BX 4905 .V38 1831 v. 2
Vaughan, Robert, 1795-1868
The life and opinions of
John de Wycliffe
JUL 19 1974
THE
LIFE AND OPINIONS
JOHN DE WYCLIFFE, D.D.
VOL. II.
AMS PRESS
NEW YORK
THE
LIFE AND OPINIONS
OF
JOHN DE WYCLIFFE, D. D.
ILLUSTRATED HRINCIPALLV FKOM HIS
A PRELIMINARY VIEW OF THE PAPAL SYSTEM, AND OF THE STATE OF
THE PROTESTANT DOCTRINE IN EUROPE,
COMMENCEMENT OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY,
BY
ROBERT VAUGHAN.
VOL. II.
SECOND EDITION,
MUCH ni PROVED.
' Qiiod si deficiant vires, audacia certe
Lans crii; in magisis et volnisse sat est."
Propeiitius.
LONDON :
HOLDS WORTH AND BALL,
18, ST. pail's CHURCH-YARD.
MDCCCXXXI.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Vaughan, Robert, 1795-1868.
The life and opinions of John de Wycliffe, D. D,
Includes bibliographical references o
1. Wycliffe, John, d. 1384-. I. Title.
BX4905oV36 1973 270.5 '092'4 [B] 71-178561
ISBN 0-4.04-56678-2 (set)
Reprinted from an original copy in the collections of
the University of Pennsylvania
From the edition of 1831, London
First AMS edition published in 1973
Manufactured in the United States of America
International Standard Book Number
Complete Set: 0-404-56678-2
Volume Two: 0-404-56680-4
AMS PRESS INC.
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10003
CONTENTS.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Origin and Effects of the Papal Schism. — Wycliffe's tract " On the
" Schism of the Popes," and other references to that event. — His
work " On the Truth and Meaning of Scripture." — His sickness at
Oxford, and recovery. — Importance attached by him to Preaching
— his laborious attention to it — reasons of his particular reverence
for that exercise. — Methods of Preaching. — Character of Wycliffe's
Manuscript Discourses. — Extracts, illustrating his manner of Exposing
the Errors and Disorders of the Ecclesiastical System— of incul-
cating the SuflBciency of Scripture — the Right of Private Judgment —
the Doctrines peculiar to the Gospel — and the various obligations,
and the means conducing, to Religious Devotedness 1
CHAPTER II.
History of attempts toward a Translation of the Scriptures into the
Language of this Country before the age of Wycliffe^ — ^by the Anglo-
Saxon Clergy — by the Anglo-Norman. — Wycliffe's purpose, as
embracing a Translation of the whole Volume, and its General Circu-
lation, strictly a Novelty. — This affirmed by Knighton. — Some
circumstances favourable to this enterprise. — Extracts exhibiting the
Reformer's manner of defending this effort. — The insurrection of
the Commons
CHAPTER III.
Transubstantiation — opposed by Berengarius — and by the Vaudois and
Albigenses — not recognised by the Anglo-Saxon Church — defended
by Lanfranc, and espoused by the Anglo-Norman Clergy. — Wycliffe's
Opposition to it. — Severe Penalties to be inflicted on all who should
favour his Opinions concerning it. — His Appeal to the Civil Power
for protection. — His feeling under these Persecutions.— Analysis of
his " Wicket." — Proceedings of Courtney, and the Synod at the Grey
VOL. II. b
IV CONTENTS.
Friars. — Wycliffe favoured by the University. — State of parties in
the nation nnfriendly to the efforts of the Reformers. — Inquisitorial
Statute obtained by the Clergy. — Notice of Robert Rigge, Dr. Here-
ford, Reppington, Ashton, and others 52
CHAPTER IV.
Persecution. — Wycliffe's devotional allusion to the evils of his time.—
Summary of his Complaint addressed to the King and Parliament. —
Effect of that Appeal. — The Reformer is forsaken by Lancaster. — His
purposes unaltered by that event. — His vigorous perception of the
bearings of the Controversy respecting the Eucharist, and his confi-
dence of ultimate success. — He appears before the Convocation at
Oxford. — Substance of his Confession. — Perplexity of his Judges. —
He retires to I-utterworth. — His Letter to the Pontiff 91
CHAPTER V.
State of the Reformed Doctrine on the Continent during the age of
Wycliffe. — Causes of the protection frequently afforded to its Dis-
ciples by the Secular Power. — Probable motives of the Duke of
Lancaster in patronizing Wycliffe.— The Reformer is favoured by the
Duke of Gloucester^the Queen Mother — Anne of Bohemia. — Farther
notice of Wycliffe's more distinguished followers. — Geoffrey Chaucer.
Influence of Poetry on the Reformation of the Church.— Notice of St.
Amour— of the Roman De la Rose— and of Robert Longland . . .124
CHAPTER VI.
Number of Wycliffe's Disciples. — Tlie Lollards consisted of two classes.
—Notice of John of Northampton. — Prospects of the Reformers
under Richard the Second.^Testimony of Knighton respecting the
Number and the Character of Wycliffe's followers.— Analysis of the
Plowman's Tale. — Theological opinions of the Disciples of Wycliffe.
Character of his " Poor Priests."— Analysis of the tract, " M'hy Poor
Priests have no Benefices." — Notice of William Thorp 150
CHAPTER VII.
Notice of Wycliffe's Writings subsequent to his exclusion from Oxford
— His Trialogus — on Obedience to Prelates — on the Deceits of Satan
and of his Priests— on the Duty of Lords— of Servants and Lords— of
Good Preaching Priests— on the Four Deceits of Antichrist— on the
Prayers of Good Men— of Clerks Possessioners.— Rise of the Crusade
against the Avignon Pope, and its Failure. — Wycliffe renews his
contest with the Mendicants.— His Treatise on the Sentence of the
Curse Expounded.— On Prelates and other subjects. — His Senti-
ments on War. — Extracts from his Sermons.— His .Sickness and
Death 171
CONTEXTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Opinions of WycUffe.
Design of the Chapter. — The Doctrine of WyclifFe respecting the
Pope's Temporal Power. — The Secular Exemptions of the Clergy.—
The General Authority of the Magistrate. — The limits of that Autho-
rity.—The Obligations of the Magistrate with respect to the Church.
— The Customs of Patronage. — Tithes and Ecclesiastical Endow-
ments.— The Principles of the Reformer's theory derived in part
from the existing system. — His Reverence for the Priestly Office. —
His judgment of the Contemporary Priesthood. — A Summary of his
Doctrine relative to the Civil Establishment of Christianity and
Clerical Revenue. — His Opinions relating to Simony. — The Spiritual
Power of the Pope. — The Hierarchy. — The Religious Orders. — Tiie
Nature of a Christian Church.— The Power of the Keys. — Purgatory
and Masses for the Dead. — The Invocation of Saints. — The Worship
of Images. — Confession. — The Doctrine of Indulgences. — The Celi-
bacy of the Clergy. — The Sacraments. — Transubstantiation. — Public
Worship. — Sufficiency of the Scriptures, and the Right of Private
Judgment. — A Summary of his Theological Doctrine 226
CHAPTER IX.
Observations on the Character of WtjcUffe, and on the Connexion
of his Doctrine with the Reformation of the Sixteenth Centurif.
AVycliffe's claim to Originality. — His Learning, and Intellectual Cha-
racter.— His Patriotism and love of Mankind. — His Piety. — Luther
and WycUffe compared.— The bones of Wycliffe burnt. — State of tlie
Reformed Doctrine in England, from the decease of W^yc iffe to
the age of Luther. — Accession of the House of Lancaster. — Character
of the Persecutions sanctioned by Henry the Fourth. — The Doctrine
of Wycliffe survives them. — The Martyrdom of Lord Cobhani —
Conclusion 329
CHAPTER X.
On the Writings of John MycUffe, D.D . 379
SECTION I.
His p-inted Works . . c 380
VI CONTENTS.
SECTION 11.
WyclifFe's Manuscripts extant in England and Ireland. This series
contains nearly forty MSS. preserved in the Library of Trinity Col-
lege, Dublin, the existence of which has been hitherto unknown to
the Reformer's Biographers 385
SECTION III.
His Pieces in the Imperial Library of Vienna 393
SECTION IV.
Titles of his Pieces known only by their names 393
SECTION V.
Works which have been improperly attributed to AVycliffe .... ?.95
NOTES 397
APPENDIX -1-24
THE
LIFE OF W Y C L I F F E.
CHAPTER I.
ORIGIN AND EFFECTS OF THE PAPAL SCHISM. WYCLIFFE S TRACT
II
" THE SCHISM OF THE POPES, AND OTHER REFERENCES TO THAT EVENT.
HIS WORK " ON THE TRUTH AND MEANING OF SCRIPTURE." HIS
SICKNESS AT OXFORD, AND RECOVERY. IMPORTANCE ATTACHED BY HIM
TO PREACHING ; HIS LABORIOUS ATTENTION TO IT ; REASONS OF HIS
PARTICULAR REVERENCE FOR THAT EXERCISE. METHODS OF PREACHING.
• CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFe's MANUSCRIPT DISCOURSES. EXTRACTS,
ILLUSTRATING HIS MANNER OF EXPOSING THE ERRORS AND DISORDERS OF
THE ECCLESIASTICAL SYSTEM OF INCULCATING THE SUFFICIENCY OF SCRIP-
TURE THE RIGHT OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT THE DOCTRINES PECULIAR TO
THE GOSPEL AND THE VARIOUS OBLIGATIONS, AND THE MEANS CON-
DUCING, TO RELIGIOUS DEVOTEDNESS.
The residence of the pontiffs during seventy chap.
years at Avignon, was described by the Italians L_
as a second Babylonish captivity. That capti- f^;f47/'"^
vity, if such it may be called, had indeed a ten- ^^^^^^^''^
dency to moderate the papal claims ; but it was
far from being the most serious feature of that
disgrace which accompanied the representatives
of St. Peter on returning to the ancient seat of
their authority. On the death of Gregory the
eleventh, in 1378, the cardinals assembled to elect
his successor ; but the Roman populace, aware
that three-fourths of the conclave were French-
men, and indignant that tlie vacant honour had
VOL. II. !i
2 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. |)gejj gQ frequently conferred on ecclesiastics of
that nation, gathered tumultuously around the
place of meeting, and uttered the most alarming
menaces with a view to secure the suffrage of
the electors in favour of an Italian. The car-
dinals trembled for their safety, and immediately
pronounced Bartholomew de Pregnano, a Neapo-
litan, and then archbishop of Bari, as the object
of their choice. The new pontiff assumed the
name of Urban the sixth ; but his conduct soon
became such as to exasperate his enemies and
alienate his friends. From this cause, or from
national partialities, some of the leading cardinals
retired from Rome to Anagni; and at Fondi, a
city of Naples, they chose their brother of Ge-
neva to be the successor of Gregory, and he was
immediately proclaimed as Clement the seventh.
To justify this bold measure, it was pleaded that
the election of Urban was the result of intimida-
tion, and accordingly invalid. France, and her
allies, including Spain, Sicily, and Cyprus, ac-
knowledged the authority of Clement ; while
England, and the rest of Europe, adhered to that
of Urban.' " And which of these two," observes
Mosheim, "is to be considered as the true and
"• lawful pope, is to this day matter of doubt, nor
*' will the records and writings alleged by the
" contending parties enable us to adjust that point
" with any certainty."^
But whatever were the merits of this con-
troversy, its effects were by no means doubtful.
Through the next half century, the church had
two or three different heads at the same time ;
' Mosheim, iii. 326, 327. 2 Ibid.
THE LIFE OF MYCLIFFE. 3
each of the contending popes forming plots, and chap.
thundering out anathemas against their competi- '—
tors. " The distress and calamity of these times"
is said to have been " beyond all power of de-
" scription ; for not to insist on the perpetual con-
** tentions and wars between the factions of the
" several popes, by which multitudes lost their
" fortunes and lives, all sense of religion was ex-
'' tinguished in most places, and profligacy arose
" to a most scandalous excess. The clergy, while
" they vehemently contended which of the reigning
" popes was the true successor of Christ, were so
" excessively corrupt as to be no longer studious
" to keep up even the appearance of religion or
" decency; and in consequence of all this, many
" plain, well-meaning people, who concluded that
" no one could possibly partake of eternal life
" unless united with the vicar of Christ, were
" overwhelmed with doubt, and were plunged into
" the deepest distress of mind."^ And thus, also,
it was, that multitudes were prepared to doubt
whether the supremacy claimed by the pontiffs,
since it could become involved in such fearful un-
certainty, could really be an article of faith or
discipline so momentous as had been commonly
supposed. Wycliffe, whose escape from the ven-
geance of the clergy, must be attributed in a great
degree to the distractions occasioned by this event,
was fully aware of the aid which it might be made
to confer on his efforts as a reformer.
The controversy had no sooner commenced, wyciiffe-s
than he published a tract intitled, — " On the ti.e'schism
of the
Pope^."
3 Mosheiin, iii. 328.
B 2
4 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. '' Schism of the Popes,"* in which he adverts to
— '- — this dispute as having divided the hierarchy
against itself, and as presenting a powerful in-
ducement to attempt the destruction of those
laws and customs, which had served so greatly
to corrupt the christian priesthood, and to afflict
the whole christian community. The endow-
ments of the church, whether claimed by the
pontiffs, or by the national clergy, he names as a
principal cause of the degeneracy of both ; and
the property entrusted to the stewardship of
churchmen, he affirms to be capable, generally,
of a more just, and of a far less dangerous appli-
cation. To effect this new appropriation of the
wealth, which it is said had been frequently ill
acquired, and as frequently worse employed, the
appeal made is not to the passions of the few
or the many, but to the sacred responsibilities of
the sovereigns and rulers of Christendom. And
that this exhortation might not be in vain, he
renews his attack upon those superstitions from
which the undue influence of the clergy had
derived its being and continuance. Instead
of conceding that the power of the clergy, or of
the pope, over the disembodied spirit, must ever
regulate its destiny, he contends, that when cor-
rectly exercised, it is merely ministerial ; and
that inasmuch as the decisions of these men were
frequently opposed to moral propriety, and to the
known will of God, they were frequently to be
viewed as the mere assumptions of human weak-
ness or passion, from which no evil should be
* MS. Trinity CollcRe, Dublin, class C. tab. 3, No. 12, p. 193-208.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. O
apprehended. His advice, therefore, is, "Trust chap.
"we in the help of Christ on this point, for he '- —
*' hath begun already to help us graciously, in
" that he hath clove the head of Antichrist, and
*' made the two parts fight against each other.
" For it is not doubtftd, that the sin of the popes,
" which hath been so long continued, hath
" brought in this division." Should the rival
pontiffs continue to lance their anathemas against
each other, or should either prevail, a serious
wound is believed to be inflicted, and it is urged
accordingly, that " emperors, and kings, should
" help in this cause, to maintain God's law, to
" recover the heritage of the church, and to de-
" stroy the foul sins of clerks, saving their per-
" sons. Thus should peace be established, and
" simony destroyed." As to the infallibility of
the popes, he remarks, that there is nothing in
the suffrage of princes or cardinals to impart any
such attribute to erring man. On this point, he
observes, " the children of the fiend should learn
" their logic, and their philosophy well, lest they
" prove heretical by a false understanding of the
" law of Christ." Except the person elected to an
ecclesiastical office shall possess the virtues which
bespeak him a servant of Christ, the most vaunted
forms of investing him with that dignity are
declared to be vain. Among heresies, he affirms,
that " there is no greater, than for a man to
" believe that he is absolved from his sin, if he
•' give money, or because a priest layeth his
" hand on the head, and saith I absolve thee.
" For thou must be sorrowful in thy heart," he
adds, "or else God absolveth thee not." In the
6 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, same treatise, the necessity of confession to a
' priest is denied no less distinctly than tlie re-
ceived doctrine on the power of the keys. And
having thus wrested the weapons from the
hands of churchmen, which had been wielded
with so much success against human liberty, he
calls upon the secular authorities to attempt the
long-needed reformation of the ecclesiastical body,
both in its head and its members.
other re. ^ Qy was it in thls Droductiou only that these bold
that event. scRtimcnts wcre uttered. In his writmgs from this
period to his death,the lust of dominion, the avarice,
and the cruelty, discovered by these rival pontiffs,
in prosecuting their different claims, are all placed
in fearless contrast with the maxims and spirit of
Christ and his apostles. " Simon Magus," he
observes, "never laboured more in the work of
" simony, than do these priests. And so God
" would no longer suffer the fiend to reign in only
" one such priest, but for the sin which they had
" done, made division among two, so that men, in
" Christ's name, may the more easily overcome
" them both." Evil, it is remarked, is weakened
by diffusion, no less than good ; " and this now
" moveth poor priests to speak heartily in this
** matter, for when God will bless the church, but
** men are slothful, and will not labour, their sloth
" is to be rebuked for many reasons."' In his
parochial discourses, delivered to his flock at
Lutterworth, the schism of the papacy is fre-
quently adverted to, and always in a manner
tending to deliver men from the fear of the priest,
* MS. Of the Church uuJ lier Govcrnauce. Bib. Reg. xviii. b. i\.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 7
and, at the same time, to impress them with chap,
the fear of God.^ L_
It was at this period that the reformer com- ^'^''^^ «f
}^ ■. f-f^ '"'s work
pleted a work, '* On the Truth and Meaning- of "o.. the
o . „ , 1 •/> Truth and
Scripture, the most extended, if not the most Meaning of
systematically arranged, of all his productions.
A copy of this treatise was in the possession of
our venerable martyrologist, and appears to have
been considered the only one extant. That at
present in the Bodleian library was formerly the
property of Dr. Allen, a great admirer of WyclifFe,
and a diligent collector of his manuscripts. It is
without a title page, and a few leaves from the
commencement are lost : the remaining portion
of the volume, extending to more than six hun-
dred pages, is in good preservation. Besides this
copy, the only one hitherto mentioned in the
printed catalogues of the reformer's writings,
there is another in the library at Trinity College,
Dublin. This is complete, and in an excellent
state. The work itself has required this parti-
cular notice, not only from its extent, but from its
character, as embodying almost every sentiment
peculiar to the mind of our reformer. The su-
preme authority of holy writ; the unalienable
right of private judgment; all the branches of
clerical power ; the sacraments of the church ;
together with almost every article of moral obli-
* Thus in one of his homilies (on " Peter ; bat spoileth them, and sla^'cth
Rom. xiii.) it is affirmed of the " them, and leadeth them many wrong
pontift', " that he is not on Christ's " ways." The same contrast is pur-
" side, who put his soul for his slieep, sued in the homily on John, Ep. i. c. ii.
"but on the side of antichrist, who and much more at length in the treatise
" putteth many souls for his pride. " On the Seven Deadly Sins." — MS.
" This man feedeth not the sheep of Bibl. Bodl.
" Christ, as Christ thrice commanded
8 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, gation, may be found largely discussed in this
'. — volume. The author of the Acts and Monuments
intended giving it to the world ; and we may
regret that his purpose was not accomplished.
Were this the only work preserved from the pen
of WyclifFe, it would alone be sufficient, to merit
for its author the first place among the intrepid
advocates of truth and piety in the annals of this
country.''
ii;s sickness But the labour of producing; such compositions,
at Oxford. . ^, ? 1 P 1 1
and the excitements mseparable from the restless
hostilities of his enemies, so shook his frame, at
this period, as to threaten his speedy dissolution,
— and, in truth, to lay the foundation of the
malady which a few years later was the occasion
of his death. Such also was the force of religious
prejudice in the fourteenth century, that his old
antagonists, the mendicants, conceived it next to
impossible, that an heresiarch so notorious, should
find himself near a future world without the most
serious apprehensions of approaching vengeance.
But while thus conscious of their own rectitude,
and certain that the dogmas of the reformer had
arisen from the suggestions of the great enemy,
some advantages to their cause were anticipated,
could the dying culprit be induced to utter any
recantation of his published opinions. Wyclifie
was in Oxford when this sickness arrested his
activity, and confined him to his chamber. From
the four orders of friars, four doctors, who were
also called regents, were gravely deputed to wait
7 MS. Bibl. Bodl. Rotiila- in Aichi. Sensu et Veritate Scripture, is the
A. 3021, 32. MS. Trinity Collt!;e, (ille j^ivcn lo \\\v worii by Fox,
Dublin, clas.s C. tub. 1. No. 24 De i. 583.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 9
on their expiring enemy; and to these the same chap.
number of civil officers, called senators of the city, '.
and aldermen of the wards, were added. When
this embassy entered the apartment of the rector
of Lutterworth, he was seen stretched on his bed.
Some kind wishes were first expressed as to his
better health, and the blessing of a speedy re-
covery. It was presently suggested, that he must
be aware of the many wrongs which the whole
mendicant brotherhood had sustained from his
attacks, especially in his sermons, and in certain
of his writings ; and as death was now, apparently,
about to remove him, it was sincerely hoped, that
he would not conceal his penitence, but distinctly
revoke whatever he had said tending to the in-
jury of those holy fraternities. The sick man
remained silent, and motionless, until this address
was concluded. He then beckoned his servants
to raise him in his bed ; and fixing his eyes on
the persons assembled, summoned all his remain-
ing strength, as he exclaimed aloud, " 1 shall not
" die but live, and shall again declare the evil deeds
" of the friars!" The doctors, and their attend-
ants, retreated in mortification and dismay, and
they lived to feel the truth of the reformer's predic-
tion ; nor will it be easy to imagine another scene,
more characteristic of the parties composing it, or
of the times with which it is connected.^
While the writings of Wycliffe were thus per- nis senti.
forming their part on the mind of his countrymen, lespcctto
it was not merely his divinity lectures, but the
whole of his pulpit instructions, which were stu-
diously directed to the same object, [t is known
«■ Lewis, civ. 82. Bale, 419, ,.\c.
10 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, that in the fourteenth century, the exercises of
' public worship consisted of little beside that spe-
cies of mechanical occupation which an apostle
describes as " bodily exercise," and as " profiting
little." These, however, and that domestic
ministration of the sacraments, to which the most
feeble or depraved among the clergy were deemed
fully competent, were generally considered as
securing to the worshipper whatever it was the
design of Christianity to bestow. As the conse-
quence of questioning this theory, and at length
of wholly denying the efficacy of such services,
except as accompanied by appropriate perception
and feeling on the part of the persons engaged in
them, was the importance attached by our re-
former to the office of preaching. No language
can be more forcible, than that in which the
sacred writers speak of the preaching of the cross,
as the divinely appointed means of bringing the
nations to the obedience of the gospel ; and in
proportion as men have imbibed the spirit of
primitive piety, in any subsequent age, has been
the prominence assigned to this department of
ministerial duty. Among the means which had
induced our Saxon ancestors to renounce their
ancient idolatry, preaching held a conspicuous
place;" but from that period to the age of Wycliffe,
it fell into comparative disuse in the practice of
the English clergy. Grossteste deplored this fact,
and with a view to supply the deficiency, became
a zealous patron of the preaching friars. He lived,
9 This was the service to which Saxons, Oswald, the sovereign, acted
Aidan, the apostle of Northunibria, as his interpreter. Bj the Scottish
devoted his life. (Bede, c. v.) In missionaries, in general, the same iin-
his first attempt to address the pagan portance was attached to this function.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 11
however, to regret that remedy, as bemg even chap.
worse than the disease. '•* Yet so powerful were^--^-
the effects of preaching, even in the hands of the
mendicants, that had not their rapid success pro-
duced so speedy a corruption of their institute,
the parochial clergy, by limiting their official ser-
vices to the prescribed repetitions from the mass
book, must have lost the whole of their influence
over the mind of the people.'' Wycliffe saw this
state of things, but wliile he complained of the
indolence and the vices of the secular clergy, as
leading to the prevalent neglect of this exercise,
his boldest censures were reserved for the frater-
nities, in whose labours he could discern nothing
but the abuses of the function, which they had as-
sumed as their peculiar province. The itinerant
character of their ministry could hardly have dis-
pleased him, as he often defended the same prac-
tice- in his followers. It was their substituting
'* fables — chronicles of the world — and stories
from the battle of Troy" — in the place of the
gospel ; and the religious delusions imposed by
them on the rich and the poor, to raise themselves
into distinction, and to gratify their avarice and
sensuality, which filled him with so restless an
abhorrence of " these new orders." Instead, how-
ever, of imbibing a disgust of preaching, from
seeing it thus perverted, the reformer appears to
have judged only the more favourably of its power
as the means of reformation, if rightly applied.
Possessed himself of such learning as had aided
the mendicants in acquiring their reputation, he
was also a proficient in that power of oral com-
'" Palis, 873. " See Piclini. View, c.iii. scct.i.
12 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, munication which was their special faculty. In
'■ — Wycliffe, the severity of the cloister was asso-
ciated with the learning of the college, and with
that power of interesting the understanding and
affections of ordinary minds, which is rarely found
in such combinations. In secret, he mourned over
the degraded state of his country, and over that
immense expenditure of wealth in favour of the
clergy, which served only to perpetuate their
secular character, and to strengthen every cord
of the national thraldom ; and to contribute some-
thing toward the recovery of his native land from
this state of gloomy bondage, was the object to
which the acquirements, and the energies, of his
generous nature were readily devoted.
Mis 1.1,.,. ^^Q know not the number of sermons composed
!,Ze'",f'' ^y Wycliffe, but that copies of nearly three hun-
i>.eaciin,s. drcd should have escaped the effort which was
so long made to effect the destruction of what-
ever his pen had produced, is sufficient to as-
sure us, that his labours as a preacher were
abundant.'* His zeal was not of that spurious kind
which assails the vast only, or which expatiates on
the great and the future, at the cost of every nearer
and more humble department of duty. Accord-
ingly, to appreciate the character of the English
reformer, it is necessary to view him, not only as
advocating the claims of his sovereign before the
delegates of the pontiff; as solving the questions
which perplexed the English parliament ; or as
'2 The copy which I have princi- the close of the fourteenth century,
pally consulted, is that of the British and in others later, are still extant
Museum. — Bib. Reg. xviii. b. ix. Se- in the Museum, and in the libraries
veral copies, more or less perfect, and of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dub-
written, in some instances, before lin.
THE LIFE or WYCLIFFE. 13
challenging the most intellectual of the age to chap.
discussions on the truth of his acknowledged doc- '.
trine. To all this he added the diligent perform-
ance of those less imposing duties which devolve
on the parish priest. It was no novelty to see the
venerable Wycliffe in a village pulpit, surrounded
by his rustic auditory ; or in the lowest hovel of
the poor, fulfilling his office at the bedside of the
sick and the dying, whether freeman or slave. It
was over a sphere thus extended, that his genius
and benevolence were diffused. Previous to this
period, he had required his disciples to unite with
the devotions of the sabbath, a regular attention to
the wants of the afflicted and the poor. The pub-
lic exercises of that day being devoutly performed,
the christian man is enjoined " to visit those who
" are sick, or who are in trouble, especially those
*' whom God hath made needy by age, or by other
" sickness, as the feeble, the blind, and the lame,
" who are in poverty. These thou shalt relieve
" with thy goods, after thy power, and after their
" need, for thus biddeth the gospel."" It is but
just to suppose, that the preacher, who, under
such circumstances, was forward to inculcate
these and similar offices of domestic charity, was
himself accustomed to conform to them. But his
favourite doctrine, which defined true charity as
" beginning at the love of man's spirit," was so far
extended, as to induce him to believe, that " men
" who love not the souls, love little the bodies
"of their neighbours;'' and hence the work of
christian instruction is described, as " the best
'= JIS. Exposition of the Decalo-nc. Cotton. Titus, D. xiv. 1:22.
14 THE LIFE OF -WYCLIFFE.
c H A P. " service that man may do for his brother."^*
!_ Priests who are found " in taverns, and hunting,
" and playing at their tables," instead of " learn-
'' ing God's law, and preaching," are accordingly
denounced as " foulest traitors," since among the
duties of their office, *' most of all is the preaching
•* of the gospel ; for this Christ enjoined on his
" disciples more than any other ; by this he con-
*' quered the world out of the fiend's hand ; and
*' whosoever he be that can but bring priests to
" act thus, hath authority from God, and merit in
'* his deed."'*
wyciiffes As the impression made by Wycliffe, and his
.'nTv"ourof followcrs, ou the mind of their contemporaries, may
preaching. ^^ attributcd, In a great degree, to their peculiar
sentiments on the relative importance of preach-
ing, it will not perhaps be uninteresting to the
reader, to notice the statements and reasonings
of the reformer, on this point, more at length.
'* I. The highest service that men may attain to
" on earth," is said to be, to " preach the word
** of God. This service falls peculiarly to priests,
*' and therefore God more straightly demands it
" of them. Hereby should they produce children
" to God, and that is the end for which God has
" wedded the church. Lovely it might be, to have
" a son that were lord of this world, but fairer
" much it were to have a son in God, who, as a
" member of holy church, shall ascend to heaven!
" And for this cause, Jesus Christ left other works,
** and occupied himself mostly in preaching ; and
'* thus did his apostles, and for this God loved
'* Homily on Philippians, c. iii. '^ Epistola ad Siinplices Saceidotes.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. L5
"them. II. Also, he does best, who best keeps ^hap.
" the commandments of God. Now the first — '- —
" commandment of the second table bids us ho-
" nour our elders, as our father and mother. But
■* this honour should be first given to holy church,
■* for she is the mother we should most love, and
■' for her, as our faith teaches, Christ died. The
' church, however, is honoured most by the
' preaching of God's word, and hence this is the
' best service that priests may render unto God.
' Thus a woman said to Christ, that the womb
' which bare him, and the breasts which he had
' sucked, should be blessed of God ; but Christ
' said, rather should that man be blessed, who
* should hear the words of God, and keep them.
' And this should preachers do more than other
' men, and this word should they keep more than
' any other treasure. Idleness in this office is
' to the church its greatest injury, producing
* most the children of the fiend, and sendino-
' them to his court. III. Also, that service is the
' best, which has the worst opposed to it. But
' the opposite of preaching, is of all things the
' worst ; and therefore preaching, if it be well
' done, is the best of all. And accordingly,
' Jesus Christ, when he ascended into heaven,
' commanded it especially to all his apostles, to
' preach the gospel freely to every man. So also,
' when Christ spoke last with Peter, he bade him
' thrice, as he loved him, to feed his sheep ; and
* this would not a wise shepherd have done, had
' he not himself loved it well. In this stands the
' office of the spiritual shepherd. As the bishop
' of the temple hindered Christ, so is he hindered
16 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP. ** by the hindering of this deed. Therefore Christ
— '. — *' told them, that at the day of doom, Sodom and
** Gomorrah should better fare than they. And
*' thus, if our bishops preach not in their own
** persons, and hinder true priests from preaching,
" they are in the sin of the bishops who killed
" the Lord Jesus Christ.""
So far then was the reformer from confiding in
the sacraments of the church, as certainly con-
nected with a participation in the mercies of
redemption. Man he considers, as a being en-
dowed with reason and with passions, and he
attempts the discipline of his affections, only by
bringing the light of divine truth to bear upon his
understanding. This, in the language of the
church of Rome, was to ensnare the unwary, by
an artful appeal to the vanity and self-confidence
of the human mind. But if there be truth in
religion, or nature, intellectual culture is the only
medium through which the moral improvement
of man should be contemplated. The faculties
of his being, and the known will of the Deity,
announce him as accountable ; and the theory
which serves at all to weaken the feeling of this
accountableness, must be of murderous tendency.
There is another motive, however, from which
objection to the office of preaching has sometimes
arisen. To have imitated the zeal of Wycliffe,
on this point, would have required a different
faculty from what was necessary to go through
the usual routine of parish duty. The class of
men, who were satisfied with their ability for such
performances, and still more the inmates of con-
's MS. Contra Fralres Bibl. Bodl. Archi. A. 83, p. 19, 20.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 17
vents, would affect to be astonished at the weak- chap.
ness, or the novelty, of the reformer's opinions, — '- —
respecting a function, which the care of the
church had rendered almost superfluous, which
had ever been but too much allied to ostentation,
and pregnant with no small danger to the peace
and unity of the christian commonwealth. It is
thus he reasons with such objectors : " When
'' true men teach, that by the law of God, and
" wit, and reason, each priest is bound to do his
" utmost to preach the gospel of Christ, the fiend
" beguileth hypocrites to excuse him from this
" service by teaching a feigned contemplative
" life ; — and urging, that since that is the best,
" and they may not do both, they are needed,
" from their love of God, to leave the preaching
" of the gospel to live in contemplation. But see
" now the hypocrisy and falsehood of this. Our
" faith teaches us, that since Christ was God,
" and might not err, he taught and did the best
" life for priests ; yet Christ preached the gospel,
" and charged all his apostles and disciples to go
" and preach the gospel to all men. The best life
" then for priests, in this world, is to teach and
" preach the gospel. God also teacheth in the
" old law, that the office of a priest is to shew to
" the people their sins. But as each priest is a
" prophet by his order, according to St. Gregory
" on the Gospels, it is then the office of each to
" preach and to proclaim the sins of the people;
" and in this manner shall each priest be an angel
" of God, as holy writ affirms. Also Christ, and
" John the Baptist, left the desert, and preached
" the gospel to their death. To do this, therefore,
^' o L . 1 1 . c
18 THE LIFE OF AVYCLTFFE.
CHAP. <* is the greatest charity, or else they were out of
" charity, or at least imperfect in it ; and that
" may hardly be, since the one was God ; and
" since no man, after Christ, hath been holier
" than the Baptist."
" Also, the holy prophet, Jeremiah, hallowed in
" his mother's womb, might not be excused from
** preaching by his love of contemplation, but was
** charged of God to proclaim the sins of the
** people, and to suffer hard pain for doing so ; and
'* so were all the prophets of God. Ah ! Lord,
" since Christ and John, and all the prophets,
" were compelled by charity to come out of the
'* desert to preach to the people, and to leave
** their solitary prayers, how dare these pretend-
" ing heretics say it is better to be still, and to
" pray over their own feigned ordinances, than to
"preach the gospel of Christ? Lord! what
" cursed spirit of falsehood moveth priests to close
'* themselves within stone walls for all their life,
** since Christ commanded all his apostles and
" priests to go into all the world, and to preach
*' the gospel? Certainly they are open fools, and
" do plainly against the gospel ; and if they
'* continue in this error, are accursed of God, as
" perilous deceivers, and heretics. For in the
" best part of the pope's law, it is said, that each
" man who cometh to the priesthood, taketh on
" him the office of a beadle, or a crier, to go
" before doomsday, and to cry to the people their
" sins, and the vengeance of God ; and since men
" are holden heretics who do against the pope's
*' law, are not those priests heretics, who refuse
'* to preach the gospel of Christ, and compel other
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 19
" true men to leave the preaching of it? All laws chap.
" opposed to this service, are opposed to God's '. —
** law, and reason and charity, and for the main-
" tenance of pride and covetousness in Antichrist's
" worldly clerks.""
To those who allege from the gospel, that
Magdalene chose the better part, in preferring a
contemplative to an active life, it is replied, that
the quotation might have some pertinence, if
priests were women, and if no command opposed
to a life of solitude and uselessness could be
found in scripture. The result, indeed, of the
reasonings commonly adopted on this subject, is
said to be, '* that Christ, when in this world, chose
" the life least suited to it, and that he has obliged
" all his priests to forsake the better and take
"the worse. It is thus," he adds, "these de-
" ceivers put error on Jesus Christ. * * * Prayer,''
it is cautiously affirmed, " is good, but not so
" good as preaching ; and, accordingly, in preach-
" ing, and also in praying, in the giving of sacra-
" ments, the learning of the law of God, and the
" rendering of a good example by purity of life,
" in these should stand the life of a priest."'^
Such were the opinions of Wycliffe with respect
to preaching, as compared with the other duties
of the christian minister, and from his adherence
to these arose much of his efficiency as a re-
former. Opinions so true, so practical, and so
plainly stated, could not have been reiterated in
vain ; and we find them creatins: the class of
" MS. Of a Feigned Contemplative '^ MS. Contra Fratres, Bibl. Bodl.
Life, &c. Trinity College, Dublin, Arch A. 83.
class C. tab. 3. No. 12.
20 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP, men, called by the rector of Lutterworth, ''poor
" priests ;" — persons, whose itinerant preaching,
we shall presently see, was laboriously directed
to discredit the superstitions, and to advance the
piety of their countrymen.
Methods of While such was the place assigned by the re-
former to the office of preaching, it may be proper
to remark, that to the commencement of the thir-
teenth century, two methods of performing this
service had prevailed. These were technically
called, "declaring," and " postulating," According
to the former, the preacher commenced, by an-
nouncing the subject on which he meant to dis-
course, and proceeded to deliver, what in modern
language would be considered an oration, or an
essay, rather than a sermon. To postillate, was
to commence with reading a portion of scripture,
and then taking its parts, in the order of the
writer, to offer such remarks upon them, as were
fitted to explain their meaning, and secure their
application. To the latter method, which is the
same with what is still called lecturing, or expo-
sition, another was added about this period, and
one by which the ancient practice of declaring was
ere long nearly abolished, and the far better cus-
tom of postillating was rendered much less fre-
quent. The sacred text had been recently divided
into its present order of chapters; and the logic
to which the schoolmen were so devoted, sug-
gested the selecting of some brief portion of
scripture as the basis of a sermon, and also that
the matters introduced to illustrate the doctrine or
duty to be discussed, should be divided and sub-
divided, in the manner still so generally adopted
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 21
by preachers." The sacred writings were too chap.
highly valued by Wyclifte, to be dispensed with '- —
as the obvious foundation of the instructions de-
livered by him from the pulpit. This motive, also,
which led him to avoid the practice of declaring,
appears to have rendered him doubtful concerning
the utility of the new scholastic mode of teaching,
and to have determined his general preference of
the expository method.
His compositions for the pulpit, therefore, which cimracter
have descended to us, are nearly all of the class sermons.
described as " postils." They are also the produc-
tion of different periods, through the interval from
1376, when the writer became rector of Lutter-
worth, to the close of 1384. In some instances,
they consist of little more than a few brief notes,
appended to a vernacular translation of the lesson
for the day, in others they approach nearer to the
length of a modern sermon. But, when filling seve-
ral closely-written folio pages, we know not how far
to regard them as exhibiting any thing beyond
the spirit or the general manner of the reformer's
efforts as a preacher. That he wholly restricted
" Wood i. 58, 59. Knighton, col. " of certain novices, whohave invented
2430. The former writer lias intro- " a new way of preaching, by endless
duced friar Bacon, as bitterly la- " divisions and quibblings, in which
menting the prevalence of the scho- " there is neither sublimity of style,
lastic methods of preaching, and as " nor depth of wisdom, but much
accounting for its adoption in a way " childish trilling and folly, unsuitable
not very honourable to the contempo- " to the dignity of the pulpit. May
rary clergy. " The greatest part of " God," he exclaims, " banish this
" our prelates," he observes, " having "conceited and artificial way of
" but little knowledge in divinity, and " preaching out of his church, for it
" having been little used to preaching " will never do any good, nor elevate
" in their youth, when they become " the hearts of the hearers to any
" bishops, and are sometimes obliged " thing that is good or excellent."
" to preach, are under a necessity of Henry's Hist. viii. 182—18-7.
•' begging and borrowing the sermons
22 THE LIFE OF M'YCLIFFE.
CHAP. himself, in any case, to what he had written, is
'. — improbable, from his known facility of extem-
poraneous communication, and from the fact that
these preparations for the pulpit, sometimes re-
semble the mere specifications of topics, rather
than any regular discussion of them. Nor is it
certain, indeed, that their publication was the act
of the reformer, or at all anticipated by him. They
contain nothing opposed to the supposition of their
having been collected and published after his de-
cease ; and the character of Purvey, his curate at
that period, renders it certain that a careful eftbrt
would be made to preserve every such document.
But through whatever medium the copies of these
discourses have been transmitted, we may safely
conclude that what they contain was delivered to
the people of Lutterworth by their rector ; and
there is scarcely a peculiarity of opinion adopted
by Wycliffe, the nature, or the progress of which,
might not be illustrated from these voluminous re-
mains. It should also be stated, that these com-
positions are strictly of a popular character.
References to abstruse or speculative questions
frequently arise, either from the import of the text,
or from the reasonings suggested by it ; but these
are almost invariably dismissed, that " things more
" profiting" might become the matter of attention.
Through the whole, the multiplied corruptions of
the hierarchy are vigorously assailed, as forming
the great barrier to all religious improvement.
The social obligations of men are also frequently
discussed, and traced with a cautious firmness to
the authority of the scriptures ; while the doctrines
of the gospel are uniformly exhibited, as declaring
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 23
the guilt, and the spiritual infirmities of men, to be chap.
such as to render the atonement of Christ their
only way of pardon, and the grace of the divine
Spirit their only hope of purity. A few extracts
will farther assist the reader in judging of the man-
ner in which the reformer discharged the duties
of the humble but important office of village
preacher.
It is thus he addressed his parishioners, on the "'"nodeof
' treating- tlie
oblie^ation of priests, to extend their services as questions of
" ^ . reform from
preachers to the village and the hamlet, and to twe puipn.
the most scattered portions of the community.
" The gospel telleth us the duty which falls to all
" the disciples of Christ, and also telleth us how
" priests, both high and low, should occupy them-
** selves in the church of God, and in serving him.
" And first, Jesus himself did indeed the lessons
" which he taught. The gospel relates how Jesus
" went about in the places of the country, both
*' great and small, as in cities and castles, or
" small towns, and this to teach us to profit gene-
" rally unto men, and not to forbear to preach
" to a people because they are few, and our name
" may not, in consequence, be great. For we
" should labour for God, and from him hope for
" our reward. There is no doubt, that Christ
** went into small uplandish towns, as to Beth-
" phage, and Cana in Galilee ; for Christ went to
" all those places where he wished to do good.
" And he laboured not thus for gain, for he was
** not smitten with pride or with covetousness."^"
In a subsequent discourse, he remarks, that *' it
" was ever the manner of Jesus to speak the
^-J Homilies, Bib. Reg. xviii. b. ix. 134.
24 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
c HA P. <' morels of God, wherever he knew that they
** would be profitable to others who heard them ;
** and hence Christ often preached, now at meat,
" and now at supper, and indeed at whatever time
" it was convenient for others to hear him."^' It
is accordingly regretted, that the *' craft of the
** fiend" had given that form to the jurisdiction of
the prelates, which greatly prevented good men
in their attempts to imitate those retired eiforts in
the cause of humanity and religion, which appear
so lovely in the history of the Saviour. While
Hebrew priests admitted the Master to their syna-
gogues, the successors of the apostles are said to
exclude his servants from their churches."
In an exposition of the epistle read on the
third Sunday after advent, he thus proceeds ; —
" Let a man so guess of us, as of the ministers of
" God, and as dispensers of his services. And if
" each man should be found true in this matter,
** priests, both high and low, should be found
" more true. But most foul is the failure and
" the sin of priests in this respect. As if ashamed
" to appear as the servants of Christ, the pope
*' and his bishops show the life of emperors, and
" of the lordly in the world, and not the living of
** Christ. But since Christ hated such things,
" they give us no room to guess them to be the
*' ministers of Christ. And so they fail in the
" first lesson which Paul teacheth in this scrip-
'* ture. Lord ! what good doth the idle talk of the
" pope, who must be called of men most blessed
" father, and bishops most reverend men, while
" their life is discordant from that of Christ? In
21 Horn. Bib. Rep. p. 1G9 - Ibid. 131.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 25
" SO taking of these names, they show that they chap.
" are on the fiend's side, and children of the father
" of falsehood. After St. Gregory, the pope may
" say, that he is the servant of the servants of
" God, but his life reverseth his name ; for he
" faileth to follow Christ, and is not the dispenser
" of the services which God hath bidden, but de-
" parteth from this service to that lordship which
" emperors have bestowed. And thus, all the
" services of the church, which Christ hath ap-
" pointed to his priests, are turned aside, so that
" if men will take heed to that service which
" Christ hath thus limited, it is all turned upside
" down, and hypocrites are become rulers. "^^
But it would have been of small service to have
shown that the ruling clergy were little worthy of
the regard which their titles claimed for them,
unless some protection could be afforded from the
usual consequences of clerical displeasure. To
this point the remaining portion of the sermon
distinctly relates. The apostle is noticed as
affirming, " that in his case it was a small thing
" to be judged of man's judgment;" and from
this it is observed, " that men should not suppose
" themselves injured by the blind judgment of
" men, since God will judge all things, whether
" to good or evil. Paul therefore taketh little
*' heed to the judgment that man judgeth, for
" he knew well, from the scriptures, that if God
" judgeth thus, then man's judgment must stand,
" and not else. Thus there are two days ol"
" judgment, the day of the Lord, and man's
" day. The day of the Lord is the day of doom,
26 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. ♦* when he shall judge all manner of men; the
— '. — " day of man is now present, when man judgeth,
** and by the law of man. Now every present
" judgment must be reversed, if it ought reverseth
** reason. But at the day of doom, all shall stand
•* according to the judgment of God. That is the
" day of the Lord, because then all shall be as he
" will, and nothing shall reverse his judgment;
" and St. Paul therefore saith, ' Judge nothing
** before the time, until the time of the Lord come,
** the which shall light the hidden things of dark-
** ness, and shall make known the counsels of the
" heart.' — And this moveth many men to think
" day and night upon the law of God, for that
" leadeth to a knowledge of what is God's will,
" and without a knowledge of this should man do
" nothing, and this also moveth men to forsake
" the judgment of man. To St. Paul, the truth
** of holy writ, which is the will of the first Judge,
" was enough until doomsday. Stewards of the
" church, therefore, should not judge merely ac-
** cording to their own will, but always accord-
** ing to the law of God, and in things of which
" they are certain. But the laws and judgments
" which Antichrist has brought in, and added
'* to the law of God, mar too much the church of
" Christ. For with the stewards of the church,
** the laws of Antichrist are the rules by which
" they make officers therein ; and to deceive the
" laity. Antichrist challengeth to be, in such things,
** fully God's fellow ; for he affirms that, if he
" judgeth thus, his will should be taken for reason,
" whereas this is the highest point that falleth
" to the godhead. Popes, and kings, therefore.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 27
*' should seek a reason above their own will, for chap.
"such blasphemy often bringeth to men more__l_
" than the pride of Lucifer. He said he would
" ascend, and be like the Most High, but he chal-
'* lenged not to be the fellow of God, even with
" him, or passing him! May God bring down
" this pride, and help, that his word may reverse
'* that of the fiend ! Well indeed, I know, that
" when it is at the highest, this smoke shall dis-
** appear." ^* The advice of the preacher in con-
clusion is, that his hearers should study the
will of God, and thus learn to cherish an inde-
pendence of the judgments pronounced upon
them by "popes or prelates," inasmuch as such
decisions "stretch not to doomsday" — the pe-
riod, when the will of God shall be felt as su-
preme, and unalterable.
One more extract must be sufficient, to illus-
trate the manner in which the reformer was accus-
tomed to notice the disorders of the hierarchy
from the pulpit. " Freedom," it is remarked, "is
" much coveted, as men know by nature, but
" much more should christian men covet the
" better freedom of Christ. It is known, however,
" that Antichrist hath enthralled the church more
" than it was under the old law, though then
" the service was not to be borne. New laws are
" now made by Antichrist, and such as are not
" founded on the laws of the Saviour. More
" ceremonies too are now brought in than were
" in the old law, and more do they tarry men
" in coming to heaven, than did the traditions of
" the Scribes and Pharisees. One cord of this
•■' Horn. Bib. Rcir.
28 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' thraldom, is the lordship claimed by Antichrist,
'. " as being full lord both of spirituals and tem-
" porals. Thus he turneth christian men aside
" from serving Christ in christian freedom ; so
" much so, that they might well say as the poet
'* saith in his fable the frogs said to the har-
'* row — * Cursed be so many masters.' For in
'* this day, christian men are oppressed, now with
" popes, and now with bishops, now with cardi-
" nals under popes, and now with prelates under
" bishops, and now their head is assailed with
** censures, — in short, buffeted are they as men
" would serve a football. But certainly, if the
" Baptist were not worthy to loose the latchet of
'* the shoe of Christ, Antichrist hath no power
** thus to impede the freedom which Christ hath
*' bought. Christ gave this freedom to men, that
" they might come to the bliss of Heaven with
'* less difficulty ; but Antichrist burdens them, that
** they may give him money. Foul, therefore, is
** this doing, with respect both to God and his
" law. Ever also do these hypocrites dread lest
" God's law should be shown, and they should
** thus be convicted of their falsehood. For God
" and his law are most powerful; and for a time,
" only, may these deceivers hold men in the
" thraldom of Satan." '^'
Extracts But whilc thcsc and similar evils were fre-
theiheoio. quently noticed in the sermons of the reformer,
trineandthe aud always in this intrepid temper, the flock com-
feeiingofhis mittcd to his care, as rector of Lutterworth, was far
addresses, from bciug uuaccustomed to the sound of themes
more devotional in their character, and less con-
'» Horn. Bib. Reg.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 29
iiected with the passions too commonly excited by chap.
controversy. The following is the substance of a '- —
sermon delivered by him on a Christmas day, and
upon the passage in Isaiah, beginning with the
words, " Unto us a child is born." " On this
" day we may affirm that a Child is born to us,
" since Jesus, according to our belief, was this
" day born. Both in figure, and in letter, God
" spake of old to this intent, that to us a Child
" should be born, in whom we should have joy.
" From this speech of Isaiah, three short lessons
*' are to be delivered, that men may rejoice in the
" after-services of this Child. First, we hold it
" as a part of our faith, that as our first parents
" had sinned, there must be atonement made for
" it, according to the righteousness of God. For
" as God is merciful, so he is full of righteousness.
*' But except he keep his righteousness in this
** point, how may he judge all the world? There
" is no sin done but what is against God, but this
" sin was done directly against the Lord Al-
" mighty, and Allrightful. The greater also the
" Lord is, against whom any sin is done, the
" greater always is the sin, — just as to do against
" the king's bidding is deemed the greatest of
" offences. But the sin which is done against
" God's bidding is greater without measure. God
" then, according to our belief, bid Adam that he
" should not eat of the apple. Yet he broke
" God's command ; nor was he to be excused
" therein by his own weakness, by Eve, nor by
" the serpent ; and hence, according to the righ-
" teousness of God, this sin must always be pu-
" nished. It is to speak lightly, to say that God
30 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' might of his mere power forgive this sin, without
! " the atonement which was made for it, since the
** justice of God would not suffer this, but re-
" quires that every trespass be punished either in
** earth or in hell. God may not accept a person,
" to forgive him his sin without an atonement,
/* else he must give free licence to sin, both in
" angels and men, and then sin were no sin, and
** our God were no God !
** Such is the first lesson we take as a part of our
*' faith ; the second is, that the person who may
'* make atonement for the sin of our first father,
** must needs be God and man. For as man's nature
** trespassed, so must man's nature render atone-
" ment. An angel therefore would attempt in vain
** to make atonement for man, for he has not the
** power to do it, nor was his the nature that here
** sinned. But since all men form one person, if
" any member of this person maketh atonement,
** the whole person maketh it. But we may see
" that if God made a man of nought, or strictly
•' anew, after the manner of Adam, yet he were
** bound to God, to the extent of his power for
** himself, having nothing wherewith to make
*' atonement for his own, or for Adam's sin.
** Since then, atonement must be made for the
** sin of Adam, as we have shown, the person
" to make the atonement must be God and man,
** for then the worthiness of this person's deeds
** were even with the unworthiness of the sin."
From this necessity of an atonement for sin,
and of the incarnation that it might be made, the
conclusion is said to follow, that the Child born
must needs be God and man. The doctrine of
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 31
the discourse is then made to assume a practical chap.
bearing. " And we suppose," observes the '- —
preacher, '* that this Child is only born to the
" men who follow him in his manner of life, for
" he was born against others. The men who are
" unjust and proud, and who rebel against God,
" may read their judgment in the person of Christ.
" By him, they must needs be condemned, and
** most certainly if they continue wicked toward
'* his Spirit to their death. And if we covet sin-
** cerely that this Child may prove to be born to
" us ; have we joy of him, and follow we him in
** these three virtues, in righteousness, and meek-
** ness, and in patience for our God. For whoever
*' shall be against Christ and his Spirit in these
*' unto his death, must needs be condemned of
** this Child, as others must needs be saved. And
" thus the joy professed in this Child, who was
" all meekness, and full of virtues, should make
*' men to be children in malice, and then they
" would well keep this festival. To those who
** would indulge in strife, I would say that the
*' Child who is born is also Prince of peace, and
** loveth peace, and contemneth men contrary
" to peace. Reflect we then how Christ came
" in the fulness of time, when he should ; and
" how he came in meekness, teaching us this at
''his birth; and how he came in patience, con-
*' tinning even from his birth unto his death ; and
** follow we him in these things, for the joy that
" we here have in him, and because this joy
** in the patience of Christ bringeth to joy that
*' ever shall last." '"
26 Horn. Bib. Reg.
32
THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP. The doctrines of scripture witli regard to the
'■ — person of Christ, and his sufferings considered as
the price of our redemption, are of frequent occur-
rence in these discourses. It was in the following
manner that the reformer generally spoke on the
latter subject. " Men mark the passion of Christ,
'* and print it on their heart, somewhat to follow
it. It was the most voluntary passion that ever
was suffered, and the most luunful. It was
most voluntary, and so most meritorious. Hence,
■' when Christ went to Jerusalem, he foretold
the form of his passion to his disciples, and he
who before concealed himself to come to the
city, came now to his suffering in a way to
shew his free will. Hence also he saith at the
"■ supper, ' With desire have I coveted to eat of
this passover with you.' The desire of his god-
head, and the desire of his manhood, moved him
" to eat thereof, and afterwards to suffer. But
all this was significant, and in figure of his last
'"' supper which he eateth in heaven with the men
whom he hath chosen. And since Christ suf-
" fered thus cheerfully for the sins of his brethren,
" they should suffer gratefully for their own sins,
' and should purpose to forsake them. This, in-
deed, is the cause why God would have the
" passion of Christ rehearsed — the profit of the
" brethren of Christ, and not his own. But the
" ;m/;^ of Christ's passion, passed all other pain,
for he was the most tender of men, and in
'* middle age ; and God, by miracle, allowed his
mind to suffer, for else, by his joy, he might
not have known sorrow. In Christ's passion,
indeed, were all tiiinos, which could make
TI[E LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
33
" his pain great, and so make it the more men- ^hap
" torious. The place was solemn, and the day
" also, and the hour, the most so known to Jews,
"■ or heathen men ; and the ingratitude, and con-
" tempt were most ; for men who should most
" have loved Christ, ordained the foulest death,
" in return for his deepest kindness ! We should
" also believe, that Christ suffered not, in any
" manner, but for some certain reason ; for he
" is both God and man, who made all things in
" their number, and so would frame his passion
" to answer to the greatness of man's sin. Fol-
" low we then after Christ in his blessed passion,
" and keep we ourselves from sin hereafter, and
" gather we a devout mind from him.""^' The
reader will remember, that these devotional in-
structions were prepared for the usual auditory of
a parish church in the fourteenth century.
The following passages were intended by the r)"'^trinooi
preacher, to explain the only sense in which he "^
could admit that men might be said to '* deserve"
the felicities of heaven. *' We should know that
" faith is a gift of God, and that it may not be
" given to men except it be graciously. Thus,
" indeed, all the good which men have is of God,
" and accordingly when God rewardeth a good
" work of man, he crowneth his own gift. This
" then is also of grace, even as all things are of
" grace that men have according to the will of
" God. God's goodness is the first cause why
" he confers any good on man ; and so it may not
" be that God doeth good to men, but if he do it
" freely, by his own grace; and with this under-
-•- Horn. Bib. Re-. i).Gl.
VOL. I!. D
34 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. <* stood, we shall grant that men deserve of God."
— * — But the doctrine of short-sighted men *' as was
** Pelagius, and others, who conceive that nothing
** may be, unless it be of itself, as are mere sub-
** stances, is to be scorned, and left to idiots." It
is then remarked, in connexion with the story of
the centurion, whose faith had elicited the above
observation, " Learn we of this knight, to be
" meek in heart, and in word, and in deed ; for
*' he granted first, that he was under man's power,
*' and yet by power of man he might do many
" things ; much more should we know that we
*' are under God's power, and that we may do
" nothing but by the power of God; and woe shall
" hereafter be to us, if we abuse this power.
" This root of meekness, therefore, should pro-
*' duce in us all other virtues." It is evident
that, in the mind of the reformer, the doctrine of
these passages, dangerous as its tendencies are
sometimes said to be, was connected with a
feeling of the most sincere devotion.
^iati'ons''of I^ ^s t^^s ^^ endeavours to strengthen the mind
religion, ^f ^hc chrlstiau worshipper, while suffering under
the adversities of life, and especially from the
contempt of men. ** As men who are in a fever
*' desire not that which were best for them, so
" men in sin covet not that which is best for
" them in this world. The world said that the
** apostles were fools, and forsaken of God ; and
" so it would say to-day of all who live like
" them ; for worldly joy, and earthly possessions
" alone pleaseth them, while of heavenly things,
" and of a right following after Christ, they savour
" not. And this their choice, in the present
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 35
*' world, is a manifest proof against them, that, in chap.
'* soul, they are not holy, but turned aside to the — '.
*' things of the world. For as the palate of a
*' sick man, distempered from good meat, moveth
'* him to covet things contrary to his health, so it
** is with the soul of man when it savoureth not
" of the law of God. And as the want of na-
*' tural appetite is a deadly sign to man, so a
" wanting of spiritual relish for God's word is a
** sign of his second death." Yet men are said to
judge of their participation in the favour of God,
by the success of their worldly enterprises. But
to expose this error, it is observed, *' we should
** leave these sensible signs, and take the example
** of holy men, as of Christ, and his apostles; how
** they had not their bliss on earth, but that here
" Christ ordained them pain, and the hatred of
** the world, even much suffering to the men
** whom he most loved,— and this, to teach us
" how to follow him." It is therefore said to
follow, that in this world the marks of patient
suffering should much rather be taken as those
which bespeak the love of God.^
The connexion between this independence of Connection
' between
terrestrial evils, and the faith of the sfospel, is^^ithand
. or devotion.
thus pomted out. ** If thou hast a full belief of
" Christ, how he lived here on the earth, and
** how he overcame the world, thou also over-
** comest it, as a kind son. For if thou takest
** heed how Christ despised the world, and fol-
'* lowest him here, as thou shouldst by the faith
** of the Father, thou must needs overcome it.
'* And here it is manifest what many men are in
«8 Horn. Bib. Reg. p. 78,
D 2
36 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. '* this world. They are not born of God, nor do
— '. — " they believe in Christ. For if this belief were
" in them, they should follow Christ in the man-
" ner of his life, but they are not of faith, as will
" be known in the day of doom. What man
" should fully believe that the day of doom will
" be anon, and that God shall then judge men,
** after what they have been in his cause, and not
" prepare himself to follow Christ for this bless-
" ing thereof? Either the belief of such men
" sleepeth, or they want a right belief; since
" men who love this world, and rest in the lusts
" thereof, live as if God had never spoken as in
*' his word, or would fail to judge them for their
" doing. To all christian men, therefore, the
" faith of Christ's life is needful, and hence we
" should know the gospel, for this telleth the be-
" lief of Christ. "-^^
* Horn. Bib. Reg p. 70. It may be liad been presented to the public, nor
due to myself to .state, tliat previous to have they been at all quoted, so as to
the publication of the present work, no assist the reader in forming any judg-
inforniation, at all satisfactory, as to ment respecting them. Note to the
tlie general character of tiiese li(in:i!ies second editicm.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 37
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF ATTEMPTS TOWARD A TRANSLATION OF THE SCRIPTURES INTO
THE LANGUAGE OF THIS COUNTRY BEFORE THE AGE OF WYCLIFFE^ BV
THE ANGLO-SAXON CLERGY — BY THE ANGLO-NORMAN. WYCLIFFe's
PURPOSE, AS EMBRACING A TRANSLATION OF THE WHOLE VOLUME, AND
ITS GENERAL CIRCULATION, STRICTLY A NOVELTY. THIS AFFIRMED BY
KNIGHTON. SOME CIRCUMSTANCES FAVOURABLE TO THIS ENTERPRISE.
EXTRACTS EXHIBITING THE REFORMER'S MANNER OF DEFENDING THIS
EFFORT. THE INSURRECTION OF THE COMMONS.
That the gospel was known to the people of chap.
this island, before the close of the first century, __J
is the general testimony of historians. ' Three
centuries, also, intervened, before that connexion
between the subject provinces of Britain and the
capital of the empire, which had led to this diffu-
sion of Christianity, was dissolved. We have no
authority, however, for supposing, that any por-
tion of the sacred writings was possessed by our
Celtic ancestors, during that period, in the verna-
cular tongue. With the few, indeed, who could
read, the Latin, though introduced by their con-
querors, was the principal object of attention ;'-'
and the importance of obtaining the scriptures in
their own dialect, which this circumstance served
greatly to diminish, was probably overlooked.
Subsequently, the religion of the Britons must
' Uiilier, Stillingfleet, Collier. from the prevalence of the Latin lan-
- Tacitus, Vita Ajfric. c.xxi. GilJas, guage, Britain niij^ht Lave been called
Hist. The last writer obser>es, that a Roman rather than a British island.
38 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, have suffered much from their protracted war
1_ with the Saxons ; and after the arrival of Augus-
tine, nearly a century v^as occupied in bringing
the disciples of Odin to their partial acknowledg-
ment of the God of the Christians.
Attempts It was in the seventh century that Cedman,
traTJiatfon au Auglo-SaxoH monk, produced a composition,
turerb'JX which claimed the attention of his countrymen,
Wis. as exhibiting the first application of their lan-
guage to sacred poetry ; and as the first attempt
to render any part of the inspired volume in the
speech of our forefathers." This poem, which has
all the marks of the antiquity assigned to it, in-
cludes the leading events of Old Testament his-
tory, as the creation of the world, the fall of
angels and of man, the deluge, the departure
from Egypt, the entrance upon Canaan, with
7oi»- some subsequent occurrences. In the following
century, Aldhelm, bishop of Sherborne ; and
Guthlac, the celebrated anchoret, are among
the authors of the Anglo-Saxon versions *of the
Psalter. In the same age, the venerable Bede
prefers his claim to the honour of a literal trans-
3 Bede, iv. 24. — On this interesting " of the Scriptares, previous to the
subject, Mr. Lewis's volume, intitled " opening of the Fifteenth Centurj,"
" A History of the English Transla- and it determines every question on
tions of the Bible," is well known ; also this subject to the time of Wycliffe.
a lesser work, by Johnson. The latter The brief memoirs of oor reformer,
production, however, thoughfrequently published in connexion with the same
cited as an authority, and honoured work, I should have noticed in the
with a place among bishop Watson's Preface, had I not been sensible that
Theological Tracts, is strangely inac- the writer is too well acquainted with
curate. I have found no better guide these things, not to be fully aware,
than Mr. Baber, a gentleman to whose that his notices respecting the sacred
discernment the public are indebted scriptures, and his enlarged and re-
fer a reprint of Wyclifte's New Testa- vised catalogue of the Wyclifle manu-
ment. To that work a chapter is pre- scripts, impart to that portion of his
fixed, intitled, " An Historical Account publication its chief value.
" of (he Suxou and English \ eisions
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 39
lation of St. John's gospel/ A manuscript copy chap.
of the Latin gospels, with a Saxon version inter- '.
lined, known by the name of the Durham book,
is attributed on probable evidence to about the
time of Alfred.* The Rushworth Gloss, is a 900.
Latin transcript of the same portion of the sacred
volume, with a Saxon translation, introduced after
the same manner, the latter being apparently the
production of the tenth century." Among the
valuable manuscripts of Benet College, Cam-
bridge, is a third copy of the gospels in the
Saxon tongue, written a little before the con-
quest ; and a fourth, which belongs to the same loao.
period, and appears to have been copied from the
former, may be seen in the Bodleian library.'
But an ecclesiastic, who did more than all his
brethren toward supplying his countrymen with
the scriptures in their own language, was Elfric.
This industrious scholar lived during the reign
of Ethelred, and subscribes himself, at different
periods, as monk, mass priest, and abbot. In his 1000.
epitome of the Old and New Testament, com-
posed for Sigwerd, a nobleman, we are informed,
that at the request of various persons, he had
translated the Pentateuch, the books of Joshua
and Judges, those of Esther, Job, and Judith,
also the two books of Maccabees, with part of
the first and second book of Kings. ^ Alfred,
■• Baber. Cutbberti Vita Ven. Bedae. its former possessor, John Rushworth,
5 It is preserved in the British Esq. of Lincoln's -inn. Baber, nbi
Museum, Nero, D.iv. and is described supra.
by Mr. Baber, as the finest specimen 7 ]bid.
of Saxon calligraphy and decoration ^ Turner's Hist. iii. 442. Baber.
extant. The extent of Elfric's labours is
* This is in the Bodleian, D. xxiv. learnt, as stated above, from various
No. 3964. It derived its name from incidental notices occurring in such of
Alls
Noim.'iii
40 THE LIFE OF AVYCLIFFE.
CHAP, whose name is associated by the admiration of
'. — our ancestors, with ahuost every thing enhght-
ened in their polity or rehgion, is noticed as
having prefixed a translation of certain passages
from the Mosaic writings to his code of laws ;
and he is said to have made a considerable pro-
gress in a Saxon version of the Psalms a little
previous to his death. ^
By the This, however, is the extent of our information,
on this interesting question, as connected with
the Anglo-Saxon period of our history. The
Anglo-Norman clergy were far more competent
to have supplied their flock with this efficient
means of sacred knowledge ; but, in this respect,
the example of their predecessors was slighted,
or rather disapproved. Some fragments of scrip-
tural truth may have been preserved by means of
certain lessons which occurred in the ritual of the
period ; but the first attempt, after the conquest,
to place any more complete portion of the scrip-
tures before the English people, appears to have
been made by the author of a rhyming paraphrase
on the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles, in-
titled '* Ormulum."^" Subsequent to the date of
this work, which evidently belongs to one of the
liis works as have descended to us. " very wise is lie who speaketh by liis
In his Epitome of the Old and New " doings ; and well proceedeth lie both
Testament, lie has not only made his " with God and with the woild, who
selection from tlie scriptures, but has " furnisheth himself with good works.
fre(iueiitly added things to the sacred " And very plain it is in holy scrip-
story from other writings. A copy of " ture, that holy men employed in well
this work, printed with an English " doing, were in this world held in
translation by William L'IsIe in 1G23, " good reputation."
is in the Bodleian, and another has 9 Spelman, i. 3.34. Prefatio Regis
been for some time in my possession. Aluredi, M. ad Leges suas. .See also
It is thus it bci^in> ; " Abbot Elfrike, Baber, 02.
" greeteth friendly .Sigwerd, at East i" Ibid. Budkian. .lunius, i.
" IL'olon. True it i., I tell llice, ilia!
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 41
earliest stages of our language, we perceive a chap.
similar application of mind in a collection of me- '—
trical pieces, called Salus Animas, or in English, '^"''"
" Sowlehele."" In the huge volume thus de-
signated, the materials are not all of the same
class. The object of the compiler, or transcriber,
seems to have been to furnish a complete body of
legendary and scriptural history in verse, or rather
to collect into one view, all the religious history
he could find. It professes, however, to exhibit
an outline, both of the Old and New Testament,
and its composition is supposed to have preceded 1300.
the opening of the fourteenth century. In Benet
College, Cambridge, there is another work of the
same description, the offspring of the same period,
and containing notices of the principal events re-
corded in the books of Genesis and Exodus. In
that collection, there is also a copy of the Psalms
in English metre, which is attributed to about
the year 1300; and two transcripts, of nearly the
same antiquity, have been preserved — the one in
the Bodleian library, the other in that of Sir
Robert Cotton.'^ But it is not until the middle
of the following century, that we trace the re-
motest attempt to produce a literal translation 1350.
even of detached portions of the scriptures. The
effort then made was by Richard Roll, called the
Hermit of Hampole. His labours, also, were re-
stricted to a little more than half the book of
Psalms, and to these a devotional commentary
was annexed. Contemporary with this recluse,
were some devout men among the clergy, who
" Walton's History of English Poetry, sect. i. MSS. Bodleian, 77<J, Babcr.
'= Ibid. G3.
42 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, produced translations of such passages from the
'. scriptures as were prominent in the offices of the
church ; while others ventured to complete sepa-
rate versions of the gospels, or the epistles. The
persons thus laudably employed were certainly
few in number; but parts of St. Mark, and of St.
Luke, and of several among the epistles, are in-
cluded in the results of their labour which have
descended to us. It should be added, that
these versions, which are of various merit, were
generally guarded by a comment."
Novelty of From these details, as the sum of our informa-
AVycliftVs . 1-11 r ■ ■
design in tion ou thc point to which they refer, it is evi-
ti.e scrip." dent, first, that a literal translation, of the entire
scriptures — the laborious enterprise completed by
WycliiT^ about this period — was strictly a novel
event in our religious history ; and, secondly,
that the publication of such a work, to be the
property, not of distinguished individuals, but of
the people in general, was a measure far beyond
any thing contemplated by his precursors in the
labours of translation. The only ground of sus-
picion, in the least degree plausible, as to the
claims of Wycliffe to the originalty asserted, is
contained in a production described as '' a Pro-
logue to the Bible," and in a manuscript of the
Bodleian. The writer of the Prologue speaks of
being employed in translating the whole Bible,
and refers also to an existing version. But that
this document has been erroneously attributed to
Wycliffe, is unquestionable, as it adverts to more
than one event subsequent to the decease of our
!• Briber, 66, C7. Lewis.
THE LTFK OF WYCLIFFE. 43
reformer. '^ In the Oxford manuscript, also, every c ha p.
thing depends on the date attached to it; but
here an erasure has evidently been effected ; and
it is hardly to be doubted, that to supply the
vacancy thus produced, w^ould be to make the
work a production of the year 1408.*' The author
of the Prologue, noticed above, refers to an *' En-
" glyshe Bible of late translated," by which he
evidently intends that produced by the rector of
Lutterworth. In the esteem of the reformer's
opponents, to have produced our first translation
of the sacred writings must have been a very
doubtful honour. It is nevertheless one, of which
they have been not a little concerned to deprive
him.
Had their zeal in this particular been much Testimony
better sustained by authority, the testimony of respecting
Knighton must have been sufficient for ever to de- JsZ^^'^.
termine the question with the unprejudiced en- s^ripturel^
quirer. That historian must be allowed to have
known the customs of his contemporaries, and
especially the place assigned by his own order
to the inspired records, quite as well as any mo-
dern writer. Adverting to the zeal of WyclifFe
in rendering the scriptures the property of the
people, he thus writes: "Christ delivered his
" gospel to the clergy and doctors of the church,
" that they might administer to the laity and to
** weaker persons, according to the state of the
'^ It is a carious prodaction, and '^ Baber. Historical Account and
lias been twice printed. The refe- Memoirs of Wiclif. The present state
rences to John Gerson, to a novel of the numerals referred to is as fol-
regulation in the University of Ox- lows, MCCC viii. To supply the va-
ford, and to the proceedings of the cancy would be, we may reasonably
parliament in 1395, determine its date suppose, to form the date assumed iu
as subsequent to the time of Wyclifte. the text.
44 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFK.
CHAP. " times and the wants of men. But this master
L_ " John Wycliffe translated it out of Latin into En-
" glish, and thus laid it more open to the laity, and
" to women, who could read, than it had formerly
" been to the most learned of the clergy, even to
" those of them who had the best understanding.
' And in this way the gospel pearl is cast abroad,
" and trodden under foot of swine, and that which
" was before precious to both clergy and laity, is
" rendered, as it were, the common jest of both.
" The jewel of the church is turned into the sport
" of the people, and what was hitherto the principal
" gift of the clergy and divines, is made for ever
" common to the laity."'" It was thus the canon
of Leicester bewailed the translation of the Bible
into the language of his country. To him, it not
only appeared as a novelty in the history of offences,
but as an innovation on ecclesiastical discipline,
amounting to nothing short of sacrilege, and as
tending to destroy even the appearances of religion.
Nor can we forbear to regard his sentiments, in
this respect, as those of his order in the fourteenth
''J De Eventibus Col. 2C44. To tlie " aforesaid, or since, or hereafter to
same ellect is the decision of an Eng- " to be composed, be read in wliole
lish Council in 1408, with the arch- " or iu part, in publi(i or in private,
bishop Arundel at its head. "The " under the pain of tiie greater excom-
" translation of the text of \\o\y scrip- " niunication. " Wiikins. Concilia,
" tures out of one tongue into another iii. 317. The .<ipirit of this enactment
" is a dangerous thing, as St. Jerome was evidently that of the majority of
" testifies, because it is not easy to the clergy in the age of WyclifTe. He
" make the verse in all respects the describes them as affirming it to be
" tlie same. Tlierefore we enact, and " heresy to speak of the holy scrip-
" ordain, that no one henceforth do, "tures in English." But this is said
" by his own authority, translate any to be a condemnation of " the Holy
" text of holy scripture into the Eng- " Ghost, who first gave the scriptures in
" lish tongue, or any other, by way of " tongues to the apostles of Christ, as
" hook or treatise ; nor let any such "it is written, to speak the word in
" book or treatise now lately com- " all languages that were ordained of
" posed in the time of John Wyclitle " God under heaven." Wicket.
THE LIFE OF ^VVCLIFFE. 45
century. The historian no doubt knew that frag- chap.
ments, and even considerable portions of holy writ, '- —
had been clothed in this unconsecrated dialect ;
but he also knew, that, hitherto, they were merely
parts of that secreted volume which had been so
rendered, and that these curious documents sel-
dom passed into the hands of the laity, and that
they were never meant to pass into those of the
people. Hence, to invite the community, with-
out distinction, to the study of the gospel, exhort-
ing them to regulate their present conduct, and
their hopes and fears in relation to the future,
purely by its sanctions, is described as the as-
sumption of ground for which no precedent could
be pleaded, and is justly viewed as threatening
the existing fabric of ecclesiastical power with
dissolution.
Previous to the conquest, and through a con-
siderable interval afterwards, there was little evil
to be apprehended from any such employment
of the Bible. The repose of ignorance was too
profound to be readily broken, and the vassalage,
both of the body and of the mind, had been too
little disturbed to admit of being speedily re-
moved. But in the age of Wycliffe, the aspect of
society in England retained but a faint tracing
of its earlier features. The augmented population
of the country, the progress of commerce, and of
a representative government, and the partial
revival of learning, had all contributed to im-
provement ; and together with the bolder en-
croachments of the papacy, and that spirit of
complaint and resistance which these had pro-
duced, were pre-eminently favourable to the zeal
46 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, of our reformer as employed in applying the
■"— popular language to the pure records of the gos-
pel. His antagonists, we have seen, were by no
means insensible to the probable results of the
enterprise in which his energies were engaged ;
and to his own discernment, they were obvious in
a much greater degree. He knew that to render
the contents of the Bible familiar to the people,
was to introduce a light which must impart a
faithful colouring to the actions of men ; and that
ignorance, and irreligion, might well tremble for
their sway, when thus brought into nearest con-
1379. nection with their opposites. Nearly twenty
years had now passed since his first dispute with
the mendicants ; and during this period his writ-
ings disclose a growing conviction as to the suffi-
ciency of the scriptures, and the importance of
the right of private judgment. The success, also,
which attended his discussions on these points,
evidently prepared him for his present effort ; the
effect of which, according to his enemies, was to
make the matters of the gospel revelation better
known to the laity, and even to females, than they
had hitherto been to the most distinguished among
the clergy."
'7 Knighton, Col. 2644. Another " of the laws, and of the pleadings in
fact, which was highly favourable to " the courts of judicature. Latin was
this great work of the reformer, is " used for the services of the church,
thus briefly and luminously stated by " and the general purposes of litera-
Mr. Baber : "Englishmen were now " ture ; and the Anglo-Saxon remained
" beginning to be more attentive to " chiefly confined to the commonalty.
" their own tongue. Before the con- " In the thirteenth century, the po-
" quest, the popular language had been " pular language began in some de-
" invaded by the Normannic. After " gree to recover its rank ; the nobles,
" that event, as the Norman lords in- " and the higher classes of society, did
" creased in power, their tongue be- '■ not, as heretofore, disdain to resort
" came the language orpolished society, " to it as a colloquial tongue ; and ori-
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 47
Some extracts, illustrative of the arguments chap.
with which the reformer opposed the clamours of '.
his adversaries on this question, will be expected mannefof
by the reader. These we might select from nearly Sf "oliduct
the whole of his writings, subsequent to the year'*""''''^"'"'
1378. In one of his earliest vindications he thus
writes ; '' As it is certain that the truth of the
" christian faith becomes more evident the more
'* the faith itself is known, and that lord bishops
" condemn in the ear of secular lords what is
" faithful and true, on account of hatred to the
'* person who maintains it, — honest men are bound
" to declare the doctrine which they hold, not
'* only in Latin, but in the vulgar tongue, that the
" truth may be more plainly and more widely
" known." The writer then refers to an Ensflish
treatise which he had previously addressed to
secular lords, and in which he had urged them to
regulate their life " solely according to the law
** of Christ." That work is now lost, but the Latin
" ginal works, as well as translations " period numerous and striking ; for
" from the productions of authors who " our language, as it was now spoken
" had written in French, now began to " by the noble and the learned, was
" appear in an English dress. But at " considerably enriched by words bor-
" this period, it must be allowed, our " rowed from the Roman and French
" language was rough and unpolished, " dialects, and much altered in its pro-
" and those who wrote in it were " nunciation, its form, and its termina-
" authors who possessed few ideas of " tions. Among the lower orders of
" taste or elegance. In proportion, " the people, however, upon whom
" however, as the tyrannical power of " refinement makes but slow advances,
" the barons declined, and as the paths "English, with respect to its great
" which led to honour and distinction " mass, preserved more of its Saxon
" became more open to commoners, " origin and phraseology. Such was
" the English tongue, in the fourteenth " the slate of the vernacular tongue
" century, became more general, and " at the time in which Wiclif wrote.
" its improvements were considerable. " The reformer quickly discerned the
" The accessions it had received, and " advantage which might be derived
•' the changes it had experienced within " from this propitious circumstance."
" the last three centuries, were at this — Memoirs of Wiclif, 36, 37.
48 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, composition, under the same title, is preserved,
' and in this the author proceeds to state that
" those heretics ought not to be heard, who ima-
" gine that temporal lords should not possess
" the law of God, but that it is sufficient for them
" to know what may be learnt from the lips of
" their priests and prelates." The error of this
doctrine is thus exposed : "As the faith of the
" church is contained in the scriptures, the more
" these are known in an orthodox sense, the bet-
" ter. And since secular men should assuredly
" understand the faith, it should be taught them
" in whatever language is best known to them.
" Inasmuch, also, as the doctrines of our faith
" are more clearly and precisely expressed in the
'* scriptures, than they may possibly be by priests,
" — seeing, if one may venture so to speak, that
" many prelates are but too ignorant of scripture,
" while others conceal parts of scripture, — and as
" the verbal instructions of priests have many
" other defects, the conclusion is abundantly
" plain, that believers should ascertain for them-
" selves the matters of their faith, by having the
'' scriptures in a language which they fully under-
" stand. Besides, it was by faith, as described
" by the apostle (Heb. chap, xi,), that the saints
•' of old overcame kingdoms, and hastened to
" their own country. Why then should not the
" things of faith be disclosed to the people now,
" so that they may comprehend them more
"clearly? He, in consequence, who shall pre-
" vent this, or murmur against it, does his utmost
" to continue the people in a state of unbelief,
" and condemnation. Hence, also, tJie laws made
THE LIFE OF WYCUFFE. 49
" by prelates are not to be received as matters of chap.
" faith, nor are we to confide in their public in- '.
" structions, or in any of their words, but as they
" are founded on holy writ ; for according to the
" constant doctrine of Augustine, the scriptures
" contain the whole of truth;'* and this translation
" of them should therefore do at least this good,
" viz. placing bishops and priests above suspicion
" as to the parts of it which they profess to ex-
" plain. Other means also, as prelates, the pope,
" and friars, may prove defective ; and to provide
" against this, Christ, and his apostles, evangelized
" the greater portion of the world, by making
" known the scriptures in a language which was
" familiar to the people. To this end, indeed,
" did the Holy Spirit endow them with the know-
" ledge of all tongues. Why, therefore, should
" not the living disciples of Christ do as they did,
" opening the scriptures to the people so clearly
" and plainly that they may verily understand
" them, since, except to the unbeliever disposed
" to resist the Holy Spirit, the things contained in
'' scripture are no fiction?" The reformer then
solemnly inculcates the doctrine of individual
responsibility, as extending to all the matters of
faith and practice. From the certainty, also, that
the answer of a prelate or a canonist will be of no
avail, in the day when each man shall stand before
the judgment-seat of the Redeemer, he again vin-
dicates his appeal to the right of private judgment,
and urges on the laity the duty of a devout atten-
'8 Doctrina Christiana, lib. ii. in fine " crees of bishops in the church, are
ep. ad Volusianum, cited by Lewis, " of greater authority and dignity tliaii
c. V. Walden, the known antagonist " is the authority of the scriptures."
of Wyclifte, affirmed, that "the de- Waldcn. Doc. Tri.i. lib.ii. c.21.
VOL. II. E
50
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, tion to whatever may promote their faith in the
"• grace of the Saviour, and obedience to his will.
From motives thus enlightened, did WyclifFe
prosecute his translation of the Bible. How far
he was assisted in this great work is unknown.
There is a notice attached to one of his Bibles,
which attributes a translation of a portion of
Baruch to Nicholas Hereford. The statement is
written in less durable ink than the volume itself,
and in a different hand, but is probably correct.
We know that copies of the whole, or of parts,
of the scriptures, in the language of the people,
were now multiplied with surprising rapidity.'^
Among the manuscripts which have escaped
'» MS. Speculum Secularium Domi-
norum. Usser. De Script. 160. c. v.
Lewis, o. V. Baber's Historical Ac-
count, 69. When certain objections
were urged against translating the
scriptures into English, it was re-
marked that the same might be said of
rendering them from the Greek into
Latin, since it was certain that ih«
Latins had not always used their ver-
sion without abusing it. And men
there were, who did not hesitate to go
the length of affirming, that evil must
result from submitting the scriptures
to an indiscriminate inspection in anj'
language. It is thus that William
Butler, a Franciscan, and an opponent
of Wjclifte, writes on this point : " The
" prelates ought not to allow that any
" person should read the scriptures
" translated into Latin, at pleasure ;
" because, as experience proves, this
" has been the occasion of many falling
" into heresies and errors. It is not,
" therefore, wise that any one, whenso-
" ever and wheresoever he will, should
" be left to the eager study of the
" scriptures. "^Usser. De Script. 163.
Ijcwis, c. V. Such was the danger ap-
prehended from this source, that some
twenty years after Wycliffe's decease,
it was made a law of the university of
Oxford " that no man should learn di-
" vinity, neither holy writ, except he
" had done his form in art; that is,
" that hath commenced in art, and hath
" been regent two years after, which
" would be nine years, or ten, before
" he would learn holy writ! " — Eluci-
darium Bibliorum, c. xiii.
Previous to the decision of the
council of Trent on that subject, many
sound catholics discarded the apo-
cryphal writings, which had become
appended to the Old Testament.
(Cosin, on the Canon.) WyclifFe
was guided chietly by the authority of
Jerome, and retained only such books
in the sacred canon as are at present
received by the protestant churches.
"Satis est (ecclesiam) pro sui militia
" habere 22 libros de veteri testamento
" authenticos * * * Non oportet eccle-
" siam militantem illis libris credere
" tanqnam authenticis. MS. DeVeritate
" Scripturae." Yet to the close of his
life he continued to cite the apocryphal
books as a reputable, though not as an
inspired authority. An extract from
the reformer's translation of the Old
Testament may be seen in the Appen-
dix, No. I.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 51
the destroying hand of our native inquisitors, are chap.
several which appear to have been completed L_
before the decease of the reformer. The effect
we learn from other sources besides the invectives
of Knighton. It was at no mean cost of labour,
reproach, and danger ; and with a view, evidently,
to the accomplishment of the most important ends,
that this service was performed. The achieve-
ment, indeed, is one, which of itself must vest the
name of Wycliffe with a peculiar halo, in the re-
collections of every man regarding the dissolution
of the papal thraldom in this island, as the fall of
ignorance, oppression, and impiety.
But while the reformer was employed in this insurrection
master- effort to enlighten the piety of his country- mona,
men, an insurrection broke out among the popu-
lace, and one which appeared to threaten the
overthrow of every established authority. The
event fills a prominent place in the general history
of this period, and the enemies of Wycliffe cease
not to insinuate, that the violence of the insur-
gents arose, in no small degree, from the tendency
of his projected innovations. Had the name of
our reformer been wholly unconnected with this
memorable occurrence, a distinct notice of its
causes and character would not have been foreign
from the design of the present work. The zeal
of his adversaries has rendered this indispensable.
The inquiry, however, would interrupt our narra-
tive very considerably, and I have therefore
thought it proper to place the substance of what
may be known on this subject, in a note at the
end of the volume. '^^
=0 See Note A.
E 2
52 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAPTER III.
TRANSUBSTANTIA7I0N OPPOSED BY BERENGARIUS AND BV THE VAUDOIS
AND ALBIGENSES NOT HECOGNISED BY THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH
DEFENDED BY LANFRANC, AND ESPOUSED BY THE ANGLO-NORMAN CLERGY.
WYCLIFFe's opposition to it. SEVERE PENALTIES TO BE INFLICTED
OX ALL WHO SHOULD FAVOUR HIS OPINIONS CONCERNING IT, HIS AP-
PEAL TO THE CIVIL POWER FOR PROTECTION. HIS FEELING UNDER THESE
PERSECUTIONS. ■ ANALYSIS OF HIS " WICKET." PROCEEDINGS OF
COURTNEY, AND THE SYNOD AT THE GREY FRIARS. WYCLIFFE FAVOURED
BY THE UNIVERSITY. • STATE OF PARTIES IN THE NATION UNFRIENDLY
TO THE EFFORTS OF THE REFORMERS. INQUISITORIAL STATUTE OBTAINED
BY THE CLERGY. NOTICE OF ROBERT RIGGE, DR. HEREFORD, REPPINGTON,
ASHTON, AND OTHERS.
C H AP
III. * It has appeared, that until the middle of the
^f^~^ ninth century, the manner in which the body and
stantiation. ^j^g blood of Christ are present in the eucharist,
was the subject of debate, or rather of a peaceful
difference of sentiment, among persons holding
the chief dignities of the hierarchy. The same
may be said of a considerable interval afterwards.
But from that period, and from causes which
have also been explained,' the advocates of the
mysterious dogma, which in the twelfth century
began to be designated transubstantiation, rapidly
Bernga- '^ incrcascd. Its progress, however, was far from
being uninterrupted ; and among its opponents
the most distinguished place must be allotted to
Berengarius, a gallic prelate, who about the
middle of the eleventh century brought his genius
' Pieliiii. Vievt-, c i. sect. 3.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 53
and learning, which were both greatly above the chap.
character of the age, to an investigation of its L
claims. His doctrine was strictly that of the
primitive church, and of the existing protestant
communities. The zeal and ability with which it
was supported, diffused his name through Europe,
and attracted the enmity or admiration of the
clergy through the western nations. In the cause
of his opinions, the disputant patiently submitted
to the spiritual censures of the pontiff, and of a
council assembled at Paris ; and the displeasure
of his sovereign, which his zeal had provoked,
was followed by the forfeiture of his episcopal re-
venues. The burden of such evils was probably
lightened by remembering that his disciples in
France, in Italy, in England, and particularly in
the states of Germany, were numerous and in-
creasing. But such, it appears, was the extent
of the suffering, which this advocate of truth and
reason was prepared to endure in defence of his
tenets. Thrice was he compelled to appear at
Rome ; and as often was his doctrine formally re-
nounced, only to be again avowed, as the prospect
of impunity returned. Toward the close of life,
he retired from the agitated scenes which for more
than thirty years had been familiar to him ; and
the remembrance of the indecision, which had
been allowed to sully his character, is said to
have embittered his seclusion. But he died with
the reputation of sanctity, and his followers never
became extinct.^
The Vaudois and Albigenses, who had never And by the
embraced the marvellous theory adverted to, were Aibigel'^cT
Mosheim, ii. 558 — 5G9, where this subject is fully and luuiiiiously treated.
54 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, invigorated in their opposition to it by the labours
III
of Berengarius and his partisans. That the sec-
taries had adopted the heresy of that prelate, was
often urged as their reproach ; and it is evident
from certain fragments of their reasoning on this
subject, which their enemies have preserved, that,
had the assertion been correct, the disciple must
have been frequently acknowledged as by no
means unworthy of his master. From one of
their adversaries, we learn, that they were accus-
tomed to appeal to the Apostles' Creed, and to
that of Nice, and Athanasius, as including every
important article of christian doctrine ; expressing
their surprise, that in these summaries of religious
truth, no reference should be made to the matter
of transubstantiation, though a doctrine so greatly
needing the aid of external evidence to counter-
act, in some degree, its intrinsic, and surpassing
difficulties. These perplexities, also, the same
fraternities are described as exposing with a seve-
rity of criticism, which must often have be-
wildered their antagonists ; urging with fluency
almost every question tending to involve the sub-
ject in mystery, contradiction, or absurdity.^
3 See Prelim. Aiew, 0. i. sec. ii. The " chewed with the teeth, and conse-
celebrated schoolman Alarms Magnus, " quently divided into parts? Whe-
thus describes the manner in which " ther the bread becomes the body
these contemporary heretics opposed " of Christ? because then it will
this dogma of the church. " If the " really be the body of Christ —
" bread should be changed every day " that is to say, something else
" into the body of Christ, it would be " than it is. Whether the bread be-
" infinitely increased. They inquire " conies the body of Christ? because,
" also whether the bread ceaseth to be, " if so, then bread will be the matter
" and if it ceaseth to be, then it isanni- " of Christ's body. Also, after tran-
" hilated, and so it is spoiled. Also they " substantiation, the accidents remain ;
" ask.howabody of so greatabulk can " if so they must be in another sub-
" enter into the mouth of a man ? Whe- " ject — as for instance, in the air. But
" ther the body of Christ be eaten, " if it be there, then some part of the
church.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 55
But we are principally concerned to know the chap.
fate of this doctrine in England. Our Saxon —
ancestors were in general sufficiently obedient to J!°l,''byfhe
the opinions and customs of the papacy, and we s^"|^°'
may believe that the doctrine of transubstantiation
was not unknown, nor wholly unapproved, by
their spiritual guides. We have, however, the
most decisive proof, that the dogma so named,
formed no part of the national creed in the tenth
century. Elfric, a contemporary of St. Dunstan,
and the correspondent and associate of the prin-
cipal ecclesiastics of that period, has adverted in
one of his epistles- to the elements of the eucharist
in a manner which incidentally, but most dis-
tinctly, proscribes the doctrine of a '* real pre-
" sence." This letter was addressed to Wulfstan,
archbishop of York, and as its translation into
the vernacular language was in compliance with
the request of that prelate, it must be admitted as
" air must be round, and savory, and " bodj of Christ be in every part of
" white; and as this form is carried "that host? Again, if the body of
" through divers places, so the acci- " Christ be hid in that little form,
" dents change their subject. Again, " where is the head, and where the
"these accidents abide in the same "foot? — as a consequence his mem-
" part of the air, and so solidity will " bers must be undistinguishable.
" be in the air; because they are "Again, Christ gave his body to his
" solid, and consequently the air will "disciples before his passion. Now
"be solid. Hence it appears that " he gave it them either mortal or im-
" these accidents are not in the air, "mortal; yet if he gave it im-
" neither are they in the body of " mortal, it is certain that then it was
" Christ, neither can any other body " mortal, and consequently while it is
" be assigned in its place, in which "really mortal it was yet immortal,
" they shall appear to be, and there- " which is impossible." — Alanns con-
" fore the accidents do not merely tra Albigenses, &c. c. i. cited in the
" seem to remain. Again, when the Latin from Alauus, by Dr. AUix, in
" form or figure in which the body his remarks on the Churches of the
" of Christ lieth, is divided into Albigenses, c. xvi. 146. The above
" parts, the body of Christ continues are a few only of the queries with
" no longer in that figure which it had which the heretics were accustomed
" before — how, therefore, can the to perplex the faith of the orthodox.
56 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE-
CHAP, a document of no mean authority.'' According
"^' to this writer, the " housel is Christ's body, not
" bodily, but spiritually. Not the body which
" he suffered in, but the body of which he spake
'* when he blessed bread and wine, a night before
*' his sufferings." " The apostle," he observes,
" has said of the Hebrews, that they all did eat
'* the same ghostly meat, and they all did drink
*' the same ghostly drink. And this he said, not
'' bodily, but ghostly, Christ being not yet born,
** nor his blood shed when that the people of
" Israel ate that meat, and drank of that stone.
** And the stone was not bodily, though he so
*' said. It was the same mystery in the old law,
" and they did ghostly signify that ghostly
*' 'housel' of our Saviour's body which we con-
*' secrate now." In his homily, " appointed in
" the reign of the Saxons to be spoken unto the
" people at Easter," the doctrine of Elfric, and
of the Anglo-Saxon clergy in relation to this ser-
vice, is more fully exhibited. He there repeats
his allusion to the manna, and the rock of the
wilderness, and speaks of the bread in the chris-
tian sacrament as being the body of Christ, only
as the waters of baptism may be said to be the
divinity of the Holy Spirit. In describing the
difference between the body Christ suffered in,
and the body that is hallowed to " housel," he
states that the one was born of the flesh of Mary,
■» The work from which I quote has " publicly preached, and also received
the following title page: " A Testi- " in the Saxon tjme above COO years
" monie of Antiquitie, showing the "ago. Printed by John Day, beneath
" auncient fayth in the church of En- " St. IMartyns, Cum Privilegio Regiae
" gland, touching the sacrament of the " Maiestatio." 1567.
" body and blood of the Lord, here
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 57
CHAP.
III.
and that the other is gathered of many corns ; and
that " nothing therefore is to be understood
" therein bodily, but all is ghostly to be under-
** stood." The bread which is farther described,
as having bodily shape, is again contrasted with
the body of Christ, which is said to be present,
only in its " ghostly might." The body also in
which Christ rose from the dead never dieth, but
the consecrated bread is declared to be temporal,
not eternal. The latter is divided into parts, and
some receive a larger portion, and some a less ;
but the body of Christ " after ghostly mystery"
is undivided, and equally in all. This series of
distinctions the writer concludes by observing,
that the things appealing to the senses in the
eucharist, are a pledge and figure, while Christ's
body is truth itself.
The authenticity of this production is beyond
suspicion, and that the printed copy is correctly
given from the original is attested by archbishop
Parker, by his brother of York, and by the suf-
fragans of both.
But though it is thus certain that the mystery !?yL"„^f'anc.
of transubstantiation was not among the recog-
nised doctrines of the Anglo-Saxon hierarchy, its
general adoption was to be among the immediate
results of the conquest. By the transfer of the
English sceptre to the hand of a Norman, the
political influence of the pontiffs in this island
was for a while materially impeded and restrained.
But Lanfranc, who filled the see of Canterbury ^'p",""^*^
under the first William, was the most distin- Angio.Nor.
man clergy,
guished opponent of Berengarius ; and from that
period, to the age of Wyclitfe, the faith of the
58 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, real presence was inculcated by the native clergy
— without any visible opposition.*
In attempting the overthrow of this doctrine,
our reformer must have been aware of the
danger and suffering to which the effort would
expose him. And we must presume that evils
so certain and serious would hardly have been
encountered, had not the error to be assailed
appeared to him as fraught with impiety and
abuses of the most revolting description. Of the
steps which led him so to regard it, and which
determined his hostile movements relating to it,
we are only partially informed. It is, however,
by no means surprising, that a study of the scrip-
tures, which had been devoutly pursued through
so long an interval, and which had produced a
renunciation of so many established opinions,
should issue in the abandonment of a doctrine,
containing the grossest of the insults, which
priests, in their insolence of triumph, had be-
stowed on the prostrate capacities of their victims.
Of the spirit with which Wycliffe addressed him-
self to this contest, we may judge from the follow-
ing extract, which forms the introduction to one
of his most popular pieces on the subject. " For-
" asmuch as our Saviour, Jesus Christ, with the
" prophets who were before him, and the apostles
" who were presently with him, whom he also left
" after him, and whose hearts were mollified by
" the Holy Ghost — have warned us, and given us
*' knowledge that there are two manners of ways,
*' the one to life, the other to death, therefore pray
i Mobheim, ii. 560.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 59
" we heartily to God, that he, of his mere mercy, chap.
" will so strengthen us with the grace and stedfast- __il_
** ness of his Holy Spirit, as to make us strong in
" spiritual living according to the gospel, that so
" the world — no not the very infidels, papists, nor
" apostates, may gather any occasion to speak
" evil of us; that we may enter into that strait
" gate as Christ our Saviour, and all that follow
*' him have done, not in idle living, but in diligent
" labouring — yea in great sufferance of persecu-
"■ tion, even to the death." ^
It was with sentiments thus devout, and a pur-
pose thus matured, that Wycliffe commenced his
attack on the received doctrine concerning the
eucharist. The weakness and the contradictions
inseparable from that tenet, would have been of
themselves sufficient to justify a zealous oppo-
sition ; but in the view of the reformer, the sin
of the officiating priest was less the result of in-
attention than of impiety, and such as rendered
him a false guide to the community, conducting
his followers into the snares of a ruinous idolatry.
The doctrine promulgated by Wycliffe on this
point, is of such frequent occurrence in the course
of his sermons, as to render it probable that it
had been broached from the pulpit, prior to its
admission into his lectures at Oxford. In these,
however, a laborious prominence was assigned
to it in the spring of 1381.^ Twelve conclusions
were then published, in which he challenged the
attention of the members of the university to his
6 MS. OstiolutnWiclevi. This piece under the title of Wyclif
was printed at Noreoberch, in 1546, ' Wood, 188. Lewis,
60 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, exposition of this sacrament.* In these, while
— admitting that the words of consecration conferred
a peculiar, and even a mysterious dignity on the
bread and wine, it was most distinctly stated that
those elements were not to be considered, " as
" Christ, or as any part of him," but " as an
** effectual sign of him." To the easy faith of the
majority, in that age, few things in religion could
occur as difficult if sanctioned by the church.
With others, it was a matter of strange perplexity,
that the sensible qualities which had distin-
guished the bread of the eucharist previous to
its consecration, should continue to all human
perception precisely unaltered after that mystic
ceremony had been performed. To counteract
this inconvenient verdict of the senses, the genius
of the mendicants struck out a new path in logical
science. They affirmed that an accident^ or the
property of an object, as its whiteness, or its
roundness, may be supposed to exist, even when
the object itself had ceased to be. The discern-
ment of Wycliffe was so deeply offended by this
hardy assertion, that his writings from this period
abound with allusions to it ; nor does he hesitate
to denounce it as an absurdity betraying so much
fraudulence of temper, as to render its abettors
altogether unworthy of the public confidence. In
the conclusions now published, this favourite
dogma of his old antagonists was especially con-
demned.
It will be supposed, that a tenet which artifice
had rendered so subservient to the interests of the
° Ani)eiiilix, No. II.
THE LIFE OF WA'CLTFFE. 61
priesthood, was not thus assailed without exciting chap.
the most serious opposition. It appears, also, _
that much the larger portion of the honours of the
university was possessed at this time by the reli-
gious orders, notwithstanding the various, attempts
to reduce their influence. The chancellor, William
de Berton, — whether awed by their power, or
truly alarmed by the intrepidity of WyclifFe, be-
came a party to measures, which were speedily
adopted with a view to prevent the diffusion of
the new doctrine. In a convention of twelve
doctors, eight of whom were either monks or
mendicants, the reformer was represented as
teaching, that in the sacrament of the altar, the
substance of material bread and wine remained
without change after the words of consecration
were pronounced ; and that in the same venerable
sacrament, there is the body and blood of Christ,
not essentially, nor substantially, nor even bodily,
but figuratively or tropically — so that Christ is
not there truly, or verily in his own bodily pre-
sence. To pass a sentence of reprobation upon comiemna.
opinions, which so completely destroyed the doctdne of
mystery of transubstantiation, would be the ready ^^''^'^^^
determination of such an assembly. It was
accordingly agreed to describe these novelties as
erroneous, as opposed to the decisions of the
church, and to state it as the true doctrine of the
eucharistj'^that by the sacramental words, duly
" pronounced by the priest, the bread and wine
*' upon the altar are transubstantiated, or sub-
" stantially converted into the true body and
" blood of Christ — so that after consecration,
*' there is not in that venerable sacrament the
62 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' material bread and wine which before existed,
. L " considered in their own substances or natures,
" but only the species of the same, under which
** are contained the true body of Christ, and his
*' blood, not figuratively, nor tropically, but es-
" sentially, substantially, and corporally — so that
" Christ is verily there in his own proper bodily
" presence." To protect these dogmas from the
process of investigation with which they were
now threatened, it was resolved that the sentence
of the greater excommunication, suspension from
all scholastic exercises, and the forfeiture of per-
sonal liberty, should be incurred by any member
of the University, who either in the schools or
out of them, should inculcate the opinions pub-
lished by WyclifFe. The same penalties were
also adjudged, to such as should be convicted
of listening to any defence of " the two aforesaid
*' erroneous assertions."^
The meeting in which these resolutions were
adopted appears to have been privately convened.
The reformer was in the school of the Augus-
tinians, seated in his chair as professor, and lec-
turing amidst his pupils on this very doctrine,
when a messenger entered the apartment, who, in
the name of the chancellor, and of the divines his
coadjutors, pronounced the above sentence re-
lating to the sacrament of the altar, and such as
should favour the recent heresies on that subject.
s See Appendix, No. ni. Lelaiid.De concludes that " the opinion of tran-
Script. Brit. 379. Sir R. Twisden re- " substantiation, that brought so many
fers to the above censures, in support " to the staiie, had not more than a
of this doctrine, as " the first plenary " hundred and forty years' prescription
" determination of the church of En- " before Martin Luther." — Historical
•' glnnd" respecting it; aud accordingly Vindication, 193, 194.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 63
WyclifFe paused, as if taken by surprise, and in chap.
doubt as to the best mode of resisting the hostility 1_
which had so suddenly assumed this formidable
shape. But a moment was sufficient to restore
his confidence ; — he then rose, complained of this
substitution of brute force in the place of reason,
and challenged the collected strength of his op-
ponents to a fair refutation of his published opi-
nions. He had often declared it to be the duty
of the magistrate to protect the life, the property,
and in all such cases as the present, the personal
freedom of the subject. On this maxim he was
now resolved to act with a firmness not inferior
to that of his adversaries. The alternative placed His appeal
before him, was silence or imprisonment ; and poLr"^'
the chancellor was therefore informed, that since
it was resolved to punish the persons who should
avow his doctrine with civil penalties, it was his
own determination to appeal from the decision of
his present judges to the protection of the civil
power. They were looking to that power to crush
opinion and investigation ; he would look to it for
an opposite purpose.*"
A considerable interval, however, was to elapse
before the meeting of the next parliament, and it
is probable that during that period the lectures
of the reformer, as divinity professor, were devoted
to topics less dangerous to his personal liberty.
The prohibition of the chancellor, however, would
be limited to the sphere of his particular jurisdic-
tion, and it is to be observed, that even within the
University, it referred only to oral communication.
Wycliffe's province as rector of Lutterworth, was
'0 Sndbary's Register, in Wilkins, iii. 170, 171.
64 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, still open, and the partial silence imposed on his
L- lips, would naturally impart an additional industry
wswfcket.to his pen. His piece, intitled. The Wicket, was
composed during this crisis. Before proceed-
ing to the discussion which it was intended to
embrace, the writer feelingly adverts to the treat-
ment which he had recently experienced from
" clerks of the law." " These," he observes,
" have ever been against God the Lord, both in
" the old law, and in the new^ ; slaying the pro-
" phets which spake to them the words of God.
" Yea, they spared not the Son of God, when the
" temporal judge would have delivered him. And
" so forth of the apostles and martyrs who have
" spoken truly of the word of God." Thus, as
the great foes of truth, instead of occupying the
foreground in its defence, they are said to have
denounced it as " heresy to speak of the holy
" scriptures in English ;" and the same cause is
said to have produced " the law which they have
'* made on the sacred host." In the latter, *' the
" falsest belief" is declared to be inculcated, and
of those who bow to its authority, worshipping
the consecrated bread, it is inquired, " Where
*' find you that ever Christ, or any of his apostles
** worshipped it ?" Appealing to the ancient creeds
which assert the eternity and immutability of the
Saviour's existence, he demands with solemnity,
*' may the thing made, turn again, and make him
'' who made it ? Thou then, that art an earthly
" man, by what reason mayest thou say that thou
" makest thy Maker ?" Leaving this difficulty to
be solved by the wisdom of orthodoxy, he next
inquires, whether the body understood to be made
THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE. 65
by the priest at the altar, must be considered as chap.
that of the Redeemer, previous or subsequent to —
his resurrection. If it be said to be the spiritual
body in which he ascended to the Father, that,
according to the scriptures, "' the heavens must
" receive until the restitution of all things." If it
be the body of Christ previous to his dissolution,
then is it one w^hich has yet to die, since the
scriptures vv^hich speak of his incarnation, speak
no less distinctly of his agony and death. From
this dilemma, the reformer proceeds to object to
the received interpretation of the words, " This is
" my body." These he contends, are improperly
regarded as being at all the words of consecration,
since it is evident, from the mode of their intro-
duction in the gospel, that they related simply to
the act of distribution. " Seek ye busily," he
writes, *' if ye can find. two words of blessing or
** giving of thanks wherewith Christ made his
" body and blood of the bread and wine. For if
** ye might once find out those words, then should
" ye wax great masters above Christ, and then
" ye might be givers of his substance, and as fa-
*' thers, and makers of him, he should worship you,
" as it is written, * Thou shalt worship thy father
** and thy mother.' Of such as desire such wor-
" ship against the law of God, speaks St. Paul,
" when writing of the Man of sin, that advanceth
** himself as he were God. Whether our clergy
" be guilty of this, judge ye, or they who know
** most." The conclusion resulting from this doc-
trine, he remarks, is, "that the thing which is
" not God to-day, shall be God to-morrow — yea,
" that the thing which is without spirit of Hfe, but
VOL. 11. F
6G THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' groweth in the field by nature, shall another
" time be God ! and still we ought to believe,
" that God is without beginning and without
" ending!" The men who could be insensible to
these impossibilities, or perceiving them, were so
impious as to pretend to believe the doctrine
which involved them, are reminded of the Mosaic
account of the creation, and are required to
imitate that achievement of Deity, before they
pretend to give existence to his attributes. "If
" ye cannot make the works which he made,
" how," it is demanded, " shall ye make Him who
"made them?" To avoid the difficulty which
arose from teaching that each portion of the sa-
cramental bread became the undivided body of
Christ, it was usual to remark, that though a
glass should be broken into a multitude of pieces,
yet each fragment retained the power of reflecting
the same countenance. But this unfortunate
exercise of ingenuity is noticed by the reformer
as favourable to his doctrine, and at variance with
that of his opponents, since in every such frag-
ment, "it is not the very face, but the figure
" thereof" which is perceptible, "and just so," it is
observed, " the bread is the figure of Christ's
" body." And as the Redeemer meant not a
material cup when that term was employed by
him in the agony of the garden, and in his pre-
vious address to the sons of Zebedee, it is affirmed
to be reasonable that we attach a figurative mean-
ing to certain of his expressions which occur in
connexion with the last supper. With the fol-
lowing paragraphs the work concludes. " There-
" fore let every man wisely, with meek prayers,
THE LIFE OF ArVCLIFFE. 67
"and great study, and also with charity, read chap.
*' the words of God, and holy scriptures. But '-—
" many of you are like the mother of Zebedee's
*' children, to whom Christ said, * Thou wottest not
** what thou askest.' You wot not what ye ask,
" nor what ye do.' For if ye did, ye would not
** blaspheme God as ye do, setting an alien god,
" instead of the living God. Christ saith, 'I am
" a very vine.' Wherefore worship ye not the^
" vine for God, as ye do the bread ? Wherein was
" Christ a very vine ? or wherein was the bread
*' Christ's body ? It was in figurative speech, j
** which is hidden to the understanding of sinners. ■
** And thus, as Christ became not a material nor
** an earthly vine, nor a material vine the body of
** Christ, so neither is material bread changed
" from its substance to the flesh and blood of
** Christ. Have you not read that when Christ
** came into the temple, they asked of him what
" token he would give that they might believe him,
*' and he answered, * Cast down this temple, and
*' in three days I will raise it again,' which words
** were fulfilled in his rising from the dead. But
** when he said, ' Undo this temple,' in that he
*' meant thus, they were deceived, for they under-
" stood it fleshly, and thought that he had spoken
*' of the temple at Jerusalem, because he stood in
** it. And therefore, at his passion, they accused
" him full falsely, for he spake of the temple of
" his blessed body, which rose again on the third
" day. And just so Christ spake of his holy body,
" when he said, ' This is my body which shall be
** given for you,' which was given to death, and
*' unto rising again to bliss for all that shall be
F 2
68 THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE.
CH Ap. " saved by him. But just as they falsely ac-
1_ " cused him respecting the temple of Jerusalem,
** so, now-a days, they accuse falsely against
" Christ, and say that he spake of the bread which
*' he brake among his apostles. For in that
" Christ said this figuratively they are deceived,
*' taking it fleshly, and turning it to the material
" bread, as the Jews did in the matter of the
** temple. And on this foul misunderstanding they
** make ' the abomination of discomfort,' which is
*' spoken of by the prophet Daniel, as standing
'* in the holy place. ^ — He that readeth, let him
•* understand. Now, therefore, pray we heartily
•* to God, that this evil time may be made short
" for the sake of the chosen men, as he hath
*' promised in his holy gospel, and that the large
" and broad way that leadeth to perdition may
** be stopped, and that the strait and narrow way
" that leadeth to bliss may be made open by the
" holy scriptures, that we may know what is
" the will of God, to serve him with certainty
" and holiness, and in fear, that we may find by
'* him the way of bliss everlasting." Such was
the doctrine of Wycliffe, in relation to the eucha-
rist. As the person who is raised to prelatical
or princely dignity is still a man, so it was af-
firmed, the bread, exalted as it may be from the
purposes to which it is applied in the sacrament
of the altar is, in every property, what it pre-
viously was ; and the doctrine of transubstantia-
tion is accordingly treated as the strange result of
attaching a literal import to metaphorical expres-
sions."
" Trialogns, lib. iv. c. iv. tii.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 69
It will be in the recollection of the reader, that chap.
Ill
the summer of 1381 became memorable from the L
insurrection of the commons/'^ and that Wycliffe's
public opposition to the tenet now adverted to
commenced about the same period. On the 14th
of June, in that year, the see of Canterbury be-
came vacant by the death of Simon Sudbury ; and
in the October following, it was filled by Court-
ney, previously bishop of London. The transla-
tion of this prelate was secured by a bull of
Urban the sixth, and the obligation thus con-
ferred on the new primate, by his ecclesiastical
sovereign, increased his scrupulous submission to
the pleasure of the papacy. Until the pall, which
custom had rendered the badge of his present
dignity, was procured from Rome, the jurisdiction
of his see and its usual insignia were declined.
But this ornament obtained, the archiepiscopal
staff was assumed ; and the ecclesiastic, who,
as bishop of the capital, had shewn the most zea-
lous opposition to the opinions of our reformer,
avowed his determination to employ the whole of
his more extended influence to complete their
extirpation."
Early in May, in the year 1382, this *' pillar of Proceedings
the church," as he was described by the orthodox,
deemed himself canonically invested with the pri-
macy, and two days subsequent a parliament was
convened at Westminster. The mandates of the
archbishop were immediately issued, calling a
synod to deliberate as to the decisions proper to
be adopted with regard to certain strange and
" From the proclamation in Rymer, began to lower early in the spring,
vii. 311, it appears that the storm '3 Wake's State of the Chnrch, 313.
70 THE LIFE OF >VYCLIFFE.
CHAP, dangerous opinions said to be widely diffused,
!_ " as well among the nobility as the commons of
" this realm of England." On the seventeenth of
the same month, an assembly was accordingly
convened, including eight prelates, fourteen doc-
tors of the civil, and of the canon law, six bachelors
of divinity, fifteen mendicants, and four monks.
Synodal A rcsidencc of the grey friars in the metropolis
inais.May was thc olacc of meetinor; and the policy of the
17, 1382. , , . , , , r J
archbishop appears to have been, to procure a
formal condemnation of the tenets of the refor-
mers, and then to commence an unsparing pro-
secution of such as should hesitate to renounce
them. Nor was this mode of procedure more
vigorously chosen than pursued. It happened,
however, that the synod had scarcely approached
the matters to be adjusted by its wisdom, when
the city was shaken by an earthquake. The
courage of the parties assembled was so far im-
paired by this event, that some ventured to ex-
press their doubts whether the object before them
might not be displeasing to heaven, and it began
to be uncertain whether the meeting would not
dissolve without coming to any decision. But
the ready genius of the primate who presided,
conferred a different meaning on the incident,
comparing the dispersion of noxious vapours,
produced by such convulsions, with the purity
which should be secured to the church, as the
result of the present struggle to remove the pesti-
lent from her communion. The courage of the
wavering being thus restored, twenty-four con-
clusions were read as those which had been
preached, " generally, commonly, and publicly.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 71
'.' through the province of Canterbury, and chap,
" the realm of England." After the " good deli- ^'
" beration" of three days, it was agreed, that ten
of these conclusions were heretical, and the re-
maining were declared to be erroneous.
The statements condemned as heretical related
to the sacrament of the altar as including no change
in the substance of the bread and wine — to priests
and bishops as forfeiting their power, as such, by
yielding to deadly sin — to auricular confession as
unnecessary — to clerical endowments as unlaw-
ful— and to the claims of a depraved pontiff as
derivable from the edicts of the emperor, but
not from the gospel. In the propositions de-
scribed as erroneous, the accused are made to
say, that a prelate excommunicating any man
without knowing him to be so judged of God, is
himself a heretic, and excommunicated — that to
prohibit appeals from the tribunal of the clergy
to that of the king, is to incur the guilt of trea-
son^ — that priests and deacons are all empowered
to preach the gospel without waiting for the sanc-
tion of popes or prelates — that to forego this ser-
vice from the fear of clerical censures, must be to
appear as a traitor to God in the day of doom —
that temporal lords may deprive an offending
clergy of their possessions — that tythes are merely
alms, to be yielded to the clergy only as they are
devout men, and according to the discretion of the
contributors — and finally, that the institutions of
the religious are in themselves sinful, and tend in
many ways to the injury of piety.'*
'* Wilkins, iii. 157. Lewis, c. vi. Lewis, states that llie eartiiquake no-
The Godblow chronicle, cited by Mr. ticed in the preceding page took place
72 THE LIFE or M^YCLIFFE.
CHAP. That some of these doctrines were correctly
'— attributed to the avowed disciples of WyclifFe,
p/SL"!. will not be disputed, but others appear to have
derived a part of their complexion from the pre-
judice of adversaries. The pomp, however, of
that authority which had condemned the whole,
is frequently appealed to in vindication of the
measures which were now adopted to suppress
them. Courtney was fully aware, that the uni-
versity, which had so long been the residence of
our reformer, was scarcely more fertile of heresy
than the metropolis of the kingdom. A letter
was accordingly addressed to the bishop of Lon-
don, in which, having announced himself as me-
tropolitan of all England, and legate of the
apostolic see, the archbishop laments, that in
contempt of certain canons which had wisely
restricted the office of preaching, whether pub-
licly or privately, to such as are sanctioned by the
holy see, or by their prelates, many were every
where found teaching doctrines subversive of the
whole church, " infecting many well-meaning
" christians, and causing them to wander grie-
" vously from the catholic communion, without
" which there is no salvation." The bishop is
then reminded of the high authority by which the
propositions referred to had been declared hereti-
cal and false ; and he is, in conclusion, exhorted,
in common with all his brethren suffragans of
Canterbury, " To admonish, and warn, that no
** man do henceforth hold, preach, or defend the
about one o'clock in the forenoon of This was j)robably a second convul-
the Wedtiesdaj' previous to Wliitsun- sion, for tlie meeting of tlic synod took
tide, which was May 30th. (c. vi. 106.) place nearly a fortnight earlier.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 73
" foresaid heresies, and errors, or any of them." ^^„^^'
To secure this object it is required, that neither
himself, nor his brethren in the prelacy, do admit
any suspected persons to the liberty of preach-
ing— that they listen not to the abettors of the
above pernicious tenets — that they lean not to
them, either publicly or privately, but rather shun
them as serpents who diffuse pestilence and poi-
son— and that this be done on pain of the greater
excommunication, that being the sentence de-
nounced on all, and every one, who shall be found
in these things disobedient/''
That the greater publicity might be given to
this crusade against heresy, it was arranged, that
during the ensuing Whitsuntide, a religious pro-
cession should pass through the streets of London.
On the appointed day, the attention of the
populace was arrested by numbers of the clergy
and laity moving bare-footed towards St. Paul's.
There a carmelite friar ascended the pulpit, and
informed the mourning multitude of their duty
with regard to the church and her enemies at this
foreboding crisis. But it has appeared that the
commands of the archbishop, which doubtless
produced this edifying spectacle, were not only
addressed to the bishop of the metropolis, but to
the whole of the prelates his suffragans. A copy
of the primate's letter was, accordingly, conveyed
to "Wycliffe's diocesan, the bishop of Lincoln ;
and to secure a speedy and certain execution of
its instructions, official documents were imme-
diately addressed by this prelate to the abbots
and priors, and the different officers, even to the
"Fox. Acts and Monuments, i. 569. Knighton, 2050, 2651.
74 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, rectors, vicars, and parochial chaplains, through-
L_ out the district to which the church of Lutter-
worth pertained. That church is described, as in
the deanery of Goodlaxton, in the archdeaconry
of Leicester. And it will be presumed, that while
every clergyman in the neighbourhood of the re-
former was thus canonically admonished of his
obligations in relation to the heresy of the times,
WyclifFe himself would not fail to receive his
share of the salutary warning. There were causes,
however, by which the proceedings meditated
against him were for a while delayed.'**
Connected with these attempts to diffuse a
spirit of persecution through the provinces by the
agency of the prelates, were similar efforts with
respect to the seats of learning. At this period
one Peter Stokes, a carmelite, and a doctor of
divinity, had distinguished himself, in Oxford, by
the ardour with which he had opposed the new
opinions. His conduct in this particular procured
him the notice and the patronage of the arch-
bishop, who, in a letter, dated a week subsequent
^i^yii. to the meeting at the Grey Friars, enjoins it upon
the zealous mendicant to publish the decisions of
that assembly through the university. In this do-
cument, which is nearly a transcript of that sent
to the bishops, the primate adverts to the con-
tempt of all episcopal sanctions observable in the
conduct of the new preachers ; to their doctrine
as subversive of the faith in which alone there is
salvation ; and to the high authority of the synod
by which their novelties had been condemned ;
and proceeding to inculcate, that to refuse the
'6 Kniglitou, 2650. Fo.v. Acts and Monumenls, ubi supra. Lewis.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 75
needful aid for savino^ men from destruction, is chap.
Ill
to become chargeable with their blood, he com- '—
mands that the persons maintaining the heresies
and errors specified, be holden in the strictest
abhorrence, under the penalty of the great ana-
thema.^''
It was of little avail, however, to dispatch such ^vydiflfefa.
. voiircd by
instructions to the university, while its chan- "'« "n'ver.
^ sity.
cellor, and so large a portion of its members, were
the secret, if not the open adherents of the per-
secuted. That office, which in the preceding
year had been sustained by William de Berton,
was now filled by Robert Rigge, a scholar who
exposed himself to much inconvenience and suf-
fering from his attachment to certain of the re-
former's opinions. In the records of this period,
the name of Dr. Nicholas Hereford is also of
frequent occurrence, as that of a principal follower
of WyclifFe. Before the assembling of the late
synod, this divine, to use the language of the
primate, had been ** vehemently suspected of
** heresy." At this moment, however, and while
the inquisitorial purposes of the archbishop were
sufficiently known, Hereford is called by the
chancellor to preach before the university; and
the service which thus devolved upon him was
deemed the most honourable of its class through
the year. A similar mark of approbation, it ap-
pears, was conferred, at about the same period,
on Ralph Rippington, who was also doctor of
divinity, and equally an admirer of Wycliffe ; and
the discourses of both are described as containing
a passionate eulogy on the character and the
"7 See Appendix, No. IV.
76 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, general doctrine of the reformer. But this exer-
III
'— cise of the chancellor's authority was instantly
reported to the archbishop, and an expostulatory
letter was suddenly dispatched, advising a more
dutiful employment of his influence. It required
him indeed to loathe the opinions and the inter-
course " of these presumptuous men," and, as he
would not himself be suspected of heretical pra-
vity, to afford immediate aid to Peter Stokes, that
the letters possessed by him might be duly pub-
lished, and that the reign of a sect, against which
the king and the lords had promised to unite their
authority, might at length be brought to its close.^*
circum. The statement of the primate, as to the inten-
ti.ismoment tions of thc court, was not without foundation.
"oVirefforts Richard was now in the sixteenth year of his age.
formers!' The failurc of some martial preparations, which
engaged the attention of his government during
the earlier period of his reign, involved his ex-
chequer in the most serious difficulties. And the
efforts of his ministers to extricate the vessel of
the state, served only to increase its perils, until
an insurrection, and such as had been hitherto
unknown in our history, threatened the extinction
of every privileged order in the kingdom. The
zeal and ingenuity of such churchmen as the
present archbishop, would not be slow in sug-
gesting to the young monarch, that the convulsions
which had recently shaken the kingdom must be
expected to return ; and, that their object in
some evil hour must be achieved, should the
present rector of Lutterworth, and his numerous
disciples be allowed to continue their appeal to
'* Fox. Acts, &c.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 77
the passions of the populace. Under the known chap.
disaffection of the commons, it became, also, a '—
point of peculiar moment to propitiate the clergy.
Their wealth might enable the government to
abolish, or at least to abridge, that system of
taxation, which had recently goaded the people
into madness. Lancaster, too, who during the
late commotions, had been employed in treating
with the Scots on the border, had shared much
in the resentment of the insurgents. And there
were other causes which rendered him far from
acceptable to the existing ministry. Thus fa-
vourable was the crisis to a nearer alliance be-
tween the mitre and the crown. Nor should it
be forgotten, that the family of the ecclesiastic
now raised to the primacy of the English church,
possessed considerable influence with a large
body of the nobility of the age.'^ A few months
only had passed, since the ])lood of the commons
had been freely shed, as the price of their tran-
sient ascendency ; and though the king proceeded
so far as to submit to his next parliament the
propriety of wholly abolishing the service of vil-
lanage, and the house of commons declared the
late insurrection to be wholly chargeable on the
government, almost the only immediate conse-
quence of that convulsion appears to have been,
to supply the tyrannical with new facts by which
to enforce the usual pleas for oppression.
'9 Barne's Edward the Third, 904. first. Lewis, c. iv. 58. Gibbon has
He was fourth son of Hugh Courtney, given an extended notice of the ho-
earl of Devonsliire, by Margaret, nours which centred in this family,
daughter of Humphry Bohun, earl of in the eleventh volume of his history,
Hereford and Essex, by his wife 287—300.
Elizabeth, daughter of Edward the
78
THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP.
III.
It is at this moment, so auspicious to their
cause, that the English clergy unite in preferring
to the sovereign and the court, a series of com-
plaints against the doctrine and practices of the
followers of Wycliffe. With a view also to in-
crease the odium so industriously bestowed upon
the disciples of the reformer, they were now
designated Lollards,'"' — a name which had long
distinguished certain sectaries on the continent,
to whom, after the custom of the times, almost
every thing degrading had been imputed. The
persons in England, who, from this period, were
classed with those injured people, are described
by the prelates, abbots, and friars, representing
the hierarchy, as teaching — that since the time
■'> Fox, i. 578. There are few minor
points in ecclesiastical history on
which a greater diversity of opinion
has prevailed, than with respect to the
origin of the term Lollard. The sub-
ject has received more attention from
Mosheim than from any other writer
known to me, and his statement is as
follows : " As the clergy of this age
" (the fourteenth century) took little
" care of the si(;k and dying, and
" deserted such as were infected with
" those pestilential disorders which
" were then very frequent, some com-
" passionate and pious persons at
" Antwerp formed themselves into a
" society for the performance of those
" religious offices which the sacer-
" dotal orders so shamefully neglected.
" Pursuant to this agreement, they
" visited and comforted the sick,
" assisted the dying with their prayers
" and exhortations, took care of the
" interment of those who were cut off
" by the plague, and on that account
" forsaken by the aftVighted clergy,
" and committed them to the grave
" with a solemn funeral dirge. It was
" with reference to this last otfice, that
" the common people g;ive them the
" name of Lollards. The example of
" these good people had such an ex-
" tensive influence, that in a little time
" societies of the same sort of Lollards,
" consisting both of men and women,
" were formed in most parts of Ger-
" many and Flanders, and were sup-
" ported partly by their manual
" labours, and partly by the charitable
" donations of pious persons." Hist,
iii. 355—358. But the existence of
such societies reflected on the charac-
ter of the clergy, and impaired the
resources of the mendicants ; and everj'
art was accordingly resorted to for the
purpose of rendering them odious.
Such too was the success of these
efforts, that the name, though so re-
putable in its origin, came to be descrip-
tive of all persons who were thought
to conceal enormous vices under the
appearance of sanctity. See a curious
notice from l\Iosheim on this subject,
at the end of the volume. Note B.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 79
of Silvester, there has been no true pope, and that chap.
the last to whom that name should be given is '- —
the existing pontiff. Urban the sixth ; that the
power of granting indulgences, and of binding
and loosing, as claimed by ecclesiastics, is a de-
lusion, and that those who confide in it are in
consequence accursed ; that auricular confession
is a superfluous service ; that the bishop of Rome
has no legislative authority in the christian
church ; that the invocation of saints is an un-
authorized custom ; that the worship of images or
pictures is idolatry, and that the miracles attri-
buted to them are false ; that the clergy are bound
to reside on their benefices, and not to farm them
to others, and that such as fail in these duties
should be degraded as wasters of the goods of the
church ; and, finally, that the pomp of the higher
orders of the priesthood should be in all things
done away, and their doctrine as to the vanity of
the world be enforced by example. Doctrines
at all of this character could not have been
widely disseminated, without deeply irritating
the men to whose pretensions they were so ex-
plicitly opposed.
By their present appeal, the clergy obtained persecuting
the sanction of the king, and of certain lords, to reputmusiy
, . , 1 ^ • T obtained by
a statute which occurs as the first m our parlia- the dergy.
mentary history, providing for the punishment of
the variable crime designated heresy. For this
reason, and as it farther discloses the energy and
activity with which Wycliffe's " poor priests"
were now prosecuting their plans of reform, it is
here inserted without abridgemnt. " Foras-
" much as it is openly known, that there are
80 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
divers evil persons within the reahii going from
county to county, and from town to town, in
certain habits, under dissimulation of great holi-
ness, and without the licence of the ordinaries
of the places, or other sufficient authority,
preaching daily, not only in churches, and
churchyards, but also in markets, fairs, and
other open places, where a great congregation
of people is, divers sermons, containing heresies,
and notorious errors, to the great blemishing
of the christian faith, and destruction of the
laws and estate of holy-church, to the great
peril of the souls of the people, and of all the
realm of England, (as more plainly is found,
and sufficiently proved, before the reverend
father in God, the archbishop of Canterbury,
and the bishops and other prelates, masters of
divinity, and doctors of canon and of civil law,
and a great part of the clergy of the same realm
especially assembled for this cause,) which per-
sons do also preach divers matters of slander, to
engender discord and dissension between divers
estates of the said realm, as well spiritual as
temporal, in exciting of the people to the great
peril of all the realm ; which preachers being
cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the
places, there to answer to that whereof they be
impeached, they will not obey to their summons
and commandments, nor care for their moni-
tions, nor for the censures of holy-church, but
expressly despise them ; and moreover, by
their subtle and ingenious words do draw the
people to hear their sermons, and do maintain
them in their errors, by strong hand, and by
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 01
It is therefore ordained and as- ^^.j^-
" sented in this present parliament, that the
" king's commissions be made and directed to the
" sheriffs, and other ministers of our sovereign lord
" the king, or other sufficient persons learned, and
" according to the certifications of the prelates
" thereof, to be made in the chancery from time
" to time, to arrest all such preachers, and also
" their fautors, maintainers, and abettors, and to
" hold them in arrest and strong prison, till they
" will justify themselves according to the law and
" reason of holy-church. And the king willeth
" and commandeth, that the chancellor make
" such commissions at all times, that he, by the
" prelates, or any of them, shall be certified, and
'' thereof required, as is aforesaid."^'
By this document, invalid as it was in point
of law, much was done toward rendering the
magistracy through the kingdom, the passive in-
struments of that " holy office" which the scheme
was meant to establish in every diocese. Court-
ney felt no delicacy in describing himself, as
" chief inquisitor of heretical pravity for the pro-
" vince of Canterbury ;" and to him, the success
of such a plan would, of course, have been singu-
larly grateful. That the suspected through the
nation, might be placed under immediate "arrest,
" and in strong prison." the force at the command
of the sheriff's, was to be subject, in every place,
and at every season, to the bidding of the pre-
lates; and no process instituted was to terminate,
^' This document, and those from
seen in Fox, 575 —
-580. See also
which the remaining facts of this
VVilkins. Concilia, ii
i. ubi supra, and
chapter are mostly derived, uiay be
Lewis.
\' O I . . II.
G
82 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP- except as the parties accused should "justify
^ *' themselves according to the law, and the reason,
" of holy-church." And if it be remembered,
that our statute book had not hitherto included
the remotest provision for correcting religious
opinions, the matured form in which this op-
pressive policy was introduced must be viewed as
bespeaking no mean confidence of strength on the
part of the ruling clergy.
The facts adverted to, are also widely at issue
with the theory which transfers the odium of the
atrocious persecutions so frequent in ancient
Christendom to the temper of the magistrate, or
to the maxims which had become incorporated
with the policy of princes before the diffusion of
the gospel. In the annals of our own country, it
is plain that the laity were indebted to the clergy
for their first attempt to enforce the doctrines of
their religion by the terrors of the dungeon and the
stake ; and it is not less certain, that the zeal
which first taught them to prize the scent of
blood, propelled them in the chase.
The attention of the primate, on thus obtaining
the aid of the magistrate, was first directed to
13S2. Oxford. The synod which had separated on the
twenty-first of May, was convened again, in
the chamber of the preaching friars, on the
twelfth of June ; and Robert Rigge, the chan-
cellor of the university, and William Brightwell,
a doctor of divinity, appeared at the place of
meeting, to answer respecting their late conduct
in favour of Hereford and Rippington ; and, also,
as to their opinion concerning the " aforesaid
" articles." Rigge was a zealous advocate of
THE LIFE OF WYCLfFFE. 83
the university, as an establishment which should chap.
be less subject to the control of the ecclesias- 1_
tical than of the civil power ; and hence was
strongly opposed to the religious orders, who
were concerned that it should be subject to the
authority of the primate, as legate of the apostolic
see. Our reformer had distinguished himself in
the same cause. But while the chancellor cer-
tainly admired the character of Wycliffe, it is pro-
bable that his admiration did not extend to every
tenet which the reformer was known to advocate.
Before the synod, indeed, he declared his assent to
the judgment passed on the twenty-four articles in
the previous meeting ; and Brightwell, after some
hesitation, was induced to follow his example.
As the prospect of successful resistance began to
disappear, the courage of both may have been so
far subdued as to admit the partial concealment of
their opinions. It is certain that a letter was now
delivered by the archbishop to ** his well be-
" loved son in Christ, the chancellor of Oxford,"
requiring him to publish the proscribed articles,
in the schools and churches, at the hours of
lecturing and preaching ; and to give the greater
efficacy to this proclamation, it was to be made
in Latin, and in the vulgar tongue. In the docu-
ment containing these instructions, the names of
John Wycliffe, Nicholas Hereford, Philip Rip-
pington, John Ashton, and Lawrence Redman,
occur as those of persons notoriously suspected
of heresy ; and adverting to these, and such as
should in any way favour their persons or their
doctrine, the primate writes, " we suspend the
" same suspected persons from all scholastic
84 THE LIFE OF M^YCMFFE.
CHAP. " exercises, until such time as they shall have
!_'' purified themselves before us; and we require
" that you publicly denounce the same to have
" been, and to be, by us suspended ; and that you
" diligently and faithfully search after all their
'* patrons and adherents, and cause inquiry to
'* be made respecting them through every hall in
" the said university ; and that obtaining intelli-
" gence of their names and persons, you do compel
" all and each of them to abjure their errors
" by ecclesiastical censures, and by any canonical
*' penalties whatsoever, under pain of the greater
*' anathema, the which we now denounce against
*' all and each who shall not be obedient ; * * * *
" and the absolving of such, as may incur the
" sentence of the instrument, we reserve wholly
" to ourselves." But the chancellor had scarcely
left the place of meeting when the suspicions of
the primate appear to have been renewed. In a
letter, dated on the same day with the above, and
from the same place, he informs Robert Rigge,
that he had learnt from credible information, and
partly from experience, his disposition to favour
" the aforesaid damnable conclusions," and his
intention to molest by his authority, the persons
who should oppose them in the schools of the
university. In consequence of this information,
the archbishop thus writes, " We admonish thee,
" master Robert, chancellor as before named,
" the first, second, and third time, and peremp-
" torily, that thou dost not grieve, hinder, nor
" molest judicially, nor extra-judicially, publicly
" nor privately, nor cause to be grieved, hindered
" or molested, nor procure indirectly by thyself,
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. S5
" or others, to be o-iieved, the foresaid clerks se- chap.
III.
" cular or regular, or such as favour them in the ^-
*' points determined in their scholastic acts, or in
" any other condition whatsoever." The eccle-
siastics who had joined with the primate in his
recent process against the chancellor of Oxford,
were many of them members of the university.
On returning to that seminary, the men who had
lately sat in judgment upon the conduct of its
principal officer, would be again subject to his
authority, and it was deemed important to se-
cure them from that resentment which their
fears had taught them to anticipate.
The synod which we have seen convoked on
the nineteenth of May, and re-assembled on the
twelfth of June, was again convened on the eigh-
teenth, the twentieth, and the twenty-eighth of
the same month, and on the first, and twelfth, of 1382.
the month ensuing. In each of these meetings,
the prosecution of Hereford and his associates was
continued, but with various success. The ac-
counts, indeed, which their enemies have trans-
mitted to us, are not only imperfect, but in many
things contradictory and improbable ; and as these
form almost our only source of information re-
specting the accused, their conduct at this period,
and their real character, are left in a great degree
uncertain. Wycliffe, who at the time of these
proceedings, was residing at his rectory, would
be a close observer of movements, intended to
annihilate a cause which his life had been devoted
to create and sustain. In one of his sermons,
composed during this interval, he clearly refers
to the measures in progress against Dr. Hereford,
86 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
^ nt^' ^^^^ master John Ashton. By the first our re-
former appears to have been assisted in his trans-
lation of the scriptures ; and he is presumed to
have been the author of some English pieces, de-
signed to forward the projected reformation of the
church. Ashton was known through nearly half
the kingdom as an itinerant preacher, and accord-
ing to the accounts given by his adversaries, was
possessed of qualifications which gave an amazing
efficiency to his labours. To the doctrines of
Wycliff'e he is said to have annexed certain
novelties of his own. Knighton, who describes
his appearing in coarse attire, and with a staff in
his hand, as the affectation of simplicity, bears
testimony to the assiduity with which he fre-
quented churches, and mingled in family circles,
to effect the dissemination of his tenets. The
same writer has preserved the outline of two
sermons, said to have been delivered by this
pedestrian teacher, the one at Leicester, the other
at Gloucester. In these we recognize the opi-
nions of our reformer as to the authority of the
sovereign in relation to the church, the delusion
and abuses of spiritual censures, the pernicious
influence of religious temporalities, the unscrip-
tural origin of distinctions among the clergy,
and the folly of transubstantiation, together
with a special exposure of the malignity which
had always characterized crusades — those perni-
cious fruits of the dispensing power assumed by
the priesthood. That neither the learning of
Hereford, nor the ardour of Ashton might be
any longer employed in diffusing sentiments so
hostile to the existing order of things, both were
THE lifj: of wycliffe. 87
summoned to appear before the archbishop, who, chap.
to his titles as primate, was pleased to annex the —
name of " Chief Inquisitor.""
It is while this process is pending, that Wycliffe
adverts to it in one of his parochial expositions.
The persecution he attributes principally to the
zeal of Courtney, whom he describes, as the
*' great bishop of England," and as deeply in-
censed " because God's law is written in English,
" to lewd men."" "He pursueth a certain priest,"
observes the preacher, " because he writeth to
" men this English, and summoneth him, and tra-
" veleth him so that it is hard for him to bear it.
" And thus he pursueth another priest, by the help
" of pharisees, because he preacheth Christ's gos-
" pel freely, and without fables. Oh! men who
" are on Christ's behalf, help ye now against Anti-
" Christ, for the perilous times are come which
" Christ and Paul foretold !"'^^ We can believe
that Wycliffe's auditory would not fail to sym-
pathize with their pastor at this foreboding mo-
ment ; but according to the statements of their
persecutors, the efforts made by the men who were
thus feelingly adverted to, in the hope of escaping
from the strong hand of their oppressors, were
fruitless.
It should be remembered, however, that when
authority was once appealed to, with a view to
suppress the doctrine of Wycliffe, it became a point
of some importance that the end proposed should,
at least, seem to have been obtained, Hereford
and Hippington, after repeated struggles to evade
••• Knighton, 2GJ5— 2660. Wilkins. ^j . La>,uen." •' MS. Horn. Bib. Reg.
88 THE LIFE OF ^VYCLIFFE.
CHAP, any confession of their faith, are described as
'— at length admitting the twenty-four conclusions
censured by the synod, to be, with certain ex-
planations, partly heretical and partly false.
They are said also to have stated, that in no
instance had they publicly avowed the tenets
which in those articles were imputed to them.
Their confession, however, such as it was, proved
so little satisfactory, that each member of the
synod declared it to be, with respect to numerous
articles, " heretical, subtle, erroneous, and per-
" verse." But all farther explanation of their
creed was steadily refused, and for a while the
terrors of excommunication were braved, though
its sentence, that it might operate as a warning
to the infected, was pronounced with studious
pomp and publicity. Ashton conducted his de-
fence with considerable spirit, but affirmed that
he should decline answering the questions of his
judges on the conclusions adduced. He was
repeatedly urged to make his communications to
the court in Latin, that no erroneous impression
might be produced on the mind of the laity who
were auditors; but the consciousness of a bad
cause, and the spirit of domination which this
unauthorized injunction betrayed, roused the in-
dignation of the prisoner, and called forth an
appeal to the people in their own tongue, which
the archbishop deemed it important to check, by
hastening the business of the day to its close. In
the sentence delivered, the silence of the sus-
pected person was regarded as the proof of guilt,
and he was exposed accordingly to all the conse-
quences of holding the censured articles.
THE LIFE 6V WYCLIFFE. 89
Could we always submit to the authority of chap.
Knighton, we should believe that Hereford and —
Ashton delivered written confessions to the synod
on the doctrine of the eucharist, and such as con-
tained every mystery which the priesthood had
connected with it. But there is room to sus-
pect that these papers belong to that numerous
class of productions which owe their origin to
pious fraud. Were they authentic, we should
not have had to search in vain for them in the
Courtney register, where so large a space is
devoted to these proceedings. In addition to
which, Ashton is made to affirm in this document,
that he had never questioned the tenet of tran-
substantiation — a statement which, according to
the historian who has adopted it, was contrary to
fact, and one which must have contained a false-
hood for which no motive can be assigned. And
had Hereford descended to employ the language
attributed to him on the same article, the rest in
the series would doubtless have been disposed of
in the same manner, and his escape could hardly
then have been attributed, purely to the interfe-
rence of the duke of Lancaster. It appears, how-
ever, that Rippington ultimately conformed to the
requisitions of the church, and that after a time
he endeavoured to place his orthodoxy beyond
suspicion by persecuting his old associates. The
dispute with Ashton, also, was subsequently so
far accommodated as to admit of his returning to
his scholastic exercises. But in 1387, Hereford
was generally believed to be a disciple of Wycliffe ;
and so late as the year 1392, he solicited and
obtained the protection of the court against the
90
THE LIFE OF WTCLIFFE.
CHAP, machinations of his enemies which had arisen
L_ from that cause.^^
25 It is from Knighton, (2657) that
we learn the fact of Hereford's " es-
" cape from the bitterness of death"
through the influence of the duke of
Lancaster. But in 1391 we find hira
with the clergy who sat in judgment
on the celebrated Lollard, Waller
Brute. Bj his indecision he ap-
pears to have forfeited the confidence
both of the orthodox and of their op-
ponents, and probablj his own peace
of mind. The firmness of the martyr
is not the possession of every good
man. Fox, i. 654. Mr. Godwin de-
scribes him as " the most refined and
virtuous of the adherents of " Wj-
cliffe." It may be that the Lollards
did not possess his superior as a
scholar, but in the virtues of firmness
and consistency he was surpassed by
many of that class. Life of Chaueer,
ii. 336. Ashton is said to have died
as he lived. Thorp's Examination.
Wals. 328. Lewis, c. X.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 91
CHAPTER IV.
PERSECUTION. WYCLIFFe's DEVOTIONAL ALLUSION TO THE EVILS OF HIS
TIME. SUMMARY OF HIS COMPLAINT ADDRESSED TO THE KING AND
PARLIAMENT. EFFECT OF THAT APPEAL. THE REFORMER IS FOR-
SAKEN BY LANCASTER. HIS PURPOSES UNALTERED BY THAT EVENT.
HIS VIGOROUS PERCEPTION OF THE BEARINGS OF THE CONTROVERSY RE-
SPECTING THE EUCHARIST, AND HIS CONFIDENCE OF ULTIMATE SUCCESS.
HE APPEARS BEFORE THE CONVOCATION AT OXFORD. SUBSTANCE
OF HIS CONFESSION. PERPLEXITY OF HIS JUDGES. HE RETIRES TO
LUTTERWORTH. -HIS LETTER TO THE PONTIFF.
The history of persecution affords abundant chap.
evidence of its general inefficacy, and of its tur- 1—
pitude. That it should have pervaded the nations ,^",'*'""
of Christendom so entirely, and through so long a
period, is in every view humiliating. The civil
penalties by which the religious obedience of the
ancient Israelite was enforced, are sufficiently ex-
plained by the fact that such was the nature of
the Hebrew government, that to yield to the prac-
tice of idolatry, was to incur the guilt of treason.
But no second theocracy has been established.
The power, accordingly, both of the sovereign and
of the priest, may be presumed to have been ma-
terially affected by the departure of the Mosaic
economy. The limits now assigned to the autho-
rity of each, is a subject requiring the most deli-
berate attention, whether viewed in connexion
with the many questions which it involves, or in its
practical importance. The consequences resulting
92 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, from opposite decisions concerning it, have ever
1_ been fraught with a large amount of good or evil
to mankind.
Among the heathen states of antiquity, tole-
ration was scarcely a virtue, as the local aspect of
their idolatry left the province of every existing
deity undisturbed, even while new objects of
worship were introduced. But the gospel was
not of a character to enter into any such partner-
ship with human inventions. On the contrary,
as being alone true, it claimed an undivided
empire. By its first disciples, its pretensions
in this respect were fearlessly urged ; nor were
their nearer descendants concerned, either to deny
or to conceal this peculiarity of their faith, though
but too well apprised of the loathing which it had
brought upon them from all the votaries of Gentile
worship. In some instances, that contempt of
the pomp and pleasure of the world which not
unfrequently distinguished the professors of Chris-
tianity in those ages, was increased and purified
by the external sufferings thus incurred. But in
others, the turbulence of the passions was less
subdued by the better spirit of the gospel, and the
violence employed to suppress the doctrines of the
cross sometimes excited a re-action of the same
evil temper in their support. These inflammable
materials had been for some time increasing in
the church, when, under Constantine, Christianity
was recognized as the religion of the empire. As
the consequence of that event, these dangerous
elements became so far dominant among the no-
minal professors of the gospel, as to leave the
partisans of the ancient idolatry to deplore the
THE LIFE OF AV^YCLIFFE. 93
severity of weapons which they had recently chap.
wielded with so much freedom against its oppo- ._
nents. But when attempts to convince the un-
derstanding of its errors, by means of confiscations,
and torture, and exile, were not only considered
as rational, but when to be zealous in the appli-
cation of this species of logic, was to secure,
moreover, the reputation of unusual sanctity, it
was not the grosser forms of heathenism merely,
which would feel the disastrous influence of this
strange delusion. The diversities of opinion ob-
servable among the avowed disciples of the same
Master, soon attracted the critical attention of
churchmen. These diff'erences were found to be
retained with much tenacity, and the obstinacy of
the weak provoked the indignation of the strong.
No little artifice was, in consequence, employed, to
clothe the doctrine of dissentients with almost every
feature of impiety — as the best method of vindi-
cating the infliction of penalties upon them which
had once been the award of idolatry. Nor is it to be
doubted, that the guilt of transferring the maxims
of persecution, from the policy of pagan Rome to
that of the papal hierarchy, so as to render them
the law both of its head and of its members, be-
longs, chiefly, to the higher orders of the clergy.
Amid the declining civilization of the empire, the
power of that class of men steadily increased,
until their supremacy over the conscience of their
victims was completed. It is, however, a stub-
born and a melancholy fact, that with every step
of their progress persecution became more syste-
matic and relentless. The notion of divine right
was by degrees connected with the regal office.
94 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, and while monarchs, if obedient to the will of the
1. church, were placed on a level with the sove-
reigns of Judah, ecclesiastics claimed to be the
representatives of Deity, and to an extent greatly
surpassing any thing to which the Jewish priest-
hood had aspired. The ministers of the christian
sanctuary being once acknowledged as the uner-
ring interpreters of the will of Heaven, to dissent
from the church, whether its judgment were inter-
posed to enforce the claims of princes, or to
determine articles of faith, was to resist the
Almighty, and to fall under the double censure
of the rebel and the impious. Monarchs, indeed,
were sometimes slow to act on the suggestions of
their pastors, as to the best mode of subduing the
heresies of their people ; but such as were solici-
tous of repose, or concerned to hold the sceptre
with a steady hand, were generally induced to
become the instruments of almost any scheme,
which promised to the church the reverence
claimed for her supposed infallibility.
It is true the civil authorities of England, pre-
vious to the age of Wycliffe, are less stained
with the blood which was so freely shed for the
protection of orthodoxy than were the rulers of
almost every state upon the continent. But this
arose simply from the circumstance, that until
the former half of the fourteenth century had
passed, certain encroachments in discipline formed
the only matters of serious complaint. The ho-
nour of first attempting to render it a part of our
statute law, that on all questions of heresy the
magistrate should become the executioner of the
will of the church, belongs to the zeal of the
THE LIFE OF M^YCLIFFE. 95
primate Courtney. Nor was the effort wholly chap.
futile, though its immediate result was trivial '—
when compared with its design. The degree of
success, however, which attended this claim on
the secular power, served as a precedent and a
motive in the series of measures which were ere
long to involve both the church and the state in
all the odious consequences generally attendant
on a coercive warfare with religious opinion.
Wycliffe marked this tendency of events, and by
his benevolent genius the progress of intolerance
was for a while impeded. His declining health,
or the fear, perhaps, of encountering the political
influence of Lancaster, proved the security of the
reformer during the late prosecution of his friends.
It is stated, indeed, that Hereford and Ripping-
ton, when falling before the strength of their an-
tagonists, solicited the protection of John of
Gaunt, and that the reply of that nobleman con-
sisted of instructions respecting the duty of sub-
mitting, in all such matters, to the decision of
their ordinaries. That such an appeal was made,
and that such was its result is perhaps true, but
that it did not include the name of Wycliffe, may
be safely inferred from his confidence in the
*' noble duke," as expressed in the petition which
he presented immediately afterwards to the king
and the parliament.
It appears, also, from a discourse composed by ^^^"^,1^^^^*
the reformer, about this period, that he was not ''""'^°" ♦"
' "^ ' ^ the evils
ignorant of the artifice and corruption to which of "^e day.
his adversaries had resorted, in the hope of op-
posing the force of the civil government' to the
intended reformation of religion. Commenting
96 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP, on the entombment of Christ, and on the vain
IV
L_ eftbrt of the priests and the soldiers to prevent
his resurrection, the preacher adverts to the
measures recently adopted, both by the civil and
ecclesiastical authorities, with a view to consign
the gospel to oblivion. " Thus," he observes,
" do our high priests, and our new religious fear
" them, lest God's law, after all they have done,
" should be quickened. Therefore make they
" statutes stable as a rock, and they obtain grace
" of knights to confirm them, and this they well
" mark with the witness of lords; and all lest
" the truth of God's law, hid in the sepulchre,
'' should break out to the knowing of the common
" people. Oh ! Christ, thy law is hidden thus,
" when wilt thou send thine angel to remove the
" stone, and show thy truth unto thy flock ? Well
*' I know that knis^hts have taken s^old in this
" case, to help that thy law may be thus hid, and
*' thine ordinances consumed. But well I know
" that at the day of doom it shall be manifest, and
" even before, when thou arisest against all thine
*' enemies !"'
While such was the policy of the leading mem-
bers of the hierarchy, it was obvious to Wycliffe,
that nothing remained but to submit to their des-
potism, or to attempt a counteraction of their
ettbrts as made to obtain the sanction of the court
and the senate. Nearly sixty winters had now
passed over the head of our reformer, and sick-
ness had made a serious inroad on his physical
strength — that important auxiliary of intellectual
vigour and prowess. But his furrowed brow, and
1 MS. Horn. Bib. Resj.
THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE.
97
1382.
November.
whitened hairs, were still allied to an energy ^^^^^
v/hich could ill submit to a tame surrendering- of
the fortress of equity, and truth, and godliness.
Each step in the progress of the late persecutions,
\vas seen as facilitating the meditated blow against
himself. Should it be his lot to perish beneath
the fangs of the rising tyranny, it was his resolve
that his countrymen should not be ignorant of the
opinions for which he suffered. In conformity
with this determination, and with his message to
the chancellor of Oxford some months previously,
he presented a summary of the more important
of his tenets, in the form of a petition, to the king
and the parliament. The assembly to which this
appeal was addressed, was summoned on the fif-
teenth of October, and met on the nineteenth of
November,^ and in this document it is supposed
to be already convened. It appears also to have
been known that in this meeting of " the great
" men of the realm, both seculars and men of
" holy-church," the articles included in this ap-
peal would become the matters of discussion.
The doctrine thus submitted to their judgment,
is said to be " proved both by authority and
" reason," and this that the " christian religion
" may be increased, maintained, and made stable,
" since our Lord Jesus Christ, very God and very
" man, is head and prelate of this religion, and
" shed his precious heart's blood, and water out
*' of his side, on the cross, to make this religion
*' perfect and stable, and clean without error."*
' Fox. Acts, &c. Library. It will be remembered as
3 M.S. Ad regem et parliamentum, one of the two works printed bv Dr.
C. C. C. Cambridge, and in the Cotton James in 1608.
VOL. II. H
98 THE LTPE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. The articles thus introduced are four in num-
IV.
'- — bar. The first relates to the vows of the religious,
wydiffeC^ declaring them to be a device of man, and of no
piair.'- obligation : the second asserts that '* secular lords
*' may lawfully, and meritoriously, in many cases,
'* take away temporal goods given to men of the
" church." In the third it is affirmed that even
tythes, and other voluntary offerings, should be
withdrawn ** from prelates, or other priests who-
** ever they be," on their yielding to " great sins,
'* as pride, simony, and man-slaying, gluttony,
" drunkenness, and lechery." In the last, the
reformer prays that the doctrine of the eucharist,
** which is plainly taught by Christ and his
** apostles in the gospels, and epistles, might be
** also openly taught in the churches."
Nearly half this paper is occupied in demon-
strating the first of these positions ; and to discern
the propriety of this, it should be remembered,
that the archbishop derived his most efficient
aid in his present arbitrary measures, from the
begging fraternities and the monks. It has ap-
peared that the sentence which excluded every
teacher of Wycliffe's doctrine concerning the
eucharist from the university, was the effect of
their influence ; and in the synod which had since
prosecuted his disciples, with all possible se-
verity, the same order of men prevailed. It be-
came important, therefore, in the judgment of the
reformer, to shew distinctly that so far from
meriting the pre-eminence conceded to them, the
vows which gave to these persons their distinction
were a human invention ; an invention also of
comparatively recent date ; and injurious, in
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 99
various ways, to religion, and to the interests of c h a p.
• , IV.
society.
In this memorable appeal, these points are fully
proved. The writer especially adverts to the
practice of the religious in forsaking one rule,
deemed less perfect, to embrace another regarded
as of higher sanctity. The rule of Christ, it is
contended, must of necessity be the most com-
plete, and it is thence inferred that all men should
be held free from any painful consequences in
relinquishing any " private sect," the contrivance
of " sinful men," for the rule of the gospel. This,
it is justly observed, should be the more readily
admitted by the parties alluded to, as they were
not slow to forget their vows of poverty and
seclusion, when the attractions of a mitre were
allowed to descend upon them. The change,
also, ^hich followed in such cases, is described as
partaking less of an increased separation from the
world, than of an actual return to it. If to all
this, it should be replied, that the customs of the
religious are not at variance with the institute of
the Saviour and his apostles, but rather parts
of it; the persons so reasoning, are called upon
to name the portion of holy writ, containing the
articles of discipline which have given existence
to canons, and monks, and mendicants ; and to
expose the failure which must be attendant on
the attempt to do this, various of the regulations
adopted by these communities are specified.
Respecting this moiety of the work, in which that
momentous doctrine, the sufficiency of scripture,
is maintained in the most satisfactory terms, a
correct idea may be formed from the following
H 2
100 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, extract. It is intended to exhibit the supreme
■ authority of the inspired writings, and clearly as-
sumes the right of private judgment. " Inasmuch
" as one patron or founder is more perfect, more
" mighty, more wise, more holy, and in more
" charity than another, insomuch is the first
" patron's rule better and more perfect than is
" that of the second. But Jesus Christ, the
" patron of the christian religion, given to the
" apostles, passeth without measure, in might,
" and wisdom, and good-will, the perfection of
" every patron of any private sect-— his rule is
" therefore more perfect. Also that Christ's pure
" reliction, without the addition of sinful men's
** errors, is the most perfect of all, may be thus
" shewn. For either Christ might give such a
" rule, the most perfect to be kept in this life,
" and would not; and then he was envious — as
" St. Austin proveth in other matters — or else
" Christ would ordain such a rule, and might not;
" and then Christ was unmighty, but to affirm
" that of Christ is heresy — or else he might and
" could, but would not ; and then he was unwise,
" and that is a heresy no man should consent to
*' hear. Therefore, it is plain, that Christ both
" might, and could, and would ordain a rule the
" most perfect that should be kept in this life.
" And so Christ, of his endless wisdom and cha-
'* rity, has ordained such a rule. And thus on
'* each side men are bound, upon pain of heresy,
*' and of blasphemy, and of condemnation, to
" believe and acknowledge that the religion of
" Jesus Christ to his apostles, and kept by them
" in its own freedom, without addition from sinful
THE LIFE OF MVCLIFFE. 101
*' man's error, is the most perfect of all ; and so to chap.
" hinder no man from forsaking a private religion, ^—
" and keeping the piu'e religion of Christ."
These reasonings are also enforced by the fact,
that in the early ages, when neither monks nor
friars were known, " the church increased and
" prospered most, for then almost all men disposed
" themselves to martyrdom after the example
'* of Christ." His conclusion therefore is, that " it
" were not only meritorious to the church now,
" but most meritorious, to live so in ail tilings,
*' and by all things." As the consequence of
tliese opinions with regard to the gospel, and its
Author, WyclifFe claimed for himself, and others,
the same liberty in adhering to the simple order
said to be instituted by the Redeemer, which was
conceded to such as professed to adopt some one
system of man's invention in preference to others.
And had the religious been disposed to tolerate
this exclusive attachment to scriptural vows of
spirituality or seclusion, their own authority might
have been less disturbed, and of longer con-
tinuance. But they saw this kind of profession
as reflecting on every other, regarding them as
innovations of yesterday, and as opposed to the
veneration due to the Redeemer, who in oppo-
sition to the infallibility assumed by the church,
was declared to be alone above the influence of
error. Hence arose the spirit of persecution, and
hence the reaction which violence rarely fails
to produce.
In the second of the articles contained in this
paper, the reformer combats the theory of certain
friars, who had maintained on some recent and
102 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, public occasion, that both the persons and the
— i^'— property of the clergy, and of the religious, were
strictly beyond the jurisdiction of the sovereign.
The absurdity of this fashionable doctrine the
reformer had often exposed, and it is again ex-
hibited, and principally by tracing it to its re-
sults. It is remarked that if to hold the opposite
of this doctrine, " be error touching the health
" of man's soul," then the race of English princes,
and the men who have formed the successive
councils of the realm, must be viewed as among
the lost. And, not to dwell on the recorded
opinions of such parties, as opposed to this tenet,
nor on the measures which frequently arose from
them, it is observed, that if they were in error in
this matter, it must then follow that should " an
" abbot and all his convent prove open traitors,
" conspiring the death of the king and the queen,
" and of other lords, and exert themselves to
*• destroy the whole realm, the king may not take
" from them one halfpenny, or farthing, nor its
" worth, since all these are temporal goods. Also,
" though other clerks should send to our enemies
** all the rents which they have in our land, and
" whatever they may rob or steal of the king's
** liege men, yet our king may not punish them
*• by one farthing, nor farthing's worth. Also, by
*' this doctrine of friars, though monks or friars,
" or other clerks, whatever they be, should slay
" lords' tenants, the king's liege men, and dis-
" honour lords' wives, yea, the queen, which God
** forbid, or the empress, yet the king may not
" punish them by the loss of one farthing. Also,
** it followeth plainly, that men called men of
THE LIFK OF WYCLIFFE. 103
"holy-church may dwell in this land at their chap.
" liking, and do what kind of sin, and what kind ^'—
" of treason they like, and the king, nevertheless,
" may not punish them, neither in their temporal
" goods, nor in their bodies, since if he may not
" punish them in the less, he may not in the
** greater. And should they make one of theni-
" selves king, no secular lord may hinder him in
" conquering all the secular lordships of this
" earth : and these men might destroy all lords
" and ladies, and their blood and affinity, without
" any penalty arising in this life, either in their
" body or estate. Ye lords ! then see and under-
" stand, with what punishing they deserve to be
" punished, who thus hastily and wrongfully have
" condemned you for heretics, forasmuch as you
" do execution and righteousness according to
" God's law and man's. For the chief lordship
*' of all temporalities in this land, both of secular
*' men and religious, pertains to the king, of his
" general governing, or else he were not king of
*' all England, but merely of a little part thereof."
This refutation of the ambitious tenet to which
this part of the petition refers, is farther strength-
ened by the language of St. Paul, respecting
magistracy, as "God's ordinance;" and it is
remarked, that the apostle, who " putteth all men
" in subjection to kings, out taketh never a one."
From these premises, the known doctrine of our
reformer concerning the power of the crown, as
extending over the whole property of the clergy,
and over the persons of that order in all civil
affairs, is in conclusion adduced.
The third article relates to the application of
104 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " tythes and offerings," as required " by God's
! — *' law, and the pope's law." In this the claims
of the most devoted among the clergy, are limited
to the needful matters of food and clothing; while
the ignorant, the indolent, or the vicious, are de-
scribed as having forfeited all right to any part in
the goods of the church. In support of this doc-
trine, the writer appeals to the conduct of Tobit,
in withholding his offerings from the priests of
Jeroboam, and rendering them to the true de-
scendants of Aaron, who resided at Jerusalem ;
to the story of Eli and his sons ; and to the
advice of Paul in his letters to Timothy. From
the authorities of a subsequent date, the names
of Jerome, Augustine, and of Gregory the great,
are cited, together with those of Bernard and
Grossteste, all as more or less favourable to the
position advanced. Two things are said, in con-
clusion, to follow from what is thus introduced.
First, that if curates do not their office in word
and example as God has commanded, their people
are under no obligation to pay them tythes and
offerings, since the end for which such payments
are made is wanting : secondly, that curates are
more guilty in withholding their teaching by word
and example, than their parishioners would be
in refusing tythes and offerings, even though the
office of the curate were well performed. It is
true, that to withhold these contributions, in such
a case, is frequently described as a neglect of
duty ; but Wycliffe does not hesitate to affirm the
latter delinquency, serious as it may be, to be far
less so than the former.
The last article of this complaint, we have
THE J.IFE OF M'VCLIFFE. 105
noticed as relatino- to the doctrine of the eucharist. c h a p.
7 . . . IV.
The reformer claims it as a right to publish freely
the scripture representations of that sacrament,
but he abstains from any statement of his pe-
culiar views respecting it, which were indeed
sufficiently known, and adverts chiefly to the
evils arising from " the worldly business of
priests."
His manner of concluding the portion of this
work which relates to tythes and offerings, is
expressive of that sense of justice, humanity, and
religion, which sustained the mind of the writer,
while called to witness the growing strength of
the enemies of reform. " Ah ! Lord God," he
exclaims, " can it be reason, to constrain the poor
" people to provide a worldly priest, sometimes
" unable both of life and knowledge, in his pomp
" and pride, covetousness and envy, gluttony, drun-
" kenness, and lechery, in simony and heresy, —
*' with a fine horse, and gay saddles, and bridles
" ringing by the way, and himself in costly clothes,
" and fine furs — and to sufter their wives and
" children, and poor neighbours to perish from
" hunger, thirst, and cold, and other mischiefs
" of the world! Ah ! Lord Jesus Christ! since
" within a few years, men paid their tythes and
" oiferings of their own free will, to good men,
" and able to conduct the great worship of God,
" to the profit and beauty of the holy church
" fighting on the earth ; can it be needful or lawful
*' that a worldly priest should destroy this holy
" and approved custom, constraining men to
" forsake this freedom, and turning tythes and
" oiierings to wicked uses, or at least to those
106 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " which are not so good as was the custom
IV
before ? ''
Eftectof The impression made on the parliament by this
appeal was considerable, and to Wycliffe must
have been highly gratifying. In a petition to the
king, the members of the commons cited those
provisions of the spurious statute obtained by the
primate, which, to effect the imprisonment of the
new preachers, and their abettors, until obedient
to the church, had rendered every sheriff in the
kingdom the tool of his diocesan, requiring him to
root out the errors by the sword entrusted to him,
which neither the persuasions nor the terrors of
an infallible church had been sufficient to destroy.
But as this pretended law " was never agreed to
'* nor granted by the commons, but whatsoever
*' was moved therein was without their assent,"
it is required " that the said statute be disan-
" nulled," and it is farther declared to be " in no
*' wise their meaning, that either themselves, or
" such as shall succeed them, shall be farther
" bound to the prelates, than were their ancestors
** in former times.""
But to procure the enactment or the repeal of
statutes, however formally either might be done,
was but a minor part of the labour which de-
volved on our parliaments in those ages. No-
thing, indeed, was more common, than the
violation of promises, and even of oaths, on the
part of the sovereign, or of the government ; and
to justify this bad faith, the secret, or avowed
pretext generally was, that the concessions made
had been improperly extorted. Hence to secure
■• Fox. Acts and Monuments, i. 57G. LiMj;;xid, iv. 251).
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 107
the enforcement of laws, was commonly a work chap.
IV
of much greater difficulty, than to effect their !_
apparent adoption. From this disgraceful cir-
cumstance, arose the custom of so frequently
confirming anew the most acknowledged prin-
ciples of the constitution. Nor is it at all doubt-
ful, that to this state of things, as pervading the
cabinets of Europe, the court of Rome had
greatly contributed, as well by her general po-
licy, as by the most flagrant abuses of her dispen-
sing power. With the papal maxims, the present
archbishop of Canterbury was thoroughly imbued,
and to him we may attribute the exclusion of this
act of repeal, so honourable to its authors, from
the parliamentary records ; and also the subse-
quent conduct of the young king, by which his
message to the commons, in reply to their peti-
tion, was virtually falsified.
In his letters, Richard had been made to threa-
ten the penalties of exclusion from the university,
imprisonment, and confiscation, against all who
should hold the doctrine of Wyclifte, or such
as should in any way favour its abettors. And
though the monarch subsequently declared him-
self pleased with the repeal of the statute on
which these instructions were founded, the violent
measures which it had been framed to sanction
were still pursued, and with but too much suc-
cess. It was, as we have remarked, on the 1 9th
of November, that the parliament and the con-
vocation assembled at Oxford. The clergy there
convened, were informed by the primate, that the
business before them was to grant a subsidy to
the crown ; and to remedy certain disorders which
IQ^ THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, had too long disgraced the university, and were
^^ ' extending rapidly to the whole community, of
whose spiritual safety they were the properly
constituted guardians. In this meeting the arch-
bishop had concentrated his whole strength, and
the rector of Lutterworth was now summoned to
answer before him on the articles which were
regarded as containing his opinions. There were
circumstances, however, which served greatly to
narrow the field of discussion on this occasion.
On all the more important questions of ecclesi-
astical polity, Wycliffe had spoken freely, in his
various writings, and in his address to " the
** secular lords and men of holy church" who
were now met. But the resentment of the com-
mons, which the meditated encroachment of tlie
prelates had excited, was not to be overlooked,
and it appears to have suggested the utmost cau-
tion in the method of proceeding at this juncture.
It was not difficult to perceive, that matters of
discipline, as less important, and less protected
by the supposed infallibility of the church, might
form but an inefficient ground of accusation ; and
as the doctrine of the eucharist was an acknow-
ledged article of faith, and one also of the gravest
moment, the faith of the reformer with respect to
that sacrament became the subject of special in-
Heisfor- quisltiou. Lancaster, who appears to have been
uuca!ier. concemcd, at this crisis, to avoid any renewal of
hostilities with the clergy, is said to have advised
his submission in all doctrinal matters to the judg-
ment of his order. ^ But Wycliffe, though sen-
5 In tbe Sudbury Register, (Wil- iiieiukd lur his cciuliu-t in this iu-
kius, iii. 171.) the duke is liiiihly com- stance.
THE LIFE OF AVYCLIFFE. J 09
siblc of the aid which he had derived from the chap.
patronage of that illustrious nobleman, had ad- ^^'
vanced to a point from which there was no
receding-, except at the cost of consistency and
truth. The state of affairs, at this moment, pre-
sented a powerful test to the integrity and energy
of his character ; and the result has served to
place him among the most distinguished of con-
fessors. To have denied his doctrine on the
eucharist, — or simply to have abstained from
teaching it, would have been to continue shel-
tered from the resentment of the clergy, by the
power of one who was still the second man in
the kingdom. To proceed in exposing the weak-
ness and impiety of the received opinions on that
sacrament, and this in opposition to the serious
admonitions of John of Gaunt, was deliberately
to encounter the unbridled malevolence of his
enemies. The latter course, however, costly as
it might prove, was the object of his choice. Wenispur.
also learn, and from a writer who was not a little t^ed by ^'
solicitous to fasten the disgrace of equivocation
upon the name of Wyclitfe, that the command of
the duke, in this particular, affected his purposes
in no degree more than the injunctions of the
primate. And it is added by the same authority,
that in his public defence on the sacrament of the
altar, " like an obstinate heretic, he refuted all
" the doctors of the second millenary. '""
To understand the zeal with which the re-
former assailed the errors of transubstantiation,
we must bear in mind the views which he had
adopted concerning it. The adoration of a piece
« Walsingliam, Hist. 283.
110 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, of bread in the place of the Deity, was, in his
judgment, idolatry. The conduct of the priest,
also, in pretending to re-make his Maker, he
vehemently pronounced to be the last step of pre-
sumption and blasphemy. Nor was this all ; for
in a treatise published soon after this period, and
which, from its extent and its character, we may
presume to have been already in a great degree
composed, he attacks the orthodox mysteries con-
nected with the eucharist, from a most luminous
His views of perception of their general bearing. So long as
if£con" these are received in the church, their tendency,
troversy. ^^ affirms, must be to facilitate the introduction
of any dogma serving to elevate the priesthood,
however much opposed to scripture, to reason, or
to the senses. The doctrine of a real presence,
he declares to be the offspring of Satan ; and
the author of evil is viewed, while inventing it,
as reasoning thus with himself. " Should I once
** so far beguile the faithful of the church, by the
*' aid of Antichrist, my vicegerent, as to persuade
" them to deny that this sacrament is bread, and
" to induce them to regard it as merely an acci-
*' dent, there will be nothing then which I may
"• not bring them to receive, since there can be
" nothing more opposite to the scriptures, or to
'' common discernment. Let the life of a prelate
" then be what it may, let him be guilty of luxury,
*' simony, or murder, the people may be led to
*' believe that he is really no such man — nay, they
" may then be persuaded to admit, that the pope
** is infallible, at least with respect to the matters
'* of christian faith ; and that, inasmuch as he is
*' known by the name of Most Holy Father, he is
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. Ill
" of course free from sin."^ Thus it appeared to chap.
Wycliffe, that while the authority of the church —
was so far submitted to, as to involve the adoption
of this marvellous dogma, no limit could possibly
be assigned to the schemes of clerical imposture
and oppression. He sought its overthrow accord-
ingly, as being false in itself; and still more as
being the parent, directly or indirectly, of innu-
merable falsehoods. His attack, therefore, upon
transubstantiation, was evidently conducted with
a view to the general freedom of the human mind.
Nor was the reformer without that stimulus in Hiscoufi.
the present unequal contest, which arises from Jtima'te
the confidence of success. In an earlier chapter '""""''■
of the treatise last cited, he exclaims, " Oh! that
" all who believe could see how Antichrist and his
" instruments condemn the sons of the church,
" and persecute them even to death, because they
" maintain this truth as taught in the gospel.
" Truly aware I am, that the doctrine of the gos-
" pel may for a season be trampled under foot,
" that it may be overpowered in high places, and
'' even suppressed by the threatenings of Anti-
" Christ ; but equally sure I am, that it shall never
" be extinguished, for it is the recording of truth
" itself, ' Heaven and earth shall pass away, but
" so shall not my words.' Let the spirit of the
" faithful therefore awake itself, and diligently
" enquire as to the nature of this venerable sacra-
" ment, whether it be not indeed bread, as the
" gospel, the senses, and reason assure us. Cer-
" tain, verily, I am, that the idolaters who make
7 Trialogus, lib.iv.c. 7. The sub- MS. Contra Fralres, Bibl.Bodl.Archi.
stance of this passage occurs in the A. 83.
aiice before
the convoca.
tion at
ford.
112 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " to themselves gods, are not ignorant of the real
. '— "nature of these gods — though they pretend
" there is a something of deity within them,
" which is communicated, as by the God of gods."
To believe this, he remarks, is to sink in the scale
of perception beneath the pagan or the brute ;
and from what he had written, the conclusion is
said to follow, " that this venerable sacrament is
*' naturally bread, and sacramentally, the body
" of Christ. "'^
His appear- ^^it to rctum to the proceedings of the con-
vocation at Oxford. The assembly on which it
®''" devolved to ascertain the opinions of Wycliffe,
and to determine their character, consisted of the
archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Lincoln,
Norwich, Worcester, London, Salisbury, and
Hereford, with a numerous selection of doctors,
together with the chancellor of the university,
and many of the inferior clergy. Around these
also, the laity were crowded as auditors, variously
interested in the object of the meeting. Before
this imposing array of authority and learning,
and all marshalled against him, stood the rector
of Lutterworth. More than forty years had now
elapsed, since Oxford had first become his resi-
dence, and a place associated in his mind with
many pleasing recollections or pursuits. Through
that long period it had been more or less his
home. Before him it stood, a venerable esta-
blishment, formed to nurse the intellect of his
country, in subservience to the great designs of
patriotism, philanthropy, and religion. Hence he
had always been among the foremost to defend
■* Trialogus, lib. iv. c. 4.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 113
its jurisdiction as independent of all foreign con- chap.
trol, and especially of that which proceeded from
the papacy. He was now grey with age, or
rather, perhaps, as the effect of those religious
solicitudes, and that mental activity, which appear
always to have surpassed the ability of his feebler
nature, and to have been constantly exposing him
to the inroads of disease. The place, also, in
which he now appeared, under so much serious
accusation, and upon such unequal terms, had fre-
cjuently echoed to the utterance of his praise by
admiring converts, and, to the sound of his voice,
as the advocate of doctrines endeared to the purer
ages of the church. Nor is it to be supposed
that his numerous followers had become suddenly
extinct. But at this moment, the partizans of
the established superstitions had so far diffused
the terrors of their strength, that the reformer,
like another Elijah, stands apparently alone amid
a generation of his countrymen. Still, while
certain affecting recollections were doubtless fresh
within him, and while his present circumstances
were quite alarming enough to have shaken even
an extraordinary mind, such was his conviction of
the goodness of his cause, that his firmness con-
tinues unbroken.
His defence, we have seen, was such as to
extort from adversaries the praise of an unri-
valled acuteness. And his written confessions,
which the same adversaries have transmitted
to us, contain the most distinct announcements
of whatever he had previously taught on the
sacrament to which they relate. That two
confessions referring to this article should be
VOL. II. I
114 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, attributed to him, will be in part explained by
'— observing, that the one is in Latin, the other in
English. In addition to which, the first treats
the question in a style which the more learned
of his judges must have seen to be adapted to their
taste, simply for the purpose of defeating them
with their own weapons ; while the English docu-
ment touches but distantly on the distinctions of
the schools, and is framed to meet the popular
apprehension. It was not unusual to exact con-
fessions from suspected persons in this double
form ; and had those of Wycliffe contained any
recantation, both would have been publicly read
in the schools of the university, and from the
pulpits of the clergy. In this manner the twenty-
four articles had been published, which were con-
demned some months previously by the synod at
the preaching friars.
Substance Jn hls Latin confession," Wycliffe applies him-
of his con- 1 • I T 1 n 1
fession. self to demonstrate, and ni the dialect of the
schools, " that this venerable sacrament is ?iatu-
" r^//j/ bread and wine, but sacrametitalli/ the, body
*' and blood of Christ." With a view to this
object, he observes, that there are six modes of
existing that may be attributed to the body of the
Saviour ; and that three of these may be affirmed
of that body as it is present in the eucharist ; and
three of its state as peculiar to the heavenly
world. In the eucharist, he is virtually, spiri-
tually, and sacramentally present, but his sub-
stantial, his corporeal, and his dimensional
presence, is declared to pertain exclusively to
his mode of being in the celestial state. The
9 See it in the Appendix, No. Vf .
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 115
reformer then repeats the doctrine maintained by chap.
himself and his followers ; denies the charge of
their adoring the elements of bread and wine ;
and observes that he had detected the fallacies of
his opponents, who, in citing the language of the
fathers on this sacrament, were always disposed
to confound the notion of a sacramental, with that
of an identical presence. The result of this
mistake is affirmed to be, the insane fiction of an
accident, or quality, without a subject, — a tenet
declared to be equally insulting to the church, and
injurious to God.
The English confession, if we discard its or-
thography, and something of its obsolete expres-
sion, will state his judgment on this important
article more distinctly than any abridgment in
other language. *' We believe," he writes, " as
'' Christ and his apostles have taught us, that the
" sacrament of the altar, white and round, and
" like to our bread or host unconsecrated, is verily
" God's body in the form of bread ; and if it be
" broken into three parts, as is the custom of the
*' church, or into a thousand, every one of these
** parts is in the same sense God's body. And
" just as the person of Christ is very God, and
" very man, so the church through many hun-
" dred winters hath believed the same sacrament
"to be very God's body, and very bread, since
" it is the form of God's body, and the form of
" bread, as Christ and his apostles taught.
" Hence, St. Paul nameth it never without call-
" ing it bread, and he, according to our belief,
" obtained his knowledge in this matter from God.
" And the arguments of heretics against this
I 2
IV.
116 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP." doctrine, a christian man may easily answer. For
— " just as it is heresy to believe that Christ is a
" spirit and no body, so is it heresy to suppose
" that this sacrament is God's body and no bread,
*' for it is both together. But the gTcatest heresy
" which God has suffered to come to his church,
" is to suppose that this sacrament is an acci-
" dent, or a mere quality without a substance,
*' and may in no sense be God's body ; for
" Christ himself, as witnessed by John, said,
*' * This is my body.' And if they say, that
'* according to this showing holy church has
" been in heresy many hundred winters, in truth
"so it is; and especially since the fiend was
" loosed, who is witnessed of by the angel to St.
" John, as to be loosed in a thousand winters
" after Christ was ascended into heaven. But it
" is also to suppose, that many saints who died
" in the mean time, were purified from this error
" before their death. Mark how great a diver-
" sity there is, between us who suppose that this
** sacrament is very bread in its kind, and be-
" tween heretics who tell us that it is an accident
*' without a subject. For before the fiend, the
*' father of falsehood, was loosed, this deceitful
" prating was never invented. And how great
" diversity also there is between us who suppose
" that this sacrament, which in its kind is very
" bread, and sacramentally God's body, and
** heretics, who think and teach that this sacra-
** ment may in no wise be God's body. For I
" dare assuredly to say, if this were true, Christ
** and his saints died heretics, and that the
*' greater part of the holy church now believeth
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 117
"heresy. Therefore devout men suppose, that chap.
*' the council of friars in London, was the !_
" cause of the earthquake. For they put a
" heresy on Christ and on the saints in heaven :
" wherefore the earth trembled : the faithful land
*' answered the voice of man for God, as it did
" in the time of his passion, when he was sen-
" tenced to bodily death. May Christ, and his
'* mother, who in the beginning destroyed all
" heresies, keep his church in a right belief of
"this sacrament; and move the king and his
" kingdom to ask sharply of his clerks this ser-
" vice — that all his possessioners, on pain of
" losing all their temporalities, tell the king and
" his kingdom, and with sufficient evidence, what
" this sacrament is — and that all the orders of
*' friars, on pain of losing their allegiance, tell
" the king and his kingdom, and with good rea-
" son also, what is the nature of this sacrament.
" For I am certain that a third part of the clergy,
" who defend this doutes that is here said, that
*' they will defend it on pain of their life."^"
It will be remembered by the reader, that to
affirm the existence of bread in the eucharist,
after the words of consecration were pronounced,
was to deny the doctrine of transubstantiation.
In these papers this assertion is not only made,
but repeated, and that with a plainness which is
obvious on the sliohtest attention. In addition to
'"Appendix, No. VII. Wjclifleis appears to be, that, in tlie conviction of
commonly understood as stating in the the leforiiier, a third pari of the men
last sentence, that his doctrine on the wlio liad embraced iiis doctrine on this
eucharist was really that of a third point, would die rather than relin-
aniong the clergy. The passage is ijuish it.
obscure. To me its meaning rather
118 THE LIFE OF M'YCLIFFE.
CHAP, which, the reformer has gratuitously annexed to
these explicit statements of his own doctrine, an
attack on that of his opponents — and one quite
as uncompromising as may be selected from any
portion of his writings. We have before remarked,
that the properties of whiteness and roundness,
pertaining to the sacramental bread before the act
of consecration was performed, were acknow-
ledged to exist afterwards ; but that it was, never-
theless, contended, that the bread itself had
ceased to be. WyclifFe knew well that this asser-
tion, offering as it did the most hardy insult both
to the reason and the senses, was the formal doc-
trine of the men who were now before him as
his judges. This doctrine, however, he affirms
to be erroneous, heretical, a mockery of human
perception, the imputing of blasphemy to Christ
and to his saints, and of all the anti-christian
delusions which had been poured upon the church,
since the fatal hour of Satan's enlargement, this
is declared to be the most repugnant to the reli-
gion of the Bible !
Walsingham felt himself obliged to concede,
that Wycliffe's confession was a re-assertion in-
stead of a renunciation of his doctrine. But the
sagacious Henry Knighton, while inserting the
above paper in his annals, describes the reformer
as renouncing his creed to avoid the pains of
death. Under shelter too, of this feeble autho-
rity, the calumny has been often repeated ; and
it still continues to be the ground of insinuations
intended to fix upon Wycliffe the reproach of
timidity and concealment. This may have arisen
in some instances, from weakness and misappre-
THE LIFE OF WTCLIFFE. 119
liension, as would seem to have been the case chap.
with Knighton; in others, from indolence; but '- —
in many it is difficult to view it in any other light
than as an effect of that imperfect reverence for
truth, which is too commonly the result of party
zeal. The denial, indeed, of transubstantiation, in
the above documents, is too evident to require far-
ther notice;" and if there are expressions in both
which betray some hesitation of thought, as to the
precise manner in which the body and blood of
Christ are really present with their visible em-
blems in the ordinance of the Lord's Supper, it is
certain that these expressions were by no means
peculiar to the present crisis.'^ On the contrary,
they had long been, and they continue ever after to
be, of such constant occurrence in his numerous
writings, whenever this topic is referred to, that a
volume mio-ht be filled with extracts, exhibitino-
every shade of sentiment and language observable
in these more formal statements of his creed."
" It will be remembered, that the this instance. It was not to be known
chancellor, William de Berton, and from any thing already before the
liis coadjutors, when condemning the public, whether this sameness of sen-
doctrine of Wycliffe with such severe timent atid expression existed or not.
penalties, affirmed, in opposition to For any thin^ that appeared, WyclitVe
the reformer, that in this venerable might have published a doctrine on
sacrament, " the very body of Christ this subject from his pulpit at Lutter-
" and bis blood are really contained, worth widely different from that now
" not on]y fguratively or tropically, hut delivered to the convocation. I have
" essentially, suhstani tally , and corpo- read every page delivered from that
" rally ; so that Christ is there verily pulpit which has descended to us, and
" in bis own proper bodily presence." the reformer's writings generally, with
The reader will perceive that the doc- a careful reference to this point. The
trine thus condemned is precisely that result has been to ascertain, that if
which Wycliffe re-asserts, and in the Wycliffe was more of a Protestant, he
very terms of its former announcement was also more of a schoolman, than has
•See Ch. iii. and Appendix, Nos. II. III. been commonly supposed. Note to the
'2 I have been at some pains to second edition,
ascertain this fact, as it appeared to '3 Thus his work, intitled, " Against
me strictly necessary to a correct the Blasphemies of the Friars," a
judgment of the reformer's conduct in manuscript extending to about forty
120
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP.
IV.
Perplexity
of his
judiies.
But far as WyclifFe's confessions must have
been from affording satisfaction to his judges,
it is easy to conceive that no little difficulty would
be felt in adjusting the measures to be adopted
concerning him. It was known that he had
acquired no mean place in the affections of the
people, and that many of the learned and of the
powerful had shown themselves disposed to ve-
nerate his character. But from this period, and
by virtue of letters obtained from the king, his
connexion with Oxford was dissolved.'^ This,
quarto pages, and written after this
time, contains every thing to be found
in his confessions ; the same firmness
in denying the doctrine of transub-
stantiation, and the same partial ob-
scurity as to the real mode of the
Saviour's presence in the eucharist. —
Bibl. Bodl. Archi. A. 83. The first of
the heresies maintained by the friars
is said to be " of the sacrament."
" And as to the first we say, surely, of
" our faith, that the white thing and
" round that the priest consecrates
" like to the unconsecrated host, and
" which is broken and eaten, is verily
" God's body in the form of bread."
This he states as his doctrine, and
proceeds to expose the absurdity of
denying the existence of bread in the
sacrament, after the words of conse-
cration were uttered, adding, " we
" should scorn those heretics who
" leave the words of Christ, and feign
" words or sentence without autho-
" rity" "since bodily eating was
" bidden of Christ, and this bodily
" eating might not be unless there were
" bread, then this bread lasts after the
" sacreding." This is said to follow
so plainly from the words of Christ,
that should " a hundred cardinals"
assert the contrary, they are not to be
credited. His opponenis also are
compared to " crabs who start aback,"
as soon as pressed to give any rational
account of their doctrine.
Thus also he is continually express-
ing himself in his homilies. Jn that
on Ephes.iv. he thus writes: — " Christ
" saith, and saints after, that the host
" which is sacred is verily Christ's
" own body in form of bread, as cliris-
" tian men believe, and neither an
" accident without a subject, nor
" nought, as heretics say. An error in
" understanding holy writ hath brought
" in this heresy." Again, on 1 Tbes-
salonians, iv. " Would God that men
" took heed to the speech of Paul
" in this place, both to hold virtues
" and to flee heresies, for both are
" needful to men. Then men should
" hear God's word gladly, and despise
" fables, and err not in the sacred
" host, hut grant that it is both things,
" both bread and God's body." Thus
also in the discourse on the tenth
chapter in the 1st Coriiithians, noticing
the evangelical meaning given by the
apostle to the rock of the wilderness,
as a figure of Christ, he exclaims,
' And would God that heretics, iu the
' matter of the sacred host, under-
' stood these subtle words to the
' intent of the Holy Ghost, then
' should they not fear to grant that
' this bread is Cod's body."
'* Fox. Acts, &:c.
THE LIFE OF MYCLIFFE. 121
however, was not until the seeds of his doctrine chap.
had been sown there with such profusion as to '—
defy every subsequent effort to remove them.
The reformer now retired to Lutterworth, and
to eftect a wider diffusion of his principles, by
means of his writings, he there laboured with an
industry which seems to have increased with
his years and infirmities.''
It is about this period that Wycliffe was sum- "'='^<^'ted
' '' to appeal
moned by Urban to appear at Rome, and to >'«'f'^'^'' "•=
•^ ^ ' liontiff.
answer before the chair of St. Peter, on the
matters imputed to him."^ His sufferings from
paralysis, rendered his taking such a journey
impracticable; and had it been otherwise, it would
have been no part of wisdom to have exposed
himself to a conflict even less equal than that
which he had been called to encounter nearer
home. When the venerable Grossteste ventured
to publish his opposition to a particular branch of
papal corruption, he chose an indirect method
of conveying his reproof.''^ " If we except the
" sins of Lucifer and Antichrist," he observes,
" there is not, nor can there be, a greater crime,
" nor any thing more opposed to the doctrine
" of the gospel, or more odious and abominable
" in the sight of Jesus Christ, than to desolate
*' and destroy the souls of men by depriving them
'^ Wood (189) lias taken up the are tlie names of tlie assailants: Wil-
calunin}' of Wyclift'e's having de- liamde Berton, who had previously con-
scended to recant his opinions, — a deuined the doctrine of Wjcliflc, and
statement which, as Dr. Wordswortii now extends his anathema on this docu-
observes, does not accord with what merit ; John Tyssingtou ; Thomas Win-
the same writer " tells us in the same terton; John Welleys ;Ughtred Bolton ;
"page, that this confession was en- Simon Southry ; all, with the exception
" countered by no less than six several of Berton, being either monks or friars,
"antagonists immediately after its '*> See Appendix, No. VIII.
" publication," p. 49. The following i' Paris, 870,
122 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, "of the ministry, and the spiritual aid of their
1_ *' pastors. It is impossible, therefore, that the
" holy apostolic see, which has received its power
** from the Lord Jesus Christ for edification and
*' not for destruction, can be guilty of such a
" crime, or any thing approaching to it, so hateful
" to God, so injurious to man. This would be a
" most manifest corruption of its authority, the
" forfeiture of all its glory, and the means of
" plunging it into the pains of hell." The bishop
of Lincoln, however, well knew that the sins
which he so forcibly condemns, were the daily
practice of the pontiffs. Wycliffe, who was not
unacquainted with the memorable remonstrance
of this prelate, appears to have made it the model
of his own address to the same power, but glances
more widely at the features of its degeneracy,
speaks with more plainness of the necessity of
reformation, and also as to the principles which
His reply. shouM Icad to it. He begins his letter by ob-
serving, " I have joyfully to tell the belief which
" I hold, and always to the pope. For I suppose,
" that if my faith be right and given of God, the
'* pope will gladly preserve it, and that if my
" faith be error, the pope will wisely amend it."
From this introduction he proceeds to declare
his faith in the supreme authority of the scrip-
tures, and his determination to follow the pontiff
himself, only as he shall be found to follow the
Author of the gospel. Describing " the gospel
" of Christ" as a "part of the body of God's
" law," he thus proceeds. " For I believe that
" Jesus Christ, who gave in his own person this
" gospel, is very God, and very man, and that
THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE. 123
" for this reason it passes all other laws. I sup- chap.
" pose over this that the pope is most obliged to '. —
" the keeping of the gospel, among all men who
*' here live, for the pope is the highest vicar that
" Christ has here on earth. But the greatness
" of Christ's vicars is not measured by worldly
" greatness, but by this, that this same vicar
" follows Christ most in virtuous living, for thus
" teaches the gospel. That this is the judgment
" of Christ and his apostles, I take as a part of
'* faith, since Christ, during the time that he
" walked here, was the most poor of all men
" both in spirit and in possession, for Christ says,
" that he had no where for to rest his head.
" And beside this, I take as a part of faith, that
" no man should follow the pope, no, nor any
" saint that is now in heaven, but inasmuch as
" he followed Christ ; for James and John erred,
" and Peter and Paul siimed." If this language
could not fail to offend, the following statement
would be equally unwelcome. " This," he ob-
serves, " I take as wholesome counsel, that the
" pope should leave his worldly lordship to
" worldly lords, as Christ enjoins him ; and that
" he should speedily move all his clerks to do so,
" for thus did Christ, and taught his disciples
" thus, until the fiend had blinded this world."
He concludes with his usual expression of wil-
lingness to retract his opinions, should they be
proved erroneous ; and by stating, that as the
providence of the Redeemer was plainly opposed
to his visiting Rome, he trusts the pontiff will not
shew himself to be indeed Antichrist, by insisting
on a compliance with his pleasure on that point.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAPTER V.
STATE OF THE REFORMED DOCTRINE ON THE CONTINENT DURING THE AGE OF
WYCLIFFE. CAUSES OF THE PROTECTION FREQUENTLY AFFORDED TO ITS
DISCIPLES BY THE SECULAR POWER. PROBABLE MOTIVES OF THE DUKE
OF LANCASTER IN PATRONIZING WYCLIFFE. THE REFORMER IS FAVOURED
BY THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER THE QUEEN MOTHER ANNE OF BOHEMIA.
FARTHER NOTICE OF WYCLIFFe's MORE DISTINGUISHED FOLLOWERS.
GEOFFREY CHAUCER.' INFLUENCE OF POETRY ON THE REFORMATION
OF THE CHURCH. NOTICE OF ST. AMOUR OF THE ROMAN DE LA ROSE
AND OF ROBERT LONGLAND.
CH^p. While the English reformer was thus em-
ployed in diffusino- the principles of spiritual
state of the ^ J O 1 i i • l i
reformed freedoHi through this once vassal kmgdom, the
theconti- descendants of the Vaudois and Albigenses had
nent during . ., , • i . r- i
the age of visiolv Hicrcascd in many parts oi the continent.
Wycliffe. ^, *^ ,.,,''... ,
The secrecy to which their opinions and practices
had been consigned, as affording their only hope
of security from the return of persecution, was
less cautiously observed ; and their names occur,
in consequence, with greater frequency in the
bulls of the pontiffs, and in the decress of clerical
assemblies. We find them variously scattered
through Germany, France, and Italy itself; and
traces of them are observable in Poland, in Spain,
in Bohemia, and along the farthest shores of the
Adriatic. But in every locality the same vicissi-
tudes attended them. In many instances, the
profits which arose from the confiscation of their
property, appears to have supplied the principal
motive to persecution ; in some it resulted from
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 125
that mixture of irritation and contempt that is not chap.
unfrequently produced by objects which, if too ^—
insignificant to create alarm, are sufficiently im-
portant to prove an annoyance. Despised, how-
ever, as the feeble remnant of the Waldenses
generally was, at this period, they were to do
much among the nations of the continent toward
preserving the seeds of that momentous revolu-
tion, which stands so prominently connected with
the names of WyclifFe, Huss, and Luther.
In districts where the continuance of these peo- Motives of
pie was such as to render them known, the no- fui inV."
bility, and the proprietors of the soil, generally senters^froni
proved their protectors and friends. This may rarchy!'
have arisen, in some cases, from those motives of
interest, which the industry and frugality of the
sectaries contributed so largely to affect ; and in
others, from an admiration of those unquestionable
virtues, which were found to distinguish these
suspected communities. From considerations of
this nature, nobles, who were not themselves pre-
pared to abandon the communion of Rome, were
often constrained to shelter a people who were
known to be opposed to its pretensions. It is
probable, also, that they frequently saw much to
deplore in the ambition or the worldliness of the
existing priesthood, and in the superstitions which
were generally imposed on the people ; and that
perceiving the virtues which the papal sacraments
were not always known to confer, could exist in
contempt of them, they began in some instances to
possess a real sympathy with these humble devo-
tees, in their sighs to escape from the yoke of the
pontiffs. But the machinery of despotism had
126 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, been too completely adjusted, with a view to crush
'- — every victim that would be free, and too long-
sanctified by the practice and the laws of nations,
to admit of being materially injured by local and
isolated efforts. The reformation to be attempted
by such influence, could refer only to the details,
or to the more glaring abuses of the system, leav-
ing all its great principles, and the sources of its
strength, undisturbed.'
The whole of these motives, though in them-
selves of various excellence, imply much that is
honourable with respect to the character of the
parties who were so often indebted to them for
Probable protcction. Considerations of the mixed cha-
jo°hn'^or racter described, appear to have influenced the
pJtronizinij dukc of Laucastcr in his patronage of Wyclifl'e.
wyti.ffe. rp|_^g encroachmcuts of the papacy, not only in
reference to the honours and the property of the
English church, but, through that medium, on the
authority of the crown, had evidently displeased
him. He was thus prepared to encourage the
labours of a man who proposed to shew, that such
things were as unlike pure Christianity, as they
were unfriendly to the interests of the nation.
So long, therefore, as the zeal of the rector of
Lutterworth was limited to the discipline emanat-
ing from the court of Rome, or to the more ob-
noxious of the superstitions which its authority
had sanctioned, the shield of Lancaster was over
him. But some time before the meeting at Ox-
ford in 1382, WyclifFe had extended his attacks
from the politics to the doctrine of the hierarchy,
• The reader disposed to attend further to this subject is referred to
Note C.
THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE. 127
and that in many particulars besides the point of chap.
the real presence. This distinction between the '
spiritual dogmas of the church, and her external
polity, had long been familiar to the laity of
Europe ; and the reformer's innovations upon the
one, would not fail to alarm many of his contem-
poraries, who had been most sincere in his cause
while concerning himself only with the other.
Thus it was in general upon the continent, and
thus it long continued to be in England. To a
solicitude for the independence of his country, the
duke certainly added a respect for literature, and
for good men ; and from these causes alone, he
might honestly favour the efforts which were
designed to secure some narrower limits to the
empire of the popes. His second marriage, how-
ever, contracted simply because it promised to
open his way to the throne which had been so
much disgraced by Peter the cruel ; and the na-
ture of his subsequent connexion with Catharine
Swinford, are particulars in his history which can-
not be rendered pleasing. From these, and some
other less prominent facts in the story of his life,
it is but too certain, that however much the poli-
tical creed of Wycliife might commend itself to
the mind of John of Gaunt, it was not the happi-
ness of that distinguished nobleman to follow the
lessons of the reformer with respect to moral
obligation and the nature of piety. Wycliffe
might oppose the secular ambition of the clergy
with all the decision of Arnold of Brescia; or assail
the idolatrous customs of the church with the
severity of Vigilantius ; but to inculcate the
claims of the christian doctrine with the purity
128 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, and earnestness of a primitive believer, v^as to
' proceed where a few only would follow.
It is at the same time greatly to the honour of
the duke, that, disapproving as he did of the doc-
trine of WyclifFe in relation to the eucharist, and
unprepared as he was to follow out the plans of
improvement proposed in the writings of that
reformer, he continued to be known as an admirer
of his character, and as the friend of his follow-
ers. He had listened to the herald of the ap-
proaching change in the faith and customs of
Europe with delightful interest ; and if there were
things which he was not disposed to relinquish,
though denounced as unlawful, it was not his
manner to forget the excellencies which he knew
to be connected with what he discountenanced as
error. More than once, subsequently to the year
1382, his authority was successfully employed in
behalf of the persecuted ; to his death, no man's
life was the forfeiture incurred by his creed.
Among his latest acts, was a defence in parliament
of the translation of the scriptures into English.
These he declared to be the property of the peo-
ple, and a property which no priesthood should
be allowed to wrest from them.
It should also be remarked, that, had the re-
formed opinions been more fully adopted by Lan-
caster; it is difficult to perceive how his authority
could have been rendered equal to the task, of
completely protecting the men who had embraced
them. Richard, by his extravagance and his fa-
vouritism, and by his participation in the disputes
which had been so unhappily prevalent from the
commencement of his reign, had rendered himself
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 129
almost dependent on the clergy. By the queen- chap.
mother, he may have been taught to think favour- - — 1—
ably of the character of Wycliffe ; but alone, he
could never have withstood the enmity of the
church, which would have been the certain conse-
quence of his befriending the reformers. His
uncle, of Lancaster, was the only statesman who
could have afforded him any material aid in pur-
suing such a line of policy ; and the malevolent
rumours circulated with respect to him, had so
far injured him both with the court and the
people, as to render it improbable that even his
influence would have been equal to such a crisis.'*
The king possessed neither the consistency, nor
the energy, which, at such a moment, could alone
inspire confidence ; while a boisterous temper,
which seemed to forebode the coming disasters of
the whole state, was constantly disclosing itself,
both among the governing and the governed. But
over all these circumstances, there was one Mind
presiding, to whose infinite discernment it ap-
peared well, that there should be in the regene-
ration of Christendom, as in the system of nature,
a seed time, and a wintry interval, before the ap-
pearance of spring, and the abundance of harvest.
Nor was the duke of Lancaster the only dis- Hiseftoru
tinguished person in the fourteenth century, whobyouief
was known to be favourable to a reformation ofed't'"""' '"
the Anglican church. His brother of Gloucester
may be presumed, from the work which Wycliffe
dedicated to him, to have been friendly to the zeal
2 KiiightoD, 2657. Lewis, c. v. All his great admirer, Mr. Godwin. See
.that may be said in favour of John of the Life of Chaucer, ii. 219, 383—386,
Gaunt has been elaborately adduced by and elsewhere.
VOL. II. K
. persons
]30 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
^ ^y ^' of the reformer, as directed against the evils intro-
duced into the ecclesiastical system by the men-
dicants.^ In the number of his friends, we also
find the widow of the Black Prince, the mother
of the youthful Richard, — a female, whose cha-
racter, equally amiable and commanding, seemed
to authorize that interference with the disputes
of the period which is not unfrequent in her his-
tory. It is conjectured, that her husband, toward
the close of life, had regarded Lancaster with an
eye of suspicion."* If so, the protection which the
reformer obtained from that quarter, while known
to be under the peculiar patronage of John of
Gaunt, is the more honourable to the mother of the
sovereign, and to the object of her favour. The
motives which led her to prevent any definite sen-
tence from being passed on the opinions of Wycliffe,
by the synod at Lambeth, would perhaps induce
an effort to create an esteem of the character and
doctrine of the reformer in the mind of her son.
But the feeble monarch began his career in too
much dependence on the clergy; lending his
name, and that in contempt of the constitution,
to aid their measures of intolerance.
Anne of His Qucen came to this country in 1382. She
Bohemia. * -^
was daughter to the emperor Charles the fourth,
and sister to the king of Bohemia. By Wycliffe
she is described as the sister of Csesar, and as
3 MS. of Trinity College, Dublin, is said to have taken place in the pre-
class C. tab. 3. No. 12. This work sence of the duke ; and that Knighton
treats considerably of theological opi- speaks of more than one person bear-
nions. The writer states, among other ing that title, as among the friends of
things, that "God is so good that in Wycliffe, " cum rfuciiiM et comitibus."
each goodness he is before, and in De Event. 2661.
each evil he conieth after the effect." "• Vol. i. 346, 377.
It should be added that the discassiou
THE LIFE OF AVYCLIFFE. 131
possessing the gospel written in three languages, chap.
Bohemian, German, and Latin ; and the reformer-
inquires whether to " hereticate her on that
" account, would not be luciferian folly. "^ Her
removal from this world, in which little repose
was allotted to her, took place in 1394, and Arun-
del, the primate, noticing her loss, observes, that
** although she was a stranger, yet she constantly
** studied the four gospels in English, and ex-
" plained by the exposition of the doctors ; and
'' in the study of these, and reading of godly
" books, she was more diligent than even the pre-
*' lates themselves, though their office and busi-
" ness require this of them."^ The queen's
connexion with Germany, and especially with
Bohemia, may, in some measure, explain this
attachment to the scriptures in the vernacular
tongue, and the favour w^ith which she is said to
have regarded the reformers. In Germany, the
power of the pontiffs had always to contend with
the rival power of the emperors ; and, in addition
to this, with the less partial hostilities of sectaries,
whom no persecution could destroy.'
While the nearest connexions of the sovereign
were so far interested in the character and the
labours of Wycliffe, it will be supposed that the
reformer did not fail to obtain partisans among
other privileged classes of his countrymen. It
was indeed a matter of thankfulness with him,
that ** many knights favoured the gospel, and
" had a mind to read it in English f ^ and it is
5 Lewis. in the text of the former edition, will
« Fox. Acts, &c. be found at the end of this volume,
7 The sketch of the religious his- in Note D.
tory of Bohemia, which had its place ^ jyis. Horn, on Matt. xi. Bib. Reg"
K 2
132 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, the sincere lamentation of the orthodox Henry
L_ Knighton, that these '' having a zeal for God,
" but not according to knowledge, often sur-
" rounded the false preachers with military bands,
" that they might not suffer any reproaches or
" losses on account of their profane doctrine."
That such men, and their attendants, should
appear in arms, was the custom of the age ; and
hardly worthy of that distinction would they
have been, had they hesitated to employ their
authority with a view to protect the men from
reproach and losses, whom they professed to
consider as worthy of far other treatment. To
act upon the defensive merely, was to deserve
the praise of moderation. We have seen that so
early as the year 1377, Lord Percy, the earl
marshal, avowed himself the friend of Wycliffe,
and appeared in that character with John of Gaunt
before the synod at St. Paul's. But the names
which occur most frequently, as those of per-
sons in the higher classes who favoured the doc-
trine of the reformer, are Sir John Pecche, Sir
Reginald Hilton, Sir John Trussel, Sir William
Neville, Sir John Clenboun, Sir John Montague,
Sir Lewis Clifford, Sir Thomas Latimer, and Sir
Richard Sturry.
The father of Sir John Pecche was a knight of
Wormleighton, in Warwickshire. He had been
warden of the Cinque Ports, and governor of
Corfe Castle, and died in the last year of Edward
the third. His son survived the reformer but
two years. Sir Reginald Hilton is described as
of Hilton, in the county palatine of Durham,
and Sir John Trussel, as of Cubleston in Stafford-
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 133
shire. Sir William Neville was the third son ofcHAi\
Ralph, lord Neville ; Sir John Montague or Mon- !_
tacute, was brother to William de Montacute,
earl of Salisbury ; the family of Sir John
Clenboun is unknown. By certain of these no-
blemen, the images found in the churches sub-
ject to their patronage, are said to have been
demolished ; — a fact which suggests, that their
attachment to WyclifFe arose from an approbation
of his theological, as well as of his political creed.
Sir Lewis Clifford was the younger son of Sir
Roger Clifford, of Hert and Hertness, in the
county of Durham. In 1385, he received the
order of the garter, and he will be remembered
as the messenger of the queen-mother to the
synod at Lambeth, requiring a suspension of the
process commenced against Wycliffe. Sir Tho-
mas Latimer was the son of John le Latimer, of
Brabroke, in Northamptonshire. Sir Richard
Slurry was the advocate of the Lollards in their
memorable appeal to the government in 1395;
when his temerity is said to have been severely
reprimanded by Richard."
Through a series of ages, the drawing up of
testamentary documents wtxs left to the taste, or
9 It is of the persons noticed above that he "was one of the chief of the
that Knighton thus writes ; " Isti erant " sect of the Lollaids, and tlie greatest
" liujus secte'prouiotores strenuisimi, " fanatic of them ail ; being so trans-
" et propngnatores fortissimi : qui mi- " ()oited with zea], that he caused all
" litari cingulo ambiebant, nt a recte " the images that were in the chapel
" credentibus aliquid approbrii aut " at Schenele (Shenly in Buckingham-
" darapni propter eoruni prophanam " shire), that had been there set up
" doctrinam sortirentur." De Event. " by the ancestors of his wife, to he
Anglae. 2Gt)l. Dugdale has collected " taken down and thrown into obscure
the information respecting these friends " places, only the image of St. Cathe-
of reform which is given in the text. " rine, in regard that many did affect
Baronage, i. ii. ubi supra. Of Sir " it, he gave leave that it should stand
John Moatacule, the antiquarian writes " in his bakehouse." Baronage, i 650.
134 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP rather to the policy of the clergy, and in such re-
' cords the leading articles of the established creed
generally made their appearance. Hence it hap-
pened, that any omission in such documents of
appeals to the clemency of the Virgin, or of pro-
vision for masses after death, came to be regarded
as indicating a repugnance to such tenets on the
part of the deceased. Nor is it merely a nega-
tive evidence of this kind, which is sometimes
supplied by such memorials. The influence of
Wycliffe's teaching vv^as frequently such as to in-
duce his followers to discard the usual pomp of
funerals, and to bestow their alms on the neces-
sitous, instead of adding to the opulence of the
priesthood. Thus the will of Sir John Montague,
dated 1388, requires *' that a black cloth of wool
" (instead of a pall of silk or velvet,) should be
*' laid over his body, and about, as also within his
*' hearse ; and to cover the ground should be
** cloth of russet and white, to be distributed to
" poor people after the burial, namely, as much
" as might make every poor man a coat and
'* a hood." Thus also. Sir Thomas Latimer,
wholly omitting the usual donation for masses,
and month-minds, enjoins " that there be no man-
*' ner of cost done about his burying, neither in
'* meat, neither in drink, nor in any other thing,
*' unless it be to any such one as needeth it after
** the law of God." Similar instructions are found
in the will of Lewis Cliff'ord, who, in common with
the knight last mentioned, commends his spirit
*' simply to the grace and the great mercy of the
" Trinity;" though aware thatthe orthodox mode
of disposing of the soul, was to commit it to the
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 135
care of the Viroin, and of all saints. Some hum- chap.
. . V.
ble confessions of sinfulness made by these per-
sons, have been interpreted as proofs of their
penitence, on account of the sanction which they
had given to the heresies of Wycliffe, But such
was the doctrine of that reformer respecting the
extent of human depravity, that no one sincerely
embracing it, would be found slow to confess him-
self " a false knight to God, and unworthy to be
*' called a christian man." ^'^
Of the degree in which the opinions of Wyclifte
were adopted by these distinguished persons,
we cannot speak with precision ; but it is certain
that their known favourable feeling was of no
trivial service to his cause. The wealth of such
men, also, was strictly necessary, in the absence
of printing, to effect any considerable multipli-
cation of his writings ; and their power, which
could alone awe the curious zeal of inquisitors,
was no less important as the means of preserving
such prohibited treasures when obtained. Could
it be shewn, therefore, that the knights of the
fourteenth century were few of them prepared
to brave any serious losses, in defence of what
may be called protestant doctrine, it is certain
that many of them were so far attached to good
men, and to the principles of religious freedom,
as to prove the means of saving many of the
works of the father of the reformation from obli-
vion. And it is only from the writings of Wycliffe
that we can hope to place his conduct and opi-
nions in their proper light. The volume in the
library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,
'" Dugdale's Baronage.
136 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. containing as it does the most popular of the
' reformer's pieces, and extending to more than
three hundred pages, with double columns, closely
written, is the work of one transcriber. The
same is true of another volume, including nearly
the same series of treatises, in the library of Tri-
nity College, Dublin. Such labour could not
have been procured without cost ; nor is it easy
to conceive how works so formidable, and for-
bidden under such penalties, should have been
preserved through so long an interval, except we
view them as being for some generations the pro-
perty of the powerful. Had they become the
possession of churchmen, they would have been
committed to the flames, or have been deposited
among the secreted articles which have some-
times found their place in ecclesiastical libraries.
But the reader will perceive from the catalogue
of the reformer's manuscripts, appended to this
volume, that it is not from such sources that any
material information is to be derived, respecting
the history or the opinions of WyclifFe. His
works are ours, mainly, as the fruit of that mental
independence, which began to distinguish the lay
nobility, and the leaders of the commons in this
country, before the disastrous accession of Henry
the fourth.
Nor is it to be supposed, that the penalties were
always inconsiderable, which were incurred by
public men when they became known to the clergy
as the friends of Wycliffe, or, indeed, as refusing
to show themselves his enemies. The reverse is
evident in the case of the duke of Lancaster, and
of several others. But numbered with these early
THE LIFE OF AVYCLIFFE. 137
advocates of the reformed doctrines, and at the ^h a p.
same time distinguished from them all by his '- —
heroic sufferings, is Sir John Oldcastle, a knight,
who from the inheritance of his wife, obtained
the name of lord Cobham, and who after earning
the confidence of Henry the fourth, and of his
successor, was doomed to perish at the stake as
a peace-offering, supplied by the sovereign to
appease the wrath of an intolerant priesthood.
This illustrious martyr was contemporary with
Wycliffe ; but as the story of his wrongs relates
to a period considerably subsequent to the
decease of our reformer, it will more properly
claim our attention in the last chapter of this
volume.
It was not without many appearances of pro- ^|'°J[^^y
priety, that the early admirers of Wycliffe's cha-
racter were accustomed to reckon the name of
Geoffrey Chaucer, the father of English poetry,
with those of his disciples. The poet was a native
of London, and about four years younger than the
reformer. Among his earliest efforts had been
a translation of the Roman de la Rose, — a poem
which satyrized the vices of the mendicants, with
a freedom which must have been highly accept-
able to Wycliffe ; and both these distinguished
men found their leading patron in John of Gaunt.
It was to be presumed that Chaucer had em-
braced the doctrines which called for the refor-
mation of the church, to the degree in which they
were adopted by Lancaster ; and if some pieces
fraught with protestant sentiments have been
improperly attributed to him, there are others of
unquestionable authenticity which place this fact
138 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, beyond suspicion." There is one circumstance,
however, which is alone sufficient to prevent our
regarding the author of the Canterbury Tales,
as being, in all respects, a disciple of Wycliffe,
and one, the bearing of which, in this view, has
not been adequately noticed. The reformer was
scarcely more distinguished from the age in which
he lived, by the truth and sublimity of his reli-
gious doctrine, than by the purity of his maxims
and of his feelings with regard to morals. Chaucer,
too, has shown that he could sometimes appre-
ciate a delicacy of this kind. But in other in-
stances he could dwell on licentious themes, could
descend to play with them, and to extract amuse-
ment from them, in a manner which, in the
judgment of Wycliffe, must have been seriously
reprehensible." With him, to touch such mat-
ters, except for the purpose of loud and imme-
diate rebuke, was not only to be exposed to
infection, but to betray the interests of religion
and of society. It should be remembered, also,
that the poet speaks with reverence, even in his
latest compositions, of transubstantiation, and of
confession to a priest.'' Few, however, are the
evils, either in the church or in the state of
society, to which the censure of Wycliffe was
applied, which may not be found as the subject
of satire or complaint in the poems of Chaucer.
And if the same things are treated with more
severity by the reformer than by the poet, it is
as the obvious consequence of a more adequate
•I Godwin's Life of Chaucer, ubi apologize for tliis feature of liis writ-
supra. ings. See Preface lo his Fables.
" Drjden, with all his admiration of '^ Ibid.
Chaucer's genius, knew not how to
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 139
perception with respect to the evil involved in that chap.
apostacy which had come upon the church, and — - —
which shed its baneful influence through every
part of society. As a faithful delineation of the
manners of our ancestors, in the fourteenth cen-
tury, the works of Chaucer must ever be valuable;
and notwithstanding his too frequent innovations
on its purity, his labours certainly contributed
much to give form and efficiency to the language
of his country.
But the celebrity of our father-poet is not to be
considered as arising, in any great degree, from
such extrinsic causes. Chaucer has been fre-
quently associated with Dante and Petrarch,
though to modern readers, even among ourselves,
his name is much more familiar than his writings.
Reviewing his productions of a graver cast, it
must be confessed, that, had his attention been
limited to such themes, his fame would have been
very much less than at present. His Parson's
Tale has been sometimes noticed as probably sug-
gested by the known excellencies of the rector
of Lutterworth. But if it were so, there can
hardly be a more striking proof of the writer's
incapacity to describe, or even to understand, the
more commanding elements of human character.
The speaker is evidently one of those men, whose
amiable qualities can hardly fail to be revered in
a parish ; but who has none of the power neces-
sary to produce the smallest indulation on the
surface of society beyond that little boundary.
In Wycliffe, that religious condescension which
must win the affections of a village, was united
with proofs of capacity which inspired the
140 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, confidence of senates, and with an energy in
L_ action which menaced the very throne of the
papacy, and provoked its whole strength to the
conflict. Sublimity, either in thought or expres-
sion, was not the excellence of Chaucer. This
must much rather be sought in his humorous
notices of the manners of the age. The tran-
sition is, as from slumber to wakefulness, the
moment his narrative becomes embued with
mirth or satire; and it may be regretted, that his
vivacity and playfulness are commonly increased
by coming in contact with impurity. The Knight's
Tale, though a borrowed story, is so treated as
to demonstrate the vigour of his fancy. His
Troilus and Cresida would have been more beau-
tiful and more popular, had its author known how
to compress his pleasing theme ; but the whole
of the Canterbury Tales, and especially their
prologue, should be attentively read by the stu-
dent of poetry, who would form a just estimate
of Chaucer's genius.
Influence of Of poctry lu general, it has been frequently re-
S^reforma- marked, that its earliest strains were the offspring-
church! " of devotion. It was thus with the descendants of
Abraham : and among gentile nations, the harp
would seem to have been first struck in honour of
their gods. The drama itself was a creation of
the Greek mythology, and a part of their religious
ritual ; and it is curious to observe, that its re-
appearance in Europe was as an appendage to
religion. In those scenic exhibitions, to which
ecclesiastics were so much attached during the
season of Lent, the steps which issued in the cre-
ation or in the redemption of the world, and the
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 141
most striking portions of scripture history, all of chap.
which their chroniclers had previously versified, '. —
were acted in detail. Such performances are still
encouraged in catholic countries ; and as they
gradually passed into the hands of the lay min-
strels, they became the vehicle of much whole-
some satire on the manners of the clergy, and
continued to be until the age of the reformation.
The troubadours, who united the office of the
minstrel and the poet, and were in fact the bards
of modern Europe, rose with the opening of the
twelfth century. On many of these, considerable
praise was bestowed by Dante and Petrarch ; but
their printed compositions have not equalled the
anticipations which ,the eulogies of such men
would necessarily excite. It is probable that most
of their pieces have suffered from translation ;
and greatly more, from losing that accompaniment
of the voice and instrument, to which they were
no doubt adjusted with considerable ingenuity.
To the troubadours much licence was conceded in
handling the weapons of satire ; and while some
of them sung with delight the downfall of heresy,
others, and even a greater number, were no less
disposed to lash the vices, and question the pre-
tensions of the accredited priesthood.'"' A dis-
" The following is a specimen of the " cile ? Thou wilt not yield ! But the
manner in which the catholic trouba- " ilames and the torture await thee,
dour was accustomed to address the " and thou art going to experience
lieretics of his day: " See now, here- " them. Gnd ought to punish thee in
" tic, if thou dost not commit an in- " hell worse than the demons. Before
"famous perfidy; thou liest like a " thou art delivered up to the flames,
" robber, and thou art in truth the '' as thou wilt be if thou dost not re-
" thief of souls. If thou refusest to " tract, I wish to ask thee, &c. Wlio-
" believe, behold the fire which is " ever does not believe these things
'•burning thy companions ready to " ought not to complain if he be seized
" consume thee. What, still indo- " and burnt. Every country where
142 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, tinguished living writer has remarked of the
tedious collections made by Millot from this class
of men, that " they will always be useful to the
" enquirer into the manners and opinions of the
" middle ages, from the numerous illustrations
" which they contain of two general facts, — the
*' extreme dissoluteness of morals in the higher
"ranks, — and the prevailing animosity of all
** classes against the clergy.""^ What is thus
stated of the poems of the troubadours, is equally
true of the romances of chivalry.
The Roman Tq thc lattcr class of compositions, as its name
imports, belongs the Roman de la Rose. This
poem, which reached the alarming extent of
twenty thousand verses, was the joint production
of William de Lorris, and John de Meun ; and was
completed a little before the close of the thirteenth
century. The work is an elaborate allegory ; and
notwithstanding some puerile conceits, which
occur both in the structure and in the details of
the story, and some other defects, it is one of no
" thy perfidioas dochiue has been " covetousuess blinds you, you shear
"spread ought to be swallowed np. " the wool of your sheep too close. If
" Unless thou confessest instantly, the " my prayers could be heard, I would
" fire is already lighted ; thou shalt be " bruise your beak. Rome, in whom
" proclaimed by trumpet through the " all the Greek is found ! Rome, of
" city, and the people will assemble to " evil manners and of evil faith, who
"see thee burnt." Hist. Tronb. pp. "has made so great a carnage, who
48, 49, 52, 57, 59, GO. But this raer- " has established her seat at the bot-
ciless wrath was fitted to produce a " torn of the abyss of perdition ; may
re-action of violence. The following " God never pardon you your pilgrim-
is from the pen of a writer of the same " age to Avignon. Without a cause
order, who had witnessed the massa- " have yon put innumerable people to
ores of Toulouse : "I know they wish " death. May the demons carry you
"me ill because I have made a sir- " to the fire of hell." Ibid. 449 — 451.
" vente against the false tribe of Rome, The writer giving publicity to such
" the source of all decline. I am not sentiments, must have been aware that
" astonished that the world is full of they were not peculiar to himself. See
" error. It is deceitful Rome which Turner's Hist. i. 447, 448.
" soweth it with trouble and war. Your " Hallam's View of Society, &c.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
143
ordinary merit, whether viewed in connexion with cf^ap.
the age that produced it, or with the inventions
of the same class by which it was preceded.
The master passion in the tale is love ; and this,
together with every abstract quality which might
be supposed to retard or facilitate the possession
of its object, the writer has personified. When
the untaught genius of Bunyan conferred so
much dramatic attraction on the same species of
machinery, he was doubtless ignorant of the work
of de Lorris, and probably of its various imita-
tions. But Thomson possessed them all as his
models, when lavishing his refinement and power
on The Castle of Indolence. It is somewhat
more than the latter half of the Roman de la
Rose, which is attributed to John de Meun ; and
though the former portion of the work is de-
scribed as possessing most of poetical feeling
and animation, the remaining is more worthy of
notice in this place, since, in some of its parts,
it more directly illustrates the religion of the
period.^"
A dispute had arisen sometime since, between
the mendicant orders, respecting the latitude
in which their vows of poverty should be inter-
preted. By a numerous party, a papal bull was
procured, empowering them to build convents,
and furnish them, on condition that such property
should belong to the see of Rome, so as to be
disposed of at the pleasure of the pontiffs. But
this, the more severe, or, as they were afterwards
called, the more spiritual, considered as a violation
of their rule, and as an opening to every abuse
'* Godwin's Chaucer, ii. c. i. 2.
144 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, which had so long disgraced the monastic esta-
L_ bUshments. Aided by the prophetic genius of
the abbot Joachim, these spiritual controversialists
discovered their founder, St. Francis, in the angel
described in the Apocalypse as flying through
the midst of heaven bearing the everlasting gos-
pel. Charmed with this new light, the general
theory of the Calabrian prophet was presently
adopted ; and it was boldly affirmed, that three
dispensations of religion were appointed to the
world ; the first being that of the Old Testament,
and proceeding from the Father ; the second, that
of the New, which had proceeded from the Son ;
and the last, that of the everlasting gospel, which,
after the year 1260, would be found to proceed
from the Holy Ghost. This gospel Joachim had
been inspired to write, and the surpassing bles-
sedness of the new economy was to be intro-
duced by the labours of the spiritual brotherhood,
as being alone the disciples of evangelical po-
verty.''
St. Amour, In publishing these dogmas, the mendicants
found their principal antagonist in the celebrated
William de St. Amour, who, in his memorable
work entitled, De Periculis Novissimorum Tem-
porum, describes them as being the Man of sin
foretold by St. Paul. Of this treatise, an abstract
is interwoven by John de Meun, in the Roman
de la Rose. There are two points which are
urged with great emphasis by both writers. " First,
'7 Mosheim. iii. 209 — 211. Cave. to have possessed considerable in-
Hist Lit. Art. Joachimus. The pro- fluence over the mind of the visionarj,
phecies of Joachim have been fre- and to have been sometimes treated
quentlj printed on the continent. And with respect by persons of another
down to verj recent times they appear class. See MosLeira, iii. 238, 289.
THE LIFE OF M^YCLIFFE. 145
the conduct of these friars in insinuatino- them- chap.
. . . , V.
selves into the houses of individuals, hearing '. —
*' their confessions, giving them absolution, and
" seducing them from their spiritual pastors and
** bishops, under whose care and superintendence
" the established order of the christian hierarchy
" had placed them. John de Meun alleges, in
" a satirical manner, that the friars are very little
" disposed to exercise their powers of edification
'' upon the poor, but that they confine themselves
" to the eminent, the powerful, and the wealthy.
'* They urge, he says, in vindication of this con-
" duct, that such men are more exposed to the
" temptations of the world, have more sins to
" answer for, and therefore stand in more urgent
" need of spiritual assistance. The other point,
" very elaborately treated against the mendicants,
" is their idleness, and their mode of subsisting
" upon the earnings of men more industrious than
" themselves. The friars alleged that Christ and
" his apostles lived in the same manner, wan-
" derers upon the face of the earth, and without
" visible means of subsistence. But against this,
" their opponents urged certain texts of St. Paul,
" in which he recommends to his followers to
** work with their own hands, and appeals to
" those he taught, whether at any time he ac-
" cepted any man's silver or gold. St. Augustine
" is also quoted to prove that devotion has by no
" means so exclusive a claim upon us, as to su-
" persede the exercise of secular industry.""
The evils stated in this extract will be remem-
bered as those which provoked the displeasure
>s Godwia's Cliaucer, ii. c. ii.
VOL. II. L
146 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
c H A P. of WyclifFe ; and the reasonings opposed to them
— '■ — are precisely such as are of constant occurrence
in the writings of the English reformer. So loud,
however, and so general was the condemnation of
the eternal gospel, that Alexander the fourth con-
sidered it prudent to order its suppression. This
decision of the pontiff called forth an embassy in
the following year, with Albertus Magnus and
Thomas Aquinas at its head ; and it was granted,
that a sentence of banishment should be imme-
diately pronounced against their adversary, St.
Amour, and that his obnoxious work should be
burnt as heretical, by the public executioner. But
on the death of Alexander, the exile returned to
Paris, and, protected by the university, he con-
tinued his attacks on the authors of his disgrace,
to the close of his life. When we consider the
heavy and involved character of the Roman de
la Rose, its great popularity, from the period of
its appearance to the age of Luther, is not a little
surprising ; as including the substance of the
controversy which so powerfully attracted St.
Amour and WyclifFe, its influence on the ap-
proaching reformation was not trivial. By the
early reformers, its celebrity was regarded with
exultation ; while among the more zealous of the
Romanists, it was the object of special abhor-
rence. Gerson, whose name is of such frequent
occurrence in the history of the council of Con-
stance, affirmed before that assembly, that unless
he could suppose the author of that composi-
tion had lived to repent of his labour, he would
no more pray for his soul than for that of Judas. ^^
'9 Godwin's Chaucer, jibi supra.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 147
That Chaucer had laboured to render so ob- chap.
V.
noxious a book more generally known, would be '—
sufficient to excite the suspicions of the ortho-
dox, and to induce the reformers to number him
with their friends. In addition to which, no small
portion of the materials found in his own pro-
ductions, was evidently derived from that work ;
and those corruptions of the ecclesiastical system,
which the Roman de la Rose tended so deeply
to unveil, are assailed with equal freedom in the
Canterbury Tales. Thus the story of the Somp-
noure describes the practices of the mendicants,
as supplying to the infernal regions the larger
portion of its inhabitants ; reserving its foulest
locality for swarms of friars. Whether preaching
in the church, the castle, or the cottage, or per-
forming the function of confessors at the bed-
side of the sick, the religion of these men is
viewed as a mere craft, in which fables, falsehood,
and cruelty, are made to favour the schemes of
avarice, and to pander to the lowest sensuality.
The Pardoner's Tale is a farther exhibition of the
same species of artifice. His favourite text is,
that the love of money is the root of evil, and it is,
at the same time, his steady policy, to increase his
store by the abuse of every fear which the popular
superstition might be made to excite. While such
is the character which the Pardoner is made to
give of himself, and which the Sompnoure affirms
of the mendicant, the friar in his turn asserts
equal villanies to be the every-day practice of his
accuser. It was the office of the Sompnoure to
cite all persons who were accused of irreligion or
of immoral conduct before the spiritual courts, and
l2
Notice of
LoQi'land.
148 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, to enforce the penalties awarded to the guilty by
those tribunals. In performing this service, he
is said to practise the most odious injustice and
oppression ; and the jurisdiction of the prelates is
described, as embracing corruptions which fully
warrant the indignant complaints of Wycliffe re-
specting it.^° It is certain that Chaucer would
hardly have employed the whole strength of his
genius in completing these and similar portraits,
had he not known that, with many of his contem-
poraries, their truth would be speedily recognised.
Nor was Chaucer alone in employing the lan-
guage of poetry to satirize the disorders of the
church. It was about the year 1350, when he
had but recently passed his minority, that the
poem, called the Visions of Peirce Plowman, was
written. Robert Longland, a priest, and a native
of Salop, is regarded as its author ; and with the
allegorical character of the piece, the poet has
contrived to interweave some bold censures of
prevalent vices, but especially of those allied to
superstition, or observable in the ecclesiastical
orders. Chaucer's best compositions of this class
were subsequent to the decease of Wycliffe.
20 See the Canterbury Tales. The Thatte Seint Peter hadde, when that he
poet who states in bis prologue that, went
" In stede of weping and praieres, Upon the see till Jesu Christ him kent :
Men mote give silver to the pour He had a cross of laton full of stones,
e , >. And in a glass he hadde pigges bones,
But with these relikes, whanne that he
thus describes the Pardoner : found
" But of this craft fro Berwick unto A pour person dwelling up on lond,
Ware Upon a dny he gat him more money
Ne was ther swiche an other par- Than that the parson gat in monthes
donere ;— tweie;
For in his male he hadde a pilwebere, And thus with fained flattering andjapes
Which as he saide was our Ladies viel ; He made the persone and the people
He said he hadde a gobbet of the seyl his apes."
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 149
Longland may be described as his precursor, chap.
Six years had passed since the publishing of the '-
Visions of Peirce Plowman, when the reformer's
first treatise, entitled. The Last Age of the
Church, was written. Men had previously arisen,
who had opposed the same weapons to the same
evils, but their intrepidity and genius were greatly
surpassed by Longland. It is probable that he
found an early grave ; and, similar as were many
of his sentiments to those of Wycliffe, he would,
perhaps, have shrunk from the daring measures
recommended by the reformer, as the only means
of expelling the corruptions which they equally
deplored. It is certain that the veneration con-
ferred on the poetry of Longland by the Lollards
was the principal cause of its preservation. He
had foretold the approaching reformation with a
distinctness that astonished and delighted the
men of a later age ; and while the patriot, the
Lutheran, and the Calvinist, have since united to
perpetuate his fame, the partisans of superstition
and of despotism have not failed to honour him
with their marked enmity. So popular were the
Visions of the Plowman, that other compositions
make their appearance at intervals under the same
title. Hence, we have not only the Visions of
the Plowman, but the Plowman's Creed, and the
Plowman's Tale. The authors of the latter pro-
ductions are unknown ; but from the age of Long-
land, the name of such pieces was sufficient to
prepare the reader for an exposure of clerical de-
linquency, and a bold utterance of the language
of reform. ^^
2' See Waitou's History of Poelry, i, sect. 8, 9 ; aud Godwiu's Chaucer
150 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAPTER VI.
NUMBER OF WYCLIFFE S DISCIPLES. THE LOLLARDS CONSISTED OF TWO
CLASSES. NOTICE OF JOHN OF NORTHAMPTON. PROSPECTS OF THE
REFORMERS UNDER RICHARD THE SECOND. TESTIMONY OF KNIGHTON RE-
SPECTING THE NUMBER AND THE CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFe's FOLLOWERS.
ANALYSIS OF THE PLOWMAn's TALE. THEOLOGICAL OPINIONS OF THE
DISCIPLES OF WYCLIFFE. CHARACTER OF HIS "POOR PRIESTS."
ANALYSIS OF THE TRACT, " WHY POOR PRIESTS HAVE NO BENEFICES."
NOTICE OF WILLIAM THORP.
CHAP. The existence of such literature as we have
^'' seen to be connected with the names of Longland
wyd^ffef and Chaucer, suggests some important conclu-
discipies. g^Qus as to the state of society during their time.
If we consider the supply as at all regulated by
the demand, it follows, that, among our ancestors
of the fourteenth century, the friends to eccle-
siastical reform constituted a formidable body, both
in numbers and intelligence. These, however, as
in the case of the writers above named, were not
always to be viewed as receiving the entire doc-
Theycon- trlnG of Wycliffc. If by the term Lollard, be
elites! ^*** meant, not only those who had embraced every
important principle avowed by our reformer, but
those also, who without proceeding to such lengths,
were known to echo many of his complaints, we
may, perhaps, safely conclude with Knighton,
that in the year 1382 every second man in the
kingdom was of that sect.^ At such a moment, to
' De Eveutibus Angliae, ud Aun.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 151
adopt any part of the language distinguishing chap.
the disciples of Wyclifte, would be to incur the '—
reproach of having adopted the most obnoxious of
his tenets. Hence it sometimes happened, that
the men who were loud in their censures of some
branches of papal and prelatical encroachment,
were equally loud in their censures of certain
doctrines, as those maintained by the rector of
Lutterworth. To persons who were concerned to
obtain the praise of being wise and moderate men,
there remained scarcely any other mode of placing
their orthodoxy beyond suspicion, and in many
cases even this was insufficient.
Among the more decided adherents, both to Notice of
the political and the religious creed of our re- Northamp.
former, a place should be assigned to John of
Northampton. This opulent citizen is described
by Walsingham as a Lollard. While mayor of
London, in 1382, he braved the displeasure of the
clergy, by invading the province of their spiritual
courts. Those improved notions of government,
which in every state had been found to keep pace
with the progress of its cities and its commerce,
were eagerly embraced by the inhabitants of the
English metropolis. A new power had arisen in
the community, and one, the strength of which
the elder authorities were obliged to feel once and
again, before they could learn to credit its exist-
ence. The baronial castle was ceasing to be the
only place of authority, and every gradation of
modern society was beginning to appear. This is
evident from the measures of John of Northamp-
ton, and from that state of popular feeling, in the
absence of which, to have entertained his plans
152 THE LIFE OF M^YCLIFFE.
CHAP, for a moment, would have been a weakness fo-
1— reign to his character. He not only complained
of neglect on the part of the clergy, considered
as the appointed guardians of the public morals ;
but accused them of a covetousness, which had
frequently led them to compound with the most
notorious offenders ; affirming, at the same time,
that unless some wholesome severities were re-
sorted to, the dissolute practices which became
daily more prevalent through the city, must be
expected to bring the displeasure of Heaven upon
its inhabitants, and upon the nation. Accordingly,
as chief magistrate of the capital, he seized on
some of the more vicious persons of both sexes, and
depriving them of their hair, ordered them to be
led in procession through the streets, as in cases
of theft. The bishop and his dependants stormed
at this intrusion on the sphere of their acknow-
ledged jurisdiction : but their wrath was fruitless.
In the following year, Northampton was re-
elected, and through both periods of office, failed
not to render himself the terror of the licentious,
in a licentious age. He was aware of being sup-
ported by the more reputable of his fellow citizens ;
and their joint conduct is described by Walsing-
ham, as the effect of that spirit of insolence,
presumption, and heresy, which had long charac-
terized the Londoners, and scattered its infection
over other cities.^
Prospectsof Jt is mostly from expressions thus loose, and
the reform- iii • r i r>i
ersatthis gcucral, that we have to mier the state oi the
crisis. , . . . . , ^ ,
protestant doctrme m our cities beiore the ac-
2 Walsingham, Hist. 1382. Knighton, ad Ann. Stowe's Survey of London.
Godwin's Chaucer, c. xlix.
THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE. 153
cession of the house of Lancaster. We know, chap.
VI.
indeed, that the doctrines of the reformation were '—
more or less known to all classes ; and that while
various opinions were very naturally entertained,
as to the extent in which the proposed change
was desirable, the majority of the nation would,
probably, have acquiesced in a revolution quite
as matured as that accomplished by Henry the
eighth, rather than submit to a continuance of the
evils which all parties had so often professed to
deprecate. Nor is it, perhaps, too much to assert,
that a prince capable of securing the attachment
of the people might, at this crisis, have put the
strength of the papal power at defiance, and have
controlled the national priesthood at pleasure.
They were but few, indeed, among the clergy,
who had hitherto betrayed a disposition favour-
able to the opinions of Wycliffe. But unsup-
ported by the majority of the nation, and certainly
by its intelligence, as in the supposed case they
would speedily have been, we may presume that
the firmness of most of them would soon have
yielded to the current. Such, at least, has been
the pliancy of the same order of men in later
times. The ease with which the proudest mem-
bers of the hierarchy were humbled by Edward
the first, and that while scarcely a ray of the light
of the reformation illumined the darkness, and be-
fore the papacy had suff'ered any material dimi-
nution of its power, is a fact, among many,
conferring no little plausibility on this opinion.
Oxford was the centre from which the sentiments
of Wycliffe had emanated to the different quarters
of the kingdom ; and though the court, and the
154 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, hierarchy, were after a while united in the effort
VI.
1— to exclude his doctrine from that seminary, it was
only with a partial measure of success. Previous
to the reformer's exclusion from that university,
the majority of the students appear to have been
prepared for the adoption of a more scriptural
creed ; and favoured, in this respect, by the
national authorities, or even left to themselves,
they would ere long have given a strictly pro-
testant character to that important establishment.
The study of the ancient classics, was indeed
revived considerably toward the opening of the
sixteenth century ; but it may be safely credited,
that the capacity of judging on the questions of
legislation, and religion, evinced by the educated
classes, and by a large portion of the people in
this country before the death of Richard the
second, was far from being regained when the
English sceptre passed into the hands of Henry
the eighth. The interval which preceded that
event, was one of some hopeful changes on the
continent, but in this kingdom it was a time of
fearful declension ; and had not the seed time
under Edward the third, and his successor, been
so devoutly improved, the return of more aus-
picious influences from above, would not so sud-
denly have ripened the surface into fruitfulness
and harvest.
Testimony The lansfuagc of Knighton, with respect to the
of Knighton /^ rO" ' ^- • 1 " 1 .
respecting numbcr 01 Wycliite s disciples, is somewhat more
andcharac- dcfinitc thau that of Walsingham. It is that also
wyciiffe's of a contemporary, and thouarh to be admitted
disciples. . , . ^ . "^ . ° , ,
with caution, is too important to be passed over.
In the year 1382, he states that "their number
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 155
"very much increased, and that, starting like chap.
" saplings, from the root of a tree, they were L_
" multiplied, and filled every place within the
** compass of the land."^ So far, indeed, had
they prevailed, as to bring over to their sect,
*' the greater part of the people." A concession
to the same effect is reluctantly made by Sir
Thomas More. It must, at the same time, be
remembered, that Knighton, whose information
even on contemporary topics is often strangely
imperfect, resided in Leicester, within that
diocese where the labours of Wycliffe and of
his assistants had been most abundant. What
the historian has more than once affirmed with
respect to the whole kingdom, was no doubt true
with respect to that division of it. But while
within those limits, the larger portion of the peo-
ple were more or less attached to the doctrines
of reform, it would appear from such records in
the diocesan registers as relate to the subsequent
persecutions, that persons of this character were
more thinly scattered over other parts of the land.
Still, in every city and town, there were those by
whom such opinions were understood and revered,
and from such localities the leaven was variously*
extended to the mass of the people."
The same historian, in attempting to account
for this fact, which he deplores as the most evil
feature of the times, has remarked that the sec-
tarian teachers " always pretended in their dis-
" courses to have a great respect for the law of
" God, or, as they expressed themselves, goddis law,
3 De Eventibus ADglise, ad Ann.
* Lewis, c. X. See also Chap. ix. of this volume; and Fox, ubi supra.
156 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *<■ tQ which they declared themselves to be strictly
'* conformed both in their opinions and their con-
*' duct." The^ effect of this appeal to the scrip-
tures, as opposed to that rival authority which
had been assumed by the church, is said to be,
that a great many well - meaning people were
deluded, and were induced to unite with the
innovators, lest they should seem to be enemies
to the law of God. This writer has also at-
tempted to describe the character of the new
sectaries, and his statements, though but partially
true, and in some respects contradictory, are de-
serving of notice. It may be correct, that " like
" their master, they were too eloquent, and too
'* much for other people, in all contentions by
*' word of mouth ; that mighty in words, they
*' exceeded all men in making- speeches, out-
" talking every one in litigious disputations."
So marked also was the contrast between the
Christianity of the scriptures, now first disclosed
to these persons, and that which they found sanc-
tioned by popes and councils, that we are not
in any measure surprised to find, that "both men
" and women, though never so lately converted
" to this sect, were distinguished by the same
" modes of speech, and by a wonderful agreement
" in the same opinions." Novel as the event
appeared, the light introduced rendered the im-
purities which the darkness had concealed so far
visible, as to have precisely this eff'ect, except
indeed, where the influence of prejudice, the
power of which is commonly derived from a re-
gard to some selfish interest, was such as to pro-
duce its wonted evasion of evidence. But when
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 157
the historian proceeds to describe this people, as chap.
remarkable for " a proud and warlike disposition,
and as resembling the disciples of Mahomet,
" more than the followers of Christ," it is not
difficult to determine the degree of credit which
should be attached to his assertions. It was
among the sins frequently imputed to them, that
they discountenanced war, and questioned even
the right of the magistrate to take away life;
while the utmost of their claims, at any period,
was, that the civil power should protect them in
their persons and property, and that they should
not be held accountable for their religious opi-
nions to the ruling church. Indeed, from the
above statements, it is evident, that the suffi-
ciency of the scriptures, and the right of private
judgment, constituted the foundation of the edifice
which the followers of Wyclitfe laboured to erect;
and their acknowledged adroitness in debate,
suggests what kind of weapon it was in which
they confided for success when employed in de-
fending it.
But there are other sources of information re-
specting the character of Wycliffe's disciples,
which are more worthy of confidence, and in
every view more satisfactory. The poem called
The Plowman's Tale, was written before the Anaiysisof
death of Richard the second, and perhaps before nwsxde.
that of our reformer. It is valuable, because
plainly intended to embody the points of con-
troversy between the Lollards and the orthodox ;
and to illustrate the manner in which they were
accustomed to advocate their respective tenets.
The production consists of a dialogue between a
158 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, griffin and a pelican, the latter representing the
!_ true church, who, like her Lord, has been called
to nourish her offspring with her blood ; the for-
mer, serving as the emblem of the hierarchy,
because strong, soaring, and oppressive. In the
conclusion, a struggle ensues, during which, a
phoenix appears, in aid of the defenceless pelican,
and destroys her antagonist, together with a host
of foul birds collected as allies. The Plowman,
having finished his narrative, observes that he is
not to be considered as a party to the quarrel
described, but simply as giving a faithful report
of its progress and result.
" The pelican who
To these loUers ylaid his lure,"
commences with a characteristic praise of meek-
ness, and of mercy, as enjoined above all things
in the gospel ; and as especially commended by
the example of Christ, whose favourite emblem,
accordingly, was the lamb. As the Saviour was
in this world, so it is contended his professed
followers should be, contemptuous of worldly
honour and of worldly gain ; and the clergy who
yield to opposite propensities, are viewed as trai-
tors to Christ, and as doomed to fall low as
Lucifer. It is matter of sorrowful complaint,
that while some would be higher than the em-
peror, others must exchange the friar's garb and
staff for the dress and the implements of the
soldier; and that many, to maintain a state of
luxurious splendour, resembling, or even sur-
passing, that of princes, could descend, and with
all the regularity of habit, to numberless acts
of fraud and oppression. Yet while thus bearing
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 159
all the marks of Antichrist, to suggest concerning chap.
some of them, that they were even liable to sin, '—
was to be in danger of destruction. By the doc-
trine of the pope's supremacy, also, the command-
ments of God are said to have been stripped of
their authority, and Christ himself to have become
the Head of the church only in name. The pro-
faneness of ecclesiastics is next reproved, and
particularly their simony ; and while the latter sin
affected every department of the hierarchy, their
known proneness to debauchery is noticed as
extending the worst evils to many a domestic
circle. Notwithstanding the prevalence of such
intrigues, the same vices in the laity were some-
times visited with the severest penalties in the
spiritual courts. It was nevertheless unblush-
ingly affirmed by these holy culprits, that, unless
confession of sin should be made to them, its
remission must be foregone for ever. But the
supposition that the authority claimed by the
doctrine of the keys, was really entrusted to such
victims of sensuality ; or to others, who, if free
from that sort of vice, were men of the feeblest
perceptions ; or to a third class, who, without
being fools or sensualists, frequently added the
pride of Alexander to the cruelty of Nero, is
treated with powerful scorn. By resorting to
the use of that carnal sword which Peter was
forbidden to employ, and by an abuse of that
spiritual power which was committed to him only
in common with his brethren, the pontiffs are
said to invade every security conferred by the
laws, either on the property, or the persons of
Englishmen. The assent of the commonalty is
]60 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, declared to be necessary to every measure of
taxation ; but the pope, who obtained his ele-
vation from the emperor, ere long to become his
superior, is regarded as viewing the power of
the English constitution in the light of a rival
authority ; and the king and the lords are admo-
mished to bear this in mind, and to prove them-
selves the shield of the nation against the
meditated encroachments of a merciless despot-
ism/ In enumerating the many expedients of the
priesthood to gratify their avarice, the worship of
images, and the miracles falsely attributed to
them are not overlooked ; and passing from the
corruptions of the mendicant orders, and of the
secular clergy, the same kind of complaint is
extended to the monastic societies, who are con-
sidered as equally removed from the require-
ments of scripture and from the ancient spirit of
their institute.
To this series of objections, the advocates of the
hierarchy are made to reply, and with visible in-
dignation, that were the papal supremacy to be
destroyed, the church could have neither head
nor order ; that to deprive the ecclesiastical body
of its wealth, must be of necessity to render the
ministers of religion contemptible; and that as
the Creator is assuredly the highest of all sove-
reigns, his worship should be accompanied by
every external splendour that wealth or genius
* " The king ne taketh nat his men Hereto taken no lite entente
But by assent of the comminalte, To help the people out of hir honde,
But these echeyere not raunsonihem For they ben harder in hir bonde
Maisterfully, more than dothe he. Worse bete, and crueller ybrende
Wonder is that the parliamente Thou to the king; is understonde ;
And al the lordes of this londe, God him help this for to amende !"
THE LIFE OF ^VYCLIFFE.
IGl
may bring to it. But it is affirmed in return, c ha p.
that Christ is, and is alone, the Head of the
church ; that he has furthermore prohibited his
disciples from acknowledging any other master
on earth ; and that the costly appendages of
christian worship should be rather sought in the
state of the mind, in the justice of its principles,
in charity, poverty of spirit, hope in God, and a
pure conscience. These enlightened sentiments
are then assailed as the cant of a faction, and
of a faction whose activities are ever the result
of envy, covetousness, and a love of anarchy ;
and it is boisterously asserted, that each man
should deem it enough to live devoutly himself,
and " let other men live as they list." But the
tenets thus assailed are repeated, and with a
deeper emphasis ; and the anathema, the stake,
and the gallows, are passionately named, as form-
ing the only kind of argument which shall hence-
forth be employed to crush these pestilent
heresies. The heresiarch calmly replies, that
the curse of Nero was never more pointless than
is that of a churchman in such a cause ; adding,
that to suffer for the sake of the gospel has ever
been the lot of its truest disciples."
Such is the substance of the Plowman's Tale,
a work throughout which there is that constant
reference to scripture precept, and to scripture
example, which distinguished the mode of war-
" See Chaucer's Works. The Plow- which were commonly imputed to tliein.
man's Crede describes an enquirer as He next meets with a plowman, who
seeking relin;ious advice from liie four confirms all his impressions respecting
orders of friars, and as becoming dis- the hypocrisies of the religious orders,
gnsted on witnessing the practice of and instructs him in the doctrine of the
tliose vices in their several convents, reformers. See Warton, i. sect. ix.
V(^, ],. II. M
162 THE LIFE OF AUYCLIFFE.
CHAP, fare adopted by the followers of WyclifFe ; and
1— which so generally confounded their adversaries,
as to leave them no hope of preserving their au-
thority, except by the aid of brute force. Nor is
the degree of improvement which the theology
connected with these principles of reform exhi-
bited wholly a matter of conjecture. In all the
maxims stated above, we perceive a direct ten-
dency to separate religion from the influence by
which it had been so greatly corrupted. While
distinguishing so wisely between the formalities
of superstition, and the nature of a religion
founded on principle, and having its home in the
affections ; they are expressive of an equal soli-
citude to call off the reliance of men from the
supposed power of the priesthood, with respect
to their state hereafter.
Theological But the wisdom of attempting to destroy that
X d','scip°es false confidence wdiich superstition had created, may
^" '' be seriously questioned, unless accompanied by
an eff'ort to make known that better source of re-
ligious hope and religious motive, which is revealed
in the gospel. Nor can the reformers of the four-
teenth century be charged with a want of atten-
tion to this fact. On the contrary, with their
attacks on the delusive theories of the age, re-
specting the mode of obtaining the favour of
Heaven, they were careful to unite an appeal
to the scripture doctrine of a free remission, in
virtue of His mediation, who has redeemed the
church of God by his own blood. The theological
opinions of Wyclifte are known, and it is certain
that these, which were in substance the creed
of the poor priests, his coadjutors, were widely
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 163
disseminated by the activities of those devoted cha.p.
VI
men. It may be added, also, that the reformer ^—
frequently speaks of his contemporaries, in a man-
ner which discovers that many, on receiving his
general doctrine, became, in his judgment, better
men, in the feelings which belong to the nature of
piety, as well as in their regard of social obli-
gation. Accordingly, the most devout of his
doctrines are rarely noticed as though peculiar to
himself, but rather as maintained by him in com-
mon with " many true men."
The motives which render us curious to possess character of
whatever may be known with respect to the cha- priertt'
racter of WyclifFe's disciples, must impart a degree
of interest to such particulars as may be ascer-
tained concerning the persons to whom we have
often referred under the name of " poor priests,"
and of whom the reformer frequently writes in
terms of high commendation. From the preamble
to the persecuting law, so dishonestly obtained
by Courtney in 1382, it appears that these labo-
rious teachers were accustomed to journey from
town to town, and from county to county ; that,
clothed in habits of peculiar simplicity, and with-
out any licence from the local ordinaries, it was
their manner to preach their doctrine openly, not
only in churches and church-yards, but also in
the midst of markets and fairs, and, indeed, in
all places where multitudes were convened.
When cited by their ecclesiastical superiors to
answer before them, on account of these dis-
orders, they are described as treating the autho-
rity claimed by such officers with contempt.
The alternative that would be submitted to them,
M 2
1G4 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, on appearing before such a tribunal, they well
knew to be silence or imprisonment ; and as they
were not at all concerned about the spiritual cen-
sures which their conduct might incur, it was
natural that a summons from such quarters should
be rarely obeyed. In the same document, it is
stated, that " by their subtle and ingenious words,
" they contrived to draw the people to their ser-
" mons, and to maintain them in their errors,"
from which it appears that the new preachers
were generally popular.
Auaiysisof It was to ^ivc some explanation of these novel
llie tract, t i i 1 • p ^
"WhyPoorproceedmos and to counteract the design ot the
Priests have ! . . ^ , ... ^ ,
.... Bene- mquisitorial statute which was meant to put an end
to them, that Wycliffe published his tract on the
question, " Why Poor Priests have no Benefices?"
A brief analysis of this treatise will place the
character of the men to whom it relates dis-
tinctly before us. Three reasons are assigned for
their refusal of benefices. First, the dread of
simony ; secondly, the fear of mispending poor
men's goods ; and thirdly, the hope of doing more
good by itinerant labours, than by limiting their
exertions to a single parish.
The customs connected with the system of
patronage are said to be such, that whether an
appointment to a benefice proceed from a prelate,
or from a secular lord, the demands usually made
on the incumbent are of a description which must
expose him to the guilt of simony. To prelates,
he must render the first fruits, and many other
unlawful contributions ; or he must descend to
hold some worldly office, inconsistent with the
life of a priest, and far from being taught by the
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 1G5
example of Christ, or of his apostles. Men who chap.
feel no scruple in conforming to these customs, '■ —
however vicious or incompetent, may obtain with
ease the care of many thousand souls ; ** but if
" there be any simple man who desireth to live
" well, and to teach truly the law of God, he
*' shall be deemed a hypocrite, a new teacher,
*' a heretic, and not suffered to come to any be-
" nefice. If in any little poor place he shall
*' live a poor life, he shall be so persecuted and
" slandered, that he shall be put out by wiles,
" extortions, frauds, and worldly violence, and
" imprisoned or burnt." While such was the
treatment experienced by the enlightened and
conscientious clergyman, though receiving his
appointment from the prelates, lay patrons will
not be supposed to have been less affected by tlie
spirit of avarice and irreligion. It is observed
that " some lords, to cover their simony, will not
" take for themselves, but kerchiefs for the lady,
" or a palfry, or a tun of wine. And when some
"■ lords would present a good man, then some
" ladies are the means of having a dancer pre-
" sented, or a tripper on tapits, or a hunter, or a
" hawker, or a wild player of summer gambols."
These practices are all denounced as treason
against God ; first, in the case of prelates and
lords, who, by selecting such men, betray their
trust, and become the vicars of Satan; secondly,
in the instance of curates, who comply with such
customs, and who, beginning their career in
treachery with respect to their Maker, are not
likely to prove faithful in the obligations which
relate to society ; and finally, in the case of
166 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, confessors, who fail honestly to censure such evils,
__I'_1_** lest they should give offence, and thereby lose
" their friendships and gifts." One reason, there-
fore, why poor priests have no benefices, is, that
it was scarcely possible to accept of them without
in many ways contracting the guilt of simony.
The second reason of their conduct, in this
particular, was the fear of being compelled to
mispend poor men's goods. Whatever of clerical
revenue shall remain, after food and clothing are
provided, is said to come under this denomination.
But to be inducted to a living, much gold must
be given to a gradation of ecclesiastical officers ;
and afterwards, many rich entertainments must
be made ; sometimes for the gratification of lay
patrons, and sometimes as a duty owing to the
higher clergy when performing their " feigned
visitations." From such customs, it is said to
follow that beneficed clergymen, " shall not spend
" their tithes and offerings after a good consci-
" ence, and God's law, but must waste them on
" the rich and the idle." It is observed, also,
that " on each holy day these small curates shall
*' commonly have letters from their ordinaries to
" summon and to curse poor men, and for nought,
*' except the covetousness of the clerks of Anti-
" Christ ; and if they refuse to summon and curse
" them, though they know not why they should,
" they shall be injured, and summoned from day
" to day, from one far place to a farther, or be
" accursed, or lose their benefice, or their profits."
Refusing to become parties to such proceedings,
they are instantly reproached as the enemies of
all episcopal jurisdiction ; and to avoid that expen-
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 167
diture which the o:^tentations and the luxurious c h a p.
manners of the clergy in that age required, was to '—
become the object of almost every kind of per-
secution. " So many cursed deceits," observes
the reformer, ** hath Antichrist brought up by his
" worldly clerks, to make curates mispend poor
" men's goods, and not truly to do their office ; or
" else to forsake all, and to leave the clerks of
'' Antichrist as lords of this world, to rob the
" people by feigned censures, and to teach the
" lore of the fiend, both by open preaching, and
" the example of an accursed life." Hence it
appears, that if to become conformists, in the
particulars stated, was to misapply the patrimony
of the poor, and to convert a spiritual office into
the instrument of secular oppression and aggran-
dizement,— to be silent amid the prevalence of
such evils, was regarded as not less opposed to
fidelity. To be without a benefice, was not to
be released from the obligation of preaching; and
where the doors of the church were closed, the
voice of these conscientious men might often be
heard in its precincts, or in the high way to
the towns and villages of the land. So many,
indeed, and so serious were the corruptions in
which the beneficed clergyman was expected to
participate, that the root which they had acquired
in the ecclesiastical system, is viewed as a phe-
nomenon admitting of no explanation, except as
forming the signal chastisement of heaven, in-
curred by the reckless depravity which had
marked the later ages of the world.
The last reason why some poor priests have
no benefices, and that to which the greatest
168 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, importance is attached, is, that by such a restric-
. '— tion, they should probably " be hindered from bet-
" ter occupation, and from more profiting of holy
" church." The charge which they had received
from above, is declared to have respect to men
in general, and to be binding, "wherever they
" may help their brethren to heavenward, whe-
" ther by teaching, praying, or example giving."
This general mission is conceived to require " a
" general cure of charity, as had Christ and his
" apostles." It is observed, also, " that by this
** they most surely save themselves, and help
" their brethren ; and they are free to fly from
" one city to another, when they are persecuted
" by the clerks of Antichrist, as Christ biddetli,
" and the gospel. And thus they may best,
" without any challenging of men, go and dwell
" among the people where they shall most profit,
" and for the time convenient, coming and going
" after the moving of the Holy Ghost, and not
" being hindered from doing what is best by the
"jurisdiction of sinful men. Also, they follow
" Christ and his apostles more, in taking volun-
" tary alms of the people whom they teach, than
" in taking dymes and offerings, by customs
" which sinfLd men have ordained in the time of
" grace." Were these primitive manners to re-
turn to the church, the effect it is contended
would be, that " those alms which the people
" might and should give to true priests who truly
" keep their order," would be freely rendered ;
and all pomp and luxury being excluded from the
hierarchy, the principal motives to that covet-
ousness which had so pervaded the clergy, and
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 1G9
proved so afflictive to the laity, would be de- chap.
stroyed. To expect that the people should L-
abstain from any sinful indulgence, while their
guides are evidently enslaved by it, is treated
as folly. " For these dreads," it is remarked,
" and for many thousand more; and for to be
'* more like to the life of Christ and his apostles ;
*' and for to profit more their own souls, and
" other men's, some poor priests think, with God,
" to travel about where tliey shall most profit,
" and by the evidence that God giveth them,
" while they have time, and a little bodily strength
*' and youth. Nevertheless, they condemn not
" curates who do well their office, and dwell
•' where they shall most profit, and teach truly
*' and stably the law of God against false pro-
" phets, and the accursed deceptions of the fiend.
" Christ, for his endless mercy, help his priests
" and common people to beware of Antichrist's
" deceits, and to go even the right way to
" heaven. Amen, Jesu, for thy endless charity."
The concession made in this extract should be
remembered. It was not presumed by these
itinerant instructors, that every beneficed man
was necessarily a partisan of the practices which
were the object of their censure. Leaving every
such priest, if devoutly performing the duties,
whether of prelacy or of the village pastor, to
the guidance of his own conscience, they sim-
ply claimed for themselves the right of emula-
ting the zeal of evangelists, the office of such
being, in their view, less connected with temp-
tation, and more adapted to the necessities of
the times.
170 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
Among the persons who carried these devout
sentiments into action, an important place is occu-
pied by William Thorp. Within the parish of Wy-
clifFe was a hamlet bearing the name of Thorp.
In the fourteenth century it was the residence of
a family, known by the same designation : ' and
there are circumstances which render it probable,
that the confessor referred to was a native of that
spot, and a member of its principal household.
It is from himself we learn, that his parents were
in circumstances which enabled them to expend
considerable sums upon his education, with a view
to his becoming a priest. But on reaching the
years of manhood, he felt some grave scruples as
to the propriety of assuming that office. His hesi-
tation disappointed his friends, and so far excited
their displeasure, that he had nearly resolved on
quitting the home which his conscientious feeling
had rendered a place of the greatest discomfort.
Apprised of his half- formed purpose, his relatives
were induced for a while to soften the severity
of their manners toward him. The alternative,
however, ere long, before him, was either to enter
the church, or to wander a fugitive under the
anathema of his parents. If a native of the pa-
rish of Wycliffe, the name and the doctrines of
our reformer could hardly have been unknown to
him. He submitted to his parents, that previous
to forming his decision, he should be allowed to
ascertain from certain who were considered wise
priests, and of virtuous conversation, what the
office of priesthood really imported. It is evident
7 Tliis i.ppears from Ibc iujeiiptiuus in tliu jiHrisli chuicli, and from otiicr
local records.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 171
that the men intended were the rector of Lutter- chap.
worth, and his poor priests. The consent of his ^'—
parents was obtained, who supplied him with
money, and gave him their blessing, as he set
forth on his journey. " And so," he observes, " I
" went to those priests, whom I heard to be of
" best name, and of most holy living, and best
" learned, and most wise of heavenly wisdom ;
" and so I communed with them unto the time
" that I perceived by their virtuous and continual
" occupations, that their honest and charitable
" works passed their fame which I had heard be-
" fore of them." After a considerable intercourse
with these men, among whom Hereford and Rip-
pington were then numbered, and particularly
with Wycliffe himself, Thorp resolved on joining
them in their labours. Through more than thirty
winters, he continued to advocate their doctrines
in the different parts of England, especially in the
northern counties. At the close of that period,
terror and persuasion were employed, with a view
to induce a renunciation of the tenets which he
had learned from the lips and from the writings
of our reformer, but they were employed in vain.
His examination before archbishop Arundel will
be noticed in a subsequent chapter ; but his sen-
timents with respect to preaching, and the gene-
ral obligations of the priestly office, were common
to the class of men with whom he considered it
no small honour to be associated. These may be
inserted in this place.
Accused by the primate of preaching without
a licence, and of laying claim to a peculiar wisdom
and. sanctity, the prisoner replies: "By the
172 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " authority of God's law, and also of saints and
1_ " doctors, I am taught to believe that it is every
" priest's office and duty to preach busily, freely,
" and truly the word of God. For, no doubt,
" every priest should propose first in his soul, to
" make known to the people the word of God,
" according to his knowledge and power, ever
*' proving his words to be true by his virtuous
" works. For this intent, also, we suppose that
" bishops and other prelates of holy church
" should chiefly take and use their prelacy, and
" for the same cause bishops should give to priests
" their orders. For bishops should admit no
" man to the priesthood, except that he hath
" good will, and full purpose, and were well dis-
" posed, and well learned to preach. Wherefore,
" Sir, by the bidding of Christ, and by the
" example of his most holy living, and also by
" the living of his holy apostles and prophets, we
" are bound under full great pain, to exercise our-
"■ selves after our knowledge and power (as every
*' priest is likewise charged of God) that we may
" fulfil duly the office of priesthood. We pre-
" sume not here of ourselves, for to be esteemed
*' faithful disciples, and special followers of Christ,
" neither in our own reputation, nor in any other
" man's. But, Sir, as I said to you before, we
" judge thus from the authority chiefly of God's
" word, where it is the chief duty of every priest
" to employ himself faithfully in making known
" the law of God unto the people, and so to com-
" municate the commandments of God in charity,
" when, and to whom, that ever wc may." Such
are the obligcrtions which are said to devolve
THE LIFE OF M'VCLIFFE. 173
imperiously on every priest, and desiring to be chap.
faithful disciples of Christ he writes, ** We pray '—
"■ this gracious Lord, for his holy name, that he
*' would make us able to please him with devout
*' prayers, and charitable priestly works, that we
" may obiain of him to follow him thankfully. "^
8 Fox, i. G87— 708. Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biograph)-, i.
174 THE LITE OF M'YCLIFFE.
CHAl
VII.
CHAPTER VII.
NOTICE OF WYCLIFFe's WRITINGS SUBSEQUENT TO HI6 EXCLUSION FROM OX-
FORD HIS TRIALOGUS ON OBEDIENCE TO PRELATES ON THE DECEITS OF
SATAN AND OF HIS PRIESTS ON THE DUTY OF LORDS OF SERVANTS AND
LORDS OF GOOD PREACHING PRIESTS ON THE FOUR DECEITS OF ANTICHRIST
ON THE PRAYERS OF GOOD MEN OF CLERKS POSSESSIONERS. RISE OF
THE CRUSADE AGAINST THE AVIGNON POPE, AND ITS FAILURE. WYCLIFFE
RENEWS HIS CONTEST WITH THE MENDICANTS. HIS TREATISE ON THE
SENTENCE OF THE CURSE EXPOUNDED. ON PRELATES AND OTHER SUB-
JECTS. HIS SENTIMENTS ON WAR. EXTRACTS FROM HIS SERMONS.
HIS SICKNESS AND DEATH.
The reader must be left to judge of the fore-
boding which possessed the mind of Thorp and
his brethren, as the arm of intolerance was raised
to reduce them to silence or consign them to a
prison. They would regard their own fate, as
involved in the case of Hereford and his asso-
ciates ; and as rendered certain by the result of
the prosecution instituted against WyclifFe. That
result we have witnessed, and our attention is now
called to the conduct of the reformer during the
two last years of his life, which were spent wholly
at Lutterworth. But while evidently sedulous in
the performance of his parochial duties, his dis-
courses, and his numerous compositions, produced
at this period, demonstrate, that his zeal as a
reformer had gathered intensity from the means
which had been employed to extinguish it.
During the interval between his appearance
before the papal delegates at Lambeth in 1378,
and before the Oxford convocation in 1382, his
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 175
industry appears to have been almost exclusively chap.
directed to effect his translation of the scriptures. L
That great vs^ork achieved, he commenced his
attack on the doctrine of transubstantiation ; and
expelled for this cause from the university, he
addressed himself to the composition of a series of
books, all intended to demonstrate the necessity
of reform in the faith and manners of the church.
Among his works completed subsequent to JJ'^j^'jyJ^
his exclusion from Oxford, the first place must ^"r't'is^
^ subsequent
be allotted to his Trialogus. A modern historian, tohisexciu.
_ sion from
whose patient research has merited the confidence ^^'""fi "'«
Trialogus,
of the public, describes this treatise as a production
of the period between 1372 and 1377. This is
presumed to follow from the circumstance, that
the writer refers to the first of those years as
recent. The work, however, is replete with the
author's objections to the received doctrine on
the eucharist, embracing all the points of the
controversy which arose with respect to that
sacrament. Whatever the reformer's opinions
were on that subject in 1377, it is evident,
from the events of that year, and of the following,
that they had not then attracted the notice of the
clergy. But apart from these particulars, the date
of this work is placed beyond doubt, by the fact,
that the very passage in which the year 1372 is
adverted to as recent, contains an allusion to the
council and the earthquake which took place just
ten years later.*
' It is surprising that this should British Museum, and one equally beau-
have escaped Mr. Turner's notice. See tiful in the possession of the Rev.
Hist V. 177. Trialogus, lib. iv. c. 36. Thomas Russell, A. M. of Walworlh.
The printed copies of this work whicli See chapter on the reformer's writings.
I have chiefly consulted, are that in the Art. Trial.
17G THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. It is not improbable that the reformer had de-
L livered the larger portion of the Trialogus from
his divinity chair at different periods, previous to
1382; but M^hen those parts were arranged for
publication in the form of a treatise, many addi-
tions appear to have been made to them; and
such as render the entire work a more complete
exhibition of the mind of the author, than any
other separate production. It is the same com-
position which is frequently referred to under the
name of Dialogues ; and toward the close of the
work, it is remarked, that the form of a dialogue
had been adopted, because usually more animated,
and more attractive to the general reader, than
that of dissertations. Truth, Falsehood, and
Wisdom, are accordingly personified ; and in dis-
cussing almost every point of controversy con-
nected with rehgion in that age, the first proposes
the question, the second urges objections, and
the last performs the office of umpire. Through
the whole, the attention is frequently called from
the simpler views of morality and religion, to con-
template them through the medium of scholastic
abstractions ; a circumstance which may be re-
gretted, but which, at the same time, serves to
render the work a more faithful disclosure of the
modes of thinking familiar to the devout and the
educated among our ancestors, in the fourteenth
century. It should be stated, also, that the native
obscurity of many things contained in this book,
is rendered still more perplexing by a style which
partakes considerably of the barbarism of the age,
and by numerous errors which appear to have
been those of transcribers or of the press. Yet,
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 177
passing over these defects, and the obsolete chap.
character of the learning which it frequently —
displays ; the lucid statements of the most im-
portant doctrines, which are frequently occur-
ring in the Trialogus, confer upon it a value to
which no other production of the same period is
entitled.''
The work consists of four books, and these are
subdivided into numerous chapters. Nearly the
whole of the first book is occupied in discussing a
series of questions relating to the existence and
perfections of the Deity. All excellencies that
may possibly exist, are considered as having their
place in the divine nature ; and while those dif-
fused over creation proceed alone from him, every
thing in man opposed to the nature of God, con-
sidered in his spiritual attributes, is affirmed to be
depravity, and to be founded in weakness and
error. The doctrine of the Trinity is of course
discussed, and some attention is bestowed on cer-
tain natural appearances which were supposed to
illustrate that mysterious truth. After some re-
marks on the theories of Plato and Aristotle
respecting ideas, the writer concludes with a cen-
sure on the papal authority — as by sanctioning
the doctrine which declared the sacred host to be
an accident without a subject, it had affirmed that
to be true, which no mind may possibly compre-
hend. In a previous conversation relating to the
» Mr. Turner observes, " Its attruc- " it was the respected academician,
" live merit was, that it combined the " reasoning with the ideas of the
" new opinions with the scholastic " reformer." — Hist. v. 177. Lenfant
" style of thinking and deduction. It discovered a copy of this work in
" was not the mere illiterate reformer, the library of the university of Frank-
" teaching novelties, whom the man fort on the Oder. Council of Con-
" of education disdained and derided ; stance, i. 532.
VOL. II. N
178 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
c ^,^^' mystery of the Trinity, the reformer had observed :
L *' Some men are so strangely mistaken in judging
" on this subject, as to suppose that the light of
** faith is contrary to that of nature ; and accord-
** ingly, that what may seem impossible to the
*' latter, should be implicitly received upon the
" testimony of the former. But the truth is, men
" call their own darkness the light of nature, and
** hence weakly suppose that the light of reason
" and of scripture are at variance with each other."
Thus also, in concluding the above observation on
the eucharist, it is remarked, that *' God teaches
" us the truth, and nothing but the truth, and
*' what may be known by us to be such." This
doctrine is inculcated for the immediate purpose
of exposing the necessary falsehood of transub-
stantiation ; but it is also urged in this, and in
other instances, to secure to the reason of man its
due influence with respect to religious faith in
general ; and the ingenuity of the writer is suc-
cessfully employed, to vindicate his assent to the
doctrine of the Trinit5^ while rejecting the dog-
mas which had corrupted the eucharist.
A large portion of the second book is devoted to
the speculations of the day on the elements and
revolutions of the visible universe ; and as a whole,
it is chiefly remarkable as opposing the mate-
rialism of Averroes respecting the human soul : as
stating the old series of philosophical arguments
in proof of the soul's immortality : as containing
the doctrine of the reformer on predestination and
grace : and as treating the pretensions of the
astrologer with contempt, and the whole science
of natural philosophy as yet in its infancy. The
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 179
two last conclusions are truths of which men are chap.
VII.
now fully aware, but which some of the most —
enlightened scholars in the fourteenth century
would have been slow to acknowledge.
The third book relates more immediately to
moral and theological opinions. The power to
act virtuously and devoutly, wherever possessed,
is said to be derived from the grace of God ; and
hence it is inferred, that no excellence of mind
or conduct can be justly regarded as meriting
eternal life. Faith is defined as an assent of the
reason, referring exclusively to the truth, and to
things unseen ; as forming the basis of all christian
enjoyment ; and as that principle, the declension
of which must necessarily precede each gradation
in apostacy. The love of God is beautifully in-
culcated as the only secure foundation of morals,
and of social happiness. He is described as in all
things worthy of supreme affection ; and the love
of his nature is declared to be inseparable from
that of his laws, which are truly the expression of
his character, the revelation of himself. Hence,
philanthropy, and whatever is included in faith,
hope, or charity, is viewed as comprehended in
what the laws of the Creator require. The por-
tions of this book which relate to the evil of sin ;
to the Saviour's incarnation and sacrifice, as neces-
sary to procure its remission ; to the excellencies
of the Redeemer's character ; and to the doctrines
of grace ; are distinguished from passages referring
to the same matters, and inserted in some other
pages of this work, only as being more strongly
marked by the scholastic method of treating them —
a peculiarity which would not add to their attrac-
N 2
180 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
^'x'ii^' ^^^^ ^ith a modern reader. In the seventh and
eighth chapters the disciples of Pelagius, and
those who only partially adopt his system, are
assailed as " weak simonists," who conceive that
grace is to be bought or sold as an article of mer-
chandise ; and the writer states his own doctrine
respecting the necessity of future events, in strong,
and somewhat perplexing language. But the
thirtieth and the thirty-first chapters are the most
important in the series. In these, the authority of
the church, the invocation of saints, and many
other errors are exposed ; and the sufficiency
of the scriptures, and of the aids of the One
Mediator, together with some other articles of
protestant doctrine, are boldly taught.
It is, however, in the last book of the Tria-
logus, that the peculiar doctrines of its author
become most conspicuous ; and to this his oppo-
nents directed their chief attention. While con-
sidering what are called the seven sacraments, as
possessing different measures of importance, and
all as more or less disfigured by human inven-
tions, the validity of each is still left unquestioned.
The doctrine of the eucharist is treated pre-
cisely as in his Wicket, and Confessions. In
its nature, it is verily bread, sacramentally, it
is the body of Christ ; and much powerful
reasoning is employed, to expose the gross im-
possibilities inseparable from the tenet of tran-
substantiation. In the sanction conferred on this
dogma by the pontiffs, the writer perceives the
fulfilment of the prophet Daniel's prediction, con-
cerning the desolation which should profane the
holy place. " For what," it is inquired, " can
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 181
form a more odious desolation, than to see upon chap.
'* the christian altar, by the appointment of Anti-
" Christ, a number of consecrated hosts, all ex-
" posed to the adoration of the people, though
" naturally they are merely bread, and the
" body of Christ only in figure ? Nor is it at
** all to the purpose to say, that they do not
*' worship the host, but that they reverence it for
" the sake of the body of Christ which is in it :
" for the uncreated Trinity is a nobler object
*' than the mere body and blood of Christ ; and
" as there is no creature wherein the Trinity is
'* not, all creatures should for the same reason be
" adored." Baptism he describes as removing
the stain of original sin ; and it is even asserted,
that no man may be saved while refusing to submit
to it. Confirmation is also viewed as placing the
soul under the immediate influences of the Holy
Spirit ; and ordination, as far as it was connected
with the appointment of priests and deacons, is
viewed as of divine origin ; but the application
of that rite to men, distinguished by other names,
or sustaining other offices, is described as an in-
novation, and as of very doubtful propriety. His
subsequent remarks on the sacramental services
have nothing peculiar in them. They are con-
nected, however, as usual, with complaints re-
specting the vices of the mendicants, aad the
worldliness of the secular clergy ; and it is re-
peatedly affirmed to be an act of weakness, to
concede to the pontiffs that secular or spiri-
tual supremacy which they had so long claimed.
In the concluding chapters, the writer treats of
death, the resurrection, the judgment, and the
182
THE LIFE OF AVYCLIFFE.
CHAT'
VII.
His treatise
" On Obe-
dience to
Prelates."
character of the opposite allotments awaiting the
human race after the dissolution of all things. In
this part of the work, amid much that is specu-
lative, there is much that is distinguished by its
seriousness and devotion.'
Among the reformer's manuscripts still extant,
are many pieces which were evidently produced
about the same period with the work now de-
scribed. His treatise intitled *' On Obedience to
" Prelates,"* was written subsequent to the
spring of 1382. It commences with stating, that
3 The following passage has been ad-
duced, to show the consciousness of
danger with which the writer pur-
sued his plans as a reformer. We
shall meet with many such in his other
works relating to the same period.
" As all ought to be the soldiers of
" Christ, it is evident how many are
" condemned by their sloth, who allow
" tlie fear of losing temporal benefits,
" or of worldly friendships, or of the
" welfare of the body, to make them
" unfaithful to God's cause, or averse to
" stand manfully for it, even to death,
" if necessary. Modern hypocrites
" say, through the device of Satan,
" that it is not necessary now to sufler
" martyrdom, as it was in the primi-
" tive church, because now, all or the
" greater part of living men are be-
" lievers, and that there are now no
" tyrants to put christians to death.
" This excuse comes of Satan ; for, if
" the faithful now would stand firm for
" the law of Christ, and as his soldiers
" endure bravely any sufl'erings, they
" might tell the pope, the cardinals,
" the bishops, and other prelates, how,
" departing from the faith of the gos-
" pel, they minister improperly to God,
" and commit perilous injury against
" his people.'— Trial. The conduct
thus adverted to, as leading to mar-
tyrdom, will be remembered as that
which the reformer was steadily pur-
suing. Again, he powerfully adds,
" Visit not pagans to convert them bj
" martyrdom, but rather preach con-
" stantly the law of Christ, even to the
" princely prelates ; and if we perse-
" verein faith and patience, martyrdom
" will come with sufficient speed." —
Ibid. Turner. Hist. v. 181, 182. For
some further notices of this work, see
the chapter on the opinions of Wyc-
lifPe, and that on bis writings.
Mr. Lewis's volume contains no in-
formation as to the date, or the general
contents of the Trialogus. The same
may be said of the series of treatises
to be noticed in this chapter, nearly
twenty in number. Some judgment
may have been formed of several of
these productions, from the brief ex-
tracts which have been printed from
them ; the rest have been known only
by their titles. Note to the second
edition.
■I MS. C. C.C.Cambridge. Trinity
College, Dublin, class C. tab. 3. No. 12.
For the passages proving the date of
this, and several following works, see
Vol. I. Chap. V. note 8. This work.
On Obedience to Prelates, is a difl'e-
rent work from that On Prelates, but
the date of both is determined by their
reference to the same circumstances,
especially to the jurisdiction of the
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 183
" prelates slander poor priests, and other christian chap.
*' men, saying that they will not obey their sove- L
'* reign, nor fear the curse, nor dread, nor keep
*' the law, but despise all things which are against
** their liking; and that they ought in consequence
" to be destroyed, lest they prove the destruction
** of holy church, and of Christendom." Tn his
attempt to refute this calumny, and to counteract
the malignant purposes which it was meant to
accomplish, he avows his readiness, and that of
his followers, to honour the prelates, and to obey
their injunctions so long as their doctrine and
their life should be found conformable to the les-
sons of scripture. To demand more than this, it
is argued, must be to require a degree of submis-
sion, which neither the apostles nor the Lord
himself exacted, though possessing the gifts of
inspiration and miracles, and exhibiting a life of
unexampled devotion. If the instruction of the
word of God, and the nature of the jurisdiction
exercised by the prelates, be found opposed to
each other, reason and piety are said to suggest,
that the authority of the greater should be pre-
ferred to that of the less. Let bishops emulate
the zeal of apostles, and the homage of the priest-
hood, and of the people, will not be wanting.
And let the same regard for the will of the supreme
Lord, as it is contained in the scriptures, regulate
their application of spiritual censures ; or be ob-
servable in the laws of any christian community ;
and true men will be the last to despise the one
prelates, as infringed by the labours which followed. Note to the second
of the reformer's " poor priests," and edition,
to the contentious and persecutions
184 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP, or the other. But modern prelates, it is asserted,
VIJ
His tract on
the Deceits
are too frequently the enemies of all piety ; and
their ceaseless efforts to assimilate the maxims of
the gospel to their own worldly desires, is declared
to be the source to which nearly every existing
corruption should be traced. The vigour with
which these topics are discussed, will appear from
extracts to be inserted in the next chapter. It is
thus the writer concludes the defence of him-
self and his disciples : '* Let worldly prelates,
*' then, cease to slander poor priests, saying,
" that they will not obey their sovereigns, nor
** dread the curse, but despise the law ; for in
*' all these three they are clear before God and
** man, if right, and reason, and charity be well
** sought."
Another composition, bearing upon the same
of'sManTnd cvlls, Is dcscribed by its author as shewing ** how
Priests. '* Satan, and his priests, and his feigned religious,
** study by their cursed heresies to destroy all
" good living, and to maintain all manner of
" sin."^ The allusions in this tract to the con-
troversy respecting the translating of the scrip-
tures into the vulgar tongue, and to the existing
persecutions, determine its date. The writer
complains indignantly of the efforts which were
made to diminish the authority of holy writ, and
to raise man's interpretation of its meaning into
the place that should be peculiar to the volume
itself. This policy he defines as " a feigning to
" be wiser than God.' He also censures the
artifices by which the religious were frequently
■ MS. C.C.C. Cambiidjrt..
THE LIFE OF WYCLFFFE. 185
known to induce the young to adopt the vows of en \p.
their fraternities ; and to the charge of malevo- —
lence, as preferred by the clergy while suffering
under his rebuke, it is replied, that if such re-
proofs are inconsistent with charity, the life of
Christ, of his apostles, and of the prophets who
preceded them, must form a dangerous example
to the church. *' Almighty God," he observes,
" who is full of charity, commandeth the prophet
'* Isaiah, to cry, and cease not, and to shew to the
" people their great sins. The sin of the com-
" mons is great, the sin of lords, of mighty men,
" and of wise men is more ; but the sin of pre-
" lates is most of all, and mostblindeth the people.
" True men are bound, therefore, by God's com-
*' mand, to cry most against the sins of prelates,
" since it is in itself the most, and harmeth most
** the people." It was particularly objected, that
the censures adverted to were generally ut-
tered in the absence of the parties concerned.
But it is remarked of these same parties, that
" Antichrist maketh them so mighty, that in their
" presence no man dare speak against their open
" sins, unless he would be dead anon. " It
is accordingly suggested, that to limit freedom
of speech to such occasions, was to proscribe
it entirely. The writer concludes by devoutly
praying, that God himself would divest the clerks
of Antichrist of their power to impede the pro-
gress of his truth ; and that *' he would strengthen
" all manner of men to maintain the truth of holy
" writ, and to destroy all falsehood, and openly to
" oppose, both in word and deed, all hypocrisy,
" and heresy, and covetousncss, in all prelates
186 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. '< and priests: for thus shall good life and truth,
— " and peace, and charity, reign among christian
'' men ! Jesus Christ ! for thine endless mercy,
** grant us this ! Amen."
ontho.iuty Connected with this reproof of the temper
and maxims of the clergy, was a renewed appeal
to the secular authorities, stating three " skills,"
or reasons, which would induce lords " to con-
" strain clerks to live in meekness, wilful poverty,
" and discreet penance, and ghostly travail.""
The first argument employed is deduced from
those parts of scripture which were understood as
threatening magistrates who should neglect this
momentous duty with serious penalties. The
second is deduced from the happiness which must
be diffused, by extending the influence of an en-
lightened piety. The last is founded on the poli-
tical benefits which must result from a correction
of religious abuses. From this spirited produc-
tion, some extracts will also be given in the chapter
devoted to the fuller statement of the reformer's
opinions.
In aid of these appeals to the magistrate,
Wycliffe also published his treatise, intitled, " Of
" Servants and Lords, how each should keep his
" degree."'^ In this work, the author asserts
the legitimate authority of the civil power ; and
largely quotes from the New Testament scrip-
tures, to demonstrate that the principles which
induce some devout men to discard the guidance
of a vicious clergy in religion, are not such as to
interfere with any branch of their duty as subjects
0 MS. C. C.C.Cambridge.
7 Ibid. Sec for the date oiK\\U MS. Vol. I. Cliai.. v, note 8.
Viints and
Lords."
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 187
of the sovereign. To the evils of bad govern- chap.
ment, the w^riter shows himself to be keenly '-
sensible; but while reproving vice with the same
freedom, whether found in lords or churchmen,
his protest is entered against the artifice of ap-
plying to the magistrate the reasonings which he
had employed merely to invalidate the false pre-
tensions of the priest. The manner in which the
reformer distinguished between the claims of the
two authorities, will presently invite our attention.
It will be sufficient here to remark of this pro-
duction, that there is no seed of anarchy to be
extracted from it. It is rather fraught with every
scriptural element of social and religious obliga-
tion.
It was at this period, also, that Wycliffe finished p^Idiin-
a work on the subject " Of Good Preaching Priests.-'
" Priests."' Its design was to afford a farther
developement of the principles embraced by the
reformer's poor priests. Their first object is said
to be, " that the law of God may be steadily
" known, taught, maintained, and magnified ;
" secondly, that great and open sin, which reign-
" eth in divers states, be destroyed, and also the
*' heresy and hypocrisy of Antichrist and of his
"followers; thirdly, that very peace and pro-
** sperity, and burning charity, be increased in
*' Christendom, and particularly in the realm of
" England, for to bring men readily to the bliss of
** heaven." In a series of articles, the writer then
proceeds to demonstrate the necessity of the effort
made by these reformers ; censures loudly the
8 IMS. C. C. C. CambiiJge. See points wliich determine tbe dale of
also Vol. I. Chap. v. note 8, for the tbis work.
Oil Uie four
deceits of
Antichrist.
188 TPI£ LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, imprisonment of men before openly convicted of
offence ; and condemning every sort of secret pro-
cess against an accused party, he demands for
each man, as an unalienable right, the substance
of that security from the arbitrary temper of the
magistrate^ and of the prelates, which has since
become the chartered inheritance, and the real
possession of Englishmen.
The opponents of Wycliffe were fully aware,
that the proficiency of his disciples as preachers,
was a circumstance from which they derived the
principal share of their influence ; and it would
be deemed important that the authority employed
to silence them, should be accompanied by some
shew of reasoning. It is accordingly the object
of one of the reformer's pieces, completed about
this time, to expose, " four deceits by which An-
" tichrist, and his clerks, would prevent true
" priests from preaching Christ's gospel."" The
first objection to this favourite occupation of the
poor priests, is, that " it maketh dissension and
" enmity." But to this it is replied, that there
is a kind of peace which the Author of the gospel
came not to establish ; that the only repose which
may be innocently left unbroken, is that which is
founded on just principles, and heavenly affec-
tions ; and that whatever hostility maybe excited,
by the effort to place the minds of men in subjec-
tion to such principles and such affections, should
be encountered without fear. If the first objec-
tion to the zeal of the new preachers be deemed
weak, the second must be considered as much
more so. Many, it is affirmed, will perish, though
^ MS. C. C.C.Cambridge.
THE LTFE OF M'YCLIFFE. 189
they hear the gospel; and perish the more iin- chap.
happily, " because they hear God's word, and do L
" not thereafter." But in reply, it is proved to
be a doctrine of scripture, that the more the gos-
pel is preached, the fewer men will be lost ; and
that where men really fail to embrace the faith
of Christ, many a partial renunciation of sin, and
many a real though imperfect virtue, may be the
result of listening to its ministry; and such re-
sults are viewed as serving to diminish the suffer-
ings even of the finally impenitent. " But
*' wherever a gathering of people is," it is re-
marked, *' there is commonly some good men,
" and for them principally men preach God's
*' word." Nor was this antinomian tenet, as op-
posed to preaching, considered merely with respect
to the impenitent, but also as referring to the
elect. " Good men," it was asserted, " shall be
"saved, though there be no preaching; for as
" God saith it, they may not perish." It is thus,
that this objection is refuted. " Here true men
" say, that as God hath ordained good men to
" bliss, so he hath ordained them to come to bliss
" by the preaching, and by the keeping of his
" word. So that even as they must need come to
" bliss, they must needs hear and keep God's
*' commandments. And herein to them serveth
'' preaching." Whatever of necessity there may
be in the end, was thus extended to the means.
The fourth deceit employed to degrade the office
of preaching, is said to be " that men should
'' cease from preaching, and give themselves to
" holy prayers and contemplation, for that helpeth
" christian men more, and is better." But it is
190 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, immediately added, " True men say boldly, that
_ " true preaching is better than praying by mouth,
" even though it come from the heart, and with
" pure devotion. The people, too, it edifieth
" more. And therefore Christ especially com-
'* mandeth his apostles and disciples to preach the
" gospel, and not to close themselves in cloisters
" nor churches, nor in caves to pray thus. There-
" fore, Paul saith, woe is me, if I preach not the
" gospel. Devout prayer of men of good life, is
" good, in certain times ; but it is against charity
" for priests to pray evermore, and at no time to
" preach; since Christ chargeth priests more to
" preach the gospel, than to say mass and matins."
o„,he It was thus that the reformer continued to
ST.ie'a'! defend the practice of his clerical disciples. The
reasoning with which the above treatise concludes,
was also much extended in a work which pro-
posed to shew, '' how the prayer of good men
" helpeth much, and prayer of sinful men dis-
'* pleaseth God, and harmeth themselves, and
" other men."^" In this piece, which breathes
a spirit of the purest devotion, the promises and
the examples of scripture are largely cited, to
demonstrate the excellence and the efficacy of
prayer. The same book is appealed to, as teach-
ing no less decisively the vanity of the most
costly offerings that may be presented by the
hypocrite, the vicious, or the formalist. It is de-
plored, as among the most foreboding circum-
stances of the times, that men are so far disposed
to confide in the prayers of such intercessors ; and
thus to yield to a delusion, which not only tended
'" MS. CC.C. Caiubiid-e.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 191
to impoverish them in this world, but to involve chap.
them in the ruin of the next. __^
Indeed, there is scarcely a class of men, or a
species of religious error, of which the writings
of WyclifTe, at this period, may not be found to
treat, and in a manner which anticipates almost
every fact in our subsequent improvement as a
nation. Thus in one of his productions, the
manner in which he had refuted the errors op-
posed to the office of preaching, is extended to
a series of similar misconceptions with respect
to religion in general. It is remarked, for instance,
that by the phrase " holy church," men commonly
understand a sort of clerical parliament ; by the
term " religious," they mean hordes of vagrant
friars, or the useless inmates of a cloister ; by the
expression, " the law of the church," they intend
the decrees of popes and councils, not the
decisions of holy writ; to yield "obedience,"
was not to submit to what the conscience had re-
cognised as the will of God, but to bow to what
presumption had imposed upon the credulous ;
and by "sin," was generally meant some venial
offence, the guilt of which " might be washed
" away with a paternoster, with holy water, a
" pardon, a bishop's blessing, and in many other
*' light ways." Another treatise commences with
the assertion, that nearly all the evils of the land
arose from the delinquencies " of false confessors,
*' false merchants, and false men of law;" and the
object of the writer is to prove the truth of this
assertion. The confessors chiefly intended are
the mendicants, for they had nearly engrossed
that function to themselves ; the merchants, are
192 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, the conductors of our infant commerce, but who,
it would seem, had already begun to diffuse the
evils of their traffic along with his benefits ; and
the lawyers adverted to, are principally those en-
trusted with the power of the spiritual courts.
"Of Clerks But at this period it was, in a treatise called
ers." '"°"" " Of Clerks Possessioners,"" that the reformer
mainly attempted his exposure of the irreligion,
which, in his view, had resulted to so great a
degree, from the opulence, and the secular juris-
diction of the clergy. This work consists of forty
chapters, and from its notices of the wrongs in-
flicted on certain preachers of the gospel, and
also of some other topics of controversy, its date
could not have been earlier than 1382, nor later
than the year following. Each chapter is de-
voted to an investigation of some feature in the
general corruption of the church. One leading
subject of complaint is, that the ample revenues
which are known to be " poor men's goods,"
rather than the property of the clergy, should be
so commonly spent by that order in luxurious
living, and in carelessness of the wants which
often oppressed the members of their flock. It is
deplored, also, that while the wealth of ecclesias-
tics served thus to ensnare them to modes of life
which were unbecoming their vocation, the nature
of their jurisdiction, and of the offices which they
were frequently induced to hold, should be such
as of necessity to divert their attention, in a still
greater degree, from spiritual things. It is more-
over stated that the affluence, and the secular
power of the clergy, had every where become the
>' MS. C.C.C.Caiiibriilge. See Vol. I. Chap. v. note 8.
THE LTFE OF WYCLIFFE. 193
most potent engines of oppression — crushing every chap.
man who dared attempt a separation between —
the doctrines of Christianity, and the dreams of
superstition. If the christian priesthood be ever
again employed " in studying and teaching of
" holy writ, in devotion and prayer, in thinking,
'* and heavenly sweetness," the preliminary steps,
it is contended, must be to diminish the force of
temptation, by a reduction of their revenue, and
by releasing them from the bonds of secular em-
ployment. Neither Christ, nor his apostles,
could be induced to unite the office of the secular
and the spiritual steward; and hence, it is argued,
that unless the churchmen of the age should
prove themselves to be superior in capacity to the
Head of the church, and to the men who were
witnesses of his resurrection, the effect of the
existing order of things must be pernicious. His
prayer in conclusion is, that " Almighty God
*' would stir up his priests, lords, and commons,
" to detect the hypocrisy, heresy, and treason of
" Antichrist's worldly clerks ; and to know, and
" maintain the rightful ordinance of God, and the
*' profit and freedom of the gospel."
But while these, and similar compositions, — all Rise of the
certainly produced about this period, bespoke theagaLtthe
growing zeal with which the rector of Lutterworth po^l""""
continued to prosecute the work of reform, a test
was applied to the popular feeling in England,
which discovered that his doctrines, though
widely disseminated, had hitherto acquired but a
limited ascendancy over the mind of his country-
men. The reader will remember the schism
which at this moment divided the papacy. France
VOL. II. o
194 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP, acknowledged the authority of Clement, who had
L fixed his residence at Avignon : and England
was at the head of that portion of Christendom,
which recognised the claims of Urban. ^^ These
pontiffs had employed their spiritual weapons
against each other, and against their respective
partisans, with the most boisterous freedom : but
the last arrow, on either side, had been spent in
vain. It was now resolved to ascertain the effect
of an alliance between the elements of this world
and the terrors of the next. To produce a mili-
tary crusade against the Avignon pontiff and his
adherents, every kind of indulgence which had
been granted for the purpose of propelling the
western nations toward the holy sepulchre was
resorted to. As the hostilities thus devised, were
to be considered as the effort of the church, it
was the determination of the pope to reserve the
principal command to an ecclesiastic ; and this
doubtful honour was conferred on Spencer, bishop
of Norwich, a prelate who had already given de-
cisive evidence of his passion for military ad-
venture. In 1377,'* an incident occurred, which
betrayed his contempt of the civil power, as
compared with that of his own order; but his
vanity proved so offensive to the populace of the
town in which it was thought convenient to dis-
play it, that his life became endangered. His
rough treatment, in that instance, may have in-
creased his christian abhorrence of that class of
society, which he had scornfully described as the
ribald multitude ; for during the insurrection of
'-See chap. i. The story of (his told by Froissart. Vol. vi. c. 51— C5.
enterprize is minutely and amusingly "^ pox, Acts, &:c.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 195
the commons in 1382, while the government was chap.
strangely inactive, Spencer was at the head of his L
vassals, and the tranquillity of his diocese is at-
tributed to his vigilance. His name, also, occurs
in the list of the prelates who sat in judgment on
WyclifFe at Oxford ; and his memorable contro-
versy with Epringham, who was a disciple of our
reformer and a magistrate of Norwich, has placed
his hatred of the Lollards beyond dispute.'* The
bull with which he was entrusted, vested him
with extraordinary powers. The laity adhering
to the antipope, and all who should in any
manner favour them, were not only sentenced to
lose every worldly office and possession, but to be
slain with the sword. With respect to the clergy
who had become parties to the schism, the bishop
was instructed to exert his whole power with a
view to deprive them of every cure, honour, and
emolument ; and it was left to his discretion, to
insist on the presence of the most privileged
members of the English hierarchy, in the camp
of the crusaders. Against all who should pre-
sume to oppose the discharge of this commission,
though possessing regal dignity, the prelate was
to launch the anathemas of the church ; while, to
such as should enlist themselves in aid of this
sacred enterprise, though dying before the strug-
gle should commence, and to such as should
contribute the smallest portion of their property
with the same view, the remission of all tres-
passes was awarded, together with every immu-
nity conceded to such '* as go to fight for the
holy land." '^
'1 Wals. Hist, ubi supra. '^ Fox, i. 582, 583.
o 2
196 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. To render this measure as little objectionable
VII. . . .
as possible to the English court and parliament,
it was suggested by the pontiff, that to meet its
expenses, a tenth should be raised from the
revenues of the clergy ; and that every thing-
obtained from the laity should be strictly volun-
tary, and bear the name of alms. Such, however,
was the zeal of Urban, that more than thirty bulls
were dispatched to England on this subject ; and
the conduct of the English prelates, in rendering
these documents the ground of inflammatory ap-
peals from the pulpit, supplied an example which
the inferior clergy would not be slow to imitate.^"
" All who should die at this time," observes
Froissart, " and who had given their money, were
" absolved from every fault, and by the tenure of
*' the bull, happy were they who could now die,
" in order to obtain so noble an absolution." It
was the arrangement of the pope, that France
and Spain should be invaded at the same mo-
ment ; the expedition against the latter kingdom
being entrusted to the duke of Lancaster, in virtue
of his claim as king of Castile, and perhaps, with
the hope of detaching him more completely from
the rank of the reformers. Froissart assures us,
that the sums raised by these expedients were
considered sufficient for both enterprises ; but
while smiling at the easy faith of the good people
of England, he states it as well known, that the
nobles of this land held the absolutions of the
church in so little esteem, that with them, unless
offers of money were made, all other inducements
would be useless. " Men at arms," he adds.
THE LIFE OF W'VCLIFFE. 197
" cannot live on pardons, nor do they pay much ^^,^^-
*' attention to them, except at the point of death." 1
If Lancaster was ever really interested in the part
allotted to him, he soon found himself obliged to
abandon it. France was the nearer, and the rival
kingdom ; and though to invade it under the com-
mand of a churchman might occur as a difficulty,
yet that churchman was a man of family, and the
representative of the head of Christendom . Before
leaving England, Spencer and his followers were
sworn to limit their hostilities to the adherents
of the antipope, and on the twenty-third of April,
1383, they disembarked at Calais. Some weeks
were there passed in waiting the arrival of Sir
William Beauchamp, whose presence, with some
reinforcements, had been promised by the English
monarch. But that knight failed to make his ap-
pearance : the bishop became impatient ; and it
was resolved to make an excursion into Flanders —
a country then subject to the power of France.
Sir Hugh Calverly, who appears to be the only
man engaged in this undertaking without relin-
quishing the guidance of common sense, objected
seriously to the proposed movement — insisting
that the king's instructions respecting Sir Wil-
liam Beauchamp ought not to be violated; and
moreover, that the earl of Flanders, and his
subjects, were believed to be good Urbanists.
To these obstacles, the bishop opposed a torrent
of angry and contemptuous declamation. The
experienced soldier was provoked, and avowed
himself prepared to execute the instructions of
his superior, however perilous, or however much
he might question their justice or their policy.
198 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. The town of Gravelines was first assailed. It
VII
_ was inhabited principally by fishermen, possessed
but the feeblest means of defence, and was farther
exposed to all the disadvantages of a surprise.
The followers of the bishop were scrupulous in
executing his commands, and v/hether exaspe-
rated by the resistance which he had encoun-
tered, or wishing to operate by the agency of
terror, the innocent inhabitants were slaughtered
with an atrocity so unsparing, that, according
to Walsingham, not an infant remained alive.
The earl of Flanders sent his messengers to
complain of this wanton aggression. But the
devout priest replied, with an oath, that the in-
vaded territory had been conquered by the
French ; and that the effort of the English to
wrest it from the grasp of a power with which
they were at war, was an act which required no
explanation. From Gravelines, the crusaders
proceeded to Dunkirk, where a struggle ensued,
in which several hundreds of the English, and
nearly ten thousand of the Flemings are said to
have perished. The capture of that town was
soon followed by the possession of others, where
the inhabitants hoped to protect themselves from
the ferocity of the victors by the show of sub-
mission. Spencer, it will be supposed, was
elated beyond measure by these triumphs. So
much was this the case, that he boasted of his
readiness to measure his strength with that of the
king of France, and of the duke of Burgundy,
who had united their forces, and were proceeding
by slow marches to strip him of his spoil. On
their approach, his acquisitions fell from his grasp.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
]99
renews his
contest witli
raendi-
with a rapidity equal to that with which they had ^yi^^*
been secured. Any rash man, in the same
circumstances, might have made them ; and rash
men only, could for a moment have regarded
them as permanent. His escape to England was
among the fortunate incidents of his life : but the
censure and contempt with which he was every
where assailed on his return, must have been one
of the severest trials that his vain and irritable
spirit could have had to sustain."
The reader will remember, that the proceed- '^jf^f^^.
ings against Wycliffe before the Oxford convo- «
cation in 1382, derived much of their severity cauu
from the hatred of the mendicants. Stern as the
discussions had often been betwixt the religious
orders, and the secular clergy, their animosities
were for a while suspended, that the parties re-
garded as hostile to both might be at once over-
powered. The ebullition of fanaticism described
above, took place in 1383, and in giving it exist-
ence, the officious zeal of the new orders was
every where prominent. The reformer had no
sooner returned to Lutterworth, than he published
an extended commentary on the text, *' Beware of
** the leaven of the pharisees, which is hypo-
" crisy."'* The design of this address was to
identify the followers of St. Francis and of St.
Dominic, in the existing system, with the pha-
risees of Judea at the period of the advent. Both
" Froissart. Wals. The companions W. Elmham, Sir W. Farndon, Sir
of Spencer shared in his disgrace. Ro- Thomas Trivet, and Robert Filzrauf.
bertdeFoulnier, a clergyman, and trua- This sentence, however, which was
surer to the bishop of Norwich, was announced on the 6th of Marcli, was
imprisoned, and 5000 golden francs rescinded on the 14th of May. Rynier,
levied on his goods. A similar pu- ann. 1384.
nishment was also awarded to Sir " MS. C.C.C. Cambridge.
200 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, parties are minutely described, and they are said
'— to rival each other in the sanctity of their pre-
tensions, and in the character and multitude of
their offences. But as the vices of the friars
w^ere rendered still more dark by the veil of their
extraordinary pretension to piety, their hypocrisy
is declared to be " the most accursed and poison-
" ous of all." It is affirmed also, that " if by
" subtlety, by hypocrisy, and by help from the
" laws of Antichrist, they hinder curates and poor
" priests from teaching men the law of God, for
" fear lest their hypocrisy be perceived, and their
" winning- and worldly fame be laid low, — they
** are accursed man-slayers, and the cause of de-
•' struction to all the souls that perish from default
"in knowing and keeping the commandments of
" God. And if they preach principally for
" worldly gain and vain-glory, and so preach
" themselves to be praised of men, and not
" simply and plainly the gospel of Christ, for his
" glory, and the gaining of men's souls, they deal
*' unfaithfully with the word of God, as Paul
" saith."'" He afterward adverts to the mendi-
'^ Tlie following portrait from the And specially, aboven every thing
Sompnoure's Tale, in Chaucer, may Excited he the peple in his preching
be worthy of a place here, from its To trentalls, and to yeve, for Goddes
strict agreement with Wycliffe's no- sake,
tices of the same order : Wherwilh men mighten holy houses
" Lordings ! there is in Yorkshire, as make,
gesse.
Ther as divine service is honoured, -
A mersh contree ycalled Holdernesse, Not ther as it is wasted and devoured ;
In which ther went a limitour aboute, ^e ther it nedeth not for to be yeven
To preche — and, eke, to beg, it is no As to possessioners, that morven leveu
doubte. (Thanked be God) in well and abund-
And so befell, that on a day this frere, ^^'^^
Had preched at a chirche in Lis ma- ' Trentalls,' said he, ' deliveren fro
nere. penance
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
201
cants as parties to the existing schism in the ^,^j^^'
papacy, and to each party as declaring their
opponents to be " heretics out of belief." His
own assertion is, that " both are indeed out of
" belief;" and that they " are bringing all other
" men out of belief." Nor is the reformer less
decisive, when referring to the duties of the men
who profess to deplore these and similar evils.
He complains of " the cowardice of Christ's dis-
" ciples, if they spare from fear of bodily pain
" or death, to tell openly the truth of God's law.
" And therefore," he observes, " telleth Christ
" often to his disciples, that they should fear God
" above all, and fear nothing else. Truly, saith
' Hir freiides soules as wel olde as
yonge.
' Ye, whan that they ben hastily ysonge ,
' (Not for to hold a preest jolif and
gay;
' He singeth notbutomasseon aday;)
' Delivereth out, quod he, anon, the
soules.
' Ful hard it is, with fleshhook, or with
oules,
' To ben yclawed ; or to bren, or bake,
' Now spede you hastily for Cristes
sake.'
And whan this frere had said all his
entent,
With ' qui cum patre' forth his way he
went.
Whan folk in chirche had yeve him
what hem lest.
He went his way, no lenger wold he
rest.
With scrippe, and tipped staf, ytucked
hie :
In every hous he gan to pore and prie.
And begged mele and chese, or elles
corn,
His felaw had a staf tipped with horn,
A pair of tables all of ivory.
And a pointel y polished fetisly, —
And wrote alway the names, as he
stood,
Of alle folk that yave hem any good,
AskauDce that he wolde for hem preye,
' Yeve us a bushel whete, or malt, or
reye,
' A Goddes kichel, or a trippe of chese ;
' Or elles what you list, we may not
chese
' A Goddes halfpeny, or a masse peny,
' Or yeve us of your braun, if he have
any,
' A dagon of your blanket, leve dame I
' Our su.stre dere I (lo, here I write
your name,)
' Bacon or beef, or swiche thing as
ye find.'
A sturdy harlot went hem, ay, behind.
That was her hostes man, and bare a
sakke,
And what men gave hem laid it on his
bakke,
And, whan that he was out at dore, —
anon
He planed away the names everich on.
That he before had written in his tables.
He served him with nifles and with
fables."
202 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " Christ, ' T will forewarn you whom you shall
1_ " fear, fear not those who can destroy the body,
*' and no more, but fear him who can destroy
*' both body and soul in hell, yea I say, fear ye
** him.' Here Christ would that men should fear
" nothing, chiefly, but God, and the offending of
" him. For if men fear bodily pain and death,
'* and therefore cease to tell openly the truth,
'* they are with this unable to regain the bliss of
" heaven. But if they say openly and steadily
" the truth of God, nothing may harm them, so
" they keep patience and charity." It was to
comfort his disciples in suffering, and especially
in the season of persecution, that the Saviour re-
minded them of the Father's care as extending
to the falling sparrow, and to the hairs of their
head ; '* for thus should they learn to believe that
" nothing comes without his knowledge and his
" ordaining, and that it is all for the best." He is
also said to " make his servants ready to die for
" his law by hope of reward, when he saith thus,
** ' each who shall acknowledge me before men,
** shall the Son of man acknowledge before the
'* angels.' "
The date of this production is certain, from
its allusion to the papal schism, and to the con-
troversy respecting the eucharist.^^" A few months
only had elapsed from the time of its publication,
when the instructions of Urban, with a view to
destroy the power of his rival, called the mendi-
cant orders into new activity and importance.
It was their labour and artifice, which did most
'" This is the tract on which the no- adverted to, appears. See Vol. i.
tice by archbishop Usher, already 304, 305.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
203
toward involving the states of Christendom, in all ^^j^^-
the calamities of a religious war. Their ardour —
to crowd the ranks of the crusaders, roused the iutiued ob.
indignation of the rector of Lutterworth, and Freres.' °
during Spencer's adventure in Flanders, pro'duced
his treatise intitled, ** Objections to Freres," a
w^ork in which he has concentrated his objections
to the character and opinions of that class of
men.'*'
It was near the same time that the reformer o.. the se...
, , . . . 11 -1 mi tenceofthe
composed his important treatise called "IhecurseEx.
" Sentence of the Curse Expounded."" The ^'""'^'"^'
war in Flanders, waged " for the love of two false
" priests, who are open antichrists," is noticed in
the sixteenth chapter as still in progress. The
date of the work is thus determined. It is
divided into twenty-nine chapters, and extends
to a hundred quarto pages. As its title imports,
its design is to expound the doctrine of spiritual
censures." Each chapter contemplates some well
known application of this power ; and while the
authority itself is in some instances questioned,
in others it is viewed as improperly exercised,
and in others the men inflicting the supposed
penalties are shewn to be themselves, and accord-
ing to their own maxims, far greater off'enders
than the parties accursed. Thus the denunciation
2' See Vol. I. 265— 272. " of lioly chirche, or thereto assent
22 MS. C.C.C. Cambridge, " with deed or connse^'le. And also
2^ The censures principally noticed " all those that pryve holy chirche of
in this exposition, are those which " any ryght, or make of holy chirche
were pronounced in the service of " any laye fee that is allowed or sanc-
every church foar times a year. The " tified," &c. &c. Festival, fol. 200.
form thus began ;—" I denounce, and Having in this manner protected the
" showe for accursed, all those that ecclesiastical state, the form proceeds
" fraunchyse of holy chirche, bryke, to other matters.
" or dystrouble, or are agen the state
204 THE liff: of wycliffe.
CHAP, uttered four times a year against heretics, is con-
'— sidered as more justly incurred by the reigning
clergy, than by any portion of the laity, if by
heresy be meant, *' according to St. Austin, the
" maintenance of error against holy writ ; " and the
anathemas pronounced on secular men who in-
vade the property of the priesthood, are shewn to
be much more applicable to churchmen them-
selves, who have long conspired to estrange the
larger part of such possessions from their original
design. In this manner, the whole machinery of
spiritual domination is scrutinized. In its details,
as well as in its more general features, it is ex-
hibited as arising from presumption and impiety ;
as tending to perpetuate the present character of
the clergy, and to enslave and debase every
passion and faculty in the soul of their victims.
The solemn and often repeated counsel of the
writer is, that men should study the will of God,
and allow their apprehensions of good or evil to
be affected by human authority, only as the exer-
cise of that authority should be known to accord
with the scriptures. The work, indeed, is replete
with almost every sentiment distinguishing the
religion of the Bible from that of the papal power.
Of Prelates, A fcw mouths ouly could have elapsed since
Priesthood, publishing the above treatise, when the reformer
composed his work " On Prelates," and nearly
contemporary with this was the publication of his
work, intitled, " How the Office of Curates is
" ordained of God," and of another described as
" For the Order of Priesthood."^* The first of
21 MS. C. C. C. Cambridfre. See of the first of these works is deter-
Vol.I. Chap. V. Note 8. The date rained hy the particulars stated iu
THE LIFE OF WVCLTFFE. 205
these publications consists of forty-three chap- chap.
ters ; the last, which is the shortest, extends to —
twenty-nine. The intention of the writer is to
state, on the authority of scripture, the duties of
the clergy sustaining the several ecclesiastical
offices ; to expose the frequent vices and defi-
ciencies of the men on whom these solemn re-
sponsibilities devolved ; and to point out the evils
resulting from the degeneracy of churchmen, with
respect both to the present and the future, to the
people and themselves. In the next chapter some
extracts will be given from each of these pieces,
demonstrating the zeal with which Wycliffe con-
tinued to advocate the cause of enlightened piety,
and of social improvement.
Another production which appeared during this ontheia.
active period of the reformer's life, is worthy of tiXist an"d
notice, as elicited by the controversy which arose, to destroy"
respecting the translating of the scriptures into&c?&7"'
the mother tongue, and as expressing the judg-
ment of Wycliffe concerning the tUithority of
tradition, and the infallibility of the church.^ He
commences by stating that " our Lord Jesus
" Christ ordained that his gospel should be fully
" known, and maintained against heretics, and
" men out of belief, by the writings of the four
*' Evangelists ; and that accordingly the devil stu-
" dieth by Antichrist, and his false worldly clerks,
the note referred to. The work on sive of its date, as subsequent to the
Curates could not have appeared un- persecutions which began soon after
til about 1380, as it notices the the insurrection of the commons. Note
arguments emplo^'ed to prevent se- to the second edition,
cular men from " meddleing tliem " MS. C. C.C. Cambridge. "How
" with the gospel, to read it in the " antichrist and his clerics travail
" niotlier tongue." c. \xvi. The con- " to destroy holy writ," &c. &c.
tents of (!ie third are equally deci- iS:c.
206 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. '' to destroy holy writ, and the belief of christian
1_ " men, by four accursed methods, or false reason-
" ings. 1st. That the church is of more autho-
** rity and credence than any gospel ; 2nd. That
" Augustine saith, he would not believe in the
" gospel if the church had not taught him so ;
" 3rd. That no man now alive knoweth which is
" the gospel, except it be by an approval of the
" church; 4th. And hence, if men say that they
" believe this to be the gospel of Matthew, or
'* John, they do so for no cause but that the church
** confirmeth it, and teacheth it." In support of
the first assertion, it was usual to remark, that
the supreme authority of the church is evident
from the fact, that in the early ages it devolved
upon its members to distinguish between the true
and the spurious gospels. But to this it is replied,
that " these far-sighted heretics understand by the
" church, the pope of Rome, and his cardinals,
" and the multitude of worldly priests, assenting
** to his simony and lordship as above that of all
" the kings and emperors of this world. It were
" not to their purpose else thus to magnify the
" church." It is contended, however, that eccle-
siastics alone do not constitute the church ; and
if they did, the pastors of primitive times are de-
scribed as men of holy life, and moved by the
Holy Ghost, whereas the clergy of later ages have
too often betrayed their contempt of every thing de-
serving the name of sanctity. Still they claim the
homage due to infallible guides. But it is argued,
that to concede their pretensions, must be to share
in the guilt of their presumption and impiety.
The term church, as used by Augustine, is inter-
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 207
preted as referring merely " to Christ, the head of chap.
" holy church, to the saints in heaven, and to the
" apostles." The men who assert that the most
illustrious of the fathers " would not have be-
*' lieved the gospel of Jesus Christ, unless the
^' accursed multitude of worldly clerks had ap-
" proved it," are described as adhering to this
artifice for the purpose of colouring their own
" false understanding and heresy, by the name
'' of that holy doctor. For by this means, the
" clerks of Antichrist condemn the faith of chris-
" tian men, and the commandments of God, and
" the doctrines of charity, and bring in their own
'* wayward laws — therefore christian men should
" stand to the death for the maintenance of Christ's
*' gospel, and for the true understanding thereof,
*' obtained by holy life and great study !"
The four assertions above stated, are said to be
the four wheels which chiefly accelerate the car
of Antichrist through the world. In meeting the
two remaining objections, the writer affirms, in
powerful language, that the most obscure student
of the Bible may find in that book a more certain
guide to truth, than in the pontiff's, or in the wisest
of their councils. " Christian men," he observes,
*' are certain of the reality of their faith by the
" gracious gift of Jesus Christ; and that the
" truth in the gospel was taught by Christ and his
" apostles, though all the clerks of Antichrist say
" the contrary never so fast, and on pain of their
*' curse, and imprisonment, and burning. And
" this faith is not grounded on the pope and his
" cardinals, for then it must fail, and be undone,
'* as they fail and are sometimes destroyed ; but
208
THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
it rests on Jesus Christ, God and man, and on
the Holy Trinity, and so it may never fail,
except from his default, who while he should
love and serve God, faileth in these things.
Almighty God, and his truth, are the foundation
of the faith of christian men ; and as St. Paul
saith, * other foundation may no man set beside
that which is set, that is, Jesus Christ.' There-
fore, though Antichrist and all his clerks were
buried deep in hell, for their simony and pride,
and other sins, yet the faith of the christian
faileth not, because these are not the ground
thereof, but Jesus Christ. He is our God, and
our best Master ; and ever ready to teach true
men all things which are profitable, and needful
to their souls. But they would have, that
whatever these prelates teach openly and main-
tain stedfastly, were of as great authority, and
even more than is the gospel of Christ. And
thus they would destroy holy writ, and christian
faith, and at length maintain that whatever they
do is no sin. But christian men receive their
faith of God, as his gracious gift. He giveth
them the knowing, and the understanding of
truths, needful to save their souls ; giving them
grace to assent in their heart to those truths.
And if Antichrist say that each man may
pretend that he has a right faith, and a good
understanding of holy writ when he is in error ;
we answer, let a man seek in all things truly
the honour of God, and live justly to God and
man ; and to him, God will not fail in any
thing that is needful, neither in faith nor under-
standing, nor in answer against his enemies."
THE LIFE OF WYCLFFFE. 209
He concludes by praying "that God Almighty chap.
"would strengthen his little flock against Anti- '—
" Christ, that they may seek truly the honour of
" Jesus Christ, and the salvation of the souls of
" men ; that they may despise Antichrist's boast-
" ing and pretended power, and willingly, and
" even joyfully suffer pain and reproach in the
** world for the name of Jesus Christ and his
" gospel ; affording a steady example to others to
" follow them, so as to conquer the high bliss of
" heaven by glorious martyrdom, as other saints
" before them have done. Jesu ! for thy endless
" might, endless wisdom, endless goodness, and
" charity, grant to us sinful wretches this love of
" thee. Amen.^'
There is yet one composition belonging to this Treatise o>,
period, which must obtain a passing notice. It aeiuiysins.
is on " the seven deadly sins," in treating of
which, the reformer adverts to the crusade against
the antipope, and delivers some novel sentiments
on the practice of war. The treatise consists of
about eighty quarto pages, and, as its title will
indicate, it touches on a variety of topics. ■''° By
dividing the members of the visible church into
three classes, the writer is enabled to shew how
the same forbidden passions were operating-
through the different portions of society; but
the chief peculiarity of the work, is its announce-
ment of those humane doctrines with respect to
war, which have been advocated with no mean
ability, in more recent times, by the disciples of
Penn, and Barclay. The doctrine of the con-
^iJ MS. Bi'ol. Bodl. The same topics logus, and are treated in tlie same
occur in the third book of his Tria- manner.
210 THE LIFE OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP, temporary clergy is said to be, '' that it is lawful
*' to annoy an enemy in whatever way you can."
But it is remarked, that " the charity of Christ
" biddeth the contrary." Nevertheless, " to keep
" men fighting, though humanity teaches that men
" should not fight, Antichrist argues, that as an
" adder by his nature stings a man who treads on
" him, why should not we fight against our
" enemies, especially as they would else destroy
" us, and ruin their own souls ? It is for love,
" therefore, that we chastise them. But what man
" that hath wit, cannot see this fallacy ?"
With respect to all offensive wars, he thus
writes. " As to the title of conquest, we should
'* understand that if God enjoin conquest, it may
" then be lawful, as in the case of the children
" of Israel. When a kingdom by sin has for-
" feited, against its chief Lord Christ, in punish-
" ment of such trespass, he may give it to another
" people. But men should not dream that a
" people have so sinned, and that God will thus
" punish them, except God tell it them." If to
this it be objected, that the pope approves cru-
sades, it is urged in reply, that as St. Peter could
err, his successor may perhaps be found to inherit
his infirmity in that respect along with his power.
It is admitted that under the law devout men
were soldiers, but it is remarked that they fought
with God's enemies, to avenge God's injuries, and
for no other cause ; and whatever hostility is com-
menced without a special commission from above,
is declared to be no less criminal under the present
dispensation, than it would have been under the
Jewish theocracy. An attention to this simple
T H E L 1 F E O F W' Y C L I F F E . 211
fact is noticed, as including every thing necessary chap,
to realize the vision of the prophet, v^^hen men 1-
shall break their swords into ploughshares, and
spears into pruninghooks, and nations shall learn
war no more.
The means of self-defence, however, are not
considered as relinquished, even by the man who
deems an appeal to mortal conflict, to be in every
case unlawful. It is observed, " that angels with-
" stood fiends, and many men with right of law
" withstand their enemies, and yet they kill
" them not, neither fight with them. The wise
" men of the world hold this for wisdom, and
" have thus vanquished their enemies without
" striking them ; and men of the gospel, by
" patience, and the prospect of rest and peace,
" have vanquished through the suffering of death,
** just as we may do now. But here men of the
** world come and say, that by this wise, king-
" doms would be destroyed ; but here our faith
" teaches, that since Christ is our God, kingdoms
" should be thus established, and their enemies
'* overcome. But perad venture some men w^ould
*' lose their worldly riches— and what harm were
'* thereof? Well, indeed, I know, that men will
" scorn this doctrine. But men who would be
" martyrs for the law of God, will hold thereby.
" Lord, what honour falls to a knight that he kills
** many men ; the hangman killeth many more,
*' and with a better title. Better were it for men
" to be butchers of beasts, than butchers of their
" brethren 1"*'^ As according to " common law,
" no man will make battle, except he have leave
" MS. Horn. Bib. Re^. 18. b. ix. 109.
P 2
212 THE LIFE OF WVCEIFFE.
^^,^P- " from the prince of the people, so," it is observed,
" no man should take vengeance, unless God move
" him, and warn him as his instrument, saying,
" how he will have vengeance." Even knights,
though " approved of God to defend his church
" by strength," are regarded as under the inhibi-
tion " to kill no man."
While such were the reformer's sentiments
on war in general, the reader will expect his loud
condemnation of the martial enterprise entrusted
to the bishop of Norwich. It is thus he refers
to it. " Christ is a good shepherd, for he puts
" his own life for the saving of the sheep. But
" Antichrist is a wolf of ravening, for he ever
" does the reverse, putting many thousand lives
" for his own wretched life. By forsaking things
" which Christ has bid his priests forsake, he
" might end all this strife. Why is not he a
" fiend, stained foul with homicide, who though
"a priest, fights in such a cause? If man-
" slaying in others be odious to God, much more
" in priests, who should be the vicars of Christ.
" And I am certain, that neither the pope, nor
" all the men of his council, can produce a spark
" of reason to prove that he should do this. '■^'' To
his flock at Lutterworth, he farther observes,
" Friars now say that bishops can fight best of all
" men, and that it falleth most properly to them,
" since they are lords of all this world. Thus,
" they say, Maccabeus fought, and Christ bade
" his disciples sell their coats, and buy them
" swords, but whereto, if not to fight ? Thus friars
" make a great array, and stir up many men to
-^ MS. CocUl. Ric. Jaincsii, Bibl. Bodl.
THE LIFK 01' MYCLIFFE. 213
" fight. But Christ taught not his apostles to fight chap.
" with a sword of iron, but with the sword of— L
" God's word, which standeth in meekness of
" heart, and in the prudence of map's tongue.
" And as Christ was the meekest of men, so he
" was most drawn from the world, and would not
" judge or divide a heritage among men, and yet
" he could have done that best." Such facts
are said to deserve the attention " of these two
*' popes, when they fight one with the other,
" with the most blasphemous leasings that ever
" sprang out of hell. But they were occupied
" many years before in blasphemy, and in sinning
" against God and his church. And this made
" them to sin more, as an ambling blind horse,
" when he beginneth to stumble, lasteth in his
" stumbling, until he casts himself down."*"
It thus appears that it was not merely the act
of invasion, but the slaughter of men under any
circumstances, which the reformer considered as
opposed to the spirit and the letter of Chris-
tianity. It is also evident, that he was aware of
the opposition and contempt which the advocates
of such opinions must encounter, so long as the
state of the world should continue to be at all
such as it had hitherto been. But the New
Testament was before him, and that volume was
understood as requiring that each professor of
the gospel should adhere to such modes of re-
sistance only as are there prescribed, or as occur
in the recorded example of Christ, and of his
apostles. Such, it was urged, is the pattern, and
such are the commands of the Redeemer. His
-' MS. Codd. Rie. Jamesii, Bibl. Bodl.
214 THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE.
CHAP, injunctions in tliis particular were considered, more-
over, as clearly expressive of his benevolence ; in-
asmuch as the evils to be anticipated from adhering
to them, were believed to be trivial, when compared
with those which had so commonly attended the
schemes of conquest, vain-glory, and revenge.
The malignant influence of the laws of retaliation
had been long since ascertained, and the experi-
ment of the effect to be produced by the pacific
temper which the gospel enjoins, was said to have
been successfully made in the early and better
ages of the church. Men were therefore exhorted
to renounce those brute methods of adjusting dis-
putes, which had not only incurred the severest
of their present privations, and inflicted the deep-
est of their present woes, but which had so often
proved the grave of every virtue, and the parent
of every crime. The disastrous influence of war
on civilization, on literature, and liberty, the re-
former could deplore ; but its demoralizing effects,
and the desolation which it must forebode with
respect to eternity, filled his mind with amaze-
ment and dismay.
from'w '^^^ passage last cited from the pen of the re-
ciiffe's later formcr, is from one in a series of sermons, deli-
vered to the parishioners of Lutterworth subsequent
to the opening of 1382. There is much in those
compositions, serving to disclose the feeling and
purpose of the preacher, at this important period
of his history ; and as these productions have been
hitherto unknown to the public, a few characte-
ristic extracts will not perhaps be unacceptable
to the reader. While so determined a foe to the
practice of war, the conflict in aid of truth and
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 215
piety is one in which he would have all the capa- chap.
bilities of men employed, and of this he frequently •
speaks in such language as the following. " The
" captain of our battle is Christ, both God and
" man ; who hath the lordship of all this world,
** being the Lord of lords. What good knight
*' then should dread him to fight in the armies of
** this Lord? From the words of Paul it follow-
" eth, that he is of more power than all the fiends
" that are in hell, or aught that may oppose him.
" And since he overcame the fiend who is the
" head of the contrary battle, he hath virtue by
" his manhood to overcome all the enemies of his
"■ spiritual knights. In this, the knights of
*' Christ's battle should be comforted, so as to
" fight in his cause, and therefore Paul biddeth
" us take our arms in God's name."^" Advert-
ing to the promise of the Saviour, which affirms
*' that his servant shall be there, both in bliss and
*' place, where he is, without end," it is observed
that men should accordingly be prepared " to fol-
** low Christ, although it be hard." The sub-
stance of his doctrine on this important branch
of christian duty, is thus stated. " Certainly
" man should more love his soul than his body :
" and always should he most love God, and his
*' law : and whoever so loveth these, is ready to
" sufi"er the death of his body, for the love of his
'' God."^'
The lecture following that from which the last
extract is taken, is said to teach ** as the former
*' doth, how a man should ordain himself to suffer
" martyrdom." It relates chiefly to the text,
3» MS. Codd. Ric. Jaraesii, Bibl. Bodl. 109. 3' Ibid. 130.
216 THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE.
(HAP. '' Whosoever loseth his life, for my sake, and the
VII.
'~ " gospel's, shall save it ;" and the preacher re-
marks, *' since the life of man is ordained of
" God, evermore to be, it is not lost to God, but
" he for vi^hom this life is lost keepeth it well, and
" giveth it him in bliss in the other world. And
" who would not thus traffic with his own life?"
To hesitate, is " to fail in charity, and in the first
" commandment," and to make light of the pro-
mises which speak of the glorious things to be
accomplished in the saints, when their Lord shall
appear in his kingdom to beautify the bodies which
have been yielded as a sacrifice to him.^^
On another occasion he describes the gospel
for the day as " telling to the martyrs of Christ,
" what perils shall befall his house," and the per-
secutions foretold as to come upon his disciples,
are said to be at present inflicted on good men.
" They shall put them into holds falsely, and
" shall punish them many ways. And often
" shall they draw them to kings, and to justices
" who are mighty in this world, and thus for
" Christ shall they be punished. And like to
" this falleth now, by the punishings of Anti-
" Christ, But Jesus saith to his disciples, that
" it shall fall to them for a witness that they
" are on the true side. That they shall have a
'* clear answer to give, which all their adver-
** saries shall not in any way withstand, and this
** shall be from the love of God coming so openly
" to them." But this experience of the divine
approbation, is said to be unknown to the ruling
clergy, their propensities being, in general, too
^' MS. Codd. Ric. J.iinesii, Bibl. Bodl.
THE I.IFE OF ArYCLIFl-E. 217
earthly to allow of their cherishing the commii- chap.
nications of heavenly wisdom. " If a prelate '—
" feign that he hath power and wit given of God
" to rule his church, and doth all amiss, in such
" things, following not God nor his law, certainly
" such a hypocrite uttereth first a falsehood, and
" by his treachery he leadeth the sheep of Christ
" amiss. And though the wasting of God's goods
" be the worst of sins, because his goods are best,
" yet men that should be martyrs, are so smitten
" with cowardice, that they dare not speak a
" word for right belief in this matter, but as
'' though men were beasts, do they constrain
" them to assent to falsehood as true. Such are
" many of the blasphemies and falsehoods in-
" vented by popes and other prelates; and who-
" ever in Christ opposeth them, he may be a
'' martyr if he dare. And better cause of mar-
" tyrdom to God's servants find we none. For as
" the maintaining of faith is the cause of martyr-
" dom, so the maintenance of things which are
'' not of faith should be reversed by christian
" men, for else might all faith be changed, the
*' old put out, and new brought in. Thus they
" say, that it is of faith that the pope is head of
'* holy church, and that whatsoever thing he
" affects to do, is performed of Christ, but a more
" perilous heresy was never feigned by the
" fiend."'' In the sermon concluding thus, the
doctrines of the pope's supremacy and infallibi-
lity, which are so strongly rejected, are noticed as
forming the pressing questions of the orthodox.'*
""^ MS. Codd. Ric. Jamesii, Bibl. ^i [„ another instance he thus coin-
Bodl. 139. plains of priests, as having taken away
218 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. On the text, ** Blessed are ye that weep now,
'— *' for you shall laugh," he thus writes ; " It is
" known that whosoever truly loveth God's law,
" must needs weep here over the enemies of
*' Christ. For these who are God's servants, will
** be persecuted here for reproving of sinners who
" are God's enemies. But he is a coward against
*' God who speaketh not boldly against sin. And
" therefore John the Baptist, and Christ's apo-
*' sties, took example of Christ, and thus they
'* wept always over sin. And since Christ in his
*' three weepings, wept for other men's sins, he
'* loveth not Christ and his mother well, who
" sorroweth not for the injury and despite that
" is done to them. But such as do this are men
'' of charity, and shall rejoice at the day of doom."
The various sufferings which attended the pro-
fession of a scriptural creed in the age of Wycliffe,
are thus described. " Worldly men avoid such
" professors, and leave them to themselves. They
'* are accursed of Antichrist ; are put out of
the key of knowledge, and substituted " as open heretics. To this doing they
their own tradition in tlie place of the " council not with God's law, but
scripture. " Since the kindred of the "with established heresies which
" fiend is now most among priests, as '• themselves hold, viz. that they may
" it was ■□ the time of Christ, true " not sin nor err in such judgments.
" men should speak to them sharply as " But all manner of men, who say that
" Christ did. For they have exiled " liiey should follow Christ's life, and
" the law of God by which they should " leave their worldly life, they judge
" work, and brought in the fiend's law " for heretics. But if they thus give
" by which they now govern. Christ " themselves to lordships, forsaking
" often says how the lawyers watched " the life of Christ, they are fiend's
" him, that they might take something " children and open antichrists. Christ's
" of his words to accuse him, and so " children they may not be, but if they
"doom him to death, and thus did " follow him, and especially hold them-
" those hypocrites pretend to fulfil the " selves in meekness and poverty.
"law. And thus it is at this day " And here we may know men whether
" among these high-priests ; for they " they dare be martyrs." MS. Codd.
"have new laws made beside God's Ric. Jamesii, Bibl. Bodl. 145.
" law, by which to doom men to death
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 219
* churches; and are parted in prisons from other chap.
' men of the world ; and in all these states they —
' suffer reproofs. But if they are certain from
' the matter of their belief, that in all this they
* suffer for the cause of their God, they may be
' blessed and joyful in hope of their end ; even
* as a sick man will gladly suffer pain, when
' he hopeth thereby to come to health. And
' the joy which saints have when they suffer thus,
' is a manner of bliss which belongs to them
' here, and it is more of joy to them than all
* their worldly desires. Christ also telleth, that
* those who stand in his cause, have their names
' cast out as cursed men and heretics. So blind
' are their enemies, and so deep in their sin, that
' they call good evil, and evil good. But woe
' be to such ! And Christ biddeth his servants
* rejoice in that day in their heart, and to shew
* a glad countenance to men that be about them,
' for certainly their mede is much in the king-
' dom of heaven. And this word comforteth
' simple men, who are called heretics, and ene-
' mies to the church, because they tell the
' law of God. For they are summoned and
' reproved in many ways, and are after put in
' prison, and burnt or killed, as though worse
* than thieves. And the masters in this per-
' secuting, are priests, high and low, and mostly
* friars ; as Christ was persecuted by Caiaphas,
' and other priests, but especially by the pha-
' risees. To all thus persecuted, this gospel is
' a comfort, for as certainly as traditions made
' beside the law of God, by priests, and scribes,
' and pharisees, blinded them in that law, and
220 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " made it despised — so it is now, by the new
'^ *' laws of men called decretals and decrees —
" but a remedy against this abuse, and one used
" of many men, is to despise all such laws when
"they are alleged; and to say unto men who
" allege them, that their honesty is more sus-
" pected for their citing of such laws, since
" God's law telleth all truth that is needful to
" man."''
It is in the following language that the re-
former expresses his confidence in the power of
truth, and as to the issue of every conflict sus-
tained in its cause. " Men should not fear,
" except on account of sin, or the losing of virtues;
" since pain is just, and according to the will of
" God, and the truth is stronger than all their
" enemies. Why then should men fear or sorrow
" for it ? The prophet bid his servant that he
" should not fear, because many more were with
" them than with the contrary part. Let a man
" stand in virtue and truth, and all this world
" overcometh him not ; for if they overcome him
" with these, then they overcome God and his
" angels, and then they should make him to be
" no God. — Thus good men are comforted to put
" away fear, since be they never so few nor
*' feeble, they believe that they may not be dis-
" comfited. Thus the words of Christ make his
" knights to be hardy."'"
One extract more, must suffice to exhibit the
temper with which the reformer continued to the
last to discharge his duties as a village teacher ;
3' MS. Codd. Ric. Jaiiiesii, Bib). '-'■■ MS. Codd. Ric. Jamcsii, Bibl.
Bodl. 13G. Bodl. im.
THE LIFE OF WVCLIFFE. 221
and the firmness, with which he constantly anti- chap.
cipated the infliction of the worst evils that his '__
fidelity might be found to provoke. " Know we
*' not, that Peter wist well how he should spend
*' God's treasure, so as to profit his church ?
*' Who dare then put on Peter the charge, that
" he was negligent in this, that he spared that
" treasure of God which popes now wisely dis-
" pense ? All men, therefore, but especially pre-
" lates, should oversee their state and their life,
" whether it be according to God's law, or after
" the customs of the fiend. Such a reckoning
" every man should make, every day of his life ;
" for this is a common word with many saints,
" ' each time that God hath given thee, will he
" ask full sharply as to how thou hast spent it,
" whether well in his service or amiss.' That
" reckoning should each man fear; but especially
" high-priests, for their office is more perilous.
" And however men feign, their oflSce is told in
" the law of Christ, how they should be occupied
" in three things as shepherds. They should
" wisely lead their sheep into the sound pastures
" of God's law, and always put their own life
" to save their sheep against wolves. And these
** shepherds should not flee in the time when
" thieves slay the sheep, nor covet more the wool
" than they covet their soul's health, for that is
" the wolf's intent. If it be thus they take the
" office of shepherds, then are they wolves from
*' the beginning. It follows then, that the time
" spent in labouring for high estate, for riches, or
" any other than God's worship for the profit of
" their sheep, by the rules of God's law, is time
222 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. '< wasted." The preacher concludes a series of
'— similar admonitions by observing, that '' such
" oversight of our life, and especially of high
** prelates, helpeth the church, and maketh men
'* to fear God, and serve him well." WyclifFe
could not be insensible, while reiterating these
severe maxims, that the strictest comparisons
would be frequently made between his sentiments
thus published, and his general conduct. In the
case of such a man, the only conclusion to be
fairly adopted is, that his daily practice was such
as fully accorded with his public instructions.
We are now approaching the close of the re-
former's history, and the passages from his
writings which have occurred, must afford suf-
ficient proof, that, as the evening of life was felt
to be descending upon him, his devout antici-
pations of future blessedness, his zeal in the cause
of christian reformation, and his feelings with
regard to the sufferings which his persecutors
might be allowed to inflict upon him, were all
greatly purified and elevated. To oppose the
errors which time, and custom, and law had
established ; and to publish aloud the truths
contained in the christian scriptures ; he affirms
to be the imperative obligation of every christian
man, and to be such notwithstanding the evils
incurred should be scorn and poverty, imprison-
ment and death. The course of activity, which
would assuredly bring these consequences along
with it, is variously and minutely described ; and
is strictly that, which formed his own daily em-
ployment. The closing years of his life, accord-
ingly, were passed in the strong expectation.
THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE. 223
that the cell of the convict, if not the horrors of chap.
VII.
the stake, would ere long be added to the con
tumely and poverty v^hich he had already incurred.
His auditors w^ell knevs^, that no wrath could equal
that which would be certainly excited, by his
opposing the mass of those fictions in relation to
the soul and the future, which had enabled the
priesthood to attract to themselves their vast pos-
sessions, and their worldly dominion. Those
fictions were nevertheless assailed, and the pur-
poses to which they were applied, are described
as those which could prove ensnaring only to the
children of Antichrist. While nations are called
upon to reject much of that spiritual authority
which their religious guides had assumed ; their
rulers are urged, as they would escape at the day
of doom, to divest that class of men of their need-
less wealth, and of that vain authority, which
certain delusive tenets had enabled them to ac-
quire, and which as certainly as the scriptures
were true, must expose the blind and their
leaders to the same pit of destruction. The lan-
guage of his conduct, amid the growing power of
his enemies, would seem to be, " To live, and to
" be silent, is, with me, impossible — the guilt
** of such treason against the Lord of heaven is
" more to be dreaded than many deaths. Let
*' the blow therefore fall. Enough I know of
'* the men whom I oppose, of the times on which
" I am thrown, and of the mysterious providence
*' which relates to our sinful race, to believe that
" the stroke may ere long descend. But my
" purpose is unalterable. I wait its coming!"
The temper of his chief opponents was suf-
224 THE LIFE OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. ficiently known, to satisfy him that the con-
L. tinuance of his personal liberty, and even of his
life, arose less from their inclination than from
their weakness.'' But his anticipations of a
season, in which their power would be equal to
their malice, were not to be realized. The fact
admits of explanation. It was known, that the
duke of Lancaster still entertained a favourable
judgment of his character. The papal schism
absorbed the attention of the pontiffs. And the
domestic disquietudes in this country, had long-
rendered the factions who governed it fearful, in
a great degree, of each other. In addition to
these causes, as serving to delay the introduction
of more sanguinary persecutions, the declining
health of the reformer should be noticed. It was
probable that his career would soon terminate :
and with him, his partisans may have been
expected to disappear. Previous to his death, he
needed the assistance of a curate in performing
his parochial duties. In this infirm state, how-
ever, he continued at times to officiate ; and he is
said to have been employed in administering the
bread of the eucharist, when assailed by his last
sickness. The paralysis which now seized his
frame, deprived him at once of consciousness, and
after an illness of a few days, issued in the re-
moval of his devout spirit to the abode of natures
more congenial with his own. This event hap-
pened on the last day of December, in the year
^ MS. De Obedientia Prelatorum. customed to declaim against the doc-
In the Trialogus, Truth remarks that a trine of the reformer, "studying in
great number of the religious, and of " a thousand ways, to deprive him of
the people called christians, were ac- " I'ife." iv. c. 4
HIE LIFE OF M'YCLIFFE
225
1384.^'* Many good men have prayed to be called
to their rest, while occupied in such services.
We know not that it was so with Wycliffe : but
we know that he was taken " from the evil to
come." It is not the province of the biographer
to supply the deficiencies in his materials from
the stores of his imagination, or we might dwell
on the probabilities of the spectacle exhibited, in
the death chamber, and the burial scene of such
a man! We leave his enemies to indulge their
feeling of triumph ; and his followers to mourn a
loss, which no second man was to supply. Some
farther observations on the character of this
much-injured confessor; and on the influence of
his doctrine, with respect to the reformation of the
sixteenth century, will be found in a subsequent
chapter of this volume. But before proceeding
to those topics, it will be proper to take a more
complete, and a more connected view, of the
opinions which he laboured to propagate.
c H A p.
VII.
39 See the extract IVom the Bok-
ynghaiii Register, Vol. T. 346, and
Walsingliain, Hvpod. Neust. From
Walsingliam, and from the Teignmouth
Chronicle, it appears that the attack of
palsy took place on tiie 29th of the
month — the festival of Thomas-ii-
Eecket, and his death on the 3!st,
the day consecrated to the memory of
Silvester ; and it is observed by Wal-
singham, that against both of these
saints the reformer often directed his
blasphemies. Of Silvester, however,
he frequently spoke with respect ; but
the saintship of Becket he treated with
contempt. Lewis, c. vii. Trial, iv.
c. 17. Horn. Bib. Reg.
VOL. II.
226 THE OPIXIONS OF AVYCLIFFE.
CHAPTER VIII.
On the Opinions of John JVycliffe, D. D.
DESIGN OF THE CHAPTER. THE DOCTRINE OF WYCLIFFE RESPECTING THE
pope's TEMPORAL power. THE SECULAR EXEMPTIONS OF THE CLERGY.
THE GENERAL AUTHORITY OF THE MAGISTRATE. THE LIMITS OF
THAT AUTHORITY. THE OBLIGATIONS OF THE MAGISTRATE WITH RESPECT
TO THE CHURCH. THE CUSTOMS OF PATRONAGE. TITHES AND ECCLESI-
ASTICAL ENDOWMENTS. THE PRINCIPLES OF THE REFORMER'S THEORY
DERIVED IN PART FROM THE EXISTING SYSTEM. HIS REVERENCE FOR THE
PRIESTLY OFFICE. HIS JUDGMENT OF THE CONTEMPORARY PRIESTHOOD.
A SUMMARY OF HIS DOCTRINE RELATING TO THE CIVIL ESTABLISHMENT
OF CHRISTIANITY AND CLERICAL REVENUE. HIS OPINIONS RELATING TO
SIMONY. THE SPIRITUAL POWER OF THE POPE. THE HIERARCHY.
THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. THE NATURE OF A CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
THE POWER OF THE KEYS. PURGATORY AND MASSES FOR THE DEAD.
THE INVOCATION OF SAINTS. THE WORSHIP OF IMAGES. CONFESSION.
THE DOCTRINE OF INDULGENCES. THE CELIBACY OF THE CLERGY.
THE SACRAMENTS. TRANSUBSTANTIATION. PUBLIC WORSHIP.
• SUFFICIENCY OF THE SCRIPTURES, AND THE RIGHT OF PRIVATE JUDG-
MENT. A SUMMARY OF HIS THEOLOGICAL DOCTRINE.
CHAP. Many of the doctrines which distinguished the
1_ creed of WycIifFe, have been introduced in the
Srchlp'ter. preceding chapters, and in the order in which
they appear in his writings. But in some in-
stances, they have obtained a passing notice only;
and in every case, they admit of a more complete
illustration from the WycIifFe manuscripts, and of
a more advantageous exhibition as connected
with the reformer's general doctrine. There are
THE OPINIONS OF WYCMFFE. 227
opinions, also, relating both to doctrine and dis- chap.
cipline, which he laboured to disseminate, but —
which have not obtained any place in our narra-
tive.
During- the middle ages, the parties who were Doctrine o.-
O ' I Wyclifle on
most offended by the false doctrines, or by the ^''^ pope's
T • 1 • n ^ 11 temporal
political usurpations oi the papacy, and whose p^^^er.
efforts were to issue in so great a diminution
of its opulence and power, are found, in general,
directing their first and most vigorous attacks
against its latest corruptions. These could not
be readily shielded by the plea of ancient cus-
tom. Forming also, as they did, the more recent
measures of a power, which had long dispensed
with the restraints of modesty in prosecuting its
system of encroachment, they were commonly
matters in which the want of reason was quite as
obvious as the want of antiquity. Among the
assumptions of this class, the doctrine of the
pope's temporal power will claim our first atten-
tion. It is not surprising, that the modern catho-
lic, whose creed has been so materially affected
by the progress of society, should regret the
prominence conferred by protestant historians on
this tenet, as interwoven with the story of his
church. The facts, however, with which it is
connected, afford those illustrations of human
character, and of the necessary tendencies of the
system which produced them, that are too in-
structive to be wholly forgotten. The avowed
successors of the Galilean fisherman, have gravely
assumed an authority over all worlds ; disposing
at pleasure of the crowns and kingdoms of the
present, and of the weal or woe of the future !
q2
228 THE OPIXIOXS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. To prevent the return of any similar tyranny, it
^"^' is important that this scheme of successful am-
bition should be frequently depicted in its native
colours, and viewed in connexion with the prin-
ciples which form its true source. In a sameness
of circumstances, man has ever shown himself
the same.
That every political government is, and ought
to be, subject to the dominion of the spiritual
church, is taught by Baronius as a verity that
should never have been questioned. Nor is there
any real difference between this opinion, and that
expressed by Bellarmine, as the general doctrine
of catholics in his day.' From WyclifFe's de-
fence of the English parliament, in abolishing the
census which had been extorted from king John,
it appears, that previous to the year 1366, he had
learnt to discard this preposterous claim as novel,
fraudulent, and impious. It was in consequence
of the pontiff's political interferences, founded on
this doctrine, that he became, in the language
of our reformer, "the evil man - slayer, poi-
soner, " and burner of the servants of Christ."
Wycliffe complains indignantly of the men who
profess to regard " this root of all the misgovern-
" ance in the church, as the head of holy church —
" and as the most holy father, who may not sin."
With equal regret he observes, " that if men
" foolishly make a vow to go to Rome, Jerusalem,
" or Canterbury, or on any other pilgrimage, that
" they will value more than the great vow to keep
" God's commandments, and to forsake the fiend
" and all his works, which was made at their
' Apologia, c. 13. Barrow on the Pope's Supremacy, p. G.
THE OPINION'S OF WVCLIFFE. 229
** christening. And if a mail break the hiohest chap.
. VIII
" commands of God, the rudest parish priest —
" shall absolve him anon; but of the vows made
" from our own head, though many times against
" the will of God, no man shall absolve, except
** a great worldly bishop, or the most worldly
" priest of Rome! the master of the emperor!
" the fellow of God 1 the Deity on earth ! " While
the monarch of that worldly kingdom which had
been introduced into the church was thus resisted
and rebuked ; it is in the following language, that
the reformer adverts to the conduct of the men
who were concerned, more or less, to perpetuate
this degrading usurpation. " Commonly, the new
" laws which the clergy have made, are cunningly
" devised to bring down the power of lords
** and kings which God ordained, and to make
"■ themselves lords, and to have all things at their
" doom. Certainly it seemeth, that these worldly
" prelates would more completely destroy the
** power of kings and lords, which God ordained
** for the government of christian men, than God
*' destroyeth the power even of the fiend. For
*' God, in setting a term which Satan may do,
*' and no more, still sufFereth his power to last,
" for the profit of christian men, and the just
" punishment of evil doers. But these worldly
" clerks would never cease, if unchecked, until
" they had destroyed kings and lords with their
" regalia and power." ^
It was not unusual, however, in the ages before on ti.e
Luther, for ecclesiastics who denied the authority emptions of
of the popes as extending over the kingdoms of "'""'^"
2 MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded, c.3, 6, 11. See also Vol. I. Chap. ii.
230
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, the world, to admit its validity as extended over
VIII •
'- the property of their own order. To escape the
exactions of princes, churchmen had frequently
ventured to plead this claim of their spiritual
sovereign. But it was among the early doctrines
of Wycliffe, that the authority of the magistrate
should be final as to the wealth of the clergy, and
as to the whole of their conduct, considered as
members of society. " Worldly clerks and
" feigned religious," he observes, ** break and
destroy the king's peace and his realm. For
" the prelates of this world, and the priests, high
and low, say freely, and write in their law,
'* that the king hath no jurisdiction nor power
over their persons, nor over the goods of holy
church. And yet Christ and his apostles were
* most obedient to kings and lords, and taught
all men to be subject to them, and to serve
them truly and cheerfully in bodily works, and
to fear them, and honour them above all other
men. The wise king Solomon also, put down
a high bishop, who was unfaithful to him and
his kingdom, and exiled him, and ordained a
" good priest in his room, as the book of Kings
telleth. And Jesus Christ paid tribute to the
" emperor, and commanded men to pay him
tribute. St. Peter also commandeth christian
men to be subject to every ordinance of man,
whether unto the king as more high than others,
or unto dukes, as sent of him, to the vengeance
' of evil doers, and the praising of good men.
" Also St. Paul commandeth by the authority of
■' God that 'every soul be subject to the higher
powers, for there is no power but of God.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE, 231
*' Princes are not to the dread of good works, but chap.
" of evil. Wilt thou not dread the power? — do —
" good, and thou shalt have praise of the same,
" for he is God's minister to thee for good. If
" thou hast done evil, assuredly thou shouldst
" fear, for he beareth not the sword in vain.
" Therefore ye must needs be subject, not only
" for wrath, but also for conscience. For there-
" fore ye give tribute, they being the ministers
** of God serving to this same thing. Therefore
" yield ye to all men's debts, to whom tribute,
" tribute; to whom toll, toll; to whom dread,
*' dread ; to whom honour, honour.' Our Sa-
*' viour, Jesus Christ, meekly suffered a painful
*' death under Pilate, not excusing himself from
" that jurisdiction, by virtue of his office. And
" St. Paul professed himself ready to suffer death,
" by the doom of the emperor's justice, if he
" were worthy of death, as the deeds of the
" apostles teach. And Paul appealed to the
" heathen emperor, from the priests of the Jews,
" to be under his jurisdiction, and so to save his
" life.' Lord, who hath made our worldly clergy
"• exempt from the king's jurisdiction, and chas-
" tening, since God hath given kings this office
" over all misdoers ? Clerks, and particularly
" high-priests, should be most meek and obe-
" dient to the laws of this world, as were Christ
" and his apostles; and thus be a mirror to all
" men, that they may yield this meekness and
" obedience to the king, and to his righteous
" laws. What sturdy robbers and traitors then,
2 It was thus the reroriner would authority. See Chap. iii. of this vo-
vindicate his own appeal to the same luiiic.
232 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CJIAP. << are these to lords and kings in refusing this
'— " obedience, and in thus giving an example to
" all the men of the land to become rebels against
" the king and the lords. For in this, and in
" what they teach, they instruct the commons
" of the land, both in words and deeds, to be un-
" faithful and rebellious against the king. And
*' this seemeth well, according to their new law
" of decretals, where proud clerks have ordained
" that our clergy shall pay no subsidy nor tax,
" nor any thing for the keeping of our king and
*' our realm, without assent from the worldly
" priest of Rome. And yet many times this
" proud worldly priest is an enemy of our land,
*' and secretly maintaining our enemies in war
" against us with our own gold. Thus an alien
" priest, and the proudest of all priests, they
" make the chief lord over the whole of the goods
" which clerks possess in this kingdom, and that
*' is the greater part thereof. And where are
*' there greater traitors, either to God, or holy
" church, and especially to our liege lord and his
** kingdom ? An alien worldly priest, and an
" enemy to us, is made chief lord over the greater
" part of our country !"'
To this decisive passage, others of the same
import, and e'^; i-dly bold in their character, might
be added. In a subsequent chapter of the same
work, the writer has supposed a number of
extreme cases, witb a view to exhibit more vividly
the evils which must be inseparable from these
clerical exemptions. Thus he remarks, — should
churchmen refuse the payment of the most lawful
^ MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded, c. 11.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 233
debts, such is the nature of the immunities which cmap.
they claim, that no lay authority would be left to -
enforce it. And were this privileged class of men
to determine on conveying the whole of their
wealth to another soil, the nation may do nothing
to prevent a measure, which, if adopted, must
reduce it to poverty. For the same reason, it is
argued, were the clergy to conspire the death
of the king, of the court, and of the nobility of
the realm, neither the monarch, nor the aristo-
cracy, might punish these daring delinquents with
the smallest possible forfeiture of liberty or goods.
To such uncourtly extremes, indeed, is the re-
former carried by the warmth of his indignation,
that he ventures to suppose the college of car-
dinals transformed into a regular banditti ; and
he enquires what the state of a people must be,
who should be weak enough to believe that, to
resist these holy depredators, must be to incur
the guilt of sacrilege, and to sink into the lowest
perdition ! *
But the reformer is said to have taught a doc- o.. ti.e
trine which has been sometimes designated, "wnty of
the mao-is.
" dominion founded on grace." This article oftrate.
his creed was described as hostile to every social
5 MS. Sentence of the Curse Ex- shown th. ','' the Sentence of the Curse
pounded, c. 19. Dr. Lingard (Hist. iv. "Expounded" did not appear until
2G2,) has cited the reformer's Ian- n/?er the Trialogus, It is cer n that
guage in his Trialogus (iv. 18.) which they were published so nearly together,
expresses his doctrine respecting the tl)at the priority of either can be of no
duty of lords to deprive a church lia- moment. A few montiis only could
bitually delinquent of her possessions; have intervened. The passage, too,
and lias quoted an extract from the instead of being what Dr. Lingard in-
passage, of which the substance is sinuates, is one which, as the reader
given in tiie text, as showing that the will perceive, presents the most vigo-
writer " afterwards attempted to ex- rous enforcement ol' the obnoxious
" plain it away." But it remains to be article intended.
234 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, institution; and being in consequence suited to
!_ awaken the jealousy of the civil power, a cau-
tious prominence was given to it by his enemies.
Woodford, a well-known adversary of Wycliffe,
laboured to make his refutation of this supposed
heresy as formal and imposing as possible. Sub-
sequently, the fathers of the council of Constance,
in their great care to preserve the regal authority
from injury, placed this dangerous tenet under
their anathema; and the cardinal Bellarmine,
moved by the same solicitude, assures the king
of England, that the doctrine which sanctifies
the murder of princes, and which the monarch
had inadvertently imputed to catholics, is the
property of the innovators, " certainly, of John
*' Wycliffe." But with the consistency which
usually attends the defence of a bad cause, the
enemies of the reformer have been no less forward
on other occasions, in charging him with making
the most flattering appeals to the secular autho-
rities, in hope of arraying them against the power
and possessions of the priesthood. If this was
his design, and he has scarcely a foe who does
not impute it to him, it is needless to enquire
whether he could, for a moment, have regarded
it as expedient, to become the abettor of any
doctrine unfriendly to the influence of the civil
power. In the very consistent language of party
zeal, the sword of the magistrate was at once his
idol and his hatred ; a weapon which at one
moment he would extend far beyond the due
sphere of its influence, and at another, consign
to its scabbard, that every lawless passion might
be loosened on the world. There are other facts.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 235
also, which warrant a suspicion, as to the fidelity, chap.
or the correct information, of the persons who —
dwell with such marked interest on the pernicious
tendencies of the doctrine adverted to. The
authorities cited by WyclifFe, in support of this
tenet, whatever it was, are St. Augustine and St.
Bernard, — names, which have not often com-
mended themselves to the agents of political dis-
cord. And it is no less remarkable, that amid
the voluminous works of the reformer, one only
has been cited as really containing this alarming
dogma. In his English compositions — which
were by far the greater number, and which were
alone addressed to the people — it is not in more
than two or three instances, that the remotest
indication of it occurs. Yet from the period of
his death, to the present hour, this obnoxious spe-
culation has been described as the reformer's
''favourite maxim." ^ From this fact, the reader
^ Such is Dr. Lingard's description " sunt leges civilis et consuetude do-
of it. (Hist, iv.) The doctor also refers " minantium seciilariter ab ista sen-
to the seventeenth chapter in the fourth " tentia. Et haec ratio quare leges
bookoftheTrialngus, as containing this " istae mundanae et execntio furiosa
tenet. The passage in that chapter "illarum: sunt tain culpabiliter etiam
which relates to it, is given below, and " inter clericos introducfas. Et patet
it will not perhaps occur to the reader " que conclusio quain infers est con-
as very deeply charged either with " cendenda, sed habitio distinguenda.
theological or political heresy. "Titulo " Nam habere civiliter cum necessitat
" autemoriginalis justiciaehabuitChris- " ad solicitudinem circa temporalia et
" tus omnia bona mundi, ut sepje de- " leges hominam observandus, debet
" clarat August!, illo titulo, vel titulo " omino clericis interdici. Et quan-
" gratia; justorum sunt omnia, sed " turn ad Silvestrura et alios est mihi
" longe ab illo titulo civilis possessio. " probabile, quae in recipiendo taliter
" Unde Christus et sui Apostoli spreta " dotationem graviter peccaverunt.
" doniinatione civili, fuerunt de habi- " Sed possumus supponere que de hoc
" tione pure : secundum ilium titulum " fructuose posterius paenitebant. Et
" contetitati. Ideo reguia Cliristi est, "sic concendo tibi que licet clericis
" que nullus suor'uu discipulorum pre- " habere temporalia, sed titulo et modo
" sumat proteinpnralibus suis conten- " habendi quem deus instituit." p. 129.
" dere. Ut patet I\Iat. vi. qui aufert From this passage it would appear
"quae tua sunt nc rcpetas. Sed longe that such was tiie faith of Wyclifle
236
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP.
VIII.
will judge as to the force of that prejudice with
which the memory of this man has been assailed.
It would not be difficult to collect a volume
of extracts from the writings of Wycliffe, to de-
monstrate that no doctrine was embraced by him
at all affecting the legal possession of property.
He knew that many things might be lawful, as
done by the Supreme Judge, which would be
flagrant injustice, as performed by man, except
in obedience to a mandate from that Judge. To
illustrate his meaning, with respect to cases of the
last description, he appeals to the conduct of the
Israelites toward the nations of Canaan.'' This
with regard to the mediation of Christ,
that be considered every man as in-
debted to the grace of the Redeemer
for tlie benefits of tliis world, no less
than for the hope of a better ; and that
accordingly he viewed the sin which
incurred the forfeiture of heaven, as
separating the ofl'ender at the same
moment from all claim, with respect to
God, as to the honours or possessions
of the earth. Such is the theology of
the scriptures. But it is insinuated,
that the reformer proceeded from this
general statement to infer, as a general
consequence, that every such delin-
quent might be divested of property or
office by the saints, as of things for-
feited with respect to the supreme
Lord. Could the rector of Lutterworth
be shewn to have adopted such a con-
clusion, it must have been in some
moment of derangement. We are not
dependant, however, on sncli a suppo-
sition. When this scene of probation
shall reach its close, it will appear
that the doctrine of Wycliffe, however
much despised or calunmiated, is a
momentous truth, and that no dominion
can have the clement of duration but
what is founded in grace: And though
it was not his manner to blend the re-
tributions of a future world with the
arrangements peculiar to the present,
he might deem it important to admo-
nish tlie worldly and the powerful as
to the ground on which the adjust-
ments of (hat great crisis will t:ike
place ; assuring them that the delay of
those fearful decisions which will then
be announced, arose less from any legal
impediment, than from the long-sufler-
ing of God. The only notices, how-
ever, of this doctrine which I have met
with in the reformer's writings are in
his answer to the question of Richard's
first parliament, (Vol. T. Chap, iv.)
in one of his homilies, (Bib. Rei^. 9",)
and in his treatise on the Seven Deadly
Sins. In the first instance it is applied
to the ofiice and possessions of the
clergy only ; in the second it is merely
a passing observation ; and in the last
it will be remembered as introduced to
discountenance, and not to pncouragu
an invasion of the rights of others.
See Chap. vii.
^ MS. on the Seven Deadly Sins.
See Chap. vii. The additions which I
have been able to make to what was
previously known respecting this much
controverted subject, consist in the
important fact stated in the preceding
THE OPiyiOXS OF AVYCLIFFE. 237
distinction, however, which was never absent chap.
VIII.
from the reformer's mind, appears to have wholly —
escaped the discernment of his accusers. It is
not to be denied that he regarded the churchman
convicted of mortal sin as having forfeited his
office. In every such case, he would have trans-
ferred the office so degraded, together with its
jurisdiction and its revenue, to other and more
worthy hands ; and this maxim it was, which
brought upon him the reproach of favouring a
disruption of the social system.^ To save them-
selves from the consequences of such a doctrine,
the clergy laboured to make it appear that the
creed of their assailant teemed with revolutionary
novelties, such as must apply to civil, no less
than to ecclesiastical offices, and prove as peri-
lous to the possessions of the laity, as to those
of the church.
It is in the following language, that Wyclifte
complains of the injury thus done to himself and
his followers. " Prelates slander poor priests,
" and other christian men, saying, they will not
" obey their sovereigns, nor fear the curse, nor
" keep the laws, but despise all things that are
" not to their liking; and that they are, therefore,
'' worse than jews or pagans ; and that all lords
" and prelates, and mighty men should destroy
" them, or else they will destroy holy church,
" and make each man to live as him liketh, and
" nothing may more destroy Christendom."'^ In
note, and in a few extracts which are meaning and an importance to this
more explicit on the points at issue doctrine, which he liad never himself
tlian any tiling hitherto cited linin attached to it. — Note to tlie second
the reformer's writings. ft can, I edition.
trust, he no longer doubted that the 8 See \'ol. i. Chap. iv. p. 3G1— 3G.",.
opponents of Wyclilfe allaolivd a » >rS. De Oi)cdicnti:i Prelatorum.
238 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, meeting these serious charges, it is admitted, that
1 ** the fiend moveth some men to say, that chris-
" tian men should not be servants nor vassals
" to heathen lords, since they are false to God,
" and less worthy than themselves. Neither
*' should they be such to christian lords, since
" they are brethren in kind, (by nature) and
" Jesus Christ bought christian men on the
" cross, and made them free." But it is ob-
served, in reply, that '* the apostles Peter and
" Paul have M^ritten against this heresy in God's
*' law," and their various lessons on obedience
to magistrates are so explained, as to favour a
submission which, if faulty at all, is so from
excess. Conscious of injury, it is with becoming
feeling he remarks, " yet some men who are out
" of charity, slander poor priests with this error,
" namely, that servants or tenants may lawfully
" withhold rents and services from their lords,
" when lords are openly wicked in their living.
** And they invent this treacherous falsehood
" against poor priests, to make lords to hate them,
*' and not to maintain that truth of God, which
** they teach openly for his honour, for the profit
" of the realm, for the establishing of the king's
" power, and the destroying of sin." He after-
wards exposes the sophistry by which the ene-
mies of the poor priests frequently succeeded in
procuring a currency for this slander among the
laity. " The feigned reasoning of the clerks of
" Antichrist is this: if subjects may lawfully with-
" draw tithes and off'erings from curates who live
" in open lechery, or in other great sins, and do
" not the ofiice — then servants and tenants may
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 239
" lawfully withdraw their service and rents from chap.
. . VIII.
'* their lords, who live openly an accursed life." L
In answer to this, it is stated, " that men are
" charged of God, by St. Peter and St. Paul,
" to be thus subject to wicked lords ; and there-
" fore Christ paid tribute for himself, and his
" apostles, to the heathen emperors. Yet we
** read not that he, or any apostle, paid tithes to
" the wicked high priests, after the time that
" he began to preach."'''
But while it is thus certain that no sanction of on the w.
mits of ma-
popular violence could be fairly extracted from the i;istemi
1- • 1 1 /- 1 n 11 authority.
political creed of the reformer, he knew that the
relation subsisting between the governing and the
governed involved mutual obligations. Hence,
as the governed are cautioned against the evils
of insubordination, and restricted to the use of
rational and constitutional means in seeking the
redress of grievances ; the governing are re-
minded, that they are the recognised ministers
of God in the use, and not in the abuse of their
power — the extent in which they prove a terror
to evil doers, and a praise to those who do well,
'"MS. Of Servants and Lords; how " And to a christian lord, serve not
each should keep his degree. This " with grudging, nor only in liis pre-
treatise, and the Trialogus, appeared " sence, but truly, and cheerfully, and
about the same time. The following " in his absence. And not only for
passage is a fair specimen of the re- " worldly dread, or worldly reward,
former's manner in treating of social " but for the fear of God and con-
obligations as devolving on the im- " science, and a reward in heaven,
portant class of persons to which it is " For that God who appoictelli thee to
chiefly addressed. "If thou art a la- "such service, knowelh which state
" bourer live in meekness, and truly " is best for thee, and will reward
" and cheerfully do thy labour, that if " thee more than all other lords nioy
" thy lord or thy master be a heathen " do if thou doest thy service truly
" man, he, by thy meekness, and " and cheerfully for the sake of iiis
" cheerful and true service, mv.y have " ordinance." MS. A Short Rule of
" nought to grudge against thee, nor Life, &c.
" to sl:inder thv God nor Christendom.
240 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, being that of their real claims on the homage of
L the people. He therefore proceeds so far as to
assert, that while by the force of some human
institution, the name of king, prince, or lord, may
be retained in favour of men who indulge in
" wrongs and extortions," such rulers are, in
truth, " traitors to God, and to his people." In
noticing " how lords should live in their state,"
he remarks that " first, they should know the law
"of God, and study it, and maintain it; that
*' they should despise injustice, and maintain
" poor men in their right, to live in rest, and
" peace, and charity ; and that they should suffer
" no man under colour of their authority to do
" extortion, to strike men, or to hold the poor
" from their right."'* Instead of abandoning
themselves to sensual indulgence, they should be
careful in their prosperity to emulate the patriarch,
who could say, " when the ear heard me, then it
" blessed me ; and when the eye saw me, it gave
"witness to me; because I delivered the poor
" that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had
" none to help him. The blessing of him that
" was ready to perish came upon me, and I
" caused the widow's heart to sing for joy. I
" was a father to the poor, and searched out the
" cause that I knew not, and brake the jaws of
" the wicked and drew the spoil from his teeth." '^
In this manner " to withstand wrong and evil
" doers, and to help the poor, and fatherless, and
" motherless, and the widow, and the alien in
" their lordship," would be "to govern them-
" selves in their state as God ordained it, in great
" MS. or Servants and Lords. '^ Job, cliaji. x\i\.
TMF, OPINIONS OF M'YCLIFFE. 241
" wisdom, and in might of men, and sufficiency chap.
" of riches."" And as civil government was - '-
plainly instituted for these purposes, the magis-
trate who shall contravene, or neglect them, is
admonished that for this cause the providence of
God will very probably transfer his power, and
at no distant period, to hands of more fidelity.
The point, indeed, at which the wrongs of tyranny
may be innocently encountered by force, the re-
former has not attempted to define. It was to
imbibe the generous sentiments of much later
times, to treat the duties of civil rulers as things
which should be canvassed with the same freedom
as those of the people ; and to regard the delin-
quencies of both as calling equally for reproof
and correction.
But in the fourteenth century, the doctrine of Ti>e owiga.
WyclifFe as to the power of the magistrate with magistrate
regard to the church, was a much greater novelty
than any thing taught by him with respect to
secular government. We have seen that he re-
garded the clergy, as subject to the magistrate in
every thing affecting the social interests of the
laity ; and that he considered the property of the
church, as in no way at the disposal of the pon-
tiff— but as held entirely of the crown, and as
liable, at the will of the sovereign, to its share in
the contributions required from the general re-
sources of the state. This, however, was not the
whole of the influence conceded by the reformer
to the civil government, with reference to the
national priesthood, and its vast possessions. To
tlie state, Wycliffe appealed lor protection iVoni
1' MS. or good Pic:ic!iini,- Pricsls.
n relation
to the
cluircli.
242 THE OPINIONS OF WYCT,IFr£.
CHAP, the persecutions to which he was exposed from
'- the clergy. Despairing of such a change, as to
emanate from that order, he insisted also that the
labour of reforming the ecclesiastical establish-
ment had become the duty of the magistrate.
The ecclesiastics of the period are described as
frequently " cursing the king, and his justices,
" and officers, because they maintain the gospel,
" and the true preachers thereof, and will not
" punish them according to the wrongful com-
*' mands of Antichrist and his clerks." It is then
inquired " Where are fouler heretics than these
" worldly clerks, thus cursing true men, and
" stirring up the king and his liege men to perse-
" cute Jesus Christ in his members, and to exile
" the gospel out of our land?" " Sometimes," he
observes, " they succeed in persuading the king,
" and lords, to torment the body of a just man,
" over which Satan has no power, and to cast him
'* into a deep prison, as though he were some
*' sturdy thief, and all to make other men afraid
" to stand forth on God's part against their he-
" resies."'* Exposing the abuse of spiritual cen-
sures, he thus adverts to the oppressions of the
times. " If a true man displease a worldly
" prelate, by teaching and maintaining the law of
'* God, he shall be slandered as a man in error,
** and forbidden to preach the gospel of Christ ;
** and the people shall be charged on pain of the
'* greater curse to avoid him, and not to hear
" such a man. And this shall be done under
'* the colour of holiness. For they will say, that
" such a man teacheth heresy, and they will
'* MS. Sentence of the ("iii<c F,'- noiiiided. c. wiii.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 243
" bring many false witnesses and notaries in his chap.
" absence, while in his presence they speak not a L
" word. And for this they plead the false law,
" that if three or four witnesses, though false, anu
*' hired by money, say each a thing against a
*' true man, then he shall not himself be heard,
" though he might prove the contrary by the wit-
" nessing of two or three hundred."'^ It is then
contended, that if such evidence may be regarded
as sufficient to justify the conduct of persecutors,
it would be easy to establish the innocence of
multitudes who have shed the blood of martyrs,
and even to vindicate the conduct of the men who
crucified the Saviour of the world. But while
these proceedings could not fail to excite his
sorrow and displeasure, he speaks of being sus-
tained by a consciousness that as the voice of
Elijah at length prevailed against that of eight
hundred false priests of Baal, so should the testi-
mony of one true man become triumphant over
a host of Cesarean prelates. Still to the re-
former it appeared as prudent, and just, that pro-
tection should be sought in all cases of clerical
persecution, from the bearer of the civil sword.
From the equity of the state, it was accordingly
solicited, " that no priest, nor religious man in
" our land, should be imprisoned without an open
" trial, and true cause fully shewn to our king,
" or to his proper council — and that christian men
" give more credence to Christ's gospel, and his
" life, than to any bulls of the sinful bishops of
15 MS. Of Prelates. This custnm luid Foiiesrue's De Jv^'idilnis, willi
wns founded on the inaxiins of the Seidell's notes.
.•Mil l;i\v. Soe^^)l.^. Ch. i.p.-2:M.23-i,
\i 2
244 THE OPINIONS of wycliffe.
c HA p. '' this world.""' It is in the foUowino- lanauao-e
vin.
that he contends for that liberty of prophesying,
which has done so much for the institutions of
this country, and the character of its people,
" Worldly prelates command that no man should
'* preach the gospel, but according to their will
" and limitation, and forbid men to hear the
** gospel on pain of the great curse. But Satan,
" in his own person, durst never do so much
" despite to Christ and to his gospel, for he al-
" leged holy writ in tempting Christ, and thereby
" would have pursued his intent. And since it is
" the counsel and commandment of Christ to
" priests generally, that they preach the gospel,
" and as this they must not do without leave of
" prelates, who it may be are fiends of hell — it
" follows that priests may not do the commands
"of Christ, without the leave of fiends. Ah!
" Lord Jesus, are these sinful fools, and in
*' some cases fiends of hell, more witty and
" mighty than thou, that true men may not do
*' thy will, v/ithout authority from them? Ah!
" Lord God Almighty, all wise, and all full of
"' MS. Of good Preaching Priests. cioii, it is observed, belongs to " lords'
Yet he remarks, " I would certainly " oHice, as Peter and Paul teacheth,''
" that lords should wisely imprison and it is contended that the punisli-
" those who are cursed of God for ineiits affecting the body or the goods
" breaking his commandments, unless should proceed from that authority
" they would leave their false and alone. In the (ifteentli chapter of the
" needless swearing, and the frauds same work he complains that the pro-
" which they use each to the other." cess of examination to which tlie Re-
MS. Sentence of tlie Curse Ex- deemer " God and man," and Paul
pounded, c. 23. The twelfth chapter "from the third heavens," submitted
of his work, on Prelates, censures the their doctrine, is abandoned by their
conduct of bishops wiio fine, curse, professed disciples, who deemitsuffi-
and imprison men on account of reli- cient to plead the infallibility of their
gion, while they pardon the most noto- church, and who persecute such as
rious oflfenders on condition of their dissent from that dogma, and question
" V^y^"S ^ '■f"' 'o Antichrist." Goer- the opinions it is cited to establish.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLl KFl:;. 245
'* charity, how lon^' wilt thou sufier these Anti- chap.
. vni.
'' christs to despise thee, and thy holy gospel, and '-
" to prevent the health of the souls of christian
" men? Lord of endless righteousness, this thou
" sufferest, because of sin generally reigning
" among the people ; but of thine endless mercy
" and goodness, help thy poor wretched priests
" and servants, that they possess the love and
" reverence of thy gospel, and be not hindered to
" do thy worship and will by the false feignings of
" Antichrist. Almighty Lord God, most merciful,
" and in wisdom boundless, since thou sufferedst
" Peter and all apostles to have so great fear and
" cowardice at the time of thy passion, that they
" flew all away for dread of death, and for a poor
** woman's voice ; and since afterwards, by the
" comfort of the Holy Ghost, thou madest them
" so strong that they were afraid of no man, nor
" of pain, nor death; help now, by gifts of the
" same Spirit, thy poor servants, who all their life
" have been cowards, and make them strong, and
" bold in thy cause, to maintain the gospel against
'* Antichrist, and the tyrants of this world.""
With so much energy, and with these devout
aspirations, did the reformer contend for the un-
fettered ministration of the gospel. Nor is there
room to charge him with claiming a freedom in
this particular, which he would not have conceded
to others. His invectives, indeed, are often vio-
lent ; but when recommending his most severe
chastisement of the men who had done most to
destroy the purity of the christian faith, the clause
" MS. Of Prelates, c. vil. p. T7. esiieciuliv in xv. x\i. Nxi. \xvi. xvvii.
Siinilcir scut'mients are expressed in \x>iii. See hI.io iloiiniie.--, IJil). Kc:;.
several ntlaT clnplers of this work, np. I'i'), i:i7, Ki"^.
24C THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE,
CHAP. " sparing their persons," is of very frequent oc-
— currence.'' On this point, as on many others,
his opinions belong not to the age in which he
lived. To attempt the conversion of a spiritual
offender, by the same measures which heathens
employ to correct their thieves, is condemned by
him as equally opposed to sound reason, and to
the letter and spirit of the gospel. Hence, the
extent of the reformation which he proposed, in
this respect, was " that none of the clergy be hin-
"^ dered from keeping truly and freely the gospel
*' of Christ, in devout living, and true teaching, on
" account of any feigned privilege or tradition;"'^
and also that the revenues of that order should be
limited to the means of a decent maintenance, and
to such persons among them, as were free from
the vices by which the sanctity of their profession
had been so commonly degraded.
To extend this protection to devout men, and
to effect this momentous revolution with respect
to the property of the hierarchy, and the cha-
racter of its ministers, is declared to be the pro-
vince of the magistrate. To neglect this great work,
under existing circumstances, must be at the
peril of his soul. " Think ye, lords, and mighty
" men, who support priests, how fearful it is to
" maintain worldly priests in their lusts, who
" neither know good nor will learn it, nor will live
" as holy men in this order. For ye may lightly
'* amend them, by only telling them that ye will
'* not support them but as they do their duty,
" live well, and preach the gospel. Then, indeed,
" they would certainly do this. And think ye,
's Hoiii. Bib. Keg. pp. 10:i, 114. Parliaiiieiituiii, and elsewhoie.
Objcclioiis to Freics. .\d Regeiii ct '^ MS, 01" good Prcacliiog Priests.
THE OPlxMOXS OF WVCLIFFE. 247
' great men, were not this a thousand-fold better, ch a p.
' than to conquer all the world ? Hereby there '-
* should be no more cost to you, nor travail, but
' honour to God, and endless good to yourselves,
' to priests, and to all Christendom. God for his
' endless mercy, and charity, bring this holy end,
' Amen."'" In another tract he writes, " Kings
' and lords should know, that they are ministers
' and vicars of God, to avenge sin, and punish
' misdoers, and to praise the good, as Peter and
' Paul say. Also Paul saith, that not only men
' who do sin are worthy of death, but they who
' consent to it. Since lords, then, may amend
' the great sins of pride, covetousness, extortion,
' and simony among clerks, they are condemned
' with the sinners themselves unless they do it —
' cursed of God for breaking of his laws, and
' because they love not Jesus Christ. And be-
' cause adversities and wars come on account of
' sins reionino-, and not amended, lords should
' have neither respite, nor peace, until these sins
' are done away. For no man thus withstanding
' the law of God shall have peace so long as
' lords have their lordships of God, to destroy
' sin, and to maintain righteousness and holiness
' of life. If then, they pay not to God this rent,
' well should they know, that God must punish
* them as he teacheth in his word. And if lords
' do well this office, they come securely to the
' bliss of heaven.""
20 IMS. For llie Order of Prieslhnod. independence in the clergy, has been
21 MS. For three Skills Lords should always sufliciently understood. But
constrain Priests, &c. That Wycliil'e the real extent of tlie magistrates'
was a zealous advocate of the rights obligations with regard to the church,
of tlie crown, as opposed to all secular and especially with regard to the
248 J' HE OlMNIONS OF WVCLIFFE.
CHAP. It was not, however, the intention of the re-
'-. former, that the rights of patronage should be
t'im'ofpr invaded by the state, any more than by the court
iroimge. ^f Rome ; though from the thirtieth year of his
age, he ceased not to complain of the worldly
purposes to which patrons had too commonly
applied their influence. In one of his later
treatises he observes, that an idiot is often called
to be " a vicar, or parish priest, who cannot do,
" and who may not learn to do, the office of a
" good curate. Yet the poor parish provideth
** for him, and no tongue in this world may tell
*' what sin and wrong cometh hereby." The
rulers of the nation, and the patrons of livings,
are accordingly exhorted, if they would perform
their duty as guardians of the best interests of
the kingdom, to separate all churchmen from
worldly offices, and from the snares of wealth.
" By this means the poor commons would be
'* discharged of many heavy rents, and wicked
'' customs, brought in by covetous clerks, and of
" many tallages and extortions, by which they
'* are now yearly pillaged. And thus by restoring
" lordships to secular men, as is due by holy
" writ; and by reducing the clergy to meekness
*• and wilful poverty, and ghostly travail, as lived
" Christ and his apostles, sin should be destroyed
patronage or the correction of reli- century. Even the mendicants, whose
l^ious opinion, are points on wliich the character and doctrine, according to
.sentiments of the reformer remained his own account, could hardly have
to be known. It is evident, that if his become worse, were not to suffer in
scheme did not leave all such opinions " their persons." His confidence in
to find their level by the force of i)ure the force of truth, evidently rendered
reason and persuasion, it did more in him suspicions as to the utility of all
this way, than the practice of any of other force in religious matters. Note
the parties ascendant in ti'is country to the second editiuii.
before the latter half of the st\ ontetnth
THE OPINIONS OF M'YCLIFFE. 249
" in each degree of holy church, and holiness of *^ ^Jj'Jj^'-
*' life brought in, and secular laws strengthened,
" and the poor commons aided, and good govern-
" ment, both spiritual and temporal, come again."
To guard the mind of the laity against those spi-
ritual terrors, which would certainly be employed
to prevent these changes, he observes, that the
more informed among them knew, " that though
*' all the clergy on earth should curse them, yet,
" forasmuch as they labour with a clean con-
" science, to bring the clergy to that holy life
" which is exampled and commanded by Christ;
" and to restore secular lordships to secular men,
" as they should by the law of God ; that for this
" righteous doing, God and all angels and saints
" will bless them. And then the curse of man
" can harm nothing, no, nor interdict, nor any
'' censure which Satan may feign. Almighty
*' God, stir our clerks, our lords, and our com-
" mons, to maintain the rightful ordinance of
*' Jesus Christ, and to fear the curse of God, and
'' not the curse of Antichrist ; and to desire
" speedily the honour of God, and the bliss of
" heaven, more than their own honour and
" worldly joy. Amen!"^'
22 MS. For three Skills Lords should " tlieir watching over christian souls,
constrain Priests, &c. The guilt of spi- "which Christ bought with his own
ritual treason is said to be incurred by " precious blood, they are foul traitors
" lords and ladies who hold curates in " to Jesus Christ, and to the people
" worldly oftices from the souls of " whom they thus destroy." MS. Of
" which they have the care. For God Prelates, chap, iv. The doctrine of
" giveth them lordship and presenta- WycliflFe with respect to patronage
" tion of cliurches. to maintain his may liave been inferred from his work
" law, and to help true priests in the intitled " Why poor Priests have no
" preaching of the gospel. And if " Benefices," and from a few other
"they withhold curates, who are passages; but if any elibrt has boen
" God's treasure, in their worldly ser- made to ascertain his general language
■• vice, or in their chapels, or prevent on tliis point, the result has never been
250 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. It should be noticed also, as a circumstance
VIII.
which has exposed the name of the reformer to
torn ofuthes some reproach, that he ventured to speak even
of tithes, as a mode of contribution for which no
and the cf.
t'ect of eccle-
siastical en
a'owments"' divine authority could now be pleaded. That
sanction, it was acknowledged, had been con-
nected with this custom under the Mosaic eco-
nomy ; but it was assumed, that both the ritual
and the polity of that dispensation had passed
away, leaving "its moral" only, as binding on
the church in these better times. So often too
had his spirit been grieved on witnessing the force
employed through a parish or a province, to
enrich a profligate clergy, that while inculcating
most emphatically the duty of the instructed to
provide for their spiritual teachers, he was ever
ready to avow it as his doctrine, that where the
priest failed notoriously in his office, the obli-
gation to any kind of contribution on the part of
the people was dissolved. In such cases, the
clergy might resort to spiritual censures, or en-
force their demands by the aids of the civil power;
but in so doing, they were said to follow the
customs of the world, more than the example of
Christ, or the maxims of the gospel. The third
chapter of his treatise on " Clerks-Possessioners,"
is commenced by describing the persons so named,
as " traitors to God, to lords, and to the com-
mon people." To the first, by deserting his law
in favour of human devices ; to the second, by
publicly stated. This was important notions on the matter of clerical reve-
to be done, not only because the re- nue, which, if they did not go to de-
former abandoned many of his earlier stroy the system of patronage, went
opiui"ons at the close of life, but necessarily to efl'ect a serious modifica-
because he certainly adopted some tionofit. Note to the second edition.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 251
placing them under an anathema except they chap.
forego their duty, and become the patrons of '-
corruption ; and to the third, by deceiving them
in many ways, but especially by '' teaching them
" openly that they shall have God's blessing, and
" the bliss of heaven, if they pay truly their
" tithes and offerings."^* To destroy this artifice,
which he knew to be too successfully imposed
on the people, the reformer thus writes : " True,
" men say, that prelates are more bound to
" preach truly the gospel, than their subjects are
"to pay them dymes ; for God chargeth that
" more, and it is more profitable to both parties.
" Prelates, therefore, are more accursed who
" cease from this preaching, than are their sub-
" jects who cease to pay tithes even while their
" prelates do their office well."^* Instead of
extorting such tribute from the poor among the
people, their influence should be employed in
promoting their edification, and in disposing the
opulent and the powerful to befriend them. Such,
it is stated, was the manner of St. Paul. And
those who "find priests" are farther exhorted
"to do their alms for the love of God, and for
" the help of their souls, and for the help of chris-
" tian men." They are also admonished, that in
providing for men averse to these spiritual ser-
vices, they must become partakers of their sins.""
Nor need they fear the consequences of withhold-
ing their sanction from the character of such
teachers, since the pontiff had himself com-
manded the people to separate from a priest
2J WS. C.C. C. Caml,.ia-o. '■'^ MS, !low Men should (liid Priests.
-'' 3iS. Of Prtlatcs.
252 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, who should refuse to put away a wedded wife;
L and it surely was not to be disputed, that there
were sins quite as much at variance with the
sanctity of the priestly calling, as the contract
of marriage.*" Hence it is required, ''that the
*' clergy of our land be restrained from pride, and
" glorious array, and worldly occupation. And
" particularly, that our prelates and curates be
" charged by the king and lords to teach their
" people well, both by the example of a good
" life, and by a free and true preaching of the
" gospel, and that they do this as busily and
*' readily as they seek their tithes."^' It is pre-
sumed, that in such cases no difficulty would be
felt in securing that portion of tribute. The times
were evil, but we must suppose that observation
and experience had led the reformer to this con-
clusion.^* Where the moral claim failed through
vice or negligence on the part of the priest, an
appeal to the sword of the magistrate, " and strong
** curses against men's good will," is said to have
no other tendency than to irritate the laity, and to
frustrate every design of the pastoral relation.
Such measures were viewed as effacing the im-
2* MS. How Prayers of good Men " highest pope. And who art thou
helpetli niach, &c. &c. " lliat wilt not live thus? Wouldst
^ MS. Of good Preaching Priests. " thou be greater than Christ who is
" His doctrine with respect to ec- " Lord of all the world?" Such ofTer-
clesiastical endowments and tithes, is ings, however, on tile part of the
introduced in his sermons quite as people, are said to be as binding as
frequently as in his other works. See any other form of debt. It is at the
102, 125, 134. " And therefore say same time demanded, " For what
" many prelates, that no man who " reason should he have dymes and
" hath a cure, should live but on God's " ofterings of the |)eople who liveth in
" part, as on dymes and offerings ; " lust and idleiress and profiteth not
" and so by pure title of alms should " to his people? Certainly such law
" they have the goods which they " must be of the liend." Ibid. lJ6.
" have. For thus lived Christ the
THE OPIXIOXS OF WVC LI IFF,. 253
portant dift'erence which had been placed between c h a p.
the authority of the magistrate and that pertain '-
ing- to the christian shepherd. According to
"reason and scripture" the former might thus
enforce his decisions; "but by the gospel, and
" the life of Christ, and of his apostles, priests
" have no such power to constrain men to pay
" their dymes. Especially, while they do not
" their spiritual office, but harm men by false
" teaching and evil example. But even though
" they did their office well, and men would
" not pay them tithes, still they should not curse
" men, but rather suffer meekly as did Jesus
" Christ." '^
The following passage presents a fair specimen
of his frequent reasoning on this subject. " Men
" wonder greatly why curates are so unfeeling
" to the people in taking tithes, since Christ
" and his apostles took none, as men now take
" them, neither paid them, nor spake of them
" either in the gospel or in the epistles — the per-
" feet law of freedom and of grace. But Christ
" lived on the alms of Mary Magdalene, and of
" other holy women, as the gospel telleth. And
" apostles lived sometimes by the labour of their
" hands, and sometimes accepted a poor live-
" lihood and clothing, given by the people in free
«' MS. How religious Men should " should be greatest, Ciirist of his
keep certain Articles. In a MS. of the "great wisdom declared his doubt,
Bodleian entitled Vita Saccrdotuni, " and said there are two lordships,
" the foul indowiug of the cburcli" is "temporal, ai;d spiritual. The first
described as having " always harmed " falls to the kings and lords of this
" clerks and lords and commons. " It " world, and in no way to priests, who
is contended that the taught should " are on Christ's side." This is also
minister freely to every real need of the substata>o of the seventeenth
their instructors, but it is observed cli.'.ptcr in the fourth book of his
that " when tlie npostlis strove whii^h Trialngus.
254 TJ[E OPINIONS or M'YCLIFFE.
CHAP. '* will and devotion, without askino- or con-
viii. . .
L " straining. And to this end Christ said to his
'' disciples, that they should eat and drink such
" things as were set before them, and take nei-
" ther gold nor silver for their preaching, or their
" giving of sacraments. And Paul giving a ge-
** neral rule for priests, saith thus ; ' We having
** food and clothing, with these things be we
" content in Christ Jesus.' Paul also proved
" that priests who preach the gospel truly, should
" live by the gospel, and of tithes he said no
" more. True, it is, that tithes were due to
*' priests and deacons in the old law ; and so
" bodily circumcision was then needful to all
" men, but it is not so now, under the law of
" grace. Christ, however, was circumcised, and
" yet we read not where he took tithes as we
*'do; nor do we read in all the gospels, that
" he paid them to the high - priest, or bade
*' any other man to do so. Lord, why should
" our worldly clergy claim tithes and offerings
** and customs from christian people more than
" did Christ and his apostles, and even more than
" men were burdened with under the law ?
" Then, all priests, and deacons, and officers of
" the temple were maintained by tithes and
" offerings alone, having no other lordship. But
" now some worldly priest, who is more un-
" able than others, by virtue of a bull of Anti-
*' Christ, shall have all the tithes and offerings
" to himself."^"
The readiness with which churchmen appealed
to the Old Testament, to prove the divine origin
ao M.S. Scntenc' nf tlio fHise EM>n,.n<).a. r.sviii,
TOE OPIXIOXS OF AVYCLIFFE. 255
of tithes, was frequently thus retorted upon them chap.
by our reformer. If the authority of the levitical '-
law might be justly pleaded, as vesting them
with their claim to a tenth of whatever the soil
produced ; consistency required, that the estates
and the worldly offices of the clergy should be
wholly relinquished, since these were things that
could not be associated with the priestly cha-
racter as sustained by the descendants of Levi.
In the same spirit, it is remarked, that "they
" take not tithes and offerings by the form of
" the Old Testament ; that is, parting them in
*' common to all the priests and ministers of the
*' church. Nor according^ to the form of the a'os-
" pel ; that is, taking a simple livelihood, given
" without compulsion, by the free devotion of the
** people ; but they take them according to a new
" law of sinful men, one priest challenging to
" himself all the tithes of a great country."^'
The diversity of customs, also, which prevailed
in connexion with this mode of providing for the
ministers of religion, was supposed to imply the
want of some definite or authoritative law. If
tithes were due, he observes, " by God's com-
" mandment, then every where in Christendom,
" there should be one mode of tithing."'' Thus
3' MS. Hnw the Office of Curates " God," lie exclaims, " that all wise
is ordained of God. " and true men would enquire wliether
32 MS. Sentence of the Curse Ex- " it were not better for to find priests
pounded, c. xviii. The reader will " by the free alms of the people, and
perceive from the following extract, "in a reasonable livelihood, that they
that the change which the reformer " may teach the gospel in word and
contemplated in the ecclesiastical " deed, as did Christ and his apostles,
state, thou<;h affirmed to be necessary, " than thus to pay tithes as men are
was one which he would have to result " now constrtiined by a new ordinance
from the gravest attention to the many " of priests, to a worldly priesthood,
questions which it involved. "Would " ignorant and negligent." He pro-
256
THE OPINIOys OF M'YCLIFFE.
CHAP, the estates of the clergy, the reformer would
^"^' have restored to the hands of the laity, as the
means of promoting the general interests of the
community, and especially of providing for the
poor. The contributions by the people to the
clergy, he would have limited to voluntary offer-
ings, so restricting that order in the use even of
such offerings, that whatever might remain after
their real wants should be supplied, might minis-
ter to the relief of the necessitous in their re-
spective flocks. ^^
sentlj adds, that " if this first ordi-
" nance of Christ and his apostles
" come again to Christendom, then
" shall Christ's people be free to with-
" hold their tithes and offerings from
" wayward priests, and no more main-
" tain them in sin." To be thus free,
and yet to provide " a reasonable live-
" lihood for good priests, were much
" better and easier, both for priests
" and commoners, for this world and
" the next." Ibid.
^5 Mr. Lewis is evidently much
perplexed with this part of Wycliffe's
doctrine, and has so treated it that it
is diflicult to learn from his pages,
what the reformer really taught con-
cerning church revenue, or what his
biographer considered him as teaching.
WyclifTe's enemies charge him with as-
serting, that " itis not lawful for priests
" to have any ;jro;)fr/j/," and that tithes
moreover are " mere alms, and ouglit
" to be paid to none but those who
" teach and do their office." Mr. Lewis
applies himself to account for these
calumnies, and to refute them. But
understanding the word property, as 1
presume we ought to do, as meaning
estates possessed by the clergy as
such ; and by the word alms, voluntary
contributions, as opposed to an ex-
torted revenue, these accusations are
certainly true, and are rallier con-
firmed than confuted by the passages
which his biographer has adduced
from his writings. Mr. Lewis has
quoted Cowell's Interpreter, a work
founded on the worst principles of the
civil law, as showing that all the pro-
perty of the realm belongs to the king,
and from this legal fiction he has de-
scended to infer that WyclifTe might
have said in truth, that the clergy
ought not to have any property ! In
fact, Mr. Lewis's whole manner of
treating this subject is unworthy of his
general candour, and if it does not
amount to a concealment of the truth,
it is certainly very like that of a man
who is coricerned to soften it. He
certainly does not state the true doc-
trine of the reformer. Whether this
resulted from his not knowing it, or
from his suppressing it, or in some
degree from both these causes, I pre-
sume not to judge. He concludes
witli aflirming, that WyclilVe never
taught that tithes might " be detained
" by the parishioners, and bestowed
" where they will at their pleasure,"
adding that this liberty was restricted
"to cases limited by law." But if by
bestowing tithes according to their
pleasure, be meant bestowing (hem
according to their cimscieiice, which
no doubt is tiie thing intended, the
slatenieni is niitniL-. Ami if by cases
THt: OPIXIONS OF WVCLiri-E. 257
And novel as these opinions may appear on chap.
the first view of them, it was not in the strictest '-
consistency that they were denounced either as pironliT'
erroneous or heretical by the partisans of Home. Ihem'y^e!
For what were the maxims which had conferred from i"/ "^
so much honour on the monastic and mendicant system"
fraternities? Were they not those which re-
garded seclusion from worldly occupation, and
separation from luxurious opulence, as a spe-
cies of discipline eminently favourable to the
increase of devotion ? The law of celibacy had
contributed much to augment the influence of the
more ancient clergy, by exhibiting them as an
order of men more self-denying, and more de-
voted than the laity ; and it is well known, that
the religious had long rendered themselves the
object of a much deeper veneration, by connecting
with that article of restraint, their vows of pecu-
liar poverty, and of separation from the vain and
distracting employments which relate to this
world. The principle involved in all this, did not
escape the reformer's observation; and in his
case, it was not enough to applaud the sanctity
of such rules, merely as exemplified in others.
He ventured to call on the members of that
order with which he stood immediately con-
nected, even on the most dignified among them,
to show their sincerity, by conforming them-
selves at once to the requirements of a scheme
which they professed so greatly to admire. By
limited by law lie meant such cases with respect to such matters, but that
only as are limited by the law of the the authority of that law was supreme,
church, or by the law of the land, this He may not Lave judged wisely in this,
statement is equally incorrect. The but such was his doctrine. — Note to the
reformer not only taucrht that there was second edition,
an authority in " the law of Christ"
VOL. II. S
258 THE OPINIONS OF AVYCLIFFE.
CHAP, associating something- of the severity of the
— cloister with their own vocation, the uses of the
religious in the ecclesiastical state would be su-
perseded, and all the reputation which had been
obtained by such men, might be thus thrown
into the scale of the parochial priesthood. Such
is the bold theory to which the reformer chal-
lenged the attention of all churchmen, and of the
rulers of Christendom. Its language was simply
this. It is affirmed, that to reduce the clergy to
that state with respect to property, which in the
age of the apostles was never felt as a disgrace ;
and that to exclude them from all secular offices,
though sanctioned by the same example ; would
be to annihilate their influence, and so to bring
upon the world the last of evils. But let it be
remembered by the persons who reason thus,
that they have long agreed to render their most
profound homage to the men who are distin-
guished by their professed adherence to these
primitive models of devotedness. Nothing is now
required, save that the maxims which these same
persons have so variously declared to have most
of heaven in them, and which they know to be
favourable to the greatest influence on earth, be
allowed to form their own character, and to regu-
late their own conduct. Let them connect a
poverty less equivocal than that of the mendi-
cant, and a spirituality less suspicious than that
of the monk, with a zealous discharge of their
proper duties, and the only result to be anti-
cipated, is the exclusion of those intruders from
the established system, and the return of their
own order to that kind of ascendancy, which
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 259
was the beauty of the primitive church, and was chap.
then found to be fraught with every blessing to L
the shepherd and the flock.
The wisdom or the folly of this doctrine, andmsreve.
ofthe reasoning employed to sustain it, is left to p^rk^Hy *'
the judgment of the reader; but integrity re-"*^^'
quires that both should be here distinctly stated.
It is certain that the changes thus urged, were by
no means the consequence of a defective reve-
rence for the clerical office. In the language of
Wycliffe, "Good priests, who live well, in purity
" of thought, and speech, and deed, and in good
" example to the people, who teach the law of
" God up to their knowledge, and labour fast,
" night and day, to learn it better, and teach it
" openly and constantly, these are very prophets
" of God, and holy angels of God, and the spi-
" ritual lights of the world ! Thus saith God,
" by his prophets, and Jesus Christ in his gos-
" pel, and saints declare it well, by authority
" and reason. Think then, ye priests, on this
" noble office, and honour it, and do it cheer-
" fully, according to your knowledge, and your
" power ! "^^
But in the place of such men, he saw a mul- Hisjud;..
titude who, while professing to be the ministers "Jectin^
of the Saviour's spiritual kingdom, possessed half his'time.
the property of the realm ; and who, in propor-
tion to their wealth, were found to operate as the
chief barrier in the way of every attempt to re-
store religion to its purity. These persons are
described as " more busy about worldly goods,
" than about virtues, and the good keeping of the
3' MS. For the Order of Priestliood.
s 2
nieiit re-
the
clergy of
260
THE OPINION'S OF WYCIJFFE,
CHAP.
VIII.
* souls of men. For he who can best get the
' riches of the world together, and hold a great
' household and worldly array, is deemed a wor-
' thy man of holy church, though of the gospel
' he shall not know the least point. Such a man
' shall be full in favour and office with the bishop.
* But that curate who giveth himself to study
* holy writ, and to teach his parishioners to save
' their souls, and who liveth in meekness and
' penance, and busy travailing in spiritual things,
* seeking nought of worldly worship or riches ;
* is holden a fool, and a disturber of holy church,
' and is despised and persecuted of high-priests
' and prelates, and their officers, and hated by
* other curates in the country. It is this, too,
' that maketh many curates to be negligent in
' their ghostly charge, and to give themselves to
* the occupation and the business of the world.
' But such curates think full little how dearly
' Christ bought man's soul with his own pre-
' cious blood and death, and how hard a reckon-
* ing he shall make for these souls at doomsday.
' Certainly it seemeth that they are out of the
' faith of christian men. For they make not
' themselves ready to come, and well to answer
' how they came into their benefices, and how
' they have lived and taught, and how they have
' spent the goods of poor men. Had they a
' christian man's faith ready in their mind, they
life, and therein con-
Thus, while the guilt of the laity, in
favouring the corruptions of the hierarchy, or in
allowing them to exist, is described as exposing
35 IMS. How the Office of Curates is ord^iined of God.
would begin a better
tinue.""
THE OPINIONS OF WVCLIFFE. 261
them to the displeasure of Heaven, their oftence chap.
IS regarded as trivial, when compared with that of
the clergy. That body of men, in submitting to
become thus estranged from the spiritualities of
their office, and in contributing by their example
to diffuse impiety, and all the elements of poli-
tical disorder, through the nation, are loudly
admonished, that the alternative immediately be-
fore them is reform or ruin. The remedy which
Wycliffe proposed, we have seen ; and the facts
to which he adverts, will serve to explain the se-
verity that marks certain of its features.
Those who despise the will of the dead, are
said to be " cursed solemnly of God and man."
But Jesus Christ, in his testament, bequeathed
to his disciples, and their successors, peace in
" themselves, and in this world tribulation, and
" persecution for his word. But worldly clerks
" have foully broken this good testament of
" Jesus Christ. For they seek the peace and
" the prosperity of this world ; peace with the
" fiend and with the flesh, and will endure no
" labour in keeping or teaching the truth of God ;
" but rather persecute good men who would
" teach it, and so make war upon Christ in his
" people to obtain the worldly things which
*' Christ forbid to their order. In the life of
" Christ in his gospel, which is his testament, in
" the life also and teaching of his apostles, our
" clerks may find nothing but poverty, meekness,
" ghostly toil, and contempt from worldly men
" on account of reproving their sin, their reward
" being in heaven, through their pure life, and
" true teaching, and cheerful suffering of death.
262 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' Hence Jesus Christ was so poor in this life,
VIII
1- *' that by worldly title he had no house to rest
" his head, as he himself saith in the gospel.
" And St. Peter was so poor that he had neither
** silver nor gold to give a poor crippled man, as
" is witnessed in the book of the apostles' deeds.
" St. Paul, also, was so poor in this world's
** goods, that he laboured with his hands for a
" livelihood, and that of his fellows, and suffered
** much persecution, and watchfulness, and great
*' thought for all the churches, as he himself
** saith in many places of holy writ. And St.
" Bernard writeth to the pope, that in his worldly
" array, and plenty of gold and silver, and lands,
*' he is a successor of Constantine the emperor,
** and not of Jesus Christ, and his disciples.
*' Jesus also saith, on confirming this testament,
" after rising from the dead, ' As my Father hath
" sent me, so I send you,' that is, to labour, and
** persecution, and poverty, and hunger, and
** martyrdom l"'"
It is sufficiently evident, that the prominence
thus given by our reformer to the self-denial im-
posed on the pastors of the primitive church, arose
from the disgust excited by the very opposite
practices of the contemporary clergy. The fol-
lowing extract, will somewhat farther explain the
process of reflection, by which Wycliffe passed to
his stern conclusions on the important questions
under review. " True teaching is the debt most
** due to holy church, and is most charged of
" God, and most profitable to christian souls.
" As much, therefore, as God's word, and the
'" MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded, c xiv.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 263
bliss of heaven in the souls of men, are better ^y'Jf'^^"
" than earthly goods; so much are these worldly
" prelates, who withdraw the great debt of holy
" teaching, worse than thieves ; more accursedly
" sacrilegious than ordinary plunderers, who
•* break into churches, and steal thence chalices,
" and vestments, or never so much gold."" The
Christianity supported by such men, he often
describes as a libel on the exalted Being whose
name is given to it. For, he observes, if it be
" a great sin to witness falsely against a common
" man, it is more to do thus against a holy man,
" and most of all so to do with the name of
" Christ, the Head of all saints, and the Lord of
" all lords! Also, if it be a great sin to lie, and
" to defraud men of temporal goods, it is more
" to deprive them of spiritual good, as of virtues
" and a moral life ; but most of all to deprive
" them of faith, and of the mirror of Christ's life,
" which is the ground of all well-being here-
" after. "^* The existing clergy, therefore, as
having grossly betrayed the most important of all
trusts, are denounced as the most guilty portion
of mankind. On the ground of this fact, which
is presumed to be demonstrated on the authority
of scripture, and on that of the most illustrious
examples, the magistrate is called upon to sepa-
rate the sacred order from those incentives to
covetousness and ambition which had mainly
contributed to these appalling results. ^^
3' Sentence of theCarse Expounded, " open that it needetli no more should
c. ii. " be declared of them. But of lechery
31 Ibid. c. ix. " men say that prelates are full thereof,
3^ 111 his work On Prelates he re- " and of the most cursed species of it.
marks " that many of their sins are so "Such, indeed, as it is a shame to
264 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. It must be remembered, that the doctrine of
L our reformer, which thus severed all endowments
from the ecclesiastical establishmeiits, is not only
opposed to the practice of the church of Rome,
and of the church of England, but to that of
almost every sect in protestant Christendom. It
is true, in describing the custom of tithing as
being in these later ages merely the institution of
man, he would only utter the sentiment of multi-
tudes, who have still regarded that branch of
ecclesiastical polity, as in every \ievv just, and as
eminently useful. But in asserting that whatever
the assessment of the civil power might be, the
voluntary offerings of the people should form the
only revenue of the christian priesthood, he was
understood, and will perhaps be still understood,
as exposing Christianity itself to the last degree
of peril. It is certain, however, that no purpose
was farther from his mind. Had there existed
a man in that age capable of reasoning on such
matters with the calmness and intelligence of
Dr. Paley, it is not difficult to conceive what the
reply of our reformer would have been. It might
have been urged upon him, that Christianity is a
religion which in its evidences, and in much of its
doctrine, has to do with languages no longer
spoken, and with laws and customs which have
long since passed into oblivion. That, accord-
ingly, it should be the province, and the sole
province, of an order of men, to preserve its docu-
ments, to vindicate its claims, and to enforce its
truths. To this, it might have been added, that a
" know, mucli more to do. And so " curates, both wedded men and sin-
" curates take example of llicin, and " gle." — MS. c. ix.
" the people take example of their
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 265
legal provision for the support of such persons is chap.
strictly necessary to their existence, as an order ; "_
since apart from such a provision, the leisure
recpjisite to their vocation could not be secured,
nor those circumstances of independence which
are so necessary to a faithful discharge of clerical
duty.*"
In reply to such statements, it would have been summaryof
remarked by Wyclitfe, that the necessity of the respecting
order of men adverted to, and the necessity of establish.
such men for the purposes named, it had never cUn'stLnty
occurred to him to doubt. So far from this, his revenue'.""'
complaint had long been, that the clergy were not
more adequately prepared for the performance of
such duties, and more completely separated from
all such employments, as might prevent their
most efficient attention to them. To the pro-
ducing of such men, schools, like that in which
the youth and vigour of his days had passed,
would be deemed fully competent — supposing
them to possess their proper liberties, and to be
suitably encouraged by the civil power. It
would have been at once conceded, that among
the persons aspiring to the office of churchmen,
many would relinquish their object, if assured
that their support must arise solely from the free-
will offerings of the people. But this loss the
reformer would have described as more apparent
than real. He would not have hesitated to affirm,
that should this policy be the means of reducing
the clergy to one-third of their present number,
the change must be fraught with benefits to{j
great to be ascertained, if that third should only
" Moral Philosopli)', ii. 305—313,
266 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, bring with them the true spirit of their office.
L So long as the parish priest adhered to the law of
celibacy, it was but little he could really need,
and that little, it was supposed, might in general
be obtained, by every devout man, without the
remotest sacrifice of independence. On these
principles the reformer had acted as rector of
Lutterworth ; they were also the law of his poor
priests ; and it was accordingly from experiment,
that he was prepared to assert, that neither priest
nor prelate needed to distrust them, if careful to
cherish the temper, and to maintain the deport-
ment, becoming their profession.
His language, therefore, in brief was, " let the
" parochial boundaries in the ecclesiastical state
" remain : let the present system of patronage
*' continue undisturbed : but let the men intro-
*' duced to the care of souls, in such places, re-
** member how it was with their predecessors in
** the years before Constantine, with the Master
" whose name they bear, and with the apostles,
** whom they esteem it their honour to succeed.
*' As thus appointed, let what they solicit from
" the magistrate be simply protection ; and to
** meet the evils arising from the withholding of
" settled pastors from the established cures, and
*' the many which must be inseparable from the
" appointment of improper men, let such priests
** as may prefer the labours of the evangelist to
" the more regular duties of the parochial shep-
" herd, be allowed to act upon that preference,
** regulating their steps, in all things, by the
" necessities of the people, and the prospects of
" usefulness."
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 267
His object, therefore, evidently was, to preserve chap.
the machinery of a religious establishment, but to L
preserve it subject to the action of so much ex-
ternal influence as might serve to counteract its
necessary tendencies to inertness and decay.
Such is the general state of things in this country
at the present hour. And the reformer's theory,
it will be seen, is scarcely more at variance with
the maxims of the present church of England,
than with those of the many who have deserted
her pale. The positions, however, regarded by
either party as erroneous, if fairly examined, will
be found to have arisen, in most instances, from
a too favourable judgment of human nature ; and
it is hoped that the same charitable feeling will
have its place in the mind of the reader, when
forming his estimate of the character of Wyclifte,
as connected with these much disputed questions.
While the reformer is found thus assailing the on simony.
more acknowledged sources of clerical opulence,
it will be anticipated, that such modes of exaction
as had been discountenanced by synods and
councils, would call forth his loudest censure.
Simony, in the language of the age, consisted in
the extorting of money as the price of discharging
any spiritual function, as well as in the purchase
of the livings of the church. Against these evils,
which were sometimes most oppressive, the clergy
frequently entered their protest in their solemn
assemblies, but they generally returned to their
respective cures, each to indulge in the vice
which the whole had affected to renounce. "If
** any poor man," the reformer writes, " shall
'* utter the truth of holy writ against the tyranny
268 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *« of Antichrist and his officers, nouofht else follows
VIII.
'— " but to curse him, to imprison him, to burn and
" slay him, and that without hearing his defence.
*' It seemeth that John's prophecy in the Apoca-
*' lypse is now fulfilled, when no man shall be
** hardy enough to buy or sell, without wearing
" the mark of the beast. For now no man shall
" do aught in the church without these false bulls
" of Antichrist, none looking for their reward to
** the honouring of Jesus Christ, and of the Holy
" Spirit, in the souls of men."^' Men are there-
fore said to have become an article of merchandise,
in common with the brute. But it is required,
" that the cursed heresy of simony in the clergy
" be destroyed, both in benefices, orders, sacra-
" ments, and pardons." It is also stated, that
*' whoever doeth most simony, and maintaineth
" most sin, should be judged, known, and treated
" as most a heretic, as most the adversary of
" Jesus Christ, and as Antichrist."" So gainful,
however, had the matter of indulgences become
to certain bishops, that should their life extend to
twenty years, it was ascertained, that the receipts
of each from the sale of such articles alone, must
amount to sixty thousand marks. " And thus,''
he feelingly exclaims, " these wicked prelates
" sell the souls of christian men to Satan for
" money, souls for which Christ shed his precious
" heart's blood upon the cross!"" Hence, it is
demanded, " that the ravening and extortions of
" prelates, and of their officers, which they do
" under the colour of jurisdiction and alms, and
••I MS. Sentence of the Curse Ex- *'' MS. Of gooil Preaching Priests,
pounded, c. x. xvi. *' MS. On Prelates.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 269
" their maintaininsc of sin for the sake of an annual chap.
VIII.
" rent, be wisely and truly stopped, and that they
" be well chastised for thus robbing of the king's
" liege men."** But while the native clergy are
thus guilty, in this respect, " the simony of the
" court of Rome does most harm, for it is most
" common, and done most under the colour of
" holiness, and robbeth most our land both of
" men and treasure." In describing the en-
croachments of papal avarice, he remarks, " when
" a lord receives the gold for presenting to a
" benefice, the gold dwelleth still in the land, but
" when the pope hath the first-fruits, the gold
" goeth out, and cometh never again. And as
" for pardons, if they be aught worth, they must
" be free ; and to take money for them, is to sell
" the goods of grace, and therefore simony."
The guilty are then reminded of the leprosy
which fell on Gehazi, and of the anathema pro-
nounced by St. Peter on Simon Magus ; while
" kings and lords" are said to be " charged of
"God to destroy this sin, and others; and if
" they do it not, they are consenters and fauters
" thereof.""
But it will be remembered, that in instances on the .pi.
, ritual power
where the temporal power oi the pope was the ofthe pope.
matter of debate, and where many an exaction
•" MS. Of good Prencbinn; Priests. two >hillings from each person, (Life
« MS. On Prelates. From IMr. of Wiclif, pp. 157, 1.58.) But there was
Lewis's account of this evil, it would no branch ofthe ecclesiastical s^'steni
seem that the reformer's complaints free from this corruption, and it was
respecting it referred mainly, if not important to know that Wycliffe's op-
entirely, to certain fees which were position to the evil was as extended as
extorted from the junior clergy at or- the evil itself, and that it was founded
dination, and which at the most do not on the ni st rational and devout prin-
appear to have amounted to more than ciplcs. — Note to the second edition.
270 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
c^Jj^ P- proceeding from the necessities or the avarice of
the papal court had occasioned serious complaint,
the successor of St. Peter was still revered as
the spiritual head of Christendom. From him,
as from a fountain, all clerical power, it was
thought, must proceed ; and to him either alone,
or as connected with a general council, lay the
last appeal on every question relating to the doc-
trine or the discipline of the church. The vices
of this spiritual sovereign, might be as pre-emi-
nent as his station ; but it was, nevertheless
true, that on him, as the master- link, the whole
hierarchy depended for its sanctity and existence.
Wycliffe saw that an important relation did in-
deed subsist between the head and the members
of that vast body. But that this relation was of
divine appointment, he explicitly denied ; nor
could he doubt the corruption of a fountain,
whence so much evil had descended.
The prelates of the age are said to assert, '* that
*' they ought not to be subject to secular lords,
** so as to pay them taxes, and to aid the com-
" mons ; and also that they are not to be
" amended by their people of their open sins,
" but by the pope, who is their sovereign, and
" he by no man on earth, because he is greater
" than all."'" The reformer observes, in another
treatise, and with visible indignation, " that when
" men speak against prelates and the religious,
" appealing to the poverty, and meekness, and
" other virtues of Christ, they say that these are
" the counsels, and not the commandments of
"Christ; and that, therefore, the bishop of
*'■ MS. On Prelates, c. xvii.
THE OPINIONS OF "VrYCLIFFE. 271
" Rome, who of all men is most contrary to ^"jfj^*
" Christ in life and teaching, may dispense with
" them."*^ On the impiety of this doctrine,
Wycliffe thus writes. " All those who falsify
" the pope's bulls, or a bishop's letter, are cursed
" grievously in all churches, four times in the
" year. Lord, why was not the gospel of Christ
" admitted by our worldly clerks into this sen-
" tence ? Hence, it appeareth, that they magnify
" the bull of a pope, more than the gospel; and
" in proof of this, they punish men who trespass
"■ against the bulls of the pope, more than those
" who trespass against the gospel of Christ.
"■ Accordingly, the men of this world fear the
" pope's lead, and his commandments, more than
" the gospel of Christ, or the commands of God.
" It is thus that the wretched beings of this
" world, are estranged from faith, and hope, and
" charity ; and become corrupt in heresy and
" blasphemy, even worse than heathens. Thus
" it is, that a clerk, a mere collector of pence,
" who can neither read nor understand a verse
" in his psalter, nor repeat the commandments
" of God, bringeth forth a bull of lead, testifying
" in opposition to the doom of God, and of ma-
" nifest experience, that he is able to govern
" many souls. And to act upon this false bull,
" he will incur costs and labour, and often fight,
" and get fees, and give much gold out of our
"land to aliens and enemies; and many are
" thereby slaughtered by the hand of our ene-
" mies, to their comfort and our confusion. Also
■•' MS. There he ei^Ut (liings bj' which simple christian men be es-
trnn^ed, &:c. Bibl. Bndl.
272 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " the proud priest of Rome getteth images of
VIII
" Peter and Paul on his lead, and would have
" christian men believe, that all which the bulls
" thus sealed speak, is done by their authority,
" and that of Christ. And thus as far as he may,
" he maketh that which is false to be the work
** of Peter, and Paul, and Christ, and in this
" would make them false. And by means of this
" blasphemy, he robbeth Christendom of faith,
*' and good life, and worldly goods.'"** Instead
of bowing to this authority, the reformer states it
to be " the certain understanding of some men,
"that the cruel manslayer of Rome, is not St.
"Peter's successor; but the enemy of Christ,
" the master of the emperor, and poison, under
" the colour of holiness ; and that he maketh
" most unable curates. "^^ In the following ex-
tract, the tenet adverted to is numbered with
those clerical inventions, which in later ages had
so far destroyed the simplicity of the christian
<8 MS. Sentence of the Curse Ex- all these corruptions, the clergy are
pounded, c. xvi. Rome he elsewhere said to maintain their allegiarwe to
describes, as converted into a mart for their chief, " so that when Paul asks
the property of the church, " where " how men should preach, except they
" he who can bring the most gold, " be sent, they understand this but of
" shall soonest be appointed to great " such as are sent by the pope, and
" benefices." The men so introduced " other worldly prelates." To this,
are said to be examples of pride and however, it is replied, " that sending
other sins, and hinderances to other " of these worldly prelates is not
true priests who would teach the law " enough, without a sending of God,
of God. And he remarks with solem- "as St. Paul saith." The authority
nity " that of all the vengeance which thus assumed, is not only such as
" God taketh of sinful men this is most, would make good men depend on the
" to suffer such hypocrites to rule the sanction of " fiend's children" that they
" people, and by a withdrawnient of might preach the gospel, but such as
" his word to draw them to hell." To would even prevent an angel from deli-
announce such men " as able curates, vering his message to the world, should
" and great men of holy church," is it please this haughty priest to contro-
noticed as a fair sample of " Anti- vert " God's bidding." Ibid.c. i.
" Christ's blasphemy." In the face of ^-i Ibid. c. iii.
THE OPINIONS OF M^YCLIFFE. 273
profession. " Prelates also make many new points chap.
" of belief, and say it is not enough to believe —
" in Jesus Christ, and to be baptized — as Christ
" saith in the gospel by St. Mark — except a man
*' also believe that the bishop of Rome is the head
'* of holy church. But certainly no apostle of
" Jesus Christ ever constrained any man to be-
" lieve this of himself. And yet they were cer-
" tain of their salvation in heaven. How then
" should any sinful wretch constrain men to be-
" lieve that he is head of holy church, while
" he knows not whether he shall be saved or
"lost? Certainly, when the bishop of Rome is
" one who shall be coiidemned for his sin, it is a
" devil of hell that they would compel men to
" regard as the head of holy church !"'**
But the supremacy of the pontiff may be totally onthe
hierarchy.
renounced, and the forms of that hierarchy, of
which he was so long the accredited head, be care-
fully retained. And had WyclifFe seen the members
5" MS. Of Prelates, c. xiv. Advert- " most proud in opposition to Christ's
ing to (he, papal schism, he concedes " meekness, and most covetous of
the claim of Urban to be preferable to "worldly goods and lordships." To
(liat of his rival, but speaiis of any place the church under the control of
opinion on that subject as " beside sucli authority, is described as her
" belief," that is, as being no essen- subjection to the power of Antichrist,
tial part of tlie christian faith. It is in Ibid. c. xxii. Thus also, in one of the
the following manner that he frequently latest of his homilies he states that
exposes the inconsistencies involved in " true men say that so long as Christ
the doctrine of the pope's supremacy. " is in heaven (he church hath in him
" It is openly said that there is no- " the best pope ; and that distance
"thing lawful among christian men " hindereth him not in doing his deeds,
" without leave of the bishop of Rome, "as he promiselh that he is with his
" though he should be Antichrist, full " always to the end of the world."
" of simony and heresy. And com- Such men, it is farther said, " dare
" raonly, of all priests he is most " not put two heads, lest the church
" contrary to Christ, both in life and "be monstrous." The "Head above"
"teaching; and he maintaineth most is therefore commended as alone wor-
" sin by his privileges, excommunica- thy of confidence. Horn. Bib. Reg.
" tions, and long pleas ; and he is 181.
VOL. II. T
274 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, of the christian aristocracy, distinguished by their
'- piety and pastoral zeal, as they were by names
and jurisdiction, it is probable that the propriety of
the distinctions conceded to prelates or metropoli-
tans, would never have been questioned by him.
Before his day, many vigorous efforts had been
made to check the despotism of the papacy, but
the claims of the national hierarchies had been, in
general, regarded as sacred. To our reformer,
however, these gradations of office in the church
appeared to be unauthorized and injurious. I must
presume that the reader is familiar with the sub-
stance of the controversy relating to this subject,
and content myself with simply stating the judg-
ment of Wycliffe concerning it, in his own lan-
guage. Dividing the church into three parts,
consisting of " preachers, defenders, and labour-
** ers," he describes the first as including the men
" who should be next to Christ, and next to hea-
*' ven, and most full of charity." Of this part he
also states, that " they should all be of one re-
** ligion, as priests and deacons, living the life of
" clerks. But the fiend," he remarks, " has
" changed this part to many colours, as seculars
" and religious. And these have both many parts,
'* as popes, and cardinals, and bishops, and arch-
" deacons : also monks, and canons, hospitalers,
** and friars." The writer then proceeds to ex-
pose the sectarian animosities, and the spirit of
domination, which these diversities of pretension
and authority are said to have introduced ; and
the whole is regarded as the chastisement incurred
by deserting the laws of the gospel, which declare
that "it were better for clerks to be all of one
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 275
" state." The orisiii of the distinctions which had chap.
obtained among the secular clergy, is thus given.
*' By the ordinance of Christ, priests and bishops
" were all one. But afterwards, the emperor
*' divided them, and made bishops lords, and
" priests their servants ; and this was the cause
" of envy, and quenched much charity. For the
" ordinances of Christ are founded in meekness,
" in unity, and charity, and in contempt of riches,
" and high estate." This reasoning he concludes
by observing, " so if possessioners were brought
" to that state which Christ ordained for his
" clerks, then should men live in charity, both
" with seculars and also with the religious.""
In his Trialogus, the same doctrine is more than
once inculcated. He there observes, " I boldly
" assert one thing, viz. that in the primitive
" church, or in the time of Paul, two orders of
** the clergy were sufficient, that is, a priest
" and a deacon. In like manner I affirm, that in
" the time of Paul, presbyter and bishop were
*' names of the same office. This appears from
" the third chapter of the first Epistle to Ti-
" mothy, and in the first chapter of the Epistle
" to Titus. And the same is testified by that
" profound theologian Jerome." He then re-
marks again, that the authority of popes and
cardinals, of patriarchs, archbishops, and other
dignitaries, was unknown in the primitive church;
and thus concludes : " From the faith of the
" scriptures, it seems to me to be sufficient, that
" there should be presbyters and deacons hold-
" ing that state and office which Christ has
51 MS. On the Seven Deadly Sins. Cod. Rir. Jamesii. Bibl. Bodl.
T 2
gimis orders
276 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " imposed on them, since it appears certain, that
— " these degrees and orders have their origin in
" the pride of Caesar. If, indeed, they were
** necessary to the church, Christ and his apostles
** would not have been silent respecting them, as
" those impiously pretend who magnify the papal
" laws above those of Christ. Every catholic
** should judge of the office of the clergy, from
*' what is taught in scripture, especially in the
" Epistles to Timothy and Titus. Nor ought he
*' to admit the new inventions of Csesar.""
But it will be perceived, that while all grada-
tion of authority among the secular clergy is thus
rejected, their general claims, as an order, are
considered as legitimate. This concession, how-
ever, is not made with regard to the monks, or the
mendicants. These are regarded as subject to laws
which are in themselves opposed to scripture, and
in their tendency only evil ; while the parochial
clergy have simply to return to the spirit of their
vocation, to become, indeed, the fathers of their
people, and the chief benefactors of their country.
What the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the
Essenes were in the age of the Saviour, that the
friars, the monks, and the canons, are said to have
become in the history of the church, — a mul-
titude embracing so much of the element of d\^-
"Trialogus.Iib.iv.c.xv. "Touching " troullie is, that in the Newe Testa-
" holj orders, he held that there were " mente there is no mention made of
" but two, viz. of deacons and priests, " any degrees or distinctions in orders,
" so do we." Dr. James's Apology for " but only of deacons or ministers, and
John Wyclifle, p.3I. The doctorpro- " of priests or bishops. Nor is there
bably refers to the following passage " any word spoken of any other cere-
in the " Institution of a Christian " niony used in the conferring of this
" Man," a work, which was intended " sacrament, but only of prayer, and
to express the doctrine of the church " of the imposition of the bishop's
of England under Heury VIII. "The "hand." c. vlii.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 277
cord, as to be ag^reed in nothino^, except in their chap.
. . ^ . ^ ^ VIII.
opposition to the designs of the gospel. It is
true, the contemporary prelates are frequently-
compared to Annas and Caiaphas ; but they are
still described as " less hypocrites" than the reli-
gious, inasmuch as these not only descend to the
same vices, but aggravate their guilt by claiming
the reputation of unusual sanctity. That, how-
ever, which chiefly offended our reformer, in
the case of these fraternities, was the reflection
which their very existence involved with respect
to the wisdom or the benevolence of the Re-
deemer. The preference of human inventions to
the known example, or to the plain instructions
of the Son of God, he viewed as including the
essence of blasphemy, since it imputed defect to
the Godhead. It is thus he reasons to show, that
these pretenders to superior purity were in truth
idolaters. " If they choose to be ruled more
" according to the ordinance of sinful men and
" idiots, than according to the pure ordinance of
" Christ; and say that the ordinance of sinful
" man is better, and more certain, and more per-
" feet than is the pure ordinance of Christ ; herein
" they treacherously break all the command-
" ments of God. They worship false gods, and
" are heretics and blasphemers ; they worship,
" and love, and fear sinful men, and, in some
" cases, even devils, more than God Almighty;
" and Austin saith, that a man maketh that to be
" his god, which he feareth most, and loveth
" most."" While such were the reformer's opi-
•■5 j>IS. Discourse on Luke, c. x. Altendito ;i funnciito Pliaiisecs, &c.
r. C. C. Cambridge. Sei' c. vii. p. 233.
278 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, nions as to the origin, and the character, of the
~ religious orders, it is not surprising that in his plans
for sequestrating the endowments of the church, the
wealth of the monasteries should be pointed out as
especially susceptible of a much wiser application,
onthena. Nor was hc at all aware of hazarding any real
Christian intercst of the church, by his proposed exclusion
of all official precedence from among her priest-
hood, or by his unqualified opposition to the
monastic orders. Since the period in which
assemblies of fallible men were first allowed to
determine the tenets which should be acknow-
ledged as christian by whole provinces and
nations, the name of the church had been
imperceptibly transferred from the people to their
spiritual guides. The judgment of the church
ceased to be that of the body of the faithful. And
that modest deference to general opinion, which
was observable in the conduct of the earlier mi-
nisters of the gospel, was not enough to satisfy
the more doubtful claims of many among their
successors. Passing by the customs of cen-
turies,— over which a melancholy glance was often
cast, as on the gloomy space in which every thing
evil had sprung up, — the reformer took his place
with the christian brotherhood of the ages im-
mediately following that of the apostles ; and
from the facts of that age, and of some others fol-
lowing, as well as from holy writ, he learned to
discard the notion of a church representative — that
is, a church including the teachers and excluding
the taught. A senate may represent a nation, but
it is not the nation. Hence, whether Wycliftes
attention were directed to ecclesiastical autliority,
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 279
or to ecclesiastical wealth, he contended that by chap.
1 • r , 11 • VIII.
such expressions, as tar as they occur at all in
the memorials of primitive Christianity, it is the
power and the property of the christian fellowship
that are meant, and not merely those of the clergy.
He speaks accordingly of his scheme, in relation to
the endowments of the church, as more nearly allied
to general equity than to the guilt of sacrilege.
And when required to bow to the decision of the
church, the propriety of such a demand is less
the matter of dispute, than the claims of the
christian priesthood to be considered as forming
the church ; and as being, in consequence, alone
possessed of church authority. His doctrine on
this point, is thus stated. *' When men speak
" of holy church, anon, they understand prelates
" and priests, with monks, and canons, and friars,
*' and all men who have tonsures, though they
** live accursedly, and never so contrary to the
" law of God. But they call not the seculars
" men of holy church, though they live never so
" truly, according to God's law, and die in perfect
*' charity. Nevertheless, all who shall be saved in
** the bliss of heaven, are members of holy church,
" and no more." Many, on the contrary, who
are called such are " the enemies thereof, and the
" synagogue of Satan."''' At another time, he
writes, "all those are cursed solemnly, who spoil,
*' or take away any right from holy church, or
" defraud holy church of any endowment ;" and
to this it is replied, '* that christian men, taught
'' in God's law, call holy church the congregation
" of just men, for whom Jesus Christ shed his
■' MS. On Eiglit Things by wliicli Simple Men are destroyed.
280
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. << blood ; and not mere stones, and timber, and
'- " earthly dross, which the clerks of Antichrist
** magnify more than the righteousness of God,
" and the souls of men.""
On spiritual But whilc thus assaiUng what he believed to
censures. . . . ...
be the great incentives to avarice and ambition
among the clergy, he must have been aware of
some means of protection from -those spiritual
weapons which were still in the hands of church-
men, and which were so often found to subdue
the courage of the most turbulent. The keys
of heaven were claimed by the successors of
St. Peter, as their own, and to be employed at
their pleasure. By each ecclesiastic, from the
pontiff himself to the humblest parish priest, the
same mysterious control over the future was
assumed ; but by every member of the hierarchy
the power of absolution must be derived, either
immediately, or remotely, from the man raised
to the apostolic chair. From the sentence of
every subordinate authority there remained an
appeal to the next in gradation. But until re-
voked by a superior, the words of binding or
loosing, by whomsoever pronounced, were re-
garded as certainly determining the future
allotment of the parties on whom they were pro-
nounced. In the present state also, the sentence
of excommunication cut off its victim from the
remotest intercourses of social life. In this way
55 MS. Sentence of the Curse Ex- crites." MS. Of Wedded Men, &:c.
ponnded, c. ii. The church, as de- The prologue quoted by Mr. Lewis oti
scribed above, tlie reformer calls the this subject (p. 152) is not the pro-
" very body" of Christ ; but he speaks duction of our reformer. See Baber's
also of the " mixed or seeming body," Memoir of Wiclif, p. 51 Note to the
nieaningthe professing church on eartii, second edition,
as including " chosen men and hypo-
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 281
it was made to anticipate the horrors of a final ^y.^j^*
separation from the communion of the blessed. '-
Thus canonically invested, the village curate
appeared among his plebeian worshippers, armed
with every instrument capable of effecting their
subjection to his will ; and while prelates lanced
their anathemas against the aristocracy of the
nations, monarchs were gravely taught, that the
sovereign of the church could alone admit them
to the celestial kingdom, and that should they
die under the frown of the great representative of
Deity, hell from beneath must move to meet
them at his bidding ! By this king of kings,
the provinces of an offending monarch were fre-
quently interdicted, and the acts of christian
worship limited to the observance of such rites
only as were deemed essential to salvation, — an
event which threw an air of gloom and desolation
over a country, of which, from the altered cus-
toms of more recent times, a partial conception
only can be formed. To distract the councils of
such a prince, the thunders of the papal court
were often so directed, as to separate his prin-
cipal advisers from himself, and from each other ;
and what this malignant policy failed to accom-
plish, was not unfrequently effected by absolving
the whole of his subjects from their allegiance.
By the disaffected, in a kingdom subject to these
visitations of papal wrath, this collision of power
was often hailed as auspicious ; and many a long
meditated treason was at once matured into re-
volt. Thus the court of Rome might inflict all
the miseries of invasion, without incurring the
danger attendant on such aggressions ; and might
282 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE,
CHAP, as readily diffuse every element of revolution
VIII
'- through a nation, and be herself secure from the
penalties threatened to the traitor. The doctrine,
which, in the language of Rome, is called the
povi^er of the keys, formed the basis of this most
iniquitous of tyrannies. And so long as the
maxims of spiritual powder which the papal court
had adopted were acknowledged, those by which
she sought her worldly ascendancy could not be
questioned, without inconsistency, and in con-
sequence, with little prospect of success. Re-
formation in the faith and in the manners of the
clergy was strictly necessary ; but it was no less
necessary to the accomplishment of that object,
that the spell should be broken, which had led
mankind to suppose that the priest possessed a
power to control the destiny of the man, or of the
community, who should attempt the renovation
of the church. Wycliffe was fully apprised of
this fact. Hence, while the mysteries of tran-
substantiation remained unquestioned, and even
before he became known as concerned to trans-
late the scriptures into the mother tongue,
he laboured, as we have seen, to expose the fal-
lacy and impiety of these perilous fictions. His
reasonings on this subject occur, more or less
prominently, in nearly the whole of his writings ;
and this importance is evidently assigned to them,
from their obvious tendency to recover the mind
of his countrymen from that bondage which this
doctrine had imposed, and to abolish the com-
plicated evils which had flown from it. Had
the suffering which was said to be inflicted by
the sentence of excommunication been far less
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
283
fearful, the levity with which it was resorted to ^yuV^"
would have provoked the displeasure of our re ■
former, from its marked opposition to a religion
characterized by the most tender expressions of
benevolence. But when the alarming evils, said
to be included in these penalties, were viewed in
connexion with the almost ceaseless infliction of
them ; and when both were considered in relation
to the motives commonly producing them, motives
evidently derived from the love of some paltry
interest, the indignation of Wycliffe was often so
far excited as to vent itself in language of the
sternest mould. At a moment of this description,
the following passage appears to have been
written. " Christ said, as the gospel of Luke
" witnesseth, that the Son of man came not to
" lose men's lives, but to save them. Why then
" do our wayward curates curse the souls of so
*' many men to hell, and their bodies to prison,
** and doom them to loss of goods, and sometimes
" to death, for the sake of a little gain? And
" this too, while they are themselves accursed
" of God, for simony done at their entrance into
" office, and for their failure in preaching, and
" in giving the example of a holy life ! Tithes,
" therefore, are not due to them, but only pain
" in hell. Often are they thus evil tormentors,
" slaying the soul which is bought by the precious
" blood of Christ, and which is better than all
" the riches of this world. Surely they are not
" spiritual fathers to christian souls, who thus by
" their cursing would condemn their children to
" hell for the sake of a little perishing clay ! This
" is to do worse than pagans, for they tormented
284 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' the body only, and not the soul for evermore;
^'"' " but these children of Satan, devise with all
'* their power to plunge the soul into everlasting
** pain. Yea, certainly on this point, these way-
" ward curates of Satan, would seern to be worse
'* than fiends, since they torment no soul, except
" on account of infinite sin, while these clerks of
'* Satan doom souls to hell for a little temporal
" debt, which they would pay as soon as they
*' are able, and which indeed is often no debt,
** except as founded in old errors, and frauds,
" and customs brought in against the command-
" mentof God.''^"
It is in the following language that he describes
the impiety of the doctrine which made the pardon
of sin to depend on the benediction of a priest,
and to be in truth the act of a mortal. " Worldly
** prelates blaspheme against God, the Father of
" Heaven, by taking to themselves a power which
*' is especially and only his, that is, a power of
" absolving from sins, and of giving a full re-
** mission of them. For they take on them prin-
*' cipally the absolving from sin, and they make
** the people to believe this of them, when, in
** truth, they have only absolved as vicars or mes-
** sengers, witnessing to the people, that on their
" contrition, God absolveth them. Without the
** sinner be contrite, that is fully have sorrow for
" his sins, neither angel, nor man, nor God him-
*• self, absolveth him."" The practice of sepa-
rating the excommunicated from the common
charities of life, is thus calmly examined. " By
^6 MS. Sentence of tlie Curse Expuundud, c. xvii.
i' MS. Of Prelates, c. xlii.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 285
''our prelates, all those who commune with chap.
VIII
" cursed men, are cursed, particularly if they do -
" it wittingly. But by this sentence it would
" seem that God himself is to be accursed, since
" no excommunicated man will continue in this
" life without God's communing with him, and
" giving him breath and sustenance, and this
" whether he be censured rightfully or wrongfully.
" And if God be ready to give him grace, and the
" forgiveness of his sins if he worthily ask it, and
" even before he ask it, this sentence would seem
"■ too broad, since our good God may not be held
*' accursed." ^^ These enlightened sentiments
are left to make their own impression on the
reader. Concluding one of his most extended trea-
tises, and a work wholly devoted to this subject,
he observes, " Men wonder much why prelates
*' and curates curse so freely, inasmuch as St.
" Paul and St. Peter commanded men to bless,
"■ and not to have a wish to curse, while Jesus
" Christ blessed his enemies, and heartily prayed
" for them, even while they nailed him to the
" cross. And still more men wonder why they
'* curse so freely in their own cause, and for
" worldly gain, and not on account of injury done
'' to Christ, and his majesty. For men should be
" patient under their own wrongs, as were Christ
*' and his apostles, but against God's honour and
" majesty should they suffer no words to be
*' spoken, as is the case in false and vain oaths,
" and impure ribaldry. But most of all men
" wonder why worldly clerks curse so freely for
" breaking their own statutes, privileges, and
55* MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded, c. xxv.
286 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. ** wayward customs, more than for an open
L " breaking- of the commandments of God ; since
" no man is cursed of God, except for breaking
" of these, whatever worldly wretches may prate;
*' and no man is blessed of God, or shall come to
** heaven, but he who keepeth the commands of
" God. In the hour of death, it will be in vain
** that the wicked man hath never so many bulls
'* of indulgence or pardon, or letters of fraternity,
" or thousands of masses by priests, monks, or
" friars. Let prelates and curates therefore leave
" these points, for many of them are as false as
** Satan ; and let them teach the will of God, and
" God's curse, and the pains of hell as due to
" men unless they amend in this life ; and what
" bliss men shall have, if they teach truly the
" gospel of Christ, in word, and in holiness of
** life. And let them teach the mercy of God in
" the greatness of his blessing to all who continue
" to the end in true faith, and hope, and charity
** to God and man. God grant us this end.
" Amen."" From these passages, it is evident,
that with Wycliffe, the propriety of spiritual cen-
sures, considered as a branch of christian disci-
pline, was not a questionable matter. The abuses
of this authority, and the deceptions which were
connected with it, formed the matter of complaint.
And revolting as these corruptions may now
appear, it was to accomplish no small thing, to
compel our ancestors of the fourteenth century
to ''wonder" at them, and especially to wonder
at them for the reasons assigned. Through many
ages, the nations of Europe had bowed to this
" MS. Sentence of tlic Curse Expounded, c. xxv.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 287
fearful despotism ; and they had bowed to it as to c h a p.
one, which if not divine in its origin, had become 1-
so consolidated as to make resistance hopeless."^"
But churchmen were indebted for much of their onthedoc.
opulence and power, to a doctrme which ex- gatory.
tended their influence from the living to the dead.
Indeed, had the state of the departed been con-
sidered as irrevocable, the one half of the papal
empire would not have been obtained. And it is
a circumstance of some peculiarity, that the
English reformer, whose inquiries respecting the
doctrine of the church were so fearlessly con-
ducted, was not allowed to proceed so far as
wholly to reject this lucrative device. The fact,
however, may be explained. It must not be
overlooked, that the doctrine of an intermediate
state as adhered to by Wycliff'e, was separated
from nearly every thing which had rendered it so
alluring to the clergy. The custom of praying
for the dead is certainly of much earlier origin
than many of the corruptions which the reformer
was called to oppose ; and of a still prior date was
the kindred practice of off'ering thanksgiving for
the aid vouchsafed to such believers as had closed
their probation with distinguished honour. In the
disputes of theologians, it has been sometimes
deemed important to treat these services as of the
same import. There is, however, a marked differ-
ence between them. They were, indeed, alike
the offspring of heathenism, and made their
appearance in the church, along with those
'^•'' IMr. Lewis treats of this iin- to those p'.ges, will see that passages
poitaiit doctrine, pp. 1.51 — 107, and more extended and explicit than
has given another extract on the point any hitherto published, were greatly
in p. 157. The reader, who can refer needed. — Note to the second edition.
28S THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, superstitious observances which, as her gentile
L converts increased, v^ere so rapidly multiplied.
So late, however, as the eighth century, to pray for
a departed spirit, was not necessarily to consider
its state as one of suffering. But as the custom
of thank-offerings was succeeded by petitions,
so the notion of mere quiescence or repose was
followed by that of a refining fire. And as the
degree of torment endured would naturally regu-
late the worth of the services which were regarded
as tending to abate its severity, or to hasten its
close — the temptation to assign to this artifice a
most prominent place in the machinery of papal
superstition, became too powerful to be resisted."'
In one of his early pieces, Wycliffe has cited
St. Augustine as teaching that " souls in pur-
" gatory are helped and comforted, and brought
" out thereof by the fasting of kinsmen, by the
" alms of friends, and by the devout prayers
" of good men and saints.""^ This statement is
quoted with approbation, and this will not excite
surprise if it be remembered that the writings
of Augustine were revered by the reformer as
next in authority to those of inspiration. In a
subsequent treatise, he confesses " that saying
'* of masses with cleanness of holy life, and
" burning devotion, most pleaseth God Almighty,
" and profiteth to christian souls in purgatory,
" and to men living on earth, to withstand temp-
" tations to sin."^* In the same page, however,
his indignant censure is pointed against the base
''' See Prelim. \iew, c. i. sect. ii. p. 57.
62 MS. Cott. Titus, D. xix. 129.
*' MS. Sentence of the Curse Expounded.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 289
merchandise which this doctrine had been made chap.
to support. '* Ah, Lord," he exclaims, " how 1-
*' much is our king and our reahii helped by
*' masses and prayers of simonists, and heretics
" full of pride and covetousness, and envy ; and
" who so much hate poor priests, because they
"' teach the gospel and the life of Christ."" In
his work On Prelates the clergy are accused of
" inventing new pains, horrible and shameful, to
" make men pay a great ransom,"" and to
counteract this " artifice of Satan," he ventures
to describe all masses " for which money is
" taken," as the contrivance of hypocrisy and
avarice. It was with a view completely to
abolish these mercenary services, and to rescue
the people from that false and dangerous confi-
dence which had been thus produced, that the
reformer so strenuously inculcated his favourite
maxim respecting the inefficacy of all intercessory
prayer, unless off"ered in the spirit of sincere
devotion. With the same view prayer is de-
fined, as " consisting principally in holy life,"
and of this prayer the Redeemer is said to speak,
" when he saith in the gospel, that we must pray
'* evermore." In support of this interpretation,
St. Augustine and other saints are appealed to,
and the exercise is again said to " stand in holy
" desire, and also in word ;" but the latter is de-
clared " to be nought worth, except it be uttered
" with devotion, and purity, and accompanied
*' by holiness of life." It is, therefore, inquired,
" why the prayer of prelates should be magnified
" so much, and sold so dear, while they know
6* Sentence of the Curse Eipoanded. es jyig, g_ jjj^
VOL. II. U
290 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. '< not whether it shall be accepted or rejected?"
" The prayer of the layman who shall be saved,"
is affirmed to be " without measure better than
" that of a prelate who shall be lost." It was
pleaded, indeed, by such men, that if not heard
*' for their own holiness, they were heard in
"virtue of holy church;" but this is treated as
" a dream, having no foundation ia any place
** of holy writ, inasmuch as God saith absolutely,
*' that such prayer is an abomination."'" In
another of his pieces, these masses are described
as novelties, and are numbered in this respect
with the pilgrimages, and the feigned absolutions
of the period. He complains also of the clergy as
" making the people believe, that if the priest
" say a certain mass for a soul, it shall anon be
" out of purgatory; and this, though God of his
*' righteousness ordain that soul to abide there
" forty years or more, and though this priest be
" himself accursed for his simony and pride. For,
*' as they falsely pretend, the mass may not be
" impaired.""
In these extracts there is no suspicion disclosed
as to the reality of the pains of purgatory. But
the efficacy of prayer for the dead is viewed as
connected with the devotions of the laity, no less
than with those of the clergy, and as attended in
the case of both by so much uncertainty, as to
demonstrate the weakness of the confidence so
generally reposed in that kind of aid. The doc-
trine was thus divested of its chief importance as
a source of gain to the clergy.
But it was not enough to question the success
ofi MS. On Prelates, c. xi. "7 ihij. c.xxxviii.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 291
of intercession in favour of the departed while ^h a p.
performed by the more vicious of the clergy. A -
considerable scepticism is after a while expressed
with respect to its influence when proceeding
from characters less objectionable, or even from
the pontiff himself. In the work, intitled, " Of
" the Church and her Governance," evidently one
of his latest productions, the words of the Sa-
viour, " let the dead bury their dead," are cited
as discountenancing such practices, though per-
petuated by the most devoted men, and with the
best intentions."' And when he states that '' the
** pope and his, are out of all charity, if there
** dwell any soul in purgatory, since he may,"
according to the popular creed, " with full heart,
" and without any cost deliver them," it is
beyond doubt that his faith in an intermediate
state, regarded it as an abode over which little or
no influence could be exerted by any power on
earth. For many years previous to his death,
his allusions to this tenet are few and cautious,
tending almost invariably to separate it from its
corruptions, rather than to define its import or its
uses. In his sermons there is scarcely one in
fifty containing the least reference to it, and the
notices which occur are so transient and obscure
as to bespeak the general indecision of his mind
on this point."' From his increasing perception
of the errors connected with this doctrine, which
*8 MS. Bib. Rea;. 18, b. ix. " plex est Ecclesia militans, dormiens,
^9 In the MS. last cited, he speaks " et triuinphans." iv. 22. In one of
of the churcli as consisting of tliree his later homilies he describes John
parts, " the saints in purgatory, " the Baptist as the most devout man
forming one. In his Trialogus, also, " after Christ," and yet speaks of him
the church is thus described, " Tri- as going to " purgatory" at death.
u 2
On the
abuse of
sanctuaries.
292 THE OPINIONS of wvcliffe.
CHAP, is so observable in his writings, it may be doubted,
^^^'' whether he considered the intermediate state as
at all a state of suffering, at the period of his
death ;°
By the doctrine of purgatory, the decisions of
the invisible tribunal, though regarded as pro-
ceeding from the will of the Deity, were supposed
to be modified, and frequently revoked, in com-
pliance with the intercessions of the priesthood.
The same motives also, which had secured a
credence to this supposed interference with the
allotments of the spiritual regions, produced a
submission to many clerical intrusions in the
administration of criminal justice in the present
world. The cities of refuge were sanctioned by
the Hebrew polity ; and it is well known that simi-
lar immunities were granted to particular localities
in gentile nations. In both, the existence of such
retreats may have been sometimes favourable to
equity, by arresting the arm of violence, or of
lawless revenge. But the evils which were inse-
'" Dr. Lingard not only says of our during a large portion of his life he
reformer that " he inculcated the did so. But in inquiries of this nature
" doctrine of purgatory," but that " he nearly every thing must depend upon
" slrenuou.<ly maintained the efficacy dates. To a correct acquaintance with
" of the mass ;" and the amount of infor- this subject, it was strictly necessary
mstioD hitherto possessed on this point to know the frequency or the variety
may be inferred from the circumstance of the reformer's allusions to it, to
that this is said on the authorities sup- know, also, something of the distinct-
plied by Mr. Lewis. But surely the ness or obscurity that may have marked
man who could go through his pulpit those allusions, and to know, above
services for twelve months together all, that before his death, Wyclifte had
without more than a single reference to learned to use the word purgatory as
the mass, except to censure its imper- referring merely to an intermediate
fections and abuses, can hardly be said state through which the most holy of
to have been a strenuous advocate for mankind must pass to their final rest,
its efficacy. Mr. Lewis maybe right Lingard's Hist. iv.26C. Lewis, 161.
in stating that Wyclifte believed in — Note to the second edition.
" the bitter pains of purgatory," for
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 293
parable from this custom in heathen states, were chap.
too soon connected with it as adopted in the L
christian church. In the age of William the
first, and so late as the reign of Stephen, the
rights of sanctuary, which protected the place of
christian worship from those deeds of rapine and
bloodshed which then filled the land, were often
a political benefit. But in the age of Edward the
third, the uses of these places of retreat were not
so obvious. Wycliffe appears to have seen them
only through the medium of their abuses, and
these were evidently of the most flagrant descrip-
tion. " Westminster, Beverley, and other places,"
are described as " challenging this franchise and
" privilege." In opposing this pretension, it is
observed that the cities of refuge afforded but
a temporary shelter to offenders, and to such
offenders only as had slain a man unwittingly ;
whereas modern sanctuaries were both a retreat,
and a home, to culprits of every class. And
this, while they were often known to be the most
vicious of men. Thus he states indignantly, " that
** wicked men, open thieves, known murderers,
'* and such as have borrowed their neighbours'
" goods, and are able to make restitution, dwell
*' thus in sanctuary, and no man may impeach
** them by process of law." And the clergy, it
is observed, " maintain stifl^y that the king
" should confirm this privilege, though serving
" but to perpetuate a nest of thieves in his
" kingdom."'^
Nor was the influence of churchmen with re-O"^*^*'"-
vocation of
spect to an mtermediate state, and of the present -^'"i*-
" 3IS. Seulence of the Curse Expounded, c.ix. xx.
294 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, world, supposed to terminate with their removal
to the celestial kingdom. Under every anxiety,
whether arising from the immediate necessities
of the worshipper, or from the supposed state
of his departed kindred, the throne of those who
had performed the work of intercession on earth,
was believed to be accessible, and was regarded
as forming, to the children of mortality, the most
appropriate medium of approach to the majesty
of heaven. An apostle, indeed, had emphatically
declared, that " there is one Mediator between
*' God and man, the man Christ Jesus," and it
would seem sufficiently evident that to render
this invocation of saints a rational service, these
new objects of religious confidence should be-
come vested with the attributes of Deity, — at
least with omnipresence, or omniscience. In the
face, however, of these, and of other difficulties,
the practice became general, — so much so, that
the name of the Saviour was nearly excluded
from the devotions of the people by those of the
Virgin, and of the multitude, whose sanctity, or
ambition, had secured them a place in the Roman
calendar. This custom of praying to the departed,
like that of praying for them, was opposed by
Wycliffe, with a firmness which increased as the
errors connected with it were discerned. At an
early period, he had learned to regard many who
were raised to the dignity of saints, as persons
whose salvation was by no means certain. To
confide in the lost for spiritual aid must be worse
than vain. After a while, it was suggested as
important to limit such invocations to those
among the blessed, whose beatified state could be
THE OPINIONS OF AVYCLIFFE. 295
ascertained from the language of the scriptures; chap.
and at length the entire practice is discounte- '~
nanced, as uncommanded, and as at variance
with a due regard to the mediation of Christ."
There are few errors of the Romish church more O" »"^
,..,,., „ , worship of
objectionable in the esteem of protestants than im^ses.
those which relate to the adoration of images.
So striking a conformity with the leading feature
of those superstitions, which Christianity was so
plainly intended to counteract and destroy, was
not to become suddenly prevalent. And if it has
survived the shock of the protestant reformation,
this has not been without resisting a degree of
light which has rendered the act of bowing down
to any likeness of invisible realities in a much
greater degree criminal. It might have been
expected, that customs which obtained their ascen-
dancy amid the barbarism attendant on the fall
of the empire, would have been gradually dis-
couraged, as the civilization of Christendom ad-
vanced. But to vindicate this semi-heathenism
the most distinguished Romanists have exhausted
the stores of their erudition, and employed the
" Horn. Bib. Reg. 18. b. xiv. " The " tbat all those saint-days ought to be
" church of Eogland," he observes, " abolished, that thej may celebrate
" has this very reasonable custom, that "the festival of Jesus Christ alone,
" when a saint is invoked the words " that the memory of Jesus Christ
" are addressed immediately to Jesus " being always recent, the devotion
" Christ, and not principally to the " of the people might be no longer
" saints ; nor is the solemnity of a " parcelled out between him and
" saint-day to any purpose if it does " his members. " Trialogus, iii. 31.
" not tend to magnify Jesus Christ, The chapter contains many things on
" and to make souls in love with him. the excellence and sufficiency of the
" It is therefore to be inferred, that Redeemer's mediation, and on the
"when the observance of such days sinister motives from which the prac-
" deviates from this end, the motive tice of commending other intercessors
" must be avarice, or some other sin ; liad arisen.
" which disposes many men to think
296 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, whole of their strength. The doctrine of infal-
1 libility, though it was not strictly necessary that
it should operate at all with respect to such a
matter, has no doubt been the chief cause of this
pertinacity. It may be also, that to inform the
understanding, and discipline the affections, has
been found a more laborious enterprise, than to
impress the senses, and to raise indefinite emotion
to the place of principle.
This custom certainly did not provoke the de-
gree of opposition from our reformer, that, rea-
soning from other points, was to have been
expected. It should, however, be remembered,
that by declaring the Most High to be the only
object of religious worship, and the Son of God to
be the only Mediator, he not only condemned the
invocation of saints, but stripped their images
and relics of whatever had rendered them the
matters of a superstitious veneration. While such
were his doctrines, no visible object of worship
could be recognized, excepting such as were ad-
mitted to represent that Invisible Nature, of whose
compassion to our race the cross was the most
affecting memorial. And that the use even of this
was at length discarded, may be safely inferred
from the fact, that his immediate disciples pro-
voked the displeasure of the clergy by their
undisguised contempt of every such aid to devo-
tion.'* Some years, also, before his death, he
remarked, that a near connexion existed between
gazing on an image, and the act of idolatry. And
to those who were accustomed to plead, that no
worship was rendered to the image, but to the
- Wals. 358.
THE OPINIONS OF AV^YCLIFFE. 297
Being represented by it, his reply was, that such chap.
was the reasoning of idolatrous heathens, and the — - — —
men resorting to it are described as the patrons
of idolatry/^
With these efforts to counteract the propensities
to creature-worship, the reformer connected an
exposure of the doctrine which exhibited the more
illustrious of the saints as having performed cer-
tain works of piety or mercy, beyond what were
necessary to their own salvation ; and which
taught, moreover, that these works were left to be
dispensed by the clergy, to the more necessitous,
in the matter of such virtues. This scheme, which
bespeaks an ignorance of the gospel scarcely
a remove from heathenism, was the faith of
the populace in every state of Europe through
many centuries. And that churchmen, as the
almoners of this spiritual bounty, might be able
to distribute it efficiently, it was important that
the wants of each applicant should be correctly
ascertained. Hence the necessity of that mo-
mentous article in catholic discipline, confession
to a priest.
The causes which, in the earlier ages of the Auricular
church, had limited the office of arbitrator with'""^'"""'
respect to such secular disputes as arose among
believers, to the christian pastor," would tend to
restrict the duty of cofifession, to the same order
''* James's Apology, c. viii. sect. vi. "land be not brought to theft and
MS. Exposit. Decal. p. 48. MS. Ec- " lechery under colour of such pil-
clesiae Regimen, No. 10. He re- " grimages, nor alms drawn from
commends " that the wasted treasure " needy men who are boaght with
" hanging on stocks and stones, be " Christ's precious blood. MS. Of
" wisely spent in defence of the king- " good Preaching Priests.
" dom, and in relieving of the poor See Preliin. \'iew, c- i. sect. x.
" commons, that the people of our
298 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, of men. But the practice of confession, as exist-
'.. ing in the catholic church, resulted in a greater
measure from her doctrine respecting the efficacy
of priestly absolution. Wycliffe, while admitting
the propriety of a form of absolution, denied that
a penitent offender could fail to obtain pardon on
account of a withholding of that ceremony. In
like manner, he acknowledged that confession
made to a priest might be seemly, and in some
cases highly commendable ; but it was at the
same time affirmed, that where sanctity and wis-
dom were most conspicuous, whether in a priest,
or a layman, there was most of the character
necessary to receive confessions, and to admi-
nister the aids of religion. He accordingly re-
marks that " confession made to those who are
" true priests, and who understand the will of
" God, doth much good to sinful men, so long
'' as contrition for past sins come therewith." ^^
On another occasion, he thus concludes a series
of enlightened observations on this practice.
" So this confession which is made to man, has
" oftentimes been varied with the varying of the
" church. For first, men confessed themselves
** to God, and to the common people, and this
" manner of confession was used in the time of
" the apostles."'' Much harm is said to have
resulted from the abandonment of this primitive
custom : for as no benediction of man can bring
"6 MS. Sentence of tlie Curse Ex- passages which follow, that WyclifTe's
pounded, c. vi. This passage is cited sentiments on this point were greatly
by Mr. Lewis, as containing a full more enlightened than the extract
statement of the reformer's doctrine given by my predecessor woald sug-
with regard to this important article, gest. Note to the second edition.
( p. 171. ) But, it will appear from the '' MS. Papa Schismae, c. iii.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 299
the impenitent to heaven ; and as sin generally chap.
bears its own punishment along with it ; the —
canonical regulations with respect to penance,
are viewed as superfluous and deceptive. The
matters, indeed, which the confessor takes be-
neath his cognizance, are stated to be such as
must often elude his penetration, and accord-
ingly leave him unequal to the task of adjusting
the penalties incurred. Where this failure of
capacity occurred, the defect is said to have been
too commonly supplied by caprice, and by mo-
tives still more objectionable. His parting ad-
vice, therefore is, " Seeing that many men often
** confess themselves to their confessors in vain ;
'* confess thyself to God, with constancy, and
'* contrition, and he may not fail, he will absolve
'' thee.'"'
It was thus the reformer endeavoured to disen-
thral his countrymen, and to distinguish between
the true claims of the christian pastor, and the
assumed authority of the existing priesthood. To
deprive churchmen of that dominion over the
conscience, which the confessional had secured
to them, was a step strictly necessary to restore
in the laity of Christendom the feeling of re-
sponsible beings, and to confer upon them, what
no second tyranny has been known to invade —
liberty of thought ! So long as it was believed
"'' Ibid. It was something to teach fessing his sins to God alone, and doing
that mere confession, though made to it wiih penitence, should be assuredlj^
the highest ecclesiastical authority, saved. It was important to know
was a useless service. It was more to that our reformer passed so far into
assert that confession to a priest was the region of true christian liberty, and
not more a religious duty than con- that he could thus urge his followers to
fession to a layman. But Wycliffe use their freedom. — Note to the second
learnt to believe that any man con- edition.
300 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, to be a duty to disclose in the ear of a confessor
L_ what had passed in the secret places of the mind,
the most cautious guard would be kept against
the intrusion of thoughts opposed to the authority
exercised by the clergy, or to the superstitions
which that order of men had so long sanctioned.
Let confession be necessary to absolution, and let
absolution be an essential link in the chain of
salvation, and the empire which the papal priest-
hood laboured to establish and perpetuate is con-
ceded. To the mind of Wycliffe this connexion
of things was manifest, and in the history of our
country it was reserved to his master genius to
break this triple cord.
oa the doc. With confession to a priest the doctrine of in-
dui'gence's"." dulgcuccs Is ucarly allied. The sale of these
commodities was the abuse which first roused the
displeasure of Luther ; and which contributed so
much toward that memorable revolution with
which his name is so illustriously associated. It
will be proper, therefore, to notice the feeling
with which they were regarded by Wycliffe,
nearly two centuries earlier. We have seen that
according to the doctrine of the church of Rome,
the good works of the saints which were more
than were required for their own justification,
were deposited with the merits of the Saviour,
so as to form a sort of spiritual treasury. " The
*' keys of this," it has been observed, *' were
** committed to St. Peter, and to his successors
*' the popes, who may open it at pleasure, and
" by transferring a portion of this superabun-
*' dant merit to any particular person for a sum
*' of money, may convey to him either the pardon
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 301
''of his own sins, or a release for any one in chap.
. . . VIII.
" whose happiness he is interested from the pains
" of purgatory. Such indulgences were first in-
" vented in the eleventh century, by Urban the
" second, as a recompense for those who went
" in person upon the meritorious enterprise of
" conquering the Holy Land. They were after-
" wards granted to those who hired a soldier
" for that purpose, and in process of time were
" bestowed on such as gave money for accom-
" plishing any pious work enjoined by the pope."'*'
It is, no doubt, true, that the embryo of this
custom, as of most others in the history of the
papacy, may be traced to a period much more
remote than the pontificate of Urban the second.
But that adjustment of the penalties of eccle-
siastical discipline, which began at a compara-
tively early period to be restricted to the clergy,
was gradually extended from what was to be
endured in this world, to the sufferings awaiting
the offender in the next ; and a power which was
once exercised with the tenderest solicitude for
the spiritual welfare of the delinquent, became
known, ere long, as a most effective means of
storing the coffers of the priest. ** Prelates,"
observes the English reformer, " foully deceive
" christian men by their pretended indulgences
" or pardons, and rob them wickedly of their
" money." In proof of this statement he re-
marks, " that alms after the will of sinful men"
may procure " thousands of years of pardon, and
" also pardons without number, to man's under-
" standing." These are also described as granted
■9 Robertson's Charles V.
302 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. ** by virtue of Christ's passion and martyrdom,
VIII I "
'- " and by the holy merits of saints, which they
'* did, more than was needful for their own bliss."
Offended by this strange mixture of creature-
merit with that of the Saviour, and scarcely less
with the pardon itself, which was presumed to be
so conveyed, he affirms that the doctrine is one
" never taught in all the gospel, and never used,
*' neither by Paul, nor Peter, nor any other
"apostle of Christ; and yet they might, and
" could, and were so full of charity as certainly
" to have taught and used this pardon, if there
'* had been any such. For in Christ was all
" manner of good doctrine, and good life, and
" charity, and these were most abundant, after
" him, in his apostles. And since Christ dis-
'* covered and taught all that is needful and
" profitable, and still taught not this pardon, it
*' follows that this pardon is neither needful nor
"profitable."^"
Adverting to the departed in an intermediate
state, he remarks, " it passeth man's knowing
" what is the doom of such souls. It seemeth
" then great pride for sinful man to make himself
" certain and master of the judgment of God,
" which still he knoweth not. — Also if this pardon
" be a spiritual and heavenly gift^ it should be
" given freely as Christ teaches in the gospel,
" and not for money, nor worldly goods, nor
" fleshly favour. But if a rich man will dearly
" buy it, he shall have a pardon extending to
" a thousand years, though he be really accursed
" of God for his sinful life. While the poor
8" iVlS. On Prelates.
THE OPIxVIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 303
" bedridden man, who may not travel to Rome, ^^j^^-
" nor to such another place, he shall have no
" pardon of the pope, though he be holy and full
" of charity. Since then, this pardon, if- there
'' be any such, should be freely given, it is theft
** and robbery to take thus much gold for it.
" Also this pretended pardon deceiveth many
" men. For rich men trust to reach heaven
" thereby without pain, and therefore the less
** fear to sin ; and of contrition, and forsaking sin,
" and doing alms, little is spoken." ^^ He then
observes, that if the nature of such pardons were
" truly told, they should be set at nought."
Again, he remarks, "great falseness it is so much
" to magnify the power of the pope in purgatory,
" such as no man here can show to be real,
" either by holy writ, or reason ; since, in this
" world, we see an obscure man^^ may thus
" despise the pope, and oppose his lordship ; and
" he doth in vain, all his might, all his wit, and
" all his will, to be avenged upon such a poor
" harlot. It seemeth, then, for many reasons,
" that this feigned pardon is a subtle merchan-
" disc of Antichrist's clerks, to magnify their pre-
" tended power, and to get worldly goods, and
*' to make men free from the fear of sin, and
" sweetly to wallow therein as swine. "^^ If the
contemporaries of Luther admired the boldness
of the man, who could venture, though very cau-
tiously, to question this plenitude of the papal
power; the reader will judge of his claim to the
attribute of courage, who in much less favour-
s' Ibid. i*^ " Little harlot" in MS. signifying a bumble or despised person.
" Ibid.
304 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLTFFE.
CHAP, able times, proceeded to a greater length in
'— exposing the assumptions of the same appalling
despotism,
outheceii- The connexion between auricular confession,
bacy of the
clergy. and tho most politic distribution of these indul-
gences, has been noticed. That which subsists
between the business of the confessional, and the
celibacy of the clergy, is equally certain, and
equally dangerous. The law which required a
disclosure of every particular that might possibly
be connected with guilt, whether relating to the
conduct, or to the secrets of mental history, was
one to be enforced on the conscience of every
female, and by an unmarried priesthood. To
evade it, would be to incur the guilt of insincerity,
self-reproach, and, in no few instances, the appre-
hensions of every future evil ; while to act upon it
was to conform to what could hardly fail to prove
hostile to the best safeguard of female innocence.
Nor is it easy to conceive, that confessors would
always pass this ordeal untainted. To do so,
they must be either more or less than human.
That the morals of a community must suffer from
this sort of intercourse is manifest ; and whether
the impurities of the clergy, so frequently de-
plored by Wycliffe, arose from this source, in
a greater or a less degree, it is certain that their
forced celibacy was the parent of vices which
frequently roused his severest indignation. The
guilty conduct of priests, with respect to " wives,
*' widows, and maidens," is said to lead to the
frequent " murder of children." And the licen-
tious practices of the higher clergy, are said to be
but too faithfully copied by their dependants and
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 305
the laity. To have seen these vices as certainly ^ hap.
consequent on the celibacy of churchmen, would
have been enough, in the mind of Wycliffe, to
have created a suspicion as to the real obligation
of the law v^^hich imposed it. Such with him was
the general effect of existing disorders. Where
the abuses of a practice were more obvious than
its uses, the closest examination of its origin and
pretensions commonly followed.
On this article he thus writes. •' Since forni-
" cation is so perilous, and priests are so frail,
*' God o dained in the old law, that priests should
" have wives ; and in the new law, never forbid
" it, neither by Christ nor by his apostles ; but
" rather approved it But now through the hypo-
" crisy of fiends and of false men, many bind
" themselves to priesthood and chastity, and
" forsake those who by God's law are their wives,
" and injure maidens and wives, and fall into all
" vices most foully."'* It required no little in-
tegrity and firmness, to avow such opinions, in
8* MS. Of Wedded ftlen and Wives. that " thongh matrimony be good, and
While many are found assaming the " greatly commended of God, clean
office of " priests and religious," but " virginity is much better, and the
to " live a lustful life," it is concluded " priests who keep clean chastity in
that they must fall thus " into lechery " body and soul do best. But many
" in divers degrees, and into the sins " take this charge indiscreetly, and
" against nature." Bodily marriage " slander themselves greatly before
is defined, as " a sacrament, and a " God and his saints. So high and so
" figure of the ghostly wedlock be- " noble is virginity, that Christ com-
" tween Christ and the holy church, " nianded it not generally, but said he
" as St. Paul saith," and it is farther " who may, let him take it. So, also,
described as approved of God in Pa- " St. Paul gave no command of vir-
radise, by the Saviour when on earth, " ginity, but gave council to those
and by his apostles, one of whom is "who were equal thereto." Such
said to have numbered the prohibition was the unity of sentiment between
of marriage among the marks of the the Apostle of the Gentiles and the
apostacy which should appear before English reformpr. MS. Ibid,
the last day. It is nevertheless stated,
VOL. 11. X
306 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
^\uF' ^"^^^ ^^^ ^^^' ^^^ y^^ ^^ must admire the pru-
dence and devotion, which prevented the refor-
mer's availing himself of the full liberty of which
he felt himself to be possessed in this respect.
Had Wycliffe anticipated some of the most illus-
trious reformers of the sixteenth century, by
becoming a married priest, the event, however
innocent, would have been regretted by many
as a circumstance, necessarily injurious to the
enterprise in which he was engaged. By a more
numerous class, such an occurrence would have
been hailed with delight, as showing beyond
controversy, that the reformer's disaffection to the
church had arisen much less from her corrup-
tions, than from the holy severity of her discipline.
In the fourteenth century, this arch-weapon would
have made an impression more disastrous than
was produced by it at a later period.
On the sa. "s^ q havc sccu that Wycliffe reoarded marriao^e
craments. J n o
as a sacrament. His orthodoxy, however, on this,
and some other formalities so designated, was
rather apparent than real. By a sacrament, he
understood " a token that may be seen, of a thing
'* which may not be seen;"*^ and he admitted,
with the church of Rome, that these were seven
in number.*" His doctrine relating to penance
has been sufficiently explained. On the rite of
baptism, Wycliffe thought with his contempo-
raries, both as to its mode, and its subjects.
" It matters not," he observes, " whether the
" persons baptized, are dipped three times, or
8^ Trial, iv. 1. two sacrameuts ; bat his Tiialogus is
8« Ibid. Dr. James suggests, that among his latest productions. See
Wjcliffe after a while admitted only Apology for John Wicklifte.
THE OPINIONS OF AV'VCLIFFE. 307
" have only water poured on their head."^^ But chap.
while the mode of baptism was regarded as thus L
indifferent, its administration, in some form, was
deemed so far important, that the reformer ad-
verts with approbation to the practice of allowing
even females to perform that solemnity, rather than
suffer an expiring infant to pass from the world
unblessed by its influence. On the future state
of an unbaptized infant, he confesses himself un-
able to determine any thing, but considers it " as
*' probable, that without this washing, Christ may
" spiritually baptize infants, and in consequence
" save them.^* We may regret the force of that
superstition which could produce hesitation on this
point even with such a mind. But these facts
place the doctrine of WyclifFe relating to the mode
and the subjects of baptism beyond dispute.
On the import of this rite, he remarks, that
" baptism with water," is significant " of baptism
'' with the Spirit." In the latter, God *' christeneth
" the souls of men, that is to say, washeth their
" souls from the uncleanness of all sin." In one
of his sermons, he observes, " bodily baptizing
" is a figure, shewing how man's soul should be
" baptized from sin. For the wisdom of Christ
" would not suffer us to keep this figure, except
" for some good reason. Bodily washing of a
" child, is not the end of baptizing ; but baptizing
" is a token of the washing of the soul from sin,
" both original and actual, by virtue taken of
" Christ's death." «^
On confirmation, he remarks, that '' the oil confirma-
tion.
«7 Trialogus, iv. 12. «» Horn. Bib. Reg. 165, 1C6, on Rom.
*' Ibid. chap. vi.
X 2
VIII
308 THE OPINIONS OF M^YCLIFFE.
CHAP. " with which the prelates anoint children at such
" times ; and the linen hood, or veil put over
*' their head ; are a ceremony of little worth, and
" one having no foundation in scripture.""" He
farther cautions such as may have placed an un-
due confidence in this service, that " the child,
" or man, receiveth not the gifts of the Holy
*' Spirit from the bishop, but as the gift of God."
It is also stated, that " it does not appear, that
" this sacrament should be reserved to a Cesarean
" prelacy ; that it would be more devout, and
*' more conformable to scripture language, to deny
" that the bishops give the Holy Spirit, or confirm
" the Sfivino: of it: and that it therefore seems to
" some, that the brief and trivial confirmation
" of the prelates, and the ceremonies added to
" it for the sake of pomp, were introduced at the
'• suggestion of Satan, that the people may be
" deceived as to the faith of the church, and that
" the state and necessity of bishops may be the
** more acknowledged."^' At other times, he
complains of the importance conferred on this
service, as a disparagement of " the more worthy
" and needful sacraments."''^
Clerical ordination, he has defined as " a power
*' conferred on a devout clerk by the ministry
*' of a bishop, that he may duly minister to the
" church i""^ and the doctrine of the age is said
to be '* that a clerk is not ordained, except as a
*' bishop shall grant him the Holy Ghost, and
" thus imprint a character on his mind which is
3» Trialogus, iv. 14. ^^ MS. Sentence of the Curse Ex-
31 Ibid. pounded, c. vii. ^^ ibid.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIIFE. 309
"indelible, and accordingly, if a clerk be de-CHAP.
" graded, or whatever else may happen to him, 1
" this character may not be lost."*** But this
tenet is regarded as inexplicable. As the cha-
racter so derived was frequently of little worth,
the reformer prays, that the clergy may receive
some more efficient grace from a higher source.
The power conferred by the authority of the pre-
lates, is viewed as having no necessary connexion
with that which the true priest receives from the
unseen Bishop of souls. Hence while the esta-
blished forms of ordination were acknowledged,
the character said to be conveyed by them was
regarded as subject to debate. The doctrine of
WyclifFe with respect to auricular confession has
been stated :^^ and his opinions on the supposed
sacrament of extreme unction, were deemed
equally heterodox."®
Much, too, has been said as to the reformer's Ti'eeuci,a-
' ' rist.
sentiments concerning the eucharist. The word
transubstantiation, was introduced to express the
changing of the bread and wine into the sub-
stance of the body and the blood of Christ. In
the writings of Wyclifte this doctrine is rejected
in almost every form of language. In his two
Confessions relating to this article, and in a multi-
tude of instances, the continuance of the material
elements, after the words of consecration were
pronounced, is distinctly asserted. Still it must
be acknowledged, that he sometimes speaks of a
presence of the Saviour, in connexion with the
9^ Trialogus, iv. 15. on this point, ii. 268. James's Ape-
x's See p. 297—300. logy, c. viii. sect. iv.
^ Walden accused bim of heresj
310 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, visible emblems, in a manner which, while it
certainly does not amount to the impanation of
Luther, is a slight remove from the statements
of this doctrine which distinguished the creed of
Zuinglius.*" The language of hesitation and un-
certainty is not often that of reformers, but this
is one of those points on which Wycliffe was free
to confess his ignorance. The matter, also, on
which he found it impossible himself to decide,
he regarded as forming no essential part of the
christian faith, and as that, in consequence, on
which every man should be left to the guidance
of his own perceptions. It is in one of his
latest pieces that he thus writes : " The mass is
" neither better for one priest nor another, for in
*' its kind it is bread, nought amended by the
*' priest, and inasmuch as it is God's body, it
" is like God, whosoever may consecrate it. But
*' here we knov/ many things which are no part
*' of necessary faith, and which we should neither
*' grant nor deny, hope nor doubt, but rather
" suppose them, or guess them." To illustrate
9' In his Conclusions, published at But he states, that with respect to the
Oxford, in the summer of 1381, it is eucharist, he had " adduced many
not only transubslantiation, but " iu- " reasons to show that such an in-
" deniptification, and impanation, " " demptification is impossible." He
which are denounced as having no also adds, " I am certain that the
support from the scriptures. To ex- " doctrine of impanation is impossible
pose the contradictions, and the im- " and heretical." As the humanity of
possibilities attendant on the latter Christ is not to be considered apart
doctrines, is the purpose to which from his divinity, it is said to follow
the eighth chapter in the last book from the assertions of men respecting
of his Trialogus is devoted. By iden- the identification of the body of Christ
tification he professes to understand with (lie bread, " that a mere wafer
the uniting of two things previously " becomes the Deity of Christ," and
distinct; as though bj' an act of Om- it is indignant!}' asked " what ido-
nipotence Peter and Paul should cease " latry can be more completely de-
to be two persons, and become one. "testable?"
worshii
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 311
his meaning, he presently observes: "Should chap.
" the pope ask me if I were ordained to be saved, ~
" or predestinated, I would say that I hoped so ;
" but I would not swear it, nor affirm it without
" condition; and though he should greatly punish
*' me, yet would 1 neither deny it, nor do.tbt it,
" in any way. And so if prelates oppose me,
** inquiring what the sacrament of the altar is in
*' its kind, I would say, it is bread, the same that it
** was before, since the gospel thus teaches, if we
'* will believe." But to all questions beyond this,
his only answer is said to be, ** I neither grant it,
" nor deny it, nor doubt it."®*
While such were the reformer's sentiments con- oupubn,
cerning the recognized sacraments, it will not be
supposed, that the established ritual was in all
other respects according to his views of propriety.
The reformer's complaints, however, referred
chiefly to the subordinate place assigned in that
ritual to the office of preaching, to the abuse
of images, and to the idle fopperies frequently
obtruded upon religious assemblies by singers and
musicians. The manner of conducting the wor-
ship of God, which tended most to inform the
mind of the worshipper, and to improve his de-
votional affections, he often declares to be best.
This he considered to be most consonant with the
suggestions of reason, and with the matured
character distinguishing the present dispensation
of religion."" Still, to the period of his death, he
9' MS. On the Seven Deadlj Sins. Uie writer combats the arguments ad-
Cod. Ric. Jamesii. duced in favour of church music, from
93 MS. Of Contemplative Life. On the practice of the Old Testament
Prelates, c. vi. In the latter treatise church, and from the visions of the
vate judi;
meut.
312 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, appears to have conformed in these things to the
'- customs of the age ; attending to the various ser-
vices connected with the festivals of the church,
and rendering the gospels appointed to be read on
such occasions the ground-work of his address to
the people.'""
otithesuf. The reader has frequently seen, that with
the'scrV- Wycliffe, something more than the decision of
rS'/ofpri! the church was necessary to determine the truth
of religious doctrines. And this was the case
with respect to doctrines much less mysterious
than the article of tran substantiation. That the
pontiffs were not raised above the influence of
error, was believed to be demonstrated by many a
melancholy fact ; and that ecclesiastical councils
had shewn themselves to be scarcely more worthy
of confidence, was believed to be no less evident.
Indeed, the whole of the reformer's conduct with
regard to the papal power resulted from his con-
viction as to the sufficiency of the sacred scrip-
tures, and as to the right of private judgment.
It will be remembered, also, that in numerous
extracts from his writings which appear in the
pages of this work, these opinions are not more
clearly assumed than expressed. The corruptions
of the church are rarely exposed, without being
Apocalypse. It is laid down as an forty which were delivered on the
important maxim, that whatever is saint-days observed in that age. One
preferred in the worship of God, " to of the days so regarded was sacred to
"the hearing of his law, and of the St. Thomas of Canterbury, another to
"bliss of heaven," is an evil which the purification of the Chair of St.
should be suppressed. Augustine is Peter, and another to the translation
also cited, as teaching that guilt is of St. Martin, (MS. C. C.C.Cambridge,
contracted as often as the sound Lewis, c. viii.) It should, however,
becomes more attractive than the be remarked, that the superstitions
sense. connected with such seasons, were
'""Among his sermons are nearly fearlessly exposed in these discourses.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 313
noticed, as showing the folly and impiety of sup- ^^jfj^'
posing her visible guides to be infallible. In the
following passage, Wycliife records his judgment
respecting the elements of which ecclesiastical
councils were generally composed. " Worldly
** prelates make of themselves a congregation,
" and of clerks assenting to them, — some for
" worldly dread and worldly favours, some for
" gold, and the hope of benefices, and some for
" fear of the curse, or of the losing of benefices,
" or for dread of slander, imprisoning, and burn-
" ing :" — but the conduct of such assemblies in
vesting their own interpretations of holy writ,
with the authority due to the record itself, is
described as involving the guilt of blasphemy.'"'
*' The law of God, and of reason," he observes,
" we should follow more than that of our popes
'' and cardinals ; so much so, that if we had a
'' hundred popes, and if all the friars were cardi-
" nals, to the law of the gospel we should bow,
" more than to all this multitude." '°*
The last chapter in the third book of his
Trialogus, is intended to demonstrate, that " the
" law of Christ infinitely exceeds all other laws."
It is there observed, that in the sacred scriptures,
*' all truth is either expressed or implied," and it
is said to follow, that *' other writings can have
" worth or authority, only so far as their senti-
" ment is derived from the scriptures." This is
i"! MS. How Satan and his Priests, " these councils. And where the
and his Feigned Religious, &c. &c. " greater part of such men assent to
'"2 Cod. Ric. Jauieseii. " The faith "any sentence, then all holj church
" which served the church a thousand " shall know that to be gospel, and by
"years while Satan was bound, will " this false principle the fiend beguijeth
" not serve it now he is loosed ; hence " men." Ibid.
314 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, stated as the doctrine of Auoustine, and as in-
VIII.
1 eluding every thing necessary " to correct the
'* edicts of the papal court, and of the prelates,
*' and also the errors of the religious orders." It
is stated, also, that " the smooth covering under
" which all the subtleties of Antichrist are con-
** cealed," consists in imputing obscurity to the
scriptures, with a view to introduce the rival
authority of the priesthood. The chapter thus
concludes : " I am certain, indeed, from the
" scriptures, that neither Antichrist, nor all his
" disciples, nay nor all fiends, may really impugn
" any part of that volume, as it regards the excel-
" lence of its doctrine. But in all these things,
*' it appears to me, that the believing man should
** use this rule — if he soundly understands the
** sacred scripture, let him bless God ; if he be
" deficient in such a perception, let him labour
" for soundness of mind. Let him also dwell
*' as a grammarian upon the letter, but be fully
" aware of imposing a sense upon scripture, which
** he doubts the Holy Spirit does not demand.
" For such a man, according to St. Jerome, is
** a heretic ; and much more he, who rashly
" blasphemes, by imposing a meaning on scrip-
" ture, which the Spirit itself declares to be im-
*' possible." •»'
It should be observed, however, that the right
of private judgment, as asserted by WyclifFe, was
'"3 The state of WyclifFe's mind in me important that some direct infor-
reference to this leading article of mation should be obtained on a point
Protestantism, must of course have of so much moment, and that the re-
been variously implied in those parts former should be allowed to speak to
of his writings which have been long it for himself. — Note to the second
before the public. But it appeared to edition.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 315
not a liberty to reject established opinions without ^yjj/''
examination. On the contrary, patient inquiry,
fervent prayer, and a disposition to comply with
the requirements of scripture, whatever they may
be, are constantly adverted to, as necessary quali-
fications in the case of every man who would
study that volume so as to understand it. These
sacred obligations are considered as devolving on
every man discarding the authority of the church,
and professing to make the scriptures the source
of his sentiments, and the guide of his conduct/***
*' Poor priests, and true men," says the reformer,
*' would willingly yield obedience to God, and to
'* holy church, and also to each man on earth,
** inasmuch as he teacheth truly the command-
" inents of God, and things which may profit the
** souls of men. And no more ought any man to
*' obey, even to Christ himself, both God and
" man. If any worldly prelate asketh more obe-
" dience than this, he surely is Antichrist, and
*' Lucifer's master. For Jesus Christ is the God
" of righteousness and truth, and of peace and
10^ To the exposition of scripture sometimes obscured by mysteries and
four qualifications are noticed as im- allegory, it is his remark, that " all
portant. An ability to collate nianu- " things necessary in scripture are
scripts — an acquaintance with logic — " contained in its proper literal and
the practice of comparing scripture " historical sense," and some men are
with scripture — and above all, a con- " said to be " enlightened from above
sciousness of dependance on the pro- " that they may so explain it." Two
mised assistance of the Spirit, the rules are noticed as having aided him
great Teacher. It is further said, that in distinguishing between the apocry-
" this illumination, so necessary to a phal and the canonical scriptures : 1st.
" full understanding of the word of To ascertain what books of the Old
" God, is promoted by sanctity of life. Testament are cited in the New. 2d.
"This should theologians be studious A comparison of thedoctrines contained
" to preserve, being careful that they in any suspicious document with that
" invent nothing foreign to the faith of inculcated in the scriptures of acknow-
" the scriptures." And though his ledged authority. James's Apology,
own expositions of scripture were c. i.
316
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP,
VIII.
charity. He may not lie, nor deny himself.
How then, may any sinful prelate justly compel
men to do against righteousness, and the health
of their souls, and a good conscience ? For
Christ saith in the gospel of St. John, that the
Son may do nothing but what he hath seen the
Father do, and Christ, therefore, commanded
all men, that they should believe on him, but
as he did the works of the Father. Why then
should christian men be compelled by the
clerks of Antichrist, to do after their command-
ments, while they do not the works of God, but
those of the fiend ? And thus Christ speaketh
to the Jews, and asketh, why they believe not
on him, if he saith the truth ? And hence, he
also saith, who of you shall reprove me of sin ?
And he would that any man had done so, if he
might in truth. Hence, also, at the time of
his passion, he said to the bishop's servant who
smote him on the face, * If I have done evil,
bear thou witness of the evil.' And thus, if
prelates are vicars of Christ, they ought to
follow him in their terms of obedience, and to
ask no more of any man than he did." It is
added, that Christ, who was " both God and man,
' sought the souls of men, lost through sin, thirty
* years and more, in great labour and weariness,
' and many pains, travelling- on his feet many
' thousand miles in the cold, and storm, and
' tempest ! " And it is demanded, whether any
' sinful idiot," because vested by human power
with ecclesiastical jurisdiction, may justly exact
more obedience than did Christ and his apo-
stles." In the same treatise it is remarked, that
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 317
" Christ hath said in his o^ospel, that if the blind chap.
VIII.
" lead the blind, they fall both into the lake. —
" Now these worldly prelates are blind in God's
*' law, both in their knowledge of it, and in the
" life they live; and accordingly, no man should
" be led by them, for fear lest they both fall into
" hell from their ignorance of holy writ."'"' Cen-
suring the too prevalent custom, of putting " the
" bidding of God behind, and the bidding of sinful
" man before," he remarks, " let prelates study
" busily and truly holy writ, and live openly
" hereafter, and destroy the open sin of other
" men ; and poor priests, and christian men,
" without any summoning, would willingly come
" to them, at any cost or labour, by land or
" water, and would meekly do them obedience
'* and reverence, as they would to Peter and
" Paul. Let the world judge then, whether
" these dissensions belong to worldly prelates,
" ignorant in themselves, and cursed in life, or to
" poor priests, and true men, who desire night
" and day to know the will of God, to honour it,
" and before all thinos to do it."'**"
105 MS. How Men should find " people may reject and disobey him."
Priests. " In reason, the nature of Barrow's Works, i. 744.
" any spiritual office consisting in in- los MS. De Obedientia Prelatorura.
" struction in truth, and guidance in " Christian men say truly that they
" virtue toward attainment of salva- " would not wilfully or wittingly de-
" tion ; if any man doth lead into per- " serve the curse of God for any good
" nicious error or impiety, he thereby "either in earth or heaven; neither
" ceaseth to be capable of such office ; " that of man, in as far as it accordeth
" as a blind man by being so, doth " with the righteous sentence of God.
" cease to he a guide. No man can " But with great joy of soul, they will
" be bound to follow any one into the " rather suffer man's wrongful curse,
" ditch, or to obey any one to the " than wittingly or wilfully break any
"prejudice of his own salvation. If " one commandment of God. Thereby
" any pastor should teach bad doc- " the honours of this world, and a
" trine or prescribe bad practice, the " keeping of the body in all indulgence
318 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. Of WyclifFe's theological doctrine, the reader
will have formed his judgment from the passages
hrsTeoio."^ inserted in the preceding chapters, and especially
frine.*^"'' from those supplied by the reformer's homilies,
and by his exposition of the decalogue. ""^ No
language can be more explicit, than that in which
he asserts the dependence of man for the remission
of his sins, on the satisfaction made for them
by the obedience and death of Christ. It is de-
clared that to the " one offering" presented on
the cross, every descendant of Adam must be
indebted, — not in part merely, but entirely — for
the removal of his guilt. It is at the same time
affirmed, that this highest token of the divine
approbation is most assuredly awarded to every
penitent believer, however condemned by a de-
generate priesthood. If there be passages in
which the reformer speaks of men as '* deserving"
the blessedness of a future world, we have heard
him explain the sense in which he employed such
language ; and we have seen his protest against
its being interpreted as at variance with the
doctrine which regards the salvation of the soul
as being in every view of it purely the work of
God.^o^
A prominent article in his rehgious creed, and
one from which the rest were all more or less
deduced, was the election of grace. The true
church, is accordingly described as composed of
predestinated persons, and of such alone. " We
" maj be secured. But they would " and burning, than to forsake thus
" rather sufterslander, and back-biting, " the example of Christ, and the truth
"and imprisonment, and exile, and " of holy writ." Ibid,
"with the help and grace of God, i"' See Vol. [. Chap. iii. II. Chap. i.
" lianging, drawing and quartering, '"' Ibid. p. 33.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 319
" are predestinated," he remarks, ** that we may chap.
... VIII.
" obtain divine acceptance, and become holy ;
" having received that grace through the huma-
'* nity of Christ, by which we are rendered finally
" pleasing to God. And to me it appears, that
" this grace, which is called the grace of pre-
" destination, or the charity of final perseverance,
** cannot by any means fail."'"® In the same
work, he endeavours to shew that there is no in-
consistency in regarding men as elected by their
Maker from before the foundation of the world,
though their existence then could only be in the
mind or purpose of the Deity. To the question,
what is the real cause of the decrees of God, it is
replied, " the will of God, or even God himself."""
In the Trialogus, indeed, similar speculations fre-
quently occur. Nor was it the salvation of men
only, but the events of time in general, which
were viewed as the certain result of pre-ordination.
It is in the following manner that he reasons on
this subject. " If Christ prophesied of certain
" events, as certainly to come, such events have
" been or will be. The antecedent, namely that
" Christ has thus prophesied, is necessary, and
*' the consequence is also necessary. The con-
" sequence is not in the power of any man, or
" of any creature; nor are the sayings of Christ,
*' or the elections of his mind to be affected by
" accident. And therefore as it is necessary that
*' Christ has foretold certain things, so it is neces-
*' sary they should come to pass. By arguments
** of this kind also, we shew other events to
** be necessary, the coming of which has been
320
THE OPINIONS OF M'YCLIFFE.
^J?.^r^' " determined by God. Nor will it matter, after
VIII. "^
" what manner God may choose to inform us,
" that he had actually so determined, before the
** foundation of the world. Let it be certain, that
" God has predetermined an event, and the result
** is beyond all accident, it must follow. Now
*' what could hinder this pre-ordination of events
" on the part of God ? His knowledge is perfect.
" His will is unvarying. And all creature-impedi-
" ments opposed to him are futile. From these
" facts, it follows that whatsoever is future, must
" necessarily come.""' The sum of WyclifFe's
doctrine on this point, appears to have been, that
the divine nature necessarily purposes what is
best with respect to the universe ; and as the vo-
litions of the Eternal Mind must necessarily affect
all the matters over which the Divine prescience
extends, a law of necessity must in consequence
descend upon all things. Acute, however, as
were the reformer's reasonings on such topics, 1
am constrained to think that the perplexities with
which he often bewildered his opponents, must
have been sometimes felt by himself. In his
English compositions such speculations are not of
frequent occurrence, rarely obtaining more than
a passing notice. But that they were not re-
garded by Wycliffe, as having the least tendency
to impair the feeling of responsibility in men, or
to efface the distinctions between vice and virtue,
is placed beyond doubt by the facts of his history,
and by the general sentiment of his writings.
The remaining articles of his creed are of a
more practical character, and more frequently
'" Trial, iii. 9.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 321
announced. To the scheme of spiritual power chap.
so long established in connexion with the see of L
Rome, and to the many delusions which had faci-
litated the introduction of the laws of penance,
and the customs of pilgrimage, he opposed the
simple, but sublime doctrine, of a free remission
of sin, in virtue of the atonement made by Jesus
Christ. To guard this doctrine also from abuse,
he was equally bold in declaring that the penitent
only could be assured of pardon ; and that God
is more willing to confer the grace of penitence,
and all the elements of a heavenly temper, than
we are to seek them. " Marvellous," he observes,
*' it is that any sinful being dare grant any thing
*' to another on the merit of saints. For without
*' the grace and the power of Christ's passion, all
*' that any saint ever did, may not bring a soul
" to heaven." That grace and passion are, at
the same time, described as including "all merits
*' which are needful."'''' The last day, he re-
marks, will show, that the judgment of the
Supreme is not to be at all influenced by the
often mistaken views of men ; and he concludes
by praying, that " the Almighty, of his endless
" charity, would destroy the pride, covetousness,
" hypocrisy, and heresy, discovered by these
" pretended pardons, and make men earnest to
" keep his commandments, and to set their trust
" fully in Jesus Christ.""^ What the reformer
meant by thus trusting in Christ, he frequently
explains. In his comment on the passage
respecting the brazen serpent, he thus writes.
" Here we must know the story of the old law.
"2 MS. On Prelates, c. xiii. 113 ibid.
VOL. IT. Y
322 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. *' How the people were hurt by the stinging of
— " adders. And Moses prayed God to tell him
*' a medicine, and God made him take an adder
** of brass, and raising it high on a tree for the
*' people to look to, to tell them that those who
" looked on that adder should be healed. And
*' all this was a figure of Christ's hanging on the
*' cross. He was in the form of the venemous
** adder ; but in his own person was no venom,
*' even as the adder of brass had no venom in it.
" But as a right looking on that adder of brass
*' saved the people from the venom of serpents,
*' so a right looking by full belief on Christ saveth
*' his people.""* It follows, therefore, that
*' Christ died not for his own sins, as thieves die
*' for theirs ; but as our brother, who himself
** might not sin, he died for the sins that others
" had done. The righteousness of God, there-
*' fore, and his grace, and the salvation of men,
** all thus moved Christ to die.""^ Such pas-
sages prepare us for the reformer's more definite
statements on this article, as when he affirms
that without faith it is impossible to please God ;
that the virtuous deeds of the unbelieving are
devoid of a principle of righteousness ; that faith
in the Redeemer is sufficient to salvation, and
that without the admixture of other causes ; and
that men are righteous only by a participation in
the Saviour's righteousness."*^
Nearly allied to the doctrine of justification
by faith, is that of sanctification by the agency of
the Divine Spirit; and in the writings of Wycliffe,
•'* Horn. Bib. Reg. 115 Ibid. 103.
"6 De Veritatc Scriptura: Expos. Dec. James's Apology.
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 323
they hold that relation to each other, which we chap.
VIII
find allotted to them in the sacred scriptures -
The text which affirms that with respect to the
duties of piety, " our sufficiency is wholly of
" God," is thus treated. " Since among the
" works of man, thinking would seem to be most
*' in his power; and yet, even his thoughts must
" be received from God, much more is it so with
** the other works of men. And thus should
" we put off pride, and^ wholly trust in Jesus
*' Christ. For he who may nought think of
*' himself, may do nought of himself. Thus all
" our sufficiency is of God, through the mediation
" of Jesus Christ."'" It is afterwards observed,
that " thus of sinful and ungrateful men, God
" maketh good men, and all the goodness in this
" Cometh of God. Nor trouble we about any
*' farther cause, since God himself is certainly
" the first cause." "^ But with statements of this
description, a multitude of which might be se-
lected from his sermons, there are others of a
more modified class, though by no means incon-
sistent with them, which occur with still greater
frequency. All men, it is remarked, should be
admonished, that they receive not the grace of
God in vain ; since, in every instance, where
such conduct is exhibited, " the default is not in
" God, but all the default is in his servants.""^
Again, it is said, that *' God withdraweth not his
'* grace, except man shall abuse it; and then the
*' righteousness of God requireth that the sinner
" should be punished."'"" These passages viewed
"7 Horn. Bib. RcR. 101. "^ Horn. Bib. Res- 17.
■IS IlmK 17. I-" Ibid.
Y 2
324 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, together, may remind the reader of the apostle's
'- language, " work out your own salvation with fear
" and trembling, for it is God who worketh in
" you, to will and to do of his good pleasure." '""
It is evident, also, that this supernatural aid was
understood by the reformer as extended to all
men, so as to render the condemnation of the
finally impenitent the just consequence of resist-
ing the light from above. Thus pursuing a com-
parison between the advent of Christ, and the
dawning of the day, he remarks, "It is now a
•' great sin not to arise and to throw open our
*' windows, for this spiritual light is ready to
** shine unto all men who will open to receive
ti it.'''^^* The doctrine of Wycliffe, therefore was,
that the men who are saved from the power of
their natural depravity, as well as from the burden
of their guilt, are thus saved simply according to
the grace of God ; and yet that the mysterious
arrangements of heaven are such, that wherever
final ruin happens, the lost will be found to
have been the agents of their own destruction.
To the difficulties of this creed the reformer could
not have been insensible, but it was evidently
regarded as that of the scriptures, and as exposed
to less objection than any other that might be
proposed in its room.
It is plain from these extracts, and from others
in some preceding chapters of this work, that
Melancthon could have known little of Wycliffe 's
theological productions, when describing him as
" ignorant of the righteousness of faith." '^' If
•21 Phil. ii. 12, 13. i" W^-clilTe is further accused bj
'" Horn. Bib. Reg. 17. this writer, of holding seditious no-
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 325
by that doctrine he meant a reliance on the ^yjfj^'
atonement of Christ as the only and the certain 1-
medium of acceptance for the guilty, it is un-
questionable that this truth was the favourite, and
the most efficient article in the faith of the
English, as well as in that of the German re-
former. It must be acknowledged that this tenet
is more frequently adverted to in the writings
of Luther, than in those of Wycliffe ; and his
notices respecting it are frequently more definite,
because distinguishing more commonly between
the acceptance of ofi'enders in virtue of the Sa-
viour's death, and the growth of devout aflfections
in the heart under the influence of the Divine
Spirit. But that such was the design of the
Redeemer's sacrifice, was not more distinctly
apprehended by the professor of Wittenburgh,
than by the rector of Lutterworth ; nor was this
truth the source of a more permanent or delightful
confidence with the one than with the other. The
Spirit of God is at the same time contemplated
as the source of all those influences which lead the
mind to a knowledge of the truth, which nourish
it in all the graces of piety, and by which men are
prepared to bear the cross of the confessor and
tions in politics, and of being obscure transubstantiation of the papacy : and
in the matter of the eucharist. This we have seen the firmness with which
opinion is stated as the result of " look- both were rejected bj our countryman.
ing into Wycliffe." It is obviously the His views of civil government are also
effect of a very partial attention to tl.e before the reader. But were it possi-
reformer's statements. On the princi- ble to vindicate his name, in these
pies of civil government, and on the particulars, still more clearly, he has
sacrament of the altar, the rector of opponents who would not fail to reite-
Lutterworth differed from Luther and rate these charges as those of Melanc-
Melancthon, only as being more en- thon, and as though no man had ever
lightened. As a question of the reason, dared to question their truth. Lewis,
the consubstantiation of the Lutheran c. viii.
church is scarcely a remove from the
VIII.
326 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, the martyr. Frequently, indeed, the word sal-
vation is employed as comprehending the articles
of justification and sanctification. This, we know,
is the manner of the sacred writers. But if to
distinguish between these essential parts of the
christian redemption, is to regard the first as
proceeding exclusively from the atonement of
Christ, and the second as flowing entirely from
the grace of the Spirit ; if it be also to view the
one as consisting in a change of relation to God,
and the other as including an assimilation of
the spirit of man to that of the Redeemer — then
these doctrines, and the diff'erence between these
doctrines, was far from being unperceived by
Wycliffe.
It is in the following language that he describes
the self-denial and devotedness which the gospel
requires of its sincere disciples. '* Christ not
" compelling, but freely counselling every man to
*' seek a perfect life saith, ' Let him deny himself,
" and take up his cross and follow me.' Let us
** then deny ourselves in whatever we have made
" ourselves by sin ; and such as we are made by
" grace, let us continue. If a proud man be con-
" verted to Christ, and is made humble, he hath
** denied himself. If a covetous man ceaseth to
** covet, and giveth of his own to relieve the
** needy, he hath denied himself. If an impure
" man changeth his life and becometh chaste, he
" hath denied himself, as St. Gregory saith. He
" who withstandeth and forsaketh the unreason-
'* able will of the flesh denieth himself. The
*' cross of Christ is taken when we shrink not from
*' contempt, for the love of the truth; when man
THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE. 327
*' is crucified unto the world, and the world is chap.
VIII.
*' crucified unto him, and he setteth its joy at L
•' nought. It is not enough to bear the cross
*' of a painful life, except we follow Christ in his
*' virtues, in meekness, love, and heavenly desire.
" He taketh the cross who is ready to meet all
*' peril for God ; if need be to die rather than
** to forsake Christ. And whoso taketh not thus
" the cross, and followeth not Christ thus, is not
" worthy to be his disciple. — Lord Jesus, turn us
" to thee, and we shall be turned ! Heal thou us,
** and then we shall be verily holy ; for without
*' grace and help from thee, may no man be truly
*' turned or healed. For they are but scorners,
*' who to-day turn to God, and to-morrow turn
*'away; who to-day do their penance, and to-
*' morrow turn again to their former evils. What
" is turning to God? Nothing but turning from
'* the world, from sin, and from the fiend. What
*' is turning from God, but turning to the changing
" things of this world, to delight in the creatures,
" the lusts of the flesh, and the works of the fiend ?
** To be turned from the world, is to set at nought
" its joys, and to sufi'er meekly, all bitterness,
" slanders, and deceits, for the love of Christ. To
" leave all occupations unlawful and unprofitable
" to the soul, so that man's will and thought
** become dead to the things which the world
*' loveth and worshipptth." The devices of Satan
with which all have to contend, are said, in the
conclusion, to be particularly directed against
such as really aspire to this state of sanctity.
" He studieth to bring against us all manner of
" temptations and tribulations, according as he
328 THE OPINIONS OF WYCLIFFE.
^vni^' " seeth that by the mercy of God, we are escaped
" out of his power. For he seeketh nothing so
" much as to separate men from the pure and the
** everlasting love of Jesus Christ, and to make
" them love perishing things, and the uncleanness
"ofthis world."^^^
I have ventured to remark, that had Wycliffe
been a less devout man than such passages shew
him to have been, he would not, perhaps, have
been deserted by certain of his political adhe-
rents. It is equally probable, that had his zeal
been directed to devotional topics alone, as was
the case with Bradwardine, St. Edmund, and
others, his days might have passed in compara-
tive tranquillity. But he extended the range of
his theological inquiries much farther than such
persons had done, and applied his doctrine so as
to annihilate the papal scheme of merit. It was
thus he sought the religious improvement of man-
kind ; and it was in doing this, that he wittingly
braved the worst evils which the malice of his
opponents could inflict.
124 MS. Of Perfect Life. This ex- jadice whicL is too often apparent in
tract, and all the extracts breathing the narrative of these writers. I am
the same devotional spirit that occur disposed, however, to attribute their
in the course of these volumes have defective and contradictory account of
been concealed in manuscript from our reformer, rather to a want of ade-
the fourteenth century to the present quate attention to the information really
time. So little indeed has been pub- before them, and still more to the little
lished relating immediately to Wy- direct reference to devoat affections
cliffe's feeling with regard to piety, in that portion of Wycliffe's writings
that the authors of our most popular then known through the medium of the
Church History appear much more in- press.— Note to the second edition,
dined to regard him as a restless poli- See Milner's History of the Church of
tician than as a devout man. This may Christ, ubi supra.
be attributed in part to that kind of pre-
THE CHARACTER OF WTCLIFFE. 329
CHAPTER IX.
Observations on the Character of WycUffe, and on the Connexion
of his Doctrine with the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century.
WYCLIFFe's claim to originality. HIS LEARNING, AND INTELLECTUAL
CHARACTER. HIS PATRIOTISM AND LOVE OF MANKIND. HIS PIETY.
LUTHER AND WYCLIFFE COMPARED. THE BONES OF WYCLIFFE BURNT.
STATE OF THE REFORMED DOCTRINE IN ENGLAND, FROM THE DECEASE
OF WYCLIFFE TO THE AGE OF LUTHER. ACCESSION OF THE HOUSE OF
LANCASTER. CHARACTER OF THE PERSECUTIONS SANCTIONED BY HENRY
THE FOURTH. THE DOCTRINE OF WYCLIFFE SURVIVES THEM. THE
MARTYRDOM OF LORD COBHAM. CONCLUSION.
The later descendants of the Waldenses have chap.
frequently cheered the gloom of their poverty 1_
and seclusion by reflectino- that '* the mother ^'^y^''^'^'*
'' ^ claim to
** church of all reformed and protestant churches,"* °f's'n»''ty-
found her asylum for ages in their native fast-
nesses. But if we look attentively to the page
of history, it will be evident that the Great Pro-
tector of the faithful, depends as little on localities,
as on persons, in preserving his truth, amid the
convulsions of the world. Thus it is in a very
different country from that chiefly occupied by the
disciples of Peter Waldo, and among a far different
peoplcy that Wycliffe becomes a reformer. This
happened, also, long before any favourable im-
pression could well have been made upon his
' Bresse, Hist. Vaudois, c. ii.
330 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
CHAP, mind, as to the claims of the men, who had made
IX.
'- — so noble a stand against the errors of the papacy
in the vallies of Piedmont. Nor does it appear
even to the close of the reformer's history, that he
w^as materially aided by the story of those early
advocates of primitive Christianity. A few im-
perfect notices do indeed occur respecting them,
in some of his latest compositions, and such as
indicate that he had learned to regard them as
a devout people, who had suffered much from the
tyranny of Rome. But though constantly refer-
ring to the sources of his information with respect
to religious opinions, and evidently concerned to
shield his doctrine from the charge of novelty, by
giving to it as wide a previous existence as pos-
sible, no acknowledgment of obligation to the
sectaries of the continent can be found in his
works. We have seen also, that in that kind of
resistance which he so vigorously sustained, he
was left without the aid of precedent from the
history of his own country. Those errors of
the established system which he held to the last,
imply the independence of his mind, no less than
the particulars in which he dissented from it.
His opinions as to an intermediate state, the cus-
toms of patronage, and the authority of the magis-
trate with respect to the affairs of the church,
were not of Waldensian origin, but were pre-
cisely such, as from the nature of his early con-
nexions and pursuits, might have been expected
to survive the departure of other opinions, which
we find him successively discarding. On the
appearance of such a luminary in a benighted
land, the general conclusion appears to be, that
CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 331
its lustre must have been attracted from some ^^x"^*
more favoured region. But is not this to think
defectively of the providence of God, and of the
pov^er of his w^ord and Spirit ? The writings of
the more enlightened of the fathers, and the pages
of inspiration, vv^ere familiar to Wycliffe at an
early period ; and to the end of his career, these
were almost exclusively his guides. Hence, in
opposing the spiritual power of the popes, and
certain doctrinal corruptions of the hierarchy, the
reformer evidently regards himself as associated
with the devout men of very remote times, but as
standing almost alone amidst the generations
which had appeared since the fatal period of
Satan's enlargement.
In judging of his learning, and of his intellec- "'^ '«=»'""§■
tual character, whether we adopt the testimony
of his friends or of his enemies, we must consider
him as being, in these respects, the most extra-
ordinary man of his day. Compared, indeed,
with the present state of scholarship, his attain-
ments would be far from pre-eminent ; but to
judge correctly of these they must be viewed in
connexion with the age in which he lived. His
election to the chair of theology in the principal
seminary of this kingdom, bespeaks his pro-
ficiency in the science of the schoolmen ; and
the reluctant testimony of opponents, in common
with his numerous writings, afford additional evi-
dence of the industry and acuteness which he
brought to that department of study. His ap-
pointment also, as the representative of the sove-
reign in the negotiation with the papal delegates
at Bruges, will be allowed to suggest that his
332 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
CHAP, acquaintance with the laws of his country, and of
L_ the church, was deemed worthy of confidence, on
the most difficult and important of the questions
then at issue, between the English monarchs and
the see of Rome. To such acquirements — which,
indeed, with the more studious of the clergy, were
in general the object of ardent pursuit — Wycliffe
added a knowledge of the sacred scriptures which
was peculiar to himself. Other schoolmen may
have possessed much of his familiarity with the
subtleties of their boasted philosophy, and with
the writings of the fathers ; and others may have
been his rivals in the study of the civil, or of
the canon law ; but it was the combination of
his attainments, on all these points, together with
his sound scriptural knowledge, which rendered
him so illustrious in the esteem of his followers,
and so much an object of apprehension to the
abettors of existing corruptions. It is not pre-
tended that his taste was free from the barbarism
which pervaded the literature of the period ; nor
that his authorities are always the most pertinent
that might have been adduced ; nor that they are
given, in every instance, with all the caution that
was desirable. But it may be affirmed that his
learning, which was unusual in its variety, was no
less so in the degree of its correctness, including
more, perhaps, of truth and wisdom, than may be
discovered in the opinions of any other man ex-
posed to the same disadvantages.
His Intel. It is evident, also, that to separate in so great
racter/''" a mcasurc between the strength and weakness of
established doctrines, required the application of
no common energy, and the possession of much
CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 333
ingenuousness and courage. In the Christianity chap.
which prevailed around him, the pure faith of the '■ —
gospel was superseded by a multitude of grovel-
ling superstitions ; its simple ritual had given
place to heathen and childish ceremonies almost
without end ; and its ministers, from being the
shepherds of the flock of Christ, had become the
members of a worldly hierarchy, nearly all the
tendencies of which, were to wed the communities
beneath them to ignorance and irreligion. So art-
fully, too, had this scheme been constructed, that
the delinquent priest, however much delinquent,
was almost secure from the approach of chastise-
ment. On this state of things centuries had shed
their influence, only to render its continuance the
more probable, and the prospects of the human race
more foreboding. Unawed, however, by the force
of popular and long established opinions, WyclifFe
ventured to publish the faith of the scriptures,
condemning the frauds and superstitions by which
it had been disfigured or concealed. The simple
and forgotten modes of worship which the same
authority enjoins, he often ventured to inculcate.
And having thus restored religion to its place in
the reason and the aff'ections, he called upon all the
hierarchies of Christendom, and on the pontiff",
and his cardinals at their head, to relinquish their
worldly occupations, and the incumbrances of
wealth, and to expect the preservation of their in-
fluence on earth, only as their maxims and temper
should be known to breathe the spirit of heaven !
Against certain points in this bold theory, many
objections might be urged ; but it is, nevertheless,
one, which no common mind would have had
334 OBSERVATIONS OX THE
CHAP, power to conceive. By a few, all its parts were
— — — hailed as devout and wise ; by more, it was only
partially approved ; and by a greater number it
was denounced as the madness of revolutionary
zeal. But while subject to the imputation of
every motive that might serve to cover his name
and his tenets with odium ; and while threatened
with the heaviest penalties which the native
clergy or the papal power could impose ; the only
change in the conduct of WyclifFe, from the
period of first announcing his obnoxious doctrines
to the last hours of his life, is that they are re-
peated with a growing constancy, and with a still
louder emphasis. We may admire the courage
by which the cords that had bound so many
generations were thus broken ; and not less re-
markable must have been the vigour which sus-
tained the purpose of the reformer, amid the storm
which lowered early, and increased in darkness
and violence to the moment of his death. It was
his more penetrating conception of the nature
of religion, and of the principles involved in the
papal ascendancy, which led him to surpass such
men as Grossteste, and Fitz Ralph, whose attacks
were limited to the outworks of the apostacy; and,
at the same time, to put at defiance the charge of
Manicheism, which had been generally preferred,
often unjustly, but always with too much success,
against the continental reformers. So compre-
hensive, indeed, were his views of Christianity,
and of the claims of his species, that the move-
ments which have been most favourable to the dif-
fusion of scriptural piety, or of general knowledge,
in later times, mi^ht be shewn to have been the
CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 335
result, in no few instances, of adopting maxims chap.
which John de WyclifFe laboured to inculcate. '- —
It is a part of his praise, therefore, that he was »'^ p^'Wot.
•^ ^ ism and his
a sincere lover of his country, and of the human pi""'«n-
TT -IT T • • tlm>py.
race. He sought, mdeed, to eradicate opmions
which an extended ancestry had revered as true,
and to reform or abolish institutions which they
had designated sacred. Nor is he free from the
charge of employing harsh language, when en-
countering opponents who were regarded as
the criminal abettors of erroneous doctrine. But
it is not less true, that his innovations, and the
frequent severity of his language, were generally
the result of honourable and even of kindly
motives. Churchmen, he often taught, should be
the chief benefactors of the states of Christendom ;
but he affirms, that they had long proved the
chief obstacle in the way of its religious and
social improvement ; and he loved his species too
well, not to visit their most injurious oppressors
with his sharpest rebuke. His invectives, how-
ever, were marked by calmness and refinement,
when compared with those which were sometimes
directed against himself by his adversaries.'' This
2 Dr. Lingard more than once ad- " spaired like Cain, and stricken bj
vertsto the "coarseness" of WyclinTe's "the horrible judgments of God,
invectives. It is projier that the " breathed forth his wicked soul to
reader should know wliat claims to " the daik mansion of the black devil."
refinement pertained to his adversa- The opponents of WjclifTe, and of his
ries. The clerical historian, W.l- followers, frequently taxed their inven-
singham, accompanies his notice of tion thus ; and the reformer sometimes
the reformer's death with the follow- attempted a vindication of his own
ing mild description of his character. conduct by appealing to the irony of
" The devil's instrument, church's Elijah when encountering the priests
" enemy, people's confusion, heretic's of Baal. (Hom. Bib. Reg.) But he
" idol, hypocrite's mirror, schism's appears to have forgotten that where
" broacher, hatred's sore, lies' forger, the claim to inspiration is relinquished,
" flatteries' sink, who at his death de- (he precedent fails.
336 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
CHAP, manner of writing, so justly offensive to us, be-
!_ longed to the age, more than to the man. It
may be remarked also, that a more compromising
temper, and a more dispassionate mode of attack,
v^^ould perhaps have failed to arrest any deep
attention, or to meet successfully, the yet coarser
modes of resistance with which he was obliged
to contend. The disease was desperate, and had
long baffled all milder treatment. That the re-
form which he contemplated would be conducive
in the highest degree to the welfare of his country,
and of human nature, was in his judgment un-
questionable. In his view it was a change which
would turn the resources of every state into their
proper channel, and confer on every christian man
a freedom of access to the fountain of truth, and
his long lost right to deduce his creed from the
scriptures alone, and to regulate his hopes and
fears solely by that authority. Nor was it the
least advantage among those which were expected
to result from the projected innovation, that it
would render the civil sword, in every land, the
foe of the vicious, and the friend of the devout.
That an odious and destructive vassalage had
been imposed on the human mind by the papal
power, was believed to be as little problematical
as human existence ; and with all the energy of
such a conviction, Wycliffe called upon the
enslaved to arise and be free. That sentimental
kind of deference for the faith of remote gene-
rations, which is often indulged at the cost of the
most serious obligations with respect to the living
and unborn, he appears not at all to have com-
prehended. The past was reviewed to imbibe
CFIARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 337
its truth, and the future was anticipated that he chap.
might become its benefactor. It should be no- '—
ticed, also, that almost the only credible tradition
preserved in the town of Lutterworth, as illus-
trating the character of WyclifFe, describes him as
most exemplary in his parochial duties, devoting
a portion of the morning in each day to relieving
the necessitous, and ministering the consolations
of religion to the aged, the sick, and the dying.
It was thus he united the commanding faculties
which anticipated a reform of Christianity more
complete than the genius of protestantism in the
sixteenth century ventured to contemplate, with
that obscure condescension and assiduity which
became the pastor of a village cure.
This consistency, so strictly pervading the cha- ms piety.
racter of our reformer, will hardly admit of expla-
nation, except as arising from religious principle.
Under that influence, he might learn to suspect
the purity of his zeal, if directed against the
magnificent and the powerful, to the neglect of
services much more retired and humble in their
character, but equally his duty. An attention to
social obligation, so minute as to fill up almost
every interstice within its circle, should be con-
sidered as bespeaking a consciousness of that
Presence which is in every place, and which
enforces its claims with the same authority in all
places. Such motives, also, are alone sufficient
to explain the constancy of Wycliffe, in adhering
to a cause, which, long before his death, must
have been seen as allied to almost every kind of
privation and suffering. His doctrines with
respect to ecclesiastical office and emolument,
VOL. II. 7.
338 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
CHAP, swept away the possibility of his acquiring
! — wealth, or of his possessing any authority in his
own order, except such as should be inseparable
from the weight of his character. Accordingly,
a sentiment which he frequently reiterated was,
" if we hope to be rewarded in this life, our hope
" of heavenly bliss perisheth."' In another dis-
course, he remarks, " Christ came into the world
** to bear witness to the truth, and to enlighten
" the world. And as Christ, God and man, came
" hither with this intent, should not the truth
" keep his disciples, while standing thus for its
"defence, labouring even unto death? Christ,
" and the Baptist, and many more, had not their
" reward here for doing this ; but in heaven they
" have bliss, hidden from men."* Of such force,
indeed, were these religious convictions, that
through life they appear to have imparted a
melancholy tendency to his mind, which it re-
quired all his watchfulness and spirituality to
counteract. In defence of the undue importance
attached to singing as a part of public worship,
and especially to vindicate the aid of instrumental
music in such services, it was usual to remark,
that, in the visions of heaven, such employments
are exhibited as engaging the chief attention of
the blessed. To this it was sorrowfully answered,
that heaven is indeed the place of praise, while
the earth is, and ought to be, " a valley of weep-
" ing."' To justify this gloomy feeling, he adds
at another time ; " if a man bethink him how the
'* will of God is reversed by sin, which reigneth
3 Horn. Bib. Reg. 154. " Tbid. 174.
5 MS. OfFeignedColltemplHli^c Life.
CflARACTER OF WYCLTFFE. 339
" in the world, both in persons and communities, cHx\p.
" he shall have matter enough for mourning, and 11-
" little reason to be glad."*' And such appears to
have been the habit of his mind. During my long
familiarity with his writings, he has often been
present to my imagination, as roused into a state
of holy displeasure, as oppressed with grief, or
moved by compassion ; but judging of him by his
works, it is difficult to suppose that his brow was
often cheered by a smile, or that his heart was
often the seat of any feeling which had not a
strong mixture of the sorrowful. Degenerate,
however, as the world had become, his bene-
volence never forsakes its people ; and deeply as
Christianity was corrupted, no shade of apprehen-
sion would appear to have crossed his mind as to
its native truth and excellence. Rarely does he
conclude a composition, however brief, without
recording a fervent prayer for the blessing of God
on its design ; and as rarely does he advert to his
sufferings, without expressing his gratitude to the
Author of the gospel for the encouragements af-
forded in that record of mercy. The impression,
indeed, which must be made by a candid and
adequate attention to the history and writings of
Wycliffe, is not only that his piety was that of the
scriptures, but that it resulted from a strength of
faith, and was distinguished by an unearthliness
of feeling, which are of no frequent occurrence in
the annals of the church.
In the school of the reformers, the precedence comparison
in honour has been generally given to Martin "nd wy."
Luther, and perhaps there is not another indi-
" Of Feigded Contemplative IJfe.
z 2
340 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
<^HAP. vidual in that distinguished class of men, who may
— — — be compared with him to so little disadvantage
as John de Wycliffe. Both were nursed in the
superstitions which they were destined to oppose,
and both passed by slow and unanticipated steps
to the adoption of their final sentiments. They
were also devout men from their youth, and before
meditating any hostile movement with respect to
the hierarchy, were in some degree aware of its
abuses. But the claim to originality and enter-
prise, must be certainly awarded to the English-
man. Germany had never ceased to be the
asylum of separatists from the Romish com-
munion, which was far from being the case with
England ; and the disputes between our monarchs
and the papacy were partial, and soon terminated,
when compared with those which had divided the
empire and the church.^ There was an advance
' Oldy's Librarian, a copy of wliich pride of Boniface VIII. in asserting,
is in the British Museum, contains as Iiad been recentl)- done, his supre-
souie curious extracts from a dialogue macy over the princes and the states of
between a knight and an ecclesiastic the world. The ministers of the sanc-
on the subject of clerical power and tuarj, it is contended, should be pro-
possessions. It is one of the many vided with every thing really necessary
pieces of the same description which to their support. BtU that the men,
appeared under the sanction, either di- who in scripture are compared to work-
rect or indirect, of the emperor; and men, to hired servants, and even to the
one commending itself particularly ox that treadeth out the corn, should
to our notice as the production of aspire to become the superiors of lords
W. Occam, the great English School- and sovereigns, is treated as a marvel-
man, and contemporary of Wycliffe. loas event. It is accordingly added :
The ecclesiastic complains of the ille- " If the authority of the king were to
gal burdens imposed on his order, and " fail you, where would be your re-
the kniglit inquires as to "the law" "pose? Would not the poor and
which had been broken ; and on hear- " prodigal nobles, if they should con-
ing that the law meant was the decrees " sume their own property, turn to
of the popes and the enactments of the " yours? The royal bands, therefore,
fathers, it is remarked, that such codes " are your bulwark: the king's peace
of legislation may serve the purpose of " is your peace ; the king's safety is
churchmen, but their obligation on the " your safety." There is some for-
laity is said to be a dream. Hence the cible sarcasm in the following passage,
soldier professes to scorn the ui)starl " It is because kings and princes, at
CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 341
in the cause of civil liberty, and a revival of learn- ^'J^J^p-
ing-, observable in the fourteenth century, which
were highly favourable to the formation of the
character of Wycliffe ; but two centuries later,
the same causes did much more toward inspiring
the genius of Luther. The court of Caesar had
been for ages the retreat of men who had most
successfully assailed the secular ambition of the
pontiffs ; and while the living admirers of the
Greek and Roman classics, who had every where
multiplied, were, with few exceptions, impatient
to effect a reformation of the established system,
the councils of Basle, Constance, and Pisa, had
exposed its departing strength. At the same
time Huss, and Jerome, and their followers, had
supplied examples of resistance, which many a
good man must have been disposed to emulate.
Amid these foreboding appearances, also, the
maxims of the papal court continue to be charac-
terized by their ancient perfidy and avarice ; and
" their own expence and danger, de- and the oppressed, be so applied in
" fend you, and expose themselves every nation, the laity, who should be
" gratuitously to death for your sake, faithful executors to a humane ances-
" that your repose under your shades, try, " must have to do therewith." The
" eat splendidly, drink joyously, He shade of Caesar's throne was Occam's
" down in ornamented beds, sleep protection while uttering such senti-
" quietly, and wanton with soft iostru- ments. And such sentiments had been
" ments of music. You therefore are for some years familiar to the German
" the only lords. Kings and princes people when Luther appeared, who
"are your servants!" When the was well acquainted with the works of
wealth of the church is said to be the Occam, and never ceased to revere
property of God, it is replied, " We him. It is also well known that the
" mean not to revoke what was given works of Huss deeply impressed the
*' to the Supreme, but to apply it to mind of the Saxon reformer. See his
" those uses for which the gift was preface to the works of the Bohemian,
" made." Nor does it avail to depre- p. 27. He states that his " astonish-
cate this interference of lay authority, " ment on reading them was incredi-
with respect to clerical wealth, for it " ble," Lenfant. Oldy's Librarian,
follows that unless the revenue pos- quoted in Turner's Hist. v. 107, 108.
sessed to relieve the sick, the poor,
342 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
CHAP, the German ecclesiastics, whose secular character
IX
!._ had even surpassed that of their brethren in
England, appear to have judged it better that the
loss of their entire authority should be hazarded,
than that any part of it should be surrendered
at the call of the people. But, if in these circum-
stances the professor of Wittenburg possessed
advantages superior to those of his illustrious
predecessor, it is well known that they were by
no means neglected. With both, the philosophy
of the schools had absorbed some of the most
important years of life, and if the elder may be
considered as the superior of the younger in that
branch of scholarship, this probably arose from
the fact, that less had been said to impair the
reputation of that vain science in the age of the
one than in that of the other. In every thing
coming within the province of taste, Luther is not
less defective than Wycliffe, though his oppor-
tunities for improvement, in this respect, were
very far greater.
They were agreed in vesting the sacred scrip-
tures with supreme authority, and in regarding
the works of Augustine as next to them in the
scale of importance. But it appears, that the
youthful mind of the German had been more
completely subdued by superstition, than that of
our countryman ; and his escape from its thral-
dom, to the liberty conferred by the gospel, was
by means of a more painful process. Hence, the
doctrine of justification by faith is adverted to
with a constancy and fervour in the writings of
Luther, which it will be confessed are not so
ol^servablc in those of our reformer. In the
CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 343
theology of both, however, this article, though chap.
somewhat differently taught, formed the lever —
which they endeavoured to fix on the realities
of a future world, and from the aid of which
they anticipated their projected movement of the
present. On the doctrine of the eucharist,
Wycliffe was far more enlightened than his great
parallel, and his views of ecclesiastical polity
were more severely primitive ; but both were
confident, almost to a fault, not only in the good-
ness of their cause, but in the strength of the
reasonings with which they attempted to support
it; discovering through life a remarkable pro-
pensity to commit their thoughts and feelings to
writing ; and in their manner of sending forth
their compositions, evincing the same indifference
to literary fame. From these causes, it some-
times happened that their premises did not fully
warrant their conclusions ; and it is no unusual
thing to find a paragraph beginning with con-
ceptions of surprising vigour, and ending with
sentences which, as they evidently grew under
the hand of the writer, and often passed without
revision, are scarcely less characterized by redun-
dance and obscurity. This heedlessness of lite-
rary reputation arose plainly from that sense of
duty to which both had learned to bow with the
most religious submission. In fact, if the actions
of men, extending through a series of years, may
ever be regarded as presenting a certain develope-
ment of character, the praise of disinterestedness
must be allotted in a high degree to Luther, and
in at least an equal measure to Wycliffe. In
each, there was much that favoured a life of
344 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
CHAP, studious retirement, more than that course of
IX
_L. boisterous activity into which they were drawn.
To such activities the physical energies of the
Saxon reformer were more equal than were those
of his great forerunner. But it is worthy of ob-
servation, that the call which the sale of indul-
gencies supplied to the one, arose from the vices
of the same mendicant fraternities in the case
of the other, and that with both the conviction of
duty was happily more powerful than the passion
for study and seclusion.
Luther, indeed, began his career somewhat
earlier than the English reformer ; but it is diffi-
cult to avoid the suspicion, that during the latter
years of his life, his mind was in some important
respects retrograde rather than progressive ; while
it is evident that the intelligence and the zeal
of Wycliffe brighten and become more intense as
his last days are approaching.* It is, however,
in his contempt for the terrors of power, that the
German has been considered as almost without
a rival ; and if we credit the assertions of some
writers, it is on this point that our countryman
will least admit of comparison with him. It
should be remembered, however, that the persons
who have been most forward in accusing the
rector of Lutterworth of having sometimes de-
scended to a timid and disingenuous policy, have
not feared to impute the same temporizing caution
to the professor of Wittenberg.'' If the proof of
courage is to be regulated at all by the degree
of peril which is encountered, it may be doubted
8 The reader will perceive that our dates of the reformer's MSS. — Note to
knowledge of this material fact de- the second edition,
jjcnds entirely' upon the ascertained ^ Liugard's'Hist. vi.Til — 140.
CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 345
whether Luther ever stood in the jeopardy which chap.
was for some years attendant on the footsteps — H—
of WyclifFe. It was the felicity of the former
to be speedily surrounded by a host of parti-
sans, numbering princes, and a large portion of
Christendom, among his followers. But during
the two years immediately preceding his death,
the Father of the English reformation is seen de-
serted by the most powerful of his accredited dis-
ciples, oppressed by the strength of the hierarchy,
and fully anticipating martyrdom. It is at such
a foreboding crisis, however, that we find his in-
dustry in the cause of reform, and his courage
in attempting to promote it, augmented rather
than diminished, and such as Luther did not
surpass, even in the most favourable periods of his
history. Still it is the integrity and the firmness
of our reformer which his adversaries have been
chiefly employed in impeaching, and the degree
of success attending their efforts has arisen from
their assuming that he had published obnoxious
opinions previous to 1378, which do not appear
in the paper then submitted to his judges; and
that his subsequent confessions on the eucharist
were not a fair expression of his real doctrine on
that subject. But though both these things have
been so long and so often assumed, it has, I trust,
fully appeared, that they are alike and altogether
unwarranted. We know not, indeed, what the
issue would have been, had the appalling test
been really applied ; but it is certain that the
language employed by Wycliffe, in the series
of his works appearing subsequent to the first
V)rosecution which he was called to sustain, is
346 STATE OF WYCLIFFES DOCTRINE
CHAP, precisely that of a man who has resolved to set
1_ all danger at defiance, and to prepare himself by
every available motive against the worst that may
happen. Sir Thomas More expressed himself
delighted, and grateful to heaven, because enabled
in an interview with his accusers to act with an
intrepidity which had made a retreat inseparable
from disgrace."' Wycliffe may have felt the im-
portance of such subordinate aids ; and it must
be admitted that the man who describes himself
as constantly exposed to the trial of martyrdom,
would hardly have insisted on that severe duty
with frequency and emphasis, as binding on every
man who would not perish on account of prefer-
ring the ease of the present to the bliss of the
future, had he not studiously prepared his spirit
to meet even that conflict.
Upon the whole, therefore, we may perhaps
venture to conclude, that while there certainly
were some points of dissimilarity between the two
great leaders of the English and the German
reformations ; the difference between them is
more apparent than real, and such as will not be
found in the elements of their character, so much
as in the circumstances of their history. Nor is
it altogether mysterious, that a more qualified
estimate should have so far prevailed respecting
the character of Wycliffe, than has generally ob-
tained in reference to that of Luther. The bold
antagonist of Tetzil laboured, as we have seen,
under better auspices, and with more success ;
and whatever protestant learning or genius could
'" " In good faith I rejoiced, son, that " far, as without great shame I could
" I liad given the devil a foul fall, and "never go back again." — Ca^-le^'s
" that with those lords I have gone so Life of Sir Thomas More, i. 164, 105.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 347
do, has been generously done, toward vindicating chap.
his conduct and opinions from the aspersions of 11-
his enemies. But in the annals of this country,
there are hundreds of men, whose names should
not be repeated with that of WyclifFe, to the
illustration of whose history a much larger share
of industry and talent has been applied.
Such, however, was the character of John de Burning of
Wycliffe. Thirty winters had passed over hiswydiffe!"
grave, when in the council of Constance, more
than three hundred articles, said to be extracted
from his manuscripts, were condemned, and with
them the whole of his writings. Nor was this
anathema considered as an adequate expression
of abhorrence. To the council it appeared, and
as the result of the strictest inquiry, that John
Wycliffe died an obstinate heretic. And it was
accordingly farther decreed, that his memory
should be pronounced infamous ; and that his
bones, if to be distinguished from those of the
faithful, should be removed from the consecrated
ground in which they were deposited, and cast
upon a dunghill. Tradition and history report,
that in pursuance of this sentence, his remains
were taken from their place, reduced to ashes,
and thrown into the river which still passes the
town of Lutterworth. Thence, in the language
of Fuller, they were conducted to the Severn,
the narrow seas, and the ocean ; and thus be-
came the emblem of his doctrine, which was to
flow from the province to the nation, and from the
nation, to the many kingdoms of the world."
" Church History, 171,172. Fox. tence of llie council of ConsUince. Len-
Acts. The disinteinient was not until fant, Hist, ubi supra,
thirteen years subsequent to the sen-
348 STATE OF M^YCLIFFE S DOCTUINE
CHAP. During the period which intervened between
1_ the decease of the reformer, and the offerino- of
state of the this pitiful insult to his remains, some important
reformed J^ "^
doctrine i., chans^cs had taken place in the affairs of the
England, o r
from the de-^norli can cliiirch, and in the i^overnment of the
cease of Wy. ^ ' o
chffe to the country. The wars between the houses of York
age of Lu. *' .
ther. and Lancaster, and the reformation under Henry
the eighth, belong to the most prominent facts
of English history ; and it is not from our
most popular historians that the leading causes
of either may be readily ascertained. Under
Richard the second, and still more during the
reign of his illustrious predecessor, the clergy
had learned to dread the consequences of too
near an alliance between the secular nobility and
the crown. On the accession of Henry the
fourth, churchmen succeeded to much of that
influence which had been previously possessed
by the lay aristocracy ; and elated with the
change, they were not satisfied with resisting
every attempt to lessen that opulence which had
so long exposed their order to suspicion and com-
plaint ; but to this powerful cause of discontent,
they still added the exhibition of a character
v/hich tended to deterioration rather than im-
provement. In the meanwhile, the most childish
and dangerous fictions in the superstitions of the
age were pertinaciously encouraged ; and with
these impolitic proceedings, a system of perse-
cution was annexed, more relentless than had
been previously known in this kingdom. The
latter expedient, it was vainly hoped, would be
sufficient to extinguish the disaffection which the
former circumstances continued to excite. A
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 349
feelino" of distrust and wariness was thus induced chap.
IX.
among- the people, and it would not have been L-
surprising if much of the character of the Spa-
niard had been grafted on the better properties
of the Englishman. But by these measures,
the opinions of such as were impatient of
tyranny were rather confirmed than shaken, pre-
paring them to become the abettors, and very
innocently too, of almost any movement which
promised them a change of masters. To the pre-
valence of the disaffection which was thus pro-
duced and kept alive, we must not fail to advert,
if we would explain the readiness with which
the houses of York and Lancaster brought the
nation to join in their disasterous conflicts ; or if
we would account for the security of Henry the
eighth, while separating the church of England,
as with a single stroke, from the chair of St.
Peter. Through the whole of this disorderly in-
terval, the king and the clergy, while agreed in
the exercise of almost every domestic oppression,
continued, with slight intermissions, to set the
dangerous example of resisting certain encroach-
ments of the pontiffs ; and, at the same time, not
only the humbler classes of the laity, but many,
both among the mendicant orders and among
the secular clergy themselves, are found variously
favouring the doctrines of Wycliffe. By some,
the opinions of that reformer were embraced, so
far only as they related to what was most objec-
tionable in the existing superstitions, or to the
secular encroachments of the hierarchy. By
others, they were adopted principally on account
of their religious character, or their immediate
350 STATE OF AVYCLIFFE S DOCTRINE
CHAP, connexion with piety ; and if these parties were
*_ not equally prepared to become martyrs in the
cause of their creed, they were alike disposed to
favour any change which tended to abridge the
power of a depraved and merciless priesthood,
daily goading them to madness. On the con-
tinent also, the writings of Wycliffe were the
means of reviving, and of greatly extending the
spirit of the reformation ; and the noble conduct
of Huss, and Jerome, and their followers, while
acknowledging our illustrious countrymen as their
principal instructor, was not to be lost on the
mind of his injured disciples in this kingdom.
About the period of WyclifFe's decease, a spi-
rited intercourse commenced between the advo-
cates of the protestant doctrine in England, and
in other states ; and it was kept up in the face
of every attempt to suppress it, until this nation,
and a large portion of Europe, became united in
rejecting the whole of that authority which had
been so long conceded to the pontiffs as their
proper inheritance.
Such is the outline, which it was my intention
to have filled up in the form of an extended sup-
plementary chapter to the life of Wycliffe, but
the space occupied by other matters forbids the
attempt. A brief selection of such facts as may
serve to illustrate the spirit with which the tenets
of the reformer were maintained, and the charac-
ter of the opposition with which his disciples
were called to struggle, until the appearance of
Luther, must suffice.
The persecutions which shortened the days
of Wycliffe, were to be succeeded by others of
PSS of
utioii.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 351
a more sanguinary character. In 1393, the sue- chap.
cess of the weapons hitherto employed against 11-
heresy had proved to be so partial, that an in-
strument was obtained from Richard, empower-
ing the archbishop of Canterbury, as legate of
the apostolic see, and also his suffragans, to " cor-
" rect all who should obstinately preach or
" maintain, whether publicly or privately, any
" conclusion as from the sacred scriptures, while
" contrary to the determinations of the church."
Such offenders were to be committed to the pri-
son of the bishop, or of the sheriff, as the prelates
should determine ; and so to be treated, *' that
" the sharpness of their sufferings" might bring
them to repentance. The " secret places," in
which such preachers were accustomed to meet
their " fautors and accomplices," had enabled
them to elude the vigilance of their adversaries.
But that no such refuge might serve them in
future, the civil authorities are instructed to give
all publicity to the royal proclamation ; and a
penalty is denounced on all, of whatever rank,
who may henceforth presume to shelter the
delinquent.'^
But it was less difficult to deliver such instruc- Petition of
tions, than to secure their execution. The lead- lards. '"
ing men among the disciples of Wycliffe, were
probably aware that the obnoxious instrument
was less that of the sovereign than of an inter-
ested party, whom it was considered important to
please. We know that only two years later, cer-
tain members of the house of commons ventured
to agitate questions relating to a reformation
1' Fox, i. G58.
352 STATE OF WYCLIFFE S DOCTRINE
CHAP, of the church, which were of a much bolder
____ character than had been at any time contem-
plated in that assembly. Their petition consisted
of twelve conclusions, and was to the following
purport. The church of England, from the age
in which she began to dote on temporalities, after
the example of Rome, her stepmother, has de-
clined in faith, hope, and charity, and has sur-
rendered their place to pride, and all deadly sin,
as experience manifests. The established forms
of priestly ordination, are human inventions ; and
as the gifts of the Holy Spirit cannot exist in
connexion with deadly sin, it is impious to pre-
tend that they always accompany the performance
of that rite. The celibacy of the clergy, and of
the religious, is the parent of the worst of crimes ;
and imposes a restraint, which men so addicted
to intemperance must frequently violate. Re-
form, in this particular, should commence with
the monasteries ; in whose dissolution the con-
vents of females should participate, and for the
same reasons. The doctrine of transubstantiation
leads to idolatry ; but would be wisely discarded,
if the language of the Evangelical Doctor, in his
Trialogus, were duly considered. The practice
of exorcising, and the customs relating to con-
secrations, savour more of necromancy than of
divinity ; and in every kingdom the worldly
offices of churchmen are the occasion of disorder,
requirmg them to attempt that service of God
and mammon which the scriptures declare to be
impossible. If prayer for the dead be offered,
let it be for the departed in general, and not for
individuals; it might then proceed from charity,
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENIUUY. 353
and be acceptable to God ; it is now the work of chap.
the hirelijig, and therefore unavaihng. Abso- ___1_
lution, and auricular confession, as now practised,
are the great stimulants to priestly domination,
and often subservient to the schemes of impurity.
To be persuaded, indeed, that in the church of
England, with the bishop of Rome at her head,
there is no little falsehood concealed, it is enough
to remember, that no day occurs in which the
bliss of heaven might not be purchased for the
sum of a dozen pence. Nearly allied also to
idolatry, are the pilgrimages performed in favour
of images and relics, and the honours commonly
yielded to them. The chief tendency of such
customs is, assuredly, to continue the people in
delusion and ignorance, and to swell the affluence
of the indolent among the clergy. On war, the
maxims both of priests and laymen are at vari-
ance with those contained in the gospel ; the
pacific character of which is such, that if they
allow the slaughter of men at all, they certainly
oppose the act of destroying them, with a view
to any merely temporal gain ; as in wresting dis-
tant provinces from the people possessing them,
on the plea of punishing their erroneous faith,
or under any such pretence.'^
Such is the substance of the petition to which
the disciples of WyclifFe were concerned to direct
the attention of the English parliament in 1395.
The boldness with which its doctrines were
avowed, and the rank of many who were known
'3 Wilkins, Con. iii 221. Mr. Lewis the Acts and IMonuments, wliicli was
lias printed a co])y of this petition, taken from the bishops' register, i.
taken from the Selden MSS. It diflers CC2— 664.
in the last article from that inserted in
VOL.11. A A
354 STATE OF WYCLIFFE S DOCTRINE
CHAP, to have embraced them, created no small alarm
IX
L. among the clergy. The king was at this time
in Ireland. Messengers were instantly despatched
to lay before him the danger to which the church
was exposed, and to urge his immediate return
to counteract the machinations of her enemies.
Richard obeyed their call, and Lewis Clifford,
John Latimer, Richard Sturry, and John Mon-
tague, are among the knights who, as having
dared to favour the prayer of the obnoxious
petition, were severely reprimanded by the
sovereign.'*
Tidings of their presumption soon reached the
Vatican, and called forth an inflammatory letter
from Boniface the ninth, addressed to the English
monarch. The pontiff commences by expressing
his deep sorrow, in common with that of Chris-
tendom, that heresy should so far have infected
the English people ; and that through the neg-
ligence of the established authorities it should
still be found increasing, numbering among its
abettors men of learning, a multitude of the com-
mon people, and many who not only ventured
to preach doctrines subversive both of the civil
and ecclesiastical state, and to commit them to
writing, but to affirm them obstinately in the pre-
sence of the parliament. The archbishops and
bishops of England are accordingly admonished,
that their guilty sloth must be no longer indulged,
but that their utmost efforts must be made, to
" root out and destroy" all such as refuse to
abandon the snare of Satan. The king is also
exhorted to employ his authority, and to secure
'« Wals. Hist. 3.31.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 355
to the clergy the assistance of all magistrates, chap.
that every offender persisting in his wickedness ~
might be banished, or securely imprisoned, until
sentenced, in due form, to undergo his merited
punishment.
This appeal of Boniface to his " sweet son,"
would not, perhaps, have been made in vain, had
not the disorders of the kingdom been such as to
prevent the easy performance of the services re-
quired. With respect to the English clergy, the
reader must have noticed the frequency with
which the pontiffs accused them of indifference
to the progress of heresy ; and he must also be
aware that the parties accused were far from
deserving the reproach thus cast upon them.
Thus the primate Courtney, while Boniface is
complaining of his sloth in the hallowed work
of persecution, was in fact prosecuting it to the
utmost of his power.'*
But thus the affairs of the church and of the Accession of
T11T • 1 -11 T-iTi the house of
Lollards contmued, until the English sceptre was Laucaster.
wrested from the grasp of Richard of Bordeaux,
by Henry of Lancaster. On the accession of the
latter, as Henry the fourth, the hopes of the
reformers were considerably raised. But they
were soon to learn, that the son of John of Gaunt
had failed to inherit the sentiments of his father
in relation to the church, or that he had imbibed
them so feebly, as to admit of their being easily
sacrificed to political purposes. Thomas Arundel,
who succeeded Courtney in the primacy, had
been previously translated from Ely to York, and
had filled the office of chancellor. In a parliament
'5 Fox. Acts, &c. i. 657—659.
AA 2
356 STATE OF WYCLIFFE's DOCTRINE
CHAP, convened about two years before the deposing
— —— of Richard, the new primate had been impeached
of treason, and was sentenced to forfeit his tem-
poralities, and to leave the kingdom for ever.
But he returned in the train of Henry, and placing
the crown on the brow of the new monarch, be-
came a party to the bad faith through which his
patron had passed to the possession of his dignity.
The king was soon made sensible that the Lollards
constituted the only peace-offering that could se-
cure him the cordial support of the clergy; and
his policy appears to have at once suggested, that
it became not the possessor of an ascendancy so
doubtfully acquired, to neglect the known wishes
of a body having at command so large a portion
of the wealth and authority of the state. Hence,
*' immediately on his accession, Henry proclaimed
*' himself the protector of the church against the
" assaults of the Lollards. In the first convoca-
*' tion held during his reign, his intentions were
** made known to the clergy by a royal mes-
** senger; at the opening of the second, the king's
** commissioners, the earl of Northumberland, and
" Erpringham, the lord chamberlain, exhorted the
" prelates and proctors to take measures for the
*' suppression of the errors disseminated by the
" itinerant preachers, and promised them the
" royal favour and assistance in the pursuit of so
" necessary an object."'" A similar announce-
ment was at the same time made to the parlia-
ment; and encouraged by these favourable ap-
pearances, the clergy presented a petition to that
assembly, and to the king, which led to the
■e Lingaids Hist.iv. 443,444.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, 357
enactment of the infamous statute for the burnina: chap.
IX.
of heretics. _____
statute he-
ret ico com.
This instrument commences with preferring the
usual complaints respecting persons preaching burendo.
without the licence of the proper authorities, pos-
sessing heretical books, convening unlawful as-
semblies, and diffusing, in many ways, the most
pestilent opinions. Against these disorders it is
provided, that no man shall hereafter attempt
the work of religious instruction except duly au-
thorized ; that within forty days all books con-
taining doctrines opposed to the determinations
of the church shall be delivered to the ecclesi-
astical officers ; and that all persons convicted of
offending in these particulars, or of joining pro-
hibited meetings, or of any way favouring them,
shall be committed to the bishop's prison, to be
there dealt with at his pleasure, during a space
not exceeding three months. If at the expiration
of that period they shall perform their purgation,
a fine shall be levied on the property of each
culprit according to the nature of his offence, the
same to be paid to the king's majesty. But with
respect to such as should retain their errors, or
abjuring them, should relapse, it was enacted,
that the local officers, both civil and clerical, shall
confer together, " and the sentence being duly
" pronounced, the magistrate shall take into hand
" the same persons so offending, and any of them,
" and cause them openly to be burned in the
" sight of all the people, to the intent that this
" kind of punishment maybe a terror unto others,
" that the like wicked doctrine, and heretical
" opinions, or the authors and favourers thereof,
358
STATE OF WYCLIFFES DOCTRINE
^^x^* ' ^^ ^^ more maintained within this realm." It
is worthy of notice, also, that the framers of this
merciless law have founded it, not on the
common law of Europe, but on the canons of the
church, a circumstance which clearly denotes its
clerical origin."
Arundel's jf any doubt could have existed as to the real
constitu- •' _
tions. parents of this hateful enactment, a series of
regulations proposed at the same time by the
archbishop of Canterbury, and adopted by a
convocation of the clergy, must have served to
place the matter beyond suspicion. These con-
stitutions are attributed to Arundel. In intro-
ducing them, the primate speaks of the pontiff,
as bearing the key of eternal life and death ; as
filling the place, not of mere humanity, but of the
true God ; and the guilt of the men who oppose
their own judgments to his decisions, is accord-
ingly said to be that of rebellion and sacrilege.
Among other complicated enormities, the heretics
of the age are charged with the practice of con-
cealing the evil of their purposes, under the ap-
pearances of a regard for truth and sanctity ; but
notwithstanding these pretensions, they are viewed
as evidently constituting the tail of the black
horse, in the Revelations of St. John. Wycliffe
had affirmed the religious orders to be the tail of
the apocalyptic beast. Arundel, it would seem,
had determined to be even with the arch-heretic,
in this particular. In hope, therefore, of cleansing,
not merely the stream, but its source also, it is
decreed, that no man shall henceforth venture to
preach without the licence of his ordinary ; that
'7 Rot. Pari. iii. 4GG. Wilkins, Con. iii. 252.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 359
even such as are thus hcensed, shall confine them- chap.
selves to a statement of those things which are ^^'
expressly contained in the constitution framed
in aid of the ignorance of priests, and beginning
ignorantia sacerdotum ; and that any man persist-
ing in a contempt of these canons, shall forfeit
all his possessions, and suffer the other penalties
awarded by the statute against heresy. A sen-
tence of interdict is next passed on every church
admitting an heretical teacher ; and all school-
masters are required to abstain from mixing any
religious opinions with their province of instruc-
tion, and especially to prevent their scholars from
examining the scriptures in English, and from in-
dulging in discussions respecting the sacraments
of the church. All books written by John Wy-
cliffe, and others of his time ; and all hereafter to
be written ; are to be banished from schools, halls,
hospitals, and all places whatsoever — excepting
such as may be approved by a council of twelve
persons, to be chosen by one or both of the uni-
versities. It is also enacted, that no man shall
hereafter translate any text of scripture into Eng-
lish, upon his own authority; and all who shall
be convicted of attempting such translations, or
of reading them, shall be punished as favouring
error, and heresy. The scriptures being thus
disposed of, it is farther resolved, that men shall
not presume to dispute on any of the articles
determined by holy church, and contained in her
decretals, or in her constitutions, whether those
of provincial or of general councils. To question
the authority of the said " decretals and consti-
" tutions," especially as enjoining pilgrimage to
360 STATE OF WYCLIFFe's DOCTRINE
CHAP, the shrines of saints, and the whole of the accus-
IX.
tomed adorations and ceremonies with respect
to the cross and images, is certain heresy, and to
be punished to the utmost. In the eleventh con-
stitution the prevalence of WyclifFe's doctrine in
the university of Oxford, under the " new and
damnable name of Lollardie," is deplored; and to
cleanse the fountain, once so pure, but from
which of late so much poison had proceeded, the
strictest inquisition is required to be immediately
and constantly made, that all persons suspected
of heretical opinions may be prosecuted, accord-
ing to the canons and the laws before named.
Finally, it is determined, that as the crime of
heresy is more enormous than treason, since it
is a revolt from the authority of the King of
kings, all persons suspected of that oifence, and
refusing to appear before the proper authorities
when duly cited, shall, though absent, be adjudged
guilty.'*
These measures, both of the government and
of the church, imply the prevalence of WyclifFe's
opinions among his countrymen at this period.
Our devout martyrologist concludes his notice
of these events by observing, " Who would have
'* thought by these laws and constitutions so sub-
** stantially founded, so circumspectly provided,
** so diligently executed, but that the name and
** memory of this persecuted sect should have
" been utterly rooted up, and never could have
** stood ? And yet, such be the works of the
** Lord, passing all man's admiration, that not-
*' withstanding all this, so far was it off, that the
'* The reader inny see a copy of these constitutions in Fox, i. 683—686.
TO T}IE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 361
" number and couras^e of these oood men were chap.
^ . . IX.
" indeed vanquished, that they rather multiplied '—
" daily, and increased, especially at London,
" and Lincolnshire, Norfolk, and Herefordshire,
" in Shrewsbury, in Calais, and divers other
" quarters more."''-*
When the English sceptre passed into the
hands of Henry the fifth, and the primacy of the
Anglican church was transferred by the death of
Arundel, to Henry Chichely, the same measures
were resorted to, and the same fate attended
them.'" Many were brought to the stake, and
generally on account of rejecting the tenet of
transubstantiation ; others were compelled to re-
cant, but a still greater number eluded the search
of their persecutors. The mendicants also be-
came vociferous in advocating WyclifFe's doctrine
with respect to clerical revenue, though without
the mention of his name ; and a spirit of violence
was frequently manifested against the clergy,
which discovered that the effect of the cruelties
in which they had indulged, had been rather to
confirm the popular aversion to their order, than
to extinguish the principles which favoured eccle-
siastical reform.^' Thus from the register of
Lincoln, and so late as the year 1521, it appears
that in that diocese alone, more than five hundred
19 Fox. Acts, &c. i. 686, 687. to 1428. R. Owtrede, W. Browne
20 Tlie latter primate claimed the R. Wyche, W. James, W. Tajlour
honour of seeing the bones of Wjcliffe W. Hatton, Fleming, W. Russell
consumed. Wilkins, iii. 350. R. Hoke, J. Drayton, S. Richmond
21 Fox, i. 661. Turner's Hist. iii. J. Jourdelay, C. Hertford, R. Ruten
123—136. The following names occur W.Harvey, J. Calle, R. Meyngyn
in Wilkins, as those of persons prose- R. Monk, G. Garentur. Concilia, ii
culed by the clergy on the charge of 394—499.
heresy, during the interval from 1419
362 STATE OF WYCLIFFES DOCTRINE
CHAP, persons had been obliged to appear before the
__1_L bishop, under the charge of offences which be-
spoke them the disciples of Wycliffe." These,
we must conclude, formed only a small portion
of those to whom the same delinquencies might
with equal justice have been imputed. It was
a perception of this state of things which led Sir
Thomas More to predict the ascendancy of the
protestant cause in this country, some time before
it was anticipated by other men." The nation
must have been fully ripe for such a change, when
it could be accomplished with so much safety, by
a prince possessing so little to endear him to his
subjects as Henry the eighth. On many points
the revolution effected by his authority was
merely a change of tyrannies. But so far had
the hatred of the Roman yoke pervaded the
people, that they were many of them ready to
submit to almost any other in its place. Much
light, indeed, was derived at that crisis from
Germany, but its efficiency arose from the fact,
that it came like the seed which falls on the earth
prepared to receive it. All the states of Europe
were exposed, more or less, to the action of the
same causes, and most of them, from their con-
nexion with the continent, in a much greater de-
gree than England ; and from the history of such
as did, or did not embrace the reformed doctrine,
it is plain that this difference is to be traced to the
existence, or the non-existence, of pre-disposing
causes — and these, as existing in our own country,
must be traced to the labours of Wycliffe. The
council of Constance, and the clergy of Christen-
^■^ Fox, ii. p. 33. ^J Cayley's Life of Tliomas Wore, c. ii. p. 77.
TO THE SlXTEEiNTH CENTURY. 363
dom, regarded him as having formed the character chap.
of John Huss, and Jerome of Prague. Both were
bold in avowing their reverence for the character
of our reformer, and their approbation of his
general doctrine, and both proved themselves dis-
ciples worthy of such a master.^* By their in-
strumentality, together with that of Zisca, many
of the learned and the opulent, and a multitude
from that class of society where religion connects
itself most powerfully with the conscience, were
taught to spurn many a usurpation of th^ pontiffs.
Maxims which the church had declared to be
true, they renounced as false and injurious ; and
practices which the same authority had affirmed
to be most devout and christian, were rejected as
heathenism rendered still more criminal.
But before concluding these observations, it
will be proper to devote a few pages to the story
of Lord Cobham. In this country he was, for
some years, the leading patron of Wyclitfe's dis-
ciples, and was moreover a sincere adherent to
the religious creed of our reformer. His sufferings
will disclose the temper with which the contest
was carried on between the Lollards and the
priesthood, to the period when the papal power
was excluded from these realms. No event could
have shewn more decisively the superior talents
and the unblemished reputation of Lord Cobham,
than his continuance in the favour of Henry the
fourth, notwithstanding his known attachment to
2< Lenfaot. Council of Constance. temporary that 36,000 Germans forsook
The university of Prague, in which it in consequeuceof the isjue of certain
Huss inculcated the doctrine of Wy- disputes between the Nominalists and
elide, must have been no ordinary Realists. ]Moshei:a, iii. 409.
establishment, as it is staled by aeon-
364 STATE OF WYCLIFFe's DOCTRINE
^'^^''- principles which required the most complete re-
formation of the church, or rather of the clergy."
But in 1413, Henry of Lancaster was no more;
and as the young prince of Wales had hitherto
passed his time in the lowest company, and in the
most licentious pursuits, the change was thought
to be pregnant with danger to the ecclesiastical
state. That prince, however, was no sooner called
to the throne, than his former associates and his
former habits were alike abandoned. Well it
would have been, had he possessed, at this mo-
ment, some more humane counsellors, than were
those to whom the royal conscience was surren-
dered. From having betrayed an unusual con-
tempt for the institutions and the morals of
society, he became the zealous advocate of the
established religion, with all its follies and cor-
ruptions.
At this period Lord Cobham was exposed to
the special resentment of the clergy, not only as
having more than once abetted the most obnoxious
tenets of Lollardism in the English parliament, but
as having long maintained numerous preachers of
that sect.^" These are described as having made
the provinces subject to the jurisdiction of his
grace of Canterbury, and those owning the au-
thority of their lordships of Hereford, Rochester,
and London, the principal scene of their itinerant
labours. In addition to which, the wealth of this
distinguished offender had been freely expended,
3* In 1407, Henry embarked a oonsi- *8 The steps of the prosecution,
derable force to aid the Duke of Bar- which issued in Lord Cobham's cou-
gundy against the Duke of Orleans, demnation, may be learnt from the
and the name of Lord Cobham occurs documents in Fox, in Rymer, and from
as second in command. tlie fust volume of tlie State Trials.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 365
to multiply copies of the writings of Wycliffe, and ch
by this means the seeds of disaffection had not-
only increased in England, but were scattered
through Bohemia, and other states of the conti-
nent. All this too had been done, in contempt
of those solemn decrees, which had doomed the
preachers so encouraged, and the writings thus
diffused, to become the fuel of the same fire.
Nor had these maxims of intolerance obtained
the sanction conferred upon them merely as an
instrument of terror. The works of our reformer
were diligently sought after, and committed to
the flames. Sawtre, a clergyman whose sincere
zeal had, perhaps, outstripped his discernment;
and Badby, a mechanic, whose fidelity and hero-
ism would have done honour to the man of any
rank, had both perished at the stake, as the
penalty of denying the impious dogma of tran-
substantiation.
It was accordingly determined, in a convocation
of the clergy, with the primate Arundel at its
head, that a prosecution of Lord Cobham, as the
leader of the parties who were so obstinately
allied in their opposition to the church, should be
immediately commenced. But it was prudently
suggested, that the pleasure of the sovereign
should be ascertained before proceeding to act
upon this decision, since the offender, in addition
to his rank, was certainly respected by the court,
and near the person of the king. A deputation
was in consequence appomted to wait upon the
monarch ; and having exposed in the royal pre-
sence the peculiar guilt of the accused, it was
urged as strictly necessary, if the piety, or the
Al>
IX.
366 STATE OF WYCLIFFE S DOCTRINE
CHAP, recognized institutions of the land were to be pre-
'— served, that some signal penalty should be speedily
inflicted. Henry expressed his disapprobation of
the opinions, and of the conduct, imputed to Lord
Cobham; but requested the suspension of all pro-
ceedings until he should have reasoned with him,
adding, that should this milder effort be without
effect, the punishment of the culprit must be left
to the wisdom of the church. The knight listened
to his sovereign with reverence, and, in the lan-
guage of Archbishop Wake, returned the following
** respectful answer." — " I am, as I have always
'' been, most willing to obey your majesty as the
" minister of God, appointed to bear the sword of
*' justice, for the punishment of evil doers, and
** the protection of those who do well. To you,
" therefore, next to my eternal living Judge, I
" owe my whole obedience, and entirely submit,
** as I have ever done, to your pleasure, my life
*' and all my fortune in this world, and in all
** affairs of it whatever, am ready to perform
*' exactly your royal commands. But as to the
" pope and the spiritual dominion which he claims,
'* I owe him no services, that I know of, nor will
" I pay him any ; for as sure as God's word is
*' true, to me it is fully evident that he is the great
** Antichrist, the son of perdition, the open adver-
** sary of God, and the abomination standing in
" the holy place."" Henry was sorely displeased
that neither his arguments nor his condescension
could bring his faithful soldier to avow a return to
orthodoxy ; and abandoned by the king, Lord
State of the Church, ubi supia.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 367
Cobham was left to contend alone with the united chap.
strength of his clerical adversaries. — 11-
His home at this period was Cowley Castle,
once the residence of his father-in-law, and situate
about three miles from Rochester. The usual
steps were taken by the clergy to induce his
appearance before them, but in vain ; and it was
resolved to solicit the assistance of the secular
arm to secure his apprehension, as " the seditious
" apostate, schismatic, and heretic, the troubler
" of the public peace, the enemy of the realm,
" the great adversary of all holy church." The
persecuted knight now made a second appeal to
the justice of his sovereign ; but from the royal
presence the ecclesiastical officers were allowed
to conduct him to the Tower. After some days,
he was brought before the archbishop of Canter-
bury, and the bishops of London and Winchester,
in the chapter-house of St. Paul's. Arundel re-
minded the prisoner of the sentence which, as
primate, he had been recently called to pass
on him ; at the same time informing him that
the absolution which had been hitherto despised,
might still be obtained on proper submission. But
it was requested by the accused, that as he had
no wish to protract inquiry, and as his opinions
were certainly unalterable, he might be allowed
to read from a document in his hand, the senti-
ments which he entertained in relation to the
articles on which he presumed himself to be
suspected of error. This paper referred chiefly
to the doctrine of the eucharist, to the nature of
penance, the worship of images, and the custom
of pilgrimage, and was, wqth some additional
368 STATE OF WYCLIFFE S DOCTRINE
CHAP, explanations, a copy of that which he had recently
— —— presented to the king. On all the points named,
both the sentiment and language of this confession
were in substance those of Wyclifte. By the
prelates it was considered .as in some respects
orthodox, in others as requiring farther expla-
nation ; and there were moreover several points
unnoticed in that statement, on which his opinions
must be known. But it was avowed by the pri-
soner as his determination to communicate no
more than the document before them contained.
" You see me in your power, and do with me as
" you please," was his simple and decisive lan-
guage. Arundel was perplexed by this conduct,
but presently admonished him that the things to
be believed by Christians were a matter which
had been placed beyond controversy by the autho-
rity of the church ; and that on the following
Monday more explicit answers would be ex-
pected from him. The archbishop also informed
him, that to aid his mind in the interval care
should be taken to make him acquainted with the
judgment of the church on the questions at issue.
On the morrow a paper was received by Lord
Cobham, which affirmed, in the grossest terms,
and in the name of the church, the necessity of
confession to a priest, the merit of pilgrimages,
the propriety of the worship rendered to images
and holy relics, also the supremacy of the pope,
and the mysteries of transubstantiation.
On the day appointed he appeared before a
formidable array of judges in the monastery of
the Dominicans, near Ludgate. Beside the pre-
lates, the doctors, and the heads of religious
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 369
houses, included in this assembly, was " a great chap.
" sort more, of priests, monks, canons, friars, '—
"parish clerks, bell-ringers, and pardoners."
These are described as treating the " horrible
" heretic with innumerable mocks and scorns. "^^
With these, also, were others, who were addressed
by the prisoner as the people, being the laity
who were witnesses of the proceedings. The
archbishop commenced by adverting to the ab-
solution which had been so mildly proffered in
several instances, only to be contemned, but
which he was nevertheless prepared even yet to
bestow, should it be sought in " due form and
** manner, as holy church hath ordained." To
this it was replied, that the judgment of men is
frequently opposed to that of their Maker; and
as the accused had never wronged the archbishop
of Canterbury, it was not from him that he was
concerned to obtain forgiveness. While uttering
these sentiments, he became deeply affected, and
bending his knee to the earth, he raised his hands
towards heaven, exclaiming solemnly, " I con-
" fess myself here unto thee, my eternal living
" God, that in my frail youth I offended thee,
" O Lord ! most grievously, in pride, wrath, and
" gluttony, in covetousness, and in lechery.
" Many men have I injured in mine anger, and
" done many other horrible sins ; good Lord, of
" thee I ask mercy." Rising from the posture
suited to this act of devotion, he wept as he
glanced on the people who were spectators of his
injuries, and with an impassioned utterance he
« Fox. Acts, &c.
VOL. ir. B B
370 STATE OF WYCLIFFE S DOCTRINE
CHAP, delivered his prophetic warning, " Lo ! good
'^' '* people, lo ! — for the breaking of God's law and
" commandments, these men never yet cursed
" me. But for the sake of their own laws and
" traditions, most cruelly do they handle both me
" and other men. Both they, therefore, and
" their laws, according to the promise of God,
" shall be utterly destroyed." It may be credited,
that the firmness of his adversaries was in some
measure disturbed by this burst of feeling and
intrepidity. A lengthened discussion now took
place, and one to which the archbishop, the
doctors, and the leaders of the religious brought
all their learning, their acuteness, and their pas-
sions, each uttering his pressing questions with
a view to ensnare and overpower their victim.
On being urged to answer distinctly whether the
bread remained in the sacrament of the altar,
after the words of consecration were pronounced,
his reply was an affirmative ; and a smile then
passed over the countenance of his opponents, as
they concluded, '* the people would now judge
" him to be taken in a great heresy." Still
pressed with inquiries on this subject, and on
the authority of the church, he remarks, " My
*' belief is, as I said before, that all the scriptures
" of the sacred book are true. All that is grounded
" upon them I believe thoroughly, for I know it
" is God's pleasure that I should do so. But in
" your lorldly laws and idle determinations have
" I no belief. For ye are no part of Christ's
** holy church, as your open deeds do shew; but
" ye are very Antichrists, obstinately set against
" his holy law and will. The laws which ye
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 371
*' have made are nothing to his glory, but wholly chap.
"to your own vain-glory and covetousness." It '—
is not surprising that such assertions should
be loudly denounced as " exceeding heresy."
Thomas Walden, the Carmelite, and a well-
known antagonist of WyclifFe, observed, that to
affirm of any person, and especially of superiors,
that they are no part of holy church, must be
presumption, according to the maxim, " Judge
" not, that ye be not judged." But it was re-
torted, " Christ said also in the self-same chapter
" of Matthew, that like as the evil tree is known
" by its fruits, so is a false prophet by his works,
" but that text ye left behind ye." To this and
similar quotations of scripture, the same mendi-
cant replied, *' Ye make here no difference of
''judgments; between the evil judgments which
" Christ hath forbidden, and the good judgments
" which he hath commanded. Rash judgment
" and right judgment, all is one with you. Such
" swift judges ever are these learned scholars of
" Wycliffe." The Carmelite had now touched a
chord to which the bosom of the prisoner could
not but respond. " Well, indeed," he said, " have
" ye sophistered. Preposterous evermore are
''your judgments. For as the prophet Isaiah
" saith, ye judge evil good, and good evil, and
" therefore the same prophet concludeth that
" your ways are not God's ways. And as for
" that virtuous man Wycliffe, before God and
" man, I here profess, that until I knew him and
" his doctrine, that ye so highly disdain, I never
" abstained from sin ; but since I have learnt
" from him to fear my God, I trust it has been
B B 2
372 STATE OF M'YCLIFFe's DOCTRINE
CHAP. <* Otherwise with me. So much grace could I
IX . • 5?
— 11- '' never find in all your glorious mstructions.
Here the friar became indignant, and remarked,
" It were not well with me that in an age so
" supplied with teachers and examples, I should
*' find no grace to amend my life until I heard
" the devil preach." This, in return, is said to
be precisely the temper which led the pharisees
to impute the doctrine and miracles of Christ to
the agency of Beelzebub ; and to be a part of the
evil entailed on the church from the day in which
she received the " venom of Judas." The arch-
bishop inquired what that venom meant, and the
answer was, " Your possessions and lordships."
These things are said to have made " Rome the
" very nest of Antichrist, out of which come all
*' the disciples of Antichrist, of whom prelates,
" priests, and monks, are the body, and these
" friars the tail. Priests and deacons, for the
" preaching of God's word and the administering
*' of sacraments, with provision for the poor, are,
'* indeed, grounded on God's law, but these other
" sects have no manner of support thence, as far
" as I have read." It now became evident, that
nothing but evil could arise from protracting this
discussion ; and the archbishop hastened to admo-
nish the prisoner that the day waned ; that much
forbearance had been shewn him in vain ; and
that his escape from the most serious penalties
could only be secured by an implicit submission
to the authority of the church. The only effect
of these appeals was an avowal of unaltered
sentiment, and a repetition of the words, " Do
" with me as you will." The archbishop then
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 373
rose, the clergy and the laity stood uncovered, chap.
and sentence was pronounced on " Sir John 1-
" Oldcastle, knight, and lord of Cobham, as a
" most pernicious and detestable heretic;" a sen-
tence which also prohibited any man from ren-
dering him either " counsel or help," on pain of
incurring the censures denounced against the
favourers of heretics. It was farther arranged,
that this decree should be published in the mother
tongue from the pulpits of every diocese within
the province of Canterbury, ^yhen the primate
had pronounced the anathema of the court. Lord
Cobham, with a composed aspect and a firm
utterance, remarked, that he knew that sentence
could affect the body only, adding, that with
regard to the soul, he doubted not but " He who
" created that, would, of his infinite mercy and
" promise, save it." His eyes were then turned
towards the people who had listened to his doom,
but it was to exercise pity, and not to implore it.
With an impassioned voice, he bid them beware
of the men before him, if they would avoid the
fate of the blind who follow the footsteps of the
blind ; and the few moments which preceded his
being re-conducted to the Tower, were spent in
entreating the divine forgiveness for his perse-
cutors.
In this proceeding the passions of the clergy
appear to have hurried them much beyond their
discretion. No avowal of heretical opinions could
be more decided or more notorious, than was that
of Lord Cobham, and yet a considerable interval
passed, and the sentence of the law remained
unexecuted. At length, whether by connivance.
374 STATE OF WYCLIFFe's DOCTRINE
CHAP, or by his own ingenuity, the prisoner escaped
from the Tower, and embarking under the cover
of the night, found an asylum on the shores of the
principality.
His trial had taken place some days before the
close of September, and on the night of the
7th of January, an event transpired, which has
proved a fruitful theme of misrepresentation and
calumny. Of the orthodox writers, who were
contemporaries, or more nearly contemporary with
the occurrence, there is no one who in describing
it is not materially at issue with himself and with
his brethren.
Walsingham is noticed by Mr. Sharon Turner
as " the bitterest enemy of the reformers," and
in consequence as stating this transaction " most
*' favourably to the king and his party." I know
not that I can do better than submit to the can-
dour of the reader, the substance of Walsingham's
e.r-parte statements, as given by our more dis-
passionate historian. " Reports," he observes,
*' were spread, that the Lollards were plotting to
" destroy the king and his brothers at Eltham.
«* Informed of the design, the king went to his
*' palace at Westminster, to be safer from its
** publicity. He was then told that they were
*' assembling from all quarters into a field near
" St. Giles's, to act under their leader, Oldcastle,
" at a fixed day and hour. The king, at night,
*' ordered his friends to arm, and then Jirst
*' mentioned what he resolved to do. He was
** advised to wait until day-break, that they might
" discern who were willing to act with him, or
" against him, and was advised by others to wait.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 37£
''till he got an army together, if a formidable chap.
" body was to be met. He listened to neither, — '-^
" because he had Iieard that the Lollards intended
" to burn Westminster Abbey, St. Paul's, St.
" Alban's, and all the other friaries in London.
" He went, therefore, to St. Giles's in the middle
" of the night, anticipating the projected move-
" ments of the ensuing day. He found only a
" few persons there, who being asked what they
" wanted, said, the lord Cobham. They were
" seized and imprisoned. They were surprised
" to find that jio one came from London to join
" them. The king had ordered all the city gates
" to be shut and guarded ; and if he had not taken
" this precaution, the?^e would have come, (* prout-
" fertur,') as it luas reported, fifty thousand servants
" and apprentices against the king."^''
Such, reader, is the clumsy tale supplied by
Walsingham, on this subject, who is nevertheless
^ Hist. ii. 452, 453. The credulity to-morrow they beard the government
of Walsingham did not die with him. by stating that " if tiie authority of the
These disciples of Wyclifle are still " crown should be employed in oppo-
des^ribed, as conducted, at one time, " sition to their doctrine, tliey are able
by iheir notions of private judgment, " to assemble 100,000 men ready to
into all that discordant variety of opi- " draw the sword in its defence." But
nion, which is said to be the common such is the thread of contradiction,
punishment of such presumption ; while which the care of Providence has com-
at atother they are so organized, that monly interwoven with the stories of
at some secret bidding 20,000 can be oppression. See Dr. Lingard's Hist.
suddenly put in motion, and all without iv. 319, 324, 443. v. 3 — 6.
knowing why ! Today they are such Fox has brought his learning and
" a compound of fanaticism and folly" ingenuity to the investigation of the
as to complain of the clergy to the par- charge of treason as preferred against
liament, because they " authorize war Sir John Oldcastle, by Harpsfield.
" and criminal executions, which are Acts and Monuments, i. 740 — 772.
" contrary to the law of Christ, a law Tiie shape which the controversy be-
" of mercy and love ; and because they tween the Lollards and the orthodox
" permi. men to exercise the trade of assumed at a later period, the reader
" goldsriitb and sword-cutler, which may learn from Mr. Lewis's Life of
" are uniecessary and pernicious under Peacocke, a curious and interesting
" the disoensatioD of the gospel," and volume.
376 STATE OF WYCLIFFe's DOCTRINE
CHAP. the best authority to be adduced on this point
^^' hj the enemies of the Lollards. Mr. Turner's
observations on the passage are as follows. "On
" this account we may remark, that it is a series
♦* of supposition, rumour, private information,
" apprehension, and anticipation. That the king
" was acted upon by some secret agents is clear;
'* that the plots asserted were really formed,
" there is no evidence. The probability is, that
*' Henry's generous and lofty mind was found
" to start at the violences which the bigotry of
*' the papal clergy had resolved upon, and that
** artful measures were taken to alarm it into
*' anger and cruelty by charges of treason, rebel-
" lion, and meditated assassination."^"
It was important to render the Lollards odious,
both to the government and the nation, before
proceeding to those desperate measures which
afforded the only hope of subduing them ; and by
this artifice, stale as it was, in all its parts, the
end proposed was too nearly obtained. An act
was now passed, which identified heresy with
treason ; and lord Cobham, who was apprehended
about three years later, was sentenced to die,
according to the penalties of this frightful statute.
At the place of execution, he renewed his exhor-
tations to the people to follow their priests only
as their life and doctrine should be conformable
"" Hist. ii. 453. Such also is tbe still doing, to put down the religion of
judgment of Rapin. It is to the men the gospels. A con)paiison of the
who have most corrupted Christianity, pages of David Hume, and those of
and to those who treat it as a lie, that our contemporary Dr. Lingard, as far
the rumours opposed to the reputation as they relate to the character of Sir
of the christian reformers have always John Oldcastle, will confirm this asser-
been most acceptable. By this holy tion. The same will apply also to their
alliance much has been done, and is accounts of VVycliffe.
TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 377
to the word of God. The proffered service of a chap.
confessor, he rejected, affirming that the duty of — 11_
confession was one to be performed to God only ;
and while the surrounding clergy warned the
spectators against praying for the sufferer, be-
cause evidently condemned of heaven, the object
of their enmity, in the spirit of a better faith, was
heard interceding aloud for the salvation of his
persecutors. To be hung in chains, as a traitor;
and at the same time, slowly consumed to ashes as
a heretic, was the sentence pronounced and ex-
ecuted on Sir John Oldcastle.'^
The men who knew the innocence and the
worth of this illustrious sufferer, would reflect on
this deed of blood, and become more confirmed
in their abhorrence of the usurpation from which
it had proceeded. Their children, too, would
naturally imbibe a deeper and a holier hatred of
the power which such atrocities were employed
to preserve. We may remark, also, that in
England, the principles of the reformation had
never been peculiar to the mind of the poor ; and
that from this period, to perish in their cause, was
to become allied to the privileged and the noble.
It may be no more than just, however, before
concluding a work of this description, to remind
the reader, that if the corruption of Christianity
has proceeded to so painful an extent from the
3' Rot. Pail. 107— no. State Trials, land. It is highly probable that the
i. 50. Stowe, 335. Holiii. 561. Hall, opportaiiity of reiterating his doctrines
58. Godwin's Henry V. Walsing- before that assembly would not be nn-
hani states that his defence before the improved; and that he should avow
parliament was a lecture on the duty himself a traitor, in the hope of escap-
of forgiveness, and that he concluded ing the penalties of treason, would
by asserting his allegiance to Richard, hardly occur as a difliculty to the
whom he declared to be alive in Scot- genius of Walsingham.
378 STATE OF WECLIFFe's DOCTRINE.
CHAP, unfaithfulness of its accredited ministers, it is to
^' the same order of men that we are chiefly indebted
for the restoration of its purity. Let it never be
forgotten, that in its earlier history, it was an-
nounced to the world by men in whose character
its better tendencies were all beautifully exhibited ;
and that if that apostacy, of which Rome has
long been the centre, flowed chiefly from the
lust and perfidy of priests, it is with that class of
men that we must associate the names of Wyclifl'e
and Latimer, Luther and Melancthon, Zuinglius
and Knox. If it was reserved to the evil passions
of that order to impose on men the heaviest yoke
that has oppressed their nature, it is to the genero-
sity and the enterprise of priests that the noblest
deliverance achieved for the human race must be
mainly attributed. In these later times there are
quarters in which if priestcraft has slain its thou-
sands, laycraft has slain its tens of thousands.
From the eighth century to the sixteenth, the
principles of the protestant reformation were all
really advancing, notwithstanding the retrograde
appearance of things at certain intervals. The
stand made by the Paulicians was surpassed by
that of the Waldenses. By the labours of Wyclifte,
a still more sensible movement toward the reno-
vation of Christendom was efl^ected ; and a man
needed not the spirit of prophecy to anticipate
the rise of Zuinglius and Luther, from the ashes
of Huss and Jerome. Each swell in the coming-
tide retreated apparently quite to the point from
which it had commenced, but each was more
powerful than the former, and bespoke the certain
influx of the mighty waters.
THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE. 379
CHAPTER X.
On the Writings of John WycJ'iffc, T). D.
The writings of Wyclifte are many of them well chap.
known from the notices which occur respecting ^j
them in the numerous documents relating to the
measures which were designed to suppress them.
Where this kind of evidence fails, their contents,
and the freedom with which certain parts of any
popular treatise were repeated in others, affords
the necessary aid. Such pieces as have been
improperly attributed to him, and such as rest
on suspicious evidence, will be assigned a sepa-
rate place, and noticed accordingly. It was
affirmed by an English prelate, soon after the
decease of Wycliffe, that his works were quite as
voluminous as those of Augustine.* A similar
statement was made, and as the result of per-
sonally inspecting them, by the learned Henry
Warton.'' Accordingly we find, that in Bohemia,
they were so numerous, that more than two hun-
dred volumes, many of them richly decorated,
were committed to the flames by Subinco Lepus,
bishop of Prague. Among these, was the re-
former's Exposition of the Decalogue, a copy of his
• Cochleus. Hist. Hiiss, lib. i. 2 Antlio. Har Speciiiieu, &c. IG.
380 THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. Homilies, and the Trialogus.^ In this kingdom,
!_ whatever could be done to effect the destruction
of these pestilent productions was attempted ; and
it demonstrates at once the folly of persecution,
and the hold which the doctrine of Wycliffe had
acquired on the mind of his countrymen, that at
least three-fourths of his pieces should be still
extant. Those also which are lost, appear to have
been chiefly scholastic tracts, of little value when
compared with his works which are preserved.
Hence, when Henry the eighth meditated reject-
ing the supremacy of the pope, and wished to be
informed respecting the doctrine of our reformer
on that subject, even the University of Oxford
could supply him with ample information. It
was of a kind, too, which proved highly grateful
to thf royal theologian.
SECTION I.
HIS PRINTED WORKS.
1. Translation of the Neiv Testament, printed first by the
Rev. John Lewis, Minister of Margate, in the county of Kent,
in the year 1731 ; and again in the year 1810, by the Rev.
Henry Hervey Baber, Assistant Librarian of the British Mu-
seum. The last editor remarks, that " the text of Mr. Lewis's
" edition was taken from two manuscripts, one of which was
" his own, and the other the property of Sir Edward Dering,
" Bart., of Surrenden-dering, in Kent. From the former, he
" transcribed for the press the Four Gospels ; from the latter,
*' the Epistles, the Dedis of Apostlis, and the Apocalips. The
^ Hist. Boliem. apud Fasciculum, i. 297. Fox. Acts, &c. Lewis, c. ix.
THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE. 381
" transcript was collated by the learned Dr. Daniel Waterland, CHA.P.
" Master of Magdalen College, Cambridge, with ten inanu- _
" scripts deposited in different Libraries at Cambridge ; and
" afterwards compared by Mr. Lewis, with specimens pur-
" posely selected of six of the most curious manuscripts in the
" University of Oxford." Of that edition Mr. Baber's is a
reprint.
2. Tr'ialogoruni suorum. This work was printed in 1525,
with the following title : Jo. Wiclefi viri undiquaque piissimi,
dialogorum libri quatuor quorum primus divinitatem et ideas
tractat : secundus universarum creationem complectitur : tertius
de virtutibus vitiisque contrariis copiosissime loquitur : quartus
Romanae Ecclesiae sacramenta, ejus pestiferam dotationem, An-
tichristi regnum, fratrum fraudulentam originem atque eorum
hypocrisim variaque nostro aevo scitu dignissima graphice per-
stringit, quae ut essent inventu facilia, singulorum librorum turn
caput, tum capitis summam indice pernotavimus. m.d.xxv. 4to.
The volume is without the name of the printer or place. It is
said to have been printed by Oporin at Bazil ; and on other
grounds, it has been attributed to Valentia Kob. See Baber's
Memoirs of Wiclif, p. 50, and chap. vii. of this volume. There
are copies of this work in the Libraries of Trinity College
Cambridge, the Cathedral at York, and Lambeth palace.
They are also to be found, though very rarely, in private col-
lections.
The following statement of the contents of the several chap-
ters of the Trialogus, will farther assist the reader in judging of
that work.
LIBRI PRIMI.
Dens sit omnium renim prima caussa. Deus est supra onuie genus.
De triplici suppositione. Quomodo Deus est quicquid melius est esse
que non esse. De passionibus et proprietatibus Dei. Quod Deus sit
trinus. De naturali demonstratione Trinitatis. De idseis. De inven-
tore idaearum, et quae res habent idaeas. De intelligentia Dei. De limi-
tibus idaearum.
LIBRI SECUNDI.
De nniversitate creata. De triplici mensura aeternitatis. De com-
positione rerum et creatione. De materiae primx quidditate et ejus
382 THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP, pluralitate, De animaintellectivaet suis potentiis. Deanathomia cerebri
X. et suis humoribus. De sensationibus. Si immortalitas spiritus latione
deduci possit. De potentiis intellectus hominis. De angelis. De diverso-
riim angelorum diverse judicio. De angelorum lapsii, et eoriim poena.
De pngna angelorum. De praedestinatione et praescientia Dei, et eorum
causiis. De coelo et suis partibus.
LIBRI TERTII.
De virtutibus. Quot virtutes sunt in intellectu et voluntate. De spe.
De peccato. Quoraodo peccatuni veniale et niortale distinguunter.
Penes quid attentatur peccati gravitas. De gratia. Omnia eveuiunt
necessitate absoluta. De septem peccatis mortalibus, De snperbia.
De humilitatc. De invidia. De charitate. De ira. De patientia et
mititate. De accidia, qu£e medium tenet inter septem peccata niortalia.
De virtute accidiae opposita. De avaritia. De virtute opposita avari-
tiae. De gula. De virtute opposita gulae. De luxuria. De castitate.
De pronitate ad peccandum. De iucarnatione et morte Christi. De
originali peccato. De incarnatione, quomodo Deus potuit incarnari.
De numero salvandorum. Quomodo Christus cxcedit ordines Angelo-
rum, et hominum, Quomodo nullus sanctorum est laudandus, nisi quia
Cbristem est imitatus. Quomodo lex Christi in infinitum excedit alias
leges.
LIBRI QUARTI.
De signis. De eucharistia. Quid demonstretur per ly hoc. Quod
post consecrationem manet panis. Probantur jam dicta superius ra-
tion) bus. Quomodo et qua caussa inolevit haeresis circa eucliaristiae
sacramentum. Quomodo panis est corpus Domini, non existens identice
corpus ipsum. De identificatione panis cum corpore Christi. Qd' cor-
pus Christi non putrefit. Si duo corpora possunt esse in eodem loco.
De baptismo. De triplici baptismo. De ptenis infantum sine peccato
actuali decedentium. De confirmatione. De sacramento ordinis.
Hujus sacramenti confirniatio. De avaritia cleri. Smculares propter
dotationem sunt puniendi. De matrimonio. Quid sit matrimonium.
De caussa libelli repudii. Cum quibus verbis vel signis matrimonium
celebrari debet. De pcenitentia. In quo signo possumus capaie veram
contritionem. De extrema unctione. De speciebus ministroruni.
Quod fratres comminiscenter hajresim in ecclesia. De mendicatione
fratrum. Quod meudicatio fratrum est infundabilis in scriptura. De
Uteris fraternitatum. Quomodo fratres false vendunt sua merita et ora-
tiones. De indulgentiis. Quomodo ordines fratrum sunt introducti.
In quo fratres legi Christi contrarii. De variis fratum abusibus. Quo-
modo fratres seducunt regna que incolunt. De fratrum fraude atque
malicia. An domini temporales debent et possunt populares inuare et
defendere contra fratres. De statu hominis quem consequiter post banc
vitam. De ultimo judicio, quare, et ubi, et quando erit. De dotibus
corporum beatorum. De dotibus anima>. De pcenis damnatornm, De
sensibus bonorum interioribus et exterioribus.
THE V/RITIXGS OF WYCLIFFE. 383
3. Ostiolum JVicleJi : or, Wickliffes Wichet. This piece has CHAP,
been several times printed. " The first edition," observes Mr. ^'
Baber, "was printed at Noremberch, in 1546, 8vo. ; of the
" second edition, I know no more than what the third informs
" me in its title, which is as follows : ' Wickliffe's Wicket,
" faythfully ouerseene and corrected after the original and first
" copie. The lack whereof was cause of innumerable and
" shamfull erroures in the other edicion. As shall easily
" appear to them that lyste to conferre the one with the other.
" Ouerseene by M. C It is a 16mo. without date, place, or
" printer's name ; and the language of it is accommodated to
" that of the time in which the book was printed. The last
" edition appeared in 1612, printed at Oxford, in 8vo., and was
" edited by the learned Henry Jackson, of Corpus Christi
" College, Oxford. A copy of the first edition of this very
" rare book is in the Bodleian Library ; of the third, in Lam-
" beth Palace Library ; and of the last, in the British Mu-
" seum." For an analysis of this treatise, see Chap. iii. of
this volume, pp. 64 — 68.^
4. Ad Regem et Parliamentum. A Latin copy of this tract is
among the Cotton MSS. in the British Musevim; a copy in
English in preserved in Benet College, Cambridge ; and another
in Trinity College, Dublin. It was published by Dr. James,
and printed at Oxford, 1608, quarto. For an epitome of this
production, see Vol. II. Chap. iv. pp. 98 — 105.
5. Objections of Freres. This piece was published by Dr.
James in the same volume, with the treatise last noticed, in-
titled, " Against the Orders of the Begging Friars." The
volume is scarce, but may be seen in the British ^Museum, and
in the Bodleian Library. For an account of this treatise, see
Vol. I. Chap, ii., and Vol. II. Chap. iii. p. 203.
6. Determinatio de Dom'm'io. E. Codd. MSS. Joh. Seldeni,
Arch. B. 10. This paper is printed in Mr. Lewis's collection,
No. 30. For the substance of it, see Vol. I. 284—289.
7. Ad qucex'ita Regis et ConciUi. " Dubium est utrum reg-
" num Angliae possit ligitime imminente necessitate suae
■• Tliese references are to the present pulilication.
384 THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE.
C HAP. " defencronis tliesaurum regni detinere ne deferatur ad exterors
' " etiam Domino Papa sub pene censurarum et virtute obedientiee
" hoc petente." In Hyperoo Bodl. 163. This paper may be
seen in Fox i. 584. See Vol. I. 361—365.
8. Conclusiones suce cum responsione sua. This document is
printed in Walsingham, Hist. 206—208. Ad parliamentum
Regis is another reply to the same conclusions, and is printed
from Lewis's Life of WyclifFe, in the Appendix to the first
volume of this work. This tract is noticed as WyclifFe's, by
Lord Chief Justice Coke, in the fifth volume of his reports.
These papers are in the Selden MSS. (Archi, B. 10.) and
also a third, relating to the same series of articles. For the
substance of each, see Vol. I. Chap. v.
9. Confessio de Eucharistid. This is printed by Mr. Lewis,
No. 21, and may be seen in the Appendix to this volume,
No. VI.
10. De fide Euchar'istice. " Credo ut Christus et Apostoli
" docuerunt." An English copy of this confession is in the
Appendix to this volume. No. VII. and the substance of it is
inserted in Chap. iv. 114 — 117.
11. Excusationes ad Urhanum. " Guadeo plane detegere
" cuique fidem." An English copy of this letter is in the
Cotton Library, and printed in the Appendix to this volume,
No. VIII.
12. Pro egentibus Presbyteris. Sunt causce quce urgeant pau-
periores, or, " Why poor priests have no benefices." This tract
is in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, and in C. C. C.
Cambridge. It was first printed by Mr. Lewis. See Vol. II.
pp. 164—169.
THE WIUTIXGS OF WYCLrFFE.
SECTION 11.
Including the Wycliffe manuscripts eoctant in England and Ireland. This
series contains nearly forty MSS. preserved in the library of Trinity College,
Dublin, the existence of which has been hitherto unknown to the Reformer's
'Iters.
385
1. Dc ultima AL,tate Ecclesice. Trinity College, Dublin, Class C. CHAP.
Tab. No. 12. See Vol. I. pp. 253-260. ^-
2. Expositio Decalogi. This exposition is in the British
Museum Cott. MSS. Titus D. xix. For an analysis of this
work, see Vol. I. 320 — 329. In the Bodleian is a more ex-
tended Exposition of the Decalogue in Latin. It was minutely
consulted by Dr. James, in composing his Apology for John
Wicliffe.
3. The Pore Caitif, sometimes called Pauper Rusticus ;
sometimes Confesslo derelicti Paujjeris, consists of a series of
tracts in English, designed for the instruction of the poorer
classes of the people in the elements of the christian religion.
It is described by its author as " sufficient to teach simple
" men and women, of good will, the right way to heaven." The
comments on the Apostles' creed, Viwdiihe pater-nosler, are followed
by pieces with the following titles. Srveet sentences, exciting
men and women to heavenly desire. Virtuous patience. Of
temptation. The charter of heaven. Of ghostly battle. The
name Jesus. The love of Jesu. The desire of Jesu. Of very
meekness. The effect of mans will. Active and contemj)lative
life. The mirror of maidens. At the conclusion of the last
piece in this collection are the words, " Here endeth this book,
that is clepid the Pore Caitif." Copies of this work are in
the British Museum, Lambeth Library, and Trinity College
Dublin.
4. De Veritate Scripturce. Bibl. Bodl. Archi. A. 3021. 32.
Trin. Coll. Dub. Class. C. Tab. 1. No. 24. See this volume,
pp. 7, 8.
5. De Hypocritarum Imposturis. This tract is in English,
beginning—" Crist connnandith to his disciplis, and to alle
VOL. II. C C
386 THE V>'RITINGS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. " Christen men to understonde and flee the sour dow of Pha-
' " risees which is ypocrisy." C.C.C. Cambridge. Trin. Coll.
Dub. See Vol. II. pp. 199—202. The following pieces also,
to No. 1 9, are in the same collections.
G. De Ohed'ientia Prcelatoriim. It begins, " Prelates slan-
" dren poor priests and other Cristen men, that they will
" not obesthe to their Sovereigns," &c. &c. See Vol. II.
pp. 182 — 184.
7. De Clericis Possessionariis, which begins, " Clerkes Pos-
" sessioners fordon priesthood, knighthood, and commoners."
See Vol. II. pp. 192, 193.
8. Impedimenta Evangelhant'nim. This is the same with the
piece described as, " Of Feigned Contemplatif Life," which thus
begins — " First, when true men teach by God's law, wit, and
" reason, that eche Priest oweth to do his wit, and his will, to
" preche Christ's gospel," &c. &c. See Vol. II. pp. 32G— 328.
9. Pro amplexando Evangelio. The English title of this
piece is, " How religious Men should kepe certain Articles ;"
beginning thus — " Christen men, preyen meekly and devoutly
" to Almighty God, that he grant his grace for his endless
" mercy to our religious, both possessioners and mendicants,"
&c. &c. The articles are numerous, but the notices connected
with them are very brief.
10. How Satanas and his Priests, and his feyncd Religions,
casten hij three cursed Heresies to destroy all good living and
meyntening all manner of sin. It begins thus — " As Almighty
" God in Trinity ordeineth men to come to the bliss of heaven
" by three grounds," &c. &c. See Vol. II. pp. 184—186.
11. De Nequitiis ejusdcm. This piece, in English, has a title
beginning with the words — " How Antichrist and his Clerks
" travellen to destroy holy Writ, and to make Cristen Men
" unstable in the faith," &c. &c. See Vol. II. pp. 205 — 209.
12. Super Testamento Francisci. Wycliffe's remarks on this
Testament begin thus — " But here the Menours sayn that the
" pope dischargeth them of this testament." The comment is
preceded by a translation of the rule of St. Francis, as given by
Matthew Paris.
13. For Three Shills Lords shulden constrain Clerks to live in
THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE. 38/
vicehness, wilfull poverty, and discreet penance and ghostly CHAP
trave/le. It begins thus — " Open teaching of God's law, okl "
" and new, open ensample of Christ's life, and his glorious
" Apostles," 8cc. &c. See Vol. II. p. 186.
14. De Prelatis, et corum Officio. This is the piece so fre-
quently cited as " Of Prelates ;" beginning thus — "Here it
" telleth of Prelates, that Prelates leaven preching of the Gos-
" pel, and ben gostly manquellers of men's souls." See Vol. II.
pp. 204, 205.
15. Speculum de Antichristo. The English copy of this tract
professes to describe " How Antichrist and his Clerks fercn
" true Priests fro preching of Christ's Gospel by four Deceits."
It commences thus — " First, they seyn that preching of the
" Gospel maketh dissension and enmity." See Vol. II. pp. 18S
—190.
IG. De Clericorum Ordinatione. The copy of this preserved,
is also in English, intitled, " Of the Order of Priesthood ;" be-
ginning— " For the order of priesthood is ordained of God,
" both in the old law, and in the new." See Vol. II. pp. 204,
205.
17. De Dominis et Servis. Servi jirirnmn juste ac Uhenter, or,
" Of Servants and Lords, how eche shull kepe his Degree ;" be-
ginning— " First, servants shvdlen truly and gladly serve to
" their lords or masters." See Vol. II. pp. 186, 187.
18. How Prayer of good Men helpeth much, and Prayer of
sinfull Men displeaseth God, and harmeth themselves and other
Men ; beginning — " Our Lord Jesu Christ techeth us to pray
" evermore for all nedefull things both to body and soul." -See
Vol. II. pp. 190—192.
19. De Ej)iscoporum Erroribus ; beginning — " There bin eight
" things by which simple Christen men ben deceyed." Also,
" De XXXIII erroribus Citratorum ;" beginning — " For the office
" of curates is ordained of God." Of these pieces the reader
may form his judgment from that Of Prelates, and that for the
Order of Priesthood. See Vol. II. pp. 204, 205.
20. Ho7v Safanas and his Children turncn works of mercy upon
Sodom, and deceyven men therein ; beginning — " First, Christ
" commandeth men of power to feed hungry poor men ; the
(• c 2
388 THE WlUTINCiS OF WYCLIFFE.
CHAP " fend and his techen to make costly feasts, and waste many
^^ " goods on lords," C. C. C. Cambridge.
21. A short Rule of Life for eche Man, in general, and for
Priests, and Lords, and Labourers in special ; beginning — " First,
" when thou risest, or fully wakest, think on the goodness of
" thy God, how for his own goodness, and none other nede, he
" made all things of nought," C.C.C. Cambridge. This piece
is followed by a brief comment on The Jve Maria.
22. Of Wedded Men and Wives ; beginning — " Our Lord
" God Almighty speaketh in his law of tweie matrimonies
" or wedlocks," &c. &c. C. C. C. Cambridge. See Vol. I.
p. 235.
23. Of good preching Priests ; beginning — " The first
" o-eneral point of poor priests that prechen in England, is
" this," &c. &c. C.C.C. Cambridge. See Vol. II. pp. 187, 188.
24. The great Sentence of the Curse Expounded ; beginning —
" First, all heretics against the faith of holy writ, ben cursed
" solemnly, four times in the year." C, C. C. Cambridge. See
Vol. II. pp. 203, 204.
25. De Blasphemia contra Fratres ; beginning — " It is seide
" that three things stourblin this realme, and specially heresie."
Bibl. Bodl. Archio. A. 83.
26. De Dominio Divino, is a tract of four pages ; beginning —
" Sith false glossiris maken Goddis law derk, and letten secular
" men to susteyne, and kepe it, of sich false glossis schulde
" each man bewar."
27. Super Oratione Dominica ; beginning — " When we seyn
" Our Fader that art in heaven, we ben taught."
28. Ad ducem Glocestrice contra Fratcrculum ; beginning —
" Most worshipful and gentlest Lord Duke of Gloucester."
Trin. Coll. Dub. See Vol. II. p. 129.
29. De Sathance astu contra Fidcm ; beginning — " The fend
" seeketh many ways to mar men in belief." This tract ex-
tends to two pages only.
30. Sermones in Epistolas, and Sermones in Evangelia, are the
titles of his homilies, or parochial discourses. Copies of these,
more or less perfect, and some of them beautifully written, are
in the manuscript collections of the British Museum, Cam-
THE WRITINGS OF M'YCLIFFE. 389
bridge, Trinity College, Dublin, and elsewhere. See Vol. II. CHAP.
Chap. i. •
31. Transtul'it in AngUcum sermonem BihVia tota, &c. Of this
memorable work, several copies are extant ; as in the British
Museum and Lambeth Palace. The costs of transcribing
obliged our ancestors to secure parts of the sacred volume ;
sometimes including the four gospels, sometimes the epistles
of St. Paul, and not unfrequently, still smaller portions. Dr.
Whitaker states, (Hist, of Richmondshire, Art. WyclifFe,) that
the copy of Wycliffe's Bible, in Lambeth Palace, is beautifully
illuminated ; and suggests that the portrait of Sir Antonio
More was probably obtained from such a source. But there
is not, nor has there ever been, a manuscript at all of that
description in the Lambeth Library. See Appendix, No. I. and
Vol. II. Chap. ii.
32. Translatio dementis Lanthonicnsis. " In the Earl of
" Oxford's Library," observes Mr. Lewis, " is a MS. entitled,
" John Wiclif's Translation of Clement Lanthon's Harmony of
" the Gospels, which begins thus — ' Clement, a Preest of the
" Chirche of Lanthonth,' " in 12 parts. Lanthon was an Austin
Friar, who flourished in 1154. Leland de Scrip. Brit. 226.
There is a copy of this work in the British Museum, Harl.
MSS. 1862.
33. De Stipendiis Ministronnn. This tract is extant in Eng-
lish, intitled, " How men shulden find Priests," and beginning —
" Think wisely, ye men that finden priestes, that ye don this
" alms for God's love, and help of your soules, and help of
" Christen men." C. C. C. Cambridge.
34. De Ecclesics Dominio ; in English, " Of the Chirche of
" Christ, and of hir Membris, and of hir Governaunce ;" be-
ginning thus — " Christis Chirche is his spouse, that hath three
" parts," &c. &c. Bib. Reg. 18, 13, ix. It is also in Trin. Coll.
Dub. It is frequently cited in the preceding chapters.
35. In Apocalypsin Joannis. The exposition is introduced by
a prologue, and the former begins with the words — " The im-
" doyng of Seynt Joon bitokeneth Prelatis of hooli Chirche,
" that understondith the vois of the Gospels." Bib. Reg. E.
1732, p. 67.
390 THE WRITINGS OF M^YCLIFFE.
CHAP. 36. De Vita Sacerdotum. " This peril of Freris is the last of
' " eight that falles to men in this wny." Bibl. Bocll. Archi.
A. S072. See Vol. II. 253.
37. Speculum secularium Dommorum. Bibl. Bodl. Archim.
A. 3849, Bibl. Reg.
38. De Incarnattone Vcrhi. Bibl. Reg. E. 270 fol. This
piece is in Latin ; beginning, " Prselibato tractatu De Anima,"
&c. &c.
39. De Ecclcsia CathoUca, sometimes called, De fde CathoUca,
is a manuscript preserved in the Bodleian, and a copy taken
from it, by Dr. James, is in the Lambeth Library.
40. De Modo Orand'i. On the twelve lettyngis of prayer.
Cott. MSS. Titus, D. xix. Bibl. Bodl.
41. Epistola ad shnpUces Sacerdotes. This piece does not
reach beyond a page, and may be seen in the British Museum.
Bibl. Reg. 17, B.xvii.
42. De Virtidihus et J'itus. This treats of religious and moral
obligations after the fashion of that age. Cott. MSS. Titus,
D. xix. A production of the same kind, but somewhat different
from the former, may be seen, Bibl. Reg. 7, A, xxvi. Like
the Pore Caitif, it was evidently designed to present an epitome
of religious instruction to the poorer classes.
43. De Sermone Domini in Monte, and Octo Beatitudines, are
different names of the same discourse. From the Reformer's
exposition of the Saviour's Sermon on the Mount, seventy-four
erroneous opinions were extracted. There is a sermon under
this name in the British Museum, Cott. MSS. Titus, D. xix.
But it must have been his more extended exposition of tliat
chapter which supplied his enemies with such materiel for
accusation. MS. Twini. A. 216, See No. 13, p. 391.
44. De Papa Remand, or iSchisma Papce. Mr. Baber states
that this tract is in the Bodleian, but it has eluded my search.
There is a copy in Trin. Coll. Dub. See Vol. II. 3—6.
45. De Qucstionibzis variis contra Clcrnm. Lambeth Library,
Cot. MSS. 151.
46. In the library of Trinity College, Cambridge, is a large
manuscript volume, including the following pieces, several of
which are known to be those of Wycliffe, as the lOtli and Ilth,
THE WRITINGS OF V/YCLIFFE. 391
which are noticed by Huss ; (Lewis, c. ix. 179, Baber,) and of CHAP.
the rest, I find several attributed to the Reformer in the hand- " '
writing of the transcriber. MS. 326. 8. C. 5. 8.
1. De cute comrmmi. In primis supponitur ens esse,
pp. 1—5.
2. De cnte inimo. Extenso ente secundum ejus maximam
ampliationem, pp. 5 — 9.
3. De jjurgando errores, et veritate in communi. Consequens
est purgare errores, pp. 9—15.
4. De purgando errores, et un'iversaUhus in comimtni. Trac-
tatu continentur dicta de universalibus, pp. 15—23.
5. De universalibus. Tractatus de universalibus continet
16 capitula cujus primum, pp. 23 — 37.
6. De tempore. In tractando de tempore sunt, &c. &-c.
pp. 37 — 47.
7. Dc intcUectione Dei. Illorum quae in sunt Deo, &'c. &-c.
pp. 47-53.
8. De seienlia Dei. Ex dictis superius satis liquet, &-c. &c.
pp. 5S — 70.
9. De voUtione Dei. Tractando de volitione Dei, &c. &:c.
pp. 70—91.
10. De personarum distinctione . Superest investigare de dis-
tinctione, &c. &c. pp. 91 — 115.
11. De ideis. Tractando de ydeis primo oportet, &c. &c.
pp. 115—122.
12. De p)otentia p)i'oductiva Dei. Veritatum quas Deus non
potest renovare, &c. &c. pp. 122 — 134.
13. De sermone Domini. Licet totum Evangelium, pp.
134—141.
47. In a volume preserved in the library of Trinity College,
Dublin, is a series of treatises described as follows : Class C.
Tab. 1. No. 23.
1. Tractatus Evangelii de Sermone Domini in Monte, cinn
Expositorio Orationis Dominica. Dividetur in tres Libros.
2. Tractatus de Antichristo, cum Expositorio in xxiii. xxiv.
XXV. cap. Matthaei.
392 THE WRITINGS OF M^YCLIFFE.
CHAP. 3. Tractatus in Sermonem Domini, quern facerat valedicendo
\ Discipulis suis.
4. Tractatus de Statu Innocentice .
5. Tractatus de sempore in 13 capitulis.
C. Expositio quorundum locorum Scripturce, Tit. ii. cap.
Heb. i. cap. et Isaiae xxv. cap. There is also an Exposition of
1 Thessalonians iv. and of John xi. But these are merely parts
of his homilies. The volume extends to 400 pages ; and what
is peculiar to this collection of Wycliffe's MSS. it has a copious
index.
1. Trin. Coll. Dub. Class C. Tab. 1. No. 24. De Simonia.
2. De Apostasic. The first piece extends about forty small
folio pages ; the second to about half that number ; the last
consists of about eight pages.
3. De Blasj)hemia. Another volume in the same library
contains a MS. entitled, " Of apostacy, and the possessions of
" clerks.'' This volume farther contains the following tracts.
Of pseudo friars. Of the eight 7voes which God wished to
friars. Of Antichrist and his naijs. Of AntichrisCs song in
the church. A treatise of pratjer. A treatise on confession. A
tract of Christian obedience; beginning — " Christ forsooth did
" all that he could to obey to lords." In the volume, there
are several separate homilies, meditations on various subjects,
and a short treatise, beginning — " How are questions and
" answers put that are written hereafter." The collection forms
a duodecimo volume of about 400 pages, written with a very
small, but legible character. Class C. Tab. 5. No. 6.
48. On the Seven Deadly Sins. Bibl. Bodl. See Vol. II.
pp. 20D— 213.
THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE. 393
SECTION III.
The following pieces are in the Imperial Library of Vienna; the catalogue of
ivhich may be seen in the British Museum.
De minor/bus frotribus se extoUentlbus. De sect'is ™o?m- (-, j^ ^ p_
chorum. De quatuor scctis novellis. De fundatione sectarum. ^•
De sectarum perjidld. Dc solutione Sathance. De Dcemon'w
meridiano. Resjionsiones ad xiv argumenta Radidphi Strodi.
Litem jjarva ad quendam socium. Speculum miUtantis ecclesics.
De oratione et ecclesice jjurgat'wne. De gradihus cleri. De
graduationibus. De duobus generibus hereticonim. De quatuor
interpretationibus. Super imposit'is articuUs. Socii argumentum
contra veritatem. De citationibus frivoUs et aliis versutiis Anti-
christ i. De juramento Arnoldt (de Grannario) collectoris
Papce. De sex jugis. De exhortatione novi doctoris.^ De
ordine Christiana. De vaticinatione. Dialogus inter veritatem
et mendacium. Epistola, de peccato in Spiritum Sanctum.
Litera parva ad quendam Socium. Litera ad Episcopium Lin-
coln, de amore, sive de quintuplici qucestione. Epistola ad
Archiepiscopum Cantuar. De eucharistid et ^;en7Ve«<iff. De
octo qucestionibus propositis discipulo. De triplici vinculo
SECTION IV.
The following are the titles of pieces which are known only by these names.
Many were on the questions of science, and others were probably different
designations of the same tracts.
Qucesiiones logicales. Logica de singulis. Logica de aggre-
gatis. De propositionibus tcmporalibus. De insolubilibus. De
exclusivis et exceptivis. De causalibus. De comparativis. Dc
^ A Treatise upon Relative Duties. exercise performed previous to obtaiii-
* Tliis is supposed to have been the ing his degree of doctor in divinity.
394 THE WRITINGS OF \VYCLIFFE.
CHAP, conditionalibus. De disjunctivis. Grammaticce tropi. Meta-
' phi/sica vulgaris. Metaplnjsica novella. De summd intellec-
tualium. De formis idealibus. De sp'iritu quoUbet. De
speciebus hjpotheticis. De esse intelUgibili creaturce. De esse
in suo prolixo. De una communis generis assentia. De essentia
accidentium. De temporis ampliatione. De physica naturali.
De intentione physica. De materia et forma. De materia
ccelestium. De raritate et densitate. De motu locali. De
velocitate motus localis. Dialogus de fratribus. Johannes a
rure contra fratres. De charitate fraternd. Dcemonum cestus
in subvertendd religione. De Diabolo millenario. De perversa
Antichristi dogmafe. Defensio contra impios. Responsiones ad
argumenta monachi de Salley. De unitate Christi. De unico
salutis Agno. Christus alius non expectandus. De humanitate
Christi. De d^fectione a Christo. De Jide et perjidid. De
fide sacramentorum. De fide EvangeUi. Constitutiones ec-
clesice. De censuris ecclesice. De sacerdotio Levitico. De
sacerdotio Christi. De statuendis jiastoribus ad plebcm. De
ordine sacerdotali. De non saginandis sacerdotibus. De viini-
strorum conjugio. Cogendi sacerdotes ad honestatem. De
ritibus sacramentorum. De quidditate hostice consecratce. Dc
quintiiplici Evangelio. De Trinitate. De excommunicatis
absohendis. Distinctiones rerum Theologicarum. Dc fonte
errorum. De falsatoribus Icgis divince. De immortalitate
animce. Ceremoniarum chronicon. Dc dilectione. Concor-
dantice doctorum. De contrarictate duorum dominorum. Dc
lege divind. De necessitate futurorum. De operibus spiri-
tualibus. De operibus corporaUbus. De ordinarid laicorum.
De purgatorio jiiorum. Positiones varice. RepUcationes et
jwsitiones. De 2J^'^scito ad beatitudinem. De quaternario doc-
torum. De religiosis privatis. De studio lectionis. De scrvitute
civili. Thcologice placita. De virtute orandi. De canipo-
sitione hominis. De homine misero. Scholia scripturarum.
Glossce scripturarum. Glossce vulgares. Glosscv manualcs.
Glossce novella. Lectiones in Danielem.
THE WRITINGS OF WYCLIFFE. 395
SECTION V.
The following works, tvith the exception of the last, have been improperli/ attri-
buted to Wijcliffe.
De Tribus Sagitt'/s. Speculum Peccatoris. The Confession of qw ^^^
St. Brandoun. Ghostly and Fleshly Love. The two former of
these are attributed on better evidence to the Hermit Hampole.
Commentarii in Psaltermm, et Cantica Sacra. This also is
evidently the production of Hampole, (Baber, 54'.) The writer
of a manuscript note to a copy of this work in the library of
Trinity College, Cambridge, states, that this commentary be-
came popular with the disciples of Wycliffe, and tliat the later
transcripts of it were accordingly greatly interpolated with the
doctrine of the Lollards. The correctness of this statement is
hardly questionable, and it will sufficiently account for the
circumstance of tlie entire work being ascribed to our reformer.
There is a copy in the British Museum.
Elucidar'mm BihUorum. Sometimes described as Prologus
ad integrani BihUorum Versionem, is the work of which the
reader will find an account in the second chapter of this
volume. The MS. is in the British Museum, Harl. MSS. 16G6.
It has been twice printed ; first at the press of John Gowghe,
in 1536, subsequently by Robert Crowley, in 1550. The title
of the first edition is. The Dore of Holy Scriptures. In the
second, it is thus described. The j^athway to perfect knowledge,
the true copye of a prologue, wrytten about two hundred yeares
paste by John Wycliffe, (as maye justly be gathered bi that,
that John Bale hath wrytten of him in his Boke, intitled the
summarie of the famouse writers of the Isle of Great Britaine,)
the original whereof is found wrytten in an old English Bible,
betwixt the Olde Testament and the Newe. Which Bible re-
maineth now in the Kyng his majesties chamber. That this
work was not the production of Wycliffe, but of some zealous
disciple after his death, is placed beyond doubt by its contents.
See Baber, pp. 5^2, 53, and Lewis, c. ix., and Chap. ii. of this
volume.
396 THE AVRITiyCS 01" WYCLIFFE.
CHAP. Eccles'ice Regimen is a work consisting of a series of articles,
' expressive in almost every sentence of the doctrine of WyclifFe.
In the copy of these articles in the British Museum, there
appears to be a reference to Gerson, the celebrated Parisian
divine, which, if so intended, must prove that copy of the work
to be of a date subsequent to the time of WyclifFe. The piece,
however, is evidently a compilation from the writings of our
reformer, whether made by himself or a disciple, as it not only
contains a summary of his doctrine, but much of his language.
NOTES.
Note A.
We have seen that Richard's first parliament was composed
of discordant elements.' The system of taxation, also, had long
been so unusually burdensome, if not oppressive, as to call forth
the loud and the almost unceasing murmurs of the people. It
was not without reason, therefore, that the bishop of Rochester
discoursed to the parties assembled at the coronation, on the
importance of dismissing petty feuds, of encouraging private
virtue, and of avoiding all needless exaction from the people.*
In the parliament of the following year, it was stated by the
chancellor that Cherbourgh, Brest, Calais, Bourdeaux, and
Bayonne, still acknowledged the sovereignty of England ; that
these formed most important entrances into France ; and that a
moderate expenditure would be sufficient to retain them. But
the commons, whether suspecting the sincerity of this plea, or
really wise enough to wish the abandonment of the meditated
conquest of the rival country, expressed themselves opposed to
any grants of the public money to be expended on garrisons
beyond the limits of the kingdom. In reply to this, it was
urged that the towns adverted to were " the barbicans of Eng-
" land," and the lower house being compelled to relinquish the
' Vol. I. Chni). iv. Hot. Pail.iii. 3-7. 2 Wals. 19G.
398 NOTES.
above, and some other pretexts, a subsidy, though on a reduced
scale, was reluctantly voted.' The interval, however, to the
meeting of tlie parliament in 1379, only witnessed the increasing
difficulties of the government ; the crown jewels had been
pledged to meet the existing demands ; and the commons
again uttered the language of surprise and displeasure— nor did
they yield their assent to the new subsidy proposed until nine
persons had been appointed to ascertain the real cause of these
alarming exigencies. Still disaster or extravagance attended
the ministers of the sovereign, and to a repetition of the recent
claims on the property of the community it was replied, that
had the king been well advised in his measures and expences,
the impoverished commons would not have been exposed to
this series of unreasonable demands. It was in consequence
required, and as the condition of the grant to be made, that as
the king was now " of good discretion," the council of twelve
which had been appointed by his first parliament should be
removed ; that commissioners should be immediately chosen to
investigate the expences of the royal household ; and that such
faults as might be discovered should be stated to the king, and
corrected. A few months only intervened between the disso-
lution of this parliament and the convening of another. The
king was now declared to be " enormously in debt," and the
commons in accepting the offer of the crown to examine the
public accounts,* found the exchequer involved to the extent
of a hundred and sixty thousand pounds. This was pronounced
to be " most outrageous and insupportable."* The debate,
however, which ensued, ended in the adoption of a pole tax, —
a mode of contribution which fell upon each person, and upon
each according to his rank.' But even this grant, probably
from the ignorance of statistics common to the period, failed to
3 Rot. Pari. iii. 5G, 57. classes. A duke, 61. Us. id. ; an eail
■* This offer was a noveltj' in our or a countess, 4/. ; a baron, banneret,
parliamentary history, and shows the baroness, or knight, 21. ; a bachelor,
extreme necessities of the court. an esquire, and the widows of such, 1/. ;
5 Rot. Pari. iii. 71— 90. a Serjeant, 21.; a judge, 5/. Rut.
8 The following was the rate of Pari. iii. 57.
contribution imposed on the higher
xoTEs. 399
meet a moiety of the expence which had been incurred within
six months by the expedition to Brittany alone. The tax was
accordingly renewed, and upon an increased ratio ; but whether
from timidity or negligence on the part of the collectors, or
from bad management in the court, this imposition failed to
realize the amount of the former/ A desperate measure was
now resorted to, and the guilt of the insurrection which fol-
lowed must be attributed, mainly, if not entirely, to its
abettors.
Four persons proffered their services to ascertain the correct-
ness of the payments made by Kent, Norfolk, and their neigh-
bourhood. This offer was accepted. In their exactions these
civic inquisitors were stimulated by the prospect of a large
reward, and by their conviction that the scrutiny of the court
would be but feebly exercised with respect to the mode in
which the contribution might be obtained, shoidd the amount
be such as to remove its present embarrassment.* The last
provision of the parliament in relation to this tax, had rendered
each person liable at the age of fifteen ; and we may conceive
of the many lesser insults which were offered to the already
irritated feelings of the people by these collectors, from the
circumstance that as often as the age of the females in a house-
hold became the matter of dispute, these ruffians insisted on a
mode of ascertaining the fact which outraged every feeling of
modesty. To save their daughters from the treatment with
which they were menaced, many parents submitted to the im-
position where it w^as unjust.^ But to suppose that a despotism
of this kind could have been long endured by our ancestors in
the fourteenth century, would be to betray a very mistaken
estimate of their character — especially as it was affected by the
commerce and the intercourse of our towns and cities.
The men of Kent were the first to deliberate on the duty of
resistance, but no leader appeared to command their confidence.
A baker of Fobbing, in Essex, either more courageous than his
neighbours, or less sensible to danger, was the first to raise the
standiird of revolt.'" The populace applauded his example,
■ Ibid. 0 Ibid.
' Knin;hton, 2G32, 2033. llud. 2C32.
400 NOTES.
and the flame once kindled, fled instantaneously through that
county, and through the towns and villages of Kent. Belknape,
chief justice of the common pleas, was dispatched to restore
tranquillity among the Essex men by inflicting a signal punish-
ment on the leading insurgents. But as the grand jury began
to find indictments, the multitude rose, burst into their apart-
ments, and cutting off their heads, compelled the judge to
swear that he would desist from all such proceedings. Two
eflfbrts of the same description were subsequently made in
Kent, but in both instances, as in the present, the effect was
rather to augment than to subdue the disaffection." It was in
the month of May that the men of Essex assembled to the
amount of five thousand, armed with almost every variety of
weapon. To these additions were daily made, and at the head
of this growing multitude was an obscure individual known in
the records of the period under the assumed name of Jack
Straw. As the effect of accident, a person equally humble in
his origin, and bearing the name of Wat Tyler, or Walter the
Tyler, was raised to the same distinction by the populace of
Kent." Walter was a tradesman in the town of Dartford.
During his absence from home, a collector of the obnoxious tax
entered his house, and a dispute presently arose between its
mistress and the officer, respecting the age of a young female
who stood in the apartment. To secure the sum demanded,
the servant of the government proceeded toward that inspection
of the girl's person which, as the shortest mode of ending such
discussions, had been attempted in previous instances. The
indignation of the mother, and the terror of the daughter, were
instantly vented in loud cries, their neighbours came running to
the spot, and tidings of the outrage reaching the ear of Wat
Tyler, he abandoned his work, fled through the town with
his tool in his hand, and placing himself before the incendiary,
demanded in the spirit of a man and a father, on what authority
lie had dared so to conduct himself. But the knave was inured
to his business : his language became abusive ; and he de-
scended to level a blow at his opponent. Tiiis was not to be
" .Sto\ve,-281. 1^ Wals. 258. Knighton, 2G33, -203 1. Stowe, 281.
NOTES.
401
borne, the insulted parent avoided the weapon raised against
him, and with a single stroke of his lathing instrument — still in
his hand — laid the agent of oppression dead at his feet. ,A new
scene now opened to the Tyler of Dartford. He stood com-
mitted against the government of his country, and could see no
prospect of safety, but in exile, or in the favour of the people—
and the latter, uncertain as its power or continuance might be,
would almost necessarily occur to such a man as his best
security. The population of the immediate neiglibourhood
gathered instantly around him, expressed their admiration of
his conduct, and vowed to defend him against any movement of
his enemies. Within a few weeks Walter appeared in the
vicinity of the capital, as the leader of armed men, who, with
their followers, are presumed to have numbered a hundred
thousand persons.
Hitherto the lords of the aristocracy, who were regarded as
the counsellors of the sovereign, whether churchmen or laymen,
appear to have been the exclusive objects of resentment. At
Maidstone, the prison of the archbishop was broken open, and
one John Ball, described as a profligate and revolutionary priest,
was set at liberty ; and it is said was announced as the future
primate." To the day, however, in which the insurgents ap-
peared on Blackheath, the oath exacted of their followers was
fidelity to Richard and the commons ; and also that no king
should be acknowledged by the name of John — a provision
which plainly referred to the duke of Lancaster.'^ To the
approaching multitude a messenger was now dispatched, who,
in the name of the king, required to know the cause of this
tumult. It was replied, that they sought an audience of the
sovereign. Some of the counsellors of Richard advised his
compliance, but Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, and chan-
cellor of the realm, opposed the measure, and indulged in the
most contemptuous language respecting the parties who had
thus ventured to claim the royal notice. Unfortunately, his
advice, and his expressions reached the ear of the malcontents,
and they were not to be forgotten." The magistrates of the
'3 Knighton. '« Wals. 258. Rot. Pari. iii. 90. i-. Wals. 2.59.
V o T. . 1 1 . n i:»
402 NOTES.
metropolis would have closed their gates against Walter, and
the host of his adherents, but the populace within shared in the
discontent manifested without, and passing London Bridge,
the upland multitude flowed unchecked into the city.'® The
king, with a few members of his court, and about two hun-
dred knights, fled to the protection of the Tower. Some
days however passed, and the insurgents, little as they
appeared to be disciplined, were kept from violence. They
paid for the whole of their provisions ; and continued to ex-
press it as their determination to return to their home, as
soon as the traitors of the land should be secured and pu-
nished." But time was no longer to be lost, and Richard
at length agreed to confer with their leaders at Mile End.
There the king granted a charter, which declared the parties
assembled free, and abolished all servitude and villanage.
But while the main body of the disaffected were thus em-
ployed, a rabble which still lingered near the Tower, suddenly
collected their strength, and forced an entrance. Overpowering
the knights within, they seized the archbishop, the treasurer of
the realm, and Legg, who had been commissioner of the pole-
tax, with several others. These they reproached as traitors,
and having in the madness of popular triumph, cut off their
heads, bore them on lances through the streets.'**
Every thing recorded of the insurgents from this unhappy
day, is marked by violence, and the wildest disorder. Whether
suspecting that no faith could be placed in the promises of a
court which had suffered so greatly from them, or intoxicated
beyond their power of resistance by apparent success, it appears
that through the week ensuing, their chief employments were
pillao-e, drunkenness, and murder. Three times their demands
on the government were complied with, but without allaying the
tumult ; and in Smithfield, Richard again descended to confer
with them. Walter, it appears, was still the person of prin-
cipal influence with the multitude, and it is probable that he had
yielded, in some degree, to the growing spirit of insubordination.
By the attendants of Richard, the freedom of his conduct was
i<i Wals. 259. '7 Ibid. 260.
•s Knighton, 2674, 2635. Wilkins, iii. 153. Wals. 260—263.
NOTES. 403
deemed an insult to their sovereign ; and as the king hesitated
to pronounce the abolition of the forest and game laws, the bold
insurgent approached so near to the royal person, as to excite
suspicion of some sinister design. Walworth, the mayor of
London, seized his spear, and in a moment it was planted in the
neck of the rebel ; and from the indignation of another atten-
dant, the misguided man received a second wound in the side.
He rose convulsively, once and again, but in a few minutes was
no more. His followers, roused by the deed, instantly grasped
their weapons to avenge it ; when the king, in the confidence of
youth, and aware perhaps that the disaffection even yet referred
not to himself, fled to their ranks, and exclaimed, " Why, my liege
" men, this clamour, will you kill your king ? Heed not the death
" of a traitor, I will be your leader ; come, follow me to the fields,
" and what you ask, you shall have." Charmed with the spirit
and confidence of the youthful monarch, they obeyed his sum-
mons ; but while engaged in this parley, were alarmed by the
approach of an armed force, under the command of Sir Robert
Knowles. The panic was suddenly diffused, and the followers
of Walter fled in every direction to assemble no more. The
king humanely forbade pursuit, but the concessions which had
been made were all rescinded, and some hundreds of the
offenders, in their various counties, were doomed to perish by
the hand of the executioner.""
The reader must be aware, that in proportion to the dege-
neracy of the ecclesiastical orders, has been their adherence to
the maxim, that to diminish the popular reverence of the minis-
ters of religion, must be to sap the foundation of the civil power.
Nor is the plea strictly devoid of truth. But it is one which
has too frequently aided unworthy men in annexing the worst
penalties of criminal justice, to what they have judged as delin-
quencies in religious opinion. It would have been singular,
therefore, had no effort been made to exhibit the religious
doctrine of our reformer, so hostile to the worldly pretensions
of the existing clergy, as scattering the seeds of civil dis-
•i* Knighton, 2636, 2637. Wals. 264, 265. Rjmer, vii. 3 16, 317. Rot,
Park iii. 103, 111.
n D 2
404 NOTES.
affection. Its influence, however, as far as we can ascertain,
was rather to restrain the violence of the disorderly multitude,
in this instance, than to produce their spirit of misrule.
The fact that various countries in which no reformer of
Wycliffe's character was known, had recently become the scene
of similar tumults, and such as were peculiarly hostile to many
of the prevailing superstitions, might be sufficient to explain
the origin of the convulsion in 1381, without attributing it, in
any important degree, to the labours of the rector of Lutter-
worth. Nearly thirty years previously, the disbanded mer-
cenaries of France had fdled the provinces of that kingdom
with their depredations ; and unavved by the terrors of the
church, had compelled the pontiff to redeem himself in Avignon,
at the cost of forty thousand crowns.^" These banditti, who
were known by the name of " the companies," were no sooner
conducted by the celebrated du Guesclin to the war against
Peter of Castile, than the peasantry of the French provinces
rose against their rulers, and their insurrection, resembling that
of the English populace in 1381, both in its origin, and in
various of its features, was more extended, of longer duration,
and marked by much greater atrocities."' The increase of tax-
ation which had now become common to nearly all the govern-
ments of Europe, was accompanied by an increase of wastefulness
on the part of sovereigns and their ministers ; and, unfortunately
for such propensities, there arose at the same time a powerful
disposition on the part of the people to criticise the measures of
their rulers, as those of servants in relation to the community.
From these causes sprung the memorable rebellion of the
Flemings ; and over other states, their example and successes
shed a dangerous influence. It was at this crisis, and while the
disorders which we have noticed as arising in England were on
the eve of breaking forth, that the peasantry of France again
betrayed every sign of restlessness ; and the citizens of Paris
became foremost in resisting the demands of the national autho-
'" Froissart, 187. These daring ma- and as being known in consequence b)'
lauders were led by one Arnaud de the name of I'Arcliipetre.
Cervole, a chieftain who is described ^i D'Achery, Spicllegium, iii. 114.
as holding an ecclesiastical benefice,
NOTES. 405
ritles on their pecuniary resources. It was believed also, by
Froissart, that had the efforts of the French government to
quell the insurrection of the citizens of Ghent, and their various
adherents, proved a failure, the flame of rebellion must have
been speedily diffused through the whole of their own terri-
tories. It was likewise the opinion of that historian; that the
rising under Wat Tyler would hardly have occurred in the
absence of the stimulus supplied by these examples. Nothing
indeed can be more evident than that such convulsive appear-
ances were less the result of any local peculiarities, than of a
general movement in the system of European society. From
various causes, the notions of a representative government, and
of responsible rulers, began to grow familiar to the popular
apprehension, and by this new state of things, the authorities
which were not obviously founded in public utility, were every
where menaced with overthrow."
But there were powerful ebullitions of popular feeling during
the middle ages, and such as not a little affected the preten-
sions both of kings and churchmen, where no burden imposed
by the civil authorities, nor any thing resembling the spirit of
enlightened reformation in relation to the church, can be
assigned as the cause. It is the statement of an historian equally
distinguished by his research, and by the sobriety of his views,
that " no denomination of christians has produced, or even
" sanctioned, more fanaticism than the church of Rome."" It
is certain that during the ages adverted to, its votaries were
familiarised from their cradle with the doctrine of supernatural
agencies in the government of the world ; and that they were
22 Froissart, c. 37. 84. 120. Mr. " to have tbeir parallels and their
Hallam remarks, while referring to " analogies; while the military achieve-
these facts, " I would advise the his- " ments of distant times aiford, in ge-
" torical student to acquaint himself " neral, no instruction, and can hardly
"with these transactions, and with " occupy too little of our time in his-
" the corresponding tumults at Paris. " torical studies," i. 91. Froissart's
" They are among the eternal lessons account of the English insurrection
" of history ; for the unjust encroach- differs in some important particulars
" ments of courts, the intemperate from that given above, but 1 have fcil-
" passions of the multitude, the am- lowed the authorities wliich appeared
" bition of demagogues, the cruelty of to me to be most correctly informed.
" victorious faclions, will never cease 23 Hallam, iii. 311.
406 NOTES.
as commonly in total ignorance respecting the nature of every
such interposition. The term miracle was almost deprived of
its meaning, from the frequency with which it was conferred on
real or imaginary occurrences ; and the gifts of inspiration were
believed to be scarcely less prevalent. Both were appealed to
as lending their sanction to the crusades, and those memorable
convulsions, which so materially disturbed the frame-work of
society in Europe, were to supply the elements of many a
kindred phrensy.
In the year 1211, an army of children amounting to several
myriads, and commanded by a child, left Germany in quest of
the holy land. At Genoa the sea presented an obstacle which
their wisdom appears not to have anticipated, and if thirty
thousand of their number returned to Marseilles, it was to be
sold to the Saracens, or to perish by hunger and the sword.^*
The first remarkable appearance of this fanatical temper, apart
from the object of the crusades, is said to have been in the
reign of Philip- Augustus. When the mercenaries of that prince
and those of our Henry the second were disbanded, the south
of France was selected as the scene of their predatory warfare.
To protect the country from the growing outrage of these
marauders, one Durand, a carpenter, placed himself at the head
of the irritated inhabitants. He is said to have been deluded
into this enterprise, by an artifice which had announced him as
the favourite of the Virgin ; his followers, from the covering
they wore, were called brethren of the white caps; and to
secure the divine approbation of their object, they bound them-
selves to appear in unpretending apparel, to abstain from taverns,
and to avoid the guilt of swearing, gaming, and perjury. As
with the commons in England, the partial success of these re-
dressers of grievances produced a mistaken estimate of their
strength, and presuming to oppose the usual exactions of
the feudal aristocracy, their influence was soon doomed to
disappear." " During the captivity of St. Louis in Egypt,"
observes Mr. Hallam, " an extensive and terrible ferment broke
2^ Muratori, A. D. 1211. Velly, « Hallam, iii. 295. Du Cange, v.
Hist. iv. 206. Capuciati.
NOTES. 407
" out in Flanders, and spread from thence over great part of
" France. An impostor declared himself commissioned by the
" virgin to pi-each a crusade, not to the rich and noble, who for
" their pride had been rejected of God, but to the poor. His
" disciples were called Pastoureaux, the simplicity of shepherds
" having exposed them more readily to this delusion. In a
" short time they were swelled by the confluence of abundant
" streams to a moving mass of a hundred thousand men,
" divided into companies, with banners bearing a cross and a
" lamb, and commanded by the impostor's lieutenants. He
" assumed a priestly character, preaching, absolving, annulling
" marriages. At Amiens, Bourges, Orleans, and Paris itself,
" he was received as a divine prophet. Even the regent
" Blanche, for a time, was led away by the popular tide. His
" main topic was reproach of the clergy for their idleness and
" corruption, a theme well adapted to the ears of the people,
" who had long been uttering similar strains of complaint. In
" some towns his followers massacred the priests and plundered
" the monasteries. The government at length began to exert
" itself, and the public sentiment turning against the authors of
" so much confusion, this rabble was put to the sword or dis-
" sipated. Seventy years afterwards, an insurrection almost
" exactly parallel to this burst out under the same pretence of
" a crusade. These insurgents, too, bore the name of Pastou-
" reaux, and their short career was distinguished by a general
" massacre of the Jews."*'^
But an exhibition of this kind, which extended more generally
from the populace to the higher classes, was that of the flagel-
lants. In Italy, toward the middle of the thirteenth century,
numbers of these fanatics were seen in the streets and public
roads. They usually passed two by two, forming extended
processions, and while they inflicted on each other the torture
of a leathern scourge, made the air to resound with groans, or
hymns of lamentation. This mania, though it failed to obtain
the sanction of the church, and was seriously discountenanced
by the magistrates, wore so much the appearance of sincerity,
2*= View of the State of Europe, iii. 387, 388.
408 NOTES.
that it spread through various of the continental states, and was
not unknown to this country." The story, also, of the Italian
Bianchi, is amply recorded by those who were witnesses of their
extravagant singularities ; and while referring to a period so
late as the opening of the fifteenth century, is fraught with the
same proofs of religious derangement, and criminal propensity —
demonstrating the folly of regarding the gloom of the popular
mind, as affording any permanent security against the most fatal
igniting of its passions."
The reader will perceive from these details, that to account
for the insurrection of the commons under Wat Tyler, it is by
no means necessary that we should be aware of such a mind as
that of WyclifFe having existence in thi^ country at the period.*^^
" Froissart, ii. 263. Wals. 1G9.
2s It would not appear to be correct,
as stated b^- Mr. Hallam, that the sect
of the flagellants " soon died away,"
(iii 341.) Mosheim, iu bis History of
the Fourteenth Century, (iii. 381, 382)
describes them not only as existing,
but as become more extravag.int than
ever in their speculations and their
practices.
These flagellants," he
observes, "whose enthusiasm infected
" every rank, sex, and age, were much
" worse than the old ones. They not
" only supposed that God might be
" prevailed upon to show mercy to
" those who underwent voluntary pu-
" nishments, but propagated otlier
" tenets highly injurious to religion.
" They held, among other things, that
" flagellation was of equal virtue with
" baptism aud the other sacraments;
" that the forgiveness of all sins was
" to be obtained by it from God with-
" out the merits of Jesus Christ ; that
" the old law of Christ was soon to be
" abolished, and that a new law, en-
" joining the baptism of blood, to be
" administered by whipping, was to be
"substituted in its place." It was a
century after the exploits of this sect
had made much noise in Germany, that
they made their appearance in Eugland.
In the latter half of the fourteenth
century another sect arose, which, by
violent dancing, and other eccentrici-
ties, announced themselves the votaries
of mirth rather than of sadness. These
were pitied by many of the clergy, as
possessed with devils, and some in-
stances of successful exorcism are on
record for the edification of future
times. — Ibid. But such extravagances
were the legitimate and constant result
of the ecclesiastical system which pre-
vailed during the middle ages, and the
germ of protestantism, which survived
in the midst of them, has been the
scape-goat to which catholics impute
the guilt of every disorder belonging
to that dreary interval.
2' Froissart, who is minute in his
account of the English insurrections,
repeatedly asseits that John of Gaunt
was the peculiar object of the popular
resentment ; but he does not, for a
moment, hint at anv religious motive
as having produced any portion of the
tumult, unless he may be said to do so
in his notice of the declamations of
John Ball. His humane opinion, in-
deed, is, that it all arose from "the
" too greatcomfort of the commonalty,"
who, at the same time, are described as
more oppressed with respect to the
services connected with villanage, than
anypet)i)le in Europe. — Hist, ubi supra.
NOTES. 409
Convulsions equally menacing both to the civil and the ecclesi-
astical authorities of the age, we perceive as the result of causes
with which no agency like that of our reformer was connected.
And if in attempting the work of reformation, the remedy proved
in some instances more afflictive than the disease, this inca-
pacity on the part of the sufferers, must be numbered among
the evils introduced by the advocates of lawless authority on
the one hand, and those of superstition on the other. Difficult,
indeed, would it have been in such an age, to have uttered any
generous sentiment with regard to the people, without becoming
numbered by their various oppressors with the most revolu-
tionary and dangerous members of the state. That the adver-
saries of WyclifFe should impute to him a share in the guilt of
Tyler's atrocities, is, accordingly, an event in no way mysterious.
But if there be certainty in history, it is beyond doubt, that the
lessons of inspiration which formed in the rector of Lutterworth
so determined a foe of the great antichristian apostacy, were
also an authority to which he bowed with sacred submission
when describing the legitimate claims of the magistrate, or the
just pretentions of the christian pastor.
Even the pages of Walsingham afford a complete vindication
of our reformer on this point, as in the opinion of that historian
the insurrection arose from the general depravity of the people ;
and it is farther stated by him as a part of the confession made
by a leader of the rebels, that their meditated destruction of the
hierarchy was to make way for the sole establishment of the
mendicants. Had WyclifFe's " poor priests," been thus singled
out, however unjustly, it is needless to remark the matter of
triumph which this would have been to the orthodox ; and from
this circumstance, it is equally obvious, that had the wild scheme
of the insurgents been realized, the rector of Lutterworth would
have been just the last man in the kingdom to have viewed it
with pleasure.^"
3" ]t is alKrmed by Froissart, that live to revolt. Hence Mr. Lewis ob-
fuU two-thirds of the people iinew not serves that archbishop Parker's remark
wliy they had assembled, and that the seems very true, that " it is owing to
plunder of the opulent was shown by " pure hatred of the Wycliffites, that
their conduiJt to he the principal nio- " some have falsely and ignorantlv pre-
410 NOTES.
But while the monk of St. Albans saw these disorders as the
chastisement of national crime, the members of the commons'
house of parliament viewed them as being especially provoked
by the burdens which a prodigal court had imposed in the
preceding session. In their address to the king, they do not
hesitate, after mature deliberation, to affirm, " that unless the
" administration of the kingdom be speedily reformed, it must
" become wholly lost. For true it is," they proceed, " that
" there are such defects in the said administration, as well about
" the king's person and his household as in his courts of
" justice, and by grievous oppressions in the country, through
" maintainers of suits, who are as it were kings in the country,
" that right and law are come to nothing, and the poor com-
" mons are from time to time so pillaged and ruined, partly by
" the king's purveyors of the household, and others who pay
" nothing for what they take, partly by the subsidies and tallages
" raised upon them, and besides by the oppressive behaviour of
" the king's servants, and other lords, and especially of the
" foresaid maintainers of suits, they are reduced to greater
" poverty and discomfort than ever they were before. And
" moreover, though great sums have been continually granted
" by, and levied upon them for the defence of the kingdom, yet
" they are not the better defended against their enemies, but
" every year are plundered and wasted by sea and land, without
" any relief. Which calamities the said poor commons, who
" lately used to live in honour and prosperity, can no longer
" endure." From this statement of grievances it appears, that
in proportion to the largeness of the grants which had been
made to the government, had been the diminution of the pro-
tection promised ; and that while the enemy without was
suffered to menace the shores of the kingdom, the host of
tyrants harboured within were employed in daily consuming
" tended that John Balle was one of as to have been the tutor of Ball was
" them." LewiSj c. x. 227, 228. Ca- to be the parent of sedition, and to be
tholic writers have been for some time his follower was to be the mere ape of
aware that it is useless to speak, of Ball a demagogue. Ball's disorderly con-
as the disciple of Wyclifle, and they duct had attracted the notice of his su-
have accordingly agreed to invert the periors before the year 1366. Wilkins,
relation : for either will do, inasmuch iii. 64, 132.
NOTES. 411
the sources of its strength. Having advanced thus far, these
sturdy commoners immediately add ; " and to speak the real
" truth, these injuries lately done to the poorer commons, more
" than they ever suffered before, caused them to rise and to
" commit the mischief done in the late riot ; and there is still
" cause to fear greater evils, if sufficient remedy be not timely
" provided against the outrages and oppressions aforesaid."^'
The lords appear to have concurred in these statements ; and
this testimony, as to the origin of this ill-fated resistance of
arbitrary power, is the most decisive that could be supplied.
Note B.
" Many writers have given us large accounts concerning the
sect and name of the Lollards, yet none of them are to be
commended for their fidelity, diligence, or accuracy on this
head. This I can confidently assert, because I have carefully and
expressly inquired into whatever relates to the Lollards ; and
from the most authentic records concerning them, both pub-
lished and unpublished, have collected copious materials from
whence their true history may be compiled. Most of the
German writers, as well as those of other countries, affirm that
the Lollards were a particular sect, who differed from the
church of Rome in many religious points ; and that Walter
Lollard, who was burnt in this century at Cologne, was their
founder. How so many learned men came to adopt this
opinion is beyond my comprehension. They, indeed, refer to
Jo. Trithemius as the author of this opinion ; yet it is certain
that no such account of these people is to be found in his
writings. I shall therefore endeavour, with all possible bre-
vity, to throw all the light I can upon this matter, that they
who are fond of ecclesiastical history may have a just notion
of it.
" The loUhard, or luUhard, or, as the ancient Germans write
it, lollert, lullert, is compounded of the old German word
=' Hallani, iii.93.
412 \OTES.
luUen, lollen, lallen, and the well-known termination, hard,
with which many of the old High Dutch words end. Lollen,
or liillen, signifies to sing with a low voice. See Franc. Junii
Etymologicum Anglicanmii, ab Edvardo Lye, Oxon. 1743, fol.
under the word lollard. The word is also used in the same
sense among the Flemings, Swedes, and other nations, as ap-
pears by their respective dictionaries. Among the Germans,
both the sense and pronunciation of it have undergone some
alteration ; for they say, lallen, which signifies to pronounce
indistinctly, or stammer. Lollhard, therefore, is a singer, or
one who frequently sings. For as the word beggen, which
universally signifies to request any thing fervently, is applied
to devotional requests or prayers ; and, in the stricter sense in
which it is used by the High Dutch, denotes praying fervently,
to God ; in the same manner the word lollen, or lullen, is
transferred from a common to a sacred song, and signifies, in
its most limited sense, to sing a hymn. Lollhard, therefore,
in the vulgar tongue of the ancient Germans, denotes a person
who is continually praising God with a song, or singing hymns
to his honour. Hoscemius, a canon of Liege, has well appre-
hended and expressed the force of this word in his Gesta
Pontificum lungrensium et Leodiensium, tom. iii. p. 350. s.
Li the year (1309) says he, certain strolling hypocrites,
who were called Lollards, or praisers of God, deceived some
women of quality in Hainault and Brabant. Because those
who praised God, generally did it in verse, therefore in the
Latin style of the middle age, to praise God, meant to sing to
him, and such as were frequently employed in acts of ado-
ration, were called religious singers. And as prayers and
hymns are regarded as a certain external sign of piety towards
God, therefore those who aspired after a more than ordinary
degree of piety and religion, and for that purpose were more
frequently occupied in singing hymns of praise to God than
others, were, in the common popular language, called Lol-
hards. Hereupon this word acquired the same meaning with
that of the term beghard, which denoted a person remarkable
for piety ; for in all the old records, from the eleventh century,
these two words arc synonymous : so that all who are styled
XOTES. 413
Beghards are also called Lollards, which may be proved to a
demonstration from many authors, and particularly from many
passages in the writings of Felix Malleolus against the Beg-
hards ; so that there are precisely as many sorts of Beggards as
of Lollards. Those whom the monks now call lay-brothers,
were formerly called Lollard brethren, as is well observed by
Barthol, Scholinger, Ad Joach. Vadiadem de Collegiis Monas-
teriisque Germania3 Veter. lib. i. p. 24, in Goldasti Scriptor.
Rerum Alemannicarum, torn. iii.
" The brethren of the Free Spirit, of whom we have already
given a large account, are by some styled Beggards, by others,
Lollards. The followers of Gerhard Groote, or priests of the
oon^munity, are frequently called Lollard brethren. The good
man Walter, who was burnt at Cologne, and whom so many
learned men have unadvisedly represented as the founder of the
sect of the Lollards, is by some called a Beggard, by others a
Lollard, and by others a Minorite. The Franciscan Tertiares,
who were remarkable for their prayers and other pious exer-
cises, often go by the name of Lollards. The Cellite brethren,
or Alexians, whose piety was very exemplary, did no sooner
appear in Flanders, about the beginning of this century, than
the people gave them the title of Lollards, a term much in use
at that time. A particular reason, indeed, for their being dis-
tinguished by this name was, that they were public singers,
who made it their business to inter the bodies of those who
died of the plague, and sung a dirge over them in a mournful
and indistinct tone as they carried them to the grave. Amono-
the many testimonies that might be alleged to prove this, we
shall confine ourselves to the words of Jo. Bapt. Gramage, a
man eminently skilled in the history of his country, in his work,
entitled Antwerpia, lib. ii. cap. vi. p. 16. ' The Alexians,'
says he, ' who constantly employed themselves about funerals,
' had their rise at Antwerp ; at which place, about the year
' 1300, some honest pious laymen formed a society. On
' account of their extraordinary temperance and modesty, they
' were styled Matemanni (or moderatists), and also Lollards,
' from their attendance on funeral obsequies. From their cells,
' they were named Cellite brethren.' To the same purpose is
414 NOTES.
the following passage in his work entitled Lovanium, p. 18,
which is inserted in the splendid folio edition of Belgic Anti-
quities, published at Louvain, in 1708: 'The Alexians, who
' were wholly engaged in taking care of funerals, now began to
' appear. They were laymen, who, having wholly devoted
' themselves to works of mercy, were named Lollards and
' Mantemanni (or moderatists). They made it their sole busi-
' ness to take care of all such as were sick, or out of their
' senses. These they attended both privately and publicly,
' and buried the dead.' The same learned author tells us,
that he transcribed some of these particulars from an old diary,
written in Flemish rhyme. Hence we find in the annals of
Holland and Utrecht, in Ant. Matthaei Analect. Vet. ^vi,
tom. i. p. 431, the following words: 'Die Lollardtyes die
' brochten, dee dooden by een, i. e. the Lollards who collected
' the dead bodies ; ' which passage is thus paraphrased by
Matthaeus : ' The managers of funerals, and carriers of the dead,
of whom there was a fixed company, were a set of mean,
worthless creatures, who usually spoke in a canting mournful
tone, as if bewailing the dead ; and hence it came to pass,
that a street in Utrecht, in which most of these people lived,
was called the Loller street.' The same reason that changed
the word beggard from its primitive meaning contributed also
to give, in process of time, a different signification to that of
lollard, even its being assumed by persons that dishonoured it.
For among those Lollards, who made such extraordinary pre-
tences to piety and religion, and spent the greatest part of their
time in meditation, prayer, and such-like acts of piety, there
were many abominable hypocrites, who entertained the most
ridiculous opinions, and concealed the most enormous vices
under the specious mask of this extraordinary profession. But
it was chiefly after the rise of the Alexians or Cellites, that the
name Lollard became infamous. For the priests and monks
being inveterately exasperated against these good men, propa-
gated injurious suspicions of them, and endeavoured to per-
suade the people that innocent and beneficent as the Lollards
seemed to be, they were in reality the contrary, being tainted
with the most pernicious sentiments of a religious kind, and
NOTES. 415
secretly addicted to all sorts of vices. Thus by degrees it came
to pass, that any person who covered heresies or crimes under
the appearance of piety, was called a Lollard. So that it is cer-
tain this was not a name to denote any one particular sect, but
was formerly common to all persons and all sects who were
supposed to be guilty of impiety towards God and the church,
under an external profession of extraordinary piety." — Mosheim.
iii. 355— S58.
Note C.
Germany, from the period in which it owned the authority of
its apostle, St. Boniface, liad frequently proved an asylum to the
fugitive Vaudois. When the penalty of exile was imposed on
Peter Waldo and his followers, the states to which our coun-
tryman had been the first to announce the tidings of the gospel,
became the residence of the greater number, and long con-
tinued to be the principal scene of their labours. At the com-
mencement of the thirteenth century, they were sufficiently
numerous to provoke a formidable persecution from the em-
peror, Frederic the second ; and the report of their sufferings
which reached this country, was recorded by Matthew Paris.
To the violence of the sword that of the inquisitor succeeded.
Conrad, who received his authority as chief inspector from the
pontiff, exercised his office with the utmost cruelty, nor was
there any thing either in civil rank or ecclesiastical distinction
to protect from his intolerance. He is said to have resorted to
the ordeal of fire, affirming that the accused who suffered from
holding the heated iron, were thus shown to be worthy of
passing through the fires of this world, to those of the next.
The diocese of Treves, appears to have been particularly dis-
tinguished as the residence of the suffering Waldenses. In
that district, schools were established for the instruction of their
youth. These sectaries are described as publishing aloud their
dissent from the hierarchy, and their censures of the pope as
Antichrist ; as declaring the prelates to be simonists and de-
ceivers of the people ; and as asserting, that they were them-
selves the only preachers of truth, and that rather than the
416 NOTES.
truth should fail of advocates by an extinction bf their race,
God would not fail to raise up children to himself of the stones
in the street. This fearless conduct may have arisen from the
weakness or the forbearance of the local authorities ; or from
the more zealous temper of the Vaudois pastors in the neigh-
bourhood of Treves ; it is certain that their contest with the
established superstitions was of the most uncompromising cha-
racter. Other teachers might bury the truth, and raise false-
hood to its place ; it was theirs to proclaim the christian doctrine
free from the traditions of men, and instead of a feigned remis-
sion of sin, invented by the pope, to offer one that is certain and
final, being from God himself. It is fully ascertained that the
people avowing these sentiments existed in 1330, which was
six years subsequent to the birth of Wycliffe, and in 1391,
which was seven years after his decease. It was near the former
period that an event took place, which served greatly to
exasperate the clergy, but which suggests the most favourable
conclusions as to the character of the persecuted. Ecliard, a
monk, and a person who had acted with much severity as an
inquisitor, had often felt himself unable to confute the reason-
ings with which such as were accused of heresy defended
their separation from the church of Rome ; and after an interval,
the impressions thus made on a mind apparently the most
unpromising, issued in conversion. The monk not only pro-
fessed to renounce his former opinions, but became the friend
and companion of the men whom he had regarded as the worst
enemies of piety, and had laboured to destroy. It will be sup-
posed that Echard became an object of peculiar enmity with his
former associates. After a diligent search, they succeeded in
securing his person. At Heidelberg, he was sentenced to the
flames ; but his last moments were employed in denouncing the
injustice which doomed so many good men to perish for
maintaining the truth of God as opposed to the devices of
Antichrist.'
In the beginning of the thirteenth century, the fires of per-
secution were kindled in Paris, where a number of Waldenses
• Perriu. Hist.ii. c.ix. Matthew Paris, aiin. 1220.
NOTES. 417
was imprisoned, and many condemned to the stake. Somewhat
later, the zeal of orthodoxy was extended, after the same man-
ner, from the capital to the provinces : and twenty years
previous to the birth of WyclifFe, a hundred and fourteen per-
sons were apprehended by the Parisians as of Waldensian
origin, and they are described as perishing in the flames with
the constancy of martyrs. In the year 1378, — which will be
remembered as that in which the English reformer was engaged
in his contest with the papal delegates, — the clergy of Paris
again appealed to that destructive element, on which, in common
with their brethren in other states, they were so much disposed
to rely as their best argument against heresy.^ How far their
flocks were edified by such spectacles, we are not informed;
but under Philip the fair, the fugitive sectaries were followed
into Flanders, where the atrocities of one Robert Bougre, who,
from being a professed Vaudois, became an inquisitor, were
such as at length to excite the alarm of his colleagues. Mea-
sures were secretly adopted, to deprive him of his power, and,
convicted of many crimes, he was called to end his career of
treachery, depredation, and bloodshed, in a prison. It should
be remarked, also, that it was in Flanders, where commerce
was diffusing its equalities, and its various benefits, that the
adherents of the protestant doctrine were so few, and so hunted
down by their oppressors, and exiled from the abodes of men,
as to obtain the name of Turlupins, or the companions of the
wolf.'
" About the year of our Lord 1370," observes the Vaudois
historian, " the Waldenses of the valley of Pragela and Dau-
" phine grew to so great a number in so small a country, that
" they were obliged to send away a certain portion of their
" younger people to seek some other place to inhabit. In their
" travel, they found in Calabria certain waste lands, but ill
" peopled, and yet very fertile, as they might well judge by
" those parts near adjoining. Finding the country fit to bring
" forth corn, wine, oil of olives, and chestnuts, and that there
2 Perrin, Hist. ii. c. xv.
3 Ibid. Hist. ii. c. xiii. Matthew Paris, aun.
VOL. ir. E E
418 NOTES.
*' were hills fit for the breeding and nourishing of cattle, and
" also to furnish them with fuel, and with timber fit for build-
" ing — they came unto the lords of the neighbourhood, to treat
" with them touching their abode in those districts. The said
" lords received them kindly, and agreed to their laws and
" requests, as to their rents, tenths, tolls, and penalties in case
" there fell out any differences between them. And so, having
" certain quarters or parts of the country thus assigned to them,
" many of them returned to advertise their parents of the good
" adventure that had happened unto them, in a rich country
' likely to abound in all temporal benedictions. Returning,
" they brought back with them from their parents and friends,
" whatever it pleased them to bestow upon them, and many of
" them married, and brought their wives into Calabria, where
" they built certain small towns and cities, to which their own
" houses were as walls, as namely, St. Xist, La Garde, La Vica-
" ricis, les Rousses, Argentier, St. Vincent's, and Montolieu.
" The lords of the said countries thought themselves happy in
" that they had met with so good subjects, who had peopled
" lands, and made them to abound with all manner of fruits ;
" but principally because they found them to be honest men,
" and of a good conscience, yielding unto them all those duties
" that they could expect from the best of subjects. Only their
" pastors and priests complained that these people lived not in
" the matter of religion as others did. They made none of
" their children priests or nuns, they were not fond of chanting,
" of tapers, of lamps, of bells, no, nor of masses for their dead.
" They had built certain temples, but had not adorned them
" with images; and they went not on pilgrimage; they caused
" their children also to be instructed by certain strange and
" unknown schoolmasters, to whom they yield a great deal
" more honour than to themselves, paying nothing to them,
" except their tythes, according to the agreement with their
" lords. They doubted, therefore, that the said people had
" imbibed some particular belief, which hindered them from
" mingling themselves and joining in alliance with the home-born
" people of the land, and that they had no good opinion of the
" church of Rome. The lords of those places beginning to fear
NOTES. 419
" that if tlie pope should take notice, that so near his seat, there
" was a kind of people who contemned the laws of the Romish
" church, they might chance to lose them, detained their priests
" from complaining of these people, who in every thing else had
" shown themselves to be honest men, and who had enriched
" the whole country, even the priests themselves. Thus were
" they maintained by their lords against all envy ; and that, not-
" withstanding the priests, until the year 1560, at which time
' they could no longer defend them against the pope's thunder-
" bolts."^
My apology for inserting this extended extract will be found
in its characteristic simplicity, and in the fact that it contains
nearly all that is known respecting a numerous and interesting
people through an interval of nearly two centuries. Ten years
had scarcely passed, since this emigration from the valley of
Pragela and Dauphine, when the Waldenses of those districts,
and such as were scattered through Ambrun, Vienna, Geneva,
Savoy, and Avignon, with their neighbouring provinces, were
assailed by persecution. Clement, the anti-pope, whose contest
with Urban the sixth had proved so favourable to the cause of
the reformed opinions as promulgated by WyclifFe, had fixed
his residence at Avignon ; and in the year 1380, he empowered
the mendicant, Francis Borelli, to make inquisition for heresy
through the French territories, and those of the allies of France.
The prelates within those limits, — for there alone was the au-
thority of Clement admitted, — were required to aid the zeal of
the friar, that no diocese might be found a resting place to the
proscribed Waldensian. Borelli opened his commission at
Ambrun, by calling upon the inhabitants of Erassiniere, of Ar-
gentier, and of the valley Pute, to appear before him, under
pain of excommunicaton. The summons was disregarded, and
" the last, and most direful excommunication of offenders," was
pronounced. From the year 1380, to the year 1393, the men-
dicant continued to exercise his authority with the same pitiless
severity. The goods of such as were convicted, were divided ;
two-thirds to the clergy, and one to the magistrate ; and all
Perrin, Hist. c.
E E 2
420 NOTES.
persons, as they would avoid the penalties denounced against
the favourers of heretics, were forbidden to hold the remotest
intercourse with them, or to perform, in their behalf, the hum-
blest service of humanity. The heretic, himself, if a priest, was
deprived of his benefice and of his office ; if a layman, his will
became invalid, his inheritance lost, and along with it every
virtue which the sacraments were supposed to convey, together
with the rights of sepulture. Nor were these attempts to crush
the race which had so long protested against the corruptions of
the mystical Babylon, without some appearance of success. In
the valley Pute alone, tlie names of a hundred and fifty men
were preserved as those of persons who had fallen into the
hands of the emissaries of Clement, and who had sealed their
faith with their blood ; not to mention " divers women, with
" many of their sons and daughters, well stricken in years." ^
Note D.
It was not until towards the close of the ninth century, that
the Bohemians began to renounce idolatry ; and, to adopt the
language of the historians of their sufferings, when they " re-
" ceived the first light of the gospel, the cross was the conco-
" mitant of it, according to the will of Christ, who, as he did
" establish the church by his own blood, so he sprinkled it with
" the blood of martyrs, that it might be fruitful. This is the
" council of divine wisdom, that we may hope in Christ, and not
" for the things of this life ; therefore the gospel cost the Bohe-
" mians some of their blood.'" This test of christian sincerity
arose, in the first instance, from the resentment of a portion of
5 Perriii, Hist c. iii. subscribed," In onr banishment in the
' The following is the title of the '■ year 1632, N.N.N. &c." The facts
book frora which the materials of the of the story related, were designed to
above sketch are selected. " The His- improve an edition of the Acts and
" torj of the Bohemian Persecution, Monuments, and the Bohemian pastors
" from the beginning of their Conver- state, that they were collected from
" sion to Christianity in the year 894 their own writers, or supplied from
" to the year 1632, Ferdinand the observation. The work was separately
" Second, of Austria, reigning." The printed in this country in 16.50.
epistle " To the Godly Reader," is thus
NOTES. 421
their rulers who still adhered to the ancient superstitions ; and
afterwards, from the obtrusive domination of the pontiffs.
Nearly a century had passed since the introduction of the
gospel into that kingdom, when an eftbrt was made to retain the
use of the popular language in the offices of the church, and it
was made successfully. But the privilege which one pope had
conceded in 977, was prohibited in the most imperative terms
by another in 1179. So late, however, as the year 1197, an
advocate of clerical celibacy among the Bohemians had nearly
forfeited his life by his temerity in publicly abetting that inno-
vation ; nor was it until the middle of the fourteenth century
that communion in one kind became at all the practice of that
people. Three of their reformers were contemporary with
WyclifFe, and their names and opinions may be regarded as
familiar to Anne of Bohemia.
Melice, the first of these, was a native of Prague, and of
noble family. His powers as a preacher secured him a large
auditory, and he, ere long, proceeded " to exhort the people
" unto a frequent communion in both kinds ; to complain much
" of spiritual desolation ; to rebuke divers abuses and abomi-
" nations, being much helped with the godly endeavours of his
" faithful colleague, Conrade Strickna, a man eminent for
" learning and eloquence." By their joint labours considerable
reformation is said to have been effected in the morals of the
city. But Melice felt himself powerfully urged to visit Rome,
and to lift up his voice of reproof, as in the presence of the
power which had so desolated the church of God. With
prayers, and tears, and fastings, he waited to ascertain, if pos-
sible, the real source of this propelling influence which he found
it so difficult to resist; and journeying at length to the seat of
Antichrist, he placarded the most obnoxious of his opinions on
the houses of the principal ecclesiastics, and avowed them
publicly. He was, of course, speedily apprehended, committed
to prison, and condemned as a heretic. In 1 366, however, his
enemies are said to have consulted their personal safety, by
releasing him ; and his decease, in 1374, was " five years after
" the happy dissolution of his colleague Strickna."
The same cause, it appears, was afterwards sustained, and
422 NOTES.
with still more efficiency, by Matthias Janovius, who was also a
native of Prague, but, according to the historians before cited,
he was generally called the Parisian, from his having passed
nine years as a student in the university of Paris. The same
writers state, that " he was confessor to Charles the fourth, and
" more fervent and zealous than his predecessors in defending
" communion in both kinds. He wrote many things, as. Of the
" Life of a Christian, Of Hypocrisy, Of Antichrist, Of the
" Frequent Receiving of the Sacrament of the Body and the
** Blood of Christ. Histories tell us, that this Parisian, to-
" gether with some other learned men, went to Charles, when
" promoted unto kingly dignity, and requested him to call
" an oecumenical council for the church's reformation. But the
" king returned unto them this answer ; that it was not in his
" power, but that it belonged unto the ghostly father, the pope
" of Rome ; and that, therefore, he would write in their behalf,
" and entreat a council for them ; which, after he had done, the
" pope was provoked, and did so importune him for the punish-
•' ment of those rash and heretical men, that Charles, being
" maddened with the authority of the pope, although he loved
" this Parisian much, commanded him to depart his kingdom ;
" and though indeed he returned afterwards, yet led he the
*' remainder of his life in private, dying in the year 1.S94,
" November 30th. Now Janovius being banished, the adver-
" saries forbade and abolished communion in both kinds, not
" only in the church of Aix, but everywhere in Prague, and
" through the whole kingdom. So that the most constant
" among them could not celebrate and receive the sacrament
" after their accustomed manner, excepting in private houses,
" and after that in woods and caves, and there not without
" hazard of their lives and much persecution. For they were
" set upon in the ways ; plundered, beaten, and drowned in
" rivers ; so that at length they were necessitated to go to-
" gether armed, and in strong companies, which from that time
" continued until the days of Huss. Letters patent, also, were
" extorted from Charles, — though Hajecius saith they were
*' sent to the prelates of his own accord, — wherein an inquisi-
" tion is ordained, and punishment by fire determined to be
NOTES. 423
" inflicted upon those who depart from the faith and ceremonies
" of the church of Rome. It is extant in Hajecius, and was
" proclaimed on the 18th of September, in the year 1376,
" of which this was the chief effect ; that diligent care was
" afterwards had that none but the pope's creatures might be
" admitted into the places of magistracy and public offices, who
" might serve as a bridle to restrain the commonalty. We find
" it also recorded, that this Parisian, finding his death approach-
" ing, gave this comfort among others to his friends : ' The
" rage of the enemies of truth hath now prevailed against us,
" but this shall not be always, for an ignoble people shall arise
" without sword or power, over whom they shall not be able to
" prevail.' "
Such was the religious character of the Bohemians, a people
with whom the queen of England had been principally con-
nected previous to her appearance in this island as the consort
of Richard. It is not altogether a mystery, therefore, that her
■views of religion should have been somewhat more enlightened
than those generally adopted by persons of her rank, — or in-
deed by persons of any rank in that age. Her attendants,
during her twelve years' residence in this country, were natives
of Bohemia ; and persons, it appears, who participated in her
religious feelings. The mind of Wycliffe was one with which
the devout Bohemian could readily have sympathized ; and it is
certain that on the death of the queen, her attendants conveyed
many of the writings of the English reformer to their home,'
where they served to prepare the oppressed for the struggle
which ensued under Jerome and Huss, the illustrious successors
of Melice, Strickna, and Janovius.
2 Turner, Hist. v. 198. Hist. Bohem. ^oeas Silvius, c. xxw. 60.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
Gen. i. In the bigynnyng God made of nought hevene and erthe,
forsothe the erthe was idil and voyde, and derknessis weren on the face
of deppe ; and the Spiryt of the Lord was borne on the watris. And
God sayde, light be maad, and light was maad. And God saw the light
that it was good, and he departide the light fro derknessis, and he clepide
the light day, and the derknessis nyght; and the eventid, and morntid
was maad one day. And God seyde, the firmament be maad in the
myddis of watris, and departe watris fro watris : and God made the
firmament, and departed the watris that weren undir the firmament, fro
those watris that weren on the firmament, and it was doon so, and God
clepide the firmament hevene, and the eventid and the morntid was
maad the seciinde day.
Gen. xlv. Joseph myghte not lengtir absteyne him silf, while manye
men stooden bifore. Wherefore he comandide, that alle men sliulden
go out and that noon alyen were present in the knowing of Joseph and
liise britheren. And Joseph reiside the vois with weping, which Egyp-
tyans hevden, and al the hows of Farao. And he seyde to hise britheren,
I am Joseph, ly veth my fadir yit ? The britheren myghlen not ansvvere,
and weren a gast by fiil mych drede ; to whiche he seyde mekely, neighe
ye to me, and whanne they hadden neighid nigh, he seyde, I am Joseph
youre brotliir whom ye seelden in to Egypt, nyle ye drede, nether seme
it to be hard to you that ye seelden me into these cuntreys, for God
hath sent me bifore you in to Egypt for youre heeltlie, for it is tweyyeer
that hungur bigan to be in the londe, yit fyve yeer suen in wliiih men
shall not mowe erthe, nether repe, and God bifore sente me, that ye be
reserved in erthe and mown have metis to lyve. I was sent liidur, not
by youre councel, but by Goddis wille.— MS. Bib. Reg.
APPENDIX. 425
No. II.*
Concluswnes J. Wiclefi de Sacramento Altaris. MS. in Hyp.
•^ Bodl. 163.
1. HosTiA consecrata quam videmus in Altari nee est Cliristus nee
aliqiia siii pars, sed efEeax ejus signiim.
2. Nulhis viator sufficit oculo corporali, sed fide Christum videre in
liostia consecrata.
3. Olim fuit fides Ecclesie Romane in prof'essione Berengarii quod
panis et vinum que remanent post benedictionem sunt hostia consecrata.
4. Eukaristia habet virtute verborum sacramentalium tarn corpus quam
sanguinem Christi vere et realiter ad "quemlibet ejus punctum. » Sic MS.
5. Transubstantiacio, ydeniptificacio et impanacio quibus utimtur
baptiste signorum in materia de eukaristia non sunt fundabilss in
Scriptura.
6. Repugnat Sanctorum sentenciis asserere quod sit accidens sine
subjecto in hostia veritatis,
7. Sacramentum Eukaristie est in natura sua panis aut vinum, habens
virtute verborum sacramentalium verum corpus et sanguinem Christi ad
quemlibet ejus punctum.
8. Sacramentum Eukaristie est in figura corpus Christi et sanguis, in
que transubstanciatur panis aut vinum cujus remanet post consecracionem
aliquitas licet quoad consideracionem fidelium sit sopita.
9. Quod accidens sit sine subjecto non est fundabile, sed si sic Deus
adnichilatur et perit quilibet articulus fidei Christiane.
10. Quecunque persona vei secta est nimis heretica que pertinaciter
defenderit quod Sacramentum Altaris est panis per se existens in natura
infinitum abjectior et imperfectior pane equino.
11. Quicunque pertinaciter defendet quod dictum Sacramentum sit
accidens, quaUtas, quantitas ant eariim aggrogatio iucidit in iieresim
supradictam.
12. Panis triticeus in quo sohnn licet eonficere, est in natura infinitum
perfectior pane fabino vel ratonis, quorum uterque in natura est perfec-
tior accidente.
No. III.
Diffinitio facia par Cancellarium et Doctores Utnoera'datis Spelman.
Oxonii, de Sacramento /lltaris contra Ojnnioncs fVycliJfianas : 627. Ex.
alias Sententia Willielmi Cancellarii Oxon. contra M. J. Wv- ??^:, "^P"
y Bodl. 16.f.
clyff residentem in Cathedra.
WiLLiELMUs de "Barton Cancellarius Universitatis Oxon. Omnibus * Berion.
dicte Universitatis filiis ad quos presens nostrum mandatum pervenerit,
sahitem, et mandatis nostris firmiter obedire. Ad nostrum non sine
• Several of the papers in this and and it will be seen, tliat I Iiave genc-
the preceding Appendix have been rally retained bis emendations,
printed from Mr. Lewis's Collection.
426 APPENDIX.
b omiies. grandi displicentia pervenit atiditiini, quod cum ''omnium heiesium
« pcrniciosis inventores, defensores, seu fantoies, cum eorum '^ perniciis dogmatibus
sint per sacros Canones sententia majoris Excoinmunicationis damna-
biliter involuti, et sic a cunctis Catliolicis racionabiliter evitandi : Non-
nulli tamen maligni spiritus lepleti concilio in insaniam mentis piodiicti,
<• similiter, molientes tunicam Domini ''scilicet Sancte Ecclesie scindeie unitatem,
qnasdam hereses olim ab Ecclesia solenniter condemnatas : Hiis diebus,
proh dolor! innovant, et tarn in ista Universitate istaquam extra publico
dogmatizant; duo inter alia sua docunienta pestit'era asserentes, primo,
in .Sacramento Altaris substantiam panis materialis et vini, quae prius
fuerunt ante consecrationem, post consecrationem rcaliter remancre.
Secundo, qiiod execrabilius est auditu, in illo venerabili Sacramento non
esse corpus Chiisti et sanguinem essentialiter, nee siibstanfialiter, nee
etiam corporaliter, sed figurative, sen tropice, sic quod Christus non est
"= presentia. ibi veraciter in sua propria •■ persona corporali. Ex quibus documenlis
fides catholica periclitatur, devocio popiili minoratur, et hec Universitas
mater nostra non mediociiter diffamatur. Nos igitur advertentes quod
f partus. assertiones hujusmodi "^per ^tempus se deteriores haberent si diiicius in
hac Universitate sic conniventibus oculis tolerentur, convocavimus pliires
sacrae Theologiae Doctores et Juris Canonici Professores quos periciores
credidimus, et preniissis assertionibus in eorum presentia patenter expo-
sitis ac diligenter discussis, tandem finalitcr est compertimi, et eorum
fjudicio. s judiciisdeclaratum ipsas esse ''errores atque determinationibus Ecclesiae
li erroneas. repugnantes, contradictoriasque eanuidem esse veritates Cathoiicas, et
ex dictis sanctorum, et determinacionibus Ecclesie manifeste sequentes ;
videlicet quod per verba Sacramentalia a sacerdote rite prolata panis et
vinum in Altari in vernm corpus Christi et sanguinem transubstantiantur
seu substantialiter convertuntur, sic quod post consecrationem non rema-
nent in illo venerabili Sacramento, panis materialis et vinum que prius
secundum, secundum suas substantias sen naturas, sed ' solum species eorundem,
sub quibus speciebus verum corpus Christi et sanguis realiter continentur,
non solum figurative seu tropice, sed essentialiter, substantialiter ac cor-
poraliter, sic quod Christus est ibi veraciter in sua propria presencia
corporali, hoc credendum, hoc docendum, hoc contra omnes contradi-
centes viriliter defendendum. Hortamur igitur in Domino, et auctoritate
nostra monemus primo, secundo et tertio, ac districtius inhibemus, pro
prima monicione assignando unum diem ; pro secunda alium diem ; et pro
tertia monicione Canonica ac peremptoria unum alium diem, ne quis de
cetcro cujuscunque gradus, status aut conditionis existat, premissas
aut. duas assertiones erroneas aut earum alteram, in scolis ' vel extra scolas
"seu in hac Universitate publice teneat, doceat "aut defendat sub pena
incarcerationis, et suspencionis ab omni actu scolastico, ac eciam sub
pena excommunicacionis majoris quam in omnes et singulos in hac parte
rebelles et nostris monicionibus non parentes, lapsis ipsis tribus diebus
pro monicione canonica assignatis, mora, culpa et offensa precedentibus,
et id fieri merito exigentibnsfcrimus in his scriptis, quorum omnium abso-
luciones, et absolvendi potestatem, preterqnam in mortis articiilo, nobis
et successoribus nostris specialiter reservamns.
Insuper ut homines quamvis non propter timorem late sentcntie
APPENDIX. 427
"propter defectum audiencie a talibus doctrinis iUicilis retrahantnr, et » arfde sal-
eoriiin opiniones erroiiee sopiaiitur, eadem auctoritate qua prius itione- '^'"•
imis primo, secundo, " tertio, ac districcius inliibemns, ne quis de cetero ° add. et.
aliqiiem publice docentem, tenentem, sen defendentem premissas duas
asserciones erroneas aiit eariim alteram in scolis vtl extra scolas in liac
Universitate quovismodo aiidiat vel anscnitet, sed statim sic docentem
tanquam serpentem venennni pestiferiim emittentem fugiat et abscedat,
sub pena excomnmnicationis majoris, et omnes et singiilos contrave-
nientes non immerito fulminande et sub penis aliis superins anno-
tatis.
Nomina p Doctorum qui presenti decreto specialiter atFuerunt, etPt««ereau-
eidem unanimiter conscnsenuit sunt bee. **™-
Magister Johannes Lawndreyn sacre pagine professor et secularis.
Magister Henricus ") Cronpe Abbas Monachus. q Gromp.
Magister Johannes Chessham de ordine predicatoruni.
Magister Willielmus "^ Bruscomhe de eodem ordine. ' Brus.
Magister Johannes Schypton de ordine Angustinorum. toumbe.
Magister Johannes Tyssington de ordine Rlinorum.
Magister Johannes Loveye de ordine Carmelitarnm.
Magister Johannes ^Wellys Monachus de Ramesey. * Welles.
Magister Johannes Wolverton de ordine predicatorum.
Magister Robertus ' Rugge S. pagine professor et secularis. » Riffge.
Magister Joannes Moubray Doctor in utroque Jure.
Magister Joannes Gascoynge Doctor in Decretis.
Convocatis igitnr prefatis Doctoribus " in eorum donium et plena deli- " ui est dic-
beratione habita de premissis, ex omnium nostrum unanimi concilio et '""'•
assensu, presens mandatum emanare decrevimus. In quornm omnium
singulorum testimonium, sigillum officii "fecimus liiis opponi. x ins. nostri.
No. IV.
Litera quam misit Archiepiscoirus \_W'ilUelmus Courtney] Cancel- MS. in Hyp.
lario Oxon. ut assisteret Fratri Pctro Stokys in Puhlicatione ^^\ ^.j ^^'
ejusdem Commissionis sub hac Forma.
In Christo fili, Miramur non modicum et tnrbamur quod cum ille
Magister Nicholaus Herforde super prjedicationibus et doctrina hereti-
carum et erronearum " concionum notorie reddatur snspectus, sicut nos » Sic MS.
vobis alias retulisse meminimus, extunc vos sibi adeo ^ favorabilem exhi- procoiulu.
... . . . IT • . siomim.
bnistis ut excellenciorem et digniorem •= ammi sermonem in Universitate ^ gj^ ^jg
vestra vobis et Cancellario qui pro tempore fuerit deputatum, ut nostris, c sic MS.
assignaretis eidem Nicolao absque difficultate qualibet inibi praedi- for proanni.
candum. Vobis ergo consulimus et hortamur in visceribus Jesu Christi
quod talibus nullum de ct tero prssumatis impartiri favorem, ne ipsoriim
secla et numero unus esse videamini, et exinde contra vos officii vestri
debitum nos oporteat exercere. Quia adversus liujusmodi praesnmp- a s,c ms.
torum aiidaciam Dominus noster Rex ot proceres regni in processus !>"> ""^'ri^
nostri subsidium nobis et suffraganeis '^ vcstris sic '' premiserunt assistere, ^ i^"^'*"'"^'-
428 APPENDIX.
quod per Dei gratiam diiicius non regnabunt. Et ut talium praesunip-
■^ Sic MS. toium consortia et opiniones erroneas abhorrere •■ dicamini dilecto filio
pro disca- n,eo fratri Petro Stokys sacrje paginae professori ordinis Carmclitanim
f Sic MS '° publicatione literarum nostrarum, sibi contra fconciones biijusmodi
pro (oiiclu- directarum pro defencione catholicfe fidei viriliter adhaerere curetis, et
siones. literas illas in scholis theologicis Universitatis prajdictas per Bcdelliim
illius facultatis in proxima lectura inibi facienda absque diniinntione
quacunque faciatis effectualiter publicari, nobis illico rescribentes quid
feceritis in bac parte. Scriptum in mancrio nostro de Otteforde penul-
timo die Maii. Semper in Christo valete.
No. VI.
Confessio Mag'istr'i Johannis Wycclyff.
Sepe confessus sum et adhuc confiteor quod idem corpus Cbristi in
nuniero, quod fuit assumptnm de Virgine, quod passum est in cruce,
qnod pro sancto tiifluo Jacuit in sepulchro, quod tercia die resurrexit,
quod post 40 dies ascendit in coelum, et quod sedet perpetuo ad dextram
Dei Patris ; ipsum, inquam, idem corpus et eadcm substantia est vere
et realiter panis sacramentalis vel bo>tia consecrat.i quani lideies sen-
ciunt in manibus sacerdotis, cujus probacio est quia Christus qui mentiri
non potest sic asseiit. Non tamen audeo dicere quod corpus Cbristi sit
essentialiter, substantialiter, corporaliter vel ydemptice ille panis sicut
corpus Cbristi extensuni est ille panis : Std ipsum corpus non est extense
vol dimensionaliter ille panis. Credimus enim quod triplex est modus
essendi corpus Cbristi in bostia consecrata scilicet, viitualis, spirituaHs,
et sacramentalis. Vntiialis quo benefacit jier totum suum dominum, se-
cundum bona nature vel gratie. IModus a item essendi spiritualis est quo
corpus Cbristi est in Eucbaristia et Sanctis per gratiam. Et tercius est
modus essendi sacramentalis quo corpus Cbristi singiilariter in bostia con-
secrata, et sicut secundus modus perexigit primnm ; ita tercius modus
secundum perexigit (juia impossibile est prescituui carentem fide se.
cundum justiciam presenteni conficere. Qui ergo credit >ive conficiat
sive non conficiat manducavit, ut dicit Beatus Augustinus super Joan-
neni Omelia 25. Et iste modus essendi spiritualis est verior in anima.
Est eciam vedor et realior qu-;m prior modus essendi, vel secundum
meiubrum secundi modi essendi in bostia consecrata, cum sit per se
causa illius modi vel efficiens vel finalis, et per se causa est magis verius
Ens suo causato. Modus autem essendi quo corpus Cbristi est in bostia
est modus verus et realis, cum autorum numerus qui mentiri non potest
dixit, boc est corpus meum, et reliquit suis sacerdotibiis virtiitem simi-
liter faciendi. Hoc autem totum ex fide scriptura> colligitur. Ideo
Cbristus est specialiori modo in isto Sacramento quam in aliis. Cum sit
simul Veritas et figura, non est autem sic secundum alia sacramenta,
patet iste miraculosus modus essendi sacramentalis. Cultores autem
signoruni nesciuut fundare quod in suo sacramento est realiter corpus
APPENDIX. 429
('liiisti. Se.d preter istos ties modos esscndi sunt alii tres modi realiores
ct verioics quos corpus Clnisti appropriate habet in coelo sc. modus
essendi substantialitcr, corporaliter et dimensionaliter. Et groose con-
cipientes non intelligunt alium- modnm essendi naturalis substanciae
prapter illos. Illi auteni sunt valde indi'positi ad concipiendum archana
Eucharistic, et subtilitatem scripturae. Ideo dico illis quod duo modi
priores in substancia corporali coincidunt, non quod esse substantialitcr
consequitur corpus Christi secundum racioncm qua corpus Christi. Mo-
dus autcm essendi diniensionalis consequitur ad duos priores, sicut passio
ad subjectum. Et quilibet istorum trium moflorum er'.t realior et causa
prior quam priores. Nullo alio istorum modorum trium est corpus
Christi in Sacramento sed in ccelo : Quia turn feret corpus Christi septi-
pedale in hostia. Sicut eriio corpus Christi est in ilia bostia, sic est
substantialiter, corporaliter ibidem, et dimensionaliter, attendendo ad
modum hostie secundum naturam suam, et non attendendo ad corpus
Christi, et ad naturam suam, ut dictum est superius. Et ita conceditiir
quod corpus Christi est substancia corporalis in hostia consecrata. JSic
isto tercio niodo in ista hostia secundum racionem qua est ista hostia, sed
non secundum racioncm qua corpus Christi. Et ita conceditur quod
corpus Christi est quantumcunque varie quaniificatam ibicum sitquelibet
pars quantitativa iUiiis hostie, et tum non quantificatur aliqua hnjusmodi
quantitate, et sic est varie magnum in diversis partibus illius hostie, sed
lion in se lormaliter magnum, aliqua tali magnitudine. Sed multi nius-
sitant super isto quod sequitur ex ista sentencia quod corpus Christi non
sit in Eukaristia aliter quam in signo, sic autem est in ymagine crucifixi.
Hie dicunt fideles quod corpus Cliristi non est in celo vel in humanitate
assumpta aliter quam in signo, est tamen ibi aliter quam ut in signo.
Nam Sacramentum in quantum hujusmodi est signnm, et hnmanitas est
signum, cum Luce 2"'° ilicitur quod positus est hie in ruinam et in resurrec-
tionem tnnltorum ct in sigiium ctii contradicetur. Et secunda pars conclu-
sionis patet ex hoc quod alius est modiis essendi signum corporis Christi,
et alius modus essendi vere et realiter virtute verbornm Domini corporis
Christi. Conceditur tamen quod isti duo modi inseparabiliter comitantur.
Hoc tamen signum infinitum est prestancius quam signa corporis Christi
in lege veteri, vel ymagines in lege nova, cum sit siraul Veritas et figura.
Intelligo autem dicta mea in ista materia, secundum logicam scripture,
nee non secundum logicam sanctorum doctorum et decreti Romane
Ecclesie. Quos suppono prndenter fnisse locutos. Non enim valet
scandalizare totam Romanam Fcclesiam quum dicit panem et vinum esse
post consecrationem, corpus et sanguinem Jesu Christi, et non obstante
errore glosomium ista fides mansit continue in Ecclesia eciam apud
laicos. Cum ergo fidelis non optaret comedcre corporaliter sed spiri-
tualiter corpus Chi isti, patet quod omnis sciens aptavit ilium modum
spiritnalem essendi corporis sui cum hostia que debet comcdi a fideli :
Alium autem modum essendi cum foret supcrfluus abstrahebat. Unde
infideles murmurant cum illis qui abierunt retrorsum dicentes, Dinus est
hie sermo, cum corpus sit corporaliter comedendum, vel cum illis obser-
vatoribiis legalium legis veteris qui non putant esse prestanciorem gradum
in signo Eucharistie quam fuit in signis legis veteris, vel quam est in
430 APPENDIX.
signis hnmanitus institntis. Et hii fingunt quod accidens potest fieri
corpus Christi, et quod melius et planius dixisset Christus hoc accidens
sine subjecto significat corpus meura. Utraquc autem istarum ex igno-
rancia gradiium in signis est infideli deterior. Teneamns eigo quod
virtute verboium Chiisti panis iste fit et est miraculose corpus Christi
ultra possibilitatem signi ad hoc hunianitus instituti. Veruntatem ista
unitas vel uiiio sive accejicio non attingit ail unitatem ydempticam
nunieralem vel unionem ypostaticam, sed creditor quod sic immediate
post illam, et sic accidencia corporalia corporis Christi ut quantitatis
corporales corporis Christi videntur non niultiplicati comitantur ad
corpus Christi in hostia, et per idem nee alia accidencia respectiva que
fundantur in istis quod omnia ista accidencia perexigunt esse corporale
snbjecti sui ubicunque fuerint. Ut si hie sic septipedalitas, color, vel
substancia corporalis corporis Christi tunc hie est quod corpus Christi
est septipedale coloratum et corporaliter glorificatum, et per consequens
Christus habet hie existenciam corporalem, quod cum sit falsum ne
gandum est talia accidentia secundum conditiones materiales multiplican
comitautur ad corpus Christi in hostia consecrata. Partes autem quan-
titative corporis Christi habent esse spirituale in hostia, immo habent
esse sacramentale ibidem, cum sunt quodammodo qnelibet pars quantita-
tiva istius hostie, et multo magis multiplicatur anima Christi per hostiam
secundum quoddam esse spirituale quam est illud esse quod habet in
corpore Christi in coelo. Et causa hujus multipiicacionis auime Christi est
quod ipsa est principalius ipso corpore persona verbi. Qualitates autem
immateriales quae subjectantur in anima Christi multiplicantur cum ipsa
per hostiam, ut scientia, justicia et alie virtutes animae Christi que non
requirunt pre-cxistentiam corporalem Christi ubicunque fuerint. Ipse
enim fuerunt cum ipso, quia cum ejus anima in inferno. Sicut ergo per
totani hostiam est Christus virtuosus ; sic est per illam virtus Christi.
Unde Autor de divinis officiis quod propter esse spirituale corporis
Christi in hostia, est ibi concomitancia Angelorum, quia tamen sophisti-
cari otest ista oblacio ex defectu potestatis fidei, et verborum presbyteri
a Sic MS. ideo "me" rehgiosi adorant conditionaliter banc hostiam et in corpore
Christi quod est substancialiter et ineffabiliter quietati. Sed ydiote
remnrmurant querentes quomodo corpus est ille panis sanctus cum non
>> Sic MS. '' sint idem secundum substanciam vel naturam? Sed ipsos oportet ad-
discere fidem de incarnacione quomodo due substancie vel nature valde
differentes sunt idem suppositum et tamen non sunt eedem, quia utraque
earum est Christus et tunc possunt a posse non ascendere ad cognos-
cendum istam miraculosam unionem servata utraque natura non ydemp-
tifica vevbo Dei. Sed oportet eos cognoscere gradus in signis, et deposcere
infundabilem blasphemiam de fictis miraculis ascendentis, et credere
virtutem verborem Christi, et tunc possunt cognoscere quomodo ille panis
•^ Sic MS. est "^^bn. miraculose, vere, realiter, spiritualiter, virtualiter, et sacramen-
pro bene. taliter corpus Christi. Sed grossi non contentantur de istis modis, sed
exigunt quod panis ille vel saltem per ipsuui sit substantialiter et corpo-
raliter corpus Christi. Sic enim volunt zelus blasphemorum Christum
comedere sed nod possunt. Adducitur autem super hoc testimonium
Hugonis de Sencto Victore libro 2° de Sacratnentis parte 8. cap. 7. Quem-
APPENDIX. 431
admodum species illic cernitiir res vel substantia ibi esse non creditur :
Sic res ibi veraciler et siibstantialiter presens creditur cujiis species non
cernitiir. Exemplum ad ilium Doctorem patet, quia ille subtiliter inculcat
catholicam sententiam supradictam, vult enim quod species sencibiliter
cernitiir ibi, et quod ista species sit essencialiter panis et vinum quod
eciam cernitur licet per accideus, ideo sepe vocat ipsuiu panem et vinum,
que sunt alimenta solita et principalis substancia alimenti ut patet in
dicto cap. et cap. sequenti. Ibidem autem dicit panem dicit habere rem
vel substanciam que creditur non ibi cernitur, cum sit corpus Christi.
Sed pro isto adverbio substancialiter notandum quodcunque suniitur
simpliciter pro modo substancie sic quod idem sit corpus Christi esse
ibi substantialiter, et esse ibi modo substancie. Et sic loquitur Hugo.
Quandoque snperaddit reduplicative racionem corporis in quantum talis
substancia. Et sic proprie intelligo ego adverbia. Unde eodem cap.
dicitur quod corporaliter secundum corporis et sanguinis Christi virtutem
Christum sumimus in altari. Quod oportet sic intelligi quod spiritualiter
sumimus carnem Christi. Et iste est verus modus corporis licet non sit
modus consequens corpus in quantum corpus. Quia Johannis 6. dicit
Christu C'aro non prodest quicquam. Cum nee sentencia carnalis, nee
manducacio corporalis corporis Domini quicquam prodest. Nam insen-
sibiliter sumitur quantum ad formam corporis sui, ut dicit doctor cap. 9,
ejusdem partis, sed visibiliter quoad substanciam sacraraenti. Unde
talis equivocacio facta est in adverbiis ad excellenciam Eukaristie super
figuras legis veteris declarandam. Nostra autem locucio est propria,
quia aliter oporteret concedere quod esse substancialiter sit esse acci-
dentaliter ; esse corporaliter, sit esse spiritualiter; esse carnaliter sit esse
virtnaliter; et esse dimensive sit esse multiplicative ; et periret modo non
distinccio. Sicut ergo conceditur quod corpus Christi cernitur vel tenetur
in symbolis, vel in hostia et sentitur, quod tamen non sic "^mo' quia non <i Si.
secundum naturam corporis Christi vel in quantum ipsuni corpus. Sic
conceditur qiiod corpus Christi est in hostia modo accidentali substancie
quia modo spirituali et sacramentali presupponente tres alios modos reali-
oi es ipsius corporis existere causative : Sic autem non fuit in figuris legis ve-
teris, vel in figuris legis nostre humanitusinstitutis. Etsic possunt distingui
modus prior quo est in celo, et modus posterior quo est in Sacramento. Sic
autem in tribus discrepamus a sectis signorum. Primo in hoc quod ponimus
venerabile sacramentum altaris esse naturaliter panem et vinum, sed sacra-
mentaliter corpus Christi et sanguinem ; sed secta contraria fingit ipsum
esse vinum ignotum : Accideus sine substancia subjecta. Et ex ista radice
erroris puUulant nimis multe varietates erroris. Nam secta nostra adorat
sacramentum, non ut panis aut vii;' substanciam : Sed ut corpus Christi
et sanguinem. Sed secta cultoruni accidencium, ut credo, adorat hoc
sacramentum non ut est accidens sine subjecto, sed ut est signum sacra-
mentale corporis Christi et sanguinis. Signa autem cultus sui ostendunt
quod adorant crncem et alias ymagines Ecclesie que habent niinorem
racionem adoracionis quam hoc venerabile sacramentum. Nam in qua-
cnnque substantia crcata est deltas realius et substancialius quam corpus
Christi est in hostia consecrata? Ideo nisi ipsa fuerit virtute verborum
Christi corpus *■ sum. non est racio tantc cxcellcncio adorandum. Tercio « Sk
432
APPENDIX,
fproiiuulcat
B propno
sigi.avit.
' Sic MS.
>ro accepit.
k Sic MS.
pro AugU!
tinus.
secta nostra per equ'ivocacionis cletectionein, et aliariim fallacianim toUit
argiicias adversancinm, lit alifina locuntur sancti de sacrainento tit panis,
et aliqua dicuiit de isto non ut ydempticc, sed sacranientaliter corpus
Christi. Sed secta adversariorum ' incnlpat difficnltates iniitiles, et
fingit con?eqiienter niiracnla de operacionibtis accidentis. Sunt autem
ex nostra sententia diffinicio summi jiidicis Domini nostri Jeslui Christi
qui in cena noctis sue tradicionis accepit paneni in manibus suis, bene-
dixit et fregit et manducare ex eo generaliter precepit, Hoc, inquit, est
corpus nieum. Cum autem daretur panis quern tociens rep'.icavit pro
nomine dandi et totum residuum ^ ppo. sigt. illi qui mentiri non potest
ipsimi esse corpus suum : manifestum est ex autoritate et dictis Cliristi,
qtiod panis ille fuit sacramentaliter corpus suum. Adducantur autem
septem testes ad testificandum Ecclesie jndicis hujus sentenciam. Primus
est beatus Ignacins Apostolis contemporaneus qui ab illis ct cum illis
''acre a Domino sensum suum, et recitat enm Lincolniensis super Ecclesi-
astica ierarchia cap. 3. Sacramentum, inquit, vel Eitkaristia est corpus
Christi. Secundus testis Beatus Cyprianus in epistola sua de corpore
Christi. Calicem, inquit, accipiens in die passionis benedixit, dedit disci-
pulis suis, dicens, Accipite et bibite ex hoc omnes, liic est sanguis testa-
menti qui pro multis effundetur in remissionem peccatorum ; Amen dico
vobis, non biljam amodo ex ista creatura vitis usque in diem quo vobis-
cum bibam novum in regno patris mei. Quam parte, inquit sanctus,
invenimus calicem mixtiim fiiisse, quern obtulet, et vinum quern sanguinem
suum dixit. Tercius testis est Beatus Ambrosius in lib. suo de sacra-
mentis et ponitur de consecracione dis. 2. cap. Panis est in Altari, Quod
er at panis, inquit, ante consecracionem jam corpus Christi post consecrationem.
Quartus testis est Beatus Augustinus in quodam sermone exponens illud
Luce 34. cognoverunt eum in fraccione panis : Non oninis panis, inquit, sid
accipiens benediccionem Christi Jit corpus Christi. Ft ponitur in Canone
ubi supra. Qiiintiis testis est Beatus Jeromius in epistola ad Elvideam,
Nos, inquit, audiamus panem qucm fregit Dominus, deditqve discipulis suis
esse corpus Domini Salvatoris, ipso dicente ad eos, Accipite et comedite, hoc
est corpus meum. Sextus testis est Decretuni Romane Ecclesie, que
sub Nicolao 2° et 114 Epist. 'dectavit priidentur secundum rectani logi-
cam que debet capi a tota Ecclesia, quod panis et vinum que in altari
ponuntur sunt post consecracionem non solum sacramentum, sed verum
corpus et sanguis Domini nostri Jeshu Christi, ut patet in can. ubi supra.
Septimus testis est usus Ecclesie que in canone misse habet, ut hec ob-
lacio fiat nobis corpus et sanguis Domini nostri Jhesu Christi. Illam autem
oblacionem vocat Ecclesia terrenam substanciani, sicut patet in seereto
medie misse Natalis Domini. Ista autem septem testimonia sic inficiunt
glossatores, qui dicunt tacite omnia talia dicta sanctorum debere intelligi
per suum conlraiium, et sic negari finaliter cum scriptura. Penset
itaque fidelis si sanum fuerit hereticare vel in hoc scaiidaiizare hos testes
et multos similes. Penset 2" quid tenderet ad honorem corporis Christi
vel devocionem populi quod ipsum corpus dignissinnmi sit unum accidens
sine subjecto, quod Augustinus dicit esse non posse, vel si est, est unum
vel aliud abjectissimum in natura. 'I'unc inquam loret ''Aug'* mens ut
constat hereticus qui in epistola 14 ad Bonifacium de fide Ecclesie ita
APPENDIX. 433
sciibit. Si, inqiiit, Sacramenta qtiaudam similitttdinon rcrum earum qiioram
sacramenta sunt non haherent, omniiio sacramenta von essent. Ex hac eciam
simiUtudine plerumque jam ipsanim rerutn nomina accipiunt. Siciit ergo
secundum quendam modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, et
sucramentum sanguinis Christi, sanguis Christi est, ita sacramentum fidei
fides est. Ubi planum est quod loquitur de Sacramento 'sc"tico quod ' Sic MS.
tingitur accidens sine subjecto. Sed que rogo similitudo ejus ad corpus
Cliristi ? Revera fructus illius demencie foret blasfemare in Deuni,
scandalizare Sanctos, et illudere Ecclesie per mendacia accidentis. Ad
tantum quidcm Testimonium Sanctorum per glosatores subveititur, quod
committo sensui equivoco quodcunque dictum eciam scripture non facit
fidem. Postremo scribit Hyllarius ut recitatur inde consecra di 2. Corpus
Christi quod sumitur de altari figura est dum panis et vinum extra videtur:
Videas autem cum corpus et sanguis Christi in veritate interius creditur.
Ecce qnam plane panis et vinum sunt hoc sacramentum, nt dicit de-
cretum Ego Berengarius. Unde ad delegendum equivocacionem illius
niateiie scribitur ibidem secundum verba Jeronimi, De hac quidcm hostia
que in Christi commemoracione mirabiliter fit, edere licet. Ubi planum est
(|uod loquitur de esu corporal! et distinguit inter has duas hostias secun-
dum sub?tancias vel naturas. Licet panis iste sit secundum racionem
alia quam sacramentum ipsum corpus, nt ipse sanctus dicit in Epistola ad
'"Elbideam, nt recitatur superius. Et patet quam spissi cultores signorum "■ Helvidi.
sunt in materia ista heretici. Nedum quia imponunt heresim fidelibus ""'•
qui elucidant istam fidem ; et accusacio de hcresi obligat ad pcnam
talionis ; verum quia falsificant et sic negant Dominum Jesum Christum.
Nam nihil debemus secundum fidem Evangelii Christo credere, si non
asseruit panem quem cepit in manibus ac fregit, esse corpus sntim : sicut
dicit Augustinus super ° p. 6G. Si ego quicquam dixero, volite ex /wc » Sic MS.
credere; sed si Christus dicit, re qui non credit. Hec debemus credere P™ Psal.
aliquem secundum Evangelium si non istum. Ideo ve generacioni adul-
tere que plus credit tcstimonio Innocencii vel Raymundi quam sensui
Evangelii capto a Tcstibus supradictis. Idem enim esset scandalizare
illos in isto et imponere eis heresim ex perversioue sensus scripture,
precipue et iterum de ore perverso Apostate accumulantis super Eccle-
siam Romanum mendacia quibus fingit quod Ecclesia posterior priori
contraria correxit fidem quod sacramentum istud sit accidens sine sub-
jecto, et non verus panis ct vinum, ut dicit Evangelium cum decreto.
Nam teste Augustino tale accidens sine subjecto non potest sacerdos
conficere. Et tamen tantum magnificant sacerdotes Baal, niendaciter
indubie jnxta scolani patris sui, consecracionem hujus accidentis quod
rcputant missas alias indignas audiri, vel dissensientes suis niendaciis
inhabiles alicubi graduaii ; sed credo quod finaliier Veritas vincet eos.
No. VII. Knighton
" "We beleve as Crist and his Apostolus han taugt us, that the Sacra- Amil.apud
ment of the Auter white and ronde, and lyk tyl oure brede or ost unsa- ^- Scnjito
crede is verray Goddus body in fourme of brede, and if it be bioken in or*',,ro.'-n
VOL. II. F F
434 APPENDIX.
tine parties as the Kirke uses, or eiles in a thousand, everylk one of these
parties is the same Goddns body, and ryth so as the persoue of Crist is
veray God and verray man, verray Godhede, and verray manhede rytli
so as holy Kirke many hnndrith wynter has trowyde, the same Sacra-
ment is verray Goddus body and verray brede : as it is forme of Goddus
body and forme of brede as tecliith Christ and his Apostohis. And there-
fore Seynt Poule nemeth it never but wlien he callus it brede, and he be
our beleve tok his wit of God in this : and the argument of heretykus
agayne this sentens, *lyth to a Cristene man to assolve. [And right as
it is hercsie to belive that Crist is a spirit and no body :] so it is heresie
for to trowe that this Sacrament is Goddus body and no brede : for it is
both togedur. But the most heresie that God sufferyde come tyl his
Kyrke is to trowe that this Sacrament is an accident witliouten a sub-
stance, and may on no wyse be Goddus body : for Crist sayde bewitnesse
of John that this brede is my bodij. And if the say that be this skylle that
holy Kyrke hat bene in heresy many hundred wynter, sothe it is, specially
sytlien the fende was lousede that was bewitnesse of angele to John Evan-
geliste after a thousande wynter that Crist was stenenyde to heven. But
it is to suppose that many seyntes that dyede in the mene tyme before her
death were purede of this erroure. Owe howe grete diversitie is betwene
us that trowes that this Sacrament is verray brede in his kynde, and be-
tween heretykus that tell us that this is an accident witliouten a sujet.
For before that (he fende fader of lesynguswas iovvside,was never this
gabbyng contryvede. And how grete diversitie is between us that trowes
that this Sacrament that in his kinde is veray brede and sacramentally
Goddus body, and between heretykes that trowes and telles that this
Sacrament may on none wyse be Goddus body. For I dare surly say
that yf this were soth Cryst and his seynts dyede heretykus, and the
more partye of holye Kirke belevyth now heresye, and before devout
men supposen that this couusayle of Freres in London, was with the
herydene. For they put an heresie upon Crist and seynts in hevyne,
wherefore the erth tremblide.' Fay land niaynnus voice answeryde
for God als it did in tyme of his passione, whan he was dampnyde to
bodc^ly deth. Crist and his modur that in gronde had destroyde all
heresies kep his Kyrke in right belefe of this Sacrament, and move the
King and his rewme to aske sharply of his Clerkus this offis tliat all his
possessioneres on pain of lesyng all her temporaltes telle the King and
his rewme with sufficient grownding what is this Sacrament; and all the
Orders of Freres on payne of lesing her legians telle the King and his
rewme with gode grounding what is the Sacrament ; for 1 am certaine
of the thridde part of Clergie that defendus thise doutes that is here said,
that they will defende it on paine of her lyfe."
1 Ipse Wyclift' in 4 libro Trialogi A. D. 1380. Londoniis vocat Concilium
sui ter dampnati capitulo 3G. praedic- Terriemotus. Gascoigna Did, Tlieo.
turn conciliain contra eum celebratuui MS.
APPENDIX. 435
No. VIII.
Br. Widifs Letter of Excuse to Pope Urban VI, Bibi. Bod.
MS.
I HAVE joyfully to telle alie trew men the bileve that I hold, and a Hiways.
" algatis to the Pope. For I suppose, that if any faith be rightful and
geven of God, the Pope will gladly conserve it: and if my faith be
error, the Pope will wisely amend it. I suppose over this, that
the Gospel of Christ be part of the corps of God's lawe. For I
beleve that Jesu Christ that gaf in his own persoun this Gospel is very
God and very mon, and be this it passes all other lawes. I suppose over
this, that the Pope be most oblishid to the keping of the Gospel aanong
all men that liven here. For the Pope is highest vicar that Christ has
here in erth. For ^ moreness of Christ's vicars is not measured by b -reiuwMsi.
worldly moreness, bot by this, that this vicar <= sues more Christ by vcr- c foUows.
tuous living : for thus teches the Gospel. That this is the sentence of
Christ and of his Gospel I take as bileve ; that Christ for time tiiat he
walked here was most poore mon of alle both in spirit and in <* liaveing ; * posses.
for Christ says that he had noht for to rest his hede on. And over this *'""^-
I take as bileve, that no mon schulde sue the Pope, ne no saint that now
is in hevene, bot in '' alsmyche as he sued Christ: for James and John e as mych.
errid, and Peter and Fowl sinned. Of this I take as holesome counseile,
that the Pope leeve his worldly lordschip to worldly lords, as Christ gaf
him, and move speedily all his Clerks to do so : for thus did Christ, and
taught thus his disciplis, till the f(nide had blynded this world. And if I
erre in this sentence I will mekely be amendid, hif by the death, hif it Le
skilful, for that I hope were gode to me. And if I might traveile in my
own persoun, I vvolde with God's will go to the Pope. Bot [Christ] has
nedid me to the contrary, and taught me more obeishe to God than to
mon. And I suppose of our Pope that he will not be Antichrist, and
reverse Christ in this wirking to the contrary of Christ's wiile. For if he
sunmions ageyns resoun by him or any of his, and pursue this unskilful
summoning, he is an open Antichrist. And merciful entent excusid not i i;,i|^.,i
Petir that ne Christ ''clepid him Sathanas: so blynd entent and wicked
conseil excuses not the Pope here, bot if he aske of trewe Prestis that
they traveile more than they may, 'tis not excused by resoun of God that
ne he is Antichrist. For our bileve tecliis us that our blessid God sutfiys
us not to be teniptyd more than we may ; how schuld a mon aske such
service? And therefore pray we to God for our Pope Urban the "Sexssivtii.
that his old holy entent be not cjuenchid by his euemys. And Christ
that may not lye scis that the oneniycs of a mon be especially his '' /amiiy.
homelye '■ meintli, and this is 'soth of men and fcndis. ' t^'""'-
INDEX.
Algigenses, origin of tbe naine.i. 1 !7.
Their suflTerings, 150—159. But verj-
imperfectly known to our ancient
bistorians, 189.
Amour, St. his controversy witii the
mendicant orders, ii. 144 — 146.
Anglican Church, authority of the Eng-
lish nioiiarchs in relation to it, sub-
sequent 10 the conquest, i. ICG — 1C8.
How impovenehed by the pontifls,
1G9— 172. Its corrupt state at the
commencement of the fourteenth
century, 198—203.
Anselni, St. notice of him, i. 193 — 195.
Appellant Jurisdiction, unknown in the
primitive church, i. 12, 13. Its pro-
gress in connexion with the papacy,
82, 83.
Armachanus, his dispute with the men-
dicants, i. 265.
Arnoldof Brescia, sketch of his history,
i. 138—143.
Becket, his controversy with Henry II.
i. 180—184.
Bernard, St. his disputes with the sec-
taries of his time, i. 131.
Bohemia, sketch of its early religious
history, ii. 159— 163.
Bradwardine, notice of him, i. 195, 196.
Bruges, character of that city in the
fourteenth century, i. 339, 340. Wy-
clifie and the Duke of Lancaster
meet there, 241.
Celibacy of the Clergy, how esta-
blished, i. 38 — 42. Enforced by
Hildebrand, 88.
Census, effect of ihe demand made re-
specting it by Urban V. i. 278—280.
Chivalry, its defects and vices, i. 29'J,
302.
Christianity, doctrines peculiar to it,
i. 103 — 105. Its favourable influence
on the states of the western empire,
98—103. Defects and evil tenden-
cies of thai, prevalent during the
middle ages, 105 — 112.
Christian dispensation, its peculiari-
ties, i. 2, 3.
Church, ancient import of that word, i.5.
Claude of Turin, notice of him, i. 129.
His doctrines survive him, 131.
Cologne, character and doctrine of the
martyrs who suffered there in the
twelfth century, i. 131-138.
Commerce, its state in England, and
its influence on the constitution, and
society, to the accession of Edward
III. i. 206— 213.
Councils, ecclesiastical, their origin
and injurious effects, i. 13, 14.
Edmund, St. notice of hiiii, i. 191.
Edward 111. his character and that of
his court, i. 297—302.
English Constitution, cflect of com-
merce upon it, i. 208—210, and of
the wars with France, 296, 297.
INDEX.
437
Eii(,'lisli [)eople, tlieir degraded state
Willi respect to Christianity, at tbc
commencement of the fourteenth
century, i. 198—202.
Feudal system, i. 204, 205.
Geoflrey Chaucer embraced many of
the doctrines ofWycliffe, ii.l37—
151. Character of his poelry, 139,
140.
Gerard, account of him and his fol-
lowers, i. 190—192.
Gregory the Great, his character, i.
74-79.
Grossteste, notice of him, i. 177 —
179.
Henry II., his controversy with Becket,
ii. 179—184.
Henry the founder of (he Henricians,
i. 136—138.
Hierarchy, its state previous to the
age of Constantine, i. 15, 10, and in
the fourth century, 10.
Images, the worship of (hem, how in-
troduced, i.58, 59.
Investitures, the controversy respeft-
ing them, i. 91—94.
Insurrection of the Commons in 1381,
a narrative of its causes and ell'ects.
— Similar convulsions in other states
at this period, 397—411.
John of Gaunt, his early history, and
liis connexion with Wyclifle, i. 302
— 305. He forsakes the reformer,
ii. 108. His probable motives in
patronizing WyclifTe, 126—128.
Jurisdiction, ecclesiastical, its secular
character, and how assumed, i. 17 —
24.
La Nobla Leyczon, contents of that in-
teresting document, i. 135, 130.
Lanfranc, notice of him, i. 193.
Learning, its state in Englarid before
the conquest, i. 210, 211. Its re-
vival, 212, 213. Its state during tiie
fourteenth century, 211 — 222.
Longland, notice of his poetry, ii, 148,
149.
Mendicants, their rise and character,
i. 50 — 52. Importance of Wyclifl'e's
controversy with them, 261 — 205.
Monachism, its origin, causes which
favoured its difl'usion, and the evils
attending it, i.42 — 50.
Paganism of Greece and Rome, i. 97,
98, and of the Northern Nations,
98.
Pagan customs incorporated with the
papal ritual, i. 53 — 50.
Papacy, its early advances and pro-
gress to the year 600, i. 65—74.
.Sketch of its history from the death
of Gregory the First, to the pontifi-
cate of Hildebrand, 80—92. Its
despotic tendencies, 102, 163. Its
influence on the Anglo-Saxon church,
104. Its avarice, 108—173. Its
encroachments variously resisted by
the English monarchs, the laity, and
the clergy, before (he reign of Ed-
ward the Third, 173-177. Limits
of that resistance, 180—189. Its
influence in England impaired by the
residence of the popes at Avignon,
296, 297. Its policy borrowed from
paganism, 50, 57.
Parliament, novel measure of that con-
vened in 1371, i. 305, 306. Pro-
ceedings of the good parliament,
340—352. Wyclifte's reply to the
question proposed by the first par-
liament convened under Richard the
second, 301— 305. Success of Wy-
clifTe's appeal lo the parliament as-
sembled in 1382, ii. 106.
Patronage, its origin, progress, and
abuses, i. 8, 9. It rights invaded
by the pontiffs, 9—12.
Paulicians, their ciiaracter and his-
tory, i. 110—123. Their dispersion,
and connexions with the Waldenses,
123—120.
Paulinus, his primitive doctrine and
zeal, i. 129.
Persecution, its incllicacy during tJR
438
INDEX,
middle ages, i. 113, 114. Its Lis-
lon, 11.91—91.
Pestilence, melanclioly eflects of tliat
in 1348, 1.250— 253.
Peter Lombard, character of Ills theo-
logy, i. 197.
Poetry, its influence on the reforma-
tion of the church, ii. 140—142.
Preaching, its history, ii. 20, 21 . Wy-
cliffe's sentiments concerning it, 9—
20.
Purgatory, history of that doctrine, i.
58. Wyclift'e's sentiments respect-
ing it, ii. 287-290.
Religion necessary to political security,
i. 96, 97.
Roman de la Rose, character of that
poem, ii. 142 — 14-1.
Sacred Scriptures, history of attempts
towards translating them into the
language of this country before the
age of Wyclifle, ii. 37 — 42. The
whole Bible translated by him, the
novelty of that achievement, the
anger of the clergy, and his mode of
defending his conduct, 42 — 51.
Scholastic Philosophy, its good and
evil influence, i. 217—2-22.
Statutes of provisors and premunire,
i. 334.
Studies of youth in the fourteenth cen-
tury, i 239—240.
Transnbstantiation, history of that doc-
trine, i. 59-02. Opposed by the
Waldenses, ii. 33. Not recognized
by the Anglo Saxon church, 55 — 57.
Opposed by Berengarius, and de-
fended by Lanfranc, 52, 57, 58. As-
sailed by Wyclille, 58, 59. Doctrine
of the reformer on the eucharist,
309—311.
Waldenses, origin of the name, i. 146.
The character of the Waldenses,
and Albigenses, but little known to
our ancient writers, 190, 191.
Waldo, Ptlcr, hi^ hiaiory, his transla-
tion of the Scriptures, its important
eflects, i. 144—147.
Wyclifle, his birth, i. 229. Enquiry
respecting its place and his family
connexion, 231—237. His early
history, his appearance in Oxford,
his removal from Queen's College to
Merton, his studies at this period,
and proficiency, and veneration of
the sacred Scriptures, 236 — 249,
His tract on " The Last Age of the
Church," 253 — 260. His contro-
versy with the mendicants, its pecu-
liarities and importance, 2G5 — 272.
He obtains the living of Fillingham,
and is chosen blaster ofBaliol,272 —
274. Accepts the wardenship of Can-
terbury Hall, 273. Disputes re-
specting it, his appeal to the pope,
his firmness and integrity at this
crisis, 274 — 278. His defence of
the English parliament in abolishing
the papal census, 283—289. Pro-
bably known to the English court at
this period, 291, 292. His views in
attempting the reformation of the
church, 307, 316. Issue of the dis-
pute respecting his wardenship, 317,
318. Obtains his degree as doctor
in divinity, 318. His theological
doctrine at this period, 320 — 331.
His commission to treat with the
papal delegates, 338. His meeting
with the duke of Lancaster at Bruges.
441, 442. Effect of this embassy on
his sentiments, 315. He is promoted
on his return to the prebend of Aust,
and the rectory of Lutterworth, 345.
He is accused of holding erroneous
opinions, 354. His appearance be-
fore Courtney at St. Paul's, 355 —
357. His reply to the question pro-
posed by Richard the Second's first
parliament, 361—365. His doctrine
as stated by the pontiff' at this time,
S67, 370, 373, 377. His adherents
in Oxford, numerous, 376—379. His
appearance before the papal dele-
gates at Lambeth, 377. Substance
of the paper said to have been deli-
vered lo liicni sliiliiij; his doi^lriiu-.
NDEX.
439
on the limits of llie papal authority :
on the power of the crown with re-
spect to the revenues of the clergy :
on the hierarchy : and on the autho-
rity of the priestliood in binding and
loosing, 378—380. He is assailed
hy an anonymous divine, 402. His
indignant reply, 404, 40.5. His tract
on the schism of the popes, and other
references to that event, ii. 4 — 6.
His sickness and recovery, 8, 9.
Jlis sentiments on preaching, 9 — 20.
His laborious attention to that office,
12, 13. Character of his sermons,
21— -23. Extracts, 23 — 30. His
translation of the Scriptures, and
defence of that undertaking, 42 — 51.
He assails the doctrine of transub-
stantiation, 57, 58. His opinions
condemned by the chancellor of the
University, GO, CI. His appeal to
the civil power, 63. Publishes his
" W icket," &i—68. His devotional
allusions to the evils of his day, 96.
His petition to the parliament, 97 —
lOG. He is forsaken by Lancaster,
108. His purposes unaltered by that
event, 109^ His enlightened views
of the controversy respecting the
eucharist, and his confidence of ul-
timate success, 110, 111. His ap-
pearance before the convocations at
Oxford, and the substance of his
confessions, 112 — 114. His letter
to the poatifl", 121—123. His disci-
ples, numerous in the higher classes,
129-131, 163—169. Number and
character of his followers, 150 — l(i3.
Character of his " Poor Priests,"
163—173. Notices of his writings
from the period of his exclusion from
Oxford, to his decease, 174—222.
His sickness and death, 224, 225.
For his opinions, see chap. viii. Ob-
servations on his character, see
ohap. ix.
THE END.
DATE DUE
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