge  brings  forth  but  toys  (Sonnet  XVIII)  ;  his  own 
writings  show  his  wits  quick  in  vain  thoughts,  in  virtue  lame 
(Sonnet  XXI).  Further  he  tells  us  that  his  pensive  melancholy 
face  is  remarked  by  his  friends  (XXIII),  that  he  is  often  in  dark 
abstracted  guise,  "  with  dearth  of  words  or  answers  quite  awry" 
(XXXII),  and  he  is  conscious  that  the  May  of  his  years  has 
much  declined  from  the  promise  of  his  earlier  youth  (XXI). 
It  would  be  an  excess  of  scepticism  that  would  fail  to  recognize 
in  these  references  Sidney's  just  description  of  himself  in  the 
period  following  the  destruction  of  his  hopes  of  taking  a  worthy 
place  in  the  Dutch  struggle.  The  "  toys"  which  his  knowledge 
brings  forth,  his  vain  writings,  are  the  "  toyful  books"  to  which 
he  had  referred  in  his  letter  to  Robert  of  October,  1580.  In 
that  letter  he  had  described  himself  as  one  who  had  given  over 
the  delight  in  the  world ;  he  speaks  of  "  my  melancholy  times," 
and  in  a  letter  written  a  month  later  we  have  heard  him  say 
that  he  is  ill  and  melancholy.  We  may  assume  that  his  sonnet- 
writing  began  in  his  "  idlest  times,"  perhaps  after  the  Wanstead 
interview  in  the  summer  of  1578  when  the  Queen  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  go  abroad,  more  probably  somewhat 
later  when  he,  Dyer  and  Spenser  were  stimulating  each  other's 
literary  interests.  His  melancholy  was  due  to  his  enforced 
inactivity ;  he  was  conscious  that  his  youth  was  passing,  he 
saw  no  prospect  of  worthy  employment  and,  as  Molyneux  has 
informed  us,  "  he  could  endure  at  no  time  to  be  idle  and  void 
of  action1."  It  is  little  wonder  that  he  was  melancholy.  That 

1  Holinshed's  Chronicle, 


Astrophel  and  Stella  251 

the  "toyful  books"  which  he  wrote  during  this  time  would  do 
more  than  anything  else  to  preserve  his  fame  to  posterity 
never  occurred  to  him.  The  impression  which  one  gains  from 
this  first  section  of  the  sonnets  is  of  a  man,  moody  and  angry 
with  fate,  one  who  would  fain  have  some  man's  work  to  do, 
who  is  conscious  of  abilities  that  are  rusting  unused,  and  who 
is  voicing  his  mood  of  dissatisfaction  with  life  in  the  form  of 
conventional  love  sonnets. 

With  the  thirty-third  sonnet  the  atmosphere  has  changed. 
Stella  is  now  the  wife  of  another  man  and  Sidney's  first 
thought  is  one  of  self-reproach  for  his  own  inertia  : 

"  I  might — unhappy  word — O,  me,  I  might, 
And  then  would  not,  or  could  not,  see  my  bliss, 
Till  now  wrapt  in  a  most  infernal  night, 
I  find  how  heavenly  day,  wretch  !  I  did  miss. 
Heart,  rent  thyself,  thou  doest  thyself  but  right ; 
No  lovely  Paris  made  thy  Helen  his, 
No  force,  no  fraud  robbed  thee  of  thy  delight, 
Nor  Fortune  of  thy  fortune  author  is  ; 
But  to  myself  myself  did  give  the  blow, 
While  too  much  wit,  forsooth,  so  troubled  me, 
That  I  respects  for  both  our  sakes  must  show  : 
And  yet  could  not  by  rising  morn  foresee 
How  fair  a  day  was  near :  0  punished  eyes, 
That  I  had  been  more  foolish,  or  more  wise  ! " 

Now  that  Stella  is  definitely  lost  to  him  he  upbraids  himself 
for  the  politic  considerations  which  had  made  him  willing  to 
give  her  up.  He  evidently  has  not  heard  that  Stella  was  forced 
into  marriage,  and  his  first  references  to  her  new  name — Rich 
(Sonnets  XXXV  and  XXXVII) — are  unaccompanied  by  the 
fierce  invective  against  her  husband  which  characterizes  the 
misplaced  Sonnet  XXIV.  The  mood  of  self-reproach  soon 
yields,  however,  to  a  determination  not  to  accept  the  situation. 
He  has  probably  learned  more  of  the  circumstances  of  Stella's 
marriage,  and  he  fiercely  determines  to  ignore  the  existence  of 
the  unholy  arrangement.  This  attitude  is  expressed  in  the 
last  stanza  of  The  Smokes  of  Melancholy — one  of  the  'Certain 
Sonnets.' 


252  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

"  For  me,  alas,  I  am  fully  resolv'd 
Those  bonds,  alas,  shall  not  be  dissolv'd  ; 
Nor  break  my  word,  though  reward  come  late  ; 
Nor  fail  my  faith  in  my  f ailing  fate ; 
Nor  change  in  change,  though  change  change  my  state : 
But  always  one  myself  with  eagle-eyed  Truth  to  fly 
Up  to  the  sun,  although  the  sun  my  wings  do  fry  ; 
For  if  those  flames  burn  my  desire 
Yet  shall  I  die  in  Phoenix  fire." 

At  first  Stella's  attitude  to  Sidney  is  unchanged  even  when 
she  sees  the  very  face  of  woe  painted  in  his  beclouded  stormy 
face.  She  discusses  Court  gossip  with  him,  listens  to  his  reading 
of  his  sonnets  and  herself  sings  them,  affecting  to  believe  that 
they  are  still  the  literary  exercises  which  pleased  and  amused 
them  both  before  her  marriage.  At  length  she  is  persuaded, 
probably  having  been  made  more  willing  to  learn  by  her  own 
wretchedness,  and  she  counsels  him  regarding  the  selflessness 
of  true  love.  She  also  confesses  her  own  love  for  him — a  love 
which  will  not  let  him  decline  from  nobler  courses  :  he  is  to 
anchor  himself  fast  on  Virtue's  shore.  With  Stella's  confession 
the  winter  of  his  misery  is  gone;  his  'heavenly  joy'  bursts 
forth  in  sonnet  after  sonnet.  He  finds  her  asleep  and  steals  a 
kiss  ;  she  is  angry  and  threatens,  but  he  makes  his  defence  and 
sings  his  triumph  in  several  sonnets  more.  But  when  he  urges 
that  Love  shall  have  its  course  Stella  is  firm  in  her  refusal 
(Songs  IV  and  VIII). 

"  Astrophel,  said  she,  my  love, 
Cease  in  these  effects,  to  prove  ; 
Now  be  still,  yet  still  believe  me, 
Thy  grief  more  than  death  would  grieve  me. 

If  that  any  thought  in  me 
Can  taste  comfort  but  of  thee, 
Let  me,  fed  with  hellish  anguish, 
Joyless,  hopeless,  endless  languish. 

Trust  me,  while  I  thee  deny, 
Tn  myself  the  smart  I  try  : 
Tyrant  Honour  doth  thus  use  thee. 
Stella's  self  might  not  refuse  thee." 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  253 

Hereafter  the  poet's  song  is  'broken.'  He  tries  by  absence  to 
cure  his  passion  but  he  lives  in  Sorrow's  night.  Like  Cleopatra 
his  imagination  can  exercise  itself  on  one  only  subject : 

"  I  would  know  whether  she  did  sit  or  walk, 
How  cloth'd  ;  how  waited  on  ;  sighed  she  or  smiled  ? 
Whereof,  with  whom,  how  often  she  did  talk  ; 
With  what  pastime  time's  journey  she  beguiled. 
If  her  lips  deigned  to  sweeten  my  poor  name. 
Say  all ;  and  all  well  said,  still  say  the  same." 

The  story  now  draws  rapidly  to  a  close.  On  one  occasion 
the  poet  is  guilty  of  an  undefined  faux  pas  which  vexes  Stella 
though  his  fault  was  due  not  to  carelessness  but  rather  to  'too 
much  care.'  She  tries  with  choice  delights  and  rarest  company 
to  drive  the  clouds  from  out  his  heavy  cheer,  but  in  vain.  We 
hear  of  her  being  sick,  of  her  sailing  on  the  Thames  when  he 
sees  her  from  a  window  (of  Leicester  House  or  Baynard's 
Castle  ?) :  he  rides  past  the  house  where  she  lives  and  wears 
stars  upon  his  armour,  he  curses  his  ill-luck  in  missing  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  her  when  her  coachman  drove  past 
rapidly  and  the  falling  of  a  torch  from  her  page's  hand  made 
him  fail  to  recognize  her  until  it  was  too  late.  He  asks  her  for 
a  while  to  give  respite  to  his  heart  while  he  devotes  his  thought 
"  to  this  great  cause  which  needs  both  use  and  art" — a  reference 
which  it  is  not  possible  to  explain  satisfactorily.  In  the  last 
sonnet  of  the  sequence  his  sorrow  is  alleviated  only  by  the  joy 
which  shines  from  Stella.  The  story  is  concluded  by  the  last 
and  most  beautiful  of  the  poems  in  the  'Certain  Sonnets,'— 
a  sonnet  that  is  properly  dissociated  from  the  sequence  to 
indicate  an  undetermined  period  during  which  the  transition 
in  the  lover's  attitude  took  place  : 

"  Leave  me,  O  Love,  that  reachest  but  to  dust : 
And  thou,  my  mind,  aspire  to  higher  things  ; 
Grow  rich  in  that  which  never  taketh  rust  ; 
Whatever  fades,  but  fading  pleasure  brings. 
Draw  in  thy  beams,  and  humble  all  thy  might 
To  that  sweet  yoke  where  lasting  freedoms  be ; 
Which  breaks  the  clouds,  and  opens  forth  the  light, 
That  doth  both  shine,  and  give  us  sight  to  see. 
0  take  fast  hold  ;  let  that  light  be  thy  guide 
In  this  small  course  which  birth  draws  out  to  death, 


254  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

And  think  how  evil  becometh  him  to  slide, 
Who  seeketh  heaven,  and  comes  of  heavenly  breath. 
Then  farewell,  world  ;  thy  uttermost  I  see, 
Eternal  Love,  maintain  thy  life  in  me." 

And  so  renunciation  is  exalted,  and  the  strains  of  the  hymn  to 
earthly  love  are  drowned  in  the  fuller  music  of  the  heavenly 
love.  It  must  be  noted  that  there  is  here  no  reprobation  of 
past  conduct,  no  stigmatizing  of  the  character  of  that  love  or 
desire  which  reaches  but  to  dust.  Throughout  the  story  Sidney 
is  true  to  himself.  Stella's  marriage  to  Lord  Rich  was  an 
ugly,  a  wicked  thing ;  the  poet's  love  for  Stella — earthly  love 
with  its  imperious  desires,  and  which  reaches  but  to  dust — is 
a  beautiful  and  ennobling  thing.  Why  should  the  baser  fact 
stand  in  the  way  of  the  nobler  ?  That  Sidney  should  assume 
this  attitude  is  in  no  sense  of  the  word  surprising  or  inconsistent 
with  his  own  character.  Essentially  idealistic,  to  him  right 
was  right,  wrong  was  wrong.  He  hated  the  politic,  prudential 
considerations  which  modified  the  conduct  of  organized  society 
and  persuaded  it  to  deviate  from  the  more  obvious  duty  of 
the  moment.  Hence  his  disgust  with  Elizabeth's  continental 
policy.  The  nobleness  and  chivalry  of  his  age  acclaimed  him 
its  president :  his  transparent  honesty  and  love  of  all  things 
excellent  were  proverbial.  But  he  was,  withal,  impulsive, 
somewhat  imperious,  not  easily  brooking  the  thwarting  of  his 
desires.  At  the  time  of  Penelope  Devereux's  marriage  he  was 
chafing  under  the  lack  of  worthy  occupation,  and  his  sense  of 
personal  grievance  was  deepened  by  what  must  have  seemed 
to  him  the  outrage  of  her  union  with  Lord  Rich.  All  his 
chivalrous  and  pugnacious  instincts  were  aroused,  and  he 
decided  to  play  the  role  of  the  knight-errant  against  the  villain 
who  had  forcibly  carried  ofi  the  beautiful  lady.  An  unques- 
tioning consciousness  of  rectitude  attends  him  throughout. 
Even  Desire  frames  the  manners  and  fears  nought  but  shame. 
To  those  literal-minded  critics  who  talk  of  the  sin  of  violating 
the  sanctities  of  marriage  he  would  have  retorted  by  asking 
them  to  point  out  wherein  the  sanctity  of  the  marriage  of  Lord 
and  Lady  Rich  consisted. 

But  with  reflection  Sidney  came  to  know  that  this  defence 
of  his  conduct  was  in  essence  unsound.     His  love  for  Stella 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  255 

could  not  continue  to  contribute  to  the  ennobling  of  their  char- 
acters, and  it  is  man's  chief  end  in  this  world  to  be  good  rather 
than  to  be  happy.     The  fault  may  be  in  the  constitution  of 
human  society,  but  at  any  rate  Sidney  learned,  what  Stella 
with  instinctive  wisdom  seems  to  have  known  from  the  begin- 
ning, that  their  affection  for  each  other  in  the  world  in  which 
they  lived  could  not  be  ultimately  good  nor  even  bring  to  them 
lasting  happiness.     When  Sidney  attained  to  self-mastery  it 
is  impossible  to  say,  but  the  later  sonnets  give  the  impression 
of  having  been  struck  out  at  a  heat,  and  they  probably  represent 
the  experiences  of  weeks  rather  than  months.     As  we  shall  see, 
it  was  only  a  few  months  after  Penelope  Devereux  became 
Lady  Rich  that  Sidney  began  to  plan  his  own  marriage  with 
the  daughter  of  his  friend  Walsingham,  though  she  was  now 
a  child  of  not  more  than  fourteen  years.     Before  this  time  we 
may  be  sure  that  his  passion  had  swept  over  him,  and  there  is 
no  reason  to  believe  that  it  had  left  him  with  a  jaundiced  eye. 
It  is  necessary  to  add  a  word  to  refute  two  arguments 
which  have  been  put  forward  by  those  who  object  to  the 
sonnets  being  read  as  autobiography.     One  of  these  has  to 
do  with  Sidney's  "  readiness  to  blazon  abroad  his  illicit  relations 
with  Stella,  assuming  that  his  passion  was  sincere."     Why  his 
action  would  have  been  less  reprehensible  had  his  passion 
been  feigned  does  not  appear.     The  answer  to  this  rather 
irritating  argument  is  that  Sidney  did  not  blazon  abroad  his 
story,  that  some  of  his  poems  were  written  frankly  as  literary 
exercises,  and  that  the  more  intimate  of  them  were  probably 
reserved  for  Stella's  self  and  perhaps  the  Countess  of  Pembroke. 
"  A  special  dear  friend  he  should  be,"  says  Molyneux  regarding 
the  Arcadia1,  "  that  could  have  a  sight,  but  much  more  dear 
that  could  once  obtain  a  copy  of  it."     If  this  was  true  of  the 
Arcadia  it  was  much  truer  of  Astrophel  and  Stella.    A  number 
of  the  more  intimate  poems,  as  we  have  seen,  were  not  published 
until  that  edition  appeared  which  was  supervised  by  Sidney's 
sister  some  twelve  years  after  his  death.     It  was  probably 
only  by  some  carelessness  on  the  part  of  Sidney's  closest  friends 
that  Newman,  the  publisher,  had  managed  to  secure  so  many 

1  Holinshed's  Chronicle. 


256  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

of  the  sonnets  in  1591  ;  in  the  circumstances,  however,  the 
Countess  of  Pembroke  seems  to  have  felt  that  there  was  no  good 
reason  for  withholding  the  remaining  poems  from  publication 
in  1598 — when  Lady  Rich  had  long  been  separated  from  her 
husband,  and  Sidney's  widow  had  long  been  remarried  to 
Lady  Rich's  brother.  In  support  of  this  explanation  it  is 
significant  that  Fulke  Greville,  in  a  letter  to  Walsingham  a 
month  after  Sidney's  death,  makes  no  mention  of  the  sonnets 
among  those  works  of  his  friend  which  should  be  edited  for 
publication.  The  poems  were  never  thought  of  as  material  for 
publication  either  by  their  author  or  his  friends  who  knew 
them.  The  significance  of  Fulke  Greville's  omission,  it  must 
be  admitted,  is  lessened  by  the  fact  that  he  also  omits  mention 
of  the  Apologie. 

A  second  argument  that  has  been  urged  against  the 
"sincerity"  of  the  sonnets  is  that  "the  dedication  of  Spenser's 
Astrophel  to  Sidney's  wife  deprives  of  serious  autobiographical 
significance  his  description  in  the  sonnets  of  his  pursuit  of 
Stella's  affections1."  The  answer,  of  course,  is  that  Spenser 
left  England  in  July,  1580,  and  that  it  is  most  improbable 
that  he  was  acquainted  with  any  of  the  sonnets  written  after 
that  time.  Under  these  circumstances  Astrophel  and  Stella 
to  him  meant  the  conventional  poems  written  by  Sidney  in 
confessed  imitation  of  Petrarch  or  the  French  sonneteers 
during  the  period  when  Spenser  was  living  at  Leicester  House. 
Who  Stella  actually  was  may  well  have  escaped  his  memory, 
as,  indeed,  it  was  a  matter  of  no  importance.  We  may  be 
sure  that  he  had  never  heard  of  the  later  sonnets,  and  we  may 
be  sure  that  his  ignorance  was  shared  during  Sidney's  life  by 
the  great  majority  of  his  more  intimate  friends2. 

Penelope  Devereux  should  not  be  dismissed  without  a  word 
regarding  her  later  life.  She  lived  with  Lord  Rich  for  many 
years  and  bore  him  three  sons  and  three  daughters.  She  was 
on  terms  of  special  intimacy  with  the  Sidney  family  and 

1  Sidney  Lee,  Eliz.  Sonnets,  Introd. 

2  Spenser  was  probably  similarly  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  the  Arcadia. 
Molyneux'  statement  suggests  it,  and  we  may  remember  that  in  October,  1580, 
Sidney  was  able  to  promise  Robert  a  copy  of  his  "toyful  books"  only  for  the 
next  February. 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  257 

their  connections,  and  Lord  Rich  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
Robert  Sidney.  She  was  eventually  divorced  from  Lord  Rich 
shortly  after  1600,  but  for  many  years  before  this  time  she  had 
lived  openly  with  Lord  Mount  joy,  to  whom  she  bore  three  sons 
and  two  daughters.  Oddly  enough  from  our  point  of  view, 
she  suffered  no  ostracism  either  at  the  Court  of  Elizabeth  or 
James  I,  and  her  conduct  does  not  seem  to  have  alienated  any 
of  her  friends.  When  Robert  Sidney's  son,  Robert,  was 
christened  on  New  Year's  Eve,  1596,  Lady  Rich  was  godmother 
and  Lord  Mountjoy  one  of  the  godfathers.  Lady  Essex  (Sir 
Philip  Sidney's  widow),  with  two  of  her  children,  was  also 
present  at  the  ceremony,  which  had  been  intended  for  a  week 
earlier.  It  was  postponed  at  Lady  Rich's  request  and  a 
correspondent  of  Robert  Sidney's  informed  him  that 

"  I  do  rather  think  it  to  be  a  tetter  that  suddenly  broke  out  in  her  fair 
white  forehead,  which  will  not  be  well  in  five  or  six  days  that  keeps  your 
son  from  being  christened.  But  my  Lady  Rich's  desires  are  obeyed  as. 
commandment  by  my  Lady  [Sidney]1." 

Her  name  appears  frequently  in  accounts  of  Court  festivities, 
and  she  shared  in  the  agonies  of  her  brother's  family  during  the 
last  weeks  of  his  life.  James  I  on  his  accession  granted  to 
Lady  Rich 

"the  place  and  rank  of  the  ancientest  Earls  of  Essex,  called  Bourchier 
whose  heir  her  father  was,  she  having  by  her  marriage,  according  to  the 
customs  of  the  laws  of  honour,  ranked  herself  according  to  her  husband's 
barony.  By  this  gracious  grant  she  took  rank  of  all  the  baronesses 
of  the  kingdom,  and  of  all  Earls'  daughters  except  Arundel,  Oxford, 
Northumberland  and  Shrewsbury2." 

She  was  an  especial  favourite  of  Queen  Anne,  and  James  I 
created  Mountjoy,  Earl  of  Devonshire.  They  were  married 
on  December  26,  1605s,  and  this  act — the  re-marriage  of  a 
divorced  woman — called  down  upon  them  the  wrath  of  the 
King.  Devonshire  died  a  few  months  later,  and  when  he  was 
buried  in  Westminster  Abbey  the  heralds  determined  that  his 

1  Rowland  Whyte  to  Sir  Robert  Sidney,  London,  St  Stephen's  Day,  1595. 
Collins,  I,  385. 

2  Devereux,  op,  cit.  i,  p.  164. 

8  By  William  Laud,  afterwards  Archbishop. 

W.  L.  S.  17 


258  Astrophel  and  Stella  [CH. 

arms  should  be  put  up  without  those  of  his  wife.     She  survived 
her  husband  only  a  year1. 

To  attempt  to  pass  judgment  on  the  character  of  Penelope 
Devereux  would  be  absurd.  We  know  that  she  was  possessed 
of  unusual  personal  charm  and  cleverness,  and  she  evidently 
had  very  many  warm  friends.  Her  irregular  connection  with 
Lord  Mountjoy  was  not  censured  by  her  sovereign  nor  by  her 
friends,  and  this  constitutes  a  very  good  reason  why  those 
living  under  different  social  conventions  should  cast  no  stones 
at  her.  Without  much  fuller  knowledge  than  we  possess  our 
eulogy  and  our  condemnation  are  alike  impertinent2. 

1  Lady  Dorothy  Devereux  had   a  similarly  troubled   marital   story.     In 
July,   1583,  she  was  clandestinely  married  to  Sir  Thomas  Perrot,  and  the 
ceremony  was  performed  under  most  unseemly  circumstances.     (Devereux,  i, 
156.)     In  September  she  wrote  to  Burghley  to  thank  him  for  "  the  releasing  of 
Mr.  Perrot  out  of  the  Fleet,"  where  he  had  been  confined  by  the  Queen's  order  as 
a  punishment  for  the  escapade,  and  she  begged  Burghley  to  be  "  an  earnest  mean 
unto  the  Queen's  Majesty  to  vouchsafe  her  gracious  letter  to  Sir  John  Perrot 
as  well  for  a  release  from  his  promise  made  to  her  Highness  not  to  do  us  any 
good  without  her  consent,  as  also  for  her  Majesty's  sake  he  will  do  like  a  father 
•of  his  ability  to  his  children  of  that  sort  and  condition  we  are  of."     This  will 
bring  them  "some  Michaelmas  rent,"  of  which  they  are  in  great  need,  and  she 
also  begs  that  her  marriage  money  may  be  paid,  "  for  our  infection  is  like  a 
pleurisy  that  hath  need  of  present  remedy."    (Lansdowne  MSS.  No.  39,  f.  172.) 
Her  second  husband  was  Henry  Percy,  ninth  Earl  of  Northumberland,  to  whom 
she  was  married  in  1595.     She  died  on  August  3,  1619. 

2  The  time  indications  in  the  sonnets  themselves  are  not  very  definite. 
In  Sonnet  XXII  the  sun  was  '  Progressing  then  from  fair  Twins'  golden  place ' 
— i.e.  it  was  the  end  of  May  or  beginning  of  June.     Both  the  position  of  the 
sonnet  in  the  sequence  and  its  tone  suggest  a  date  before  Stella's  marriage — 
probably  1580.     Sonnet  XLI,  which  begins  with  the  lines 

"  Having  this  day  my  horse,  my  hand,  my  lance, 
Guided  so  well  that  I  obtained  the  prize 
Both  by  the  judgment  of  the  English  eyes 
And  of  some  sent  by  that  sweet  enemy  France," 

certainly  refers  to  a  tourney  at  which  were  present  the  French  Commissioners 
appointed  to   re-open  the   negotiations  for  the  Queen's  marriage  to  Anjou. 
They   reached   England   on   April    17,    1581.      Sonnet   LIII  records   further 
successes  in  the  tournament  and  may  be  ascribed  to  the  same  period.     The 
eighth  song  was  written  when  "May,  then  young"  was  showing  its  pied  weeks, 
and  as  Stella's  "fair  neck  a  foul  yoke  bare"  at  the  time,  the  date  is  almost 
certainly  May  of  1581.     The  only  other  sonnet  which  contains  an  indication 
of  the  time  when  it  was  written  is  the  thirtieth,  which  reads  as  follows  : 
"Whether  the  Turkish  new-moon  minded  be 
To  fill  his  horns  this  year  on  Christian  coast  ? 
How  Poles'  right  King  means  without  leave  of  host 
To  warm  with  ill-made  fire  cold  Muscovy  ? 


xm]  Astrophel  and  Stella  259 

If  French  can  yet  three  parts  in  one  agree  T 
What  now  the  Dutch  in  their  full  diets  boast  ? 
How  Holland  hearts,  now  so  good  towns  be  lost, 
Trust  in  the  shade  of  pleasing  Orange-tree  ? 
How  Ulster  likes  of  that  same  golden  bit 
Wherewith  my  father  once  made  it  hah*  tame  t 
If  in  the  Scotch  court  be  no  weltring  yet  ? 
These  questions  busy  wits  to  me  do  frame." 

Mr  Pollard  thinks  that  these  allusions  agree  better  with  the  first  few  weeks 
of  1581  than  with  any  other  date.  No  one  of  them  is  absolutely  definite  in 
its  reference  to  a  specific  event,  but  I  am  inclined  to  assign  the  sonnet  to  the 
last  months  of  1580.  The  reference  to  the  Turks  and  Poles  would  seem  to 
have  been  suggested  by  the  following  extract  from  Languet's  last  letter  to 
Sidney—that  of  October  28,  1580. 

"The  Archduke  Matthias  has  heard  from  Vienna  that  peace  is  made  between 
the  Turks  and  Persians,  and  letters  from  Constantinople  imply  the  same,  but 
do  not  directly  affirm  it.  They  add  that  the  Sultan  has  commanded  Ochiali 
to  have  a  number  of  new  galleys  built,  so  that  it  is  expected  he  will  make  some 

attempt  against  the  Spaniards  next  summer. What  we  heard  about  the 

death  of  the  King  of  Poland,  is  not  true.  They  say  he  has  penetrated  with 
his  victorious  army  into  the  heart  of  Muscovy,  and  that  the  Muscovite  is  sueing 
to  him  for  peace." 

Stephen  Bathori's  success  against  the  Russians  was  not  complete  until  the 
next  year.  On  August  22,  1581,  he  besieged  Pskov,  until,  on  December  13th, 
Ivan  the  Terrible  concluded  peace  with  him  at  Zapoli  by  ceding  the  whole 
of  Polotsk  and  Livonia.  The  three  parties  in  France  of  course  were  the 
Huguenots,  the  Catholics,  and  the  Politiques  led  by  Catherine  de'  Medici  and 
her  sons.  The  boasting  of  the  Dutch  in  their  diets  and  elsewhere  was  pro- 
verbial in  England.  They  had  suffered  during  the  past  year  from  a  kind  of 
"epidemic  treason";  De  Bours,  governor  of  Mechlin,  had  surrendered  the 
city  and  fled  to  Parma,  and  a  few  months  later  Count  Renneberg  traitorously 
handed  over  Groningen  to  the  enemy.  These  were  probably  the  good  towns 
to  which  Sidney  referred.  Ulster  at  this  time  was  in  comparative  quiet. 
The  Desmond  rebellion  which  had  raised  the  South  and  West  had  had  little 
effect  on  the  North  where  the  work  of  suppression  which  had  been  carried  out 
by  Sir  Henry  Sidney  was  showing  its  effects.  'Weltring'  was  the  normal 
condition  of  the  Scottish  Court,  where  Protestant  and  Catholic,  French  and 
English  influences  were  in  perpetual  conflict,  and  where  the  country's  fate 
depended  largely  on  the  boy-king's  whims  in  choosing  favourites.  Morton, 
President  of  the  Council,  the  friend  of  England  and  Protestantism,  had  failed 
to  carry  out  a  plot  against  the  life  of  Lennox,  the  representative  of  French 
influences,  the  Guises  and  Catholicism.  In  the  last  months  of  1580  Lennox 
had  Morton  at  his  mercy,  and  England  was  waiting  to  learn  what  special  form 
the  inevitable  'weltring'  would  take. 


17—2 


CHAPTER   XIV 

1581 

DURING  the  months  immediately  before  and  after  the 
marriage  of  Penelope  Devereux  we  know  little  of  Sidney's  life, 
apart  from  what  we  are  told  in  the  sonnets,  which  gives  any 
hint  of  the  emotional  crisis  through  which  he  was  passing. 
On  New  Year's  Day,  1581,  he  presented  to  the  Queen  "  a  jewel 
of  gold,  being  a  whip,  garnished  with  small  diamonds  in  four 
rows  and  cords  of  small  seed  pearl1 " — in  token  of  his  submis- 
sion to  the  will  of  Her  Majesty.  Fragmentary  records  of  small 
offices  of  kindness  are  to  be  constantly  found  in  a  study  of 
Sidney's  life  :  his  biography  might  be  cumbered  with  a  multitude 
of  such  references.  In  January  he  wrote  to  Arthur  Atey, 
Leicester's  secretary,  in  favour  of  some  man,  and  his  servant, 
Griffith  Maddax,  wrote  Atye  again  on  the  same  subject2.  On 
February  6th  he  acknowledged  in  kindly  words  a  letter  from 
Hotman — a  French  Huguenot  student  at  Oxford,  whose  father 
was  one  of  Sidney's  friends3.  From  a  letter  which  he  wrote 
to  Lady  Kitson  on  March  28th  we  learn  something  of  the 
trouble  he  was  willing  to  take  to  assist  anyone  in  distress,  even 
when  the  cause  of  distress  was  recusancy,  with  which  particular 
sin  he  can  have  had  but  little  sympathy4.  In  April  he  was 
active  in  attempting  to  secure  for  Fulke  Greville  some  post 
in  Wales,  and  together  with  Sir  Thomas  Leighton  served  as 
an  arbitrator  in  the  matter  at  the  request  of  the  Welsh  Council5. 

1  Nichols,  n,  p.  301. 

2  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.  vol.  CXLVH. 
8  Add.  MSS.  12102,  f.  1. 

«  Nichols,  n,  250. 

5  Sidney  Papers,  I,  pp.  293  and  295. 


CH.  xiv]  1581  261 

No  trait  of  Sidney's  character  is  more  in  evidence  than  that  of 
loyalty  to  his  friends  and  kindliness  toward  all  men. 

In  the  meantime  he  was  able  to  find  some  satisfaction  of 
his  desire  to  be  engaged  in  the  public  service  by  securing  a 
seat  in  the  House  of  Commons.  It  was  the  third  and  last 
session  of  that  Parliament  which  had  met  in  1572  and  1576, 
and  Sidney  had  been  elected  probably  in  the  stead  of  some 
member  who  had  died.  Fulke  Greville  had  been  returned  as 
member  for  the  town  of  Southampton  in  place  of  Sir  Henry 
Wallop,  who  was  absent  on  the  Queen's  service  in  Ireland,  but 
his  claim  to  the  seat  was  finally  disallowed  by  the  House  together 
with  that  of  several  other  members  similarly  situated.  In  the 
session  of  1576  the  House  of  Commons  had  shown  itself  restive 
under  the  royal  control.  Referring  to  the  rumours  that  were 
constantly  current  in  the  House  that  the  Queen  would  like 
this  or  disapprove  that,  and  to  the  royal  messages  which  were 
calculated  to  stifle  freedom  of  speech,  Mr  Peter  Wentworth 
had  been  bold  to  declare,  "  I  would  to  God,  Mr.  Speaker,  that 
these  two  were  buried  in  hell ;  I  mean  rumours  and  messages1." 
On  the  motion  of  Burghley  he  was  committed  to  the  Tower,  and 
although  by  the  Queen's  special  favour  he  was  soon  set  free 
and  restored  to  his  place  in  the  House,  the  incident  had  had  its 
effect.  In  1581  the  House  received  Her  Majesty's  rebukes  or 
commendations  in  a  properly  humble  spirit.  Mr  John  Popham, 
the  Solicitor- General,  was  chosen  Speaker.  They  began  badly 
by  ordering  a  public  fast  and  daily  preaching — an  act  which 
the  Queen  found  to  be  an  infringement  of  her  ecclesiastical 
prerogative.  Through  Hatton  she  expressed  "her  great  ad- 
miration of  the  rashness  of  this  House,"  and  almost  unanimously 
the  House  expressed  regret  and  submission.  One  member 
who  wished  to  make  a  motion  "for  the  liberty  of  the  House " 
was  not  recognized  by  Mr  Speaker, 

A  long  speech  by  Sir  Walter  Mildmay  set  the  tone  of  the 
proceedings.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  England's 
one  great  danger  consisted  in  Catholic  machinations  both 
foreign  and  domestic.  The  dangerous  Desmond  rebellion  with 
all  that  it  implied  of  Spanish  and  Papal  enmity  was  one  form 

1  D'Ewes,  Journals,  p.  237. 


262  1581  [CH. 

which  the  danger  assumed ;  another  consisted  in  "  the  swarming 
hither  of  a  number  of  Popish  priests  and  monkish  Jesuits."  Two 
steps  were  necessary.  They  must  make  a  provision  of  laws  more 
strict  and  more  severe  to  constrain  recusants,  and  they  must 
strengthen  both  the  naval  and  land  forces. 

"  God  hath  placed  this  kingdom  in  an  island,"  he  declared,  "environed 
with  the  sea  as  with  a  natural  and  strong  wall,  whereby  we  are  not  subject 
to  those  sudden  invasions  which  other  frontier  countries  be.  One  of  our 
greatest  defences  standing  by  sea,  the  number  of  good  ships  is  of  the  most 
importance  for  us." 

He  lauded  the  Queen  as  one  who  "still  holdeth  fast  the  pro- 
fession of  the  gospel  that  hath  so  long  upholden  her,  and  made  us 
to  live  in  peace  twenty-two  years  and  more  under  her  most 
gracious  government,"  and  he  bid  any  man  who  was  so  dull  as  not 
to  appreciate  the  blessedness  of  this  our  golden  peace,  to  "  cast 
his  eyes  over  the  seas  into  our  neighbours'  countries,  and  there 
behold  what  trouble  the  Pope  and  his  ministers  have  stirred 
against  such  as  profess  the  same  religion  of  Jesus  Christ  as  we 
do1."  A  large  committee  was  appointed  to  consult  regarding 
such  bills  as  were  convenient  to  be  framed  to  meet  the  dangers 
indicated,  and  of  this  committee  Mr  Philip  Sidney  was  a 
member2.  To  another  committee  to  which  was  committed 
the  "  Bill  against  slanderous  words  and  rumours  and  other 
seditious  practices  against  the  Queen's  Majesty,"  he  was  ap- 
pointed on  February  1st,  as  was  also  Fulke  Greville3.  The 
first  of  these  committees  recommended  much  more  vigorous 
penalties  against  recusants,  in  which  action,  presumably, 
Sidney  concurred.  This  is  somewhat  difficult  to  reconcile  with 
his  letter  to  Lady  Kitson  on  March  28th  in  which  he  comforts 
her  with  the  assurance  that  "  there  is  a  present  intention 
of  a  general  mitigation  to  be  used  in  respect  of  recusants," 
and  that  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  tells  him  that  there  is  meant 
"a  speedy  easing  of  the  greatness  of  your  burden."  A  few 
months  later,  on  December  1st,  Campion  was  executed,  and 
we  can  imagine  how  Sidney's  mind  must  have  been  torn 

1  Ibid.,  pp.  285-288. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  288. 

*  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  vol.  I,  p.  121. 


xiv]  1581  263 

with  conflicting  emotions  as  he  remembered  their  long  ac- 
quaintance and  pondered  England's  new  threatening  perils. 

What  share  Sidney  took  in  the  other  proceedings  of  this 
Parliament  we  do  not  know.  Considerable  time  was  devoted 
to  the  case  of  a  member,  Arthur  Hall,  who  had  published  an 
anonymous  book  impugning  the  authority  of  the  House  and 
defaming  certain  of  its  members.  He  was  imprisoned  in  the 
Tower,  fined  five  hundred  marks,  and  "  severed  and  cut  off  from 
being  a  member  of  this  House  any  more  during  the  continuance 
of  this  present  Parliament."  Many  bills  were  passed  of  many 
kinds,  from  one  providing  for  the  paving  the  street  without 
Aldgate  to  one  "  for  the  punishment  of  heretics  called  the  Family 
of  Love,"  and  another  against  the  false  packing  of  hops.  On 
March  18th  the  Queen  prorogued  Parliament  after  giving  her 
assent  to  thirty  bills  and  thanking  both  Houses  for  their  work, 
"not  yet  comprehending  within  those  general  thanks  such 
members  of  the  House  of  Commons  as  have  this  session  dealt 
more  rashly  in  some  things  than  was  fit  for  them  to  do." 

For  some  time  the  tension  between  England  and  Spain 
had  been  growing  greater.  England  was  alarmed  at  the  great 
increase  in  power  and  resources  that  had  come  to  Spain  through 
her  easy  annexation  of  Portugal  and  the  Portuguese  colonies. 
Spain  was  exasperated  by  the  successful  outcome  of  Drake's 
voyage  of  plunder  and  the  Queen's  cynical  indifference  to 
demands  for  restitution.  These  causes  tended  to  draw  closer 
together  once  more  the  English  and  French  Courts,  and  soon 
the  Alencon  marriage  project  was  being  once  more  discussed. 
Alen9on  on  January  23rd  had  accepted  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  Queen  now  declared  herself  ready  to  marry 
him.  A  magnificent  embassy  sent  from  Paris  to  revise  the 
marriage  treaty  reached  Dover  on  April  17th ;  they  were  received 
in  London  with  much  firing  of  guns  and  their  entertainment 
was  of  the  most  lavish  sort1.  Only  with  the  greatest  difficulty, 
however,  could  they  persuade  the  Queen  to  discuss  the  object 
of  their  visit.  But  at  length  the  treaty  was  drawn  and  accepted, 

1  A  magnificent  banqueting  house  was  built  for  their  reception  whereon 
375  workmen  laboured  for  nearly  four  weeks.  Among  other  remarkable 
characteristics  it  had  292  lights  of  glass.  (Nichols,  n,  312.) 


264  1581  [CH. 

and  was  to  be  binding  when  the  Duke  and  the  Queen  both 
declared  themselves  satisfied. 

Those  who  had  formerly  opposed  the  match  were  at  last 
convinced  that  further  opposition  was  useless,  although  they 
were  by  no  means  certain  as  to  what  the  Queen  intended  to 
do.  Among  the  festivities  with  which  the  French  commissioners 
were  entertained  was  a  magnificent  tournament  in  which 
Sidney  took  a  prominent  part.  The  Queen  had  set  the  example 
of  magnificence  in  the  entertainment  of  the  ambassadors  by 
sumptuous  feasts  and  banquetings,  and  her  example  was 
emulated  in  a  most  elaborate  'triumph'  which  was  shown  on 
Whitsun  Monday  and  Tuesday.  The  gallery  at  the  end  of  the 
tilt-yard  adjoining  Whitehall  was  fitted  up  as  'the  Castle  or 
Fortress  of  Perfect  Beauty'  and  the  whole  device  consisted  in 
an  attack  upon  the  .fortress  by  four  challengers — the  Earl  of 
Arundel,  Lord  Windsor,  Philip  Sidney  and  Fulke  Greville,  who 
called  themselves  the  four  Foster  Children  of  Desire.  That 
Sidney  was  responsible  for  the  conception  of  the  triumph  there 
can  be  little  doubt ;  the  speeches  are  written  in  the  strained, 
highly  wrought  and  elaborately  decorated  style  of  the  Arcadia, 
and  the  whole  device  represented  the  combination  of  magnificent 
pageantry  and  chivalrous  speech  which  is  familiar  to  all  readers 
of  Sidney's  romance. 

The  first  defiance  of  the  challengers  was  uttered  on  Sunday, 
the  16th  of  April,  as  her  Majesty  came  from  the  Chapel. 
Their  messenger  was  a  boy  apparelled  in  red  and  white — the 
colours  of  Desire — who  addressed  the  Queen  as  follows  : 

"  O  Lady,  that  doth  intitle  the  titles  you  possess  with  the  honour  of  your 
worthiness,  rather  crowning  the  great  crown  you  hold  with  the  fame  to 
have  so  excelling  an  owner,  than  you  receiving  to  yourself  any  increase 
keeping  that  outward  ornament." 

He  proceeds  in  true  Arcadian  speech  to  inform  the  Queen  that 
the  four  Foster  Children  of  Desire  will  her  that  she  shall  no 
longer  exclude  virtuous  Desire  from  Perfect  Beauty.  Should 
this  request  be  not  granted  they  announce  that  on  April  24th 
they  will  besiege  that  fatal  fortress,  and  will  meet  any  knights 
of  Her  Majesty's  Court  first  at  the  tilt  in  so  many  courses  as 
she  shall  be  pleased  to  appoint,  and  then  with  lance  and  sword. 


1581  265 

After  several  postponements  the  device  was  at  length 
performed  on  Whitsun  Monday.  The  challengers  entered  the 
tilt-yard  one  after  tho  other  and  in  such  magnificent  fashion 
that  the  eyes  of  the  spectators  were  dazzled.  We  cannot  enter 
into  all  the  details  of  the  occasion  but  we  may  at  least  hear  the 
contemporary  chronicler's  description  of  our  hero  : 

"  Then  proceeded  Master  Philip  Sidney  in  very  sumptuous  manner  with 
armour  part  blue  and  the  rest  gilt  and  engraven,  with  four  spare  horses 
having  caparisons  and  furniture  very  rich  and  costly,  as  some  of  cloth  of 
gold  embroidered  with  pearl,  and  some  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver 
feathers  very  richly  and  cunningly  wrought ;  he  had  four  pages  that 
rode  on  his  four  spare  horses,  who  had  cassock  coats  and  Venetian  hose 
of  all  cloth  of  silver  laid  with  gold  lace,  and  hats  of  the  same  with  gold 
bands  and  white  feathers,  and  each  one  a  pair  of  white  buskins.  Then 
had  he  a  thirty  gentlemen  and  yeomen,  and  four  Trumpeters  who  were 
all  in  cassock  coats  and  Venetian  hose  of  yellow  velvet  laid  with  silver 
lace,  yellow  velvet  caps  with  silver  bands  and  white  feathers,  and  every 
one  a  pair  of  white  buskins ;  and  they  had  upon  their  coats  a  scroll  or 
band  of  silver  which  came  scarf  wise  over  the  shoulder  and  so  down  under 
the  arm,  with  this  poesy  or  sentence  written  upon  it  both  before  and  behind, 
Sic  nos  non  nobis." 

When  the  challengers  and  their  retinues  had  all  entered 
the  tilt-yard  the  boy  messenger  offered  parley  from  the  be- 
siegers and  then  from  a  rolling  trench  or  mount  of  earth 
which  accompanied  them  the  Queen  was  assailed  with  music. 
Two  delectable  songs  were  sung  to  the  accompaniment  of 
cornets — one  summoning  the  fortress  to  yield,  the  other 
sounding  the  alarm  to  the  besiegers  when  it  was  apparent  that 
there  would  be  no  yielding.  Then  cannon  were  shot  off,  "  one 
with  sweet  powder,  and  the  other  with  sweet  water,  very 
odoriferous  and  pleasant,"  and  the  footmen  threw  flowers 
against  the  walls. 

By  this  time  the  defendants,  a  large  company,  each  of 
whom  was  elaborately  attended,  had  arrived.  Of  these  Sir 
Thomas  Perrot  and  Master  Anthony  Cooke  announced  them- 
selves as  Adam  and  Eve,  who  had  learned  that  the  sun  was 
besieged  and  had  hastened  to  the  defence.  An  angel  vouches 
for  their  identity  to  the  Queen,  and,  addressing  the  challengers, 
asks :  "  Will  you  subdue  the  sun  ?  Who  shall  rest  in  the  shadow 


266  1581  [CH. 

where  the  weary  take  breath,  the  disquiet  rest  and  all  comfort  ? 
Will  ye  bereave  all  men  of  those  glistering  and  gladsome 
beams  ? "  Then  followed  a  speech  by  a  page  of  Master  Thomas 
Ratcliffe  and  by  another  on  behalf  of  the  four  sons  of  Sir 
Francis  Knolles.  Each  defendant  then  ran  six  courses  against 
the  challengers  "who  performed  their  parts  so  valiantly  on 
both  sides  that  their  prowess  hath  demerited  perpetual  memory." 
The  coming  of  night  brought  the  day's  sport  to  a  close. 

On  the  next  day  the  Foster  Children  of  Desire  entered 
the  lists  in  a  brave  chariot  drawn  by  horses  apparelled  in 
white  and  carnation  silk.  From  the  chariot  sounded  very 
doleful  music.  After  they  had  again  bid  defiance  the  defendants 
entered. 

"Then  went  they  to  the  tourney  where  they  did  very  nobly  as  the 
shivering  of  the  swords  might  very  well  testify;  and  after  that  to  the 
barriers  where  they  lashed  it  out  lustily,  and  fought  courageously  as  if  the 
Greeks  and  Trojans  had  dealt  their  deadly  dole." 

Towards  evening  a  boy,  clothed  in  ash-coloured  garments  and 
bearing  an  olive  branch,  approached  the  Queen  and  elaborately 
made  the  submission  of  the  Foster  Children  of  Desire  who 
acknowledged  themselves  to  be  overcome  as  to  be  slaves  to 
this  fortress  for  ever.  When  Her  Majesty  had  given  praise  and 
great  thanks  to  all  they  departed  in  the  same  order  in  which 
they  had  entered  the  lists1. 

Sidney  was  especially  interested  in  these  feats  of  arms,  and 
his  reputation  as  a  swordsman  is  frequently  mentioned.  In 
the  preceding  year  he  was  one  of  the  defendants  in  a  tourna- 
ment in  which  the  Earl  of  Arundel  and  his  assistant,  Sir  William 
Drury,  challenged  all  comers.  On  this  occasion  the  prize  was 
given  to  the  Earl  of  Oxford.  It  was  the  last  of  chivalric 
usages  to  survive,  and  as  such  would  appeal  to  Sidney,  quite 
apart  from  the  fact  that  horsemanship  and  the  use  of  the  sword 
stood  first  in  the  list  of  gentlemanly  accomplishments  in 
Elizabeth's  day.  One  of  Sidney's  proteges  was  Christopher 
Clifford,  the  author  of  The  School  of  Horsemanship2,  which  was 

1  The  contemporary  account  is  written  by  Henry  Goldwell,  and  is  reprinted 
in  Nichols,  n,  pp.  312-329. 

2  Printed  by  Thomas  Cadman,  London,  1585. 


xiv]  1581  267 

dedicated  to  Sidney  "both  because  of  your  great  knowledge 
and  experience  in  horsemanship,  and  in  all  other  virtues, 
whereby  ye  draw  to  you  the  hearts  of  everyone  that  knows 
you;  and  also  for  your  special  courtesy  showed  unto  me." 
That  Sidney's  enthusiasm  for  the  noble  art  equalled  that  of 
his  first  master,  Pugliano,  is  evidenced  by  many  passages  in 
the  Arcadia1. 

At  some  time  during  this  year  Sidney  visited  Oxford  when 
Gager's  Latin  play  Meleager  was  performed  before  the  Earl 
of  Pembroke,  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Sidney,  and  many  other 
persons  of  importance.  Gager  was  the  most  prominent  of  the 
dramatists  who  produced  Latin  plays  after  the  Senecan  style 
at  the  universities,  and,  according  to  Wood,  Sidney  had  a  very 
great  respect  for  his  learning  and  virtues2.  It  was  possibly  on 
this  occasion  that  he  became  interested  in  the  candidacy  of 
Dr  Toby  Matthew  for  the  Deanery  of  Durham.  In  a  letter  to 
Sir  Thomas  Heneage,  on  September  7th,  Matthew,  who  was 
indignant  at  the  rival  claims  of  a  certain  Dr  Bellamy  for  the 
appointment,  writes  : 

"Have  I,  poor  man,  entreated  my  Lord,  mine  old  Master,  chiefly  by 
yourself,  by  my  Lord  of  York's  grace,  by  my  Lord  of  Sarum,  by  Mr.  Captain 
Horsey,' Mr.  Philip  Sidney  etc. ;  hath  my  Lord  of  Warwick  "been  contented 
to  stay  his  own  suit  for  Mr.  Griffin  in  respect  of  me,  that  a  third  man, 
and  such  a  man,  and  by  such  means,  may  prevent  both  us  and  all 
others3?  " 

Matthew  secured  the  appointment  only  after  some  two  years 
of  strenuous  canvassing. 

The  annexation  of  Portugal  to  Spain,  with  its  ominous 
increase  of  Spanish  power,  had  already  engaged  Sidney's 
attention  and  special  interest.  In  the  famous  battle  of  Alcazar 
which  was  fought  in  the  interior  of  Morocco  on  August  4th, 

1  V.  for  example  p.  178  (Feuillerat's  edition). 

2  Athence  Oxonienses,  ed.  Bliss,  3rd  ed.,  1813  vol.  n,  col.  88.     Gager  was  a 
contributor  to  the  Exequice  Illustrissimi  Equitis  D.  Philippi  Sidncei,  etc.,  and 
the  dedication  of  the  volume  to  Leicester  is  signed  by  him  at  Christ  Church. 
He  is  perhaps  best  known  for  his  defence  of  stage  plays  contained  in  a  letter 
to  John  Rainolds  (v.  Fortnightly  Review,  August,  1907). 

8  Add.  MS.  15891,  f.  87.     Printed  in  Nicolas'  Life  of  Hatton,  p.  192. 


268  1581  [CH. 

1578,  Sebastian,  the  King  of  Portugal,  was  slain1,  and  he  was 
succeeded  by  his  great- uncle,  a  priest,  known  as  the  Cardinal 
King,  who  survived  him  only  until  January  31,  1580.  On 
his  death  Philip  of  Spain  promptly  assumed  the  sovereignty. 
He  was  the  son  of  a  sister  of  John  III  of  Portugal,  and  his 
claim  to  the  succession  was  opposed  only  by  Don  Antonio,  the 
baseborn  son  of  a  younger  brother  of  John  III.  In  a  battle 
at  Oporto  the  Duke  of  Alva  crushed  all  opposition  and  Don 
Antonio  fled  from  the  country. 

Both  England  and  France  were  deeply  concerned  over 
these  events  and  both  extended  friendly  words  at  least  to  the 
exile.  Sidney's  interest  in  his  fortunes  began  early2,  and  on 
May  13th  Don  Antonio  wrote  to  him  from  Tunis  an  account  of 
his  preparations  both  of  men  and  ships.  "  Though  many  more 
should  go,"  he  writes,  "  if  I  did  not  see  you  in  the  company, 
I  shall  say,  Numerum  non  habet  ilia  suum3."  At  the  French 
Court  he  was  received  by  the  king,  and  in  June  he  suddenly 
appeared  in  England — for  the  purpose  of  fitting  out  ships  against 
Spain.  Elizabeth  was  at  first  indignant  and  refused  to  see 
him  ;  then  it  seemed  possible  to  her  that  an  open  alliance 
with  France  against  Spain  might  relieve  her  of  the  necessity 
of  marrying  Monsieur.  To  this  open  course  Burghley  and 
Walsingham  urged  her  warmly,  but  it  meant  the  spending 
of  money,  and  the  Queen  could  not  face  the  prospect.  She 
had  bought  the  Braganza  jewels  from  Don  Antonio  for  £12,000, 
with  which  he  had  fitted  out  a  fleet  at  Plymouth.  Drake  and 
Hawkins  were  ready  to  sail  with  him,  but  the  Queen  would 
not  grant  them  permission  to  depart,  vainly  hoping  that  she 
might  involve  France  with  Spain  while  she  herself  stood  aside. 
At  length  on  September  10th  Mendoza  reported  that  Lord 


1  Sir  Thomas  Stukely  and  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  were  also  killed  in  the 
same  battle,  which  made  a  great  appeal  to  the  imagination  of  the  Englishmen 
of  the  time. 

2  The  Biographia  Literaria  says  that  while  Sidney  was  engaged  in  writing 
the  Arcadia  Don  Antonio  solicited  his  aid. 

3  Translated  by  Collins,  i,  p.  294.     The  original  letter  is  among  the  Pens- 
hurst  MSS.  and  is  signed  "  13  de  Maio — Vostro  major  Amigo — Rey."     There  is 
no  indication  of  the  year.     Collins  evidently  supplied  the  "  1581."     The  letter 
is  addressed  Al  Illustre  Filipe  Cidnei  mi  amado  Sobrino. 


xiv]  1581  269 

Howard,  Philip  Sidney  and  the  Earl  of  Oxford  had  been  ordered 
to  accompany  Don  Antonio,  who  was  leaving  England1 ;  a  few 
days  later  he  announced  the  departure  of  Don  Antonio,  who 
was  accompanied  to  Gravesend  by  the  French  ambassador,  and 
was  joined  shortly  afterward  by  Philip  Sidney  with  a  message 
from  the  Queen2.  Still  the  Queen  had  not  decided  that  the 
pretender  was  to  be  openly  countenanced.  On  September  26th 
Sidney  wrote  to  Hatton  from  Dover  as  follows  : 

"The  delay  of  this  Prince's  departure  is  so  long  as  truly  I  grow  very  weary 
of  it,  having  divers  businesses  of  mine  own  and  my  father's  that  something 
import  me ;  and,  to  deal  plainly  with  you,  being  grown  almost  to  the 
bottom  of  my  purse.  Therefore  your  Honour  shall  do  me  a  singular 
favour  if  you  can  find  means  to  send  for  me  away ;  the  King  himself 
being  desirous  I  should  be  at  the  Court  to  remember  him  unto  her  Majesty, 
where  I  had  been  ere  this  time,  but,  being  sent  hither  by  her  Highness, 
I  durst  not  depart  without  her  especial  revocation  and  commandment. 
The  Queen  means,  I  think,  that  I  should  go  over  with  him ;  which  at 
this  present  might  hinder  me  greatly,  and  nothing  avail  the  King  for  any 
service  I  should  be  able  to  do  him.  I  find,  by  him,  he  will  see  all  his  ships 
out  of  the  Thames  before  he  will  remove.  They  are  all  wind-bound, 
and  the  other  that  came  hither,  the  wind  being  strainable  at  the  east, 
hath  driven  them  toward  the  Isle  of  Wight,  being  no  safe  harbour  here  to 
receive  them ;  so  that  he  is  constrained  to  make  longer  abode,  if  it  were  but 
to  be  wafted  over.  I  beseech  you,  Sir,  do  me  this  favour,  for  which  I  can 
promise  nothing,  seeing  all  is  yours  already3." 

The  ships  finally  sailed  only  after  they  had  been  forbidden  to 
do  so,  and  a  private  letter  from  Walsingham  had  explained 
that  the  order  might  be  ignored.  Sidney's  letter  to  Hatton 
was  probably  effective  :  at  any  rate  he  was  in  London  again 
on  October  10th. 

He  had  grown  to  the  bottom  of  his  purse  in  a  very  special 
sense.  During  no  period  of  his  life  are  references  lacking  to 
his  embarrassed  financial  condition,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  his  inability  to  limit  his  expenditure  to  the  amount  of 
his  income  was  one  of  the  chief  contributing  causes  of  his 
consistently  dissatisfied  state  of  mind.  Perhaps  his  having 

1  State  Papers — Spanish — Eliz.,  September  10,  1581. 

8  Ibid.,  October  1,  1581. 

8  Add.  MS.  15891,  f.  61.     Printed  in  Nicolas'  Life  of  Hatton,  p.  203. 


270  1581  [CH. 

recently  taken  part  in  magnificent  pageants  at  the  tournament 
and  having  been  in  attendance  on  a  foreign  prince  may  have 
made  more  severe  demands  than  usual  on  his  resources.  At 
any  rate  his  angry,  half- desperate  frame  of  mind  is  clearly 
betrayed  in  the  following  letters.  On  October  10th  he  wrote 
to  Burghley  : 

"Yesterday  her  Majesty,  at  my  taking  my  leave,  said,  against  that  I 
come  up  again,  she  would  take  some  order  for  me ;  I  told  her  Majesty 
I  would  beseech  your  Lordship  to  have  care  of  me  therein.  Her  Majesty 
seemed  then  to  like  better  of  some  present  manner  of  relief  than  the  ex- 
pecting the  office.  Truly,  Sir,  so  do  I  too.  But,  being  wholly  out  of 
comfort,  I  rather  chose  to  have  some  token  that  my  friends  might  see  I 
had  not  utterly  lost  my  time :  so  then  do  I  leave  it  to  your  Lordship's 
good  favour  towards  me.  My  suit  is  for  a  £100  a  year  in  impropriations  ; 
if  not  the  one,  then  the  other  ;  if  neither,  yet  her  Majesty's  speedy  answer 
will,  both  in  respect  of  usury  and  other  cumbers,  be  much  better  to  me 
than  delay1." 

A  month  later  Sidney  wrote  a  short  formal  letter  to  the  Queen 
presenting  a  cipher  which  he  had  devised,  and  in  this  letter 
there  is  a  suggestion  that  Her  Majesty  had  employed  him  in 
some  capacity  : 

"  MOST  GRACIOUS  SOVEREIGN  : 

This  rude  piece  of  paper  shall  presume,  because  of  your  Majesty's 
commandment,  most  humbly  to  present  such  a  cipher  as  little  leisure 
could  afford  me.  If  there  come  any  matter  to  my  knowledge,  the  importance 
whereof  shall  deserve  to  be  so  masked,  I  will  not  fail,  (since  your  pleasure 
is  my  only  boldness,)  to  your  own  hands  to  recommend  it.  In  the  mean- 
time, I  beseech  your  Majesty  will  vouchsafe  legibly  to  read  my  heart  in  the 
course  of  my  life  ;  and  though  itself  be  but  of  a  mean  worth,  yet  to  esteem 
it  like  a  poor  house  well  set.  I  most  lowly  kiss  your  hands,  and  pray  to 
God  your  enemies  may  then  only  have  peace  when  they  are  weary  of 
knowing  your  force. 

Your  Majesty's  most  humble  servant 

PHILIP  SIDNEY2. 

At  Gravesend,  the  10th  of  November, 
1581." 


1  Murdin,  Burghley  Papers,  p.  364. 
*  Ibid.  p.  364. 


xiv]  1581  271 

The  following  letter  to  Hatton,  written  from  Baynard's  Castle 
on  November  14th,  doubtless  refers  to  the  'office'  mentioned  in 
the  letter  to  Burghley  : 

"  I  do  here  send  you  my  book  ready  drawn  and  prepared  for  her  Majesty's 
signature,  in  such  order  as  it  should  be,  which  I  humbly  beseech  you  to 
get  signed  accordingly  with  as  much  speed  as  you  may  conveniently. 
For  the  thing  of  itself  in  many  respects  requireth  haste,  and  I  find  my 
present  case  more  pitied  now  than  perchance  it  would  be  hereafter,  when 
haply  resolution  either  way  will  be  hard  to  get,  and  make  my  suit  the 
more  tedious.  Mr.  Popham  thought  it  would  be  little  or  nothing  worth 
unto  me,  because  so  many  have  oftentimes  so  fruitlessly  laboured  in  it ; 
and  this  is  the  general  opinion  of  all  men,  which  I  hope  will  make  it  have 
the  easier  passage.  But  indeed  I  am  assured  the  thing  is  of  good  value, 
and  therefore  if  it  shall  please  you  to  pass  anything  in  my  book,  you  shall 
command  it  as  your  own  for  as  much  or  as  little  as  yourself  shall  resolve 
of :  it  will  do  me  no  hurt  that  seek  only  to  be  delivered  out  of  this  cumber 
of  debts,  and  if  it  may  do  your  Honour  pleasure  in  anything  of  importance, 
T  shall  be  heartily  glad  of  it.  I  pass  nothing  by  any  other  instrument 
than  by  your  own  servant,  and  it  shall  greatly  content  me  that  the  suit 
is  of  such  a  nature  as  I  may  have  means  at  the  least  to  show  how  ready 
I  am  to  requite  some  part  of  your  favours  towards  me.  If  it  be  not  done 
before  this  day  seven  night  I  shall  be  in  great  fear  of  it ;  for  being  once 
known  it  will  be  surely  crossed  and  perhaps  the  time  will  not  be  so  good 
as  it  is  at  this  present,  which  of  all  other  things  putteth  me  in  greatest 
confidence  of  good  success  with  the  help  of  your  honourable  favour.  If 
you  find  you  cannot  prevail  I  beseech  you  let  me  know  it  as  soon  as  may 
be,  for  I  will  even  shamelessly  once  in  my  life  bring  it  her  Majesty  myself. 
Need  obeys  no  laws  and  forgets  blushing ;  nevertheless  I  shall  be  much 
the  more  happy  it  if  please  you  indeed  to  bind  me  for  ever  by  helping  me 
in  these  cumbers1." 

Hatton  was  accustomed  to  exacting  toll  from  those  whose 
suits  he  recommended  to  the  Queen,  and  even  Mendoza  pur- 
chased his  favour  on  such  terms  ;  we  may  well  wish,  however, 
that  Sidney  had  not  been  driven  to  these  shifts.  The  office, 
whatever  it  may  have  been2,  seems  to  have  been  refused  him 
after  he  had  felt  sure  of  securing  it ;  instead,  the  Queen  offered 
to  give  him  some  of  the  confiscated  possessions  of  the  Catholics 
against  whom  more  and  more  severe  measures  were  being 

1  Add.  MS.  15891,  f.  60.     Printed  in  Nicolas'  Life  of  Harris,  p.  210. 

2  Mr  Fox -Bourne  surmises  that  it  was  the  sinecure  worth  £120  per  year, 
which  some  40  years  later  was  held  by  George  Herbert.    (Walton's  Life  of  Herbert, 
ed.  1827,  p.  265.)     But  Sidney's  letter  to  Hatton  would  seem  to  dispose  of 
this  possibility. 


272  1581  [CH. 

taken.  On  December  18th,  Sidney  wrote  once  more  to  Hatton 
from  Salisbury  : 

"  I  must  ever  continue  to  thank  you  because  you  always  continue  to  bind 
me,  and  for  that  I  have  no  other  means  to  acknowledge  the  band  but 
my  humble  thanks.  Some  of  my  friends  counsel  me  to  stand  upon  her 
Majesty's  offer  touching  the  forfeiture  of  Papists'  goods :  truly,  Sir,  I 
know  not  how  to  be  more  sure  of  her  Highness  in  that  than  I  thought 
myself  in  this ;  but  though  I  were,  in  truth,  it  goeth  against  my  heart 
to  prevent  a  Prince's  mercy.  My  necessity  is  great ;  I  beseech  you 
vouchsafe  me  your  honourable  care  and  good  advice ;  you  shall  hold  a 
heart  from  falling  that  shall  be  ever  yours1." 

Three  days  earlier  he  had  written  to  Leicester  in  a  similar 
vein.  His  suit  was  for  £3000  and  less  would  not  suit  him. 
As  to  the  source  from  which  it  was  proposed  to  draw  the 
money — penalties  on  Catholics — he  declares :  "  Truly,  I  like  not 
their  persons  and  much  less  their  religion,  but  I  think  my 
fortune  very  hard  that  my  fortune  must  be  built  upon  other 
men's  punishments2."  It  was  just  two  weeks  since  Campion 
had  been  executed,  and  it  would  have  been  strange  had  Sidney 
not  been  troubled  as  to  the  foundation  on  which  his  new  fortunes 
were  to  be  built. 

Sidney  probably  received  the  sum  he  asked  for,  or  some 
portion  of  it,  though  no  record  of  the  fact  seems  to  remain3. 
Burghley4,  Leicester  and  Hatton  were  powerful  advocates  and 

1  Add.  MS.  15891,  f.  746.    Nicolas,  p.  214. 

2  Appendix  to  Third  Report  of  Hist.   MSS.    Com.    MSS.   of  C.   Cottrell 
Dormer,  Esq.,  Rousham,  No.  13. 

8  In  the  Domestic  State  Papers  under  the  year  1583  is  an  undated  'Note 
of  Money  leviable  upon  the  Recusants  and  Clergy  with  appointment  of  part 
of  the  produce  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Sir  Thomas  Cecil  and  Sir  Philip  Sidney ' 
(vol.  CLXV,  No.  52).  Cecil  and  Sidney  had  already  received  £2000  and  they 
were  yet  to  receive  £1000  each.  The  date  of  this  note  should  almost  certainly  be 
1586,  for  in  the  same  collection  is  a  "  Note  of  money  received  by  Robt.  Freke  for 
the  furniture  of  certain  light  horses ;  besides  the  sum  of  £2000  paid  to  Sir  Tho. 
Cecill  and  Sir  Phil.  Sydney;  which  is  dated  April  20,  1586"  (vol.  CLXXXVII). 
See  also  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.  Addenda,  vol.  xxx,  January  1,  1588,  for  a 
further  reference  to  sums  paid  from  recusants'  fines  to  Leicester,  Cecil  and 
Sidney. 

4  On  December  1st  a  document  detailing  the  extent  of  the  possessions  of 
Sidney  was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  Burghley.  (Appendix  to  Third  Report 
of  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  MSS.  of  Lord  De  L'Isle  and  Dudley.)  This  document, 
which  should  be  of  great  interest,  I  was,  unfortunately,  unable  to  discover  at 
Penshurst. 


xiv]  1581  273 

there  is  no  question  of  their  good- will  in  the  matter  ;  moreover 
Sidney  was  soon  occupied  once  more  in  foreign  travel  and 
plantation  projects,  and  to  provide  himself  for  such  under- 
takings he  must  have  found  some  means  of  replenishing  his 
empty  purse.  He  was  evidently  prepared  to  override  his 
own  scruples  ;  much  as  he  sympathised  with  the  sufferings  of 
individual  recusants  he  probably  approved  very  heartily  of 
the  punishments  meted  out  to  those  whose  practices  he  con- 
sidered essentially  treasonous.  He  would  have  agreed  with  the 
sentiments  expressed  by  Walsingham  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote 
at  this  time  to  Charles  Pagft  to  whom  he  returned  a  token 
which  had  been  sent  in  the  hope  of  securing  his  favour. 

"You  love  the  Pope,"  Walsingham  wrote,  "and  I  do  not  hate  his  person 
but  his  calling ;  until  this  impediment  be  removed  we  two  shall  neither 
agree  in  religion  toward  God,  nor  in  true  devotion  towards  our  sovereign1." 

The  pressure  of  increasing  debts  had  rendered  Sidney 
almost  desperate,  and  it  must  have  been  a  blessed  relief  to  him 
to  be  able  to  visit  his  sister  at  Wilton  for  some  weeks.  A  little 
daughter  had  been  born  to  the  Countess  of  Pembroke  on  October 
15th  ;  Sir  Henry  had  been  godfather,  and  the  Countess  of 
Huntingdon,  the  godmother,  had  given  the  child  her  own 
name — Kathefine2.  Sidney  remained  at  Wilton  for  Christmas3, 
and  the  fact  that  he  did  not  present  a  New  Year's  gift  to  the 
Queen,  and  that  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  lists  of  chal- 
lengers or  defenders  in  the  great  royal  tournament  of  January 
1st  which  was  held  in  honour  of  the  Duke  D'Alengon,  makes  it 
probable  that  he  extended  his  visit  into  the  New  Year. 

Of  the  subjects  of  conversation  between  brother  and  sister 
none,  we  may  be  sure,  was  of  more  interest  than  a  project  of 
marriage  between  Sidney  and  the  daughter  of  his  friend 
Walsingham.  The  great  Secretary's  enthusiasm  for  Sidney 
had  never  wavered,  and  it  was  now  sufficient  to  overcome 
the  prudential  considerations  which  almost  invariably  deter- 
mined Elizabethan  marriages.  In  a  letter  to  him  from  Wilton 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.  Add.,  voL  xxvn,  A.     May  4,  1582. 
*  Sidney  Psalter. 

8  On  December  26th  he  wrote  to  Leicester  excusing  his  absence  (MSS.  of 
C.  Cottrell  Dormer,  ut  supra). 

W.  L.  S.  18 


274  1581  [CH. 

on  December  17th  to  bespeak  a  kindly  reception  for  a  servant 
of  his  brother  Robert,  Sidney  wrote:  "The  country  affords 
no  other  stuff  for  letters  but  humble  salutations  which  indeed 
humbly  and  heartily  I  send  to  yourself,  my  good  Lady,  and  my 
exceeding  like  to  be  good  friend."  The  reference  in  the  last 
phrase  is  certainly  to  Frances,  Walsingham's  eldest  daughter. 
By  his  first  wife  Walsingham  had  no  children.  She  had  died 
in  1564  and  he  had  married  his  second  wife,  Ursula  St  Barbe, 
in  1566  ;  consequently,  Frances  can  now  have  been  hardly 
more  than  fourteen  years  old.  Young  ladies  were  held  fit  to 
be  brides,  however,  at  an  early  age,  in  Elizabeth's  day,  and 
we  may  remember  that  Mary  Sidney  had  become  Countess  of 
Pembroke  when  she  was  only  fifteen.  The  project  had,  indeed, 
already  been  discussed  for  some  months.  Among  Sidney's 
friends  was  a  certain  Captain  Edward  Denny  who  was  related 
to  Walsingham1.  Denny  had  been  one  of  the  defendants  of 
the  Fortress  of  Perfect  Beauty,  but  had  proceeded  shortly 
afterward  to  a  command  in  Ireland.  Sidney's  friendship  for 
him  is  attested  by  the  following  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Hatton 
on  October  17th  : 

"I  have  spoken  with  my  father  touching  Powerscourt,  which  Mr.  Denny 
sueth  for.  He  tells  me  assuredly  that  it  is  most  necessary  some  English 
gentleman  should  have  it,  being  a  place  of  great  importance,  and  fallen 
to  her  Majesty  by  the  rebellion  of  the  owner.  As  for  him  that  sueth  for 
it  in  the  Court,  he  is  indeed  a  good  honest  fellow  according  to  the  brood 
of  that  nation  ;  but  being  a  bastard  he  hath  no  law  to  recover  it,  and  he 
is  much  too  weak  to  keep  it.  So  that  your  Honour  may  do  well,  if  it  please 
you,  to  follow  this  good  turn  for  Mr.  Denny,  who  can  and  will  endeavour 
to  deserve  it  of  her  Majesty2." 

Now  in  two  of  Denny's  letters  to  Walsingham  there  are  refer- 
ences to  Sidney  which  at  least  read  more  naturally  if  we  may 
assume  that  his  becoming  a  member  of  Walsingham's  family 
was  under  discussion.  On  July  16th,  Denny  wrote  from 
Dublin,  "Above  all  things,  Sir,  give  me  leave  to  remember  you 
to  love  Mr.  Sidney,  for  I  know  at  your  hands  he  is  best  worthy 

1  Walsingham'a  mother  was  Joyce,  daughter  of  Sir  Edmund  Denny  of 
Cheshunt. 

1  Add.  MS.  15891,  f.  646.     Nicolas,  p.  206. 


xiv]  1581  275 

love,  and  to  wish  my  humble  duty  to  your  honour  and  my 
Lady1."  Again  on  October  6th,  writing  from  Powerscourt, 
where  he  was  evidently  already  in  possession,  Denny  concludes 
his  letter  by 

"desiring  I  may  be  most  humbly  commended  to  my  good  Lady,  and  to 
my  cousin  Frances,  and  I  beseech  you,  good  Sir,  make  a  great  account 
of  my  matchless  Master  Mr.  Sidney.  I  speak  it  the  rather  for  your  own 
good  to  hold  now  to  you  the  most  worthy  young  man  in  the  world*." 

It  is  possible,  of  course,  to  refuse  to  find  any  reference  in  these 
expressions  to  the  marriage  plan  which  was  consummated 
shortly  afterward,  but  such  an  attitude  would  surely  be  due 
to  a  perversity  of  scepticism.  The  point  is  of  interest  chiefly 
because  of  its  bearing  on  the  time  when  Sidney  was  freed  from 
his  passion  for  Lady  Rich.  It  was  possibly  in  connection  with 
the  marriage  settlements  that  Sir  Henry  Sidney  on  January 
8,  1582,  made  his  will,  by  which  after  leaving  to  Robert  a 
Lincolnshire  manor  and  making  a  similar  bequest  to  Thomas 
he  bequeathed  the  whole  of  the  remaining  property  to  Philip3. 

1  State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.  vol.  LXXXIV,  July  16,  1581. 

2  Ibid.  voL  LXXXVI,  October  6,  1581. 
8  Collins,  Mem.,  p.  96. 


18—2 


CHAPTER  XV 

1582 

THE  woes  of  the  courtier  have  been  recited  by  Spenser, 
Lyly  and  many  minor  men  of  letters,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
preceding  chapters  we  have  seen  many  illustrations  of  the  hard 
fate  of  those  who  made  their  abode  in  Elizabeth's  Court,  and 
hoped  for  favours  or  employment.  One  of  the  chief  evils  of 
the  Queen's  personal  government  has  not  been  so  often  empha- 
sized— its  failure  to  provide  channels  in  which  the  ability  and 
intellect  of  the  country  might  adequately  express  themselves.  In 
the  case  of  Sidney  we  have  a  man  of  high  purpose,  of  fine  gifts 
of  nature,  and  of  scholarly  attainments,  a  man  eminently 
fitted  to  do  worthy  work  for  his  country  and  filled  with  a  burning 
desire  to  be  allowed  to  do  such  work,  but  continually  checked 
and  thwarted,  and  forced  to  recognize  the  sad  fact  that  his 
energies  were  largely  dissipated  in  the  performance  of  tasks 
merely  formal.  It  is  difficult  to  realize  how  completely  shut 
out  from  any  honourable  career  in  a  large  way  were  all  those 
subjects  of  Elizabeth  who  had  not  attracted  her  personal 
interest,  and  unless  we  remember  this  fact  we  are  likely  to 
feel  little  but  impatience  with  the  complaints  and  reiterated 
disappointments  of  those  who  failed  to  win  her  favour.  In 
the  few  years  of  Sidney's  life  which  remained  before  his  final 
departure  from  England  we  find  him  turning  now  to  one 
scheme,  now  to  another,  in  the  vain  hope  of  discovering  some 
field  in  which  he  might  perform  a  man's  work.  The  inevitable 
result  of  seeing  the  years  pass  in  this  fashion  was  a  certain 
bitterness  and  melancholy  which  overlaid  the  buoyant  idealism 
of  his  youth. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1582  he  was  employed  in  a 


CH.  xv]  1582  277 

capacity  which  can  have  given  him  little  satisfaction.  Once 
more  the  Queen  had  decided  that  she  preferred  to  purchase 
the  French  alliance  by  marriage  rather  than  by  the  expenditure 
of  money,  and  accordingly  on  November  1st  Alen9on  again 
reached  London  without  having  consulted  his  brother  on  the 
subject.  The  French  King,  indeed,  was  too  angry  as  a  result 
of  past  experiences  and  too  sceptical  of  Elizabeth  to  be  enthu- 
siastic about  the  reopening  of  negotiations.  Three  weeks  later 
in  the  presence  of  Leicester  and  Walsingham  the  Queen  told 
the  French  ambassador  that  she  intended  to  marry  Alenson, 
and  she  confirmed  her  words  by  kissing  the  Duke  and  presenting 
him  with  a  ring.  Henry  III  at  length  sent  an  envoy  to 
conclude  terms  and  then  Elizabeth  began  to  make  impossible 
demands — concluding  with  the  restitution  of  Calais.  The 
French  King  was  exasperated  and  threatening,  and  Burghley, 
at  last  despairing  of  the  Queen,  could  only  advise  a  Spanish 
alliance.  The  immediate  question  was  how  to  persuade 
Alencon  to  leave  the  country.  It  was  represented  to  him  that 
Parma  was  winning  victory  after  victory  in  the  Netherlands 
and  that  his  honour  was  suffering  :  he  replied  that  he  had  never 
been  interested  in  the  Netherlands  except  as  a  means  to  winning 
Elizabeth's  hand,  and  that  he  would  not  go  until  the  marriage 
had  taken  place.  "The  tricks  which  the  Queen  is  playing," 
declared  Mendoza,  "to  get  rid  of  Monsieur  are  more  than  I 
can  describe."  He  was  finally  persuaded  to  go  on  condition 
that  the  Queen  give  him  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  promise 
to  marry  him  a  few  weeks  later,  and  provide  him  with  a 
magnificent  escort  to  Holland. 

Of  this  escort,  which  set  out  on  the  first  day  of  February, 
Sidney  was  one.  It  included  Lord  Howard,  the  Vice- Admiral, 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Hunsdon,  Lords  Willoughby,  Windsor 
and  Shefiield,  Sir  William  Russell,  Sir  William  Drury,  Walter 
Raleigh,  Fulke  Greville,  Edward  Dyer,  and  many  others.  The 
whole  company  consisted  of  over  six  hundred  persons.  The 
Queen  accompanied  them  to  Canterbury  by  easy  stages  and 
there  was  much  feasting  and  show  of  grief  by  the  way.  At 
length  on  February  7th  Monsieur  departed  accompanied  by  his 
retinue  in  fifteen  vessels,  in  one  of  which  Leicester  took  the 


278  1582  [CH. 

precaution  to  carry  with  him  50  beeves  and  500  muttons. 
Elizabeth  bade  Alencon  address  his  letters  to  his  wife  the 
Queen  of  England1. 

At  Flushing  they  were  welcomed  by  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
St  Aldegonde,  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  and  representatives 
from  various  parts  of  the  Low  Countries.  At  Middelburg 
there  was  much  of  feasting  and  bonfires,  and  everywhere 
Alencon  was  hailed  as  a  deliverer.  Together  with  his  escort 
he  reached  Antwerp  on  the  nineteenth  day  of  the  month, 
where,  amid  much  pageantry  and  ceremony,  he  was  installed 
as  Duke  of  Brabant.  Then  followed  a  procession  through 
triumphal  arches  and  elaborately  decorated  streets  to  the 
palace.  For  a  week  the  ordnance  of  the  city  boomed  and 
bonfires  blazed2. 

Sidney  must  have  been  a  more  or  less  disgusted  witness  of 
all  this  pomp.  The  Earl  of  Leicester  is  said  to  have  jested  at 
it  as  an  idle  illusion.  That  Orange  had  approved  of  the  whole 
scheme  is  not  strange,  for  he  looked  upon  it  as  a  means  of 
securing  the  aid  of  England.  No  doubt  Sidney  enjoyed  the 
opportunity  of  meeting  the  Prince  once  more  as  well  as  others 
of  his  continental  friends.  But  of  his  short  visit3  to  the  Low 
Countries  we  know  no  details  whatever.  The  one  friend  who 
would  have  given  him  a  warmer  welcome  than  any  other, 
who  would  have  looked  upon  his  visit  as  a  gift  from  the  gods, 
was  not  there  to  meet  him.  Languet  had  died  at  Antwerp  on 
September  30th  of  the  preceding  year,  attended  in  his  last 
days  by  the  kindly  ministrations  of  Mme  du  Plessis.  At  his 
funeral  were  present  a  notable  company  of  famous  men  including 
the  Prince  himself.  Death  probably  had  few  terrors  for  him. 
Cut  off  from  almost  all  those  who  had  been  nearest  to  him, 
and  suffering  continually  from  ill  health,  his  spirits  had  sunk 
beneath  the  spectacle  of  the  power  of  reaction  in  Europe,  and 
he  had  come  to  take  a  gloomy  view  of  the  prospects  of  liberty, 

1  A  poem  supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Elizabeth  on  his  departure 
is  preserved  in  the  Ashmolean  Museum.  In  it  the  Virgin  Queen  describes 
herself  as  "soft  and  made  of  melting  snow"  (Nichols,  n,  p.  346). 

*  Nichols,  n,  pp.  343-387. 

*  On  February  12th  Lord  Talbot  wrote  to  his  father  that  the  English  party 
was  expected  to  return  in  about  a  fortnight. 


1582  279 

of  Protestantism,  and  of  civilization.  A  selfish,  material 
Germany,  a  Laodicean  England,  his  own  France  distracted 
by  civil  wars,  seemed  to  him  little  calculated  to  oppose  the 
tyrannical  bigotry  of  Spain,  and  with  many  other  enlightened 
observers  he  feared  that  the  day  was  not  far  distant  when  the 
Turk  would  sweep  European  civilization  from  the  map.  His 
unbounded  temperamental  idealism  was  shown  nowhere  more 
than  in  his  remarkable,  self-forgetting  devotion  to  Sidney. 
It  was  a  loyalty  beyond  price  which  he  showered  upon  a  youth 
to  whom  he  was  attracted  solely  by  the  perception  of  qualities 
akin  to  his  own  noblest  aspirations.  He  died  after  having 
conquered  the  respect  and  admiration  of  the  greatest  statesmen 
and  the  finest  thinkers  of  his  day,  and  no  greater  tribute  was 
ever  paid  to  Sidney  than  the  compliment  of  Languet's  friendship. 
"In  this  man,"  said  one  of  his  nearest  friends,  Du  Plessis,  "learning 
contended  with  piety,  knowledge  with  conscience,  art  with  nature,  experi- 
ence with  instruction.  No  one  knew  the  world  better,  and  from  his  view 
of  the  world  he  had  learned  the  contempt  of  it.  No  one  had  more  oppor- 
tunities of  surveying  the  manners  of  men.  In  that  variety  of  multifarious 
learning  which  he  possessed  the  simplicity  of  his  manners  was  the  subject 
of  universal  admiration.  In  short  he  was  in  reality  what  many  wished 
to  appear  to  be :  he  lived  as  the  best  of  men  desired  to  die." 

What  Sidney's  thoughts  were  as  he  witnessed  the  pageantry 
of  Antwerp  in  honour  of  the  foolish,  perfidious  son  of  Catherine 
de'  Medici — Antwerp,  where  a  few  months  before  his  most 
devoted  friend  and  one  of  the  noblest  of  men  had  breathed  his 
last, — it  is  easier  to  imagine  than  to  attempt  to  describe. 

When  Sidney  returned  home,  probably  early  in  March,  he 
was  more  convinced  than  he  had  ever  been  in  his  life  of  the 
futility  of  hoping  that  England  would  render  any  real  assistance 
to  the  Netherlands,  or  adopt  any  policy  whatever  that  was 
dictated  by  higher  motives  than  what  he  would  have  called 
selfish  opportunism.  His  intimate  association  with  Walsingham 
would  only  confirm  him  in  this  conclusion,  but  the  Queen's 
discussion  of  a  possible  alliance  with  Spain,  her  treatment  of 
Don  Antonio,  and  the  disgusting  course  of  her  relations  with 
Alencon  were  arguments  that  needed  no  confirmation.  Accord- 
ingly he  set  himself  to  casting  about  for  some  other  fieid  of 


280  1582  [CH. 

action,  and  within  a  few  months  we  find  him  considering 
various  possibilities.  The  Dutch,  less  familiar  with  the  true 
state  of  affairs  in  England,  believed  that  English  assistance 
would  be  forthcoming  at  once  to  the  Queen's  future  husband, 
and  early  in  April  Fremyn  wrote  to  Walsingham  of  their  hope 
that "  a  certain  number  of  cavalry  led  by  some  honourable  gentle- 
men recommended  by  her  Majesty"  might  be  sent  forthwith. 
"It  seems  to  me,"  he  added,  "Mr.  Philip  Sidney  would  be  well 
suited  for  this1."  A  gentleman  of  Alen9on's  suite,  who  had 
been  on  intimate  terms  with  Sidney's  circle  of  friends  during 
his  stay  in  England,  wrote  to  Greville  in  similar  terms  of 
expectancy  a  few  days  later2.  But  Sidney  was  under  no  such 
illusions.  His  first  thought  seems  to  have  been  of  service  in 
Ireland.  The  aftermath  of  the  Desmond  rebellion  had  been  a 
sickening  slaughter  of  the  natives  and  a  desolating  of  the 
country,  with  which  even  Ireland's  own  annals  had  nothing  to 
compare.  Lord  Grey  was  an  upright  honourable  man  with 
less  ability  and  no  more  profound  grasp  of  the  Irish  problem 
than  was  possessed  by  his  predecessor.  Carnage  had  only 
made  the  surviving  Irish  more  obstinately  determined  never 
to  yield,  and  to  reject  the  blessings  of  Protestantism  and  English 
rule.  Men  now  remembered  the  more  peaceful  portions  of  Sir 
Henry  Sidney's  regime  when  there  was  a  semblance  of  justice 
and  prosperity  in  the  land,  and  the  desire  that  he  should  return 
became  more  and  more  insistent.  Someone — probably  Burgh- 
ley  or  Walsingham — had  approached  Sir  Henry  in  the  matter, 
and,  to  our  amazement,  we  find  him  not  utterly  averse  to 
considering  the  possibility.  The  reasons  which  operated  to 
make  him  willing  to  think  about  returning  to  "that  accursed 
country"  are  set  forth  in  "  Certain  special  notes  to  be  imparted 
to  Mr.  Philip  Sidney "  which  are  drawn  up  in  Molyneux'  hand- 
writing and  signed  by  Sir  Henry  on  April  27th  : 

"First,  that  the  principal  and  chief  cause  that  moveth  him  to  fancy  or 
have  any  liking  to  take  the  charge  of  the  government  of  Ireland  (if  the 
same  be  offered  him)  is  the  respect  he  beareth  to  him.  So  that  if  he 
will  assuredly  promise  him  to  go  with  him  hither,  and  withal  will  put  on  a 

1  State  Papers— Foreign— Eliz.,  Antwerp,  April  10,  1582. 
*  Ibid.  Vi$ose,  Sieur  d'Alfeyran.  Antwerp,  April  20,  1582. 


xv]  1582  281 

determinate  mind  to  remain  and  continue  there  after  him,  and  to  succeed  him 
in  the  government  (if  it  may  so  like  her  Majesty  to  allow  him)  he  will  then 
yield  his  consent  to  go ;  otherwise  he  will  not  leave  his  quiet  and  con- 
tented life  at  home,  considering  his  years  and  the  defects  of  nature,  that 
commonly  accompany  age,  to  enter  into  so  toilsome  a  place  both  of  body  and 
mind,  but  only  to  leave  some  memory  and  worthy  mark  to  his  posterity." 

Sir  Henry's  further  demands  were  an  unequivocal  recognition 
by  the  Queen  of  the  value  of  his  past  services,  such  recognition 
to  be  evidenced  by  her  bestowing  on  him  a  peerage  and  a  grant 
of  land  ;  he  also  preferred  to  have  the  title  of  Lieutenant 
rather  than  Deputy1.  How  seriously  the  scheme  was  discussed 
we  do  not  know,  but  at  any  rate  it  was  dropped.  Sir  Henry 
was  evidently  prepared  to  undertake  a  service  which  he  detested, 
and  which  the  experience  of  his  whole  life  had  proved  to  be  a 
thankless,  hopeless  task,  in  order  that  he  might  help  to  open 
up  a  career  for  his  son.  We  may  rejoice  that  the  plan  fell 
through.  The  Lord  Deputy's  duty,  in  the  minds  of  his 
countrymen,  was  to  coerce  the  Irish  into  abandoning  their 
own  religion  and  into  accepting  the  religion  and  overlordship 
of  England,  together  with  her  customs,  manners  and  laws. 
Woe  to  the  vanquished  if  they  failed  to  conform  to  these 
expectations  !  We  have  no  reason  whatever  to  believe  that 
Philip  Sidney  possessed  greater  insight  into  the  Irish  problem 
than  did  his  father  and  Walsingham  and  Burghley.  No  one 
proposed  that  the  Irish  should  be  allowed  to  worship  as  they 
pleased,  except  when  the  Queen  began  to  fear  that  she  could 
not  make  them  do  otherwise  ;  no  one  suggested  that  their 
own  laws  and  customs  and  tribal  organizations  should  be  most 
carefully  preserved,  and  utilized  as  the  only  possible  basis  for 
a  successful  administration  of  the  country.  Had  any  Deputy 
been  mad  enough  to  propose  these  things  he  would  have  been 
utterly  discredited  as  a  sentimentalist  in  the  eyes  of  those 
whom  even  the  frightful  slaughter  of  recent  years  had  not 
taught  the  futility  of  a  policy  of  brutal  coercion,  and  who  had 
come  to  regard  the  Irish  as  untamable  animals  rather  than 
human  beings.  Sidney's  eagerness  to  secure  an  Irish  forfeiture 
for  one  of  his  friends  and  his  contemptuous  rejection  of  the 
claims  of  a  bastard— one  of  the  brood  of  that  nation— justify 
1  Collins,  i,  pp.  295-296. 


282  1582  [CH. 

us  in  assuming  that  he  had  nothing  to  contribute  toward  the 
solution  of  the  Irish  problem. 

In  July  Sidney  was  with  his  father  and  he  seems  to  have 
wished  for  a  time  at  least  to  be  associated  with  Sir  Henry  in 
the  government  of  Wales.  From  Hereford  he  wrote  to  Moly- 
neux1  urging  him  to  solicit  Burghley  and  Hatton  to  appoint 
him  a  member  of  the  Welsh  Council.  This  scheme  also  came 
to  nothing.  In  the  composing  of  quarrels  and  hearing  of  petty 
cases — in  the  internal  administration  of  the  principality,  he 
would  probably  have  found  little  satisfaction.  Sir  Henry  was 
continually  in  the  midst  of  petty  quarrels.  The  Bishop  of 
Worcester,  Vice-President  of  the  Council,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Hereford  were  bitterly  opposed  to  him,  and  they  never  failed 
to  fortify  the  recital  of  their  grievances  by  dwelling  upon  Sir 
Henry's  extravagances  in  the  use  of  public  moneys — a  com- 
plaint which  was  sure  to  find  a  favourable  hearing  with  the 
Queen2.  Nevertheless  his  government  was  to  him  in  reality 
a  haven  of  peace  after  the  storms  of  his  Irish  experiences.  The 
majority  of  the  Council  were  devoted  to  him  and  his  zeal  for  the 
public  good  was  appreciated.  When  he  visited  Shrewsbury  School, 
as  he  did  very  frequently3,  both  the  corporation  and  the  School 
delighted  to  do  him  honour.  His  chief  sorrow  was  occasioned  by 
the  Queen's  failure  to  recognize  his  past  services  and  by  the 
impoverished  condition  of  his  estate.  Burghley  remained  his 
good  friend,  and  to  him  Philip,  on  coming  to  London,  opened 
his  father's  mind  on  various  matters.  William  Wentworth, 
Burghley 's  son-in-law,  had  just  died  at  Theobalds  on  November 
7th :  he  had  been  a  dear  friend  of  Sidney4,  who  was  one  of  his 
assignees. 

1  Collins,  i,  p.  296,  July  23,  1582. 

2  See  a  pathetic  letter  of  complaint  written  by  the  Bishop  of  Hereford  to 
Burghley  on  June  21,  1583  (Lansdowne  MSS.,  vol.  xxxvm,  fol.  180). 

8  In  1582,  the  year  in  which  Thomas  Sidney,  Philip's  brother,  entered 
Shrewsbury,  the  school  was  removed  to  new  buildings  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
town.  Detailed  accounts  of  Sir  Henry's  visits,  and  also  of  the  pageants  and 
school  celebrations  which  marked  the  occasions,  are  given  in  Owen  and  Blake- 
way's  History.  Lady  Sidney  accompanied  her  husband  in  March,  1583,  when 
the  celebration  was  a  notable  one  (p.  373). 

4  Philip  Sidney  to  Burghley,  November  14,  1582  (Hist.  MSS.  Com. 
Reports,  Salisbury  MSS.). 


xv]  1582  283 

"I  came  up,"  Sidney  wrote  to  Lord  Burghley,  "hoping  to  have  been  my- 
self a  deliverer  of  the  enclosed  letters  and  so  to  have  laid  my  father's  mind 
and  matters  in  your  Lordship's  hands,  as  on  whose  advice  and  direction 
he  dependeth.  But  finding  here  the  loss  your  Lordship  hath  of  late  had, 
lt  made  me  both  at  first  delay  the  sending  and  now  the  bringing,  lest, 
because  we  were  dear  friends  and  companions  together  my  sight  might 
stir  some  grief  unto  your  Lordship.  Your  Lordship  will  vouchsafe  at 
your  leisure  to  read  them,  and  command  me  when  you  will  have  me  attend 
your  Lordship ;  and  I  beseech  your  Lordship  to  hold  for  assured  that 
the  family  of  my  father  doth  and  will  hold  your  Lordship  as  a  patron 
unto  them.  So  praying  for  your  long  and  blessed  life,  I  humbly  take 
my  leave1." 

A  fortnight  later  Sir  Henry  was  able  at  Ludlow  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  Burghley's  "kind  and  loving"  reply  to  his  appli- 
cation to  the  Queen  :  "if  there  would  any  comfort  grow  in 
my  mind,  that  letter  only  might  suffice  to  renew  the  withered 
estate  of  it2."  But  even  the  warm,  disinterested  advocacy  of 
two  men  like  Burghley  and  Walsingham  was  unavailing,  and 
Sir  Henry  accepted  Walsingham's  announcement  of  this  fact 
as  final,  and  ceased  to  trouble  the  Queen  further  with  requests 
for  a  recognition  of  past  services. 

Sidney  very  promptly  put  aside  the  thought  of  possible 
occupation  in  Ireland  or  Wales  and  turned  his  attention  to 
another  field  more  closely  related  to  his  interest  in  the  Nether- 
lands. Many  of  Elizabeth's  advisers  believed  that  she  could 
cope  with  Spain  most  effectively  in  America,  and  to  American 
projects  Sidney  devoted  much  of  his  thought  during  the  next 
three  years.  We  have  already  seen  how  deep  an  interest  he 
had  taken  in  Frobisher's  voyages,  and  from  that  time  he  had 
been  associated  in  the  public  mind  almost  as  much  with  the 
plans  of  the  "adventurers"  as  with  the  affairs  of  the  Low 
Countries.  It  was  partly  in  recognition  of  this  well-known 
interest  that  Hakluyt,  his  old  college  friend,  dedicated  to  him 
in  this  year  his  first  book — Divers  Voyages  touching  the  Discovery 
of  America  and  the  Islands  adjacent  unto  the  same. 

Of  those  who  believed  in  the  greater  feasibility  of  counter- 
acting the  power  of  Spain  by  English  activity  in  the  New 

1  Murdin,  Burghley  Papers,  p.  372.     Court,  November  14,  1582. 

2  Salisbury  MSS.  (Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports,  November  30,  1682). 


284  1582  [OH. 

World  no  one  was  more  convinced  than  Walsingham,  and  his 
name  appears  in  connection  with  most  of  the  numerous 
schemes  that  were  projected.  On  March  22,  1574,  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  Sir  George  Peckham,  Christopher  Carlisle 
(Walsingham's  son-in-law),  Sir  Kichard  Grenville  and  others, 
petitioned  the  Queen  for  a  new  navigation  in  South  American 
waters,  and  in  November,  1580,  a  project  was  drawn  up  in 
Walsingham's  hand  for  establishing  a  company  of  such  as 
shall  trade  beyond  the  equinoctial  line — Sir  Francis  Drake  to 
be  Governor  of  the  Company  for  life1.  A  month  earlier  Drake 
had  returned  from  his  voyage  around  the  world,  and  the 
intrepidity  of  the  exploit  as  well  as  the  unknown  quantity  of 
treasure  which  he  brought  with  him  made  a  wonderful  appeal 
to  the  English  imagination. 

With  the  exception  of  Drake  the  most  prominent  English 
navigator  of  the  time  was  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert.  He  had 
seen  service  in  France  in  1562,  in  Ireland  where  he  was  knighted 
by  Sir  Henry  Sidney  in  1570,  and  in  the  Netherlands  in  1572. 
Since  that  time  he  had  given  his  whole  attention  to  seafaring 
projects,  and  his  famous  scheme  for  an  Academy  had  shown 
his  patriotic  desire  to  have  the  youth  of  the  English  gentry 
trained  in  such  a  way  as  to  enable  them  to  render  service  to 
their  country.  He  had  known  Frobisher  well  in  Ireland,  and 
had  been  an  adventurer  in  each  of  his  voyages.  On  June  11, 
1578,  he  secured  from  the  Queen  the  first  letters  patent  for 
the  planting  of  an  English  colony  in  America.  After  much 
difficulty  he  was  able  to  sail  on  November  19th  with  a  little 
fleet,  two  of  the  vessels  of  which  were  commanded  by  his 
half-brothers,  Carew,  and  Walter  Raleigh.  They  returned 
after  a  short  absence,  and  there  is  nothing  definitely  known 
either  regarding  Gilbert's  destination  or  the  causes  of  the 
failure  of  his  enterprise.  For  some  two  years  he  busied  himself 
cruising  about  the  Irish  coast  in  the  hope  of  falling  in  with 
Fitzmaurice,  and  in  July,  1582,  £2747  was  paid  to  Gilbert, 
Denny  and  some  others  for  this  service.  Finding  extreme 
difficulty  in  raising  sufficient  funds  to  equip  a  new  American 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  CXLIV. 


xv]  1582        t  285 

expedition,  and  "having  nothing  tangible  left  to  mortgage," 
says  his  biographer,  "  he  evolved  the  brilliant  idea  of  marketing 
some  of  the  nebulous  rights  accorded  to  him  by  his  Letters 
Patent1."  In  September,  1580,  Dr  Dee,  the  Mortlake  astrologer, 
had  purchased  from  him  all  the  land  north  of  50  degrees 
latitude — the  Labrador  country2 — and  now  in  the  summer  of 
1582  Gilbert  granted  to  Sir  George  Peckham  and  Sir  Thomas 
Gerrard  in  consideration  of  certain  sums  which  they  had  sub- 
scribed to  his  expedition,  two  of  four  islands  which  they  might 
discover  between  Cape  Breton  and  Florida,  and  also  a  grant 
on  the  mainland  of  one  and  one-half  million  acres.  To  Sir 
George  Peckham  alone  he  granted  another  half  million  acres 
on  the  mainland.  Both  Peckham  and  Gerrard  were  prominent 
Catholics  ;  both  had  been  imprisoned  for  their  faith,  and  they 
were  now  hoping  that  they  might  find  an  asylum  beyond  the 
seas  for  their  co-religionists.  Walsingham,  whom  Gilbert 
called  the  patron  of  his  undertaking,  looked  favourably  on 
this  Catholic  scheme.  Mendoza  says,  probably  inaccurately, 
that  it  was  Walsingham  who  approached  Peckham  and  Gerrard 
for  aid  in  Gilbert's  expedition,  promising  them  that 

"the  Queen  in  consideration  of  the  service  might  be  asked  to  allow  them 
to  settle  there  (Florida)  in  the  enjoyment  of  freedom  of  conscience  and  of 
their  property  in  England,  for  which  purpose  they  might  avail  themselves 
of  the  intercession  of  Philip  Sidney3." 

Peckham  purchased  still  more  American  land  from  Gilbert  and 
several  Catholic  ships  actually  sailed,  but  no  account  of  their 
adventures  has  been  preserved. 

Sidney's  interest  in  Gilbert's  Commonwealth  went  beyond 
that  of  mere  intercession  with  the  Queen  for  Catholic  emigrants. 
Among  various  schemes  for  making  his  expedition  possible 
Sir  Humphrey  entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  Merchant 
Adventurers  of  Southampton  toward  the  end  of  1582.  In  some 
additions  to  their  articles  of  agreement  it  was  stipulated  that 
certain  knights  and  gentlemen  should  have  free  trade  in  the 

1  Gosling,  Life  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  p.  184. 

*  Diary,  p.  8. 

8  State  Papers — Spanish — Eliz.,  July  11,  1682. 


286  1582  [OH. 

countries  to  be  discovered  in  consideration  of  their  contributions 
to  the  expense  of  the  expeditions,  and  among  these  knights 
and  gentlemen  were  Sir  Henry  Sidney  and  Philip  Sidney1. 
A  few  months  later  Philip  purchased  a  portion  of  Sir  Humphrey's 
lands.  By  articles  of  agreement  drawn  up  between  them  it 
was  covenanted  that  Sir  Humphrey 

"for  the  more  speedy  execution  of  her  Majesty's  said  grant,  the  enlarge- 
ment of  her  dominions,  and  the  encouragement  of  said  Sidney  and  his 
associates,"  did  grant,  "that  said  Sidney,  his  heirs,  assigns,  associates, 
adventurers,  and  people  shall  forever  enjoy  free  liberty  to  discover  anything 
not  before  discovered  or  inhabited  by  said  Sir  Humphrey,  his  heirs  or  assigns, 
and  to  enjoy  to  their  own  use  such  lands  so  discovered  as  shall  amount 
unto  thirty  hundred  thousand  acres,  with  power  to  inhabit,  people,  and 
manure  the  same,  together  with  all  jurisdictions,  privileges  and  emolu- 
ments whatsoever  for  governing,  peopling  etc.  the  same,  holding  same 
of  said  Sir  Humphrey,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  in  free  socage ....  Also  the 
said  Sidney  etc.  to  enjoy  free  liberty  to  trade,  to  have  the  execution  of 
all  laws  within  the  precinct  of  thirty  hundred  thousand  acres  of  ground, 
as  also  upon  the  sea-coasts  so  far  as  said  land  shall  extend ....  Said  Sidney 
covenants  that  he  shall  do  his  best  endeavour  to  obtain  her  Majesty's 
leave  that  all  who  adventure  with  said  Sir  Humphrey,  Sir  Thomas  Gerrard, 
Sir  George  Peckham,  the  said  Philip  Sidney  or  any  of  them,  unto  said 
countries. .  .may  freely  pass  to  remain  there  or  return  at  their  pleasure2." 

Oddly  enough,  this  document  is  dated  July  7th,  1583,  some 
four  weeks  after  Sir  Humphrey  had  sailed,  and  we  can  only 
assume  that  the  plan  was  not  fully  matured  at  his  departure, 
and  that  he  had  left  power  of  attorney  with  some  one  to  repre- 
sent him.  Almost  immediately,  in  this  same  month  of  July, 
Sidney  transferred  his  whole  grant  to  Sir  George  Peckham3. 
In  neither  case  is  the  sum  paid  by  the  purchaser  mentioned, 
and  we  can  only  conclude  that  Sidney  acted  as  an  intermediary 
to  further  the  enterprise,  and  to  assure  the  Catholic  purchasers 
of  his  active  good- will.  That  his  interest  in  their  project 
persisted,  however,  we  have  assurance  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote 
a  year  later  to  his  friend  Sir  Edward  Stafford,  the  English 
ambassador  in  Paris. 

1  Calendar  of  State  Papers— Col  Add.  1574-1674,  p.  14. 

2  Ibid.  p.  22. 
8  Ibid.  p.  23. 


xv]  1582  *  287 

"Her  Majesty,"  he  wrote,  "seems  affected  to  deal  in  the  Low  Country 
matters,  but  I  think  nothing  will  come  of  it.  We  are  half  persuaded  to 
enter  into  the  j  ourney  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  very  eagerly,  whereunto  your 
Mr  Hakluyt  hath  served  for  a  very  good  trumpet1." 

As  Sir  Humphrey  had  been  drowned  in  the  preceding  September, 
the  reference  is  probably  to  the  venture  of  Gerrard  and  Peckham. 
It  has  sometimes  been  asserted  that  Sidney  was  intensely 
anti-Catholic  in  his  prejudices  ;  the  evidence  points  strongly  in 
the  opposite  direction.  His  relations  with  Peckham  and  Gerrard 
seem  to  have  been  those  of  a  trusted  mediator  between  them 
and  the  Government.  His  sympathetic  letter  to  Lady  Kitson, 
and  his  scruples  about  "preventing  a  prince's  mercy,"  tell  a 
similar  tale.  Vague  references  in  the  State  Papers  frequently 
suggest  that  his  natural  goodness  of  heart  made  him  glad 
to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  those  of  whose  punishments  on 
political  grounds  he  could  not  disapprove2.  At  no  period  of 
his  life  are  records  wanting  of  acts  of  gracious  kindliness  or 
intercession  for  those  who  are  distressed.  He  prefers  William 
Thomas'  suit  for  a  bailiwick  to  Walsingham3  and  that  of  Bartil- 
mew  Newsham  for  augmenting  a  lease  a  certain  term  of  years*. 
When,  in  1588,  Tarleton  the  jester  lay  on  his  death-bed  tortured 
by  the  fear  that  his  child  of  six  years  and  his  mother,  "  a  silly 
old  widow  of  fourscore  years,"  might  be  defrauded  of  his  small 
property,  he  wrote  to  Walsingham  to  beg  him  to  protect  them, 
and  he  knows  no  stronger  argument  to  use  than  that  his  boy 
is  a  godson  of  Sidney  and  bears  his  name,  Philip5.  It  was  to 
spontaneous  acts  of  humanity  like  these  that  Sidney  owed  in 

1  Sidney   Papers,   i,   p.    298,   July   21,   1584.     Sir  Edward  Stafford  was 
appointed  ambassador  to  the  French  Court  and  knighted  in  October,  1583 — a 
fact  which  proves  that  the  date  of  Sidney's  letter  to  him  has  not  been  mis- 
printed for  that  of  an  earlier  year. 

2  For  instance,  John  Aubrey  in  election  to  be  Sheriff  of  Brecknock  and 
suspected  in  religion,  in  his  answer  to  the  untrue  exceptions  laid  against  him 
refers  to  a  quarrel  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  which  was  composed  by  Sir 
Henry  Sidney  and  Sir  Philip  (State  Papers— Dom.—Eliz.,  CLXV,  No.  33). 

3  State  Papers— Dom.—Eliz.  Add.,  vol.  xxx.   Wm.  Thomas  to  Sec'y  Walsing- 
ham :  "  It  is  five  years  since  Sir  Philip  Sidney  preferred  my  suit  to  you  etc." 
August  29,  1587. 

*  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  CLxn,  August  5,  1583. 
B  Ibid,  ccxv,  September,  1588. 


288  1582  [CH. 

great  measure  the  love  and  admiration  which  were  poured 
upon  him  by  all  classes  of  his  countrymen  as  they  were  shown 
to  no  other  Englishman  of  his  time. 

His  financial  difficulties  and  his  lack  of  occupation  had  made 
him  less  scrupulous  about  pushing  his  own  interests.  If  the 
Queen  were  animated  by  no  high-minded  considerations,  he 
seems  to  have  argued,  over-delicacy  on  his  part  would  be 
misplaced.  "Methinks  you  should  do  well,"  he  wrote  to  his 
friend,  Sir  Edward  Stafford,  "to  begin  betimes  to  demand 
something  of  her  Majesty  as  might  be  found  fit  for  you.  And 
let  folks  chafe  as  well  when  you  ask  as  when  you  do  not1." 
On  New  Year's  Day,  1583,  he  presented  the  usual  gift  to  the 
Queen — this  time  "a  jewel  of  gold  like  a  castle,  garnished  with 
small  diamonds  on  the  one  side,  being  a  pot  to  set  flowers  in2." 
Eight  days  later  he  received  the  honour  of  knighthood  and 
became  Sir  Philip  Sidney  of  Penshurst3.  He  was  denied  the 
satisfaction,  however,  of  reflecting  that  the  honour  had  come 
to  him  either  as  a  recognition  of  merit  or  as  a  mark  of  especial 
royal  favour.  Count  Casimir  was  about  to  be  installed  as  a 
Knight  of  the  Garter,  which  honour  had  been  conferred  on  him 
during  his  visit  to  England  with  Languet,  and  as  he  had  named 
Sidney  his  proxy,  and  as  no  one  could  act  in  that  capacity 
below  the  rank  of  a  knight,  Sidney's  deficiency  was  made  good. 
He  was  present  at  Windsor  on  January  10th  together  with  his 
father,  and  took  his  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  chapter  of 
the  most  noble  order  after  intricate  questions  of  precedence 
had  been  settled4.  Shortly  afterward  Sir  Philip,  as  we  must 
now  call  him,  was  a  candidate  for  the  captaincy  of  the  Isle  of 
Wight.  "  It  is  so  generally  spoken,"  Dyer  wrote  to  Walsingham, 
"that  Sir  Philip  Sidney  is  Captain  of  the  Isle  that  I  know  not 
what  to  believe5."  There  had  been  much  criticism  of  Sir  Edward 

1  Sidney  Papers,  ui  supra.  2  Nichols,  n,  p.  396. 

8  Wood,  AthencB,  i,  col.  519. 

4  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  CLvm,  January  13,  1583.  Note  of  certain 
things  to  be  considered  of  by  the  knights  of  the  Noble  Order  of  the  Garter  : 
the  placing  of  Duke  Casimir  and  Sir  Henry  Sidney.  "That  place  Sir  Henry 
Sidney  is  to  take  above  other  knights  that  are  of  the  Privy  Council  but  not  of 
the  Order." 

8  State  Papers— Dom.— Eliz.,  GIJX,  March  27,  1583. 


xv]  1582  289 

Horsey,  who  now  held  the  post,  because  of  the  increase  of 
pirates  in  the  Isle,  and  the  rumour  of  Sir  Philip's  appointment 
may  have  grown  out  of  this  fact,  but  nothing  seems  to  have 
come  of  it.  Horsey  was  actually  succeeded  somewhat  later 
by  Sir  George  Carey. 

In  another  suit  which  he  now  preferred  to  the  Queen  he 
was  successful  only  after  the  lapse  of  some  two  and  a  half  years. 
Throughout  Elizabeth's  reign  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  held 
the  post  of  Master  of  the  Ordnance  ;  he  was  now  anxious 
that  his  nephew  be  associated  with  him  in  the  office,  and 
Sir  Philip  felt  that  the  familiarity  which  he  would  acquire 
with  England's  means  of  defence  might  enable  him  to  busy 
himself  worthily  and  help  to  equip  himself  for  better  service 
when  the  long- delayed  day  of  contest  should  actually 
arrive.  The  following  letters  to  Lord  Burghley  are  self- 
explanatory  : 

"I  have  from  my  childhood  been  much  bound  to  your  Lordship,  which 
as  the  means  of  my  fortune  keeps  me  from  ability  to  requite,  so  gives  it 
me  daily  cause  to  make  the  bond  greater  by  seeking  and  using  your  favour 
towards  me. 

The  Queen,  at  my  Lord  of  Warwick's  request,  hath  been  moved  to 
join  me  in  his  office  of  Ordnance,  and,  as  I  learn,  her  Majesty  yields  gracious 
hearing  unto  it.  My  suit  is,  your  Lordship  will  favour  and  further  it, 
which  I  truly  affirm  unto  your  Lordship  I  much  more  desire  for  the  being 
busied  in  a  thing  of  some  serviceable  experience  than  for  any  other  com- 
modity, which  I  think  is  but  small,  that  can  arise  of  it. 

I  conclude  your  Lordship's  trouble  with  this,  that  I  have  no  reason 
to  be  thus  bold  with  your  Lordship  but  the  presuming  of  your  honourable 
good-will  towards  me,  which  I  cannot  deserve,  but  I  can  and  will  greatly 
esteem.  I  humbly  take  my  leave  and  pray  for  your  long  and  prosperous 
life.  At  Court,  this  27th  of  January,  15821." 

On  February  14th  Walsingham  wrote  to  the  Solicitor- 
General  requesting  him  to  make  a  patent  for  the  joint- patency, 
and  "that  for  some  considerations  you  will  keep  this  matter 
secret,  and  give  especial  charge  unto  your  clerk  that  shall 
engross  the  book,  to  use  the  same  in  like  sort2." 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  393.     The  date,  1582,  is,  of  course,  old  style. 

2  Egerion  Papers  (Camd.  Soc.),  p.  92. 

W.  L.  S.  19 


290  1582  [CH.  xv 

A  few  months  later  Sir  Philip  addressed  a  second  letter  to 
Burghley  : 

"Without  carrying  with  me  any  further  reason  of  this  boldness  than 
your  well-known  goodness  unto  me,.  I  humbly  crave  of  your  Lordship 
your  good  word  to  her  Majesty  for  the  confirming  the  grant  she  once  made 
unto  me  of  joining  me  in  patent  with  my  Lord  of  Warwick  whose  desire 
is  that  it  should  be  so.  The  larger  discoursing  hereof  I  will  omit  as  super- 
fluous to  your  wisdom  ;  neither  will  I  use  more  plenty  of  words  till  God 
make  me  able  to  print  them  in  some  serviceable  effect  toward  your  Lord- 
ship. In  the  meantime  I  will  pray  for  your  long  and  prosperous  life,  and 
so  humbly  take  my  leave.  At  Ramsbury,  this  20th  of  July,  1583 1." 

Sir  Philip's  suit  was  not  granted,  but  he  received  some  sub- 
ordinate appointment  under  Warwick.  During  the  next  two 
years,  as  we  shall  see,  he  was  very  busy  in  this  new  capacity. 
To  certain  Orders  set  down  for  the  government  of  the  office  of 
the  Ordnance  by  Ambrose,  Earl  of  Warwick,  to  be  observed 
by  the  inferior  officers  is  appended  the  statement:  "In  testi- 
mony that  we  think  these  orders,  set  down  by  my  Lord  of 
Warwick,  to  be  very  convenient  for  her  Majesty's  true  and  just 
service,  we  do  hereunto  subscribe."  Then  follow  the  signatures 
of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  Sir  William  Pelham  and  Jo.  Powell2. 
The  document  is  undated  but  probably  belongs  to  the  year 
1584.  On  July  21,  1585,  Sir  Philip  was  appointed  joint 
master  with  Warwick  "with  the  salary  of  200  marks  per  annum 
allowances  for  clerks  etc.  and  such  perquisites  and  advantages 
as  had  heretofore  belonged  to  the  place3."  In  the  same  month 
he  signs  as  joint  Master  various  accounts  "in  the  office  of  the 
Ordnance,  and  "  notes  of  the  natures  of  munitions  most  needful 
to  be  provided"  etc.4 

1  Lansdoume  MSS.,  vol.  xxxix,  fol.  148. 

2  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  CLXXV,  1584  ? 

*  Ibid.  CLXXX.  Also  State  Papers — Dom. — Jas.  I,  vol.  m,  No.  62 — an  abstract 
of  the  patents  appointing  to  this  office  from  the  time  of  Edward  III  to  James  I. 

*  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.  vol.  CLXXX.     In  a  document  entitled  "The 
principal  officers  of  the  army,  1583,"  occurs  the  name  of  "  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
General  of  Horse"  (ibid,  cxxv,  No.  46).     The  date  should  probably  be  1586. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

1583 

THE  great  event  of  Sir  Philip's  life  during  the  year  1583 
was  his  marriage  on  Friday,  September  21st,  to  Frances  Wal- 
singham1.  As  we  have  seen,  the  match  had  been  arranged 
some  two  years  earlier  and  was  probably  delayed  on  account 
of  the  bride's  extreme  youth.  We  hear  nothing  of  it  in  1582, 
but  on  February  10,  1583,  Burghley  wrote  to  Walsingham  : 
"I  hear  of  the  comfortable  purpose  toward  for  your  daughter. 
God  bless  it ;  as  I  would  any  of  my  own  so  is  that  great  hope2." 
Draft  articles  of  agreement  had  been  drawn  up  between  Sir 
Henry  Sidney  and  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  by  which  Sir  Henry 
assured  certain  manors  to  Sir  Philip  and  his  wife,  and  to  her 
solely  in  the  event  of  Sir  Philip's  death,  and  Walsingham  like- 
wise assured  to  them  certain  lands.  With  the  exceptions 
and  provisos  of  the  agreement  we  need  not  concern  ourselves. 
One  rather  curious  item  was  to  the  effect  that 

"the  said  Sir  Francis  is  well  contented  and  will  undertake  to  pay  or  dis- 
charge the  debts  of  the  said  Sir  Philip  so  far  as  shall  amount  unto  £1500, 
and  will  allow  to  the  said  Sir  Philip  and  Mrs.  Frances  and  their  servants 

their  diet  if  they  will  take  it  with  him  and  in  his  house But  this  is  not 

meant  to  be  put  into  the  conveyance." 

Sir  Henry  Sidney  was  smarting  under  the  disappointment  of 
the  Queen's  final  refusal  to  make  him  any  tangible  return  for 
the  sums  which  he  had  spent  in  the  public  service,  and  on 
March  1st  he  addressed  to  Walsingham  the  famous  letter — 
his  Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua — from  which  we  have  already 

1  Sidney  Psalter. 

*  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  voL  CLVm. 


292  1583  [CH. 

frequently  quoted,  and  which  constitutes  the  most  detailed 
and  reliable  account  of  English  rule  in  Ireland  during  the  first 
half  of  Elizabeth's  reign.  The  letter  opens  with  a  reference  to 
the  marriage  negotiations  and  reveals  incidentally  some  very 
curious  points  of  view. 

"I  have  understood  of  late,"  Sir  Henry  began,  "that  coldness  is  thought 
in  me  in  proceeding  in  the  matter  of  marriage  of  our  children.  In  truth, 
Sir,  it  is  not  so,  nor  so  shall  it  ever  be  found  ;  for  compremitting  the 
consideration  of  the  articles  to  the  Earls  named  by  you  and  to  the  Earl 
of  Huntingdon  I  most  willingly  agree  and  protest  I  joy  in  the  alliance 
with  all  my  heart.  But  since  by  your  letters  of  the  third  of  January  to 
my  great  discomfort  I  find  there  is  no  hope  of  relief  of  her  Majesty  for  my 
decayed  estate  in  her  Highness's  service  (for  since  you  gave  it  over  I  will 
never  make  more  means,  but  say,  Spes  et  fortuna,  valete)  I  am  the  more 
careful  to  keep  myself  able,  by  sale  of  part  of  that  which  is  left,  to  ransom 
me  out  of  the  servitude  I  live  in  for  my  debts  ;  for  as  I  know,  Sir,  that 
it  is  the  virtue  which  is,  or  that  you  suppose  is,  in  my  son  that  you  made 
choice  of  him  for  your  daughter,  refusing  haply  far  greater  and  far  richer 
matches  than  he,  so  was  my  confidence  great  that  by  your  good  means  I 
might  have  obtained  some  small  reasonable  suit  of  her  Majesty ;  and 
therefore  I  nothing  regard  any  present  gain,  for  if  I  had,  I  might  have 
received  a  great  sum  of  money  for  my  good-will  of  my  son's  marriage, 
greatly  to  the  relief  of  my  private,  biting  necessity.  For  truly,  Sir,  I  respect 
nothing  by  provision  or  prevention  of  that  which  may  come  hereafter, 
as  thus : — I  am  not  so  unlusty  but  that  I  may  be  so  employed  as  I  may  have 
occasion  to  sell  land  to  redeem  myself  out  of  prison,  nor  yet  am  I  so  old, 
nor  my  wife  so  healthy  but  that  she  may  die  and  I  marry  again  and  get 
children,  or  think  I  get  some.  If  such  a  thing  should  happen  God's  law 
and  man's  law  will  that  both  one  and  other  may  be  provided  for.  Many 
other  accidents  of  regard  might  be  alleged,  but  neither  the  forewritten 
nor  any  that  may  be  thought  of  to  come  do  I  respect,  but  only  to  stay 
land  to  sell  to  acquit  me  of  the  thraldom  I  now  live  in  for  my  debts." 

Sir  Henry  was  at  least  not  open  to  the  charge  of  having  failed 
to  examine  the  question  from  all  possible  sides. 

The  course  of  true  love  never  does  run  smooth,  and  perhaps 
that  was  the  reason  why  a  very  unexpected  obstacle  to  the 
marriage  now  appeared  in  the  fact  that  the  Queen  chose  to 
consider  it  an  'offence.'  Whether  her  attitude  was  dictated 
by  sheer  perversity,  or  by  Walsingham's  failure  formally  to 
announce  the  project  to  her,  or  simply  by  her  objection  to 


xvi]  1583  293 

marriage  in  general  it  is  difficult  to  say.     On  March   19th 
Walsingham  wrote  to  Hatton  : 

"As  I  think  myself  infinitely  bound  unto  you  for  your  honourable  and 
friendly  defence  of  the  intended  match  between  my  daughter  and  Mr. 
Sidney,  so  do  I  find  it  strange  that  her  Majesty  should  be  offended  withaL 
It  is  either  to  proceed  of  the  matter  or  of  the  manner.  For  the  matter, 
I  hope  when  her  Majesty  shall  weigh  the  due  circumstances  of  place, 
person  and  quality,  there  can  grow  no  just  cause  of  offence.  If  the  manner 
be  misliked  for  that  her  Majesty  is  not  made  acquainted  withal,  I  am  no 
person  of  that  state  but  that  it  may  be  thought  a  presumption  for  me 
to  trouble  her  Majesty  with  a  private  marriage  between  a  free  gentleman 
of  equal  calling  with  my  daughter.  I  had  well  hoped  that  my  painful  and 
faithful  service  done  unto  her  Majesty  had  merited  that  grace  and  favour 
at  her  hands  as  that  she  would  have  countenanced  this  match  with  her 
gracious  and  princely  good-liking  thereof,  that  thereby  the  world  might 
have  been  a  witness  of  her  goodness  towards  me.  As  I  thought  it  always 
unfit  for  me  to  acquaint  her  Majesty  with  a  matter  of  so  base  a  subject 
as  this  poor  match,  so  did  I  never  seek  to  have  the  matter  concealed  from 
her  Majesty,  seeing  no  reason  why  there  should  grow  any  offence  thereby. 
I  pray  you,  Sir,  therefore,  if  she  enter  into  any  further  speech  of  the  matter, 
let  her  understand  that  you  learn  generally  that  the  match  is  held  for  con- 
cluded, and  withal  to  let  her  know  how  just  cause  I  shall  have  to  find  myself 
aggrieved  if  her  Majesty  shall  show  her  misJike  thereof.  And  so  committing 
the  cause  to  your  friendly  and  considerate  handling  I  leave  you  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Almighty.  At  Barn  Elms,  the  19th  of  March,  1582  [1583] 
Your  most  assuredly  to  command,  Fra.  Walsingham.  Postscript ; — I  will 
give  orders  that  my  cousin  Sidney  [Sir  Henry]  shall  be  forewarned  of 
the  matter,  who,  as  I  suppose,  will  not  be  at  the  Court  before  the  next 
week.  If  her  Majesty's  mislike  should  continue,  then  would  I  be  glad 
if  I  might  take  knowledge  thereof  to  express  my  grief  unto  her  by  letter, 
for  that  I  am  forced  in  respect  of  the  indisposition  of  my  body,  to  be  absent 
until  the  end  of  this  next  week,  whereof  T  made  her  Majesty  privy1." 

It  is  futile  to  speculate  as  to  the  precise  cause  of  Elizabeth's 
displeasure.  No  wonder  that  Walsingham  was  both  indignant 
and  apprehensive.  What  he  felt  to  be  a  matter  of  purely 
private  concern  had  become  a  subject  of  general  discussion  in 
the  Court  circle.  "I  have  been  with  Mr.  Secretary,"  Roger 
Manners  wrote  to  his  father,  the  Earl  of  Rutland,  "who  is 
somewhat  troubled  that  her  Majesty  conceives  no  better  of 
the  marriage  of  his  daughter  with  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  but  I 

1  Add.  MS.  15891,  fol.  1016.     Nicolas,  p.  327. 


294  1583  [CH. 

hope  shortly  all  will  be  well1."  By  May  7th  he  was  able  to 
write,  "Her  Majesty  passes  over  the  offence  taken  with  Mr 
Sidney  concerning  his  marriage2."  Perhaps  the  Queen's  attitude 
was  responsible  for  the  postponement  of  the  celebration  of  the 
marriage.  Walsingham's  secretary  on  May  6th  wrote  to  a 
friend  : 

"Among  other  matches  yet  to  be  solemnized  I  had  forgot  to  acquaint 
you  with  the  full  conclusion  of  that  with  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  my  master's 
only  daughter  and  heir,  which,  I  think,  shall  not  be  solemnized  before 
Michaelmas3. ' ' 

To  her  goodness  in  overlooking  the  offence  of  the  marriage  the 
Queen  did  not  add  the  virtue  of  graciousness.  An  anonymous 
correspondent  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  perhaps  Mauvissiere,  the 
French  ambassador,  in  writing  that  he  hoped  to  persuade 
Philip  Sidney  to  become  a  good  servant  of  hers,  added  that 
Walsingham  and  Leicester  had  brought  on  themselves  great 
"jalousie  a  ceste  Reyne"  because  of  Sir  Philip's  marriage  with 
Frances  Walsingham4.  Sir  Philip  and  his  wife  took  up  their 
residence  with  his  father-in-law,  and  during  the  next  two 
years  his  letters  are  written  generally  from  Walsingham  House 
or  Barn  Elms,  Walsingham's  country  retreat,  a  few  miles  up 
the  river  on  the  Surrey  side.  We  may  well  believe  that  it 
was  a  happy  household.  Sir  Philip:s  devotion  to  Walsingham 
was  equalled  by  his  love  and  admiration  of  Lady  Walsingham  ; 
"my  best  mother,"  he  calls  her  in  a-letter  written  some  two  years 
after  his  marriage5.  We  may  wish  that  we  knew  more  about 
the  character  of  his  wife  and  of  her  relation  to  Sir  Philip,  but 
there  is  no  reason  whatever  for  supposing  that  their  marriage 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports,  Belvoir  MS.,  April  20,  1583. 

*  Ibid.  May  7,  1583. 

8  Nicholas  Faunt  to  Anthony  Bacon  (Lambeth  MS.,  No.  647).  Quoted  by 
Collier  in  the  Genttemarfs  Magazine,  February,  1850,  p.  116. 

4  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports,  Salisbury  MSS.  The  letter  is  without  date, 
and  is  assigned  to  the  year  1585 ;  1583  would  be  a  more  probably  correct  date. 

6  Sir  Philip  to  Walsingham,  December  14, 1585  (Harley  MSS.,  vol.  CCLXXXV, 
f.  164).  Sir  William  Pelham  reckoned  Lady  Walsingham  in  the  Calendar  of 
Saints  (State  Papers — Irish — Eliz.,  vol.  LXXI,  Pelham  to  Walsingham,  February 
16,  1580).  In  his  will  Sir  Philip  refers  to  her  as  "  that  most  honourable  lady, 
the  Lady  Walsingham,  my  good  mother-in-law." 


xvij  1583  295 

was  not  as  truly  a  successful  one  as  we  could  wish  it  to  have 
been1. 

It  is  probable  that  Sir  Philip's  appointment  in  the  Ordnance 
and  his  marriage  brought  him  more  prominently  before  the 
public  as  a  person  of  consequence.  A  correspondent  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  writing  to  her  on  June  12th  of  this  year,  informs 
her  of  the  probability  of  Elizabeth's  growing  to  agreement  and 
accord  with  her,  forgetting  all  discontents  and  discords.  The 
writer  urges  that  this  will  the  sooner  come  to  pass  if  she  bestow 
some  favourable  message  on  Mr  Secretary  and  Mr  Sidney, 
who  is  shortly  to  be  married  to  his  only  daughter2.  At  this 
time,  however,  we  meet  his  name  most  frequently  in  connection 

1  In  the  Domestic  State  Papers  of  Elizabeth's  reign  (voL  CLvm)  under 
the  year  1583  is  a  document  tentatively  assigned  to  the  month  of  February. 
It  is  a  petition  of  a  certain  John  Wickerson  addressed  to  Walsingham.  The 
petitioner  has  been  a  prisoner  in  the  Marshalsea  for  two  years  by  his  commit- 
ment for  his  rash  contract  of  matrimony  with  Mistress  Frances  which  to  relin- 
quish would  be  a  perpetual  scruple  and  worm  in  conscience,  and  hazard  of 
body  and  soul.  He  solicits  Walsingham's  consent  and  good-will  to  the  per- 
formance of  their  said  contract ;  otherwise  they  must  live  in  adultery  and  be 
a  scornful  spectacle  and  a  mocking  stock  to  the  world.  Walsingham  has 
endorsed  the  petition :  "  Desires  to  be  enlarged  after  his  long  imprisonment, 
and  that  I  would  not  any  longer  continue  my  dislike  of  his  contract  with  Mrs. 
Frances."  The  document  is  very  perplexing.  It  certainly  seems  to  refer  to 
Frances  Walsingham.  With  whom  else  would  Walsingham's  dislike  of  Wick- 
erson's  contract  of  matrimony  be  so  strong  that  he  would  imprison  the  would-be 
husband  for  two  years  ?  On  the  other  hand,  unless  we  are  entirely  mistaken 
as  to  the  date  of  Walsingham's  second  marriage,  his  daughter  at  the  time  of 
this  'contract  of  matrimony' — 1581— could  not  have  been  more  than  13  years 
of  age,  which  makes  both  the  story  and  the  language  of  the  petition  seem 
absurd.  On  her  portrait  at  Penshurst  is  the  inscription,  "  1590  Act.  40,"  which 
gives  us  1550  as  the  date  of  her  birth.  This  is  impossible  unless  Walsingham 
was  an  older  man  than  has  been  believed,  and 'unless  Frances  was  the  daughter 
of  his  first  wife,  by  whom  he  is  said  to  have  had  no  children.  It  may  be  noted 
in  passing  that  on  November  2,  1579,  Sir  Henry  Wallop,  when  very  ill  and 
in  fear  of  death,  wrote  to  Burghley  asking  that  the  wardship  of  his  son  be 
granted  to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  in  the  hope  that  he  would  match  him  to 
one  of  his  daughters  (State  Papers — Ireland — Eliz.,  vol.  LXX).  Mary,  another 
of  Walsingham's  daughters,  married  Christopher  Carleill  the  famous  navigator, 
a  son  of  Walsingham's  first  wife  by  a  previous  marriage,  and  she  was  living  in 
1609.  (Yet  Nicholas  Faunt  refers  to  Frances  as  'my  master's  only  daughter* 
in  1583,  and  the  same  language  is  used  by  an  anonymous  correspondent  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots  on  June  12,  1583  (Salisbury  MSS.,  vol.  m).  A  third  daughter 
of  Walsingham  died  in  1580.  ( V.  letter  of  condolence  from  Sir  Francis  Knollys 
on  July  1st  of  that  year — State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  cxxxix.) 

8  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports,  Salisbury  MSS.,  vol.  ra,  June  12,  1683. 


296  1583  [CH. 

with  distinguished  foreigners  who  were  visiting  England. 
Those  who  had  at  heart  the  cause  of  Protestantism  or  of  learning 
looked  to  him  as  the  outstanding  representative  of  like-minded 
Englishmen.  Among  these  was  the  learned  Polish  prince 
Albertus  Laski,  whose  acquaintance  Sir  Philip  had  made  ten 
years  earlier  on  the  Continent.  He  reached  England  about  the 
end  of  April,  and,  among  other  great  people,  he  paid  several 
visits  to  Dr  John  Dee — one  of  them  in  company  with  Sir  Philip. 

"June  15th,  about  5  of  the  clock  came  the  Polonian  Prince,  Lord  Albert 
Lasky,  down  from  Bisshorn  where  he  had  lodged  the  night  before,  being 
returned  from  Oxford  whither  he  had  gone  of  purpose  to  see  the  univer- 
sities, where  he  was  very  honourably  used  and  entertained.  He  had  in 
his  company  Lord  Russell,  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  other  gentlemen :  he 
was  rowed  by  the  Queen's  men,  he  had  the  barge  covered  with  the  Queen's 
cloth,  the  Queen's  trumpeters  etc.  He  came  of  purpose  to  do  me  honour, 
for  which  God  be  praised1." 

Perhaps  there  was  no  Englishman  living  at  this  time  to  whom 
more  distinguished  visitors  resorted  for  the  purpose  of  doing 
him  honour2. 

The  outlook  for  the  Protestant  cause  had  never  been  more 
gloomy  than  during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1583.  In  the 
Netherlands,  after  the  fiasco  of  Alen9on's  duplicity  and  his 
dismissal  in  disgrace  to  France,  the  Spaniards  had  regained 
town  after  town.  In  France  the  young  King  of  Navarre  found 
it  more  and  more  difficult  to  maintain  his  position  against  the 
Guises,  who  were  roused  to  new  fear  by  the  impending  likelihood 
of  both  Henry  III  and  Alen9on  dying  early  and  without  children 
as  a  result  of  their  profligate  lives3.  In  Scotland  the  Protestant 
Lords  who  had  accomplished  the  Raid  of  Ruthven  had  once 
more  lost  control  of  James,  who  had  again  surrounded  himself 
with  the  Catholic  and  pro-French  party.  In  England  the  elabo- 
rate plot  which  is  associated  with  the  name  of  Throgmorton, 

1  Diary,  p.  20. 

2  Sidney  doubtless  believed  that  "those   bodies  high  rain  on  the  low" 
(v.  Astrophel  and  Stella,  Sonnet  xxvi). 

*  On  August  25th  William  Cecil  wrote  to  his  father  from  Paris :  "  Upon  St. 
Bartelmew's  day  we  had  here  solemn  processions  and  other  tokens  of  triumphs 
and  joy,  in  remembrance  of  the  slaughter  committed  this  time  eleven  years 
past."  (Ellis,  Original  Letters,  Series  n,  vol.  m,  p.  23.) 


xvi]  1583  297 

who  eventually  confessed  to  details,  was  progressing  rapidly 
although  its  existence  was  not  even  suspected  in  Elizabeth's 
council  until  a  fortunate  accident  disclosed  it  towards  the 
end  of  the  year.  The  dimensions  of  the  plot  for  the  invasion 
of  England  by  the  Duke  of  Guise  in  favour  of  Mary  Stuart 
amazed  while  they  horrified  all  loyal  subjects.  The  Earls  of 
Arundel  and  Northumberland  had  personally  made  arrange- 
ments for  the  landing-place  of  Guise  ;  the  Earls  of  Rutland  and 
Cumberland  were  suspected  of  complicity.  Oddly  enough,  Sir 
Philip  wrote  a  letter  at  this  time  to  the  Earl  of  Rutland  evidently 
without  knowing  that  he  was  under  suspicion  : 

"Her  Majesty  is  well,"  he  wrote,  "but  troubled  with  these  suspicions 
which  arise  of  some  ill-minded  subjects  towards  her.  My  Lord  of  Northum- 
berland, I  hope,  will  discharge  himself  well  of  those  doubts  conceived  of  him. 
He  is  yet  kept  in  his  house,  but  for  aught  I  can  learn  no  matter  of  moment 
laid  unto  him.  The  consideration  of  removing  the  Scottish  Queen  doth 
still  continue,  and  I  think  my  Lord  of  Shrewsbury  doth  shortly  come  up. 
The  ambassadors  of  Spain  and  France  be  noted  for  great  practisers1." 

A  few  days  after  the  date  of  this  letter — on  January  9th — 
Mendoza  was  expelled  from  England. 

During  these  months  of  anxiety  and  national  peril  Sir 
Philip  took  an  active  though  subordinate  part  in  the  measures 
which  his  father-in-law  and  Burghley  were  taking  for  the 
safety  of  the  Queen  and  of  the  realm.  In  July,  Henry  of 
Navarre  had  sent  his  secretary,  M.  de  Segur,  to  London  to 
persuade  the  Queen  to  make  an  open  alliance  with  the  French 
and  Dutch  Protestants.  Walsingham  promptly  foretold  that 
he  would  be  dismissed  with  very  little  satisfaction,  and  in  this 
he  was  right.  M.  de  Segur  brought  with  him  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction to  Sir  Philip  from  du  Plessis,  in  which  the  ambassador 
was  described  as  a  gentleman  full  of  zeal  and  piety  whose 
business  would  recommend  him  to  everyone  having  at  heart 
the  common  weal  of  Christendom. 

"I  wish  to  know  whether  you  are  married  or  not,"  the  letter  concluded. 
"I  suppose  you  are,  for  I  have  had  no  letters  from  you  for  three  months, 
and  I  take  it  for  granted  that  that  could  not  be  were  you  not  busied  in 
some  very  special  fashion2." 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports,  Belvoir  MSS.,  December  20,  1583. 

2  Mtmoires  de,  Measire  Philippe  de  Mornay,  vol.  i,  p.  232. 


298  1583  [CH. 

Du  Plessis  was  one  of  the  most  devoted  of  Sir  Philip's  friends, 
and  we  may  be  sure  that  the  latter  showed  all  possible  attention 
to  M.  de  Segur.  A  zealous  reformer,  a  trusted  friend  of  Navarre 
and  du  Plessis,  and  a  survivor  of  St  Bartholomew,  the  ambassa- 
dor would  have  special  claims  on  Sir  Philip's  interest.  They 
visited  Wilton  together  toward  the  end  of  July,  and  Sir  Philip 
introduced  his  guest  to  Archibald  Douglas1,  who  was  at  the 
English  Court  in  the  interest  of  James  of  Scotland.  This  is 
the  first  indication  we  have  of  the  deep  interest  which  Sir  Philip 
took  in  Scottish  politics  during  the  last  three  years  of  his  life. 
Perhaps  Walsingham  had  suggested  to  him  the  possibility  of 
useful  work  in  this  especial  field.  Of  its  importance  he  had  a 
proof  on  the  day  of  his  marriage  when  Walsingham  was  not 
present,  having  found  it  impossible  to  return  from  a  visit 
which  he  had  made  to  James  at  Perth.  When,  a  few  months 
later,  the  Protestant  Lords  failed  in  their  attempt  again  to 
seize  the  King,  when  Gowrie  was  put  to  death  and  Angus  and 
Mar  fled  to  England,  we  find  Sir  Philip  in  closer  personal  rela- 
tions with  the  banished  lords  than  any  other  Englishman. 

The  most  notable  foreigner,  however,  with  whom  Sir 
Philip  came  into  intimate  contact  at  this  time  was  the  Italian 
philosopher,  Giordano  Bruno,  who  reached  England  in  the 
spring  of  1583,  and  remained  until  near  the  end  of  1585.  There 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Sidney  suspected  the  fact  that 
Bruno  was  the  greatest  among  contemporary  thinkers,  and 
that  the  sixteenth  century  was  not  to  produce  a  more  profound 
or  more  original  student  of  philosophy.  Bruno  trod  the  English 
earth  unguessed  at  as  he  had  already  travelled  through  Italy 
and  France,  but  at  least  his  restless  spirit  was  comparatively 
untroubled  during  his  sojourn  in  England,  and  it  is  pleasant  to 
know  from  Bruno  himself  that  Sidney  was  the  first  Englishman 
to  show  him  kindness,  and  was  consistently  his  friend.  It  is 
not  necessary  here  to  review  the  events  of  his  stormy  life. 
Early  imbued  with  a  conviction  that  Copernicus  had  discovered 
a  truth  of  supreme  importance  in  the  history  of  thought,  Bruno 
had  set  himself  to  elaborate  his  master's  ideas  and  to  promulgate 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports,  Salisbury  MSS.     M.  de  Segur  to  Archibald 
Douglas,  Ramsbury,  July  29,  1583 


xvi]  1583  299 

the  doctrines  of  the  new  astronomy  with  all  that  it  implied  in 
philosophic  thinking.  Scholars  had  not  yet  come  to  the  point 
of  treating  the  Copernican  theories  as  more  than  a  brilliant  jeu 
d'esprit,  and  they  were  utterly  unprepared  for  Bruno's  attack 
on  the  Aristotelian-Ptolemaic  system  with  which  scholastic 
philosophy  was  bound  up.  His  rejection  of  the  doctrine  of 
fixed  spheres  and  of  a  universe  limited  in  space,  his  exalta- 
tion of  mind  as  he  elaborated  his  own  doctrines  of  infinity,  of 
Nature  in  which  is  to  be  found  the  illustration  of  all  wisdom 
and  all  truth,  and  of  God  who  manifests  Himself  everywhere 
and  in  all  things — these  teachings  were  not  likely  to  recommend 
Bruno  to  the  learned  world  of  the  time.  His  temperament, 
moreover,  was  not  calculated  to  conciliate  good- will,  for  he  was 
irascible,  egotistical  and  captious  to  a  degree.  Immediately 
after  his  arrival  in  England  he  had  introduced  himself  to  the 
Vice-Chancellor  of  Oxford  by  a  letter  in  which  he  describes 
himself  as 

"Giordano  Bruno  of  Nola,  the  God-loving,  of  the  more  highly- wrought 
theology  doctor,  of  the  purer  and  harmless  wisdom  professor  In  the 
chief  universities  of  Europe  known,  approved,  and  honourably  received 
as  philosopher.  Nowhere  save  among  barbarians  and  the  ignoble  a  stranger. 
The  awakener  of  sleeping  souls.  The  trampler  upon  presuming  and 
recalcitrant  ignorance,  who  in  all  his  acts  proclaims  a  universal  benevolence 
toward  man1." 

He  spent  some  three  months  in  Oxford  giving  lectures  on  the 
new  conception  of  the  universe  and  its  philosophic  implica- 
tions but  receiving  scant  sympathy.  He  has  left  an  indignant 
account  of  his  treatment  in  which  he  describes  the  stupid 
pomposity  of  the  doctors  and  his  own  triumphs  especially  in  a 
disputation  before  the  Polish  prince  Lasky. 

"Hear,"  he  says,  "how  they  could  answer  his  reasonings,  and  how  that 
unhappy  doctor  stuck  fifteen  times,  like  a  chicken  in  the  stubble,  amidst 
the  fifteen  syllogisms  he  propounded  to  us  as  Coryphaeus  of  the  University 
on  that  momentous  occasion.  Hear  how  rudely  and  discourteously  that 
swine  went  on,  and  how  humanely  and  patiently  spoke  that  other,  showing 
he  was  indeed  Neapolitan  born  and  reared  under  a  kinder  sky2."  • 

1  Quoted  by  Symonds  in  The  Renaissance  in  Italy,  Pt.  n,  p.  167. 
*  Quoted  by  Elton,  Modern  Studies,  p.  9.     Professor  Elton's  is  the  fullest 
and  best  account  of  Bruno's  visit  to  England. 


300  1583  [CH. 

From  his  general  condemnation  of  Oxford  dons  he  excepts 
Toby  Matthew,  to  whom  he  may  well  have  carried  a  letter  from 
Sidney. 

With  the  exception  of  one  or  two  incidental  references  we 
know  nothing  whatever  of  Bruno's  life  in  England  except  what 
he  himself  has  related.  He  lived  as  a  member  of  the  household 
of  Mauvissiere,  the  French  ambassador,  whose  goodness  to  him 
he  extols,  and  he  wrote  and  had  printed  in  London  seven  of 
his  most  important  works.  In  the  dedication  of  the  Cena  delle 
Ceneri  he  describes  his  progess  on  the  river  and  through  the 
Strand  to  a  supper  party  at  Fulke  Greville's  house,  on  the  night 
of  Ash  Wednesday,  February  15,  1584.  It  is  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  filth  and  mire  of  London  streets,  and  of  the  coarse 
joviality  and  hostility  to  foreigners  displayed  by  the  English 
lower  classes.  He  was  accompanied  on  this  occasion  by  John 
Florio,  who  was  to  become  the  translator  of  Montaigne  and  the 
author  of  Queen  Anna's  New  World  of  Words,  and  Matthew 
Gwinne,  a  Welsh  physician,  who  had  written  Latin  plays  and 
was  interested  in  astronomy.  At  the  supper-party  a  knight 
(possibly  Sidney)  sat  at  the  head  of  the  table  and  on  each  side 
of  him  a  learned  doctor.  The  question  which  they  debated 
with  the  Nolan  was  his  doctrine  that  the  earth  moves,  and  we 
have  Bruno's  own  description  of  their  vehemence  and  ignorance, 
of  their  utter  discomfiture,  and  of  the  courtesy  of  his  host  after 
the  debate  had  been  broken  up  in  confusion.  Bruno  returned 
to  the  ambassador's  house  in  Butcher's  Row,  "without  coming 
on  any  of  those  butting  and  kicking  beasts  who  had  molested 
our  advance." 

This  story  is  the  only  foundation  of  the  legend  which  has 
been  generally  repeated,  that  Bruno  was  received  into  mem- 
bership in  a  philosophical  club  which  numbered  among  its 
members  Sidney,  Greville,  Dyer*  Spenser,  Temple,  and  various 
other  persons,  and  that  they  met  in  Fulke  Greville's  house  to 
discuss  moral,  metaphysical,  mathematical  and  .natural  specu- 
lations. The  statement  is  a  mere  embroidering  upon  our 
scanty  information.  We  cannot  even  assert  positively  that 
Bruno,  Sidney  and  Greville  ever  met  together  on  a  single 
occasion.  Of  Bruno's  relation  to  Sidney  our  whole  information 


xvi]  1583  301 

is  derived  from  the  dedications  of  the  two  works  which  Bruno 
inscribed  to  his  friend — the  Spaccio  de  la  Bestia  Triomfante 
and  the  De  Gl'  Heroici  Furori.  He  had  heard  of  Sidney,  he 
says,  when  he  was  in  Milan  and  again  during  his  sojourn  in 
France.  He  made  his  acquaintance  immediately  after  arriving 
in  England,  and  he  pours  forth  his  generous  acknowledgments 
of  Sidney's  courtesy  and  his  admiration  for  his  nobility  of 
mind  in  a  flood  of  characteristically  impetuous  phrases.  Ex- 
tremely rare,  he  declares,  are  such  noble  spirits  either  within  or 
without  Italy.  To  Sidney's  name  he  joins  that  of  Fulke 
Greville,  his  intimate  friend,  who  resembles  him  in  the  graces 
both  of  mind  and  matter,  and  Bruno  expresses  his  deep  regret 
that  vile,  malignant  and  ignoble  persons  had  done  something 
to  alienate  from  him  Greville's  good-will1. 

What  impression  did  Bruno's  astronomical  and  philosophic 
theories  make  upon  Sidney  ?  We  can  only  answer  that  we  do 
not  know.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  in  his  works  there  is  no 
trace  of  Bruno's  influence.  This  opinion,  it  is  fair  to  add,  has 
not  been  held  by  all  students  of  the  subject. 

"Who  can  fail  to  recognize,"  says  Professor  Cook,  "the  substantial 
identity  of  Sidney's  reflection  on  the  loveliness  of  virtue,  'who  could  see 
virtue  would  be  wonderfully  ravished  with  the  love  of  her  beauty'  not  only 
with  the  common  source  in  Plato  but  also  with  the  following  sentiment 
taken  from  Bruno's  Heroic  Rapture, . .  .'For  I  am  assured  that  Nature  has 
endowed  me  with  an  inward  sense  by  which  I  reason  from  the  beauty  before 
my  eyes  to  the  light  and  eminence  of  more  excellent  spiritual  beauty, 
which  is  light,  majesty  and  divinity2.' " 

To  the  present  writer  there  seems  to  be  no  such  identity. 
Sidney  is  quoting  from  Plato  a  commonplace  of  his  doctrines ; 
the  distinctive  characteristic  of  the  quotation  from  Bruno  (who 
was  also  a  Platonist,  though  with  a  difference)  is  his  reliance  on 
the  "inner  light"  of  Nature,  the  "natural  light"— a  doctrine 
upon  which  he  tells  us  in  the  preface  to  the  Spaccio  he  intended 
to  base  a  system  of  ethics3.  It  would  indeed  be  an  interesting 
chapter  in  Sidney's  biography  if  we  could  give  some  account 

1  Spaccio  de  la  Bestia  Triomfante,  Paris,  i.e.  London,  1584;  De  GV  Heroici 
Furori,  Paris,  i.e.  London,  1586. 

2  Defence  of  Poesy,  ed.  Cook,  p.  xiii 

8  V.  Hoffding,  History  of  Modern  Philosophy,  i,  p.  144. 


302  1583  [OH.  xvi 

of  his  attitude  toward  various  doctrines  which  were  gaining 
currency  and  which  were  to  assume  great  importance  in  the 
history  of  thought.  Did  he  accept,  for  instance,  the  funda- 
mental doctrine  of  his  friends  Languet  and  Fran§ois  Hotman, 
that  the  sovereign  power  has  been  conferred  on  a  ruler  only  on 
condition  that  he  fulfil  certain  duties  ?  Did  he  range  himself 
with  the  Ramists  in  their  attack  on  the  Aristotelian  logic  ? 
The  dedication  to  him  by  Banosius  of  the  works  of  Ramus1, 
and  his  choice  of  Temple,  the  chief  of  the  English  Ramists,  to 
be  his  secretary,  would  at  least  suggest  an  affirmative  answer. 
Did  he  look  with  any  favour  on  the  increasing  strength  of  the 
protest  of  Puritanism  ?  Of  these  things  we  know  nothing. 

1  V  p.  118. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

1584 

MISCELLANEOUS  references  to  Sir  Philip  abound  during  the 
year  1584,  as  well  as  much  information  regarding  his  increasing 
activity  in  public  affairs.  In  February  and  March  he  was 
embroiled  in  a  dispute  regarding  the  goods  saved  from  a  vessel 
which  had  been  wrecked  at  Havodsporth  in  Glamorganshire  on 
the  night  of  December  28th.  Sir  Edward  Mansell,  upon  whose 
property  the  wreck  had  come  ashore,  complained  to  the  Council 
of  the  infamous  conduct  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke's  servant, 
and  declared  that  an  attempt  was  being  made  to  have  the 
goods  sequestered  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney ;  but  the  petition  of 
Francis  Shaxton,  merchant  of  King's  Lynn  in  Norfolk  and  owner 
of  the  vessel,  set  forth  that  Pembroke  had  restored  to  him  all 
the  goods  in  his  possession,  but  that  Sir  Edward  Mansell  refused 
to  deliver  the  much  larger  portion  which  he  had  secured1.  We 
have  heard  Sir  Philip  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  deplore  his  own 
lack  of  musical  training,  and  again  we  have  seen  him  recommend- 
ing a  "poor  stranger  musician"  to  Leicester's  favour:  another 
proof  of  his  interest  in  music  is  furnished  by  the  following 
extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Sir  Arthur  Basset  to  Sir 
Edward  Stradling  on  February  7th : 

"I  am  hereby  to  request  you  to  send  unto  me  at  any  of  my  houses  in 
Devon  your  servant,  Thomas  Richards,  by  the  last  day  of  this  instant 
month,  and  to  cause  him  to  bring  with  him  both  his  instruments,  as  well 
that  which  is  stringed  with  wire  strings,  as  his  harp,  both  those  that  he  had 

when  he  was  last  in  Devon.     I  have  given  some  commendations  of  the 

• 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  cucvm,  February,  1584,  and  voL  OLXIX, 
March  7,  1584. 


304  1584  [CH. 

man  and  his  instrument  knowledge,  but  chiefly  for  the  rareness  of  his 
instrument  with  wires,  unto  sundry  of  my  good  friends,  namely  to  my 
cousin  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  who  doth  expect  to  have  your  man  at  Salisbury 
before  the  7th  of  March  next,  where  there  will  be  an  honourable  assembly 
and  receipt  of  many  gentlemen  of  good  calling1." 

At  every  period  of  Sir  Philip's  life  we  find  him  soliciting  his 
influential  friends  on  behalf  of  those  who  needed  assistance. 
Of  such  requests  his  letters  to  his  father-in-law  contain  a  very 
large  number,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  Walsingham,  im- 
mersed as  he  was  in  affairs  of  state,  ever  felt  critically  toward 
the  son-in-law  whose  benevolence  laid  new  burdens  upon  him. 
Of  such  letters  the  following  may  serve  as  an  example  : 

"Bight  honourable  Sir :  This  bearer  is  the  same  Captain  Goh  for  whom 
I  have  divers  times  been  an  humble  suitor  unto  you,  and  whom,  at  my 
parting,  you  wished  I  should  bid  him  complain  of  you  to  the  Queen. 
I  am  sure  my  cousin,  my  Lady  Cheek,  condemns  me  for  negligent  soliciting 
of  you,  but  it  is  no  reason  so  poor  a  man  as  I  should  bear  the  fault ;  it 
must  be  between  the  Queen  and  you,  and  indeed,  Sir,  the  gentleman 
deserves  exceeding  well  and  his  suits  are  under  the  degree  of  reasonable. 
I  will  trouble  you  no  further  but  with  my  prayer  for  your  long  and  happy 
life.  This  6th  of  March,  1584.  Your  humble  son,  Philip  Sidney2." 

Aubrey  relates  the  story  that  Sir  Philip  was  often  wont  as 
he  was  hunting  on  the  pleasant  Salisbury  Plains,  to  take  his 
table-book  out  of  his  pocket,  and  write  down  his  notions  as 
they  came  into  his  head,  when  he  was  writing  his  Arcadia3.  The 
only  other  reference  to  his  interest  in  hunting  which  I  have 
been  able  to  discover  is  in  the  following  letter  addressed  to  him 
by  Lady  Katherine  Paget,  and  here  it  seems  a  question  rather 
of  procuring  a  deer  than  of  hunting  it : 

"Nephew,  this  13th  of  October  I  received  your  letter  being  dated  the 
23rd  of  July  wherein  you  require  of  me  a  buck  in  Marybone  Park.  The 
delay  of  your  messenger,  perhaps  not  unwillingly  has  transformed  it  into 
a  doe,  the  which  Mr.  Carye  thinketh  on  you  very  well  bestowed,  although 

1  Stradling  Correspondence,  ed.  J.  M.  Traherne  (London,  1840),  p.  239. 
Also  printed  in  Sidneiana  (Roxburgh  Club  Publications).  Sir  Philip's  great- 
grandmother,  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Edmund  Dudley,  married  en  secondes  notes 
Arthur,  Viscount  Lisle,  a  natural  son  of  Edward  IV.  Their  daughter  Frances 
married  John  Basset  of  Umberleigh,  Devon,  and  Sir  Arthur  Basset  was  their 
son.  He  accompanied  Leicester  to  Holland  in  1585  and  died  there  in  1586. 

*  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  CLXIX. 

3  Brief  Lives,  vol.  n,  p.  247. 


xvn]  1584  305 

in  general  he  be  a  sparer  of  that  game.  This  bearer  hath  received  com- 
mission to  the  keeper  there  to  deliver  when  you  shall  send.  Thus  wishing 
unto  you  fortunate  success  in  all  your  desires,  especially  in  the  travails 
of  my  niece,  with  my  commendations  unto  both,  and  likewise  to  my  sister 
Walsingham,  I  leave  you  to  God1." 

Lady  Paget's  mention  of  her  niece  is  a  reference  not  to  Lady 
Sidney  but  to  the  Countess  of  Pembroke.  Three  days  after 
the  date  of  Lady  Paget's  letter  her  good  wishes  were  realized, 
when  Lady  Pembroke  gave  birth  to  her  second  son,  Philip. 
The  Countess'  mother  was  present  to  act  as  godmother  and  Sir 
Philip  and  Robert  Sidney  were  godfathers2.  But  the  family 
reunion  and  the  birth  of  a  son  can  have  brought  little  joy 
to  Wilton,  for  on  the  day  before  Philip  Herbert  was  born, 
Katherine,  the  elder  of  the  two  little  daughters  of  the  house, 
had  died.  In  the  family  Psalter  Sir  Henry  Sidney  recorded, 

"The  death  of  the  same  Lady  Katherine,  eldest  daughter  to  the  said  Harry, 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  was  at  Wilton  the  XVIth  of  October,  1584,  being  three 
year  old  and  one  day,  a  child  that 3  promised  much  excellence  if  she  might 
have  lived,  and  was  buried  in  Wilton  church  the  seventeenth  of  the  same." 

The  possibility  of  a  foreign  invasion  of  England  was  a  ques- 
tion that  was  discussed  more  or  less  throughout  Elizabeth's  reign, 
but  the  Queen  regarded  the  possibility  as  slight  and  accordingly 
the  discussion  was  more  or  less  academic.  The  landing  of 
foreign  soldiers  in  Ireland  to  assist  the  Desmond  rebellion  had 
been  a  feeble  enterprise,  and  the  Queen  knew  Philip  of  Spain's 
procrastinating  character  well  enough  to  feel  assured  that  he 
would  not  actively  resent  English  indignities  or  espouse  the 
cause  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  unless  conditions  were  unusually 
favourable.  But  the  revelations  of  the  Throgmorton  plot  had 
shaken  the  Queen  out  of  her  fancied  security.  That  the  Duke 
of  Guise,  the  sworn  brother  of  King  Philip,  had  brought  almost 
to  maturity  his  plan  of  invading  England  in  Mary  Stuart's 
favour,  and  that  he  had  secured  the  active  co-operation  of 
a  number  of  English  Catholic  noblemen, — this  astounding 
fact  aroused  the  Queen  to  the  necessity  of  making  elaborate 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports— Salisbury  MSS.,  October  13,  1584. 

2  Sidney  Psalter. 

3  Written  'of  by  mistake  in  the  Psalter. 

20 


W.L.  S. 


306  1584  [OH. 

preparations  to  repel  the  invading  host  when  it  should  be  led 
by  the  King  of  Spain.  Beginning  with  the  spring  of  1584  these 
preparations  were  made  on  a  large  scale,  and  they  continued 
until  the  Armada  actually  appeared.  The  Ordnance  department 
was  especially  busy,  as  we  shall  see,  about  munitions:  old 
vessels  were  refitted  and  new  ones  built,  the  entrances  to  Dover, 
Portsmouth  and  other  Channel  ports  were  dredged  and  protected 
by  piers,  and  new  fortifications  and  storehouses  were  constructed. 
The  work  on  the  Channel  ports  was  carried  on  under  a  com- 
mission of  which  Sir  Thomas  Scott  was  president,  and  Walsing- 
ham  was  in  daily  communication  with  him.  At  every  step 
the  advice  of  the  great  seamen  of  the  day  was  sought,  and 
Sir  Richard  Grenville,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  Sir  George  Carey 
and  many  others  furnished  the  Council  with  elaborate  opinions 
as  to  whether  the  openings  to  the  havens  should  be  protected 
with  stone  or  timber,  or  submitted  suggestions  regarding  the 
construction  of  storehouses  and  quays.  The  experts  of  those, 
as  of  later,  days,  did  not  always  agree  in  their  opinions,  and 
storms  frequently  destroyed  the  work  which  had  already  been 
done,  but  in  spite  of  difficulties  much  was  accomplished1.  In 
all  these  great  undertakings  Sir  Philip  took  a  considerable 
part,  whether  as  an  officer  of  the  Ordnance  or  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  his  father-in-law  does  not  appear.  On  June  8th 
Thomas  Digges  wrote  to  Walsingham  requesting  him  to  write 
to  Sir  Thomas  Scott  and  the  rest  of  the  commissioners  to  meet 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  at  Dover  to  consult  upon  a  final  resolution 
of  all  the  matters  which  he  proceeded  to  enumerate2.  Sir 
Richard  Grenville  and  Sir  George  Carey,  in  reporting  their 
objections  to  certain  recommendations  that  had  been  made 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  certain  work  should  be  performed, 
urged  the  appointment  of  some  person  of  ability  to  superintend 
the  whole  work.  They  had  evidently  suggested  Sir  Philip's 
name  in  this  connection,  for  Walsingham,  in  announcing  the 
names  of  certain  gentlemen  who  were  to  go  down  to  view  the 
works,  explained  that  Sir  Philip  was  unable  to  go3.  Just  what 

1  The  Domestic  State  Papers  of  the  time  contain  hundreds  of  references  to 
the  varied  details  of  these  works. 

2  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  CLXXI.  *  Ibid. 


xvn]  1584  307 

share  he  had  in  these  first  active  preparations  for  the  great 
conflict  we  do  not  know,  but  we  may  be  sure  that  he  considered 
it  worthy  occupation. 

He  was  unable  to  go  to  Dover  because  the  Queen  had  decided 
to  employ  him  on  an  embassy  which  he  may  well  have  con- 
sidered less  worthy.  Two  events  of  great  importance  in  Euro- 
pean politics  had  recently  taken  place  both  of  which  were  a 
vindication  of  the  wisdom  of  England's  determination  to  look 
to  her  defences.  On  May  31st  the  wretched  Alengon  had  died. 
The  significance  of  his  death  consisted  in  the  fact  that  it  was  an 
announcement  of  the  impending  extinction  of  the  house  of 
Valois.  The  profligate  King,  Henry  III,  was  childless  and  his 
health  had  been  utterly  broken  by  excesses  ;  there  were  no 
more  sons  of  Catherine  de'  Medici  to  occupy  the  French  throne, 
and  to  behold  with  comparative  indifference  the  strife  between 
Catholics  and  Huguenots.  Henry  of  Navarre  would  be  able 
to  take  possession  of  the  throne  only  after  defeating  Guise  and 
reducing  the  Catholics  of  France  to  subjection,  and  in  this 
struggle  Guise  could  count  upon  the  whole-hearted  support  of 
Spain.  In  other  words,  the  key-stone  of  Elizabeth's  foreign 
policy  would  be  gone  when  the  two  great  Catholic  powers  were 
united  against  her.  Moreover,  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  the 
Netherlands  had  suddenly  changed  completely  when  on  June 
29th  William  of  Orange  fell  a  victim  to  an  assassin.  It  was 
little  wonder  that  the  death  of  the  greatest  of  contemporary 
statesmen  sent  a  thrill  of  dismay  through  Protestant  Europe. 
The  fortunes  of  his  compatriots,  already  in  a  precarious  condition 
while  he  yet  lived,  would,  it  was  believed,  be  speedily  over- 
whelmed after  his  death,  and  St  Aldegonde  wrote  Walsingham 
that  nothing  could  now  save  the  Netherlands  but  the  assistance 
of  England  or  France.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Queen 
decided  to  send  Sir  Philip  Sidney  to  the  French  Court — 
ostensibly  to  condole  with  the  King  and  Queen- mother  on  the 
death  of  Alen9on  whom  Elizabeth  had  so  entirely  loved,  but  in 
reality  to  persuade  France  to  oppose  Spain  in  the  Low  Countries. 

Sidney  can  have  had  no  great  liking  for  his  task.  He  was 
intimately  acquainted  with  Mauvissiere,  the  French  ambassador 
in  London,  and  Sir  Edward  Stafford,  English  ambassador  at 

20—2 


308  1584  [OH. 

Paris,  was  his  special  friend,  and  either  of  these  men  could 
have  told  him  what  he  must  have  known  perfectly  well  in  many 
other  ways,  that  the  French  Court  distrusted  Elizabeth  and  her 
proposals  to  the  extent  of  being  unwilling  to  accept  her  pledged 
word  on  any  subject.  Sir  Philip's  instructions  were  drawn 
on  July  8th,  and  the  document1,  which  in  every  line  bears 
the  mark  of  the  Queen's  own  composition,  is  not  more  valuable 
as  historical  material  than  for  the  light  it  throws  on  Elizabeth's 
character  and  on  the  character  of  her  diplomacy.  Divested 
of  verbiage,  Sir  Philip's  instructions  were  to  persuade  the  King 
of  France  that  it  was  greatly  to  his  advantage  that  he  assist 
the  Netherlands,  and  to  persuade  him  further  to  be  satisfied 
with  vague  generalities  if  he  were  insistent  as  to  what  assistance 
England  was  prepared  to  give.  But  the  verbiage  itself  is  inter- 
esting and  even  instructive.  The  first  sentence  is  in  Elizabeth's 
most  characteristic  style — involved,  indirect  and  profuse. 

"After  the  delivery  of  our  letters  and  other  ordinary  ceremonials  performed, 
you  shall  declare  unto  the  Kong  that  though  common  usage  among  princes 
upon  like  occasions  as  now  most  unfortunately  happeneth  by  the  death 
of  the  Duke,  his  brother,  requireth,  both  in  respect  of  honour  and  good -will, 
that  the  offices  of  condoling  should  be  performed,  which  principally  con- 
sisteth  in  the  loss  of  the  party  taken  away  and  in  ministering  arguments 
of  comfort  to  the  Prince  that  is  grieved :  yet  if  it  be  considered  how  just 
cause  we  ourself  have  of  grief  having  lost  so  dear  a  friend  as  the  Duke, 
his  brother,  was  unto  us  (whereof  no  Prince  could  give  more  notable  and 
evident  arguments  to  the  world  of  the  great  and  singular  good-will  and 
love  he  bare  us)  it  will  then  appear  that  as  we  are  inclined  to  perform  the 
one,  so  shall  we  be  found  altogether  unfit  for  the  other,  having  more  need 
to  receive  comfort  ourself  than  apt  to  comfort  others." 

There  was  much  of  this  elaborate  condolence  for  the  King, 
and  similarly  unimpeachable  sentiments  were  to  be  expressed 
to  the  Queen-mother.  The  opening  of  the  real  business  of  his 
visit  Sir  Philip  should  delay  until  a  second  audience.  He 
should  then  point  out  to  Henry  III  and  his  mother  that  the 
death  of  Orange  foreshadowed  great  danger  to  France.  Unless 
Henry  send  succour  to 

"those  poor  afflicted  people  of  the  Low  Countries"  who  "without  some 
present  assistance  shall  not  be  able  to  hold  out,"  the  King  of  Spain  will 

1  Cotton  MSS.  GaJba,  E.  vi,  f.  241. 


xvn]  1584  309 

soon  be  supreme  in  Europe,  supported  as  he  is  by  the  Pope  and  various 
branches  of  the  House  of  Austria.  "What  increase  of  treasure  and  strength 
by  sea  he  is  grown  unto  by  the  possession  of  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal  all 
men  of  judgment  both  see  and  fear.  So  as  he  lacketh  only  the  quiet 
possession  of  the  Low  Countries  to  make  him  the  most  absolute  monarch 
that  ever  was  in  this  part  of  the  world." 

The  especial  danger  to  France  arising  from  this  situation 
Sir  Philip  was  to  amplify. 

If  Henry  inquired  what  England  was  willing  to  do,  Sir  Philip 

"shall  then  in  general  words  assure  him  that  he  shall  find  us  ready  to  do 
anything  that  may  stand  with  our  honour,  and  as  due  consideration  of 
our  future,  if  he  shall  show  himself  so  affected  to  the  cause  as  to  proceed 
therein  in  such  princely  sort  as  appertaineth." 

Sir  Philip  was  given  no  power  "  to  descend  into  particularities 
how  this  Spanish  greatness  may  be  prevented " ;  he  might 
inform  the  King,  should  the  latter  be  insistent  on  this  point, 
that  the  Queen  had  found  in  him  such  changes  and  coldness 
when  it  should  come  to  a  conclusion  in  the  past  that  she 
had  not  thought  it  reasonable  now  to  send  a  plenipotentiary. 
It  is  almost  incredible  that  she  should  make  such  a  charge 
against  the  brother  of  Alengon,  whom  she  had  treated  so 
outrageously.  If  the  King  showed  a  disposition  to  proceed 
effectually  in  the  matter,  then  Sir  Philip  should  apply  to  his 
mistress  for  fresh  instructions  and  an  extension  of  authority. 

Such  insincere  fencing  could  not  deceive  the  wily  Catherine 
de'  Medici  for  a  moment.  She  knew  Elizabeth  well,  and  she 
would  know  that  this  communication  was  merely  a  mechanical 
repetition  of  the  English  Queen's  previous  attempts  to  force 
France  to  bear  the  expenses  and  odium  attached  to  the  defence 
of  the  Low  Countries.  Sir  Philip  was  expected  to  go  over  to 
Paris  immediately1;  he  had  even  reached  Gravesend  when  a 
messenger  from  Stafford  arrived  and  changed  his  plans.  The 
official  explanation  is  contained  in  a  letter  written  by  Lord 
Hunsdon  to  Davison,  the  English  ambassador  to  the  Scottish 
King: 

"I  received  lately  a  letter  from  Mr.  Secretary  in  the  wh'ich  he  writes 
unto  me  that  Sir  Philip  Sidney  was  appointed  to  go  into  France  to  condole 
for  the  death  of  Monsieur,  whereof  the  King  was  advertised  by  our 

1  Gilbert  Talbot  to  Lord  North,  July  8,  1584  (Add.  MS.  34079,  f.  17). 


310  1584  [CH. 

ambassador  there.  And  Mr.  Sidney  being  at  Gravesend  onward  on  his 
journey,  and  some  of  his  carriages  gone  over  before,  there  came  letters  from 
our  ambassador  that  the  King  was  going  to  Lyons  not  being  accompanied 
with  such  noblemen  as  was  fit  to  receive  an  ambassador  withal,  and 
besides  he  hath  given  over  mourning  for  his  brother,  and  therefore  prayed 
the  stay  of  Mr.  Sidney  which  would  not  be  before  the  latter  end  of  September. 
And  Ihereupon  Mr.  Sidney  is  returned  back  again1." 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  French  Court  did  not  choose  to 
enter  upon  insincere  negotiations  on  the  subject  of  the  Low 
Countries,  and  accordingly  they  sent  courteous  if  very  uncon- 
vincing excuses.  Mauvissiere  was  convinced  of  Elizabeth's 
insincerity  in  an  audience  which  he  had  just  before  the  arrival 
of  Stafford's  messenger,  but  he  tried  to  lessen  the  Queen's 
chagrin2  by  conventional  excuses — "pour  la  contenler3."  He 
told  Sidney  that  if  he  went  to  Paris  it  would  be  to  his  interest 
to  be  frank  ;  Stafford  wrote  him  that  he  would  not  be  welcome. 
The  project  was  accordingly  dropped,  and  in  a  few  days  France 
was  treating  on  her  own  account  with  deputies  from  the  Low 
Countries. 

The  marriages  of  the  members  of  the  Sidney  family  seemed 
fated  to  stir  the  interest  of  the  Court  circle  to  a  very  unusual 
degree,  and  that  of  Robert  Sidney,  which  took  place  in  September 
of  this  yeai,  was  a  topic  of  even  greater  speculation  and  gossip 
than  had  been  that  of  Sir  Philip  in  the  preceding  year  or  the 
brilliant  match  of  Mary  Sidney  some  six  years  earlier.  The 
rather  wayward  youth  had  extended  his  continental  tour  until 
February,  1582,  having  spent  the  last  six  months  of  the  period 
in  Paris.  Cobham,  who  was  English  ambassador  there,  thought 
him  like  his  elder  brother4,  but,  with  much  spirit  and  capacity 
for  action,  he  had  an  eye  for  the  main  chance  which  was  foreign 

1  Scottish  Correspondence,  vol.  xxxv,  July  28,  1584. 

2  Salisbury  MSS.,  ut  supra,     Mauvissiere  to  Henry  III,  July,  1584.     "  Voila 
Sire,  encores  vostre  repetition  des  termes  ou  nous  en  estions  demeures  quant 
elle  pensoit  que  ledict  Sieur  de  Cheidenay  [Sidney]  deust  fere  son  voyaige, 
qui  fut  incontinent  areste  par  le  retour  du  courrier,  envoye  vers  le  Sieur  de 
Staffert  au  grand  malcontentment  de  ladicte  Reyne  d'Angleterre  qui  en  demeura 
fort  estonnee." 

3  "Pour  estre  hors  de  sayson  le  voyaige  dudict  Sieur  de  Chedenay,  apres 
le  deuil  fini  de  mondict  Seigneur  vostre  frere,  estant  vostre  Majeste  sur  le  point 
de  s'acheminer  pour  son  voyaige  de  Lion  en  petite  compaignie,  etc." 

4  State  Papers — Foreign — Eliz.     Cobham  to  Walsingham,  October  10,  1581. 


xvn]  1584  311 

to  Sir  Philip.  In  his  famous  letter  to  Walsingham  of  "March 
1,  1583,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  defined  his  sons  as  "one  of  excellent 
good  proof,  the  second  of  great  good  proof,  and  the  third  not 
to  be  despaired  of  but  very  well  to  be  liked."  We  hear  almost 
nothing  of  Kobert  between  the  date  of  his  return  to  England 
and  that  of  his  marriage  except  what  is  contained  in  a  short 
note  to  Molyneux  dated  "Court,  this  Sunday,  1582."  He  asks 
his  father's  secretary  to  "  set  down  in  writing  the  reasons  why 
her  Majesty  should  erect  the  office  I  sue  for.  You  must  do  it 
in  good  terms,"  he  adds,  "  for  it  is  to  be  showed  to  her  Majesty1." 
Even  this  trifle  suggests  that  any  statement  regarding  his 
similarity  to  his  elder  brother  would  need  to  be  qualified. 

His  wife  was  Barbara  Gammage,  daughter  and  sole  heir 
to  John  Gammage  of  the  Castle  of  Cointy  in  Glamorganshire. 
Her  great  wealth  and  beauty  had  attracted  many  suitors, 
chief  among  them  being  Herbert  Croft,  a  grandson  of  Sir  James 
Croft,  Controller  of  the  Household.  To  Barbara's  uncle,  Sir 
Edward  Stradling,  Sir  James  wrote  toward  the  end  of  1583 
reminding  him  of  the  conference  they  had  had  at  Croft  House 
regarding  the  match,  and  telling  him  that  Sir  William  Herbert 
and  Lord  Howard  approved2.  Herbert  himself  wrote  Sir 
Edward  on  July  5,  1584,  that  he  had  heard  that  Sir  James 
Whitney  "hath  been  in  your  country  to  gain  that  which  I 
would  fain  have."  This  danger  passed  away,  however,  and 
when  Herbert  Croft  visited  Glamorganshire  toward  the  end 
of  August,  Sir  James  wrote  to  Sir  Edward  Stradling  to  thank 
him  and  his  wife  for  their  favour  in  favouring  his  grandson's 
cause3.  On  September  8th  John  Gammage  died,  and  as  his 
daughter  was  of  "the  age  of  22  years  and  upwards"  and  therefore 
free  to  dispose  of  herself  as  seemed  good  in  her  own  eyes, 
there  was  great  excitement  among  her  suitors.  It  was  some 
days  before  the  news  of  John  Gammage's  decease  reached 
London,  but  when  it  did  arrive  Sir  Edward  Stradling,  at  whose 
house  of  St  Donat's  Barbara  was  residing,  was  bombarded 
with  letters.  Sir  James  Croft  wrote  on  September  17th  to 
remind  him  that  he  had  his  and  his  wife's  handwriting  giving 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  296. 

2  Stradling  Correspondence,  p.  39.  *  Ibid.  p.  40. 


312  1584  [CH. 

consent  and  furtherance,  and  to  say  he  found  it  very  strange 
that  Sir  Edward  and  Lady  Stradling  had  taken  the  gentle- 
woman forcibly  from  Herbert  Croft  and  detained  her  as  a 
prisoner  so  that  he  could  not  have  access  unto  her1.  On 
September  20th  Walsingham  wrote  that 

"albeit  by  late  letters  from  my  lords  of  the  Council  to  the  Sheriff  of  Glamor- 
ganshire, Sir  William  Herbert  and  others,  her  Majesty  appointed  that  the 
daughter  of  Mr.  Gammage,  deceased,  should  be  delivered  to  remain  with 
some  of  them  ;  yet  since  the  writing  of  these  letters  her  Majesty  for  good 
causes  hath  thought  it  very  requisite  that  the  said  young  gentlewoman  be 
by  you  forthwith  brought  up  hither  to  the  Court  and  to  be  here  delivered 
into  the  custody  of  the  Lord  Chamberlain." 

Special  orders  were  added  that  Barbara  "be  not  suffered  to 
have  any  such  access  to  her  as  whereby  she  may  contract  or 
entangle  herself  for  marriage  with  any  man2."  Lord  Howard 
wrote  to  the  same  effect  the  next  day,  and  on  September  26th 
Walter  Raleigh  sent  a  belated  letter  to  the  effect  that 

"Her  Majesty  hath  now  thrice  caused  letters  to  be  written  unto  you  that 
you  suffer  not  my  kinswoman  to  be  bought  and  sold  in  Wales  without 
her  Majesty's  privity  and  the  consent  and  the  advice  of  my  Lord  Chamber- 
lain and  myself,  her  father's  cousin-german,  considering  she  hath  not 
any  nearer  kin  nor  better3." 

The  marriage  had  already  taken  place,  however,  on  September 
23rd  in  the  presence  of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Sir  Edward  and 
Lady  Stradling  and  many  others.  Of  Robert's  wooing  we 
know  nothing.  For  many  years  Sir  Edward  Stradling  had 
been  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Sir  Henry  Sidney  and  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  Robert  and 
Barbara  had  known  each  other  from  childhood  and  had  met 
at  St  Donat's,  Ludlow  or  Wilton.  The  Earl  of  Pembroke  and 
Robert  Sidney  gave  a  bond  for  six  thousand  pounds  for  the  lady's 
jointure,  and  the  ceremony  was  performed  two  hours  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Queen's  message  forbidding  it.  Sir  Edward 
Stradling  probably  had  few  misgivings,  for  Walsingham  had 
privately  written  him  that 

"being  now  secretly  given  to  understand  that  for  the  good-will  you  bear 
unto  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  you  mean  to  further  what  you  may  young 
Mr.  Robert  Sidney,  I  cannot  but  encourage  you  to  proceed  therein,  for 

1  Stradling  Correspondence,  p.  41.  *  Ibid.  p.  27.  *  Ibid.  p.  22. 


xvn]  1584  313 

that  I  know  her  Majesty  will  no  way  mislike  thereof ;  besides,  the  Lord 
Chamberlain,  Mr.  Raleigh,  and  the  rest  of  the  young  gentlewoman's  kinsfolk 
do  greatly  desire  it." 

And  so  the  prize  was  won  and  Robert  Sidney  had  begun  to 
climb  the  ladder  leading  to  the  high  fortunes  which  he  was 
ultimately  to  attain.  Young  Mr  Croft  and  his  friends  made  a 
great  bluster  about  Sir  Edward  Stradling's  contempt  of  Her 
Majesty's  commands,  but  a  second  letter  from  Walsingham 
reassured  Sir  Edward.  Congratulations  and  thanks  poured  in 
upon  him  from  friends  of  the  Sidneys,  and  both  Lord  Howard 
and  Walter  Raleigh  declared  themselves  well  pleased.  Sir 
Henry  Sidney  was  especially  delighted  with  the  wonderful 
good  fortune  which  had  befallen  his  son,  and  his  joy  was 
renewed  the  next  year  when,  through  Sir  Edward  Stradling's 
influence,  Robert  was  elected  to  Parliament  as  Knight  of  the 
Shire  for  Glamorgan. 

A  new  House  of  Commons  had  been  elected  in  1584  and  Sir 
Philip  was  again  a  member,  probably  as  Knight  of  the  Shire 
for  Kent.  The  writs  were  issued  in  October  and  Parliament 
met  on  November  23rd.  A  large  number  of  Sir  Philip's  nearest 
friends  had  seats, — Greville,  Drake,  Hawkins,  Grenville, 
Raleigh,  Bodley,  Arthur  Atye,  Edward  Wotton,  Henry  Neville, 
Sir  George  Carey,  Lord  Russell,  Sir  William  Herbert,  besides 
the  members  of  the  Council.  Other  members  who  were 
destined  to  fame  for  various  reasons  were  Francis  Bacon, 
Robert  Cecil  and  Sir  Thomas  Lucy.  Sir  Walter  Mildmay,  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  reminded  the  members  of  the 
Commons  that  if  they  had  been  called  very  suddenly  and  at 
an  unseasonable  time  of  the  year  it  was  for  very  urgent  and 
necessary  causes.  What  these  causes  were  no  member  of 
the  House  needed  to  be  reminded.  The  assassination  of  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  the  amazing  revelations  of  the  Throg- 
morton  plot  for  the  invasion  of  England  and  the  assassination 
of  Elizabeth,  had  caused  a  panic  fear  to  spread  through  the 
nation  both  for  the  present  safety  of  the  Queen  and  because  of 
the  chaos  that  would  inevitably  follow  her  death.  To  anticipate 
such  a  catastrophe  the  Bond  of  Association  had  been  drawn  up 
and  circulated  a  few  weeks  before,  and  Parliament  had  assembled 


314  1584  [CH. 

for  the  express  purpose  of  confirming  the  intent  of  the  Bond — 
"for  the  disabling  of  such  as,  pretending  title  to  the  Crown, 
should  seek  to  disturb  her  Majesty's  possession  during  her 
life."  A  bill  embodying  these  objects  was  eventually  passed, 
but  the  Queen  managed  once  more  to  evade  the  necessity  of 
having  her  successor  definitely  named. 

One  very  dramatic  incident  occurred  which  furnished  a 
striking  demonstration  of  how  real  and  how  near  the  peril  was. 
A  bill  against  Jesuits,  seminary  priests  and  such-like  disobedient 
subjects,  ordering  them  on  pain  of  death  to  leave  the  country, 
had  reached  its  third  reading  and  was  about  to  be  passed 
unanimously,  when  Dr  Parry,  a  member  of  the  House,  in  very 
insolent  terms  denounced  the  whole  bill  as  "  full  of  blood, 
danger,  despair  and  terror  or  dread  to  the  English  subjects  of 
this  realm."  He  was  committed  to  the  custody  of  the  Serjeant, 
but,  on  the  Queen's  interceding  for  him,  he  was  allowed  after  a 
humble  submission  to  resume  his  seat.  This  was  on  December 
18th,  and  three  days  later  the  House  adjourned  until  February 
4th.  In  January,  Neville,  an  accomplice  of  Parry,  accused 
him  of  a  plot  to  kill  the  Queen.  Parry  confessed,  was  tried  on 
February  25th,  and  five  days  later  was  executed.  The  Commons 
had  already  expelled  him,  and  Sir  Thomas  Lucy  proposed  that 
some  form  of  execution  be  devised  fit  for  this  most  terrible 
kind  of  treason.  The  bill  against  Jesuits  was  passed  after  a 
conference  with  the  Lords  by  a  committee  of  which  Sir  Philip 
was  a  member1. 

Although  called  for  a  special  purpose,  Parliament  passed 
many  bills  of  a  miscellaneous  character,  and  Sir  Philip  must 
have  been  very  busy  while  they  were  in  the  committee  stage. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  committees  to  which  were  referred 
bills  for  the  preservation  of  timber  in  the  county  of  Sussex, 
for  confirmation  of  letters  patent  made  unto  Mr  Walter  Raleigh 
for  the  discovery  of  foreign  countries,  for  the  maintenance  of 
Rochester  bridge,  for  preservation  of  woods  near  the  town  of 
Cranbrook  in  Kent,  the  bill  touching  the  curriers  of  London, 
and  the  bill  for  subsidy.  When  Sir  Philip's  servant,  John 
Pepler,  was  made  a  prisoner  for  debt  in  the  Counter,  a  warrant 
1  D'Ewes,  Journals,  p.  352. 


xvn]  1584  315 

for  a  writ  of  privilege  was  awarded  setting  him  free,  though  a 
similar  favour  was  denied  the  servant  of  another  member,  as  it 
appeared  that  he  had  procured  himself  to  be  received  into  the 
service  of  the  said  member  to  escape  from  arrests. 

This  House  of  Commons,  in  spite  of  the  Queen's  having 
forbidden  all  dealing  with  spiritual  matters,  was  bitterly  con- 
demnatory of  the  episcopacy.  Besides  bills  for  the  better  and 
more  reverent  observing  of  the  Sabbath,  and  for  the  liberty 
of  godly  preachers  who  were  oppressed  by  their  superiors,  they 
presented  to  the  Lords  in  the  form  of  "humble  petitions" 
their  complaints.  In  brief,  these  complaints  dealt  with  the 
appointment  of  illiterate  ministers,  with  the  evils  of  pluralities 
and  non-residence,  and  with  the  petty  tyranny  exercised 
over  godly  ministers  by  the  ecclesiastical  commissioners.  The 
Lords  found  their  suggestions  either  unnecessary  or  already 
provided  for,  and  the  Archbishop  of  York  "utterly  disallowed" 
the  great  majority  of  them.  The  Queen,  however,  in  her 
speech  at  the  conclusion  of  Parliament,  admitted  that  there 
might  be  some  faults  and  negligence,  and  that  if  any  schisms  or 
errors  heretical  were  suffered  it  could  not  be  excused.  "All 
which,  if  you  my  Lords  of  the  Clergy  do  not  amend,  I  mean  to 
depose  you.  Look  ye  therefore  well  to  your  charges.  This 
may  be  amended  without  heedless  or  open  exclamations." 
She  did  not  wish  her  words  to  be  interpreted,  however,  as 
animating  Romanists  or  tolerating  "new-fangleness." 

"I  mean  to  guide  them  both,"  she  declared,  "by  God's  holy  true  rule. 
In  both  parts  be  perils,  and  of  the  latter  I  must  pronounce  them  dangerous 
to  a  kingly  rule,  to  have  every  man  according  to  his  own  censure  to  make 
a  doom  of  the  validity  and  privity  of  his  Prince's  government  with  a 
common  veil  and  cover  of  God's  word,  whose  followers  must  not  be  judged 
but  by  private  men's  exposition.  God  defend  you  from  such  a  ruler  that 
so  evil  will  guide  you  ! " 

Elizabeth  was  too  well  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  relation 
of  the  Kirk  to  kingly  power  in  Scotland  to  give  any  encourage- 
ment to  the  growth  of  "new-fangleness"  on  English  soil. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

1585 

TOWARD  the  end  of  this  year  1585  Sir  Philip  left  England, 
and  the  few  remaining  months  of  his  life  were  spent  in  aiding 
the  Netherlander  in  their  struggle  against  Spain.  And  yet, 
oddly  enough,  at  the  beginning  of  this  last  year  which  he  was 
to  spend  in  his  native  land,  he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
this  project,  in  which  for  years  he  had  been  eager  to  engage, 
was  not  the  most  effective  means  of  warding  off  the  blow  which 
all  men  now  believed  Spain  would  soon  aim  against  England. 
Some  of  the  most  remarkable  chapters  of  Fulke  Greville's 
account  of  Sidney's  life1  are  those  in  which  he  details  at  length 
the  views  of  his  friend,  expressed  to  him  in  conversation,  on 
the  political  situation  of  the  day.  Sir  Philip  had  studied  the 
subject  himself  for  too  many  years,  and  he  had  come  into  too 
close  relations  with  men  like  William  of  Orange,  Walsingham  and 
Burghley,  to  have  any  doubt  that  the  growing  power  of  Spain 
constituted  a  supreme  menace  to  the  liberties  of  Europe  in 
general  and  of  England  in  particular.  Moreover,  he  was  con- 
vinced, as  were  these  statesmen,  that  this  menace  could  be 
confronted  more  successfully  in  an  offensive  than  in  a  defensive 
war.  His  impatience  with  the  policies  of  "  that  blessed  Lady 
which  then  governed  over  us,"  who  was  more  ambitious  of 
balancing  neighbour  princes  from  invading  one  another  than 
under  any  pretence  of  title  or  revenge  apt  to  question  or  conquer 
upon  foreign  princes'  possessions,  was  neither  greater  nor  less 
than  that  of  Burghley  or  Walsingham.  We  cannot  give  here 
even  a  full  synopsis  of  his  views  concerning  each  of  the  European 
states  :  in  brief,  however,  his  opinion  was  as  follows.  The 

1  Chapters  vm,  ix  and  x. 


CH.  xvm]  1585  317 

greatness  of  Spain  could  be  coped  with  successfully  only  by 
a  general  league  among  free  princes.     Half-hearted  support  of 
the  Netherlanders  would  avail  little ;    "  while  Spain  had  peace, 
a  Pope,  money  or  credit,  and  the  world  men,  necessity  or 
humours,  the  war  could  hardly  be  determined  upon  this  Low 
Country  stage."     Spain  was  actually  better  prepared  to  resist 
attack  in  Flanders  than  anywhere  else  in  her  vast  dominions, 
and  her  powerful  armies  and  fortified  cities  would  resist  all  attacks 
made  on  them  at  least  for  a  long  time.     Sir  Philip's  plan  was 
"to  carry  war  into  the  bowels  of  Spain,  and  by  the  assistance 
of  the  Netherlands  burn  his  shipping  in  all  havens  as  they  passed 
along,  and  in  that  passage  surprise  some  well  chosen  place  for 
wealth  and  strength,  easy  to  be  taken  and  possible  to  be  kept 
by  us."     A  strong  fleet  thus  engaged  would  be  immediately 
available  for  purposes  of  defence  as  well.     If  such  a  design 
should  be  considered  too  dangerous  or  costly,  at  least  England 
should   keep  "a  strong  successive  fleet  all  seasonable  times 
of  the  year"  upon  the  narrow  seas,  that  birthright  of  hers, 
and  should  enter  into  an  alliance  with  the  Protestant  party  in 
France  which  might  result  in  a  perfect  reconciliation  between 
these  anciently  allied  kingdoms.     He  even  questioned  whether 
Italian  hatred  of  Spanish  tyranny  would  not  make  welcome  a 
revival  of  our  old  rights  in  the  kingdom  of  Sicily ;  nay,  so  far 
did  his  enthusiasm  carry  him,  that  he  was  inclined  to  believe 
that  the  Pope  himself  would  not  be  ill-pleased  by  such  a 
moderating  of  the  over-greatness  of  the  Spanish  monarchy. 
But  if  this  plan,  too,  were  rejected,  he  fell  back  upon  one,  of 
the  feasibility  of  which  he  had  not  the  slightest  doubt,  namely, 
to  follow  Drake's  example  and  strike  at  the  Spaniard  where  he 
was  weakest.     From  Peru  and  Mexico  he  drew  his  sinews  of 
war,  and  Sir  Philip  determined  to  bend  all  his  strength  to 
attacking  him  there,  having  become  convinced  of  the  impossi- 
bility of  persuading  the  Queen  to  effective  action  elsewhere. 
The  feasibility  of  the  scheme  he  based  on  what  Englishmen  had 
already  accomplished  in  Spanish  America,  on  Spanish  lack  of 
discipline  and  on  the  appeal  which  the  prospect  of  great  wealth 
would  make  to  enterprising  spirits  in  England.     He  foretold 
the  happy  conjunction  of  England,  Ireland  and  Scotland,  and 


318  1585  [CH. 

declared  that  their  increasing  populations  could  only  become 
a  source  of  strength  provided  that  manufacturing  were  deve- 
loped at  home  and  an  opportunity  afforded  for  employment  in 
English  colonies. 

To  putting  such  a  plan  into  execution  Sir  Philip  had  bent 
all  his  energies,  and,  though  we  know  little  of  the  details 
except  what  Greville  tells  us,  we  know  enough  to  see  how 
largely  his  design  was  conceived,  and  how  far  it  was  advanced 
when  the  Queen  appointed  him  to  a  command  in  the  Low 
Countries.  He  had  secured  a  promise  from  the  Netherlands 
to  second  an  English  fleet  under  his  charge  with  one  of  their 
own,  and  thirty  English  gentlemen  had  agreed  to  contribute 
one  hundred  pounds  each  to  fit  out  another.  His  intention 
was  first  to  seize  Nombre  de  Dios  or  some  other  Spanish  haven 
near  it  to  serve  as  a  base  for  fighting  operations,  and  he  hoped 
to  establish  a  colony  which  should  be  "an  Emporium  for  the 
confluence  of  all  nations  that  love  or  profess  any  kind  of  virtue, 
or  Commerce."  What  the  success  of  this  voyage  would  have 
meant  lies  hid,  as  Greville  says,  in  God's  secret  judgments,  but 
had  the  Queen  not  been  forced  at  this  particular  juncture  to 
depart  from  her  established  policy  in  relation  to  the  Low 
Countries,  the  name  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  might  be  known 
to-day  chiefly  as  one  of  England's  great  navigators  and  a 
founder  of  her  Colonial  Empire. 

Raleigh's  first  expedition  under  Captains  Amadas  and 
Barlow  had  discovered  Virginia  in  the  preceding  year,  and  they 
had  fired  the  enthusiasm  of  their  countrymen  with  their  accounts 
of  the  riches  of  the  new  land  and  the  friendly  character  of  the 
natives.  When  the  second  expedition  was  fitted  out  in  the 
spring  of  1585  it  was  half  expected  that  Sir  Philip  would  go 
in  command.  "Had  Sidney  gone,"  says  Professor  Raleigh,  "it 
is  possible  that  the  whole  course  of  the  history  of  Virginia  and 
of  North  America  might  have  been  changed1."  Sir  Richard 
Grenville  was  substituted  in  his  stead,  and  after  braving  the 
Spaniards  in  St  John  and  Hispaniola  he  went  on  to  Virginia, 
where  he  subjected  the  natives  to  the  most  cruel  treatment. 
Ralph  Lane,  who  had  long  been  a  friend  of  the  Sidneys,  was 
1  Hakluyfs  Principal  Navigations,  vol.  xn,  p.  41. 


xvm]  1585 

left  as  Governor  of  the  Colony,  and  a  letter  which  he  sent 
to  Sir  Philip  in  August  shows  how  warmly  he  had  entered  into 
the  latter's  plans. 

"My  most  noble  General :  Albeit  in  the  midst  of  infinite  business,  as 
having,  amongst  savages,  thecharge  of  wild  men  of  mine  own  nation . . .  never- 
theless I  would  not  omit  to  write  these  few  lines  of  duty  and  affection  unto 
you ....  If  her  Majesty  at  any  time  find  herself  burthened  with  the  King  of 
Spain,  we  have  by  our  dwelling  upon  the  island  of  St.  John  and  Hispaniola 
for  the  space  of  five  weeks  so  discovered  the  forces  thereof,  with  the  infinite 
riches  of  the  same,  as  that  I  find  it  an  attempt  most  honourable,  feasible 

and  profitable,  and  only  fit  for  yourself  to  be  chief  commander  in To 

conclude :  finding  by  mine  own  view  his  forces  at  land  to  be  so  mean, 
and  his  terror  made  too  great  amongst  us  in  England,  considering  that 
the  reputation  thereof  doth  altogether  grow  from  the  mines  of  his  treasure, 
and  the  same  in  places  which  we  see  here  are  so  easy  both  to  be  taken 
and  kept  by  any  small  force  sent  by  her  Majesty,  I  could  not  but  write 
these  ill-fashioned  lines  unto  you,  and  to  exhort  you,  my  noble  general, 
by  occasion  not  to  refuse  the  good  opportunity  of  such  a  service  to  the 
Church  of  Christ,  of  great  relief  from  many  calamities  that  this  treasure 
in  Spaniards'  hands  doth  inflict  unto  the  members  thereof,  very  honourable 
and  profitable  for  her  Majesty  and  our  country,  and  most  commendable 
and  fit  for  yourself  to  be  the  enterpriser  of.  And  even  so  for  this  time 
ceasing  further  to  trouble  you,  with  my  humble  commendations  to  my 
lady  your  wife,  I  commit  you,  my  noble  general,  to  the  mercy  of  the 
Almighty." 

At  this  time  no  project  against  the  Spaniard  seemed  so  feasible 
to  Sir  Philip1. 

In  the  meantime  he  was  by  no  means  unoccupied.  His 
work  at  the  Ordnance  Office  seems  to  have  been  of  the  most 
painstaking,  and  he  was  in  frequent  conference  with  the  Queen 
regarding  the  state  of  the  national  defences.  Something  of  the 
increase  of  poise  which  he  was  gaining  is  reflected  in  a  letter 
to  Burghley2  in  which  he  very  humbly  justifies  himself  for 
having  spoken  quite  plainly  to  Her  Majesty  regarding  the 
deficiency  of  stores  in  the  Ordnance.  Elizabeth  was  attracted, 
as  was  everyone  else,  by  his  enthusiasm  and  devotion  to  his 

1  For  some  years  Sidney's  interest  in  Terra  Florida  was  generally  recognized. 
Le  Moine,  the  survivor  of  Ribaut's  Huguenot  colony,  dedicated  to  Lady  Sidney 
his  collection  of  drawings  of  the  flora  and  fauna  of  the  new  world.     See  Lee, 
The  Wrench  Renaissance  in  England,  pp.  306-307. 

2  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  May  15,  1586. 


320  1585  [CH. 

ideals,  but  she  was  always  more  or  less  suspicious  of  devotion 
and  ideals.  She  called  him  'her  Philip' — to  distinguish  him 
from  the  King  of  Spain,  and  at  some  undetermined  date  she 
presented  to  him  a  lock  of  her  hair  which  is  still  preserved 
at  Wilton. 

Sir  Philip  was  probably  able  to  visit  Penshurst  more  fre- 
quently during  these  months.  Sir  Henry,  who  in  1579  had  added 
to  the  noble  pile  of  buildings  the  Gatehouse,  and  the  whole 
north  and  west  fa£ade,  was  now  engaged  in  erecting  a  stone 
tablet  over  the  Porch  of  the  Gatehouse  on  which  he  recorded 
the  gift  of  the  house  and  manor  to  his  father  by  Edward  VI. 
Sir  Philip's  interest  in  such  work  we  may  take  for  granted. 
Walsingham,  however,  furnished  him  with  his  most  serious 
occupation  during  this  summer — acting  as  intermediary  between 
the  Queen  and  the  banished  Scottish  lords.  After  the  failure 
of  the  Protestant  noblemen  to  seize  James  in  the  spring  of 
the  preceding  year,  the  leaders — Mar,  Angus  and  Glamis — 
had  fled  to  England,  and  the  King  had  again  fallen  under  the 
control  of  the  Earl  of  Arran,  an  unprincipled  adventurer,  who 
had  managed  to  possess  himself  of  the  wealth  of  Hamiltons 
and  Protestant  noblemen  alike.  In  December  he  had  sent  up 
the  Master  of  Grey  to  London  to  demand  the  expulsion  of  the 
exiled  lords,  but  it  soon  appeared  that  the  ambassador  was  will- 
ing to  play  a  very  different  part,  viz.  to  urge  on  Elizabeth  a 
league  with  James  for  the  preservation  of  Protestantism  and 
for  mutual  defence.  James  wished  to  secure  a  pension,  to 
shut  ofE  all  recognition  of  his  mother's  claims  to  be  associated 
with  him  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom,  and,  if  possible, 
to  be  recognized  by  Elizabeth  as  her  successor  :  Elizabeth 
wished  to  secure  the  friendship  of  Scotland — a  consideration 
vital  to  the  safety  of  England  as  long  as  Spaniards  or  Guises 
meditated  an  English  invasion.  The  Master  of  Grey  gave 
assurances  that  Arran's  star  was  waning  and  that  James,  who 
was  about  to  try  his  experiment  in  Episcopacy  for  Scotland, 
wished  for  nothing  more  than  to  be  guided  by  his  "good  sister." 
In  April  Edward  Wotton  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  Edinburgh 
to  negotiate  the  treaty,  but  of  course  there  was  much  suspicion 
of  motives  and  haggling  over  terms  to  be  overcome  before  the 


xvin]  1585  321 

goal  could  be  reached.     The  good-will  both  of  Arran  and  the 
Master  of  Grey  was  cultivated  by  the  English  Court. 

In  all  these  matters  Sir  Philip  took  a  very  important  share. 
He  seems  never  to  have  suspected  the  actual  baseness  of 
character  of  the  Master  of  Grey,  and  their  relations  were  of  the 
most  intimate  sort.  He  was  in  continual  correspondence  with 
Wotton  and  seems  to  have  been  practically  responsible  for  the 
entertainment  of  the  exiled  nobles.  To  his  straightforwaid 
way  of  thinking  it  was  incredible  that  Elizabeth  should  haggle 
over  the  £5000  annual  pension  to  James  which  she  had  promised 
to  the  Master  of  Grey,  when  its  effect  would  be  to  strengthen 
Protestantism  in  Scotland  and  checkmate  the  plans  of  England's 
continental  enemies.  To  the  securing  of  the  pension  he  bent 
all  his  efforts,  and  he  and  Walsingham  seem  to  have  determined 
to  raise  the  sum  among  their  friends  if  the  Queen  held  out. 
On  May  23rd  Walsingham  wrote  to  Wotton  : 

"  The  writing  of  the  enclosed  that  you  shall  receive  from  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
which  he  hath  prayed  me  to  peruse,  groweth  upon  an  advice  delivered 
unto  him  by  Mr.  Douglas  touching  the  offer  of  a  pension  which  you  are 
directed  to  make  unto  the  king1." 

A  few  weeks  later,  however,  he  had  to  write  : 

"We  are  grown  here  to  such  an  extreme  kind  of  nearness  as  I  see  no  hope 
to  get  the  Master  of  Grey  any  relief  from  hence.  I  have  already  furnished 
him  with  £2100,  delivered  unto  him,  notwithstanding,  as  a  thing  proceeding 
from  her  Majesty,  for  that  otherwise  he  would  not  have  accepted  thereof. 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  hath  moved  the  Earl  of  Leicester  to  be  content  to  yield 
some  present  support  until  her  Majesty  may  be  wrought  to  make  more 
accompt  of  the  matter  than  presently  she  doth,  but  he  yieldeth  a  deaf 
ear2." 

It  was  discouraging  work.  By  September,  Walsingham  had  to 
report  that  he  could  not  persuade  the  Queen  to  write  to  the 
Master  of  Grey  nor  to  give  James  the  pension,  and  he  concludes 
that  all  his  work  to  cement  the  unity  with  Scotland  has  been 
for  nothing.  "Sir  Philip  Sidney  is  little  at  the  court,  and  all 
men,  as  it  seemeth,  weary. . .  .  The  poor  Earl  of  Angus  and 
Earl  of  Mar,"  he  added,  "receive  here  little  comfort  otherwise 
than  from  poor  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  so  as  our  course  is  to  alienate 
1  The  Hamilton  Papers,  voL  n.  *  Ibid.  June  18th. 

w.  L.  S.  21 


322  1585  [CH. 

all  the  world  from  us  ! "  And  again  :  "  The  burden  of  the 
charges  of  entertaining  the  Scottish  lords  will  light  upon  Sir 
Philip  Sidney1."  In  other  letters  to  Wotton,  Walsingham 
refers  to  the  letters  which  Sidney  has  written  to  his  friend 
giving  him  instructions  from  the  Queen  or  Council. 

In  all  references  to  Scottish  affairs  during  this  year  Sir 
Philip's  name  is  prominent2.  We  do  not  know  that  he  ever 
visited  Edinburgh  or  met  the  Scottish  king,  although  the 
references  to  their  relation  to  each  other  suggest  personal 
acquaintance.  Fulke  Greville  says  that  Sidney's  service  was 
affectionately  devoted  to  James,  from  whom  he  received  many 
pledges  of  love  and  favour.  "Your  king,  whom  indeed  I  love," 
is  an  expression  taken  from  one  of  Sidney's  letters  to  the 
Master  of  Grey3.  One  who  had  an  interview  with  James 
immediately  after  the  news  of  Zutphen  reached  Edinburgh 
reported  that 

"the  hurt  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  is  greatly  lamented  here  and  chiefly  by  the 
king  himself,  who  greatly  lamenteth,  and  so  heartily  sorry  as  I  never  saw 
him  for  any  man.  To-morrow  his  Majesty  is  determined  to  write  to  him4." 

The  first  elegy  in  the  memorial  volume  published  by  the 
University  of  Cambridge  was  by  James.  Writing  to  Queen 
Elizabeth  a  short  time  afterward,  the  King  referred  to  Sir  Philip 
as  one  "to  whom  I  was  so  far  beholden5."  Years  afterward 
James  commended  Sir  Philip  Sidney  for  the  best  and  sweetest 
writer  that  ever  he  knew — "surely  it  seemeth  he  loved  him 
much6."  It  is  somewhat  disturbing,  especially  if  we  have  placed 
Sidney  on  a  pinnacle  of  perfection,  to  reflect  on  the  warmth  of 
feeling  and  admiration  which  he  gave  to  men  like  James  VI, 
the  Master  of  Grey,  and  Sir  Christopher  Hatton.  Though  of 
course  our  knowledge  of  his  relations  with  them  is  limited,  we  may 
fairly  infer  that  in  the  case  of  Grey  and  Hatton  at  least,  Sir 

1  The  Hamilton  Papers,  vol.  n,  August  26th,  September  4th,  September  10th. 

2  See,  for  example,  two  letters  written  by  'Yours  Knawin'  to  Archibald 
Douglas  on  June  3rd  and  August  21st  (Salisbury  MSS.). 

*  Murdin,  op.  cit.  p.  557. 

4  Roger  Aston  to  Archibald  Douglas,  October  24,  1586  (Salisbury  MSS.). 
8  Letters  of  Elizabeth  and  James  VI,  p.  54. 

6  Declaration  by  Henry  Leigh,  etc.     (Calendar  of  Border  Papers,  vol.  i), 
1600,  c.  April  12th. 


xvm]  1585  323 

Philip  had  no  real  conception  of  the  fact  that  they  were  in 
truth  poor  creatures  raised  by  the  accident  of  a  monarch's 
favour  into  temporary  prominence.  Grey,  contemptible  time- 
server  though  he  was,  felt  real  affection  for  Sidney,  and  Hatton 
seems  to  have  been  unusually  willing  to  serve  him1.  The  truth 
is  that  Sir  Philip's  judgment  of  men  was  by  no  means  profound. 
He  was  himself  so  generous  and  free  from  all  contriving  that  he 
was  little  apt  to  suspect  baseness  except  when  it  appeared  in 
its  darkest  colours.  He  could  never  have  hoped  to  emulate 
the  practical  worldly  wisdom  of  his  father-in-law  or  Burghley, 
and  one  wonders  if  Walsingham  must  not  have  sometimes 
found  his  son-in-law's  detached,  idealistic  attitude  to  men  and 
problems  of  State  rather  perplexing. 

We  may  here  conveniently  notice  several  of  Sir  Philip's  minor 
literary  works,  most  of  which  probably  date  from  the  last  two 
years  which  he  spent  in  England  and  at  least  two  of  which  were 
certainly  written  within  a  few  months  of  his  sailing  for  Holland. 
In  Greville's  letter  to  Walsingham  mention  is  made,  among 
other  works  of  Sidney's,  to  "40  of  the  Psalms  translated  into 
myter."  They  remained  in  manuscript  until  1823,  when  they 
were  printed  from  "a  copy  of  the  original  manuscript  transcribed 
by  John  Da  vies  of  Hereford" — a  member  of  the  Countess  of 
Pembroke's  literary  circle.  In  this  manuscript  the  translation 
is  described  as  "begun  by  the  noble  and  learned  gent.,  Sir  Philip 
Sidney,  Knt.  and  finished  by  the  right  honourable  the  Countess 
of  Pembroke."  Grosart's  edition  is  printed  from  a  Bodleian 
manuscript  which  the  editor  believes  to  have  been  "  taken  from 
a  MS.  of  a  scribe  who  copied  under  the  superintendence  of  Sir 
Philip  Sidney  himself2."  In  the  Bodleian  MS.  at  the  end  of 
Psalm  xliii.  is  written  "Thus  far  Sir  Philip  Sidney."  We 
have  no  clue  as  to  the  date  of  composition.  There  is  no  reason 
to  suppose,  as  Mr  Fox- Bourne  does,  that  the  brother  and  sister 
occupied  themselves  with  the  work  during  Sidney's  long  visit 
at  Wilton  :  indeed  Greville's  silence  regarding  that  portion  of 

1  See  letters  of  Walsingham  to  Hatton  on  April  26th  and  May  1st  of  this 
year,  Add.  MSS.  1589,  fol.  1536. 

2  Works,  vol.  in,  p.  72.     Grosart  also  includes  occasional  readings  from 
a  MS.  in  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

21—2 


324  1585  [CH. 

the  translation  which  was  done  by  the  Countess  suggests  that 
it  dates  from  a  period  subsequent  to  her  brother's  death1. 
Moreover,  there  is  something  incongruous  in  the  idea  of  Sidney's 
being  engaged  on  a  translation  of  the  Psalms  during  the  months 
when  he  was  producing  his  love  sonnets  and  his  Arcadia.  It 
is  more  reasonable  to  assume,  while  other  evidence  is  lacking, 
that  his  translations  of  religious  works  all  date  from  the  same 
general  period,  and  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  this 
was  several  years  later,  as  we  shall  see. 

Translations  of  the  Psalms  had  appeared  in  large  numbers, 
especially  since  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  in  England. 
Christopher  Tye,  musical  preceptor  to  Edward  VI,  had  versified 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  and  in  dedicating  it  to  his  royal  master 

he  says : 

"Your  grace  may  note,  from  tyme  to  tyme 
That  some  doth  undertake : 
Upon  the  Psalmes  to  wryte  in  ryme 
The  verse  pleasaunt  to  make2." 

No  great  measure  of  success  crowned  any  of  these  efforts. 
Warton  contemptuously  refers  to  their  authors  as  "the  mob  of 
religious  rhymers  who,  from  principles  of  the  most  unfeigned 
piety,  devoutly  laboured  to  darken  the  lustre,  and  enervate  the 
force  of  the  divine  pages."  The  version  of  Sternhold  and  Hop- 
kins, published  in  1562,  bad  as  it  is,  was  by  far  the  best  known, 
but  such  eminent  names  as  those  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  Arch- 
bishop Parker,  and  Stany hurst  are  in  the  list  of  translators. 
Of  Sidney's  rendering  the  best  we  can  say  is  that  it  never  falls 
to  the  level  of  the  worst  of  his  predecessors  :  in  no  case  does  it 
reach  the  level  attained  by  him  in  many  of  his  sonnets  and  songs. 
He  probably  undertook  the  work  rather  as  a  duty  than  in  obedi- 
ence to  a  poetic  impulse.  His  admiration  of  the  Psalms  as 
literature  is  evidenced  in  several  places  in  his  Apologie  for 
Poetrie,  and  he  had  come  to  reflect  on  the  vanity  of  songs  and 
sonnets,  and  on  how  much  more  worthily  poetic  ability  might 
be  employed  "in  singing  the  praises  of  the  immortal  beauty, 

1  Babington,  chaplain  to  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  is  said  to  have  assisted 
the  Countess  (Wood,  Athence,  n,  col.  816). 

2  Quoted  by  Warton  (Hist.  Eng.  Poetry,  vol.  iv,  p.  149). 


xvm]  1585  325 

the  immortal  goodness  of  that  God  who  giveth  us  hands  to 
write  and  wits  to  conceive."  His  intimacy  with  many  of  the 
greatest  contemporary  men  of  letters  in  France  suggests  the 
possibility  of  his  indebtedness  to  the  version  of  Marot  and 
Beza,  but  there  is  no  similarity  either  in  the  form  of  stanzas 
or  in  phraseology. 

The  list  of  Sidney's  acquaintances  among  French  literary 
men  is  a  long  one.  Languet,  Estienne,  Hotman,  Pibrac, 
Ramus,  L'Hopital,  Du  Plessis,  Le  Moine — of  these  we  know 
definitely,  and  there  is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  Ronsard 
and  Du  Bartas  should  be  added  to  the  number.  The  latter 
paid  to  Sidney  a  compliment  which  in  his  own  time  was 
esteemed  more  highly  than  it  is  since  Du  Bartas'  name  has 
fallen  from  its  high  estate.  In  his  second  Sepmaine  he  eulogizes 
Sir  Thomas  More,  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  and  Sidney  as  the  firm 
pillars  of  the  English  tongue  : 

"Et  le  Milor  Sydne,  qui  Cygne  doux  chantant 
Va  les  flots  orgueilleux  de  Tamise  flatant, 
Ce  fleuue  gros  d'honneur  emporte  sa  faconde 
Dans  le  sein  de  Thetis  &  Thetis  par  le  mondeV 

So  boundless  was  the  enthusiasm  for  Du  Bartas'  epic  that 
something  of  the  lustre  of  his  name  was  reflected  on  Joshua 
Sylvester,  the  English  translator  of  his  works.  Even  Ben 
Jonson  declared  that  "  Bartas  doth  wish  thy  English  now  were 
his."  In  an  address  'Lectoribus,'  versified  in  pyramidal  form, 
Sylvester  announced  that  "England's  Apelles  (rather  our 
Apollo)  World's  wonder  Sidney,  that  rare  more-than-man,  This 
lovely  Venus  first  to  limn  began,  with  such  a  pencil  as  no  pen 
dares  follow2."  Florio  says  that  he  had  seen  Sidney's  rendering 
of  the  first  septmane  of  that  arch-poet  Du  Bartas 3,  and  Pon- 
sonby,  the  publisher,  when  he  secured  a  licence  to  print  the 
Arcadia,  was  at  the  same  time  licensed  to  print  "A  translation 

1  Edition  of  1616,  p.  484. 

2  Sylvester's  Bartas,  His  Devine  Weekes  and  Workea  Translated,  appeared 
in  1605. 

8  In  the  dedication  of  the  second  book  of  his  Montaigne  to  Lady  Rutland, 
Sidney's  daughter,  and  Lady  Rich  (1603).  He  beseeches  them  to  publish  the 
translation. 


326  1585  [OH. 

of  Salust  de  Bartas  done  by  ye  same  Sir  P.  in  the  Englishe1." 
It  is  also  mentioned  by  Greville  in  his  letter  to  Walsingham. 
There  is  no  record  of  its  ever  having  been  published,  the 
manuscript  is  not  now  known  to  exist,  and  we  do  not  know 
when  Sidney  did  the  work.  In  1584  James  VI  of  Scotland 
had  published  his  translation  of  Du  Bartas'  Uranie,  and  in 
the  same  year  Thomas  Hudson  under  James'  patronage  pub- 
lished his  version  of  the  Judith.  It  is  possible  that  acquaintance 
with  Sidney's  work  was  one  reason  for  the  unusual  favour  which 
James  showed  him. 

Another  French  work  the  translation  of  which  Sir  Philip  began 
was  his  friend  Du  Plessis'  De  la  Verite  de  la  Religion  Chretienne. 
A  complete  English  version  was  published  a  few  months  after 
his  death  by  Arthur  Golding,  and  in  the  dedication2  to  Leicester, 
Golding  says  that  Sir  Philip  had  "proceeded  certain  chapters" 
in  the  work.  "Being  thus  determined  to  follow  the  affairs  of 
Chivalry  it  was  his  pleasure  to  commit  the  performance  of  this 
piece  of  service  which  he  had  intended  to  the  Muses,  or  rather 
to  Christ's  church  and  his  native  country,  unto  my  charge." 
How  much  of  the  work  was  done  by  Sir  Philip  has  not  been 
determined.  Mme  Du  Plessis  simply  says  that  he  did  her 
husband  the  honour  of  translating  the  work  into  English3. 
Greville  was  evidently  unaware  of  any  arrangement  between 
Sir  Philip  and  Golding.  In  the  letter  to  Walsingham,  from  which 
we  have  already  quoted,  he  says  : 

"Besides  he  hath  most  excellently  translated,  among  divers  other  notable 
works,  Monsieur  Du  Plessis'  book  against  Atheism,  which  is  since  done 
by  an  other  ;  so  as  both  in  respect  of  love  between  Plessis  and  him,  besides 
other  affinities  in  their  courses,  but  especially  Sir  Philip's  uncomparable 
judgment,  I  think  fit  there  be  made  stay  of  that  mercenary  book,  so  that 
Sir  Philip  might  have  all  those  religious  works  which  are  worthily  due  to 
his  life  and  death." 

There  would  seem  to  be  no  solid  grounds  for  Greville's  suspicion 
as  to  Golding's  good  faith,  as  there  are  none  for  the  oft-repeated 
statement  that  Golding  was  a  "  near  friend  "  of  Sidney.  Greville 

1  Arber's  Stationers'  Register,  n,  p.  496. 

1  Dated  May  13,  1587.  3  Memoires,  p.  117. 


xvm]  1585  327 

was  naturally  jealous  for  his  friend's  reputation,  and  had  not 
been  informed  by  Sir  Philip  that  he  had  requested  Golding 
to  complete  his  labours. 

Another  translation  of  Sir  Philip's,  the  existence  of  which 
has  been  entirely  forgotten,  consisted  of  the  first  two  books  of 
Aristotle's  Rhetoric.  The  fact  that  he  actually  translated  it 
is  preserved  in  John  Hoskins'  Figures  of  Rhetoric,  where  the 
writer  declares  that 

"the  understanding  of  Aristotle's  Rhetoric  is  the  directest  means  of  skill  to 
describe,  to  move,  to  appease  or  to  prevent  any  mood  whatsoever.  Where- 
unto,  whosoever  can  fit  his  speech  shall  be  truly  eloquent.  This  was  my 
opinion  ever,  and  Sir  Philip  Sidney  betrayed  his  knowledge  in  this  book 
of  Aristotle  to  me  before  ever  I  knew  that  he  had  translated  any  part  of 
it,  for  I  found  the  2  first  books  englished  by  him  in  the  hands  of  the  noble, 
studious  Henry  Wotton  but  lately." 

It  was  probably  never  published.  From  what  we  know  of 
Sir  Philip's  acquaintance  with  Greek  it  is  not  likely  that  his 
translation  was  made  directly  from  the  original.  Sir  Henry 
Wotton  had  no  doubt  become  possessed  of  the  manuscript 
through  his  elder  brother,  Edward,  the  friend  of  Sidney. 
Greville  refers  to  "many  other  works"  of  Sir  Philip  than  those 
which  are  now  known,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  if  we  were 
acquainted  with  the  whole  corpus  of  his  work  we  should  have 
to  modify  our  ideas  both  as  to  the  extent  of  his  literary  activity 
and  as  to  the  breadth  of  his  literary  interests. 

Perhaps  the  last  piece  of  formal  writing  done  by  Sir  Philip 
was  A  Discourse  in  Defence  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester1,  in  answer 
to  an  anonymous  libel  on  the  Earl,  entitled  A  Dialogue  between 
a  Scholar,  a  Gentleman  and  a  Lawyer.  The  authorship  of  this 
book  was  generally  ascribed  at  the  time  to  Parsons,  the  Jesuit, 
and  was  popularly  known  as  Father  Parsons'  Green  Coat,  in 
allusion  to  the  colour  of  the  leaves.  It  gave  a  detailed  account 
of  all  the  crimes  which  the  Earl  had  ever  committed  or  been 
said  to  commit,  and  he  was  portrayed  as  the  real  governor  of 
England  which  had  become  in  effect  Leicester's  Commonwealth*. 

1  First  printed  by  Collins — Memoirs,  pp.  62-68. 

2  Under  this  title  the  book  was  twice  repnnted  in  1641. 


328  1585  [CH. 

The  book  was  printed  abroad  in  1584  and  a  French  translation 
appeared  in  the  following  year. 

The  Council,  by  letters  sent  into  all  parts  of  the  realm, 
ordered  the  immediate  suppression  of  the  libel,  the  Queen  in 
her  own  clear  knowledge  declaring  and  testifying  Leicester's 
innocency  to  all  the  world1.  In  his  attack  upon  the  unknown 
author  Sir  Philip  passes  lightly  over  the  crimes  wherewith  his 
uncle  was  charged,  and  confines  himself  largely  to  the  accusation 
that  Leicester  was  of  low  birth. 

"He  hath  not  ancient  nobility,"  the  libel  declared,  "as  other  of  our 
Realme  have,  whereby  men's  affections  are  greatly  moved.  His  father, 
John  Dudley,  was  the  first  noble  of  his  line  who  raised  and  made  himself 
big  by  supplanting  of  other  and  by  setting  debate  among  the  nobility ; 
as  also  his  grandfather,  Edmund,  a  most  wicked  promoter  and  wretched 
pettifogger  enriched  himself  by  other  men's  ruins,  both  of  them  condemned 

traitors So  that  from  his  ancestors  this  Lord  receiveth  neither  honour 

nor  honesty  but  only  succession  of  treason  and  infamy2." 

Acknowledging  himself  proud  that  he  was  a  Dudley  in  blood, 
Sir  Philip  recites  the  glories  of  his  ancestors— Greys,  Talbots, 
Beauchamps  and  Berkeleys, — and  concludes  by  sending  a 
challenge  to  the  libeller,  who,  he  declares,  "lies  in  his  throat." 
The  reply  was  evidently  written  with  the  intention  of  publishing 
it,  but  its  only  effectiveness  is  of  sound  and  fury,  and  Sir  Philip 
may  have  been  dissuaded  from  his  first  purpose. 

Occupied  as  he  was  during  this  year  with  literary  work, 
the  Scottish  business,  and  his  duties  in  the  Ordnance,  Sir  Philip 
probably  knew  that  a  larger  field  of  activity  was  to  be  open  to 
him  at  any  moment.  When  in  March  the  Dutch  envoys 
received  their  definite  repulse  from  Henry  III,  to  whom  they 
had  offered  the  sovereignty  of  their  country,  and  at  whose 
Court  they  had  spent  weary  months  awaiting  a  reply,  English 
statesmen  were  aware  that  the  significance  of  their  repulse  was 
hardly  less  for  England  than  for  the  Netherlands.  Henry  III 
and  Catherine  de'  Medici  were  unwillingly  forced  to  recognize 
that  the  power  of  the  Guises  and  the  Holy  League  was  too  great 
to  allow  France  to  assume  the  role  of  a  protector  of  Protestants 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.  Privy  Council  to  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  June 
26,  1585. 

1  P.  176  (1641  edition). 


xvm]  1585  329 

and  a  confessed  enemy  of  Spain.  For  England  this  meant 
that  the  corner  stone  of  her  foreign  policy  during  a  quarter  of 
a  century  was  gone :  in  other  words,  if  a  Catholic  continental 
league  was  imminent  England  must  put  herself  at  the  head  of 
a  Protestant  league.  Accordingly,  negotiations  were  at  once 
begun,  looking  to  England's  definitely  assuming  the  part  of  the 
champion  of  Dutch  liberties.  Ortel,  the  Dutch  envoy  in  Lon- 
don, was  in  conference  almost  from  day  to  day  with  Walsingham, 
Leicester,  Burghley  and  the  Queen,  and  in  these  negotiations 
Sidney  was  frequently  an  intermediary.  According  to  the 
wont  of  Elizabeth's  diplomacy  there  was  prolonged  haggling 
over  the  terms  on  which  assistance  was  to  be  given.  A  formal 
deputation  arrived  from  the  Netherlands,  the  coming  of  which 
Elizabeth  had  arranged,  and  once  more  offered  to  her  the 
sovereignty  of  their  country.  This  offer  she  once  more  refused, 
but  she  promised  to  send  men  and  money,  demanding  in  return 
that  the  important  coast  towns  of  Flushing  and  Brill  be  tem- 
porarily handed  over  to  the  English  as  'cautionary  towns.' 
Ostensibly  they  were  to  be  held  by  Elizabeth  as  security  for 
the  repayment  of  whatever  sums  of  money  she  might  advance  ; 
nevertheless,  the  Dutch  hesitated,  feeling  vaguely  uneasy  as 
to  the  Queen's  real  motives.  As  a  result,  England  affected 
coolness,  and  the  Dutch  likewise  pretended  that  they  might 
possibly  choose  another  course  if  their  present  offers  were  refused. 
For  a  time  it  looked  as  if  there  might  be  no  actual  alliance 
after  all. 

"As  for  the  news  here,"  Lord  Talbot  wrote  to  his  father  from  the  Court 
at  the  middle  of  July,  "they  are  more  uncertain  than  the  weather,  and  it 
is  not  possible  your  Lordship  should  know  anything  but  doubtfulness  of 
the  proceedings  in  the  Low  Country  matters  as  yet,  but  within  a  very  few 
days  they  will  be  resolved,  and  in  the  meantime  every  one  may  guess  as 
he  list,  and  I  for  my  poor  part  believe  that  some  five  or  six  thousand 
footmen  shall  be  sent,  and  no  horsemen,  although  Sir  Philip  Sidney  be 
so  far  prepared  to  take  the  charge  of  five  hundred1." 

Walsingham  was  ill  in  his  house  at  Barn  Elms  and  Sir  Philip 
was  in  constant  conference  with  Ortel.  It  was  generally 
assumed  that  he  would  take  an  important  command  in  the 

i  Bdvoir  MSS.,  July  14,  1585. 


330  1585  [CH. 

English  army  when  it  should  be  sent,  and  Leicester  had  already 
assured  the  Dutch  envoys  that  he  was  ready,  if  her  Majesty 
chose  to  make  use  of  him,  to  go  over  in  person,  and  place  life,  . 
property  and  all  the  assistance  he  could  gain  from  his  friends, 
upon  the  issue.  The  handing  over  of  Flushing  was  the  great 
obstacle.  By  August  26th,  however,  Walsingham  was  able  to 
write  to  Wotton  : 

"Mr.  Davison  was  yesterday  despatched  from  the  Court  unto  them  of 
Holland  and  Zealand  to  assure  them  that  her  Majesty  will  furnish  them 
with  five  thousand  footmen  and  one  thousand  horse,  according  to  their 
own  demand,  and  that  a  nobleman  shall  be  sent  over  unto  them — all 
which  is  to  be  performed  presently,  when  her  Majesty  shall  understand  that 
they  are  content  to  deliver  into  her  hands  the  towns  of  Flushing  and  Brill, 
whereof  it  is  thought  they  will  make  no  difficulty,  if  my  Lord  of  Leicester 
may  have  the  charge  of  the  army  and  Sir  Philip  Sidney  of  Flushing1." 

While  the  petty  bargaining  thus  went  on  Antwerp  was  lost — 
an  event  of  such  importance  that  in  the  judgment  of  many 
well-informed  observers  of  events  it  marked  the  close  of  serious 
opposition  to  Spanish  dominion  in  the  Low  Countries.  The 
Dutch  now  accepted  all  of  Elizabeth's  conditions,  only  to  find 
her  still  irresolute.  She  insisted  that  the  garrisons  of  Flushing 
and  Brill  should  be  included  in  the  number  of  troops  which 
she  had  promised  to  furnish,  and  on  this  point  too  the  Dutch 
yielded.  The  Queen  still  hesitated  for  some  weeks  as  to  her 
choice  of  officers  for  the  expedition.  At  first  it  was  taken 
for  granted  that  Leicester  should  go.  Then  Lord  Grey  was 
proposed.  Even  late  in  September  Leicester  wrote  Wal- 
singham that  the  Queen  was  desirous  that  he  should  remain 
in  England.  She  was  doubtful  of  herself  by  reason  of  her 
often  disease  and  last  night  worst  of  all.  She  used  very  pitiful 
words  to  him  and  feared  she  should  not  live  and  would  not 
have  him  from  her.  A  few  days  later  she  was  resolved  on  his 
going2. 

Elizabeth's  irresolution  regarding  a  choice  of  Governor  for 
Flushing  seems  to  have  been  even  harder  to  overcome,  and  led 
Sir  Philip  to  take  a  desperate  resolution. 

1  The  Hamilton  Papers,  August  26,  1585. 

2  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  cxxxxn,  September  21st,  September  24th. 


xvm]  1585  331 

"Sir  Philip  hath  taken  a  very  hard  resolution,"  Walsingham  wrote  to 
Davison,  the  English  ambassador  in  the  Netherlands,  "to  accompany 
Sir  Francis  Drake  in  this  voyage,  moved  thereto  for  that  he  saw  her  Majesty 
disposed  to  commit  the  charge  of  Flushing  unto  some  other ;  which  he 
reputed  would  fall  out  greatly  to  his  disgrace,  to  see  another  preferred 
before  him,  both  for  birth  and  judgment  inferior  unto  him.  The  despair 
thereof  and  the  disgrace  that  he  doubted  he  should  receive  have  carried 
him  into  a  different  course1." 

Greville  says  that  Drake's  expedition  was  of  Sir  Philip's  own 
projecting,  that  they  had  agreed  that  both  should  equally  be 
governors  when  they  had  left  the  shore  of  England,  but  that 
while  things  were  preparing  at  home  Sir  Francis  was  to  bear  the 
name,  and  by  the  credit  of  Sir  Philip  have  all  particulars  abun- 
dantly supplied.  We  must  assume  that  Greville's  affection 
for  his  friend  caused  his  memory  to  play  him  false  here,  when 
we  remember  the  short  time  that  intervened  between  Sir  Philip's 
first  confident  expectation  that  he  should  go  to  Flushing  and 
the  date  of  Walsingham's  letter  quoted  above.  According  to 
a  pre-arranged  plan  Drake  sent  a  letter  post  for  Sir  Philip 
informing  him  that  the  fleet  was  at  Plymouth  and  awaited 
only  him  and  a  fair  wind.  Sir  Philip  set  out  at  once  under 
colour  of  going  to  meet  Don  Antonio,  who  was  expected  to  land 
at  Plymouth.  But  the  real  cause  of  his  going  had  been  noised 
about.  A  correspondent  of  the  Earl  of  Rutland  wrote  him 
from  the  Court : . 

"Sir  Philip  Sidney's  departing  with  Sir  Francis  Drake  was  so  fully 
advertised  her  Majesty  as  it  pleased  her  to  command  Mr.  Vice-Chamberlain 
to  write  three  letters,  one  to  himself  to  command  his  immediate  return, 
the  other  to  Sir  Francis  to  forbid  him  the  receiving  of  him  hi  his  fleet, 
the  third  to  the  Mayor  of  Plymouth  to  write  him  to  see  this  performed 
accordingly ;  and  that  if  they  were  already  gone  some  bark  should  be  sent 
after  with  the  letters.  This  messenger  was  one  Hyts  whom  I  think  your 
Lordship  knows,  one  serving  my  Lady  Drury,  who  was  despatched  accord- 
ingly, and  when  he  was  within  4  miles  of  Plymouth  he  was  surprised  by 
four  mariners  and  his  letters  taken  from  him ;  the  which  being  opened 
and  read  were  sent  him  again.  Since  when,  one  Prynne,  who  attendeth 
Don  Antonio,  is  come  from  thence  with  letters  from  his  master  and  Sir 
Philip,  and  now  it  is  said  Sir  Philip  never  meant  to  go,  but  stayeth  there 

1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  September  13,  1586. 


332  1585  [CH. 

to  see  the  ships  set  forth.  Yet  the  bruit  runneth  on  stilts  in  London 
and  amongst  many  courtiers  that  Sir  Francis  is  gone  and  Sir  Philip 
too1." 

The  story  is  amplified  for  us  by  Fulke  Greville,  who  had  accom- 
panied Sir  Philip  to  Plymouth  -in  the  expectation  of  sailing 
with  him.  Drake  received  them  with  much  pomp  and  feasting, 
but  Greville  perceived  that  their  presence  was  embarrassing  to 
him.  He  declares  that  Drake  made  many  excuses  for  not  sailing 
and  in  the  meantime  sent  a  post  to  the  Queen.  The  mariners 
who  intercepted  her  messenger  were  in  the  pay  of  Sir  Philip, 
to  whom  they  brought  the  letters.  A  second  messenger  to 
him  was  a  peer  of  the  realm,  who  delivered  to  him  a  more  imperial 
mandate  "carrying  with  it  in  the  one  hand  grace,  the  other, 
thunder."  The  grace  had  to  do  with  his  appointment  as 
Governor  of  Flushing.  So  magnanimous  was  Sir  Philip  that, 
overlooking  Drake's  duplicity  toward  himself,  he  made  a 
plausible  address  to  Drake's  sailors  with  the  object  of  preserving 
untarnished  their  leader's  reputation  and  insuring  the  success 
of  the  voyage. 

Such  is  Fulke  Greville's  account.  On  September  21st  the 
same  correspondent  of  the  Earl  of  Rutland  wrote  him:  "This 
day  Sir  Philip  Sidney  was  with  her  Majesty  who  receiveth  it 
for  a  truth  from  himself  that  he  never  meant  to  go2."  We  must 
reconcile  this  statement  as  best  we  can  with  what  information 
we  already  possess.  Sir  Philip  had  probably  little  difficulty  in 
making  his  peace  under  the  circumstances  ;  the  Queen  could 
easily  forgive  those  whom  she  thwarted.  She  was  highly 
amused  by  a  letter  from  Don  Antonio  confessing  that  he  too  had 
planned  to  sail  with  Drake  in'order  to  bear  Sir  Philip  company3. 

There  was  no  further  question  made  regarding  Sidney's 
appointment  although  the  letters  patent  were  not  issued  until 
November  9th4.  Throughout  September  and  October  he 

1  Belvoir  MSS.     John  Stanhope  to  Earl  of  Rutland,  Nonsuch,  September 
12,  1585. 

2  Belvoir  MSS.,  ut  supra. 

3  Spanish  State  Papers  (1580-1586),  October  8,  1585.     Mendoza  to  King 
Philip. 

4  Minutes  of  the  letters  patent  which  were  to  be  made,  are  in  the  Holland 
Correspondence,  vol.  v,  fols.  4  and  5  (uncalendared).     By  the  erasures  in  this 
draft  it  appears  that  Thomas  Cecil  was  Sir  Philip's  rival  for  the  Flushing 


xvm]  1585  333 

was  much  busied  in  preparing  for  his  departure,  in  conferences 
with  Leicester  and  Walsingham,  and  in  levying  a  company  of 
soldiers  in  Wales.  On  November  10th  he  was  at  Gravesend, 
whence  he  sent  to  the  Queen  a  cipher  alphabet  in  accordance 
with  Her  Majesty's  command.  It  is,  he  writes,  such  as  little 
leisure  would  afford  him1.  Her  Majesty  bestowed  on  him  a 
final  mark  of  favour  by  consenting  to  become  the  godmother 
of  his  little  daughter,  but  the  christening  ceremony  was  for 
some  reason  delayed  until  two  days  after  Sir  Philip  had  reached 
Flushing.  In  the  register  of  baptisms  in  St  Olave's,  Hart 
Street,  is  the  entry :  "  1585,  November  20,  the  daughter  of  Sir 
Philip  Sidney,  Knight2."  In  an  account  book  of  expenses  of 
the  royal  household  we  have  two  items  referring  to  the  event : 

"Item. — Paid  to  Richard  Brackenbury,  one  of  the  ordinary  gentlemen 
ushers  of  her  Majesty's  chamber,  to  be  by  him  distributed  and  given 
by  way  of  her  Majesty's  reward  to  the  nurse  and  midwife,  at  the  christening 
of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  his  daughter,  to  whom  her  Majesty  was  godmother, 
the  sum  of  100«. 

Item. — Paid  to  Richard  Brackenbury,  one  of  the  ordinary  gentlemen 
ushers  of  her  Majesty's  chamber,  for  the  allowance  of  himself,  one  groom 
of  the  chamber,  and  one  groom  of  the  wardrobe,  for  riding  from  the  court 
at  Richmond  to  London,  to  make  ready  for  her  Majesty,  against  the  christ- 
ening of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  his  daughter,  by  the  space  of  four  days,  mensis 
Novem.  1585,  as  appeareth  by  a  bill  signed  by  the  Lord  Chamberlain, 
66«.  8d.3" 

The  child  was  of  course  named  Elizabeth.  The  exact  date  of 
her  birth  has  not  been  discovered.  Hunter  has  a  note  to  the 
effect  that 

"the  date  of  her  birth  is  very  precisely  fixed  by  the  Inq.  on  her  father's 
death  which  sets  forth  that  at  time  of  his  death,  October  17,  1586,  she 
was  aged  2  years,  8  months  and  18  days,  according  to  which  she  would 
be  born  January  31,  1583/4  «." 

governorship  and  that  Sir  Philip  was  to  be  given  Brill.  The  appointments 
were  finally  made  of  Sidney  to  Flushing  and  Cecil  to  Brill.  Sidney's  letters 
patent  are  on  folio  39. 

1  Salisbury  MSS.  (Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Reports). 

2  Collectanea  Topographica  et  Oenealogica,  vol.  n,  p.  311. 

3  Harleian  MS.  1641.     On  the  same  folio  are  similar  items  referring  to 
the  baptisms  of  the  son  of  the  French  ambassador  in  March  and  the  son  of 
Mr  William  Howard  in  October. 

«  Chorus  Vatum,  p.  18  (Add.  MS.  24490). 


334  1585  [CH.  xvm 

This  is  manifestly  incorrect,  but  it  has  been  generally  accepted 
as  the  correct  date1.  How  the  error  arose  it  is  difficult  to  see, 
but  the  matter  is  settled  by  a  letter  written  to  Sir  Robert 
Sidney  by  his  highly  intelligent  agent  Rowland  Whyte  on 
March  3,  1599,  i.e.  1600,  when  Elizabeth  Sidney  had  become 
Countess  of  Rutland.  Whyte  has  heard  that  the  Duke  intends 
to  sell  his  wife's  lands. 

"Your  Lordship,"  he  writes  "may  do  well  to  have  an  eye  unto  it,  and  suffer 
not  yourself  to  be  persuaded  to  confirm  any  act  of  your  niece's,  for  until 
she  be  XXI  (which  will  not  be  yet  these  6  years)  no  act  of  hers  is  good, 
and  you  the  assured  heir  in  remainder2." 

Since  a  legal  point  is  involved,  we  may  be  sure  that  Whyte 
would  be  particularly  accurate  in  his  statement,  and  we  may 
accept  his  letter  as  proof  that  Elizabeth  Sidney  was  born  in 
1585.  In  that  year  Scipio  Gentili,  the  great  jurist  and  Oxford 
Professor  of  Law  published  in  London  a  poem  on  her  birth — 
Nereus,  sive  de  natali  Elizabethae  illustriss.  Phillippi  Sydnaei 
filiae. 

Before  leaving  England  Sir  Philip  chose  as  his  private 
secretary  Mr  William  Temple,  a  well-known  enthusiast  for 
the  Ramist  logic,  who  had  published  in  1584  at  the  University 
Press,  Cambridge,  an  annotated  edition  of  Ramus's  Dialectica 
in  the  original  Latin.  The  book  was  dedicated  to  Sir  Philip. 
Temple  afterward  became  provost  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
and  he  increased  his  claim  to  be  remembered  by  becoming  the 
grandfather  of  the  famous  Sir  William  Temple. 

1  See,  for  example,  Sir  Sidney  Lee's  article  on  Sidney  in  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography. 

2  Sidney  Papers,  vol.  n,  7,  174.     See  also  pp.  83  and  120. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE    NETHERLANDS 

WHAT  was  Elizabeth's  real  object  in  sending  her  troops  to 
the  Netherlands  ?  On  our  answer  to  this  question  depends  our 
interpretation  of  the  whole  course  of  the  war.  It  is  essential 
that  we  remember  how  far  she  was  from  sympathizing  with  the 
aspirations  of  the  revolted  provinces  to  be  free  from  the  domi- 
nation of  Spain.  To  Elizabeth  they  were  rebels  whose  undoubt- 
edly rightful  master  was  Philip  of  Spain,  and  of  this  fact  she 
never  lost  sight.  She  was  willing  to  assist  them  to  extort  from 
Spain  such  a  measure  of  toleration  as  she  accorded  to  her  own 
Catholic  subjects — no  more.  Should  Spain  at  any  moment 
show  her  willingness  to  conclude  the  war  on  these  terms  there 
is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  Elizabeth  would  have  promptly 
withdrawn  her  troops  from  the  Netherlands.  Not  without 
hope  of  reaching  such  a  solution  she  intended  to  send  her 
troops,  but  she  intended  no  less  to  paralyze  their  activity,  once 
they  had  arrived,  by  sending  them  neither  money  nor  supplies 
except  in  driblets.  Perhaps  their  effectiveness  was  paralyzed 
even  more  completely  by  the  constant  rumours  that  England 
and  Spain  were  negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace  and  that  the 
Dutch  would  be  left  to  their  fate.  Nor  were  such  rumours 
entirely  without  foundation.  Walsingham,  in  a  letter  of  October 
26th  to  Burghley,  referred  to  the  evil  consequences  of  the 
Queen's  irresolution  in  the  whole  affair,  and  pointed  out  that 
Her  Majesty  might  compose  matters  with  Spain  with  greater 
advantage  now  that  she  had  Flushing  and  Brill1.  There  is 
little  doubt  that  this  consideration  was  present  to  the  mind 
of  Her  Majesty  when  she  insisted  on  being  given  possession  of 
the  cautionary  towns,  and  she  was  prepared  to  equivocate  in 
1  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  October  26,  1585. 


336  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

her  interpretation  of  that  article  in  the  contract  which  defined 
the  conditions  under  which  peace  might  be  made.  Further- 
more, agents  of  the  Duke  of  Parma  were  actually  for  some 
time  in  London  seeking  to  find  the  basis  of  an  agreement 
with  Elizabeth,  until  Walsingham  discovered  their  presence  and 
made  impossible  the  continuance  of  this  kind  of  negotiation. 

In  sending  assistance  to  the  Netherlands  Elizabeth  and  her 
ministers  were  well  aware  that  their  action  was  tantamount  to 
a  declaration  of  war  with  Spain.  To  avoid  such  a  war,  or  at 
least  to  postpone  it  as  long  as  possible,  had  been  the  most 
fundamental  principle  of  the  Queen's  foreign  policy  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  but  it  had  now  become  obvious  that  for 
a  number  of  reasons  the  inevitable  struggle  was  near  at  hand. 
Diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  Courts  had  long  been 
strained  to  the  very  point  of  breaking ;  they  had  not  been 
formally  broken  off,  only  because  Philip  wished  to  have  done 
with  his  troubles  in  the  Low  Countries  before  undertaking  the 
English  enterprise,  and  because  Elizabeth  counted  as  gain  each 
year  that  elapsed  before  the  final  contest.  If  Philip  failed  to 
give  her  satisfaction  for  the  wrongs  inflicted  on  Englishmen 
within  the  domains  of  Spain,  she  knew  how  to  indemnify  herself 
in  less  formal  fashion.  She  openly  encouraged  what  was  fast 
becoming  one  of  the  most  popular  of  English  games — that  of 
singeing  the  King  of  Spam's  beard,  nor  did  she  take  much 
trouble  to  conceal  the  fact  that  she  was  personally  the  chief 
stockholder  in  such  piratical  expeditions.  When  in  November, 
1583,  she  discovered  that  Mendoza  was  the  directing  spirit  of 
the  Throgmorton  plot,  and  expelled  him  with  scant  ceremony, 
Philip  showed  no  more  resentment  than  did  Elizabeth  when 
Mendoza  was  at  once  appointed  Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris. 
Nevertheless  it  was  impossible  that  such  a  relationship  between 
the  two  countries  should  continue  indefinitely.  Elizabeth  knew 
that  for  the  past  twenty  years  Spain  had  meditated  a  descent 
on  England  in  favour  of  the  English  Catholics  and  Mary  Stuart, 
and  although  she  hated  war  she  knew  that  sooner  or  later  such 
an  attack  was  inevitable.  Moreover  she  now  felt  able  to  meet 
it,  and  she  was  probably  not  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  Philip, 
goaded  to  desperation  by  the  insults  and  injuries  to  which 


xix]  The  Netherlands  •  337 

England  had  subjected  him,  had  at  last  overcome  his  con- 
stitutional inertia  to  the  point  of  drawing  up  a  very  definite 
scheme  for  the  conquest  of  England,  whereby  Elizabeth  was 
to  be  disposed  of  in  some  vague  way,  Mary  Stuart  was  to  ascend 
the  throne  as  the  wife  of  the  Prince  of  Parma,  and  no  religion 
but  Catholicism  was  to  be  tolerated.  In  this  plot  for  the  future 
government  of  England  Philip's  reputation  for  far-sightedness 
finds  its  justification,  for  he  even  went  into  the  question  of  the 
succession  to  the  English  throne  in  the  event  of  no  children 
being  born  to  Parma  and  Mary  Stuart. 

When  Elizabeth  finally  decided  to  send  assistance  to  Philip's 
rebellious  subjects  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  she  was  actuated 
by  any  love  of  liberty  or  Protestantism  or  by  any  special 
sympathy  for  a  brave  people  who  were  seeking  to  shake  off  the 
grasp  of  the  tyrant.  She  considered  the  Netherlanders  and 
their  master  equally  absurd  in  their  magnifying  of  the  religious 
question  into  a  position  of  such  importance,  and  her  active 
sympathy,  such  as  it  was,  she  reserved  for  England.  She  had 
as  little  interest  in  fanatical  quarrels  as  she  had  in  altruistic 
projects.  She  did  not  want  to  send  troops  into  Holland,  and 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands  she  consistently  rejected. 
Sovereignty  was  likely  to  prove  a  mere  excuse  for  draining 
England's  resources,  and  even  the  sending  of  troops  would  cost 
money  which  it  might  be  hard  to  collect  from  the  Netherlanders. 
Elizabeth  had  approved  of  the  Duke  of  Alen$on's  assuming 
the  sovereignty,  for  by  his  instrumentality  France  might  be 
persuaded  to  bear  the  cost  of  keeping  Philip  occupied  in  the 
Netherlands  ;  she  had  later  favoured  a  joint  protectorate  of 
England  and  France,  trusting  in  such  an  arrangement  to  be 
able  to  place  upon  the  shoulders  of  Henry  III  a  considerable 
part  of  the  burden  of  maintaining  the  war.  When  this  latter 
scheme  failed  she  had  even  viewed  with  considerable  equanimity 
the  embassy  which  had  gone  to  Paris  to  offer  the  sovereignty 
of  the  revolted  provinces  to  the  French  King.  When,  after 
months  of  hesitation,  Henry  at  length  recognized  that  the 
strength  of  the  Holy  League  in  France  would  make  it  impossible 
for  him  to  assume  the  protection  of  rebellious  Protestants, 
Elizabeth  felt  that  she  was  practically  forced  to  do  the  work 

22 


W.  L.  S. 


338  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

herself.     Otherwise  Spain  would  soon  be  unhampered  in  her 
projected  invasion  of  England. 

The  momentous  character  of  the  decision  was  fully  realized 
by  the  Queen  and  her  ministers,  and  they  had  published  in 
English,  Dutch,  French  and  Italian  A  Declaration  of  the  Causes 
moving  the  Queen  of  England  to  give  aid  to  the  defence  of  the  'people 
afflicted  and  oppressed  in  the  Low  Countries.  The  '  Declaration ' 
reads  as  if  it  were  the  Queen's  own  composition  : 

"Although  Kings  and  princes  sovereign  owing  their  homage  and  service 
only  unto  the  Almighty  God,  the  King  of  all  Kings,  are  in  that  respect 
not  bound  to  yield  account  or  render  the  reasons  of  their  actions  unto 
any  others  but  to  God,  their  only  sovereign  Lord :  yet  (though  amongst 
the  most  ancient  and  Christian  monarchs  the  same  Lord  God  having 
committed  to  us  the  sovereignty  of  this  Realm  of  England  and  other  our 
dominions,  which  we  hold  immediately  of  the  same  Almighty  Lord,  and 
so  thereby  accountable  only  to  his  Divine  Majesty)  we  are  notwithstanding 
this  our  prerogative  at  this  time  specially  moved  for  divers  reasons  here- 
after briefly  remembered,  to  publish  not  only  to  our  own  natural  loving 
subjects  but  also  to  all  others  our  neighbours,"  etc.,  etc. 

The  close  friendship  that  had  long  existed  between  the  Low 
Countries  and  England,  witnessed  in  many  commercial  treaties, 
is  rehearsed.  The  liberties  of  those  countries  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  Spaniards,  at  first  on  the  pretext  of  suppressing  Pro- 
testantism. Later,  however,  Catholics  had  been  persecuted 
almost  as  much;  witness  the  execution  of  Egmond,  the  very 
glory  of  that  country.  The  French  King  would  have  given 
aid  to  the  Netherlanders  had  it  not  been  for  the  growing  power 
of  the  house  of  Guise.  Elizabeth  had  made  many  friendly 
representations  on  the  subject  to  the  King  of  Spain  "  as  a  good 
loving  sister  to  him,"  but  Spain  was  evidently  bent  on  the 
utter  destruction  of  Dutch  liberties.  How  King  Philip  had 
repaid  the  friendly  offices  of  his  good,  loving  sister  might  be 
seen  in  the  fact  of  his  having  sent  troops  into  Ireland  a  few  years 
since.  Mendoza's  intimate  connection  with  the  Throgmorton 
plot  is  recounted  in  detail. 

In  sending  English  troops  into  the  Low  Countries  the  Queen 
declared  that  her  object  was  threefold, — to  secure  "the  end  of 
wars  with  restitution  of  the  Low  Countries  to  their  ancient 
liberties,  surety  from  invasion  of  her  own  realm,  and  renewing 


XIX]  The  Netherlands  339 

of  the  mutual  traffic  between  the  countries."  She  had  taken 
over  the  cautionary  towns  to  secure  « sure  access  and  recess 
of  our  people  and  soldiers  in  safety."  The  document  was 
virtually  a  declaration  of  war  against  Spain.  Henceforward 
there  was  no  pretence  of  keeping  up  the  formal  relations 
which  subsist  between  friendly  powers. 

Elated  as  Sir  Philip  doubtless  was  with  his  appointment 
and  the  prospect  it  held  out  of  an  opportunity  to  fight  for  the 
cause  he  loved,  we  may  imagine  that  the  sinister  rumours  which 
were  in  circulation  must  have  been  disquieting  enough.  He 
was  gratified  to  know  that  Count  Maurice,  the  son  of.  William 
the  Silent,  had  concurred  in  the  temporary  transfer  to  the 
English,  of  Flushing,  a  town  of  which  he  was  hereditary  seignor 
and  proprietor,  and  before  sailing  he  received  a  message  from 
the  generous-hearted  boy  (he  was  now  eighteen  years  old)  in 
which  he  begged  Sir  Philip  to  consider  him  as  his  brother  and 
companion  in  arms.  The  news  from  Holland  on  the  whole, 
however,  was  not  reassuring.  St  Aldegonde,  late  burgomaster 
of  Antwerp,  was  suspected  and  not  without  cause,  for  the 
devotion  of  a  life- time  was  insufficient  in  the  eyes  of  his  country- 
men to  atone  for  his  present  error  of  judgment  in  believing 
that  Spain  might  be  persuaded  to  grant  toleration,  and  the 
Provinces  return  to  their  allegiance.  He  was  living  in  his 
house  near  Middelburg  and  by  many  was  held  to  be  a  traitor. 
Since  the  death  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  he  was  the  only  man 
capable  of  leading  the  States  as  a  whole,  and  their  present 
leaderless  condition  had  resulted  in  much  disorder.  Then  there 
were  clashes  between  the  Dutch  and  English  authorities,  and 
among  the  English  authorities  themselves.  Two  days  before 
Sir  Philip  reached  Flushing,  Davison,  her  Majesty's  resident 
ambassador  in  that  town,  wrote  to  him  the  following  letter1 : 

"  Your  long  stay  doth  very  much  amaze  and  trouble  us,  and  the  more 
in  that  we  can  hear  nothing  in  the  meantime  of  y  [our  proceedings]2.  It 
is  a  shame  to  think  how  things  are  handled.  Of  three  or  four  months  the 
companies  have  been  here  they  have  not  had  above  one  month's  pay, 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  v,  fol.  75.     Davison's  wife  was  descended 
from  the  Guildfords,  on  account  of  which  relationship  Sir  Philip  usually  addressed 
him  as  'Cousin.' 

2  The  letter  is  injured  by  damp. 

22—2 


340  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

many  of  them  are  already  wasted  with  hunger's  miseries,  and  but  for  the 
straining  of  mine  own  poor  credit  had  been  at  this  time  utterly  broken 
and  disordered.  At  our  coming  into  this  town  I  found  mean  to  pay  these 
garrisons  for  an  outgo  which  already  spent  and  the  poor  men  in  want  I 
am  driven  off  now  by  the  Treasurer's  stay  to  try  my  poor  credit  for  some 
£1400  or  £1500  more  to  relieve  both  them  and  others.  The  charge  of  the 
Rammekins  I  committed  to  Captain  Huntley  (a  gentleman  I  knew  you  loved 

and  trusted  well)  till  your  coming.     Mr  Edward  Norris  [ ]  in  the 

place  hath  procured  warrant  brought  hither  to  dislodge  him  which  I  would 
not  suffer  till  your  coming.  The  charge  of  this  burgh  in  the  meantime 
left  to  myself  by  her  Majesty's  express  commandment  and  warrant.  This 
is  the  beginning  of  a  faction  which  your  presence  will  soon  determine. 
If  you  make  no  other  choice  of  captains  and  officers  than  you  shall  find 
here  you  shall  do  wrong  to  your  own  honour  and  her  Majesty's  service. 
Captain  Williams  hath  tarried  here  these  ten  or  twelve  days  in  a  hope  and 
longing  to  see  you.  St  Aldegonde  continueth  at  his  house  yet  unmolested. 
Colonel  Maurice  is  to  be  here  within  two  or  three  days  to  attend  my  Lord 
of  Leicester.  He  is  newly  confirmed  in  his  government  of  Holland  and 

Zealand1   before  [ ]   The   General  remaineth   before   Nimeguen 

having  fortified  upon  the  river  and  against  it,  from  whence  he  [ ]  into 

the  town.  The  bruit  is  they  should  be  in  part  with  him  ;  I  pray  you  that 
be  not  also  the  manner  of  Zutphen.  The  force  is  not  above  5000  strong. 
The  enemy  is  gone  thitherward  with  eight  or  nine  thousand  footmen  and 
eight  or  ten  cornets  of  horse,  resolved  to  attack  them  if  that  be  possible. 
We  are  afraid  my  Lord  of  Leicester's  journey  be  cooled  if  his  Lordship 
do  not  follow  you  all  the  sooner.  I  hope  at  your  coming  to  make  a  start 
home.  Praying  therefore  to  God  so  much  the  rather  for  your  happy 
and  speedy  passage,  etc." 

Sir  Philip  could  not  have  received  this  letter  before  leaving 
England,  for  it  was  written  only  on  the  day  that  he  sailed, 
but  some  five  days  earlier  Davison  had  written  a  similar  account 
to  Walsingham,  and  we  may  therefore  be  sure  that  Sir  Philip 
was  familiar  with  the  details  of  the  quarrel.  As  soon  as  Davison 
had  appointed  Captain  Huntley  to  take  charge  of  the  Ramme- 
kins General  Norris  sent  to  the  Captain  the  following  warrant : 

"Whereas  I  am  given  to  understand  that  my  Lord  Ambassador  hath 
appointed  you  to  remain  in  the  Rammekins  contrary  to  his  instructions 
from  her  Majesty  and  the  agreement  that  was  between  his  Lordship  and 
myself :  These  be  therefore  to  will  and  require  you  to  receive  into  the 
said  castle  of  the  Rammekins  Captain  Edward  Norris  and  his  company, 
and  that  you  yourself  with  the  company  make  your  present  repair  unto 

1  i.e.  as  permanent  Stadtholder. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  341 

Flushing  there  to  accomplish  such  direction  as  the  said  Edward  Norris 
shall  give  you.  And  this  fail  ye  not  to  do  as  you  will  answer  to  the  contrary 
at  your  periL  From  the  camp  this  2nd  of  November  anno  1585,  stylo 
Anglico.  John  Norris1." 

Huntley,  not  knowing  whom  to  obey,  wrote  to  Walsingham 
that  he  was  commanded  one  thing  by  the  General,  but  "my 
Lord  Ambassador  commands  me  in  her  Majesty's  name  to 
stay  and  answer  for  the  place  until  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  arrival. 
I  know  not  what  they  mean,  the  General  offering  me  great 
wrong  undeserved2."  Edward  Norris  also  wrote  wishing  that 
Sir  Philip  and  Sir  Thomas  Cecil  (who  had  been  appointed  to 
the  governorship  of  Brill)  "might  have  the  hearing  of  these 
things  and  advertise  your  honour  of  the  truth."  "I  have  so 
many  controllers  of  my  doings  at  this  time,"  he  complained, 
"  that  I  must  yield  to  their  opinions  attending  the  coming  of 
the  Earl  of  Leicester  which  must  reform  our  doings  or  else  we 
shall  have  little  credit  by  them."  Here  was  a  state  of  anarchy 
indeed,  and  Sir  Philip  may  well  have  had  misgivings  as  to 
whether  his  presence  would  have  the  magical  effect  foretold  by 
Davison. 

On  November  16th  Sir  Philip,  leaving  his  wife  and  little 
daughter  in  the  household  of  his  father-in-law,  sailed  for 
Flushing.  With  him  were  his  brother  Robert  and  a  small 
party  of  his  friends  and  attendants  :  his  company  of  200 
soldiers,  which  was  being  levied  in  the  counties  of  South  Wales3, 
was  not  yet  complete  and  did  not  reach  the  Netherlands  until 
a  month  later.  In  the  work  of  furnishing  his  cornet  of  lances 
many  of  his  friends— the  Earl  of  Rutland4,  Sir  Moyle  Finch6, 
Sir  Edward  Stradling6  and  others— had  come  to  his  assistance 
by  contributing  each  a  good  horse  from  his  stable.  After  a 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  v,  November  16,  1586. 

4  Ibid.  November  13,  1585. 

»  Add.  MSS.  5753,  f.  276.     Fulke  Greville  had  been  appointed  by  Leicester 
to  the  command  of  a  cornet,  but  at  the  last  moment  the  Queen  forbade  him 

to  go. 

*  Belwir  MSS.     Roger  Manners  to  Earl  of  Rutland,  November  10,  1585 

(Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports). 

5  Sir  Philip  to  Sir  Moyle  Finch.     Penshurst  MS.— a.  copy  of  Finch  MS. 

«  Walsingham   to  Sir   Edward   Stradling,    January    11,    1586.     Stradling 
Correspondence,  ed.  J.  M.  Traherne,  London,  1840. 


342  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

rough  passage  Sir  Philip  reached  Walcheren  on  Thursday, 
November  18th,  but  owing  to  the  stress  of  weather  he  was 
compelled  to  land  at  the  Rammekins  and  proceed  to  Flushing 
on  foot.  He  was  "  the  welcomer  that  he  brought  money1."  He 

"  wasnotso  entertained  and  received,"  wrote  William  Borlas  to  Walsingham, 
"as  I  think  he  should  have  been  if  the  weather  had  not  fallen  out  so  foul, 
by  means  whereof  he  was  constrained  to  land  three  miles  beyond  the  town 
and  come  afoot  from  the  Rammekins  hither  which  is  almost  four  miles  from 
this  place.  And  so  the  Captains  with  their  soldiers  and  the  rest  of  the  town 
received  him  in  such  manner  as  the  time  would  permit.  Upon  Sunday, 
the  21st  of  this  present,  the  Governor  dined  at  the  State  House.,  where  he 
was  very  honourably  entertained  according  to  their  country's  manner, 
where  he  took  his  oath,  and  the  22nd  of  this  present  he  went  to  the  State 
House  again,  where  they  in  like  manner  took  their  oaths  unto  her  Majesty 
and  to  him  as  Governor.  And  thus  he  hath  from  time  to  time  very  care- 
fully employed  himself  in  looking  into  the  state  of  the  town,  which  he  doth 
find  in  some  place  to  be  very  weak  and  the  garrison  to  be  very  small  for 
so  great  a  town,  for  that  there  is  almost  200  of  the  soldiers  sick  in  the 
hospital,  and  I  think  1000  to  be  too  few  for  so  great  a  town2." 

Sir  Philip  took  up  his  residence  with  M.  Gelee,  a  citizen  of 
the  town  and  "  one  of  good  reckoning  among  the  inhabitants," 
for  both  officers  and  soldiers  lodged  with  the  burghers  as  there 
were  no  barracks.  Mindful  of  the  strange  hesitations  and 
shiftings  which  had  recently  characterized  the  Queen's  policy, 
he  did  not  enter  on  his  task  as  light-heartedly  as  he  might 
otherwise  have  done  ;  nevertheless,  he  realised  that  he  had  had 
committed  to  his  care  a  city  the  strategic  importance  of  which 
was  not  surpassed  by  that  of  any  other  in  the  Netherlands, 
and  he  set  to  work  at  once  to  put  his  charge  into  as  good  order 
as  possible.  Situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt,  Flushing 
commanded  the  water  commerce  of  Antwerp  and  the  other 
Scheldt  cities  ;  it  was  "  the  key  to  the  navigation  of  the  north 
Seas,"  and  that  its  safety  should  be  absolutely  beyond  question 
was  of  the  highest  importance.  Naturally  this  was  the  first 
question  to  which  the  new  Governor  gave  his  attention,  and  he 
was  soon  immersed  in  the  multifarious  business  of  his  office. 
Four  days  after  landing  he  wrote  to  Leicester  an  account  of 

1  Doyley  to  Walsingham  (Wright,  11,  270). 

*  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  v,  November  23,  1585. 


XIX1  The  Netherlands  '  343 

the  situation  as  he  found  it,  in  which  is  revealed  his  eagerness 
to  accomplish  some  worthy  work,  as  also  his  resourcefulness 
and  capacity. 

"Right  honourable,  my  singular  good  Lord:  Upon  Thursday  we 
came  into  this  town,  driven  to  land  at  Rammekins  because  the  wind  began 
to  rise  in  such  sort  as  our  masters  durst  not  enter  before  the  town,  and 
from  thence  came  with  as  dirty  a  walk  as  ever  poor  governor  entered  his 
charge  withal.  I  find  the  people  very  glad  of  me,  and  promise  myself 
as  much  surety  in  keeping  the  town  as  [the]  popular  good-will  gotten  by 
light  hopes  and  f. ...]  by  [....]  as  slight  conceits  may  breed  me,  for 
indeed  the  garrison  is  far  too  weak  to  command  by  authority  which  is 
pity,  for  how  great  a  jew[el]  this  is  to  the  Crown  of  England  and  the 
queen's  safety  I  need  not  write  it  to  your  Lordship  who  knows  it  so  well 
Yet  I  must  needs  say  the  better  I  know  it  the  more  I  find  the  preciousness 
of  it.  I  have  sent  to  Mr  Norris  for  my  cousin  Scot's  company,  for  Colonel 
Morgan's,  and  my  brother's  (which  I  mean  to  put  in  the  Rammekins), 
but  I  doubt  I  shall  but  change  and  not  increase  the  ensigns  by  any  more 
than  mine  own  company,  for  fear  of  breeding  jealousies  in  the  people 
which  is  carried  more  by  shows  than  substance.  And  therefore  the  way 
must  be  rather  to  increase  the  number  of  men  in  each  company  than  the 
companies,  and  that  may  be  done  easily  enough  with  their  good  liking. 
But  I  mean  to  innovate  as  little  as  may  be  till  your  Lordship's  coming, 
which  is  here  longed  for  as  Messias  is  of  the  Jews.  But  indeed  most 
necessary  it  is  that  your  Lordship  make  great  speed  to  reform  both  the 
Dutch  and  English  abuses.  I  am  more  and  more  persuaded  that  with 
that  proportion  which  her  Majesty  alloweth,  the  country  is  fully  able  to 
maintain  the  wars,  if  what  they  do  be  well  ordered  and  not  abused  as  it  is 
by  the  States,  and  that  they  look  for  at  your  Lordship's  hands,  it  being 
sh[own]  that  the  people  show  themselves  far  more  careful  than  the  governors 
in  all  things  touching  the  public. 

The  taking  of  the  sconces  by  Mr  Norris  was  of  good  moment,  but  now 
his  lying  before  Nymegen  is  greatly  feared  will  both  waste  his  men  (besides 
the  danger  of  the  enemy  who  very  strongly  marcheth  that  way)  and  little 
prevail,  there  being  a  great  riv[er]  between  him  and  the  city.  But  the 
great  sufficiency  of  the  gentleman  may  overweigh  other  conjectures. 
Mr  Edward  Norris  delivered  the  companies  here  unto  me  whom  he  had 
very  well  and  soldierly  governed,  but  the  companies  indeed  very  sickly 
and  miserable.  Good  my  Lord,  haste  away  if  you  do  come,  for,  all  things 
considered,  I  had  rather  you  came  n[ot]  at  all  than  came  not  quickly, 
for  only  by  yo[ur]  own  presence  those  courses  may  be  stopped  whic[h]  if 
they  run  on  will  be  past  remedy. 

Here  is  [St]  Aldegonde,  a  man  greatly  suspected  but  by  no  man  charged. 
He  lives  restrained  to  his  [own]  house,  and,  for  aught  I  can  find,  deals 


344  The  Netherlands  LCH- 

with[h]  nothing,  only  desiring  to  have  his  ca[use]  wholly  reserved  to  your 
Lordship.  And  therefore  with  t[he]  best  heed  I  can  to  his  proceedings 
I  will  leave  h[im]  to  his  clearing  or  condemning  when  your  Lordship  sha[ll] 
hear  him. 

I  think  truly  if  my  coming  ha[d]  been  longer  delayed  some  alteration 
would  ha[ve]  followed,  for  the  truth  is  the  people  is  weary  [of]  war,  and 
if  they  do  not  see  such  a  course  taken  as  may  be  likely  to  defend  them 
the[y]  will  in  a  sudden  give  over  the  cause.  They  have  newly  made  Count 
Maurice  Governor  of  Hollafnd]  and  Zealand,  which  only  grew  by  the 
delays  of  your  Lordship's  coming,  but  I  cannot  perceive  a[ny]  meaning 
of  either  diminishing  or  crossing  your  Lordship's  authority,  but  rather 
that  the  Count  means  wholly  to  depend  upon  your  Lordship's  authority. 

With  £3000  charges  I  could  find  means  so  to  lodge  myself  and  soldiers 
in  this  town  as  would  [in]  an  extremity  command  it,  where  now  we  are  at 
their  mercies.  [The]  enemy  threatens  divers  places  as  Ostend,  Sluys, 
[B]ergen  and  Bornel,  but  yet  we  have  no  certain  news  what  he  will  attempt, 
but  whatsoever  it  be  there  is  great  likelihood  he  will  endanger  it,  the 
soldiers  are  so  evil  paid  and  provided  of  everything  that  is  necessary.  I 
have  dealt  earnestly  with  the  States  of  Zealand  for  the  relief  of  Ostend, 
but  yet  can  obtain  nothing  but  delays.  I  conclude  all  will  be  lost  if 
government  be  not  presently  used. 

Mr  Davison  is  here,  very  careful  in  her  Majesty's  causes  and  in  your 
Lordship's ;  he  takes  great  pains  therein  and  goes  to  great  charges  for  it. 
I  am  yet  so  new  here  that  I  cannot  write  so  important  matters  as  perhaps 
hereafter  I  shall,  and  therefore  I  will  not  any  further  triflingly  trouble 
your  Lordship,  but  humbly  leave  you  to  the  blessed  protection  of  the 
Almighty.  At  Flushing  this  22nd  of  November,  1585. 

Your  Lordship's  most  humble  and  obedient  nephew, 

PHILIP  SIDNEY. 

Edward  Norris,  as  [likewise  his  brother,  put  great  [ho]pe  in  your 
Lordship,  which  I  have  thought  good  to  nourish  because  I  think  it  fit  for 
your  Lordship's  service.  Mr  Edward  would  fain  have  charge  of  horses, 
and  for  that  cause  will  seek  to  erect  a  company  here.  I  am  beholding 
to  this  bearer,  Captain  Fenton1." 

The  Flushing  garrison  consisted  of  the  companies  of  Captain 
Edward  Norris,  Captain  Willford,  Captain  Wingfield,  and 
Captain  Huntley,  and  to  these  was  now  added  that  of  Sir 
Philip,  while  Robert  Sidney's  company  was  stationed  in  the  Ram- 
mekins2.  They  were  described  by  the  treasurer  Huddlestone 

1  Cotton  MSS.  Galba,  C.  vni,  213.  The  lacunee  are  owing  to  the  fact  that 
the  edge  of  the  MS.  has  been  burned. 

1  The  companies  of  Captain  Errington  and  Captain  Hender  were  shortly 
after  added  to  the  Flushing  garrison.  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  v,  f.  309. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  345 

in  a  letter  to  Burghley  as  "the  worst  accommodated  of  all 
our  soldiers,  amongst  a  people  of  a  froward  and  perverse 
disposition.  At  the  Brill,"  he  added, ' '  they  are  far  more  tractable 
and  willing  to  obey1."  Nearly  two  hundred  of  the  soldiers 
were  sick  in  the  hospital,  and  none  of  the  bands  had  their  full 
complement  of  men.  The  muster-master  described  them  as 
"  weak,  bad-furnished,  ill-armed  and  worse-trained2."  The 
great  strategic  importance  of  the  town  and  the  inhospitable 
attitude  of  the  burghers  made  the  weakness  of  the  garrison  a 
matter  of  the  gravest  concern.  "  If  anything  should  fall  out 
between  the  townsmen  and  us,"  wrote  Burnham  to  Walsingham, 
"we  are  likelier  to  be  governed  than  that  Sir  Philip  should 
govern  them.  To  prevent  the  'practices  of  such  as  stand 
ill-affected  it  were  good  to  reinforce  it3." 

Nor  was  the  inadequate  garrison  Sir  Philip's  only  concern 
in  his  new  government ;  the  defences  of  the  town  were  in  an 
even  more  disheartening  condition.  The  muster-master  re- 
ported to  Walsingham 

"that  surely  the  rampiers  and  bulwarks  were  delivered  in  very  bad  case, 
the  barriers  in  many  places  fallen  to  ground,  the  sentinel  and  cours  de 
garde  house  badly  repaired  and  most  beastly  defiled  in  most  loathsome 
manner,  by  whose  fault  I  will  not  say,  the  ordinary  in  very  bad  case  having 
neither  good  caring  nor  platforms.  But  I  hope,"  he  continued,  "that  by 
the  good  orders  and  laws  that  shall  shortly  be  established  by  the  Governor 
many  of  these  defaults  shall  be  mended  and  the  town  kept  in  other  state 
than  it  is  at  this  present." 

As  an  expert  on  fortification  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  it 
was  "  utterly  impossible  with  this  garrison  to  hold  it  (Flushing) 
against  any  royal  force," — and  this  in  spite  of  Sir  Philip's 
excellent  qualifications4.  In  a  more  detailed  report  to  Sir 
Philip  himself  he  pointed  out  that  the  chief  strength  of  the 
town  consisted  in  its  situation,  the  ground  round  about 
for  a  great  distance  being  so  low  that  it  might  every  spring- 
tide be  drowned  by  the  sea.  Yet  he  would  not  wish  too 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  vi,  January  21,  1586. 

2  Ibid.  January  2,  1586,  Thos.  Digges  to  Walsingham. 
8  Ibid.  December  27,  1585. 

4  Ibid.  vol.  V,  November  23,  1586. 


346  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

much  security  reposed  on  that  natural  strength.  He  advises 
that 

"all  the  platforms  for  the  ordnance  be  well  repaired,  the  carriages  amended, 
the  ordnance  well-mounted,  and  some  convenient  number  of  gunners 
appointed  to  give  their  attendance  on  their  pieces. ..  .Then  so  soon  as 
the  season  of  the  year  will  permit  that  the  barriers  and  ruinate  rampiers 
be  re-edified  and  well  sanded  round,  that  the  soldiers  may  march  dry  upon 
them.  The  Corps  du  garde  and  sentinels  also  to  be  repaired,  and  some 
severe  orders  to  keep  them  clean  and  sweet,  and  not  in  such  loathsome 
manner  as  at  this  present  they  are." 

He  concluded,  however,  that  a  much  more  radical  and  costly 
'plot'  for  strengthening  the  town  was  highly  desirable1. 

Here  was  work  sufficient,  one  would  suppose,  to  engage  the 
attention  of  the  governor  for  some  time,  but  almost  immediately 
he  was  called  away  to  other  duties.  He  had  been  in  Flushing 
only  three  or  four  days  when  an  advertisement  came  that  the 
veteran  La  Motte,  Governor  of  Gravelines,  with  27  ensigns  of 
foot  and  three  or  four  cornets  of  horse  had  arrived  at  Blanken- 
burg,  a  town  situated  on  the  sea-side  mid-way  between  Ostend 
and  Sluys,  and  that  his  object  was  to  capture  Ostend.  At 
the  same  time  Sir  Philip  received  letters  from  Captain  Erring- 
ton,  the  Governor  of  Ostend — now  an  old  man  and  one  of  Sir 
Philip's  warmest  friends — that  he  suspected  some  practice  for 
the  enemy  within  the  town,  where  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants 
were  Catholics,  and  where  both  munitions  and  food  were  very 
short.  Sir  Philip  at  once  dispatched  a  messenger  to  Count 
Hohenlo,  the  general  of  the  Dutch  forces,  and  to  the  States  of 
Zealand,  urging  them  to  send  munitions  and  another  agent 
into  Holland  to  buy  armour.  He  then  sent  his  brother,  Captain 
Willford,  Captain  Hungate  and  Captain  Wingfi eld  to  meet  the 
enemy.  The  next  day  Sir  Philip  learned  that  La  Motte  had 
marched  to  Ostend  and  laid  siege  to  the  town,  but  the  danger 
passed  within  a  few  days  when  La  Motte  changed  his  mind  and 
withdrew2.  That  the  danger  had  been  real,  however,  no  one 
could  doubt,  for  the  town — one  of  the  most  important  remaining 
in  the  hands  of  the  patriots — was  as  ill  able  to  resist  an  attack 

1  Ibid.  vol.  v,  f.  150  and  f.  141. 

2  Ibid.  vol.  v,  Digges  to  Walsingham,  December  2,  1585. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  347 

as  was  Flushing.  So  great  was  Captain  Errington's  fear  of 
internal  treachery  that  he  had  refused  permission  to  any  of  his 
English  companies  to  pass  the  gates  for  the  purpose  of  meeting 
the  enemy. 

"This  garrison  hath  so  spoiled  the  country  hereabouts,"  wrote  Robert 
Sidney  to  Leicester,  "that  almost  for  twenty  miles  riding  every  way  there 
is  never  a  house  standing  nor  never  a  man  out  of  a  walled  town  to  be 
seen. . .  .Here  is  want  of  all  things — no  victuals  in  store  for  above  twenty 
days ;  if  a  soldier  should  break  his  pike  or  his  halbert  not  any  here  to 
furnish  him  ;  of  powder  not  12,000  weight  whereof  five  is  not  serviceable, 
all  our  victual  must  come  from  Flushing  and  out  of  Holland,  and  that  is 
very  dear ....  The  men  of  war  of  Dunkirk  lie  so  up  and  down  here  as  without 
danger  no  small  bark  can  pass." 

For  four  months  the  garrison  had  received  no  pay,  with  the 
result  that  "there  cannot  be  more  hate  conceived  than  the 
Governor  and  Dutch  captains  here  bear  the  States.  Your 
Lordship's  coming,"  Robert  concluded,  "is  wonderfully  looked 
and  wished  for  everywhere1."  Until  Leicester  should  arrive — 
an  event  which  it  was  popularly  hoped  would  work  wonders — 
Sir  Philip  was  occupied  in  trying  to  improve  the  condition  of 
his  garrison.  He  was  in  consultation  with  Edward  Norris  and 
Davison  as  to  the  best  way  of  mustering  and  paying  the  com- 
panies conformably  to  the  order  of  the  English  Council2,  and 
was  forced  to  borrow  £300  'at  usance'  to  relieve  their  most 
immediate  necessities3.  He  found  General  Norris  rather  diffi- 
cult to  persuade  to  his  point  of  view  regarding  the  strengthening 
of  the  Flushing  garrison  by  adding  to  it  Colonel  Morgan's 
regiment,  but  in  Davison  he  had  a  good  friend,  and  Count 
Hohenlo  approved  of  the  young  governor's  plans4. 

On  Friday,  December  10th,  Leicester  reached  Flushing, 
after  a  favourable  one  day  passage  from  Harwich.  He  was 
accompanied  by  a  large  number  of  young  English  knights  and 
noblemen— Lord  North,  the  Earl  of  Essex,  Lord  Audeley, 
Lord  Willoughby,  Sir  William  Russell,  and  many  others, 
including  Thomas  Sidney ;  they  had  crossed  in  two  parties— 

1  Ibid.  November  29,  1585. 

*  Ibid.,  Norris  to  Walsingham,  November  28,  1585. 

8  Harleian  MSS.  Sir  Philip  to  Walsingham,  December  9,  1585. 

*  Ibid.  Sir  Philip  to  Davison,  December  7,  1586. 


348  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

one  from  Harwich,  the  other  from  Gravesend,  in  some  fifty 
vessels.  There  were  probably  3000  soldiers  all  told,  but 
according  to  contemporary  Spanish  reports  Sir  William  Stanley 
and  Sir  Henry  Harrington  had  each  1500  men  from  Ireland, 
the  Master  of  Grey  600  from  Scotland,  and  altogether  the  Queen 
of  England  had  sent  a  mighty  force  to  check  the  Prince  of 
Parma's  victorious  career1.  In  Flushing  they  were  received 
by  Count  Maurice  and  Sir  Philip,  and  Leicester  was  escorted 
to  his  lodgings  with  a  very  considerable  amount  of  civil  and 
military  pomp.  He  remained  in  the  town  only  one  day — "  to 
inform  himself  thoroughly  of  the  state  of  the  garrison  and  to 
give  such  direction  to  his  nephew  Sidney  for  the  supply  and 
reinforcing  thereof  as  he  deemed  expedient" — to  quote  the  words 
of  his  report  to  the  Council.  On  the  evening  of  his  arrival 
Count  Maurice  with  others  of  the  States  Council  visited  the 
Earl  to  convey  to  him  the  congratulations  of  the  General 
Estates. 

The  next  afternoon  he  left  Flushing  and,  accompanied  by 
Sir  Philip,  passed  the  Rammekins  and  reached  Middelburg. 
Here  began  the  series  of  wonderful  banquets  and  entertainments 
which  the  loyal  Netherlander  had  devised  as  a  fitting  welcome 
for  their  champion. 

"Pigs  served  on  their  feet,  pheasants  in  their  feathers,  and  baked  swans 
with  their  necks  thrust  through  gigantic  pie-crust ;  crystal  castles  of 
confectionery  with  silver  streams  flowing  at  their  base,  and  fair  virgins 
leaning  from  the  battlements,  looking  for  their  new  English  champion, 
'wine  in  abundance,  variety  of  all  sorts  and  wonderful  welcomes' — such 
was  the  bill  of  fare2." 

The  Lieutenant  General  proceeded  by  way  of  Dort,  Rotterdam 
and  Delft  to  the  Hague,  and  honest  Burnham  wrote  Walsingham 
that  it  was  thought  that  when  Charles  V  made  his  entry  into 
those  towns  there  were  not  greater  ceremonies.  Leicester  was 
delighted  with  the  fertility  and  wealth  of  the  country  and  the 
cordiality  of  his  reception,  and  the  Hollanders  were  amazed  at 
the  splendour  and  magnificence  of  their  deliverer's  dress. 
Since  the  death  of  William  the  Silent  the  difficulty  of 

1  State  Papers — Spanish,  December,  1585. 

2  Motley,  The  United  Netherlands,  I,  351. 


xix]  The  Netherlands   %  349 

securing  united  action  among  the  Netherland  provinces  had 
been  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  their  ill-success.  Count 
Maurice  was  merely  a  boy  ;  St  Aldegonde,  the  only  other  man 
who  might  conceivably  have  united  the  discordant  elements 
in  the  States,  was  too  deeply  suspected  at  present  to  have  any 
unifying  influence.  Everyone  who  had  at  heart  the  success 
of  the  Netherlands  was  anxious  to  end  the  prevailing  anarchy, 
and  accordingly  on  January  1st,  the  States- General  determined 
to  offer  to  Leicester  the  Governor-Generalship  of  all  the  pro- 
vinces. Leicester  appeared  coy  at  first,  but  in  the  ensuing 
negotiations  he  showed  himself  restive  regarding  the  degree  of 
authority  which  the  States  proposed  to  retain.  All  difficulties 
were  overcome,  however,  and  on  January  14th  he  accepted  the 
Governor-Generalship.  In  military  matters  he  was  supreme, 
as  also  in  matters  political  and  civil  according  to  the  customs 
prevalent  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  He  might 
summon  the  States- General  when  and  where  he  would,  though 
they  were  also  competent  to  meet  on  their  own  initiative. 
Leicester  was  addressed  by  the  title  '  Your  Excellency1.' 

The  step  which  Leicester  had  taken  was  universally  approved 
in  the  Netherlands — by  the  Dutch  and  by  the  resident  English 
officers  as  well.  It  also  commended  itself  to  the  judgment  of 
the  English  Council.  But  it  was  in  direct  opposition  to  Her 
Majesty's  instructions.  Leicester  had  been  appointed  lieu- 
tenant-general of  the  English  forces  in  the  Low  Countries  and 
adviser  of  the  States-General.  Elizabeth  had  been  entirely 
unwilling  to  assume  any  closer  relationship  to  the  revolted 
provinces,  and  in  her  published  'Declaration'  she  had  dis- 
claimed any  such  intention.  In  his  'Instructions'  Leicester 
was  commanded 

"To  let  the  states  understand  that,  where  by  their  commissioners 
they  made  offer  unto  her  majesty,  first,  of  the  sovereignty  of  those  countries, 
which  for  sundry  respects  she  did  not  accept,  secondly  unto  her  protection, 
offering  to  be  absolutely  governed  by  such  as  her  majesty  would  appoint 
and  send  over  to  be  her  lieutenant.  That  her  majesty,  although  she 
would  not  take  so  much  upon  her  as  to  command  them  in  such  absolute 
sort  yet  unless  they  should  show  themselves  forward  to  use  the  advice 

i  Motley,  i,  pp.  384r-386. 


350  The  Netherlands  [OH. 

of  her  Majesty  to  be  delivered  unto  them  by  her  lieutenant,  to  work  amongst 
them  a  fair  unity  and  concurrence  for  their  own  defence. .  .her  majesty 
would  think  her  favours  unworthily  bestowed  upon  them." 

"To  offer  all  his  lordship's  travail,  care  and  endeavour,  to  understand 
their  estates,  and  to  give  them  advice,  from  time  to  time,  in  that  which 
may  be  for  the  surety  of  their  estate  and  her  Majesty's  honour1." 

These  were  the  last  two  items  in  Leicester's  formal  instruc- 
tions, and  his  action  in  accepting  the  absolute  governorship,  as 
it  was  called,  was  an  unequivocal  violation  of  them.  Moreover, 
the  Queen  had  amplified  her  meaning  in  private  conversation 
with  the  Earl.  That  he  had  clearly  understood  the  limits  of 
his  charge  seems  hardly  possible,  however,  for  in  a  'minute' 
which  he  set  down  before  leaving  England  as  to  the  powers 
which  he  should  exercise  in  his  new  capacity,  he  is  of  the 
opinion  that  he  should  have  as  much  authority  as  the  Prince 
of  Orange  had  or  any  other  governor  or  captain-general  hath 
had  heretofore2.  Dazzled  by  the  magnificence  of  his  new 
station  Leicester  yielded  to  his  own  inclinations  which  co- 
incided perfectly  with  those  of  everyone  by  whom  he  was 
surrounded.  Sidney  and  Davison  were  probably  not  aware 
that  his  act  was  one  which  had  been  specifically  forbidden  by 
the  Queen.  Nothing  in  Leicester's  whole  career  more  perfectly 
convicts  him  of  a  lack  of  judgment  which  amounted  to  folly, 
for  no  one  in  England  had  had  greater  opportunities  of  acquaint- 
ing himself  with  the  character  of  Elizabeth. 

The  first  news  of  the  proposed  change  in  Leicester's  position 
which  reached  England  was  contained  in  a  letter  written  by 
Lord  North  to  Burghley  on  January  2nd3.  He  referred  to  the 
action  of  the  States- General  almost  incidentally.  "I  do  not 
see  his  Lordship  minded  as  yet  to  accept  it,"  he  wrote,  "  or  if 
he  do  I  suppose  he  will  have  laid  down  plainly  and  certainly 
how  and  which  way  this  liberal  offer  may  have  performance." 
Lord  North  expected  prolonged  negotiations — these  States 
walk  so  slowly  and  surely.  One  cannot  but  feel  that  an  attempt 
is  being  made  to  minimise  the  importance  of  the  news.  Leices- 
ter did  not  refer  the  question  to  the  Queen  or  her  Council,  and 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  ed.  Bruce  (Camden  Soc.),  1844. 

2  Ibid.  p.  20. 

8  Holland  Correspondence,  voL  vi,  fol.  3 


xix]  The  Netherlands  .  351 

made  no  mention  of  the  matter  until  the  day  of  his  acceptance, 
when  he  wrote  Walsingham  how  the  governorship  had  been 
forced  on  him  :  he  would  send  Davison  at  once  to  explain  in 
detail  why  he  had  accepted. 

For  some  unexplained  reason  Leicester  did  not  send 
Davison  for  some  weeks  :  he  reached  London  on  February  13th. 
In  the  meantime  the  Earl  seems  to  have  been  unconscious  of 
the  storm  that  was  about  to  break.  He  wrote  Walsingham 
begging  for  money  and  men,  he  regrets  the  Queen's  unwillingness 
to  send  him  certain  Irish  soldiers  and  to  send  Sir  William 
Pelham,  a  military  expert  who  was  in  temporary  disgrace 
with  Her  Majesty :  he  fears  that  Parma's  tales  about  Elizabeth's 
intended  peace  with  Spain  will  work  much  harm.  Finally  he 
hears  that  the  Queen  mislikes  his  having  assumed  the  title  of 
'Excellency';  he  justifies  himself,  and  declares  boastfully 
that  he  might  have  had  a  much  higher  title  had  he  chosen1. 
When  at  length  he  learned  from  Walsingham  of  the  Queen's 
great  mislike  of  his  proceedings  and  of  her  intention  to  disavow 
them  wholly  he  was  grieved  to  the  heart,  and  professed  himself 
anxious  only  to  withdraw  into  some  out-corner  of  the  world 
where  he  might  languish  out  the  rest  of  his  few,  too  many, 
days,  praying  ever  for  Her  majesty's  long  and  prosperous 
life2. 

Meanwhile  Burghley  and  Walsingham  were  engaged  in  a 
futile  attempt  to  modify  the  Queen's  wrath  and  indignation. 
Leicester  had  flatly  disobeyed  her,  he  had  not  consulted  her 
previous  to  taking  the  momentous  step,  he  delayed  sending 
Davison  over,  he  still  addressed  no  letter  to  her.  The  cup  of 
his  iniquities  was  indeed  full  to  overflowing.  She  determined 
to  humble  him  by  insisting  on  a  public  resignation  of  his  new 
office.  When  Davison  arrived  he  was  able  to  accomplish  no 
more  than  might  have  been  expected.  There  was  no  possibility 
of  condoning  Leicester's  disobedience,  nor  could  it  be  denied 
that  his  act  violated  the  spirit  of  the  Queen's  public  'Declara- 
tion' of  her  intentions.  These  were  capital  sins  in  her  eyes, 
and  the  practical  considerations  which  made  her  advisers 
willing  to  overlook  them  did  not  appeal  to  her.  She  had  been 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  94.  *  Ibid.  p.  98. 


352  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

infuriated  by  a  report  that  the  Countess  was  about  to  join  her 
husband  and  to  set  up  a  more  magnificent  court  than  that  of 
the  English  Queen.  Had  Leicester  thrown  himself  on  her 
mercy,  had  he  made  a  direct  appeal,  something  might  have 
been  done,  but  his  silence  was  suicidal.  The  Queen  sent  him 
the  following  letter  by  Sir  Thomas  Heneage,  a  letter  which 
for  terseness  and  vigour  has  seldom  been  surpassed  : 

"How  contemptuously  we  conceive  ourself  to  have  been  used  by  you, 
you  shall  by  this  bearer  understand,  whom  we  have  expressly  sent  unto 
you  to  charge  you  withall.  We  could  never  have  imagined,  had  we  not 
seen  it  fall  out  in  experience,  that  a  man  raised  up  by  ourself,  and  extra- 
ordinarily favoured  by  us  above  any  other  subject  of  this  land,  would  have 
in  so  contemptible  a  sort  broken  our  commandment  in  a  cause  that  so 
greatly  toucheth  us  in  honour  ;  whereof,  although  you  have  showed  your- 
self to  make  but  little  accompt,  in  most  undutiful  a  sort,  you  may  not 
therefore  think  that  we  have  so  little  care  of  the  reparation  thereof  as  we 
mind  to  pass  so  great  a  wrong  in  silence  unredressed  ;  and,  therefore,  our 
express  pleasure  and  commandment  is,  that,  all  delays  and  excuses  laid 
apart,  you  do  presently,  upon  the  duty  of  your  allegiance,  obey  and  fulfil 
whatsoever  the  bearer  hereof  shall  direct  you  to  do  in  our  name  :  whereof 
fail  you  not,  as  you  will  answer  the  contrary  at  your  uttermost 
peril1." 

Fortunately  Heneage  was  delayed  by  contrary  winds  for  a 
fortnight,  and,  after  Burghley  had  tendered  his  resignation  and 
the  whole  Council  had  stood  firm  in  approving  of  Leicester, 
Heneage's  instructions  were  slightly  modified.  After  some 
weeks  the  Queen  was  at  length  willing  that  the  Earl  should 
continue  in  his  new  office.  But,  as  Leicester  himself  phrased 
it,  his  credit  in  the  Netherlands  was  cracked.  The  States- 
General  became  less  and  less  willing  to  divest  themselves  of 
the  power  which  at  first  they  had  eagerly  conferred  on  the  Earl, 
and  his  relations  with  their  leading  men  became  more  and  more 
strained.  Elizabeth's  refusal  to  send  money  to  her  own 
ragged,  starving  troops  lent  colour  to  the  rumours  that  she 
proposed  to  make  a  treaty  with  Spain  on  her  own  account  and 
to  sacrifice  the  Netherlands.  It  was  rumoured  that  Leicester 
was  considered  a  poor  creature  even  by  the  English  Queen, 
who  had  never  intended  to  prosecute  the  war  seriously.  Had 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  110. 


The  Netherlands  353 

Leicester  been  a  much  more  competent  general  than  he  actually 
was,  the  affair  of  the  absolute  governorship  would  have  almost 
nullified  his  chances  of  success. 

Sir  Philip,  too,  had  to  bear  his  share  of  the  royal  disfavour. 
When  Davison  reached  London  Walsingham  informed  him  that 
the  Queen  "had  threatened  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  myself  as 
principal  actors  and  persuaders  thereof1."  Leicester  had  shown 
little  sense  of  personal  dignity  in  the  whole  matter,  and  assured 
both  the  Queen  and  Council  that  he  had  been  over-persuaded 
by  Davison  and  others  to  yield  to  the  desire  of  the  States. 
He  also  found  himself  deeply  aggrieved  by  what  he  considered 
Davison's  inadequate  defence  of  his  case  before  the  Queen. 
Davison's  answer  was  that  Leicester  had  needed  no  great 
persuasion — "let  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  others  witness" — and 
that  Leicester  alone  was  aware  that  the  Queen  had  expressly 
forbidden  his  acceptation  of  any  such  office. 

It  was  a  wretchedly  difficult  position  in  which  Sir  Philip 
found  himself.  Toward  him  the  Queen  "  had  put  on  a  very 
hard  conceit,"  and  Walsingham  hinted  that  she  might  decide  to 
remove  him  from  his  governorship  of  Flushing.  Davison  con- 
fidently called  upon  him  to  justify  his  course  in  relation  to  the 
Earl,  and  however  clearly  Sir  Philip  may  have  perceived  the 
merits  of  the  case,  it  was  embarrassing  to  be  expected  publicly 
to  condemn  his  uncle  who  was  also  his  commanding  officer. 
His  embarrassment  is  evidenced  in  the  following  letter  to 
Davison  : 

"Cousin:  My  lord  thinks  great  unkindness  in  you,  being  advertised 
from  thence  that  you  greatly  disclaim  from  his  defence,  which  now  your 
absence  from  Court  seems  much  to  confirm,  but  of  your  faith  I  will  make 
no  doubt  while  I  live.  Only,  I  think  you  answered  not  the  point  of  her 
Majesty's  mislike,  for  you  answered  only  upon  the  necessity,  but  should 
have  argued  withal  upon  the  nature,  which  is  not  absolute  as  her  Majesty 
took  it.  Well,  a  great  blow  is  stricken  ;  things  went  on  beyond  expectation 
— I  doubt  me  hardly  to  be  redressed.  And  so  I  commit  you  to  God,  my 
good  cousin,  with  hearty  commendations  to  my  cousin  your  wife.  At 

Amsterdam  this  19th  of  March,  1586. 

Your  loving  cousin, 

PH.    SIDNEY2." 

1  Davison  to  Leicester,  Bruce,  p.  118. 

2  Harkian  MSS.  voL  CCLXXXV,  f.  293. 

23 


W.  L.  S. 


354  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

Davison  probably  understood  this  letter  perfectly.  Sir 
Philip  approved  of  him  thoroughly,  but  he  must  not  at  least 
formally  condemn  his  uncle.  Sir  Philip  could  hardly  have 
meant  seriously  that  Davison's  fault  consisted  in  his  not  having 
explained  to  the  Queen  that  the  absolute  governorship  was 
not  absolute.  Davison  was  especially  anxious  that  Sir  Thomas 
Heneage  should  hear  Sir  Philip's  version  of  the  story  immedi- 
ately on  his  arrival  in  Holland,  for  he  knew  that  he  could  trust 
him  thoroughly1.  "  For  yourself,  cousin,"  Sir  Philip  wrote  him 
a  little  later,  "assure  yourself  anyway  that  I  can  testify  my 
assured  friendship  toward  you.  I  will  ground  upon  it  for  I 
will  not  fail  you2." 

It  was  a  weary  winter  for  Sir  Philip.  His  health  seems  to 
have  improved  in  spite  of,  or  perhaps  because  of,  his  strenuous 
life,  but  the  miserable  condition  of  his  troops,  unrelieved  by 
the  most  necessary  supplies  from  England,  the  continual 
rumours  that  Parma  was  treating  with  Elizabeth  for  peace,  the 
long-drawn-out  business  of  the  absolute  governorship,  and  the 
inactivity  of  the  English  forces,  preyed  on  his  spirits.  "  Sir 
Philip  is  in  good  health,"  Burnham  wrote  Walsingham,  "and 
hath  been  so  ever  since  his  coming,  God  be  thanked, — but 
not  without  melancholy3."  From  everyone  he  gained  golden 
opinions.  "  My  nephew  Sidney,"  declared  Leicester,  "  is  notably 
esteemed,  and  I  think  within  a  few  months  shall  be  able  to  do 
her  Majesty  here  other  manner  of  service  than  may  well  be 
looked  for4."  "Sir  Philip  doth  apply  himself  with  care  that 
all  things  may  be  carried  with  the  honour  and  surety  of  her 
Majesty6,"  wrote  Davison  to  Walsingham.  He  was  in  constant 
communication  with  his  father-in-law  and  the  Council,  now 
recommending  some  Englishman  who  was  returning,  now 
asking  for  the  removal  of  some  grievance  under  which  his 
Flushing  subjects  were  labouring,  and  always  begging  for 
means  to  relieve  the  indescribable  poverty  of  his  troops.  His 

1  Wright,  n,  p.  284.     Bruce,  p.  142. 

2  Harkian  MSS.  vol.  CCLXXXV,  f.  243. 

8  Holland  Correspondence,  f.  200,  December  12,  1585. 

4  Bruce,  p.  70. 

8  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  vi,  f.  69. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  •  355 

own  credit  he  seems  to  have  pledged  almost  recklessly.  When- 
ever he  could  absent  himself  from  Flushing  he  was  with  Leicester 
consulting  tirelessly  regarding  details  and  travelling  from  one 
part  of  the  country  to  the  other  to  carry  out  his  uncle's  plans. 
When  not  with  Leicester  he  wrote  him  frequent  letters,  in 
which  he  went  into  the  minutest  details  of  the  service.  Some- 
times his  impatience  regarding  their  do-nothing  policy  breaks 
out :  he  probably  did  not  know  that  Leicester's  instructions 
enjoined  on  him  a  purely  defensive  campaign.  "Here  are 
no  news  in  Rotterdam,"  he  wrote  on  February  12th,  "  but  that 
your  band  is  of  very  handsome  men,  but  merry  and  unarmed, 
spending  money  and  time  to  no  purpose1."  "  The  enemy," 
he  wrote  to  Leicester  in  another  letter,  "  stirs  of  every  side,  and 
your  side  must  not  be  idle,  for  if  it  be,  it  quickly  loseth  reputa- 
tion2." Leicester  had  appointed  him  to  the  colonelcy  of  a 
Zealand  regiment,  and  there  was  talk  of  his  being  made  Governor 
of  all  the  Isles 3 ;  he  was  eager  to  undertake  some  exploit  that 
would  justify  the  good  opinions  conceived  of  him,  and  he  wrote 
to  Leicester  on  February  2nd  begging  that  he  be  allowed  to 
besiege  Steenberg.  Parma  was  besieging  Grave,  and  Sir 
Philip  felt  that  either  the  English  forces  would  be  able  to  capture 
Steenberg  or  at  least  force  the  Spaniards  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Grave.  Lant,  the  engraver  of  his  funeral  roll,  says  that  Sir 
Philip  would  have  prevailed  had  it  not  been  for  a  sudden 
thaw4. 

The  increasing  lack  of  harmony  between  Leicester  and  the 
chief  representatives  of  the  States  was  illustrated  in  the  oppo- 
sition which  developed  to  Sir  Philip's  being  given  the  Zealand 

1  Cotton  MSS.  Galba,  C,  xi,  fol.  265. 

2  Ibid.  Galba,  C,  ix,  f.  93. 

8  Hottand  Correspondence,  vol.  VI,  f.  128.  Captain  Willford  to  Walsingham, 
January  26th,  1586. 

4  Thomas  Doyley  reported  to  Burghley  that  "  News  came  that  Sir  Philip 
Sidney's  enterprise  against  Steenbergen  failed,  having  had  a  1000  men  out  of 
Berghes-op-Zoom  for  the  execution  thereof.  Notwithstanding  that  Monsieur 
Marbois,  Capt.  of  Wow  Castle  held  his  correspondency  and  killed  La  Fergie, 
the  Governor  of  Steenbergen,  by  training  him  to  the  castle  under  pretence  to 
resign  it "  (Hottand  Correspondence,  vol.  vi,  foL  228).  This  is  the  only  reference 
I  have  found  to  the  attack.  Motley  says  that  Sidney  was  overruled  in  his 
desire  to  undertake  the  project. 

23—2 


356  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

regiment.  Count  Hohenlo,  Paul  Buys,  and  Barneveldt  were 
especially  jealous  of  the  Dutch  honours  being  conferred  on 
Englishmen. 

"Upon  my  having  the  Zealand  regiment,"  wrote  Sir  Philip  to  Davison, 
"which  you  know  was  more  your  persuasion  than  any  design  in  me,  the 
Count  Hollock  (i.e.  Hohenlo)  caused  a  many-handed  supplication  to  be 
made  that  no  stranger  might  have  any  regiment,  but  presently  after, 
with  all  the  same  hands,  protested  they  meant  it  not  by  me,  to  whom  they 
wished  all  honour,  etc.  The  Count  Maurice  showed  himself  constantly 
kind  to  me  therein,  but  Mr  Paul  Bus  hath  too  many  busses  in  his  head — 
such  as  you  will  find  he  will  be  to  God  and  man,  about  one  pitch1." 

It  was  probably  due  to  this  opposition  that  Leicester  did  not 
carry  out  his  purpose  of  appointing  his  nephew  Governor  of 
the  province. 

It  was  to  the  defences  of  Flushing  and  the  care  of  his  own 
garrison,  however,  that  Sir  Philip  gave  most  attention.  Im- 
pressed with  a  sense  of  the  momentous  importance  of  the 
stronghold  which  had  been  committed  to  his  care,  he  was  amazed 
and  sickened  by  the  spectacle  of  his  half-filled  companies, 
ragged,  sick,  starving  and  on  the  verge  of  mutiny,  abandoned, 
it  would  seem,  by  the  English  Queen  who  had  sent  them  to 
do  her  work.  The  States-General  raised  £20,000  per  month 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  Dutch  and  English  forces,  but 
from  this  provision  the  garrisons  of  the  cautionary  towns  were 
excluded,  and  their  condition  was  universally  recognized  as 
one  of  extreme  wretchedness.  Sir  Philip  had  written  to  the 
Council  urging  the  erection  of  barracks  to  prevent  the  frequent 
clashes  between  townsmen  and  soldiers.  Her  Majesty  approved, 
but  thought  that  the  burghers  should  be  persuaded  to  build 
some  new  houses  or  rent  vacant  ones  to  free  themselves  of  the 
imposition  of  the  soldiers  upon  them.  He  should  confer  with 
Leicester  who  must  finance  the  scheme  as  "her  Majesty's  charges 
do  daily  increase  beyond  her  expectation."  If  he  and  Leicester 
cannot  possibly  squeeze  the  cost  out  of  the  burghers  perhaps 
Her  Majesty  might  yield  some  portion  for  the  accomplishment 
of  so  necessary  a  service.  This  last  statement  appeared  in 

1  Cotton  MSS.  Gotta,  C,  x,  f.  75,  February  24,  1586. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  '  357 

the  draft  letter  written  to  Sir  Philip  by  the  lords  of  the  Council, 
but  was  struck  out  in  the  final  copy1. 

It  seemed  as  if  England  were  willing  to  abandon  her  own 
soldiers  to  a  wretched  fate.  There  were  dangerous  mutinies  of 
English  troops  at  Bergen-op-Zoom  and  at  Dort,  and  Sir  Philip 
dared  not  think  of  the  consequences,  should  the  discontent  at 
Flushing  take  a  similar  form.  He  wrote  to  Burghley  begging 
his  aid, — 

' '  for  truly,  my  Lord,  eke  there  will  some  terrible  accident  follow,  particularly 

to  the  cautionary  towns  if  her  Majesty  mean  to  have  them  cautions I 

cry  only  for  Flushing,  and  crave  your  favour  which  I  will  deserve  with  my 


•5" 


Perhaps  one  of  the  chief  weaknesses  of  Sir  Philip's  tempera- 
ment was  a  certain  impatience  with  the  world  of  things  as  they 
are,  a  tendency  to  waste  his  energies  in  criticism  and  exaspera- 
tion rather  than  to  husband  them  for  more  constructive  work. 
It  is  the  weakness  of  the  idealist  who  learns  hardly  the  lesson 
of  compromise  between  what  ought  to  be  and  what  may  be. 
It  is  owing  to  no  desire  to  discover  imaginary  perfections  in 
Sir  Philip,  however,  that  we  recognize,  especially  in  this  last 
year  of  his  life,  the  strides  which  he  had  taken  toward  attaining 
a  poise  and  self-possession  which  promised  much  for  the  future. 
Both  Leicester  and  Walsingham  have  left  on  record  their  un- 
qualified admiration  of  his  good  judgment  and  general  capacity 
in  the  high  office  which  he  had  been  called  to  fill,  and  many  of 
the  letters  which  he  wrote  during  these  months  bear  witness 
to  his  greater  maturity.  Nor  was  it  at  the  expense  of  his 
high  ideals  of  conduct  that  he  developed  a  spirit  of  greater 
tolerance  and  forbearance.  One  of  his  letters  to  Walsingham, 
written  toward  the  end  of  March3,  will  illustrate  the  point  as 
well  as  give  Sir  Philip's  view  of  the  general  situation  : 

"Right  Honourable:  I  receive  divers  letters  from  yon  full  of  the 
discomfort  which  I  see,  and  am  sorry  to  see,  you  daily  meet  with  at  home, 
and  I  think  such  is  the  good- will  it  pleaseth  you  to  bear  me  that  my  part 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  voL  vn,  Draft  copy  fol.  1,  March  2nd.  Final 
copy  fol.  3,  March  10th. 

8  Ibid.,  f.  76,  March  18,  1586. 

8  Harleian  MSS,  vol.  CCLXXXVH,  f.  1,  Utrecht,  March  24,  1586. 


358  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

of  the  trouble  is  something  that  troubles  you.  But,  I  beseech  you,  let 
it  not.  I  had  before  cast  my  count  of  danger,  want,  and  disgrace,  and 
before  God,  sir,  it  is  true  in  my  heart  the  love  of  the  cause  doth  so  far 
overbalance  them  all  that  with  God's  grace  they  shall  never  make  me 
weary  of  my  resolution.  If  her  Majesty  were  the  fountain,  I  should  fear, 
considering  what  I  daily  find,  that  we  should  wax  dry.  But  she  is  but  a 
means  whom  God  useth,  and  I  know  not  whether  I  am  deceived  but  I  am 
faithfully  persuaded  that  if  she  should  withdraw  herself  other  springs 
would  rise  to  help  this  action.  For  I  think  I  see  the  great  work  indeed 
in  hand  against  the  abusers  of  the  world,  wherein  it  is  no  greater  fault 
to  have  confidence  in  man's  power  than  it  is  too  hastily  to  despair  of  God's 
work.  I  think  a  wise  and  constant  man  ought  never  to  grieve  while  he 
doth  play,  as  a  man  may  say,  his  own  part  truly,  though  others  be  out, 
but  if  himself  leave  his  hold  because  other  mariners  will  be  idle  he  will 
hardly  forgive  himself  his  own  fault.  For  me,  I  cannot  promise  of  my 
own  course,  no  nor  of  the  [. . .  .]*,  because  I  know  there  is  a  higher  power 
that  must  uphold  me  or  else  I  shall  fall,  but  certainly  I  trust  I  shall  not  by 
other  men's  wants  be  drawn  from  myself.  Therefore,  good  sir,  to  whom 
for  my  particxilar  I  am  more  bound  than  to  all  men  besides,  be  not  troubled 
with  my  troubles,  for  I  have  seen  the  worst  in  my  judgment  beforehand, 
and  worse  than  that  cannot  be.  If  the  Queen  pay  not  her  soldiers  she 
must  lose  her  garrison :  there  is  no  doubt  thereof.  But  no  man  living 
shall  be  able  to  say  the  fault  is  in  me.  What  relief  I  can  do  them  I  will, 
I  will  spare  no  danger  if  occasion  serve,  I  am  sure  no  creature  shall  be  able 
to  lay  injustice  to  my  charge,  and  for  further  doubts,  truly,  I  stand  not 
upon  them.  I  have  written  by  Adams  to  the  Council  plainly  thereof : 
let  them  determine.  It  hath  been  a  costly  beginning  unto  me,  this  war, 
by  reason  I  had  nothing  proportioned  unto  it,  my  servants  inexperienced, 
and  myself  everyway  unfurnished,  and  no  helps  but  hereafter.  If  the 
war  continue  I  shall  [....]  much  better  through  with  it. 

For  Berghen-op-Zome  I  delighted  in  it  I  confess  because  it  was  near 
the  enemy,  but  especially  having  a  very  fair  house  in  it  and  an  excellent 
air,  I  destined  it  for  my  wife,  but  finding  how  you  deal  there,  and  that 
ill-payment  in  my  absence  thence  might  bring  forth  some  mischief,  and 
considering  how  apttheQueenis  to  interpret  everything  to  my  disadvantage, 
I  have  resigned  it  to  my  Lord  Willoughby,  my  very  friend,  and  indeed  a 
valiant  and  frank  gentleman  and  fit  for  that  place.  Therefore,  I  pray  you, 
know  that  so  much  of  my  regality  is  fallen.  I  understand  I  am  called 
very  ambitious  and  proud  at  home,  but  certainly  if  they  knew  my  heart 
they  would  not  altogether  so  judge  me. 

I  wrote  to  you  a  letter  by  Will,  my  Lord  of  Leicester's  jesting  player2, 

1  The  manuscript  is  injured  by  damp. 

2  Probably   Will   Kemp,   the   famous   jester.     V.   John   Tucker   Murray, 
English  Dramatic  Companies,  vol.  i,  p.  35. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  *  359 

enclosed  in  a  letter  to  my  wife,  and  I  never  had  answer  thereof  It  con- 
tained something  to  [from  ?]  my  lord  of  Leicester  and  counsel  that  some 
way  might  be  taken  to  stay  my  Lady1  there.  I  since  divers  times  have  writ 
to  know  whether  you  had  received  them,  but  you  never  answered  me  the 
point.  I  since  find  that  the  knave  delivered  the  letters  to  my  lady  of 
Leicester,  but  whether  she  sent  them  you  or  no  I  know  not,  but  earnestly 
desire  to  do,  because  I  doubt  there  is  more  [....]  interpreted  thereof. 

Mr  Erington  is  with  me  at  Flushing,  and  therefore  I  think  myself  at 
the  more  rest  having  a  man  of  his  reputation,  but  assure  you,  sir,  in  good 
earnest,  I  find  Burlay  another  manner  of  man  than  he  is  tak[en  for  or]  I 
expected.  I  would  to  God  Burn[am]  obtained  his  suit :  he  is  honest 
but  somewhat  discouraged  with  consideration  of  his  estate.  Turner  was 
goo[d]  for  nothing,  and  worst  with  the  sound  of  the  [....].  We  shall 
have  a  sore  war  upon  us  this  summer,  wherein  if  appointment  had  been 
kept,  and  these  disgraces  forborne  which  have  greatly  weakened  us,  we 
had  been  victorious.  I  can  say  no  more  at  this  time,  but  pray  for  your 
long  and  happy  life.  At  Utrecht,  this  24th  of  March,  1586. 

Your  humble  son, 

PH.  SIDNEY. 

I  know  not  what  to  say  to  my  wife's  coming  till  you  resolve  better, 
for  if  you  run  a  strange  course  I  may  take  such  a  one  here  as  will  not  be 

fit  for  any  of  the  feminine  gender.     I  pray  you  make  much  of  [ ].     I 

have  [been]  vilely  deceived  for  armours  for  my  horsemen :  if  you  could 
speedily  spare  me  any  of  your  armoury  I  will  send  them  you  [again]  as 
soon  as  my  own  be  finished.  There  was  never  so  good  a  father  had  a 
more  troublesome  son.  Send  Sir  William  Pelham,  good  sir,  and  let  him 
have  Clerk's  place  for  we  need  no  clerks  and  it  is  most  necessary  to  have 
such  a  man  in  the  Council. 

In  this  letter  we  feel  that  we  come  into  closer  touch  with 
Sir  Philip  than  in  almost  any  other  of  his  writings  which  has 
survived,  and  the  irresistible  charm  of  his  character  which 
compelled  admiration  from  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men 
who  were  his  contemporaries  seems  easier  of  comprehension, 
The  transparency  of  his  motives,  the  absence  of  self-conscious- 
ness, the  unquestioning  devotion  of  himself  to  what  he  conceived 
to  be  right,  the  mildly  playful  spirit,  the  pensive  seriousness- 
all  are  here  combined  where  we  have  seen  them  but 

elsewhere. 

Throughout  the  spring  the  procrastinating  policy  continued, 
and  there  is  not  much  to  record  in  Sir  Philip's  life.     At  the  end , 

i  V.  page  352. 


360  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

March  he  spent  some  time  in  Germany  "to  draw  some  from 
thence  to  assist  the  Hueguenots1."  On  April  22nd  Walsingham 
sent  him  a  letter  for  the  States  of  Zealand  :  "  her  Majesty's 
pleasure  is  that  you  yourself  do  deliver  unto  the  States  of 
Zealand  the  enclosed  letter2."  He  was  probably  at  Utrecht 
on  April  23rd  when  Leicester  kept  the  Feast  of  St  George 
with  magnificent  celebrations.  On  April  29th  he  wrote  to  a 
Mr  Mills  in  Edinburgh  who  had  sent  him  a  long  account  of 
Scottish  affairs  and  had  communicated  to  him  the  Master  of 
Grey's  desire  to  take  a  body  of  troops  into  the  Low  Countries. 
Sir  Philip  rather  discourages  the  plan.  "  For  I  cannot,  con- 
sidering how  things  stand  here,  wish  any  friend  of  mine  whom 
I  love,  as  I  have  reason  to  love  him,  to  embark  himself  in  these 
matters  until  we  be  assured  of  better  harbour."  "  You  know," 
he  added  in  a  postscript,  "  it  should  evil  become  me  to  disgrace 
our  own  wars,  but,  considering  how  we  are  backed,  I  rather 
wish  some  other  than  he  found  the  hardness  of  it8."  A  few 
weeks  later  he  wrote  to  the  Master  of  Grey,  himself,  in  a  similar 
vein4.  On  May  25th  he  wrote  Walsingham  : 

"I  humbly  beseech  you  that  express  commandment  be  given  to 
Mr  Treasurer  from  her  Majesty  that  as  soon  as  the  treasure  lands  at 
Flushing,  the  garrisons  of  the  cautionary  towns  be  paid  with  the  service 
money  due  to  the  two  companies  above  her  Majesty's  proportion.  My 
Lord  [Leicester]  would  have  the  treasure  all  brought  hither  [Arnheim] 
first,  but  truly,  herein  for  the  great  importance  of  the  places  and  churlish- 
ness of  the  people's  humours,  especially  of  Flushing,  I  must  needs  crave 
that  they  be  first  looked  to6." 

Meanwhile  Sir  Philip  had  suffered  an  overwhelming  blow  in 
the  death  of  his  father.  Not  yet  57  years  of  age,  Sir  Henry 
died  on  May  5th  at  the  Bishop's  palace  in  Worcester,  "of  a 
kind  of  cold  palsy"  according  to  the  faithful  Molyneux,  "by 
reason  of  an  extreme  cold  he  took  upon  the  water  in  his  passage 
and  remove  by  barge  between  Bewdley  and  Worcester  not 

1  Thos.  Morgan  to  Queen  of  Scots  (Salisbury  MSS.  March  31,  1686). 

*  Cotton  MSS.  OaUba,  C,  ix,  185. 

*  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  vn,  f.  244. 
4  Salisbury  MSS.  May  17th,  1586. 

6  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  vm,  f.  97. 


xix]  The  Netherlands  *  361 

long  after  he  had  been  purged1."  According  to  the  custom  of 
the  time,  his  heart,  enclosed  in  a  small  leaden  urn2,  was  taken 
to  Ludlow  and  buried  in  the  little  oratory  of  the  parish  church, 
where  Sir  Henry  had  raised  a  monument  to  his  daughter 
Ambrosia  ;  the  entrails  were  buried  in  the  Dean's  Chapel  of 
Worcester  Cathedral,  and  preparations  were  made  to  convey 
the  body  to  Penshurst.  The  funeral  procession  of  one  hundred 
and  forty  horsemen,  members  of  the  Welsh  Council,  and  friends, 
kinsmen,  and  servants  of  Sir  Henry,  set  out  on  June  15th  and 
travelled  for  six  days  by  way  of  Chipping  Norton,  Oxford  and 
Kingston  to  Penshurst3.  He  was  buried  in  Penshurst  Church 
on  June  21st. 

"Surely,"  said  the  preacher  of  the  funeral  sermon,  "his  name  deserves 
with  us  a  pillar  of  gold,  which  had  and  held  so  many  offices  and  so  great, 
nay,  which  bare  them  so  long,  and  wielded  them  so  well,  who,  truly,  as  a 
candle  consumed  himself  in  yielding  light  to  other  men4." 

There  are  few  Elizabethans  whose  career  it  is  possible  to 
review  with  greater  satisfaction  than  that  of  Sir  Henry  Sidney. 
He  was  a  type  of  the  best  manhood  of  England  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  Not  a  brilliant  man  intellectually,  he  left  a  record  of 
lasting  achievement  which  many  a  brilliant  man  might  envy. 
His  one  ambition  was  to  serve  the  State  in  worthy  fashion,  and 
to  inspire  his  sons  with  similar  ideals.  Like  the  eldest  of  these 
sons  he  was  too  uncompromising,  too  simply  upright,  to  attract 
the  special  favour  of  Elizabeth,  though  she  was  by  no  means 
lacking  in  a  real  appreciation  of  his  worth.  As  Lord  Deputy 
of  Ireland  he  made  the  mistakes  which  were  made  by  every 

1  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  vol.  in,  p.  1548. 

2  Nichols  records,  without  explanation,  the  discovery  about  a  century  ago 
of  this  leaden  urn  in  the  garden  of  Edward  Coleman,  Esq.,  of  Leominster,  in 
Herefordshire.     On  it  was  rudely  carved  : 

Her.  Lih.  The. 

Hart,  of  Syr. 

Henry.  Sydny.  L.P.  Anno. 

Domini.  1586. 

»  An  interesting  and  very  detailed  account  of  the  "  Charges  and  Expenses 
in  fetching  of  the  corpse  of  Sir  H.  Sydney,  Knight  of  the  Order,  deceased,  from 
the  City  of  Worcester  to  his  Manor  of  Penshurst,"  is  contained  in  the  Lansdowne 
MSS.  (vol.  L,  fol.  197 +  ). 

«  A  Goodlie  Sermon,  etc.  By  Thomas  White,  professor  in  Divinity,  London 
1586,  B.L.  White  was  the  founder  of  Sion  College. 


362  The  Netherlands  [CH. 

other  English  statesman  of  the  day,  but  his  military  ability, 
his  honesty,  and  his  true  love  of  order  and  fair  dealing  enabled 
him  to  achieve  a  partial  success  far  greater  than  that  of  any 
other  Lord  Deputy.  It  is  a  notable  fact  that  the  Irish  them- 
selves regarded  him  with  something  like  affection,  and  the 
appreciation  of  his  services  in  Wales  was  a  constant  source 
of  satisfaction  to  him1.  Among  his  contemporaries  he  was 
famous  for  his  knowledge  of  history,  genealogy,  heraldry  and 
antiquities.  Science,  he  would  declare,  was  to  be  honoured  in 
whomsoever  it  was  to  be  found,  and  many  a  young  scholar 
found  in  him  a  generous  patron.  Holinshed  dedicated  to  him 
his  Chronicles  of  Ireland,  and  Stanyhurst  his  Description  of 
that  country.  His  library  of  rare  books  was  widely  known, 
and  Wood  justly  calls  him  "  a  great  lover  of  learning2." 

His  love  of  antiquities  and  of  enduring  works  of  archi- 
tecture, Sir  Henry  carried  into  his  administrations.  He  re- 
edified  Dublin  Castle  and  the  bridge  over  the  Shannon  at 
Athlone.  He  first  caused  the  Irish  statutes  to  be  printed  ; 
he  had  the  Irish  records  arranged  and  housed  in  a  suitable 
building,  and  appointed  a  salaried  Master  to  supervise  the 
collection.  It  was  a  bitter  disappointment  to  him  that  he 
was  unable  to  persuade  the  Irish  parliament  to  carry  out  his 
plans  for  establishing  an  Irish  university.  He  rebuilt  a  great 
part  of  Ludlow  Castle,  one  tower  of  which  was  devoted  to 
the  housing  of  the  ancient  Welsh  records,  and  had  a  famous 
conduit  constructed  for  supplying  the  town  and  castle  with 
water. 

His  diligence  in  business  and  his  ability  to  compose  private 
quarrels  were  proverbial.  "Is  not  this  easier  than  going  to 
London  or  Ludlow  ? "  he  would  exclaim  to  would-be  litigants 
who  had  listened  to  reason.  Continually  one  meets  with  refer- 
ences to  his  activities  of  this  kind.  His  grave,  dignified  exterior 
covered  a  warm,  generous  heart,  and  his  love  of  justice  attached 

1  The  Bishop  of  Hereford,  however,  had  been  able  to  find  neither  security 
nor  quietness  under  the  Lord  President  during  23  years.     See  his  letter  to 
Burghley,  June  21,  1583  (Lansdoume  MSS.  vol.  xxxvm,  f.  180). 

2  I  have  not  found  his  name,  however,  in  any  list  of  the  members  of  the 
Elizabethan  Society  of  Antiquaries,  to  which  his  eldest  son  and  his  friend 
Archbishop  Parker  both  belonged. 


xix]  The  Netherlands'  363 

the  common  people  to  him  in  an  unusual  degree.  To  his 
servants  he  was  a  kind  of  second  father.  The  death  of  one  of 
them,  he  writes  to  Burghley,  has  made  him  almost  incapable 
of  attending  to  public  business  ;  he  writes  to  Leicester,  in  the 
midst  of  harassing  cares,  to  beg  that  he  procure  for  him  a  litter 
on  which  another  of  his  servants  may  be  carried,  for  he  is 
"  grievously  sick  of  consumption  of  the  lungs,  and  yet  not  with- 
out hope  of  recovery  if  he  were  at  London."  It  was  this  large 
humanitarianism  and  simplicity  of  nature  which  impressed  all 
men  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  Few  governors  have 
been  more  clear  in  their  great  offices  or  have  borne  their 
faculties  more  meekly. 

Lady  Mary  survived  her  husband  only  three  months.  She 
died  in  London  on  August  9th  and  was  buried  in  the  same 
tomb  with  her  husband  in  Penshurst  Church1.  During  her 
later  years  she  lived  'solitarily'  to  quote  the  phrase  used  by 
Sir  Henry,  but  she  sometimes  accompanied  him  on  his  journeys 
about  his  principality,  and  was  sometimes  at  Wilton2.  For 
many  years  she  had  been  an  invalid,  and  sorrow  and  ill-health 
had  made  her  old  before  her  time.  It  is  sad  to  think  of  her 
last  days  when,  mourning  the  husband  to  whom  she  had  been 
entirely  devoted,  she  was  deprived  of  the  solace  of  having  any 
of  her  three  sons  with  her.  Molyneux  has  written  an  account 
of  "  the  godly  and  pious  end  of  the  most  noble,  worthy,  benefi- 
cent and  bounteous  lady,"  and  has  recorded  her 

"apt  and  ready  conceit,  excellency  of  wit,  and  notable  eloquent  delivery, 
for  none  could  match  her  and  few  or  none  come  near  her  either  in  the 
good  conceipt  and  frame  of  orderly  writing,  indicting  and  speedy  dis- 
patching, or  facility  of  gallant,  sweet,  delectable  and  courtly  speaking3." 

1  In  the  Registers  of  St  Olave's,  Hart  Street,  under  Burials  for  1586,  is  the 
following  entry  :    "  August  22— The  oulde  Ladye  Sydney,  widdowe,  named 
Mary,  was  carried  from  hence  to  be  buried  at  Penshurst  in  Kente  by  Sr.  Henry 
hir  husbande,  but  pd  all  dutyes  here,  both  to  the  pson,  the  pishe,  and  the 
officers  of  the  churche."     (Cott.  Top.  et  Gen.  vol.  n,  p.  315.) 

2  Together  with  Sir  Henry  she  visited  Shrewsbury  for  about  ten  days  in 
March,  1583,  when  the  Corporation  presented  her  with  £10.  18s.  lid.     Thomas 
Sidney  was  then  one  of  the  scholars  (Owen  and  Blakeway,  op.  cit.  p.  373). 
In  October,  1584,  she  was  godmother  to  Philip  Herbert  when  her  sons,  Sir 
Philip  and  Robert,  were  godfathers. 

2  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  vol.  m,  p.  1553. 


364  The  Netherlands  [CH.  xix 

In  her  high  birth,  her  great  ability  and  her  noble  character, 
her  early  life  was  full  of  the  promise  of  happiness,  but  the 
bright  morning  was  succeeded  by  tempest  and  storm,  and  her 
life  was  one  of  vexation  and  bufferings.  We  may  hope  that 
her  last  days  were  comforted  by  her  daughter  and  sister,  whose 
town  houses  were  near  her  own,  and  by  the  many  warm  friends 
whose  kindness  went  far  to  alleviate  the  sorrows  which  came 
to  her. 


MILITARY   OPERATIONS 

THE  sudden  death  of  his  father,  for  which  he  can  have  been 
in  no  wise  prepared,  must  have  been  a  terrible  shock  to  Sir 
Philip.  The  news  reached  him  some  eight  days  after  Sir  Henry's 
death1,  and  it  was  generally  assumed  that  he  would  return  at 
once  to  England.  Arrangements  for  his  father's  funeral  had 
to  be  made,  and  many  business  matters  demanded  attention  ; 
his  mother  was  lying  desperately  ill  in  London.  Sir  Philip  at 
once  applied  earnestly  to  the  Queen  for  leave  of  absence  from 
his  charge.  Meanwhile  he  was  writing  to  Walsingham,  asking 
that  certain  horses  which  had  been  Sir  Henry's  might  be  sent 
over  to  supply  the  full  number  of  his  cornet2.  But  he  was  not 
to  leave  the  Netherlands.  To  all  his  entreaties  the  Queen 
turned  a  deaf  ear3 ;  his  worth  seemed  much  greater  in  her 
eyes  when  he  wished  to  resign  his  post.  As  soon  as  it  was 
obvious  that  he  must  remain  in  the  Netherlands  his  wife 
prepared  to  join  him.  She  reached  Flushing  in  the  latter  part 
of  June4. 

With  the  opening  of  spring  active  military  operations 
began.  The  possession  of  the  fortified  towns,  which  commanded 
the  commerce  of  the  five  great  rivers  of  the  country,  was  the 

1  Thos.  Doyley  to  Burghley,  May  24th,  1586,  Arnheim  (Holland  Corre- 
spondence, vol.  vin,  f.  93). 

2  Hottand  Correspondence,  vol.  vm,  f.  110. 

3  State  Papers— Spanish  (1580-1586),  June  24th,  1586,  Unsigned  Advices 
from  London. 

*  Sir  Philip  to  Walsingham,  Utrecht,  June  28th  (Holland  Correspondence, 
vol.  vm,  f.  316).  "I  am  presently  going  toward  Flushing  where  I  hear  that 
your  daughter  is  very  well  and  merry." 


366  Military  Operations  [CH. 

aim  of  Parma  and  of  Leicester  alike.  The  situation  at  the 
opening  of  the  campaign  is  thus  summarized  by  Motley : 

"Antwerp,  with  the  other  Scheldt  cities,  had  fallen  into  Parma's  power, 
but  Flushing,  which  controlled  them  all,  was  held  by  Philip  Sidney  for 
the  Queen  and  States.  On  the  Meuse,  Maastricht  and  Dermond  were 
Spanish,  but  Venloo,  Grave,  Meghem  and  other  towns  held  for  the  com- 
monwealth. On  the  Waal  the  town  of  Nymegen  had,  through  the  dex- 
terity of  Martin  Schenk,  been  recently  transferred  to  the  royalists,  while 
the  rest  of  that  river's  course  was  true  to  the  republic.  The  Rhine,  strictly 
so  called,  from  its  entrance  into  Netherland,  belonged  to  the  rebels.  Upon 
its  elder  branch,  the  Yssel,  Zutphen  was  in  Parma's  hands,  while,  a  little 
below,  Deventer  had  been  recently  and  adroitly  saved  by  Leicester  and 
Count  Meurs  from  falling  into  the  same  dangerous  grasp1." 

Another  summary  of  the  situation  is  given  by  an  anonymous 
writer  who  served  under  Leicester  : 

"In  Holland,  Zealand  and  Utrecht  the  enemy  had  clearly  nothing ;  in 
Fries]  and  also  nothing  saving  that  the  city  of  Groningen  and  that  part  of 
the  country  called  Omelands  were  wholly  his  :  in  Gelderland  and  Zutphen 
he  had  a  good  part  :  in  Brabant  the  Estates  had  but  Berghen-op-Zome, 
St.  Ghertrudenburg,  Huesden,  Grave  and  Wowe  Castle  with  the  fort  of 
Lillo :  in  Flanders  they  had  Sluice  and  Ostend  and  the  forts  of  Terneuse, 
the  Dole,  Lyskenshooke  and  St.  Anthony's  Hook;  all  the  rest  were  the 
enemy's  together  with  all  the  other  of  the  seventeen  provinces2." 

Parma's  first  object  was  the  reduction  of  Grave  ;  the  English 
force  was  encamped  beforeNimeguen — to  prevent  supplies  being 
sent  in,  and,  if  possible,  to  recapture  it.  After  early  April, 
Sir  Philip  was  almost  constantly  in  camp,  and  visited  Flushing 
only  from  time  to  time  as  his  presence  was  required. 

The  campaign  had  opened  with  an  action  of  most  happy 
augury.  Leicester  had  commissioned  Sir  John  Norris  and  Count 
Hohenlo  to  relieve  Grave,  and  in  a  brilliant  encounter  with  the 
best  Spanish  troops  they  had  won  a  great  victory ;  on  April 
6th,  five  hundred  additional  soldiers  were  added  to  the  garrison 
and  provisions  sufficient  to  last  a  year.  Leicester  was  so  much 
elated  that  he  seems  to  have  believed  that  within  two  or  three 
months  he  would  be  able  to  drive  the  Spaniards  from  the 
country.  "  If  the  Spaniard  have  such  a  May  as  he  has  had  an 

1  The  United  Netherlands,  vol.  n,  p.  1. 

8  A  Brief e  Report  of  the  Militarie  Services  done  in  the  Low  Countries  by  the 
Earl  of  Leicester,  London,  1587,  B.L. 


xx]  Military  Operations  367 

April,"  wrote  the  young  Lord  North  to  Burghley,  "it  will  put 
water  in  his  wine." 

By  the  middle  of  May,  however,  Parma  had  renewed  active 
operations  against  the  town,  and  he  refused  to  be  drawn  off 
by  English  demonstrations  against  Nimeguen.  Several  assaults 
by  Parma  were  repulsed— the  last  on  May  30th  ;  a  few  hours 
later,  to  the  amazement  of  besiegers  and  besieged  alike,  the 
young  Governor  Hemart  surrendered. 

"The  best  fortified  place  thoroughly  of  all  these  provinces,"  wrote 
Leicester  to  Walsingham,  "none  like  it,  being  full  manned,  victualled, 
and  stored  with  all  manner  of  artillery  and  munition,  having  but  three 
hours  battery  laid  to  it,  and  a  show  of  an  assault  upon  Thursday  last 
in  the  morning  gave  it  up  at  afternoon1." 

The  cause  of  Hemart's  action  is  difficult  to  decide.  "  The  best 
that  ran  be  made  of  it,"  said  Lord  North,  "was  most  vile 
cowardice  mixed  with  such  negligence  as  is  unspeakable  in  the 
time  of  that  siege2."  He  was  tried  at  Utrecht  on  June  17th 
by  a  court-martial  of  which  Sir  Philip  was  a  member8,  and  the 
next  day  he  and  several  of  his  captains  were  beheaded. 

Parma  promptly  besieged  Venlo,  and  Leicester  determined 
to  make  a  bold  attempt  to  enter  the  town.  The  terrible  Martin 
Schenk  and  the  brave  Welshman,  Roger  Williams,  were  en- 
trusted with  the  task.  Accompanied  by  only  150  lances  they 
reached  Parma's  camp  at  midnight,  killed  the  sentinels  and  the 
very  guards  of  Parma's  tent,  and  it  was  even  rumoured  that 
Schenk  had  struck  down  Parma  with  the  butt  of  his  pistol. 
"  While  night  lasted,"  says  Lord  North,  "  they  were  Kings  in 
the  camp  and  did  what  they  would4."  They  were  pursued  by 
2000  horsemen  and  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  about  50  men. 
"A  notable  enterprise  and  most  marvellous  scape,"  is  Lord 
North's  comment.  It  was  one  of  those  feats  of  incredibly 
reckless  bravery  which  characterized  the  whole  campaign,  but 
which  usually  lacked  real  significance  as  far  as  the  general 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  284. 

8  To  Burghley,  June  16th.     Holland  Correspondence,  voL  vm,  f.  216. 
8  Thos.  Doyley  to  Burghley,  June  24th.    Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  vm, 
f.  279. 
*  Ibid. 


368  Military  Operations  [CH. 

fortunes  of  the  war  were  concerned.  On  June  19th  Venlo 
capitulated  to  Parma. 

Meanwhile  Elizabeth's  only  concern  seemed  to  be  regarding 
the  cutting  down  of  'charges.'  During  July  Parma  besieged 
Neusz  on  the  Rhine,  and  when  after  a  siege  of  about  a  month 
he  captured  the  city  almost  every  soul,  garrison  and  citizens 
alike,  was  put  to  the  sword.  Elizabeth,  apparently  unaffected 
by  this  series  of  military  disgraces,  was  sending  dispatches  to 
Leicester  to  the  effect  that  she  hoped  he  would  be  able  through 
his  good  care  and  diligence  to  spend  somewhat  less  than  the 
sums  formerly  agreed  on,  especially  since  she  was  content  to 
yield  to  a  toleration  of  the  authority  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
States-General.  His  lordship  should  give  present  order  that 
the  two  bands  of  the  governors  of  Flushing  and  Brill  should  be 
reduced  to  be  part  of  the  5000  footmen  comprised  in  the  con- 
tract between  her  Majesty  and  the  States.  There  was  much 
more  of  this  scheming  to  load  expenses  on  to  the  States  and 
thereby  lighten  the  burden  of  Her  Majesty1.  When  one  reads 
the  accounts  of  the  savagery  that  characterized  the  slaughter 
of  the  brave  defenders  of  Neusz,  it  is  difficult  to  read  these 
English  dispatches  without  indignation,  for  Leicester  made  no 
attempt  to  relieve  the  town,  and  lack  of  supplies  was  unques- 
tionably one  of  the  chief  causes  of  his  impotence. 

The  incapacity  of  the  commander-in-chief  was,  however, 
the  greatest  cause  of  his  failure  to  accomplish  anything  worthy 
of  the  hopes  that  had  been  reposed  in  him.  As  time  passed  he 
failed  more  and  more  to  inspire  confidence  and  to  organize  the 
friends  of  Dutch  freedom  into  a  united  force.  Prince  Maurice 
was  antagonized,  and  had  spent  the  spring  months  at  Middel- 
burg  with  St  Aldegonde  upon  whose  loyalty  dark  clouds  of 
suspicion  still  lay.  Sir  John  Norris,  the  highly  capable  general 
of  the  English  troops,  was  at  bitter  enmity  with  Leicester,  and 
was  consistently  humiliated  or  ignored  by  him.  Norris  con- 
stantly urged  an  aggressive  campaign,  and  took  small  pains 
to  hide  his  contempt  for  the  do-nothing  policy  of  lying  in 
garrison.  Sir  William  Pelham  finally  arrived  on  July  13th  and 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.   vm,   f.   263.     A   memorial  for  Mr  Atye, 
June  20th. 


XXJ  Military  Operation^  369 

was  given  the  equivocal  title  of  Lord  Marshal ;  this  kindled 
anew  the  jealousy  of  Norris  and  of  Count  Hohenlo  as  well. 
The  Netherlanders  looked  more  and  more  coldly  on  the  man 
who  seemed  chiefly  concerned  in  the  apportionment  of  important 
commands  to  his  favourites,  and  who  was  allowing  the  prestige 
of  the  patriot  arms  to  sink  lower  every  day.  The  ragged, 
half-fed  troops  were  infuriated  by  rumours  that  such  money 
as  was  sent  from  England  was  being  misappropriated,  and  the 
general  suspicion  was  confirmed  when  the  muster-master, 
Digges,  laid  a  formal  charge  against  the  treasurer,  accusing 
him  of  an  attempt  "  to  defraud  or  defeat  her  Majesty  of  treasure 
due,  exacting  intolerably  upon  the  poor  soldiers  and  abusing 
the  Earl  of  Leicester1." 

"Our  affairs  here  be  such,"  wrote  Thomas  Cecil  to  his  father,  "as  that  which 
we  conclude  over  night  is  broken  in  the  morning.  We  agree  not  one  with 
another  but  we  are  divided  in  many  factions,  so  as  if  the  enemy  were  as 
strong  as  we  are  factious  and  unresolute  I  think  we  should  make  ship- 
wreck of  the  cause  this  summer2." 

Doyley  reported  to  Burghley  that  Leicester  was  about  to  take 
the  field,  "but,"  he  added,  "  I  know  not  how  the  Count  Hollock, 
the  Lord  Marshal,  or  Sir  John  Norris... can  brook  one  to 
command  or  be  commanded  of  the  other3."  The  constant  fear 
of  mutiny  among  the  soldiers  gave  a  last  touch  to  the  picture  of 
approaching  anarchy. 

In  the  midst  of  this  utter  discouragement  Sir  Philip  was 
able  to  perform  some  feats  of  bravery  which  tended  to  revive 
the  spirits  of  the  English  and  Dutch  forces.  On  the  last  day  of 
June,  Count  Hohenlo,  Sir  Philip,  Robert  Sidney  and  some  other 
captains  overthrew  a  cornet  of  horse  belonging  to  Breda,  and 
Hohenlo  and  Robert  Sidney  captured  the  mercenary  Captain 
Walsh  and  30  horsemen  who  were  in  the  service  of  the  governor 
of  the  town4.  Leicester  ordered  that  Walsh  be  instantly 
hanged,  but  spared  him  on  Sir  Philip's  intercession5.  An  event 
of  really  serious  importance  was  the  surprise  and  capture  of 
the  town  of  Axel.  "  The  enterprise  was  imparted  first  unto  me 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  ix,  f.  17,  July  7th.  a  Ibid.  i.  102. 

3  Ibid.  L  166.  *  Stow,  Annals,  p.  731. 

5  Sadler  Letters,  vol.  u,  p.  231. 

w.  L.  S.  24 


370  Military  Operations  [CH. 

by  the  Count  Maurice,"  says  Leicester1;  and  in  another  letter 
he  adds  that  Sir  Philip  "  with  his  bands  had  the  leading  and 
entering  the  town2."  The  details  of  the  scheme  were  worked 
out  between  Count  Maurice  and  Sir  Philip.  On  the  night  of 
July  6th  Sir  Philip  with  his  Zealand  regiment  joined  Lord 
Willoughby  with  about  500  men  at  Flushing.  They  rowed  up 
the  Scheldt  to  a  point  within  about  three  miles  of  the  town, 
where  Count  Maurice  joined  them.  Stow  tells  us  how  Sir  Philip, 
when  they  were  within  a  mile  of  the  town,  addressed  his  soldiers, 
reminding  them  of  the  great  cause  for  which  they  were  righting, 
and  exhorting  them  to  acquit  themselves  like  Englishmen. 
"  Which  oration  of  his  did  so  link  the  minds  of  the  people  that 
they  desired  rather  to  die  in  that  service  than  to  live  in 
the  contrary."  They  reached  Axel  shortly  after  midnight; 
30  or  40  soldiers  swam  the  moat,  overpowered  the  guards, 
and  opened  the  gates.  Sir  Philip  placed  a  guard  in  the  market- 
place, while  the  English  and  Dutch  soldiers  literally  exterminated 
the  garrison.  The  invading  force  lost  not  a  single  man.  and  but 
one  was  wounded.  Four  sconces  in  the  neighbourhood  were  also 
captured,  and  a  garrison  of  800  men  under  Colonel  Pyron  was 
left  in  the  town.  Count  Maurice  had  pierced  the  dykes,  with  the 
result  that  a  vast  amount  of  property  was  destroyed.  This 
invasion  of  Flanders  was  the  first  really  aggressive  blow  that 
had  been  aimed  at  Parma  in  the  territory  where  he  was  master3. 
The  successful  attempt  on  Axel  did  something  to  restore 
the  spirits  of  the  army. 

"The  victory,"  Thomas  Cecil  told  his  father,  "I  assure  your  Lordship 
happened  in  good  time,  for  since  the  loss  of  Grave  and  Venlo  your  Lordship 
will  not  think  with  what  faces  they  looked  upon  us.  This  hath  made  us 
somewhat  to  lift  up  our  heads." 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  ix,  f.  31.     Leicester  to  Burghley,  July  19th. 

*  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  337.     Leicester  to  Walsingham,  July  8th. 

8  The  accounts  of  the  taking  of  Axel — as  also  of  the  battle  of  Zutphen — are 
hopelessly  at  variance  in  matters  of  detail.  Greville,  Holinshed  and  Sadler 
give  to  Sir  Philip  the  whole  credit  both  of  the  planning  and  of  the  achievement. 
Thomas  Cecil  says  that  "  the  plot  was  laid  as  I  understand  by  Monsieur  Byrd, 
Governor  of  Turneux,  not  far  off  Axel,"  and  that  it  was  he  who  first  entered 
the  town  (Holland  Correspondence,  July  13th).  Cecil  adds  that  the  garrison 
consisted  of  150  men ;  Stow  says  there  were  300  ;  Leicester  says  there  were 
600  'as  I  hear.' 


xx]  Military  Operations  371 

Leicester  was  highly  elated.  "  This  town  of  Axel,"  he  declared, 
"is  of  very  great  importance  ;  we  shall  have  way  to  get  at 
Antwerp  and  Bruges  by  it1." 

Another  expedition  which  Sir  Philip  made  out  of  Flushing 
was  less  successful.  Some  Walloon  captains  informed  him 
that  by  bribery  and  promises  of  preferment  they  had  corrupted 
a  sergeant,  a  corporal,  and  several  of  their  friends  in  the  garrison 
of  Gravelines,  and  that  they  had  promised  to  hand  the  town 
over  to  Sir  Philip2.  Gravelines  was  commanded  by  La  Motte, 
a  veteran  soldier,  and  Sir  Philip  might  well  be  wary.  Captain 
Nicholas  Marchaunt,  who  had  conceived  the  plan,  spent  some 
14  days  in  the  town,  ostensibly  to  win  over  as  many  as  possible 
of  the  garrison.  On  July  16th  Sir  Philip  cast  anchor  before 
the  town.  Prearranged  signals  were  exchanged,  and  Sir 
Philip  awaited  the  coming  of  the  hostages  whom  Marchaunt 
was  engaged  to  deliver.  Instead,  a  corporal  and  a  servant  of 
Marchaunt  alone  approached,  bearing  a  letter  which  contained 
plausible  explanations,  and  assured  Sir  Philip  that  the  town 
and  castle  were  at  his  devotion.  He  sent  one  of  his  captains  to 
investigate  and  received  from  him  an  assurance  that  all  was 
well.  He  then  sent  a  party  of  26  men,  and  after  them  Lieu- 
tenant Browne  with  50  more.  The  garrison  now  threw  off 
the  mask,  fell  upon  the  Englishmen  and,  with  the  help  of 
the  castle  ordnance,  pursued  them  to  the  water  side.  The 
fleeing  soldiers  fell  into  an  ambuscade  of  horsemen,  and  although 
assisted  by  the  fire  from  Sir  Philip's  vessel  44  of  them  lost  their 
lives  in  the  encounter3.  It  was  a  bitter  disappointment  to 
Sir  Philip.  -'The  long  practice  of  Graveling  which  was  brought 
unto  us  is  proved  a  flat  treason  I  think  even  in  them  that 
dealt  with  us,"  he  wrote  to  Davison.  He  was  given  credit, 
however,  for  having  shown  great  discretion  in  the  whole  matter, 
and  for  having  refused  to  risk  the  lives  of  more  than  a  small 
body  of  his  troops. 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  346. 

a  This  account  is  taken  largely  from  A  Discourse  of  the  enterprise  of 
Graveling,  23rd  July,  1586,  an  anonymous  manuscript  in  the  Holland  Corre- 
spondence, vol  ix,  f.  104.  See  also  Grevffle's  Life,  pp.  121-126. 

»  Doyley  to  Burghley,  August  8th.  Holland  Correspondence,  voL  K, 
f.  166. 

24—2 


372  Military  Operations  [CH. 

Great  discretion  has  not  ordinarily  been  associated  with 
the  name  of  Sidney,  and  yet  it  is  possible  to  cite  instance  after 
instance  of  the  maturity  of  his  judgment  and  the  wisdom  of 
his  attitude  during  these  months.  In  the  matter  of  conflicting 
personal  interests  among  Leicester's  officers,  Sir  Philip,  incredible 
as  it  may  seem,  was  able  to  hold  the  good-will  and  the  con- 
fidence of  them  all.  Count  Hohenlo  quarrelled  continually 
with  Leicester,  with  Pelham  and  with  Sir  John  Norris  :  against 
Sir  Philip  he  had  a  peculiar  grievance  in  regard  to  the  Zealand 
regiment,  but  it  was  Sir  Philip  who  finally  reconciled  him  to 
Leicester1.  Norris  resented  bitterly  the  treatment  which  he 
received  from  Leicester,  Pelham  and  the  Count ;  one  of  his 
chief  grievances  was  that  Leicester  continually  showed  favour- 
itism to  kinsmen  and  friends,  but  regarding  Sir  Philip  he  de- 
clared that  "he  had  given  and  received  from  me  a  full  assurance 
of  our  continual  love  and  friendship2."  Sir  William  Pelham 
had  long  been  and  continued  to  the  end  one  of  Sir  Philip's 
warmest  friends.  They  all  recognized  his  unselfish  devotion 
to  the  cause,  and  his  love  of  justice  and  fair  dealing.  On  one 
occasion  he  carried  a  challenge  from  Edward  Norris  to  Hohenlo, 
when  he  believed  that  the  Count  and  Sir  William  Pelham  had 
wantonly  insulted  Norris3.  How  disgusted  he  must  have  been 
with  these  drunken  quarrels  it  is  easy  to  imagine.  Leicester 
might  well  acknowledge  that  it  was  through  his  nephew  that 
he  was  able  to  uphold  the  honour  of  his  casual  authority. 
The  reports  of  his  services  which  reached  the  Queen  made 
little  impression  on  her,  however.  She  chose  to  believe  that 
Hohenlo's  disaffection  sprang  entirely  from  Sir  Philip's  having 
supplanted  him  in  the  colonelcy  of  the  Zealand  regiment,  and 
that  Sir  Philip's  ambitious  seeking  should  be  curbed.  "  I  see 
her  Majesty  very  apt,"  wrote  Walsingham  to  Leicester,  "  upon 
every  light  occasion  to  find  fault  with  him4." 

Elizabeth  probably  knew  the  value  of  Sir  Philip's  services, 
but  she  was  antagonized  by  his  plain  downright  dealing  and 

1  Greville,  p.  126. 

2  Norris  to  Walsingham.     Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  x,  f.  190. 

3  Motley,  n,  pp.  87-94. 

*  Leycest&r  Correspondence,  p.  345. 


xx]  Military  Operations  373 

his  inability  to  practise  the  arts  of  the  successful  courtier. 
She  could  allege  his  absence  from  the  Ordnance  Office  as  a 
sufficient  reason  for  refusing  to  allow  Sir  William  Pelham  to 
leave  England,  but  his  plain  speaking  regarding  the  situation 
in  the  Netherlands  and  especially  in  Flushing  merely  irritated 
her.  He  seriously  doubted  the  possibility  of  holding  Flushing 
against  an  attack  by  the  enemy,  so  wretchedly  was  it  provided 
with  munitions,  and  he  had  exhausted  every  device  to  secure 
additional  supplies. 

"These  States,"  he  wrote  to  the  Council,  "I  have  tried  to  the  uttermost, 
but  partly  with  the  opinion  it  more  toucheth  her  Majesty  because  it  is 
her  pawn,  but  principally  because  they  have  ever  present  occasion  to  employ 
both  all  they  have,  and  indeed  much  more,  upon  the  places  nearest  to  the 
enemy,  we  in  this  town,  and,  as  I  think,  Brill,  shall  still  demand,  and 
still  go  without1." 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  Walsingham  : 

"I  assure  you,  Sir,  this  night  we  were  at  a  fair  plunge  to  have  lost  all  for 
want  of  it  [money].  We  are  now  four  months  behind,  a  thing  unsupport- 
able  in  this  place.  To  complain  of  my  Lord  of  Leicester  you  know  I  may 
not,  but  this  is  the  case :  if  once  the  soldiers  fall  to  a  thorough  mutiny 
this  town  is  lost  in  all  likelihood.  I  did  never  think  our  nation  had  been 
so  apt  to  go  to  the  enemy  as  I  find  them.  If  this  place  might  possibly 
have  some  peculiar  care  of  it,  it  should  well  deserve  it,  for,  in  fine,  this 
island  if  once  her  Majesty  would  make  herself  sure  of  it  is  well  worth  all 
the  charge  her  Majesty  hath  ever  been  at  in  this  cause,  and  all  the  King 
of  Spain's  force  should  never  be  able  to  recover  it  though  all  the  rest 
were  lost,  and  without  it  should  be  never  able  to  invade  England2." 

How  little  Sir  Philip  was  to  blame  for  the  danger  in  which 
Flushing  stood  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  the  Burgo- 
master and  Council  of  the  city  esteemed  him  one  of  their  best 
friends  and  an  ideal  governor3,  and  the  oldest  of  his  captains 
was  able  to  declare,  "I  never  doubted  the  obedience  of  the  people 
here  as  long  as  he  lived,  though  he  were  never  so  long  absent, 
the  love  and  zeal  of  all  men  had  him  in  such  reverence4." 

After  the  fall  of  Neusz,  Parma  besieged  Berck  on  the  Rhine. 
During  the  greater  part  of  August  Leicester  was  massing  his 
forces  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  Parma  in  a  pitched  battle. 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  ix,  f.  217.  *  Ibid.  vol.  ix,  t  219. 

»  Ibid.  vol.  xi,  f.  7.  4  Ibid-  voL  x,  f .  209. 


374  Military  Operations  [CH. 

At  the  last  moment,  however,  he  decided  that  his  force  was 
inadequate,  and  he  suddenly  decided  to  invest  the  town  of 
Doesburg  in  the  hope  that  Parma  would  be  compelled  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Berck,  where  some  1200  English  and  800  Dutch 
under  Martin  Schenk  and  Morgan  constituted  the  garrison. 
On  August  30th  Leicester  reached  the  neighbourhood  of 
Doesburg.  The  next  night,  while  he  and  Sir  William  Pelham 
were  inspecting  the  trenches,  a  bullet  from  the  town  struck 
Pelham  in  the  stomach,  but  the  wound,  fortunately,  did  not 
prove  to  be  serious.  On  September  2nd,  after  a  battery  of  some 
ten  hours,  two  breaches  in  the  walls  were  made.  Sir  Philip  had 
taken  an  active  part  in  the  operations  from  the  beginning  of 
the  attack  on  the  town,  and  now  he  and  several  others  besought 
Leicester  to  allow  them  to  lead  the  assault.  Leicester  assigned 
one  breach  to  Hohenlo,  however,  and  the  other  to  Sir  John 
Norris.  Just  as  they  were  about  to  enter,  the  town  capitulated. 
In  spite  of  Leicester's  peremptory  orders  the  soldiers  pillaged 
the  town,  Sir  William  Stanley's  men  being  the  chief  offenders. 
Norris'  efforts  to  restrain  them  were  hotly  resented  by  Stanley, 
and  the  victory  illustrated  once  more  the  lack  of  discipline 
which  characterized  Leicester's  army. 

When  it  was  too  late  Parma  had  decided  to  attempt  the 
relief  of  Doesburg  but  had  fallen  back  at  once  on  Berck.  In 
order  again  to  draw  him  from  the  city,  and  also,  if  possible,  to 
gain  possession  of  the  whole  course  of  the  Yssel,  Leicester 
moved  his  camp  on  September  13th  to  within  a  mile  of  the 
strong  city  of  Zutphen,  some  six  or  seven  miles  north  of  Doesburg 
and  an  equal  distance  from  Deventer,  the  other  strong  place  on 
the  Yssel.  Zutphen  stands  on  the  east  or  right  bank  of  the 
river ;  on  the  opposite  side  were  two  forts  known  as  the  forts 
of  Zutphen,  which  were  so  strong  as  to  be  accounted  impreg- 
nable. Two  years  earlier  they  had  been  besieged  by  Count 
Hohenlo  for  some  ten  months  with  11,000  foot  and  3000  horse, 
but  to  no  avail.  Taxis,  one  of  the  best  of  Parma's  soldiers, 
was  now  in  command.  Leicester  decided  to  lay  siege  to  both 
town  and  forts,  and  accordingly  threw  a  bridge  of  boats  across 
the  river  to  preserve  communications  between  the  two  parts 
of  his  force.  Sir  John  Norris  strongly  established  his  camp  in 


xx]  Military  Operations  375 

a  churchyard  on  the  land  side  of  the  town,  which  he  proceeded 
to  invest.  With  him  were  Sir  Philip  and  Count  Lewis  William  of 
Nassau.  Leicester  pitched  his  own  camp  on  the  Veluwe  or  '  bad 
meadow '  side  of  the  river  to  attempt  the  reduction  of  the  forts. 

Parma  at  once  determined  at  all  hazards  to  thwart  Leicester's 
plans.  He  was  able  to  send  the  veteran  Verdugo  into  Zutphen, 
and  he  himself  hastily  collected  an  enormous  quantity  of  pro- 
visions which  he  hoped  to  get  into  the  town.  The  rather 
equivocal  allegiance  of  Deventer  to  the  States  caused  Leicester 
some  concern,  and  while  trenches  were  being  thrown  up  about 
Zutphen  and  the  forts,  he  made  a  visit  to  the  town  accompanied 
by  Sir  Philip  and  Robert  Sidney  with  their  cornets  of  horse 
and  400  footmen.  They  had  been  in  Deventer  only  two  days 
when  they  learned  that  Parma  had  come  into  the  neighbourhood 
of  Zutphen.  Leaving  both  the  foot  and  cavalry  in  Deventer, 
Leicester  and  his  nephews  returned  at  once  to  the  camp1. 

Of  Sir  Philip's  occupation  after  his  return  from  Deventer  on 
Tuesday  our  only  record  is  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to 
Walsingham.  It  is  dated  September  22nd,  but  this  is  surely 
an  error  ;  it  was  probably  written  on  September  21st  or  possibly 
on  September  20th,  when  Leicester  wrote  Walsingham  on  the 
same  subject.  The  matter  is  not  important  but  it  is  highly 
characteristic  of  the  writer  : 

"RIGHT  HONOURABLE: 

This  bearer,  Richard  Smyth,  her  Majesty's  old  servant,  hath  my 
Lord  Leicester,  his  letters,  directed  unto  you  in  his  favour  for  his  suit  to 
her  Majesty,  and  therewithal  requesteth  mine,  hoping  your  Lordship  will 
the  rather  help  him.  I  beseech  you,  therefore,  the  rather  at  my  request, 
to  help  him,  and  be  the  good  mean  for  the  poor  man's  preferment,  having 
so  long  served,  and  now  being  aged  and  weak,  hath  such  need  of  this  or 
such  other  good  mean  for  his  relief,  as,  without  it,  he  may  rest,  as  I  fear, 
in  more  misery  than  the  desert  of  so  long  service  requireth.  I  commend 
him  and  his  cause  to  your  Lordship's  good  favour  and  help,  and  so  I  humbly 
take  my  leave.  From  the  Camp  at  Zutphen,  this  22  Sept.,  1586. 

Your  humble  son, 
PH.  SIDNEY*." 

1  Brief  Report,  etc. 

«  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  x,  f.  60.  Only  the  subscription  and 
name  are  in  Sir  Philip's  own  handwriting.  The  body  of  the  letter  and 
endorsement  are  in  a  secretary's  hand. 


376  Military  Operations  [OH. 

Neither  weighty  business  nor  preoccupation  with  his  own 
affairs  ever  made  Sir  Philip  deaf  to  the  pleas  of  the  poor  and  the 
distressed. 

Wednesday,  September  21st,  was  spent  in  completing  the 
trenches  about  Zutphen.  Toward  evening  a  Spanish  trooper 
was  captured  while  attempting  to  make  his  way  into  the 
town,  and  from  him  Parma's  plan  for  sending  a  convoy 
of  provisions  into  Zutphen  early  the  next  morning  was 
learned.  Leicester  supposed  that  only  a  comparatively  small 
force  of  Spaniards  would  accompany  the  provision  waggons ; 
he  had  evidently  no  scouting  service  which  gave  him  any 
more  accurate  information.  Accordingly,  he  ordered  Sir  John 
Norris,  who  had  entrenched  his  camp  in  Warnsfeld  church- 
yard, about  a  mile  from  Zutphen,  to  prepare  an  ambuscade  for 
the  convoy.  Sir  John  had  about  200  horsemen  and  Sir  William 
Stanley's  bands  of  300  foot,  and  this  was  considered  ample 
provision.  The  main  body  was,  of  course,  in  the  camp  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  and  no  arrangement  was  made  for  having 
reinforcements  sent  to  aid  Norris  should  his  force  prove 
inadequate  to  their  task. 

It  was  known  that  the  Spaniards  expected  to  reach  Warns- 
feld at  dawn  and  that  Verdugo  was  to  attempt  a  sally  from  the 
town  to  assist  them  should  their  efforts  to  throw  in  the  pro- 
visions be  opposed.  The  young  noblemen  and  gentlemen  in 
Leicester's  camp  were  ill-pleased  with  the  programme  which 
compelled  them  to  inaction  when  blows  were  being  exchanged. 
A  number  of  them — the  flower  of  the  army — accompanied  by 
a  few  followers,  determined  to  be  present  at  the  action,  and  about 
50  or  60  men  crossed  the  river  with  Leicester  before  daybreak1. 
The  mist  was  so  thick  that  they  had  difficulty  in  finding  their 
way  to  Norris'  camp,  where  they  were  warmly  welcomed. 

The  little  band  of  not  more  than  550  men  all  told  was 
unconsciously  preparing  to  encounter  an  army  of  3000  foot  and 
1500  horse  under  the  command  of  the  Marquis  del  Vasto,  who 
had  approached  with  the  utmost  caution,  and  had  thrown  up 

1  Writing  to  Burghley,  Leicester  says  they  were  at  the  battle  "  unwares  to 
me."  (Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  x,  f.  58.)  To  Walsingham  he  wrote  :  "  I  was 
the  appointer  myself  of  all  that  went  forth."  (Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  416. ) 


xx]  Military  Operations  377 

entrenchments  while  awaiting  Verdugo's  expected  sally  from 
the  Zutphen  gates.  They  constituted  a  strong,  well-disciplined 
army  under  the  most  competent  leadership.  But  neither 
their  numbers  nor  their  position  was  known  to  the  little  com- 
pany that  was  waiting  to  intercept  them.  When  the  fog 
suddenly  lifted  Englishmen  and  Spaniards  beheld  each  other 
almost  within  striking  distance,  and  the  disparity  in  their 
numbers  was  revealed  to  both  sides. 

Few  as  they  were,  the  Englishmen  saw  in  the  situation 
only  a  greater  opportunity  to  win  glory  and  "do  the  Queen 
service."  Perhaps  in  no  battle  before  or  since  did  the  '  men  of 
name'  constitute  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  combatants. 
Under  Leicester  and  Norris  were  such  soldiers  as  Sir  William 
Stanley,  the  Earl  of  Essex,  Sir  William  Russell,  Sir  William 
Pelham,  Lord  Willoughby,  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and  his  brother 
Robert,  Sir  Henry  Unton,  Sir  William  Hatton,  Sir  Thomas 
Perrot,  Edward  and  Henry  Norris1.  This  morning  they 
seemed  inspired  by  the  noblest  traditions  of  the  days  of  chivalry  ; 
they  felt  themselves  to  be  the  representatives  of  England  and 
the  cause  of  freedom,  and  the  zeal  of  service  for  their  country 
possessed  them.  Sir  John  Norris  overtook  Stanley  as  they 
were  about  to  engage  the  enemy  :  "There  hath  been,"  said  he, 
"  some  words  of  displeasure  between  you  and  me,  but  let  all 
pass,  for  this  day  we  both  are  employed  to  serve  her  Majesty. 
Let  us  be  friends,  and  let  us  die  together  in  her  Majesty's  cause." 
Stanley  replied,  "  If  you  see  me  not  this  day  by  God's  grace 
serve  my  prince  with  a  valiant  and  faithful  courage,  account 
me  for  ever  a  coward,  and  if  need  be  I  will  die  by  you  in  friend- 
ship2." Sir  Philip,  in  complete  armour,  met  his  old  friend  Sir 
William  Pelham  less  fully  equipped,  and  with  quixotic  mag- 
nanimity threw  away  his  own  cuisses3.  Lord  North  had  been 
wounded  in  the  leg  a  day  or  two  before  during  a  skirmish  : 
hearing  of  the  engagement,  he  had  himself  placed  on  a  horse  and, 
wearing  but  one  boot,  led  some  of  his  followers  into  the  battle*. 

1  The  names  of  some  of  their  followers  have  been  preserved  by  Whetstone 
in  his  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  his  honourable  life,  etc. 

2  Stow's  Annals  (1615  ed.),  p.  736. 

»  Greville's  Life,  p.  128.  4  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  417. 


378  Military  Operations  [CH. 

Without  a  moment's  hesitation  the  English  horsemen 
charged  the  lines  of  Spanish  cavalry,  and  with  such  fury  that 
they  drove  them  back  upon  their  line  of  supporting  pikemen  and 
over  their  own  trenches,  from  which  a  volley  of  musket  shot 
caused  the  Englishmen  to  retreat.  Quickly  reforming  their  ranks, 
they  charged  a  second  time  ;  again  they  drove  the  Spaniards 
to  seek  safety  behind  their  musketry,  and  again  they  were 
forced  to  retreat  before  the  deadly  fire.  The  wonderful  feats 
of  reckless  daring  are  too  numerous  to  be  recorded.  Sir 
William  Stanley's  horse  was  shot  eight  times  but  his  rider  was 
unhurt.  Sir  Thomas  Perrot  at  one  blow  mortally  wounded 
Count  Hannibal  Gonzago  ;  Lord  Willoughby — "  of  courage 
fierce  and  fell " — unhorsed  the  famous  Albanian  cavalry  leader, 
Captain  George  Crescia,  and  took  him  prisoner.  "  The  smallest 
fear  was  held  that  day  a  shame,"  Whetstone  tells  us.  The 
action  was  as  brilliant  as  it  was  hopeless.  A  third  time  the 
English  horse  rode  through  the  Spanish  ranks,  utterly  dis- 
organizing their  cavalry,  but  the  rain  of  bullets  from  the 
trenches  could  not  be  faced.  Fulke  Greville  says  they  were  also 
subjected  to  the  great  shot  that  played  from  the  ramparts  of 
Zutphen,  though  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  this  could  have  been 
possible.  From  an  hour  and  a  half  to  two  hours  the  battle 
raged,  but  when  Verdugo  with  2000  additional  troops  issued 
from  the  Zutphen  gate  the  English  retired  across  the  river. 
They  had  lost  only  22  foot  soldiers  and  12  or  13  of  the  cavalry. 
Between  250  and  350  Spaniards  had  fallen. 

Wherever  the  battle  had  raged  most  fiercely  there  Sir 
Philip  had  been  present,  fighting  with  a  bravery  which  called 
forth  the  admiration  of  what  was,  perhaps,  as  brave  a  group 
of  English  soldiers  as  had  ever  been  gathered  together.  In 
the  second  charge  his  horse  was  killed  under  him,  but  he  secured 
another,  and  in  the  third  charge  rode  right  through  the  Spanish 
lines.  Just  as  he  turned  to  retreat  a  musket-ball  from  the 
trenches  struck  him  about  three  fingers  above  the  left  knee, 
and  shattered  the  bone  in  pieces.  His  quixotic  act  in  throwing 
away  his  cuisses  was  to  cost  him  his  life.  Noticing  the  difficulty 
with  which  Sir  Philip  was  able  to  control  his  horse,  a  trooper 
named  Udall  dismounted  to  lead  the  animal,  but  Sir  Philip 


xx]  Military  Operations  379 

ordered  him  to  desist  lest  the  Spaniards  should  learn  that  he 
had  been  wounded.  He  was  able  to  keep  his  seat  in  the  saddle 
and  rode  off  the  field  unassisted.  Fulke  Greville's  account  of 
a  historic  incident  should  be  given  in  his  own  words  : 

"The  horse  he  rode  upon  was  rather  furiously  choleric  than  bravely 
proud,  and  so  forced  him  to  forsake  the  field,  but  not  his  back,  as  the  noblest 
and  fittest  bier  to  carry  a  martial  commander  to  his  grave.  In  which  sad 
progress,  passing  along  by  the  rest  of  the  army,  where  his  uncle  the  general 
was,  and  being  thirsty  with  excess  of  bleeding,  he  called  for  drink  which 
was  presently  brought  him  ;  but  as  he  was  putting  the  bottle  to  his  mouth, 
he  saw  a  poor  soldier  carried  along,  who  had  eaten  his  last  at  the  same  feast, 
ghastly  casting  up  his  eyes  at  the  bottle.  Which  Sir  Philip  perceiving, 
took  it  from  his  head  before  he  drank,  and  delivered  it  to  the  poor  man 
with  these  words,  Thy  necessity  is  yet  greater  than  mine.  And  when  he 
had  pledged  this  poor  soldier,  he  was  presently  carried  to  Arnheim." 

The  heroes  of  the  day  crowded  about  him  overmastered  by 
sorrow  and  admiration.  No  one  had  acquitted  himself  more 
worthily  than  Sir  William  Russell.  He 

"charged  so  terribly,"  an  eye-witness  relates,  "that  after  he  had  broke 
his  lance,  he  with  his  curtle-axe  so  played  his  part  that  the  enemy  reported 
him  to  be  a  devil  and  not  a  man,  for  where  he  saw  6  or  7  of  the  enemies 
together  thither  would  he,  and  so  behave  himself  with  his  curtle-axe  that 
he  would  separate  their  friendship1." 

Russell  was  overwhelmed  by  the  fate  that  had  befallen  his 
friend.  Coming  up  to  him,  he  kissed  his  hand  and  said  with 
tears,  "  0  noble  Sir  Philip,  there  was  never  man  attained  hurt 
more  honourably  than  ye  have  done,  nor  any  served  like  unto 
you."  The  mingled  pride  and  humility  of  the  wounded  man 
touched  all  beholders.  Unflinchingly  he  bade  the  surgeons  do 
their  work  and  do  it  thoroughly  while  yet  his  mind  was  clear 
and  his  body  free  from  fever.  Not  for  a  moment  did  his  self- 
control  fail  him,  and  he  appeared  much  more  concerned  to 
comfort  his  friends  than  to  receive  comfort  from  them.  He 
bade  Leicester  take  courage  and  consider  the  battle  as  a  good 
omen  of  their  future  success.  But  the  joy  of  the  whole  camp 
was  turned  into  sorrow  because  of  the  price  at  which  the 
victory  had  been  bought. 

i  Stow,  p.  736. 


CHAPTER   XXI 

THE   END 

NEVER  in  his  whole  life  did  Leicester  appear  to  better 
advantage  than  in  his  attitude  to  his  nephew  at  this  time. 
On  the  afternoon  of  the  fatal  day  of  battle  he  sent  Sir 
Philip  up  the  river  to  Arnheim,  some  twenty  miles  distant, 
and  there  the  sufferer  found  comfortable  quarters  in  the  house 
of  a  lady  named  Mile  Gruithueissens,  where  the  best  available 
physicians  and  surgeons  exercised  their  crude  art  upon  him. 
But  the  bullet  had  glanced  upward,  shattering  the  whole  thigh 
bone,  and  all  their  probing  to  find  it  was  in  vain.  At  first  his 
friends  were  filled  with  the  darkest  forebodings  as  to  the 
outcome.  Writing  to  Heneage  on  the  day  after  the  battle, 
Leicester  referred  to  the  slight  losses  sustained  by  the  English, 
and  added  : 

"Albeit  I  must  say  it  was  too  much  loss  for  me,  for  this  young  man  he 
was  my  greatest  comfort,  next  her  Majesty,  of  all  the  world,  and  if  I 
could  buy  his  life  with  all  I  have  to  my  shirt  I  would  give  it.  How  God  will 
dispose  of  him  I  know  not,  but  fear  I  must  needs  greatly  the  worst ;  the 
blow  in  so  dangerous  a  place  and  so  great ;  yet  did  I  never  hear  of  any 
man  that  did  abide  the  dressing  and  setting  his  bones  better  than  he  did. 
And  he  was  carried  afterwards  in  my  barge  to  Arnheim,  and  I  hear  this 
day  he  is  still  of  good  heart  and  comforteth  all  about  him  as  much  as  may 
be.  God  of  his  mercy  grant  me  his  life  which  I  cannot  but  doubt  of 
greatly.  I  was  abroad  that  time  in  the  field  giving  some  order  to  supply 
that  business  which  did  endure  almost  two  hours  in  continual  fight,  and 
meeting  Philip  coming  upon  his  horseback  not  a  little  to  my  grief.  But 
I  would  you  had  stood  by  to  hear  his  most  loyal  speeches  to  her  Majesty, 
his  constant  mind  to  the  cause,  his  loving  care  over  me,  and  his  most 
resolute  determination  for  death,  not  one  jot  appalled  for  his  blow,  which  is 
the  most  grievous  that  ever  I  saw  with  such  a  bullet ;  riding  so  a  long  mile 
and  a  half  upon  his  horse  ere  he  came  to  the  camp  ;  not  ceasing  to  speak 
still  of  her  Majesty  ;  being  glad  if  his  hurt  and  death  might  any  way  honour 


CH.  xxi]  The  End  381 

her  Majesty,  for  hers  he  was  whilst  he  lived  and  God's  he  was  sure  to  be 
if  he  died  ;  prayed  all  men  to  think  that  the  cause  was  as  well  her  Majesty's 
as  the  Countries',  and  not  to  be  discouraged,  for  you  have  seen  auch  success 
as  may  encourage  us  all,  and  this  my  hurt  is  the  ordinance  of  God  by  the 
hap  of  the  war.  Well,  I  pray  God,  if  it  be  his  will,  save  me  his  life,  even 
as  well  for  her  Majesty's  service'  sake  as  for  mine  own  comfort1." 

The  deep  sincerity  of  Leicester's  concern  in  this  letter  is 
only  heightened  by  the  slight  incoherence  of  the  form.  As 
the  days  passed  and  favourable  reports  came  from  Arnheim, 
the  general  fear  gave  way  to  confident  expectation  that  Sir 
Philip's  life  was  to  be  spared,  and  a  sense  of  relief  and  gratitude 
breathes  through  the  many  extant  references  to  his  illness. 
Some  of  them  are  as  follows  : 

Leicester  to  Burghley,  September — 

"A  particular  grief  to  myself  is  happened  by  the  hurt  of  my  dear 
nephew,  Sir  Ph.  Sidney,  in  a  skirmish  upon  Thursday  last  in  the 
morning  with  a  musket  shot  upon  his  thigh  three  fingers  above  his 
knee, — a  very  dangerous  wound,  the  bone  being  broken  in  pieces.  But 
yet  he  is  of  good  comfort,  and  the  surgeons  are  in  good  hope  of  his  life  if 
no  ill  accident  come.  As  yet  there  is  not :  he  slept  this  last  night  4  hours 
together,  and  did  eat  with  good  appetite  afterward.  I  pray  God  save  his 
life  and  I  care  not  how  lame  he  be2." 

Sir  William  Pelham  to  Walsingham,  September  26th  : 
"How  unhappily  the  hurt  did  light  upon  your  son-in-law,  in  which  as  I 
hope  the  danger  is  past  so  hath  his  noble  courage  won  him  (in  the  face 
of  our  enemies)  a  name  of  continuing  honour,  which  I  pray  God  to  increase 
and  to  send  him  a  speedy  recovery3." 

Leicester  to  Burghley,  September  27th  : 

"I  received  letters  even  now  from  the  surgeons  about  my  nephew  that  they 
have  very  good  hope  of  him.  He  had  this  last  night  a  fever  and  was  very 
ill,  and  this  morning  he  took  very  great  rest  2  or  3  hours  together,  after 
which  he  found  his  self  very  well  and  his  fever  clean  gone  from  him,  and 
was  dressed,  and  they  find  his  wound  as  well  and  with  all  the  good  signs 
they  could  wish.  I  thank  God  for  it  and  will  hope  the  best4." 

Leicester  to  Walsingham,  September  27th  : 
"My  grief  was  so  great  for  the  hurt  of  your  son,  my  dear  nephew  and  son 
also,  as  I  would  not  increase  yours  by  the  discomfort  thereof  ;  but  seeing 
this  is  the  Vlth  day  after  his  hurt,  and  having  received  from  the  surgeons 

i  Collins,  Memoirs,  p.  104.  2  Holland  CorreJipondence,  vol.  x,  fol.  68. 

3  Ibid.  fol.  65.  *  JW&  foL  7L 


382  The  End  [OH. 

a  most  comfortable  letter  of  their  very  good  hope  they  have  now  of  him, 
albeit  yester-evening  he  grew  heavy  and  into  a  fever,  about  11  o'clock  he 
fell  to  exceeding  good  rest,  and  after  his  sleep  found  himself  very  well, 
and  free  from  any  ague  at  all,  and  was  dressed,  and  did  find  much  more 
ease  than  at  any  time  since  he  was  hurt,  and  his  wound  very  fair,  with  the 
greatest  amendment  that  is  possible  for  the  time,  and  with  as  good  tokens. 
I  do  but  beg  his  life  of  God,  beseeching  for  his  mercy's  sake  to  grant  it. 
My  hope  is  now  very  good1." 

Leicester  to  Walsingham,  September  28th  : 

"I  have  received  great  comfort  and  hope  from  time  to  time  specially  this 
day,  being  the  7th  day,  from  his  surgeons  and  physicians . .  .the  Lord  giveth 
me  good  cause  to  hope  of  his  merciful  dealing  in  granting  life  to  our  dear  son 
to  remain  with  us,  for  he  hath  all  good  accidents  that  may  be  wished2." 

Leicester  to  Walsingham,  October  2nd  : 

"I  trust  now  you  shall  have  longer  enjoying  of  your  son,  for  all  the  worst 
days  be  past,  as  both  surgeons  and  physicians  have  informed  me,  and  he 
amends  as  well  as  is  possible  in  this  time,  and  himself  finds  it,  for  he  sleeps 
and  rests  well,  and  hath  a  good  stomach  to  eat,  without  feare  [fever  ?] 
or  any  distemper  at  alL  I  thank  God  for  it3." 

Leicester  to  Walsingham,  October  6th  : 

"Lastly,  and  that  will  not  like  you  least,  your  son  and  mine  is  well  amend- 
ing as  ever  any  man  hath  done  for  so  short  time.  He  feeleth  no  grief 
now  but  his  long  lying,  which  he  must  suffer.  His  wife  is  with  him,  and 
I  to-morrow  am  going  to  him  for  a  start4.'' 

Two  weeks  had  passed  since  Sir  Philip  had  received  his 
wound,  and  it  was  generally  believed  that  he  was  now  out  of 
danger.  In  the  last  letter  from  which  we  have  quoted  Leicester 
gave  a  glowing  account  of  the  successful  attack  on  the  Zutphen 
forts,  and  of  Edward  Stanley's  incredible  valour  in  scaling  the 
walls.  He  had  never  been  better  pleased  with  the  course  of 
events  since  he  had  come  to  the  Netherlands.  He  had  managed 
to  visit  Arnheim  several  times,  as  had  Robert  and  Thomas 
Sidney  ;  Lady  Sidney  was  continually  by  her  husband's  bed- 
side, and  the  uncomplaining  fortitude  of  the  sufferer  and  his 
anxiety  to  buoy  up  the  spirits  of  those  about  him  had  deceived 
them  all.  They  had  allowed  themselves  to  believe  what  they 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  414.  *  Ibid.  p.  415. 

*  Ibid.  p.  422.  *  Ibid,  p.  429. 


The  End     •  383 

hoped.  But  Sir  Philip  was  not  deceived.  After  the  first 
week  had  passed  he  became  convinced  that  he  was  not  to  recover, 
and,  grateful  that  he  was  to  have  an  opportunity  to  prepare 
his  mind  for  death,  and  to  put  his  worldly  affairs  into  order, 
he  devoted  himself  to  these  objects  in  a  truly  heroic  fashion. 
His  shoulder-bones  had  broken  through  the  skin  and  he  suffered 
acutely,  but  physical  pain  could  not  conquer  the  steadfastness 
of  his  mind. 

On  the  last  day  of  September  he  made  his  will1 — a  document 
which  bears  eloquent  witness  to  his  character.  Lady  Sidney 
was  appointed  sole  executrix,  and  to  her  Sir  Philip  bequeathed 
for  the  term  of  her  natural  life  one-half  of  all  his  lands  and 
revenues.  To  his  brother  Robert  he  left  the  remainder  of  his 
property  and  the  reversion  of  the  lands  left  to  Lady  Sidney  ; 
ghould  Robert  die  without  male  heirs  the  property  was  to  go 
to  Thomas  Sidney  and  his  heirs.  Lady  Sidney  was  pregnant, 
and  Sir  Philip's  bequest  of  the  bulk  of  his  property  to  Robert 
is  conditional  on  Lady  Sidney's  not  giving  birth  to  a  son.  In 
that  event  the  bequest  to  Robert  Sidney  is  cancelled.  To  his 
daughter  Elizabeth  and  to  the  daughter  who  may  possibly  be 
born  after  her  father's  death  Robert  Sidney  is  to  pay  a  total 
sum  of  £5000  for  their  portion  :  this  money  is  to  be  invested 
"  by  purchase  of  land  or  lease,  or  other  good  and  godly  use, 
but  in  no  case  to  let  it  out  for  any  usury  at  all."  Robert  Sidney 
must  assume  responsibility  for  the  payment  of  many  out- 
standing obligations  and  many  annuities.  In  the  first  place 
he  is  to  sell  at  once  a  sufficient  amount  of  land  to  discharge 
all  the  debts  left  by  Sir  Philip  and  his  father.  Walsingham 
already  held  Sir  Philip's  letter  of  attorney  for  this  purpose. 
Sir  Philip  confirms  and  ratifies  this  letter,  and  authorizes 
Walsingham  and  Robert  Sidney,  jointly  or  singly,  to  proceed 
in  the  matter — "  beseeching  them  to  hasten  the  same,  and  to 
pay  the  creditors  with  all  possible  speed."  They  were  also  to 
assign  to  Thomas  Sidney  lands  of  the  value  of  £100  per  year. 

To  his  uncles  of  Leicester  and  Warwick  Sir  Philip  gave  £100 
each  as  a  remembrance  of  his  duty  and  great  love  to  them, 
and  to  his  sister  his  best  jewel.  There  were  jewels  also  for  the 

1  Printed  in  Collins'  Memoirs,  pp.  109-113. 


384  The  End  [CH. 

Countesses  of  Huntingdon,  Warwick  and  Leicester.  Sir 
William  Russell  was  to  have  his  best  gilted  armour ;  his  dear 
friends  Dyer  and  Greville  were  to  have  all  his  books.  Edward 
Wotton  was  to  have  a  buck  yearly  from  Penshurst  Park.  One 
hundred  pounds  each  was  left  to  Walsingham  and  Lady 
Walsingham  "  to  bestow  in  jewels  or  other  things  as  pleaseth 
them  to  wear  for  my  remembrance."  A  jewel  of  £100  value 
was  also  to  be  given  to  Her  Majesty  and  one  of  £50  value  to 
Sir  Thomas  Heneage.  Further  bequests  were  made  to  Dr 
James  "for  his  pains  taken  with  me  in  this  my  hurt,"  and  to 
each  of  the  five  surgeons  who  were  in  attendance. 

Some  nine  or  ten  of  his  oldest  servants  were  mentioned  by 
name,  and  annuities  apportioned  to  each  of  them.  Smaller 
sums  were  to  be  given  to  each  of  his  servants  in  ordinary  and 
to  each  of  his  yeomen,  both  those  who  came  over  with  him 
from  England  and  those  who  had  joined  him  since.  Special 
provision  was  made  for  several  of  his  servants  to  whom  he  felt 
especially  indebted,  and  particularly  for  "  my  servant,  Stephen, 
now  prisoner  in  Dunkirk,"  for  whose  release  he  begs  Walsingham 
to  have  a  care,  the  same  Stephen  "  having  lain  so  long  in  misery1." 

This  document  alone  should  give  the  quietus  to  the  assump- 
tion of  those  writers  who  assure  us  that  Sir  Philip's  relations 
with  Lady  Rich  continued  after  his  own  marriage,  and  preclude 
the  possibility  of  that  marriage  having  been  primarily  a  love- 
match.  This  much  is  certain  :  everything  that  we  know  of  the 
relations  of  Sir  Philip  and  Lady  Sidney  to  each  other  suggests 
warm  affection  and  whole-hearted  devotion.  For  the  carrying 
out  of  the  spirit  of  his  will  Sir  Philip  evidently  placed  more 
reliance  on  the  character  and  good  judgment  of  his  wife  than 
on  any  one  else.  He  bequeathed  to  her  a  life  interest  in  one- 
half  of  his  lands,  and  after  devising  the  remainder  of  his  lands 
to  his  brother,  he  adds  :  "  the  rest  of  all  my  goods,  moveable 

1  In  the  Holland  Correspondence  (vol.  xi,  fol.  1)  is  a  manly  letter  written 
to  Sir  Philip  by  Stephen  Lesieur  "from  the  woful  prisons  of  Dunkirk."  He  was 
evidently  a  man  of  sterling  character  who  knew  how  to  meet  adversity.  One- 
third  of  his  whole  letter  is  taken  up  with  suggesting  means  for  the  release  of 
William  Chaping,  a  Margate  captain,  whose  acquaintance  Lesieur  had  first 
made  in  the  prison  and  who  had  long  been  tortured  by  the  Spaniards.  The 
letter  is  dated  November  1st — more  than  a  fortnight  after  Sir  Philip's  death. 


XXIJ  The  End  385 

and  immoveable,  and  all  my  chattels,  I  give  and  bequeath  to 
my  most  dear  and  loving  wife."  He  made  her  sole  executrix. 
Moreover,  he  appointed  that  she  should  actually  disburse  all 
the  moneys  named  in  his  various  annuities  to  servants,  after 
having  received  the  same  from  Robert  Sidney:  should  his 
brother  fail  to  pay  to  her  these  sums  of  money,  Walsingham 
was  authorized  to  sell  a  sufficient  portion  of  the  lands  bequeathed 
to  Robert  Sidney  to  meet  these  demands,  and  to  convey  the 
sum  total  to  Lady  Sidney.  Then  follows  a  most  significant 
sentence  :  "I  pray  mine  executrix  to  be  good,  and  to  give  so 
much  money,  as  to  her  discretion  shall  seem  good,  to  those 
mine  old  servants,  to  whom  by  name  particularly  I  have  given 
nothing  to,  referring  it  to  her  as  she  shall  think  good."  In  the 
absence  of  all  evidence  it  is  gratuitous  and  absurd  to  assume 
that  Sir  Philip's  relation  to  his  wife  was  other  than  we  would 
wish  it  had  been. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  he  made  his  will  Sir  Philip  sent 
for  Mr  Gifford,  a  learned  preacher  of  the  time,  who  was  in  the 
camp1.  Once  convinced  that  he  was  to  die  he  wished  only  to 
prepare  himself  for  death.  He  had  made  the  religion  he  pro- 
fessed, Fulke  Greville  tells  us,  the  firm  basis  of  his  life,  and  the 
simplicity  and  sincerity  of  his  religious  convictions  were  never 
more  in  evidence  than  now.  His  wound  he  looked  upon  as  a 
direct  summons  from  God,  and  God  was  all-wise  and  all-loving. 
He  submitted  himself  without  repining  to  God's  will,  but  he 
was  troubled  by  the  thought  of  his  own  sins  and  of  God's 
righteous  judgment.  With  Gifford  and  other  learned  men  he 
discussed  the  attitude  of  the  Greeks  and  of  the  Hebrew  writers 
to  the  question  of  immortality.  He  spent  much  time  in  prayer 
and  in  the  reading  and  discussing  of  passages  from  the  Bible. 
All  the  strangeness  of  the  human  lot  oppressed  him,  and  espe- 
cially he  pondered  "the  design  of  God  in  afflicting  the  children 
of  men."  Throughout  his  life  he  had  never  engaged  in  worldly 
affairs  without  being  conscious  of  a  sense  of  their  unreality,  and 

1  Gifford  has  left  a  very  detailed  and  rather  over-wrought  account  of  Sir 
Philip's  last  days.  The  manuscript  is  in  the  Cottonian  collection  (Vitell.  C. 
xvn,  382)  and  has  been  much  injured  by  fire  and  damp.  The  greater  part  of 
it  was  printed  by  Zouch. 

w.L.s.  25 


386  The  End  [CH. 

now  it  was  not  difficult  for  him  to  detach  himself  from  them. 
Continually  he  expressed  his  sense  of  the  wretchedness  of  man — 
"a  poor  worm."  He  marvelled  that  any  man  at  the  point  of 
death  should  be  buoyed  up  by  the  memory  of  what  was  good 
in  his  past  life;  for  himself,  "he  had  walked  in  a  vague  course." 
He  is  said  to  have  asked  that  after  his  death  the  Arcadia  be 
suppressed1.  We  hear  nothing  of  any  interest  which  he  showed 
in  the  events  of  the  war.  When  Leicester  and  Robert  Sidney 
visited  him  on  October  7th  he  would  hear  the  wonderful  story 
of  the  capture  of  the  Zutphen  forts,  and  he  would  learn  that 
Robert  had  won  his  spurs  on  the  fateful  morning  of  September 
22nd,  but  of  his  interest  in  these  things  there  is  no  record. 
The  world  and  its  affairs  had  receded  to  an  immeasurable 
distance,  and  his  only  concern  was  that  his  mind  should  remain 
clear  and  unconquered  by  pain  in  the  one  fight  more  which  he 
must  face. 

There  were  times  when  his  desire  to  comfort  those  about 
him  broke  in  upon  this  preoccupation,  and  his  light-heartedness 
returned.  Like  Sir  Thomas  More,  to  whose  character  his  own 
bore  a  striking  resemblance  in  many  points,  he  could  even  jest 
about  his  own  fate.  He  composed  a  poem  on  La  Cuisse  Rompue, 
and  had  it  set  to  music  to  be  sung  to  him.  Molyneux  tells  us 
that  he  also 

"wrote  a  large  epistle  to  Belerius,  a  learned  divine,  in  very  pure  and 
eloquent  Latin . . .  the  copy  whereof  was  not  long  after,  for  the  excellence 
of  the  phrase  and  pithiness  of  the  matter  brought  to  her  Majesty's  view." 

Neither  of  these  compositions  has  survived. 

At  length  it  became  obvious  to  everyone  about  him  that 
blood-poisoning  had  set  in  and  that  he  could  not  recover,  and 
the  news  caused  general  consternation  in  the  camp.  Count 
Hohenlo  was  lying  ill  at  the  time,  having  received  a  musket 
wound  in  the  throat,  but  he  had  sent  his  own  surgeon  to 
attend  Sir  Philip.  When  the  Count  inquired  for  his  friend, 
the  surgeon,  with  a  sad  countenance,  answered  that  Sir 
Philip  was  not  well.  "Away,  villain,"  exclaimed  the  Count; 
"never  see  my  face  again  till  thou  bring  better  news  of  that 
man's  recovery,  for  whose  redemption  many  such  as  I  were 
1  Edward  Leigh,  A  Treatise  of  Religion  and  Learning  (1656),  p.  324. 


The  End  387 

happily  lost."  On  October  16th  a  last  access  of  hope  sprang 
up  in  the  heart  of  the  dying  man,  and  with  his  own  hand  he 
wrote  the  following  letter  to  John  Wyer,  the  distinguished 
physician,  who  had  long  been  resident  at  the  Court  of  William, 
Duke  of  Cleves :  "Mi  Wiere,  veni,  veni.  De  vita  periclitor  et 
te  cupio.  Nee  vivus,  nee  mortuus,  ero  ingratus.  Plura  non 
possum,  sed  obnixe  oro  ut  festines.  Vale,  Tuus  Ph.  Sidney." 
The  letter  was  to  be  forwarded  by  Gisbert  Enerwitz,  a  nephew 
of  Wyer,  who  at  the  same  time  wrote  to  his  uncle  as  follows1 : 

"I  was  this  morning  early,  as  well  as  before  within  these  three  days, 
sent  for  by  his  Excellency's  nearest  attendant  on  Mr.  Sidney  who  is  lying 
here  in  the  house  of  Madlle  Gruitthueissens,  wounded  in  his  thigh  by  a  shot 
received  from  the  enemy,  about  three  weeks  since,  before  Zutphen,  which 
wound  has  hitherto  done  tolerably  well.  But  in  the  course  of  the  last 
three  days  the  good  gentleman  has  been  attacked  by  fever,  and  is  become 
on  that  account  a  little  weaker.  He  [the  General]  has  therefore  urgently 
besought  me,  as  have  also  the  other  gentlemen,  that  I  would  write  to  you, 
my  uncle,  and  make  it  my  own  request  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  visit 
him  in  his  illness,  and  thereby  impart  to  him  all  that  consolation  which 
you  have  been  wont  to  afford,  and  which  may  prove  serviceable  to  him 
in  his  weak  state.  And  although  I  have  caused  the  good  gentleman  to 
be  informed  that  you  are  yourself  labouring  under  indisposition  (and 
have  shown  the  letter  which  you  sent  me)  yet  he  has,  nevertheless,  ex- 
pressed his  full  persuasion  that  if  you  should  not  have  had  any  accession 
of  illness  you  will  come  and  pay  him  a  visit.  He  has  also  in  his  bed  and 
with  his  own  hand  written  the  above  to  you,  and  desired  me  to  write  there- 
with, which  I  could  not  refuse  to  him  and  the  other  gentlemen :  and  I  do, 
therefore,  hereby  most  earnestly  entreat  you  that  if  it  be  possible  you  will 
come  and  visit  him,  a  favour  which  will  ever  be  remembered  by  him. 
Colonel  Martin  Schmick  [Schenk]  has  also  written  in  his  behalf  to  the 
captain  of  the  fort  at  Grave,  and  to  the  ships  of  war  there  lying,  to  bring 
you  hither  with  a  convoy  of  yachts  or  ships  ;  or  in  case  you  should  prefer 
to  take  your  passage  by  land  Captain  Schmick  is  to  provide  you  a  sufficient 
escort.  His  Excellency  arrived  here  this  night,  and  Councillor  Leoning 
would  also  have  written  to  you  but  the  post  would  not  wait  long  enough. 

We  must  therefore  do  the  best  we  can  in  the  matter My  thoughts 

are  now  and  then  whether  Mr.  Sidney  will  live.    At  Arnheim  the  26  [16] 

October,  1586. 

Your  obedient  nephew, 

GISBERT  ENKBWTTZ." 

i  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxvm,  pp.  27-37.  The  translation  from  the  Dutch 
original  is  by  G.  F.  Beltz,  Lancaster  Herald. 

25—2 


388  The  End  [CH. 

During  the  succeeding  night  Sir  Philip  knew  that  his  strength 
was  failing.  In  the  morning  he  added  a  codicil  to  his  will  in 
which  he  made  bequests  of  money  to  Mr  Temple,  his  Secretary, 
and  to  several  of  the  surgeons  and  ministers,  and  his  swords 
to  the  Earl  of  Essex  and  Lord  Willoughby.  Unable  to  endure 
the  emotional  strain  of  his  brothers'  presence,  he  bade  them 
farewell  with  the  words  : 

"Love  my  memory,  cherish  my  friends;  their  faith  to  me  may  assure 
you  they  are  honest.  But  above  all  govern  your  will  and  affections  by 
the  will  and  word  of  your  Creator  ;  in  me  beholding  the  end  of  this  world, 
with  all  her  vanities."  "All  thing  in  my  former  life,"  he  protested  to 
those  about  him,  "have  been  vain,  vain,  vain." 

As  death  approached  his  mind  became  very  peaceful,  and 
he  whispered  to  Gifford  that  he  would  not  change  his  joy  for 
the  empire  of  the  world.  He  retained  perfect  consciousness 
until  almost  the  last  moment.  He  passed  away  between  two 
and  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

No  definite  news  of  the  battle  of  Zutphen  reached  England 
until  more  than  three  weeks  after  the  event.  Leicester's 
messenger,  whom  he  had  dispatched  the  day  after  the  battle, 
was  prevented  by  contrary  winds  from  reaching  London  until 
October  12th.  The  whole  nation  was  in  the  throes  of  excite- 
ment caused  by  the  revelation  of  the  Babington  conspiracy, 
and  Walsingham  and  the  other  commissioners  had  just  reached 
Fotheringay,  where  on  October  llth  the  trial  of  Mary  Stuart 
for  complicity  in  the  plot  had  begun.  Davison  conveyed  to 
the  Queen  at  Windsor  the  news  of  the  battle  and  of  Sir  Philip's 
wound,  "which  doth  appear  much  to  trouble  her,"  he  wrote  to 
Walsingham,  "albeit  the  messenger  do  assure  us  from  my  Lord 
that  there  is  no  danger  or  doubt  of  his  leg,  much  less  of  his  life1." 
The  Queen  at  once  wrote  a  letter  to  Sir  Philip  and  dispatched 
Burnham  with  it,  with  orders  that  he  return  immediately  to 
report  Sir  Philip's  condition.  Lady  Walsingham  was  thrown 
into  an  agony  of  fear,  but  Davison  and  Heneage  persuaded  her 
that  her  fears  were  groundless,  and  Elizabeth  also  wrote  her 
reassuringly.  No  further  news  reached  England  until  November 

1  State  Papers— Dom. — Eliz.,  cxciv,  October  12th. 


xxi]  The  End  389 

2nd — more  than  two  weeks  after  Sir  Philip's  death.  For  more 
than  20  days  no  boat  had  been  able  to  leave  Flushing  for  Eng- 
land1, with  the  result  that  no  one  was  in  any  way  prepared  for 
the  blow  which  fell  upon  them  with  such  startling  suddenness. 
The  announcement  of  Sidney's  death  was  received  as  the  news 
of  a  great  national  calamity.  The  Queen,  Davison  declares 
in  several  letters  written  on  the  days  succeeding  the  arrival 
of  the  Flushing  post,  was  so  afflicted  with  sorrow  that  she 
could  not  transact  public  business.  Accustomed  though  he 
was  to  the  slippery  turns  of  the  world,  Walsingham  was 
stunned  by  the  blow.  "Her  Majesty,"  he  could  only  say, 
"hath  lost  a  rare  servant,  and  the  realm  a  worthy  member2." 
The  records  of  the  period  abound  in  references  to  Sidney's 
death,  and  in  all,  the  writers  have  felt  impelled  to  pronounce 
a  eulogy  and  to  record  their  sense  of  the  greatness  of  England's 
loss.  It  may  not  be  unfitting  to  set  down  here  extracts  from 
some  of  these  letters  : 

Burghley  to  Walsingham  : 

"Sir,  I  know  it  unseasonable  to  send  you  any  matter  to  take  care 
thereof  considering  how  otherwise  your  mind  is  burdened."  After  referring 
to  the  loss  of  his  own  well-beloved  son-in-law  and  of  his  daughter,  he 
continues :  "  Divinity  and  moral  Philosophy  ought  to  instruct  us  to  exercise 
fortitude  and  patience,  but  surely  nothing  shall  more  ease  a  thoughtful 
mind  than  to  be  drawn  by  colloquies  of  familiar  friends  to  other  cogitations." 
He  fears  lest  one  result  be  that  Walsingham  find  himself  seriously  embar- 
rassed financially:  "Until  I  hear  more  certainly  hereof  I  shall  remain 
very  careful  for  your  estate."  "You  do  very  well  to  provide  as  much 
comfort  as  you  can  for  the  young  lady,  your  daughter,  considering  that, 
as  I  hear,  she  is  with  child,  which  I  hope  may  prove  to  be  a  son  for  so  much 
diminution  of  all  your  own  grief.  God  comfort  you  and  my  lady  your 
wife,  as  I  would  have  wished  for  me  and  mine,  and  this  I  write  in  sim- 
plicity's words  from  my  house  late  this  2  of  Nov.  of  1586  with  my  prayer 
for  your  comfort. 

W.   BUBGHLKY. 

I  cannot  in  my  haste  forget  the  Godly  precept,  Mementote  afflictionem 
qua  fuistis  qfflicti3." 

i  Holland    Correspondence.     Captain    Errington    to   Walsingham,    vol   x 

p.  209. 

•  Lansdowne  MSS.,  982,  f.  69. 

8  State  Papers — Dom. — Eliz.,  vol.  cxcv. 


390  The  End  [en. 

Buckhurst  to  Leicester  : 

"With  great  grief  do  I  write  these  lines  unto  you  being  thereby  forced  to 
renew  to  your  remembrance  the  decease  of  that  noble  gentleman  your 
nephew,  by  whose  death  not  only  your  Lordship  and  all  other  his  friends 
and  kinsfolk,  but  even  her  Majesty  and  the  whole  realm  besides  do  suffer 
no  small  loss  and  detriment.  Nevertheless,  it  may  not  bring  the  least 
comfort  unto  you  that  as  he  hath  both  lived  and  died  in  fame  of  honour 
and  reputation  to  his  name  in  the  worthy  service  of  his  prince  and  country, 
and  with  as  great  love  in  his  life  and  with  as  many  tears  for  his  death  as 
ever  any  had,  so  hath  he  also  by  his  good  and  godly  end  so  greatly  testified 
the  assurance  of  God's  infinite  mercy  towards  him  as  there  is  no  doubt 
but  that  he  now  liveth  with  immortality  free  from  the  cares  and  calamities 
of  mortal  misery1." 

Fulke  Greville  to  Archibald  Douglas  : 

"I  go  no  whither,  therefore  I  beseech  you  pardon  me  that  I  visit  you  not. 
The  only  question  I  now  study  is  whether  weeping  sorrow  or  speaking 
sorrow  may  most  honour  his  memory  that  I  think  death  is  sorry  for. 
What  he  was  to  God,  his  friends  and  country,  fame  hath  told,  though  his 
expectation  went  beyond  her  good.  My  lord,  give  me  leave  to  join  with 
you  in  praising  and  lamenting  him,  the  name  of  whose  friendship  carried 
me  above  my  own  worth,  and  I  fear  hath  left  me  to  play  the  ill  poet  in 
my  own  part2." 

Du  Plessis  to  Walsingham  : 

"Monsieur  J'ai  s§eu  la  triste  nouvelle  de  la  mort  de  M.  de  Sidney.  J'ai 
eu  des  travaux  et  des  traverses  en  ce  miserable  temps,  mais  rien  qui  m'ai 
tant  pese,  ni  tant  perce  le  coeur,  rien  qui  m'ai  plus  vivement  touche  ni  en 
particulier,  ni  en  publiq.  Je  1'ai  ressentie  en  moi  pour  vous  et  pour  moi 
mesmes.  Je  le  pleure  encor  et  le  regrette,  non  pour  1'Angleterre  seulement, 
mais  pour  la  Chrestiente ....  C'est  ce  qui  me  fait  desesperer  de  mieux,  quand 
le  bon  s'en  va,  et  la  lie  nous  demeure.  Et  c'est  trop  aussi  en  une  annee 
d'en  avoir  perdu  deux;  je  dis  feu  M.  le  Comte  de  Laval  et  M.  de  Sidney,  tels 
en  leurs  personnes,  tels  a  leurs  amis,  tels  au  publiq.  Desormais  je  suis  tent£ 
ou  de  n' aimer  personne,  ou  de  hair  moi  mesmes.  Toutesfois  je  me  resouls 
enfin  de  les  aimer  et  honorer  en  tout  ce  qui  les  touche,  et  veux  redoubler 
particulierement  vers  vous  en  affection,  en  honneur,  en  service.  Faites 
moi,  donq.,  cest  honneur,  Monsieur,  de  faire  estat  de  moi  de  plus  en  plus; 
et  concluons  par  ce  mot,  La  Volonte  de  Dieu  soit  faite,  lequel  je  supplie3." 

1  Collins,  vol.  I,  p.  393. 

*  Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports,  Salisbury  MSS.,  vol.  in,  November,  1586. 

3  M4moirea,  January,  1587. 


xxi]  The  End  391 

Ortel  (the  Dutch  envoy  in  London)  to  Walsingham : 

"I  cannot  express  my  grief  for  the  lamentable  fate  which  has  overtaken 
M.  de  Sidney,  nor  do  I  dare  to  present  myself  before  your  honour  for  fear 
of  renewing  your  sorrow,  realizing  very  well  how  much  this  country, 
your  honour  and  his  friends  on  the  one  side,  and  we  on  the  other  have  lost 
in  a  man  so  universally  loved  and  of  whom  such  great  expectations  were 
cherished." 

If  Walsingham  will  suggest  any  way  in  which  the  States  can 
be  of  service  to  him  or  Lady  Sidney  he  will  find  that  it  is  not 
in  words  only  that  they  would  express  themselves1. 

The  Burgomaster  and  Council  of  the  City  of  Flushing  wrote 
to  Walsingham  to  offer  their  sympathy.  They  referred  to  Sir 
Philip's  kindly  attitude  toward  them,  his  vigorous  guarding  of 
them  from  'outrage,'  their  sense  of  indebtedness  to  him  and 
to  his  wife.  They  were  persuaded,  they  said,  that  they  would 
never  again  have  such  a  Governor2.  Even  Mendoza,  when  he 
heard  the  news  of  Sir  Philip's  death,  declared  that 

"he  could  not  but  lament  to  see  Christendom  deprived  of  so  rare  a  light 
in  these  cloudy  times,  and  bewail  poor  widow  England,  that  having  been 
many  years  in  breeding  one  eminent  spirit,  was  hi  a  moment  bereaved 
of  him3." 

The  States  of  Zealand  made  application  to  Leicester  that 
they  might  have  the  honour  of  burying  Sir  Philip  at  the 
expense  of  their  Government.  If  their  request  were  granted, 
they  added,  they  would  undertake  to  erect  to  his  memory  as 
fair  a  monument  as  any  prince  had  in  Christendom,  even  though 
it  should  cost  half  a  ton  of  gold  to  build  it.  But  the  request 
could  not  be  considered.  On  October  23rd  Sir  Philip's  body 
was  brought  by  water  from  Arnheim  to  Flushing,  where  it  lay 
in  state  for  eight  days.  On  November  1st 
"he  was  brought  from  his  house  in  Flushing  to  the  sea-side  by  the  English 
garrison,  which  were  1200,  marching  by  three  and  three,  the  shot  hanging 
down  their  pieces,  the  halbert,  pikes  and  ensigns  trailing  along  the  ground, 
drums  and  fifes  playing  very  softly.  The  body  was  covered  with  a  pall  of 
velvet;  the  burghers  of  the  town  followed,  mourning,  and  as  soon  as  he  was 

1  Holland  Correspondence,  vol.  xi,  f.  5 

2  Ibid.  fol.  7. 

»  Greville,  p.  32. 


392  The  End  [CH. 

embarked  the  small  shot  gave  him  a  triple  volley ;  then  all  the  great 
ordnance  about  the  walls  were  discharged  twice,  and  so  took  their  leave 
of  their  well-beloved  Governor1." 

In  The  Black  Pinnance,  a  vessel  which  had  belonged  to  Sir 
Philip,  and  of  which  the  sails,  tackling  and  all  the  furnishings 
were  black2,  the  body  was  conveyed  to  London  accompanied 
by  a  convoy  of  other  vessels.  On  November  5th  it  was  landed 
at  Tower  Hill  and  carried  to  the  Minories,  a  church  without 
Aldgate. 

The  funeral,  however,  was  to  be  delayed  for  many  weeks. 
During  the  year  which  he  had  spent  in  the  Netherlands  Sir 
Philip's  zeal  for  the  cause  and  his  pity  for  the  wretchedness  of 
his  garrison  had  impelled  him  to  pledge  his  credit  in  an  almost 
reckless  fashion.  He  believed  firmly  that  he  had  arranged  for 
paying  all  the  debts  he  had  incurred  by  giving  his  father-in-law 
a  letter  of  attorney  authorizing  him  to  sell  certain  lands.  But 
it  proved  otherwise. 

"I  have  paid  and  must  pay  for  him  above  £6000,"  wrote  Walsingham  to 
Leicester,  "which  I  do  assure  your  Lordship  hath  brought  me  into  a  most 
hard  and  desperate  state,  which  I  weigh  nothing  in  respect  of  the  loss  of 
the  gentleman  who  was  my  chief  worldly  comfort."  "I  have  caused 
Sir  Philip  Sidney's  will  to  be  considered  of,"  he  continued,  "by  certain 
learned  in  the  laws,  and  I  find  the  same  imperfect  touching  the  sale  of  his 
land  for  the  satisfying  of  his  poor  creditors,  which  I  do  assure  your  Lordship 
doth  greatly  afflict  me,  that  a  gentleman  that  hath  lived  so  unspotted  a 
reputation,  and  had  so  great  care  to  see  all  men  satisfied,  should  be  so  exposed 
to  the  outcry  of  his  creditors.  His  goods  will  not  suffice  to  answer  a  third 
part  of  his  debts  already  known.  This  hard  estate  of  this  noble  gentleman 
maketh  me  stay  to  take  order  for  his  burial  until  your  lordship  return. 

1  The  Funeral  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  by  Thomas  Lant — an  introduction  to 
the  remarkable  funeral  roll  designed  by  Lant,  who  styles  himself  servant  to 
Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  engraved  by  Derick  Theodor  de  Brii  (London,  1687). 
The  roll,  which  is  7f  inches  wide  and  something  more  than  38  feet  in  length, 
consists  of  28  plates  containing  344  figures.     Upon  it  is  based  exclusively  our 
detailed  knowledge  of  Sir  Philip's  funeral.     There  is  a  copy  in  the  British 
Museum  and  another  at  Penshurst. 

2  Reference  to  the  black  trappings  of  the  vessel  is  made  hi  the  last  poem 
contained  in  the  memorial  volume  published  by  the  University  of  Cambridge  : 

"  Cur  atra  sim  quaeris  ?     Sidneii  ad  sydera  rapti, 
En  veho  per  tumidas  nobile  corpus  aquas. 
Parcite  jam  fluctus,  adversi  parcite  venti. 
Nobilius  corpus  num  tulit  ulla  ratia  ?  " 


xxi]  The  End  393 

I  do  not  see  how  the  same  can  be  performed  with  that  solemnity  that 
appertaineth  without  the  utter  undoing  of  his  creditors  which  is  to  be 
weighed  in  conscience1." 

Burghley's  fears  were  only  too  well  grounded.  Walsingham's 
determination  that  Sir  Philip's  memory  should  be  free  from 
any  stain  was  to  bring  about  his  own  financial  ruin.  It  would 
seem  that  the  greater  part  of  the  property  was  entailed,  of  which 
fact  Sir  Philip  was  not  aware,  and  only  fee-simple  land  was 
available  for  satisfying  creditors 2.  Leicester  was  not  eager  to 
come  to  Walsingham's  rescue  or  could  not  do  so,  and  Robert 
Sidney  was  chiefly  occupied  in  securing  his  own  rights.  Sir 
Philip's  debts  had  been  incurred  in  the  service  of  the  State ; 
Walsingham,  who  had  made  himself  responsible  for  paying 
them,  was  perhaps  that  one  of  her  councillors  to  whose  foresight 
Elizabeth  was  most  indebted.  Burghley  at  once  determined 
to  point  out  to  the  Queen  in  their  proper  light  the  obligations 
which  lay  upon  her,  and  at  first  he  was  hopeful  of  success. 
But  eventually  she  refused  to  do  anything,  and  Walsingham, 
sick  with  grief  and  indignation,  retired  to  Barn  Elms.  His 
patriotism  and  Burghley's  persuasions  at  length  brought  him 
back  to  give  to  Elizabeth's  service  the  few  remaining  years  of 
his  life.  When  he  died  and  was  laid  beside  his  son-in-law  he 
was  buried  at  night  to  save  the  expense  of  a  public  funeral, 
and  Lady  Walsingham  could  be  described  as  "a  widow  that  is 
poor  and  friendless3." 

The  months  immediately  following  Sir  Philip's  death  must 
have  been  the  bitterest  of  Walsingham's  life.  He  had  just 
saved  his  Queen  and  country  from  one  of  the  greatest  dangers 
that  had  ever  threatened  them,  and  his  reward  was  black 
ingratitude.  He  was  mourning  the  death  of  the  young  man 
who  had  been  his  chief  worldly  comfort,  and  he  was  harassed 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  pp.  454  and  456. 

2  See  Questions  touching  the  Execution  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  Witt  (Lansdowne 
MSS    vol  L,  fol.  197).     Much  information  on  what  proved  to  be  a  very  complex 
problem  can  be  found  in  Lansdowne  MSS.,  vol.  uv,  fol.  88;  Add.  MSS.  17520. 
fol   1,  and  in  Sidneiana  (Memorial  of  Thomas  Nevitt).     Many  years  later,  when 
Sir  Philip's  widow  had  become  the  wife  of  the  Earl  of  Clanricarde,  her  law-suit 
with  Sir  Robert  Sidney  was  still  undecided.     V.  Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports, 
8th  Report,  Part  m,  vol.  x,  p.  23. 

*  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  series  H,  vol.  m,  p.  164.     Essex  to  Burghley. 


394  The  End  [CH. 

by  insoluble  financial  problems.  Moreover,  the  state  of  his 
daughter's  health  was  a  source  of  great  anxiety. 

"Your  sorrowful  daughter  and  mine,"  Leicester  bad  written  him  a  week 
after  Sir  Philip's  death,  "is  here  with  me  at  Utrecht,  till  she  may  recover 
some  strength,  for  she  is  wonderfully  overthrown  through  her  long  care 
since  the  beginning  of  her  husband's  hurt,  and  I  am  the  more  careful  that 
she  should  be  in  some  strength  or  she  take  her  journey  into  England,  for 
that  she  is  with  child,  which  I  pray  God  send  to  be  a  son,  if  it  be  his  will ; 
but  whether  son  or  daughter  they  shall  be  my  children  too1." 

Toward  the  end  of  December  Lady  Sidney  was  very  seriously 
ill,  and  we  may  assume  that  she  was  confined  prematurely2. 
The  only  ray  of  comfort  that  can  have  crossed  the  dark  path  of 
Walsingham  and  his  wife  during  these  bitter  months  must  have 
been  their  knowledge  that  their  sorrow  for  Sir  Philip  was 
shared  by  the  whole  nation.  "It  was  accounted  a  sin,"  a 
contemporary  writer  informs  us,  "for  any  gentleman  of  quality, 
for  many  months  after,  to  appear  at  Court  or  City  in  any  light 
or  gaudy  apparel3." 

Meanwhile  Walsingham  had  determined  that  Sir  Philip's 
funeral  should  be  celebrated  in  what  seemed  to  him  a  fitting 
manner  and  "spared  not  any  cost  to  have  this  funeral  well 
performed4."  No  subject  of  an  English  sovereign  had  ever 
been  interred  with  comparable  magnificence.  Whatever  we 
may  think  of  Walsingham's  wisdom  in  this  respect  it  must  be 
recognized  that  in  the  eyes  of  his  contemporaries  it  was  but  a 
just  expression  of  the  esteem  in  which  Sir  Philip  was  held  in 
the  hearts  of  Englishmen  of  all  ranks  of  society.  The  funeral 
took  place  on  February  16th.  The  cortege  was  ordered  by 
Robert  Cooke,  Clarenceux  king-at-arms,  and  consisted  of  some 
700  persons  who  proceeded  from  the  Minories  by  way  of 
the  principal  streets  of  the  city  to  St  Paul's  Cathedral.  The 
streets,  Lant  tells  us, 

"were  so  thronged  with  people  that  the  mourners  had  scarcely  room  to 
pass ;  the  houses  likewise  were  as  full  as  they  might  be,  of  which  great 
multitude  there  were  few  or  none  that  shed  not  some  tears  as  the  corpse 
passed  by  them." 

1  Leycester  Correspondence,  p.  446. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  480-481. 

8  John  Phillips,  The  Life  and  Death  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney.  *  Lant. 


The  End  395 

At  the  head  of  the  procession  were  two  'conductors  to  the  poor,' 
followed  by  32  poor  men,  one  to  represent  each  year  of  Sir 
Philip's  life.  Then  came  six  representatives  of  the  officers  of 
his  foot  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  a  youth  trailing  an  ensign 
which  bore  the  motto  Semper  eadem;  these  were  followed  by 
an  equal  number  of  officers  of  his  horse  and  another  youth 
trailing  a  guerdon  with  the  inscription  Pukhrum  propter  se.  His 
standard,  decorated  with  porcupines  and  bearing  the  inscription, 
twice  repeated,  Vix  ea  nostra  voco,  was  preceded  by  two  '  con- 
ductors to  his  servants,'  and  then  came  60  of  his  gentlemen  and 
yeomen  servants,  Dr  James  and  William  Kelle,  his  chief 
physician  and  surgeon,  and  Griffin  Maddox,  who  had  served 
him  from  boyhood.  These  were  followed  by  60  esquires  of 
his  kindred  and  friends  and  14  knights,  among  whom  were 
Sir  William  Hatton,  Sir  William  Knowles,  Sir  Thomas  Perrot, 
and  Sir  Francis  Drake.  Next  came  the  preacher  and  two 
chaplains,  and  then  a  richly  decorated  pennon  of  Sir  Philip's 
arms  followed  by  his  war  horse,  which  was  ridden  by  a  youth, 
Henry  Danvers1,  trailing  a  broken  lance.  The  barbed  horse 
which  followed  was  magnificently  caparisoned  in  cloth  of  gold, 
and  was  likewise  led  by  a  footman  and  ridden  by  a  page  who 
carried  a  battle-axe,  the  head  downward.  The  heralds  "  carry- 
ing the  hatchments  and  dignity  of  his  knighthood  "  were  preceded 
by  two  yeomen  ushers  and  by  Henry  White  carrying  the  great 
banner.  Portcullis  bore  the  spurs,  Bluemantle  the  gloves, 
Eougedragon  the  helmet  surmounted  by  the  porcupine, 
Kichmond  the  shield,  and  Somerset  the  escutcheon.  They  all 
wore  capes  ornamented  with  the  Sidney  coat  of  arms,  as  did 
also  Clarenceux,  who  came  last.  The  coffin  was  preceded  by 
a  gentleman  usher.  It  was  covered  with  rich  velvet  ornamented 
with  the  Sidney  arms  and  carried  by  14  of  Sir  Philip's  yeomen. 
The  corners  of  the  pall  were  held  by  Thomas  Dudley,  Fulke 
Greville,  Edward  Wotton  and  Edward  Dyer,  and  the  banneroles 
were  carried  by  four  kinsmen  of  Sir  Philip— Henry  Sidney, 
Edmund  Packenham,  Edmund  Walsingham  and  William  Sidney. 
Immediately  behind  the  coffin  came  Sir  Robert  Sidney  as  chief 

1  Afterwards  Earl  of  Danby  (1573-1644).     Aubrey  says  he  was  page  to 
Sir  Philip.     V.  Brief  Lives,  i,  p.  193,  and  n,  p.  247. 


396  The  End  [CH. 

mourner,  and  then  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  Sir  John  Harrington, 
Sir  Henry  Harrington,  Sir  Henry  Goodyear,  Thomas  Sidney 
his  brother,  and  Thomas  West,  as  mourners'  assistants.  Two 
gentlemen  ushers  preceded  the  noblemen  who  rode  two  and 
two,  Huntingdon  and  Leicester,  Pembroke  and  Essex,  Lord 
Willoughby  and  Lord  North.  Then  came  representatives  of  the 
States  of  Holland,  among  them  Menyn,  Valke  and  Ortel,  who 
had  all  known  Sir  Philip  intimately.  They  were  followed  by  the 
Lord  Mayor  of  London,  Sir  George  Barnes,  in  his  purple  robes1, 
preceded  by  a  Sheriff  of  the  City  of  London,  eight  alderman 
knights,  and  eight  other  aldermen.  Next  came  120  members 
of  the  Company  of  Grocers2  in  their  liveries,  walking  two  and 
two.  The  procession  was  concluded  by  about  300  citizens  of 
London  practised  in  arms,  who  marched  three  and  three. 

The  procession  entered  the  cathedral  by  the  great  west 
door,  which  was  kept  by  some  of  her  Majesty's  guard,  and 
1  roceeded  to  the  choir,  where  the  Windsor  and  Chester  heralds 
r  laced  the  noblemen  and  others  according  to  their  degrees. 
The  coffin  was  placed  on  a  beautiful  hearse  covered  with  velvet, 
which  was  adorned  with  escutcheons  of  the  Sidney  arms  and 
inscribed  with  the  motto  Beati  mortui  qui  in  Domino  moriuntur. 
The  whole  cathedral  was  hung  with  black  cloth.  When  the 
sermon  was  ended  the  body  was  carried  from  the  choir  and 
interred  in  the  upper  north-east  end  of  the  aisle  above  the  choir 
by  the  second  pillar.  The  soldiers  in  the  churchyard  did  then 
by  a  double  volley  "give  unto  his  famous  life  and  death  a 
martial  'Vale.'" 

It  is  one  of  the  strange  anomalies  of  our  national  history 
that  no  monument  has  ever  been  erected  to  the  memory  of 
Sir  Philip  Sidney.  Perhaps  it  was  deemed  superfluous  to  record 
in  brass  or  marble  the  virtues  of  one  whose  memory  Englishmen 

1  Kennet,  in  his  Additions  to  Anthony  a  Wood  (Lansdovme  MSS.,  982, 
ol.  69),  says  that  Sir  Woolston  Dixey  was  Lord  Mayor. 

*  Lant  says  that  Sir  Philip  was  'free'  of  the  Company,  but  Mr  Somers-Smith, 
now  Clerk  of  the  Company,  who  very  kindly  caused  a  careful  search  of  the 
Company's  Records  to  be  made,  has  not  been  able  to  find  that  Sir  Philip  was 
a  member.  The  Quires  of  the  Warden's  Accounts  record  payments  to  the 
beadle  for  wine,  sugar  and  bread  for  the  Company  on  the  day  of  the  funeral, 
and  for  the  hiring  and  carrying  of  three  graven  armours  for  three  young  men 
who  served  as  pikemen  on  the  occasion. 


The  End  397 

would  always  treasure  as  a  national  possession  ;  in  the  words 
of  the  elegy  written  by  King  James, 

"he  doth  in  bed  of  honour  rest 
And  evermore  of  him  shall  live  the  best." 

More  probably  the  poverty,  which  was  the  lot  of  Lady  Sidney 
and  her  parents  after  Sir  Philip's  death,  furnishes  a  sufficient 
explanation.  A  tablet  inscribed  with  some  doggerel  verses  in 
praise  of  Sir  Philip  by  an  unknown  author  was  at  one  time 
fastened  to  a  pillar  near  the  place  where  he  was  buried1.  There 
was  also  a  project  to  erect  worthy  inscriptions  to  his  memory 
and  to  that  of  his  father-in-law,  who  was  buried  beside  him, 
and  a  beautifully  printed  copy  of  these  remains  among  the 
Cottonian  manuscripts2.  They  are  in  Latin,  dignified  and 
fitting,  and  we  may  perhaps  ascribe  the  pious  intention  to 
Lady  Walsingham  or  the  Countess  of  Pembroke.  With  the 
burning  of  St  Paul's  in  the  Great  Fire  the  exact  place  of  Sir 
Philip's  interment  ceased  to  be  known3. 

A  word  should  be  added  regarding  the  remaining  members 
of  the  Sidney  family.  Lady  Sidney  became  the  wife  of  the 
Earl  of  Essex  in  1590,  and  after  his  death  she  married,  in  1603, 
the  Earl  of  Clanricarde.  She  died  before  1635.  Sir  Philip's 
only  daughter,  Elizabeth,  became  Countess  of  Rutland  when 
fifteen  years  of  age,  and  died  without  issue  on  September  1, 
1612.  The  lives  of  the  Countess  of  Pembroke  and  of  Robert 
Sidney,  who  became  Earl  of  Leicester,  are  too  well  known  to 
need  rehearsing  here.  Of  Thomas  Sidney's  life  little  is  known. 
In  May,  1589,  he  was  with  Drake  at  Corunna,  and  is  described 
>?s  one  of  the  bravest  of  those  who  led  the  assault  on  the  city4. 
In  July  of  the  same  year  he  was  in  command  of  two  or  three 
ships  off  Dartmouth5.  He  is  mentioned  in  Peele's  Polyhymnia 
as  a  combatant  in  jousts  in  15916.  It  was  probably  in  this 
year  or  early  in  1592  that  he  married  Margaret  Dakins,  the 

1  Quoted  by  Collins  in  his  Memoirs,  p.  109. 

2  Vespasian,  C,  xiv,  fol.  206. 

3  Aubrey  gives  us  the  rather  gruesome  information  that  after  the  fire  he 
himself  saw  the  leaden  coffin  in  which  Sir  Philip  had  been  buried. 

4  Hume,  The  Year  after  the  Armada,  p.  38. 

8  State  Papers— Spanish— Eliz.     Paris  Archives,  July  21,  1589. 
«  V.  Shuckburgh's  edition  of  Sidney's  Apologie,  p.  xvii. 


398  The  End  [CH. 

widow  of  Walter  Devereux,  younger  brother  of  the  Earl  of 
Essex1.  He  died  without  issue  in  July,  1595,  and  was  buried 
at  Kingston-upon-Hull.  He  was  an  especial  favourite  of  the 
Earl  and  Countess  of  Huntingdon  ;  the  Earl  advised  him  in 
money  matters,  and  the  Sidney  Papers  contain  several  references 
to  the  grief  of  the  Countess  at  his  untimely  death. 

The  outpouring  of  elegiac  poetry  occasioned  by  the  death 
of  Sidney  is  unique  in  English  literature ;  a  mere  list  of  the 
authors  and  the  titles  of  their  poems  would  fill  many  pages. 
Some  of  the  better  known  names  are  those  of  Constable,  Daniel, 
Drayton,  Greville,  Breton,  Watson,  Spenser,  Raleigh,  Ben 
Jonson,  Carew,  Baxter,  Davies,  Fraunce.  Brief  biographical 
memorials  in  verse,  or  prose,  or  both,  were  published  by 
Whetstone,  Churchyard,  Robert  Waldegrave,  Angel  Day, 
John  Philips,  Sir  William  Herbert,  and  Sir  James  Perrot.  During 
the  year  succeeding  Sir  Philip's  death  two  memorial  volumes 
were  published  at  Oxford — Exequiae  Illustrissimi  Equitis  D. 
Philippi  Sidnaei,  dedicated  to  Leicester,  and  Peplus  Illustrissimi 
viri  D.  Philippi  Sidnaei,  written  entirely  by  members  of  New 
College,  and  dedicated  to  Pembroke.  In  the  same  year  appeared 
Academiae  Cantabrigiensis  Lachrymae  Tumulo  Nobilissimi  Equitis 
D.  Philippi  Sidneii  Sacratae.  Most  of  the  contributions  are  in 
Latin,  many  in  Greek,  and  one  each  in  Hebrew  and  English — the 
latter  being  King  James'  sonnet,  which  is  also  given  in  a  Latin 
version.  A  volume  not  so  well  known  as  these  should  also  be 
noted  here  as  testifying  to  the  interest  shown  by  continental 
scholars — Epitaphia  in  Mortem  Nobilissimi  et  Fortissimi  Viri 
D.  Philippi  Sidneii,  etc.  Lugduni  Batavorum.  Ex  Officina 
Joannis  Poetsii,  1587.  It  contains  twelve  pages  of  Latin 
eulogies.  "The  universities  abroad  and  at  home,"  Fulke 
Greville  tells  us,  "  accompted  him  a  general  Maecenas  of  learning," 
and  now  both  learning  and  literature  bewailed  the  loss  of  one 

1  Devereux  died  in  September,  1591,  and  immediately  a  warm  contest  for 
the  hand  of  his  widow  began  between  Thomas  Sidney  and  Mr  Posthumus  Hoby. 
Hoby's  suit  was  supported  by  Lord  Burghley,  his  mother,  Lady  Russell,  and 
Lady  Perrot,  but  Sidney  had  the  support  of  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Hunting- 
don and  was  successful.  Mr  Hoby  became  the  lady's  third  husband  in  1596 
( V.  MSS.  of  G.  M.  Fortescue  in  Hist.  Man.  Com.  Reports ;  also  Devereux  Earls 
of  Essex,  i,  p.  264). 


The  End  399 

whom  they  accounted  foremost  among  their  patrons  and 
defenders. 

"Gentle  Sir  Philip  Sidney  ! "  exclaimed  Naah,  "thou  knewest  what  belonged 
to  a  scholar,  thou  knewest  what  pains,  what. toils,  what  travail  conduct 
to  perfection.  Well  couldst  thou  give  every  virtue  his  encouragement, 
every  wit  his  due,  every  writer  his  desert,  'cause  none  more  virtuous, 
witty  or  learned  than  thyself.  But  thou  art  dead  in  thy  grave,  and  hast 
left  too  few  successors  of  thy  glory,  too  few  to  cherish  the  sons  of  the  muses, 
or  water  with  their  plenty  those  budding  hopes  which  thy  bounty  erst 
planted." 

But  Sir  Philip's  contemporaries  did  not  only  bewail  their  loss  : 
he  had  left  them  something  which  they  could  not  lose,  and  in 
their  sorrow  they  were  conscious  of  that  purgation  of  spirit 
which  a  great  tragedy  always  effects.  They  were  proud  to  be 
Englishmen  because  Sir  Philip  was  an  Englishman,  and  their 
exaltation  of  mind  is  fittingly  voiced  in  Camden's  tribute  to 
his  dead  friend  : 

"Rest  then  in  peace,  O  Sidney,  (if  I  may  be  allowed  this  address).  We 
will  not  celebrate  your  memory  with  tears  but  admiration.  Whatever 
we  loved  in  you,  whatever  we  admired  in  you  still  continues  and  will 
continue  in  the  memories  of  men,  the  revolutions  of  ages,  and  the  annals 
of  time.  Many,  as  inglorious  and  ignoble,  are  buried  in  oblivion,  but 
Sidney  shall  live  to  all  posterity.  For  as  the  Grecian  poet  has  it,  Virtw's 
beyond  the  reach  of  fate. " 


POSTSCRIPT 

THE  dead  past  buries  its  dead  so  effectively  that  it  is  impos- 
sible that  we  of  to-day  should  come  into  really  living  touch 
with  him  who  died  300  years  ago.  The  society  in  which  he 
moved,  the  intellectual  and  moral  atmosphere  which  he  breathed, 
differed  from  that  of  our  own  time  in  subtle  ways  which  our 
imagination  is  only  half  successful  in  re-creating.  The  details 
of  his  life  which  have  survived  deal  too  largely  with  external 
things,  or  at  best  give  us  glimpses  of  a  whole  which  is  never 
completely  revealed.  For  these  reasons  we  are  inclined,  in 
estimating  the  men  of  past  ages,  to  assign  them  to  various  well- 
recognized  types. 

Sir  Philip  Sidney  with  the  passing  of  the  centuries  has 
become  an  embodiment  of  mythical  perfections — a  kind  of 
King  Arthur,  so  perfect  as  to  be  unreal.  To  deliver  him  from 
the  body  of  this  death  should  be  the  first  impulse  of  his 
biographer.  And  yet,  no  one  can  have  familiarized  himself 
with  the  details  of  Sidney's  life  without  realizing  what  a  large 
measure  of  truth  there  is  in  the  popular  conception  of  his 
character.  His  contemporaries  saw  in  his  life  a  daily  beauty 
which  called  forth  their  love  and  admiration  for  him  as  for 
no  other  man  of  his  day.  Men  of  all  classes,  from  Princes  and 
Secretaries  of  State  to  the  humblest  of  his  servants,  loved  him 
and  sorrowed  for  him  after  his  death  as  if  a  great  light  had  gone 
out  in  the  world.  This  is  the  phenomenon  which  we  must 
explain  to  ourselves  if  we  would  know  Sidney  in  any  real 
sense. 

Personal  charm  or  magnetism  can  never  be  made  to  yield 
up  its  mystery  by  enumerating  its  ingredients.  At  best  we 
may  hope  to  indicate  something  of  its  nature.  In  Sidney's 
case  it  was  not  due  to  any  alleged  perfection  or  lack  of  faults. 


Postscript  401 

Of  his  faults  we  could  sum  up  a  formidable  list  were  it  worth 
while  to  do  so.     He  was  foolishly  extravagant  in  the  spending 
of  money,  and  was  sometimes  forced  to  seek  to  improve  his 
financial  position  by  means  which  were  at  least  not  dignified. 
He  was  somewhat  arrogant  and  hot-headed.     He  was  inclined 
to  be  egotistical.     But  all  of  these  tell  us  nothing  of  the  man  ; 
they  are  almost  lost  sight  of  in  the  consideration  of  his  dominant 
characteristics.     In  the  first  place  he  was  essentially  high- 
minded.     Practical  affairs  tending  to  his  personal  aggrandize- 
ment could  never  have  absorbed  more  than  a  small  part  of  his 
interest.    He  lived  in  an  age  when  great  commercial  enterprizes 
were  beginning  to  exercise  their  fascination  over  the  minds  of 
Englishmen  ;    he  was  the  prospective  heir  to  vast  material 
wealth  ;    but  these  things  never  took  captive  bis  imagination. 
He  never  forgot  that  at  best  they  could  be  only  subsidiary, 
and  that  the  things  which  are  unseen  are  real.     His  deep, 
consistent  piety,  his  fervent  love  of  country  and  his  unswerving 
loyalty  to  his  friends  were  the  spontaneous  expression  of  this 
high-mindedness.     His  life  was  governed  by  his  love  of  beauty, 
whether  it  were  the  beauty  of  holiness,  or  of  serving  one's 
country,    or   of   an    artistically   conceived,    well-ordered   life. 
To  follow  this  ideal  cost  him  less  of  effort  than  it  costs  most 
good  men.     In  him  love  would  seem  almost  to  have  become 
an  unerring  light  and  joy  its  own  security. 

To  us  there  appears  something  strangely  simple  in  Sidney's 

attitude  toward  most  of  life's  problems.     It  is  scarcely  possible 

that  he  had  been  seriously  touched  by  the  philosophic  and 

scientific  stirrings  of  his  time.     His  religious  beliefs  were  as 

simple  as  those  of  a  little  child.     None  of  the  daring  speculations 

of  Bruno  or  the  scepticism  of  the  intellectuals  of  his  day  finds 

utterance  in  his  writings.     His  only  religious  doubts  had  to 

do  with  his  failure  to  be  obedient  to  the  God  who  was  his 

heavenly  Father.     His  political  creed  could  hardly  have  been 

more  simple.     The  enemies  of  England  and  of  Protestantism 

were  his  enemies  ;  like  Milton  he  believed  that  God  looked  upon 

his  Englishmen  as  a  chosen  people  to  whom  he  entrusted  the 

carrying  out  of  his  purposes.     Regarding  the  social  structure 

of  English  society,  as  far  as  we  can  know,  he  had  no  misgivings  ; 

w.  L.  s.  26 


402  Postscript 

we  have  no  reason  to  think  that  the  radical  reconstructions  of 
More  would  have  appealed  to  him  as  other  than  poetic  dreaming. 
Instinctively  he  loved  all  men,  and  he  never  failed  in  offices  of 
kindliness  and  helpfulness  to  the  lowly  and  the  unfortunate, — 
not  in  a  spirit  of  condescension,  but  because  the  brotherhood 
of  man  and  the  fatherhood  of  God  were  the  fundamental  tenets 
of  his  creed.  But  he  probably  had  no  question  in  his  mind  as 
to  whether  the  present  constitution  of  society  were  favourable 
or  otherwise  to  the  realization  of  this  ideal. 

In  this  simplicity  and  serenity  of  outlook  upon  life  consists, 
without  doubt,  much  of  the  charm  which  Sidney's  life  and 
character  possess  for  us.  It  is  due,  however,  in  much  greater 
measure  to  his  utter  unworldliness.  Like  Sir  Thomas  More  he 
was  constantly  possessed  by  a  double  sense  of  the  reality  on 
the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  of  the  unreality  of  all  human 
striving.  He  threw  himself  into  the  religious  and  political 
activity  of  his  age  intensely  and  unreservedly,  and  yet  he  was 
never  free  from  the  consciousness  that  he  was  primarily  a 
spectator  of  these  things  rather  than  an  actor  in  them.  Vix 
ea  nostra  voco  was  his  favourite  motto — a  most  felicitous 
expression  of  his  real  attitude  to  the  golden  life  that  flowed 
about  him.  Few,  even  of  his  contemporaries,  knew  the  zest 
of  living  more  keenly  than  he  ;  he  was  eager  to  touch  experience 
at  as  many  points  as  possible  ;  but  all  the  time  he  remembered 
that  his  chief  business  was  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  his 
soul.  Chivalry  had  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  rather 
naif  ideal  of  a  bygone  age  ;  it  was  soon  to  be  laughed  off  the 
stage  of  modern  life  ;  but  to  Sidney  its  counsels  of  perfection 
were  forever  valid  for  him  who  had  once  caught  a  vision  of  the 
beauty  of  holiness. 

If  we  understand  Sidney  aright  we  shall  understand  better 
the  Gilberts  and  Drakes,  the  Essexes  and  Raleighs  of  his  day. 
One  and  all  they  recognized  in  him  the  flower  of  Elizabethan 
life,  the  highest  expression  of  England's  real  Renaissance 
period.  It  is  difficult  not  to  believe  that  Shakespeare  had  him 
in  mind  when  he  wrote  his  greatest  play.  His  versatility,  his 
intense  aversion  from  that  which  was  evil,  his  intense  enthusiasm 
for  that  which  was  good,  his  courtesy  and  kindliness  toward 


Postscript 


403 


inferiors,  his  generosity,  his  mingled  humility,  pride  and  haughti- 
ness, his  self-assurance,  his  loyalty  to  friends,  his  tendency  to 
dwell  in  the  ideal,  his  love  of  generalization — all  remind  us  of 
Hamlet.  Like  Hamlet,  too,  he  was  loved  by  the  distracted 
multitude.  His  servants,  his  soldiers,  his  colleagues,  his  friends, 
all  delighted  to  confess  the  compelling  charm  of  his  character. 
A  love  of  justice  and  of  liberality  Molyneux  considered  his  most 
marked  characteristics.  To  do  some  worthy  service  for  Queen 
and  country  was  his  highest  aim — to  translate  his  ideals  into 
noble  action.  These  were  the  aims,  though  often  mixed  with 
baser  matter,  of  his  greatest  contemporaries,  and  they  shone  the 
more  brilliantly  against  the  background  of  selfishness,  world- 
liness  and  sycophancy  which  were  equally  characteristic  of  the 
period.  Nothing  of  what  was  best  in  humanism  was  alien  to 
Sidney's  spirit,  and  his  countrymen  hailed  him  as  the  president 
of  noblesse  and  of  chivalry. 

Mr  Morley  has  said  that  it  is  a  weightier  and  a  rarer  privilege 
for  a  man  to  give  a  stirring  impulse  to  the  moral  activity  of  a 
generation  than  to  write  in  classic  style,  and  to  have  impressed 
the  spirit  of  his  own  personality  deeply  upon  the  minds  of 
multitudes  of  men  than  to  have  composed  most  of  those  works 
which  the  world  is  said  not  willingly  to  let  die.  This  privilege 
was  Sidney's.  His  greatness  is  not  in  his  works  but  in  his 
life.  He  gave  a  stirring  impulse  to  the  moral  activity  of  the 
society  to  which  he  belonged,  which  left  his  country  richer  in 
all  that  makes  for  the  highest  civilization,  and  he  impressed  the 
spirit  of  his  personality  so  deeply  upon  his  contemporaries  that 
their  posterity  have  continued  to  delight  in  doing  him  honour. 


2&— 2 


APPENDIX  I 

THOMAS   MARSHALL'S   BOOK   OF   ACCOUNTS 
(FROM   A   MS.    PRESERVED   AT   PENSHURST) 


[[On  Front  Cover]] 


The  Accompte  of  Mr  Philippe  Sidneys  expenses 
since  the  iiith  of  Decembre  1565  untill  the  Feast  of 
St  Michael  the  Archangel  1566. 


406 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  1]]  SUMMES  OF  MONNEY  RECEIUEDE 

by  me  Thomas  Marshall  yowre 
Lordshippes  humble  servaunte  to  the 
vse  of  my  younge  Mr.  Mr  Philippe 
Sidney  since  yowre  honnors  depa- 
rture withe  my  Lady  frome  weste- 
chestre  towardes  Irelande  namelie 
Mundaie  the  iiith  of  Decembre  1565 
vntill  Michaehnas  next  insuinge 
an°  1566. 


IMPRIMIS  Receued  of  my  felowe  Rafe  Knight 
by  yowre  Lordeshipps  ordre  at  westchestre 
the  sume  of  twentie  nobles  amonthe  9. ......... 

Itm  the  xxiiiith  of  Julie  Rd  of  Mr  George 
Lighe  owre  ost  in  Saloppe  at  Mr 
Philipps  firste  goinge  to  his  uncle  of 
Lecestre  at  Killingworthe  9 8.ix.J??n.df1 


Itm  for  his  charges  in  the  iourney  thether 

and  hether  againe  as  by  Mr  Lighes 

bill  9 , 

Itm  upon  Saturdaie  the  xviith  of  Au 
guste  borowed  of  Sr  Richarde  Newporte 
at  Coventre  9 , 

Itm  the  xixth  daie  receued  at  Killingw 
orthe  frome  my  felowe  Rafe  Knighte 
fortie  shillings  that  upo  discresio[n] 
he  sente  to  Mr  Phillippe  heare  [  ] 

his  georney  thether  the  seconde  [  ] 

Itm  upon  fridaie  [  1th  of  S[eptem]bre 

receued  more  at  [Ox]forde  of  [my  Lord]  of 
Lecestre  for  Mr  [Phil]ipps  charg[es  as]  by 
a  bill  of  my  han[de  de]livered  of  the  same 

Itm  receaued  of  [Mr]  Astone  that  the 
Earle  gave  h[im  the]re  and  spente 
thereof  as  case  [require]d  9    


T[HESE  RECEIPTS  amonthe 
[to  twentie  six]  pounds 

[nine  shillings]   

]      


*' 


vi" 


iii»».  i8. 


XL8. 


I  iii« 


.  xxd. 


iii**.  vi8.  viii*1. 


xx vi*'.  ixs.  9 


Appendix  I  '  407 

[[Page  2]]  THE    ACCOMPTE  OP  SUCHE  sumes 

DECEMBRE  An°      of  monney  as  I  Thomas  Marsh- 
1565  all  have  disbursed  for  my 

younge  Mr:  Mr  Philippe 
Sidney  beginninge  vpon  tues 
daie  the  iiiith  of  Decembre 
1565  and  endinge  at  Micha 
elmas  nexte  insuinge  ano 
1566 

AT   WESTCHESTRE 

IMPRIMIS  vpon  tuesdaie  the  iiiith  of  Decembre    ^ 

for  wasshinge  of  his  linen  and  his  comp  V  iii8.  iiiid. 

anions  duringe  their  abode  there  9  J 

Itm  for  wipinge  and  makinge  cleane  their  )     -d 

bootes  there  9    J  vl  ' 

Itm  for  a  yarde  of  clothe  to  make  Mr  ^ 

Philippe  a  paire  of  boote  hose  havinge  I  •  •*  ""d 

non  but  a  paire  of  linen  w°h  were  to  j 

thine  to  ride  in  after  his  disease  9 J 

Itm  for  makinge  these  botehose  and  for  \ 


stitchinge  silke  9 

Itm  for  a  dozenne  of  silke  pointer  .............      vid. 

Itm  for  mendinge  his  hose  and  settinge  \  ^j 

bootes  on  the  laste  9  .........................  J 

Itm  for  a  false  scaberde  for  his  rap  \  —  d 

[ie]r  9  ......................................  J 

I[tm]  for  horse  meate  for  the  iii  litle 

[nags  t]hat  were  left  for  vs  ii  daies  & 

an  [halfje  after  jof  Lordshipps  departure 

Itm  [for]  showinge  the  nag&»  9  ................      xiid 

Itm  [for  t]oo  collfars]  for  them  9  ..............      iid 

It[m  at  C]hirke  [upon]  wednesdaie  at  nig 
ht  at  one  Mr  Ed[war]ds  for  making  clea 
ne  of  bootes  9 

AT  S[AL]OPPE 

Itm  upo  fridaie  [in  the]  morninge  to  Mr 

Thomas  Calcotte  [  ]f  calcotte  for  his 

paines  in  cominge  [with]  the  horses  V  ii8.  vi  . 

that  his  [  ]  Philippe 

for  us  [  ]  9  ...... 

Itm  the  [  ]  Evans 

for  a  nobl 


1 

h  iii§-  &*• 

J 


- 
"j 

j-  iiii*. 
J 


i 


408 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  3]] 


AT   SALOPPE 


[DECEMBRE]  Ano  ITM  upon  Mundaie  the  xth  daie  for  the 
1565  mendinge  of  the  locke  of  Mr  Philipps 

cofre  and  for  an  yron  bolte  for  his 
chambre  dore  9  . . 


Itm  upo  thursdaie  the  xiiith  daie  for  bla-        \ 
eke  silke  buttons  for  blaclie  sifee-  viiid.  j-  xiid. 

for  quile^  iid  for  a  blacke  silke  lace  iid  9  ....  J 
Itm  for  gomme  gall  and  coparase  to  \     -d 

make  yncke  and  a  potte  for  the  same  9  ....  J  V 
Itm  for  a  penne  and  ynckhorne  and  \     .d 

sealinge  wax  9 J 

Itm  for  two  skaines  of  blacke  and  white         \ 
silke  to  mende  his  shirtea  iiiid  and  two  I     ..d 

skaines  of  white  and  blacke  threde  and  j 

nedles  to  mende  apparell  9 lu* J 

Itm  for  two  quier  of  paper  for  examp  "| 

le  bookes,  frases,  and  sentences  in  la-  I  viiid. 

tyne  and  frenche  9 J 

Itm  for  wax  sises  to  burne  in  the  \  ....d 

scoole  amorninges  before  daie  9 /  U 

Itm  for  mendinge  a  glasse  windowe  in  \---d 

his  chambre  9 J  u 

Itm  for  a  silke  gyrdle  for  Mr  Philippe xiiiid. 

Itm  the  xxith  daie  for  three  example  \ 

bookes  for  the  secretarie  hande  for  V  xiid. 

the  younge  gentlemen  9 J  }~  xLv8.  ixd. 

Itm  to  the  barber  for  polinge  them  \     ..d 

againste  Xymas  9 J 

Itm  upon  Xymas  [da]ie  for  three  doze  \       ...d 

of  silke  pointes  fo[r  ]him  9 J  X 

Itm  for  certaine  b[yrd  bjoltes  for  to  showte  \     ...d 

at  byrds  9 Jv 

Itm  payd  for  a  [yarjde  and  a  quarter 

of  fyne  blacke  [  ]  to  make  him  a 

coate  to  waire  [with]  his  cape  againste  xx8. 

Xymas  not  h[avinge  any]  fitte  garmet 

to  go  in  at  [  ]de  9 

Itm  for  [                                        ]  duble  "I  ..,      ... 

tafetaco[  ]. }  ^  vid. 

Itm  for  tw[  ]  no    \ 

to  lyne  the  fac[e  ]..  j  x 

Itm  for  yT.iiii 

for  the  same  9 

Itm  for  halfe  an 

[s]kaines  to  sewe 

for  two  dozen 
nd  for  m 
d  au 
for  two 


Appendix  I 


409 


[[Page  4]] 

[DECEMBRE  A]NO 
1565 


AT  SALOPPE 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  showes  for  Randall 
Calcotte  who  attendethe  on  Mr 
Philippe  withe  me  who  since  he 
came  hathe  not  put  yowre  Lordeship 
greatlie  to  further  charges  beside 
his  dyete,  showes  and  wasshinge 


SUMMA  DECEMBRIS 
foure  pounds  iii8.  v* 


\ 
.    / 


JANUARIE  AN°  IMPRIMIS  the  via  seconde  daie  for  mendinge  \  ^ 
15Q5  his  dagger  shethe  9 J 


Itm  at  Eton  Sr  Richarde  Newportes 
for  wasshinge  of  s[h]irte£  9  ......  i.n.re.w"d? 


\    •••d 
/ 

Itm  for  makinge  c[lea]ne  of  bootes  9  ........      iiiid- 

\  .—  d 
J 


Itm  the  ixth  daie  for  a  quier  of  paper 


Itm  the  said  daie  [pajide  to  Edmonde              H 
woodall  cordnere  of  [S]aloppe  for  showes 
and  bootes  delivered]  to  John  Tassell 
for  Mr  Philippe  [            ]  James  Turkefelde 
w°h  was  lefte  [                     ]  as  by  a  bill 

Itm  for  h[                                     ]e  bolonia 
sarce[net                                                             J 
hose 

-  vii8.  iiid. 

It[m                                                    lande  to      1 

-  viiid.  ' 

makinge  of     ] 

viiid. 

changeable  silke  nighte  ] 

viiid. 

paire      vid. 
nether  stocks 


410 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  5]] 


AT  SALOPPE 


[JANUARIE]  AKO  ITEM  the  xith  daie  for  an  oz  of  oile  of  roses  ~\ 

1565  and  an  other  of  camoi3iell  to  suppell  his  knee     j-  vid. 

that  he  coulde  not  plie  or  bende  9 J 

Item  the  xiith  daie  for  a  paire  of  knitte  hose          xviiid. 
Itm  the  xvith  daie  for  a  written  booke  being      ~\ 
an  abstracte  of  Mr  Astons  doinge  of  tullies          >  iiis. 

offices  and  lodouicus  diologue  wise  9 J  }•  x8.  xd 

Itm  the  xixth  daie  for  iii  yards  of  frese  \---a  ""d 

to  make  him  a  coate  9 J 

Itm  for  ii  yards  &  qr  of  cotton  for  lininge  9  . .      xvid. 

Itm  for  two  dozen  of  buttons  therto  9 vid. 

Itm  for  the  makinge  of  the  said  coate  viiid. 

SUMMAJANUARIIj  .  .xxiiii8.  xid. 

twentie  mi8.  xid.    J 

FFEBRUARIE  A™  IMPRIMIS  the  xvith  daie  for  a  paire  of         \       ...d 

1565  knitte  hose  for  M'  Philippe  9 J  x 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  showes  for  him  9 x3. 

Itm  for  a  paire  for  Randall  Calcotte  9 xiid 

Itm  the  xxiiiith  daie  for  a  quier  of  paper  9 . .      iiiid. 

Itm  for  wax  thred  and  quiles  9 vid.       }»  viij8.  viij 

Itm  the  xxvith  for  the  barber  to  trim  the  all      xiid. 

Itm  for  a  Virgile  for  Mr  Philipp  9 xxd. 

Itm  for  Calvines  chatachisme  9 iiiid. 

Itm  the  xxviiith  daie  for  a  paire  of  \       ...d 

knitte  hose  for  him  9 J 

S[U]MMA  FEBRUARII )  c 

[Ejight  shilh'ngs  viiid.     /  9 

MARCHE  A™            IMPRIMIS  the  vi[th  daie]  for  a  paire  of         1     d 
1565  showes  for  [Mr  Philippe  9] J 

Itm  for  [a  paire  for  Randall  Cal]cote  9 xiid. 

Itm  the  [  ]  buttons       \     ....d 

for  his  sh[  ]  gowne        /  X 

at  the  han[  \-  ix8.  iiud. 

Itm  for  a 

coller  of 

Sume  payd  mendinge  t 

28s.  10".  Itm  paid 

[wa]sshinge  M 


Appendix  I 


411 


;  [Page  6]] 


AT  SALOPPE 


[MARCHE]  ANO    ITM  for  Randall  Calcottes  wasshinge  \  ..g     .d 

1565  since  the  same  tyme  9 j  u8.  vi  . 

Itm  for  Radolpho  Gualtero  Tigurino  de  \---d 

sylabarum  et  carminum  ratione  9 J  vm  *        ^  iiiis.  i<i. 

Itm  for  silke  buttons  iiiid  for  thred  "I 

buttons  iid  for  thred  pointer  iiiid  for  a  [  xid. 

lace  for  his  knives  9 id. J 

SUMMA  MENSIS9.. 

MARTII  thretten*.  v*.  9 j  xui>. 

APRILE  AHO         IMPRIMIS  the  firste  daie  for  a  girdle  \ 

1566  of  silke  for  M'  PhiUppe  9 J  x 

Itm  for  yncke  and  quiles  9 iiiid. 

Itm  the  xiith  daie  for  a  quier  of  paper  9 iiiid. 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  knitte  hose  for 

MrPhilippe9 

Itm  the  xiiith  daie  for  a  pake  of  \    .d          \     -a 

gloves  for  him  9 J,  ,     ' 

Itm  the  xiiiith  daie  beinge  Ester  \    .j 

for  a  paire  of  showes  for  him  9 J 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  showes  for  Rand  \     ..d 

all  Calcotte  9 J  X 

Itm  for  buttons  for  the  blacke  ierkine  \  ^A 

that  Robt  wrighte  sent  frome  Ludloo  J 

SUMMA  MENSIS  APRILIS  9 \ 

SYX  SHILLINGS  9 Jv 

MAIE  ANO  IMPRIMIS  the  iii[i;p  of  Maie  for  a  quier  1  ^ 

1566  of  fine  paper  9   / 

Itm  for  makinge  of  [a]  paire  of  boothose  for        \  ^d 

RandaU  Calcott[e  9] / 

Itm  the  xth  d[aie  for]  yncke  9 iiiid- 

Itm  the  xxx[th  daie]  for  his  barber  9 iii*1. 

Itm  for  [  ]  when  we  "j 

wente  [to  visit  at  the  house  of]  Sr  And-  I  ^d 

rue  C[orbett  and  that  of  Sr]  Richarde 

Newpofrte  when  the  scholars  were  sicke 

Itm  for  [  ]  eringe  his  |  ^,1 

[SUMMA]  MENSIS^ s>...\  \  ::. 

[MAII  T]WO  SHILLlGS     J  ' '  *  / 


412 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  7]] 


AT  SALOPPE 


[JUNII  A]NNO    IMPRIMIS  the  xxi*  dale  for  a  Sa  i'-iim 

1566  luste  for  him  9 /  X 

Itm  for  perfumes  to  ayre  the  chambre  ~| 

withe  when  we  came  furthe  of  the  I      ..d 

countree  after  the  yownge  gentlemen  j 

were  recovered  9 J 

Itm  geven  to  the  Lawndresse  to  bye  1  ••••$ 

sylke  to  mende  his  shirtes  9 J 

Itm  for  mendinge  of  his  dagger  9 iid. 

Itm  for  two  dozen  of  large  thred  \     -d 

pointer  9 j 

Itm  for  threde,  nedles,  and  buttons  9 xiid. 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  gloves  for  him  9 vid. 

Itm  for  a  lace  for  his  penne  and  \  -d 

ynckehorne  9 J 

Itm  the  xxvth  daie  for  makinge  of  his  ^ 

grene  coate  whereof  the  clothe  came 
frome  my  felowe  knighte  9 

Itm  for  a  quarter  of  grene  sarcenette  \     ....d 

for  the  coller  and  to  face  it  9 ]  X 

Itm  for  a  yarde  of  fustiane  to  line  the  ^    ,j 

bodie  of  the  same  9 J  x  * 

Itm  for  a  yarde  and  an  halfe  of  cotto  \     ..d 

to  line  the  skirtes  9 J 

Itm  for  buttons  therto  9    viiid. 

Sumepayd\         Itm  for  xiiii  yards  of  lace  to  com pase  1        ..d 

13s.  4d.     /         itabowteg Jx 

Itm  for  iiii  skaines  of  silke  9 viiid. 

Itm  for  canvas  fo[r]  the  coller  9 id. 

Itm  for  a  quier  o[f]  paper  9 iiiid.         J 

S[UM]MA  MENSIS  JUNII  9 } 

[     t]hretten  shilUnges  iiiid.  9 J 


Appendix  I    • 


413 


[[Page  8]] 

[JULII  ANO] 
1566 


AT  SALOPPE 

IMPRIMIS  vpo  thursdaie  the  xith  daie 
at  the  Christeninge  of  a  sonne  of  Mr 
Leighs  who  berethe  his  name  geven  to 
the  midwife  xxd  and  to  the  nurse 
xx*1  and  more  monney  was  offered 
to  the  mother  but  it  wolde  not  be  take 
nne  9  ....  .m.yJJ?d.ie.N.eT'?0ft?^e'n??0?^1°tJ*<;r 

Itm  the  xxiiii411  daie  goinge  towards 
my  Lorde  of  Lecestre  at  Killingworthe 
the  firste  tyme  for  showinge  the  red 
nagge  9  ............................. 

Itm  for  his  meat  in  stable  beinge  taken 
vp  a  daie  before  we  wente  9  ........... 

Itm  for  trirnminge  of  his  rapier 

and  false  scaberde  9  .................. 

Itm  to  the  barber  9  .................. 

Itm  for  white  buttons  for  a  dublette  of 
his  9  ............................... 

Itm  for  browne  paper  9  ............... 

Itm  for  two  dozenne  of  silke  pointer  9  .  . 
Itm  for  thred  to  make  shirte  laces  9.  ... 

Itm  for  a  quier  of  paper  9  ............. 

Itm  the  charges  of  a  newe  sadle  for 
the  nag  that  my  Lorde  Vicounte  gave 
him  as  folowethe  Imprimis  for  a 
remmante  of  blacke  velvette  betwixt 
a  yarde  and  thre  quarters  for  the  seate 
Itm  for  two  frenche  skynnes  for  the 
covermge  9  .......................... 

Itm  for  two  onces  of  fringe  to  copasse 
the  seate  9  .......................... 

Itm  for  fowr  skaines  of  silke  to  stitche 
the  same  9  .......................... 

Itm  for  the  stuffe  that  the  sadler 
founde  and  the  makinge  9  ............. 

Itm  for  two  girth[es]  and  a  surcingle  9  . 
Itm  for  a  pair[e  of  stjyrrops  withe  the 
leatheringe  9 


iii8.  uiid. 


. 


..d 
xu  . 

..d 

xu  * 
iiiid. 
...d 
* 

iid. 
xiid. 
id. 
iiiid. 


xiiii*. 

...8     ...jj 
•—. 


Iii9.  xd. 


] 


]    ............      viiid. 


] 


]  shirte  of 

]  ruffes  9  .. 
]  and  silke  9  . 


vid. 


414 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  9]]  AT  SALOPPE 

[JULII  ANO]          ITM  paid  to  the  Lawndres  for  the  laste 
1566  quarter  for  Mr  Philippe  and  Randall 

Calcotte  wch  was  due  the  vith  of  June 


vii8.  vid. 


Sume  [ 
[ 


Itm  for  thre  paire  of  showes  for  Mr  \  ..a     -d 

Philippe  since  Ester  9 J 

Itm  for  two  paire  for  randall  since  the      \  ..g 
same  tyme  9 / 

Itm  for  two  canvas  alam  bages  to  put       ~\ 
showes  and  bookes  in  that  were  caried       j-  iiiid. 
with  vs  in  the  cloke  bag  9 J 

Itm  a  paire  of  velvette  overstock&s  that  I  "\ 
made  him  of  his  olde  shorte  blacke  vel- 
vette gowne  the  charges  whereof  folo-        fvi8. 
wethe,  imprimis  for  a  yarde  of  duble 
sarcenette  to  line  them  with  9 } 

Itm  for  two  yards  *two  neyles  and  an        "| 

halfe  of  saten  of  Bruges  to  lyne  the  J-  v9.  viid. 

paynes  of  his  hose  9 J 

Itm  for  halfe  a  yarde  of  whighte  \     ...d 

lininge  and  halfe  a  qter  9 j  vm  ' 

Itm  for  a  yarde  of  cottone  for  an  vtter     )     ..d 
lininge  9 j 

Itm  for  halfe  a  yarde  and  a  naile  of  \---d 

Holande  to  line  the  hose  inwardelie  j"  v 

Itm  for  a  qter  d.  of  jene  fustian  for  \  ....d 

two  pockette*  in  his  hose  2 /  u 

Itm  for  fyve  onces  of  lace  and  a  yarde      \     .g     ..d 
for  the  paines  of  his  hose  9 J  xl '  vu  ' 

Itm  for  an  once  and  a  pennie  waighte       \     ..d 
of  silke  to  sowe  theme  9 J 

Itm  for  the  makinge  of  them  9 iiii8. 

Itm  for  two  dozen[ne]  of  sUke  pointes  9       xiid. 

Itm  for  dowlas  for  [a]  paire  of  bootehose  \       ,, 
for  him  9    Jx 

Itm  for  a  border  [for]  them    viiid . 

Itm  for  the  m[akinge]  of  theme  9 iiiid. 

Itm  for  halfe  [a  yarde]  and  a  naile  ~\ 

of  Hollande  [to  make  him  a]  paire  of         !-  vii*1. 

hose  of  [  ] J 

Itm  for  [  ]    . . . .      iiiid. 

Itm  the  c[harges  for  makinge  of  a  canjvas 

dublette  for 

imprimis  for 
]      [  ]  fine  canvas 

]       [  ]  yarde 


Appendix  I 


415 


[[Page  10]]  AT  SALOPPE 

[JTJLII  ANO]      ITM  for  a  qter  of  whighte  sarcenette  for       \ 
1566  to  line  the  coller  and  to  face  it  afore  j 


xiii*1.  9 


Itm  for  a  qter  of  bombaste  for  the  sieves          iiiid. 
Itm  for  two  dozenne  of  buttons  s viiid. 

Itm  for  the  makinge  of  his  dublette  )  .. 

beinge  pincked  9 J  u  ' 

Itm  for  the  makinge  of  a  whighte  leather 
ierkine  whereof  the  skinne  came  fro 

my  f  elowe  knighte  9 ]•  ii~. 

and  makinge  of  a  paire  of  velvette 
showes  9 

Itm  for  a  dozenne  of  buttons  to  it  9 iiiid. 

Itm  here  folowethe  the  Charges  of  the          ") 
iourney  to  Killingwoorthe  and  home 
againe  amontinge  to  xlvi3.  iiiid.  disb- 
ursed by  Mr  Lighe  wherewith  I  haue 
charged  my  selfe  in  the  page  of 
receptes  we  beinge  in  nombre  as  a 
fore  I  haue  written  to  yowre  Lordship 
Imprimis  my  yowng  Mr,  Mr  Ed- 

Mr  Aston    warde  Onsloo,  Mr  George  Lieghe  i       . 

Thomas  Marshall  Randall  calcotte 
Mr  Onsloos  two  men,  Mr  Lighe  one 
man  and  Mr  Astone  one  man,  Mr 

Onsloo  paide  for  his  horsemeatc  !>•  xls.  V. 

and  the  reste  was  at  yowre 
Lordships  charges.     Upon  wednesdaie 
the  xxiiiith  of  this  presente  at  Shi- 
fnole  at  after  none  drinckinge 

there  9 J 

Itm  the  same  nighte  for  supper  j  vis  —j 

at  wollerhampton  9 J 

Itm  for  horsemea[te]  there  9 iiii".  iiiid- 

Itm  vpo  thursdai[e]  the  xxvth  daie  \  vij9  iiiid 

for  dynner  at  Brimigeame  9 j 

Itm  for  horsemea[te  t]here  9 ii9.  iid. 

Itm  at  Ham[pton  on]  the  Hill  drin 

ckinge  t[here  9 ] 

Itm  vFpon  fridaie  the  xxv]ith  daie  1  v« 

for  [  ]  °rthe  9  •  •  J 

Itma[  ]drinck|vid 

[inge  there  J ' 

su]pper  at  \  ^ 

[  ]  2 > 

Ra]ndallw  spurre  9. . .      id. 

]nag9 iiiid 

]  Mr  Astones  sadle     iiiid 


416 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  11]]  AT  SALOPPE 

[JULII  ANO]      ITM  for  a  girthe  for  Mr  Lighe  9 iid.   ... 

[1566]  Itm  for  horsemeate  there  9 iii8.  xd. 

Itm  vpon  saturdaie  the  xxviith  dale  ^ 

at  Boningall  an  ynne  v  miles  on  V  vi8. 

this  side  wollerhamptone  for  dynner 

Itm  for  horsemete  there  9  iis.  iiiid. 

Itm  the  same  nighte  at  Saloppe  9 cx^- 

Itm  vpo  Mundaie  the  xxixth  daie  for  "\ 

a  yarde  of  Hollande  for  two  paire  of 

linen  hose  for  Mr  Philippe  after  I  xviiid. 

he  came  frome  KiUingworthe  bycawse  i 

of  his  meriegall&s  9. .  ,a°d.b.r^?  ^  *hT°.u?h.e  J"**  . .  J  rxvi8.  xd. 

Itm  for  the  makinge  of  theme  9 iiiid. 

Itm  for  cuttinge  lesse  Randalles  blew  )     .d 

coate  9 /  V1  ' 

Itm  for  pesinge  his  other  coate  sider  \  ..d 

in  the  waste  9 J  u  * 

Itm  for  a  box  of  ointemente  for  ~\ 

his  meriegalles  and  after  that  for  ..g 

an  other  to  have  with  vs  to  Killin  j"  u  ' 

gworth  yf  the  like  sholde  happe  9 J 

9 

SUMMA  MENSIS  JULII  9 ] 

two  v        J-  viii*1.  *a_4ii2. 

Eighte  pounds  4yve  shiUinges  ijid.  9  J  ii8.  v*1. 


AUGUSTS  A" 

1566 


Sume[ 
22». 


IMPRIMIS  Expe[n]ded  for  my  younge 
Mr  and  his  trainfe],  beinge  besides  him- 
selfe,  Mr  Asto[ne]  Thomas  Marshall 
Davie  Longe  M[r  A]stons  man  and 
Randall  Calco[tte  g]oinge  the  seconde 
tyme  to  t[he  Erie  of  Lecestre  his]  uncle  aga- 
inste  the  [  ]  to  kill 

ingwort[he  re]torne 

to  Sa[loppe  as  folo]wethe 

viz.  vp[6  wednesdaie  the  x]iiiith  daie 
for  show[es  ]  for 

Randall 

Itm  for 
beinge 


Appendix  I 


417 


[[Pago  12]] 


AT  ARCOOLE 


[A]UGUSTE  ANO    Itm  the  said  xiiiith  daie  at  nighte 
1566  wl  Sr  Richarde  Newporte  at  his 

house  at  Arcoole  9  . . 


Itm  vpo  thursdaie  at  nighte  the  xvth 
for  supper  at  wollerhamptone  5 

Itm  for  horsemeate  there  9 

Itm  vpo  fridaie  the  xvith  daie 
for  owre  dynner  at  Brumegeame 

Itm  for  horsemeate  there  9 


Itm  at  Hamptone  on  the  Hill  drin 
ckinge  there  9 


iii". 


1  iii». 
xnfl. 


AT  COUENTRIE 

Itm  vpo  saturdaie  the  xviith  daie 
for  horsemeate  there  9 


iiii9. 


Itm  for  seruante*  diete  there  9 xii«. 


crowne 


AT  KILLINGWORTHE 

Itm  for  my  horse  meat  and  da  vies 

vpon  sundaie  the  xviiith  daie 

ridinge  frome  Killingworth  to  Coven 

trie  to  speke  with  my  Lorde 

of  Lecestre  for  the  knowledge  of 

Mr  Philipps  apparell  9 

Itm  for  thre  dozenne  of  silke 

pointes  for  Mr  Philipps  hose  9 

Itm  vpon  wednesdaie  the  xxi01  daie 
geven  in  rewarde  [to]  Mr  Spilsberie  a 
in  re-    Afor  his  gen[tle]nes  showed  at 
all  tymes  to  Mr  [P]hilipp  and  his 
Mr  and  all  yo[wr]e  Lordshipps  seru 
auntes  that  thefre  w]ere  attendinge 
on  him  as  my  [selfe]  sterrie  whitton 
Pope  &  Pavie  [there  bejinge  no  place 
elles  with  [  ]  to  plante 

his  fo[  a]bode  there 

Itm  for  [  1 

goodwi[fe 


)>•  xxxii8.  viii*1. 


xriiid. 


vi9. 


at) 
of  |  ii«. 


al]so  for  o*  \ 
iiiid.  J 


.„.,,_ 


W.  L.  S 


27 


418 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  13]] 

[AUGUSTE  AMO] 
1566 


AT  KYLLINGWORTHE 

ITM  for  servauntes  dyete  at  the  ynne  at  \       .d 
some  tymes  where  the  horses  wente  J  XX1  ' 

Itm  for  makinge  cleane  bootes  9 iiiid. 

Itm  the  same  dale  at  nighte  by  my 
Lorde  of  Lecestres  appointmente  in 
the  waie  towards  Oxforde  conducted 
by  doctor  wilsonne  at  supper  at 
one  Mr  Raules  beyonde  Warwike 

Itm  to  the  musicians  there  9 xiid. 

Itm  vpo  fridaie  the  xxiiith  for  dy  \    "a      'd 

nner  at  Tuddingtone  9 J    u>vl> 

Itm  for  horsemeate  there  9 . .  ii8. 


Sume  [ 
308  ld. 


AT  OXFORDE 

IMPRIMIS  the  saide  fridaie  at  nighte      \     ..8 
for  supper  there  at  the  ynne  /  vu  ' 

Itm  vpo  saturdaie  the  xxiiiith  daie  \ 

for  servauntes  dynner,  there  beinge  >-  xx*1. 

also  Mr  doctors  men  9 J 

Itm  for  Mr  Philipps  supper  there  iiis.  i 

Itm  for  servaunt&s  dynner  there  vpon       \       ..., 
sundaie  the  xxvth  daie  9 J  x 

Itm  the  same  daie  at  nighte,  supper         ^ 
at  Lincolne  Colledge  with  Mr  Brid- 
gwater  one  of  my  Lorde  of  Lecestres 
Chaplaines  and  rector  of  the  same 
colledge  and  so  continued  at  his 
table  duringe  or  aboode  there,  withe 
the  whole  traine,  and  partlie  lodg- 
ed there  also,  the  space  of  xv  daies 
viz.  frome  the  saide  sundaie  at 
supper  inclusive  vntill  the  viiith 
of  Septembre  beinge  sundaie  at 
after  dynner  9 'j 

Itm  for  mendinge  [M]r  Phillipps  velvette  "|  ..d 
girdle  and  a  buc[kle]  for  the  same  J 

Itm  for  show[inge  cer]taine  of  owre 
horses  there  9. .[ ]    

Itm  for  mend[inge  sadles]  and  bridles       \       -d 
there  9 [ ]   ...  J  X 

Itm  for  [                                     sarce]nette  ^ 
to  make  [Mr  Philipp  a  pai]re  of  I  "s     d 

skalinge  [hose  bycause  of  cer]taine  f     * , 

merieg[alles  ] J 

I[tm 


XXX9. 


},. 


Appendix  I- 


419 


[[Page  14]]  AT  OXFORJ)E 

AUGUSTE  ANO      ITM  for  silke  to  sowe  them  and  the      \  .. 
1566  skalinghose  9 /  u  ' 

Itm  for  makinge  of  these  and  garters        xvid. 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  duble  solde  showes    "j 

for  Mr  Philippe  and  an  other  for  >•  xx4. 

Randall  9 J 

Itm  for  mendinge  Mr  PhUipps  duble      "| 
taffeta  coate  and  for  makinge  his  I       .d 

blewe  stroked  canvas  dublette  mete       j 
for  him  9 J 

Itm  for  a  lace  to  drawe  his  scalinge       1  .d 
hose  together  benethe  knee  9 J 

Itm  for  a  quier  of  paper  9 iiiid. 

Itm  for  Yncke  9 id 

Itm  for  thred  to  sowe  with  9 iid. 

Itm  to  the  currier  for  licoringe  and  \  ••••$ 

blakinge  his  bootes  9 J 

Itm  vpo  saturdaie  the  laste  of  Auguste 

for  iiii  of  owre  horses  at  grasse 

since  the  xxiiith  of  the  same  beinge         >-  xiiii8. 

vii  daies  inclusive  at  vid.  apece 

daie  and  nighte  9 j 

•  iii    .  mi*. 
Itm  for  thre  of  owre  horses  kepte 

in  the  stable  frome  the  saide 
saturdaie  the  laste  of  Auguste 
vntill  sundaie  at  after  none  the 
viii  of  septembre  the  daie  of  owre 
departinge  frome  Oxforde  9 

Itm  for  two  horses  at  grasse  du-  \ 

ringe  the  said  tyme  whiche  was  j-  vi8.  viiid. 

viii  daies  9 J 

Itm  for  servauntes  dyete  some  tyme 

at  the  ynne  9 

Itm  gevenne  by  Mr  Philippe  to 
one  Oliver  a  frenchman  preferred 
to  yowre  Lord[shipp]s  service  by 
therle  of  warfwike]  who  was  at 
the  Cowrte  [  ]inge  a  sute  w 

yowre  Lord[shipp  ]ie  on  his 

backe  a[  ] 

Itm  gev[en  by  Mr]  Phih'pps  comand-     *\ 
ment  [and  on  Mr  Astone]s  advise  I  vjg 

tFo  certaine  of  therle  of  Lece]sters  men  j 
]  of  them  J 

\ 

iii".  xx(1. 


420 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  15]]  AT  OXFORDE 

[AUGUSTE  ANO]      ITM  for  a  s'adle  ether  to  carie  a  troncke       \ 
1566                on  or  to  ride  in,  withe  girthes  surcingle 
leatheringes  and  Warwike  staffe  the 
whiche  was  boughte  to  carie  Mr  I     ••••« 

Philipps  appareS  vpon  that  therle  • 
of  Lecestre  vouchsaved  to  bestowe 
on  him  the  catalogue  whereof  ens- 
uethe  9 

Imprimis  a  shorte  damaske  gowne  garded    \ 
withe  velvette  and  laide  on  withe  lace  / 

Itm  a  duble  tafeta  coate  garded  thro- 
ughe  owt  withe  the  same,  and  covered 
with  Lace  9 

Itm  a  crimsen  saten  dublette  cutte  9 

Itm  a  gren  taffeta  dublette  cutte  9 

Itm  a  canvas  dublette  streked  with  blewe 

Itm  a  canvas  dublette  streked  withe  9 ....  \ 
red  and  silver  9 / 

Mr  Elise  tooke  Itm  a  plaine  canvas  dublette  not  yet  rece  \ 

paines  abowte  aved  w°h  is  to  be  sente  hether  by 

this  apparellj  WhitteU  therles  tealer J 

and  to  sende  it  Jtm  a  paire  of  crimson  velvette  hose  \ 

frome  London.  withe  silke  netherstockes  9 J 

Itm  a  paire  of  hose  of  stamell  of 
carnatione  couler  withe  nether  stock&s 
of  the  same  9 , 

Itm  a  paire  of  blewe  leather  laid  on  \ 

with  lace  and  nether  stockes  of  crule  / 

Itm  a  paire  of  grene  leather  laide 
on  with  lace  and  nether  stockes  of 
cruele  9 , 

Itm  a  white  leat[her]  Jerckine  compas          \ 
ed  with  parchm[ent]  lace  of  goulde  9 / 

Itm  a  red  leat[her]  Jerckine  9 

Itm  a  black  leat[her  Je]rckine  9 

Itm  vi  paire  of  [duble  so]lde  showes  \ 

two  white,  [two  blacke  and]  two  blewe         / 

Itm  a  shir[te                              ]  blacke  silke  \ 
and  silvfer  ] J 

Itm  a  sh[irte  b]lacke  silke 

Itm  tw[o  ]  and  \ 

Sume 
14s. 


Appendix  I 


421 


[[Page  16]] 


JOURNEINGE  TOWARDES  SALOPPE 


IMPRIMIS  vpon  sundaie  the  viiith  of  Sep-  ^ 
1566                tembre  at  after  none  for  a  collatione  at        V  xviiid. 
SEPTEMBRE        Woodstocke  9 J 

Itm  the  same  nighte  at  Chippinge  Norto      ~\ 
for  owre  supper  there  and  greg  with  ...d 

vs  to  bringe  Mr  Phih'ppe  vnto  his  >  vi».  vni  . 

father  Sheldone  9 J 

Itm  for  vii  horses  in  the  stable  viz.  v.  \ 

of  those  that  we  broughte  furthe 

and  one  that  Mr  Yates  of  Glostre  I  vi8.  viii". 

shier  lente  Mr  Philipp  to  carie  his 

apparell  vpon  and  Greges  9 j 

Itm  for  buckles  for  the  troncke  sadle  ~|  ....d 

the  firste  beinge  broken  9 J  uu  ' 

Itm  gevenne  by  Mr  Philipps  command-        "| 
mente  to  a  bKnde  harper  who  is  L    "d 

Sr  Willm  HoUes  man  of  Notinghm 
shier  9 J 

Itm  vpon  Mundaie  the  ixth  of  septe-  1 

mbre  for  dynner  at  Stratforde  j-  ii8.  viiid. 

vpo  Ha  von  9 J 

Itm  for  horsmeate  there    9 ii8.  vid. 

Itm  for  the  smithe  9 vid. 

Itm  for  the  sadler  9. vid. 

Itm  for  ale  and  cakes  by  the  waie  1  ^A 

thence  to  belie  9 J 

Itm  the  same  nighte  at  Mr  Sheldons  \ 

at  Belie  9 /* 

Itm  tuesdaie  the  xth  daie  all  daie  there  <x-. 

Itm  vpo  wednesdaie  the  xith  daie  at 
dynner  at  Mr  Bluntes  at  Kittermaster 
and  there  remain[e]d  all  nighte  9 , 

Itm  for  owre  horsfes]  at  the  ynne  9 v8. 

Itm  to  the  smit[he  9] vid. 

Itm  to  the  sadl[er  9] iiiid. 

Itm  vpon  th[ursdaie  at]  dynner  at  \  ^^ 

BewdUe  w[ith  S1  Geor]ge  Blunte  I  " 

Itm  for  [  ]even  9  . .      ii8. 

Itm  in  [  m]y  Ladie  j  ^ 

S1  George 

\ 

)  " 

27—3 


422 


Appendix  I 


[[Page  17]] 

[SEPTEMBRE  AN 
[156]6 


AT  SALOPPE 


Sume  payd 


']    IMPRIMIS  vpon  Mundaie  the  xvith  daie 
for  the  hier  of  one  to  sende  home 
Mr  Yates  his  horse  by  that  he  lente  i    .--g   ••••&  -> 

Mr  Philippe  at  Oxfordde  to  carie 
his  apparell  on  and  for  the  horses 
charges  9 

Itm  the  same  daie  for  certaine 

of  owre  horses  in  the  stable  at  the 

ynne  and  certaine  at  grasse  r  iiis.  vid. 

vntill  we  sente  them  to  their 

jtenoura  owners  and  eles  where 

Itm  vpon  saturdaie  the  xxi  daie  for  ^ 

a  yarde  and  a  naile  of  howswives  clothe    \  xiiiid. 

to  make  him  iiii  paire  of  sockes  9 J 

Itm  for  makinge  the  said  sockes  9 iiiid. 

Itm  for  two  yards  and  an  halfe  of  "| 

shopp  clothe  to  make  him  ten  hand  -  Vs. 

cerchers  9 J 

Itm  for  the  makinge  of  them  9 xiid. 

Itm  the  xxiiiith  daie  for  two  quier  )     ...d 

of  paper  9 J  v 

Itm  for  a  Cato  his  former  being  \     ..d 

Irwato      c^  and  a  french  Kramer  I    ^^   • 

ILfo  I  v.          ^•••••••••••••«    •••«••••••••••      I 

Itm  for  yncke  9 : iiiid. 

Itm  to  the  furrier  for  rnendinge  ~|     ..d 

his  gowne  of  changeable  taffeta f 

Itm  for  a  silke  ribande  to  hange  )  ....d 

his  tablette  at  9 J  U 

Itm  for  a  stopper  for  his  ynckhorne  id. 

Itm  vpon  Michalmes  daie  for  a  \    d 

paire  of  showes  for  him  9 /  X 

Itm  for  a  paire  for  Randall  9 )     ..d 

Calcotte  9 /  x 

Itm  the  same  [daie]  paide  to  the  ] 

Laundres  for  [was]shinge  Mr  Phi  I     "s     'd 

lippe  and  R[andall]  Calcotte  since  fc  • 

the  vith  [of  June  9 ] J 

Itm  for  [                                for]mer  being  \       .d 
loste  in  [  9 ] J  x 

Itm  for  [  ]  for  him  9. . .      xvid. 

Itm  fo[r  ]s  for  \     r  rt, 

}*[    ]•       J 


Appendix  I 


423 


[[Page  18]] 


AT  SALOPPE 


SEPTEM—                ITM  for  a  lace  for  his  penue  and  yncke  )  .,         ! 
BRE        ANO  1566  borne  9 )  *  • 

Itm  for  blacke  and  white  si  Ike  buttons    \     ...,j 
for  the  reparinge  of  his  apparell  J    ^ 

Itm  for  thred  9 iiiid. 

Itm  for  nedles  9 id.       ^    .  "d 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  newe  bootes  for  ^  ....g 

him  9 /  uu  * 

Itm  for  a  paire  of  new  cloves  9  . .           .1     .,, 
t      i_-  f  via. 

for  him  9 J 

Sume  payd           Itm  for  two  dozenne  of  thred  pointes            vid.     , 
5s.  2*.  9 

SUMMA  MENSIS  SEP  9 

TEMBRIS  thre  pounds         !-  iii*':  viis:  xid. 
seven  shillinges  xid.  9 

9 


SUMMA  TOTIUS  that  hathe  bene 
expended  to  the  use  of  my  yownge 
Mr  Mr  Philippe  Sidney  fromo 
since  the  daie  of  yowr  Lordshipps 
departure  withe  my  Ladie  frome 
Westchestre  towards  her  Mties  Real 
me  of  Irelande  viz.  frome  the  iiiith 
daie  of  decembre  1565  inclusive 
vntill  Michalmas  daie  nexte  in- 
suinge  that  date,  also  inclusive  Ano 
and  valewe 
1566  amontethe  to  the  sume  A  of 

vis. 
twentie  six  pounds  nyne  shilUnges 

thre 
and  A  pennies  9 


xxvi*1.  if*.  iiid. 


Lordshipp 


a*. 


424 


Appendix  II 


H 
X! 

HH 
P 


csTo"-00 

^   ^  S  •*"                         ec*-*1 

."  »*         co" 

QO  00    S 
ZS  2  M 

g  i  *                               «  ^ 

1i       S 

"  "    3    OQ 

•>  o  2 
flgM  S 

.9^    K» 

*"  —•     •  % 

»-|ftT               |^ 

S  § 

PQ          fl 
•2  g       | 

3*3  PN  a 

be  *"   ^  ^3                          ^^  d 

-  '—-        ~~~ 

3  w     '-5 

nr  Q     775                    *^  **** 

<»  _,       3  o 

X  r  i    "~    c3 

^    r  -*^                         w 

^.a     335 

W          !5 

^  ^  '3  d                w  'S 

pa  oo 

c  di  ^ 

*S  P?  "^     b^                                       -*^     CJ 

^~  o           ^    . 

CO 

1 

|H? 

g«,P^                  'g-e 

il*i        il 
I*||        ^1 

a|     || 

^&       P^3 
^  M 

•*"ls      2 

K       '43  "S               ^3 

DNEY 

ift 

"8  1  .S  I         5   "S  «  a 

g^       1| 

60                   —5 

H  S  «     H^ 

rr> 

*S  ^  J5  ^ 

IH  ^  A     1    o££ 

.^J^       .  § 

PH 

M 

H                        cc     ft 

ft             ft 

g 

<i 

^^                                       <N       CO 

^                  10 

1—  1 

|| 

^r  g  £  ®"-L 

^   co    jr    02  'u 

|l|ll 

02 

o  .5 

PH  — 

O    •••  C"1  *~  **~~ 

rj 

o 

05  * 

>l  g  i  J  — 

.a 

-   g 

s  5«M*s 

B 

HN 

H 

a 
o 

»   ^ 
-C    * 
-*•*     •* 

•  -  "f  "S  J  cL 

"§ 

CO 

M 

1 

21 

^  d  §  ^|E 

tL 

ff 

M 

•^  3 

^  ^  ^.  |  g 

| 

CO 

IXTANT  PORT 

Sir  Philip  and  hi 
whole  length  fjj 

o  °  ®  (-  ?  < 

^ill! 

y  T)  .—  i  ^3      'w 
*"  J^Tg  -a  B 

O    ®    ®    >,43    O 

ItSJli 

jiftJII 

Probably  the  sai 

1 

He» 
10 

o> 

oS 

1 

H 

(H 

| 

£q 

I 

0 

a 
'S 

03 

PH 

w 

H 

O 

P 

5 

£> 

1 

*=     ^ 

g 

t*-. 

f 

I 

1 

1 

J                         "M     g^ 

1 

g 

CM 

Ditchle; 

9 

b.                       O> 

d 

^2 

P^                                                _           ^ 

ff  i^j             _^; 

o 

»-5  %? 

S                        W     s> 

F—     ^^                          A       ^> 

a 

o 

a{ 

«2 

^                                       «^^       1^ 

*H                                                                  ° 

'I    "S^ 

SC            ffl   3 
*  ^-     ft  ft 

ft 

-s 

3 

C 

®  «c                     o*    .^  •§ 

»  •<*      'O  "O 
t,  J3l>        5   fl 

O 

iS  * 

ft*2                     II5 

sw^  5* 

> 

^                           ei     m 

<4i                 0 

CO 

• 

«>j 

m" 

Appendix 


425 


glii^ll 

SB 

r* 

2 
"S 

1 

•a  'a. 

I 

c11^  .  S  .8    .a3 

§ 

si 

3 

II 

J 

^S  'o  *~  -71  _£ 

-H 

+> 

£ 

•E  § 

•5  ? 

-g|^.|||g. 

o 

'•3 

8 

00 

8. 

*a  •- 

a  <x> 

o  Jt 

11 

;j 

IS 

13 

M 

H 

_o 

+3 

£ 
JC 

a  g" 

|i 

•2-f 

—i    so 

rf| 

In 
«l 

5  «H  0  e  «  ft  « 

«a 

B 

M 

pq 

03  0- 

i| 

»-fl 

•2  o 

£ 

hi 

*»  c 

•  2  * 

Il^lli!! 

1 

o 

1 

02  "2 

L 

a   « 

M 

S'& 

e 

£  1  2  b    p  5  * 

o     ^5  ^S  ^  **•  ^  ^ 

40 

d 

1 
5« 

Is 

xhibited  at 

>»4> 

ij 

n\ 

lf| 

«  fel 

^1*5^ 
d^l> 

fc.    *3-0 

"•id 

11 

®  "^ 

fa 

H 

H 

B 

C» 

M 

I-H 

0 

Q 

W 

*: 

" 

d 

! 

1 
.  ® 

il*    "     '    O   C5 

S 

1 

"§ 
,a 
M 

Face  three- 
ruff.  Mous- 

quarters  right 
tened  to  show 
and  slight 

Moustaches 
Wide,  turned- 
Bit  the  neck 

Miniature,  wearing  hat 
tree,  clean-shaven  fac 

Copy  of  C,  1 

-^-      •    —         4 

bJD  fl    5  -*a    U 

1111  « 

i—H                    '      *^g 

^    c8   0)   g   u^ 

—     00     V   -^ 

111  III 

Life-size  bust.  Wearin 
taches  and  beard 

Life-size  panel  to  waist, 
quarters  left.  Wide 
taches  and  beard 

To  waist.  Head  three- 
in  wide  ruff.  Cloak  oj 
doublet.  Moustaches 
beard 

Bust  slightly  to  left, 
and  slight  chin  tuft, 
over  lace  collar  open  i 

•* 

it 

^5           ia 

•ta 

Vw 

.2  » 

0        c 

h5     Hj 

MO 

O              cp 

1 

1 

!i   ^ 

o 

*Q   ^ 

fe      fe 

if        \f 

s 

cSw 

f     « 

1 

.3 

i 

w     (S 

•8 

$ 

•2 

« 

o 

~             **- 

S9 

•«  £• 

6 

f" 

*o 

H          ° 

2 

g  'g 

®  "3 

"R 

^> 

•             «  T3 

|1 

|| 

s| 

.  o 

&feg 

|I 

W       Q""1 

S 

W 

w 

W 

3    " 

Q 

w 

fa 

•• 

d 

INDEX 


,  Due    163,  203,  214,  221, 
263,  277,  278,  307 
Apologie  for  Poetrie    237-240 
Arcadia  232-237,  304 
Aristotle's  Rhetoric,  translation  of  327 
Ashton,  Thomas    37,  48,  51,  53,  54 
Astrophel  and  Stella    231,  chap,  xm 

Banosius    118,  141,  162 
Bathori,  Stephen    161 
Baxter,  Nathaniel    102,  103 
Berkeley,  Lord    160,  161 
Bodley,  Thomas    109 
Bridgewater,  John    58 
Bruno,  Giordano    298-304 
Bryskett,  Lodovic  117,  128,  129,  138 
Burghley,  Earl  of,  William  Cecil  7,  60, 
80,  81,  85,  88-93,  211 

Camden,  William  101,  107,  108 
Campion,  Edmund    65,  87,  109,  110, 

177,  178,  262 

Carew,  Richard    88,  101,  108 
Casimir,  Prince    175,  203-206 
Cecil,  Sir  Thomas    341 
Coningsby,  Thomas    128-130 
Cooper,  Thomas    96,  102 
Corbet,  Sir  Andrew    38,  49 
Corbet,  Robert  49,  136,  138,  141,  157 

Davison,  Francis   339,  340,  344,  347, 

351-353 

Dee,  Dr  John    173,  296 
Defence  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester    327 
Desmond,  Earl  of   23-25,  77,  78 
Devereux,  Dorothy    244,  258 
Devereux,   Penelope     156,    169,    170, 

chap,  xm 

Don  Antonio    268,  269,  331 
Dormer,  Jane  (v.  Feria,  Duchess  of) 
Dormer,  Lady,  Mary  Sidney    6 
Dormer,  Sir  William    6 
Dorset,  Robert    103,  165 
Downes,  Andrew    38 
Du  Bartas    325,  326 
Dudley,  Ambrose  (v.  Warwick,  Earl  of) 


Dudley,  Guilford    13 

Dudley,  Harry    16 

Dudley,  Robert  (v.  Leicester,  Earl  of) 

Duplessis  Mornay  118,  183,  297,  326, 

390 
Dyer,  Sir  Edward   108,  152,  174,  205, 

206,  229,  230,  231,  395 

Edward  VI    6-8 

Edwards,  Richard    63 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  accession  20 ;  early 

marriage  projects   20;   illness   21; 

at  Oxford  61-64;  Kenil worth  61- 

64;   on  progress    156;    relation  to 

d'Alen9on  202,  203 
Errington,  Captain    346 
Essex,  Earl  of,  Robert  Devereux   347 
Essex,  Earl  of,  Walter  Devereux    53, 

148,  154,  164,  169 

Feria,  Duchess  of,  Jane  Dormer  5,  11 
Fitzherbert,  Nicholas    59 
Fitz William,  Lady,  Anne  Sidney    6 
Fitz William,  Sir  William    6,  93,  112, 
113,  148,  154 

Gager,  William    98,  267 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey   84,  104,  284- 

287 

Golding,  Arthur    326 
Gosson,  Stephen    237,  238 
Greville,  Fulke  35,  107,  174,  180,  205, 

207,  331,  390,  395 
Grey,  Lady  Jane    7,  13 

Grey,  Master  of  320-322,  348,  360 

Hakluyt,  Richard    108,  283 
Hanau,  Count  of   130,  138,  142,  143, 

147,  162 

Harrington,  Sir  Henry    6,  348 
Harrington,  Sir  James    6 
Harrington,  Lady,  Lucy  Sidney    6 
Harvey,  Gabriel    107,  228,  230,  231 
Hatton,  Sir  Christopher  199,  215,  271, 

272 
Henry  of  Navarre   116,  117 


Index 


427 


Hoby,  Lady    17,  151,  158,  242 
Hoby,  Sir  Philip    89 
Hoby,  Sir  Thomas    16,  242 
Hohenlo,  Count   346,  347,  369,  372, 

374,  386 

Hooker,  Richard    109 
Hoskins,  John    234,  235,  327 
Hotman,  Francis    118   260 
Humphrey,  Lawrence    98,   102,   104, 

106 

James  VT  of  Scotland   296,  298,  320, 
321,  322,  326,  398 

Kenil worth  festivities  in  1575  154-156 
Knox,  John    21 

Lane,  Ralph    318,  319 
Laneham,  Robert    154-156 
Languet,  Hubert    118,  125,  132-135, 

143-146,  153,  180.  184-187,  203- 

206..  210,  211,  278,  279 
Leicester,  Earl  of,  Robert  Dudley  16, 

32,  51,  52,  55,  56,  60,  91,  197,  199, 

212,  347-353,  375-379,  380-382 
Leigh.  George    50   53,  66 
Lyly,  John    109 

Madox.  Griffin    129,  144 
Marcus  Qeminus    62 
Marshall,  Thomas    35,  46,  52,  54 
Mary,  Queen  of  Scots    21,  113 
Matthew,  Toby   64,  65,  95-97,  267 
Maurice,  Count    339,  340,  344,  348, 
368,  370 

Nevile,  Alexander    106 
Newport,  Sir  Richard    47,  49,  54 
Norris,  General  John    340,  341,  343, 

368,  369,  372,  374 
Northumberland,  Duchess  of    12-14 
Northumberland,  Duke  of    7 

O'Neill,  Shan    23,  73-76 

Onslow,  Edward    53 

Orange,  William  of  181, 184-187,  210, 

221,  307 
Ormond,  Earl  of   23-25,  60,  82,  84, 

191,  200 

Oxford,  Earl  of  60,  92,  213-216,  266 
Oxford,  University  of,   in  1566    59; 

character  of  instruction  in   97-101 

Palamon  and  Arcite    63 

Paolo  Veronese    136 

Parsons,  Robert    109,  177,  178,  327 

Peele,  George    108 

Pelham,  Sir  William    351,  368,  372, 

373,  377,  381 
Pembroke,  Henry,  second  Earl  of  172 


Pembroke,  Countess  of,  Mary  Sidney 
22,  102,  103,  150,  172,  188,  189, 
222,  256,  273,  305,  397 

Pembroke,  William,  first  Earl  of   32 

Penshurst  17-19 

Perrott,  Sir  John    112 

Pibrac    139,  140 

Progne    63 

Psalms,  translations  of   323-326 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter    108,   109,  215. 

234,  318 
Ramus  118 
Rutland,  Countess  of,  Elizabeth  Sidney 

333,  334,  397 

Saint  Bartholomew    119-123 

Sand  ford,  Henry    234,  249 

Savile,  Sir  Henry    109 

Shelley,  Richard    136,  141 

Shrewsbury  School,  chap,  m;  foun- 
dation 36;  ordinances  39-41; 
sports  41 ;  course  of  instruction 
42-44 

Sidney,  Ambrosia  147,  148.  149,  150 

Sidney,  Elizabeth    5,  11 

Sidney,  Elizabeth    22,  76,  148 

Sidney,  Elizabeth  (v.  Rutland,  Coun- 
tess of) 

Sidney,  Lady,  Frances  Walsingham 
273-275,  291-295,  382,  384,  385, 
389,  391,  397 

Sidney,  Sir  Henry,  birth  6 ;  early  life 
6-12;  first  service  in  Ireland  15; 
at  Court  20;  Lord  President  21; 
Knight  of  the  Garter  22;  Lord 
Deputy  of  Ireland  23-26;  letter 
to  Philip  67-69;  his  first  Lord 
Deputyship  chap,  v ;  at  Oxford  79 ; 
in  Wales  and  at  Court  113;  offered 
a  Peerage  114;  interest  in  an- 
tiquities 149 ;  second  Lord  Deputy- 
ship  154;  of  the  Privy  Council 
157;  welcomes  Languet  204;  in 
Wales  222;  death  360;  character 
361-363 

Sidney,  Mabell    5,  11 

Sidney,  Margaret    16,  148 

Sidney,  Mary  (v.  Pembroke,  Countess 
of) 

Sidney,  Lady,  Mary  Dudley,  marriage 
7;  early  married  life  9,  10; 
accomplishments  16,  17 ;  at  Court 
20 ;  ill  of  small-pox  22 ;  letter  to 
Philip  67,  70;  at  Drogheda  74- 
76;  ill-health  and  money  diffi- 
culties 85,  86,  150-153;  Medley 
the  alchemist  171,202;  death  363 

Sidney,  Sir  Philip,  birth  1;  descent 
2,  3;  baptism  12;  early  boyhood 


428 


Index 


16,  17,  20 ;  church  preferment  28- 
34;  Shrewsbury  School  chap,  in; 
first  visit  to  Oxford  chap,  iv; 
university  education  chap,  vi; 
relation  to  Anne  Cecil  88-92; 
earliest  extant  letters  94,  95; 
disputations  101 ;  at  Cambridge 
105-107;  university  friends  107- 
110;  Paris  114-123;  Frankfort 
124;  Strassburg  126;  Vienna 
126-132;  relation  to  Languet  127; 
continental  friends  128;  Venice 
and  Padua  132;  studies  132-135; 
portrait  by  Veronese  136,  137; 
Florence  and  Genoa  137,  138; 
Vienna  140;  Poland  140,  141; 
ill-health  140;  Prague,  Dresden, 
Heidelberg,  Strassburg  143 ;  Eng- 
land 144;  Kenilworth  154; 
Chartley  156;  Shrewsbury  157; 
christening  festivities  158,  159; 
marriage  project  160;  intimacy 
with  Essex  164,  165;  Cupbearer 
165;  Ireland  166-169;  death  of 
Essex  169;  an  ambassador  173; 
Don  John  174;  Casimir  175;  at 
the  Imperial  Court  176,  177; 
attitude  to  Catholics  179;  with 
Languet  180;  William  of  Orange 
181;  England  182;  marriage  pro- 
ject 184-187 ;  quarrel  with  Ormond 
191 ;  Discourse  on  Irish  Affairs 
192;  Frobisher's  voyages  195,196; 
letter  to  Molyneux  201 ;  welcomes 
Languet  204;  relation  to  Robert 
208;  quarrel  with  Oxford  213- 
216;  letter  to  Elizabeth  216-219; 
at  Wilton  222 ;  The  Lady  of  May 
227;  Arcadia  232-237;  Apologie 
237-240;  Astrophel  and  Stella 
chap,  xin;  in  Parliament  261; 
the  Whitsun  tournament  264-266 ; 
at  Oxford  267;  Don  Antonio  268; 
suits  for  money  270-272 ;  interest 
in  plantation  284-287;  knighted 
288;  marriage  291-294;  Giordano 
Bruno  298-304;  a  new  House  of 
Commons  313-315;  the  Ordnance 
Office  319;  the  Banished  Lords 


320-322;  minor  literary  works 
323;  Drake's  expedition  331; 
Governor  of  Flushing  332 ;  baptism 
of  daughter  333 ;  reaches  Flushing 
342;  initial  difficulties  343-347; 
the  absolute  governorship  347- 
353;  wins  golden  opinions  354; 
Steenbergen  355;  loss  of  Grave 
and  Venlo  367,  368 ;  enterprise  of 
Axel  369,  370;  Gravelines  371; 
Doesburg  374;  Deventer  375; 
Zutphen  375-379;  his  will  383; 
death  388;  reception  of  news  in 
England  389-391;  funeral  394- 
396;  character  400-403 

Sidney,  Sir  Eobert  22,  103,  207,  210, 
224-226,  257,  310-313,  369,  375, 
377  382  395 

Sidney',  Thomas  347,  382,  396-398 

Sidney,  Sir  William    1,  4,  5 

Sidney  Psalter    1 

Simier,  M.    203,  211,  212 

Spenser,  Edmund    107,  228-230 

St  AJdegonde  339,  340,  343,  349. 
368 

Stanihurst,  Richard    110 

Stephens,  Henry    126 

Sturm,  John    127,  210 

Sussex,  Countess  of,  Frances  Sidney 
6,  14 

Sussex,  Earl  of,  Thomas  Ratcliffe  6, 
14,  15,  23,  60,  150,  151,  201,  211 

Tarleton,  Richard    287 
Temple,  William    334 
Thornton,  Thomas   95,  96,  101,  102, 
108 

Walsingham,   Sir  Francis    114,    117, 

122,  124,  393,  394 
Warwick,   Earl  of,  Ambrose  Dudley 

12,  16,  21,  22,  60 
Watson,  Dr  John    124 
Wechel,  Andrew    124 
Whetstone,  George    105 
Wilson,  Thomas    57 
Wotton,  Edward    141,  143,  144,  327, 

395 
Wotton,  Sir  Henry    234,  327 


CAMBRIDGE  I     PBINTED    BY   JOHN    CLAY,    M.A.    AT    THE    UNIVERSITY    PRESS. 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY 


DA 

The  life  of  Sir  Philip 
S5W3    Sidney 
cop. 3