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Quanti alpestri sentier, quanti palustri 
Narrert> io, di morte e sangue pieni, 
Pe T variar de' regni e stati illustri ! 

Machiavelli, Decennale, i. 

J. IfCieery, Took* Court, 

Chancery Lane, London. 





v i * 


CA USES of dissension between the French and Spanish 
monarchs in tJie kingdom of Naples Successes of the 
French army Battle between thirteen French and thir- 
teen Italian combatants Gonsalco defeats the French, 
and effects the conquest of Naples Commotions in Rome 
Ccesar Borgia quits the city Election and short pon- 
tificate of Pius III. The states of Romagna retain 
their fidelity to Ccesar Borgia Election of Julius II. 
He endeavours to deprive Borgia of his territories 
Borgia betrayed by Gonsalvo and sent to Spain His 
death and character Federigo the exiled king of Naples 
mediates a peace between the French and Spanish mo- 
narchs Defeat of the French on the Garigliano Death 
of Piero de Medici Marriage of his daughter Clarice 
to Filippo Strozzi Moderation and prudence of the car- 
dinal de Medici Untimely death of Galeotto delta Ro- 
cere Difficulties and embarrassments of the cardinal de' 
Medici Death of Ercole, duke of Ferrara, and acces- 
sion of Alfonso I. Tragical event in the family of Este 
Final expulsion of the French from Naples Julius II. 
seizes on the cities of Perugia and Bologna Ferdinand 
of Spain visits his Neapolitan dominions Gonsalvo ho- 
noured and neglected He repents of his errors /* vin- 
dicated by Paolo Giovio. 






IN the course of human events, it is not uncom- A.D. 1503. 
mon that rapacity and injustice find, in the very A -^ t28 - 
success of their measures, their own punishment. 9 auses of 

rwi T/ i i dissension 

This was strikingly exemplified in the conquest between 
and dismemberment of the kingdom of Naples, 
j|hich instead of affording to the victors the ad van- 
tages they expected, opened the way to new con- of Naples 
tests, more bloody and destructive than any that 
Italy had of late experienced. In the partition of 
that country, it had been agreed that the king of 
France should possess the districts called Terra 
di JLavoro and Abruzzi, and the king of Spain 
those of Appulia and Calabria, as being most con- 
tiguous to his Sicilian dominions ; but when the 
commanders of the allied armies began to adjust 
their respective boundaries, it appeared that their 
sovereigns had not been sufficiently acquainted 
with the territories which they claimed, to define 
the limits in an explicit, or even an intelligible 
manner. The first difficulty that occurred was re- 

B 2 


CHAP, specting the district called Basilicata, the ancient 

'__ Lucania, which had not been allotted in express 

A. D. 1503. terms to either of the parties; the Spanish gene- 
' ral, Gonsalvo, asserting, that as it actually separa- 
ted the provinces which were expressly allotted to 
his master, it must be considered as a part of his 
dominions. The pretensions of the French gene- 
ral, Louis d' Armagnac, duke of Nemours, rested 
on the general rights of his sovereign, as king of 
Naples, to all such parts as had not been parti- 
cularly conceded by treaty. A similar dispute 
arose respecting the subdivision of Appulia, cal- 
led the Capitanato, lying on the confines of Abruz- 
zi, and divided from the rest of Appulia, by the 
river Ofanto ; the French general like the Spanish, 
insisting on the indispensable utility of this dis- 
trict, to the other dominions of his sovereign, and 
on its being more properly a part of Abruzzi, 
than of Appulia. The division of the revenues ari- 
sing from the pasturage of Appulia, one of the 
chief sources of the royal income, formed another 
cause of dissension ; and although the commanders 
had, during the first year, accommodated this dis- 
pute by an equal division of the income, yet in the 
next, each of them endeavoured to obtain as much 
of it as possible ; thereby giving rise, not only to 
great vexation and dissatisfaction among the inha- 
bitants of Appulia and the principal barons of the 
kingdom, but to acts of open hostility between 
the two armies, (a) 

successes of For the purpose of effecting a pacific adjust- 
re ment of these differences, a negotiation was opened 

() Guicciard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 275. Giannone, Sloria di Napoli, 
lib. xxix. cap. iv. vol. iii. p. 400. 


by the intervention of the chief nobility of Naples CHAP. 
between the French and Spanish commanders, 
which was protracted for several months; in the A.D. 1503. 
course of which time, the duke of Nemours having 
repaired to Melfi, and Gonsalvo to Atella, those 
generals had a personal interview. It was, how- 
ever, found impracticable to terminate the dispute, 
and they were therefore under the necessity of re- 
ferring for its decision to their respective sove- 
reigns ; having in the mean time agreed, that 
neither of them should attempt any innovation on 
the territories possessed by the other. This truce 
was not of long duration. The duke of Nemours, 
confident in the superiority of his forces, and un- 
willing by delay to allow the Spanish general to 
recruit his army, of which he had a much greater 
facility than the French, notified to Gonsalvo, 
that unless the district of the Capitanato was sur- 
rendered to him, he would commence hostilities. 
This threat he instantly carried into execution, by 
sending a detachment to occupy the city of Tri- 
palda, and attempting to possess himself of all the 
strong places within the Capitanato. The arrival 
of a reinforcement to the French army of two 
thousand Swiss and a greater number of Gascons, 
was a sufficient indication, that Louis XII. chose 
rather to decide the dispute by arms than by pa- 
cific measures. For the purpose of expediting 
further supplies, that monarch first repaired to 
Lyons, whence he soon afterwards hastened to 
Milan, in order to be nearer the theatre of ac- 
tion, (a) These efforts were attended with signal 
success. The fortress of Canoza, although bravely 

() (Hannone, lib. xxxix, cap. 4, vol. iii. p. -100. 


CHAP, defended by Pietro Navarro. with six hundred 


' men, was compelled to surrender ; and in a short 
A. D. 1503. time Gonsalvo was obliged to relinquish not only 
the Capitanato, but the chief part of the districts 
of Appulia and Calabria, and to retire for safety 
to the town of Barletta, near the mouth of the 
Ofanto, where he was closely besieged by the duke 
of Nemours. In the mean time d'Aubigny, hav- 
ing sacked the city of Cosenza, and defeated a 
large body of Spanish and Sicilian troops, overran 
the rest of the kingdom; and Louis XII. disre- 
garding all former treaties, again asserted his pre- 
tensions to the entire dominion of Naples, (a) 
Battle be- i n this situation of affairs, a circumstance oc- 

tween thir- 
teen French curred which, by attracting the attention, sus- 

itaiiancom- pended in some degree the operations of the hos- 
nts ' tile armies, and was probably not without its in- 
fluence on the subsequent events of the war. 
Some negotiations having taken place between 
the French and Spanish commanders, for the ex- 
change of their prisoners, Charles de Torgues, a 
French officer, visited the town of Barletta, where 
being invited to supper in the house of Don 
Enrico di Mendoza, in company with Indico Lo- 
pez and Don Pietro d'Origno, prior of Messina, a 
dispute arose respecting the comparative courage 
of the French and Italian soldiery, in the course 
of which de Torgues asserted that the Italians 
were an effeminate and dastardly people. Lopez 
replied, that he had himself under his command a 
troop of Italians, who were not only equal to the 
French, but on whose courage and fidelity he 

(a) Guicctard. lib. v. vol. i. p. 275. Muratori Annali, vol. x. 
p. 11. 


could as fully rely as if they were his own coun- CHAP. 
trymen. In order to decide this controversy, it 
was agreed that a combat on horseback should A. D. 1503. 
take place between thirteen Frenchmen and thir- A>A:u28 - 
teen Italians, on condition that the victors should 
be entitled to the arms and horses of the van- 
quished, and one hundred gold crowns each. This 
proposal met with the approbation of the re- 
spective commanders, who were probably not dis- 
pleased with the opportunity afforded them of a 
short relaxation from the fatigues of war. Four 
judges were appointed on each side, to determine 
on the victory, and hostages were mutually given 
to abide by their decision, (a) 

(a) Muratori has omitted the names of the combatants, observ- 
ing, that Jovius had suppressed those on the part of the French 
from respect to their nation ; but Summonte names not only the 
combatants but the judges and hostages, as under : 



Charles de Torgues. Hettore Fieramosca. 

Marc de Frigne. Francesco Salamone. 

Giraut de Forses. Marco Corollario. 

Claude Graiam d' Asti. Riccio di Palma. 

Martellin dc Lambris. Gulielmo d'Albamonte. 

Pier de Liaie. Marino di Abignente. 

Jacques de la Fontaine. Giovanni Capozzo. 

Eliot de Baraut. Giovanni Brancaleone. 

Jean de Landes. Lodovico d'Abenavolo. 

Sacet de Sacet. Hettore Giovenale. 

Francois de Pise. Bartolommeo Tanfulla. 

Jacques de Guignes. Komanello da Forli. 

Naute de la Praises. Mcale Tesi. 


Monsig. di Broglio. Francisco Zurlo. 

Monsig. di Murtibrach. Diego Vela. 



CHAP. On the day appointed, which was the thirteenth 

'_^ of February, 1503, the armies met as spectators of 

A.D. 1503. the combat, in a plain between the towns of Andre 

A ,/Et. 28 

and Corrato, and the chief commanders pledged 
themselves to each other for the due observance of 
the stipulated terms. After the Italian comba- 
tants had attended the celebration of the mass, 
Gonsalvo encouraged them by an oration, the te- 
nor of which has been preserved by one of his 
countrymen, in Spanish verse, (a) They then par- 
took of a moderate collation, after which they 
proceeded to the field of battle, their horses ready 
caparisoned being led by thirteen captains of in- 
fantry. The combatants followed on horseback 
in complete armour, except their helmets, which, 
together with their lances, were carried by thir- 
teen gentlemen. Being arrived within a mile of 
the field they were met by the four Italian judges, 
who informed them that they had been with the 
four judges appointed by the French, and had 
marked out the space for the combat. The Ita- 
lians were the first in the field, when their leader, 
Hettore Fieramosca, availed himself of the op- 
portunity of addressing his associates in a speech 
which the Neapolitan historian, Summonte, has 
also thought proper to preserve. In a short time 
the French combatants made their appearance in 

Monsig. de Bruet. - Francesco Spinola. 

Etum Suite. Alonzo Lopez. 


Monsig. de Musnai. Angelo Galeotta. 

Monsig. de Dumoble. Albernuccio Valga. 

(a) Summonte, Storia di Napoli, lib. vi. vol. iii. p. 542. (corr. 


great pomp and with numerous attendants. The CHAP. 
adverse parties then quitting their horses and 
mounting the steeds prepared for them, arrayed A. D. 1503. 
themselves in order, and giving their coursers the AivEL28< 
reins, rushed against each other at full speed. A 
few lances were broken in the shock, without 
much injury to either party ; but it was observed 
that the Italians remained firmly united, whilst 
the French seemed to be dispersed and in some 
disorder. The combatants then dismounting, at- 
tacked each other with swords and battle-axes, 
and a contest ensued in which both parties dis- 
played great courage, strength, and dexterity, but 
the result of which was a complete victory to the 
Italians ; the French being all either wounded or 
made prisoners, (a) The ransom of one hundred 
crowns not being found upon the persons of the 
vanquished, the conquerors by the directions of 
the judges retained their adversaries in custody, 
and carried them into the town of Barletta, where 

(a) Lilio Gregorio Giraldi (de Poet. suor. tempor. dialog. 1,) in- 
forms us, that the celebrated Girolamo Vida wrote a Latin poem 
on this event ; entitled, XIII. Itulorum put-plum cum tot idem Gallis 
certamcn, which he inscribed to Baldassare Castiglione ; but this 
earnest of the future talents of its author has not been preserved 
to the present times, v. Vida op. Testimon. 161. Piero Summonte 
of Naples, the friend of Sanazzaro, also wrote a copy of Latin 
verses, addressed to Hettore Fieramosca, which merit perusal, r. 
Appendix, No. LII. 

Since the publication of the last edition of the present work, a 
considerable fragment of the poem of Vida above referred to, has 
been discovered in MS. at Keggio by Sig. Cagnoli, from which 
Count Bossi in his Itnl. ed. vol. xii. p. 301, has given the com- 
mencement of the poem, as a specimen of this early production of 
its author. This specimen the reader will find after the lines of 
Sinnmonte, in Appendix, No. LII. 


CHAP. Gonsalvo out of his own purse generously paid 
IIj their ransom and restored them to liberty, (a) 
A. D. 1503. Amidst the defeats and humiliations which the 
A. jt. 28. j ta ij ans h a( j experienced, it is not surprising that 
their historians have dwelt upon this incident with 
peculiar complacency, as tending to shew that, 
under equal circumstances, their countrymen were 
not inferior either in conduct or courage to their 
invaders. And although a French writer has en- 
deavoured to invalidate some of the facts before 
related, it cannot be doubted that the Italians were 
justly entitled to the honour of the victory, (b) 

Unimportant as this event was in itself, it seems 
to have changed the fortune of the war, and to 
have led the way to the numerous defeats and dis- 
asters which the French soon afterwards expe- 
rienced. Gonsalvo, quitting his intrenchments at 
Barletta, assaulted and captured the town of Rufo ; 
taking prisoner the French commander de Pelisse. 
About the same time d'Aubigny was attacked and 
defeated in Calabria by the Spanish general, Ugo 
da Cardona, and was himself severely wounded. 

(a) Guicciardini and Muratori assert, that one of the French 
combatants, and several of the horses, were killed on the field ; 
but I have preferred the narrative of Summonte, who seems to 
have been more fully informed of the particulars of this transac- 
tion than any other writer. 

(b) u Monsignor di Belcaire Vescovo di Metz si credette di 
poter sminuire la riputazion de gli Italiani, adducendo alcune par- 
ticolarita toccate dal Sabellico intorno a quel duello, quasiche la 
frode, e non la virtu, avesse guadagnata la pugna. Ma quel pre- 
late non s'intendeva del mestiere dell' armi ; e per la gloria degli 
Italiani altro non occorre rispondergli, se non che i Giudici depu- 
tati a quel conflitto, dichiararono legitima la vittoria ; n mai i vinti 
o i lor compagni pretesero di darle taccia alcuna." Mural. Ann. 
(fltal. vol. x. p. 22. 


A more decisive victory was soon afterwards ob- CHAP. 
tained by the Spaniards in Appulia ; nor did the 
duke of Nemours long survive his defeat. In A.D. 1503. 
consequence of these rapid successes, Gonsalvo A -* X28 - 
found himself in possession of the chief part of 
the kingdom. Distressed by continual tumults 
and exhausted by famine, the cities of Capua, 
Aversa, and even Naples, sent deputies to him to 
testify their obedience, and request his presence. 
On the fourteenth day of May, 1503, Gonsalvo with Gomaivo 
his victorious army entered the city of Naples, to French, and 
the great joy of the inhabitants ; against whom he conquest of 
vigilantly restrained his soldiery from committing Nap ' e8> 
the slightest outrage ; and from this period the 
crown of Naples has been invariably united with 
that of Spain, under the government of the legiti- 
mate branch of the house of Aragon. 

At the time of the death of Alexander VI. his Commo- 
son, Caesar Borgia, was labouring under a severe Rome. 
disorder, occasioned, as has generally been believed, 
by that poison which he had prepared for others, but CTty< 
which had been inadvertently administered to him- 
self. He was not, however, inactive at this criti- 
cal period, against which he had endeavoured to 
provide by all the precautions in his power ; nor 
was there any circumstance, other than his unex- 
pected malady, to which his foresight had not sug- 
gested a remedy, (a) No sooner was he informed 
of the death of the pontiff, than he despatched his 
confidential adherent Don Michele, with several 
attendants, to close the gates of the palace. One 
of these partizans meeting with the cardinal Ca- 
sanuova, threatened to strangle him and throw 

(a) Machiav. lib. del Principe, cap. vii. p. 18. 


CHAP, him through the windows if he did not instantly 
deliver up to him the keys of the pope's treasure. 
A.D. 1503. The cardinal did not long hesitate, and the friends 
A. jt28. Q jj or gj a> hastening into the interior chambers, 
seized upon and carried away all the money con- 
tained in two chests, amounting to about ten thou- 
sand ducats, (a) It is observable, that during the 
whole time of the indisposition of the pope, he 
was never once visited by Caesar Borgia, nor is it 
less remarkable, that in his last sickness he dis- 
played no particular marks of attachment either 
to his son or to his daughter, Lucretia. (b) Al- 
though Borgia had at this time a considerable 
body of soldiers in Rome, he conducted himself 
with great humility towards the sacred college, 
and expressed his willingness to give assurance 
of his fidelity by his oath whenever required. A 
treaty was accordingly concluded, by which Bor- 
gia undertook to defend the college, collectively 
and individually, and to protect the nobility and 
citizens of Rome, for which purpose he was con- 
firmed in his office as captain of the church, (c) 
No sooner, however, were the death of the pope 
and the infirmity of Borgia publicly announced, 
than many of the great barons of the Roman 
states whom they had deprived of their territories, 
took up arms to revenge their injuries and repos- 
sess themselves of their rights. It was to no pur- 

(a) Eurchard. Diar, ap. Cone/, dc' Pontef. Romani, vol. i. p. 137. 

(A) " Dans ses dernicrs momens," says M. Brequigny, (Notices 
et Exlraits des MSS. du Roi, torn. i. p. 119.) " il parut avoir 
oublie sa fille Lucrece qu'il avoit beaucoup trop aimee, et son fils 
Cesar Borgia, dont il s'etoit tant occup6 pendant sa vie. Nee um- 
quam memor fuit in aliquo minima vcrbo." 

(c) Burchurd. Diar. ap. Concl. de' Pontef. vol. i. p. 141. 


pose that Caesar employed all his arts to mitigate CHAP. 

their resentment, and gain over to his interest the 

nobles of the Colonna family, whom he had not A.D. isoa. 

A >Ft ^fl 

outraged with the same cruel policy, that he had 
exercised towards the Orsini. An aversion to 
their common enemy united the adverse chiefs of 
these two houses, and Borgia with his followers 
was attacked by their combined forces in the 
streets of Rome, (a) In these commotions up- 
wards of two hundred houses were sacked by the 
troops of the Orsini, among which was that of the 
cardinal Cusa. () Although courageously defend- 
ed by his soldiery, and assisted by a few French 
troops, Borgia was compelled to give way to the 
violence of the attack, and to take shelter, with 
his brother, the prince of Squillace, and several of 
the cardinals who adhered to his interests, in the 
Vatican. A new negotiation now took place, by 
which it was at length agreed that the sacred col- 
lege should assure to Borgia a free and uninter- 
rupted passage through the ecclesiastical states, 
for himself and his followers, with their necessary 
provisions, ammunition, and artillery ; and should 
also write to the Venetian senate to request, that 
he might without interruption retain the posses- 
sion of his territories in Romagna. On these con- 
ditions he promised to depart peaceably from 
Rome within three days. The leaders of the Co- 
lonna and Orsini, also engaged to quit the city 
and not to approach within ten miles, during the 
vacancy of the holy see. A proclamation was 
then made, that no person of whatever rank or 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d' Italia, lib. vi. p. 320. 

(6) Burchard. Dtar. ap. Concl. de Pantef. vol. i. p. 142. 


CHAP, condition, should molest Borgia or his followers 
ri1 ' on their departure ; in consequence of which he 
A. D. 1503. quitted the city on the second day of August, and 
A.iEt.28. Directed his course towards Naples, (a) 

On receiving information of the vacancy of the 
Election and holy see, George of Amboise, cardinal of Rouen, 
ficat!!of ntl had hastened to Rome ; not without hopes of ob- 
PJUS in. taining the pontifical authority. He brought with 
him as supporters of his pretensions the cardinals 
of Aragon and Ascanio Sforza ; the latter of whom 
had been imprisoned by Louis XII. at the same 
time with his brother Lodovico, but had shortly 
before this period been restored to liberty. The 
recent disasters of the French in Naples were not, 
however, favourable to the views of the cardinal 
of Rouen ; and on the twenty-second day of Sep- 
tember, 1503, the conclave concurred in electing 
to the supreme dignity Francesco Piccolomini, 
cardinal of Siena, the nephew of Pius II. and who 
assumed the name of Pius III. The acknow- 
ledged probity, talents, and pacific disposition of 
this pontiff, gave great reason to hope that his in- 
fluence and exertions might have a powerful ef- 
fect in correcting the scandalous disorders of the 
church, and repressing the dissensions to which 
Italy had so long been subject. The first measure 
of this pontificate, which was to call a general 
council for the reformation of ecclesiastical disci- 
pline, tended to confirm these hopes; but they 
were suddenly extinguished by the death of the 
pontiff, after he had enjoyed the supreme dignity 
only twenty-six days. This event was, according 
to the fashion of the times, attributed to poison ; 

(a) Burchard. Diar. ap. Concl. de' Pontef. vol. i. p. 145. 


but it was more probably occasioned by the effects CHAP. 
of an abscess in the thigh, with which the pontiff 
was known to have long laboured, and which was A. D. 1503. 
perhaps not the least efficient argument for in- 
ducing the conclave to raise him to the pontifi- 
cate, (a) 

A few days after the election of Pius III. Caesar 
Borgia returned to Rome, when the contests be- The states 
tween him and the Roman barons were renewed 
with greater violence than before. Many of his 
adherents lost their lives, and the Porta del Tor- ** 
rione was burnt by the troops of the Orsini. Find- 
ing himself in imminent danger, he retreated with 
the consent of the pope to the castle of S. Angelo, 
accompanied by a few menial attendants and by six 
of the cardinals who still adhered to his cause, (b) 

(a) On this event Angelo Colocci produced, in an epitaph on 
the pontiff, the following severe sarcasm on his predecessor, Alex- 
ander VI. 

" Tertius hie Pius est, qtii summum ad culmen ab ipsa 

Virtute evectus, protinus interiit. 
Nee minim, quia peste atra, qui sederat ante, 
Sextus Alexander polluerat Solium." 

Op. lot. Colotii, p. 112. 

(6) Sanazzaro, invariably hostile to the family of Borgia, has 
commemorated this event in the following exulting lines : 
" Qui modo prostrates jactarat cornibus Ursos, 

In latebras Taurus concitus ecce fugit. 
Nee latebras putat esse satis sibi ; Tibride toto 

Cingitur, et notis vix bene fidit aquis. 
Terruerat monies mugitibus ; obvia nunc est, 

Et facilis cuivis preeda sine arte capi. 
Sed tamcn id magnum ; nuper potuisse vel Ursos 

Sterncre, nunc omnes posse timere fcras. 
Ne tibi, Roma, nova- desint spectacula Pompae ; 
Amphitheatrales reddit arena jocos." 

Epig. lib. i. ep. 14. 


CHAP. i n the mean time many of the lords whom Borgia 
had dispossessed returned to their dominions. The 

A. D. 1503. Baglioni again occupied Perugia, the Vitelli en- 
tered the city of Castello, the duke of Urbino re- 
turned to his capital, (a) and the lords of Pesaro, 
Camerino, Piombino, and Sinigaglia, were restored 
to their authority as suddenly as they had been de- 
prived of it. Several of the cities of Romagna re- 
tained, however, their fidelity to their new sove- 
reign, having found by experience the superior 
advantages derived from their union under his go- 
vernment, compared to that of their former princes, 
whose power, though sufficient to oppress, was in- 
adequate to defend them. To this decisive par- 
tiality in favour of Caesar Borgia, they were also 
incited by the attention which he had paid to the 
strict administration of justice, which had freed 
them from the hordes of banditti by whom they 
had been infested, and suppressed the feuds and 
assassinations to which they had before been sub- 
ject, (b) Hence neither the defection of other 
places, nor even their apprehensions of the Vene- 
tians, who were already preparing to take advan- 
tage of their unprotected situation, could induce 

(a) Notwithstanding the representation given by Bembo, of the 
affection of the subjects of Urbino for their sovereign, he did not 
recover his dominions without great difficulty. On this occasion 
Castiglione, who had the command of a company of cavalry in the 
service of the duke, dislocated his ancle by a fall from his horse, 
in consequence of which he went to Urbino, where he was most 
kindly received by the duchess Elisabetta, to whom he was re- 
lated, and by Madonna Emilia Pia, who resided at that court. 
His acquaintance with these accomplished women completed what 
may be called his education, and he became the Chesterfield of the 
age. v. Vita di Bald. Castiglione, p. 11. 

(b) Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib, vi. vol. i. p. 316. 


those cities to waver in their fidelity or to listen CHAP. 
to proposals from any other quarter. 

On the death of Pius III. the cardinal de' Me- A.D 1503. 
dici and two of his brethren were appointed by Hectkmof 
the college to receive the oath of fidelity from Juius n. 
Monsignor Marco, bishop of Sinigaglia, keeper of 
the castle of S. Angelo. (a) The loss of the pon- 
tiff was an additional misfortune to Borgia, as it 
opened the way for the assumption to the pontifi- 
cate of Giuliano della Rovere, cardinal of S. Pie- 
tro in Vincula, the ancient and most determined 
enemy of his family. Of the dissensions of this 
prelate with Alexander VI. various instances are 
related ; but amidst the many opprobrious epi- 
thets which they were accustomed to bestow on 
each other, Alexander had the magnanimity to ac- 
knowledge that his opponent was a man of vera- 
city. Such a concession from such a quarter 
raised the credit of the cardinal more than all the 
animosity of the pope could depress it, and Giu- 
liano, well aware that no one can deceive so effec- 
tually as he who has once acquired a reputation 
for sincerity, is said to have availed himself of this 
circumstance to secure his election, which, if we 
may believe Guicciardini, was not effected with- 
out some sacrifice of his former good character. (6) 
On this occasion the cardinal affected to lay aside 
his enmity to Caesar Borgia, and a treaty was con- 
cluded between them, by which the cardinal en- 
gaged, that if he should, by the assistance of Bor- 
gia, be raised to the pontificate, he would confer 
upon him the dignity of Gonfaloniere, or general 

(a) Burch. diar. ap. Cone/, de' Pontef. vol. i. p. J53. 

(b) Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. vi. vol. i. p. 321. 


CHAP, of the church, and confirm his authority in the 
_^ states of Romagna. (a) This project was success- 

A.D. 1503. ful; Giuliano attained his wishes; but no sooner 
A.^Et.28. j^ ^ e ascen( j ec i t ne papal throne than he gave 

sufficient indications of his former animosity ; and 
Borgia was too late aware of an error which was 
the occasion of his ruin, and which is enumerated 
by Machiavelli as one of the few mistakes of his 
political life. (#) 

Notwithstanding the hostile and treacherous 
conduct of Caesar Borgia towards Guidubaldo di 
Montifeltro, duke of Urbino, it appears that dur- 
ing the dissensions that ensued, the duke not only 
became reconciled to Borgia, but was the means, 
by his intercession with the new pontiff, of saving 
his life. In the Life of the Duke, by Bernardino 
Baldi, preserved in the library of the Marquis An- 
taldi at Pesaro, and unknown both to Mazzuchelli 
and Affo, is a dialogue between the duke and Cae- 
sar Borgia, which has been published by Count 
Giulio Perticari, and afterwards by Count Bossi, 
in the Italian edition of the present work ; (c) 
the latter of whom has justly observed, that " it 
would be difficult to find elsewhere a more striking 
representation of the character of Caesar Borgia, 
than this dialogue affords." (d) 

(a) fturchard. diar. ap. Concl. de' Pontef. Guicciard. Stor. 
d'llal. lib. vi. vol. i. p. 322. 

(6) " Chi erode che ne' jsersonaggi grandi i beneficii nuovi fa- 
cino dimenticare 1' ingiurie vecchie, s' inganna. Erro adunque il 
duca (Borgia) in questa elettione, e fu cagione dell' ultima rovina 
sua." Mach. lib. del Principe, cap. vii. 

(c) Vol. iii. p. 188. 

(d) This piece will be found reprinted, after the verses of Au- 
gurelli, in the Appendix, No. LIII. 


On assuming his high office the new pontiff CHAP. 
adopted the name of Julius II. and soon proved _ 

himself to be one of the most active, warlike, and A. D. 1503. 
politic sovereigns that had ever sat in the chair of 

St. Peter, (a) The Venetians, proceeding from 
Ravenna, which they before possessed, had already d . 
made an irruption into Romagna, and not only territories. 
subjugated the city and fortress of Faenza, but 
gave evident demonstrations of their designs upon 
the other cities of that district. These measures 
occasioned no small anxiety to the pope, who had 
proposed to himself the preservation and exten- 
sion of the territories of the church as the great 
object of his pontificate. An embassy from him 
to the Venetian senate, entreating them to desist 
from their pretensions, was of no avail ; but as se- 
veral of the cities of Romagna still retained their 
allegiance to Borgia, the pontiff thought it expe- 
dient to make use of him as the most effectual 
instrument, for preventing the total separation of 
these states from the Roman see. He therefore 
seized upon the person of Borgia, who had pro- 
ceeded to the port of Ostia, intending to embark 
for France, and required, that before his libera- 
tion he should consign to him the possession of 

(a) The elevation of Julius II. which took place on the twenty- 
ninth day of October, has been celebrated in many of the Latin 
poems of Augurelli, who may be considered as the poet-laureat 
of that pontiff. One of these pieces is given in the Appendix, 
No. LIII. 

From the martial spirit of this pontiff, it was supposed that he 
had assumed the name of Julius in reference to Julius Caesar. 
" Purpureum plebs uncta caput creat auspice tandem 
Julium, et, ut memorant, a magno Cttsare dictum." 

Mantuani Vincentii, Alba. ap. Carm. illustr. 
Ital. vol. xi. p. 338. 

c 2 


CHAP, the different fortresses in the district of Romagna. 
This, Borgia at first refused ; but being detained 
A. D. 1503. for some days as a prisoner, he at length complied 
and gave the necessary countersigns for surrender- 
ing up the fortresses. The archbishop of Ragusa 
was immediately despatched to obtain possession ; 
but the commanders, still attached to their leader, 
refused to deliver them up under any orders ob- 
tained from him whilst under restraint. On this 
spirited measure Borgia was again restored to li- 
berty, highly caressed by the pope, and provided 
with apartments in the Vatican. His orders to 
deliver up the fortresses of Romagna were again 
repeated ; and as a proof of his sincerity he de- 
spatched one of his confidential adherents, Pietro 
d'Oviedo, with directions to the different com- 
manders to the same purpose. This second at- 
tempt was equally ineffectual with the former. No 
sooner did Oviedo, accompanied by Moschiavellar, 
the pope's chamberlain, arrive at the castle of Ce- 
sena, then commanded by Don Diego Ramiro, 
than that officer caused him to be seized upon and 
instantly hanged as a traitor to his sovereign. 
When the information of this event arrived at 
Rome, Caesar was again deprived of his liberty 
and sent to occupy a remote apartment in the 
Torre Borgia, (a) 

Borgia be- In this situation a new negotiation commenced 
between Borgia and the pontiff, in the result of 
which it was agreed that Borgia should be com- 
mitted to the charge of Bernardino Carvajal, car- 
dinal of Santa Croce, and conveyed to Ostia, 
where he should be liberated as soon as informa- 

(d) Burchard. Diar. ap. Cone/, de' Ponlef. vol. i. p. 163. 


tion was received that his governors in Romagna CHAP. 
had delivered up their trust. Several of the com- 

manders now obeyed the directions of their prince, A.D. isoa. 

j A.I. j- i At u- A.ytt.28. 

and the cardinal thereupon gave him permission 
to proceed to France, which he had pretended was 
his intention. He had however already obtained 
a passport from the Spanish general Gonsalvo, who 
had despatched two galleys to Ostia to convey him 
with his attendants to Naples. (a) He accordingly 
embarked for that place, and was received by Gon- 
salvo with every demonstration of kindness and re- 
spect. The hopes of Borgia now began once more 
to revive. The commander of the fortress of Forli 
still held the place in his name. Gonsalvo pro- 
mised him a supply of galleys, and gave him li- 
berty to engage soldiers within the kingdom of 
Naples, for an attempt on the city of Pisa, or the 
Tuscan territories. Bartolommeo d'Alviano, then 
at Naples, earnestly desirous of restoring the Me- 
dici to Florence, offered himself as an associate in 
his undertaking. But whilst Gonsalvo was thus 
flattering his ambitious projects, he had secretly 
despatched a messenger into Spain, to request di- 
rections from Ferdinand in what manner he should 
dispose of the dangerous person, who had thus 
confided in his protection. The activity and cre- 
dit of Borgia had raised a considerable armament; 
the galleys were prepared for sea, and on the even- 
ing previous to the day fixed upon for their depar- 
ture he had an interview with Gonsalvo, in the 
course of which he received from the Spaniard the 
warmest expressions of attachment, and was dis- 
missed with an affectionate embrace. No sooner 

(a) Guicciard. Star, d' Ital. lib. vi. p. 339. 


CHAP, however had he quitted the chamber, than he was 

^ seized upon by the orders of Gonsalvo, who al- 

A. D. 1503. leged that he had received directions from his sove- 

A JFt. 2ft 

' reign which superseded the effect of his own pass- 
port. () Being committed to the charge of his an- 
cient adversary Prospero Colonna, he was soon af- 
terwards put on board a galley and conveyed to 
Spain. The conduct of Colonna on this occasion 
is highly honourable to his feelings ; for in the exe- 
cution of his commission he was so far from insult- 
ing his captive, that he is said to have avoided 
even fixing his eyes upon him during the whole 
voyage, lest he should appear to exult over a fal- 
len enemy, (b) 

On the arrival of Borgia in Spain he was con- 
fined a close prisoner in the castle of Medina del 
Campo, where he remained for the space of two 
years. Having at length effected his escape, he 
fled to his brother-in-law, John d' Albert, king of 
Navarre, in whose service he remained for several 
years in high military command, and at length fell 
by a shot in an action under the walls of Viana. 
From that place his body was conveyed to Pampe- 

(a) Some readers may perhaps be inclined to exclaim, 

" Nee lex est justior ulla 
Quam necis artifices arte perire sua." 

But it should be remembered, that although it be a proper cause 
of exultation, when a villain falls by the consequences of his own 
crime, it will not follow, that he ought to perish by the crime of 

(6) Jovius in vita Gonsaki, p. 257. Sanazzaro did not, howe- 
ver, omit this opportunity of expressing his joy in his well known 
lines : 

" Taure, praesens qui fugis periculum." 

Epig. lib. i. ep. 15, 


lima and deposited in the cathedral, of which he CHAP. 
had once been prelate, (a) 

Of this extraordinary character it may with truth A.D. 1503. 
be observed, that his activity, courage, and perse- A * tt 28 ' 
verance, were equal to the greatest attempts. In 
the pursuit of his object he overlooked or overleap- 
ed all other considerations ; when force was inef- 
fectual he resorted to fraud ; and whether he thun- 
dered in open hostility at the gates of a city, or 
endeavoured to effect his purpose by negotiation 
and treachery, he was equally irresistible. If we 
may confide in the narrative of Guicciardini, cru- 
elty, rapine, injustice, and lust, are only particular 
features in the composition of this monster; yet it is 
difficult to conceive that a man so totally unredeem- 
ed by a single virtue, should have been enabled to 
maintain himself at the head of a powerful army ; 
to engage in so eminent a degree the favour of the 
people conquered ; to form alliances with the first 
sovereigns of Europe ; to destroy or overturn the 
most powerful families of Italy, and to lay the 
foundations of a dominion, of which it is acknow- 
ledged that the short duration is to be attributed 
rather to his ill-fortune and the treachery of others, 
than either to his errors or his crimes. If, how- 
fa) " baud dubie," says Jovius, " rapiente fato ad earn 

urbem cujus Antistes antea fuerat." To which he adds with great 
gravity, " Neque enim quisquam fere repertus est, qui quum sese 
susceptis semel sacris abdicarit, tranquillam vitee exitum tulisse 
censeatur." Jor. in vita Gonsalr. lib. iii. p. 275. 

" The count Fcrdinando Marescalchi, had undertaken a drama- 
tic piece on the subject of Caesar Borgia, which he thought " Tra- 
gico per eccellenza," but did not live to complete it. Such of his 
friends as have seen a portion of it, speak highly of its merits." 
(Note of Count Bosii; Ital. ed. p. 30.) 


CHAP, ever, he has been too indiscriminately condemned 

by one historian, he has in another met with as zea- 

A. D. 1503. lous and as powerful an encomiast, and the max- 

A A*t 2ft 

ims of the politician are only the faithful record of 
the transactions of his hero. On the principles of 
Machiavelli, Borgia was the greatest man of the 
age. (a) Nor was he in fact, without qualities 
which in some degree compensated for his deme- 
rits. Courageous, munificent, eloquent, and ac- 
complished in all the exercises of arts and arms, he 
raised an admiration of his endowments which kept 
pace with and counterbalanced the abhorrence ex- 
cited by his crimes. That even these crimes have 
been exaggerated, is highly probable, (b) His ene- 
mies were numerous, and the certainty of his guilt 
in some instances gave credibility to every impu- 
tation that could be devised against him. That 
he retained, even after he had survived his pros- 
perity, no inconsiderable share of public estimation, 
is evident from the fidelity and attachment shewn 
to him on many occasions. After his death, his 
memory and achievements were celebrated by one 
of the most elegant Latin poets that Italy has pro- 

() " Se adunque si considered tutti i progressi del Duca, si ve- 
dni quanto lui havesse fatto gran fondamenti alia futura potenza, 
li quali non giiulico superfluo cliscorrere ; perche io non saprei 
quali precetti mi dare migliori ad uno Principe nuovo, die lo es- 
empio delle attioni sue. E se gli ordini suoi non gli giovarono, 
non fu sua colpa, perche nacque da una straordinaria e estrema 
malignita di forttma." Macliiuv. lib. del Pi inc. cap. viii. p 15. 

(b) The character of Caesar Borgia is ably and impartially con- 
sidered in the General Biography, published by Dr. Aikin, and 
others, vol. ii. p. 234. London, I bOO, 4to. A work, which does 
not implicitly adopt prescriptive errors, but evinces a sound iudg- 
rnent, a manly freedom of sentiment, and a correct taste. 


duced. The language of poetry is not indeed al- CHAP. 
ways that of truth ; but we may at least give ere- ' 
dit to the account of the personal accomplishments A. D. 1503. 
and warlike talents of Borgia ; (a) although we may 
indignantly reject the spurious praise, which places 
him among the heroes of antiquity, and at the sum- 
mit of fame. (A) 

On receiving intelligence of the defeat of his Fedengo, 
generals, and the loss of his lately acquired domi- *" 
nions in the kingdom of Naples, Louis XII. was 
greatly mortified, and immediately began to take 

measures for repairing those disasters which his Spanish mo- 
earlier vigilance might have prevented. Not sa- 
tisfied with despatching a powerful reinforcement 
through the papal states into the kingdom of Na- 
ples, under the command of the duke de la Tre- 
mouille, he determined to attack his adversary in 
his Spanish dominions. For this purpose large 
bodies of French troops entered the provinces of 

lioussillon and Fontarabia, whilst a powerful fleet 


(a) " Non quisquam ingenio melior, non promptior ore, 

Non gravior vultu, non vi praestantior, altos 

Si celerem supersedere equos, jaculumque, sudemque, 

Amento, atque agili procul exturbare lacerto," &c. 

(b) " Hie diu vixit, qui dum celestibus auris 

Vescitur, implet onus laudis, ccelumque meretur," &c. 
Cttsarit Borgia Ducts Epicedium, per Herculem Strozznm, 
ad Diram Lvcretiam Bor^iam Ferraria Ducem. int. 
Strata Pat. et Fil. Poemnta, Aid. 1513. 

That Czesar Borgia, like most of the eminent men of his time, 
aspired to the character of a poet, is considered as highly proba- 
ble by Croscimbeni, Delhi ro/^a- Poetia, vol. v. p. 03. Quadrio 
has also on this authority, enumerated him among his Italian wri- 
ters ; to which, however, he adds, " Come che siamo persuasi che 
la poesia, che non s' apprende che adanimc signorili e ben fatte, non 
fosse pane per li suoi denti." Stjnad' ogni poesia, vol. ii. p. 320. 


CHAP. W as directed to infest the coasts of Valencia and 

'__ Catalonia. These great preparations were not 

A. D. 1503. however followed by the expected consequences. 
An attempt upon the fortress of Paolo, near the 
city of Narbonne, was frustrated by the courage 
of the Spanish garrison ; and whilst the ardour of 
the French was checked by this unexpected oppo- 
sition, Ferdinand himself took the field, and at 
the head of his army compelled his adversaries to 
retire within the limits of the French territory, 
where he had the moderation not to pursue his 
advantages. Nor were the achievements of the 
French fleet of greater importance ; the com- 
manders having, after many fruitless attempts upon 
the Spanish coast, been obliged to take refuge in 
Marseilles. At this period an event occurred 
which exhibits the conduct of the contending mo- 
narchs in a singular point of view. A negotia- 
tion was entered into between them for the resto- 
ration of peace, and the mediator to whom they 
agreed to appeal for the reconciliation of their 
differences was Federigo, the exiled king of Na- 
ples, the partition of whose dominions had given 
rise to the war. In the course of these discus- 
sions Federigo was alternately flattered by both 
parties with the hopes of being restored to his 
crown ; and so far had he obtained the favour of 
Anne of Bretagne, the queen of Louis XII. that she 
earnestly entreated the king to concur in this mea- 
sure. It is not however to be supposed that it was 
the intention of either of the contending monarchs 
to perform such an act of disinterested justice; 
on the contrary, the pretext of appealing to the 
decision of Federigo was probably only employed 



by each of them for the purpose of obtaining from CHAP. 
the other more advantageous terms. 

The duke de la Tremouille having united his A. D. 1503. 
troops with those of his countrymen at Gaeta, 
and being reinforced by the marquis of Mantua, ^ f ^jj h 
who had now entered into the service of the on the Ga- 
French, possessed himself of the duchy of Tra- 
jetto and the district of Fondi, as far as the river 
Garigliano. He was, however, soon opposed by 
Gonsalvo, who had been joined by Bartolommeo 
d'Alviano, at the head of a considerable body of 
troops. The French, disadvantageously posted 
on the marshy banks of the river, had thrown a 
bridge over it, intending to proceed by the spee- 
diest route to Naples ; but Gonsalvo, having ar- 
rived at S. Germano, was induced by the remon- 
strances of d'Alviano to attack them before they 
could effect their passage. On the night of the 
twenty-eighth day of December, 1503, (a) the 
Spaniards formed another bridge at Suio, about 
four miles above the French camp, over which 
Gonsalvo secretly passed with a considerable part 
of his army. On the following morning the French 
were suddenly attacked by d'Alviano, who carried 
the bridge which they had erected, and when the 
engagement became general, Gonsalvo taking the 
French in the rear, routed them with an immense 
slaughter, and pursued them as far as Gaeta, 
which place he soon afterwards reduced, (fy 

This day terminated the unfortunate life of 
Piero de' Medici, who had engaged in the service 

(a) Muratori, Annuli (Tltnl. vol. x. p. 25. 

(b) The victory of Gonsalvo is celebrated in a Latin ode, ad- 
dressed to him by Crinitus. r. Appcndir, No. LIV. 


CHAP, of the French, and taken a principal part in the 

VIL action ; but finding all hopes of assistance frus- 

A.D. 1503. trated, and being desirous of rendering his friends 

A. /Et28. a jj t ^ e serv i ces m n j s power, he embarked on board 
a galley with several other persons of rank, in- 
tending to convey to Gaeta four heavy pieces of 
artillery, which he had prevented from falling into 
the hands of the conquerors. The weight of these 
pieces, and probably the number of passengers 
who endeavoured to avail themselves of this op- 
portunity to effect their escape, occasioned the 
vessel to founder ; and it was not until several 
days afterwards that the body of Piero was re- 
covered from the stream, (a) He left by his wife 
Alfonsina Orsino, a son, Lorenzo, who was born 
on the thirteenth day of September, 1492, and 
will frequently occur to our future notice ; and a 
daughter named Clarice. In his days of gaiety, 
and amidst the delights of Florence, Piero had 
assumed a device intended to characterize his 
temper and pursuits, to which Politiano had sup- 
plied him with an appropriate motto, (b) His 

(a) Valerianus informs us that Piero perished in the port of 
Gaeta and in the presence of his wife ; at the same time he bears 
testimony to his learning and accomplishments, " vir et Graecis et 
Latinis literis optime, quod omnes fatcamini, peritus. Nam hoc 
et scripta ejus indicant, et qUaedam ex Plutarcho de Amore con- 
jugali, quae vidimus, traducta ab eo, locupletissime testantur." 

Valer. de liter ator. infelicilate, lib. ii. p. 113. At the same time 
perished Fabio, the son of Paolo Orsino, a young man of very un- 
common endowments, the relation and constant companion of Piero 
de' Medici. Of his arly proficiency and extraordinary talents, 
Politiano has left an interesting account. Lib. xii. Ep. ii. et r. 
Greswell's Memoirs of Polilian, $-c. p. 145, 2nd ed. 

(b) This device represented green branches, interwoven toge- 
ther, and placed in the midst of flames, with the motto, In tiridi 


misfortunes or his misconduct soon provided him CHAP. 
with more serious occupations ; and ten years of _ 
exile and disappointment consumed the vigour of A.D. 1503. 
a life which had opened with the most favourable 
prospects. In the year 1552, Cosmo I. grand- 
duke of Tuscany, erected to the memory of his 
kinsman a splendid monument at Monte Cassino, 
with an inscription commemorating, not indeed 
his virtues, nor his talents, but his high family- 
connexions and his untimely death, (a) 

The death of Piero de' Medici seems to have 
been the period from which the fortunes of his 
house once more began to revive ; nor is it dif- 
ficult to discover the reasons of so favourable a 
change. The aversion and indignation of the 
Florentines were directed against the individual 
rather than against the family ; and soon after the 
death of Piero, his widow Alfonsina was allowed 
to return to Florence and claim her rights of dower 
from the property of her husband. Of this op- 
portunity she diligently availed herself to dispose 
the minds of the citizens to favour the cause of 
the Medici ; and in order more effectually to pro- 
mote the interests of her family, she negotiated a 
marriage between her daughter Clarice and Fi- Marriage of 
lippo Strozzi, a young nobleman of great wealth SSSi"' 
and extraordinary accomplishments. This mar- iH PP? 

* Strozzi. 

riage was celebrated shortly after the return of 

teneras cxurit ftfimma medullas, v. Ammir. Ritratti d'huomini illus- 
tri di Casa Medici ; in Opuscoli, vol. iii. p. 62. 




CHAP. Alfonsina to Rome ; but no sooner was it known 
' to the magistrates of Florence, than they cited Fi- 

A.D 1504. lippo to appear before them, and notwithstanding 
the utmost efforts of his friends, condemned him 
to pay five hundred gold crowns, and banished 
him for three years into the kingdom of Naples. 
At the same time Lorenzo, the son of the unfor- 
tunate Piero, was declared a rebel to the state. 
These proceedings did not however prevent Cla- 
rice from paying frequent visits to Florence, where 
she maintained a strict intercourse with the Sal- 
viati, the Rucellai, and other families connected 
by the ties of relationship or friendship with the 
house of Medici ; and although Filippo Strozzi 
returned before the expiration of the term pre- 
scribed, and took up his residence with his wife in 
Florence, yet no measures were adopted either to 
punish him or to remand him into banishment ; a 
circumstance which the friends of the Medici did 
not fail to notice as a striking indication of the 
strength- of their cause, (a) 

Moderation The inconsiderate conduct, the ambitious views, 

denceof the an ^ * ne impetuous and arrogant disposition of 
> Piero de' Medici, had been always strongly con- 
trasted by the mild and placable temper of the 
cardinal ; who, although he on all occasions ad- 
hered to his brother as the chief of his family, 
had always endeavoured to sooth the violence of 
those passions and to moderate those aspiring pre- 
tensions, which after having occasioned his expul- 
sion from Florence, still continued to operate, and 
effectually precluded his return. During the lat- 
ter part of the pontificate of Alexander VI. the 

(a) Commentarii di Nerli, lib. v. p. 100, &c. 


cardinal de' Medici had fixed his residence at CHAP. 
Rome ; where, devoted to a private life, he had _ 
the address and good-fortune, if not to obtain the A. D. 1504. 
favour of that profligate pontiff, at least to escape A<>Et - 29 - 
his resentment. The election of Julius II. to the 
pontificate opened to him the prospect of brighter 
days. It is true, Julius was the nephew of Sixtus 
IV. the inveterate enemy of the Medicean name ; 
but these ancient antipathies had long been con- 
verted into attachment and esteem. Under the 
favour of this pontiff the cardinal had an opportu- 
nity of indulging his natural disposition to the 
cultivation of polite letters and the promotion of 
works of art. (a) His books, though not numerous, 
were well chosen, and his domestic hours were 
generally spent in the society of such dignified 
and learned ecclesiastics, as could at times con- 
descend to lay aside the severity of their order 
to discuss the characteristics of generous actions, 
the obligations of benevolence and affection, the 
comparative excellences of the fine arts, or the na- 
ture and essence of human happiness. On these 
subjects the cardinal never failed to distinguish 
himself by his urbanity, his acuteness, and his 
eloquence, (i) In deciding upon the productions 
of architecture, of painting, and of sculpture, his 
taste seemed to be hereditary, and he was resorted 
to by artists in every department as to an infalli- 
ble judge. With music he was theoretically and 

(a) Pictro Bembo, writing to Bernardo da Bibbiena, the domes- 
tic secretary of the cardinal says, " Al vostro e mio S. cardinale 
de' Medici renderete quelle grazie del suo dolce e cortese animo 
nelle cose mie, che sono a tanto debito convenienti." In Bembi 
op. iii. 101. 

(6) Jovius, in Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 20, &c. 


CHAP, practically conversant, and his house more fre- 
__ quently re-echoed with the sprightly harmony of 
A. D. 1504. concerts than with the solemn sounds of devotion. 
t ' 29 ' Debarred by his profession from the exercises of 
the camp, he addicted himself with uncommon ar- 
dour to the chase, as the best means of preserving 
his health and preventing that corpulency to which 
he was naturally inclined. This amusement he 
partook of in common with a numerous band of 
noble associates, of whom he was considered as 
the leader; nor did he desist from this exercise 
even after his attainment to the supreme ecclesi- 
astical dignity. 

The good understanding which subsisted be- 
tween Julius II. and the cardinal de' Medici, was 
further strengthened by means of Galeotto della 
Rovere, the nephew of the pope, with whom the 
cardinal had contracted a strict friendship. This 
young man was not less the object of the admira- 
tion of the court and people of Rome, than he 
was the favourite of his uncle. Engaging in his 
manners, elegant in his person, liberal and magni- 
ficent in all his conduct, he well merited the high 
honours bestowed upon him by the pope, who im- 
mediately on his elevation transferred to his ne- 
phew the cardinal's hat which he had himself worn, 
and on the death of Ascanio Sforza nominated him 
vice-chancellor of the holy see. (a) Such was the 
effect produced by the conciliatory manners of the 
cardinal de' Medici on his young friend, who from 
the advanced age of his uncle, did not conceive 

() Jovius in Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 29. Several letters to Ga- 
leotto from Pietro Bembo, are given in Bemb. op. vol. iii. p. C, &c. 
highly favourable to the character of the young cardinal. 



that he would long enjoy the pontificate, that Ga- CHAP - 
leotto is said to have promised the cardinal, who _ '__ 
had not yet attained his thirtieth year, that he A. D. 1504. 

A. yEt,29. 

should succeed to that high dignity; alleging that 

it was an office more proper for a man in the 
prime and vigour of life, than for one already ex- 
hausted by labour and declining into years. Ga- 
leotto himself did not however survive to witness 
the completion of his promise ; for whilst Julius 
maintained his own dignity and enforced the 
claims of the church, during an interval of ten 
years, with an unexampled degree of activity and 
perseverance, Galeotto fell, in the prime of youth, 
a sacrifice to the effects of a violent fever which 
in a few days consigned him to the grave. The 
sumptuous parade of his funeral afforded no con- 
solation for his loss to the cardinal de' Medici, 
who had assiduously attended him in his last mo- 
ments, and performed towards him all the duties 
of religion and affection. Deprived of his friend 
in the ardour of youth, whilst the happiness of the 
present was increased by the prospect of the fu- 
ture, he long remained inconsolable, and when 
time had softened his sorrow, the name of Gale- 
otto was never adverted to, even in his most cheer- 
ful moments, without exciting the symptoms of af- 
fectionate remembrance, (a) 

In the measures adopted by the cardinal for Difficulties 
effecting his restoration to his native place, he 
was now no longer in danger of being counter- l^J'J 
acted by the ill-timed efforts and impetuosity of 
his brother. Although this was the constant ob- 
ject of his solicitude, and he was now considered 

(a) Jovius in vita l*on. X. lib. ii. p. 29. 


CHAP, as the chief of his family, he shewed no disposition 
riL to interfere in the concerns, or to disturb the re- 

A.D.1504. pose of the Florentines, who under the dictator- 
ship of Pietro Soderini, continued to labour with 
the difficulties of their government and the obsti- 
nacy of their rebellious subjects, and to maintain 
at least the name of a republic. It was not how- 
ever without frequent opposition and mortifica- 
tion that Soderini exercised his authority. Many 
of the citizens of the first rank, still attached to 
the cause of the Medici, continued to harass him 
in all his designs and to oppose all his measures ; 
but the industry, patience, and perseverance of 
the gonfalmiiere, gradually blunted their resent- 
ment and weakened their efforts, whilst the various 
and unsuccessful attempts of Piero de' Medici to 
regain the city of Florence by force, had increased 
the aversion of his countrymen and placed an in- 
superable bar to his return. In these expeditions 
the resources of the family were exhausted, inso- 
much that the cardinal found no small difficulty 
in supporting the dignity of his rank, to which 
his ecclesiastical revenues were inadequate. He 
struggled with these humiliating circumstances to 
the utmost of his power ; but the liberality of his 
disposition too often exceeded the extent of his 
finances, and a splendid entertainment was at 
times deranged by the want of some essential, but 
unattainable article. Even the silver utensils of 
his table were occasionally pledged for the pur- 
pose of procuring that feast, of which they ought 
to have been the chief ornaments. That these 
circumstances occasioned him considerable anx- 
iety cannot be doubted; for whilst on the one 


hand he was unwilling to detract from that cha- CHAP. 


racter of liberality and munificence which was ' 
suitable to his rank, and to the high expectations A.D. 1504. 
which he still continued to entertain; on the other 
hand he dreaded the disgrace of being wanting in 
the strict discharge of his pecuniary engagements. 
He carefully however avoided giving, even in the 
lowest ebb of his fortunes, the slightest indications 
of despondency. His temper was cheerful, his 
conversation animated, and his appearance and 
manners betrayed not the least symptom of his 
domestic embarrassments, for the relief of which 
he seemed to depend upon a timely and providen- 
tial supply, (a) Nor was he in general disappoint- 
ed in his hopes ; for the same good fortune which 
prepared the way to his highest honours attended 
him in his greatest difficulties, and enabled him to 
extricate himself from them with admirable dexte- 
rity and irreproachable honour. To the remon- 
strances of his more prudent friends, who were 
fearful that his liberality would at length involve 
him in actual distress, he was accustomed to re- 
ply, as if with a presage of his future destiny, that 
great men were the work of providence, and that 
nothing could be wanting to them if they were 
not wanting to themselves, (b) 

In the early part of the year 1505, died Ercole 

(a) From a letter of Gregorio Cortese, addressed to the cardi- 
nal de' Medici, it appears, that even at this period he had begun 
to emulate the example of his ancestors, in the promotion of pub- 
lic institutions for religious purposes, r. Appendix, No. LV. 

(6) " insignes viros coelesti sortc fieri magnos, prseterea ni- 
hil eis unquam posse deficere, nisi ipsi an i mis omnino deficercnt." 
Jorius, m Vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 31. 

D 2 


CHAP. O f E s t e ^ duke of Ferrara, (a) after having governed 
_ L_ his states with great credit both in war and in 
A. D. 1505. peace, during thirty-four years, of which the latter 
part had been devoted to the embellishing and en- 
Se.'dukf r " larging of his capital, the promotion of the happi- 
aU a' ness f n * s SUD J ec t s > ana< to the protection and en- 
sion of AI- couragement of the sciences and arts. (/;) His 

fouso I. 

great qualities and heroic actions are celebrated by 
the pen of Ariosto ; who asserts, however, that 
the advantages which his people derived from 
them, were inferior to the blessings which he con- 
ferred on them, in leaving two such sons as Al- 
fonso and Ippolito. (c) In the preceding year his 

(a) He died on the twenty-sixth of January, the very day which 
he had fixed on for the representation of a comedy for the amuse- 
ment of the people, v. Giraldi, Commentarii delle Cose di Ferrara, 
p. J37. 

(b) v. ante, vol. i. chap. ii. p. 82. " Alexander VI. in his bull 
of investiture, applauds the useful labours of Hercules I. which 
had increased the numbers and happiness of his people, which had 
adorned the city of Ferrara with strong fortifications and stately 
edifices, and which had reclaimed a large extent of unprofitable 
waste. The vague and spreading banks of the Po were confined 
in their proper channels by moles and dykes, the intermediate 
lands were converted to pasture and tillage; the fertile district be- 
came the granary of Venice, and the corn-exports of a single year 
were exchanged for the value of two hundred thousand ducats." 
r. Gibbon's Antiq. of Brunswick, in op. posth. vol. ii. p. 691. 

(c) " E quanto pi ft aver obligo si possa 

A principe, sua terra havra a costui ; 
Non perche fia de le paludi mossa 
Tra campi fertilissimi da lui ; 
Non perche la fara con muro e fossa 
Meglio capace a' cittadini sui ; 
E 1' ornera di templi e di palagi, 
Di piazze, di teatri, e di mille agi ; 


eldest son Alfonso had visited the courts of France c H A p. 
and Spain, but at the time when he received intel- 
ligence of the dangerous malady of his father he A. D. 1505. 
was in England, whence he hastened to Ferrara, A * 
and his father dying before his arrival he peace- 
ably assumed the government. (</) As the state of 
Ferrara at this time enjoyed perfect tranquillity, 
the duke tunied his attention to the mechanic 
arts, in which he became not only a skilful judge, 
but a practical proficient. His mind was, how- 
ever, too comprehensive to suffer him to waste his 
talents on objects of mere amusement. After hav- 
ing excelled the best artificers of his time, he be- 
gan to devote himself to the improvement of artil- 
lery. Under his directions cannon were cast of a 
larger size and better construction than had be- 
fore been seen in Italy, (b) Of the use which he 
made of these formidable implements repeated in- 
stances will occur; nor is it improbable that to 
these fortunate preparations he owed the preser- 
vation of his dominions, amidst the dangerous con- 

Non perche da gli artigli de' 1' audace 
Aligero Leon, teira difesa; 
Non perche quando la Gallica face 
Per tutto avra la bella Italia accesa, 
Si stara solo co'l suo stato in pace, 
E dal timor e da tributi illesa ; 
Non si per questi e altri benctici, 
Saran sue genti ad Ercol' debitrici ; 
Quanto che dara lor 1' inclita prole 

II giusto Alfonso, e Ippolito benigno," &c. 

Or/. Fur. cant iii. st. 48, &c. 

(a) Joviits, in vita Alfomi Duds Fcrraria, p. 153. Murat. An- 
nal. d' Ital. vol. x. p. 2U. 

(6) Jovius, in vita Alfonsi, p. 164. Sardi. Hist. Ferrurex, lib. 
xi. p. 204. 


CHAP, tests in which he was soon afterwards compelled 
VI1> to take an important part. 

A. D. 1505. The commencement of the reign of Alfonso I. 
A.*:t.3o. wag mar k e( j by a mos ^ tragical event, which en- 
ev?? 1 i ^angered hi s safety, and destroyed or interrupted 
family of his domestic tranquillity. Besides his two sons 


before mentioned, of whom Ippolito, the younger, 
had been raised to the dignity of a cardinal, the 
late duke had left by his wife Leonora, daughter 
of Ferdinand I. of Naples, a son named Ferdinand, 
and by a favourite mistress an illegitimate son 
called Don Giulio. Attracted by the beauty of a 
lady of Ferrara, to whom they were distantly re- 
lated, the cardinal and Don Giulio became rivals 
in her affections ; but the latter had obtained the 
preference, and the lady herself, in confessing to 
Ippolito her partiality to his brother, dwelt with 
apparent pleasure on the extraordinary beauty of 
his eyes. The exasperated ecclesiastic silently 
vowed revenge, and availing himself of an oppor- 
tunity, whilst he was engaged with Don Giulio in 
the chase, he surrounded him with a band of as- 
sassins, and, compelling him to dismount, with a 
diabolical pleasure saw them deprive him of the 
organs of sight, (a) The moderation or negligence 

() Muratori says, that the cardinal only attempted to put out 
the eyes of Don Giulio ; but he justly adds, " con barbarie detes- 
tata da ognuno," Annal. d' Ital. vol. x. p. 34. And Guicciardini 
admits, that he did not lose his sight ; or rather he seems to as- 
sert, that after his eyes were extruded, they were replaced again 
by a careful hand ! " Al quale dal Cardinale erano stati tratti gli 
occhi, ma riposti senza perdita del lume net luogo loro, per presta 
et diligente cura de' Medici." Hist, d' Ital. lib. vii. vol. i. p. 369. 
v. el Jov. in vita Alfonsi, p. 154. Gibbons Antiq. of Brunswick, in 
op post. vol. ii. p. 701. 


of Alfonso, in suffering this atrocious deed to re- CHAP. 
main unpunished, excited the resentment not only 
of Don Giulio, but of his brother Ferdinand, who, A.D. isos. 
uniting together, endeavoured by secret treachery 
to deprive Alfonso at once of his honours and his 
life. Their purposes were discovered, and after 
having confessed their crime they were both con- 
demned to die. The fraternal kindness of Alfonso 
was not, however, wholly extinguished, and at the 
moment when the axe was suspended over them, 
he transmuted their punishment to that of perpe- 
tual imprisonment. In this state Ferdinand re- 
mained until the time of his death in 1540, whilst 
Giulio, at the expiration of fifty-four years of cap- 
tivity, was once more restored to liberty. These 
events, which throw a gloom over the family-lustre 
of the House of Este, and mark the character of 
the cardinal with an indelible stain, are distinctly 
though delicately adverted to in the celebrated 
poem of Ariosto. (a) 

(a) " Qui Bradaraante, poi che la favella 

Le fu concessa usar, la bocca schiusc 

E domando, Chi son li due si tristi 

Che tra Ippolito e Alfonso, abbiamo visti ? 
Veniano sospirando, e gli occhi bassi 

Parean tener, d' ogni baldanza privi ; 

E gir lontan da loro io vedea i passi 

De i frati si, chc ne pareano schivi. 

Parve che a tal domanda si cangiassi 

La maga in viso, e fe pe' gli occhi rivi ; 

E grido, Ah sfortunati, a quanta pena 

Lungo instigar d' huomini rci vi mena. 
O buona prole, o dcgna d' Ercol buono, 

Non vinca il lor fallir vostra bontade. 

Di vostro sangue i raiseri pur sono ; 

Qui coda la giustitia a la pictade. 



CHAP. After a series of calamities of more than ten 
IL years continuance, during which there was scarce- 

A. D. 1505. ly any part of Italy that had not severely suffered 
. &t. 30. f rom ^g e ff ec t s o f pestilence, of famine, and of 

F u!siraof war > some indications appeared of happier times. 

the French The pretensions of Louis XII. to the kingdom of 

pies. Naples had received an effectual check by the de- 
feat of his troops on the Garigliano, and although 
the remains of his army had effected a retreat to 
Gaeta, yet all that now remained for them, was to 
obtain a capitulation on such terms as should se- 
cure to them their liberty and their arms. These 
terms were readily conceded by Gonsalvo, who per- 
mitted his humiliated adversaries to march out 
from Gaeta with military honours, and to carry off 
their effects, on condition that they should return 
to France, either by land or sea, of which he of- 
fered them the choice and furnished them with the 
opportunity. Both these courses were adopted, 
and in both the French soldiery were equally un- 
fortunate. Those who embarked at Gaeta and Na- 
ples perished for the most part by hurricanes, either 
in the passage or on their native coasts ; whilst 
those who attempted to return by land fell a sacri- 
fice to sickness, cold, hunger, and fatigue, inso- 
much that the roads were strewed with their dead 
bodies. This capitulation was speedily followed 
by a treaty between the contending monarchs, by 
which it was agreed that Ferdinand, who had sur- 

Indi soggiunse con piii basso suono, 
Di cio dirti piu inan/i non accade. 
Statti col dolce in bocca, e non ti doglia, 
Ch' amareggiar' al fin non te la voglia." 

Orl. Fur. cant. iii. st. 60, &c. 


vived his queen Isabella, and who on account of CHAP. 


his dissensions with his son-in-law the arch-duke ' 

Philip, was earnestly desirous of male offspring, A. D. 1505. 
should marry the young and beautiful Germaine 
de Foix, niece of Louis XII. who should bring 
with her as her dower all such parts of the king- 
dom of Naples as had been allotted to the French 
monarch ; and in return for these favours, Ferdi- 
nand engaged to pay to Louis XII. one million of 
gold ducats, by annual payments of one hundred 
thousand ducats, as an indemnity for his expenses 
in the Neapolitan war. (a) With these favourable 
indications of returning tranquillity other circum- 
stances concurred. The power of the Borgia fa- 
mily had been suddenly annihilated by the death 
of Alexander VI. and by the consequent imprison- 
ment and exile of Caesar Borgia ; whilst the death 
of Piero de' Medici seemed to promise repose to 
the agitated republic of Florence. Many of the 
principal Italian leaders, or Cundottieri, had pe- 
rished in these contests, others had been stript of 
their possessions and so far reduced as to be no 
longer able to follow the trade of blood'; whilst 
the people, wearied and.'exhausted by a continual 
change of masters, by unavailing carnage, by inces- 
sant alarms, exorbitant exactions, and by all the 
consequences of prolonged hostilities, sighed for 
that peace which they ought to have commanded, 

(a) This treaty, by which these ambitious rivals agreed to be- 
come " tanquam dua? aninue in uno et eodem corpore, amici ami- 
corum, et inimici inimicorum," was concluded at Blois on the 
twelfth day of October, 1505, and ratified by the king of Spain at 
Segovia, the sixteenth of the same month. It is preserved in the 
Collection of Du Mont, vol. iv. par. i. p. 72. 


CHAT, and which alone could remedy those evils of which 

[j* they had so long been the victims. 

A.D. 1505. But whilst every thing seemed to conspire in 
Julius ii.* securing the public tranquillity, the happy effects 
SIS o?p h e- f which had already begun to be experienced, the 
So ^ d su P reme pontiff was revolving in his mind how he 
might possess himself of the smaller independent 
states in the vicinity of the Roman territories, and 
complete the great work which Alexander VI. had 
so vigorously begun. He had already announced 
in the consistory, his determination to free the 
domains of the church from tyrants ; alluding, as 
it was well understood, to the cities of Perugia 
and Bologna, the former of which was held by the 
Baglioni, and the latter by the Bentivogli. Nor 
was he slow in carrying his threats into execu- 
tion. Having preconcerted his measures with the 
king of France, who still retained the government 
of Milan, he placed himself at the head of his 
army, and accompanied by twenty-four cardinals, 
left Rome on the twenty-sixth day of August, 
taking his course towards Perugia, (a) The well- 
known character of the pontiff, and the resolution 
exhibited by him in these measures, gave just 
alarm to Gian-Paolo Baglioni, who being totally 
unprepared to resist such an attack, consulted his 
safety by a timely submission, and proceeding to 
Orvieto, humiliated himself before the pope, and 
tendered to him his services. This proceeding in 
some degree disarmed the resentment of Julius, 
who received Baglioni into his employ, on condi- 
tion of his surrendering up the town and citadel 
of Perugia, and accompanying him with one hun- 

('/) Muratori, Annuli (T Italia, vol. x. p. 30. 


dred and fifty men at arms on his intended expe- CHAP. 
dition into Romagna. (a) On the twelfth day of _ 
September, 1506, the pope entered the city of Pe- A.D. isoe. 
rugia and assumed the sovereignty, which he soon 
afterwards delegated to the cardinal de' Medici, 
who from this time began to act a more conspi- 
cuous part in the concerns of Italy than he had 
hitherto done. From Perugia the pontiff hastened 
to Imola, whence he summoned Giovanni Benti- 
volio to surrender to him the city of Bologna, on 
pain of bringing down on himself all the power of 
his temporal and spiritual arms. Bentivolio had, 
however, prepared for his approach, and relying 
on the promises of support given him by Louis 
XII. had determined to resist the attack till the 
arrival of his allies might relieve him from his 
dangers. A body of eight thousand infantry and 
six hundred horse had been despatched from Mi- 
lan to his assistance ; but in the present situation 
of affairs in Italy Louis had no further occasion 
for the services of Bentivolio, whilst the favour of 
the pope might still be of important use to him. 
He therefore directed the troops intended for the 
assistance of Bentivolio, to join the army of his 
assailants. The duke of Ferrara and the republic 
of Florence also sent considerable reinforcements 
to the pontitF, and Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of 
Mantua, was declared with great solemnity cap- 
tain general of the Roman army, (b) These pre- 

(a) Murat. Annul, d' Ital. vol. x. p. 81. 

(6) The pontifical brief on this occasion, which commemorates 
the great services of the marquis, is given in the Appendix, No. 


CHAP, parations convinced Bentivolio that all resistance 

_^ would not only be ineffectual, but ruinous to him. 

A. D. 1506. Quitting, therefore, the city by night, he repaired 
A. Mt. 31. j. Q ^ j?rench commander Chaumont, and having 
received a safe conduct for himself and his family, 
he privately hastened into the Milanese, leaving 
the citizens of Bologna to effect such terms of re- 
conciliation with the pope as they might think 
proper. A deputation from the inhabitants spee- 
dily arranged the preliminaries for the admission 
of the pontiff within the walls, and on the eleventh 
day of November, 1506, he entered as a con- 
queror, at the head of his army, amidst the re- 
joicings and congratulations of the people, (a) 
After establishing many necessary and salutary re- 
gulations for the due administration of justice, he 
entrusted the government of the city to the cardi- 
nal Regino. On his return to Rome he passed 
through the city of Urbino, where he remained for 
several days, partaking of the splendid amuse- 
ments which the duke and duchess had prepared 
for him. (b) 

(a) Muratoii, Annul, d' Ital. vol. x. p. 31. These events are 
also celebrated by Mantuanus Vincentius, in the fourth book of 
his Latin poem, entitled Alba. v. Carm. lllust. Poet. Ital. vol. xi. 
p. 338, &c. And yet more particularly by cardinal Adrian, one 
of the companions of the pontiff on his military expedition, in his 
Iter Julii II. Pont. Max. which will be found in the Appendix, No. 

(bi) To this precise period Castiglione has assigned his cele- 
brated dialogue on the character and duties of a courtier, called // 
libro del Cortegiano although not written by him till some years 
afterwards : " Ayendo adunque Papa Giulio II. con la presenza 
sua, e con 1' ajuto de' Francesi, ridutto Bologna alia obbedienza 
della Sede Apostolica nell' anno 1506, e ritornando verso Roma, 


Among all the commanders who had signalized CHAP. 
themselves in the recent commotions of Italy, no 

one had acquired greater honour and more general A. D. isoe. 
esteem than the Great Captain Gonsalvo, who A -' Et ' 31 
after having by his courage and perseverance ac- 
complished the conquest of Naples, had conciliated 
the exasperated and discordant minds of the peo- 
ple by his clemency, liberality, and strict adminis- 
tration of justice, and had thereby confirmed to 
his sovereign that authority which he had previ- 
ously obtained. These important services had 

been acknowledged by Ferdinand, who besides ap- Ferdinand _ 
, . . . . I*, i of s P am V1 ~ 

pointing Gonsalvo his viceroy m the kingdom of sits his Nea- 

Naples, had invested him with domains in that 
country which produced him annually upwards of 
twenty thousand gold ducats, and had conferred 
upon him the high hereditary office of grand con- 
stable of the realm. Notwithstanding these exter- 
nal demonstrations of confidence and regard, the 
jealousy of Ferdinand was excited by the extraor- 
dinary greatness of his too powerful subject, which 
he conceived might inspire, him with the hope of 
obtaining for himself the sovereign authority. No 
sooner was the mind of the king possessed with 
this idea than the virtues of Gonsalvo were con- 
verted into crimes, and his well judged attempts 
to allay the jealousies and engage the affections 
of the people, were considered only as preparatory 
measures to the asserting his own independence. 
Under the influence of these suspicions, Ferdinand 

pass 6 per Urbino ; dove, quanto era possibile, onoratamente, e 
con quel piu magnifico c splendido apparato che si avesse potato 
fare in qualsivoglia altra nobil Citta d'ltalia, fu ricevuto," &c. 
Castig. Corteg. lib. i. p. 23. 


CHAP, requested the presence of Gonsalvo in Spain, pre- 
tending that he wished to avail himself of his coun- 
A. D. 1606. sels ; but Gonsalvo excused himself, alleging that 

A..*.t.3i. ^ e newly acquired authority of his sovereign was 
not yet sufficiently established. The injunctions 
of the king were repeated, and again proved in- 
effectual. Alarmed at these indications, Ferdi- 
nand resolved to hasten in person to Naples and 
take the reins of government into his own hands. 
He accordingly arrived there with his young queen 
about the end of October, 1506, and was met at 
Capo Miseno by Gonsalvo, who received him with 
every demonstration of loyalty and respect. Neither 
the death of his son-in-law Philip, of which he re- 
ceived intelligence on his journey through the Ge- 
noese, nor the remonstrances of his ministers, who 
entreated him to return to take upon himself the 
government of the kingdom of Castile, could in- 
duce Ferdinand to interrupt his journey or to quit 
his Neapolitan dominions, until he had effectually 
secured himself against the possibility of an event, 
the contemplation of which had occasioned him so 
much anxiety. After a residence ofseven months, 
in the course of which he established many excel- 
lent regulations for the government of his new 
subjects, and cautiously replaced all the military 
officers appointed by Gonsalvo, by others on whose 

1507 fidelity he had greater reliance ; he retired on the 
fourth day of June, 1507, from Naples, on his way 
to Savona, accompanied by Gonsalvo, in whose 
place he had substituted as viceroy of Naples Don 
John of Aragon. By a previous arrangement with 
Louis XII. an interview took place at Savona be- 
tween the two monarchs, and four days were past 


in secret and important conferences. The super- CHAP. 
stition of mankind has sought for the prognostics 
of future evils in the threatening aspects and con- A.D. 1507. 
junctions of the planets; but a conjunction of this ' 
kind is a much more certain indication of ap- 
proaching commotions ; nor is it perhaps without 
reason, that the origin of the celebrated league at 
Cambray, which involved Italy in new calamities, 
has been referred to this interview, (a) 

On this occasion the two sovereigns contended 
with each other in their respect and attention to 
the Great Captain. Louis XII. was unwearied 
in expressing his admiration of the character and 
talents of a man who had wrested from him a king- 
dom, and by his solicitations Gonsalvo was per- 
mitted to sit at the same table with the royal 
guests. As this day, in the estimation of the vul- honoured 
gar, was the highest, so it was considered as the d " 
last, of the glory of Gonsalvo. On his a/rival in 
Spain he received a notification from Ferdinand 
to retire to his country residence, and not to ap- 
pear at court without leave. From that moment 
his great talents were condemned to oblivion, and 
he remained useless and unemployed till the time 
of his death, in the year 1515 ; when he received 
the reward of his services in a pompous funeral 
furnished at the expense of the king. 

In reviewing the transactions of his past life, 
Gonsalvo was accustomed to say that he had no- 
thing wherewith to reproach himself, except his 
breach of faith to Ferdinand, the young duke of 
Calabria, and the transmitting Caesar Borgia as a 
prisoner to Spain, contrary to the assurances of 

() v. bemio, Islor. Veneta, lib. vii. in op. vol. i. pp. 1B, !8J. 


CHAP, protection which he had given him. To these 

^ acknowledged errors, he is however said to have 

A. D. 1507. added, that he had committed another crime, the 

A JVt 32 

nature of which he would never explain, (a) 

by n pluTu e s d Of these defects in tne Great Captain, and par- 
ticularly of his conduct towards Caesar Borgia, a 
vindication has been attempted by Jovius, found- 
ed on the atrocious character of Borgia, which, as 
the apologist contends, justified any measures that 
might be adopted against him ; and on the com- 
pliance of Gonsalvo with the commands of his so- 
vereign and with the wishes of the supreme pon- 
tiff, (b) It is not however difficult to perceive, 

(a) " Didaco Mendocio Antonioque Leva me accepisse pro- 
fiteer, ut in extreme vitae actu, tanquam semiexul, non plane 
felix (Consalvus) moreretur ; quanquam ssepissime diceret, se nul- 
lius improbe facti pocnitentia offensum, laetissimeex hac vita fuisse 
migraturum, nisi Ferdinando Federici regis filio, et Caesari Borgiae 
Valentino, fidem suam improvide dedisset, ut ea demum a rege 
cum sui nominis sugillatione violaretur. Subjungebat ad haec 
duo Consalvus, se tertii quoque gravioris facti maxime poenitere, 
quod tamen prodere nollet." Jov. in vita Consalv. lib. iii. p. 275. 
A similar expression is recorded by Suetonius, of Titus, who, when 
dying, did not admit more than one act of his life, as a subject of 
serious repentance. " Eripi sibi vitam immerenti : neque enim 
extare ullum suum factum pcenitendum, excepto duntaxat uno." 
In vit. cap. x. 

(6) " Sed quis Consalvum ut id faceret, regis imperio coactum, 

non excuset," &c. " Verum ob id quoque honestiore de causa, 

majoreque ratione, a fide data discessise videri potuit ; ne Italiam, 
dudum sublatis bellis, tranquilla pace fruituram, unius nefarii im- 
potentisque tyranni immanis audacia perturbaret." Jov. vt sup. p. 
276. How far the peace of Italy was preserved by the conduct 
of Gonsalvo to Borgia, will sufficiently appear in the sequel ; and 
this apology for Gonsalvo would have been equally applicable, if 
he had extended his treachery to the two sovereigns, with whom 
he sat at table, and who were meditating greater calamities to 
Italy than Borgia could ever have produced. On this subject, I 


that Gonsalvo in his treachery to Borgia gave a c |: 

sanction to those very crimes which he affected |__ 

to punish. However desirable the destruction of A. D. iso?. 

A /f*'t 3** 

such a man may be, it is still more desirable that 
those principles of good faith by which human so- 
ciety is bound together, should be kept sacred and 
inviolate. The other plea urged by Jovius is 
equally unsatisfactory. Gonsalvo had acted under 
the authority of his sovereign when he granted a 
safe conduct, and neither he nor his king could 
rightfully revoke an act which had induced ano- 
ther to confide his safety in their hands. It is in- 
deed extremely singular, that the bishop o'f No- 
cera should attempt to justify the Spanish general 
in a transaction in which he could not justify him- 
self. Thus the historian sinks below the soldier, 
who redeemed his crime by his contrition, and af- 
forded a presumption that under similar circum- 
stances he would not have again repeated it ; but 
the vindication of Jovius is intended to recom- 
mend to future imitation that guilt of which Gon- 
salvo repented, and to set up motives of tempo- 
rary expediency against the eternal laws of mora- 
lity and of truth. 

With respect to the third accusation of Gon- 
salvo against himself, the tertium grnvius J'actum, 
it has been referred to the error which he is sup- 
posed to have committed, in suffering himself, 
when he had the whole military force at his com- 
mand, to be divested of his authority in Naples, 

hesitate not to dissent even from the opinion of the liberal DC 
Thou, who informs us that Borgia, " qui neroini fidem servavcrat 
temere se fidci Consalvi permisit ; a quo in Hispaniam missus, ct 
laudabili perfidiu in carcercm conjectus est." Hut. lib. i- p. 16. 


CHAP, and reduced to a state of humiliation and soli- 
_' tude during the remainder of his life, (a) But the 

A.D. 1507. friends of Gonsalvo who thus construed his mean- 

A /I* L *}2 

ing were probably mistaken. When a person con- 
templates the awful period to which he was fast 
approaching, he seldom repents that he has not 
sacrificed his virtue to his interest, and his con- 
science to his ambition ; and Gonsalvo's third 
cause of regret would, in this case, have implied a 
contradiction to his two former. He could probably 
have unfolded a tale but he died a penitent, and 
trusted it with his other sins to the bosom of his 

(a) " Id autem Leva et Mendocius, non inani forte conjectura, 
interpretantes esse putabant, quod regiis pollicitationibus, e Nea- 
poli Italiaque se abduci in Hispaniam permisisset ; in qua multi, 
rerum novarum cupidi, eum in spem novi principatus maxima- 
rumque rerum bello gerendarum retinere conarentur." Jovivs, in 
vita Consahi, lib. iii. p. 275. 


CAUSES of the jealousy of the European powers against 
the republic of Venice Recent improvements in military 
discipline The Venetians repel the attack of the empe- 
ror elect Maximilian Reasons alleged by Louis XII. 
for his hostility against them League of Cambray 
Pretexts resorted to by the allies The Venetians pre- 
pare for their defence Opinions of their commanders 
Hostilities commenced Louis XII. defeats the Venetians 
at Ghiaradadda Dismemberment of the Venetian terri- 
tories Exertions of the Senate Recovery of Padua 
and capture of the marquis of Mantua Ineffectual at- 
tack on Padua by the emperor elect Maximilian The 
Venetian flotilla defeated on the Po by the duke of Fer- 
rara Pisa surrenders to the Florentines Julius II. de- 
serts his allies and unites his arms with the Venetians 
Excommunicates the duke of Ferrara Is besieged by 
the French in Bologna Louis XII. opposes the autho- 
rity of the pope Mirandula captured by Julius II. in 
person Bologna captured by the French The cardinal 
of Pavia assassinated by the duke of Urbino Council 
of Pisa The holy league Julius II. determines to re- 
store the Medici Bologna besieged by the allies, and 
relieved by de Foix Discordant opinions of the cardinal 
Legate de Medici and the Spanish general Cardona 
Brescia taken and sacked by the French De Foix at- 
tacks Ravenna Battle before the walls The allies de- 
feated by de Foix, and the cardinal Legate de Medici 
made prisoner Death of de Foix The cardinal des- 
patches Giulio de Medici with intelligence to Rome- 
Fatal effects of the battle of Ravenna to the French 
The cardinal de' Medici conveyed to Bologna Is 
brought prisoner to Milan on his way to France. 

E 2 



THE republic of Venice had hitherto been in a A. D. iso?. 
great measure exempt from those evils which had A ' Slt 32 ' 
overturned, or endangered, the other states of 

Italy : but the storm that had so long poured of the Euro 

pean powers 

down its wrath on the northern and southern pro- a s^^ the 

. . i epublic of 

vmces now began to gather in the east, with a Venice. 
still more threatening aspect. From the advan- 
tages of her local situation, and the prudence of 
her councils, Venice had been enabled, in the 
course of the wars in which Italy had been en- 
gaged, not only to increase her trade and improve 
her naval strength, but also to extend her conti- 
nental possessions and to annex to her dominions 
most of the maritime cities on the Adriatic coast ; 
nor is there any period of her history in which she 
rose to an equal degree of strength and impor- 
tance. In the part which she had taken in the 
commotions of Italy she had generally acted on 
the offensive. She had supported her armies at 
the expense of others, or had obtained a compen- 
sation for their labours in her conquests, (a) She 

(a) To the overbearing ambition of the Venetians, at this pe- 
riod, Machiavelli alludes, in his Anno d" Oro, cap. v. 
" San Marco, impetuoso ed importuno, 

Credendosi haver sempre il vento in poppa, 
Non si euro di rovinarc ognuno ; 
No vidde come la potenza troppa 
Era nociva ; e come il me' sarebbe 
Tener sou' acqua la coda e la groppa." 


CHAP. W as now at peace with all the European powers 

on both sides the Alps, nor was it easy to perceive 

A. D. 1507. from what quarter any serious cause of alarm could 

A J.t 32 

arise ; but in the midst of this prosperity the mine 
was preparing which was intended to involve her 
in destruction ; nor was it long before she experi- 
enced its effects, in an explosion which had nearly 
occasioned her total and irreparable ruin. The 
motives and effects of her conduct had indeed been 
too obvious not to excite the jealousy of all the 
surrounding states. To the emperor elect Maxi- 
milian, her increasing power rendered her a dan- 
gerous rival; and Louis XII. seemed to be in- 
debted for his Milanese dominions rather to her 
forbearance, than to her inability to deprive him 
of them. The possession of the cities of Trani, 
Brindisi, Gallipoli, and Otranto, which had been 
ceded to her by Federigo, the exiled king of Na- 
ples, and which she retained after the conquest 
of the rest of the kingdom by Ferdinand of Spain, 
caused that monarch to regard her as a future 
enemy, from whom he must at some time wrest 
those important places. Nor was the part which 
she had lately acted in Romagna likely to con- 
ciliate the favour of Julius II. who had been com- 
pelled to enter into a treaty which guaranteed 
to her the cities of Faenza and Rimini, and who 
therefore only waited for a favourable opportunity 
to attempt the recovery of those places, (a) But 
although the republic had excited the envy or re- 
sentment of almost all the powers of Europe, yet 
to reconcile all their discordant interests, and to 
unite them in one great object, might have been 

(a) Hist, de la Liguc de Cambray, liv. i. vol. i. p. 39. 


found a difficult and perhaps an impracticable CHAP. 
task, if some peculiar and predisposing circum- 
stances had not prepared the way to such a' com- A.D. 1507. 
munication of their mutual dissatisfaction, as spec- A 
dily terminated in the adoption of open hostilities 
against her. 

Since the time of the arrival of Charles VIII. in Recent im- 
Italy, a considerable alteration had taken place in fn^mS^* 
the mode of warfare, and the military preparations d 
of the sovereigns of Europe. Before that impor- 
tant event, a regular standing army of infantry set 
apart from the community for the purposes of 
war, was unknown. Sudden levies were raised as 
occasion required, and when the contest was over 
they again returned to the general mass of the in- 
habitants. The strength of an army consisted al- 
most entirely in the number of its armed cavalry, 
who were denominated gemdnrmet, lances, or men 
at arms, and when united together were emphati- 
cally called the battle. Into these ranks none were 
admitted, for a long time, but gentlemen by birth. 
Every man at arms brought with him into the field 
a certain number of horses and attendants, which 
varied in different countries and at different times. 
The full appointment of a man at arms in France 
was six horses and four men on foot, two of whom 
were archers ; but in Italy the number of horses 
seldom exceeded three. () When in actual en- 
gagement, the archers generally composed the se- 
cond and third ranks, in which station they were 

(a) " Gli oltramontani ancora intcnder dci, 

Cir ban vatic lanzc, a quel che saper posso, 
Noi tre cavalli, e lor nc metton sei." 

Cornazzano, de re Militari, lib. iii. cap. 3. 


C \"n P ' a ^ so at k an< l to ren( * er an y services to the men at 

arms, who from the weight and nature of their ar- 

A.D.1507. m0 ur and offensive weapons, stood in frequent 
need of assistance. In the contests of Charles VIII. 
in Italy, and particularly at the battle of the Taro, 
the use of the foot soldiery, or janti, began tobe 
better known and more highly appreciated ; but 
the first nation which gave respectability and im- 
portance to this mode of warfare, was the Swiss, 
who raised the discipline of infantry to a degree 
of perfection which has seldom been since equalled, 
and perhaps never excelled. In the assembling of 
the numerous bodies of troops, which in the be- 
ginning of the sixteenth century were poured forth 
from the Helvetic states, and who sold their assist- 
ance to the highest bidder, the services of the in- 
dividual seem to have been voluntary, and his mo- 
tive and his reward were generally his share of the 
subsidy, or his chance of the spoil. When in ac- 
tion, the Swiss were remarkable for their disci- 
pline and firmness, but above all for their fidelity 
and unshaken attachment to each other. Their 
armour consisted of a casque and breast-plate, or, 
when these could not be procured, of the skin of 
a buffalo or other beast ; their usual weapons were 
a halbert, which when not employed was slung at 
their back, a sword, and a pike of eighteen feet in 
length. When united together they formed a kind 
of moveable fortification called the lierisson, against 
which the utmost efforts of the cavalry were of no 
avail. They were in an army what the bones are 
in the human body, but when once thrown into 
disorder they were not easily prevailed on to re- 
new the conflict. Before the end of the fifteenth 


century, the French sovereigns had frequently ex- CHAP. 
perienced the value of their assistance and the ill- _ 
effects of their resentment ; and they may be con- A. D.ISOT. 

A JEt 32 

sidered as having set the example of a regular sys- 
tem of infantry to the other nations of Europe. 
One of the earliest establishments of this nature in 
France consisted of a body of six thousand men, 
subsidized from the duke of Gueldres by Louis 
XII. who were denominated the bandes noires, or 
black bands, because they fought under a black 
standard ; by which name they acquired great re- 
putation in the wars of Italy, (a) The Spanish in- 
fantry, which had been chiefly formed in the wars 
of Naples by the great captain Gonsalvo, were re- 
markable beyond all others for their courage, so- 
briety, and discipline. Besides the pike, the bat- 
tle-axe, and the poniard, they were generally armed 
with a heavy harquebus. In an attack, when their 
numbers bore a reasonable proportion to the ene- 
my, they were considered as irresistible; and even 
when defeated, they seldom took to flight without 
rallying and returning with fresh ardour to the 
charge. Besides the gensdarmes, bodies of light- 
armed cavalry began about this time to be fre- 
quently employed ; and large troops of horse were 
also obtained from the continental territories of 
the state of Venice, and the adjacent provinces of 
Greece, who fought in the irregular manner of the 
Turks, and under the name of stradiotli, or hus- 
sars, were the usual harbingers of an attack, and 
the terror of a defeated enemy. 

Towards the close of the year 1507, the emperor 
elect Maximilian, having some important designs 

(a) Hut. de la Ligve de Cambray. liv. iii. vol. ii. p. 13. 


CHAP, upon Italy, the object of which he did not choose 
_ '__ to define, but which he disguised under the pre- 
A.D. 1507. tence that he meant to proceed to Rome, to receive 

A vF"t_ *V2 

from the hands of the pope the imperial crown, re- 

quested permission from the Venetians to pass with 
the attack hi s army through their states. The senate were 

of the em- * ' 

elect at this time in strict alliance with Louis XII. and 
** being apprehensive that Maximilian meant to at- 
tack the Milanese, and unwilling to afford any pre- 
text for a rupture with the French monarch, re- 
fused to comply with his request ; at the same 
time assuring him of an honourable and respectful 
reception and a safe-conduct for himself and his re- 
tinue, in case he wished to pass in a pacific man- 
ner through their dominions. On this refusal, 
Maximilian resolved to effect a passage by force, 
and descending through the Tyrol, entered the Ve- 
netian states in the beginning of the year 1508, and 
captured several important places in the district of 
Friuli. (a) He was, however, soon opposed by Bar- 
tolommeo d'Alviano, who had lately entered into 
the service of the Venetians, and who having by 
rapid marches unexpectedly attacked the imperi- 
alists under the command of the duke of Bruns- 
wick at Codauro, defeated them with such slaugh- 
ter that scarcely one of them survived to carry to 
Maximilian the intelligence of his disaster, (b) The 

(a) A very particular account of these transactions is given by 
Machiavelli, then the Florentine envoy at Venice, in a report ad- 
dressed to the magistrates of Florence, which contains many in- 
teresting particulars of the state of Germany, and the character of 
Maximilian, v. Bandini, coll. vet. moniment. p. 37. Arezzo, 1752. 

(6) This victory, the most complete that ever d'Alviano obtain- 
ed, and which was considered as the salvation of the state of Ve- 
nice, is particularly noticed by Navagero, in his funeral elogy on 


Venetians, having thus speedily recovered their CHAP. 
possessions, attacked in return the territories of 
their adversary, and would have possessed them- A. D. 1507. 
selves of the city of Trent, and the whole district of 
the Tyrol, had not the inhabitants, although desert- 
ed by the imperialists, courageously defended their 
country. Humiliated by these events, Maximilian 
listened with eagerness to terms of accommoda- 
tion ; and a treaty of peace for three years, was, on 
the sixth day of June 1508, concluded between him 
and the senate, which seemed once more to have 
restored the public tranquillity. 

This hasty reconciliation gave, however, great causes 
dissatisfaction to Louis XII. who being at enmity 

with Maximilian, and having despatched a body of for *? ls ani ~ 
troops under the command of Trivulzio to the as- against the 
sistance of the Venetians, although with directions, 
as it was supposed, rather to regard the motions 
of the adverse armies than to take an active part 
on the behalf of either, () affected to be highly of- 
fended that the Venetians should have accommo- 
dated their differences with Maximilian, without 
previously consulting him on the terms proposed. 
It is true, the senate had in the treaty reserved a 
power for the king of France to accede to it if he 
should think proper, of which power he afterwards 
availed himself; but he was no party to the pre- 
amble, and was introduced only as their auxiliary, 

that great commander, in which he informs us, that the imperial- 
ists " ne nuncio quidem cladis relicto, caesi sunt." r. Naugerii op. 
ed. Tacuini, 1530, p. 3. It was also celebrated by Giovanni Cot- 
t a. who attended d'Alviano on this expedition, in an elegant I .at in 
ode, which may be found in the Appendix, No. LVIII. 
(a) Muratori, Armali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 38. 


CHAP. iik e a potentate of a secondary rank, (a) Affect- 

1_^ ing great displeasure at this apparent insult, and 

A.D. 1507. perhaps alarmed at the increasing power of the 
Venetians, Louis now determined to accommo- 
date his differences with Maximilian, and to se- 
cure or extend his Milanese possessions by the hu- 
miliation of these haughty republicans. For the 
attainment of the first of these objects he had re- 
course to a stratagem, which sufficiently proves 
that in political artifice the French were not in- 
ferior to the Italians. Whilst he assigned as a 
cause of his resentment against the Venetians their 
want of confidence in him, he despatched his en- 
voys to Maximilian to inform him, that the Vene- 
tians had disclosed to him the most secret particu- 
lars of the negotiation ; thereby endeavouring to 
convince Maximilian that they had betrayed his 
interests, and to excite his anger against his new 
allies who had treated him with so much duplicity 
and disrespect, (b) By such representations the 
fluctuating mind of Maximilian again changed its 
purpose, and his resentment against the senate was 
confirmed, on finding that his name and achieve- 
ments had been made the subject of caricature ex- 
hibitions, and satirical ballads, which were sung 
through the streets of Venice. The animosity 
that had so long subsisted between these rival mo- 
narchs was by these means suddenly extinguished. 
The representations made by Louis XII. to Juli- 
us II. and to Ferdinand of Aragon, were equally 
successful, and the attack and dismemberment of 
the states of Venice were determined on with a ce- 

(a) Hist, dela Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. vol. i. p. 64. 
(6) Benibo, htor. Venet. lib. vii. in op. vol. i. p. 188. 


lerity and unanimity which seemed to insure sue- CHAP. 
cess to the attempt. 

In the month of October, 1508, the plenipoten- A.D. isos. 

A Jfft 1*1 

tiaries of the confederate powers met in the city j 
of Cambray. The representative of Maximilian 
was his daughter, Margaretta, the same princess League of 
who had been repudiated by Charles VIII. and 
who having survived her second husband, Phili- 
bert, duke of Savoy, had undertaken, during the 
minority of the archduke Charles, the government 
of the Netherlands, which she conducted with 
great credit and ability. George of Amboise, car- 
dinal of Rouen, appeared in the two-fold capacity 
of ambassador of Louis XII. and legate of the 
pope, and Jacopo de Albion as the envoy of the 
king of Spain. On the tenth day of December a 
treaty was concluded for the attack and dismem- 
berment of the territories of Venice, (a) By the 
terms of this treaty Maximilian was to possess the 
cities and districts of Rovereta, Verona, Padua, 
Vicenza, Trevigi, and Friuli, with the patriar- 
chate of Aquileja, and all places of which he had 
been divested by the Venetians in the course of 
the late war. The king of France stipulated for 
the cities of Brescia, Crema, Bergamo, and Cre- 
mona, and the whole district of Ghiaradadda, as 
part of the ancient possessions of the dukes of 
Milan. Ferdinand of Spain was to be remune- 
rated for his share in the war by the restitution of 
the maritime cities of Naples ; and the pope was 
to recover the territories in Romagna, which on 
the expulsion of Caesar Borgia had been occupied 

(a) This treaty is given by Lunig, Cod. ItaL Diplomat, torn. i. 
p. 134, and in the collection of Dumont, torn. iv. par. i. p. 114. 


CHAP, by the Venetians, and which included the cities of 

t Ravenna, Cervia, Faenza, and Rimini. To these 

A. D. 1508. were also added in the treaty the cities of Imola 
and Cesena, which were not then under the Vene- 
tian government, and which it has been supposed 
were inserted through the ignorance of the cardi- 
nal of Rouen ; (a) but it is much more probable, 
that these places yet retained their allegiance to 
Borgia, and required the aid of the confederates 
to reduce them to the obedience of the church. 
A power was reserved for the duke of Savoy, as 
king of Cyprus, the duke of Ferrara, and marquis 
of Mantua, to become parties in the league, to 
which they afterwards acceded ; and that nothing 
might be wanting to overwhelm or terrify the de- 
voted republic of Venice, the kings of England 
and of Hungary were also invited to take a share 
in the attack. 

Pretexts re- ^ s Maximilian had so lately entered into a 
sorted to by treaty of amity with the Venetians, which he had 

le allies. . 

solemnly sworn to maintain, and as no offence had 
since been given by them which could be con- 
strued into a justification of hostilities on his part, 
it became necessary to resort to some measure 
which might afford, in the eyes of the world, a 
sufficient reason for the part which he intended to 
act. For the accomplishment of this object, and 
to satisfy the honour and conscience of Maxi- 
milian, it was therefore expressly agreed that Ju- 
lius II. who it seems stood in no need of any pre- 
text for infringing the treaty which he had him- 
self entered into, should call upon the emperor 

(a) Muratori, Annali d 1 Italia, vol. x. p. 39. Hist, de la Ligue 
de Cambray, liv. i. torn. i. p. 50. 


elect, as defender of the rights of the church, to CHAP. 
assist in asserting its claims ; and that Maximi- VIIL 
lian should within forty days after the first of A.D.ISOS. 
April, 1509, the day particularly agreed on for the 
commencement of hostilities, enter the Venetian 
territories at the head of his army, without further 
regard either to his alliances or his oath. The 
nature and object of this treaty were however 
cautiously concealed from the Venetians, under 
the pretext that it related to an accommodation 
between the archduke Charles and the duke of 
Gueldres ; and in order to give a greater degree 
of probability to this assertion, another treaty was 
actually concluded between those parties, which 
bears the same date as that which it was intended 
to conceal, (a) 

The rumours of the measures adopted at Cam- 
bray, and the preparations making by the chief 
powers of Europe for some great undertaking, 
from which the Venetians were cautiously ex- 
cluded, at length excited their suspicions, and they 
directed Condelmaro their ambassador at the court 
of France, to obtain such explanations from the 
cardinal of Rouen as might allay their apprehen- 
sions, or justify their conduct in preparing for 
their defence. The cardinal attempted for a time 
to impose on the Venetian envoy by equivocal as- 
surances and crafty representations; but finding 

(a) This treaty is also published in the collection of Du Mont, 
vol. iv. par. i. p. 100. 

Notwithstanding the apparent treachery and rapacity of the 
parties to this league, Jean Marot, valet de chambre to Louis XII. 
represents it as entered into at the request of the goddess of peace, 
against those disturbers of Christendom, the Venetians. (Euvret 
de Jean Marot, vol. iv. p. 63, 4to ed. 


CHAP, these would not avail, he had recourse to direct 

falsehood, and assured the envoy, on the faith of a 

A.D. 1508. cardinal and a prime minister, that the king would 

A. 1,33. stil j adjure to t h e treaty of Blois, and that nothing 

had occurred at Cambray which could be injuri- 
ous to the Venetian republic, (a) These assur- 
ances were, if we may give credit to Bembo, con- 
firmed by the king himself; who pledged his faith 
to Condelmaro to the same effect ; and added, that 
he considered himself as the friend of the senate, 
and consequently would not have consented to any 
measures which might prove prejudicial to its in- 
terests, (b) 

No sooner, however, were the Venetians aware 
of the magnitude of the danger with which they 
were threatened, than they began to prepare for a 
vigorous defence. Nor did they neglect such mea- 
tianspre- sures as they thought most likely to avert the an- 
SS- de- g er or to soften the resentment of their enemies. 
They proposed to Julius II. to surrender up to 
him the places which they had occupied in Ro- 
magna ; and they employed their utmost efforts 
to detach the emperor elect and the king of Spain 
from their alliance with the king of France. Re- 
pulsed in these attempts, they resorted for as- 
sistance to the other powers of Europe, and en- 
deavoured to prevail on the king of England to 

(a) Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. vol. i. p. 70. 

(b) Bembo. Istor. Vend. lib. vii. in op. vol. i. p. 189. The 
French historians affect to justify this fraud, by considering it as 
a retribution for the deception practised by the senate on the 
French ambassador Commines, when they formed the league for 
intercepting Charles VIII. on his return from Italy, and which he 
has so fully related in his Memoirs, v. Ligue de Cam'-ray, liv. i. 
vol. i. p. 71. 


attack the dominions of France, whilst Louis XII. CHAP. 


and his gensdarmes were beyond the Alps : (a) nor [__ 

did they hesitate in this dangerous emergency to A.D. i&os. 
call upon the Turkish emperor Bajazet for his as- 
sistance against the confederates, who by the very 
terms of their alliance, had avowed their hostility 
against him. Towards whatever quarter they 
turned for aid they met only with disappointment 
or neglect ; and the republic was left without a 
single ally, to oppose itself to a combination more 
powerful than any that Europe had known since 
the time of the crusades. Their spirit was how- 
ever unbroken, and their resources such as might 
be expected from a rich and powerful people. 
Their generals were soon enabled to take the field 
at the head of forty thousand men, under the va- 
rious descriptions of infantry, men at arms, light 
horse, and stradiotti, or hussars, composed chiefly 
of Greeks. A powerful naval armament was at 
the same time directed to co-operate with the 
army whenever it might be practicable ; but at 
the very moment when every effort was making 
to increase the maritime strength of the country, 
the arsenal, at that time the admiration of Eu- 
rope, was treacherously set on fire, by which a 
considerable quantity of ammunition and naval 
stores, and twelve of their galleys of war were de- 
stroyed. A few days afterwards information was 
received that the castle of Brescia was blown up ; 
and about the same time the building fell, in which 

(a) The Venetian envoy on this occasion was Andrea Badoardo, 
who had resided many years in England, and was well acquainted 
with the language. Eembo. Istor. Venct. lib. vii. in op. vol. i. 
p. 191. 



CHAP, were kept the archives of the republic ; incidents 


which, from the critical period at which they oc- 

A.D.1508. curred, gave reason to the superstitious to be- 
lieve that the destruction of the republic was near 
at hand, (a) 

Opinions of The chief military commanders in the service 
f the senate at this period were Nicolo Orsino, 
coun t O f Pitigliano, and Bartolommeo d'Alviano, 
both of them men of great courage and experi- 
ence, but of very different characters ; d'Alviano 
being daring and impetuous almost to rashness, 
whilst the count was cool, deliberate, and cautious, 
to an opposite extreme. The object of the one 
was to terminate the war by a single effort ; that 
of the other to defeat the enemy by involving him 
in difficulties, so as to prevent even the necessity 
of an engagement. One of the first measures of 
the senate was to call these commanders to Ve- 
nice, and to request their deliberate sentiments 
on the best methods to be adopted for the defence 
of the state. These opinions were conformable to 
the different tempers and views of those who deli- 
vered them. The count of Pitigliano advised the 
senate to fortify their continental cities, and to act 
upon the defensive, until events should occur 
which might weaken or destroy a league that had 
within itself the principles of dissolution. D'Al- 
viano, on the contrary, contended that it was more 
expedient to take the field before their enemies 
were prepared for the attack ; and rather to carry 
the war into the states of Milan, than to wait the 

(a) These events are adverted to in the Latin verses of Vale- 
rinno, addressed to his preceptor, Sabellicus, the Venetian histo- 
rian, v. Appendix, No. LIX. 


approach of the French king within the Venetian CHAP. 
territories.- Without wholly adopting either of _ 
these opinions, the senate steered a middle course; A.D. isoa. 
and whilst they prepared for the defence of their 
strong cities, they directed that their generals 
should not proceed beyond the Adda, (a) 

Scarcely had the Venetian army taken the field, 
when the tempest burst upon that devoted state 
from all quarters. Francesco Maria della Rovere, 
nephew to the pope, and who was now become 
duke of Urbino, proceeded through the territories 
of Faenza and stormed the town of Brisinghalla, 
where he put to death upwards of two thousand 
persons, and by his unsparing cruelty led the way 
to still greater enormities. The marquis of Man- 
tua attacked the district of Verona, but was vigo- 
rously opposed by d'Alviano. Amidst the storm 
of war, Julius II. rolled forth the thunders of the 
Vatican, and placed the state of Venice under the 
interdict of the church, (b) The French army, 
consisting of twenty thousand foot, of whom six 
thousand were Swiss mercenaries, and of five 
thousand horse, with Louis XII. at their head, 
passed the Adda at Cassano, and captured the 
towns of Trevigli, Rivolto, and other places, 
which they sacked ; but on the approach of the 
count of Pitiglijmo they retreated across the river, 
having first garrisoned the fortress of Trevigli. 
The count, having bombarded the fortress with 
heavy artillery, compelled the garrison after an 
obstinate defence to surrender; but no sooner 

(a) Guicciard. Hist, tfllal. lib. viii. vol. i. p. 416. Muratori, 
Annali, vol. x. p. 42. 

(6) Guicciard. Hut. d' Ital. lib. viii. p. 418. 
F 2 


CHAP, were the Venetian soldiery in possession of the 

|__ town, than they followed the example of their 

A. D. 1508. enemies, in slaughtering and despoiling the un- 
' fortunate inhabitants. , Such was the licentious- 
ness of the troops, that the discipline of the army 
was greatly relaxed ; and before they could be 
compelled to return to their duty it was found 
necessary to complete the ruin of the inhabitants, 
by setting fire to the town. This disgraceful in- 
cident afforded the king an opportunity of again 
passing the Adda, of which he did not fail to avail 

Louis xii. In the beginning of the month of May, 1509, 
Venetians the two armies were opposed to each other in the 
district of Ghiaradadda, (a) where the king made 
several efforts to compel the Venetian command- 
ers to a decisive engagement. For some time the 
advice of the count of Pitigliano, to avoid so ha- 
zardous a measure, prevailed ; but the impetuo- 
sity of d'Alviano seconded the views of the king, 
and after some partial movements it became no 
longer possible to avoid an engagement. The 
vanguard of the French army was led by the mar- 
shal Trivulzio ; the centre, by the king in person, 
accompanied by Charles of Amboise, sieur de 
Chaumont and governor of Milan ; (b) and the 
rear by the sieur de la Palisse. Of the Venetian 

(a) Gltiara, a gravelly beach, or bed of a river ; hence Ghiara 
(TAdda, or the beach of the river Adda, from which the whole dis- 
trict is denominated. 

(6) He is called by Guicciardini Ciamonte, and by other Italian 
historians Sciomonte, by which latter name he is mentioned in the 
former editions of this work. The Cav. Rosmini has, on some 
occasions denominated him Sciamonte, and at others Chaumont. 
p. htor. di Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i. pp. 394, 404. * 


army, d'Alviano led the attack ; the count of Pi- CHAP. 
tigliano with the battle, or cavalry, occupied the 
centre; and the rear-guard was commanded by A.D.ISOP. 
Antonio de' Pii, accompanied by the Venetian A -^ t - 34 - 
commissaries. The action, which took place on 
the fourteenth day of May, at a place called Agna- 
dello, continued only three hours ; but in that 
time upwards of ten thousand men lay dead on 
the field ; of whom the greater part were Italians. 
D'Alviano, after displaying many instances of un- 
doubted courage, was wounded and taken pri- 
soner, and the French remained complete mas- 
ters of the day, with the artillery, standards, and 
ammunition of the vanquished. () The count of 
Pitigliano with a small body of cavalry escaped to 
Caravaggio. Some authors have asserted, that the 
defeat of the Venetians is chiefly to be attributed 
to the misconduct of the count, who disgracefully 
fled in the midst of the battle ; (b) but the senate 
were too severe judges to allow sucji an instance 
of treachery, or of cowardice, to pass without a 
bitter retribution ; instead of which we find the 
count soon afterwards confidentially employed in 
their service. The result of the battle, if not to 
be attributed to the superior courage and impe- 
tuosity of the assailants, among whom the cele- 

(a) This victory of the French monarch is celebrated by Anto- 
nius Sylviolus in a Latin poem entitled, DE TRM MTU u.i ATQUE 
DOVICI XII. rN VENETOS VICTORIA, addressed to George of Am- 
boise, cardinal of Rotien, and printed without note of year or 
place. This production affords much particular information re- 
specting the circumstances and consequences of this important 
contest, and is not devoid of poetical merit. 

(6) Ap. Muratori, Annuli d 1 Italia, vol. x. p. 44. 


CHAP, brated Gaston de Foix, then very young, was 

_ greatly distinguished, may be accounted for from 

A. D. 1509. the whole of the French army having been brought 

A Vt *^4 

' into action, whilst the Italians engaged only m 
detached bodies ; in consequence of which their 
vanguard was defeated with an immense loss, be- 
fore their cavalry, in which consisted the strength 
of their army, could take a part in the contest. 

Before Louis XII. proceeded to reap the fruits 
of his victory, he determined to give a signal 
proof of his piety and his gratitude, by erecting a 
church on the field of battle. An edifice was 
accordingly raised on the very spot which yet 
streamed with the blood of those who had died in 
defence of their country, and was designated by 
the name of S. Maria della Vittoria, although it 
might with much more propriety have been dedi- 
cated to the deities of treachery, of rapine, and of 
slaughter. This structure has been considered by 
the French as an omen of success in subsequent 
times : the duke of Vendosme having, in the be- 
ginning of the last century, defeated the imperial 
army within sight of its walls, (a) 

Disn The intelligence of this decisive engagement 

and the terror of the French arms, facilitated their 

the Vene- 

progress through the Venetian dominions. The 
districts of Ghiaradadda and Caravaggio, the cities 
of Cremona, Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema, in- 

(a) Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, liv. i. torn, i, p. 122. The 
rains of this edifice, or chapel, yet remain at the distance of a 
mile and a half from Agnadello, and a mile from Tarlino, a village 
in the territory of Crema ; and the place is called i Morti della 
Vittoria. Rosmini, Istor. di Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, vol. i. p. 


stantly surrendered to the conqueror. The for- CHAR 

tress of Peschiera, defended only by five hundred 

men, for some time resisted his efforts ; but over- A.D. 1509. 
powered by the French artillery, the besieged at 
length desired to capitulate, and made frequent 
signals that they were ready to surrender. Their 
submission was ineffectual. The assailants enter- 
ing the citadel by storm put all persons within it 
to the sword, and seizing upon the Venetian com- 
missary, Andrea Riva and his son, hanged them 
from the walls of the castle, (a) Notwithstanding 
the partiality of the French historians to the con- 
duct and character of Louis XII. it is acknow- 
ledged that on this occasion he appeared to have 
forgotten his maxims of clemency ; (b) and it would 
have been well for the reputation of that monarch 
if the observation could have been confined only 
to this event, (c) Misfortunes so unexpected and 
atrocities so unparalleled struck the senate with 
terror ; and despairing of any further defence of 

(a) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 45. 

(b) " II ne se piqua pas de faire usage envers cette garnison de 
ses maximes sur la clemence. Elle fut passee au fil de I'epee." 
Ligue de Cambr. lib. i. vol. i. p. 25. Even Jean Marot says, 

" Que c'etoit grant horreur veoir tuer e pourfendre r 

Povres Venetiens, sans nul & mercy prendre." 

(c) Marot relates, that on this occasion, a wounded Venetian, 
in the agonies of death, threw five or six gold ducats from his 
mouth, in consequence of which the French soldiery conceived 
that the Venetians had swallowed their riches, and cut up four 
hundred persons 

" pour chercher leurs ducats ; 

O la grande pitie ! car quatres cens e plus 
Furent hi dcpeschez, ct dc la vie forcluz." 

(Euvics, torn. iv. p. 104.* 


CHAP, their continental possessions, they only sought 

how they might most effectually mitigate the re- 

A.D. 1509. sentment, or gratify the ambition of their nume- 
rous adversaries. They therefore signified to Ju- 
lius II. their readiness to surrender to him the 
whole of their possessions in Romagna ; they pro- 
posed to relinquish unconditionally to Ferdinand 
of Spain the cities which they held on the Neapo- 
litan coast; and they despatched an ambassador 
to the emperor elect Maximilian, informing him 
that they had already given directions to their go- 
vernors at Verona and Vicenza to deliver those 
places up to him, as soon as he should make his 
appearance, (a) Maximilian, however, displayed 
no great ardor in availing himself of the advan- 
tages prepared for him by his allies; but in due 
time the imperial army arrived and triumphantly 
took possession of those cities, as well as of Padua, 
without being under the necessity of making an 
hostile effort, (b) Whilst the chief parties to the 
league were thus appropriating to themselves their 
share of the spoil, the inferior allies were not idle. 
Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, now dignified with the 
title of gonfaloniere of the church, possessed him- 
self of the Polesine, and of the districts of Este, 
Montagnano, and Monfelice, the ancient heritages 

(a) The Venetian envoy on this occasion was Antonio Giusti- 
niano, to whom Guicciardini has attributed a most humiliating 
oration, the authenticity of which has been greatly doubted. The 
author of the history of the League of Cambray has entered at 
large into this subject, v. Ligue de Catnbr. i. 137. also Mural, x. 
47. The oration of Giustiniano is given by Liinig, Cod. Jtal. 
Diplomat, ii. 1999. 

(6) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 46. 


of his family, (a) Other commanders eagerly em- CHAP. 
braced this opportunity of stripping the Venetians V1! 
of their possessions. Cristoforo Frangipani seized A. D. 1509. 
upon several fortresses in Istria, and the duke of A -* X34 
Brunswick rendered himself master of Feltri and 
Belluno, with several parts of Friuli. Never be- 
fore had the Venetian lion been so shorn of his 
honors, never had St. Mark been so inattentive to 
the interests of his faithful votaries, as on this 
occasion. () 

In the midst of their calamities the Venetians Exertions of 
had, however, some peculiar advantages. The *"* 
situation of their capital, surrounded by the waves 
of the Adriatic, secured them from the apprehen- 
sions of total destruction. Whatever the limbs 
might suffer, the head was sound and capable of 
strong exertion. In their numerous and well- 
appointed fleet they had a bulwark which defied 
the utmost malice of their enemies. If, under 
these circumstances, they appeared to have re- 
signed themselves to despair, it was not of long 
continuance, and the depression served only to 
give a more elastic impulse to their efforts. Their 
attempts to mitigate the anger of Julius II. had 
hitherto been as ineffectual as their submissive 
representations to Maximilian. A persecution so 

(a) Gibbon, Antiq. of the House of Bruntwiclc, in op. post. vol. 
ii. p. G85. 

(b) About this time, when the humiliation and distresses of 
Italy were at their height ; when the Milanese was occupied by 
the French, the kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards, and the ter- 
ritories of Venice were divided among its rapacious assailants, 
Machiavelli wrote his Capitolo dell' Ambiztonc, in which he indig- 
nantly condemns the imbecility, and pathetically laments the mi- 
series of his country. 


CHAP, relentless, instead of continuing to excite their 
terror, began at length to awaken their resent- 
A. D. 1509. ment ; and the senate resounded with the most 
A. t. 34. un q ua iifi e d abuse of the father of the faithful, who 
was represented as much better qualified for the 
office of a public executioner, than for that to 
which he had been promoted, (a) They therefore 
began to collect together the remains of their un- 
fortunate army; they directed the soldiers who 
had garrisoned their fortresses in Romagna and 
the kingdom of Naples, to repair to Venice ; and 
they obtained from Istria, Albania, and Dalmatia, 
considerable bodies of brave and experienced 
troops. The count of Pitigliano exerted his ut- 
most efforts in their service ; and by his personal 
credit and authority, and the liberal rewards which 
he offered, he induced many of the Italian condot- 
tieri to join his standard with their followers. In 
a short time the Venetians were enabled to oppose 
the imperialists in the vicinity of Trevigi, where 
they defeated a body of troops under the command 
of Constantine, despot of the Morea, who after 
having been despoiled of his dominions by the 
Turks, had engaged in the service of Maximilian. 
This success led the way to bolder efforts, and 
tKarIiis tae count f Pitigliano was directed to attempt 
of Mantua, the recovery of th e important city of Padua, which 
under the impressions of terror had been surren- 
dered to the imperialists. The inhabitants, al- 
ready disgusted by the licentiousness of the Ger- 
man soldiery, had shewn a manifest disposition to 

(a) " Non pontefice, ma carnefice, d'ogni crudelta maestro." 
Bemb. Istor. Venet. lib. viii. in op. vol. i. p. 222. 


return to the obedience of their former lords. (a) CHAP. 


By the united efforts of treachery and of force, '__ 

the count of Pitigliano succeeded in obtaining A.D. 1509. 
possession of the city ; the Germans betook them- 
selves to flight, and such of the Paduan nobility 
as had favoured their cause severely expiated, by 
imprisonment, by exile, or by death, their versa- 
tility or their treachery. This event, which was 
considered as of infinite importance to the repub- 
lic, took place on the feast of S. Marina, the seven- 
teenth day of July, 1509, (b) and was speedily 
followed by another scarcely of inferior import- 
ance. Francesco, marquis of Mantua, having 
withdrawn himself into the island of Scala, with a 
small party of troops, was unexpectedly attacked 
by a body of the Venetians, assisted by the neigh- 
bouring inhabitants, who under favour of the night 
dispersed and plundered his soldiers. The mar- 
quis amidst the alarm descended from a window, 
almost naked, and endeavoured to shelter him- 
self in a corn-field; but was betrayed by a pea- 
sant to whom he had promised a great reward if 
he would favour his escape. Being made a pri- 
soner, he was first brought to Lignano, and after- 
wards sent to Venice, where he was committed to 
the Torreselle, in which he was some months con- 
fined, (c) 

(a) Murat, Annali <T Ital. vol. x. p. 48. 

(fc) The author of the History of the League of Cambray has 
placed it on the eighteenth of June, in which he is contradicted by 
the evidence of the whole body of the Venetian historians, who 
could not be mistaken in a day which was long afterwards solem- 
nized in Venice, as the commencement of the rise of the republic. 
v. Murat. Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 49. 

(c) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 125. Murat. Annali. vol. x. p. 


CHAP. The return of Louis XII. to France soon after 

VIIL the battle of Ghiaradadda was another circum- 

A.D.1509. stance highly favourable to the republic ; nor was 

34- this advantage greatly counteracted by the efforts 

ineffectual o f the emperor elect Maximilian, who towards the 

attempt on A 

Padua by end of the month of August arrived in Italy, at 

- the head of a considerable body of troops, of vari- 
ous nations, languages, and manners, bringing with 
him an immense train of artillery, with which he 
immediately applied himself to the recovery of 
Padua, (a) He was reinforced by Ippolito, cardi- 
nal of Este, who following the example of the 
pontiff, marched in his ecclesiastical habiliments 
at the head of his troops. After having for some 
time desolated the defenceless country, and cap- 
tured a few places of little importance, Maximi- 
lian commenced in the month of September the 
siege of Padua, with an army and an apparatus 
that seemed to command success. The Venetians 
were, however, indefatigable in preparing for its 

51. It was probably on this occasion that the poet Tebaldeo 
wrote his Capitolo in the name of the marquis of Mantua, in 
which that prince is supposed to lament the severity of his fate, 
and his unmerited misfortunes, v. Tebuld. op. Capit. p. L3. This 
disaster of the marquis is also referred to by Mantuanus Vicen- 
tius, in his poem, entitled Alba, lib. iv. v. Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital, 
vol. xi. p. 342. 

(a) The author of the History of the League of Cambray states 
them at 1,700 men at arms, and 32,000 infantry. Ligue de Camb. 
lib. i. torn. i. p. 198. But Nardi, who has given the numbers of 
the particular bodies of the different nations composing the army, 
states the cavalry to have been more, and the infantry less. To 
these however were added, two hundred pieces of artillery, be- 
sides ten pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, with which Maxi-. 
milian was furnished by the duke of Ferrara. Nardi, Hist, di Fior. 
lib. v. p. 126. 


defence. With a magnanimity which has seldom CHAP. 
been equalled, the doge Loredano requested that 
the senate would permit him to send his children A. D. 1509. 
to be shut up within the besieged city. His pro- 
posal was received with joy. The enthusiasm of 
the young nobility of Venice Avas excited to the 
highest degree, and three hundred of them volun- 
tarily accompanied the sons of the doge to Pa- 
dua, (a) The contest continued during fifteen 
days, with the loss on both sides of many thou- 
sand lives. On the twenty-seventh day of Sep- 
tember Maximilian made his last effort, and at- 
tempted to carry the place by storm ; and that the 
courage of his troops might be excited by national 
emulation, the Germans, the French, and the Spa- 
niards, were directed to assail the place in three 
different bodies. A vigorous resistance, however, 
frustrated the efforts of Maximilian, and destroyed 
his hopes. Looking around him he saw his army 
thinned by desertion. The sum of one hundred 
and fifty thousand ducats which he had obtained 
from the pope was already expended, and there 
appeared no possibility of a further supply. He 
therefore abandoned the siege, and withdrew with 
his army to Vicenza, (b) whence, after dismissing 
from his service a great part of his followers, 
whom he was no longer able to pay, he returned 
to Vienna to add one more to his former tri- 


umphs ; whilst the Venetians not only retained 
the city of Padua, but soon afterwards recovered 

(a) toembo, Istoriu, Vencta, lib. ix. Hist, de la Ligue de Cam- 
bray, liv. i. torn. i. p. 196. 

(6) Guicciard. Storia <T Italia, lib. viii. vol. i. p. 453. Bembo, 
htoria Veneia, lib. ix. 


CHAP, from him the principal part of the district of 

V11L Friuli. (a) 
A.D. 1509. Among the confederate powers, no one had ex- 

.^Et.34. c jf- e( j the resentment of the Venetians in so great 
The Vene- a degree as Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, and they no 

tiansde- e J 

feated by sooner began to recover their strength than they 

thedukeof ' . "J , . I 

Ferrara. resolved to punish him for the active part which 
he had taken against them. For this purpose 
they prepared an armament of eighteen galleys, 
with a large supply of ammunition, and a consi- 
derable body of troops, which proceeding up the 
Po, devastated the country on each side, and filled 
the inhabitants of Ferrara with terror. Alfonso, 
at the head of his troops, and with a powerful re- 
inforcement from the French, hastened to oppose 
their progress ; and a bloody engagement took 
place at Polesella, in which Lodovico Pico, count 

(a) The life and achievements of Maximilian have been osten- 
tatiously represented in a series of engravings, designed under his 
own inspection, by Hans Burgmair, and executed in wood, by 
the best artists of the time. They are accompanied by descrip- 
tions, dictated by Maximilian himself to his secretary Mark Treit- 
zaurwein. The various employments of Maximilian, his mar- 
riages, his battles, and his treaties, are exhibited in a greater 
number of prints than would have sufficed for the labours of 
Hercules, or the conquests of Alexander the Great ; but his hun- 
ters, his hawkers, his tournaments, and his buffoons, occupy the 
principal part of the work. This collection he denominates his 


PROVINCES DE L" EUROPE, &c. The original blocks, or engravings 
in wood, have only been of late years discovered, and the work 
was published in 1790, in large folio. 


of Mirandula, perished by a shot, whilst standing CHAP. 
at the side of the cardinal of Este. A few days _ 
afterwards the Venetians entered the city of Co- A. D. 1509. 

A JFt~ 34 

macchio, which, with a barbarity common to all 
parties, they delivered up to the fury of the sol- 
diery. A severe retribution, however, awaited 
them ; under covert of the night the cardinal of 
Este had brought down a large train of heavy ar- 
tillery to the banks of the river ; one part of which 
he stationed above and the other below the Vene- 
tian flotilla. At break of day he opened these bat- 
teries upon them with such effect as to overwhelm 
them in inevitable destruction. Two of the galleys 
perished in the midst of the stream, a third was 
destroyed by fire, and whilst the Venetians were 
attempting to escape with the remainder of their 
fleet, they were attacked by several barks, strong- 
ly manned with 'soldiers from Ferrara, and were 
totally routed. The loss of the Venetians on this 
occasion exceeded three thousand men, and Ippo- 
lito led fifteen galleys in triumph to Ferrara. (a) 

The example of the dreadful enormities com- Pisasurren- 

. , ders to the 

mitted by the conquering party upon every place Florentines. 
which resisted their arms, was an awful lesson to 
the inhabitants of Pisa, who, notwithstanding the 
utmost efforts of the Florentines, had hitherto de- 
fa) Ariosto has not forgotten to celebrate this important inci- 
dent in the life of his patron : 

" Costui con pochi a piedi, e meno in sella, 

Veggio uscir mesto e ritornar giocondo ; 
Che quindici galee mena captive, 
Oltra mill' altri legni a le sue rive.'' 

Or/. Fur. Cant. iii. st. 57. 

The same occasion has also afforded a subject for several of the 
Latin poets of the time. 



CHAP, fended their city, and refused all terms of reconci- 


L__ -Ration. A bold, but unsuccessful attempt made 

A. D. 1509. by tbe assailants to turn the course of the Arno 

A.,t. 34. * . 

served only to give new courage to the besieged ; 
but the Florentines had at length reduced the art 
of famishing to a system, and deprived the inhabi- 
tants of Pisa of all hopes of supply. Expedients 
horrid to relate were resorted to ; but human ef- 
forts are bounded by human weakness, and the 
long sufferings of the people of Pisa now ap- 
proached their termination. Propositions were 
at length made by the inhabitants for the surren- 
der of the place, by which they reserved to them- 
selves considerable rights, and claimed great in- 
dulgences. To these the Florentines willingly 
and wisely acceded, and on the eighth day of 
June, 1509, their commissioners entered the city, 
and by the generosity of their conduct, their 
strict observance of the stipulated terms, and their 
attention to repair the injuries of the war, soon 
convinced the inhabitants that they had been con- 
tending for the space of nearly fifteen years, with 
unexampled obstinacy and incredible sufferings, 
against their own real interests, (a) 

Hitherto the Venetians had relied only on their 
own courage and resources, and in spite of all the 
efforts of the powerful league which had been so 
unexpectedly formed against them, their affairs 
continued daily to improve, when the loss of the 
count of Pitigliano, who had served them many 
years with great fidelity, deranged their military 
operations and excited their just re'gret. His 
death was attributed to the fatigues which he had 

(a) Muralori, Annali (Vital, vol. x. p. 54. 


suffered in the service of the republic ; and so sen- CHAP. 
sible were the senate of his merits, that they erect- vn 
ed to his memory a statue of brass with an honour- A.D. 1509. 
able inscription, (a) 

But whilst the Venetians were thus struggling ]510 
with their misfortunes, a favourable gleam at 
length appeared, and gave them the promise of 
fairer times. Julius II. by the recovery of Ro- 
magna had accomplished the object which had 
induced him to become a party in the league of 
Cambray. If this could have been done without 
the intervention of his allies, he would gladly have 
dispensed with their services ; but having now 
reaped the full benefit of their assistance, his next 
consideration was, how he might best secure the Julius n 
advantages which he had obtained. The rapid dertstbe 

r allies and 

successes of the French, compared with the tardy unites his 
progress and fruitless attempts of Maximilian, t 
seemed likely to give them a preponderating influ- u 
ence in Italy ; and the destruction of the Venetian 
republic would have rendered Louis XII. the so- 
vereign of all the northern part of that country, 
from the gulf of Genoa to that of Venice. In- 
duced by these considerations, Julius admitted to 
his presence the Venetian ambassadors, who had 
before in vain solicited an audience, and having 
received their submission, he released the republic 
from his spiritual censures with assurances of his 
future favour and support, (b) As this event could 

(a) His talents have also been celebrated, and his services record- 
ed, in the Latin verses of Ant. Franc. Rainerius. v. Appendix, 
No. LX. 

(6) In performing this ceremony, the pope being seated in his 


CHAP, not long be concealed from the knowledge of the 

French monarch, Julius lost no time in adopting 

A. D. 1510. the most effectual measures to secure himself 

A /J^t *%*} 

against his resentment. By the offer of a large 
sum of money he attempted to detach Maximilian 
from his alliance with France, (a) He endeavour- 
ed to excite against Louis XII. an insurrection in 
the city of Genoa, where he had considerable influ- 
ence. By the most earnest representations he tried 
to prevail upon Henry VIII. of England to make 
a descent on the French coast. (6) He was more 
successful with Ferdinand of Spain, who having 
also now obtained his object, was easily persuaded 
to join in expelling the French from Italy ; but 
what was of still greater importance, he engaged 
in his service fifteen thousand Swiss mercenaries, 
for the purpose of making an irruption into the 
Milanese dominions of the French king, (c) The 
unexpected assistance of such an active and de- 
termined ally gave fresh courage to the Venetians. 
They increased the numbers of their army, the 
general command of which they intrusted to Lu- 

pontifical robes on the steps of St. Peter's, strikes with a rod the 
naked shoulders of the ambassadors, in the same manner as a pre- 
late absolves his penitent monks. It was thus that Sixtus IV. re- 
leased the city of Florence from his interdict ; but on this occasion 
Julius II. dispensed with this humiliating ceremony, and in lieu of 
it, ordered the envoys to visit the seven churches, v. Nardi, Hist. 
di Fior. lib. v. p. 127. 

(a) The brief of Julius II. to the cardinal of Gurck on this sub- 
ject is given by Liinig. Cod. Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 2002. 

(6) At the same time the pope sent Henry the consecrated rose, 
dipped in chrism, and perfumed with musk. Rapin, Hist, of 
England, book xv. vol. i. p. 708. 

(c) The treaty of Julius II. with the Swiss is also preserved by 
Liinig. Cod. Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 2499. 


cio Malvezzo, and that of their infantry to Loren- C HAP. 

zo, or Renzo, da Ceri. They engaged a body of '_ 

five hundred Turkish horse, under the'command of A-.D. 1510, 

A. /Et. 35 

Giovanni Epirota, and they set at liberty the mar- ' 
quis of Mantua upon such liberal terms as induced 
him in future to favour their interests, (a) 

These events may be considered as the entire TI.C pope 
dissolution of the league of Cambray, and shortly cat^TthT" 
occasioned a new aspect of public, affairs. Julius dukeofFer - 
having now secured the aid of the Swiss, and 
having in his service two powerful armies, one of 
which was commanded by Marc-Antonio Colon- 
na, (b) a young soldier of high worth and splen- 
did talents, to whom he had given his niece in mar- 
riage, the other by his nephew, the duke of Urbino, 
dismissed from his presence the French ambassa- 
dors and those of the duke of Ferrara. He also 
admonished the duke to desist from further hos- 
tilities against the republic of Venice, and in par- 
ticular to relinquish the siege of Lignano, which he 
was then carrying on with great activity, (c) As 

(a) Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, vol. x. pp. 57, 60. 
(i) Marc-Antonio was the son of Pier- Antonio, and nephew of 
Prospero Colonna. His early accomplishments are thus advert- 
ed to by Tebaldeo : 

" Hermes dum loqueris, dum rides, Marce, Cupido es, 
Mars es ubi arma capis ; tresque refers superos." 

Carm. lllustr. Poet. Ital. vol. ix. p. 241. 

(c) Julius also complained that the duke had entered into an 
agreement for supplying Lombardy with salt from his mines at 
Comacchio, to the exclusion of those of the church at Cervia, and 
required him to relinquish his contract. He also insisted on the 
duke liberating his brother, Don Ferdinand of Este, whom he yet 
detained in prison, v. ante, chap. vii. p. 38. These demands were, 
however, considered at the time, as only pretexts for an attack on 
the states of Ferrara, which Julius had resolved to unite with those 

G 2 


CHAP, the duke did not appear inclined to relax in his 
VIIL efforts, Julius instantly deprived him of his title 

A. D. 1510. of gonfaloniere of the church, which he conferred 
with great solemnity on the marquis of Mantua, (a) 
and soon afterwards excommunicated the duke and 
all his family, declaring him deprived of his do- 
minions, and pointing him out to the vengeance of 
all Christendom as a rebel to the holy see. At the 
same time the duke of Urbino entered the territory 
of Ferrara, where, with the assistance of the Vene- 
tians, he captured many important places, and 
among others the city of Modena ; carrying the war 
almost to the walls of Ferrara itself, (b) The inde- 
fatigable activity of Alfonso, with thejiid of the 
French troops from Milan, preserved him, how- 
ever, from the destruction with which he was 
threatened, and in the variable events of the year 
he obtained in his turn considerable advantages 
over the Venetian and Papal troops. 

The pope is For the purpose of conducting the war with 

besieged in , . T TT 

Bologna, greater vigour, Julius 11. had proceeded from 
Rome to Bologna, accompanied by most of the 
cardinals and attendants of his court, (c) At the 

of the church, v. Lettere di Leonardo da Porto, in Letters di Prin- 
cipi, vol. i. p. 7. 

(a) The grant of this office is given in the collection of Du Mont, 
torn. iv. par. i. p. 131. 

(b) Muraiori, Annali d 1 Italia, vol. x. pp. 59, 60. 

(c) It was on this occasion that Julius was said to have thrown 
into the Tyber the keys of S, Peter, as appears from the follow- 
ing epigram. Pasquill. vol. i. p. 82. 

" Cum contra Gallos bellum Papa Julius esset 

Gesturus, sicut fama vetusta docet ; 
Ingentes Martis turmas contraxit, et urbem 
Egressus, ssevas edidit ore minas. 



same period Chaumont, governor of Milan, insti- CHAP. 
gated by the representations of the Bentivoli, di- VI1L 
rected his arms against that place ; where Julius, A. D. 1510. 
indisposed by sickness, and wholly unprepared for A -^ Et - 35 - 
defence, had nearly fallen into the hands of his 
enemies. He had, however, the policy to open a 
treaty with the French general, whose exorbitant 
demands afforded him a pretext for delay. The 
ambassador on whose talents he relied in this 
emergency, was Giovan-Francesco Pico, count of 
Mirandula, the nephew of the celebrated Giovanni 
Pico, and himself one of the most learned men of 
his age. It soon, however, appeared that the only 
object of the pontiff was to gain time, till his allies, 
whom he had informed of the dangers of his situ- 
ation, could arrive to his relief. A large body of 
Spanish and Venetian troops made their appear- 
ance most opportunely for his holiness, and Chau- 
mont, regretting the opportunity which he had 
lost, and suffering from the want of supplies, with- 
drew himself into the Milanese, (a) During the 
residence of the pope at Bologna, he had enter- 
tained suspicions of Giuliano, the brother of the 
cardinal de' Medici, whom he confined in the pa- 
lace, under an idea that he had conspired with his 
ancient friends the Bentivoli to effect their re- 
turn; a few days, however, convinced the pope 

Iratusque sacras claves in flumina jecit 

Tybridis, hie Urbi pons ubi jungit aquas. 
Inde manu strictum vagina diripit ensem, 

Exclamansque truci talia voce refert ; 
Hie gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste, 

Quandoquidem clavis nil juvat istaPetri." 
(a) Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, vol. x. p. 62. Guicciard. Histor. 
d'ltal. lib. ix. vol. i. p. 500. 


CHA . that his distrust was unfounded, and Giuliano was 
VLIl ~ again restored to liberty, (a) 
A.D. ]5io. The vehemence of Julius II. in subjecting all 

- . /Et.35. n j g enemies indiscriminately to the penalties of ec- 
1 L clesiastical censures, at length gave rise to a more 
alarming opposition than any which he had here- 
tofore experienced. In devoting Alfonso, duke of 
Ferrara, to the pains of excommunication, he had 
expressly included in the same censure all those 
who supported his cause. The emperor elect 
Maximilian, and Louis XII. were therefore vir- 
tually under the anathema of the church. Consi- 
dered merely in a spiritual point of view, this was 
by no means an object of indifference at a time 
when the efficacy of the keys of St. Peter had 
never yet been questioned ; but however insensi- 
ble these monarchs had been to their spiritual 
welfare, the censures of the pope, in releasing 
their subjects from their obedience, had laid the 
foundations of rebellion and tumult in every part 
of their dominions. Louis XII. endeavoured to 
remonstrate with Julius on this unjustifiable use 
of his pontifical power ; but the pope, instead of 
attending to his representations, shut up his mi- 
nister, the cardinal of Auch, in the castle of S. 
Angelo. (&) Alarmed and exasperated to a high 
degree, Louis called together the French prelates, 
and requested their united opinion, whether he 
was justifiable in defending against the papal arms 
a prince of the empire, whom the pope had en- 
deavoured to divest of a state which had been 
held under the imperial sanction for more than a 

(a) Guicdard. Hist, d'ltal. lib. viii. vol. i. p. 464. 

(b) Ibid. lib. ix. vol. i. p. 484. 


century, (a) The reply of the clergy was, as might CHAP. 
be expected, favourable to the views of the king, 
and in removing his scruples emboldened him to A.D.ISIO. 
a more decided opposition. As a mark of his de- ' ** 5 
termined hostility against the pope, he caused a 
medal to be struck with his own portrait, bearing 
the title and arms of king of France and Naples, 
and the motto, PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN. () He 
opened a treaty with Maximilian for the convoca- 
tion of a general council of the church at Lyons, 
and five cardinals had already expressed their wil- 
lingness to attend the assembly. Maximilian not 
only listened with eagerness to the proposal, but, 
it has been said, formed also the design of pro- 
curing himself to be elected to the papacy, and al- 
though this has been considered as an empty and 
unfounded report, (c) yet it accords too well with 
the vain and fluctuating disposition of Maximi- 
lian, and is too weljl supported by historical evi- 
dence to admit the supposition of its being wholly 
destitute of foundation, (d) Whether this gave 

(a) The author of the History of the league of Cambray sup- 
poses, that this was Bologna, which had been long held by the 
Bentivoli ; but Muratori has decisively shewn that the place al- 
luded to was Comacchio, which was a feud of the empire, and had 
been held under the imperial investiture by the dukes of Ferrara 
upwards of one hundred and fifty years. Muratori, Annali d 'Ita- 
lia, vol. x. p. 63. 

(b) Thuani Histor. lib. i. p. 16. Ed. Buckley. The meaning 
of this inscription has given rise to much discussion, and to seve- 
ral learned dissertations ; for some account of which, v. Note of 
M. Henke, in Germ. ed. vol. i. p. 454. * 

(c) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 64. 

(d) " Ce desir de Maximilien pour la papaut6, ne paroissoit 
pas fort certain ; mais M. Bayle, (Response aux questions d'un Pro- 
vincial, torn, ii.) 1'a prouve de nouveau, par une lettre tres curi- 



CHAP, rise to difficulties which were not easily obviated, 
[1L or whether other causes prevented the assembly of 

A. D. 1510. the proposed council of Lyons, that measure did 
not take place ; but it was not long before a simi- 
lar proceeding was resorted to, which for some 
years divided the authority and disturbed the re- 
pose of the Christian world. 

Miranduia The great object to which the pope now turned 

captured by.. . ... / i i i p 

Julius ii. in his exertions, was the destruction oi the duke oi 
Ferrara, and the reunion of his territories with the 
states of the church ; but before he could attack 
the dominions of Alfonso with a full prospect of 
success, he judged it necessary to possess himself 
of the principalities of Miranduia and Concordia, 
then held by Francesca, the widow of Lodovico 
Pico, and daughter of Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio. 
In the month of December, 1510, Concordia sub- 
mitted to his arms ; but Francesca refused to sur- 
render her capital, and avowed her intention of 
defending it to the last extremity. For a consi- 
derable time the united force of the Venetian and 
papal troops was ineffectually employed to reduce 
the place ; when at length the pope, exasperated 
beyond measure at the delay, and distrusting even 
his own generals, among whom his nephew the 

euse, ecrite du terns meme de cet empereur, et a laquelle il paroit 
que ce scavant soit le premier que nous ait fait faire attention." 
Fresnoy, Methnde pour ctudier V Hist. torn. i. p. 119. 

Mr. Henke seems to think that it was not so mucli the ecclesi- 
astical power of the pope at which Maximilian aimed, as the ap- 
propriating to himself the ancient Roman Imperial dignity, to 
which that of the pontificate also appertained, v. Germ. ed. vol. i. 
p. 455. Count Bossi has also thrown additional light on this 
subject in an excellent note, where he has given a striking cha- 
racter of Maximilian, v. Ital. ed. vol. iii. p. 206. 


duke of Urbino held the chief command, deter- CHAP. 
mined to join the army in person, and forward the _ 
operations of the assailants. In the midst of the A.D. isio. 
severest winter that had been known in Italy for 
many years, the hoary pontiff marched at the head 
of his troops, amidst frost and storms, to the at- 
tack of Mirandula. He directed in person the 
planting of the artillery ; he regulated the order of 
the attack ; he exposed himself fearlessly to the 
fire of the enemy, till at length he effected a breach 
in the walls, and reduced the besieged to the ne- 
cessity of a capitulation. In compliance with the 
terms agreed on, the inhabitants hastened to open 
their gates ; but such was the impetuosity of the 
pontiff, that without waiting for a formal surren- 
der he mounted a scaling ladder, and entered the 
city, sword in hand, through the breach in the 
walls, (a) Having there received the submission 
of Francesca, he delivered up the place to his ad- 
herent Giovan-Francesco Pico, who justly claimed 
the supreme authority as his right of inheritance, (b) 

(a) 21st Jan. 1511. Muratori, Annul, d' Italia, vol. x. p. 65. 
Of the magnanimous conduct of the countess Francesca on this 
occasion, the Cav. Rosmini has, in his Life of her father, given a 
full account. He has also puhlished a letter from Trivulzio to 
Louis XII. in which is the following anecdote respecting her, 
which is here given in his own words : " Sire, je vous vueil compter 
le beau recueil qu'il ont faict & ma dite fille. Le cardinal de 
Pavie, pour ce qu'ils est son compere, la manda venir devers le 
pape, et quant elle y baisa le pie, le diet cardinal lui dit : Estez 
vous la femmelle qui vouliez garder ceste ville centre le pape ? 
Elle lui respondit: Centre vous je 1'eusse bien gardee, mais contre 
le pape je n'ai peu." v. Rosmini, 1st. di Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, 
vol. i. cap. ix. p. 415. vol. ii. p. 300.* 

(b) On this occasion M. A. Casanova addressed to the pontiff 
the following lines : 


CHAP. After remaining about ten days at Mirandula, to 

[II> recover from his military fatigues, Julius proceed- 

A.D. i5ii. ed to Ravenna, with a determination to attack the 


city of Ferrara, but the vigilance of the duke was 
equal to the violence of his enemies, and in seve- 
ral engagements, this experienced soldier and mag- 
nanimous prince defeated the united arms of the 
Venetians and the pope with considerable loss. 
Bologna Some overtures being about this time made for 
the restoration of peace, the pope left Ravenna 
and repaired to Bologna, for the purpose of meet- 
ing the ambassadors of the different potentates ; 
but Julius was not formed for a mediator, and the 
interview served only to kindle fresh animosities. 
No sooner was the unsuccessful event of the ne- 
gotiation known, than the marshal Trivulzio, at 
the head of a formidable body of French troops, 
hastened towards Bologna. The pope being ap- 
prized of his approach, and not choosing to con- 
fide in the courage or the fidelity of the inhabi- 
tants, suddenly quitted the place, and accompanied 
by his whole court, returned to Ravenna. He did 
not, however, fail to admonish his faithful sub- 
jects to retain their allegiance to him, and to de- 

/ Julium II. Pont. Max. 
" Vix bellum indicium est, cum vincis, nee citius vis 

Vincere, quam parcas ; hsec tria agis pariter. 
Una dcd it bellum, bellum lux sustulit una ; 

Nee tibi, quam bellum, longior ira fuit 
Hoc nomen divinum aliquid fert secum ; et utrum sis 
Mitior, anne idem fortior, ambiguum est." 

Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. vol. iii. p. 284. 

Many interesting particulars respecting the capture of Miran- 
dula, and the conduct of Francesca, are given in the letter of Leo- 
nardo da Porto. Lctterc di Principi, vol. i. p. 9. 


fend themselves to the last extremity ; and he in- CHAP. 
trusted the chief command to Francesco Alidosio, Vln ' 

cardinal of Pavia, who on the departure of the A.D. isn. 
pope took the speediest measures for the defence ^ *** * 
of the place. The exhortations of the pontiff 
were however soon forgotten. As the enemy ap- 
proached, the inhabitants began to dread the lin- 
gering torments of a siege, or the sudden horrors 
of a direct attack. The exiled family of the Ben- 
tivoli had yet their partizans within the walls. It 
was to no purpose that the cardinal entreated the 
citizens to co-operate in the defence of the place 
with the duke of Urbino, who closely watched the 
motions of the French army, or that he requested 
them to admit a body of one thousand papal troops 
within the walls. The revolt became apparent, 
and the cardinal with some difficulty effected his 
escape to Imola ; whilst Annibale and Hermes 
Bentivoli, who had followed the French army, 
were received into the city with joy, and reas- 
sumed the government of their native place. One 
of the first outrages of popular fury was the de- 
struction of the beautiful statue of Julius II. cast 
in brass by Michel Agoolo, which, after having 
been indignantly dragged about the city, wa^ 
broken in pieces, and sent by the French com- 
mander to the duke of Ferrara, who formed it 
into a cannon, to which he gave the name of Julio. 
The head alone was preserved, and continued for 
some time to ornament the ducal museum at Fer- 
rara. (a) 

(a) This statue, which was, raised at the expense of five thou- 
sand gold ducats, (Murat. Ann. vol. x. p.C7,) gave rise to the fol- 
lowing satirical lines of Piero Valeriano: 


CHAP. The loss of the city of Bologna, which was soon 
followed by the defeat and dispersion of the papal 

A. D. 1511. troops in its vicinity, (a) led the way to another 
incident which occasioned the pope still greater 

The cardi- 

naiofpavia distress. From Imola the cardinal of Pavia had 

hastened to Ravenna, to excuse himself to the 
of urbino. pope for h av i n g i e f t tne c j ty o f Bologna to be oc- 

cupied by the arms of the French ; in the course 
of which exculpation it was supposed that he in- 
tended to charge the duke of Urbino with hav- 
ing, through inattention or negligence, contributed 
to this disaster. The pope, who entertained a fa- 
vourable opinion of the cardinal, was well disposed 
to listen to his representations, and appointed a 
time when he should visit him ; but as the cardinal 
was proceeding on horseback with his attendants 

" Quo quo tam trepidus fugis, Viator, 

Ac si te Furiaeve, Gorgonesve, 

Aut acer Basiliscus insequantur ? 

Non hie JULIUS at figura JULII est." 

Valer. Hejcam. &c. p. 104. Ed. Giol. 1550. 
(a) The Cav. Rosmini has represented this as a signal victory 
obtained by Trivulzio, who sent an account of it on the same day 
(22nd May, 1511,) to Louis XII., stating, " that it was not less 
glorious to the king than the conquest of Milan itself." Rosmini, 
vol. i. p. 429. Rosmini has also quoted the authority of Varel- 
las, who speaks highly of the Victoiy of Bologna, and says, that 
" all antiquity could not present a parallel to it." Ib. p. 430. But 
the fact is, that the papal troops, having, on the surrender of 
Bologna, been deserted by their commander, the duke of Urbino, 
took to flight, and were attacked and pursued in their disorderly 
retreat by both the Bolognese and the French, who plundered 
them of all their military stores and equipage. See the full ac- 
count of it in Guicciardini, (lib. ix.) whose authority is indispu- 
table, as a contemporary writer intimately acquainted with all the 
events of the times ; and who speaks of it as a victory obtained 
without a combat. * 


to the proposed interview, he was met in the CHAP. 

street by the duke of Urbino, who passed through L_ 

the midst of the guards, and whilst they ranged A.D.ISII. 
themselves on each side to shew him respect, rode 
up to the cardinal and stabbed him with a dagger, 
so that he fell instantly dead from his horse, (a) 
Such an atrocious and sacrilegious act of treachery 
excited at once the grief and the indignation of 
the pontiff, (b) who, with severe denunciations 
against the perpetrator of the crime, instantly 
quitted Ravenna and hastened to Rome, where he 
instituted a formal process against the duke and 
deprived him of all his dignities. The resentment 
of the pope was not, however, of long continu- 
ance. At the expiration of five months he allowed 
himself to be prevailed upon by the representations 
of his courtiers, to restore his nephew to his ho- 
nours ; and upon his visiting the city of Rome, 
and supplicating pardon for his offence, the pope 
absolved him from his homicide in the presence of 
all the cardinals, and restored him again to his 

Whilst the grief of the pope for the loss of Bo- Council of 
logna was thus increased by the death of the car- 

(a) The efforts of Julius II. to possess himself, either by force 
or fraud, of the city of Ferrara, and the various incidents of this 
expedition, with the death of the cardinal of Pavia, are fully re- 
lated by Leonardo da Porto, in the letter before cited, written 
from Venice, to Antonio Savorgnano; in which will be found 
many circumstances either differently related, or wholly omitted 
by the historians of the time. v. Lellerc di Principi, vol. i. p. 9. 

(V) Paullus Jovius has, however, attacked the memory of the 
unfortunate cardinal, with a ferocity equal to that with which the 
dukd of Urbino attacked his person ; and not only justifies, but 
exults in his murder, v . Appendix, No. LXI. 


CHAP, dinal of Pavia, and he was hastening from Ra- 
J_ venna to Rome, to pursue measures against the 
A.D. i5ii. murderer, he found, on passing through the city 
'* of Rimini, that notices were published of a general 
council of the church, which was to be held in the 
city of Pisa, on the first day of September, 1511, 
and at which he was cited to appear in person. 
This measure was the result of long deliberation 
between Louis XII. and the emperor elect Maxi- 
milian, who having prevailed on several of the 
cardinals to unite in their views, at length suc- 
ceeded in exciting against the pope this formi- 
dable opposition. At the head of this council 
was Bernardo Carvajal, cardinal of Santa Croce, 
who was equally distinguished by his literary ac- 
quirements and political talents, and held a high 
rank in the college. He was powerfully support- 
ed by the cardinal Sanseverino, who being of a 
Milanese family, and devoted to the cause of the 
French, was supposed to have prevailed upon the 
cardinal of Santa Croce to engage in this hazar- 
dous undertaking, by representing to him the pro- 
bability of his obtaining the pontifical dignity on 
the abdication or expulsion of Julius II. Among 
the other cardinals who concurred in this measure 
were those of S. Malo, Bajosa, and Cosenza. The 
influence which Louis XII. had acquired over the 
republic of Florence had induced the magistrates, 
after great hesitation, to concede to him the city 
of Pisa as the place of assembly ; but their assent 
was rather tacit than avowed, and with such se- 
crecy were the preliminaries adjusted, that Julius 
was not informed of them until he found him- 
self called upon to appear as a public delinquent, 


and his authority openly opposed throughout the CHAP. 
whole Christian world. Such a decided instance 
of disobedience to the supreme head of the church A.D. 1511. 
would, at any other time, have moved the indigna- A *^ Et36 
tion of the pontiff, hut as it occurred at a moment 
when his mind was already agitated with his mis- 
fortunes, it almost overwhelmed him, and a severe 
indisposition had nearly completed the wishes of 
his enemies. This council did not, however, open 
under the happiest auspices. The appearance of 
seven cardinals and a few bishops formed a very 
inadequate representation of the Christian church; 
and the clergy of the city of Pisa not only refused 
to take any part in the deliberations of the assem- 
bly, but even to allow them the implements for 
celebrating mass, and closed the doors of the ca- 
thedral against them, (a) Nor were the inhabi- 
tants of Pisa less dissatisfied, that the Florentines 
had subjected their city to the disgrace and dan- 
ger which were likely to be the result of this mea- 
sure ; and in a contest which took place between 
them and the French troops, on the bridge of the 
Arno, the French commander, Lautrec, who had 
been appointed to protect the council, would in all 
probability have lost his life, had he not been pre- 
served by the courage and the promptitude of his 
son. (i) A sudden terror struck the assembled ec- 
clesiastics, who began to suspect that they might 
be betrayed by the inhabitants and delivered up 
to the pontiff. They therefore quitted the city of 
Pisa within the space of fifteen days from the time 

(a) Guicciard. Storia <T Ital. lib. x. vol. i. p. 559. 
(6) Jovii, Vita Leonis X. lib. ii. p. 36. 


CHAP, of their meeting, (a) and repaired to Milan ; where, 

'__ under the immediate protection of the French mo- 

A.D. i5ii. -natch, they constituted themselves a legal assem- 
bly, and began to issue their decrees. 
The holy No sooner was the health of the pope in some 
degree restored, than he took the most effectual 
steps to obviate the ill effects of this alarming op- 
position. He appointed a general council of the 
church to be held at Rome in the course of the 
ensuing year, and he admonished the refractory 
cardinals to return to their duty within sixty-five 
days, under pain of the deprivation of their dig- 
nities and forfeiture of their ecclesiastical reve- 
nues. By the most earnest representations to 
Ferdinand of Aragon, and the grant to him of the 
tenths of the clergy throughout his dominions, he 
prevailed upon that monarch to unite with him 
and the Venetians in a treaty for the defence of 
the church, (b) For the purpose of giving greater 
credit to this alliance, it was denominated the holy 
league, (c) and was celebrated at Rome with great 
rejoicings. The king of Aragon agreed to furnish 
twelve hundred men at arms, and ten thousand 
foot, under the command of Don Raymond de 

(a) Guicciard. Sloria (Vital, lib. x. vol. i. p. 559. 

(b) On this occasion, Massimo Corvino, bishop of Isernia, made 
an oration before Julius II. and the people of Rome, in the church 
of S. Maria, which he afterwards addressed to the cardinal de' 
Medici, as Legate of Bologna. The same event has also been ce- 
lebrated in a copy of Latin verses. These pieces will be found in 
the Appendix, No. LXII. 

(c) Lunig, Cod. Jtal. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 798. The brief or 
proclamation of Julius II. on this occasion, which states the par- 
ticulars of the forces by land and sea to be provided by each of 
the parties, is given in the Appendix, No. LXIII. * 


Cardona, viceroy of Naples, with a train of artil- CHAP. 

lery and eleven galleys of war ; the pope, six hun- 

dred men at arms, and the Venetians, their whole A.D. 1511. 
forces by land and sea. The influence which Fer- 
dinand possessed with his son-in-law, Henry VIII. 
of England, and the promise of the assistance of 
the allies in acquiring for that young and ambitious 
prince the province of Guienne, induced him to 
become a party in this alliance, and another treaty 
for this purpose was signed at London, by Tho- 
mas Howard, earl of Surrey, and George Talbot, 
earl of Shrewsbury, on behalf of Henry, on the 
seventeenth day of November, which was con- 
firmed by Ferdinand at Burgos on the twentieth 
day of December, 15 11. (a) In addition to these 
formidable preparations, Julius again took into 
his service a large body of Swiss, for the purpose 
of making a descent into the Milanese, whilst the 
pope and his allies were to engage the attention 
of the French in other parts of Italy, and Henry 
VIII. was to send an army into Guienne. On 
this occasion the Swiss mercenaries carried the 
celebrated standard which had often been the ter- 

(a) This treaty is published in Rymer's Federa, vol. vi. p. 25, 
and in the collection of Du Mont, vol. iv. part i. p. 137. This 
alliance was warmly opposed by some of the English council, who 
more seriously weighed the business, one of whom made a remark 
which, as lord Herbert justly observes, ENGLAND SHOULD NEVER 
roRGET. " Let us," said he, " leave off our attempts against the 
Terra firma. The natural situation of islands seems not to sort 
with conquests in that kind. England alone is a just empire ; or 
when we would enlarge ourselves, let it be that way we can, and 
to which it seems the eternal providence hath destined us, and 
that is by SEA." Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 18. Ed. 
Lond. 1740. 



CHAP, ror of their enemies, and on which was inscribed 
__ in letters of gold, DOMATORES PRINCIPUM. AMA- 


ECCLESIJE. An inscription, the tenor of which 
they were not, however, at all times sufficiently 
careful to observe. 

Julius n. The conduct of the Florentine republic, in per- 
to restore mitting the pretended council of the church to 
assemble in Pisa, had subjected the magistrates, 
and particularly the gonfaloniere, Pietro Soderini, 
to the resentment of the pontiff, who resolved to 
avail himself of the first opportunity of punishing 
with due severity so heinous an offence. The 
most effectual method which occurred to him for 
this purpose, as well as to secure the city in future 
to his own interests, was to restore the family of 
Medici to their former authority in that place. 
During all the vexation and dangers which the 
pontiff had experienced, the cardinal de' Medici 
had adhered to him with constant fidelity, and had 
obtained his confidence in an eminent degree. In 
selecting at this important crisis, a fit person to 
superintend the papal army, and to direct the 
operations of the war, the choice of the pontiff fell 
on the cardinal, who was invested with the su- 
preme command under the title of legate of Bo- 
logna, (a) At the same time, in order to stimulate 
the exertions of the cardinal, and to punish the 

(a) Soon after the appointment of the cardinal to this dignity, 
he was applied to by the poet Ariosto, to exercise his dispensing 
power in granting him iria incbmputibilia, or allowing him to en- ' 
joy certain ecclesiastical revenues, without entering for a limited 
time into sacred orders. This proof of the early intimacy which 
subsisted between the poet and the cardinal, is given in the Ap- 
pendix, No. LXIV. 


Florentines for the part which they had taken, it CHAP. 
was understood, that on the expulsion of the French 
from Bologna and other parts of the dominions of A.D. isn. 
the church, the cardinal should be allowed to make A ' A 
use of the forces under his command for the re- 
establishment of his authority in Florence. Al- 
ready the friends and relations of the Medici with- 
in the city had opposed themselves to the party of 
the goiifaloniere with great boldness. A conspi- 
racy was formed against his life, which is attri- 
buted, but without any authentic evidence, to the 
machinations of the pope and the cardinal de' Me- 
dici. Princivalle della Stufa, the principal agent 
in this transaction, was apprehended within the 
city, but such was the indifference of the people 
to the safety of their chief magistrate, or the re- 
luctance of Soderini to exert his declining autho- 
rity, that Princivalle was suffered to escape with 
only a sentence of banishment pronounced against 
him. (a) Alarmed at these indications, Soderini en- 
deavoured to prevail on the Florentines to espouse 
the cause of Louis XII. and to take a decided 
part in the approaching contest; but in this his 
efforts were frustrated by the more prudent coun- 
sels of his fellow-magistrates, who judged it highly 
inexpedient to risk their political existence on the 
event. A temporizing line of conduct was there- 
fore resolved upon, as most suitable to the situa- 
tion and resources of the republic ; and the cele- 
brated historian, Guicciardini, was, on this occa- 
sion, despatched as ambassador to the king of 
Spain, although he was then so young as to be 
disqualified by the laws of the republic from exer- 

() Comment, di Nerli, lib. v. p. 104. 
H 2 



CHAP, cising any office of public trust. These measures, 

- instead of satisfying any of the contending parties, 

A.D. isii. gave offence to all, and the Florentine envoy 

*' seems sufficiently to have felt the difficulties of 

the task imposed upon him. (a) 
Bologna be- Whilst the pope, the Venetians, and the king 

sieged by r 

the allies, of Aragon, were thus combining their efforts for 
the purpose of expelling the French from Italy, 
the celebrated Gaston de Foix, nephew to Louis 
XII. then only twenty-three years of age, had as- 
sumed the command of his countrymen, and given 
early proofs of his courage and military talents. 
He did not, however, wholly rely upon these 
qualifications for the success of his enterprizes. 
Scarcely had the Swiss made their appearance in 
the states of Milan, than he found means to open 
a treaty with them, and by the timely application 
of a large sum of money to their commander and 
other principal leaders, prevailed upon these ad- 
venturers, who carried on war only as a matter of 
trade, to return once more across the Alps. (#) 
After having thus secured the states of Milan, he 
proceeded to the relief of Bologna, the siege of 
which had been commenced by the allied army on 
the twenty-sixth day of January, 1512. The su- 
preme direction of the papal troops was on this 
occasion intrusted to the cardinal de' Medici, as 
legate of Bologna, under whom Marc-Antonio 
Colonna acted as general of the church. The 
Spaniards were led by Don Raymond de Cardona, 
assisted by Fabrizio Colonna and Pietro Navarro. 
The Bentivoli within the walls were also encom- 

(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 567. 

(6) Muratori, Annali d' Ital. vol. x. p. 72. 


passed by powerful adherents, and a party of CHAP. 
French troops under the command of Lautrec and VIIL 
Ivo d'Allegri were within the city. The allies A. 0.1512. 
had now made their approaches in due military A - jEt - 37 - 
form, and a considerable portion of the walls was 
at length destroyed by the continued fire of their 
artillery. Whilst this open attack continued, Pie- 
tro Navarro had with great assiduity formed an 
excavation under the city for a mine of gunpow- 
der, which he at length completed. At the ap- 
pointed moment, the match was applied to the 
combustibles, which were intended to have laid 
the city in ruins. It happened, however, fortu- 
nately for the inhabitants, that these materials had 
been deposited under the chapel of the holy virgin 
del Barracane; so that when the explosion took 
place the chapel rose up into the air, but instantly 
returned without injury to its former station. As 
the chapel adjoined the walls, the besiegers had a 
temporary view of the interior of the city, and of 
the soldiers engaged in its defence ; but from this 
they derived little satisfaction, as the wall imme- 
diately returned to its place and united together 
as if it had not been moved ! Such is the grave 
account given of this incident by contemporary 
historians, (a) which has been as gravely assented 
to by writers of more modern times. (6) After so 

(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 573. Jovius in vita Leon. X. 
lib. ii. p. 38. 

(6) " Erasi per dare 1'assalto alia breccia, ma si voile aspettar 
1'esito di una mina, tirata sotto la capella della Beata Vergine del 
Barracane nella strada Castiglione, da Pietro Navarro. Scoppio 
questa, e mirabil cosa fu, che la capella fu balzata in aria, e torno 
a ricadere nel medesmo sito di prima, con restar delusa 1'espetta- 
zion de' Spagnuoli, quivi pronti per 1'assalto." Mural. Annuli, 
vol. x. p. 75. 




CHAP, decisive a proof of the inefficacy of all further at- 
tempts, it can occasion no surprise that the French 

A. D. 1512. general de Foix entered the city at the head of 

A./Et.37. . J . . . 

sixteen thousand men, without the besieging army 
having been aware of his approach, (a) The allies 
had now no alternative but to raise the siege ; 
after which they retreated in great haste for safety 
to Imola. 
Discordant B u t whatever doubts may remain respecting the 

opinions oi . 

the cardinal manner in which the siege of Bologna was raised, 

de' Medici _ ,..', ? . 

and the spa- there can be no difficulty in ascertaining the causes 
Cardona? ra of it, when we are informed that an open difference 
of opinion had subsisted between the Spanish ge- 
neral Cardona, and the cardinal legate de' Medici ; 
the latter of whom, wearied with the slow pro- 
ceedings of the allied generals, and well acquaint- 
ed with the impatient temper of the pope, endea- 
voured to prevail on Cardona to persevere vigo- 
rously in the attack. He lamented that so much 
time had been suffered to elapse without any im- 
pression being made on the cjty, of which they 
might then have been in possession ; he entreated 
the Spanish general not to persist in so fatal an 
error ; he represented to him the danger and dis- 
grace of appearing in a hostile manner at the gates 
of a city, without having the courage to commence 
an attack ; and assured him that he knew not what 
reply to make to the couriers who arrived daily 

(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 573. " Ma il prode Gastone, 
mosso una notte 1'esercito dal Finale, ad onta della neve e de' 
ghiacci, con esso arrive a Bologna, nel di quinto di Febbrajo, e 
v'entro per la porta di San Felice, senza che se ne avvedessero i 
nemici. 11 che certo parra inverisimile a pill d'uno, e pure lo 
veggiamo scritto come cosa fuor di dubbio." Murat. Annali, vol. 
x. p. 75. 


from the pope; whom he could no longer amuse CHAP. 
with vain expectations and empty promises. Dis- 
pleased with the importunity of the legate, the A. D. 1512. 
Spanish general complained in his turn, that the A ' ** 37 ' 
legate, who from the nature of his education had 
no experience in military affairs, should by his in- 
temperate solicitations prepare the way for rash 
and inconsiderate measures ; that the interests of 
all Christendom were concerned in the event of 
this contest, and that too much caution could not 
be employed on such an occasion; that it was the 
custom of the pontifical see and of republican states 
to engage precipitately in war, but that they were 
soon wearied with the expense and trouble attend- 
ing it, and sought to terminate it on any terms ; 
that the legate ought in this instance to submit 
his opinion to that of the military commanders, 
who had the same objects as himself in view, with 
much greater experience in such concerns, (a) 
The result, however, demonstrated that on this 
occasion the churchman was the better general ; 
nor does it seem to have required much penetra- 
tion to have discovered, that in the situation in 
which the allies were placed, the capture of Bo- 
logna before the French army could arrive to its 
relief, w r as the great object towards which the as- 
sailants ought to have directed all their efforts. It 
was not therefore without reason, that the cardi- 
nal suspected that the inactivity of the Spanish 
general was to be attributed to the orders of his 
sovereign, who, whilst he professed to be desirous 
of adopting decisive measures in concert with his 
allies, always directed the operations of his gene- 

() Guicciard. Storia d'ltaL lib. x. vol. i. p. 571. 


CHAP. ra ] s j n such a manner as he thought most condu- 

VIII. . 

_ 1_ cive to his own private interests, (a) 
A. D. 1512. The disappointment and disgrace which the al- 
' lies had experienced before Bologna, was however 
some degree counterbalanced by the successes 

Venetians, who about the same time reco- 
vered the important cities of Brescia and Bergamo, 
whence they proceeded to the attack of Crema ; 
but the timely arrival of Trivulzio preserved that 
place to the French. On receiving information 
of these transactions, Gaston de Foix resolved to 
lose no time in repairing the losses of the French 
arms. Leaving therefore a body of four thousand 
foot, with a reinforcement of cavalry and archers 
for the defence of Bologna, he proceeded by rapid 
marches towards Brescia, and having in his route 
defeated two bodies of the allied troops, one of 
them under the command of Gian-Paolo Baglione, 
and the other of the count Guido Rangone, he ar- 
rived in the vicinity of that city, having, as we are 
assured, on the last day of his march, led his ca- 
valry fifteen Italian miles without once drawing 
the reins. (//) 

On the arrival of the French general before 
Brescia, he found, that although the Venetians 
had possessed themselves of the town, they had 
not been able to reduce the citadel, which was yet 
held by the French. His first object was there- 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. x. vol. i. p. 571. 

(6) " Si trovo aver eglino fatto quel giorno, senza mai trarre 
la briglia a i cavalli, miglia cinquanta : Cosa, che so non sara cre- 
duta ; ma io, che fui presente sul fatto, ne faccio vera testimoni- 
anza." L'Anonimo Padovano, ap. Murat. Annul, d'ltal. vol. x. 
p. 77. 


fore to reinforce the garrison, which he effected CHAP. 
under cover of the night, hy introducing three VI1L 
thousand foot and four hundred dismounted ca- A. D. 1512. 
valry. The defence of the place was intrusted by A ' ^ 37 ' 
the Venetians to their commissary Andrea Gritti, 
upon whom was imposed the double task of at- 
tending to the attack of the citadel and the safety 
of the town. He was, however, supported by a 
formidable body of troops. The inhabitants of 
the vicinity were favourable to his cause. Great 
numbers of them had joined his arms, and the ci- 
tizens, disgusted with the severity and disorders 
of the French government, had avowed their de- 
termination to sacrifice their lives in the struggle, 
rather than be compelled to return under its do- 
minion. The summons of the French general, 
who promised the inhabitants the pardon of the 
king on their again submitting to his arms, and 
threatened to sack the city in case of their refusal, 
produced no other answer than that they were 
ready to defend themselves to the last extremity. 
The day preceding the expected attack, the wo- 
men and children were conducted to the monas- 
teries, and all money and articles of value were 
concealed with as much privacy as possible. In 
the morning of the nineteenth day of February, 
1512, the French garrison made an irruption from 
the citadel in great force, whilst de Foix led on 
his army to attack the ramparts. A bloody en- 
gagement ensued between the garrison and the 
Venetian soldiery, in the great square of the city, 
in which two thousand of the latter perished. De- 
spairing of all further resistance, the count Luigi 
Avogadro, one of the Venetian commanders, at 


CHAP, the head of two hundred horse, rushed through 

the gate of S. Nazaro, in the hopes of effecting his 

A. D. 1512. escape, and of this opportunity de Foix availed 
himself to complete the rout of the Venetians and 
the ruin of the inhabitants. The whole French 
army entered the city sword in hand, and a most 
dreadful and indiscriminate carnage ensued, in 
which upwards of eight thousand persons fell a 
sacrifice to that vindictive rage, which has in all 
ages disgracefully characterized mankind on simi- 
lar occasions, (a) The Venetian commissary, An- 
drea Gritti, with the chief commanders within the 
city, were made prisoners. Luigi Avogadro be- 
ing taken in his flight was put to death as a trai- 
tor, by the orders of de Foix, with circumstances 
of peculiar barbarity, (b) Enormous sums were 
exacted from the citizens as their ransom. For 
seven days the place was delivered up to the vio- 
lence and rapine of the soldiery, (c) Even the 
monasteries were forced and plundered ; (d) but 
amidst this scene of horror and of bloodshed, the 
authority of de Foix is said to have been exerted 
in preserving the honour of the women who had 
resorted thither for shelter. Many of the French 

(a) The celebrated Bayard, le Chevalier sans peur et sans re- 
proche, who had accompanied the armies of Charles VIII. and 
Louis XII. into Italy, was present at the capture of Brescia, and 
gave a proof of that magnanimity which always distinguished his 
character, in refusing to receive, from the daughters of his hostess, 
a sum of two thousand pistoles, which their mother had collected 
to save her house from plunder. Moreri, Art. Bayard. 

(b) Jovii, vita Leon X. lib. ii. p. 41. 

(c) Ibid. 

(cQ On this event, Bartolommeo Teaneo wrote a Latin poem 
in heroic verse, which was printed at Brescia, in the year 1501. 
v. Spec. Liter at. Brixiana, par. ii. p. 219. 


soldiers were executed by his orders for violating CHAP. 
the sanctuary of the convents, and he at length VIU ' 

gave peremptory orders that the army should quit A..D. 1512. 
the city and return to their encampments. 

The vigour and rapidity of this young conqueror, DC FO at- 
who had in the space of fifteen days raised the 
siege of Bologna, defeated several detachments of 
the allies, and captured the city of Brescia, alarmed 
his enemies and astonished all Italy. The city and 
district of Bergamo, without waiting for the ap- 
proach of the French, again raised the standard of 
Louis XII. and there was reason to believe that 
the whole continental possessions of the Venetian 
republic would follow the example. Whatever 
might be the sensations of the senate, Julius II. 
displayed, however, no symptoms of dismay. On 
the contrary, his undaunted spirit seemed to rise 
with the occasion, and no measures were omitted 
by him which might encourage his allies, and give 
effect to the great design which he yet entertained 
of expelling the French from Italy. By the bribe 
of fifty thousand florins he prevailed upon the em- 
peror elect Maximilian to conclude with the Ve- 
netians a treaty for ten months, (a) He incited 
Henry VIII. of England to prepare a powerful 
naval armament, for the purpose of attacking the 
coasts of Normandy and Bretagne, and he induced 
Ferdinand of Aragon to commence hostilities in 
France, by sending an army across the Pyrenees. 
Assailed on all sides by powerful adversaries, 
Louis XII. perceived that he must rely for his se- 
curity on the prompt and successful efforts of his 
Italian troops. He therefore directed Gaston de 

(a) v. Liinig, Cod. Itai. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 2003. 


CHAP. Foix to use all his diligence to bring the allies 

[IL to a definitive engagement. To such a comman- 

A.D. 1512. der little incitement was necessary; and Gaston 

A JFt ^7 

' immediately hastened to Ferrara, to determine 
with the duke on the measures necessary to be 
adopted. He had at this time under his command 
eighteen hundred men at arms, four thousand 
archers, and sixteen thousand infantry ; and being 
joined by the duke of Ferrara, with an additional 
body of troops and an extensive train of artillery, 
he proceeded towards Romagna. The cardinal 
legate de' Medici and the viceroy Cardona, who 
were at the head of fifteen hundred men at arms, 
three thousand light horse, and eighteen thousand 
foot, retired towards the mountain of Faenza, 
choosing rather to harass the army of the French, 
and to cut off their supplies, than to risk the fate 
of Italy on the event of a single battle. The French 
general was determined, however, not to remain 
inactive, and directing his course towards Raven- 
na, he stormed in his progress the fortress of Russi, 
where he put to the sword not less than a thousand 
persons. Arriving under the walls of Ravenna, 
he instantly commenced the attack. The artillery 
of the duke of Ferrara, which was on all occasions 
irresistible, soon effected a breach in the walls and 
the French rushed on to the assault. It appeared 
however, that on this occasion, the vigilance of 
the allies had been equal to the activity of the 
French commander. Marc-Antonio Colonna, with 
a powerful body of troops, had entered the city to 
assist in its defence. An obstinate engagement 
took place on the ramparts, which continued for 
four hours, and in which about fifteen hundred sol- 


diers were killed ; but notwithstanding the utmost CHAP. 

efforts of the assailants they were at length obliged 

to relinquish the attempt, (a) A. D. 1512. 

But although the French general had failed for 
the present in his attack upon Ravenna, in ano- 
ther respect he accomplished the purpose which 
he had in view, by compelling the commanders of 
the allied army to abandon their system of procras- 
tination, and to hasten towards that city for its 
more effectual relief. Whilst Gaston de Foix was 
rallying his soldiers to a second attack he received 
intelligence of the approach of the enemy, and be- 
fore he was prepared to oppose them in the field, 
he found that they had raised intrenchments within 
three miles of Ravenna. In this conjuncture, his 
situation was critical. To persist in the siege of 
the city was impossible, whilst an army equal in 
number to his own lay ready to seize the first op- 
portunity of a favourable attack. To assail the 
allies in their intrenchments, and force them to 
an engagement, whilst his enemies might harass 
him from the fortress of Ravenna, seemed almost 
equally inexpedient. The sufferings of the sol- 
diers and horses from the want of accommodation 
and provisions would not, however, brook delay, 
and Gaston resolved at all events to storm the ene- 
my in their intrenchments, and force them to an 
open conflict. The order of this dreadful battle, 
which took place on the eleventh day of April, 1512, 
and in which the flower of both armies was des- 
tined to perish, is described at great length both by 
the French and Italian historians, (b) Among the 

(a) Muratori, Annali d? Italia, vol. x. p. 80. 

(b) Jovius, vita Ferdinandi Davalos, March. Pescara, lib. i. 
Guiceiard. lib. x. Hist, de la Ligue de Cumbray, liv. iii. &c. 


CHAP. French commanders the most conspicuous was the 
VIIL cardinal Sanseverino, legate of the council of Milan, 
A.D. 1512. who, clad in complete armour, marched at the head 
A. &t37. O f t h e troops, and being of a tall and imposing 
figure appeared like another St. George. The car- 
dinal de' Medici, as legate of the church, held the 
chief authority in the allied army ; but although 
in the midst of a camp, his habiliments were those 
of peace, (a) and he differed no less from his bro- 
ther cardinal in his mild and humane disposition, 
than in the pacific demonstrations of his external 
appearance. For the more active part of warlike 
operations the cardinal de' Medici was indeed in 
a great degree disqualified by the imperfection 
of his sight, but in maintaining the good order of 
the camp he was indefatigable, and he frequently 
and strenuously exhorted both the commanders and 
the soldiery to contend with courage and unani- 
mity, for the protection of themselves and their 
possessions, the preservation of the holy see, and 
for the common liberties of Italy, (b) The Spanish 
troops, on which the principal reliance was placed, 
were led by the viceroy Cardona ; the Italians by 
Fabrizio Colonna ; and the command of the light- 
armed cavalry was intrusted to the young and ac- 
complished Ferdinando Davalos, marquis of Pes- 
cara, who had lately married Vittoria the daugh- 
ter of Fabrizio Colonna, one of the fairest patterns 
of female excellence and conjugal affection that the 

world has hitherto seen. 


(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 588. 

(A) " Tribunes, Centuriones, ac milites ipsos, ut pro servando 
Sedis Apostolicae patrimonio, pro aris ac focis, pro communi Ita- 
liae libertate, pro salute, pro dignitate, strenuissime decertarent, 
graviter copioseque est adhortatus." Brandolini, Leo. p. 85. 



The reputation which Pietro Navarro had ac- CHAP. 
quired by his superior skill as an engineer, had 
not only raised him to a high command in the al- A.D. 1512. 
lied army, but had given great authority to his opi- 
nion. On this occasion, he earnestly recommend- JJ^JJ 
ed that the army should remain in its intrench- deFoix.and 

t * . i a *-ae cardinal 

ments, and should trust for success in the first in- legate de 1 
stance to its artillery, which he had advantage- 
ously arranged in the front of their works. In this 
opinion he was opposed by Fabrizio Colonna, who 
contended, that as the French army were under 
the necessity of crossing the river Ronco to pro- 
ceed to the attack, it would be more advisable to 
oppose them as they approached in detached bo- 
dies, than to wait till the whole army had formed 
itself in order to assault the intrenchments. The 
advice of the Spaniard prevailed, and the French 
army arrived unmolested within a short distance 
of the allied camp. Perceiving, however, that the 
allies did not choose to quit their intrenchments, 
they formed their line, with the artillery in front, 
and for the space of two hours the adverse armies 
employed themselves in cannonading each other ; 
in the course of which a great slaughter was made 
without any decisive effect being produced. In this 
contest the allies had, from their situation, a mani- 
fest advantage ; but the duke of Ferrara, perceiving 
the fortune of the day inclining against the French, 
hastened with his artillery to their relief, and hav- 
ing obtained an advantageous position, which com- 
manded the intrenchments, attacked the allies in 
flank with such impetuosity, that they could no 
longer resist his fury, (a) The mingled slaugh- 

(a) Ariosto attributes the success of the French on this occa- 
sion to the courage and conduct of the duke of Ferrara : 


CHAP, ter of men and of horses, who fell without an 

VIIL opportunity of resistance, roused the resentment 

A D 1512 of Fabrizio Colonna, who with bitter reproaches 

A.,Et.37. a g a i ns t the Spanish generals, at length rushed from 
his intrenchments, and was followed by the rest 
of the allies. The hostile shock of these armies, 
each of them inflamed by national enmity, and ex- 
asperated to the highest degree by the preceding 
events of the war, was bloody and destructive be- 
yond all that had been known in Italy for many 
years. The whole body was in immediate action. 
The courage of the Spanish infantry changed more 
than once the fortune of the day. In the declin- 
ing state of the allied army, the marquis of Pes- 
cara made an impetuous attack on the wing of 
the enemy with the whole of the light cavalry, 
but was repulsed with great loss, and after a se- 
vere conflict the allies were compelled to give 
way and to seek their safety by flight. All their 
artillery, standards, and equipage, fell into the 
hands of the enemy, and upwards of nine thou- 
sand of the allies lay dead on the field. The car- 
dinal legate de' Medici, Fabrizio Colonna, the mar- 
quis of Pescara, Pietro Navarro, and many other 
eminent commanders, and men of high rank, were 
made prisoners. The viceroy Cardona effected 
his escape to Cesena, where he endeavoured to 

" Costui sard col senno, e con la lancia, 

Ch' avra 1' onor ne i campi di Romagna, 
D' aver data a 1' essercito di Francia 
La gran vittoria contro Giulio, e Spagna. 
Nuoteranno i destrier fin' a la pancia 
Nel sangue uman per tutta la campagna ; 
Ch' a sepelire il popol verri manco 
Tedesco, Ispano, Greco, Italo, e Franco." 

Orland. Fur. cant. iii. st. 55. 


collect together the scattered remains of his troops. CHAP. 

But if the Italians and Spaniards had just reason 1_ 

for lamentation, the French had no cause for re- A .1^1512. 
joicing. The number of their slain is authenti- 
cally stated to have exceeded even that of the al- 
lies, and to have amounted to no less than ten 
thousand five hundred men. (a) Among this num- 
ber were the celebrated Ivo d'Allegri, who had 
for several years fought the battles of his sove- 
reign in Italy, and two of his sons. The sieur de 
Lautrec, uncle to de Foix, and second in com- 
mand, was found on the field of battle covered 
with wounds ; from which he, however, recovered. 
But the greatest disaster of the French army was 
the death of the general in chief, the celebrated D ea th of 
Gaston de Foix, who burning with an insatiable de Fou * 
thirst of slaughter, engaged, at the head of one 
thousand horse, in the pursuit of three thousand 
Spanish infantry, and in the midst of his career 
received a shot from a harquebus which instantly 
terminated his days. The untimely fate of this 
young hero damped the ardour of his countrymen 
in the moment of victory, and his memory has 
seldom been adverted to, even by the Italians 
themselves, without the highest admiration and 
applause. () The benignant philosopher, in the 

(a) Muratori, Annali d'ltal. vol. x. p. 82. 

(/) His body was brought to Milan, and deposited with pomp- 
ous ceremonies in the cathedral ; but on the subsequent expul- 
sion of the French from Milan, the cardinal of Sion ordered it to 
be disinterred, as the remains of a person excommunicated, and 
sent it to be privately buried in the church of the monastery of S. 
Martha. On the recovery of Milan by the French, in the year 
1515, a magnificent tomb was erected to the memory of this 
young warrior, by Agostino Busti, a Milanese sculptor, consist- 


CHAP, recesses of his closet, may perhaps lament that 

EIL such extraordinary talents were exerted, not for 

A. D. 1512. the benefit, but the destruction of mankind ; and 

A :TA o"? 

' the generous soldier may regret, that on some oc- 
casions, this great man sullied the glory of his 
arms by unnecessary acts of vindictive barbarity ; 
but it would be invidious in a modern historian 
to attempt to tear the laurels which have now 
bloomed for nearly three centuries round his tomb, 
^he victorious army now returned to the at- 
of Ravenna, tack of Ravenna. Marc- Antonio Colonna, des- 
pairing of the defence of the place, withdrew his 
troops into the citadel, where he defended him- 
self for four days, at the expiration of which time 
he quitted the city under a capitulation, by which 
it was agreed that he and his followers should not, 
for the space of three months, carry arms against 
the king of France or the council of Pisa, (a) A 

ing of a figure of de Foix as large as life, and ten pieces of sculp- 
ture in marble, most exquisitely finished, representing the various 
battles in which he had been engaged. This monument remained 
till the beginning of the eighteenth century, when it was suffered 
to be demolished, and the ornaments were carried away. v. Vasari. 
Giunti, vol. i. p. 51 ; vol. ii. p. 180 ; vol. iii. p. 31. Ligite de Camb. 
vol. ii. p. 149. The death of de Foix is commemorated in the 
following lines of Antonio Franc. Raineri : 


" Funera quis memoranda canat, clademque Ravennae, 

Et tua, summe Ducum, facta, obitumque simul ? 
Ingentes cum tu incedens per corporum acervos, 

Jam victor strage, heu, concidis in media. 
Gallica sensere Hesperii quam vivida virtus, 

Sensere, ultrici cum cecidere manu. 
Sic obitu, juvenis, Decios imitaris ; et armis 
Sic geminos, belli fulmina, Scipiados." 

Carm. Illvst. Poet. Ital. vol. viii. p. 60. 
(a) Ligue de Camb. liv. iii. torn. ii. p. 154. 


deputation from the inhabitants had also endea- CHAP - 


voured to arrange with the French commander ' 
the terms of surrender; but a party of Gascons A.D. 1512. 

A /Ft '57 

having led the way through the breach of the walls 
into the city, a general and indiscriminate slaugh- 
ter of the inhabitants took place, without regard 
either to age or sex. Even the monasteries on 
this occasion afforded no shelter to the unhappy 
victims of brutal ferocity ; until the Sieur de la 
Palisse, on whom the chief command of the French 
army had devolved, being informed of these dis- 
graceful enormities, hastened into the city with the 
laudable resolution of repressing them to the ut- 
most of his power. He first directed his steps to- 
wards a convent, into which thirty-four of his 
soldiers had intruded themselves by violence, and 
ordering his attendants to seize upon them, he 
had them instantly hanged through the windows, (a) 
This decisive measure was followed by a procla- 
mation, threatening the same fate to all who should 
not instantly relinquish their depredations and re- 
turn to their duty ; and having thus restrained his 
soldiery he led them again to their encampments. 
The cities of Imola, Forli, Cesena, Rimini, and 
several other places, alarmed at these disastrous 
events, sent deputies to testify their obedience to 
the king of France, and almost the whole extent 
of Romagna was once more occupied by his arms. 
In this bloody contest, in which so many of his 
friends and adherents had fallen, the cardinal de* 
Medici gave eminent proofs of constancy and firm- 
ness of mind. Although unarmed and defenceless 
in the midst of the battle, he still continued to en- 

(d) Murutori, Annul, d' Italia, vol. x. p. B3. 

i 2 


CHAP, courage his troops, and displayed an example of 

_ 1_ that patient fortitude which is perhaps more diffi- 

A.D. 1512. cult than the fiercer spirit of active hostility. Even 

' when the fate of the day was decided, he did not 

nai des- ' immediately attempt to quit the field, hut devoted 

himself to the care of the dying and to the admi- 
nitration of that spiritual comfort, which consoled 
intelligence the last moments of life by the animating hopes of 

cfthecle- * . l 

feat. immortality, (a) Whilst engaged in the perform- 
ance of these duties, he was seized upon by two 
horsemen, who regardless of his high dignity were 
proceeding to treat him with insult; but from their 
hands he was rescued by the courage and promp- 
titude of the cavalier Piatese of Bologna, who hav- 
ing killed one of the assailants, wounded the other 
and dragged him from his horse. A body of Greek 
cavalry in the French service soon afterwards 
made their appearance, and rendered all further 
resistance on the part of the cardinal fruitless. By 
them he was delivered over to Federigo Gonzaga 
of Bozzolo, to whom, as to an officer of high rank 
and honour, he willingly surrendered himself. () 
Being transferred by Gonzaga to the custody of 
the cardinal Sanseverino, he was received by that 
warlike prelate with all the kindness and attention 
which the equality of their rank and their former 
intimacy gave him a right to expect. By his in- 
dulgence the cardinal de' Medici obtained permis- 

(a) " Legatus Apostolicus in clade Ravennate non arripuit fu- 
gam, sed morientes aacrojuvit officio ; maluitque ab hostibus capi, 
quam Apostolic! viri munus non obesse." Luc. Eremita in Hist. 
Romualdina. ap. Raph. Brand. Leo. p. 85. 

(b) Jovii in vita Leon. lib. ii. p, 46. Ammirato, Ritratto di 
Leone, vol. x. p< 69. 


sion for his cousin Giulio, knight of Rhodes, who CHAP. 
had fled with the viceroy Cardona, to pay him a vi- 
sit under the sanction of a safe conduct. On his A. D. 1512. 
arrival at the French camp the cardinal de' Medici At "**' 37 
lost no time in despatching him to the pope, under 
the pretext of recommending himself and his in- 
terests, during his imprisonment, to his holiness and 
to the consistory ; but in fact to give them the ful- 
lest representation of the state of both armies, and 
of the situation of the different parties, in conse- 
quence of the important events which had of late 
taken place. 

The intelligence of the battle of Ravenna had Fatal effects 
been conveyed to Rome within two days after it 
had occurred, by the vigilance of Ottaviano Fre- 
goso, (a) and the consternation which it occasioned 
had nearly induced the pope to quit the city ; for 
which purpose he had already ordered the com- 
mander of his galleys to make preparations. (#) 
Amidst the clamours of the cardinals, who ear- 
nestly entreated him to listen to terms of peace, 
and the instigations of the Venetian and Spanish 
ambassadors, who with equal warmth exhorted him 
to persevere in hostilities, Giulio de' Medici arrived, 
and by the full information which he brought, re- 
lieved in a great degree the apprehensions of the 
pontiff. He was immediately introduced into a 
full consistory, where he represented to the as- 

(a) Fregoso is introduced as one of the interlocutors in the ce- 
lebrated Liiiro del Cortigiano, of Castiglione, where he is denomi- 
nated " Uomo a i nostri tempi rarissimo, magnanimo, religiose, 
pien di bonta, d' ingegno, prudenza e cortesia, e veramente amico 
d' onore e di virtu, e tanto degno di laude, cheli medesimi inimi- 
ci suoi furono sempre costretti a laudarlo." In Prof. p. 9. 

(b) Guicciard. lib, x. vol. i. p. 594. 



CHAP, sembled ecclesiastics the debilitated state of the 


L_ French army ; the number of able commanders of 

A. D. 1512. whom it had been deprived, and of soldiers who 
were disabled by their wounds from immediate 
service. He informed them that the sacking of 
Ravenna had contributed to relax the discipline of 
the French army ; the commanders of which ap- 
peared to be undetermined what course they should 
take, and waited for directions from the king ; that 
jealousies had arisen between la Palisse and the 
cardinal Sanseverino, who wished to unite in him- 
self the offices of both legate and general ; that ru- 
mours were frequent in the French camp of the ap- 
proach of the Swiss, and that, under all these cir- 
cumstances, no immediate danger was to be appre- 
hended from the further progress of the French. 
These representations were well founded. The 
battle of Ravenna was, in every point of view, 
more fatal to the French than to the allies. The 
resistance which they had met with had diminished 
that confidence in their superior courage, which 
had on many occasions contributed to their victo- 
ries. Their favorite leaders had fallen, and the 
prime of their soldiery, the vigour and nerve of 
their army, was destroyed. From this fatal day 
the affairs of the French king began rapidly to de- 
cline, and the victory of Ravenna prepared the 
way for the total expulsion of his arms from Italy. 
From the vicinity of Ravenna the cardinal de' 
Medici was conveyed to Bologna, where he was 
received by the Bentivoli, the ancient friends of 
his family, with such kindness as left him no- 
thing to regret but the loss of his liberty. He was 
soon afterwards transferred, in company with many 


other noble prisoners, from Bologna to Milan; CHAP. 
whence they were to be sent by the orders of m 
Louis XII. into France. On passing through the A.D. 1512. 
city of Modena he experienced the friendship and 
liberality of Bianca Rangone, one of the daugh- 
ters of Giovanni Bentivolio, who deprived herself 
of her ornaments and jewels, to enable him to pro- 
vide for his wants during his imprisonment, (a) 
That generosity for which she exacted no return 
was, however, repaid some time afterwards with 
ample interest, and the grateful munificence which 
she herself experienced, and the elevation of her 
sons to the chief offices of the Roman state, were 
the result of her disinterested bounty. 

On his arrival at Milan he was allowed to reside is brought 
with the cardinal Sanseverino, and was frequently 
visited by the chief nobility of the place, the Vis- 
conti, Trivulzi, and Pallavicini, by whom he was 
treated with no less respect than if, instead of a 
prisoner, he had arrived there as a conqueror and 
a friend, (b) At this place he found that the self- 
constituted council of the church continued its 
meetings with great formality. The late victories 
of the French had given additional importance to 
its proceedings, and frequent publications were 
made at the doors of the great church for Julius II. 
to appear and defend his cause. Whatever anx- 
iety these measures might produce at Rome, they 
only excited the derision of the populace at Milan, 
who were accustomed to salute the cardinal Car- 
vajal, as he passed through the streets, by the ap- 

(a) Jovius, in vita Leon. X. et v. Bandello Nov. vol. ii. Nov. 34. ct 
Tiraboschi, Storia delta Lett. Ital. vii. par. i. p. 83. 
(6) Jovius, in vita Leo. %. lib. ii. p. 48. 


CHAP, pellation of papa, in allusion to the expectation 
IL which he was supposed to entertain of filling the 
A.D. i5i2. pontifical chair on the deprivation of Julius II. (a) 
' Nor could all the efforts of the soldiery preserve 
the associated prelates and ecclesiastics from similar 
proofs of disapprobation. The prudent conduct 
of the cardinal de' Medici, who, notwithstanding 
his misfortunes, supported the dignity of his rank 
and the authority of the apostolic see, contributed 
still further to diminish their influence and discre- 
dit their proceedings. By the conveyance of his 
cousin Giulio de' Medici, he received from the 
pontiff a plenary power of absolving from their of- 
fences all those, who in obedience to the commands 
of their king, had taken arms against the church. 
No sooner was his commission made public than 
he was surrounded by crowds of suppliants, eager 
to obtain from its legitimate fountain a portion of 
that healing water which could obliterate all their 
stains. Such was the thirst of the soldiery for this 
spiritual refreshment, that even the threats of the 
council were ineffectual to prevent their resorting 
to the cardinal ; and the city of Milan on this oc- 
casion exhibited the singular spectacle of a pri- 
soner absolving his enemies from the very crime 
that had been the cause of his imprisonment, and 
distributing his pardon to those, who instead of ma- 
nifesting any substantial symptoms of repentance, 
demonstrated, even by their detention of him, that 
they yet persevered in their sins. 

(a) Jovius, in vita Leo, X. lib. ii. p. 48. 


JULIUS II. opens the council of the Lateran Louts XII. 
is desirous of a reconciliation with the pope /* deluded 
by him Expulsion of the French from Italy The car- 
dinal de Medici obtains his liberty Bologna restored 
to the Roman see The Colonna release the duke of 
Ferrara from his dangerous situation at Rome Ariosto 
ambassador from the duke to the pope Diet of Man- 
tua The Medici attempt to effect their restoration 
The Florentines resolve to defend themselves Indeci- 
sion of Pietro Sodeiini He escapes into the Turkish do- 
minions Restoration of the Medici to Florence Ex- 
tinction of the popular government Restoration of Max- 
imilian Sforza, duke of Milan Measures adopted by the 
Medici to secure their power Conspiracy against them 
discovered Death of Julius II. His character and 
conduct considered His encouragement of learning 
Elegant library formed by him Letter from Bembo to 
the pope on the revival of abbreviated or short-hand wri- 



THE information brought to Rome by Giulio de' A. D. 1512. 
Medici of the disabled state of the French army, 
was daily confirmed by further accounts, which 
effectually relieved the mind of the pope from the 
apprehensions which he had at first entertained. 
Julius II. easily perceived, that if the French were 
unable to reap the promised fruits of their victory, 
they would soon be obliged to act on the defen- 
sive, and his deliberations on this subject inspired 
him with fresh hopes that he should soon see his 
desires accomplished in their total expulsion from 
Italy. In the mean time he resolved to counter- 
act the dangerous effects of the assembly at Milan, 
which was now usually denominated the concilia- 
bulum, by opening a general council in the church 
of St. John Lateran ; which he accordingly did 
with great solemnity, on the third day of May, in 
the year 1512. On this occasion he presided in 
person, accompanied by the college of cardinals, 
and such other dignified ecclesiastics as were then 
in Rome. Several of the Italian princes and no- 
bles of high rank also attended the assembly ; and 
the emperor elect Maximilian, the kings of Eng- 
land and of Aragon, the republic of Venice, and 
most of the Italian states, declared by their am- 
bassadors their abhorrence of the council of Milan, 
and their faithful adherence to that of the Late- 


CHAP, ran, as the only true and legitimate representa- 
^ tion of the Christian church, (a) 

A. D. 1512. The directions given by Louis XII. to his ge- 

neral, la Palisse, were to follow up the advan- 
tages obtained by the victory of Ravenna, and to 

ciHat?o C n on P rocee d immediately to Rome ; but a more accu- 
with the rate estimate of the situation of his army induced 
him to countermand these orders ; and the French 
troops, in fact, soon found sufficient employment 
in opposing the increasing power of the allies. 
At the same time Louis began to entertain serious 
apprehensions for the safety of his own dominions. 
Henry VIII. had already notified to him, that the 
treaties of amity which subsisted between them, 
were accompanied by a condition that he should 
not make war against either the pope or the king 
of Aragon ; and that the infraction of this article 
would be considered as the commencement of hos- 
tilities. The first information which Ferdinand of 
Aragon is said to have received of the defeat of 
his troops at Ravenna, was by a letter to his young 
queen from her uncle Louis XII. in which he en- 
deavoured to console her for the loss of her bro- 
ther, the gallant Gaston de Foix, by informing 
her that he died with great glory in the moment 

(a) The proceedings of the council of Lateran were collected 
by the cardinal di Monte, and published at Rome in the year 
1521, under the title, 




The first act, on opening the session, which adverts in a parti- 
cular manner to the battle of Ravenna and the captivity of the 
cardinal de' Medici, is given from this publication in the Appen- 
dix, No. LXV. 


of victory. (a) With whatever emotions she re- CHAP. 
ceived this intelligence, it was a sufficient admo- 
nition to Ferdinand to send new reinforcements to A. D. 1512. 
his kingdom of Naples, which he feared might be A - vEt - 37 - 
endangered by the rapid successes of the French ; 
and it is said that on this occasion he had intended 
to have once more availed himself of the services 
of the great Gonsalvo. The emperor elect Maxi- 
milian had now accommodated his differences with 
the Venetians, and decidedly espoused the cause 
of the pope ; for which he expected his reward in 
the possession of the states of Milan and the duchy 
of Burgundy. Alarmed by these numerous and 
powerful adversaries, Louis XII. began to con- 
ceive that the best use which he could make of 
the recent successes of his arms, would be to ef- 
fect a reconciliation with the pontiff with as little 
delay as possible. 

In the fluctuating politics of these times, nego- is deluded 
tiations were always carried on even in the midst 
of hostilities, and might in truth be considered as 
another mode of warfare, in which superior ta- 
lents and sagacity were often employed to make 
amends for want of success, or inferiority of mili- 
tary strength. Whilst the conflict took place be- 
fore the walls of Ravenna, a treaty was depend- 
ing between Louis XII. and the pope, in which it 
had among other articles been proposed, that Bo- 
logna should be restored to the holy see ; that the 
duke of Ferrara, on being absolved from spiritual 
censures, should relinquish the places of which 
he had possessed himself in Romagna ; and that 
the council of Milan should be dissolved ; the car- 

(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 507. 


CHAP, dinals and prelates who had adhered to it, notbe- 

' ing prejudiced in their dignities or their reve- 

A.D. 1512. nues. (a) This treaty, the conditions of which 

A ^Et 37 

were so favourable to Julius II. had been trans- 
mitted to Rome for his final approbation and sig- 
nature ; and having, as he conceived, thus in his 
power the choice of peace or of war, he had for 
some time postponed his decision, in the hopes 
that events might occur which might enable him to 
obtain still better terms. The defeat of his arms 
at Ravenna called for an immediate determina- 
tidn ; and although he had already begun to reco- 
ver from his panic, yet he thought it advisable to 
confirm the treaty nine days after he had received 
intelligence of that event. So far was he, how- 
ever, from intending to adhere with fidelity to his 
engagement, or so fearful was he of giving offence 
to his allies, that he immediately afterwards called 
into his presence the Venetian and Spanish am- 
bassadors, and assured them that his intentions 
with respect to the prosecution of the war were 
in no degree altered ; and that he had only taken 
this measure to gain time, and impose upon the 
king ; (b) an assurance which in the result was am- 
ply confirmed. The successes of the French arms 
in Italy, had at first operated as a powerful motive 
with Louis XII. who was not less ready than the 
pope to take advantage of any change of circum- 
stances in his favour, to disavow his former pro- 
positions ; and he particularly objected to the re- 
storation of Bologna, which he affected to consi- 
der as the bulwark of his Milanese possessions 

(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p.. 595. 

(6) Bembo, 1st. Yen. lib. xii. in op. vol. i. p. 332. 


against the southern provinces of Italy. The in- CHAP. 
telligence which he daily received of the rapid de- 
cline of his cause, and the formidable attacks with A. D. 1512. 
which he was threatened by the other powers of 
Europe, contributed however, to remove his ob- 
jections, and he thought proper to avail himself of 
an offer made by the Florentines to interpose their 
good offices for effecting a reconciliation. A meet- 
ing accordingly took place in Florence between 
the envoys of the king and those of the pontiff, 
where the conditions of the treaty were assented 
to, with some modifications, on the part of Louis 
XII. which did not affect the substantial articles 
of the agreement. Julius II. was now, however, 
well aware of the debilitated state of his adversary. 
Whilst the negotiations were depending, he had 
engaged in his service a considerable body of 
Swiss mercenaries, and the hesitation shewn on 
the part of Louis XII. had afforded him a suffi- 
cient pretext for refusing to confirm the treaty. 
In order however to justify himself to the world, 
he directed that the terms proposed should be 
read in open consistory, that the cardinals might 
offer their opinions on the measures which it might 
be expedient for him to pursue. On this occasion 
Christopher Bambridge, cardinal of York, in the 
name of the king of England, and the cardinal Ar- 
borense, in that of the king of Spain, exhorted the 
pope, as it is supposed had previously been agreed 
on between them, not to abandon the cause of the 
church, but to persevere with firmness in opposing 
the arms of the French. Instead therefore of tes- 
tifying his assent to the treaty, Julius avowed his 
determination to prosecute the war, and pro- 


CHAP, nounced, in the consistory, a monitory to the king 
K - of France to release his prisoner the cardinal de' 
A. D. 1512. Medici, under the penalties contained in the sa- 
A. &t. 37. crec i canons . A measure so decidedly hostile was 
however warmly opposed by the other onembers of 
the college, who entreated the pope that he would 
not, by such severity, wholly alienate the mind of 
the king, but would postpone the publication of 
the monitory, and allow them to address to him a 
letter, signed by themselves individually, request- 
ing him, as a sovereign bearing the title of the most 
Christian prince, to restore to liberty their captive 
brother, (a) To this proposal Julius with some 
difficulty assented ; but fortunately for the cardi- 
nal de' Medici, he had no occasion to rely on the 
clemency of the king, who, notwithstanding he is 
represented by the French historians as the best of 
monarchs, had given frequent proofs, that his re- 
sentment was as implacable in peace, as his cruelty 
was unsparing in war. (b) 

Se P F 1 r S ench f ^i this critical juncture, information was re- 
from Italy, ceived of the approach through the Tyrol of a large 
body of Swiss in the service of the pontiff. The 
number for which he had agreed was six thousand ; 
but on this occasion they were stimulated, not only 
by the certainty of pay and the hopes of plunder, 
but by their resentment against Louis XII. who, 
as they were led to believe, had undervalued their 

(a) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 598. 

(b) Of this, the massacre committed by his directions, and un- 
der his own eye, at Peschiera, in the year 1509, and his conduct 
to Bartolommeo d'Alviano, whom he retained prisoner in France 
for many years, may serve, if others were wanting, as sufficient 


courage and despised their services ; and on their CHAP. 
arrival in Italy their number was found to be no 
less than eighteen thousand. Descending into the A. D. 1512. 
territory of Verona, they were joined by the Ve- 
netian and papal troops ; the former under the com- 
mand of Gian Paolo Baglioni, the latter under that 
of the duke of Urbino ; and forming in the whole 
an army of upwards of thirty thousand men. (a) 
La Palisse had attempted to fortify himself in 
Valeggio, but finding the place too weak for de- 
fence, and being unable to contend with such su- 
perior numbers, he distributed a great part of his 
troops in the strong garrisons of Crema, Brescia, 
and Bergamo ; and with the remainder, consisting 
only of seven hundred lances, two thousand French 
infantry, and four thousand Germans, retired to 
Pontevico, a place of considerable strength, and 
well situated for maintaining a communication be- 
tween the last mentioned cities and the territory of 
Milan. (6) On the morning after his arrival at 
this place, an order was received from the empe- 
ror elect Maximilian, that the imperial soldiers in 
the pay of the king of France should instantly 
withdraw from his service. These troops, which 
were chiefly composed of Tyrolese, willing to 
shew a ready obedience to their sovereign, and 
perhaps glad to abandon the declining cause of the 
French, departed on the same day from the camp, 
and thereby occasioned the total ruin of their late 
allies. From Pontevico, la Palisse retreated to 
Pavia ; but being closely pursued by his adversa- 
ries, who had prepared theinartillery for an attack, 

(a) Muratori, Annali (T Jtal. vol. x. p. 84. 

(b) Guicciard. lib. x. vol. i. p. 601. 


CIJAP. he suddenly quitted that place and took the road 
_____ to Asti. This was the final relinquishment of all 
A. D. 1512. attempts on the part of the French to maintain 

A J&A. 37 

their conquests in Italy. The inhabitants of Milan, 
exasperated at the restless tyranny of their rulers, 
had already expelled them from the city, and ter- 
minated the proceedings of the conciliabulum, at 
the very moment when it had passed a decree for 
suspending the pope from the exercise of his func- 
tions. No sooner were the inhabitants of Lombar- 
dy freed from the apprehensions of the French 
army, than their hatred burst forth in acts of vio- 
lence and revenge. All the French soldiers and 
merchants found in Milan, amounting in the whole 
to about fifteen hundred persons, were indiscrimi- 
nately slaughtered. In other towns of the Mila- 
nese similar massacres occurred. Even whilst the 
French soldiery were retreating towards the Alps, 
they were pursued and harassed by the peasantry : 
who destroyed without mercy such as from incau- 
tion, or infirmity, were found at a distance from 
the main body, (a) 

The Cardi- ^ n quitting the city of Milan, the French cardi- 
jf i^ffotT nals had brought along with them, by the express 
his escape, orders of Louis XII. the cardinal legate de' Medici ; ' 
but the important change which had taken place 
in the affairs of Italy, and the hurry and confusion 
which prevailed among the retreating party, soon 
Suggested to him the practicability of ah escape. 
They had already arrived at the banks of the Po, 
and were preparing to cross the stream, when the 
cardinal, pretending to be sick, was allowed to re- 
pose during the night at the pieve or rectory of 
Cairo. Having thus obtained a favourable op- 

(a) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 86. 


portunity of effecting his purpose, he communi- CHAP. 

cated his intentions to the abate Bengallo, who 

had attended on him with great fidelity, request- A. D. 1512. 

A ./Ft "1 

ing him to use his endeavours to influence some 
person of rank or authority in the vicinity to af- 
ford him a temporary refuge. The request of 
Bengallo was fortunately made to Rinaldo Zazzi, a 
man of family, who had exercised in his youth the 
profession of arms, and was considered as the 
chief person in the district. His entreaties, which 
he is said to have urged with tears, might, howe- 
ver, have failed of their effect, had they not been 
accompanied by a favourable concurrence of cir- 
cumstances. The memory of Lorenzo de' Medici, 
who had so long been the pacificator of Italy, and 
the importance of whose loss had been so fully 
shewn, was yet fresh in the public mind, and in- 
duced a favourable disposition towards his family. 
Nor was the cardinal himself known by any other 
qualities than such as conciliated esteem and re- 
spect. Such are the motives to which Jovius has 
attributed the compliance of Rinaldo ; but to these 
he might have added the declining state of the 
French cause, which, whilst it rendered the fu- 
gitives more earnest to effect their own escape 
than to prevent that of the cardinal, at the same 
time encouraged the efforts of their opponents. The 
consent of Rinaldo was, however, obtained only 
upon condition that Isimbardi, another person of 
some importance in the neighbourhood, and of an 
opposite party to Rinaldo, would also assent to 
the measure. Isimbardi, though with great reluc- 
tance, was at length prevailed upon to afford his 
assistance ; and by the concurrence of these new 

K 2 


CHAP. an( j unexpected friends, a small party of the inhabi- 

' tants was secretly armed, for the purpose of rescu- 

A.D. i5i-2. ing the cardinal from his conductors. No sooner 

A..Et.37. ,. ,_ . 

were the necessary preparations made, than mior- 
mation of them was despatched by Rinaldo to the 
abate ; but even then, the attempt had nearly mis- 
carried, by a mistake of the messenger, who meet- 
ing with another ecclesiastic of the same rank as 
Bengallo, was on the point of communicating to 
him the purport of his errand before he was aware 
of his error. The French detachment, among 
whom was the cardinal, were now preparing to em- 
bark, but some pretext was still found by him for 
delay, and he was among the last who arrived a^. 
the banks of the river. Mounted on his mule, he 
had now reached the side of the vessel, when a sud- 
den tumult, raised by Rinaldo and his followers, af- 
forded him a pretext for turning about, as if to see 
from. what cause it arose. In a moment he found 
himself encircled by his friends, who without much 
difficulty, or any bloodshed, repelled the efforts of 
those who attempted to prevent his escape. Thus 
happily liberated, the cardinal now assumed the 
habit of a common soldier, and passing the Po by 
night, arrived at the castle of Bernardo Malespina, 
a relation of Isimbardi. He had here to encoun- 
ter new dangers. Bernardo was of the French fac- 
tion, and the recommendations of Isimbardi lost 
their effect. The cardinal was thrust into a dove- 
house and closely guarded, whilst a messenger was 
despatched by Malespina to the French general 
Trivulzib, to inform him of the illustrious fugitive 
who had fallen into his hands, and to request di- 
rections in what manner he should dispose of him. 


Trivulzio, though in the service of France, was CHAP. 
by birth and disposition an Italian. He saw that _ 
the cause of the French was ruined, and was un- A. D. 1512. 
willing to aggravate the misfortunes of his coun- A ' ^ 3: 
tryman ; and by his recommendation, or conni- 
vance, the cardinal was once more restored to 
liberty. Arriving at Voghiera, he met with a 
priest who supplied him with horses, with which 
he hastened to Piacenza, where he first found him- 
self in a place of safety. He soon afterwards re- 
passed the Po and proceeded to Mantua, at which 
city he was received with great kindness by the 
marquis Francesco Gonzaga, whom he accompa- 
nied to his villa of Anda, where he speedily reco- 
vered from the effects of his fatigues, (a) 

(a) Jovius, in vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 49. This escape of the 
cardinal de' Medici is considered by Egidius of Viterbo as mira- 
culout. " Ego enim, id tantum dixerim ; a Domino factum est 
istud, et praeter omnia quae antea multis seculis gesta sunt, est 
mirabile oculis nostris." Ep. ad Seraphinum, in torn. iii. vet. monu- 
ment, ap. Brandolini, LEO. p. 87. 

The name of Anda, Ande, or Andes, no longer remains ; but 
count Bossi has sufficiently shewn that this villa was precisely the 
scite of the present Pietole, about two miles from Mantua ; at a 
little distance from which is an ancient palace, formerly belonging 
to the Marchesi Gonzaga, where the cardinal de' Medici found a 
secure retreat, v. Ital. ed. vol. iii. p. 220. 

The Cav. Rosmini informs us, that the story of the liberation of 
the cardinal was painted on the walls of the saloon in the palace 
of the Marchesi Isimbardi at Cairo, where it yet remains, with the 
following inscription : 

" Tibi vero, Octaviane Isimbarde, Florentia Mediceum, Itala 
Heroem, orbis Leonem X. debent ; quern scilicet profligati apud 
Ravennam fccderatorum exercitus, Legatum et Captivum ad Bas- 
signanam, fugatis Gallicis turmis Ecclesia dexteram futurwn 
aliyuando reddidisti." 

Some time after his attainment to the pontificate (20th August, 


CHAP. The sudden retreat of the French army from 
. Italy had left little more to be done by the allies 

A. D. 1512. than to divide amongst themselves the territories 

A JE\. 37 

which had thus been abandoned to their fate. 

to f rtresses of Brescia, Cremona, and a few 

the Roman smaller places, were yet held by the French ; but 

See * * T 

the cities of Romagna once more avowed their al- 
legiance to the pope. The states of Parma and 
Piacenza, which were claimed by the pontiff as 
part of the exarchate of Ravenna, also submitted 
to his authority ; and, if we may judge from the 
expression of the public voice on this occasion, 
the satisfaction of the inhabitants was not less 
than that of the pope, who had reunited these im- 
portant domains to the territories of the church, (a) 
The duke of Urbino, at the head of a powerful 
body of troops, summoned Bologna to surrender. 
The Bentivoli, deprived of all hopes of succour, 
thought themselves sufficiently fortunate to effect 
their escape, and on the tenth day of June, 1512, 
the city capitulated to the papal arms. To such 
a degree was the pope exasperated against the in- 

1516,) Leo X. granted a bull of plenary indulgence to all who 
should visit the collegiate church at Cairo, on two certain days of 
the year, in which he refers to the circumstances of his escape, and 
particularly to the assistance of Rinaldo Zazzi. v. Rosmini, vol. i. 
p. 450. 

(a) The oration on the part of the citizens of Parma, made by 
Giacomo Bajardo, one of their ambassadors to the pope, has been 
preserved in the archives of the Vatican. On the same occasion, 
Francesco Maria Grapaldo addressed a copy of Latin verses to Ju- 
lius II. as the liberator of Italy, for which it appears that Julius 
honoured him with the title of poet-laureat. Some account of Gra- 
paldo and his various writings may be found in Affo, Scrittori Par- 
migiani, vol. iii. p. 136. His verses to the pope are given with the 
oration of Bajardo in the Appendix, No. LXVI. 


habitants, who had opposed his authority, torn CHAP. 
down his statue, and treated his name with con- 
tempt, that he subjected them to grievous fines, A. 0.1512. 
and deprived them of many of their privileges, A " Et ' 3? 
threatening even to demolish the place, and re- 
move the inhabitants to Cento, (a) The return of 
the cardinal de' Medici, who soon afterwards as- 
sumed the government as legate of the district, 
allayed the apprehensions of the populace, and re- 
stored the tranquillity of the city, (b) The fuor- 
usciti, or refugees, who had been expelled on ac- 
count of their adherence to the pope, returned at 
the same time ; and as the victorious party ex- 
pressed their joy, whilst the friends of the Benti- 
voli were obliged to repress their vexation, the 
whole city seemed to resound only with acclama- 
tions and applause. 

Although the celebrated Italian commander Fa- The Coion- 
brizio Colonna, had been made a prisoner at the 
battle of Ravenna, he was more fortunate than the 
cardinal de' Medici, having fallen into the hands dangerous 

situation at 

of Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, who knew his worth Rome. 
and treated him with the respect due to his high 
and unimpeachable character. Louis XII. had at 
different times requested that Fabrizio might be 
delivered over to his generals, to be transferred to 
France ; but the duke found reasons to excuse his 
non-compliance, till the total expulsion of the 
French from Italy enabled him to gratify the ge- 
nerosity of his own disposition, by freely restor- 
ing his captive to liberty, (c) The bloody contest 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. x. vol. i. p. 604. 
(V) Jovius, in vita Leon X. lib. ii. p. 51. 
(c) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 81. 


CHAP, in which the duke had been compelled to take 

' so active a part, being now terminated, he be- 

A.D. 1512. came desirous of obtaining a reconciliation with 

A It 37 

the pope, and an absolution from the spiritual 
censures under which he yet laboured ; and as 
Fabrizio, on quitting Ferrara, had returned to 
Rome, the duke availed himself of his services to 
discover the disposition of the pope, as to the 
terms on which he would concede his pardon. Ju- 
lius expressed no great reluctance in complying 
with the wishes of the duke, but suggested, that 
some important arrangements were previously re- 
quisite, for which reason his presence would be ne- 
cessary in Rome. A safe conduct was accordingly 
granted by the pope ; and the Spanish ambassador, 
in the name of his sovereign, also pledged himself 
to the duke for his secure return, (a) In the month 
of June, 1512, he quitted his capital, (b) and on 
his arrival at Rome was admitted into the consis- 
tory, where he humbly requested pardon for hav- 
ing borne arms against the holy see ; entreating 
to be restored to favour, and promising to conduct 
himself in future as a faithful son and feudatory of 
the church. Julius received him with apparent 
kindness, and deputed six cardinals to treat with 
him as to the terms of the proposed reconciliation; 
but the surprise of the duke may be well conceived 
when the ecclesiastics proposed to him that he 
should divest himself of the territory of Ferrara, 
which he had derived through a long train of il- 
lustrious ancestors, and should accept as a com- 
pensation the remote and unimportant city of Asti, 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 5. 

(b) Muratori, Annali d' Ital. vol. x. p. 87. 


to which the pope had of late asserted some pre- CHAP. 
tensions, (a) Of all his family there was no one 
less likely than Alfonso to have submitted to such A . D . 1512 . 
a disgrace; but his astonishment was converted A - x - i - 37 - 
into indignation, on hearing, that whilst he was 
humbly suing for pardon at Rome, the duke of 
Urbino, at the head of the papal troops, had en- 
tered his dominions, and had occupied not only 
all such parts of Romagna as had been united 
with the duchy of Ferrara, but the towns of Cento, 
Brescello, Carpi, and Finale ; and had even pre- 
vailed upon the inhabitants of the important city 
of Reggio to admit him within their walls, (b) 
The design of the pope in requesting the presence 
of the duke in Rome, if not already sufficiently 
apparent, was further manifested by his refusal to 
allow him to quit the city and return to his own 
dominions. To no purpose did the Spanish am- 
bassador and the nobles of the family of Colonna, 
some of whom were closely connected by affinity 
with the pope, intercede with him for the strict 
and honourable performance of his engagement. 
Julius answered their remonstrances only by re- 
proaches and threats. Convinced of his perfidious 
intentions, and anxious for the preservation of 
their own honour, Fabrizio and Marc Antonio 
Colonna, resolved to rescue the duke from the 
danger to which he was exposed. Having, there- 
fore, selected a small band of their confidential ad- 
herents, Fabrizio rode at their head towards the 
gate of S. John Lateran, followed at a short dis- 
tance by the duke and Marc Antonio ; but to his 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d 1 Ital. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 2. 
(6) Muratori, Annali d'ltal. vol. x. p. 87. 


CHAP, surprise, he found the gates more strongly guarded 
Ix> than usual, and his further progress opposed. It 
A. D. 1512. was now, however, too late to retreat, and direct- 
A. A.i. 37. ig followers to effect a passage by force, he 

conducted the duke in safety to the fortress of the 
Colonna family at Marino. The protection of the 
duke was now intrusted to Prospero Colonna, 
who secretly conducted him through various parts 
of Italy ; but so diligently were they pursued by 
the emissaries of the pope, that the duke was fre- 
quently obliged to change his disguise, and after 
having for upwards of three months appeared in 
the successive characters of a soldier, a cook, a 
hunter, and a monk, he had the good fortune to 
arrive in safety at Ferrara. (a) If, amidst the long 
catalogue of treachery and of crimes, it be plea- 
sant to record a generous action, it is doubly so to 
find that such action met with a grateful return. 
Ariostoam- The vexation and resentment which the pope 

bassador . . . 

from the manifested on this occasion were extreme ; and 
r^to thT the duke was not without apprehensions that he 
pope * might have sufficient influence with the allies, to 
induce them to turn their arms against Ferrara. 
He determined, therefore, if possible, to mitigate, 
his anger by a respectful and submissive embassy; 
but such was the well-known character of the 
pontiff, that he found it difficult to prevail on any 
of his courtiers to undertake the task. At length 
he fixed upon the poet Ariosto for this purpose, 
who preferring the will of his prince to his own 
safety hastened to Rome. On his arrival he found 
that the pope had quitted the city, and retired to 

(a) Jovius, in vita Alfonsi, p. 178. Sardi, Historic Ferraresi, 
lib. xii. p. 226. Giraldi, Comment, delle cose di Ferrara, p. 156. 


a villa in the vicinity. To this place Atiosto fol- CHAP. 
lowed him ; but on being admitted into the pre- Ix> 
sence of his holiness, he soon discovered that the A. 0.1512. 
only chance which he had for his life was to save A -^ t<37 - 
himself by flight ; (a) the ferocious pontiff having 
threatened, that if he did not instantly quit the 
place, he would have him thrown into the sea. (b) 
The poet was happy to avail himself of the safer 
alternative, and returned with all possible expedi- 
tion to Ferrara, to relate the result of his embassy 
to the duke, (c) 

Shortly afterwards a diet was held at Mantua, Diet of 
for the purpose, real or ostensible, of securing 
the peace of Italy, at which Matteo Langio, car- 
dinal of Gurck, attended with full powers on be- 
half of the emperor elect Maximilian. The envoy 
of Julius II. on this occasion was Bernardo da 
Bibbiena, the intimate friend and faithful adhe- 
rent of the cardinal de' Medici. (</) Giuliano de' 
Medici also appeared at this meeting, for the ex- 
press purpose of obtaining the support of the diet 
in restoring the Medici to Florence, (e) The con- 

(<z) Pigna, i Romanzi, lib. ii. p. 76. Mazzuchclli, Scrittori d' 
Ital. vol. ii. p. 1063. 

(6) Tiraboschi, Storia delta Let. Ital. vol. vii. par. 3, p. 101. 

(c) To this embassy Ariosto himself alludes in his second Satire. 

" Andar piu a Roma in posta non accade, 
A placar la grand' ira di Sccondo" 

(d) Bandini, II Bibbiena, p. 8. That Bernardo had obtained 
the full confidence of this stern pontiff, appears from a letter of 
Pietro Bembo, to the brother of Bernardo. " Questo vi dico di 
vero, die di M. Bernardo tanto onoratamente sente e parla N. S. 
che e cosa da non credere, considerata la natura di Sua Santiti^ 
che di nessuno si contenta, di nessuno si suol lodare." Bemb. ep. 
24. 0o6.1512. ap. Band, ut sup. p. 9. 

(e) Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. vol. xi. pp. 2, 8. 


CHAP, duct of the Florentines, and particularly of the 

^ Gonfaloniere Soderini, had already excited in a 

A.D. 1512. high degree the resentment of Julius II. The 

A.jEt.37. ar ^ w hj c h they had acted during the late war, in 
which, under the plea of a treaty with Louis XII. 
they had supplied him both with money and 
troops, had been aggravated by the permission 
granted to the refractory cardinals to hold their 
council at Pisa. In order effectually to destroy 
the influence of the French in Italy, a change in 
the government of Florence was regarded as in- 
dispensably necessary. The pope had already sent 
to Florence his datary, Lorenzo Pucci, a native of 
that place, (a) who having many friends, and great 
influence there, endeavoured to promulgate opi- 
nions adverse to the ruling party ; insinuating 
that it was now become necessary, not only to de- 
tach the city from its connexion with France, but 
to remove Soderini from his office of Gonfaloniere, 
and call back the Medici to their former autho- 
rity. These practices had however failed of suc- 
cess, and the agent of the pope had been com- 
pelled to quit the city. (&) The diet of Mantua, 
afforded the pontiff a more favourable opportu- 
nity of effecting his purpose. Giovan-Vittorio 
Soderini, brother of the Gonfaloniere, who attend- 
ed at this meeting as envoy of the Florentines, 
endeavoured to justify the conduct of the repub- 

(a) Afterwards raised by Leo. X. to the rank of cardinal, " de 
cujus egregia animi firmitate, constantiaque, ac de singulari in 
Medicam familiam fide et observantia, cuncta sibi poterat veris- 
sime polliceri," &c. Brnndolini, LEO. p. 01. 

(b) Nerli, Commentarii, lib. v. p. 106. Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. 
lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 6. 


lie, by alleging, that in assisting the French to CHAP. 
defend their Milanese possessions, they were act- ____!_ 
ing under a particular convention, which obliged A. D. 1512. 
them to that measure, in the same manner as they 
had also stipulated to defend the Neapolitan do- 
minions of the king of Spain ; but arguments of 
this kind were of little avail. Jovius, who ap- 
pears not to have been unacquainted with politi- 
cal intrigue, attributes the failure of these repre- 
sentations to the sordid avarice of the Florentine 
envoy, who ought to have enforced them by the 
offer of a considerable sum of money to his brother 
negotiators, (a) Those who, like Jovius, judge of 
others from themselves, may frequently be in the 
right ; but the overthrow of the Gonfaloniere was 
already resolved upon, and on this occasion it may 
well be doubted whether even that powerful leni- 
tive would have softened the severity of his fate. 

No sooner had their envoy quitted the diet The Medici 
than the Florentines were declared to be enemies JJfeJJ^ 
of the league, and the Spanish forces, under the toration. 
command of Cardona, were directed to assist in 
restoring the Medici to their native place. The 
duke of Urbino, then at the head of the papal 
troops, actuated either by partiality to the cause 
of the French, of which he had frequently been 
suspected, or by envy and ill will to the cardinal 
de' Medici, refused either to take an active part, 
or to grant the use of his artillery on this occa- 

(a) " Sed cum haec una maxime pecunia facile possent expiari, 
Victorius, scientia juris et sequi, potius quam his artibus instruc- 
tus, quae ad tractandas res gravissimas necessaries existimantur, 
totam spem rei componeodae focde corrupit, quum dubitanti ava- 
roque animo, tenacius quam oporteret pecuniis parcendum arbi- 
traretur." Jav. in vita Leon, X. lib. ii p. 62. 


CHAP, sion ; nor would he even consent that such of his 
lx< troops as were commanded by the Vitelli and by 
A.D. 1512. the Orsini, the near relations of the Medici, should 
A. ^t 37. j o j n j n the attempt, (a) These commanders how- 
ever quitted his camp and joined the allied army 
in person. Having, on the ninth of August, 1512, 
passed the Appenines, Cardona arrived at Barbe- 
rino, accompanied by the cardinal de' Medici, un- 
der the title of legate of Tuscany ; and proceeded 
from thence by the Valdemarina to the plain of 
Prato. (b) They were met in their progress by 
ambassadors from the magistrates of Florence, 
who requested to be informed of the object of the 
league ; professing themselves willing to comply 
with it to the utmost of their power, and repre- 
senting in the strongest terms their adherence to 
his Catholic majesty, and the advantages which 
he might expect from their services. To this the 
viceroy replied, that his appearance there was 
not merely in consequence of the directions of his 
sovereign, but was a measure which had been re- 
solved on at the general diet at Mantua, for the 
common security of Italy, and that whilst the 
Gonfaloniere Soderini continued to preside in the 
Florentine state, the rest of Italy could have no 
assurance that the republic would not, when an 
opportunity again occurred, attach itself to the 
interests of France. He therefore required, in the 
name of the league, that the Gonfaloniere should 
be deprived of his office, and that a new form of 
government should be substituted, which might 

(a) Jovitis, in vita Leon. X. lib. u". p. 52. Guicciard. lib. xi. 
vol. ii. p. 9. 

(b) Nerli t Commentarii, lib. v. p. 107. 


enjoy the confidence of the allied powers, a mea- CHAP. 
sure that could not however be effected without 
the restoration of the Medici to their former pri- A. D. 1512. 
vileges and rights, (a) 

These propositions gave rise in Florence tovio- 
lent dissensions and debates; but before a definitive 
answer was returned, the Gonfaloniere called to- themselves - 
gether the Cansiglio maggiore, or general assem- 
bly of the citizens, whom he addressed in an ener- 
getic and affecting harangue. He represented to 
the assembly the principal transactions which had 
occurred for the space of ten years, during which 
he had enjoyed his office, and freely offered his 
services, his possessions, and his life, for the bene- 
fit of his fellow-citizens, and the preservation of 
their liberties. He professed himself willing, at 
any moment, to relinquish his authority to those 
who had so long intrusted him with it, should it 
in their opinion be likely to conduce to the gene- 
ral good; but he entreated them to be cautious, 
lest the measures which were avowedly directed 
against himself, should in the event subject the 
republic to an absolute and tyrannical authority, 
in comparison with which, the subordination in 
which they were held by Lorenzo the Magnificent 
might be considered as an age of gold, (b) The 
oration of Soderini had a most powerful effect. 
The assembly resolved that the established form 
of their government should still be maintained; 
that the Medici should be allowed to return as 
private citizens, but that the Gonfaloniere should 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. xi. pp. 2, 9. 

(b) The oration of Soderini is given by Guicciardini, lib. xi. 
pp. 2, 11 ; et v. Nerli Commentarii, lib. v. p. 108. 


CHAP, not be removed from his office; and that if the 


' commanders of the allied army should persist in 
A. D. 1512. this demand, they would defend their liberties and 

.^Et.37. ^.jjeir coun try to the last extremity, (a) 
indecision The first apprehensions of the Florentines were 
Sokrini. f r the town of Prato, about ten miles from Flo- 
rence, the garrison of which they reinforced with 
two thousand soldiers, hastily collected, and one 
hundred lances, under the command of Luca Sa- 
vello, who had grown old in arms without having 
acquired either experience or reputation, (b) To 
these was also added a body of Florentine troops, 
which after having been attacked and dispersed 
by the papal army in Lombardy, had again as- 
sembled under their leaders. The army of the 
viceroy consisted of five thousand experienced 
and well-disciplined foot soldiers, and two hun- 
dred men at arms, but they were ill supplied with 
ammunition and artillery, and even with the ne- 
cessary articles of subsistence; insomuch that their 
commander began to entertain serious apprehen- 
sions that he should not long be able to maintain 
his position. He therefore proposed to the Flo- 
rentine magistrates to withdraw his troops, with- 
out insisting on the deposition of the Gonfaloniere, 
if they would admit the Medici into the city as 
private inhabitants, and pay to him such a sum of 
money as should be agreed on, but which should 
not exceed thirty thousand ducats. For the fur- 
ther negotiation of this treaty, he granted a safe 
conduct to the Florentine envoys, and proposed 
to refrain from his projected attack on the town 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 12. 
(6) Ibid. 


of Prato, if the Florentines would send to his CHAP. 
camp a temporary supply of provisions, (a) This 
was one of those critical moments on which the A.D. 1512. 
fate of a people sometimes depends. Notwith- A '^ Et ' 37 ' 
standing the resolutions of the general assembly, 
many of the principal citizens earnestly entreated 
the Gonfaloniere to conclude the negotiation, and 
in particular to furnish the approaching army with 
the proposed supply. Soderini hesitated; and 
this hesitation accomplished his ruin, (b) In con- 
sequence of his indecision, the enemy's were pre- 
vented from returning to the enemy's camp on 
the day which had been prescribed for that pur- 
pose. The claims of hunger admit not of long 
procrastination. The town of Prato, which offer- 
ed a plentiful supply, was attacked with the only 
two pieces of artillery that accompanied the army, 
and which had been brought by the cardinal de' 
Medici from Bologna ; the garrison, which con- Prato 
sisted in the whole of upwards of four thousand 
men, shamefully abandoned its defence ; and the 
Spaniards having effected a breach rushed into 
the town, and made an indiscriminate slaughter 
as well of the inhabitants as of the soldiery. The 
number of those who perished is variously esti- 
mated from two to five thousand persons. The 
unsparing violence, licentiousness, and rapacity 
of the Spaniards, are displayed by all the Flo- 
rentine historians in terms of sorrow and execra- 

(a) Guicciurd, Storia d'ltal, lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 13. 

(6) On this occasion, Guicciardini justly remarks, " Niuna 
cosa vola piu che 1'occasione ; niuna piu pericolosa che'l giudicare 
dell' altrui profession! ; niuna piu dannosa che il sospetto immo- 
derato." Storia d* ItuL lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 13. 


CHAP, tion, (a) and it is said that if the cardinal de'Me- 


_____ dici and his brother Giuliano had not, at the risk 

A. D. 1512. of their lives, opposed themselves to the fury of 
the conquerors, these enormities would have been 
carried to a still greater excess, (b) By the exer- 
tions of the cardinal, a guard was placed at the 
door of the great church, whither the chief part 
of the females had retreated for safety ; (c) but 
that these precautions were not always sufficient 
to answer the intended purpose, is evident from 
the instances which have been given of the mag- 
nanimous conduct of some of the women on this 
occasion, (rf) 

() Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. v. pp. 149, 153. Nerli, Comment, 
lib. v. p. 109. Guicciard. lib. xi. 

(b) " Legatus tamen flendo, et notos quosque milites depre- 
cando, Julianusque item frater, et Julius patruelis multos conser- 
varunt, quum neque pecuniae neque periculis ullis parcerent, et 
sese vulneribus objectare minime dubitarent, modo ante omnia 
Matronarum et Virginum pudorem adversus militum Hbidinem 
tuerentur." Jovius, in vita Leon. X. lib. ii. p. 53. 

(c) " Non sarebbe stata salva cosa alcuna dall' avaritia, libi- 
dine, e crudelta de' vincitori, se il cardinale de' Medici, messe 
guardie alia chiesa maggiore,' non havesse conservata 1' onesta 
delle Donne, le quali quasi tutte vi erano rifuggite." Guicciard. 
lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 14. Other authors, however, affirm that no re- 
spect or mercy was shewn either to the sanctuaries of religion, or 
even to children in the arms. v. Nardi, lib. v. p. 143. Muratori, 
Armnli d'ltal. vol. x. p. 88. Ammirato, vol. iii. p. 307. 

(d) One of these is that of a young lady, who to preserve her 
chastity, precipitated herself from the balcony of the house into 
the street, and perished by the fall. Another is a transaction of 
a much more equivocal nature. The wife of an artificer, having 
been compelled by a soldier to accompany him for several years, 
at length found an opportunity of revenging herself on her ra- 
Tisher, by cutting his throat as he lay asleep ; after which she re- 
turned to her husband at Prato, bringing with her five hundred 
gold ducats, which she presented to him as a recompense for her 
violated chastity. Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 149. 


The intelligence of this alarming transaction CHAP - 
was received by the Florentine envoys, as they " 
were proceeding to the camp of the allies to con- A. 0.1512. 
elude the negotiation ; but the opportunity for 
reconciliation was now past, and they therefore 
speedily returned to Florence to apprize their fel- 
low-citizens of the event. Though distinguished 
by many good qualities, the Gonfaloniere was not 
possessed of the courage and promptitude requi- 
site on such an occasion. No effectual measures 
were yet taken for the defence of the city ; and 
his impolitic adherence to the French had, in this 
emergency, left him without an ally. His help- 
less condition was too evident not to be perceived 
by the friends of the Medici within the city, who 
resolved not to wait the approach of the viceroy 
for effecting a revolution. About thirty young 
men of the principal families, uniting themselves 
in a body, entered the palace of magistracy, and 
seizing on the Gonfaloniere, threatened to put him 
to death if he did not instantly accompany them ; 
at the same time offering him an asylum in the 
house of Piero Vettori, two of whose sons had 
engaged in the undertaking, and pledging their 
faith for his personal safety. Unprovided with 
the means of resistance, and deserted by his ad- 
herents, Soderini peaceably submitted to his fate ; 
and the insurgents having called together the 
other magistrates, and obtained a solemn deposi- 
tion of the Gonfaloniere, entered into an imme- 
diate treaty with the viceroy, (a) By this act of 
violence, which is always adverted to by the Flo- 
fa) Guicciurd. Storia d'ltal. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 15. JVarrfi, 
Ittor. Fior. lib. v. p. 153. 

L 2 


CHAP, rentine historians with great disapprobation and 
' regret, the free constitution of the city received 


A.D.J512. its fatal wound; hut it may justly be doubted 

A tLS? ' 

' whether, if such an event had not taken place, the 
consequences would not have been still more to 
be lamented. Had the allied army entered the 
city in an hostile manner, an absolute and severe 
dominion would probably have been substituted 
for the more moderated authority which the Me- 
dici continued to exercise for several years after 
their return ; whilst the carnage and devastation 
which would have ensued might have added new 
horrors to the page of history, already too deeply 
stained with the relation of similar events. 
He escapes The friends of the Medici within the city hav- 
er- m g tnus accomplished their purpose, conducted 
Soderini on the same evening from the house of 
Vettori, and sent him under a guard to Siena ; to 
which place he was also accompanied by several 
of his relations and friends. Here he obtained 
from the pope a passport to proceed to Rome ; 
but having been apprized by his brother, the car- 
dinal Soderini, that Julius had a design to despoil 
him of his riches, which he was supposed to have 
amassed to a considerable amount, he hastened to 
Ancona, where he took shipping and proceeded to 
Ragusa. Being informed soon after his arrival, 
that the pope had expressed great resentment 
against him, he quitted Ragusa, and took up his 
residence within the Turkish dominions, (a) In 
effecting his escape he had been assisted by An- 
tonio di Segna, who had been sent to him by his 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 15. Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. 
v. p. 152. 


brother to apprize him of the danger which would c H A p * 
attend his visit to Rome. Antonio had no sooner __ 
returned to the city, than he was seized upon by A. u. 1512. 
the order of the pope and committed to prison, 
where he was subjected to the torture, to compel 
him to discover the place of retreat of the Gonfa- 
loniere, and the circumstances attending his es- 
cape. Being liberated in the course of a few 
days, he returned to his house, where he soon af- 
terwards died, in consequence of the sufferings 
which he had undergone, (a) leaving on the me- 
mory of Julius II. a stain which will present it- 
self in strong colours, as often as his name occurs 
to the notice of posterity. 

On the last day of August, 1512, Giuliano de' Restoration 
Medici entered the city of Florence, from which did toFJo- 
he had been expelled with his brothers, eighteen " 
years before. He was accompanied by Francesco 
Albizi, at whose house he alighted, and where he 
was visited by most of the principal families in the 
place. On this occasion it was remarked, that 
many of those who had been the most forward in 
offering their lives and fortunes in the support of 
Soderini, were the most assiduous in their endea- 
vours to secure the favourable opinion of Giu- 
liano de' Medici. (A) It was not, however, until 
the viceroy Cardona entered the city, that the 

(a) " Ma il papa, parendogli cssere stato ingannato, n^ potcn- 
do con altri isfogare la sua cnllora, tomato che fu Antonio di 
Segna a Roma, lo fecc mettere in prigione, ove hebbc ancora /- 
ami tratti di curda, cd csscndo poi ritornato a casa sua ammalato, 
in pochi di fini sua vita ; c tale fu il ristoro, ch' egli ebbe dell' 
nmorevole servizio fatto al cardinale cd a Piero Soderini." Nardi t 
lib. v. p. 152. 

(b) Ntrli, Comment, lib. v. p. 11. 


CHAP, depending negotiations were finally terminated. 

_J Seating himself in the vacant chair of the Gonfa- 

A.D.1512. loniere, he prescribed to the magistrates the terms 

* >!?* *3*7 

' of the treaty on which alone he would consent to 
withdraw his army. His propositions, although 
confusedly expressed or ill understood by his re- 
luctant hearers, who were still eager to preserve, 
at least, the external forms and shadows of liberty, 
were assented to without opposition, (a) In these 
discussions the Medici displayed great moderation. 
They only demanded that they should be allowed 
to return as private citizens, and should have the 
right of purchasing their forfeited property and 
effects at the prices for which they had been sold 
by government ; paying also the amount of such 
sums as had been laid out in their improvement. 
With respect to the political connexions of the 
state, it was agreed that the Florentines should 
enter into the league with the other allies for the 
common defence of Italy ; that they should pay to 
the emperor elect Maximilian forty thousand du- 
cats, to the viceroy Cardona, on behalf of his so- 
vereign, eighty thousand, and for his own use, 
twenty thousand ; and they also engaged in a par- 
ticular alliance with Ferdinand of Aragon for the 
mutual defence of their respective possessions, (b) 
The return of the Medici to their native place 

(a) " Le quali cose pero erano da lui dette tanto confusamente, 
che poco si poteva intendere, quali dovessero essere questi prov- 
vedimenti, e questi modi dello assicurare ; oltre che, et 1'udire et 
1'intendere de gli uomini erano per dolore et dispiacimento dell' 
animo in modo impedito et preoccupato da gravi pensieri, che poco 
le sue parole s' attendevano." Nardi, Hist, di Fior. lib. v. p. 151. 

(b) Nardi, Hist. Fior. lib. v. p. 151. Ncrli, Comment, lib. v. 
p. 110. vol. vi. p. 113. 


had already overthrown the popular form of the CHAP. 
Florentine government, and the expulsion of the 
Gonfaloniere rendered it necessary to adopt new A. D. 1512. 
regulations for the conduct of the state. As the A -^ u37 - 
cardinal yet remained at Prato, the magistrates Extinction 

. . ofthepc- 

and principal executive officers met together, and put" go- 
admitting Giuliano and his adherents to their v ' 
councils, they attempted to form such a system, 
as, whilst it sanctioned the return of the Medici, 
might counterbalance the preponderating influ- 
ence which that family had before enjoyed. To 
this end, they proposed that the Gonfaloniere 
should be elected for one year only, and that he 
should not be allowed to carry on any negotiation, 
or hold correspondence with foreign powers, with- 
out a thorough participation with the other mem- 
bers of the state. A council of eighty citizens was 
to be chosen every six months, and the principal 
magistrates were to be created by the Comiglio 
grande, as had formerly been the custom, (a) In 
these regulations Giuliano, who is said to have in- 
herited the mildness and urbanity of his ancestor 
Veri de' Medici, rather than the political sagacity 
and vigilance of the great Cosmo, readily con- 
curred ; and Giovan-Battista Ridolfi was appointed 
the first Gonfaloniere under the reformed govern- 
ment. It soon however appeared, that by this 
institution the Medici were left without authority 
at the mercy of their opponents ; and as the new 
Gonfaloniere was not only a man of great influ- 
ence, but strongly attached to the popular party, 
apprehensions were justly entertained that as soon 
as the Spanish troops should be withdrawn from 

(a) Nerli, Comment, lib. vi. pp. 112, 114. 


CHAP, the vicinity, the Medici and their adherents would 
' again be expelled. In this emergency many of 
A. D. 1512. the chief citizens resorted to the cardinal at Prato, 
A. JEt.37. concer f; e( i with him, and with Giulio de' Me- 

dici and Lorenzo, the son of the unfortunate Piero, 
the means of repairing the error of Giuliano, and 
of establishing the government in the same man- 
ner as it had been conducted before the expulsion 
of the Medici in 1494. (a) Whilst the members 
of the senate were debating on the best mode of 
carrying into effect the proposed system of their 
government, the palace was surrounded by armed 
men, who put a speedy period to their delibera- 
tions. In their stead a new council of sixty-six 
citizens was appointed, the members of which 
were known to be wholly devoted to the Medici. 
Ridolfi was compelled to renounce the office of 
Gonfaloniere, which he had so lately accepted. 
The brother and nephews of Piero Soderini were 
ordered to be confined at different places within 
the Florentine territory, and Giuliano was ex- 
pressly acknowledged as chief of the state. () 
This event may be considered as the overthrow 
of the popular government of Florence, and it may 
perhaps be doubted whether, if the rights of the 
citizens had been less rigidly insisted on in the 
deliberations held with Giuliano de' Medici, a 
greater share of authority might not have been 
preserved to the people at large than it was after- 
wards possible to secure. The freedom of a state 
is as much endangered by intemperance and vio- 
lence, as by indifference and neglect ; and when 

(a) Ncrli, Comment, lib. vi. p. 115. 

(b) Ibid. 


once the spirit of opposition is roused to such a CHAP. 
pitch, that either party sees its own destruction 

in the success of the other, they both resort by A. D. 1512. 
common consent to the indiscriminating authority A -^ u37 - 
of a despot, as the only shelter from that political 
resentment, which, whilst it professes to aim only 
at the public good, seems to be of all passions the 
most unextinguishable and the most ferocious. 

About the same time that the Medici returned Restoration 
to Florence, Maximilian Sforza, the son of Lodo- fi^sfo". 
vico, who had for several years found a refuge at jJJ eofMl ~ 
the imperial court, was restored by the arms of 
the league to the supreme authority of the state 
of Milan, as had been agreed on at the diet of 
Mantua, (a) He entered his capital on the fif- 
teenth day of December, 1512, amidst the rejoic- 
ings of the populace, accompanied by the chief 
commanders of the allied troops, and an immense 
concourse of Italian, German, Spanish, and Swiss 
nobility and captains, (b] These important ser- 
vices were not, however, rendered to him, with- 
out such claims for compensation as greatly dimi- 
nished their value. The Swiss laid him under 
heavy contributions for their pay, and the pope 
had already divested his dominions of the impor- 
tant territories of Parma and Piacenza. Unfor- 
tunately for the repose of Italy, the young duke 
was not endowed with vigour and talents to con- 
tend with those who had long been exercised in 
political intrigues, and habituated to violence and 
plunder ; and the state of Milan, which ought to 

(a) Guicciard, lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 7. 

(6) Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, vol. x. p. 90. 


CHAP, have been the barrier of Italy against the danger- 

^ ous inroads of the French, was debilitated and 

A.D. 1512. abridged, at the very time when it should, in 
A.^Et.37. soun( j policy, have been invigorated and support- 
ed by every possible means. 

adoSb With the suppression of the fanatical party, 
the Medici formed under the influence of Savonarola, and the 

to secure 

their power, restoration of the Medici to Florence, the vivacity 
and gaiety of the inhabitants returned, and the 
spectacles and amusements for which that city had 
formerly been remarkable were revived. Among 
other methods adopted by the Medici to strengthen 
their own authority, and conciliate the favour of 
the populace, was the institution of two companies, 
or orders of merit. One of these was denominated 
the order of the diamond, alluding to the impresa, 
or emblem of a diamond ring with three feathers, 
and the motto, semper, adopted by Lorenzo the 
Magnificent, and now restored by his youngest 
son, Giuliano, with a view of securing his own in- 
fluence by recalling the memory of his father. 
The other order, of which Lorenzo de' Medici, 
the son of the unfortunate Piero, was considered 
as the chief, was called the company of the bron- 
cone, in allusion to the impresa of Piero, repre- 
senting trunks of wood consuming in the midst of 
flames, (a) This society was chiefly composed of 
the younger part of the citizens, who from their 
rank and time of life were judged to be most suit- 
able companions for Lorenzo, upon whom, as the 
representative of the elder branch of his family, 
the authority which it had enjoyed in the state 

(a) v. ante, chap. vii. p. 28. 


was expected to devolve, (a) To the members of CHAP. 
these societies precedence was given on public 
occasions, and it was their particular province to A. 0.1512. 
preside over the festivals, triumphs, and exhibi- A ' JEi '* 1 - 
tions, which now once more enlivened the city of 
Florence, and which were doubtless intended to 
turn the attention of the people from the consi- 
deration of their new state of political degrada- 
tion. In compliance with the fashion of the times 
the cardinal also adopted an emblem, which suffi- 
ciently manifested his intention to retain the au- 
thority which he had thus, by the labour of so 
many years, regained in his native place ; but in 
choosing on this occasion the decisive representa- 
tion of the giogo, or yoke, he endeavoured to ren- 
der it less offensive by the scriptural motto, Jugum 
meum suave est, et onus meum leve. " My yoke is 
easy, and my burthen light." (&) It is however 
highly probable, that such an unlimited assump- 
tion of absolute power as that emblem implies, 
was not compensated by the language which ac- 
companied it, in the estimation of those inflexible 
friends to the liberties of their country, many of 
whom still remained within the city; and who 
were well aware, that if they were once effectually 
placed under the yoke, the weight of it must in 
future depend upon the will of their master. 

(a) Nerli, Commentarii, lib. vi. p. 121. Nardi, Histor. Fior. lib. 
vi. p. 158. 

(b) Ammirato, Ritratto di Leone X. Opusc. vol. iii. p. 73. On 
the return of the cardinal, he received a letter of congratulation 
from M. Angelo de Castrocaro, who seems to have been a zealous 
adherent of the family. This letter, not before printed, is given 
in the Appendix, No. LXVII. 


CHAP. The return of the Medici to Florence had not 

Ix - been signalized by any act of severity against the 

A. D. 1513. adverse party ; yet neither the moderation of the 

A. <sf 38. car ^inal in this respect, nor the means adopted by 

Conspiracy n irn and his family, to gratify the people by pub- 

againstthe v> * J J 

Medici. lie spectacles and amusements, could prevent the 
dangerous effects of individual dissatisfaction and 
resentment. Scarcely had the public ferment sub- 
sided, than a project was formed for the destruction 
of the Medici and the restoration of the ancient go- 
vernment, the chief promoter of which was Pietro 
Paolo Boscoli, a young man of family, whose pro- 
ficiency in literature had led him to the contempla- 
tion of the examples of ancient courage, and in- 
spired him with that enthusiasm for liberty which is 
of all passions the most noble and the most dange- 
rous. In the Medici, he saw the oppressors of his 
country; and whilst he dwelt with admiration 
on the splendid treachery of Brutus, he avowed 
his determination to imitate him if another Cassius 
could be found to second his efforts. Such an as- 
sociate was soon discovered in Agostino Capponi. 
Many persons of great reputation and extensive in- 
fluence secretly favoured the enterprise, and a plan 
was concerted for the assassination of the obnoxious 
parties. An accident, occasioned by the negligence 
of Capponi, prevented however the execution of 
their project, and not only involved in destruction 
both himself and his companion, but led to the ac- 
cusation of many citizens of the first respectability. 
As Capponi was entering the house of the Pucci, 
a paper fell from his bosom, which contained the 
names of such persons as had either engaged in the 
conspiracy, or were thought by those with whom 


it originated likely to favour their cause. This CHAP. 
dangerous scroll was immediately communicated _ 
to the magistrates. Boscoli and Capponi were A. D. 1513. 
apprehended, and on their examination confirmed Atit ' 38 - 
the suspicions to which the paper had given rise. 
Among those who appeared to have been implicat- 
ed in the conspiracy were Cosmo de' Pazzi, arch- 
bishop of Florence, Nicolo Valori, the biographer 
of Lorenzo the Magnificent, the celebrated histo- 
rian Nicolo Machiavelli, then secretary of the re- 
public, Giovanni Folchi, Piero Orlandini, and 
many other persons of eminence, all of whom were 
ordered to be closely confined until their guilt or 
their innocence might be ascertained by a further 
inquiry, (a) 

In the midst of the agitation to which this alarm- Death of 
ing discovery gave rise, the attention of the cardi- Julm811 
nal de' Medici was suddenly called to a yet more 
important object, which induced him to quit the 
city of Florence in the midst of the investigation, 
and to proceed, with as much expedition as the 
state of his health would permit, to Rome. This 
was the death of the supreme pontiff Julius II. 
which happened on the twenty-first day of Febru- 
ary, in the year 1513. 

Notwithstanding the ample successes which, in 
the latter part of his life, had attended the arms 
and crowned the designs of Julius II. they were 
by no means commensurate with the reach of his 
ambition, and the extent of his views. Not satis- 
fied with having acted the principal part in the ex- 
pulsion of the French from Italy, he had deter- 
mined to free that country from all foreign powers, 

(a) Ncrli, Commentarii, lib. vi. p. 123. 


CHAP, and to model its governments at his own pleasure. 
^ Hence he certainly meditated hostilities against his 

A. D. 1513. ally, the king of Spain, whose sovereignty of Naples 
Mi ' m ' was incompatible with his designs. If heaven be 
willing, said he, shaking the staff which supported 
his aged steps, and trembling with rage, the Nea- 
politans shall in a short time have another master. (a) 
The late proceedings of the Medici in Florence 
had, however, given him no slight offence ; inas- 
much as they had not required his participation or 
concurrence in the political arrangements of the 
place, but had secured to themselves a supreme 
and independent authority, (b) But whilst Julius 
was immersed in these meditations, he forgot the 
uncertain tenure by which he held his own exis- 
tence, and a few days' sickness terminated his ex- 
tensive projects and laid him to rest. It has been 
asserted, that he died phrenetic, exclaiming, Out 
of Italy, French! Out, Alfonso of Este ! butMu- 
ratori conjectures that he retained his reason to 
the last ; (c) and it is indeed highly probable that 
those expressions, which were considered as the 
proofs of delirium, were nothing more than the ef- 
fects of The ruling passion, strong in death. 

Hischarac- The foregoing pasfcs have afforded us sufficient 

ter and con- 
duct consi- opportunities ot appreciating the character and ta- 
lents of Julius II. Bold, enterprising, ambitious, 
and indefatigable, he neither sought repose him- 
self, nor allowed it to be enjoyed by others. In 
searching for a vicar of Christ upon earth, it would 
indeed have been difficult to have found a person 

(a) Muratori, Annali d' Italia, vol. x. p. 9*2. 

(b) Ibid. 

(c) Ibid. 


whose conduct and temper were more directly op- CHAP. 
posed to the mild spirit of Christianity, and the 
example of its founder ; but this was not the test by A.D. 1513. 
which the conclave judged of the qualifications of A -^ t<38 - 
a pontiff, who was now no longer expected to se- 
clude himself from the cares of the world in order 
to attend to the spiritual concerns of his flock. Ju- 
lius II. is therefore not to be judged by a rule of 
conduct, which he neither proposed to himself nor 
was expected to conform to by others. His vigo- 
rous and active mind corresponded with the rest- 
less spirit of the times, and his good fortune raised 
him to an eminence from which he looked down 
on the proudest sovereigns of the earth. His am- 
bition was not, however, the passion of a grovel- 
ling mind, nor were the advantages which he 
sought to attain of a temporary or personal nature. 
To establish the authority of the holy see through- 
out Europe, to recover the dominions of the church, 
to expel all foreign powers, or, as they were then 
called, barbarians, from Italy, and to restore that 
country to the dominion of its native princes, were 
the vast objects of his comprehensive mind. These 
objects he lived in a great degree to accomplish ; 
and it may well be doubted whether, if he had en- 
tered on his career at an earlier period of life, he 
would not have carried his designs into full effect. 
In suppressing the vicars of the church and unit- 
ing their territories to the holy see, he completed 
what Alexander VI. had begun ; but without in- 
curring an equal degree of odium to that which has 
been attached to the memory of his predecessor. 
The Italian historians have not, however, shewn 
themselves favourable to his fame ; and Guicciar- 


CHAP, dini asserts, (a) " That if he be considered as a great 
. man, it is only by those, who having forgotten the 

A. D. 1513. right meaning of words, and confused the distinc- 
tions of a sound judgment, conceive that it is rather 
the office of a supreme pontiff to add to the domi- 
nion of the apostolic see by Christian arms and 
Christian blood, than to afford the example of a 
well regulated life." 

That the martial character of this pontiff, who 
frequently led his v troops in person, tended to di- 
minish the reverence due to the holy see, and like 
the enormities of Alexander VI. prepared the way 
for the reformation which speedily followed, has 
been conjectured by many writers, and seems in- 
deed highly probable, (b) In his private life he is 
said to have been addicted to the inordinate use of 
wine, which may account for some of the eccen- 
tricities recorded of him ; (c) but it is admitted by 
all writers that he did not, like too many pontiffs, 
disgrace his pontificate by dissipating the reve- 

(rt) Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 31. 

(b) The life and actions of Julius II. are sarcastically repre- 
hended in the dialogue entitled Julius exclusus, in the second vo- 
lume of the collection of the Pasquillades, p. 125. Julius applies 
to be admitted into paradise ; but St. Peter not recognizing him, 
he is obliged to give an account of his transactions in this life. 
This not satisfying the apostle, he still refuses to admit him, and 
Julius threatens to besiege and make war upon heaven. Erasmus 
was suspected of being the author of this attack on the memory of 
the pontiff: but in a letter to cardinal Carnpegio, he vindicates 
himself with great warmth from the accusation, " Ineptiit quisquis 
scripsit," says he, " atmajore supplicio dignus, quisquis evulgavit." 
Erasm. Ep. lib. xii. ep. 1. 

(c) " Louis XII. enparlant de Jules II. le designoit souventpar 
le nom d'yvrogne. L'outrage etoit autant plus sensible, que 
Jules II. passoit pourle meriter." Ligue de Carnb. i. 221. 


nues and domains of the church among his rela- CHAP. 
tions and favourites. With the exception only of IX - 
the city of Pesaro, the investiture of which, with A. D. 1513. 
the consent of the college of cardinals, was granted A> ^ 38 ' 
to his nephew, the duke of Urbino, the conquests 
of Julius were annexed to the dominions of the 
church, and he withstood the entreaties of his 
daughter Felice, the wife of M. Antonio Colonna, 
who solicited the hat of a cardinal for Guido da 
Montefeltro, the half-brother of her husband ; hav- 
ing openly declared to her that he did not think 
him deserving of that rank. Julius was the first 
pontiff who revived the custom which had long 
been discontinued by his predecessors, of suffering 
his beard to extend to its natural length, which 
he is supposed to have done in order to give ad- 
ditional dignity to his appearance ; but which may 
with more probability be attributed to his im- 
patient temper and incessant occupations, which 
left him no time for the usual attentions to his 

That Julius was no scholar is asserted on his Hisencou 
own authority ; but although he did not devote of 

himself to sedentary occupations, he was not, like 
Paul II., a persecutor of men of learning. On the 
contrary, those few ecclesiastics whom he raised 
to the purple by the suggestions of his own judg- 
ment, and without the solicitation of foreign pow- 
ers, were all men of considerable talents and ac- 
quirements. At no time have the professors of 
literature been sparing of their acknowledgments 
for the favour of the great ; and Julius II. is the 
frequent theme of applause in the works of his 
contemporaries, who devoted themselves to the 



CHAP, cultivation of Latin poetry, (a) Of these some 

_ have celebrated his magnanimity, his courage, his 

A.D. i5i3. promptitude in war, and others his strict adminis- 

A JFt "38 

tration of justice, and his attention to the arts of 
peace. In a copy of verses addressed by Valeria- 
nus to the pope, on the proficiency made by his 
nephew Giovanni Francesco della Rovere in the 
study of the law, that author asserts that not only 
polite literature, but the severer studies, had be- 
gun to assume a new form, and were cultivated 
under his influence with great success. (&) Nor 
can it be denied, that during his pontificate, amidst 
the tumults of war, the depopulation of cities, the 
ravages of pestilence and of famine, and all those 
calamities and commotions which agitate and dis- 
tract the human mind, the great and distinguished 
characters who were destined to illustrate by their 
works the more pacific reign of his successor, 
were principally" formed. Already had Bembo 
distinguished himself by numerous productions 

(a) In particular Giovanni Aurelio Augurelli, has devoted to 
the praises of Julius II. several of his Iambics, and other poems, 
at the close of his works, published by Aldus, 1505. And Lo- 
renzo Parmenio, Custode of the Vatican library, has celebrated 
the actions of this pontiff in a poem, which has lately been pub- 
lished. Anecd. Rom. torn. iii. Tirab. vol. vi. par. iii. p. 201. 
(fc) " Juli, maxime Pontifex, benigno 
Cui felicia siderum favore 
Cedunt omnia, et hoc tibi addiderunt 
Fata, uni tibi debita, ut videmus, 
Quod servare moduin, elegantiamque, 
Non tantum studia haec politiora, 
Verum ilia asperiora, et exoleta, 
Jamdudum incipiunt, novumque leges 
Nostro ostendere seculo nitorem." 

Cam. lllustr. Poet. ItaL vol. x, p. 313. 


both in the Italian anfl Latin tongue, which had CHAP. 

T Y 

spread his reputation through the whole extent of 
Italy. Castiglione had composed his elegant work, A. D. 1513. 
to which we have before adverted, and Ariosto 
had not only formed the design, but made a con- 
siderable progress in the execution of his immor- 
tal poem. 

Of the favourable disposition of Julius towards 
men of talents, a decisive instance appears in his 
conduct towards Giovanni Antonio Flaminio, the 
learned father of a still more learned son ; and r 


who having pronounced an oration before him at 
Imola in the year 1506, was honoured by him 
with the most friendly demonstrations of esteem 
and respect, and invited to take up his residence 
at Rome. Flaminio excused himself; and the 
pope, instead of manifesting his displeasure, pre- 
sented him with fifty gold crowns. Some time 
afterwards, the bishop of Narni, having occasion 
to pay a visit to Imola, was ordered by the pope 
to call upon Flaminio, and to assure him of the 
continuance of his regard, and of his wish to 
know in what manner he could give him the most 
effectual proofs of it. (a) The favour of the pon- 
tiff induced Flaminio to address to him a copy of 
Latin verses, in which the poet encourages him 
to persevere in his great design of delivering Italy 
from a foreign yoke, and to crown his glory by 
becoming the assertor of the liberties of his coun- 
try. An exhortation so consonant to the disposi- 
tion and views of the pope was doubtless received 
with favour, and the stern mind of Julius might 

(a) Tirab. Storia dclla Letteratura Ital. vol. vii. par. i. p. 15. 
M 2 


CHAP, perhaps trace with satisfaction, in the elegant lines 
of Flaminio, the durable records of his future 

A. D. 1513. fame, (a) 

The Vatican library, which had been begun by 

formed 7 by Nicholas V., and enlarged by the attention of suc- 
cee( jing pontiffs, derived no great advantage from 
the patronage of Julius II. But this is not to be 
attributed so much to his disregard of literature, 
as to the design which he had formed of collecting 
a separate library for the use of the Roman pon- 
tiffs, which was not to owe its importance to the 
number, so much as to the value of the books and 
manuscripts of which it was to be composed. It 
was also intended that the splendor of this collec- 
tion should be enhanced by works in painting and 
sculpture by the most distinguished artists of the 
time ; but the death of the pope prevented in all 
probability the completion of the plan ; and as no 
such distinct collection has been adverted to in 
later times, it may justly be conjectured that it has 
been united with that of the Vatican. In a let- 
ter (6) of Bembo to the pope, written only a few days 

(a) Appendix, No. LXVIII. Many further particulars illus- 
trative of the character and conduct of Julius II. are given by 
Count Bossi, (7/a/. ed. vol. iii. pp. 187, 222,) and by Mr. Henke, 
(Gtrm. ed. vol. ii. p. 28, 4to. &c.). 


Bembi Ep. Fam. liv. v. ep. viii. in op. torn. iv. 

" IN the acquisition of the volume lately sent to you from 
Dacia, written in beautiful characters, but such as are in our days 
unintelligible, I perceive an additional instance of the perpetual 
good fortune which has always attended you, and which, whilst 
in the administration of public affairs, and the direction of the 
concerns of the universe, it has enabled you to surpass the expec- 
tations of all men, has never failed to add to your reputation, 


before his death, this library is particularly men- CHAP. 
tioned ; and from the same letter we learn some ' 

even in matters of less importance. For after you had intrusted A ' ' * 5 . 
this book to me, that I might endeavour to decypher the charac- 
ters, and inform you of the result, and I had begun to turn over 
and carefully to inspect its pages, I could not help entertaining 
more confident hopes of success in my undertaking from the cir- 
cumstance of its being enjoined by you, than from the facility of 
the task, which appeared indeed impracticable, or from my own 
industry. In the course of a minute examination of the whole 
manuscript, I observed at the foot of one of Ihe pages, aline writ- 
ten in common letters, but almost erased and obliterated, from 
which I collected that the volume was written in ancient notes or 
characters, such as were used by those persons who were deno- 
minated notaries ; and that the work itself was a portion of the 
commentary of Hyginus, de Syderibus. On discovering this line, 
it immediately occurred to me that this was the Ciceronian method 
of writing ; for I recollected that Plutarch has informed us, that 
the profession of those who were called notaries took its origin 
from Cicero, who had invented a series of marks, each of which 
represented a combination of letters, and that he had instructed his 
copyists in this art, who were thus enabled to note down during 
the time of delivery, in a small compass, and in a legible form, for 
his use, the speeches of any of the senators which he wished to 
preserve. It was by this means, Plutarch adds, that the oration 
which Cato pronounced against the Catiline conspirators in op- 
position to the opinion of Caesar, had been handed down to his 
time. I also recollect that not only Plutarch, but Valerius Mar- 
tial has remarked, that the ancients were accustomed to make use 
of notaries for the sake of expedition in writing, and his cele- 
brated verses on this subject yet remain. Ausonius likewise com- 
memorates in his verses a boy, who with the aid of a few cha- 
racters took down a long discourse during the time of recitation. 
Prudentius, in a poem on the martyrdom of Cassianus, has re- 
corded that the latter had established an academy, in which chil- 
dren were taught the use of these characters. Having therefore 
compared another copy of Hyginus, written in our usual manner, 
with this Dacian manuscript, I have been enabled to explain the 
sense and signification of many of these marks, the. meaning of 
which is changed, not only by the variation of the marks them- 
selves, but in some degree even by the punctuation ; although in 


CHAP, eurious particulars, respecting not only the atten- 
' tion of that pontiff to the promotion of literature, 

A. D. 1513. 

A. /tt. 38. SU ch a definite and regular form, that if any one would take the 
trouble, it does not appear to me very difficult to reduce it to a 
system, and once more restore it to general use. This discovery 
afforded me great pleasure, as I conceived I should give you com- 
plete satisfaction on this head ; and this pleasure was in some de- 
gree increased by the consideration, that although several distin- 
guished and learned men of the present times had, at your desire, 
endeavoured to explain this work, their attempts had been wholly 
fruitless. As a favourable opportunity thus offers itself of extend- 
ing your fame in the literary world, and securing the applause of 
future times, I entreat you not to neglect it, but to devote some 
portion of your extensive talents, which are sufficiently capacious 
to embrace and comprehend all subjects, in recovering this mode 
of writing, by intrusting it to skilful printers, if such are to be 
found, as they certainly are, to be by them made public. For 
what indeed can be more honourable to your reputation, or more 
advantageous to the studies of the learned, than to restore, by 
your pious attention, an art invented by Cicero, and long held in 
great esteem for its acknowledged utility : but which, through the 
injuries of time, has for a long course of years been wholly lost. 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, and Attalus, kingofPerga- 
mus, are commended for their diligence in collecting books for 
the celebrated libraries which they formed ; and it has always 
been considered as praise-worthy, even, in the greatest characters, 
and in those possessed of supreme authority, to promote literary 
studies, and to supply materials for those talents which are devo- 
ted to the cultivation of the liberal arts. This diligence you have 
yourself emulated, in having added another library to the cele- 
brated collection formed by your predecessors in the Vatican ; 
not indeed distinguished by the number of its volumes, but by 
their high value and perfect preservation ; and rendered much 
more pleasant for the use of the pontiffs, by the commodiousness 
and beauty of the place, and the elegant ornaments of statues, 
pictures, and mirrors, with which it is embellished. For my own 
part, I confess I do not see in what manner you can confer greater 
ornament, greater elegance, or even greater authority, on this, 
your library, than by recalling to light the invention of this almost 
divine man, and restoring his art of writing. For, although it has 


but the restoration of the long lost art of abbre- CHAP. 

viated or short-hand writing, of which Bembo may 

be considered as the revivor in modern times. A. D. 1513. 

A. jfX 38. 

always been your character not to devote your attention to any ob- 
jects but those which you have endeavoured with such constant 
perseverance, incredible expense, and immense labours and dan- 
ger, to accomplish, and by which the Roman republic intrusted to 
your care might maintain its supreme authority, yet it is due from 
your prudence, and your piety, not to neglect that which relates 
to the study of literature ; for in those studies are involved many 
things of no inconsiderable importance to the ornament and con- 
venience of human life. 



ASSEMBL Y of the Conclave Mode of electing a pope 
Election of the cardinal de' Medici Motives of the 
choice of the conclave Reason of his taking the name 
of Leo X.His coronation Procession to the Lateran 
Embassy from Florence Leo pardons the Florentine 
conspirators Recals Pietro Soderini Appoints Bembo 
and Sadoleti his secretaries Resolves to establish the 
peace of Europe Louis XII. threatens the state of Mi- 
lan Treaty of Blois Leo endeavours to dissuade Louis 
XII. Opposes htm and forms with Henry VIII. the 
treaty of Mechlin Subsidizes the Swiss Louis XII. 
attacks the Milanese Battle of Novara, and defeat of 
the French Leo recommends lenient measures Expul- 
sion of the French from Italy Henry VIII. invades 
France Battle of the Spurs The king of Scotland at- 
tacks England Battle of Flodden Congratulatory let- 
ter of Leo X. to Henry VIII. Treaty of Dijon Bat- 
tle of Vicenza The emperor elect and the Venetians 
submit their differences to Leo X. Leo renews the meet- 
ings of the Lateran council Nominates four cardinals 
Lorenzo de' Medici assumes the government of Florence 
Giuliano de Medici admitted a Roman citizen Leo 
pardons the refractory cardinals Humiliation and abso- 
lution of Louis XII. 



ON the third day of March, 1513, the cardinals A.D. 1513. 
who happened to be then in Rome entered the A.'fSt 3 ?.' 
church of S. Andrea, where the mass of the Spi- Assemb i 
rito Santo was celebrated by the cardinal of Stri- 
gonia ; after which the bishop of Castello, having 
made the usual oration depontifice elegerido, they 
went in procession to the conclave to proceed to 
the choice of a pope. It was not until the sixth 
day of the same month that the cardinal de' Medici 
arrived in Rome and joined his brethren. The 
whole number of cardinals who were assembled on 
this occasion was twenty-five, (a) 

There are four different modes of electing the Mode of 
supreme pontiff ; by inspiration, by compromise, 
by scrutiny, and by access. (b~) 

An election by inspiration is effected by several 
of the cardinals calling aloud, as by a sudden im- 
pulse, the name of the person whom they wish to 
raise to the pontifical dignity. This method of re- 
sorting to the pretext of supernatural aid is seldom 
relied on, except when all human means have failed 
of success. If however a powerful party can be 
raised, and their efforts happen to be strongly se- 

(a) Conclave di Leone X. up. Conclavi de' Pontejici Rom. vol. i. 
pp. 171, 182. 

(6) Ceremonial de Rome, in Supplem, ait corps diplomatique, torn, 
v. p. 46, &c. 


CHAP, conded, the rest of the cardinals, unwilling to dis- 
tinguish themselves by a decided opposition, or to 

A. D. 1513. be the last in expressing their consent, hasten to 

A^Ftat?!'. concur in the choice. 

It is called an election by compromise when the 

promise, cardinals, not being able to determine on a proper 
person, agree to submit the choice of a pontiff to 
one or more of their own body, nominated for that 
purpose. It was thus that John XXII. after hav- 
ing obtained the solemn assent of the whole col- 
lege toabide by his decision, assumed to himself 
the pontificate ; an event which induced the car- 
dinals not to intrust this power in future to any of 
their number, without such restrictions as might 
effectually prevent the recurrence of a similar 

Byscruti- In choosing a pope by scrutiny, the cardinals 
each write their own name, with that of the per- 
son whom they wish to recommend, on a billet, or 
ticket ; which they afterwards place, with many 
ceremonies and genuflexions, in a large and highly 
ornamented chalice, on the altar of the chapel in 
which they assemble. The tickets are then taken 
out by officers appointed from their own body for 
that purpose, and the number is carefully compared 
with that of the persons present ; after which, if 
it appear that any one of the cardinals has two- 
thirds of the votes in his favour, he is declared 
to be canonically elected pope. When, however, 
after repeated trials, this does not occur, a new 
proceeding takes place, which is called election by 

BJ access. access > i n which any cardinal may accede to the 
vote of another by an alteration of his ticket in a 
prescribed form. When by these means the choice 


of a pontiff is effected, the tickets are prudently CHAP. 
committed to the flames, to prevent all pretexts for 
further inquiry, (a) A. 0.1513. 

After a deliberation which lasted for the space ii 
of seven days, the choice of the conclave fell upon ^ 

, Tl-i-jr-i *" ' 

the cardinal de Medici, who was elected by scru- D ^. de> 
tiny. (b) As he was at this time the chief cardinal pope! 
deacon, it was his office to examine the votes, in 
which he conducted himself with great modesty ; 
and when he had the happiness to find that he 
was himself the fortunate candidate, not the least 
alteration was perceived in his countenance, (c) 
He immediately received the adoration of the car- 
dinals, whom he embraced and kissed in return, 
They then requested to know what name he 
would assume ; to which he replied that he should 
submit it to the sacred college ; but on being 
again entreated to make his choice, he answered 
that among his other vain cogitations, he had H C assume, 
at some times thought, that if he should ever 
be called to the pontifical chair, he would take the 
name of LEO THE TENTH ; which if agreeable to 
them he would now adopt ; but if not, he would 
alter his intention. On this many of the cardinals 
expressed their approbation, alleging that if they 
had been elected they would have made the same 
choice. (rf) One of the windows of the conclave 

(a) Ceremonial de Rome, in Suppleyi. au corps diplomatique, torn, 
v. pp. 48, 49. 

(b) Conclave di Leone X. p. 178. 

(c) Par. de Grassis ap. Not. et Extraits des MSS. du Roi, ii. 579. 
(rf) " Interim petimus quo nomine vellet in Apostolatu voca- 

ri, et dixit non curare, sed remittere ad dispositionem collegii. 
Ipsi autem cardinales hortabantur, ut ipse indicaret quo nomine 
relict vocari ; et dixit quod alias, inter vanas suas cogitationes, 
cogitaverat, quod si unquam Pontifex esset, vellet vocari Leo X. et 



Motives of 
the choice 
of the col- 

CHAP, which had been closed up as usual on such occa- 
sions, was then broken down, and the cardinal 
A. D. 1513. Alessandro Farnese announced to the people in the 

A_ JFt *3ft 

A. Pont, i.' usual form, the election of a pope and the name 
which he had assumed, (a) He was then placed 
in the pontifical chair and carried to the church of 
S. Pietro, accompanied by the whole conclave and 
the ecclesiastics of the city, amidst the rejoicings 
of the people and the discharge of cannon ; the 
clergy singing as they passed Te Deum laudamus ; 
and being brought before the great altar he was 
there enthroned, (b) 

The causes which determined the college in 
their choice of a pontiff on this occasion rest 
chiefly on conjecture. It is however sufficiently 
understood, that whilst the elder members inclined 
towards the party of the cardinal Alborese, who 
had on one examination thirteen votes in his fa- 
vour, (c) the younger, and particularly those of 
royal and noble families, adhered to that of the 
cardinal de' Medici, (rf) Of the elder members, 

nunc, si iis placeret, sic vocaretur, sin autem aliter ut iis place- 
ret : et multi comprobaverunt dicentes quod si ipsi electi fuissent, 
eo nomine vocari voluissent, et sic conclusum fuit, cum tanto 
plausu populi, utcredibile vix sit." Paris Grassius, ap.Fabr. vita 
Leon. X, adnot. p. 269. 




On this occasion, Giovan-Francesco Superchio, better kn own 
by the name of Philomusus, addressed to the pontiff a poem, en- 
CIMI, which will be found in the Appendix, No. LXIX. 

(b) Conclave di Leone X. p. 177. 

(cj Jovius, in vita Leon. X. lib. iii. p. 55. 

(d) " Alle 22 hore in circa, si abboccarono insieme San Giorgio 


no one possessed greater influence than Raffaello CHAP. 

Riario, nephew of Sixtus IV. whom the cardinal 

de' Medici found means, after several days deli- A. 0.1513. 
berations, to attach to his interests, and whose A!p<mt.i! 
favour probably secured his election. From the 
narration of Jovius it appears, that the cardinal 
de' Medici was at this time seriously indisposed, 
from an abscess, the breaking of which diffused 
through the whole conclave such an intolerable 
stench, that the cardinals, thinking it impossible 
that he could long survive, determined to elect 
him pope ; (a) but this story is rejected by a more 
judicious writer, (b) as having arisen from the 
misrepresentations of those, who have insinuated 
that the irregularities of his past life had sub- 
jected him to this disorder. It is however cer- 
tain, that at the time when the cardinal quitted 
Florence, he was so much indisposed, as to be 
obliged to be carried by slow stages in a litter to 
Rome, and that on the day after his arrival a sur- 

(Riario) e Medici, nella Sala grande, dove publicamente ragiona- 
rono pin d'un hora ; pero da nessuno fti inteso di che cosa trattas- 
sero. II che visto da altri cardinali, subito giudicarono, che'l 
Pontificate si trattassc per uno di loro, et cominiciarono molti d' 
andare attorno, per mettere discordie, accio in nessuno di loro si 
concludesse ; ed essendosi stati in questo bisbiglio un gran pezzo, 
fmalmente ritrovandosi il negotio ben preparato, fu per tutto il 
Conclave publicato Papa il cardinale de' Medici." Concl. di Leone 
X. p. 177. 

(a) " Fuere qui existimarent vel ob id Senioris ad ferenda suf- 
fragia facilius accessisse, quod pridie disrupto eo abscessu qui se- 
dem occuparet, tanto foetore ex profluenti sania totum comitium 
implevisset, ut tanquam a mortifera tabe infectus, non diu super- 
victurus esse vel medicorum testimonio crederetur." Jov. in vita 
Leon. X. lib. iii. p. 56. 

(It) Fabron. in vita Leonis X. p. 60. 


CHAP, geon was admitted into the conclave, who per- 
formed an operation on his person, after which 

A. D. i5i3. the cardinals would not permit the surgeon, not- 
A! paX withstanding his entreaties, to quit the place ; (a) 
hut the certainty of this fact by no means autho- 
rizes those inferences which some have attempted 
to draw from it. (b) The real motives of the 
choice of the college may with more candour, and 
perhaps with more truth, he sought for in the 
high estimation in which the name of Lorenzo de' 
Medici, the father of the cardinal, was yet held 

(a) " In questo tempo entr6 in conclave un Chirurgo, chiamato 
Giacomo di Brescia, ad istanza del cardinal di Medici, accio gli 
tagliasse una postema ; e dopo entrato non vollero che n'uscisse, 
con tutto che n'havesse fatta grand' instanza." Conclav. di Leone 
X. p. 172. 

(b) " On pretend qu'il n'y cut rien qui contribuat davantage a 
1'elever & la papaute, que les blessures qu'il avoit recues dans les 
combats veneriens." Bayle, Diet. Hist, in art. Leon. X. This in- 
sinuation is founded by Bayle on the equivocal authority of Va- 
rillas, Anecdotes de Florence, lib. vi. p. 235 ; an author whose 
falsehoods and absurdities he has himself on other occasions suffi- 
ciently exposed ; and on the opinion of Seckendorff, Comm. de 
Luth. lib. i. sec. xlvii. p. 190. But even the narrative of Varillas 
will not justify the licentious terms in which Bayle has expressed 
himself on this occasion. This he indeed in some degree con- 
fesses : " P observe que ce n'est que par des consequences qui ne 
sont pas absolument necessaires, que Ton peut trouver, dans les pa- 
roles de M. Varillas, les sens que j'ai rapporte, et que M. de Seek- 
endorff leur donne" To which acknowledgment I must further 
add, that even M. de Seckendorff, although a protestant writer, 
and particularly hostile to the character of Leo X. has not given to 
the passage of Varillas, the sense for which Bayle contends, but 
merely informs us, that Leo X. " laborabat fcedissimo ulcere in 
inguine," without attempting to account further for the cause of 
it. It appears from Jovius to have been an abscess ; a disease 
with which the pontiff was frequently afflicted during the re- 
mainder of his life. 


throughout Italy; in the decorum and respecta- CHAP. 
bility of his own life and manners ; and in the re- x - 

membrance of the services which he had rendered A.D.isi3. 
to the church, and of the dangers which he had 
sustained in the defence of her rights. At this 
important juncture the cardinal de' Medici is also 
said to have owed great obligations to Bernardo 
da Bibbiena, whom he fortunately selected as his 
conclavist, and who, by his dexterous management 
and artful representations, removed the opposi- 
tion of the cardinal Soderini, brother of the late 
Gonfaloniere of Florence, and others, who were 
at first adverse to the elevation of his patron, (a) 
But whatever were the motives which led to 
that event, it is on all hands agreed, that his ele- 
vation was not disgraced by that shameless traf- 
fic and open prostitution of the favours and emo- 
luments of the church, which had been so usual 
on similar occasions, () and Leo ascended the 

(a) " II cardinal Soderini era il piu destro, e il piu capace di fras- 
tornare questa elezione. Ma il Bibbiena, conoscendo il suo debole, 
1' attacco in quello, eglidiede speranza di ristabilire il fratello; gli 
propose la riunione co' Medici per mezzo del matrimonio della 
nipote del Soderini col nipote del cardinale. Cosl dunque date per 
tutte le parti le sicurta, fu molto piu incalorito il partito de' gio- 
vani." Bandin. IL Bibbiena, p. 14. 

(b) " Send di questa elettione quasi tutta la Cristianita gran- 
dissimo piacere, persuadendosi universalmente gli huomini, che 
havesse a essere rarissimo Pontifice, per la chiara memoria del 
valore paterno, et per la fama che risonava per tutto della sua li- 
beralitd et benignita ; stimato casto, e di perfetti cos turn i ; e spe- 
randosi che a 1' esempio del padre, havesse a essere amatore de' 
letterati et di tutti gl' ingegni illustri. La quale aspettatione ac- 
cresceva Tessere stata fatta 1' elettione senza simonia o sospetto di 
macula alcuna." Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 32. 

Mr. Henke has also cited a letter from Count Alberto Pio of 
Carpi, (v. ante, vol. i. p. 1 15,) one of the Italian nobility who was 


CHAP, pontifical throne without any imputation on his 
' character for integrity, even by that propensity to 
A. D. 1513. scandal by which the city of Rome has always 
A. Pom. i. been distinguished. The populace would not in- 
deed relinquish their privilege of mingling their 
satire with their joy on this occasion ; (a) but 
when satire attaches only to slight imperfections, 
it becomes the surest proof that there are no glar- 
ing defects to provoke the severity of animadver- 

In assuming the name of Leo X. (#) it has been 

present at the elevation of Leo X., giving a full account of the cir- 
cumstances attending that ceremony, with his opinion of the cha- 
racter of the new pontiff, which was justified in a very remark- 
able manner by subsequent events ; his words are : " Opinione 
mea pontifex maximus potius erit mitis, ut agnus, quam ferox, ut 
Leo ; pacis erit cultor magis quam belli ; erit fidei promissorumque 
servator religiosus ; amicus Gallorum certe non erit; sed nee acer 
hostis, ut fuerat Julius ; gloriam et honorem non negliget ; favebit 
literatis, hoc est, oratoribus, poetis, et musicis ; sedificia construct ; 
r.em sacram religiose peraget, nee ditionem ecclesiasticam negli- 
get ; bellum non suscipiet, nisi plurimum lacessitus et valde coac- 
tus, excepto bello contra infideles ; si quid incipiet illud perficere 
conabitur ; permodestus erit, et valde facilis ; haec de eo hucusque 
conjectari possunt; tamen homines mutant in horas, et ludit in 
humanis divina potentia rebus." Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 51. 

(a) An instance of this may be found in the interpretation said 
to have been given to a mutilated inscription in the church of the 
Vatican, in which the name of Nicholas V. had been obliterated, 
and the characters of the year only remained, M.CCCC.XL. which it 
seems were interpreted, in allusion to the defect in the pontiff's 
LEONEM. v. Fabr. Adnot. p. 270. 

(b) The custom of changing the name of the Roman pontiff is 
said to have arisen from Sergius II. in the year 844. " Sunt qui 
Sergium primo quidem Os porci appellatum fuisse dicant, et ob 
turpitudinem cognomenti Scrgii nomen sumpsisse ; eamque con- 
suetudinem ad nostros manasse ; ut qni pontifices crearentur, suo- 


supposed by some, that the cardinal de' Medici CHAP 
meant to allude to the insignia of his native place, 1_ 

and by others, that he intended to verify the A.D. 1513. 
dreams of his mother; (a) but as he was not re- A. Pont. i! 
markable for a superstitious adherence to the ex- R,^, of 
piling follies of the age, we may rather assent to [jj^ 
those writers, who suppose that he intended to al- of L* x - 
lude to the courage and magnanimity with which 
he was resolved to execute the high office to which 
he had been called. It may also be observed, that 
it had been the custom of many of his predecessors 
to adopt appellations of a warlike nature; and 
after an Alexander and a Julius, the name of Leo, 
already sanctioned by a long succession of pontiffs, 
if not dreaded by his enemies, might at least seem 
formidable to his subjects ; (b) but it is yet more 
probable that he was induced to this choice by 
the consideration, that all his predecessors of the 
same name had been eminently distinguished by 
their virtues, their talents, or their good for- 
tune, (c) and he therefore thought it not unadvisa- 

rum omisso majorum nomine, sibi indicant, licet ab omnibus non 
sit observatum." Platina, in vita Sergii. 

(a) " Non defuere qui dicerent, Claricem matrem, pleno jam 
utero Leonem ingentis magnitudinis, et mirse lenitatis, in Rcparatae 
templo Florentiae omnium maximo se parere, sine gemitu som- 
niasse. Quod postea somnium ex fabulis nutricum quum puero- 
rum ingeniis inheesisset, accipiendo nomini causam haud dubie 
praebuerit." Jov. in vita Leon. X. lib. iii. p. 5G. 

(b) Lcanis decimi nomen sibi desumpsit ; utpote qui propter 
iimatam excelso regioque animo dementia; virtutem, non ex- 
presso quidem titulo, sed erudita allusione Magnanimi cognomen- 
turn affectaret ; duorum superiorum secutus exemplum, quibus 
Alexandra et Julii augustissima nomina placuissent." Jov. ut sup. 

(c) This is the opinion of Brandolini, in his Dialogue entitled 
Lio, p. 112. " Neque enim inditura sibi nomen, a nostra me- 

N 2 


CHAP, ble to revive a name, which although so celebrat- 

_ 1 _ ed, had not occurred in the annals of the church 

A. D. 1513. for more than four centuries, (a) 

A', pont. i! As the pope, before his elevation, was only a 
cardinal deacon, it was necessary to admit him into 
priest's orders ; which ceremony was performed 
on the fifteenth day of March, four days after his 
election. He was consecrated bishop on the se- 

His corona- venteenth, and crowned on the nineteenth of the 
same month. On this occasion a large platform 
was erected on the steps of the church of S, Pie- 
tro, with columns, and a cornice in imitation of 
marble, on which was inscribed in letters of gold, 
AC BONITATIS FAUTORi. On the morning of the 

moria, nedum seculo remotissimum, urbis Florentiae insignibus, ut 
vulgus existimat ; sed integritati, mansuetudini, hospitalitati, pru- 
dentiae, liberalitati, quibus quidem animi atque ingenii dotibus 
novem reliqui ejusdem nominis Pontifices fuisse praediti memoran- 
tur, jure optimo tribuendum puto." And this idea is confirmed 
by Erasmus, who, in one of his letters addressed to Leo X. has 
briefly enumerated the merits of his predecessors of the same 
name : " Proinde quidquid virtutum in singulis Leonibus excelluit, 
id totum expectamus a LEONE DECIMO. Primi Leonis felicem au- 
toritatem ; secundi, eruditam pietatem et sacrae musices studium ; 
tertii, praeter salutarem eloquentiam, animum quoque utramque ad 
fortunam infractum ; tjuarti, simplicem illam, et, a Christo lauda- 
tam, prudentiam ; quinti, sanctam tolerantiam ; sciti, pacis ubique 
sarciendae studium ; septimi, caelo dignum sanctimonium ; octavi, 
integritatem ; noni, effusam in omnes benignitatem. Haec inquam 
omnia nobis promittunt, non solum nominum ipsorum haudqua- 
quam contemnenda auguria, verum etiam haec quae jam abs te 
praestita videmus, quae videmus apparari." Erasm. Ep. lib. ii. ep. 1. 
This idea is further extended in the Latin poem of Zaccaria Fer- 
reri, of Vicenza, on the elevation of Leo X. Carm. Illust. Poet. 
Ital. vol. iv. p. 270. 

(a) " Nam quatuor secula cum dimidio et amplius, a creatione 
Leonis IX. tune lapsa erant." Brandol. Leo. in not. 74, p, 112. 


day appointed, Leo proceeded to the church of S. CHAP. 
Pietro, accompanied by the college of cardinals ' 
and dignified ecclesiastics, where he was habited A.D. 1513. 

A A'l 38 

as a priest for the celebration of mass. Thence A'. Pont, i! 
he went to the great altar, preceded by the master 
of the ceremonies with a reed in each hand, to the 
summit of one of which was attached a lighted 
candle, and to the other a bunch of tow. This 
officer kneeling before the pope, set fire to the 
tow ; at the same time repeating the words, Pa- 
ter sancle, sic transit gloria mundi. Having cele- 
brated his first mass, the pope was conducted to 
the steps of the church, where the tiara or triple 
crown was placed on his head by the cardinal 
Farnese and the cardinal of Aragon ; after which, 
having conferred his benediction on all present, 
he returned to the apostolic palace. 

On the coronation of a new pontiff it is custo- 
mary for him to grant to the cardinals whatever 
they may request. Such an unlimited privilege 
certainly presumes no small share of discretion in 
those who avail themselves of it ; but on this oc- 
casion the well-known generosity of the pontiff 
had raised the hopes of the college beyond all rea- 
sonable bounds, and Leo could not avoid express- 
ing his astonishment at the number and nature of 
the demands which were made upon him. " Take 
my tiara, rather," said he to the cardinals, smiling, 
" and then you may agree among yourselves, as so 
many popes, to divide things as you may think 
proper." (a) 

(a) " Potius acciperent suam tiaram, et ipsi pontificcs facti, 
concederent aut caperent illud quod volebant." P. de Grassia 
MS. 51. ap. Not. des MSS. du Roi, vol. ii. p. 579. 


CHAP. ij s predecessor Julius II. had conducted him- 
_ self in the public offices of devotion with great 

A. D. 1513. negligence, and had even refused to expose his 

/.'p&ntfi.' feet for adoration in the form of a cross, on Good 
Friday ; for which his master of the ceremonies 
has assigned a singular, if not a sufficient cause, (a) 
It had also been observed, that in performing the 
ceremonial of washing the feet of the poor on 
Holy Thursday, Julius had only placed his thumbs 
across and kissed them. Leo had at least more 
policy, if not more devotion. He performed the 
former rite with his feet exposed, and hesitated 
not to kiss those of the poor ; observing at the 
same time, that this mysterious act of piety ought 
not to be evaded by a pretext, (b) 

Procession The more splendid ceremony of the procession 

totheLa- ' - r 

teran. of the pope to take possession ot the Lateran see, 
was postponed until the eleventh day of April, 
being the anniversary of the day on which he had 
been made a prisoner at the battle of Ravenna, 
and already consecrated in the Roman calendar to 
S. Leo the great. That the contrast between his 
past misfortunes and his present prosperity might 
not be unobserved, he also chose to be mounted 
during his procession on a favourite white steed, 
which had borne him on that occasion, and which 
from this day he released from all further ser- 

(a) " Quia totus erat ex morbo gallico alterosus." P. de Grass. 
MS. 01. up. Not. des MSS. du Roi, vol. ii. p. 579. 

(V) " Inde ad Aulam ascensum, et pro lotione pedum paupe- 
rum, quae facta est ad unguem, prout in meo ordinario, nisi quod 
papa non voluit suos digitos pollices in forma crucis super pedibus 
pauperum positos osculari, ut alii pontifices facere cohsueverant, 
prsesertim Julius II. sed ipsos pedes totus osculabatur, dicens, quod 
illud mysterium non ficte fieri debet." P. de Grass. MS. inedit. 


vice, (a) This spectacle, at all times sufficiently CHAP. 
superb, was now rendered much more magnificent 
by the desire of the citizens to gratify that predi- A.D. 1513. 
lection for grandeur and for elegance, which the AirSt??.' 
new pontiff was well known to possess, (b) All 
the nobility then in Rome, with many of the inde- 
pendent sovereigns of Italy, and the ambassadors 
of most of the European states, contributed to 
give dignity and importance to the ceremony. 
Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, no longer a rebel to the 
church, made a journey to Rome to be present on 
this occasion, and had the honour of assisting the 
pontiff in mounting his horse. His formidable ad- 
versary, Francesco Maria, duke of Urbino, joined 
in the same procession, and bore the pontifical 
standard. The counts of Pitigliano, of Anguil- 
lara, of Carpi, and of Camerino, with other subor- 
dinate princes, were also present ; but the most 
striking, and perhaps the most pleasing spectacle 
to the Roman people, was that of the chiefs of 
the two powerful families of the Orsini and the 
Colonna, whose dissensions had for ages disturbed 
the repose of the Roman state, accompanying each 

(a) P. de Grass. MS. ap. not. des MSS du Roi, vol. ii. p. 580. 

(b) Giovan-Giacomo Penni, a Florentine physician, who was 
present in Rome on this occasion, has given a very circumstantial 
account of this splendid ceremonial, which he inscribed to Contes- 
sina de' Medici, the wife of Piero Ridolfi, and sister of the pon- 
tiff. To this piece, which was printed at Rome in the year 1513, 
I have been indebted for many of the preceding particulars, and 
as it is now of extreme rarity, and may serve to give an idea of 
the abilities and invention of the Roman artists, and of the great 
preparations and expense which attended this exhibition, I have 
given it, from a copy preserved in the Vatican library, in the Ap- 
pendix, No. LXX. 


CHAP, other in token of perpetual reconciliation. Giulio 
. de' Medici bore the standard of the knights of 

A.D. 1513. Rhodes, whose society, however, he from this day 
A. Pom. i.' abandoned to devote himself to the more lucrative 
offices of the church. The streets and squares 
through which the pontiff had to pass were spread 
with tapestry, and strewed with flowers ; the arms 
and emblems of the Medici were emblazoned with 
every variety of ornament ; the most beautiful 
works in painting and sculpture, of which the city 
could boast, or which the ingenuity and talents of 
the Roman artists could produce, were exultingly 
displayed ; and triumphal arches with, appropriate 
inscriptions gave to the whole the appearance 
rather of the return of a Roman hero from con- 
quest, than of the pacific procession of an ecclesi- 
astical prince. On the arrival of the pope at the 
castle of S. Angelo, he was met by the Jews then 
resident in Rome, who presented to him the vo- 
lume of their law, and requested the confirmation 
of their privileges. Receiving from them the 
book, he opened it and appeared to read ; then 
letting it suddenly fall, he replied, we confirm, but 
we do not assent ; (a) and proceeded on his way. 
With this state the pontiff arrived, amidst the ac- 
clamations of the populace, (6) at the church of S. 
Giovanni Laterano, at the great door of which 
was placed, under a portico, a marble chair, to 
which he was conducted by the prior and canons 
of the Lateran. Three cardinals then approached 

(a) Confirmamus, sed non consentimus. Penni, in app. ut sup. 

(b) LEONE, LEONE, PALLE, PALLE ; the name of the pontiff, 
and the arms of the Medici. Penni, in app. 


and raised him from his seat, chaunting at the CHAP. 
same time, Heraiseth the poor from the dust, fyc. (a) ' 
This ceremony, which has given rise to various A. D. 1513. 
conjectures, may be considered as intended to re- A! Pont, i! 
present the inferiority of the former concfttion of 
the pontiff, in comparison with his present eleva- 
tion, as that of the burning of the tow on his co- 
ronation is figurative of the instability of worldly 
grandeur. He then entered the church, and having 
prostrated himself before the high altar, received 
the insignia of his dignity. Thence he passed to 
the chapel of S. Silvestro, where the nobility were 
admitted to the honour of kissing his feet. To 
each of the bishops he distributed a silver medal, 
and to each of the cardinals two of silver and one 
of gold. The prelates here congratulated him on 
his assumption, and, more favoured than his se- 
cular attendants, were allowed to kiss his hand. 
Having rested here for the space of an hour, he 
was accompanied to the palace or hall of Constan- 
tine, where he took a formal possession of his 
dominions, and passed the remainder of the day. 
In the evening he returned to the Vatican, with 
the same state and attendants with which he had 
quitted it in the morning, (b) 

The opinion which the public had already form- 
ed of the character of the new pontiff, was strongly 
expressed in the numerous inscriptions which were 
displayed on the triumphal arches, and the pa- 

(o) Suscitat de pulvere egenum, et de slercore erigit pauper em. Not. 
des MSS. du Roi, vol. i. p. 179. v. ante, vol. i. chap. iii. p. 130. 

(6) This event afforded Janus Vitalis of Castello, and other 
writers of Latin poet: y, an opportunity of celebrating the virtues 
of the new pontiff, and of expressing the expectations already 
formed of his pontificate, v. Appendix, No. LXXI. 


CHAP, laces of eminent individuals. Of these, some al- 
x ' luded to his well-known love of peace, (a) to the 
A.D. 1513. vicissitudes of his former life, () to his attention 
1. nt?i! to the encouragement of literature, (c) to the ac- 
knowledged decorum of his private life and mo- 
rals, (d) to the discriminating lenity and modera- 
tion which he had already displayed, (e) and to his 
disposition to promote the public happiness.^) 
Agostino Chisi, a rich merchant from Siena, and 
a great promoter of the arts, adopted on this oc- 
casion an inscription which refers with some de- 
gree of freedom to the preceding pontificates of 
Alexander VI. and Julius II : () 

" Once Venus ruled ; next Mars usurped the throne ; 
Now Pallas calls these favour'd seats her own." 

No sooner had Agostino displayed his device, 
than Antonio da S. Marano, a goldsmith in his 
neighbourhood, exhibited an elegant statue of Ve- 
nus, under which he inscribed, in allusion to the 
former lines, (h) 

" Once Mars prevail'd ; now Pallas reigns ; 
But Venus yet her power retains." 

The exultation which took place at Rome on 
the elevation of Leo. X. was most cordially re- 










echoed from his native city, where the Medici CHAP. 
had now gained a complete ascendancy, and where 
even their enemies had relinquished their hosti- A. D. 1513. 
lity, in the hopes of obtaining at length that peace A*.Pont 3 i! 
and security to which they had so long been stran- j^^jj. 
gers. (a) An embassy of the most respectable in- rence - 
habitants was despatched to congratulate the pon- 
tiff, and as it became necessary to select some 
person of rank and learning to address his holi- 
ness, the choice of the citizens fell upon Bernardo 
Rucellai, who, from his elegant historical tracts 
in the Latin tongue, was justly considered as ano- 
ther Sallust, and from the great authority which 
he enjoyed among his fellow citizens, and the 
near connexion in which he stood to the pope, 
was regarded as the most proper person for that 
honourable office. Bernardo, however, declined 
the task, alleging as a reason, the infirm state of 
his health ; but his refusal gave no small displea- 
sure to the citizens of Florence, who suspected 
that his indisposition was feigned, for the purpose 
of excusing himself from an undertaking which 
did not accord with his feelings. Nor is it in- 
deed improbable that this illustrious citizen felt 
an insuperable reluctance to the expressing his 
congratulations on an event, which he perhaps 
foresaw would confirm the subjugation of his 
country, (b) The office of orator devolved there- 

(a) Of the singular ingenuity, and extraordinary splendor of 
the exhibitions at Florence on this occasion, a particular account 
is preserved by Vasari, in his life of Jacopo da Puntormo, Vite de' 
Pittori, vol. ii. p. 645. The preparation of these spectacles em- 
ployed the talents of the first artists and most distinguished 
scholars of the time. 

(b) v. Life of Lor M Med. TO!, ii. p. 152, note (o), 4to. ed. 

188 THE tiFE OP 

fore on Pietro Guicciardini, who acquitted him- 
self with distinguished ability ; and the reply of 
A.D. 1513. the pontiff was admired, not only for its prompti- 
* u( * e an( * elegance, but for its kind and concilia- 
tory tendency, and the assurances which he gave 
to his countrymen of his paternal care and re- 
gard. A deputation soon afterwards arrived from 
the city of Siena, and the time had been fixed 
upon for the introduction of the delegates to the 
pope. The cardinals were already met, but the 
delegates not making their appearance, several 
messengers were despatched to hasten them. Ar- 
riving at length, they apologized for their delay, 
by alleging, that they were Sienese, and followed 
the customs of Siena, (a) Their public orator Gio- 
van Antonio Saraceno, then began a tiresome and 
absurd oration, to which Leo replied in so appro- 
priate and jocular a style, as to delight his atten- 
dants without offending even the deputies them- 
selves. In fact, the pontiff possessed in an emi- 
nent degree, that versatility of talent which ac- 
commodates itself to every occasion, and that 
discretion which points out the proper season 
to make use of it. As many other ambassadors 
were expected from the different states of Chris- 
tendom, Leo inquired from his master of the cere- 
monies whether he ought on all occasions to re- 
ply in person, or whether he might not with pro- 
priety delegate the task to another. From the 
researches made by that officer on this important 

(a) " Se esse Senenses et more Senensi fecisse," which some of 
the lively attendants on the pontiff interpreted, " Se esse fatuos et 
more fatuo fecisse." Par. de Grass. Diar, ap. Fubron. in vita Leon, 
note 24. 


subject, it appeared that Pius II. (Mneas Sylvius) CHAP. 
was the first pontiff who had set the example of 
always answering for himself on public occasions. A. D. 1513. 
Paul II. was desirous of continuing this custom, *'. pjj^ *; 
but his memory frequently betrayed him. Sixtus 
IV. always spoke in person, and acquitted himself 
with credit. Innocent VIII. never attempted to 
deliver his sentiments in public. Whenever Ju- 
lius II. was expected to make a reply, he pretended 
to be suddenly taken ill, and to be deprived of all 
memory, insomuch, that it became necessary for 
his master of the ceremonies to rouse him, as it 
were, from the dead, and to remind him of what 
was passing before him. The result of these in- 
quiries was, that in a first audience it would be 
proper for the pope himself to reply, but in few 
words, and that his secretary should be ready, if 
it became necessary, to enter more fully into the 
subject. It was afterwards settled, that the pope 
in replying to a sovereign prince should speak for 
himself, but that in replying to an ambassador, he 
might employ a substitute, (a) 

A very favourable opportunity of manifesting ^ 
those virtues for which he had already been so dons the 


highly commended, was afforded to the new pon- ton at Fio- 
tiff by the affairs of Florence, where the magis- 
trates, after his departure for Rome, had proceed- 
ed in examining into the conspiracy of Boscoli 
and Capponi, and after having obtained from those 
two leaders a confession of their crimes, had sen- 
tenced them to decapitation. Of the other con- 

(a) Par. de Grass. Diar. up. Not. des. MSS. du Roi, vol. ii. p. 


CHAP, spirators, Nicolo Machiavelli had been remanded 


' into custody at Florence, and Nicolo Valori, and 
A. D. 1513. Giovanni Folchi, were condemned to perpetual 

A JF t 1ft 

A'. Pont, i.' imprisonment in the tower of Volterra. The crime 
of Valori consisted merely in having heard one of 
the conspirators give some indication of his inten- 
tions, without having revealed it to the magis- 
trates ; (a) and in such a light was this offence con- 
sidered, that had not the powerful influence of 
his nephew, Bartolommeo Valori, a zealous parti- 
zan of the Medici, been exerted in his favour, the 
historian of Lorenzo, the father of the pontiff, 
would in all probability have forfeited his life. 
No sooner, however, was Leo seated in the ponti- 
fical chair, than his interference obtained the libe- 
ration of the prisoners ; and it was conjectured, 
that his pardon would also have been extended to 
the principals, had not the severity of the Floren- 
tine magistrates prevented it, by ordering them to 
execution Immediately after the sentence was pro- 
nounced, (b) The conduct of Leo X. towards the 
family of Soderini was calculated still more to in- 
crease his reputation for clemency and generosity. 
He well remembered his paternal maxim, that " to 
convert an enemy into a friend, is not less con- 
sistent with sound policy, than with true huma- 
nity." Among the members of the college, the 

(a) On this occasion, one of the Florentine historians makes a 
homely, but striking remark, "Tanto e odioso a' governatori il 
poco fallire d'un delinquente, quanto al naso d' un troppo delicato 
padrone, il puzzo del fiato del servidore che abbia mangiato uno 
sol spicchio, come uno intero capo d'aglio." Nardi. Hist, Fior. 
p. 160. 
(6) Nerli, Comment, di Fir. lib. vi. p. 123. 


first whom he singled out as the object of his CHAP. 
particular kindness, was the cardinal Francesco 
Soderini, the brother of Pietro Soderini, the exiled A.D. 1513. 
Gonfaloniere of Florence. On the invitation of 
the pope Pietro hastened to Rome, where he met 
not only with protection but favour, and where he 
passed the remainder of his days in an honourable 
independence, still retaining the title of Gonfalo- 
niere. Nor did Leo hesitate to cement the con- 
nexion between this powerful family, and his own 
by the ties of affinity ; and a marriage was soon 
afterwards celebrated between Luigi, the son of ' 
Piero Ridolfi, by his wife Contessina, the sister 
of the pontiff, and a niece of the Gonfaloniere. 

Nor was the liberality of Leo confined merely 
to the forgiveness of injuries. The character 
which he had for many years sustained as the pro- 
moter of letters and of arts, had occasioned a ge- 
neral expectation, that on his being raised to the 
supreme dignity, and obtaining the direction of 
the treasures and emoluments of the Roman see, 
it would be impossible for genius, worth, and ta- 
lents, to remain unnoticed or unrewarded. Be- 
fore he quitted the conclave on his election, he Appoints 
had nominated as his pontifical secretaries Pietro s*doJtihij 
Bembo and Jacopo Sadoleti, who were then in * 
Rome, and were justly esteemed two of the first 
scholars of the age. The appointment to such a 
confidential situation of two men, who had not 
risen by the indirect means of ecclesiastical in- 
trigue, and were only known by their talents and 
their acquirements, gave additional hopes of that 
patronage to science, to literature, and the arts, 
which was shortly afterwards so effectually rea- 


CHAP, lized. (a) Under these impressions Rome became 
x ' _ at once the general resort of those who possessed, 
A.D.1513. or had pretensions to superior learning, industry, 
A. Pont. i.' or ability: all of whom took it for granted, that 
the supreme pontiff had now no other objects of 
attention, than to listen to their representations, 
to admire their productions, and to reward their 
labours. If their expectations were not imme- 
diately fulfilled, it may, in justice to the character 
of the new pontiff, be observed, that upon his ele- 
vation to his high office, his first attention was 
turned to objects of yet greater importance, and 
more suited to his dignity. From the elevated 
station in which he was placed he took a compre- 
hensive view of the whole extent of Europe ; re- 
solved, as far as lay in his power, to terminate the 
disgraceful contests that subsisted among the Chris- 
tian princes, and to exercise his authority, as head 
of the Christian church, in promoting the repose 
and happiness of those whom he considered as 
Leo resolves committed to his care. Even before his corona- 
[tepSceof ^ on ne addressed a letter to Sigismond, king of 
Europe. Poland, who was then meditating a formidable at- 
tack upon Albert, marquis of Brandenburg, en- 
treating him to suspend hostilities until a legate 
should arrive from Rome, who might endeavour 
to reconcile their dissensions without their having 
recourse to the sword. In this letter he avows his 
intention of labouring to maintain the repose of 

(a) " Soleo enirn quotiescumque in sermonem incido de Leone 
X. illud frequenter usurpare ; ex omnibus rebus quas ille pontifi- 
catu suo gessit amplissimas, nullam majore laude ac predicatione 
dignam extitisse, quam quod Petrum Bembum et Jacobum Sado- 
letum, duo ilia eloquentiae lumina, sibi a secretis asciverit." Hier. 
Niger, Ep. ad Paul. Rhamnus in Ep. Sadolet. App. p. 138. 


Europe; for which purpose he had resolved to 
send as his legates, to every nation, men of high 
rank and authority; (a) and expresses his strong A. D. 1513. 
sense of the folly and Avickedness of those destruc- A.' Pont. I. 
tive quarrels which had so long disgraced and de- 
populated the Christian world, (b) 

At this time, the expulsion of the French from Louis xn. 
Italy had given a momentary repose to that un- atSuhe 
happy country, and the union formed hy Julius II. Milai se. 
between the emperor elect Maximilian, the kings 
of Aragon and of England, the Venetians, and 
the church, by which that event had been accom- 
plished, seemed to secure the general tranquillity. 
Louis XII. was, however, too ambitious, and too 
powerful a prince, to suffer himself to be deterred 
from the prosecution of his claims on the duchy 
of Milan, by the unfortunate events which had 
conspired to frustrate the acknowledged successes 
of his arms ; and at the very time when Leo as- 
sumed the pontifical chair, that monarch was exert- 
ing all his influence to compose the dissensions 
which subsisted between himself and Henry VIII. 
of England, and to terminate the disputes in 
which he was involved with the emperor elect, 
that he might be enabled to devote his attention 
and resources towards this, his favourite object. 
Unsuccessful in these negotiations, he endea- 

(a) " Decrevi enim meos legates, magnos viros, ad plurimas 
quamprimum hationes mittere," &c. Bembi, Epist. nom. Leon. X. 
lib. i. ep. v. ante coronatioiiem. 

(6) The conciliatory disposition evinced by the pontiff in the 
commencement of his pontificate is pointedly referred to by Guu'o 
Postumo, in his elegiac address to the Manes of Alexander VI. 
and Julius II. v. App. No. LXXII. 


CHAP, voured to obviate the opposition which he had hi- 
x ' therto experienced from the holy see. The death 
A. D. 1513. of Julius II. who had been the soul of the league, 
A! Pont, i.' had released him from an implacable enemy, and 
afforded him hopes that his successor might be 
more favourable to his views; and these hopes 
were, perhaps, encouraged by a declaration which 
the pope had taken occasion to make, " that he 
would not attempt any thing against the French 
monarch." (a) With these expectations Louis XII. 
addressed himself to Giuliano de' Medici, then 
at Florence, professing the most earnest desire of 
promoting his interest, and his joy on the eleva- 
tion of his brother to the pontifical throne. At 
the same time he expressed his hopes that the pope 
would not oppose his designs upon Milan ; in which 
case he would not pursue his conquests further, 
and would make Leo himself the arbiter of the 
terms of peace, (b) These proposals were imme- 
diately forwarded to Rome by Giuliano, who, at- 
tentive rather to the personal obligations which 
during his exile he had contracted to Louis XII. 
and to the promises contained in his letters, than 
to the political consequences of the measure, ear- 
nestly entreated the pontiff to enter into the pro- 
posed alliance. The reply of the pope to his 
brother, which was doubtless intended to be com- 
municated to Louis XII. whilst it further mani- 
fests his earnest wishes to maintain the repose of 
Italy, indisputably proves that he was well aware 
of the ambitious projects of the king, and was by 

(a) " Se nolle aliquid contra regem Franciae attentare." Par. 
de Grass. Diar. up. Not. et Extr. des MSS. du Roi, vol. ii. p. 580. 
(6) Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 36. 


no means inclined to promote them. (a) Louis CHAP. 
was not however to be deterred by the coldness or 
the enmity of the pope; who, notwithstanding A. D. 1513. 
the conciliatory tenor of this letter, had made no 
offer to relieve him from the sentence of excom- 
munication pronounced against him by Julius II. 
He therefore redoubled his exertions with the 
other parties to the league, and at length prevailed 
upon Ferdinand of Aragon to agree to a cessation 
of arms for one year. The king of England and 
the emperor elect were also introduced as contract- 
ing parties in this treaty ; but circumstances oc- 
curred which effectually prevented their assenting 
to it. () 

The efforts of Louis XII. to engage the Vene- Treat y * 
tians in his interests were however more decidedly 
successful. By a versatility which in other times 
would have appeared extraordinary, these repub- 
licans deserted their allies who had saved them from 
destruction, and entered into a treaty with the king 
for assisting him in the recovery of Milan, and for 
ascertaining the limits of their respective territories. 
This treaty was concluded at Blois, on the thir- 
teenth day of March, and was subscribed on the 
part of the senate by Andrea Gritti, who had been 

(a) This letter is given in the Appendix, No. LXXIII. 

(6) This treaty, which bears date the 1st of April, 1513, is 
given in Rymer. Fccdera, vi. par. i. p. 40. The names of the 
king of England and of the emperor elect were inserted wholly 
without their knowledge ; and it must have appeared, as Guicci- 
ardini observes, highly ridiculous, that on the very day that it 
was published in Spain, a herald arrived from Henry VIII. to an- 
nounce his hostile preparations against France, and to require the 
assistance of Ferdinand, under his prior engagement for that pur- 
pose. Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 34. 

o 2 


CHAP, carried a prisoner into France. It purported to 
_ be an offensive and defensive league between the 

A. D. 1513. contracting powers. The Cremonese, with the 

A'. Sit 3 ?' district of Ghiaradadda, were to be annexed to the 
state of Milan; but the cities of Bergamo, Brescia, 
and Crema, were again to submit to the authority 
of the senate, (a) Among the Italian prisoners in 
France, who were now restored to liberty, was 
Bartolommeo d'Alviano, (b) who immediately re- 
paired to Venice, to justify himself from the im- 
putations under which he laboured on account of 
the unfortunate battle of Ghiaradadda, the loss of 
which he attributed to the misconduct of the count 
of Pitigliano. The dead warrior could not refute 
the charge, and d'Alviano was again appointed to 
the chief command of the Venetian troops. 

Leo endea. The preparations making by Louis XII. and the 
Venetian states were observed by Leo X. with the 
g rea t est anxiety. Besides his uniform desire of 
MI,- maintaining the public tranquillity, various motives 
concurred .in rendering these proceedings highly 
obnoxious to him. By the first visit of the French 
into Italy, he and his family had been expelled from 
their native place, and compelled to wander as fu- 
gitives for the long space of eighteen years. The 
adherence of the Florentines to the interests of 

(a) This treaty, called the treaty of Blois, was confirmed at 
Venice, on the llth of April, 1513. It is given by Lunig, Cod. 
Ital. Diplomat, vol. ii. p. 2005, and in the collection of Dumont, 
vol. iv. par. i. p. 182. 

(b) Leo, not being yet apprised of the motive of the king in 
restoring d' Alviano to liberty, wrote to him in commendation of 
his generosity towards this celebrated commander, of whom he 
expresses himself in terms of high approbation and esteem, r. 
App. No. LXXIV. 


France during this period, had given rise to a spi- CHAP. 
rit of party, by which the cause of the French and 
that of the Medici, were habitually regarded as A. D. 1513. 
hostile to each other. Nor could Leo so soon for- ^f^i. 
get the unfortunate day of Ravenna, when he was 
made a prisoner by the French arms, and was in- 
debted for his liberty, not to the generosity of his 
conquerors, but to his own good fortune. To these 
personal motives of opposition might be added the 
apprehensions entertained by the pope, that by 
the success of the French in Milan the Roman see 
would again be divested of the territories of Parma 
and Piacenza, which after having been added by 
the vigilance of Julius II. to the dominions of the 
church, were immediately on the death of that pon- 
tiff restored by the viceroy Cardona to the duke of 
Milan, and by him again surrendered to Leo X. (a) 
For these reasons, Leo determined to exert all the 
means in his power either to prevent the expedi- 
tion of the king, or to frustrate its success. On 
the first rumour of the treaty of Blois, he des- 
patched a messenger to his legate Pietro da Bibbi- 
ena, directing him to express to the Venetian se- 
nate his confidence that they would not engage in 
any measure of importance, without first consult- 
ing him as their ally. He also addressed himself 
by letter to Louis XII. who had communicated to 
him the terms of the treaty concluded with Ferdi- 

(a) " Si prevalse il papa di questi rumori, per far paura a Mas- 
similiano, Duca di Milano, tanto die ottenne di ricavare dalle sue 
mani Parma e Piacenza. II che fatto, non piacendo ad esso pon- 
tifice la venuta de' Francesi comincio segretamente a muovere con 
danari gli Svizzeri al soccorso del duca di Milano." Murat. An- 
null. vol. x. p. 95 ; and v. Bull of Leo X. Ltinig, Cod. Ital. Diplomat. 
vol. ii. p. 802. 



CHAP. nan d O f Aragon ; assuring him that nothing could 
' be more agreeable to his disposition than to see the 
A. D. 1513. princes of Christendom united in bonds of amity, 
A. Pom. i. but expressing at the same time his regret, that 
the French monarch had avowed his intention of 
again attacking the state of Milan. He justly re- 
minds him that instead of relinquishing hostilities 
this is only transferring his arms to another object ; 
and earnestly exhorts him not to interrupt again 
the repose of Italy, but to spare that unhappy 
country a repetition of those calamities which she 
had experienced for such a series of years, (a) 
This letter the pontiff despatched by a confidential 
servant named Cinthio, the object of whose mis- 
sion has been grossly misrepresented by some au- 
thors; who conceive, that they are displaying their 
own talents, in accounting for the conduct of 
others, by attributing it to indirect and culpable 
motives. (#) 

(a) The letter is given in the Appendix, No. LXXV. 

(6) Guicciardini only informs us, that the pope sent to the 
king, " Cinthio, sua familiare, con una lettera con umanc commes- 
sioni, ma tanto general i che arguivano non avere 1' animo inclina- 
to a lui," lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 37 ; which sufficiently agrees with the 
tenor of the letter as yet preserved. But the author of the Ligue 
de Cambray, informs us, that the envoy of the pope, " assura le 
Roi, de la part du pape, que sa Saintete etoit 1'heritier des senti- 
ments respectueux de la maison de Medicis pour la couronne de 
France ; que son pere Laurent n'avoit eu, ni plus d' inclination, 
ni plus de veneration, que lui, pour les Rois tres Chretiens : mais 
que Pape depuis un mois, il ne pouvoit pas rompre en un jour les 
enticements solemnels oil son predecesseur avoitjette le saint Siege. 
2ue son intention etoit bien de changer de parti, et de se ranger du 
colt du Roi; mais qitune pareille revolution etoit un ouvrage de 
longue haleine pour un Souverain electif" etc. Ligue de Camb. liv. 
iv. torn. ii. 284. If Leo had not more honesty, he had certainly 
more good sense, than to disgrace himself by language of this na- 


Confiding, however, but little in these represen- CHAP. 
tations, Leo had already begun to adopt such mea- 
sures as he thought would be most effectual for A. D. 1513. 
preserving Italy from another conflagration. To A'. Font 3 ?.' 
this end he had endeavoured to prevail upon the o 
emperor elect, Maximilian, and Ferdinand of Ara- 

and forms 

gon, to unite with him in a general opposition to the treaty of 
the French king. The cold and deliberating policy " 
of Ferdinand, and the weak and versatile temper 
of Maximilian, might have frustrated the hopes of 
the pontiff; but their reluctance, or inability, was 
amply compensated by the introduction of another 
ally, whose youth, disposition, and resources, were 
well calculated to render him an object of alarm to 
the French monarch. This was Henry VIII. of 
England, who had succeeded to the crown in the 
year 1 509, and being now in the vigour of life, burnt 
with an ambitious desire of emulating the conquests 
of his ancestors by a descent upon France. The im- 
mense wealth accumulated by his predecessors, and 
which he retained to his own use, whilst he sacri- 
ficed to the popular fury the unhappy wretches who 
had been the instruments of extorting it, enabled 
him not only to raise a powerful army, but to sub- 
sidize his continental allie^ ; and the spirit of the 
people, recovering from its torpor, earnestly sought 
for an opportunity of exertion and of danger. Un- 
der these circumstances, the pope, who had already 
endeavoured to secure the favour and friendship 
of Henry, (a) found no great difficulty in engaging 
him to unite with the emperor elect, the king of 

ture : which can only serve to amuse those who read history as a 

(a) r. The letter from Leo X. to Henry VIII. in Appendix, No. 


CHAP. Aragon, and himself, in a league against France, 
______ which was concluded and signed at Mechlin, then 

A. D. 1513. the residence of the Archduchess Margaret of Aus- 

A. yEt "38 

A! Pont, i! tria, on the fifth day of April, 1513, and by which 
they agreed to unite together for the defence of the 
church, and to attack the kingdom of France with- 
in two months, in such provinces as are particu- 
larly specified in the treaty. As the emperor elect 
could only he induced to lend his name to this alli- 
ance by a considerable bribe, Henry undertook to 
pay him one hundred thousand crowns ; thirty-five 
thousand of which were to be paid within one 
month after Maximilian declared war against Louis 
XII. as much more when he appeared by himself 
or his commanders in actual arms against him, 
and the remainder within three months from the 
commencement of the war. (a) The English his- 
torians have considered Henry as the dupe of his 
pretended allies in this transaction ; and it is cer- 
tain, that Ferdinand of Aragon carefully concealed 
from him the truce which he had lately entered 
into for a year with Louis XII. and which he in- 
tended either to adhere to, or to violate, as might 
best suit his future views, (b) 

Leo subsi- The efforts thus made by Leo X. for the defence 

Swiss. e of Milan were but ill seconded by Maximilian Sfor- 

za, who inherited neither the warlike spirit, nor the 

political sagacity by which many of his ancestors 

had been distinguished, (c) Wholly devoid of those 

() v. Appunctuamenta cum Leone papa, pro defensione Ecclesicc. 
Rymer. Fasdera, vol. vi. par. i. p. 41. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, 
vol. iv. par. i. p. 173. 

(6) Rapin, book xv. vol. i. p. 720. 

(c) Campo, Cremona fedelissima, p. 104. 


qualities which might attach the affection or com- CHAP. 
mand the respect of his subjects, he was unfortu- 
nately placed in a situation in which his public mea- A.D. 1513. 
sures required a degree of indulgence seldom con- A. Font 3 ?.' 
ceded without murmurs even to the most favourite 
rulers. In order to gratify the Swiss mercenaries, 
by whose aid he had been raised to the chief au- 
thority, he had been obliged to have recourse to 
oppressive taxations ; and the dissatisfaction to 
which these gave rise was increased by the mea- 
sures necessary to be adopted for the defence of his 
dominions. Disgusted with their new sovereign, 
whose personal appearance too well corresponded 
with the imbecility of his mind, the inhabitants of 
Milan looked with a favourable eye towards the 
approaching contest. The presence and activity of 
Prospero Colonna, whom Leo had despatched to the 
assistance of the duke, compensated, however, in a 
great degree for his defects ; but the principal reli- 
ance of the pontiff was on the courage of a large 
body of Swiss mercenaries, whose friendship and 
support he had effectually secured by continuing 
to them the stipends agreed to be paid by Julius II. 
Of these auxiliaries, five thousand had already 
made their appearance in the district of Tortona, 
where they expected to be joined by the viceroy 
Cardona at the head of the Spanish troops. In this ' 
they were, however, disappointed ; the Spanish ge- 
neral having, under various pretexts, kept aloof 
from the probable scene of action. The Swiss, 
not discouraged by the indecision of their sup- 
posed ally, and expecting numerous reinforcements 
of their own countrymen, hesitated not to take upon 
themselves the defence of the Milanese ; and Max- 


CHAP, imilian Sforza, quitting his capital, raised his stand- 
x> ard in the midst of them, and prepared to repel the 
A.D. 1513. threatened invasion, (a) 

i'.Snti! The French army designed for this expedition, 
Louis xii. consisting of fifteen hundred men at arms, eight 
states of e hundred light horse, and fourteen thousand foot, 
among whom were the celebrated bandes noires, (b) 
was commanded by the duke de la Tremouille, as- 
sisted by the Italian general Gian-Giacopo Trivul- 
zio, marshal of France, (c) Descending from Susa 
into Lombardy, these commanders possessed them- 
selves, without opposition, of Asti and of Alessan- 
dria. The adherents of the French in Milan, avail- 
ing themselves of the absence of the duke, again 
avowed their partiality to Louis XII. and intro- 
duced into the citadel, which was yet held by a 
French garrison, additional troops and plentiful 
supplies of provisions. About the same time the 
French fleet arrived before Genoa, where a popular 
commotion also took place, and the Milanese go- 
vernor, Giano Fregoso, with difficulty effected his 
escape. Whilst the arms of Louis XII. were thus 
successful, both by sea and land, his allies, the Ve- 
netians, were not inactive, (d) Bartolommeo d'Al- 
viano, at the head of a well-appointed army of 
twelve thousand men, attacked the city of Cre- 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 39. 

(b) Ligue de Cambray, vol. ii. p. 283. Murat. Annal. d' Italia, 
vol. x. p 95. 

(c) The Cav. Rosmini has sufficiently shewn, that Trivulzio 
held a co-ordinate authority with the duke; Storia di Gian-Gia- 
copo Trivulzio, vol. i. p. 468 ; but the honour obtained by them in 
the contest that ensued, is scarcely worth apportioning with ac- 

(d) Murat. Annali Italia, vol. x. p. 96. 


mona, from which he expelled the Milanese gene- CHAP. 
ral, Cesare Fieramosca, and reinforced the citadel, 

which was still in the hands of the French Ber- A. D. 1513. 

A /Ft.. 38 

gamo soon opened her gates and raised the banner A! Pont. i. 
of St. Mark ; Brescia followed the example ; and 
the Spaniards, who had occupied that city, were 
compelled to take shelter in the castle. Every thing, 
in short, announced the sudden and favourable ter- 
mination of a war, begun on the part of the assail- 
ants with equal unanimity, vigour, and success. 

In the mean time, Leo, on whose assistance the Battle of 
duke of Milan principally relied for his defence 
against these powerful adversaries, was not idle. 
He could not, indeed, send to his aid a military 
force equal to the urgency of the occasion ; but 
he immediately despatched Girolamo Morone, the 
Milanese envoy at the Roman court, with forty- 
two thousand ducats as the arrears of the stipend 
due to the Swiss, for the protection so faithfully 
and effectually offered by them to the church and 
her allies, (a) The viceroy Cardona, who had pro- 
bably received directions from his master not to 
infringe the truce so lately entered into by him for 
one year with Louis XII. had quitted his encamp- 
ment on the Trebbia to return to Naples and leave 
the Milanese to its fate ; but the intelligence of 
this timely supply of money, and of the arrival of 
a large additional body of Swiss troops, induced 
him to change his purpose and return to his for- 
mer station. The whole of the Milanese was now 
in the possession of the French, except Como and 
Novara, which still retained their allegiance to the 
duke, who had retired to the latter of these places 

(n) Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 39. 


CHAP, accompanied by his Swiss auxiliaries. His sensa- 
tions could not, however, be of the most agreeable 

A. D. 1513. kind, when he recollected, that at this very place 

A yFt *^ft 

A.'pont. i. his father had, a few years before, been betrayed 
by the same people in whom he now confided, to 
the marshal Trivulzio, the very man who was now 
pressing forward to besiege the place ; and it is 
averred, that Trivulzio was, in fact, so confident 
of a similar event, that he wrote to Louis XII. 
assuring him that he would deliver up this duke 
into his hands as he had before done his predeces- 
sor ; an assurance which led to a conjecture, that 
he had also employed the same means for that 
purpose.(a) Elated with their success, the French 
forces commenced the siege of Novara, which they 
attacked with a formidable train of artillery. On 
the other hand, the Swiss, although as yet much 
inferior in number, were so far from betraying 
any symptoms of apprehension, that they threw 
open the gates and afforded their adversaries an 

(a) This conjecture is admitted by the Cav. Rosmini to be well 
founded. " Mentre le cose si disponevano ad un fatto d' armi 
fra i due eserciti, il Trivulzio non era senza speranza di potere, 
risparmiando il sangne, far trionfare il suo Re, mettendolo in pos- 
sessione di Lombardia, coll 1 indurre gli Svizzeri merce di buona 
somma di contanti, ad abbandonare il duca Massimiliano, e quindi 
spedi piu voltaad essi facondi ed accorti nunzii, per indurli a quest' 
effetto. Ma o che a questa volta pentiti essi del tradimento 
usato in dan no del padre volesser lavarlo operandosi, in difesa del 
figliuolo, o che maggiore utilita da questa trassero, che non era 
quella che lor veniva offerta dal Re, alle preposte di Trivulzio 
non dierono che vaghe ed ambigue risposte, che vote anche torna- 
ron d'eflfetto." Rosmini, Islor, vol. i. p. 470. Even the author 
of the Ligue de Cambray, though always jealous of the honour of 
his countrymen, admits that the French commander Tremouille 
" avoit une pratique" with the Swiss. Lib. iv. vol. ii. p. 299.* 


opportunity of entering the place, of which they 
did not choose to avail themselves. At this criti- . - 
cal juncture, another large body of Swiss arrived J'% 15 ^' 
and approached the besieged city, the informa- A - Pont - L 
tion of which circumstance no sooner reached the 
French commander, than he retired from before 
the place and encamped at the Riotta, about two 
miles distant. The Swiss reinforcements under 
the command of their general Mottino entered the 
town of Novara, and on a deliberation which im- 
mediately took place among the leaders, it was 
resolved to proceed to the attack of the French, 
without waiting for the arrival of the baron of 
Halle Saxony, their commander in chief, who was 
shortly expected with an additional body of troops. 
Soon after midnight, on the the sixth day of June, 
1513, the Swiss troops accordingly quitted the city. 
Without artillery, without cavalry, and greatly 
inferior in numbers, they furiously assaulted the 
French in their intrenchments before break of 
day. Though not prepared for instantaneous ac- 
tion, the French had not been inattentive to their 
defence, and an engagement ensued which was 
supported on both sides with equal courage for 
several hours. The artillery of the French being 
brought to bear upon the assailants, thinned their 
numbers and disordered their line; but nothing 
could resist the impetuosity and courage of the 
Swiss, who, conceiving themselves to be contend- 
ing for glory with the German mercenaries in the 
pay of the French king, repeated their attack 
with fresh ardour, until at length they possessed 
themselves of the artillery and turned it against 
its former masters. This event effectually decided 


CHAP, the fortune of the day. The rout of the French 

x ' _ became general. The cavalry led the way in the 

A.D. 1513. retreat. All the baggage and ammunition fell 

A 1** OO 

A*. Pont. L into the hands of the conquerors. It was expect- 
ed that the French would have rallied their troops 
in Piedmont and returned again to the charge ; 
but notwithstanding the remonstrances of Trivul- 
zio they again crossed the Alps, leaving their con- 
quests in Milan and their allies the Venetians to 
the mercy of their enemies. The Swiss returned 
in triumph to Novara, elated with a victory which 
may be compared, as well with regard to the mag; 
nanimity of the attempt as the courage of its exe- 
cution and its decisive consequences, with any 
action in the records of either ancient or modern 
times, (a) 

Robert de Brilliant however as was the success of the 
ia Marck. w j ss on j-jjjg occas i O n, it was not obtained with- 
out great sacrifices. Of ten thousand men who 
left Novara, about one half were left dead on the 
field, among whom was their gallant commander 
Mottino ; but the loss of the French was still 
greater, and has been estimated by the joint con- 
sent of the French and Italian historians at eight 
thousand men. These historians, although dis- 
cordant in many other points respecting this re- 
markable contest, have joined in commemorating 
a noble instance of heroic courage and paternal 
affection in Robert de la Marck ; who, at the 
head of a body of cavalry, pierced through the 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xi. Ligue de Cambray, ii. 300, &c. The 
latter author has laboured to throw the ignominy of this defeat on 
the Italian leader Trivulzio, but the reasons which he adduces are 
by no means satisfactory. 


Swiss ranks and liberated his two sons who had 

been wounded and made prisoners. The apology 

of the French writers for the loss of this memora- A.D. 1513. 

ble day is, that their cavalry, from the situation 

of the place or the misconduct of Trivulzio, could 

not be brought into action ; but if the love of 

glory had been as powerful in them as the love of 

his children in Robert de la Marck, it is evident 

that the difficulties of their position would have 

been readily surmounted. 

As this signal victory and the consequent ex- 
pulsion of the French from Milan were wholly to 
be attributed to the Swiss, who had been engaged 
in the cause by the precaution and liberality of 
Leo X. these events reflected great honour on that 
pontiff. His apprehensions from the irruption of 
the French being now removed, he did not hesi- 
tate to express to his brave auxiliaries, in a public 
letter, the satisfaction which he had received from 
their services, (a) In this letter he professes to 
lament, no less from the humanity of his own 
disposition than from his duty as the common pa- 
rent of Christendom, the dreadful slaughter which 
had taken place ; but he rejoices that they who 
had vexed the spouse of God, and attempted to 
rend that garment not made by hands, and by 
which they had subjected themselves to the ana- 
thema of the church, had received the just reward 
of their demerits. He then avows his high regard 
for his courageous allies, entreating them not to 
credit the representations of those who insinuate, 
that as soon as peace shall be restored he shall 
disregard their favour and their services, and as- 
(a) v. Appendix, No. LXXVII. 



CHAP, suring them that as long as they may choose to 
' continue their alliance with him, he will strictly 
A. D. 1513. adhere to its stipulations. On the same occasion 
A! Pont. L he addressed a congratulatory letter to Maximilian 
duke of Milan, (a) in which he admonishes him 
not only to return due thanks to God for so signal 
an interposition in his favour, but to show himself 
worthy of it by his future conduct. " This," 
says he, " will be most effectually done by your 
not allowing yourself to be too much elated with 
your success, and by your avoiding to persecute 
or destroy those who have been induced to op- 
pose you. Let me therefore most earnestly en- 
treat you, by the affection which I bear you, to 
deal kindly with them ; and if any have erred (as 
has perhaps been the case with many) to consider 
them rather as objects of pardon than of resent- 
ment. By these means you will conciliate the 
minds of those who have been alienated from you, 
without incurring any diminution of your autho- 
rity ; and I trust you will therefore make a mode- 
rate and lenient use of your victory." To the same 
effect Leo also wrote to the viceroy Cardona, () 
requesting him to interpose his kind offices with 
Maximilian, " to prevent his treating with seve- 
rity any of his subjects, and to represent to him, 
that as on the one hand there was nothing more 
becoming a prince than placability, lenity, and 
compassion; so on the contrary there was no- 
thing more detestable than cruelty, wrath, and re- 
sentment." As the enforcing these truly wise and 
generous maxims is the chief purpose of the let- 

(a) v. Appendix, No. LXXVIII. 

(b) v. Appendix, No. LXXIX. 


ters referred to, we may justly conclude, that the 
pontiff sincerely felt the humane sentiments which 
he has there expressed ; and this opinion is indeed A. D. 1513. 
confirmed hy several subsequent letters, in which 
he exhorts the conquerors not to treat with seve- 
rity the neighbouring and subordinate sovereigns 
who had been obliged to espouse the cause of the 
French, and especially recommends to their lenity 
the family of Pallavicini, and William, marquis of 
Montferrat. (a) 

The Venetian general d'Alviano had, prior to Expulsion of 
the battle of Novara, advanced as far as Lodi, in- 
tending to join the French ; but Cardona, although 
he had before shown no great alacrity, interposed 
on this occasion to prevent the junction, (b) No 
sooner was the event of that contest known than 
d'Alviano, abandoning his former intention, de- 
molished the bridge on the Adda and retreated to 
Padua, where he strongly fortified himself. The 
inhabitants of Milan, thus decidedly left to the 
mercy of their sovereign, sent deputies to entreat 
his forgiveness, and in order to prove the sincerity 
of their contrition they put to the sword all the 
French in Milan, excepting only a few who had 
the good fortune to obtain shelter in the citadel, 
which was still held by their countrymen. The 
other cities of the Milanese adopted a similar 
measure, and three hundred Gascons who remain- 
ed in Pavia fell a sacrifice to the cowardice and 
the fears rather than to the resentment of the po- 
pulace. The city of Genoa yet acknowledged the 
authority of Louis XII. but Cardona, desirous of 

(a) Bemb. Epist. now. Leon. X. lib. iii. ep. 3, 4. 

(b) Murat. Annuli d' Ital. vol. x. p. 98, &a 


CHAP, making reparation for his apparent inactivity, des- 

' patched Ferdinando Davalos, marquis of Pescara, 

A.D. 1613 at the head of four hundred horse and three thou- 

A "Ft 38 

A. Foot L sand foot, with which he possessed himself of the 
place ; and having expelled Antoniello Adorno, 
the French governor, appointed to the office of 
Doge, Ottaviano Fregoso, who had accompanied 
him on this expedition, and who liberally rewarded 
his services by a heavy contribution raised from 
the inhabitants. 

Whilst these transactions occurred in Italy, 
Henry VIII. in strict performance of the treaty 
of Mechlin, passed in the month of June, 1513, 
over to Calais with a powerful body of troops. 
The earl of Shrewsbury , who had preceded him, 
had already effected a landing and laid siege to 
Terouenne. Henry expected to have been joined 
according to the terms, of the treaty by a strong 
reinforcement from the emperor elect Maximilian ; 
but that mean and crafty sovereign, in order to 
entitle himself to the payment of the subsidy which 
Henry had agreed to advance on his appearing 
in arms against the French king, came in person 
to the English camp and offered his services to 
Henry as a volunteer in his army. The pride of 
the English monarch was gratified in having an 
emperor in his service. He assigned to him a 
subordinate command in the British army, and 
Maximilian thought it no disgrace to receive, un- 
der the name of his wages, one hundred crowns 
per day. (a) 

Battle of The a PP r oach of the French army under the 
the spurs, command of the duke de Longueville to the relief 

(a) Rapins Hist, book XT. voL i. p. 722. 


of Terouenne, brought on the memorable engage- CHAP. 
inent of Guingaste, usually called the battle of the x ' 
spurs, from its having been said that the French A. D. 1013. 
made more use of those implements than of their A.p<mt.i'. 
swords on that occasion, (a) The consequent fall 
of Terouenne was soon followed by that of the 
important city of Tournay. The former of these 
places Henry gave to Maximilian, who razed its 
foundations, and Terouenne has since been blot- 
ted frpm the map of Europe. The latter he re- 
tained under his own authority, but as the bishop- 
rick was then vacant, he conferred it, with its epis- 
copal revenues, which amounted to a considerable 
sum, on his new favourite Wolsey, who had at- ' 
tended him on this expedition, (b) 

Whilst Henry was thus carrying his victorious The king 

. t ^ * , ' i r A . r A i_ of S>tliu>J 

arms into Jb ranee, he received information ot the attack* 
most alarming nature respecting the safety of his 
own dominions. James IV. of Scotland, who had 
married Margaret, the sister of Henry VIII. (c) 
availing himself of the absence of his brother-in- 
law, and prevailed upon by the representations of 
the French envoy to unite his arms with those of 
Louis XII., assembled an army which has been 
said to have consisted of one hundred thousand 
men, but which probably was composed of some- 

(o) August 1C, 1513. Rapin's Hist, book xv. vol. i. p. 722. 
Hume, chap, xxvii. 

(b) The manner in which the intelligence of this victory was 
received at the court of Rome appears by a letter from the cardi- 
nal of York to Henry VIII. r. Appendix, NO. LXXX. 

(c) It was on the occasion of this marriage, which finally pro- 
duced the union of the two crowns and kingdoms, that Dunbar 
wrote his celebrated poem of The Thistle and the Ro*t. r. War- 
ton's Hist. ofEng. Poetry, vol. ii. p. 257. 

P 2 


CHAP, what more than half that number. He then sent 


'_ a herald to Henry to acquaint him with the rea- 

A.D. 1513. sons of his hostile preparations, the chief of which 
A. Pont, i! was to compel him to relinquish the war with 
France. The answer of Henry, written . before 
Terouenne, was a defiance and a threat, (a) He 
informed him, that he was not surprised to find 
him breaking the treaty between them upon fri- 
volous pretences, since he thereby imitated the 
example of his ancestors. He upbraided James, 
that whilst he knew him to be in England he had 
never avowed an intention of espousing the cause 
of France, but had waited for his absence to carry 
his treacherous purpose into execution. He as- 
sured him, however, that being perfectly aware of 
his character, he had taken such measures before 
his departure for the defence of his kingdom as 
he did not doubt would, with the help of God, 
frustrate the endeavours of all schismatics excom- 
municated by the pope and the council of the La- 
teran. James did not, however, wait for this an- 
swer ; but entering Northumberland in the month 
of August, 1513, possessed himself of several places 
of strength. The earl of Surrey, then in Yorkshire 
at the head of twenty-six thousand men, marched 
to oppose his progress, and the contest was de- 
cided on the ninth day of September by the me- 
Battie of morable battle of Flodden, in which the flower of 
Fiodden. fae Scottish nobility, and many dignified ecclesias- 
tics, with eight or ten thousand soldiers, lost their 
lives, (b) The loss of the English on this occasion 

(a) Rapin's Hist, book xv. vol. i. p. 724. 
(/>) On the part of the Scots, there fell, besides the king, an 
archbishop, two bishops, four abbots, twelve earls, and seventeen 


was upwards of five thousand men, but among CHAP. 
them were few persons of distinction. James IV. 
was never seen after the battle. The English A.D.ISIS 
supposed they had found his body amidst a heap J- ^f 8 , 
of slain ; (a) and although the Scots denied it, yet 
they were never afterwards able to discover their 
unfortunate monarch. The intelligence of these 
important successes no sooner arrived in Rome, 
than Leo addressed the following letter to Henry 
VIII. who yet remained in France. 



" The perusal of your letters, in which you in- to 7 IetfCT 

-rt i of Leo X. 

form me of your victory over the French, and to Henry 


barons, with eight or ten thousand common soldiers. Lord Her- 
bert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 18. 

(a) His body was inclosed in a coffin of lead, and conveyed to 
London ; but as James died excommunicate, it could not be bu- 
ried without a dispensation from the pope, which at the request of 
Henry VIII. Leo granted, under the pretext, that James had, in 
his last moments, shown some signs of contrition, such as his cir- 
cumstances would admit of. Rymer, Fcrdcra, vol. vi. par. i. p. 68. 

(6) Appendix, No. LXXXI. This victory was also celebrated 
in an Italian poem of 133 stanzas in ottava rima, entitled LA 
ROTTA DE' SCOCESI ; printed without note of date or place, but 
certainly shortly after the event occurred. The author seems to 
have been well acquainted with the circumstances attending the 
battle, the particulars of which he has related in such verses as the 
following : 

' Vedeasi a un tratto tante anno callare 
Che un bosco a basso ruinar pareva ; 
Tanta gente in un t rat ia traboccare, 
Che nel lo Octobre tante non si leva 
Foglic, & gii tanto sanguc roversciare 
Che lo aier, non ch'l prato se tingeva, 
Et era certo gran compassione, 
Veder tal sanguc, & cader di persone." 



CHAP, your conquests in that kingdom, has afforded me 

' great pleasure ; as well on account of my paternal 

A.D. 1513. kindness for you, as from the importance of your 

A! Pont, i.' achievements. I give thanks to God, that he has 
favoured the exertions of those who have taken 
up arms for the pious and commendable purpose 
of supporting the cause of his church. It is true, 
I had previously considered as certain the event 
which has now occurred ; for when I knew, that 
in preparing for this attack you had the advan- 
tages of prudent councils, immense wealth, and 
numerous and courageous troops ; that you had 
also the advice of the emperor elect Maximilian, 
and, above all, that you were engaged in defend- 
ing the cause of God, I had sufficient reason to 
hope for that success which has attended your 
arms. But whilst I was expressing my joy on 
this occasion to your ambassadors, and intended 
to congratulate you upon such an event, I re- 
ceived your further letters, informing me of ano- 
ther and a much more important victory, obtained 
over James, king of Scotland ; who having at- 
tempted to invade your dominions, has been de- 
feated with the loss of his life and that of many of 

The prowess of king James is thus described : 

Jacobi haveva una lancia arrestata, 
Massizza, dura, ben nervata, & forte, 
Et venia avanti a briglia abbandonata, 
Per poner 1' inimici a mala sorte : 
E innanzi che habbia questa hasta spezzata 
A piu di cinque fe sentir la morte, 
Poi pose al brando tagliente la mano 
Et getta quanti ne riscontra al piano." 

A copy of this curious piece is in the collection of Benjamin 
Heywood Bright, Esq. to whom I am indebted for the use of it.* 


his nobility, and the slaughter or captivity of a CHAP. 
great part of his troops. Thus a few days have 
decided a most cruel and dangerous war. On re- A. D. 1513. 
ceiving this information, although it was certainly 
very painful to me to hear of such an effusion of 
Christian blood, the destruction of so many thou- 
sands of the people of our common Lord, and the 
death of a Christian king of great fame and un- 
doubted courage, the husband of your sister, who 
has fallen under the sword of a Christian king so 
nearly allied to him ; yet I could not but rejoice 
in this victory over an enemy who sought to deter 
you from the prosecution of the commendable 
cause in which you are now engaged. On this 
account I have already, on my knees, offered up 
my thanks to God, who has thus crowned your 
arms with a double victory, and laid the founda- 
tion of that future glory which you have so well 
begun, in undertaking at so early a period of life 
the defence of his church. On your part, it will 
be proper that you should reflect that all this is 
his gift, and not the result of human aid. Nor 
will he refuse to recompense your virtues with 
much greater honours and rewards, provided that 
you acknowledge your dependence upon him, with 
that humility which such an occasion requires. If 
this be done, it is not only highly probable that 
the contest in which you are now engaged will 
have a happy termination, but that he will also in 
future prepare the way through which you may 
pass, and by great achievements consecrate your 
name to immortality. This event will take place, 
if you propose to yourself the termination of your 
differences with your present enemies, and apply 


CHAP, yourself to humble the pride and subdue the fero- 
x> city of the Turks. Even in the situation in which 
A. D. 1513. we now stand there is no great time allowed for 
deliberation. Already the kingdoms of Hungary 
and Bohemia are harassed and depopulated by 
their incursions ; whilst Italy herself, by the loss 
of many strong places on her frontiers, sees these 
barbarians approaching still nearer; an alarming 
and a melancholy spectacle ! These dangers, if I 
may be allowed openly to express my feelings, 
keep me in apprehension and solicitude, and de- 
prive me in a great degree of the satisfaction 
which I should otherwise experience. I offer up 
however my prayers to God, that as the dignity 
of his church, of late so greatly impaired, has now 
been so happily restored by the efforts of those 
whose duty it is to assert her cause, he will at 
length place his shrines and temples in security 
from that conflagration, and the people devoted to 
his service from those chains, with which they 
are threatened by his irreconcilable enemies. On 
all these subjects I have, however, spoken more 
fully to your ambassador, the bishop of Worces- 
ter, who will explain to you yet more particularly 
my wishes. Dated 5 Id. Oct. 1513." 
Treaty of From the purport of this letter it is not difficult 
Dijon. to perceive, that however much the pope was gra- 
tified by the success of the English monarch, it 
was by no means his wish that he should prosecute 
his victories. In fact, Leo had already, by the de- 
feat of the French, and their consequent expulsion 
from Milan, obtained the object which had led him 
to take a share in the contest ; but besides these 
decisive events, other circumstances had occurred 


which induced the pope to relax in his hostility CHAP. 
against the French monarch. A body of fifteen _ 
thousand Swiss had made an irruption into the ter- A.D. 1513. 
ritories of France, where they had carried terror A.Snti.' 
and consternation through the country, and having 
besieged Dijon, had compelled the duke de la Tre- 
mouille, who had shut himself up in that fortress, 
to a most disgraceful capitulation ; by which he 
agreed that his sovereign should, in consideration 
of the retreat of the Swiss, relinquish all preten- 
sions to the duchy of Milan, and should pay them 
the enormous sum of six hundred thousand crowns; 
twenty thousand of which he immediately advanced 
to them. The apprehensions which the pope had 
entertained for the safety of Italy were therefore 
for the present sufficiently allayed. Nor is it im- 
probable that Henry allowed himself to be pre- 
vailed upon by the letter of the pope to relax in 
his hostilities, for he soon afterwards withdrew his 
armies, and on the seventeenth day of October left 
Lisle, and arrived on the twenty-fourth at his pa- 
lace at Richmond. 

Nor did Leo relinquish his endeavours to recon- Battle of 
cile the differences which had so long subsisted Vic< 
between the Venetians and the emperor elect ; 
but finding that the senate continued to disregard 
his earnest recommendations, and being called 
upon by Maximilian to fulfil the treaty formed 
with Julius II. by a supply of troops, he des- 
patched a body of two hundred men at arms and 
two thousand horse to the assistance of his allies. 
Attacked at the same time by the emperor elect, 
the pope, the king of Spain, and the duke of Mi- 
lan, and threatened by the Swiss, who were at 


CHAP, once the conquerors of the French and the terror 


' of Italy, the Venetians had now no resource but 
A.D.1513. in the courage of their troops and the talents of 
A* Pont, i.' their commanders. The first attack of the allied 
army under the command of Cardona was directed 
against the city of Padua, but the great extent 
and strength of the place, and the number and 
courage of the troops employed under d'Alviano 
in its defence, frustrated the efforts of the allies, 
and after ten days ineffectually employed in its 
vicinity they were obliged to retire to Vicenza. 
Unable to dislodge the Venetians from Padua, 
they resolved to plunder the fertile territories in 
the vicinity of the Brenta, which intention they 
carried into execution with circumstances of pe- 
culiar enormity, continuing their excursions along 
the Adriatic coast, whence they even discharged 
their artillery against the city of Venice, to the 
no small vexation and terror of the inhabitants, (a) 
These measures induced d'Alviano to take the 
field in the hopes of cutting off their retreat. He 
was accompanied by the Venetian commissaries 
Andrea Gritti and Andrea Loredano. By a judi- 
cious arrangement on the banks of the Brenta and 
the Bachiglione he had already reduced the allied 
army to great straits. The commissaries were ear- 
nest with him to persevere in a system which 
would subdue their enemies by famine ; but the 
impetuosity of d'Alviano was not to be restrain- 
ed ; and on the seventh day of October an engage- 
ment took place about three miles from Vicenjza, 
which was not less obstinate and bloody in pro- 
portion to the number of the combatants, than 

(a) Muratori, Annali d' Ital. vol. x. p. 102. 


any that Italy had before seen. The attack of CHAP. 
the allies was led by Prospero Colonna and Fer- 
dinando Davalos. For some time the victory re- A. D. 1513. 
mained doubtful ; but the Venetians were at length 
obliged to yield, if not to the courage, to the su- 
perior numbers of their opponents, with the loss 
in killed and prisoners of about five thousand men. 
Among the latter were the Venetian admiral Gian- 
Paolo Baglioni, and Andrea Loredano, one of the 
legates of the camp, who afterwards lost his life in 
a contest among the allies to determine which of 
them should hold him in custody. All the bag- 
gage and artillery of the Venetians fell into the 
hands of their enemies, who returned the same 
evening in triumph to Vicenza. (a) 

These hardy republicans, who had thus a se- 
cond time braved the united attack of the princi- 

(a) Mttratori, Annali d" Italia, vol. x. p. 103. Respecting this 
battle there exists an authentic document in the possession of Ben- 
jamin Heywood Bright, Esq. being a printed letter from the Spa- 
nish general Cardona, to the cardinal of Gurck, the pope's legate, 
dated at Vicenza the 8th day of October, 1613, giving a particular 
account of the operations preceding and attending it, enumerating 
the principal nobility killed or taken prisoners, and stating that 
the Venetians lost upwards of four thousand soldiers, besides an 
infinite number of peasants. 

In the same collection is a contemporary poem on the same 
subject, intitled ; 



It consists of sixty-three stanzas in ottava rima, and recounts the 
circumstances of the battle in an interesting and particular man- 
ner, although in a rude and incorrect style. The name of the 
author (real or fictitious) is thus given at the close, 

* Composla per Vauctorc Perusino da la Rotunda." 
It is without name of cither place or printer.* 


CHAP, pal powers of Europe, were not, however, yet sub- 

dued. The efforts of their commander Renzo da 

A. D. 1513. Ceri, who had possessed himself of the strong city 

A! pant??', of Crema, where he not only defended himself 

against the army of the allies under Prospero Co- 
andtheVe- lonna, but frequently made excursions and plun- 

netians * 

submit their dered his enemies of the contributions which they 

differences ,-,.,. -, ,.. 

to Leo x. had raised in the adjacent districts, prevented the 
Venetians from being wholly deprived of their 
continental possessions. Their situation was, 
however, such as would not admit of further ha- 
zard ; and they therefore at length listened to the 
admonitions of the pope, and expressed their wil- 
lingness to submit to him the decision of their 
differences with the emperor elect, (a) The car- 
dinal of Gurck, to whom Maximilian had intrust- 
ed the direction of his army, now took upon him- 
self the more pacific office of his ambassador, and 
hastened to Rome to negotiate the proposed trea- 
ty; which was however long protracted by the 
difficulties which Leo and his ministers experi- 
enced in satisfying the avarice and ambition of 
this martial ecclesiastic. 

On the restoration of Maximilian Sforza to the 

the council duchy of Milan, the cardinals in the interests of 
Louis XII. had removed their assembly, which 
they dignified by the name of a council, to Asti, 
from which place they were soon afterwards obliged 
to retire for safety to Lyons. For the purpose of 
frustrating their proceedings, which threatened no 
less than a total schism in the Christian church, and 

(a) The instrument of submission is preserved by Lu'nig. Cod. 
Ital. Diplomat, torn. ii. p. 2010, &c. et v. Jovius, in vita Leon. X. 
lib. iii. p. 64. Guicciard. lib. xi. et Bembi Epist. nom. Leon. X. 


of effecting such salutary regulations in point of CHAP. 
discipline as might deprive the pretended council _ 
of any necessity of interfering on that head, Leo A. D. 1513. 
determined to renew the meetings of the council of A! Put i. 
the Lateran, which had been opened by Julius II. 
and suspended only by his death. To this end, he 
gave directions that apartments should be prepared 
for him in the Lateran palace, where he deter- 
mined to reside, that he might at all times be rea- 
dy to attend the deliberations in person ; and on 
the twenty-seventh day of April, 1513, (a) he ac- 
cordingly opened the sixth session with great mag- 
nificence. If the number and respectability of the 
dignified ecclesiastics who were present on this 
occasion did honour to the pontiff, the conduct of 
Leo in the discharge of his office is acknowledged 
to have conferred no less dignity on the meeting. 
He was now in the prime of life; his manners grave 
but not austere ; and in the performance of those 
public acts of devotion which were at some times 
incumbent upon him, he acquitted himself with a 
grace and a decorum which gave additional effect 
to the splendid ceremonies of that religion of which 
he was the head. After the hymn Veni Creator, 
Leo delivered a pastoral oration, in which he ex- 
horted the assembled fathers to use their utmost 
endeavours for the benefit of the church, and de- 
clared it to be his intention to continue the coun- 
cil until the establishment of a general peace among 
the princes of Christendom, (b) 

Having thus attended to the regulation of the Nominates 
temporal and ecclesiastical concerns of the Roman n ajl. ctj 

(a) v. Lateran. Condi, sub Leone X. celeb, p. 73. 

(b) Lateran. Condi, p. 75. 


CHAP, gee, Leo now conceived that he might, without 
any imputation of indecorum, confer upon such of 
A. D. 1513. his relations and friends as had continued faithful 
A.' Pont, i! to him during his adverse fortune, and whose cha- 
racters seemed to merit such a distinction, some 
of those high and lucrative offices of the church 
which he was now enabled to bestow. He was 
also, in all probability, desirous of increasing his 
influence in the sacred college by the introduction 
of such additional members as he knew he should 
find on all occasions firmly attached to his interests, 
and was perhaps not less actuated by the disposi- 
tion, so common to the Roman pontiffs, of aggran- 
dizing the individuals of his own family. Having 
therefore declared his intention of supplying the 
vacant seats in the college of cardinals, he, on the 
twenty-third day of September, 1513, nominated 
to that rank, Lorenzo Pucci, Giulio de' Medici, 


Bernardo Dovizi, and Innocenzio Cibo ; who soon 
afterwards took their seats in the general council. 
The first of these persons was a fellow-citizen of the 
pontiff; who, born of a good family and well edu- 
cated, had early devoted himself to the church, and 
having had the good fortune to obtain the favour 
of Julius II. had under that pontiff risen to the 
rank of apostolic datary, and been employed by 
him in the most important affairs of the state. By 
his talents and address Pucci rendered himself 
conspicuous in the subsequent meetings of the La- 
teran council, and acted an important part during 
the remainder of this pontificate, particularly in 
the approaching disturbances occasioned by the 
opposition of Luther to the Roman see. The par- 
tiality of which Leo might have been accused, in 


selecting his cousin Giulio de' Medici for this dis- CHAP. 
tinguished honour, was sufficiently palliated by the 
acknowledged abilities and unwearied industry of A.D. 1513. 
this his faithful associate, the gravity of whose dis- 
position was happily formed to remedy or correct 
the occasional sallies of vivacity which distin- 
guished the supreme pontiff. It is true the illegi- 
timacy of his birth would, according to the canons 
of the church, have formed an insuperable bar to 
this promotion ; but there was no great difficulty 
in adducing evidence to prove that the mother of 
Giulio, before her cohabitation with his father Giu- 
liano, the brother of Lorenzo the Magnificent, had 
received from him a promise of marriage ; which 
was considered as sufficient to enable the pope to 
dispense with the rigour of the law. (a) Giulio as- 
sumed the title of S. Maria in Domenica, by which 
the pontiff had formerly been distinguished ; but 
was from henceforth usually called the cardinal de' 
Medici. () 

In appointing to the rank of cardinal Bernardo 
Dovizi, Leo repaid the obligations which he owed L 
to one of his first instructors, of whose sen-ices he 
had availed himself on many important occasions. 
The cardinal da Bibbiena, as he was afterwards 
called, was not one of those ecclesiastics who con- 
fa) From these documents, which have been published by Car- 
tharius in Syllabo advocatorum Sacri Consistorii, p. 71, it appears 
that Leo declared Giulio de' Medici, then Archbishop elect of Flo- 
rence, " legitimum, et ex legitimo matrimonio inter Julianum Me- 
diceum & Florettam Antonii natum fuisse et esse; eumque pro le- 
gitimo et ex lcgitimo[matriraonio procreaturo, in omnibus, et per 
onitiia, pleno jure, vere et non ficte, haberi et reputari," &c. Fa- 
bron. in Adnotat. 31. ad tit. Leon. X. p. 275. 

(b) He immediately announced his elevation to Henry VIII. in 
very respectful terms, r. A pp. No. LXXXII. 


CHAP. ce i ve that on entering the church they shut out 

' the pleasures of the world. Though acknowledged 

A. D. 1513. to possess considerable dexterity in the affairs of 

A.,Et.38. ... . J 

A. Pont. i. state, he did not scruple at times to lay aside his 
gravity, and to contribute by his wit and vivacity 
to the amusement of his reverend associates ; and 
his comedy of Calandra will perpetuate his name, 
when his political talents and high ecclesiastical rank 
will probably be disregarded and forgotten. After 
his preferment, the cardinal da Bibbiena became 
a distinguished promoter of literature and of the 
arts ; and such was his attachment to the great 
painter Raffaello d'Urbino, that he had consented 
to give him his niece in marriage ; a connexion 
which it has been supposed was prevented only by 
the premature death of that accomplished artist, (a) 
The last of the newly appointed cardinals, Inno- 
cenzio Cib6, was the grandson of Innocent VIII. 
being the offspring of Francesco Cib6, son of that 
pontiff by Maddalena, sister of Leo X. He was 
yet too young to have risen by any talents or me- 
rits of his own, but the advantages of his birth 
would probably have compensated for much greater 
defects than had fallen to the share of this young 
man. In the letter which Leo thought proper to 
address on this occasion to Ferdinand of Aragon, 
he has briefly enumerated the merits, or preten- 
sions, of the newly created cardinals, (b) " Al- 
though I know," says he," that you are well advised 
of the public transactions of this place by the dili- 
gence of your envoy, yet I have thought it proper 

(a) Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, torn. ii. p. 132. Ed. di Bottari. Rom. 


(6) For the letter in the original, v. Appendix, No. LXXXIII. 


that you should learn from myself what has lately CHAP. 
been done for the credit and advantage of the Ro- 

man state ; not doubting from your well-known A.D. 1513. 
affection to the Christian church, that it will prove A. Pont. i. 
equally agreeable to you as to myself. You will 
therefore understand, that on the twenty-third day 
of September, with the assent of my brethren, 
the cardinals of the church, I, for various and 
weighty reasons, elected into the sacred college, 
Lorenzo Pucci, my domestic datary, my cousin 
Giulio de' Medici, archbishop elect of Florence, 
Bernardo Dovizi of Bibbiena, and Innocenzio Cib6, 
the son of my sister and grandson of Pope Inno 
cent VIII. With the prudence and integrity of 
three of these, as well as with their skill and expe- 
rience in the transaction of public affairs, you are 
well acquainted ; and I trust they will add to the 
stability and to the honour of the church. As to 
Innocenzio, I hope he will not disappoint the ex- 
pectations formed of him. His capacity is excel- 
lent, his morals irreproachable, and his natural en- 
dowments are ornamented by his proficiency in li- 
terary studies ; insomuch that no one can be more 
accomplished, virtuous, or engaging.'' Another 
reason alleged by Leo for admitting into the col- 
lege a member who had as yet scarcely completed 
his twenty-first year, was his sense of the favours 
which he had himself, at so early an age, received 
from Innocent VIII. which he expressed, by say- 
ing, That which I received from Innocent, to In- 
nocent I restore, (a) 

During the short interval of time which had 

(a) " Quod ab Innoccntio accepi, Innocentio restituo." Fnl>r. 
p. 78. 



CHAP, elapsed between the return of the Medici to Flo- 
x - rence and the elevation of Leo X. the affairs of that 
". turbulent city had been directed by Giuliano, the 
' brother of the pontiff; but in the deliberations on 
this subject in the Roman court, it was determined 
Medici as- that Giuliano should relinquish his authority, and 
goernme e n t that the direction of the Florentine government 
of Florence, gho^^ k e intrusted to Lorenzo, the son of the un- 
fortunate Piero, under the immediate direction of 
Giulio de' Medici and the ultimate superintendence 
of the pope. This measure has been attributed to 
various causes, and, in particular, to the dislike of 
Giuliano to the trouble attending the detail of pub- 
lic affairs ; to the expectation of his obtaining by 
the authority of his brother a situation of still 
greater importance : and to the prior claims of Lo- 
renzo to this authority, as representative of the 
elder branch of his family in which it had become 
in a manner hereditary, (a) It is, however, yet more 
probable, that the disposition which Giuliano had 
always shewn to gratify the wishes of the citizens, 
of which many instances are on record, (&) had in- 

(a) Ammirato, 1st. Fior. lib. xxix. vol. iii. p. 315. 

(6) Among other proofs of his humane and benevolent disposi- 
tion it may be noticed, that he paid a visit to the celebrated Flo- 
rentine commander, Antonio Giacomino Tebalducci, whose servi- 
ces had been employed by the republic in constant opposition to 
the Medici, but who was now advanced in years and deprived of 
sight. The old warrior, whilst he acknowledged the kindness of 
Giuliano, boldly avowed, that his exertions had not been wanting 
to preserve the liberties of his country, and requested that he 
might not be deprived of the arms which he retained in his house, 
as trophies of his victories, a request to which Giuliano willingly 
acceded, with high commendations of his courage and fidelity. His 
conduct to Giovacchino Guasconi, who was Gonfaloniere when 
Paolo Vitelli was executed at Florence, was not less conciliating 
and benevolent, v. Nardi, Histor. Fior. liv. vi. p. 158. 


duced his more politic relations to doubt his re- CHAP. 
solution and to distrust his measures; and that 
they therefore chose to place in his stead a young A. D. 1513. 
man in whose name they might themselves in fact A! 
govern the republic. At this time Lorenzo was in 
the twenty-first year of his age, having been born 
on the thirteenth day of September, 1492, a few 
months before the death of his grandfather, Loren- 
zo the Magnificent, (a) After the expulsion of his 
family from Florence, he had been brought up by 
his mother Alfonsina Orsino, and had early felt the 
effects of popular resentment, having been ba- 
nished a second time from his native place when 
only fifteen years of age, on account of the mar- 
riage of his sister Clarice with Filippo Strozzi; an 
event in which he could have had no responsible 
share. Lorenzo therefore returned to Florence, 
where the government was restored to nearly the 
same form in which it had subsisted in the time of 
Lorenzo the Magnificent. () Two councils were 
formed ; one of which consisted of seventy mem- 
bers, who were elected for life ; the other of one 
hundred members, who were nominated every six 
months, and in which all persons who had served 
the office of Gonfaloniere might also attend as of- 
ten as they thought proper. The province of the 
council of seventy was to propose and deliberate 
on all regulations for the benefit of the'state ; but 
before these could be passed into laws they were 
also to be considered and approved by the greater 
council, with whom the power of granting pecuniary 

(a) Ammirato, Ritratto di Lorenzo duca <f Urbino, in Opusc vol. 
iii. p. 102. 

(b) AVr/i, Commentar. lib. vi. p. 120. 

Q 2 


c HA P. supplies and imposing taxes on the people was still 
'_ allowed to reside, (a) Lorenzo himself, instead of 

A. D. 1513. being distinguished by any honorary title, wasap- 
A! Pont, i.' pointed one of the council of seventy, and took his 
place among his fellow citizens ; but under this ex- 
ternal form of a free government, the authority of 
the Medici was as absolute as if they had openly 
assumed the direction of the state. The assembly 
of seventy was in fact a privy council, nominated 
at their pleasure and implicitly following their di- 
rections ; whilst the greater assembly served mere- 
ly as a screen to hide from the people the defor- 
mity of a despotic government, and as a pretext to 
induce them to believe that they were still, in some 
measure, their own rulers. 
Giuiiano de' The arrival of Giuliano de' Medici to take up his 

Medici ad- 
mitted a residence at Rome was considered by the citizens 

ti z e an as a great honour, and his affability, generosity, and 
elegant accomplishments, soon procured him a very 
considerable share of public favour. On his being 
admitted to the privileges of a Roman citizen, 
which ceremony took place about the middle of the 
month of September, 1513, a temporary theatre was 
erected in the square of the Capitol ; where a 
splendid entertainment was prepared, and various 
poetical compositions were recited or sung by per- 
sons equally distinguished by their talents and 
respectable by their rank. The second day was 
devoted to the representation of the Penulus of 
Plautus. These exhibitions, which were resorted 
to by an immense concourse of people, received 
every decoration which the taste of the times and 
the munificence of the pontiff could bestow, and 

(a) Nerli, Conimentar. lib. vi. p. 126. 


seemed to recall those ages when Rome was the C AP. 
mistress of the world and expended in magnificent ' 
spectacles the wealth of tributary nations. Under A. D. 1513. 
the influence of the pontifical favour, talents and A. Pont, i. 
learning again revived, and the Theatre of the 
Capitol is celebrated by Aurelius Serenus of Mono- 
poli in a Latin poem of no inconsiderable length, 
which has been preserved to the present times, (a) 
The honours conferred on his brother by the Ro- 
man people Leo affected to consider as a favour to 
himself; and as a proof of his generosity and pa- 
ternal regard, he diminished the oppressive tax 
upon salt, enlarged the authority of the civil magis- 
trates, and by many public immunities and indivi- 
dual favours sought to secure to himself the affec- 
tions of his subjects. On this occasion the Roman 
citizens were not ungrateful. By the general con- 
sent of all ranks, a marble statue of the pontiff, the 
workmanship of the Sicilian sculptor Giacomo del 
Duca, a pupil of Michel Agnolo, (b) was erected in 
the Capitol, under which was inscribed 

S. P. Q. R. 

The total ruin of the French cause in Italy had 
concurred with the well regulated proceedings of 

(a) This poem, in three books, is entitled THEATRUM CAPITOI.I- 


MONOPOLITANUM. (lib. iii.) It was printed at Rome, in ttdibus 
Mazochianis, imperante divo Leone X. Pont. Maximo, pontificates 
sui anno secundo, anno Dni. M.D.MIII. The dedication to I/eo X. 
is given from this rare work, in the Appendix, No. LXXXIV. 

(6) Vasari. Giunti di Bottari, vol. ii. p. 50. vol. iii. p. 312, 
in note. 


CHAP, the council of the Lateran in discrediting the mea- 
sures and destroying the authority of the assembly 
A. D. 1513. held at Lyons; and the character for lenity and 
A*'rw?i. generosity which Leo had already acquired, in af- 
Leo u fording the hope of pardon to the refractory eccle- 
dons the re- siastics, became also a powerful motive for their 
cardinals, submission. Eager to avail themselves of this fa- 
vourable opportunity of effecting a reconciliation, 
the cardinals Sanseverino and Carvajal took ship- 
ping from France and arrived at the port of Leg- 
horn, whence they proceeded without interruption 
by Pisa to Florence. On their arrival at this place, 
Leo was informed of their intentions ; but although 
it was his wish to pardon their transgressions, he 
did not think it advisable to suffer them to proceed 
to Rome until he had prepared the way for their 
reception. As well, however, for their safety as 
for his own honour, he directed that they should 
remain at Florence under a guard ; and that as they 
had been deprived by Julius II. which deprivation 
had been confirmed by the council of the Lateran, 
they should lay aside the habiliments of their 
former rank, (a) These directions were commu- 
nicated to the humbled ecclesiastics by the bishop 
of Orvieto, whom Leo had despatched for that pur- 
pose, and who at the same time assured them of the 
lenient intentions of the pope, which their proper 
submission would assist him in carrying into effect. 
In truth, the hostility between Leo and these car- 
dinals was rather of a political than a personal na- 
ture ; and although one of them had presided over 
the council of Milan, and the other had marched 
at the head of the French army at the battle of 

(a) Guicdard, lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 32. 


Ravenna, yet these circumstances had not oblite- CHAP. 
rated the remembrance of former kindness, and *' 
Leo was, perhaps, gratified in evincing to the world A. D.isn. 
that he was superior to the vindictive impulse of A'.iSuJi. 
long continued resentment. In preparing the way 
for this reconciliation, he first obtained a decree of 
the council of Lateran, by which all those prelates 
and ecclesiastics who had been pronounced schis- 
matical by his predecessor should be allowed to 
come in and make their submission, at any time 
prior to the end of November, 1513. This decree 
was, however, strongly opposed, not only by Mat- 
thew Schinner, cardinal of Sion, who spoke the 
opinions of the Helvetic state, and by Christopher 
Bambridge, cardinal of York, the representative of 
the king of England, but by the ambassadors of 
the emperor elect and of the king of Spain ; all of 
whom expressed their dislike of a measure so de- 
rogatory to the majesty of the apostolic see, and 
strongly represented to the pope the pernicious 
consequences of granting a pardon to the chief 
authors of such a dangerous scandal to the church ; 
at the same time highly commending the conduct 
of Julius II. who to the last hour of his life had re- 
fused to listen to any proposals of reconciliation. 
Leo was not, however, to be moved from his pur- 
pose. The repentant cardinals were ready to sign 
their recantation, and the council had approved 
the terms in which it was expressed. On the 
evening preceding the day appointed for their 
restitution they accordingly entered the city, de- 
prived of the habit and insignia of their rank, and 
took up their abode in the Vatican. In the morn- 
ing, they presented themselves before the pope, 



CHAP. W h was prepared to receive them in the con- 

' sistory, accompanied by all the cardinals, except 

A. D. 1513. those of Sion and of York, who refused to be pre- 

"" 38. Tlll/ I 

A. Pont. i. sent. In the simple habit -of priests, and with 
black bonnets, they were led through the most pub- 
lic parts of the Vatican, where their humiliation 
was witnessed by a great concourse of people, who 
acknowledged that by this act of penance they had 
made a sufficient atonement for the errors of their 
past conduct. They were then introduced into 
the consistory, where they entreated, on their 
knees, the pardon of the pope and cardinals, ap- 
proving all that had been done by Julius II. par- 
ticularly the act of their own privation, and dis- 
avowing the conciliabulum of Pisa and Milan as 
schismatical and detestable. Having then sub- 
scribed their confession, they were allowed to 
rise ; after which they made their obeisance and 
saluted the cardinals, who did not rise from their 
seats in return. This mortifying ceremony being 
concluded, they were once more invested with their 
former habits and took their places among their 
brethren, in the same order in which they had sat 
before their privation ; (a) but this indulgence ex- 
tended only to their rank and not to their benefices 
and ecclesiastical revenues, which having been con- 
ferred on others during their delinquency could not 
be restored. 

In the deplorable condition to which the events 
of a few months had reduced the affairs of Louis 

(a) A full account of this transaction is given by Leo himself, 
to the emperor elect Maximilian, v. Appendix, No. LXXXV. 
Et v. Fabron. in vita Leon. X. p. 62, Guicciard. lib. xi. vol. ii. p 
48. &c. 


XII. it was at least fortunate for him that some of CHAP. 
his adversaries wanted the talents, and others the 
inclination, to avail themselves of their success. A. D. 1513. 
But although Henry VIII. had returned to his tiSS. 
own dominions, he avowed his intention of renew- .. 


ing his attack in the ensuing spring with a still tkmandab- 

. solution of 

more powerful armament, tor the equipment ot LMUXII. 
which he had already begun to make prepara- 
tions, (a) The treaty entered into between the 
duke de la Tremouille and the Swiss had, in all 
probability, prevented those formidable adversaries 
from proceeding directly to Paris, which, after the 
capture of Dijon, they might have done without 
difficulty ; (b) but Louis could neither discharge 
the immense sum which the duke had, in his name, 
stipulated to pay, nor would he relinquish his 
pretensions to the duchy of Milan. The terms 
which he proposed to the Swiss, instead of those 
which had been solemnly agreed upon, tended 
only still further to exasperate them; and they 
threatened within a limited time to decapitate the 
hostages given at Dijon, if the treaty was not 
punctually fulfilled. These threats they would, in 
all probability, have carried into execution, had 
not the hostages effected their escape; but this 
event, as it increased the resentment of the Swiss, 
enhanced the dangers of the French monarch, who 
could only expect the consequences of their ven- 

(a) Leo X. found no little difficulty in curbing the military 
ardour of the English monarch, as appears not only from the letter 
before given, but from a particular exhortation addressed to him 
on this subject. Appendix, No. LXXXVI. 

(b) Guicciard, lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 63. 


CHAP, geance in a still more formidable attack. His ap- 

' prehensions were further excited by the intercep- 

A.D. 1513. tion of a letter from Ferdinand of Aragon to his 

A vtt 38 

A'. Pont, i! envoy at the imperial court, in which he proposed 
that the duchy of Milan should be seized upon, 
and the sovereignty vested in Ferdinand, the 
younger brother of the archduke Charles, after- 
wards Charles V. which would give the united 
houses of Austria and Spain a decided ascendency 
in Italy ; () that Maximilian might then assume 
the pontifical throne, as it had always been his wish 
to do, and resign to his grandson Charles the im- 
perial crown ; and although Ferdinand prudently 
observed, that time and opportunity would be re- 
quisite to carry these designs into effect, yet 
Louis could not contemplate without serious alarm 
a project which was intended to exclude him from 
all further interference in the affairs of Italy, and 
reduce him to the rank of a subordinate power. 
In addition to the vexations which surrounded him 
as to his temporal concerns, he still laboured under 
the excommunication pronounced against him by 
Julius II.; and as his queen, Anne of Bretagne, 
was a zealous daughter of the church, she was in- 
cessant in her representations to the harassed mo- 
narch to return to his allegiance to the holy see. () 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 65. 

(V) " L'Esprit du roi se soustenoit centre toutes ces adversitez ; 
mais il avoit une peine domestique plus grande que celle que luy 
faisoient tous ses enemis. C'etoit sa propre femme, qui touchee 
des scrupules ordinaires 4 son sexe, ne pouvoit souffrir qu'il ffit 
mal avec le Pape, & qu'il entretint un Concile contre lui. Comme 
elle luy rompoit perpetuellement la teste sur ces deux poincts, il 
etoit souvent contraint, pour paix avoir, d'arrester ses armes 


Whether, as some historians suppose, it was 
merely in consequence of these solicitations, and 
the remorse of his own conscience, or whether, A. 0.1513. 
as is more probably the case, he was prompted by 
the apprehensions which he so justly entertained 
of his numerous and powerful enemies, he con- 
ceived it was now high time to effect a reconcilia- 
tion with the pope A negotiation was accord- 
ingly opened, and on the sixth day of November, 
1513, a treaty was signed at the abbey of Corbey, 
by which the king agreed to renounce the coun- 
cil of Pisa, and declared his assent to that of the 
Lateran ; promising also to show no favour in fu- 
ture to the council of Pisa, and to expel those who 
should adhere to it from his dominions, (a) The 
reconciliation of the French monarch to the church 
was not, however, without its difficulties, and three 
cardinals were appointed to consider on the means 
to be adopted for securing the honour of the king 
and the dignity of the holy see. Their delibera- 
tions were not of long continuance ; and in the 
eighth session of the Lateran council, which was 
held on the last day of the year 1513, the envoys 
of the king of France were admitted ; who, pro- 
ducing the mandate of their sovereign, renounced, 
in his name, the proceedings of the council of Pisa, 
and expressed in ample terms his adherence to 
that of the Lateran. They also engaged, that six 
of the French prelates who had been present at the 

lorsque ses affaires alloicnt le micux," &c. Mezerai, Hist, de Fr. 
torn. iv. Fabr. in vita Leon. X. not. 29. p. 274. Ligvc de Cambr. 
liv. iv. torn. ii. p. 330. 

(a) This treaty, which was countersigned by Bembo, on behalf 
of the pope, is given in the collection of Du Mont, vol. iv. par. i. 
p. 175. 


CHAP, council of Pisa should proceed to Rome, to make 

' the formal submission of the Gallican church. 

A.D. 1513, The humiliation of Louis XII. was now complete ; 

A! Pont, i! and Leo, with the consent of the council, gave him 

full absolution for all past offences against the 

holy see. 


EXTRAORDINARY depression of polite learning in 
Rome State of the Roman Academy High expect a- 
, tions formed of Leo X. The Gymnasium or Roman 
university restored Leo X. encourages the study of the 
Greek tongue Giovanni Lascar Letter of Leo X. to 
Marcus Musurus The G reek Institute founded in Rome 
Greek verses of Musurus prefixed to the first Edition 
of Plato Musurus appointed archbishop of Malcasia 
Dedication by Aldo Manuzio of the works of Plato to 
Leo X. Leo grants him the pontifical privilege for pub- 
lishing the Greek and Roman authors Greek Press es- 
tablished by Leo X. at Rome, and works there published 
Agostino Chisi a merchant at Rome and a promoter of 
Literature Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo Greek Press 
of Zaccaria Collier go Greek Literature promoted by 
learned Italians Varino Camerti His Thesaurus Cor- 
nucopia; Is appointed librarian to the Medici family 
and bishop of Nocera His Apophthegms His Greek 
Dictionary under the name ofPhavorinus Scipione For- 
teguerra, called* Carteromachus Urbano Bolzattio 
Publishes the first grammatical rules in Latin for the 
Greek language Leo obtains a more complete copy of 
the works of Tacitus Employs Beroaldo to publish it 
The work pirated by Minuxiano of Milan Rise of 
the study of Oriental literature Teseo Ambrogio ap- 
pointed by Leo X. professor of the eastern tongues in 
Bologna His elementary work on the Cftaldean and 
other languages Agostino Giustiniano publishes a Poly- 
glot edition of the Psalter Great Complutcnsian Poly- 
glot of cartlinal Ximenes dedicated to Leo X. Leo di- 
rects the translation of the scriptures by Pagnini to be 
published at his expense Encourages researches for 
eastern manuscripts. 



OF the state of literature in Rome at the time . 

A . 1 '. 

when Leo X. then cardinal de' Medici, first took A. &t. M. 

A. Pont. I. 

up his residence in that city, some account has 
already been given in a former part of this work, (a) 
Since that period upwards of twenty years had [J 
elapsed without affording any striking symptoms in 
of improvement. Whoever takes a retrospect of 
the momentous events which had occurred during 
that interval, will be at no loss to account for that 
neglect of liberal studies which was apparent in 
some degree throughout the whole extent of Italy, 
but was particularly observable at Rome. The 
descent of Charles VIII. the contests between the 
French and Spanish monarchs for the crown of 
Naples, the various irruptions of Louis XII. for 
the recovery of Milan, the restless ambition of 
Alexander VI. and the martial ferocity of Julius 
II. had concurred to distract the attention, to op- 
press the faculties, and to engage in political in- 
trigues or in military pursuits, those talents which 
might otherwise have been devoted to better pur- 
poses. Amidst the sacking of cities, the downfal 
of states, the extinction or the exile of powerful 
families and distinguished patrons of literature, 
and all the horrors of domestic war, was it possi- 

() v. Vol. i. chap. ii. p. 40. 


CH : AP> ble for the sciences, the muses, and the arts, to 
pursue their peaceable and elegant avocations ? 

A. JEi, 38. Whilst thundering ^Etna rolls his floods of flame, 

A. Pont. T. Shall Daphne crop the flowers by Arethusa's stream ? (a) 

state of the The indefatigable researches of the Italian scho- 
academ/. lars have indeed discovered some slight traces of 
that literary association, first formed by Pompo- 
nius Laetus, (b) and which, after having been dis- 
persed by the barbarity of Paul II. had again 
been restored by the laudable exertions of An- 
gelo Collocci, Paolo Cortese, Jacopo Sadoleti, 
the younger Beroaldo, and a few other learned 
men. It appears that these persons met toge- 
ther at stated times, that they elected a dic- 
tator, and amused themselves with literary pur- 
suits ; but they seem to have devoted their leisure 
hours rather to pleasure than to improvement 
Their talents were employed chiefly on ludicrous 
subjects, (c) and the muses to whom they paid 

(a) " Quand sur les champs de Siracuse 

Un Volcan vient au loin, d'exercer ses fureurs, 

Aux bords desoles d'Arethuse 

Daphne cherche t'elle des fleurs ?" Cresset. 

(6) Count Bossi professes to differ from me in opinion, as to the 
absolute extinction (fassoluto decadimento) of learning in Rome at 
the period referred to ; and has cited many instances of persons 
eminent for their learning who lived in these turbulent times : but 
I have made no such assertion ; on the contrary I have here stated 
that the cause of literature was supported, to a certain extent, by 
several men of ability, although their pursuits were not of the 
highest order. Of several of these Count Bossi has added some in- 
teresting anecdotes, v. Ital. ed. vol. iv. pp. 91, 158, 159. vol. xii. 
p. 218* 

(c) Fedro Inghirami, one of the members of this learned body, 
writes thus, in the year 1506, to his friend Andrea Umiliato : 


their devotions were too often selected from the CHAP. 

Y 1 

courtezans of Rome, (a) The patronage afforded __ 
to these studies by Leo X. whilst he was yet a A. D. 1513. 
cardinal, was of a much more respectable and ef- A . Pont, i! 
fectual nature. His house, which was situated in 
the Forum Agonale, now called the Piazza Na- 

" advola obsecro et accurre, si vis ridere quantum et Demo- 

critus numquara risit. Saroja unguenta tractat et Cyprium pul- 
verem ; pulverem, inquam, Cyprium ct unguenta tractat Saroja. 
Qui anlea bubulcitari tantum solebat, bubus equisque stipatus 
vadebat, nunc delicatus Myropolas adit, deque odoribus disputat. 
Nam quid ego narrem tibi Hispanicas manicas, Gallicas vestes, 
Germanas soleas," &c. Ap. Tirab. Stor. Let. Ital. vol. vii. p. i. p. 

(a) Among these, the most distinguished was the beautiful Im- 
peria, so frequently celebrated in the Latin odes of Beroaldo the 
younger, and in the verses of Sadoleti. Of the splendor with 
which she received her visitors, an ample account is given by Ban- 
dello in his novels. Such was the elegance of her apartments, that 
when the ambassador of the Spanish monarch paid her a visit, he 
turned round and spat in the face of one of his servants, excusing 
himself by observing that it was the only place he could find fit 
for the purpose. v. Bandcllo, par. iii. nov. 42. Her toilet was 
surrounded with books, both in Italian and Latin, and she also 
amused herself in writing poetry, in the study of which she was a 
disciple of Niccolo Carnpano, called Strascino, who was probably 
indebted to her for the subject of one of his poems, " Sopra 
il male incognito." v. Life of Lorenzo dc Medici, vol. ii. p. 204, 4to. 
ed. She died in the year loll, at the age of twenty-six, and was al- 
lowed to be buried in consecrated ground, in the chapel of S. 
Gregoria, with the following epitaph : 

Imperia, Cortisana Romanu, qua digna tanto nomine, rarcc 

inter homines for mac. Specimen dedit. Vixit annos xxvi. dies xii. 

Obiit 1511. die 15 Augusii. 

She left a daughter, who redeemed her name from disgrace by 
a life of unimpeachable modesty, and who destroyed herself by 
poison, to avoid the licentious attempts of the cardinal Petrucci. 
r. Colocci, Poetic Ital. p. 29. Note. Ed. Jen. 1772. 




' the honours of their rank united any pretensions 
A. D. 1513. to literary acquirements. It is not therefore sur- 

A.>Et.38. . . 

A. Pont. i. prising, that on his elevation to the pontificate, 

Expect*, those men of talents and learning who had been 

ofuo. rmed accustomed to share his favour and to partake of 

his bounty, should consider this event as the har- 

binger of general prosperity, and the opening of a 

better age. This exultation frequently burst forth 

in their writings; and Leo found himself com- 

mended on every hand for labours which he had 

yet to perform. 

- Now comes the happier age, so long foretold, 

When the true Pastor guards his favour'd fold ; 
Soon shall the streams with honied sweetness flow, 
And truth and justice fix their seats below ; 
Retiring Mars his dreadful anger cease, 
And all the world be hush'd in lasting peace, (a) 

The high expectations formed of him in the 
commencement of his pontificate are yet more 
fully expressed by another of his contemporaries, 
who might on this occasion have rejoiced in the 
completion of his own auguries. 

for now, when all the earth 

Boasts none more great, more excellent than thee, 
Be it thy task to watch with ceaseless care 
O'er all the race of man ; by holy laws 

(a) " Hunc ego crediderim verum fore tempore nostro 

Pastorem ; elegit Juppiter arce sua. 
Flumina melle fluent, descendet ab aethere Virgo, 

Cumque sua populis jura sorore dabit. 
Principe quo, longa Mavors formidine terras 

Solvet, et in toto pax erit orbe diu." 

L. Parmenius Genesius, de Leone X. Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. vol. 
v. p. 282. 


To sanction virtue ; and by just rewards CHAP. 

Raise drooping merit and ingenuous worth. XL 

Nor these alone, but mightier tasks than these, 

Await thee. Soon the cheering smile of peace A..AX38. 

Shall glad the nations. Kings, and mighty lords, A< Ponu L 

And warlike leaders, cease their hostile ire, 

And at thy bidding join their willing hands, (a) 

The number and importunity of these writers, 
who intruded upon him at every step with their 
officious suggestions, became indeed so remark- 
able, as to give occasion to compare them to apes, 
who imagined they could instruct or amuse the 
lion; a charge which one of their brethren has 
thus acknowledged : 

For oft as we, the muses' faithful train, 

Strive with our songs to sooth thy hours of pain ; 

What, shall he ne'er, they cry, their teasing scape ? 

The lion still tormented by the ape ! 

From that blest day when first his glory rose, 

They haunt his footsteps whereso'er he goes ; 

At home, abroad, within his hulls immured, 

Nor in his chamber nor his bed secured ; 

Debarr'd alike with lonely step to rove 

Where spreads the prospect or where glooms the grove. 

Whether, with mighty cares of state opprest, 

The fate of Nations labours in his breast, 

Or, wearied with the toils which grandeur knows, 

He takes his meal or sinks in bland repose ; 

(a) Joannis Francisci Philomusi, Exultutio in creations Leonis 
X. tfc. Appendix, No. LXXXVII. 

Mr. Henke has observed that this poem breathes a noble senti- 
ment, which rises far above the Italian spirit of the times, and which 
perhaps even the pope himself was not prepared for. It augurs 
from his elevation not only the most glorious results to the arts, but 
also (and that with the most impressive earnestness) to morals And 
religion. Genti. ed. vol. ii. p. 233. 

R 2 


CHAP. Yet still they follow, exquisite to vex, 

His patience weary and his thoughts perplex ; 
A.D 1513 ^ w ^ ere the monarch of the wood resorts, 
A. /Et. 38. In awkward attitudes the monkey sports ; 

Turns his bare haunch and twirls his tail on high, 
More pertinacious than a teasing fly. 

The poet then adverts to the conduct of Leo 
towards the sons of the muses. 

But more indulgent thou their labours view, 
And like the lion bear the trifling crew. 

He afterwards proceeds in a higher strain to 
repel the censure, and to justify the attention 
paid by the poets to the conduct of the pontiff. 

Yes, all imports us that thy mind revolves ; 
Thy secret counsels, and thy deep resolves, 
To heal the wounds that Europe now deplores, 
And turn the tide of war on Turkey's shores ; 
Nor these alone, but bolder themes, inspire 
The daring bard that glows with heavenly fire, (a) 

This apology seems to have been admitted by 
the pontiff; who, if he was not incited to the 
laudable acts which distinguish his pontificate by 
the exhortations of his literary admirers, was nei- 
ther displeased with the high expectations which 
had been formed of him, nor inattentive in avail- 
ing himself of every opportunity to fulfil them. 

Among the establishments which had been form- 
ed in Rome for the promotion of more serious 
studies, the Gymnasium, or college, yet subsisted, 
although in a depressed and languid state, in con- 
sequence of the turbulent events of the preceding 

(a) Jo. Pierii Valeriani, ad Leonem X. Appendix, No. 


pontificate. This institution was founded by Eu- CHAP. 
genius IV. (a) but the more modern and conveni- 
ent building which was appropriated to its use A. D. 1513. 
was erected by Alexander VI. who had also called A!POU.L 
to Rome the most distinguished professors in The G 
Italy, had rewarded them with liberal salaries. nasium or 

, . . ,. , Roman um- 

and regulated the discipline of the place so as to verity re- 
render it of essential service to the promotion * 
of liberal studies, (ft) The revenues destined by 
Alexander for the support of this institution are 
said to have arisen from the impositions charged 
upon the Jews within the ecclesiastical states ; 
but from whatever source they were derived, they 
had been perverted during the pontificate of Ju- 
lius II. to the purposes of contention and warfare. 
No sooner, however, was Leo seated in the pon- 

(a) " Gymnasium media spectator in urbe, 
Musarum studiis, et pubertate decorum, 
Eugenii quarti auspiciis et munere primum 

Andr. Fulvivs, de Antiquitatibus Urbis. Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. 
torn. v. p. 229. 

" The first plan of this Gymnasium, or Archygymnasium, was 
however in contemplation by Boniface VIII. as his bull of 1303, 
in Cherubini, Bullar. torn. i. p. 160, shews. The fullest account 
of this foundation is given by Jos. Carafa, de Gymnasia Romano, 
et de ejus Professorib. fyc. Rom. 1751, vol. i. ii. 4to. by Kiirzer, 
Paulini a S. Josepho Oral, de Arcliygym. Rom. printed at Rome, 
1727, and at Leipsig, 1728." (Note of Mr. Henke, Germ. ed. vol. 
ii. p. 107.) 

(6) " Haec loca Alexander renovavit Seitus, et auxit 
Atria porticibus designans ampla superbis, 
Atque acadcmiacas priscorum more dixtas, 
Et subjecta suis subsellia docta Cathedris ; 
Pallas ubi, et Musae custode sub Hercule floruit. 
Cecropiis quondam veluti florcbant Athenis." 

Andr. Fulv. ut sup. 


CHAP, tifical chair, than this seminary became one of the 
^ chief objects of his attention. The revenues of 
A.D. i5i3. the college were restored, and the chairs of its 
A! Sit 3 !, professors were filled with the most eminent scho- 
lars, who were attracted from every part of Eu- 
rope by the reputation and liberality of the pon- 
tiff, (a) From the original roll of the Roman aca- 
demy, as it existed in 1514, being the year after 
its re-establishment by Leo X. (b) it appears that 

(a) " inceptumque opus intermissaque moles, 

Etloca Gymnasii perfecto finejubentur 
Protinus absolvi, divo imperitantc LEONE. 
Unde Dea, accept! doni non immemor ampli, 
Excitat ingenia ad Musarum praemia sacra, 
Et totas H el icon is aquas ex fonte perenni, 
Fluminibus magnis, et laxis Pallas habenis 
Praecipit Aonias, concusso monte, sorores 
Pandere, et hauriri sitientibus ubere potu ; 
Unde professores quaesitos Roma per orbem 
Artibus ingenuis monstrandis, protulit aptos 
Musarum auspiciis, et Apollinis omine fausto." 

And. Fulv. de antiquit. urbis. Ed. Rom. 1513. 

The bull of establishment issued by Leo X. anno 1513, is given 
by Cherubim", vol. i. p. 404. (Henke, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 108.) 

(6) This singular document, which yet remains, is elegantly 
written on vellum, and highly ornamented with the papal arms, and 
allegorical figures of the sciences and arts. Its contents were 
given to the public in the year 1797, by the learned Abate Gaetano 
Marini, keeper of the archives in the castle .of S. Angelo, who has 
accompanied it with a brief account of the re-establishment of the 
Roman academy, and with historical and biographical notices of 
the professors. The reader may consult the roll and lists of the 
professors in the Appendix, No. LXXXIX ; but for a more parti- 
cular account of many of the persons there mentioned, I am com- 
pelled, by the limits of this work, to refer to the before-mentioned 
publication, entitled, Lettera dell' Abate Gaetano Marini alchiaris- 
rimo Monsignor Giuseppe Muti Papazurri gid Casali, nella quale 
i Ulusira il Ruolo de' professori deW Archiginnasio Romano per 


the number of professors who received a remu- CHAP. 

Deration from the bounty of the pontiff, and many _ 

of whom enjoyed considerable salaries, amounted A. D. 1513. 


to nearly one hundred; that they read lectures in Ai 
theology, in the civil and canon law, in medicine, 
in moral philosophy, in logic, in rhetoric, and in 
mathematics ; and that there was even a professor 
of botany and the medical science of plants, which 
may perhaps be with confidence considered as the 
earliest instance of a public establishment for that 
purpose, (a) Among these professors we find the 
names of many persons of great eminence in the 
annals of literature, and whose merits will neces- 
sarily occur to our future notice. Having thus 
supplied the Roman college with proper instruc- 
tors, the next care of the pontiff was to render 
the benefits to be derived from it as general and 
extensive as possible ; " lest," as he expressed it, 
"there should at times be more lecturers than 
hearers." He therefore restored to the pupils their 
ancient privileges and immunities ; he ordered 
that the lectures should be read both in the morn- 
ing and evening, and should not be interrupted on 
account of the numerous festivals of the Roman 
church, (b) The assiduity with which he pro- 
moted this great establishment, not only at this 
period, but throughout his whole pontificate, suf- 

f anno MDXIV. In Roma, preao Michele Puccinelli a Tor 
Sanguigna. 1707. 

(a) In admitting that this was probably the^rtf public establish- 
ment for botanical pursuits, Count Bossi has cited several works on 
that subject which had before been published, and to which con- 
siderable additions might be made. Ilal. ed. vol. iv. p. 06. 
Note (a).* 

(b) Marini, Lettera, ut sup. p. 7. 



CHAP, fluently appears from the numerous letters ad- 
_ dressed by him to the most distinguished scholars 
A.D. 1513. of the time, inviting their assistance, and request- 
A.'pont. i. ing them to take up their residence at Rome, (a) 
In a bull, dated in the year 1514, he has himself re- 
capitulated, with laudable exultation, the import- 
ant services rendered to the cause of literature and 
science by the renovation of this institution. (&) 
" Having lately," says he, " been called by divine 
Providence to the office of supreme pontiff, and 
having restored to our beloved subjects their rights, 
we have, among other things, re-granted to the 
Roman university those revenues which had for 
many years been perverted to other purposes. 
And to the end that the city of Rome may assume 
that superiority over the rest of the world in lite- 
rary studies which she already enjoys in other 
respects, we have, from different parts, obtained 
the assistance of men acquainted with every branch 
of learning, whom we have appointed professors ; 
on which account, even in the first year of our 

(a) Bembi, Epist. nomine Leon. X. lib. ix. p. 39, &c. Marini, 
Lettera, vt sup. p. 110. 

(6) " Sane nuper ad summum pontificatum divina providentia 
cum assumpti fuissemus, et restitutis in pristinis juribus dilectis 
filiis populo Romano, inter alia vectigal Gymnasii Romani multis 
ante annis ad alios usus distractum, eisdem restituissemus ; ut 
urbs Roma ita in re literaria, sicut in ceteris rebus, totius orbis 
caput esset, procuravimus, accersitis ex diversis locis ad profiten- 
dum in Gymnasio praedicto viris in omni doctrinarum genere prae- 
clarissimis; quo factum est, ut praecedenti anno pontificatus nostri 
primo, talis studentium numerus, ad eandem urbem confluxerit, ut 
jam Gymnasium Romanum inter omnia alia totius Italia.- princi- 
patum facile obtenturum videatur." P. Caraffa de Gymnas. Rom. 
vol. i. p. 201. ap. Tirab. Stor. della Lett. ltd. 7. part i. p. 111. et 
v. Fabr. in vita Leon. X. p. 71. 


pontificate, such numbers of students have resort- CHAP. 
ed to this place, that the university of Rome is . 
likely soon to be held in higher estimation than A.D.ISIS. 
any other in Italy." ' 

But amidst the efforts of Leo for the improve- LN en . 
ment of letters and of science, his attention was, 

perhaps, yet more particularly turned towards the the Greek 
promotion of the study of the Greek tongue; 
without which he was convinced, in the language 
of one of his contemporaries, that the Romans 
themselves would not have had any learning to 
boast of. (a) In order to give new vigour to this 
study, which had long languished for want of 
encouragement, he determined to avail himself of 
the services of Giovanni Lascar, a noble and learned Lascar. ' 
Greek, who had in his youth been driven from his 
country by the progress of the Turkish arms, and 
had been indebted to the bounty of the cardinal 
Bessarion for his education and consequent emi- 
nence. Having made a considerable proficiency 
at the university of Padua, Lascar had been com- 
missioned by Lorenzo de' Medici to travel to 
Greece, with the view of collecting ancient manu- 
scripts ; for which purpose he took two journeys, 
in the latter of which he appears to have been 
very successful. (6) After the death of Lorenzo, 
and the expulsion of his surviving family from 
Florence, Lascar accompanied Charles VIII. into 
France, where he still continued to inculcate the 
principles of Grecian literature, and where the 

(a) " Nisi Literae Graecae cssent, Latini nihil eruditionis habe- 
rcnt" Codri L'rcei Serm. iii. opcr. p. 92. 

(A) Hodius de Grate. Must. p. 249. Life qf Lorento de Medici, 
vol. ii. p. 61, 4to. ed. 



CHAP, celebrated Budaeus was glad to avail himself of 
** his instructions, (a) On the death of that mo- 
A.D.1513. narch, he obtained in an eminent degree the con- 
* i! fidence of his successor, Louis XII. who sent him 
in the year 1503 as his ambassador to the state of 
Venice, in which capacity he remained there until 
the year 1508. The contests which arose between 
Louis XII. and the Venetians, in consequence of 
the memorable league of Cambray, terminated his 
diplomatic functions; but it is conjectured that 
Lascar still resided at Venice, although in a pri- 
vate capacity ; and it is certain, that at this place 
he had the credit of instructing the celebrated 
Erasmus. On the elevation of Leo to the ponti- 
ficate, Lascar wrote to congratulate him, and im- 
mediately afterwards quitted Venice to pay him a 
visit at Rome. On his way, he received a letter 
from the pope, assuring him of his friendship, and 
of his constant attention to the promotion of those 
studies by which Lascar was himself so eminently 
distinguished, (b) After deliberating with Lascar 
on the means to be adopted for facilitating and 
extending the study of the Greek tongue, Leo 
formed the design of inviting a number of young 
and noble Greeks to quit their country and take 
up their residence under his protection at Rome ; 
where, by the directions of Lascar, they were not 
only to prosecute the study of their native tongue, 
but to be instructed also in Latin literature. On 
the recommendation of Lascar, (c) the pontiff also 

(c) Hodius de Grate. Illust. p. 251. 

(b) v. Appendix, No. XC. 

(c) Mr. Warton informs us, on the authority of Jovius, that 
Lascar " made a voyage into Greece, by command of Leo X. and 


addressed himself on this occasion to Marcus CHAP. 
Musurus, one of the disciples of Lascar, who, after _ 
having taught in the university of Padua, had A. D. 1513. 
chosen his residence at Venice, (a) The letter A! Pont, i.' 
written by Leo on this occasion, whilst it suffi- 
ciently explains the object which he had in view, 
will shew with what ardour he engaged in its 


" Having a most earnest desire to promote the Letter of 
study of the Greek language and of Grecian lite- 
rature, which are now almost extinct, and to en- 
courage the liberal arts as far as lies in my power, 
and being well convinced of your great learning 
and singular judgment, I request that you will 
take the trouble of inviting from Greece ten young 
men, or as many more as you may think proper, of 
good education and virtuous disposition ; who may 
compose a seminary of liberal studies, and from 
whom the Italians may derive the proper use and 
knowledge of the Greek tongue. On this subject 
you will be more fully instructed by Giovanni 
Lascar, whose virtues and learning have deservedly 

brought with him some Greek boys, who were to be educated in 
the college which that pope had founded on Mount Quirinal ; and 
who were intended to propagate the genuine and native pronuncia- 
tion of the Greek tongue." Hut. Eng. Poetry, vol. ii. p. 429, 
note (y). But Mr. Warton has either mistaken or been misled by 
bis authority, as Lascar continued to superintend the Greek esta- 
blishment at Rome till the year 1518, when he returned, probably 
in a public character, to France. 

(a) He began to teach publicly at Padua, in the year 1503, as 
appears by the ducal decree, published by Agostini in his Notitie 
di Batt. Egnazio, Calogerd, Oputcoli, vol. xxxiii. p. 25. 


CHAP, rendered him dear to me. I have a confidence 


' also, that from the respect and kindness which you 

A.D. 1513. have already shewn me, you will apply with the 

A. Pont. i. utmost diligence to effect what may seem to you 

to be necessary for accomplishing the purposes 

which I have in view." Dated viii. Id. Aug. 

1513. (a) 

The Greek -^ or the accommodation of these illustrious 

founded in s t ran g ers > Leo purchased from the cardinal of 

Rome. Sion his residence on the Esquilian hill, (b) which 

he converted into an academy for the study of 

Grecian literature, and of which he intrusted the 

chief direction to Lascar, (c) to whom he assigned 

a liberal pension. This establishment is frequently 

adverted to in terms of high commendation by the 

writers of this period, (d) 

(a) Bemb. Epist. in nom. Leon. X. lib. iv. ep. 8. 

(b) Fabron. in vita Leon. p. 68. 

(c) Budcei Ep. ap. Maittaire Annal. Typogr. vol. i. p. 107. 
Hodius de Grace. Illustr. p. 251. 

(d) Thus Vida, in enumerating the services rendered to litera- 
ture by the family of the Medici : 

" Illi etiam Graiae miserati incommoda gentis, 
Ne Danaiim penitus caderet cum nomine virtus, 
In Latium advectos juvenes, juvenumque magistros, 
Argolicas artes quibus esset cura tueri, 
Secures musas jussere atque otia amare." 

Poelicor. lib. i. v. 196. 

And Musurus, in his preface to Pausanias, published by Aldo, 
in 1516 : 

lf yf pit waTawa<7> airosrCto'Ori TO crc^o^tirov rri run 
xatTHg X a/Aiiego? or, ax oXiytff ix. rt XJ^TIJ? tx. TI xo 

aytn/u* /x.^6' viro 

xat TO r rot,\a\<jra(>ot lj(OfTUt It TTI 


At the very time when Leo requested the assist- 
ance of Musurus, for the establishment of his ' 
Greek seminary in Rome, that elegant scholar was ^ D l 15 ^ 3 ' 
terminating the first edition, in the original Greek, A. Pom. i. 
of the writings of Plato, of which great work, he Greek wn- 
had, by the desire of Aldo Manuzio, superintended ^ s f pr ~ 
the printing, (a) To this edition he prefixed a 
copy of Greek verses, which are so extremely 
applicable to the circumstances of the times and 
to the character and conduct of the pontiff, that 
they cannot fail, even in a translation, of throwing 
additional light on these subjects, (b) 

ir*p>l/iot rut otSdyxiit y.aik GaXoniivi x tiSorur, 6a.vfji.aro* offoi *ig( 
ctp,tyu irfOKOinayt ru Xoyu, TU ironT a^ira Ken fx,yr** 

(a) Entitled, AIIANTA TA TOY DAATfiNOi:. 

At the close of this elegant and laborious work is the following 
Colophon : 


ffi nl a|o- 
giax*x*Tft ai-ro 

ri< 0ioyi< inatvru . KG' or IfiANNHS MEAIKEYZ *O AAtPEN- 



(b) Of these verses, a correct and handsome edition was pub- 
lished at Cambridge, in 1797, by Samuel Butler, A. B. fellow of 
St. John's College, with various illustrations, and a Latin transla- 
tion, by Zanobio Acciajuoli. An English translation of them will 
be found in the Appendix to the present volume, No. XCI. 


CHAP. The resu it of these verses, (a) and of the assi- 


' duity of Musurus in executing the commission in- 
A. D. 1513. trusted to him by the pope, was manifested in his 
A'. Pont. i. appointment to the archbishoprick of Malvasia in 
the Morea (b) which had lately become vacant by 
tne deatn of Manilius Rhallus, another learned 
Greek, on whom Leo had before conferred that 

(a) " Sed longe excellit Elegia Graeca, qua Platonis opera edita 
ab Aldo MDXIII. praemunivit ; partim in Platonis laudes, partim 
Leoni X. offerens istam editionem, illiusque patrocinium ambiens, 
et partim ilium ad bellum Turcicum excitans. Cujus carminis 
gratia maxime creditur factus fuisse archiepiscopus." Hod. de 
Grac. illustr. p. 300. 

(b) Jovius, or his translator, informs us that Musurus was ap- 
pointed archbishop of Ragusa. Iscritt. p. 62. Into which error 
he was probably led by not being aware that there are two places 
in Europe called, in Latin, Epidaurvs ; viz. Ragusa in Dalmatia, 
and Malvasia in the Morea ; of the latter of which Musurus was 
archbishop. The see of Ragusa was at this time filled by Gio- 
vanni de Volterra. v. Agostini, Nolizie di Bait. Egnazio, ap. Calo- 
gerd Opusc. vol. xxxiii. p. 23. Tiraboschi places the promotion of 
Musurus about 1517, adding, that he enjoyed his dignity but a 
short time, having died in the autumn of the same year. Storia della 
Lett. Ital. vol. vii. par. i. p. 424. It is however certain, that the 
promotion of Musurus took place in or before the year 1516, as 
appears from the preface to the Aldine edition of Pausanias, 
published in the last-mentioned year : " Haec autem a nobis prae- 
stari tibi potuerunt, suasore adjutorequeM. Musuro ; quern nuper 
heroicarum h'terarum decus, Venetiis propagantem Graeciae priscis 
autoribus partim illustr i juventuti enarrandis non sine laude, par- 
tim emendatione castigationeque in pristinum nitorem, quoad ejus 
fieri poterat, restituendis, Leo X. PONT. OPT. MAX. sponte sua, 
nihil tale cogitantem, admirabili consensu S. S. cardinalium in 
archiepiscopalem dignitatem evexit. Quae res ut non mediocrem 
sanctissimo pastori laudem peperit, ita literatis ad bene sperandum 
certissimum signum erexit." That he did not long live to enjoy 
his dignity, may however be conjectured from his epitaph at 

Rome : 




dignity as a reward for his talents and his learn- CHAP. 
ing. (a) Nor did Musurus live long to enjoy his 
honours, having died at Rome in the autumn of A.D. isia. 

A A*t *lft 

the year 1517. It has been asserted, on the A.PODUI. 
authority of Valerianus and Jovius, that his death 
was occasioned by his regret and vexation at not 
having been honoured with the purple, as a reward 
for his literary labours ; (b) but there seems to be 
neither truth nor probability in this opinion ; and 
although the Greek poem of Musurus entitled its 
author to rank with the most celebrated scholars 
of the age, (c) yet the munificence of the pope 
seems not to have been inferior to the pretensions 
of the poet. In fact, those writers, always in 
search of the marvellous, are frequently obliged to 
resort to the doubtful or the false in order to com- 
plete their literary wonders ; which, if true, would 
be sufficient to deter posterity from those studies, 
that according to their representation can only 

(a) He was a native of Sparta, and had been the friend and 
fellow-student of Marullus at Naples, whom he also emulated in 
the composition of Latin epigrams : " uterque epigrammatum 
Poeta," says Giraldi, " sed Rhallo Marullus cuhior argutiorque, 
Marullo Rhallus fortunatior, quippe qui a Leone X. his mcnsibus 
Cretensium sit pontificatu honestatus." Gir. de Poet. suor. letup. 
Politiano denominates him " Graecus homo sed latinis literis ad- 
prime excultus." Miscel. c. Ixxiii. Hodius, de Grctc. illust. p. 293. 

(b) Valer. de Literal, infel. lib. i. p. 16. Jovius, in Iscrill. p. 63. 

(c) Jovius, ubi sup. Erasmus has noticed the great acquirements 
of Musurus in very favourable terms : " Musurus autem, ante se- 
nectutem periit, posteaquam ex benignitate Leonis coeperat ene 
archiepiscopus. Vir natione Graecus, nimirum Crelentis : sed 
Latinae linguae usque ad miraculum doctus, quod vix ulli Graeco 
contigit, praeter Theodorum Gazam, & Joannem Lascarem, qui 
adhuc in vivis est." Eratm. Ep. lib. xxiii. ep. 5. 



CHAP, terminate in disappointment, poverty, and dis- 

[ grace. 

A. D. 1513. The before-mentioned edition of the works of 

A. Jft *?8 * 

A. Pont, i! Plato was published in the month of September, 
Dedication 1513, and is allowed to have conferred great ho- 
of piai^to* nour * not on ty on tne talents and diligence of 
Leo x - Musurus, but on the professional abilities of Aldo ; 
who has prefixed to it a dedication in prose to 
Leo X. in which that eminent printer refers in so 
particular a manner to the character of the pontiff, 
and to the expectations formed of him at this early 
period, as to render some parts of it peculiarly 

" It is an ancient proverb, most holy father," 
says he, " that when the head aches all the mem- 
bers suffer. If this be true as to the chief part 
of the human body, it is still more so with re- 
spect to the manners and conduct of those 
princes and great men who are, as it were, the 
head of the people. It has been shewn by long 
experience, that such as governors are, such 
are the subjects ; and that whatever the former 
propose for their imitation, the latter are also eager 
to copy. On this account your elevation to the 
pontificate was regarded with such satisfaction by 
all Christians, that they did not hesitate to con- 
gratulate each other on the cessation of those 
evils by which we have been so long afflicted, and 
on the return of the blessings which distinguished 
the golden age. We have, said they, obtained a 
prince, a pontiff, and a father, such as we have 
long wished, and of whose assistance, in these 
times, we stand in the greatest need. This I have 


myself heard repeated from all quarters. Nor CHAP. 
is their confidence unfounded; for many things 
concur to shew that you will fulfil their wishes. A. D. 1513. 
First, it may truly be observed, that even from A! Pom. i! 
your infancy until your arrival at the pontificate, 
your life and conduct have been pious and irre- 
proachable. In the next place, the family of 
Medici is the nursery of eminent men. From this 
stock sprung (not to speak of others) your excel- 
lent father Lorenzo ; a man endowed with such 
prudence, as whilst he lived to have preserved the 
tranquillity not only of his own country, but of all 
Italy. That his life had still been prolonged is my 
earnest wish ; for, in that case, the war which 
broke out in Italy soon after his death, and which 
now rages in that country, and in consequence 
throughout all Europe, would either never have 
commenced, or if it had commenced, would, as 
is generally believed, have been speedily extin- 
guished by him, by means of that authority and 
prudence which he so successfully exerted on 
many other occasions. O most deplorable event ! 
O loss ever to be regretted and lamented ! One 
consolation, however, remains to us ; that as these 
dreadful commotions began soon after the death of 
your father, so by the elevation of you, his son, to 
the dignity of supreme pontiff, they will, by your 
labours and your care, be extinguished. In the 
third place, when I advert to your time of life, 
and consider that in your elevation to the ponti- 
ficate, when you had not attained your thirty- 
eighth year, you were preferred to so many re- 
spectable fathers and venerable prelates, it seems 
to me to manifest the divine interposition. For as 

VOL. II. 8 


CHAP, there was much to be done in correcting the 

^ affairs of the Christian church and reforming the 

A. D. 1513- morals of those who reside in every part of the 
t*. Pont i! world, the task required a long life ; and God has 
therefore chosen you, a young man of unimpeach- 
able conduct and morals, to fulfil by long services 
this important task, without being disheartened 
by labour or discouraged by difficulties. 

" Brief are the hours of rest the man must share, 
On whom a nation casts its weight of care." (a) 

Aldo then adverts to the extension of the Chris- 
tian territory by the discoveries of Emanuel, king 
of Portugal, in the east ; after which, returning to 
his immediate subject, he thus proceeds : " Nor 
does less honour await you, holy father, from the 
restoration of literature and the supplying learn- 
ed men of the present and future ages with valu- 
able books for the promotion of liberal arts and 
discipline. This has in former times been attempt- 
ed by many, not only among the Greeks and La- 
tins, but in other nations ; and the good effects 
of their labours have secured immortality to their 
names. It has also been done in later days, both 
by those in private stations and by supreme pon- 
tiffs and illustrious sovereigns. Not to refer to 
others, how greatly was literature promoted by the 
labour of Nicholas V. ! How greatly, too, by your 
father, Lorenzo ! By whose assiduity, had they 
enjoyed a longer life, many works would certainly 
have been preserved which are now lost, and 
those which we possess would have been rendered 
much more correct. It remains, therefore, for you, 

(a) Ov %(>i> veunj^Kt tv$in Ajpogo a^, 

T I2i Xaol T' iwTiTaaTa xa Toa-ffo, irti. IA. B. 28. 


the great successor of the one, and the worthy son CHAP. 
of the other, to complete that which they were, 
by a premature death, prevented from accom- A.D.ISIS. 
plishing." This excellent and indefatigable artist A. pint. i". 
then refers to his own labours. " This stone," says 
he, " I have long endeavoured to roll ; in which at- 
tempt I seem to myself another Sisyphus ; not hav- 
ing yet been able to reach the top of the hill. Some 
learned men consider me, indeed, rather as a Her- 
cules ; because, unmindful of difficulties and dan- 
gers, I have rendered greater services to the cause 
of letters than any other person for many ages past. 
This has so far entitled me to their esteem, that, 
both in person and by letter, they almost weary me 
with their commendations ; sed non ego credulus 
illis ; nor in truth have I ever yet published a book 
which has pleased myself. Such is the regard 
which I bear to literature, that I wish to render 
those books which are intended for the use of the 
learned, not only as correct but as beautiful as 
possible. On this account if there be an error, al- 
though ever so trivial, occasioned by my own over- 
sight or by that of those who assist me in the task 
of correction, although opere in magnofas cst obre- 
pere somnum, for these works arc not the labour 
of a day but of many years without rest or inter- 
mission, yet so greatly do I regret these errors that 
I would gladly expunge each of them at the ex- 
pense of a piece of gold.'' (a) 

Leo was neither unacquainted with the merits 
of Aldo, nor insensible to his commendations ; the 
former of which he acknowledged, and the latter 

(a) The reader may consult the dedication, as given entire from 
In-original edition, in the Appendix, No. XCII. 

s 2 


CHAP. O f w hich he repaid, by a papal bull, bearing date 

' the twenty-eighth day of November, 1513. He 

A.D. 1513. there notices the strenuous exertions and great ex- 

A ./Ft 38 

A. Pont. i. penses of Aldo, during many years, in the cause 
Leo grants of literature ; particularly in the printing Greek 
to Aidoa and Latin books with metal types, which he ob- 

pnvilegef or J r 

publishing serves are so elegantly executed as to appear to be 
and Roman written with a pen. He then grants to him an ex- 
clusive privilege for fifteen years, of reprinting and 
publishing all Greek and Latin books which he 
had already printed or might afterwards print, in 
types discovered by himself, as well as for the use 
of the cursive, or Italic type, of which he was the 
inventor. These concessions he secures to him by 
denouncing not only heavy pecuniary penalties, 
but also the sentence of excommunication against 
all such as should encroach upon his privileges ; 
recommending to him, however, to sell his books at 
a reasonable price, of which he declares that he has 
the fullest confidence from the integrity and obe- 
dience of the printer, (a) 

The restoration of the Roman Academy and the 
institution of the Greek Seminary in Rome, spee- 
dily led the way to the establishment of a press for 
printing Greek books in that city ; the superinten- 

(a) Fabroni, after noticing this privilege granted by Leo to 
Aldo, adds, " Ut vero gratum animum suum Aldus Pontifici de- 
clararet, eidem nuncupavit editionem Platonis, etc." From which 
it would seem as if the dedication of Plato to Leo X. was ad- 
dressed to him by Aldus, in consequence of this favour ; the 
reverse of which seems however to have been the fact, as the 
dedication bears date in September, and the privilege in November, 
1513. This privilege was published by Aldo in his edition of the 
Commentaries of Nicolo Perotti, entitled CORNUCOPIJE. Ven. 1513. 
fol. from which it is given in the Appendix, No. XCIII. 


dence of which was also intrusted to Lascar, who CHAP. 

himself corrected the works which issued from it. ' 

His abilities in this province had already been suf- A.D. isu. 

A yEt 39 

ficiently evinced by his edition of the Greek An- A.PW.H. 
thologia, printed in capital letters at Florence in 
the year 1494, and inscribed by him to Piero de' 
Medici, and by that of Callimachus, (a) printed in at Rome, 

. . J ami works 

capitals at the same place and most probably about there pub- 
the same period. It has also been conjectured, 
that for several other works which about the same 
time issued from the press of Lorenzo Francesco 
de Alopa, the world is indebted to the industry of 
the same distinguished scholar, (b) As the Roman 
press was more particularly intended to promote 
the objects of the Greek seminary, and as the 
works of Homer, which had been splendidly pub- 
lished at Florence in the year 1488, were unaccom- 
panied by any commentary, it was thought expe- 
dient to print the ancient Greek Scholia on that 
first of poets, which was accordingly published in 

(a) Count Bossi has noticed a mistake in the French translation 
of the present work, where the edition in capital letters of the 
Greek Poet, CALUMACHUS, is stated to be an edition of the works 
of Callimachus Experiens, a Roman scholar of the fifteenth century, 
of whom some account is given in the present work (r. ante, vol. i. 
p. 50. et *<'/.) 1 have only to add, that the same unaccountable 
error is continued in the second French edition.* 

(b) Of these, Maittaire has enumerated, besides the Anthologia 
and Callimachus, an edition of four of the tragedies of Euripides, 
the Gnoma Monostichoi, and the Argonaulics of Apollonius Rho- 
diua; which are all the works he had met with printed in capitals. 
Annul. Typog. vol. i. p. 101. But it must be observed, that some 
of them were printed after the expulsion of the Medici from 
Florence, and when it is probable that Lascar had quitted that city 
to accompany Charles VIII. on his return to France. 



CHAP, the year 1517 ;() and was followed in the year 

' 1518 by the Scholia on the tragedies of Sophocles, 

A. D. 1514. which then also for the first time issued from the 

A JPt~ *?Q 

A.Vont.iL press, (b) In these works the citations from the 
text are printed in capitals, in order to distinguish 
them from the comment, and facilitate the use of 
the books to the pupils, (c) 

The efforts of Leo X. for the promotion of 
liberal studies were emulated by many persons of 

(a) This work appeared with the following tide, "Lectori. 
HOMERI INTERPRES PERVETUSTUS, injinitis propemodum malignitate 
temporum laceratus plagis, Mediceum olim Quirinalis, jam Caballini 
montis Gymnasium adii ; ibique haud parvo negotio in integrum res- 
titutus, purus nitidusquf ac mille fratribus auctus matrisfaecundissimcc 
chalcographorum artis beneficio in lucem prodeo : parentis generosce 
studiorum professions penetralia reserans. Debes id quoque, lector 
candide, LEONI X. PONTIFICI MAXIMO, cujus providentia ac bcnigni- 
tate Gymnasium nuper institutum viget, frugisque bona testimonium 
perhilens bona sua studiosis perquam liberaliter impertit." 

At the end, 

ot ra K.t>ps Xo^o. 'E r-n outlet ra tvyta<; 

foij T axp a^X^S**^' ". T. A. Hodius dc 
Greec. illustr. p. 254. 

This volume is accompanied by a privilege from Leo X. which 
is given in the Appendix, No. XCIV. 

(6) COMMENTARII in septem Tragcedias Sophoclis, qua ex aliis ejus 
compluribvs sola superfuerunt : opus exactissimum rarissimumque in 
MAXIMO constituto, recognition repurgatumque, &c. Besides the 
before-mentioned works, an edition of Porphyrius was published 
from the same press, entitled, PORPHYRII OPUSCULA dicuntur 
LEONIS X. PONTIFICIS MAXIMI beneficio e tenebris eruta, impressaque 
in GYMNASIO MEDICEO ad Caballinum montem, with other pieces 
illustrating the writings of Homer. . Hod. de Grac. illustr. 
p. 256. 

(c) Mailtaire t Ann. Typ. vol. i. p. 101. 


rank and opulence; but by no one with greater CHAP. 

munificence and success than by a merchant who 

had for some time resided at Rome, and who de- A.D. isu. 

. i . .. i A. j.\, 89. 

serves more particular commemoration in the an- A.pont.n. 
nals both of literature and of art than he has AKOStini 
hitherto obtained. Agostino Chisi, Clugi, or Chi ^ * 

O merchant at 

Ghisi, as he is variously named, was a native of KW. 

ci i i '; j i patron of li- 

oiena, who having frequent occasion in his mer- 
cantile concerns to resort to Rome, at length fixed 
his abode there and erected for himself a splendid 
mansion in the Transtevere, which he decorated 
with works in painting and sculpture by the 
greatest artists of the time, (a) He had long been 
considered as the wealthiest merchant in Italy ,(b) 
and on the expedition of Charles VIII. against 
the kingdom of Naples, had advanced for the use 
of that monarch a considerable sum of money, 
which, however, there is reason to believe he had 
not the good fortune to recover. That he carried 
on an extensive intercourse with foreign parts, 
may be conjectured from the applications made on 
his behalf to the French court, for the liberation 
of certain ships belonging to him, which had been 
captured during the contests between Louis XII. 
and Julius II. and detained in the ports of 
France, (c) On the rejoicings which had taken 
place on the procession of Leo X. to the Lateran, 

(a) Vasarii Vile de Piltori, passim. This mansion was after- 
wards purchased by the family of the Farnesc, to whom it yet 
belongs, and is known by the name of the Farnesina. 

(b) He is denominated, in a Letter from Leonardo da Porto, to 
Antonio Savorgnano, in the year 1611. " Agostino Ghisi, mer- 
cante piCi ricco, che alcuno altro d'ltalia." Leitere di Frtnapi. 
vol. i. p. 0. 

(c) Lettftcdi Principi, vol. i. p. 10. 


CHAP. Agostino exceeded, in the magnificence and taste 
XL of the devices exhibited in honour of the pontiff, 
A.D. 1514. every other individual in Rome. A great part of 
A. pStJti. his wealth was supposed to have arisen from his 
having rented, under Julius II. the mines of salt 
and of alum belonging to the Roman see. On 
the elevation of Leo X. the profits of the latter 
had been granted to Lorenzo, the nephew of the 
pontiff; but after a long negotiation between him 
and Agostino, in which the latter appears to have 
conducted himself with great propriety, and even 
liberality, the contract with him, as sole vender of 
this article was renewed. From this period we 
find him frequently mentioned in the confidential 
correspondence of the Medici family, as their as- 
sociate and friend, (a) Of the liberal encourage- 
ment which he afforded to the professors of paint- 
ing, sculpture, and every other branch of art, and 
of the partiality and attachment with which he 
was regarded by them, instances will occur to our 
future notice ; but the professors of literature were 
not without their share of his attention; and 
whilst Leo X. was employing all his efforts for 
the restoration of ancient learning, Agostino had 
devoted himself to the same object in a manner 
which confers great honour on his memory. Among 
Comeiio those learned men whom he had distinguished by 
vtS!' f his particular favour was Cornelio Benigno of 
Viterbo, (b) who united to a sound critical judg- 

(a) MSS. Florcnt. v. App. No. XCV. 

(6) " Optime literatus fuit Cornelius Benignus Viterbiensis, ne- 
que ipse prospera satis fortuna usus, postea enim quam Augustinum 
Gysium, Senensem, Mcecenatem suum, apud quern in honore fuerat 
a nmit, vitam inde nullo solatio egit." Valer. de Literator. infel. lib. ii 
p. 150. If we may believe this author, who has aspersed or ridiculed 


ment an intimate acquaintance with the Greek CHAP. 
tongue, and had before joined with a few other _ 
eminent scholars in revising and correcting the A. D. isu. 
geographical work of Ptolomaeus, which was pub- ptatH". 
lished at Rome in the year 1507. Under the pa- 
tronage of Chigi, Cornelio undertook to superin- 
tend an edition of the writings of Pindar, accom- 
panied by the Greek Scholia. The printer whose 
assistance they had recourse to on this occasion 
was Zaccaria Calliergo, a native of Crete, who had Greek P"* 8 

of /act-aria 

formerly resided at Venice, and had obtained con- 
siderable applause by his edition of the great 
Etymological Dictionary of the Greek language, 
which he published there by the assistance of 
Musurus in the year 1499. (a) A printing-press 
was established in the house of Agostino ; and at 
his expense and by the labour of his learned asso- 
ciates, a fine edition in quarto of the works of 
Pindar was published in the month of August, 
1515, (fy which was allowed to be executed with 
great accuracy, and as well on account of the 
beauty of the workmanship as of the Scholia by 
which it was accompanied, and which were now 

most of the learned men of his time, Cornelio, at an advanced a^e, 
attempted to console himself by paying his addresses to a lady of 
rank, and being repulsed, died of love ! Ibid. 

(a) b'abririi Bib. Grac. vol. x pp. 12, 21. 

(b) Under the following title : 


OATMHIA. nyeiA. 


MIT l 



CHAP. f or the first time printed, is even preferred to the 

' first edition of the same author given by Aldo two 

A.D.1514. years before. By this publication, Agostino anti- 

A.'pom. if. cipated the pontiff in the introduction of the 

Greek typography, and produced the first book 

which had been printed in that language at 

Impressi Roma per Zachariam Calergi Cretensem, permissu S. D. N. 
LEONIS X. PONT. MAX. ea eliam conditione, ut nequis alius per 
quinquennium fios imprimere, aut venundare libros possit ; utque qui 
sccvs fecerit, is ab universa Dei Ecclesia to to or be terrarum expers ex- 
communicutusquc censeatur. 

At the close of the book is the following Colophon : 

, run 

( fjCtv roTj cttira, ota. irafamVfw; rS Xoyia u.vd(>o<; 
>)Xi BfyK ra ovireptoHUs' trow SI xoii $S%IOTI>TI Za^a^ia Ka^Xi- 
T K^>JTO{" tret ta otiro TTI? l cci^xa oixoo/*4a? r3 Yivpiov ^puii 
XPIZTOY, %X*ori, <p' u'. /xjo Awyara, >' AEONTOS AE- 
KATOY ,iyr8 


Rome, (a) To the same press we are also in- CHAP. 
debted for a correct edition of the Idyllia and 
Epigrams of Theocritus, which appeared in the A. D. 
year 1516, (b) and which has been resorted to by 
a learned modern editor as the most accurate and 

(a) This is commemorated in the following lines addressed by 
Benedetto Lampridio to the editor. 

of, KogirjXiti; Bmyrw TU Cvtrifu7. 

*EXX>jiwr fAO 
H> TOOI fxi TE^a-r, ijc xx m Aia TrwAf etxaw?. 

"Epyor yap fxiyaX*) *P/x> Mixt piya.. 
Nw ii yi TOVTO rigotf tritrt, trots, K.optjXi, ^wgotj, 

X* i^.rx yfetiKolvirov xaXXoj lir^xQf woroy. 
fl{ i aXAot( irgotyffu Xowi iroXK at/rri aa 
Ot/'rw x |3tCXo5 ^eei^OTi^aK xgaTiii. 

Under the following title, 



IOXJITW li^fXXta i xai Tgiaxora. 
Ttf at r f7riyga/4/xara i/a xai J/xa. 
Tot; ayrS wiXixt;{ xa -Tift/yo. 
Zp^oXia T a ii( auJra ivpiaxo/xira* ix ii 

^o^wr aTy^^r, if r <rvXXi^ir. 

After which follows the Imperial Eagle, or Impresa of Calliergo, 
with the letters Z. K. 
At the close we read, 

A/orTo; Miy'r a^%f'^? dsxara irawa Pv/xq; oattff adrJir cio- 
^t5ro; xat TO 77stf> |3iwuor i> rat/Tt) ot;x IV>O/X.IM X u (^ TV7rw6i, irifetf 
i*Xi)^i Ji^i <7t5> 6fw* aixAi/u.aa /xi> TW Xoyttt a^o,- Ko^)Xie Biiy> rw 
u*>(' -oa; i xa di|JTi) 

0f a>yap, 11. itor^ wiTxororw mru IXTA). 

Leonis X. Pont. Max. litteris cautum est, ne quis possit tarn 
Pindarum, qui nuper cum commentariis editus est, quam Theocri- 
tum hunc impressum, cum additione et commentariis, per decen- 
nium imprimere, aut venundare. Sub poena Excommunicationis 
In t.-r sententiae, refectiohis damnorum et expensarum, et amissionis 


CHAP, complete among the early editions of that charming 

'_ _ author, and as that on which he chiefly relied for 

A.D. 1514. the correction of those errors which the inatten- 

\ /Et 39 

A.'pont.ii. tion or inaccuracy of subsequent printers had in- 
troduced, (a) 

(a) This edition of Calliergo is denominated by the celebrated 
Reiske, in his Theocritus, Vien. et Leips. 1765, " Editio praestan- 
tissima, et exemplar omnium insecutarum : nisi si quid Henricus 
Stephanus ab hoc exemplo discessit. Explevit enim Zacharias 
Aldinae lacunas, et non pauca carmina bucolicorum Grsecorum, qua? 
ad Aldi manus non pervenerant addidit ; neque fuit post Zachariam 
qui Theocritum nova quadam accessione locupletaret," &c. In 
prof. p. 12. 

The same learned editor afterwards adds, " Quod si essem copiis 
et usu vetustorum librorum et peritiae rerum in literis, seculis xv. 
et xvi. gestarum instructior, otioque praeterea si abundarem, erat 
hie commodus locus de typographia a Zacharia Calliergo Roma? 
adornata, et de libris ab eo profectis, item de Cornelio Benigno Vi- 
terbiense, qui sumptus huic editioni erogasse dicitur, nee non de 
numero carminum Theocritiorum disputandi," &c. Ibid. p. 14. 

It is surprising that the indefatigable Tiraboschi should not only 
have omitted to notice the efforts of Leo X; and of his coadjutors 
and competitors, in their attempts to establish a Greek typography 
in Rome, but should expressly have attributed its introduction to the 
liberality of the cardinals Marcello Cervini and Alessandro Farnese 
about the year 1539, whilst such decisive monuments remain of 
its commencement and success under the auspices of Leo X. at a 
much earlier period, v. Tirah. Storia delta Let. leal. vol. vii. par. 
i. p. 183. Maittaire, Ann. Typ. in dedicat. 

Several other works printed by Calliergo are enumerated by 
Count Bossi, Ital. ed. vol. iv. p. 115, &c. among which is one 
intitled, Prceclura dicta Philosophorum Imperatorum Oraiorumq. et 
Poctarum ab Arsenio Archiepiscopo Monembasias collecta, supposed 
to be printed in 1515, with a dedication to Leo X. of which Count 
Bossi possesses a splendid copy, which appears to have been pre- 
sented by the author himself to Francesco de Medici. From this 
dedication, and the account of this edition given by Bossi, it seems 
to be a different work from that of which an account is given by 
Bandini in his Fasciculus Rerum Grcecarum Ecclesiasticarum, Ffor. 
1763, intitled ARSENII VIOLABIA COMPOSITIO ; which is alsoa collec- 


The labours of Lascar, of Musurus, and other CHAP. 
native Greeks, in diffusing the study of the Greek 
language throughout Italy, were rivalled, if not A.D. isu. 
surpassed, by several learned Italians, who had A.'pm^ii. 
devoted themselves chiefly to this department of 

. , Greek hle- 

literature, and shared with them in the esteem and nu ure pro- 
the favour of the supreme pontiff. Among these "arned L- 
one of the most distinguished was Guarino, a ham * 
native of Favera in the state of Camerino, whence 
he assumed the surname of Favorino; and hav- 
ing, in compliance with the custom of the Italian 
scholars, transformed his name of Guarino into 
the more classical appellation of Varino, he some- 
times styled himself Varinus Favorinus, or Pha- 
vorinus, and at others Varino Camerti. The pe- 

riod of his birth is placed by a well-informed 
writer some years after the middle of the fifteenth 
century. () In acquiring a knowledge of the 
Greek and Latin languages he had the good 
fortune to obtain the instructions of Politiano, who 
has left in one of his letters an honourable testimo- 
ny of the proficiency of his pupil ; (b) of the oppor- 

tion by Arsenius, of phrases, sentences, &c. from the Greek historians, 
poets, philosophers, &c. with a dedication in the same language to 
Leo X. However this may be, I shall here observe, that this collection 
was begun by Michael Apostolius, the father of Arsenius, and of an- 
other son, Aristobulus, who was also a distinguished scholar, and au- 
thorof one of the Greek epigrams prefixed to the Thesaurus Cornuco- 
pia of Vurinus Comers hereafter mentioned ; and that there exists in 
the MS. library at Holkham several tracts of Michael Apostolius 
hitherto unpublished, and a collection of forty- five letters addressed 
to Gemitthus Pletho, Michael Manillas, Johannes Argyropylus, 
Manuel Chrysoloras, Card. Bessarion, and other learned men of the 

(a) Zcno, Giornale d'Jtulia, vol. xix. p. 91. 

(6) " Varinus, civis tuns, auditor meus, ad summum lingua 1 

CHAP, timities thus afforded him, he availed himself with 


' such diligence, that very few, even of the Greeks 
A. D. 15H. themselves, could equal him in the knowledge of 
A. Pont if. that language. During his residence in Florence he 
appears to have been particularly devoted to the 
service of the Medici family, and is said, although 
perhaps erroneously, to have given instructions, 
as preceptor, to Giovanni de' Medici afterwards 
Leo X. (a) He also formed an intimacy there 
with Giulio de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII. 
which continued uninterrupted until the death of 
- *kat P 011 *^' The first publication of Varino was 
a collection of grammatical tracts in the Greek 
language, selected with incredible labour from the 
remains of thirty-four ancient grammarians, whose 
names are prefixed to the work, (b) In this com- 

utriusque fastigium pleno gradu contendit ; sic ut inter doctos jam 
conspicuus digito monstretur." Pol. Ep. lib. vii. ep. 2. ad Mac. 
Mutiwn. Zeno, on the authority of Ughelli, and the erroneous 
construction of the sepulchral inscription of Varino, had asserted, 
that he also received instructions from Giovanni Lascar. Giorn. 
cTItal. vol. xix. p. 92. But he afterwards corrected this error. 
Ibid. vol. xx. p. 277. 

(a) He is called, in one of the inscriptions on his tomb, Tnj 
Mt2x>i olxiaj Tgof>ipy, which may be admitted as a proof that he 
was educated in the family of the Medici, but not that he acted as 
a preceptor there ; nor has Zeno, who mentions it, adduced any 
authority to this effect. Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 92. It is not 
indeed probable, that whilst Politiano was yet living, the education 
of the brothers of the Medici would be transferred from him to one 
of his pupils. 

(6) Under the following title 0HSATPOS. K/^a? 'A^axSnas 
which the learned printer, in his preface, thus explains : " Ecce 
li abet is opus oppido quam utile et necessarium, quem Kiga; 
'A/xoAfii ns, quem Kwc 'A$un$os quem jure THESAURUM appella- 
verim. In eo enim fere omnia reposita sunt quae desiderare quis 


pilation he was assisted by Carlo Antinori, another CHAP. 
disciple of Politiano, and even by Politiano him- 
self, who also honoured him with a recommenda- A.D. isu. 

A " 

tory letter and a Greek epigram to be prefixed to 
the volume, (a) The publication was undertaken 
by Aldo Manuzio, in which he was assisted by the 
celebrated Urbano Valeriano, who will occur to 
our future notice as another successful promoter 
of Grecian literature. The first edition of this 
work made its appearance in the year 14-96, () 

possit ad perfectam absolutamque cognitionem literarum Grseca- 
rum, et eorum praecipue quae leguntur apud poctas ; qui verba 
variis figuris ac linguis, ita saepe immutant, ut facilius sit Nil! 
caput < 1 11:1111 alicuj us temporis thema aut principium invenire. Sed 
hoc libro quam facillima facta sunt omnia," c. This edition, 
which Zeno says is " molto rara, e pero notissima a pochi," is pre- 
ceded by the Latin preface of Aldo, after which follows the letter 
of Politiano before mentioned, which is not found in the general 
collection of his works. The ensuing page contains four Greek 
epigrams, in praise of the author, by Politiano, Aristobolo Apostolo, 
Scipione Carteromaco, and Aldo ; and these are succeeded by two 
epistles in Greek, the one from Carteromaco to Varino, and the 
other from Varino to Piero de' Medici, as a dedication of the work ; 
which he inscribes to him as an acknowledgment of the benefits 
which he had himself received, in having been permitted to attend 
with the young men of the family of Antinori on the instructions 
of Politiano. At the close of the volume we read, 

" Venctiis in domo Aldi Romani, sununa cura laborcquc prar- 

magno, Hfense Augusto, M.HII.D. Ab. ill. Senntu V. 

sum est ne yuis, fyc. ut in ccteris. Vale qui legrfis." 

(a) " Primus labor in eo (libro)" says Aldo in his preface, " fuit 
Guarini Camcrtis, et Carol! Antenorei Florentini ; hominura multi 

studii, ac in Graccarum literarum lectione frequentium. Hi 

simul ex Eustathio, Etymologico, et aliis dignis Grammaticis ac- 
cepere hsec canonisraata, digessereque per ordinem literarum ; 
nee sine adjumcnto et consilio Angeli Politiani, viri summo ingenio 
ac impense docti." Aid. in prof. 

(/>) " Sccundus vero labor meus fuit ; qui ea omnia recognovi, 


CHAP, and is justly considered as one of the finest pro- 
XL ductions of the Aldine press. Succeeding gram- 
A.D. 1514. marians have adverted to this collection in terms 
A.'p?nt. 3 n. of approbation, and the learned Budreus is said to 
have made considerable use of it in his commen- 
taries on the Greek tongue, (a) It was however 
reserved for the indefatigable Henry Stephens to 
complete the building of which Varino had laid 
the foundation; which he did in his Thesaurus 
Lingua Grcecee, which is considered as the most 
complete body of grammatical knowledge extant 
in any language, but for the title and idea of which 
he appears to have been indebted to Varino. 
is appoint- Having engaged in an ecclesiastical life, and 

ed librarian c . . . 

to the Me- entered into the order ot .Benedictines, Varino 
was in the year 1508, nominated by Julius II. 
^^deacon o f Nocera, (V) and in 1512, was in- 
trusted by Leo X. then the cardinal de' Medici, 
with the superintendence of his private library, 
an office which he continued to enjoy after the 
elevation of that pontiff to the supreme dignity, (c) 
The collection made by the cardinal in Rome had, 
in the year 1508, been enriched by the addition of 
the library formed by the assiduity of his ancestors 

mm parvo labore, cum iis conferens unde excerpta voluminibus 
fuerant. Multa enim addidi ; plurima immutavi, adjuvante in- 
terdum Urbano divi Francisci fratre optimo," &c. Ibid. 

(a) Zeno, Giorn. d' Italia, vol. xix. p. 108. 

(b) Ibid. p. 93. 

(c) " Consulara Varinum Camerlem, qui bibliothecce nostrcr prceett, 
hominem literatissimum et humanissimum, aut Scipionem Curtero- 
tnachum familiarem etiam nostrum." In these words Giuliano de' 
Medici is represented as addressing his brother Giovanni, r. 
Piero Alcyonio de Exsilio, lib. ii. p. 179. ap. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. 
vol. xix. p. 93. 


in Florence, which, after the expulsion of his fa- CHAP. 
mily in 1494, had been sold as confiscated property ' 
to the convent of S. Marco for three thousand A % -^ 5 ^ 4 - 
gold ducats. From the monks of this convent, A.'POQC 11. 
who either were or pretended to be in want of 
money to discharge their debts, the cardinal after- 
wards purchased the same on reasonable terms, 
and the library was conveyed to Rome, (a) where 
however it was always kept distinct from that of 
the Vatican, and was considered as the peculiar 
collection of the Medici family. The high esteem 
in which Varino was held by this family suffi- 
ciently appears in the secret correspondence which 
was maintained at this period between Rome and 
Florence, where he is generally mentioned by the 
friendly appellation of Guerino nostro. In the year 
1514, the general of the rich monastery of Vallom- 
brosa, having been accused of misconduct in his 
office, was committed by order of the pope to the 
castle of S. Angelo ; where, on being threatened 

(a) " Anno 1508, cum propter supradicta aedificia, quac cuncta 
impensis Conventus exstructa sunt, Conventus magna aeris alieni 
quantitate gravaretur, et cxsolvendi tempus instaret, nee aliunde 
praeberetur facultas, decreverunt tandem Prior et Patres discreti, 
e nobilissima Mediceorum bibliotheca hujusmodi pecunias cxtra- 
here, quam nuper pretio triuin millium ducatorum a Syndicis He- 
be-Ilium, ut supra meminimus, comparaverat Conventus nostcr, et 
pro qua plurimos labores Fratres subierant, quam cum R. D. 
Dominus Joannes Medices, Magni Laurcntii films, et S. K. E. 
Cardinalis, cujus nuper paterna heereditas fuerat, recupcrarepluri- 
miiin inhiaret, ipsi de permissione Dominationis Florentine venun. 
darent, pretio . . . ducatorum ; atque in hunc modum Bibliotheca 
ilia Komam ad ipsum K. Dominum Cardinalem advccta; de 
quibus in actis hujus conventus plenius et clarius continetur." Roll, 
de Galliano, S. Marci Ctznob. alumn. tip. Ftibr. rila Leon. X. in 
not. 19, p. 265. 



CHAP, with the question, according to the detestable 
practice of the times, when the cord was applied 
A.D. 1514- to draw him up he confessed that he had been 
A.Vont. if. guilty of some errors, one of which, it seems, was 
his having caused the handle of a razor to be 
adored as a piece of the wood of the cross. The 
real offence of the general appears, however, to 
have consisted in his having been an adversary 
to the Medici family, and in having selected his 
orisons from the Canticles in such a manner as to 
pray for their destruction, (a) His removal from 
his office was determined upon, and it was pro- 
posed that Varino should succeed him in this re- 
spectable and lucrative situation; but this not 
taking effect, the pope in the month of July fol- 
lowing nominated Varino to the bishoprick of 
Nocera, which diocese he governed with great 
credit during upwards of twenty-three years, (b) 
In the same correspondence many instances occur 
of the respect paid to his opinion on subjects of 
literature, and concerning the manuscripts of an- 
cient authors, (c) The high estimation in which 
he was held by the pontiff caused him also to be 

(a) J/SS. Florent. v. Appendix, No. XCVI. 

(6) Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 95. Varino died at Nocera, in 
the year 1537, and was interred in the chapel of S. Venanzio, where 
a noble monument was erected to his memory, with his statue in a 
reclined posture. Below are four inscriptions in Greek, one of 
which consists of the following verses of Politiano, prefixed to the 
Thesaurus of Varino : 

'EX/a^t TOK Jjioij criwAanjai'Mj if Xavgii>9oi;, 
Ov (AtTo> aAAa jSXo 7f6iT& *5aA*o, 
SI BgVo{* xotm yi 

(c) MSS. Florent. v. Appendix, No. XCVII. 


frequently resorted to by those who wished to ob- CHAP. 
tain the favours of the Roman see ; and it was 

chiefly by his means that Gianmaria Varani, lord A.D. ISM. 
of Camerino, was honoured by the pope with the 
title of the first duke of that territory, by a decree 
which passed the consistory on the thirtieth day 
of April, 1515. (a) The cardinal Innocenzio Cibo 
was deputed from Rome to place the ducal diadem 
on the head of Gianmaria, in which embassy he 
was attended by two bishops, one of whom was 
Varino, who had the honour of celebrating mass 
on the occasion and of investing the duke with 
the insignia of his new rank, as also with those of 
prefect of Rome and count of Sinigaglia. (b) 

The next publication of Varino was a translation 
into Latin of the apophthegms of various Greek 
authors, collected by Stobaeus, which he dedicated 
to Leo X. and printed at Rome in the year 1517.(c) 
Of this work another edition was published at 
Rome, in 1519, under a very different title ; (d) 

(a) On this occasion, Varani struck a modal in honour of Leo 
X. with the arms of Camerino on one side, and on the reverse, a 
laurel wreath, with the motto, '' LEONIS X. CCLTUI." 

(6) Zeno, Giorn. d'ltalia, vol. xix. p. 94. 

(c) " APOPHTHEGMATA ex variis autoribusper JoAmrBH SVOBAUM 
collccta, VARINO FAVORING intcrprete." 

At the close, 

" Impressum Roma per Jacobum Mazochium, die xxvii. Men. 

Novctub. M.D.XVII." 

in lti. In the dedication, Varino thus addresses the pope: " Hum- 
igitur, B. P. tuo auspicio publicum accipere volui ; ut qui tibi jam- 
pridem meas operas, mequc totum dedidcrim, mca quoque itudia 
accepta referam." Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 110. 

(rf) VA.RINI CAMERTIS Apophthegmutu, ad bene bcatcgue virendum 
mire conducentia, nuper ex lympidissimo Grctcorum fonte in Lntmuiu 
jideliter convcrsa, et longc antea imprcssis castigatiora, &rc. 

T 2 


CHAP, and this was reprinted at Cracow in 1529, with a 
' Latin epigram in praise of the author by a learned 
A. D. 1514. native of Poland, (a) 

A JEt 39 

A. Pont. if. But the great work by which Varino is known 

His Greek P resen t times, and which will always secure 

dictionary to him an honourable rank among the promoters 

under the , I-X-N '<* i i 

name of of Grecian literature, is his Irreek dictionary, which 
s ' after the labour of many years was completed by 
him in the lifetime of Leo X. who granted him 
a privilege for its publication; notwithstanding 
which it did not make its appearance until the 
pontificate of his successor, Adrian VI. in the 
year 1523, when it was published at Rome from 
the press of Zaccaria Calliergo. (b] In this de- 
partment Varino had indeed been preceded by 
Giovanni Crastone, a Carmelite monk, (c) but the 

At the close, 

" Roma in adibus Jacobi Mazochii, die xix. mensit Decembris, 
M.D.XIX." 8vo. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 111. 
(a) " Lector candide, si cupis repente, 
Divina quasi virgula vocatus, 
Moralem Sophiam tibi parare, 
Hoc parvi moneo legas libelli, 
E Graeco tibi quod bonus VARINUS 
Traduxit, lepide simul Latine." 
Wences. Sobeslaviense. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 112. 

PHAVORINUS GAMERS, Nucerinus Episcopus, ex multis nariisqve 
auctoribus in ordinem alphabeti collegit." 

" LEONIS X. P. M. literis cautum est, ne quis possit hoc Varini 
Phavorini Episcopi Nucerini Magnum Dictionarium, impressum 
per Zachariam Calliergi Cretensem, per decennium imprimere aut 
venundare, sub poena excoramunicationis latae sententiae, et amis- 
sionis librorum." Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 118. 

(c) " More correctly Crastonus, also Creslonus, sometimes called 
Johannes Monachus. Compare Denis, Curiosities of the Garellian 
Library" (Note of Mr. Henkc, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 137.) 



production of this ecclesiastic is so defective, that CHAP. 
Varino is ranked as the first who favoured the ' 
learned world with an useful "and authentic lexicon. A.D. isu. 
The merit of this performance is fully confirmed A. Font. if. 
by the authority of the celebrated Henry Stephens 
in his Thesaurus Lingua Greece? ; not indeed in 
express terms, for he has not even mentioned the 
labours of his industrious predecessor; but by 
the more unequivocal circumstance of his having 
transcribed many parts of the volume published 
by Varino, and inserted them in his own more ex- 
tensive work, (a) The dictionary of Varino was 
on its publication dedicated by him to Giulio, car- 
dinal de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII. An- 
other edition was printed at Basil in the year 
1538 ; (b) and notwithstanding the various works 
of the same nature which have since been pub- 
lished, the authors of which have availed them- 
selves without scruple of the labours of Varino, 
his dictionary was again reprinted at Venice in 
the year 1712, by Antonio Bartoli, in a correct 
and elegant manner, (c) and yet retains its rank 

An edition of this work, Per Dionysium Btrtochum de Bononia, 
printed at Vicenza, M.CCCC.LXXXHI. is in the collection of Richard 
Heber, Esq.* 

(a) Zeno, Giorn. d'ltalia, vol. xix. p. 114. 

(b) This edition was superintended by the celebrated Camera- 
rius, and inscribed by him to Albert, marquis of Brandenburg. 
It was printed at the press of Robertas Cheimcrinus, or Robert 
Winter, at Basil, under the following title : 

" Dictionarium VARINI PHAVORINI CAMERTIS Nucerini Epu- 

copi, magnum illud acperutile, mullis variitqve ex autoribus col- 

lectum, totius lingua Gneca commeniarius" 

Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 119. 

(c) A full account of this edition is given by Zeno, Giorn. 
d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 89. 


CHAP, among those useful and laborious compilations, of 
. which it set the first laudable example, (a) 

A. D. 1514. Another eminent Italian scholar who at this 

A JEt *3Q 

A.'pont.if. period distinguished himself by his proficiency in 
Sci ione Greek literature, was Scipione Forteguerra of 
Forteguer- Pistoja, better known by his scholastic appellation 
c^rteroma- of Carteromachus, by which he chose to express 
his family name in his favourite language. His 
origin was respectable, and his father had several 
times held the supreme magistracy of his native 
place. He was born in the year 1467, and received 
the rudiments of his education at Pistoja, whence 
he afterwards removed to Rome ; (b) but it was in 
the city of Florence, and under the directions of 
Politiano, that he acquired that thorough know- 
ledge of the Greek language on which his reputa- 
tion is founded. On this occasion he was the 
fellow-student of Varino, and being associated 
with the Antenori and other young men of rank, 
was allowed to receive instructions in the family 
of the Medici. From Florence he transferred his 
residence to Padua, whence he wrote in the month 
of April, 1493, to his preceptor Politiano, with 
whom, as appears from this letter, he still main- 
tained the most friendly intimacy, (c) About the 

(a) The various appellations assumed by Varino have misled the 
French bibliographer De Bure, who has, in the general index of 
his work, quoted Guarino Camerti, the author of the Thesaurus 
Cornucopia?, mid Varino Phavorino, the compiler of the Greek 
Lexicon, as distinct authors. 

(6) Zeno, Giorn. d'ltalia, vol. xx. p. 279, vol. xxvi. p. 320. 

(c) " Pudet equidem, Politiane, praceptor optime, earn potissi- 
mum expectasse ad te scribendi occasionem, unde necessitudinis 
potius quam voluntatis aut officii ratio appareret. Nam cum 
debuerim initio statim quo hue profectus sum, scribere ad te, ut 


year 1500, he was invited by the senate of Venice CHAP. 
to give instructions in the Greek language in that _ 
city. At this period he had acquired such credit by A.D. isu. 

i . n . .1 j A. /Et.39. 

his proficiency in that tongue, that we are assured A.POIU.II. 
that the Greeks themselves acknowledged his su- 
periority, even in their native language, (a) On 
the elevation of Julius II. Scipione was called to 
Home by that pontiff, and by him appointed to 
attend as preceptor and companion on his nephew, 
the cardinal Galeotto della Rovere, to whom Sci- 
pione soon afterwards inscribed an oration of 
Aristides, which he translated from the Greek, (b) 
From the intimacy which subsisted between Ga- 
leotto and the cardinal de' Medici, it may be pre- 
sumed, that Scipione at this period renewed that 
friendship with the latter which had been formed 
when they were fellow students at Florence. Dur- 
ing his attendance on Galeotto, he met at Bologna 
with the celebrated Erasmus, who has described 
him as a man of deep and consummate erudition, 
but so remote from all ostentation, that unless 
called forth by controversy, no one would have 
suspected him to have been possessed of such ac- 
complishments. The acquaintance which these 
distinguished scholars then contracted was ripened 
into more particular friendship when they met 
together at Rome, (c) On the untimely death of 

est araici officium, ac multo magis dixipuli, ego id praetcrmisi," 
&c. Inter Pol. Ep. lib. xii. ep. 22. 

(a) " tamctsi Latinus est, attamen vel Graeci ipsi in suae 

linguae cognitione et subtilitatc, primas deferunt." P. Alcyon. de 
Exsilio. ap. Zcno, Giorn. (Vital, vol. xx. p. 282. 

(b) Published from the Aldine press, with the Augustine Histo- 
rians, in the year 1519. Zeno, Giorn. (Tltal. vol. xxiv. p. 324. 

(c) " Bononia primurn videre contigit Scipionem Cart fromac hum, 


CHAP. Galeotto in the year 1508, Scipione attached him- 
' self to Francesco Alidosio, cardinal of Pavia ; after 
A. D. ISM. whose assassination at Ravenna by the duke of 
if. Urbino, in the year 1511, he returned to Rome, 
and enjoyed the society of the few men of learn- 
ing then resident there and particularly of Angelo 
Colocci. If we may credit an eminent Italian 
critic, Scipione was indebted to Colocci for his 
introduction to the friendship of the cardinal de' 
Medici ; but we have already found sufficient rea- 
son to conclude that their acquaintance had com- 
menced at a much earlier period ; (a) and it is 
certain that before the elevation of Leo X. to the 
pontificate, Scipione was not only ranked among 
his friends, but resided with him under his roof, (b] 

reconditae et absolutae eruditionis hominem ; sed usque adeo alie- 
num ab ostentatione, ut ni provocasses, jurasses esse literarum 
ignarum. Cum eo post Roma fuit mihi propior familiaritas." 
Erasm. Ep. lib. xxiii. ep. 5. 

(a) " Sappiamo bene, per la testimonianza del Valeriano, che 
Scipione, per mezzo del Colocci, venne in conoscenza, che e lo 
stesso che dire in istima, del cardinale Giovanni de' Medici," &c. 
Zeno, Giomal. d'ltal. vol. xx. p. 285. In this account the modern 
writer appears not to have consulted the authority which he has 
cited with his usual accuracy, v. Valer. de Literal. infcL in art. 
Scip. Carterom. p. 119. 

(b} Pet. Alcyonius, in his book " Ds Exsilio" introduces Giulio 
de 1 Medici, as addressing himself to the cardinal Giovanni, after- 
wards Leo X. and designating Carteromaco by the name of Fa- 
miliaris noster. " Multos item Graeca literatura insignes viros 
domi habes, ad quorum emulationem non desiisti cum omni genere 
exercitationis, turn maxime stylo augere partam eloquentiam ; at- 
que inter hos maxime eminet Scipio Carterotnachus ; quern honori- 
ficentissime, pro tua natura, liberalissimeque tractas, cum praeser- 
tiin videas ilium, quamquam Latinum, sic loqui et scribere, ut solus 
post veterum Graecorum, Platonis, Isocratis, Demosthenis, et 
Strabonis interitum, orbae eloquentiae tutor relictus videatur." 
Giorn. d' Italia, vol. xx. p. 287. 


After that fortunate event, Leo is said to have CHAP. 


appointed Scipione to direct the studies of his 

cousin Giulio de' Medici, then archbishop elect of A.D. ISM. 

A /Et 39 

Florence, (a) but it is scarcely probable that Leo A. Pont if. 
would have interfered with the studies of his re- 
lation, who was then of mature age and fully 
competent to choose his own associates and in- 
structors. Scipione had, however, reason to flatter 
himself, that from the liberality of such a pontiff 
he should receive the just remuneration of his 
talents and his services ; nor is it likely that his 
expectations would have been defrauded, had not 
his premature death prevented his obtaining the 
full reward of his merits. The precise time when 
this event happened has been a subject of doubt ; 
but from the most authentic account, founded on 
the records of his family, it appears that he died 
at Pistoia, about six months after the accession of 
Leo X. or in the month of October, 1513. () In 
consequence of his untimely fate, Scipione is in- 
debted for his literary reputation rather to the 
numerous commendations of his contemporaries 
and friends than to his own writings, many of . 
which are said to have been dispersed at his death, 
and usurped by others into whose hands they had 
fallen, (c) Among those which remain, is his ora- 

(a) Valerian, de Lilcrator. infel. p. 119. 

(6) " II Salvi, e le memorie dei Signori Forteguerri, il fanno 
morto ai 16 <li Ottobre, 1513, cioe di 40 anni." Zcno, Giorn. 
(fltalia, vol. xxvi. p. 326. 

(c) Giraldi thus adverts to his death : " per haec nostra tempora 
fuit Pistoriensis Scipio Carteromachus, qui Graece et Latine scivit, 
nee infans fuit ; interceptus ille ante diem, quae utraque lingua in- 
choata promiserat, haud plane perfecit; multum quidem eo moriente 
.imisinms." GiralJ. de Poetis. ap. Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xx. p. 280. 



C xf P ** on * n P ra * se f Grecian literature, recited by him 

before a full and noble audience at Venice, in 1504, 

A ^t 5 39* anc ^ Polished from the press of Aldo in the same 
A. Pont. n. year; (a) besides which, several epigrams in Greek 
and Latin, and a few Italian compositions, are 
extant in the publications of the times, (b) " It 
might be truly observed of him," says Valeriano, 
" that there was nothing written before his time 
which he had not read ; nothing that he had read 
which he did not convert to the utility of others." (c) 
During his residence at Venice he frequently as- 
sisted in correcting the editions of the ancient 
authors published by Aldo, who has mentioned 
him in several of his publications in terms of high 
commendation and esteem, (d) He also united 
with Cornelio Benigno of Viterbo and other learned 
men in correcting the edition of the geographical 
works of Ptolomaeus, printed at Rome in 1507, 
which has before been noticed. 

Urbano Fra Urbano Valeriano Bolzanio, of Belluno, has 
M0 ' already been mentioned as one of the coadjutors 
of Varino and Aldo in the publication of the The- 
saurus Cornucopia: but the services which he 
rendered to Grecian literature by his subsequent 
labours entitle him to more particular notice. He 
was born in the year 1440, and is said by his ne- 
phew Piero Valeriano, to have been the earliest 

(a) Reprinted by Frobenius, at Basil, in 1517, and also prefixed 
by the learned Henry Stephens to his Thesaurus Lingua Graca. 

(b} These are particularly indicated by Zeno, in his Giorn. d' 
Ital. vol. xx. p. 294, &c. 

(c) De Literator. infel. lib. ii. p. 119. 

(d} Particularly in the preface to his edition of Demosthenes, in 


instructor of Leo X. in the knowledge of the CHAP. 
Greek tongue, (a) Although an ecclesiastic of the 

order of S. Francesco, he quitted the walls of his A. D. 1514. 
monastery with the laudable curiosity of visiting jJpSt.ii." 
foreign parts ; and having had an opportunity 
of accompanying Andrea Gritti, afterwards doge 
of Venice, on an embassy to Constantinople, he 
thence made an excursion through Greece, Pales- 
tine, Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and other countries ; 
always travelling on foot, and diligently noting 
whatever appeared deserving of observation. (6) 
The disinterestedness of Urbano is strpngly insisted 
on by his nephew Piero, who informs us that he 
rather chose to suffer the inconveniences of po- 
verty than to receive a reward for those instruc- 
tions which he was at all times ready to give, and 
that he always persevered in refusing those ho- 
nours and dignities which Leo X. would gladly 
have conferred upon him. His activity, tempe- 
rance, and placid ' disposition, secured to him a 
healthful old age, nor did he omit to make fre- 
quent excursions through Italy, until he was x dis- 
qualified from these occupations by a fall in his 

(a) " Secutus sum institutum Urban! Valeriani, patrui mei, t}ui 
primus Grcccas literas docuerat Joanncm, Clarissimi Laurentii jilium, 
tune protonotarium ; is autem mox Cardinalis, post multa rerum 
molimina colludentisque fortunac varietates, ad summum Pontifica- 
tum evcctus; brevique post tempore illustribus fratre, nepoteque 
desideratis, cum ad prolem dcmum eorum fovendam animum adje- 
cisset, me dclcgit, qui, quam operam patruus meus in eo olim eru- 
diendo contulissct, eandcm ego in illustres Hippolytum et Alexan- 
drum navandum susciperem." Pier. Valerian. Dedicat. ad Hexamet. 
Giolit. 1550. 

(6) Valerian, de Literal, infclic. lib. ii. p. 10fJ ; who informs us, 
that. Urbano travelled also into Sicily, where he twice ascended 
the mountain of JEinn and looked down into its crater. Ibid. 


CHAP, garden, whilst he was pruning his trees. (a) His 
. principal residence was at Venice, where he not 

A.D. 1514. only assisted Aldo Manuzio in correcting the edi- 

A. tt 39 

A. Pont. ii. tions which he published of the ancient authors, 
but gave instructions in the Greek language to a 
great number of scholars ; insomuch, that there 
was scarcely a person in Italy distinguished by his 
proficiency in that language who had not at some 
time been his pupil, (b) His earnest desire of fa- 
cilitating the knowledge of this language induced 
him to undertake the composition of his grammar, 
which was the first attempt to explain in Latin 
the rules of the Greek tongue. This work was 
first printed in 1497, (c) and was received with 
such avidity, that Erasmus, on inquiring for it in 
the year 1499, found that not a copy of the im- 
pression remained unsold, 

(a) Valerian, de Literat. infel. lib. ii. p. 168. Urbano never re- 
quired the use of a horse, except on one occasion, when he passed 
over the rocky road of Assisi, in his way to Rome, to kiss the feet 
of his former pupil, Leo X. Ibid. 

(b} Urbano died in the convent of S. Niccolo, at Venice, in the 
year 1524, and bequeathed to that convent his valuable library. 
His funeral oration, by Fr. Alberto da Castelfranco, was printed 
at Venice, in the same year, by Bernardino de' Vitali, in 4to. 
Zeno, Giorn. d'ltal. vol. xix. p. 104. Note (a). 

(c) URBANI, GRAMMATICA GRJECA. Ven. ap. Aldum, mense 
Januario, anno 1497, 4to. 

(d) " Graminaticam Graecam, summo studio vestigavi, ut emp- 
tam tibi mitterem ; sed jam utraque divendita fuerat, et Constan- 
tini quae dicitur, quaeque Urbani." Eras. Ep. ad Jacob. Tutorem, 
1499. De Bure had never seen a copy of this edition. Bib. instr. 
No. 2221. It was dedicated by Aldo to Giovan. Francesco Pico, 
nephew of Giovanni Pico of Mirandula. Maittaire, Ann. Typ. 
vol. i. p. 638. The Grammar of Constantine Lascar above men- 
tioned was wholly in Greek. 


The exertions of Leo X. were not, however, CHAP. 
exclusively confined to the promotion of any one 
particular branch of literature. Soon after his ele- A.D. ISM. 
vation, he caused it to be publicly known that he ^.'pSt.?!'. 
would give ample rewards to those who should T 

D f Leo obtains 

procure for him manuscript copies of the works amorecom- 
of any of the ancient Greek or Roman authors, of the work* 
and would 'at his own expense print and publish ol 
them with as much accuracy as possible. In con- 
sequence of this, the five first books of the annals 
of Tacitus, which Lipsius afterwards divided into 
six, and which had until that time existed only in 
manuscript, were brought from the Abbey of Cor- 
vey in Westphalia, by Angelo Arcomboldo, who 
was remunerated by the pope with the liberal re- 
ward of 500 zechins. (a) Such of the writings of 
that eminent historian as had before been disco- 
vered, and which consisted of the last six books of 
his annals and the five first books of his history, 
had been printed by Johannes de Spira at Venice, 
about the year 1468, and several times reprinted 
at Rome and Venice. On obtaining this valuable 
copy, which besides comprehending the additional 
books supplied considerable defects in those before 
published, Leo determined to give to the world 
as complete an edition as possible ; for which pur- 
pose he intrusted the manuscript to the younger 
Filippo Beroaldo, with directions to correct the 
text and to superintend the printing of it in an ele- 
gant and useful form. In order to reward the edi- 
tor for his trouble on this occasion, Leo proposed 
to grant to him an exclusive privilege for the re- 
fa) Brotier. Tacit, in prof. p. 18. op. Ed. Par. 1771. 


CHAP, printing and sale of the work ; and as the brief in 

^ which this privilege is conceded contains a kind of 

A.D. 1514. justification on the part of the pontiff for devoting 
/.*p!mt?i. so much of his attention to the promotion of pro- 
fane learning, an extract from its preamble may 
not be inapplicable to our present subject. 
Grants to " Amongst the other objects of our attention 

Beroaldo a . . J . 

brief for its since we have been raised by divine goodness to 
n> the pontifical dignity, and devoted to the govern- 
ment, and, as far as in us lies, to the extension of 
the Christian church, we have considered those 
pursuits as not the least important which lead to 
the promotion of literature and useful arts ; for we 
have been accustomed even from our early years to 
think, that nothing more excellent or more useful 
has been given by the Creator to mankind, if we 
except only the knowledge and true worship of 
himself, than these studies, which not only lead to 
the ornament and guidance of human life, but are 
applicable and useful to every particular situation; 
in adversity consolatory, in prosperity pleasing and 
honourable; insomuch, that without them we should 
be deprived of all the grace of life and all the po- 
lish of society. The security and extension of these, 
studies seem chiefly to depend on two circumstan- 
ces, the number of men of learning, and the ample 
supply of excellent authors. As to the first of these, 
we hope, with the divine blessing, to shew still 
more evidently our earnest desire and disposition 
to reward and to honour their merits ; this having 
been for a long time past our chief delight and 
pleasure. With respect to the acquisition of books, 
we return thanks to God, that in this also an op- 


portunity is now afforded us of promoting the ad- CHAP - 
vantage of mankind." (a) ' 

The pontiff then adverts to his having obtained VV 5 3 g 4 * 
at great expense the five books of Tacitus, which A.PWLII. 
he confides to the care of Beroaldo for publication, 
with high commendation on his talents, industry* 
and integrity ; and in order to secure to him the 
reward of his labours, he denounces the sentence 
of excommunication, latce sententice, with the pen- 
alty of two hundred ducats, and forfeiture of the 
books, against any persons who should reprint these 
works within ten years without the express con- 
sent of the editor, (b) 

(a) Leon. X. Bulla, Taciti op. a Beroaldo prtzf. Ed. Rom. 1515. 
(6) This edition was accordingly published in a handsome 
volume, in folio, under the following title : 







" Ne quis intra decennium praesens opus possit alicubi impune 
imprimere aut impressum vendere gravissimis edictis cautum est." 

At the close of the Dialogue de Oratoribus, after the table of 
errata and register, we read, 

" P. Cornelii Taciti Equitis Ro. Historiarum libri quinque nu- 
per in Germania inventi ac cum reliquis omnibus ejus operibus 
qua? prius inveniebantur, Romae impressi p. Magistrum Stepha- 
num Guillereti de Lothoringia Tullen. dioc. anno M. D. xv. Kl. 
Martii. Leonis X. Pont. Max. anno secundo." 

On the reverse are the pontifical arms, with a further address, 
as under : 








CHAP. But notwithstanding the censures of the Chris- 

^ tian church were thus employed by the pontiff 

A. D. 15H. for protecting the writings of a heathen author, 
A.' Pent ii.' neither these nor the temporal penalties by which 
The work ^J were accompanied, could prevent another edi- 
pnnted by tion from being printed at Milan in the same year 

AJmuziano A -i -i i 

of Milan, by Alessandro Minuziano, who had established 
himself there as a printer, and contended with Aldo 
Manuzio in the publication of the writings of anti- 
quity. So vigilant was Minuziano in this respect, 
that he obtained the sheets of the Roman edition 
as they came progressively from the press, and it 
is probable that his own edition was nearly com- 
pleted before he was aware of the heavy denun- 
ciations against those who should presume to pi- 
rate the work. By this measure the incautious 
printer not only incurred the penalties in the pa- 
pal brief, but excited the indignation of the pope, 
who found his monitory treated with contempt in 
the very place which he had lately freed from the 
yoke of the French, and who ordered Minuziano 
immediately to appear at Rome. The interposi- 
tion of some powerful friends, and not improbably 
that of Maximiliano Sforza, was however exerted 
in his behalf, and such representations were made 
to the pope as induced him to relax from his seve- 
rity, and release the offender from his excommuni- 
cation ; which was followed by a kind of compro- 
mise between him and Beroaldo, by which the 
Milanese printer was allowed to dispose of the re- 
maining copies of his work, (a) 

This is followed by the life of Agricola, with which the volume 

(a) Mazzuchclli, Scrittorid' Italia, Art. Beroaldo. Mr. Henke has 


The restoration of the Greek and Roman Ian- CHAP. 
guages was accompanied, or speedily followed, by 
the study of the oriental tongues, which although A. D. 1514. 
so necessary to the perfect knowledge of the sacred A.'^ 3 ?!. 
writings, now first began to engage the more par- JjJ Vori- 
ticular attention of the learned, (a) To the sue- 

% / 


however observed that " Minuziano was not a printer, but a pro- 
fessor of history and eloquence at Milan. For in the dedication 
of his Tacitus to Leo X. he excuses himself on account of the copy 
prepared by him, thus : ' Cum ex alma Urbe ista Tua Cornelii 
Taciti non universum corpus, sed membratim ad me missum esset, 
vidisscmque a Beroaldo, viro sane docto, quantum diligentitc adhibi- 
tum esset, ul quam emendatissime ederetur, illico cogitavi, augustalem 
illam historian auditoribus meis hoc anno exponere, cujus ut copitt 
illisfieret, librariis meis describendam tradidi,' &c. Suxius, de stu- 
diis Literar. Medial, p. 127- As for the rest, his Tacitus appeared 
in 1515 ; not as Panzer, in his Annul. Typogr. vol. vii. p. 395, de- 
termines, in 1517." (Note of Mr. Hen fee, Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 

(a) Impartiality requires that I should not here omit the very 
interesting observations of Mr. Henke on the icvival of oriental 
literature, although they give a different view of the subject from 
that which I have presented, and even represent Leo X. as inimical 
to the freedom of discussion and the liberty of the press. On my 
observing in the text that the knowledge of the oriental tongues 
first began to engage the more particular attention of the learned 
in the time of Leo X. Mr. Henke adds, " Not entirely so. The 
religious zeal directed to the conversion of the Jews had already 
induced a knowledge of their language. In the same manner the 
remnant of the Moslems in Spain gave the missionaries in that 
country an opportunity of studying the Arabic, and after the esta- 
blishment of an order of ecclesiastics for the purpose of exterminat- 
ing heresy, there always existed in that community some members 
who were acquainted with the eastern tongues, particularly in 
Spain. Sevpral learned Jews also contributed to the same object, 
on their conversion to Christianity. Clement V. in the council of 
Vienne in 1311, had already directed that six professors of the 
eastern tongues should be attached to each of the higher schools at 
Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and Salamanca, in order to form able 


CHAP, cessful prosecution of these inquiries the favour 

XL of the great was yet more necessary than to the 

A.D. i5i4. other branches of learning ; and the assistance a- 

A. At. 39. 

A. root. II. controversialists against the Jews and Mahomedans ; and if this 
should not be considered conclusive, or as not attended by any very 
important consequences, yet, before the time of Leo X. much had 
been done in Rome itseF towards this object. Even his un- 
polished predecessor, Julius II. had furnished the requisite ex- 
penses for the establishment of an Arabic press in the city of Fano. 
Schnitrrer. Bihlioth. Arab. par. v. p. 5. From the Annals of 
Hebrew Bibliography by De Rossi, we further learn, that soon 
after the art of printing was brought to perfection, several editions 
of the Old Testament were printed by the Jews, in various towns 
of Italy, as Soncino, Pesaro, and Brescia. But above all, nothing 
either before or since, has so much contributed to the cultivation 
of Hebrew learning as the Rudimenta of John Reuchlin, which that 
learned German scholar published in 1506. Nor must we omit, 
if we wish to be impartial, that Leo X. in the last session of the 
Lateran council, published a bull for the especial purpose of 
restricting the freedom of the press, in regard to such works 
as were translated from the ancient languages into the Latin. 
' However great jthe advantages may have been,' he says, ' which 
the art of printing has conferred on mankind ; quia tumen multo- 
rum querela nostrum et sedes Apostolicx pulsatit auditum, quod 
nonnulli hujus artis itnprimcndi inagistri in diversis mundi partibus 
libros lam QraccE, HebraiccE, Arabicce, et Chaldcea linguarum in 
Latinum translates, quam alias Latino ac^vulgari sermone editos, 
errores etiam in fide, ac perniciosa dogmata etiam retigioni Christi- 
anc conlraria, ac contrafamum etiam dignitatefulgentium continentes, 
imprimere ac vendere prccsumunt : in future therefore no work 
shall be allowed to be printed, without a sufficient examination, and 
a permission subscribed by the officer appointed for that purpose, 
&c.' Condi. Lateran. v. a. 1515. With respect to this ordinance 
we may observe, that it was probably issued at the instigation 
of the superiors of the ecclesiastical orders,' and had a particular 
reference to the celebrated controversy carried on by Reuchlin 
with some German monks, especially those of Cologne, respecting 
the tendency arid value of Jewish literature. That however this 
pontiff did not greatly interest himself in the cultivation and dif- 
fusion of the eastern tongues, from a fear perhaps that they 


forded by Leo X. to those who engaged in them CHAP. 
may serve to show that his munificence was not 
confined, as has generally been supposed, to the A. 0.1514. 
lighter and more ornamental branches of litera- A.'pSun'. 
ture. Among those who had made an early profi- 
ciency in the knowledge of the eastern tongues 
was Teseo Ambrogio of Pavia, regular canon of 
the Lateran, (a) who arrived at Rome in the year 
1512, at the opening of the fifth session of the La- Teseo Am - 

brogio pro- 

teran council. The great number of ecclesiastics 

from Syria, Ethiopia, and other parts of the east, 
who attended that council, afforded him an oppor- B 
tunity of prosecuting his studies with advantage ; 
and at the request of the cardinal Santa Croce, he 

might be converted into weapons against the true faith, is manifest 
from his so long withholding his indulgence from the publication 
of the polyglot Bible at Alcala. Nearly six years elapsed after 
the completion of that work, before he granted the requisite per- 
mission, although there was not the slightest cause to apprehend 
any danger to the church or her doctrines." v. Germ. ed. vol. ii. 
p. 148. 

On this note of Mr. Henke, I shall only observe, that the re- 
strictions on the press at Rome were not first introduced in the 
pontificate of Leo X., but in that of his predecessor Sixtus IV., 
and that the continuance of them was most probably the act of the 
council of the Lateran, and not individually of the pontiff, who was 
not only solicitous to promote the study of the ancient languages, 
but liberally remunerated those who devoted themselves to the 
publication and translation of them. That this is incontrovertible, 
will sufficiently appear from the numerous instances given in the 
present work ; to which, if it were necessary, several others 
might be added from the notes on the Italian translation by 
Count Bossi, who has paid particular attention to this subject- 
o. Ital. ed. vol. iv. pp. 162, 166. vol. xii. p. 220, &c.* 

(a) He was of the noble family of the Conti d'Albonese, and 
born in 1469. At fifteen years of age, he is said to have written 
and spoken Greek and Latin with a facility equal to any person of 
the time. Masxuchelli, Scrittori d'ltalia, vol. ii. p. 609. 

u 2 


CHAP, was employed as the person best qualified to 
' translate from the Chaldean into Latin the liturgy 
A. D. 1514. of the eastern clergy, previously to the use of it 
A.'POOU if. being expressly sanctioned by the pope, (a) Af- 
ter having been employed by Leo X. for two 
years in giving instructions in Latin to the sub- 
deacon Elias, a legate from Syria to the council, 
whom the pope wished to retain in his court, and 
from whom Ambrogio received in return instruc- 
tions in the Syrian tongue, he was appointed by 
the pontiff to the chair of a professor in the uni- 
versity of Bologna, where he delivered instruc- 
tions in the Syriac and Chaldaic languages for the 
first time that they had been publicly taught in 
Italy. Ambrogio is said to have understood no 
less than eighteen different languages, many of 
which he spoke with the ease and fluency of a na- 
tive.^) In the commotions which devastated 
Italy after the death of Leo X. he was despoiled 
of the numerous and valuable eastern manuscripts 
which he had collected by the^ industry of many 
years, as also of the types and apparatus which he 
had prepared for an edition of the psalter in the 
His intro- Chaldean, which he intended to have accompanied 
fhTchai- w **k a dissertation on that language. This, how- 
daicand ever, did not deter him from the prosecution of 

other Ian- ,. , . , IIIIT 

guages. his studies, and in the year 1539, he published at 

(a) Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d'ltal. ubi sup. 

(b) Mazzuch. ut supra. But by an epistle of Isidore Chario, 
bishop of Foligno, to Ambrogio, cited by the same author, we are 
informed, with more probability, that Ambrogio was master of at 
least ten different languages. " Et enim si Ennius, propter La- 

et Graecae linguae scientiam, duo se corda habere gloriabatur, 
ti tandem is est, qui decem et eo amplius corda, ob tarn tnul- 
ot linguarum eruditionem, habere credendus est ?" 


Pavia his " Introduction to the Chaldean. Syrian, CHAP. 


Armenian, and ten other tongues, with the alpha- ' 
betical characters of about forty different Ian- A.D.ISU. 

, . , . JL.JEt.39. 

guages ; which is considered by the Italians A. Pont. 11. 
themselves as the earliest attempt made in Italy 
towards a systematic acquaintance with the litera- 
ture of the east, (a) 

The labours of Ambrogio were emulated by se- 
veral other learned Italians, and particularly by j^^ ni 
Agostino Giustiniani, who with more success than publishes a 

. /, i . polyglot eui- 

Ambrogio undertook an edition of the psalter in tion of the 
four languages, which he published at Genoa, in ph 
1516. (b) It is observable that Tiraboschi consi- 
, ders this work as the first specimen of a polyglot 
Bible which had been seen in Europe ; (c] but Compiuten- 

N ' sian poiy- 

this praise is justly due to the great compluten- giotoftar- 

i i n i v /> i i i dinal. \ime- 

sian polyglot ot cardinal Aimenes, ot which the nes dedi- 
earliest part bears the date of 1514, and which jJox. 
work is inscribed to Leo X. (tf) On being inform- 

(a) Mazzuch. tit sup. Introductio in Chaldaicam linguam Syria- 
cam atquc Arwenicam, et decent alias linguas. Characterum diffe- 
rentium Alphabeta circiler quadraginta, &c. 1539, 4to. Ercudebut 
Papice, loan. Maria Simonetta Cremon. in Canonica Sancli Petri in 
Caelo aureo, sumptibus et ti/pis authoris libri. " Questo," says 
Mazzuchelli, " e il primo libro che in tal genere di Grammatica 
siasi veduto in Italia." 

(b) He had intended to have given a similar edition of the 
whole of the sacred writings, but this portion only was published 
by him. v. Tirab. Storia della Let. Ital. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 403. 

Of the psalter of Giustiniani, now become very rare, Count 
Bossi has given a particular description. He has also added the 
dedication of Giustiniani to Leo X. giving an account of the 
studies of the author, of the arrangement and object of his work, 
and of the encouragement given by the pontiff to the study of the 
oriental tongues, v. Ital. ed. vol. iv. pp. 143, 160, 160, &c. 

(c) Tirab. Storia della Let. Ital. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 403. 

(d) For a particular account of it, v. De Burc t Bibl. Instr. No. I. 


CHAP, ed that Sante Pagnini, a learned ecclesiastic then 


' ' in Rome, had undertaken to translate the Bible 
A.D. ION. from the original Hebrew, Leo sent to him and 

A j\. *?Q 

A.Font.ii. requested to be allowed the inspection of his work. 
Leo directs The satisfaction which he derived from it was 
thetransia- such that he immediately ordered that the whole 

tion of the * 

scriptures should be transcribed at his own expense, and 
to be pub gave directions that materials should be provided 
expen^. * for printing it, A part of it was accordingly exe- 
cuted, but the death of the pontiff retarded its 
completion, and the labours of Pagnini were not 
published until the pontificate of Clement VII. (a) 
The Hebrew tongue was also publicly taught at 
Rome, by Agacio Guidacerio, a native of Calabria, 
who published a grammar of that language which 
he dedicated to Leo X. and of which he gave a 
more complete edition at Paris, in 15.39. () Fran- 
cesco de' Rosi, of Ravenna, having, during histra- 
Encourages vels into Syria, discovered an .Arabic manuscript, 
for eJtern under the title of The mystic Philosophy of Aristo- 
tle, caused it to be translated into Latin and pre- 
sented it to the pope, who in his letter of acknow- 
ledgements expresses his earnest desire of promo- 

(a) In the dedication to Clement VII. Pagnini thus relates the 
foregoing circumstances : " Leo X. me, cum Romae agerem, accito, 
quam olim elucubraveram utriusque instrumenti translationem, ut 
sibi ostenderem benigne ac perhumaniter injunxit. Is cum aliquot 
vidisset quaterniones, et ex iis cetera suo praeclaro expendisset in- 
genio, tolo, inquit, ut meis impensis totus transciibatur liber, et typis 
exacte revisus escudatur. Turn, ut novit Tua Beatitudo, non modo 
pro scribis, verum etiam pro parandis iis quse opus erant execu- 
tioni, impensas suppeditavit, et sequenti deinde anno nonnulla 
excusa fuerunt. Sed, proh dolor ! illo post haec brevi ex humanis 
sublato, gravi omnium moerore intermissa sunt omnia." Ap. Fabr. 
vita Leon. X, Adnot. No. 27. 

(b} Tiraboschi, Storia della Let. Ital. lib. vii. vol. ii. p. 418. 


ting similar researches, and his approbation of the CHAP. 

labours of Francesco, to whom he also grants a pri- '___ 

vilege for the publication of the work, which was A. D. ISH. 
accordingly printed at Rome in the year 1519. (a) A.Pont.if. 
These brief notices of the rise of oriental learning 
in Europe may sufficiently demonstrate the inte- 
rest which Leo X. took in promoting those studies, 
and the success which attended his efforts. 

(a) For the letter of Leo X. v. Appendix, No. XCVIII. 



PUBLIC thanksgivings at Rome for the successes of the 
Christian arms Splendid embassy from the king of 
Portugal to Leo X. Papal grant of newly discovered 
countries to the king of Portugal Louis XII. endea- 
vours to engage in his interests the Helvetic states 
Proposed alliance between the Royal Houses of France, 
Spain, and Austria Efforts of Leo X. to prevent such 
alliance Leo endeavours to reconcile the French and 
English sovereigns Treaty of alliance between England 
and France Wolsey, appointed archbishop of York 
Marriage of Louis XII. with the princess Mary, sister 
of Henry VIII. Singular interview between Erasmus 
and the papal legate Canossa Magnificent exhibitions at 
Florence Triumph of Camillus Tournaments Delibe- 
rations at Rome for aggrandizing the family of the Me- 
dici Leo X. forms designs upon the kingdom of Naples 
and tin' duchies of Ferrara and Urbino Enters into a 
secret alliance with Louis XII. His motives explained 
Leo obtains the city of Modena Endeavours to recon- 
cile the Venetians to the king of Spain and the Emperor 
elect Legation of Bembo to Venice The senate refuses 
to comply with his proposals Historical mistakes re- 
specting this negociation Death of Louis XII. His 
character His widow marries Charles Brandon, duke of 



THE reconciliation which had been so happily ef- A.D.ISH. 

A. yEt 39 

fected between Louis XII. and the Roman see was A. Pont u! 
extremely agreeable to the pope ; not only as it 
afforded a subject of triumph to the church, in * 
having reduced to diie obedience so refractory and Rome * 

\ the succes- 

powerful a monarch, but as having also extm- sesofth 
guished the last remains of that schism which had 
originated in the council of Pisa, and had at one 
time threatened to involve in contention the whole 
Christian world. 

This satisfaction was soon afterwards increased 
by the intelligence of the important victories which 
the kings of Hungary and of Poland had ob- 
tained over the common enemies of the Christian 
faith, and of the discoveries of Emanuel, king of 
Portugal, in the east, under the conduct of the ce- 
lebrated Vasco del Gama. (a) Such a concurrence 
of great and prosperous events induced the pope to 
direct the celebration of a public thanksgiving in 
Rome, which was accordingly observed with extra- 
ordinary pomp, and splendid processions to the 
churches of S. Maria del Popvlo and S. Agostino ; 

(a) This event supplied the celebrated Portuguese poet Luis de 
Camoens with the subject of his Lusiad, which was not however 
written until many years afterwards, and was first published 
in 1672. 


CHAP, in which the pontiff appeared in person, and by the 
X1L propriety and decorum which always distinguished 
A.D. i5i4. him on public occasions gave additional dignity to 
AfptaLiL tne ceremony, (a) At the same time he ordered 
Camillo Portio to pronounce, in the pontifical cha- 
pel, a Latin oration in praise of the character and 
actions of the king of Portugal, who had commu- 
nicated to him his success, and testified his dutiful 
.obedience to the Roman court, and his personal 
attachment to the supreme pontiff, (b) 
splendid This mutual interchange of civility and respect 
from Se between the king of Portugal and the pontiff, was 
tujjfito M however rendered much more conspicuous by a 
splendid embassy from the Portuguese monarch, 
which soon afterwards arrived at Rome, to the 
great delight and astonishment of the inhabitants. 
The chief ambassador on this occasion was the ce- 
lebrated Tristano Cugna,. who had himself held a 
principal command in the expedition to the east, 
and had acquired great honour by his conduct and 
courage in its prosecution. He was accompanied 
by Jacopo Paceco and Giovanni Faria, professors 
of the law, of great eminence and authority. Three 
sons of Cugna, with many others of his relatives and 
friends, accompanied the procession, which was 

(a) " S. Santita. questa mattina per bona consuetudine e stata ad 
la Minerva, con tutti li cardinal! cum grandissima pompa, et dove 
quella compagnia della Annunciata soleva al piu maritare xx. zit- 
telle, con lo adiuto di S. Santita, erano questa mattina LV, o piti ; 
et dipoi la Messa, et ceremonie facte la, se ne torno in Castello, et 
li e stato tutto oggi, et questa sera per il Corridoro tornatosene al 
palazzo." Bait, da Pescia, a Lor. de Medici, 26 Mar. 1514. 
MSS. Flor. 

(6) The letter from the king of Portugal to the pontiff is given 
in the Appendix, No. XCIX. 


met at the gates of the city by a select body of car- CHAP. 
d i mils and prelates, who conducted the strangers to _ 
the palaces appointed for their residence. But the A.D. 1514. 
respectability of the envoys was of less importance A. Pont. if. 
in the eyes of the populace than the singular and 
magnificent presents for the pope by which they 
were accompanied, (a) Among these were an ele- 
phant of extraordinary size, two leopards, a pan- 
ther, and other uncommon animals. Several Per- 
sian horses, richly caparisoned, appeared also in 
the train, mounted by natives of the same country 
dressed in their proper habits. To these was ad- 
ded a profusion of articles of inestimable value ; 
pontifical vestments adorned with gold and jewels, 
vases and other implements for the celebration of 
sacred rites, and a covering for the altar of most ex- 
quisite workmanship. A herald bearing the arms 
of the Portuguese sovereign led the procession. 
On their arrival at the pontifical palace, where the 
pope stood at the windows to see them pass, the 
elephant stopped, and, kneeling before his holiness, 
bowed himself thrice to the ground, (b) A large 
vessel was here provided and filled with water, 

(a) This incident is celebrated by Aurelio Sereno, Giovanni Ca- 
pito, and others, in several copies of Latin verses ; for a specimen 
of which see Appendix, No. C. 

(6) " In annuls enim tui Pontificatus hulls, mense Martio cele- 
bratis, Indus Elephas, omnium animalium sagacissimus, a Sere- 
nissimo EmanueleLusitanorum Rege, per splendidissimum Equitem, 
Oratorem suum, Tristanum Cuneum missus, incognitus nee dum 
saeculo nostro in Italia visus, stupcntibus ac mirantibus populis, 
per totam urbem exhibitus apparuit. Quod spectaculum Pompeio, 
Hannibali, Domitiano, paucisque aliis patuit, id tuo augustissimo 
tempore fuit demonstratum ; ut docile animal in tua publica hila- 
ritate oblatum, supplex tuum numen sentiret adoraretquc." Awrel. 
Sermtu, Theatr. Capitol, in dedicat. ad Leon. X. an, 1514. 


CHAP. w hich the elephant drew up into his trunk and 
showered down again on the adjacent multitude, 

A.D. MM. dispersing no small portion of it among the more 
A.pont.ii. polite spectators at the windows, to the great 
entertainment of the pontiff. Six days after- 
wards the ambassadors were admitted to a public 
audience, on which occasion the procession was 
repeated. The pope, surrounded by the cardinals 
and prelates of the church, and attended by the 
ambassadors of foreign states and all the officers of 
his court, was addressed in a Latin oration of Pa- 
ceco, () at the conclusion of which Leo replied to 
him in the same language, highly commending the 
king for his devotion to the holy see. Of this op- 
portunity the pontiff also availed himself, to recom- 
mend the maintenance of peace among the states 
of Europe, and the union of their arms against the 
Turks; expressing himself with such promptitude, 
seriousness, and elegance, as to obtain the unani- 
mous admiration of the auditors. (&) On the fol- 

(a) This oration, although in a style of the most hyperbolical pa- 
negyric, was highly admired by the Roman scholars, and gave 
rise to several commendatory copies of verses, in praise both of 
the king and his ambassador, v. App. No. CI. 

(b) " Questamattina (25 Mar. 1514) li ambasciatori Portoghesi, 
quali sono stati tre, uno Consigliere et due Dottore del Re, in 
Consistorio publico hanno prestato la solita obedientia ad N. Sig- 
nore : et uno di loro ha facto una bellissima oratione, et N. Sig- 
nore ha facto una pi ft bella risposta, con certe sante parole, che 
parevano proprio uscissero fora d'una bocca d'uno santo, che con- 
cludevano lodando questo Re, che haveva facto tante cose per la 
fede, et exhortando li altri principi ad far pace infra se, et con- 
vertire quelle forze che si agitano uno contra 1'altro, verso li in- 
fidcli ; et che suo desiderio non e altro, che ridurre questi principi 
ad la pace, et andare contra li infedeli, le quale tutte due orationi* 
se potro havere ve mandero." Balth. da Petcia ad Lor. de' Med. 
MUS. Flvr. 


lowing day, the presents from the king were CHAP. 
brought into the conservatory of the gardens ad- ' 
joining the pontifical palace, where, on the intro- A.D.ISU. 
duction of animals proper for that purpose, the A.' Font. 11. 
wild beasts displayed their agility in taking, and 
their ferocity in devouring their prey ; a spectacle 
which humanity would have spared, but which 
was probably highly gratifying to the pontiff, who 
was devoted to the pleasures of the chase. The 
Portuguese monarch had intended to have sur- 
prised the Roman people with the sight of another 
and yet rarer animal, which had not been seen in 
Rome for many ages ; but the rhinoceros, which 
he had brought from the east with this view, un- 
fortunately perished in the attempt to get him 
on board the vessel prepared to transport him to 

In return for these public testimonies of consi- p apa i grant 
deration and respect on the part of the king of 
Portugal, Leo addressed to that monarch a pub- 
lie letter of acknowledgement, (a) and soon after- 
wards transmitted to him a consecrated rose. His 
holiness had in truth for some time hesitated whe- 
ther he should present this precious gift to the king 
or to the emperor elect Maximilian ; (If) but the 
attention which he had experienced from the for- 
mer seems to have effected this important decision. 
He also granted to Emanuel the tenths and thirds 
of the clergy in his dominions, as long as he should 

(a) This letter, which bears date 21 March, 1514, is given in 
the Appendix, No. CII. 

(t) " Questa mattina (2G Mar. 1514) N. Signore ha Benedetto 
la Rosa, la quale non e ancora resolute S. Santita sc la dona al Por- 
togallo o ad lo Imperatore." Lett, di Peseta. MSS. Fl. p. 11. 



CHAP, carry on the war in Africa, (a) together with the 
' right of presentation and ecclesiastical preferment 
A.D. 1514. in all countries discovered by him beyond the Cape 
Aipoat.ii. of Good Hope ; (b) and these concessions were 
soon afterwards followed by a more ample donation 
of all kingdoms, countries, provinces, and islands 
which he might recover from the infidels, not only 
from capes Bojador and Naon to the Indies, but in 
parts yet undiscovered and unknown even to the pon- 
tiff himself, (c] About the same time the pope bea- 
tified the memory of Elizabeth, queen of Portugal, 
who had signalized herself by the sanctity of her 

(a) 20 April, Supplem. au Dumont, Corps Diplomat, torn. ii. 
par. i. p. 26. 

(V) 7 June, Ibid. p. 27. 

(c) 3 November, Ibid. p. 28. 

" A great outcry has been raised, beyond the limits of Italy, 
against this concession of the pope ; which, to say the truth, seems 
to exceed his powers, considered simply as head of the Christian 
church. But this was not the first instance in which the court of 
Rome had pretended to the right of disposing of states newly dis- 
covered, or conquered from the infidels. Leo X. had a recent ex- 
ample in his predecessor Alexander VI. who had not only granted 
a bull to Ferdinand V. called the Catholic, by which, after having 
excommunicated the king of Navarre, he conferred his dominions 
on Ferdinand, who had possessed himself of them, but by another 
bull divided the Indies by an hypothetical line between the same 
Ferdinand, the conqueror of the Moors, and the king of Portugal. 
The foundation, or the pretext, of these concessions was the ex- 
altation of the church, and the diffusion * of the Christian faith." 
(Note of Count Bossi, Ital ed. vol. v. p. 162.) 

To the foregoing observations of Bossi, I shall only add, that 
these preposterous grants have been submitted to by the Eu- 
ropean states more implicitly than might have been expected, and 
have been recently considered as the immediate cause of the un- 
molested possession of South America by the Spaniards, and of the 
efforts for colonization made by the English being directed to the 
north of that quarter of the globe, v. Edinb. Rev. vol. xlii. p. 276.* 



life, (a ) and enrolled in the list of martyrs the seven CHAP. 
minorites, who are said to have been the last fa- 
mily in Africa who suffered martyrdom for their A. D. ISH 
adherence to the Christian faith. A.'pb. 3 ?i 

Although Leo was highly grafified by the event 
of his negotiations with Louis XII. the success of JjJe*^ 
which might justly be attributed to his own firm- J^"* e c r h to 
ness and moderation, yet he could not but perceive the Helve- 

tic stutps 

that this alliance with that monarch gave rise to 
considerable embarrassment, as to the course of 
political conduct which it would in future be ne- 
cessary for him to adopt. With his hostility to the 
church, Louis had by no means relinquished his 
pretensions to the duchy of Milan, for the recove- 
ry of which he had already begun to make formi- 
dable preparations. As he had been frustrated in 
his former attempts by the opposition and promp- 
titude of Leo X. and by the courage of the Swiss, 
he determined, after having secured the favour of 
the one, to obtain if possible the assistance, or at 
least the neutrality, of the other. In this attempt 
he met, however, with greater obstacles than he 
expected. During the late contests, the Swiss had 
imbibed a spirit of resentment against the French 
monarch which had at length been inflamed to a 
high degree of national antipathy. The treaty of 

(a) The degree of Santo and Beaio t in the hierarchy of the Ro- 
man church, must not be confounded ; the former being only con- 
ferred on those endowed with the highest degree of sanctity, ac- 
companied by the evidence of miraculous powers, whilst the latter 
may be conceded to persons of holy life, although without such 
pretensions. The queen of Portugal in this instance is only Beat a. 

But according to Mr. Henke she was, in the year 1625, declared 
Santa, or, in other words, she was canonized. Act. Sanctor. vol. ii- 
Jul. p. 201. (Germ. ed. vol. ii. p. 159.) 



CHAP. Dijon, by which Louis stood engaged to pay to 
them the enormous sum of six hundred thousand 
A.D. 1514. crowns, as the price of their evacuating his domi* 
AVpJmtfu. nions, had not yet been fulfilled ; and the prepara- 
tions making by \he king for another invasion of 
Milan were a sufficient demonstration that he did 
not consider himself as bound by a treaty of which 
the chief article was his relinquishment of ah 1 pre- 
tensions to that duchy. It was to no purpose that 
he endeavoured to justify himself to the Helvetic 
states forth is open breach of a compact by which 
his own dominions had been released from the most 
imminent danger. Those hardy and independent 
republicans had even the magnanimity to refuse a 
much larger sum than that for which they had be- 
fore stipulated, and which was offered them on the 
condition of their releasing the king from his en- 
gagements and favouring his enterprise against the 
statesof Milan, (a) 

Unable either to secure the favour, or to mitigate 

the resentment of the Swiss, who threatened not 

only to take upon themselves the defence of the 

Milanese, in case of a future attack, but also to 

make a second irruption into France, Louis had 

recourse to another expedient. The affinity that 

already subsisted between him and Ferdinand of 

Aragon, who had married his niece Germaine de 

Proposes an Foix, afforded him an opportunity of proposing an 

with the alliance by marriage between his youngest daughter 

Spain and Renee, then only four years of age, and the arch- 

na " duke Charles, afterwards emperor by the name of 

(a) Louis had offered to pay down 400,000 ducats, and 800,000 
more by instalments at future periods. Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. 
p. 68. 


Charles V. who stood in an equal degree of relation- CHAP. 
ship, as grandson, both to Ferdinand and the em- 

peror elect Maximilian. By this union Louis ex- A.D. ISH. 
pected to secure the co-operation of both these A.'pont.Ti'. 
powerful monarchs in his designs upon Italy ; and 
as the Venetians still remained firmly attached to 
his interests, for the support of which they had in- 
deed made great sacrifices, he had no doubt that 
he should now be able to accomplish his purposes. 
The preliminaries for the marriage were accord- 
ingly agreed upon, (a) and as this important union 
could not, from the youth of both parties, be car- 
ried into immediate effect, the truce which had 
been already established for one year between Louis 
and Ferdinand, was soon after wards again renewed, 
with a reservation for the emperor elect and the 
king of England to accede to it, if they should 
think proper, (b) 

These proceedings were a cause of great alarm Efforts of 
to Leo X. who perceived, that by this union of the prevent tha 
courts of Aragon, Vienna, and France, the duchy a 

(a) Muratori asserts that this treaty was concluded the 24th 
March, 1514. Annal. d'lial. vol. x. p. 109. But it appears to 
have been signed at Blois, on the first day of December, 1513, 
the only parties being their Catholic and most Christian majesties. 
The husband was to be either the archduke Charles or his brother 
Ferdinand, at the choice of the Catholic king and the princess 
Ren6e. Louis agreed to relinquish all his pretensions to the king- 
dom of Naples. The states of Milan, Pavia, and Genoa, were to 
be conquered and transferred as a patrimonial inheritance to the 
archduke and his intended bride. The pope was named as the com- 
mon ally of both parties, and power was reserved for the emperor 
and the king of England to accede to the league ; the latter re- 
storing to Louis XII. the city of Tournay. Dvmont, Corps Diplo- 
mat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 178. 

(b) v. Dumont, Corp* Diplomat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 179. 



CHAP. O f Milan and its dependent states would fall an 

_ easy prey to the invaders, (a) Nor were the fears 

A. D. 15U. of Leo confined to this district. He well knew that 

A >Ft *VJ 

A. Pom. 11. the opposite interests of these great continental 
powers had hitherto preserved from a foreign 
yoke those provinces of Italy which yet remained 
under the dominion of their native princes ; and 
he justly dreaded that this coalition would only be 
the harbinger of a general partition of that country, 
to almost every part of which one or another of 
these potentates had already advanced pretensions. 
In this emergency, all his talents and exertions 
were employed to prevent the proposed union 
from taking effect, (b) He was well aware that 
Louis had been chiefly impelled to this measure by 
his misunderstanding with the Swiss; on which 
account he earnestly laboured to reconcile the dif- 
ferences which had arisen between them. Nor 
was the French king unwilling to listen to his 
representations, in the hope that he might yet ob- 
tain the assistance of those warlike mercenaries ; 
in which case he would gladly have relinquished 
his treaty for the alliance with Spain and the em- 
peror, which he already began to suspect could 
only terminate in the aggrandizement of the united 
house of Aragon and of Austria, and in the humi- 

(a) On the 20th of March, 1514, a correspondence commenced 
between the cardinal Giulio de' Medici at Rome, and Lorenzo 
de' Medici at Florence, which was carried on at Rome by Balthazar 
da Pescia, and discloses not only all the transactions of the Roman 
court, to the minutest particulars, but the views and designs of the 
supreme pontiff. From these letters, none of which have before 
been published, some extracts have already been given, and others 
will occur in the course of the present work. 

(6) Lcttere di Balth. da Pescia. MSS. Flor. App. No. CIII. 


liation of that of France. Under these impres- CHAP. 

XI f 

sions he proposed to unite his interests with those ' 
of the pope and the Helvetic states, provided they A. D. 1514. 
would not oppose his pretensions to the state of A.pont, .if. 
Milan ; at the same time offering to the pope a com- 
pensation in some other part of Italy for any injury 
which he might sustain, (a) Whatever might have 
teen the determination of Leo, who appears to 
have balanced in his mind the probable conse- 
quences of the alliance between France and Ara- 
gon, with the certainty of the loss of Milan, he had 
not an opportunity of making his election; the 
Swiss having positively refused to relax in their 
pretensions, or to enter into any alliance with the 
king, unless the treaty of Dijon was carried into 
full effect. In order to mitigate their resentment 
Leo despatched to the Helvetic diet, as his legate, 
the cardinal of Sion ; but although that prelate 
had great influence on the minds of his country- 
men, he could not on this occasion prevail on them 
to depart from their resolution. On the other 
hand, Louis XII. displayed equal pertinacity in 
maintaining his pretensions to the state of Milan, 
the relinquishment of which he considered as not 
only derogatory to his just rights, but as a stain on 
the honour and dignity of his crown, (b) 

But although Leo was thus disappointed in his LW endea- 
. , , . , i , . -. vours to it- 

expectations, he did not relax in his endeavours to coociie the 

defeat the dreaded alliance, which he considered 
as pregnant with danger to the independence and 
repose of Italy. The cautious and procrastinating 
temper of Ferdinand of Spain, and the folly and 

(a) Letters, ut sup. A pp. No. CIV. 

(6) Guicciard. Storia d' Ital. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 07. 


CHAP, indecision of Maximilian, had hitherto prevented 


'___ this projected union, which might have subjugated 

A.D. ISM. all Europe to the dominion of a single sovereign. 
A.' font. ii. In this emergency a dawn of hope appeared in 
another quarter, of which the pope did not fail 
most eagerly to avail himself. Henry VIII. of 
England, who had acted so important and so ho- 
nourable a part in the league against France, had 
learnt with extreme indignation that his father-in- 
law, Ferdinand of Aragon, had, without his con- 
currence, renewed his treaties with Louis XII. 
and had thereby, as he asserted, a third time de- 
ceived and imposed upon him ; on which account 
he avowed his determination not to interfere fur- 
ther in the contest, (a) This change in the dispo- 
sition and views of Henry was communicated by 
him to the pope, who was no sooner apprized of 
it, than he determined to encourage the resentment 
of Henry against his father-in-law, and to promote, 
as far as in his power, an alliance between the 
French and English sovereigns; well judging, that 
if he should be fortunate enough to accomplish 
this object, it would frustrate the treaty yet de- 
pending for the marriage of the archduke Charles 
with the daughter of Louis XII. Nor was Louis 
less inclined to listen to terms of accommodation 
than Leo was to propose them ; being fully per- 
suaded, that whilst he had so formidable an enemy 
as the king of England, who had lately carried the 
war into the heart of his dominions, he could not 
without extreme imprudence undertake his favour- 
ite expedition into Italy. Of this Leo was also 
sufficiently apprized ; nor was he desirous of faci- 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 72. 


litatingthe views of the French monarch ; but of CIIAP - 
the two evils with which that country was now ' 
threatened, an attack upon Milan by the unassisted A - i>- ISH. 
arms of the French appeared to him to be the A.iVni. u. 
least, as he still hoped to provide for its defence by 
the aid of the Swiss, with whom, in case an alliance 
took place between France and England, the em- 
peror elect and the king of Aragon would probably 
join ; whilst on the other hand the union of the 
powerful houses of France, Spain, and Austria, left 
not the slightest hope of successful resistance. 

The high consideration in which Leo was now Treaty of 
held both by the French and English monarchs 
afforded him the fairest prospect of success. To 
the former he had lately been solemnly reconciled, 
and had received him as a repentant son into the 
bosom of the church. In the dissensions between 
Louis and the Swiss, he had acted the part of a 
mediator ; and although his interference had been 
unsuccessful, and he had in fact other purposes in 
view than the promoting the ambitious views of 
the king, yet it gave him fair pretensions to his 
confidence, and added weight to his opinions. 
Louis had lately been deprived of his queen, Ann 
of Bretagne, with whom he had lived in great har- 
mony, and who died in the beginning of the year 
1514, leaving behind her the reputation of a prin- 
cess of extraordinary virtue, talents, and piety ; an 
event which, as it afterwards appeared, was of no 
inconsiderable importance in facilitating and ce- 
menting the proposed reconciliation between the 
contending powers. With Henry VIII. the pope 
was upon terms of still closer amity. In the war 
with France, Henry bad on all occasions avowed 


CHAP, himself the champion of the holy see, and ex- 

_ pressed his determination to frustrate the efforts of 

A.D. ISM. all schismatics. In return for his attachment and 

A J t *?Q 

A. Pont. if. his services Leo had presented to him a consecrat- 
ed sword and hat ; a distinction conferred only on 
those princes who have obtained in person a signal 
victory in defence of the church, (a) But, what 
was of more importance, Wolsey, already bishop 
of Lincoln and of Tournay, was daily rising in the 
favour of his master, and was eagerly grasping at 
those higher preferments which Leo alone had it 
in his power to bestow. Under these flattering 
auspices Leo communicated his project to Barn- 
bridge, cardinal archbishop of York, who then re- 
sided at Rome as ambassador of the English mo- 
narch, (b) requesting him to represent to his sove- 
reign, that after the glory which he had obtained 
in his contest with France, and the unexampled 
breach of faith which he had experienced from 
his allies, he might now with justice and honour 
consult his own interest, in effecting such a league 
with Louis XII. as might not only indemnify him 
for the expenses which he had sustained, but se- 
cure to him the result of his victories, (c) To this 

(a) These honorary rewards " not so estimable for their ma- 
terials as for their mystery," were transmitted to England by 
Leonardo Spinelli, and were accompanied by an explanatory letter 
from the pontiff to the king, informing him of their value and use, 
of which he might not otherwise have been aware, v. App. No. CV. 

(A) Lettere di Balthazar da Peseta, in App. No. CVI. 

(c) Although Guicciardini seems not to have determined whe- 
ther this negotiation arose from the interference of the pontiff, or 
the proper inclination of the parties, yet he fully admits that it 
commenced between the pope and the archbishop of York at 
Rome. " Come si sia, comminci6 presto, o per Vautoritd del 
pontefice, o per inclinatione propria delle parti, a nascere pratica 


advice Henry listened with approbation; and in a CHAP. 
conversation with the duke de Longueville, whom 

he had taken prisoner at the battle of Guingaste, A. D.ISU. 
and who seems to have obtained no small share of A. Pont. 11. 
his confidence, he gave such indications of his pa- 
cific intentions, as induced the duke to acquaint 
his sovereign with this fortunate change in the 
disposition and views of the English monarch. 
No sooner was Louis apprized of this event, than 
he despatched Jean de Selva, president of the par- 
liament of Normandy, as his envoy to the English 
court, upon whose arrival a truce was agreed on 
between the two monarchs, to continue as long as 
the ambassador should remain in England, (a) For 
the purpose of promoting this negotiation, the 
pope also sent to Paris Lodovico Canossa, bishop 
of Tricarica, a man of noble birth, and of great 
ability and address, who after having prepared the 
way for pacific measures, proceeded thence to 
England, (b) These deliberations were not of long 

d'accordo trail Re di Franciaeil Re d' Inghilterra, i ragionamenti 
della quale, cominciati dal Ponlefice con Eboraceruc, furono trasfer- 
iti presto in Inghilterra." Storia d'ltal. vol. ii. lib. xii. p. 73. 
The documents now produced will, however, shew, that the measure 
originated at Rome ; a circumstance of which neither the Italian 
nor the English historians seem to have been sufficiently aware. 

(a) Balth. da Pescia, a Lor. de' Medici, 25*. Maggio, 1514. 
" Monsign. Reverendiss. (il card, de' Medici) crede che N. Signorc 
non fara cosa alcuna nova, per non alterare le cose di la da* monti ; 
dove di gia ha cominciato qualche prat ica d'accordo ; et il Re d' 
Inghilterra ha acceptato di auscultare il Generale di Normandia 
per homo di Francia, et tutto segue con ordine di sua Santitd" 
MSS. Flor. 

(b) " Di nuovo non ci altro, salvo che Monaignore mi dice, 
che si aspecta la risolutione de Tricarico, quale e andato al Chris- 
tianissimo, per concordare queste cose di Francia et Inghilterra, et 
sc ne spera bene." Letter a di Balth. da Pescia, 30 JJ/oti, 1614. 


CHAP, continuance. Louis XII. had fully authorized his 
envoy to conclude the proposed treaty; and in 

A. D. 1514. order to shew that his intentions were sincere, he 
directed the duke de Longueville to request in 
marriage for the French monarch, the princess 
Mary, sister of Henry VIII. then only eighteen 
years of age. In the commencement of this ne- 
gotiation, to which Wolsey was the only person 
admitted on behalf of the king of England, the 
demands of Henry were extravagant; but the 
representations of the duke de Longueville and 
the policy of Wolsey, who well knew that by pro- 
moting this alliance he should recommend himself 
to the favour of the Roman court, soon induced 
him to relax in his demands. The pride of Henry 
was also gratified by the proposed union between 
his sister and Louis XII. who, to use his own 
words, Jiad sought so gentely unto him for both 
amytie and marriage, (a) Some objections how- 
ever arose respecting Tournay, of which Wolsey 
was yet bishop, to the restitution of which Henry 
positively refused to assent; and Canossa, the 
pope's legate, again hastened to France, to prevail 
upon Louis XII. to consent to its being retained 
by the English monarch. His efforts were suc- 
cessful; and the convenient recommendation of 
the French king's counsellors was procured, to 
shield their sovereign from the disgrace of having, 
by his own free will, assented to the dismember- 
ment of his kingdom. () On the second day of 
August, 1514, the treaty was signed at London, by 
which the two sovereigns, after declaring that they 

(a) Raping Hist, of England, book xv. 
(A) Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 73. 


have been chiefly induced to concur in this ar- CAP. 


rangement by the exhortations and mediation of . 

the pope, bind themselves to afford each other A. D. 1514. 

4 ** *IQ 

mutual assistance in the prosecution of their rights A, iont. li. 
and the defence of their respective dominions, (a) 
The claims of Louis XII. to the states of Milan 
and Genoa are explicitly asserted, and virtually 
admitted. The treaty is to continue during the 
joint lives of the contracting parties, and for one 
year afterwards, and they mutually promise to en- 
deavour within twelve months to obtain from the 
pope a sentence of excommunication against him 
who should first infringe the terms, (b) 

This treaty was immediately followed by two 
others between the same parties ; the one for the 
marriage of the princess Mary with Louis XII. 
the other for the payment of a million of crowns by 
Louis to Henry, " as well for the- arrears of certain 
sums already due, as on account of the good affec- 

(<*) It is remarkable, that the author of the league of Cambray 
asserts, " que le Pape entra dans le negotiation peutetre pour la 
refroidir plutost que pour rechaufler." To which he adds, " Ce 
qui est certain c' est que le card. d'Yorck, Christophe Bembrice, 
ambassadeur d'Anglcterre a Rome, qui scavoit les intentions du 
Pape, ecrivoit souvent a son maitre pour le dissuader de faire la 
pabc." Tom. ii. p. 363. If the cardinal of York wrote to this 
effect, it is evident that he either did not know or did not approve 
of the intentions of the pope, which are unequivocally expressed 
in the secret correspondence of the Medici family before referred 

(6) v. Rymer, Fcedera, vol. vi. par. i. p. 64. Dtimont, Corps 
Diplomat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 183. On the signature of the treaty, 
Henry VIII. wrote to the pontiff, informing him, in terms of the 
highest esteem and respect, of the reconciliation which had taken 
place between him and Louis XII. which lie justly attributes 
to the recommendation and interference of the pontiff, r. App. 
No. CVII. 


CHAP, tion he bore him, and to the end that their amity 
XIL might be the more lasting." By the treaty of 
A. D. ISM. marriage Henry agreed to convey his sister at his 
A. 'ptaui! own expense to the city of Abbeville, where within 
four days after her arrival the king of France was 
solemnly to marry her. He also promised to give 
as her portion four hundred thousand crowns, one 
half of which should be reckoned for her jewels 
and preparations, and the other half deducted from 
the million of crowns agreed to be paid by Lotfis 
XII. who on his part undertook to make the join- 
ture of his bride equal to that of Ann of Bretagne, 
or any other queen of France, (a) 

These important negotiations were scarcely con- 
cluded, when messengers arrived at Paris from the 
emperor elect and the Spanish monarch, with full 
powers to ratify the proposed alliance, by the mar- 
riage of the archduke with the princess Renee, on 
such preliminary terms as the French monarch 
might approve ; () but Louis had now less occa- 
sion for their support, and hesitated not to reject 
their overtures, and the princess afterwards be- 
came the wife of Ercole II. duke of Ferrara. It 
has been supposed by the English historians, that 
in his transactions with Louis XII. Henry suffered 
himself to be misled by his great favourite, and im- 
posed upon by that monarch, who eventually pre- 
vailed upon him to rest satisfied with his bond for 
the million of crowns, which was the price at which 
Henry had estimated his friendship. But what- 
ever were the private objects or private disappoint- 

(a) Rymer, Facdera, vol. vii. par. i. p. 68, fyc. Dumont, Corps 
Diplomat, vol. iv. par. i. p. 188, fyc. 
(6) Guicciard. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 74. 


ments of the parties, it must be confessed, that CHAP. 

Y || 

as a great public measure of precaution for the _ 
safety of Europe it was one of the most important A. D. ISM. 
alliances that ever was formed; as it served not A.pom.n. 
only to terminate the bloody contests between 
England and France, but prevented the coalition 
of the French monarch with the united houses 
of Spain and of Austria, and was well calcu- 
lated to raise up a formidable barrier to that 
preponderating power which was shortly after- 
wards concentrated in the person of the emperor 
Charles V. 

The active part which Wolsey had taken in 
effecting this reconciliation recommended him 
still further to the favour of his sovereign, to 
whom an opportunity soon occurred of testifying 
his approbation. Whilst the treaty was yet depend- 
ing, the cardinal archbishop of York, Christo- 
pher Bambridge, suddenly died, having been poi- 
soned by Rinaldo da Modena, (a) who is said to 
have confessed, on being put to the rack, that he 
was induced to commit the crime in revenge for a 
blow given him by his master, (b) With this event 

(a) I had in the former editions stated, that the cardinal died on 
the twenty-fourth of July, and had denominated Rinaldo his steward ; 
but the real date of the cardinal's death was July 14th, as appears 
from a letter of the cardinal tie' Medici to Henry VIII. dated that 
day, and cited by Mr. H. Ellis in his Original Letters Illustrative 
of English History, vol. i. p. 100. Mr. Ellis has further observed 
that Kinaldo da Modena was not the steward of cardinal Barabridge, 
or Baynbrigge ; but simply a priest, whom the cardinal employed 
in menial services in his chamber.* 

(6) It appears, that when Rinaldo was required to sign his con- 
fession, he found an opportunity of stabbing himself, and died the 
following day ; after which he was hanged and quartered, in terro- 
rem. " Questa mattina e state appichato in pontc, et poi squartato. 


CHAP, the cardinal Oiulio de' Medici immediately ac- 

XIL quainted the king of England, at the same time 

A. D. ISM. informing him that the pope had resolved not to' dispose of the livings held by the archbishop until 

the king's pleasure should be known, (a) Henry 

immediately requested that the archbishoprick of 

York might be conferred on his favourite Wolsey, 

with which the pope without hesitation complied, 

and thereby repaid the obligations which he owed 

to Wolsey for the active part which he had taken 

in the negotiation, under the appearance and with 

the credit of complying with the wishes of the 

king. (I) 

Marriage of The preparations for the marriage of the prin- 

LouisXII. ,, r . , . , . 

and Mary, cess Mary occupied nearly two months, dunng 
Henry 0f which Louis XII. frequently addressed himself by 
letter to Wolsey, entreating him with all the im- 
patience of a youthful lover to expedite the depar- 
ture of his intended bride, and assuring him that 
his most earnest desire was to see her in France 
and find himself along with her. (c) On the second 

Don Rinaldo da Modona, alias el Pretino, che era servitore del 
cardinale di Inghilterra ; perche dicono che ha confessato havere 
avenenato il suo patrone, el quale e stato molti di in Castello, et 
sendo piii volte examinato diligentemente, ultimamente, dicono, 
che venendo per ratificare, si dette d'uno coltellino nella poppa 
manca, che nissuno lo vidde ; et volendolo porre ad la corda si 
venne mancho, et viddeno correre sangue, et trovorno come lui si 
era ferito ; et questo fu Venerdi mattino, et Sabbato sera circa 24 
hori si morl, con buono sentimento ; et cos\ morto per dare ex- 
emplo ad li altri questa mattina lo hanno facto justitiare." Bald, 
da Pescia, ad Lor. de' Med. 28. Agost, 1514. MSS. Fior. 

(a) v. Appendix, No. CVIII. 

(fc) Soon afterwards the king sent the cardinal de' Medici a 
present df two horses with splendid trappings, for which the car- 
dinal returned a respectful letter of thanks, v. App. No. CIX. 

(c) v. Appendix, No. CX. Mr. H. Ellis, in his Original Letters, 


day of October, 1514, she embarked at Dover; to CHAP. 
which place she had been accompanied by the _ 
king and queen, who then consigned her to the A. D. isu. 
duke of Norfolk, to be conducted to Abbeville. 
A numerous train of the chief nobility also attended 
her to that city, where the marriage was celebrated 
with great splendour on the ninth day of the same 
month. After the ceremony her whole retinue 
was dismissed, except a few confidential attendants, 
among whom was Ann Boleyn, the daughter of Sir 
Thomas Boleyn. (a) The coronation took place 
shortly afterwards at Paris, on which occasion 
magnificent spectacles were exhibited, with jousts 
and tournaments, in which the duke of Suffolk and 
the marquis of Dorset came off with honour. 
The king and queen of France were spectators ; 
but Louis, although not at an advanced age, was 
so infirm that he was obliged to recline upon a 
couch, (b) 

The important part which England had lately 
taken in the affairs of the continent, and the 
negotiations for the marriage of Louis XII. had 
opened a more direct intercourse between this 
and other countries than had before subsisted, 
and certainly contributed to promote, in no incon- 
siderable degree, the growth of those studies which 
had shortly before been transplanted from Italy 

has also given a letter from the princess Mary to Louis XII. written 
before the marriage, vol. i. p. 114.* 

(a) The dissatisfaction of thequeen, on this unexpected dismissal 
of her English attendants, appears in a letter to her brother Henry 
VIII. in Mr. Ellis's Original Lcttcrt, vol. i. p. 110, where a list of 
their names is given.* 

(b) Lord Hciberl's Life of Henry VUL $ Rapint Hi*.lib.T. 



CHAP, by t ne i a b ours of William Grocin, Thomas Lraa- 
-. cer, Richard Pace, and other Englishmen. Among 

A.D.1514. those learned foreigners who had fixed their resi- 

A.^t.39. , , 

A. Pont. ii. dence here, and were honoured with the patronage 
singular in- and friendship of the great, was Andrea Ammonio, 
ra- a nat ivc of Lucca, who held an important office in 
^ e ^ n 8^ sn court, and who by his correspondence 
with Erasmus appears to have enjoyed the parti- 
cular esteem of that eminent scholar, and to have 
been possessed of no inconsiderable share of talents 
and of learning.(a) The arrival of Canossa, the papal 
legate, who was one of the most accomplished men 
of his time, extended still further the literary 
intercourse between the two countries. For the 
better effecting the purposes of his important mis- 
sion, he had laid aside his ecclesiastical character, 
and appeared only as a private gentleman, to which 
rank he had just pretensions both by his education 

(o) Andreas Ammonius was an Apostolic notary, the pope's 
collector in England, Latin secretary to Henry VIII. and preben- 
dary of St. Stephen's chapel in Westminster, and of Fordington 
and Writhington, in the church of Salisbury. Jortin's Life of 
Erasmus, p. 36. From a letter of Leo X. to Henry VIII. it ap- 
pears, that some difficulties had arisen in the appointment of Am- 
monius to his office of receiver, which the pope submitted to the 
decision of the king. Rymer, Fcedera, vi. i. p. 86. The letters 
between Ammonius and Erasmus compose the chief part of the 
eighth book in the epistolary correspondence of the latter. He 
died of the Sudor Britannicus, or sweating sickness, in the year 
1520, as appears by a letter from Sir Thomas More, in Erasm. 
Ep. lib. vii. ep. 4. 

This Andreas Ammonius is not to be confounded with another 
Ammonius, a native of Ghent, and a Carthusian monk, who was 
also a correspondent of Erasmus, and who lived beyond the middle 
of the sixteenth century. (Note of Count Bossi, Ital. ed. voL v.> 
p. 163.) 


and his birth, (a) Erasmus was then in England, CHAP. 
and having been invited to dinner by his intimate _ 
friend Ammonio, he there met with a stranger in A. D.ISH 
a long vest, his hair inclosed in a caul, or net, and / t ; jj 
attended only by one servant. After wondering 
for some time at what Erasmus calls his military 
air, he addressed his friend Andrea in Greek, and 
inquired who this person was ; to which he re- 
ceived for answer in the same language, that he 
was an eminent merchant ; which it seems Eras- 
mus thought a sufficient reason for treating him 
with marked contempt. The party then sat down 
to dinner, when Erasmus and his friend entered 
into conversation on various topics, in which Eras- 
mus did not fail to express his opinion of their as- 
sociate, who he conceived was ignorant of the lan- 
guage in which he spoke. At length he adverted 
to the politics of the day, and inquired whether the 
report was true, that a legate was arrived from the 
pope to reconcile the differences between the 
French and English monarchs ; observing, that 
the pope did not want his opinion, otherwise he 
should have recommended that not a word should 
have been said about peace ; but should rather have 
advised the establishment of a truce for three years, 

(a) He was of a noble family of Verona, and before his ecclesias- 
tical preferments, was denominated the count Lodovico Canossa. By 
his talents and integrity he acquired great authority and reputation, 
and was employed during the chief part of his life in the most im- 
portant embassies, frequently in the sen-ice of Francis I. whose es- 
teem and confidence he enjoyed in an eminent degree. His let- 
ters, many of which are published in the Leltere di Principi, un- 
der the signature of // Vescovo de ttaiusa, are written with great 
ability, and no less freedom with respect to the characters of the 
times ; insomuch that they may be considered as the best in that 




CHAP, which might have given time for concluding ne- 
. gotiations. He then proceeded to make further 

A.D. 1514. inquiries respecting the legate, and asked whether 
A.'pont.ii. he was a cardinal, which led to a jocular contest 
between Erasmus and his friend, all which Canos- 
sa heard in silence. The patience of the latter 
being, however, at length exhausted, he first spoke 
a few words in Italian, and then turning towards 
Erasmus, told him in Latin, that he wondered he 
would reside in so illiterate a country, unless he 
chose to be the only scholar in England, rather 
than the first in Rome. Struck with the acute- 
ness of this observation in a merchant, Eras- 
mus replied that he was better satisfied with resid- 
ing in a country where there were many men of 
great learning, among whom he might occupy the 
lowest place, than in Rome, where he should hold 
no rank whatever, (a) Erasmus did not, however, 
discover the imposition until he was afterwards in- 
formed of it by his friend, with whom he was in 
no small measure displeased ; for, as he justly ob- 
serves, he might perhaps have used some expres- 
sions respecting the legate, or even the pope, 
which might have proved to his disadvantage, (b] 
From this incident Erasmus imagined that the le- 
gate was offended with him ; but this was so far 
from the truth, that Canossa after his return to 
France, whither he went as apostolic legate, and 

(a) Erasmus has, on other occasions, spoken with great com- 
mendation of the state of literature in England, which in point of 
improvement he places next to Italy. " Procul abest ab Italia Bri- 
tannia, sed eruditorum hominum aestimatione proxima est." Ep. 
lib. xxiii. ep. 5. 

(b) The particulars of this incident are given by Erasmus him- 
self, in a letter to Germanus Brixius. Ep. lib. xxiv. ep. 24. 


where he was appointed by Francis I. (a) bishop CHAP. 
of Bayeux, wrote to invite Erasmus to come and 
reside with him ; promising not only to maintain A. D. ISM. 
him, but to pay him two hundred ducats yearly, /JvJjJ.^'. 
and to provide him with two horses and two ser- 
vants ; (b) an offer which Erasmus did not choose 
to accept ; and which it seems could not remove 
from his mind the illiberal dislike which he had 
conceived against a man whom he had first known 
and conversed with in the borrowed character of a 
merchant, (c) 

(a) M. Henry, the French translator, has here unaccountably 
substituted the name of Louis XII. for that of Francis I. Fr. Tran. 
2nd ed. vol. ii. p. 309 ; an error which has been noticed by Count 
Bossi. Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 37. Note (a).* 

(b} " Non voglio mancar di dirvi, che trovandomi in migliore 
fortuna del solito, ho scritto a quell' Erasmo, che sapete, che se 
vuol venire a viver meco, io gli dar6 dugento ducati 1'anno, & le 
spese per due cavalli, e due bocche, e tanto otio per studiare, 
quanto esso sapra o vorra prendere. Potrebbe essere, che si fa- 
cesse befle di me ; & che m' invitasse con manco salario assai, 
perche manco ne merito, ad andare a star seco ; ma che laria di 
me ? non sapendo io stampare, ne fare altra cosa che gli satisiaces- 
se ; se forse non si dilettasse di dir male al solito." Lettera di Ca- 
nona, a Andrea Ammonia. Lettere di Principi, vol. i. p. 18, b. 
In which last observation Canossa jocularly alludes to his first in- 
terview with Erasmus, at the house of his friend, to whom the let- 
ter is addressed. 

(c) Erasmus, in the year 1632, thus speaks of Canossa: "Si 
nunc Canossa parum bene est in Krusnuun animatus, nihil est novae 
rei. Solct spretus amor in iram verti," &c. Erasm Ep. lib. xxiv. 
ep. 24. 

Count Bossi has, in one of his additional notes, given a general 
sketch of the life of Erasmus, prior to his interview with Canossa ; 
v. Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 164. But the most satisfactory abridgment 
of the particulars of the life of this great man, lias beou recently 
published in the Memoirs of Erasmus, by Charles Butler, Esq. of 
Lincoln's-inn. Loncl. 1825, Uvo. 

Y 2 


CHAP. Whilst Leo X. was diligently attending to every 
.. _ variation in the political horizon of Europe, the 
A. D. ISM. immediate direction of the 1 Florentine state was 
A. Pont if. still intrusted to his young nephew Lorenzo de' 
Splendid Medici, who continued to reside at that city, 
exhibitions an( j to ma i n tain the rank of his ancestors, as 

at t lorence. 

representative of the elder branch of his family. 
But notwithstanding the authority of Lorenzo, 
and the external form of a popular government 
which was still preserved, the city of Florence 
was at this time virtually governed by the Ro- 
man court, and Lorenzo himself acted only in con- 
formity to such directions as he received from the 
cardinal Giulio de' Medici, who was the organ of 
the papal will in all the transactions of the Tus- 
can state. The amity which now subsisted be- 
tween the pope and the other European sovereigns 
restored to the city of Florence that tranquillity 
which it had not for many years enjoyed ; and its 
history at this period is little more than the succes- 
sion of its public officers, and the records of those 
splendid exhibitions, of which one of the chief ob- 
jects was to reconcile the minds of the inhabitants 
to the loss of their former independence. These 
exhibitions, first introduced by Lorenzo the Mag- 
nificent, were peculiar to that city, and were in- 
tended to unite the charms of poetry with the most 
striking effects of picturesque representation, (a) 

(a) These observations are confirmed by Count Bossi, who has 
enumerated several of the dramatic performances, or Rappresen- 
tazioni, of the fifteenth century, which he had himself possessed ; 
and who warmly contends for the priority of the Italians in the in- 
troduction of a more correct style of theatrical representation 
" Queste feste, questi trionfi, queste pompe, questi spettacoli, 
possono considerarsi come d' invenzione tutta Italiana, e come un 


For this purpose some well known incident in an- CHAP. 
cient history, which might admit of the introduc- . 

tion of a splendid procession, was generally fixed A. u. ISM. 
upon, and neither expense nor labour was spared A. PonVn. 
in displaying it to the utmost advantage. The tri- 
umph of Paulus Emilius had thus, in the time of 
Lorenzo the Magnificent, afforded a subject for the 
talents of Francesco Granacci, the fellow-pupil of 
Michael Agnolo, who had represented it with such 
a variety of invention, and in so characteristic a 
manner, as to have obtained great applause. Even 
after the exile of the Medici from Florence these 
exhibitions were occasionally continued, although 
with circumstances suitable to the more gloomy 
and superstitious character of the place. Among 
those who distinguished themselves by the singu- 
larity of their inventions was Piero di Cosimo, a 
Tuscan painter, who having made his preparations 
in secret, and engaged the necessary attendants, 
brought forth, in the midst of the public rejoicings 
of the city, the Triumph of Death. This he repre- 
sented by a car drawn by black oxen, and painted 
with imitations of bones and skulls, intermingled 
with white crosses. On the car stood a large figure 
of death, armed with his scythe; and beneath, in 
the sides of the car, were openings representing 
sepulchres, from which, as often as the proces- 
sion stopped, issued a troop of persons, who being 

indizio del grado di civilizzazionc, al quale gli Italian! giunscro 
pritna delle altre nazioni ; non potendosi riguardarc come para- 
gonabili allc invcnzioni Florentine gli insulsi mister j ; che fore*, 
prima ancora di quell' epoca, eransi prodotti in Francia, e che erano 
ben lontani dal condurre alia formazione di un Teatro regolare, che 
venne immediatamente in seguito alle Rappreisntazioni succenatc." 
Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 107. 


CHAP, clothed in black and painted with white, so as to 


' imitate the bones of the human body, appeared in 

A. D. 1514. the gloom of night like so many skeletons. These 

A.pontii. figures, seating themselves on the car, sung the 

verses written for the occasion by Antonio Ala- 

manni, among which were the impressive lines : 

" Fummo gia come voi sete, 
Voi sarete come noi ; 
Morti siam come vedete, 
Cosi morti vedrem voi. " (a) 

Once like you we were, 

Spectres now you see ; 
Such as we now are, 

Such you soon shall be. 

This spectacle, which was accompanied by great 
crowds of attendants with appropriate standards 
and devices, affected the whole city with min- 
gled sentiments of surprise and horror ; but the no- 
velty of the sight, and the invention which it dis- 
played, excused so bold an attempt, and even ob- 
tained for the artist great commendation. There 
is however reason to believe, that a deeper mean- 
ing was couched under this exhibition than might 
at first sight have been suspected, and that it was 
in fact intended by the adherents of the banished 
family of the Medici, to represent the wretched 
and death-like state of Florence, whilst deprived 
of those to whom she had been indebted for her 
former happiness and glory, (b) 

(a) Vasari, Vite de Pittori, vol. ii. p. 387. The whole of this 
piece may be found in the Canti Carnascialeschi, p. 131. Ed. Fior. 

(6) " Senti dire io ad Andrea di Cosimo, che fu con lui (Piero 
di Cosimo) a fare questa opera, ed Andrea del S&to, che fu suo 


The twenty-fourth day of June, in the year 1514, CHAP. 
being the anniversary festival of St. John the Bap- 
tist, the patron saint of the city of Florence, and A. D. 1514. 
which had for ages been celebrated by the inhabi- A.'P OB LH' 
tants with particular hilarity, was fixed upon by the Triumph of 
young Lorenzo de' Medici for the exhibition of a 
splendid spectacle, accompanied with tournaments 
and rejoicings, intended to commemorate the re- 
turn of the Medici to Florence and the recent ele- 
vation of the family. This intelligence no sooner 
arrived at Rome than it threw the whole court into 
commotion, and the concerns of nations and the in- 
terests of the church were forgotten for a while in 
the anticipated pleasures of this great event. Many 
of the cardinals requested permission to be present 
at Florence on the occasion. Among these were 
Cib6 and Rossi, both near relations of the pontiff, 
the cardinals of Ferrara and of Aragon, Cornaro, 
Bibbiena, and Sauli ; who having obtained the con- 
sent of the pope, prepared for their journey, and 
that the dignity of their rank might not prevent 
their sharing in the amusements of the populace, 
they determined to assume borrowed characters, (a) 
The cardinal Giulio de 1 Medici, although at that 
time indisposed, expressed his earnest desire to 
accompany his brethren ; and even the supreme 
pontiff interested himself with such warmth in the 
preparation and conduct of this spectacle, as evi- 
dently demonstrated that he would himself have 

discepulo, e vi si trovd anch' cgli, che fu opinione in qtiel tempo, 
che questa invcnzionc fusse fatta per significare la tornata della 
Casa de' Medici del 12. in Firenzc ; pcrche allora, che questo 
trionfo si fece, erano csuli, c come dire morti, che dovcssino in 
breve resuscitare," &c. Vasuri, Vitc de Piftori, vol. ii. p- 30. 
(a) Lettere di Balth. da facia. 3/SS. F/or. App. No. CXI. 


c HAP. been present, had he not been prevented by a sense 
11 of the decorum due to his high station. He gave, 
A. D. ISM. however, positive directions that the most minute 
account of whatever might occur should be trans- 
mitted to him from day to day. (a) His brother 
Giuliano under less restraint, and accompanied by 
his friend Agostino Chigi, again visited his native 
place.(6) The principal incident proposed to be re- 
presented was the Triumph of Camittus after his 
victory over the Gauls. In order to give greater 
magnificence and novelty to the procession, Lo- 
renzo requested that the pope would permit the 
elephant and other animals which had been pre- 
sented to him by the king of Portugal, to be sent 
to Florence. This request the pope thought 
proper to decline, as far as respected the ele- 
phant, which it was alleged could not, on account 
of the tenderness of his feet, travel to so great 
a distance ; but the two leopards and the pan- 
ther were sent under the direction of the Per- 
sian keeper. That these spectacles, besides tend- 
ing to reconcile the Florentines to their depen- 
dent situation, generally concealed some political 
allusion has already been observed ; and the Tri- 
umph of CamiHus was undoubtedly selected with 
a particular reference to the late expulsion of the 
French from Italy. The very recent accommoda- 
tion of all differences between Louis XII. and the 
pope had, however, in some degree changed the 
disposition and views of the Roman court ; and al- 
though it was not thought absolutely necessary to 
abandon the subject proposed and to adopt one of 

(a) v. Ibid. App. No. CXII. 

(b) " M. Agostino Chisi si e partito di qua col Magnifico Juli- 
ano," &c. Lettera di B. da Petcia, 19 Junii, 1514. MSS. Flor. 


a less hazardous tendency, yet strict admonitions CHAP. 
were given that nothing offensive to the French 
nation, who were stated to be particularly suscept- A.D.ISM. 
ible of such insults, should be allowed to take A.'pfii?.' 
place, (a) 

The extreme attention paid by the Medici to Tounu . 
the acquisition of popular favour and applause is ment *- 
strikingly manifested in the correspondence be- 
tween Rome and Florence on this occasion. Lo- 
renzo is reminded, that in the giostra, or tour- 
naments, which were to take place, and of which 
great expectations had been formed, he should be 
particularly cautious in making such choice of his 
partisans as might insure his success, so that the 
honour might rest with the family, as had been 
usual on former occasions. He is also advised not 
to rely on the Florentines, but to engage on his 
party strangers who had been more accustomed to 
such exercises ; in other words, he was to assure 
himself of the victory before he entered the lists, (b) 
The prudent advice of his political preceptors was 
accompanied by the still more cautious admoni- 
tions of his mother Alfonsina, who then resided at 
Rome, and felt all the solicitude which a fond pa- 
rent may be supposed to experience on such an 
occasion for an only son. " Your mother has been 
informed," says the faithful secretary, " that you 
practise yourself in tilting, wearing heavy armour, 
and managing the great horse, which may in all 
probability be injurious to your health. I can 
scarcely express to you how much she is dissat is/led 
with these proceedings. In the greatest distress, 

(a) Lettered Balth. da Petcia, MSS. Flor. App. No. CXIII. 

(b) Ibid. App. No. CXIV. 


CHAP, she has enjoined me to write to you on her behalf, 
JL and to observe to you, that although your ances- 
A.D. 1514. tors have displayed their courage on similar occa- 
!. sions, yet you should consider who and what they 
were. When Piero di Cosmo appeared in a tour- 
nament, his father, who governed the city, was 
then living, as was also his brother. At the time 
Lorenzo exhibited, his father was also in being, 
and he had a brother, Giuliano, the father of our 
most reverend Cardinal ; and when the same Giu- 
liano tilted, Lorenzo himself governed. When 
your father appeared in the lists, he had tw r o sons 
and two brothers ; notwithstanding which he did 
not escape blame. You are yet young, and the 
magnificent Giuliano and yourself (both of you yet 
unmarried, and he infirm in his constitution) are 
the only support of the family. You cannot, there- 
fore, commit a greater error than by persevering 
in such conduct, and she recommends that you 
should rather engage others in the contest and 
stand by to enjoy the entertainment; thereby 
consulting your own safety and preserving the 
hopes of your family.''() How far these remon- 
strances were effectual it is of little importance to 
inquire ; but they serve to shew with what an ha- 
bitual solicitude every circumstance was regarded 
which could contribute to the support and aggran- 
dizement of the family of the Medici ; when even 
the solicitations of a mother to prevail on a son to 
attend to his personal safety were supposed to be 
most strongly enforced by such an argument. 

The preparation of the apparatus on this occa- 
sion, as far as respected the machinery and deco- 

(a) v. Letterc di Balth. da Pescia. MSS. Flor. App. No. CXV. 


rations of the painter, was intrusted to Francesco CHAP. 

V | | 

Granacci, the same artist who had displayed his ta- 

lents with somuch applause in the service of Loren- A.D. 1514. 

A /fct. 38 

zo the Magnificent; and his invention and ability A.'POOI.II'. 
in executing the task imposed upon him are highly 
celebrated in the records of his art. (a) Besides 
the furnishing appropriate designs for the cars, stan- 
dards, dresses, escutcheons, and emblems atten- 
ding this magnificent spectacle, Granacci erected 
a triumphal arch opposite to the great gate of the 
monastery of S. Marco, in a rich and ornamental 
style of architecture. Several historical pieces 
finely painted, so as to imitate tablets in basso 
rilievo, and elegant statues modelled in clay, gave 
additional grandeur to this temporary structure, 
and on the summit of the arch appeared in large 
characters : (A) 


On the return of Giuliano de' Medici to Rome peiibm- 
he was accompanied by his nephew Lorenzo, for Rome for 
the purpose of deliberating with the pope and the fiji fa- 
cardinal de' Medici on the measures to be adopted j ( 
for increasing the power and authority of the fa- 
mily, and securing it against those dangers to which 
it' might be exposed, in case it should be deprived 
of the protection of the pontiff. The cardinal had 

(a) Vasari, Vite de Pittori, vol. ii. p. 388. 

(6) Vasari, Vite de 1 Pittori, vol. ii. p. 388. It must however be 
observed, that Vasari is mistaken both in the year and the occasion 
of these rejoicings, which he placed in 1513, on the arrival ofLeo 
X. at Florence. The celebration of this festival was in H>14, and 
Leo did not visit Florence until the end of the yrar following. The 
verses sung on this joyful occasion, written by the Florentine histo- 
rian Jacopo Nardi, have been preserved in the Canti Carnasciales- 
chi, and are given in the Appendix, No. CXVI. 


CHAP, already made a decisive election in devoting him- 
^ self to the church, and from his high station, and 

A. D. i5i4. the influence which he now possessed, he was en- 
.Ti. a hled to lay the foundations from which he hoped 
to rise to that supreme dignity which he afterwards 
obtained. It was therefore only in the persons of 
Giuliano and Lorenzo that the pope could realize 
those secular honours which he considered as ne- 
cessary to the establishment and aggrandizement 
of his family. The character and disposition of 
these near relatives were however widely different. 
Of all the descendants of the Medici, Giuliano 
seems to have least inherited the ambition of 
his ancestors. Attached to the studies of polite 
literature, and delighted with the society of those 
men of learning and of talents whom he met with 
at Rome, he preferred the charms of private life 
to the exercise of that authority which was within 
his grasp. The delicacy of his constitution was 
perhaps an additional motive to the choice which 
he had made ; yet he was not without pretensions 
to military honours, and had frequently been in 
arms during the various attempts of the Medici to 
re-establish themselves in their native place. His 
nephew Lorenzo had, on the contrary, already 
given sufficient indications of a bold and aspiring 
mind. Dissatisfied with the administration of the 
Florentine state, in which he held no ostensible 
rank, except such as he enjoyed in common with 
other citizens, he had already begun to estrange 
himself from the society of the inhabitants and to 
devote himself to military exercises, in the hope of 
being enabled, by the support of the pontiff, either 
to assume the absolute dominion of his native place, 


or to obtain an independent sovereignty in some CHAP. 
other part of Italy. 

The result of these deliberations appeared in the A. D. 1514. 
measures soon afterwards adopted by the pontiff; jLpSu^f. 
which have given occasion to the historians of these T 

* Leo X. 

times to charge him with inconsistency in his de- *?""* de - 

. , i . . signs upon 

signs and conduct, but which a nearer view of the the king- 
state of Europe, compared with his own situation, pieTand 

and that of his family, will perhaps sufficiently ex- 
plain. The character of Leo X. now stood high in Urbino - 
the estimation of all the sovereigns of Christendom. 
Although not of royal descent, he was considered 
in his own person as the representative of the most 
respectable family in Europe that did not assume 
the insignia of sovereignty. To this was added the 
dignity of his high office, which entitled him to 
take the precedence of the proudest monarchs of 
the time ; and these pretensions to superior respect 
were strengthened by the active and important 
part which he had taken in the political transac- 
tions of the times. It is true, it had been princi- 
pally, if not wholly owing to his interference, that 
the emperor elect and the catholic king had been 
disappointed in their endeavours to effect the pro- 
posed alliance with the crown of France ; but Leo 
had so conducted himself on this occasion as to re- 
tain the favour of those sovereigns, even whilst he 
counteracted their purposes. By the emperor elect 
and the Venetian state he had been appointed the 
arbiter of their differences ; and although his deci 
sion had hitherto been rendered ineffectual by the 
continual vicissitudes of the war, andthcavarice and 
ambition of the cardinal of Gurck, (a), yet he still 
(a) It appears from the private correspondence of the Medici 


CHAP, maintained his credit with both parties. The in- 


' fluence which he had acquired in the English coun- 
A.D.1514. cils was apparent on many important occasions, 
A! pfnt. IL an d might be accounted for, not only from the great 
attachment and respect which Henry yet enter- 
tained for the Roman see, but from the earnest de- 
sire of Wolsey to ingratiate himself with the pon- 
tiff. Of all the European sovereigns, Louis XII. 
was the prince with whom Leo stood in the most 
delicate situation : yet Louis was the very poten- 
tate whose favour he considered as of greater im- 
portance to him than that of any of the rest. He 
was now fully convinced that it was not in his power 
to divert the king from his projected expedition 
against Milan; and as the facilities afforded the 
king by his new alliance with England, left little 
doubt of his success, it became a subject of seri- 
ous deliberation to the pontiff how he might best 
counteract the injurious consequences of this mea- 
sure, or rather how he might convert it to the ad- 
vantage of himself and his family. For this pur- 
pose he turned his views towards the kingdom of 
Naples, conceiving, that from the advanced age of 
Ferdinand of Spain, an opportunity would soon be 
afforded, both to Louis XII. and himself, of inter- 
fering in its concerns, and perhaps of occupying 
its government, to the exclusion of the young arch- 
duke ; for whom it would not in such case be diffi- 
cult to find sufficient employment in other parts 

*mily, that the cardinal wished to obtain 20 or 25,000 ducats from 
the Venetians, and the dignity of legate from the pope. As this 
information is derived from the confidential secretary who was em- 
ployed in this transaction, there can be no doubt of its authenticity. 
v. Letters di Balth. da Peseta. MSS. Flor. Appendix, No. 


of his widely dissevered dominions. This impor- CHAP. 
tant acquisition Leo probably destined for his bro- _____ 
ther Giuliano ; whilst the state of Tuscany, to A.D.ISU. 
which he also hoped to unite the duchies of Fer- ' 

rara and Urbino, were the intended inheritance of 
his nephew Lorenzo. By these means the family 
of the Medici would have enjoyed a derisive supe- 
riority over any other in Italy, and by the subse- 
quent union of these territories, which was likely 
to take place at no distant period, would have held 
an important rank among the sovereigns of Eu- 

No sooner was this ambitious project determined secret aiu- 
on at Rome, than Leo not only began openly to JJe^the 
relax in his opposition to the king respecting his 
pretensions on the Milanese, but actually to make 
representations to him to prevent his relinquishing 
his projected enterprize ; assuring him that the 
Spanish army in Italy was greatly diminished in its 
numbers ; that the soldiery were unpaid, the peo- 
ple of Milan wretched and dissatisfied, and that 
with respect to the Swiss, there was no one who 
would undertake to subsidize them, and that it 
was well known they would not move without such 
an inducement. At the same time he gave the 
king to understand that he would exert his influ- 
ence with Ottaviano Fregoso, to restore the autho- 
rity of the king at Genoa, where the fortress of the 
Lanterna was yet in possession of the French. Af- 
ter having thus manifested his dispositions, Leo 
addressed himself to the cardinal Sanseverino, who 
was then considered as the agent of the French mo- 
narch at Rome, (a) by whose means he proposed 

(a) Guicciard. Storia d'ltal. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 74. 


CHAP, to the king, that as the jealousy of other powers 
^ would not at this juncture permit them to enter in- 
A.D. 1514. to an ostensible and avowed alliance, it was his de- 
A.'pont?n. s i re that they should at least lay the foundation of 
that future union which he hoped would ere long 
be established between them. For this purpose 
the pope transmitted to the king certain minutes, 
as heads of a private treaty, on which he request- 
ed to know his sentiments. The French monarch 
in reply, expressed his acknowledgments for the 
confidence placed in him by the pontiff; but whe- 
ther some of these propositions were of such a kind 
as to require long deliberation, or whether any 
other circumstance prevented the king from return- 
ing an earlier answer, certain it is, that he did not 
send his definitive reply to Rome for the space 
of fifteen days, or upwards. Although this delay 
may appear inconsiderable, yet from the critical 
nature of the business, it alarmed the pontiff, who 
probably conceived, that if Louis disclosed this 
communication to the emperor elect and the king^ 
of Spain, it might draw down upon him their re- 
sentment. He therefore availed himself of an op- 
portunity which was afforded him in this interval 
of renewing his treaties with those sovereigns for 
the term of a year, by which the contracting par- 
ties bound themselves to the mutual defence of 
their respective states. The reply of the king of 
France to the proposals of the pope arrived imme- 
diately after the signing these treaties, and the 
king thereby expressed his entire approbation of 
the terms of amity offered by the pontiff; suggest- 
ing, however, that as one article in the minutes 
obliged the king to the protection of the Tuscan 


state, and of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici, it CI| AP. 
would be necessary that they should become par- *"' 
ties in the engagement. On the arrival of this an- A.D. 1514. 
swer, the pope excused himself to the king for his A.MM.IL 
apparent precipitancy in renewing his treaties with 
the houses of Aragon and Austria, the cause of 
which he attributed in some degree to the unex- 
pected hesitation of the king himself. This apo- 
logy Louis thought proper to consider as satisfac- 
tory, and the convention was agreed on. In or- 
der, however, to prevent the terms from transpir- 
ing, they were not declared by any public instru- 
ment, but remained in the form of a schedule un- 
der the signature of the respective parties, (a) 

These extraordinary measures are attributed by Motiye* of 
a great contemporary historian to the artifice and 
insincerity of the pope, who either conceiving that 
the king of France would undertake this expedi- 
tion without his incitement, expected in case it 
should prove successful, to secure his favour ; or 
knowing that in the truce which Louis had entered 
into with the Spanish monarch and the emperor 
elect, it was stipulated that he should not attack 
the state of Milan, was desirous of embroiling him 
with those powers, (b) It may, however, be pre- 
sumed, that Leo had yet more important objects 
in view, and that he was at this period sincere in 
his endeavours to prevail upon the French mo- 
narch to make another descent \ upon Italy. The 
secret treaty undoubtedly contained some articles 
favourable to the advancement of the family of the 
Medici, and Leo might suppose that if he assisted 

(a) Gwcciard. Storm d'ltal. lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 75. 

(b) Ibid. p. 76. 



CHAP, the king in the accomplishment of so favourite an 

1_ object as the recovery of Milan, he might in return 

A. D. 1514. expect his aid in obtaining the sovereignty of 

A. /fct. 39. -.. - .. i"ii i 

A. Pont. ii. JMaples; a proposition to which there is indeed 
reason to believe that the French monarch had 
given his express consent, (a) If this great object 
could have been accomplished, Leo would not only 
have laid the foundation of a splendid monarchy in 
his own family, but would have rescued the most 
extensive state in Italy from the opprobrium of a 
foreign yoke. In sacrificing to this acquisition the 
duchy of Milan, he might also perhaps have looked 
forwards to a time when he might be able, by the 
aid of the Swiss, with whom he still maintained a 
secret but strict alliance, (b) to repeat the part which 
he had acted on a former occasion ; and thus by 
liberating Italy from both the Spaniards and the 
French, to place on the head of his brother the only 
crown of which that country could boast. 

(a) Guicciardini himself informs us, that the king of Spain was 
apprehensive, and not without reason, that the pope aspired to the 
kingdom of Naples for his brother Giuliano : lib. xii. p. 74 : to 
which he afterwards adds, " che il Re di Francia prometteva aiutare 
il pontefice ad acquistare il Regno di Napoli, o per la Chiesa, o per 
Giuliano suo fratello," lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 76, a circumstance which 
fully explains the conduct of the pontiff, in attempting to prevail 
on the king of France to hasten his expedition to Italy. 

(b) " Per 1'ultima mia di hieri me scordai dire ad V. S. circa le 
Svizeri, come Monsignore Rmo. me haveva detto ; che N. Signore 
continuando Ii pacti della Lega vecchia con loro, Ii manda fra pochi 
dl danari, et fara ogni cosa de confermarla, &c. Et che io recordi 
ad quella per sempre, che di simili avisi non voglia conferire con 
alcuno, salvo che ad qualche proposito suo, et che solo questa si fa, 
accioche V. S. sappia come le cose passano et non per communi- 
carle." Balth. da Pcscia a Lor. de' Med. 26 Mai, 1514. MSS. 


In order to confirm the proposed union between CHAP. 
the French monarch and Leo X. it had been further 
agreed, that a family alliance should be formed be- A. D. isu. 
tween them, by the marriage of Giuliano de' Me- 
dici with Filiberta, daughter of Philip, duke of 
Savoy, and sister to Louisa, the mother of Francis, 
duke of Angoulme, who succeeded at no distant 
period to the crown of France by the name of 
Francis I. This marriage, notwithstanding the 
important alterations which soon afterwards oc- 
curred, was celebrated in the early part of the 
ensuing year, and although unproductive of any 
offspring, probably led the way to those future al- 
liances by which the family of the Medici became 
so closely connected with the royal house of France, 
and which all Christendom has had such ample rea- 
son to deplore. 

But whether the proposed attempt was frus- 
trated by the unexpected hesitation of the king, MI. 
and the consequent engagements of the pontiff 
with other powers, or by the reluctance of Giu- 
liano de' Medici to take an active part in so bold 
and hazardous a transaction, certain it is, that Leo 
soon abandoned his representations to Louis XII. 
on this subject, and began to adopt the most deci- 
sive measures for the defence of his new possessions 
in Lombardy, and for defeating the projected ex- 
pedition of the French monarch against the states 
of Milan. He therefore gladly availed himself of 
an opportunity afforded him by the necessities of 
the emperor elect Maximilian, of purchasing from 
that sovereign the city and state of Modena, for 
a sum of forty thousand gold ducats, subject to a 
right of redemption in the emperor on repayment of 

z 2 


CHAP, the money, which there was not the slightest pro- 
. _ '_ _ bability that he would ever be enabled to reim- 
A.D. ISM. burse, (a) This acquisition was of the utmost con- 

A JEt 39 

A. Pont.ii. sequence to the pontiff, as it opened an uninter- 
rupted communication between the states of the 
church and the cities of Reggio, Parma, and Pia- 
cenza, and in conjunction with those territories 
composed a rich and populous district of no incon- 
siderable extent and importance. 

Leo endea- In the mean time, the war between the emperor 
elect Maximilian, and the king of Spain, on the 
one P art > an( * tne Venetian state on the other, was 
carried on with great activity ; and as the latter 

the emperor was considered as the bulwark of Europe against 
the Turks, Leo availed himself of the information 
lately received respecting the successes of the Turk- 
ish arms, to attempt once more to effect a reconci- 
liation between the contending powers, well know- 
ing that if he could detach the Venetians from their 
alliance with Louis XII. it would either prevent his 
proposed expedition to Milan, or in all probability 
frustrate his expected success. To this end he 
despatched as his legate to Venice the celebrated 
Pietro Bembo, who still enjoyed the office of his 
domestic secretary, with directions to exert all his 
efforts for the purpose of prevailing on his country- 
men to listen to such overtures of pacification as 
the pope was already authorized on the part of 
their adversaries to propose. 

Legation of Bembo having undertaken this task, proceeded 

Venice. from Rome towards his native place ; and that he 

might not commit himself by any unguarded ex- 

pression in a negotiation of so delicate a nature, 

(a) Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, vol. x. p. 108. 


he, in the course of his journey, reduced into writ- CHAP. 
ing the arguments which he judged proper on such 
an occasion, which he read as a proposto or propo- A.D. ISM. 
sition from the pontiff to the senate. This singu- *'pLVu'. 
lar document yet remains, and throws a strong 
light on the state of public affairs, and on the con- 
duct which the pope thought it consistent with his 
duty or his interest to pursue, (a) After expati- 
ating in ample terms on the services which the 
pope had sought to render to the republic, the 
orator adverts to the part which Leo X. had acted 
in effecting a reconciliation and alliance between 
France and England, and to the encouragement 
which he had given to Louis XII. to attempt the 
conquest of Milan, " whence he expected some 
advantages might have accrued to the Venetian 
state." The delay of the king in this long threat- 
ened attempt is attributed to his indifference, or to 
his weariness of a contest which had involved him 
in such enormous expense. Under these circum- 
stances, the legate earnestly advises the Venetians 
to terminate their differences with the emperor 
elect and the king of Spain, and to abandon their 
alliance with France ; in which case he proposes 
to them, on the authority of his catholic majesty, 
that all their continental possessions occupied by 
their enemies, excepting only the city of Verona, 
then held by the emperor, should be restored to 
them; they paying to the emperor four hundred 
thousand gold florins, or such other sum as the 
pope should judge reasonable. In directing the 
attention of the senate to the improbability of 
their deriving any future benefit from their alli- 

(a) r. Appendix, No. CXVIII. 


CHAP, ance with France, the legate adduces arguments of 
JI ' a very extraordinary nature. " It may not only," 
A.D. 1514. says he, " be expected, but believed, that the king 
A.'pont. if. of France has relinquished his attempt upon Italy. 
Some months have elapsed since he concluded the 
treaty with England, at which time he had twenty 
thousand men in arms for this enterprise, and 
might have engaged in it with the consent and 
favour of the pope, and with the reputation acquir- 
ed by his new alliance. At that time he might 
also have attacked his adversaries whilst they were 
unprepared and unwilling to oppose him, as well 
from other circumstances, as from their rever- 
ence for his holiness, who would openly have fa- 
voured his cause. If therefore he would not en- 
gage in this attempt, although invited and solicited 
by the pope, how can it be supposed that he will 
now undertake it, when the Swiss, the Spaniards, 
the emperor, the states of Milan, of Florence, and 
of Genoa, are all united with his holiness to op- 
pose him, and are employed in preparations for 
that purpose ? Add to this, that he has lately 
married a beautiful wife, who will daily withdraw 
his mind more and more from the concerns of war. 
There are indeed some who think that these nup- 
tials will abridge his days, or rather render them 
very short indeed ; considering that he is already 
advanced in years, not remarkable for his conti- 
nence, and devoted to the love of this young dam- 
sel, who is not more than eighteen years of age, 
and the most beautiful and attractive woman that 
has been seen in France for many years. In short, 
he is said to be already on the decline, and to have 
contracted complaints which will shortly bring 


him to the grave." When the legate ventured CHAP. 
not only to utter, but to commit to writing such 
observations as these on so great a monarch, the A.D. i&u. 
avowed ally of his master, it is no wonder that he A.'piifii. 
entreated his hearers " in the name of heaven to 
bury them in eternal secrecy." After having exerted 
all his eloquence in endeavouring to prevail on the 
senate to accede to his propositions, he proceeds to 
lay before them in strong terms the consequences 
of their refusal, which he asserts will infallibly lead 
to a conclusion of the treaty already in agitation 
between the king of Spain, the Swiss, the states of 
Milan, Genoa, and Florence, and the pope ; who 
would be under the necessity of regarding the Ve- 
netians as their common enemy. 

But although this oration has been regarded as 
a specimen of diplomatic skill and eloquence, it 
failed to produce the intended effect on the minds 
of the Venetian senators ; nor can it be denied, 
that in committing topics of so delicate a nature to 
the formality of a written composition, the Roman 
legate acted the part rather of a scholastic rhetor, 
than of a judicious negotiator. A few days after- The senate 
wards Bembo was again admitted into the senate, iy^ j, fc 
when a written paper was read to him in reply to J] 
his oration ; by which, after expressions of respect 
to his holiness, the senate refuses either to relin- 
quish Verona to the emperor, or to annul their alli- 
ance with the king of France, (a) This answer 
was immediately despatched to Rome by Agostino 
Beazzano, a scholar of considerable eminence who 
accompanied Bembo on his legation ; and Bembo 

(a) The letters from Bembo to I.r<> X. containing the particu- 
lars of his embassy, are given in the Appendix, No. CXIX. 


CHAP, himself soon afterwards followed; but he was so 


' fatigued with his journey that he was obliged to 
A. D. 1514. rest on his return a few days at Pesaro, where he 

A ^Et 39 

A. Pont. ii. met with his friends Madonna Emilia Pia and the 
duchess Elizabetta, the widow of Guidubaldo da 
Montefeltro, duke of Urbino. Bembo was aware that 
he might incur the suspicion of having feigned in- 
disposition, that he might enjoy the society of these 
amiable and accomplished women ; but in a letter 
to the cardinal da Bibbiena, which bears date the 
first day of the year 1515, he makes the most so- 
lemn asseverations that his illness is not a pretext ; 
and if his assurances were not believed, his delay 
was excused by his friends and patrons at Rome, (a) 

Historical This embassy of Bembo to the Venetian state 
was not on ty unproductive of those advantages 
which the pontiff expected to derive from it, but, 
if we may place implicit confidence in some of the 
historians of those times, tended to' injure the cha- 
racter of the pontiff in the estimation of the French 
monarch; who is said to have been now fully con- 
vinced of the insincerity of the pope, and to have re- 
newed his negotiations with Ferdinand of Spain, 
preparatory to his intended attack on the states 
of Milan. (&) Frequently, however, as this has been 

(a) v. Appendix, No. CXX. 

(b) " Manifestarono al Re di Francia la cagione della venuta di 
Bembo, donde il Re, dispiacendogli che in tempo tanto propinquo 
a muovere 1'armi, cercasse di privarlo de gli aiuti de suoi confede- 
rati, rinovo le pratiche passate col Re Catolico," &c. Gtdcciard. 
lib. xii. vol. ii. p. 77. " Mal'aver egli (il pontefice) inviato a Ve- 
nezia il celebre Pietro Bembo, per istaccare quella republica dalT 
alleanza co' Francesi, senza pero poterla smuovere, fece al fin capire 
al Re Lodovico che capitale avesse egli a fare delle belle proteste 
di qiiesto Pontefice" Murat. Armal. d'ltal. vol. x. p. 107. 


repeated as matter of reproach to the pontiff, it CHAP. 
may with confidence be asserted that Louis was XIL 
never informed of the result of this negotiation, A D , 515 
and consequently that he could not have mani- A -^ t4 - 

1 J A.Poot.111. 

fested that dissatisfaction with the conduct of the 
pope which has been so positively attributed to 
him. (a) On the very day that Bembo wrote the 
before mentioned letter from Pesaro, his prophe- 
tic representations respecting Louis XII. were ful- 
filled by the death of that monarch ; which event ^^ of 
is also said to have been occasioned by the cause **"* XIL 
to which Bembo with so much confidence attribu- 
ted it ; he having survived his marriage only eighty 
days. It is not therefore to be supposed, that the 
purport of a negotiation which only terminated at 
Venice towards the end of December, could be con- 
veyed to France prior to the first day of January ; 

(a) " Ce fut toute la satisfaction qu'il eut de sa negotiation, 
dont les Venetians firent part aussitot au Roi leur Allie. Cette 
confiance eclaira Louis XII. sur les veritables sentimens d'un 
Pape qui tentoit unites sortes de voyes pour seduire ses amis, dans 
le temps qu'il le faisoit assurer qu'il avoit le genie et le coeur tout 
Francois- Ce prince resolut enfin de ne plus compter sur lui, quVn 
cas qu'il donnat d'autres assurances de sa sincerit que des protes- 
tations affectueuscs." Ligue de Cambray, lib. iv. torn. ii. p. 375. 
" Mais le Pape fut oblige de s'expliquer clairement. Pour forcer 
le pape a le faire, I'liomme du Roi se servit dc 1'envie qu* avoit sa 
Saintete de menagcr toujours la France. II lui (lit, avec la viva- 
cite et 1'energie Francoise, que Louis XII. prendroit pour rupture 
et pour marque d'une inimiti irreconciliable le refus d'une re- 
ponse a ses propositions. Leon X. portant alors sa main gauche au 
coude de son bras droit, et 1'elevant, dit qu'il donneroit ce bras pour 
voir le Roi de France en possession de son heritage, sans qu'il rn 
coutat une mer de sang d la Chreticnnete.'et il employa les biais les 
plus subtils des frases Florentines et tous les detours du jargon de 
Rome pour esquiver, et se defendre de donner une rrponse plus 
formelle," &c. Murm. Annal. d'/tal. TO), x. p. 386. 


CHAP, much less is it likely that Louis, when at the point 
If - of death, should have had either leisure or dispo- 
A.D. i5i5. sition to attend to political discussions ; and at all 
. even ts it is wholly impossible, that those subse- 
quent negotiations should have taken place between 
Louis XII. and the pope, which are related at great 
length by writers ofcredit, and have given occa- 
sion to severe animadversions on the supposed du- 
plicity and treachery of the Roman pontiff, (a) But 
as it is difficult to conceive, that the authors refer- 
red to can be mistaken on a subject in which they 
have almost uniformly concurred, it may be ne- 
cessary further to relate, that on the departure of 
Bembo from Venice, two envoys were despatched 
by the senate to the kings of England and of France, 
for the ostensible purpose of congratulating them 
on the restoration of peace, and on the alliance 
which had been so happily established between 
them. The ambassador to France was further in- 
structed to assure the French monarch of the in- 
variable fidelity and attachment of the senate to his 
cause, and to incite him by every possible effort to 
send an army into Italy without further delay ; but 
whilst these envoys were yet on their journey, they 
received intelligence of the death of the French 
king, which terminated the chief object of their 
mission, and obliged them to wait for the instruc- 
tions of the senate respecting their further desti- 
nation, (b) Whatever therefore might have been 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xii. Ligue de Cambray, lib. iv. &c. 

(6) This relation is confirmed by the positive authority of the 
Venetian historian Paruta, who adds, " Queste cose furono a gli 
Ambasciatori commesse ; ma mentre ancora essi ritrovansi nel viag- 
gio, il Re Lodovico, soprapreso da grave infermita, vi lascio la vita." 
Paruta, Hut. Yen. lib. ii. p. 102. 


the feelings, or the resentment, of Louis XII. had CHAP. 
he lived to have been informed of the embassy of 
Bembo, it is sufficiently apparent that the sarcas- A.D. isis. 
tic remarks on the conduct of the pontiff to which A^paSim. 
this incident has given rise, have been falsely attri- 
buted to that monarch, and can only be considered 
as the fabrication of those who have substituted 
the fictions of their own fancy for the authentic re- 
cords of historical truth. 

The latter events in the life of Louis XII. had HU char- 

greatly diminished the glory which he had acquired 
in the former part of his reign ; and the sanguina- 
ry and fruitless victories of Ghiaradadda and Ra- 
venna were counterbalanced by the insults and de- 
feats which he suffered from Leo X. and Henry 
VIII. the former of whom had expelled him from 
Milan, and the latter had established the English 
arms in the midst of his dominions, and reduced 
him to the necessity of securing, by the stipulated 
payment of an enormous sum of money, the safe- 
ty of the rest. That inordinate and blind ambition 
which sacrifices the peace and happiness of a coun- 
try to the vain expectation of foreign acquisitions, 
the attainment of which is often a greater misfor- 
tune than the miscarriage of the attempt, is in no 
instance more to be lamented than in that of Louis 
XII. who, if he had not been misled by this deplora- 
ble frenzy, would indeed have merited the appel- 
lation bestowed upon him by his subjects, of the 
father of his people. Throughout his whole reign 
no new taxes were imposed in his dominions. He 
was the first sovereign who secured the peasantry 
of France from the rapacity of the soldiery, who 
were before accustomed to plunder them with im- 


CHAP, punity : and his memory was rendered dear to his 

__ country by his edict in 1499, by which he ordered 

A. D. 1515. that the law should on all occasions be strictly 

A.Pontin. enforced, notwithstanding any contrary directions 

which the importunity of individuals might obtain 

from the sovereign, (a) 

His widow About two months after the death of the king, 
ch!S his young and beautiful widow married the accom- 
Brandon, plished Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, to whom 

duke of 

Suffolk. she is supposed to have been attached before her 
former marriage, and who attended her to France, 
although he was not nominated as one of the em- 
bassy. Mezerai asserts that the duke of Angou- 
leme, afterwards Francis I. caused this English 
lord to be narrowly watched, lest he should give 
the king a successor. This second marriage was 
a cause of great displeasure to Henry VIII. but 
his sister assuming the blame to herself, and pro- 
testing that she had almost compelled the duke to 
this rash action, the anger of the king was not of 
long duration. The progeny of this marriage was 
numerous. Frances, one of the daughters, mar- 
ried Henry Grey, afterwards duke of Suffolk, by 
whom she became the mother of the accomplished 
and unfortunate lady Jane Grey, who reluctantly 
contended with the bigot Mary for the crown of 
England. The other descendants of the princess 
Mary, intermarrying with the English nobility, 
have diffused a portion of the royal blood through 
many of the principal families in the kingdom. 

(a) Count Bossi has in his additional notes, entered more fully 
into the character of Louis XII. which he has represented in a more 
favourable point of view ; for the particulars of which I must refe 
to Ital. ed. vol. v. p. 169.* 



No. LII. 

(Page 9.) 

Storia (T Italia di Gio. Ant. Summonte, vol. iii. p. 551, 
cor. 615. 

Petti Summontii Neapolitan. 

AUSONL* splendor, durisque exercite bellis, 

Hector, ab antiquis quern genus ornat avis ; 
/Equasti veterum qui fortia facta virorum, 

Heroi tollens invidiam generis ; 
I felix, i qutere alio sub sole triumphos, 

Non datur in patriis nomen habere locis. 
Si rion Alcides charis migrasset ab Argis, 

Non foret Eois notus, et Hesperiis : 
Fertur post varies insigni Marte labores 

Ferrea Tartareae janua aperta domus. 
Fertur lasoniae pubes commissa carina?, 

Ausa maris tumidas prima secare vias. 
Cessite Gangaridum, Len&i gloria, Tellus ; 

Pelleo et longe Fama petita Duci. 
In pretio semper nimio peregrina fuere, 

Nescio cur, sordent dum sua cuique domi. 
Adde quod, et melius translata reponitur arbos . 

Tanta est inutati gratia, honosque soli. 
I felix, nee te Patria, aut remorentur amici, 

Aut de cognato sanguine fidus amor. 
Fortibus onme soluin Patria est, hos adjuvat ipsa 

Virtus, et his cceluin, terraque nuda favet. 


Prima tibi vicisse pios Victoria amores ; 

Incipe mox laudes accumulate novas. 
Nee tibi deerunt, aeternis qui grandia chartis 

Facta canant, digna concelebrentque lyra. 
Quis neget assiduo renovari ssecula cursu, 

Quin meliora potest ducere longa dies. 
En sopita diu, surgit tandem inclyta virtus, 

Heroesque novos sa*cula nostra ferunt. 
. Emulus Iliaco, nostris fuit Hector in armis : 

Pro decore Italiae praelia honesta gerens ; 
Hector, propositae cessit cui gloria palmae, 

Devictis Gallis nomen in Ausonium. 
Nullius hie armis cedat^ quoscunque vetustas 

Et Graia, et Latia jactat in Historia. 
Tempus erit, quo te, Dux o fortissime, postquam 

Sub titulos ierint plurima bella tuos, 
Te Capua excipiat, spoliisque assurgat opimis 

Porrigat et meritis laurea serta comis ; 
Cum Patres, equitesque et Plebs numerosa merentem* 

Deducant Patrii limina ad alta Jovis ; 
Cum vox omnis lo clamet, geminataque ad auras, 

Reddat lo, cum te femina virque canat. 
Hoc precor, huic utinam servent me Numina Famae, 

Haec celeri veniat sydere fausta dies. 

Marci Hieronymi Vidae, XIII. Pugilum certamen, 

Ad Balthassarem Castaleonem. 
Vx collata olim paribus certaverit armis 
Gallorum atque Italum virtus, cum fcedere pacto 
^Equati numero pugnam delecta Juventus, 
Hinc atque hinc iniere, cano tua jussa secutus, 
Castaleon, decus o nostrum, sate gente Deorum, 
Quern teneant licet anna, et duri munera Martis, 
Interdum tamen Aonios invisere fontes 
Nota juvat loca, nee teneris conceptus ab annis 
Dulcis amor cessit Musarum pectore ab alto. 
Ulae te comites vadentem in bella sequuntur. 
Semper et arcitenens calamis te propter Apollo 

APPENDIX, NO. 111. 353 

Prselia init nebula circumdatus. Hue ades ergo, 

Sive umbrosa tenent patrii te flumina Minci, 

Seu colis Urbinum, seu te nunc Regis amici 

Jus proprium defendentem Mavortia Roma 

Miratur, Sanctique Patres. Dis gloria postquam 

Obstitit Italia-, visumque evertere gentem, 

Victores Galli dederant qui sub juga nuper 

Insubrum dictas quondam de nomine terras, 

Abdua quas si-cat, et fluvio Ticinus amoeno, 

Campanas urbes, et Parthenopeia adorti 

Marte reposcebant regna, et jam castra tenebant 

Qua rigat aequoreae Liris laeta arva Suessae. 

Gentis ductor erat magnis Neumurtius ausis, 

Hispanus contra qui turn sceptra ilia tenebat,* 

Seque I tali opposuere una communibus armis, 

Ingentes populi parte ex utraque, diuque 

Haerebat nutans dubio victoria Marte. 

Forte autem cum pacta dies suspenderet arma, 

Et Belgae errarent, mistique impune Latini, 

Hispanique Duces, virtutem illudere dictis 

Ausoniam Antinion ausus, indigna relatu 

Jactabat largus verborum, ac dira canebat. 

Surrexere Italis irae, et violentia gliscens. 

Nulla mora est: magnum subito ecce per agmina murmur 

Exoriturque repens vasto discordia motu. 

Anna fremunt Senones, fremit Italis arma Juventus, 

Anna Hispana cohors, diversus ad a?thera passim 

Clamor it, et magno caluerunt corda tumultu. 

Nee dubium, quin Martem animis, quin praelia inissent 

Jam turn dura maim, gentis ni ductor uterque 

Quisque suos subito revocassent, seque dedissent 

In medium, ac saevas jussis baud mollibus iras 

Frenassent. Sed non Italos potis ulla tenere 

Vis, adeo ignescunt animis, Gallosque reposcunt 

Ad poenas, solique volunt decernere ferro, 

Jurgiaque ultrici baud toleranda refellere dextra. 

Jumque parant penitus socio discedere bello, 

* Hispana contra qui turn sceptrm ilia tenebat. 
VOL. II. 2 A 


Ni liceat ; seque ante Ducem Fermoscius offert, 
Qui Belgas contra Capyos ducebat ab urbe 
Mille viros, ilium stimulis agitabat amaris 
Ante alios ardens dolor, atque his vocibus infit. 

Magnanime o gentis, Consalvi, gloria Iberae 
(Rex hunc in Latio dederat rerum esse magistrum) 
Hispanum, pariterque Italorum fortissime Ductor, 
Cui nos arma nianu gerimus praesentia, et ultro 
Objicimus certis animas in bella periclis, 
Si te tangit honos, decoris si cura Latini, 
Aut socios I tali is dignaris, dedecus ingens 
Da nostris abolere armis, aut dicta retractet 
Gallus iners vesana, vel huic si conscia virtus 
Ulla subest, dextra baud segni, et certamine firmet. 
Ilium ego in arma voco, utrum ne etsi tendere contra * 
Audeat ingenti Gallorum ex agmine quisquam, 
Nee lingua tantum valeant, sed et acribus ausis, 
Hue adeant, virtutem Italam experiantur in armis. 
Sic fatus fremit arma, vocatque in praelia Belgas. 
Par socios simul ardor agit, simul ore fremebant 
Cuncti eadem, nee parte alia furor,, iraque Gallos, &c." 

No. LIU. 

(Page 18.) 

Ex op. Joannis Aurelii Auguretti. Iamb. Carm. ii. ex. Lib. 
super addito. 


In communi omnium summi ejusdem Pontificatus plausu 

SECUNDE Juli pontifex Sanctissime, 
Optate cunctis gentibus diu pater, 
Electe summo nunc jubente coslitum, 
Patrumque votis omnium faventibus, 
Jam quisque pro se gratulantes offerunt 

* Ilium ego in anna TOCO, utrum etsi tendere contra. 


Tibi, quod esse deditae signum queat 
Mends ; Potentes urbium volentium, 
Rerumque firma publicarum pectora 
Legationibus datis frequentibus 
Spondent, fidemque dedicant laeti suam : 
Tanquam daturi prodeant majus nihil. 
At qui minor! sorte victum teraperant, 
Omnes opellam pollicentur uberem, 
Praestare qualem diligens virtus potest : 
Quos ut tuorum scripseris semel gregi, 
Dignere laeto contueri lumine. 
Spe cujus ultro motus ipse gratiae 
Ausim reposti collis ad cacumina 
Repens anhelans ac laborans tendere : 
Ubi sorores floribus sertum novein 
Texunt micantibus, aemulisque syderum : 
Quod inde inecum deferens tibi sacrum 
Pergam superbis dedicare postibus 
Templi, quod ulnis sustines unus tuis. 
Ne prorsus ergo seduli munusculum 
Vatis, pusillum sit licet, despexeris. 
Nee ille namque cujus hie vicem geris, 
Rerum supernus fabricator omnium 
Terris inhabitans parvulos contempscrat. 

Dialogo di Guidobaldo I, e del Duca Valentino. 

" AVEA il Duca Guidobaldo ne' primi ragionamenti avuti 
col Pontefice Giulio chiesta sommaria giustizia pe' torti rice- 
vuti contro il Valentino : il quale avendo cio risaputo, comin- 
cio a temere di se medesimo, vedendolo non solo congiunto 
di parentela, ma di si grande nmicizia e famigliarita col Papa 
e volentieri (quando 1' offesa gli avesse paruta in qualche mo- 
do scusabile) avrebbe tentato via di placarlo. Ma quando 
pensava fra se con quali modi si fosse portato seco, e come 
senza alcuna ragione, o cagione colorata almeno o apparente, 
avesse cercato di levargli non pure lo stato, ma la vita insie- 
me, parendogli cose al tutto immeritevoli di perdono, cadeva 
da quel pensiero. Ma alia fine ricordandosi della bcnigna 
2 A 2 


natura del Duca molto bene conosciuta da lui, non poteva 
persuaders! che per offesequantunque intollerabili, egli aves- 
se mutato costume. Confortato dunque da questa speran- 
za, e ripreso cuore, delibero, checche se ne avvenisse, di ten- 
tare di renderlosi, se non al tutto placato, almeno piu legger- 
mente adirato. Fattogli quindi con buoni mezzi sapere che 
desiderava di ragionar seco, non trovo resistenza. II che preso 
per buon principio, se ne ando a trovarlo con alcuni pochi 
piu principal! de' suoi, che avendolo seguito nella prosperita, 
non lo avevano abbandonato nella miseria : e parve grande 
spettacolo a coloro che vi si abbatterono, il vedere che un 
uomo pochi giorni avanti superbo nella sua felicita, figliuolo 
di persona si grande, capitano di fioritissimo esercito, signore 
di mold popoli, desiderate amico da' primi potentati e re dell' 
Europa, temuto da Principi e dalle Repubbliche grandi, e 
che faceva tremar col cenno una parte non piccola ne igno- 
bile dell' Italia, fosse poi caduto si tosto da cotanta altezza a 
tale abbassamento, e si trovasse fra le mani di nemici potenti 
ed offesi, nudo e spogliato quasi in tutto de' passati acquis- 
ti, e quasiche fuori d' ogni speranza di conservare gl' infeli- 
ci avanzi della sua grandezza. Era egli, como scrivono, di 
volto per natura infuocato, e sanguigno : ma allora per la 
infermita, per gli affanni e per la vergogna, pallido e afflitto 
in guisa che la disposizione della faccia corrispondeva in tut- 
to alia mestizia delle parole e dell' animo. II che senza dubbio 
gli fu di giovamento : perciocche a quella improwisa imma- 
gine di miseria in un uomo si grande non pote fare che non 
s' intenerisse alquanto 1' animo di Guidobaldo, e di coloro 
eziandio che 1' odiavano a morte. Entrato dunque nella ca- 
mera ove il duca sedevasi con piu nobili ed onorate persone, 
dopo fatti i consueti segni di riverenza e d' onore, con voce 
sommessa proferi alcune parole interrotte, nelle quali pareva 
che s' ingegnasse non di scolparsi affatto, ma di alleggerire 
in parte 1' offesa. Dall' altra parte il duca, che al suo arrivo 
s' era levato in piedi, mirandolo con occhio severo, comincio 
con voce minacciosa ed alta a dire in questo IIK ul< >. 

" Se Dio lasciasse, o Cesare, le cose di questo mondo al 
tutto nelle mani degli uomini, i violent! ed ingiusti depri- 

APPENDIX, NO. mi. 357 

merebbero i mansueti e buoni. Finge egli di dormire, e cosi 
pare a noi ; ma non dorme. Lascia egli inalzare i superb i 
ed abbassar gli umili per sollevare poi questi, ed atterrar 
quelli. Cio appunto ha egli fatto con voi, che dovendo ap- 
pagarvi del giusto, vivere da buon sacerdote, e godervi ones- 
tamente le dignita, i beni, gli onori, che con tanta larghezza 
vi avea Dio conceduti, non conoscendo (perche forse nol meri- 
taste) lo stato vostro, fatto principio dal disprezzo degli abi- 
ti, ed ordini sacri, profanaste (ne vi spiaccia il vero) profa- 
naste voi medesimo, e rivolte le spalle alia religione, prodigo 
dell' onore, dell 1 anima, della salute vostra, vi deste alle ra- 
pine ed ai parricidii, procurando di far voi grande colla ruina 
di molti. Ma per non ragionare degli altri, ditemi, vi pre- 
go, per quella vostra gia si stretta amicizia e fratellanza, si 
poco stimata ed apprezzata da voi, ditemi : che vi mosse a 
levarmi lo stato e ad insidiare al mio sangue ? Non avea io 
si fedelmente, com' e noto a ciascuno e molto meglio a voi, 
non aveva io servito vostropadre, e percio preso e adopera- 
to le armi contra nobilissime e potentissime famiglie ? Non 
avea io sostenuto per lui disagi, dispendi, prigionie ? Non 
fu sempre la mia casa aperta cortesemente a tutti i vostri, ed 
a voi? Che cosa ho fatto e non ho fatto per giovarvi e ser- 
virvi ? Mostravate di conoscere i beneficii, quando mi chia- 
mavate amico e fratello. Ma gli effetti scopersero che ad al- 
tro fine vi uscivano di bocca quelle parole. Tuttavia rin- 
grazio e ringraziero sempre Dio che m' abbia renduto il pre- 
mio di quelle opere, si, quel premio che voi mi negaste. Per- 
che se voi mi cacciaste di casa, egli mi ci ha riposto; se ten- 
taste di abbassarmi, egli mi ha sollevato ; se cercaste di le- 
varmi la vita, egli contra tutte le forze e 1' insidie vostre me 
T ha conservata. E cio credo affine che imparaste a conos- 
cere la sua provvidenza e rimaneste confuso. Egli e vero 
che voi non avete ancora versato il vostro sangue, come 
avete versato quello di molti. Ma non siete ancor morto : 
e pure e cosa certa che la vendetta di Dio e velocissima, 
tuttoche paja zoppa, ed impedita de' piedi." 

" Stava Cesare, mentre Guidobaldo 'diceva questc cose, 
tutto attonito e sbigottito, pentendosi quasi di esscrsi volon 


tariamente esposto a si nojoso e pericoloso congresso. Tut- 
tavia com' nomo intrepido, vedendolo tacere, cosi rispose : 

" S' io negassi d' avervi offeso, negherei '1 vero. Ma se vo- 
gliamo spogliarci delle passioni, qual figlio d' uomo trovando- 
si nel mio stato non avrebbe fatto il medesimo, ed ancor peg- 
gio ? Non offendeste voi me, come io voi : perche nevoi nel 
mio, ne io mi trovai nello stato vostro. Molti condannano i 
peccati altrui, che se si fossero abbattuti nelle medesime oc- 
casioni li scuserebbero ; o condannandoli, condannerebbero 
se medesimi, e non e innocente secondo me chi non potendo, 
ma chi potendo non pecca. Io mi trovai giovane, d' animo 
non abjetto, potente per le armi Francesi, piu potente per le 
ecclesiasticbe, ricco didanari, di seguito, di equipaggi, d' aj- 
uti, d' amici, e di tutte quelle cose, una sola delle quali pud 
essere scala facile alia grandezza. E percio come era egli 
possibile che io me ne ristessi a guisa d' uomo di legno o di 
fango ? O non si dia a chi ha questi incitamenti e questi 
mezzi 1' animo grande, o a chi 1' ha non si diano le occasioni : 
perciocche accoppiandosi queste cose e chi starebbe ne' ter- 
mini ? Io son paruto ad alcuni violento, e terribile, e m' ha 
bisognato esserlo : perciocche la grandezza, nella quale io 
m' era posto, avea armato contro di me la suspizione, e la in- 
vidia di molti. Ne sono io stato usurpatore dell' altrui, come 
si dice ; ma ricuperatore delle cose levate, se non da voi, al- 
meno da tutti gli altri alia Chiesa. I quali acquisti se talora 
ho cercato di stabilire col sangue,l'ho fatto per assicurare me 
stesso, insegnandoci il maestro che nasce con esso noi di op- 
primere per non rimanere oppressi. E so io, e sallo il mondo, 
che non ho giammai levata la vita ad uomo che non se 1' ab- 
bia meritato, o non me n' abbia data giustissima cagione. 
Che io poi non sia tiranno (come dai miei nimici per tutto si 
va dicendo) io non voglio altro testimonio che le citta della 
Romagna, le quali sotto il mio governo hanno cominciato a 
conoscere quella tranquillita e quella pace che non avevano 
neppur sognata, non che goduta per 1' addietro. Or siasi 
come si voglia : ha piaciuto a Dio, i cui giudicii sono occul- 
ti, di traboccarmi nel pelago delle miserie nelle quali mi tro- 
vo, e non indegno al certo di compassione : la quale troverei 


se dovesse venirmi da persone che non mi odiassero, ne si 
chiamassero offese. La vostra bonta, Guidobaldo, fa ch' io 
speri da voi quello che dispero da tutti. Volete voi sati- 
sfazione ? Eccomi pronto a darlavi. Volete, ch' io mi chi- 
ami pentito della offesa fattavi ? Ecco me ne chiamo. E 
sarammi una parte di sollevamento la ricuperazione della vos- 
tra grazia, ed un guadagno che mi fara meno gravi le p-r- 
dite il riacquisto della vostra amicizia." 

Cosi parlo Cesare : ed accompagnu 1' ultima parte del suo 
ragionamento con arti e maniere tali, che il Duca, facendo 
nelT animo suo maggior impressione 1* aspetto della presente 
miseria di quell' uomo, che non vi avea fatto Io sdegno con- 
ceputo per le passate ingiurie, sentissi tutto intenerire, e per- 
cio mutato volto e parole, gli disse : " Fate buon animo, che 
piu mi piace il pentimento che io scorgo in voi che non mi 
dispiacciono gli oltraggi ricevuti, ancorche cosi gravi. Io 
non conservo le inimicizie con chi lascia di essermi nimico, 
e non odio 1' offensore oltre quello che si stende 1' offesa. 
Vi perdono : e piuttosto per seguire il mio costume che per 
confonder voi, vi prometto da quel che sono in tutte le on- 
este occasioni che mi si presenteranno cosi appresso il Pon- 
teficv, come a qualsivoglia ultra persona, di farvi sempre pi- 
ace re, e, quanto si stenderanno le mie forze, giovarvi." Alle 
quali parole il Valentino, rasserenato il volto, confessando- 
glisi per doppia cagione obbligato, abbracciollo, e buciatogli 
le muni, prese commiato e partissi. Parve strano, o piuttos- 
to degno di biasimo che di lode quell' atto di Gwdobaldo a 
coloro che misurano i fatti de' grandi col compasso del volgo 
ma all' incontro venne commendato oltre modo e laudato 
dalle persone d' animo grande e dal Papa. 


No. LIV. 

(Page 27.) 
Petri Criniti Op. p. 554. 

De laude Consalvi Ferrandi in victoria Lyriana contra 

O Quis reposti pocula Liberi 

Depromit, aut quis nunc mihi victimas 

Cum thure sacro rite puer pa rat, 

Insignem ut referam diem 
Quo dux vigenti milite maximus 

Lyrim refuse sanguine Galliae 

Vidit tumentem, Gesaque supplici 

Porrecta in medium nianu ? 
Heu quanta passim funera nobilem 

Lucem sacrarunt, qua tibi maxima 

Ferrande laus, et perpetuum decus 

Partum est auspiciis tuis. 
Tu macte princeps consilio gravi 

Fraenum receptis viribus injicis : 

Gallosque et astu, et viribus occupans 

Hostilem superas manum 
Victor, et urges ; testis adest cruor : 

Testisque et omnis Gallia ; dum tuum 

Mirata forti pectore militem 

Hispanum subiit jugum. 
Quantus triumphus, quae statute, tibi 

Debentur ? o si nunc meritas queam 

Cantare laudes principis, et pares 

Aptare ad numeros chelyn. 
Sic est, volenti nil homini arduum, 

Quern firma virtus extulit : invium 

Nullum relictum est ingeniis iter, 

Queis ccelum petere est datum. 
Ferrandus armis, et sapientia 

Praelatus, ut qui Marte potens acri 

Dejecit arces funditus, et sibi 

Sternum statuit decus. 


Non ante quisquam tarn celeri gradu 
Oppressit hostem victor: et impiger 
Munita certis oppida viribus 
Astu perdomuit suo. 

No. LV. 

(Page 35.) 

Ex. Epitt. Gregorii Cortesii, Mulinensu, p. 234. 

DETULIT ad me Aloisius Lottus, quern secretis tuisadhibere 
solitus es, te noctes diesque cogitare, si qua ratione afflictas 
perditasque res Cusinatis Ctenobii possis instaurare, ut re- 
novato ibi divino cultu, et Benedicti institutionum observa- 
tione, speciem aliquam primevae majestatis recuperare possit 
habereque te Julium Pont. Max. et Consalvurn Ferandum 
regis Ilispania? copiarum ducem, ejus consilii non parti- 
cipes solum, sed arbitros etiam et mirificos adjutores. Dig- 
na sane cogitatio animi tui magnitudine, et anteactae vitae 
consentanea ; digna pat ris tui Laurentii atque atavi Cosnue 
religione, qui et vetustate collapsa templa plurima pristine 
restituerunt magnificentia?, et complura a fundamentis in- 
credibili impensa extruxerunt. Tu vero non parietes ipsos, 
non contignationes, non cameras partes aedificii sanctas tec- 
tasque reddes, sed religionem, sed castitatem morum, sed 
pietatem pristinam, Benedictum denique ipsum suis sedibus 
hac ratione restitues. Hue accedit, quod cum multa cele- 
brentur majorum tuorum in re publica atque privata gesta 
pra?clarissime, maxime quod illorutn favore atque auspiciis 
extincta dudum liberalia studia revixerunt, debetur quidem 
tibi nescio quo pacto hacreditatis jure, pars quacdam ejus lau- 
dis, sed ea ratione ut rei soliditate ipsis majoribus derelicta, 
umbram solum, et velut auram quampiam tibi inde \cruli- 
care possis. Enimvero, si id quod tanta cum indole aggrc- 
di cogitas, a te fuerit confectum, turn denuini consequeris, 
ut integram laudem consilio pietati atque ingenio tuo omnes 
assignnndam ducant. Prasterea quotquot futuris retro tern- 


poribus et pene dixerim, in omni aeternitate in augustissimis 
illis aedibus sacris operabuntur, illi omnes in prim is te ip- 
sum familiamque tuam, vel certe secundum Deum, tanti 
operis autorem confitebuntur, cum sacrificiis, laudibus, con- 
tinentia, adorationibus, divinum favorem generi humano sa- 
tagent demereri. Movit te ad hoc ut opinor cogitandum, 
quod sacerdotium id tibi commendatum esse putas, non ut 
ex ejus annuls fructibus equorum magna multitude, canes 
venatici, volucres ad aucupia nutrirentur ; nee idcirco ut 
major pompa et numerosiore caterva stipatus ad Pontificias 
aedes deducerere ; non ut uno alterove episcopis esses in equi- 
tando comitatior: quae ut Christianae simplicitati et bonis 
moribus certum est magnopere repugnare, sic ab animo co- 
gitationibusque tuis longissime abesse debent : sed ut sacer- 
rimae illae aedes divinis laudibus multiplicatis, die noctuque 
psallentium vocibus resonarent : ut quae olim ibi viguerunt, 
liberalium artium studia reviviscerent, denique ut ex Chris- 
tiana religione illic omnia administrarentur. Etenim locus 
ipse, ut nosti, divina quadam providentia electus esse videtur, 
qui et bonarum artium et omnis eruditionis, ut ita dicam, of- 
iicina assidue futurus esset. Sic namque ante exhibitam no- 
bis a Christo Opt. Max. admirandam humanitatem M. Var- 
ronis Academia est nobilitatus. Sic deinde studiis omnium 
disciplinarum floruit, ut medicos, philosophos, postremo 
Thomam Aquinatem illi debeamus, inter eos qui novum hoc 
Theologiae genus professi sunt, facile principem. Nam de Be- 
nedicto ipso loqui quid attinet, cum nulla ferme regio sit, 
nulla civitas atque adeo nullum ignobile oppidulum, quod non 
et illi dicatis aedibus et ejus disciplinae professoribus sit refer- 
tam ? Ut mihi videatur acerrimus ille humani generis hos- 
tis, jure quodam suo, Casinatae Coanobium prae caeteris om- 
nibus odio et malevolentia prosequi, quod ex eo potissimum 
pene infiniti duces extiterint, qui collatis secum signis saepius 
victoriam exportarunt. Quare, pro cujusmodi cogitationes 
tibi minim in modum gratulor, hortorque atque obsecro, uti 
ne diutius cunctando negocium differas. Scio te et quam- 
plurimos et acres adversaries habiturum, partim mentito no- 
mine Christiano, Christianae religionis hostes acerbissimos, 


partim etiam qui iniquissimo animo sunt laturi ejus sacerdo- 
tii opulentiam, non aniplius ad luxum et delicias, sed ad di- 
rini cultus dccoretn et pauperes nutriendos convertendam 
esse. Tu vero, certe scio, qua aninii magnitudine nego- 
cium aggressus es, eadem atque etiam longe majore ad ex- 
it uni usque prosequerc, ut nee pietas in voluntate, nee in 
proposito constantia, nee consiliuin in exequendo desiderari 
possit. Qua de re, tecum pluribus aget Eusebius Mutincn- 
sis, ordinis nostri Praesidens, qui has nostras, ut opinor, 
tibi est redditurus. Et cujus fide i qusedam a me commen- 
data sunt ad te deferenda, ut gratissimum omnino mi hi fac- 
turus sis, si de omnibus fidem illi ad hi be re volueris. Vale. 

No. LVI. 

(Page .) 
Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, torn. iv. par. i. p. 89. 

Breve Pontificium JULII Papte II. ad FRANCISCUM GONZA- 
GAM Marchionem Mantua; emanatum ; Quo eum Genera- 
lem Locumtenentem sui, et Romanes Eccltsitf Exercitiut 
must it nit. Datum Imol<K die 25. Octobris Anno 1506. 

Juuus PAPA II. 

DILECTE Fill Salutem, et Apostolicam Benedictionem : 
Egregia tua virtus, ac fides, rei militaris scientia, et anima 
magnitudo quibus majorcs tuos belli gloria claros, non solum 
equiparas, sed exuperas, quarumque dum Inclita? Reipublic* 
Venetjr Capitaneus Generalis esses in prima juventa maxima 
documenta etiam cum Potentissimo Hege signis collatis de- 
disti, et deinde carissimi in Christo Filii nostri Maximiliani 
Romanorum Regis Illustris, ac Ludovici Sfortue tune Ducis 
Mediolani, et novissime carissimi etiam in Christo Filii nos- 
tri Ludovici Francorum Regis Christianissimi Locumtenens 
Exercitumejus in Regnum Neapolitnnum duxisti, meritono* 
inducunt ut tua? nobilitati pwe ccteris Prefecturam Exercitus 
nostri, ac Sancttr Romance Ecclesia? demandare velimus,pc- 


rantes quod tuo ductu, tuaque virtute, et auctoritate, dilec- 
tissima ci vitas nostra Bononiae tyrannide prout cupimus libe- 
rabitur, et reliqua quae tibi committenda duxerimus, bene, ac 
fideliter peragentur. Quocirca te Exercitus nostri, et Ec- 
clesiae antedictae omniumque gentium armigerarum nobis, et 
dictae Ecclesiae militantium Generalem Locumtenentein nos- 
trum, ad nostrum, et Sedis Apostolicaebeneplacitum, facimus, 
constituimus, et tenore praesentium depuiamus, cum facul- 
tate, et potestate exercitum, et gentes ipsas ductandi, quo 
dignitas, et status noster, ac dicta? Ecclesiae postulabunt, et 
a nobis tibi injunctum fuerit, jubendi quoque, et imperandi 
omnibus Ductoribus Comestabilibus, et Militibus, ceteraque 
omnia ordinandi, imperandi, et exequendi, quae alii Generales 
Exercitus, et Gentium armigerarum Ecclesiae antedictae Lo- 
cumtenentes pro tempore ordinare, jubere, et exequi potue- 
runt. Mandantes proinde Ductoribus Comestabilibus, et Mi- 
litibus antedictisut jussionibus, etordinationibus tuis tanquam 
nostris plene pareant et obediant in quantum nostram gra- 
tiam promereri, et indignationem evitare desiderant. Tu igi- 
tur, Fili dilecte, ita Exercitum gubernare, et tegerere studeas, 
ut Sancta Romana Ecclesia quo te tanto favore prosequitur, 
per te non solum sua jura conservata, sed etiam aucta esse 
sentiat, prout fore non dubitamus, Deo cujus causa agitur, 
tuos gressus in omnibus dirigente. Datum Imolae sub Annulo 
Piscatoris, die xxv. Octobris M. D. VI. Pont, nostri Anno 


No. LVII. 

(Page 44.) 

Carmina Must. Poet. Ital. vol. v. p. 408. 

Hadriani, S. R. E. Card. 


AUGUSTI memoranda dies vicesima sexta 
Pontificem magna Roma dimisit Julum, 
Paene omni put rum, et procerum comitante Senatu. 


Fonnello plus excepit Jordanus, et uxor 

Moribus, ingenio, formaque et nomine Felix. 

Postera lux Nepete Antiquum, turn proxima Veios 

Ostendit, mox per Cimini montemque lacumque 

Tendimus insignem per balnea multa Viterbum. 

Discordes bonus hie cives pacavit Julus. 

Prsebuit hinc celeber mons dulcia vina Faliscus, 

Detinuitque diem. Veterem post vidimus urbem 

Excels rupi impositam sine mornibus ullis. 

Hie templum genitrici ingens, cui sculpta vetusto 

Marmore stat facies, spirantque in marmore vultus. 

Camajola procul, pons hinc sex milia distans, 

Cyaneas transmittit aquas, sparsasque paludes 

Per sata, per silvas ; ah quantum absumitur agri. 

Plebis ad indomita? Castrum pervenimus, inde 

Impositae apparent Perusinis collibus arces, 

Castellana lacus Trasimenus mcenia cingit : 

Hunc ratibus Iseti tranavimus. Insula leetos 

Accipit hospitio. Pasianum allabimur, unde 

Prospicimus campos Romanis ossibus albos ; 

Servat adhuc nomen locus, et de sanguine fuso, 

Sanguineos campos Perusini nomine dicunt, 

Hie ubi commisso fallax certaminc Poenus 

I l.nnii ii uiiK) in (1 m tin, Mavortiaque arma subegit. 

Per colles, ripamque lacus, Corclana subimus 

Mcenia, oliviferis tumulis hetissima rura. 

Vicina placuit patribus recubare sub ulmo. 

Hie siiiuil occurrunt equitum peditumque catervar 

Urbinate Duce, illo nee melior fuit alter, 

Nee pietate prior, sed nee prtestantior armis ; 

Tot dotes juveni invidit lapidosa podagra. 

His circumsepti legionibus, ordine longo 

Ingredimur Perusinam urbem, civilibus actam 

Eversamque odiis : hanc tu pater optime JuJi, 

In placida tandem compostam ]iace relinquis. 

Non procul oppidulum cst, Fractam cognomine dicunt : 

Amnis obit muros coeno, et graveolentibus undis. 

Hue ubi dclati, inontes, Kugubia tecta, 

366 APPENDIX, NO. LV11. 

Haerentemque jugis urbem superavimus ; inde 
Perpetuos colles Cariani villula findit, 
Villula munifiao non aspernanda popello. 
Hos praetervectis tumulos plebecula callera 
Quae colit angustum (Caglia cognomine dicunt), 
Occurrit facie obducta ; nam tabida fertur 
Infecisse lues ; celeri pede fugimus omnes. 
Hinc ad aquas Lanias perreximus, unde Metaurus 
Confusus Gauno Foruli spectacula praebet. 
Est operas pretium versu describere iniruni 
Naturae ludentis opus. Stant vertice ad auras 
Hinc atque hinc praerupti, flumine subter 
Secretis labente viis, ut fumus ab imis 
Surgat aquis, lateque fluant aspergine cautes. 
Rupis ad extremum laeve venientis ab urbe 
Porrigitur molis dorsum, qua semita nulla, 
Nulli aditus quondam, nee erat via pervia cuiquam ; 
Caesar inaccessam patefecit Titus et illam. 
Quantum acie possunt oculi servare cavavit, 
Inscripsitque fores ; et adhuc vestigia utrumque 
Limen habet, scabro et fragili vix cognita topho. 
Sunt soliti hac camera multi latitare latrones, 
Exceptosque viatores demergere in amnem. 
Repsimus e crypta, atque angusta fauce viritim 
In campos Ubalde, tuos ; hinc imus in urbem, 
Urbinum dixere patres tua regia tecta. 
Ardua quae saxo cob'tur Macerata vetusto 
Hinc petitur, vicoque brevi succedimus ; inde 
Scandiums excelsas nimbosa cacumina pinnas, 
Dive Marine tuas. Tumidi hie subsidere montes 
Incipiunt, superoque mari consternere litus 
Planitiem ingentem terris, opibusque superbam 
Gallia qua tluvio Rubicone comata patescit. 
Italia hie finis quondam : nunc omnia iniscet 
Effera barbaries, antiquaque nomina vertit. 
Savignana vocant pinguissima rura colon! ; 
Hue madidi, multoque luto, fessique venimus. 
Progressi meliore via, coelo graviore 

APPENDIX, NO. i \ II. ., 7 

Caesenam intramus. Culices avertere somnos 
Omnibus, et variis vultus maculare figuris. 
Pompilii Livique forum divertere cogunt ; 
Terra ferax populusque ferox, ac cade frequent! 
Terribilis, semperque furens civilibus amis. 
It ter quinque dies abierunt, Livia tecta 
Linquimus, atque iterum montes jubet ire per altos 
Julius, et Castri ad hevam juga visere Cari. 
Imus pnecipites per mille pericula rerum 
Turrigerasque arces, rupes, et inhospita saxa. 
Appenninicolae accurrunt, visoque senatu, 
Reptantes genibus per humum nova numina adorant. 
Modiliana jacet vasto depressa barathro, 
Accola torrenti, truncis salebrisque fragoso. 
Hanc terrain pedibus celso de monte ruentes 
Prendimus, et placido curamus corpora somno. 
Postera lux alios scopulos, coeloque propinquas 
Nubigenasque Alpes aperit ; Marradia vulgus 
Saxa vocat, summum excipiunt magalia Juluin. 
Inde Paladolum statio opportuna labori 
Hospitio lassos refovet, turn fluminis arcta 
Provehimur ripa tueri discrimine euntes. 
Est locus extremis in montibus aspcr Etruscis, 
Hunc dictum perhibent a tussi Tussinianum : 
Hue quoque delati montes devovimus omnes. 
Orta dies latos campos, et amoena vireta 
Corneliique forum, feliciaque arva rcducit. 
Hie meus ortus habet sedes Papiensis avitas 
Nobilis, et clarum genus alto a sanguine ducit. 
Constitit hie pastor, dum prospicit oinnia, .1 ulu> : 
Et belli pacisque simul dum pondera librat, 
Consilioque patrum rerum moderatur habenas ; 
Appulit interea Gallorum exercitus ingens, 
Conseruitque manum, et nmros circumstetit armu, 
1 'olsina docta tuos. Volat impigcr actus ab urbe 
Nuntius, etSerram exactam puUumque tyranntitn, 
Excussumque jugum patrie cervicibus nffert : 
Pontificem implorat fessis succurrere rebiu, 


Hoc oratores certatim ex urbe frequentes, 

Exposcunt, patriaeque patrem properare precantur. 

Thura adolet Julus templis, sacrisque peractis 

Tendit iter, gressum celerans, urbique propinquat. 

Urbs antiqua ingens Etruscis regia quondam 

Felsina, turn Boiis fato irrumpentibus impar 

Accepisse novum fertur Bojonia nomen. 

Verum ubi sunt Boi Romano milite pulsi, 

Barbariem excussit crepitque Bononia dici. 

Subditur ad Boream radicibus Appennini ; 

Planitie acclivi, procumbens soils ad ortus, 

Inter aquas Sapinae, et Rheni, quarum utraque in urbem 

Ducta vehit, revehitque rates, pistrinaque versat, 

^Emilia? decus, et belli, pacisque patrona, 

Dives opum variarum, et nullius indiga cultus, 

Musarum domus, atque omnis nutricula juris. 

Jamque dies aderat, mediumque vehebat ad axem 

Omnia conspiciens Phcebeae lampadis astrum : 

Obsedere patres majoris limina portae, 

Qua modo Felsinea pastor requieverat aede ; 

Porticibusque amplis expectant numen luli. 

Tandem de thalamo sella sublimis eburna, 

Gestatusque hominum scapulis, longo agmine prodit ; 

Cui trabea ex auro, gemmis, ostroque coruscat, 

Tempora conchili fulgent redimita tiara ; 

Progreditur procerum legio, tua, Felsina, proles ; 

^Erataeque ruunt acies, clypeataque circum 

Agmina funduntur; placidos dat Curia gressus 

./Equati spatiis omnes, et vestibus omnes ; 

Purpureisque Patres tecti capita alta galeris 

Obvia quaeque oculis perstringunt nuininis instar : 

Visendi studio effusi juvenesque senesque, 

Et matres, puerique simul tecta omnia complent : 

Culminibusque astant, portisque et turribus haerent. 

Ut vero ad divi venit penetralia Petri 

Julius, aspersitque patres in limine primo 

Rore levi, geminis manibus veneratus ad aras 

Effigies sacras, Grates quas possumus, inquit, 

APPENDIX, NO. l.vni. 969 

Accipe, Christe Deus, nam quae sat digna queamiu 
Munera, quas laudes humana voce referre? 
Tu nos incolumes per tot discrimina vectos 
Urbe hac Felsinea sine caxle, et sanguine donas. 
Da pater oninipotens, rerumque a'terna potestas 
Sic superos penetrare aclitus, verosque triumphos 
Terreno involucro exutos, vitiisque subactis. 
MIT ubi supplicibus votis oravit lulus, 
Quisque domum properat, factoque hie fine quiescit. 


(Page 59.) 
Joannis Cotta. 


O QU/E alma grato carmine fortium 
Mori, Thalia, facta vetas virum. 
Nunc et per ora LIVIANUM 
Omnium, et omne feras per aevum, 

Die, ut superbas contuderit minas 
Germanise, atque a Caesare barbaro 
Fessa? tot annos imminentem 
Ausonie arcuerit ruinam. 

Nam quis maloruin eheu veterum memor 
Non expavebat ? quum populos truces 
In nos remotis usque ab oris, 
Qua glacie riget Amphitrite, 

Audiret armari ; asperaque Alpium 
Jam vinccre altis cum nivibus juga 
Fens inaccessa, atque fines 
Undique jam populare nostrot? 

At LIVIANUS in trepidis docens 
Audere rebus, qua violentior 
Vis hostium in^ruit, citatis 
Obvius agminibus cucurrit. 



Ductore tandem hoc scilicet Italas 
Videre montes insoliti nianus : 
Tormenta, atque equos, et arma 
Alpicolae stupuere Fauni. 

Tandemque nostra impune mini- diu 
Bacchati in arva Theutones horridi 
Sensere in antiquamque robur, 
Inque novum Marium incidisse ; 

Quum caesa, pubis flos Alemanicae, 
Repente in alta valle Cadubrii 
Phalanx nives cruore tinxit 
. Purpureo, rapidumque Plavem, 

Arx et recepta est ; pectora militum 
Quum saeva nostrorum ardua non via, 
Non saxa, non arcere muris 
Terrifici potuere nimbi, 

Cadente ahena fulminis in modum 
Contorta ab igni sulphureo pila, 
Qua terra subsultat, nigerque 
Cum sonitu ferit astra fumus ; 

Dirum repertum ; et ingenium male 
Sagax, sacrumque, quo truculentius 
Nil invenire atrox Megaera, 
Saeva nee ira potest Deorum. 

Sed cuncta prsesens horrida temnere 
Dux acer urget, hunc sequitur cohors 
Secura ; praesentemque mortem 
Magnanimo Duce freta vincit. 

Diis cura nostri est, et Venetus pater 
Probe Latinae consuluit rei, 
Quum jus tibi omne copiarum, 
LIVIANE, tribuit suarum ; 

CORNELIUMQUE mox socium dedit 
Magno e Senatu, cui sapientia 
Insignis, ac fortuna avorum 
Scipiadum reparant honores. 

Non Imperatorem ille queat sibi 

Optare, Mavors quern mage diligat : 


Non tu Scnatorem ferendis 

Consiliis nnimosiorem. 
Vos nuper hostiiun unanimes feram 

Fregistis audaciam, ac pavidos patres 

Firmastis, ac suam attulistis 

Semianimis populis quietem. 
Vos jam timebit barbarus, ac sui* 

Pedem cavebit tollere finibus, 

Ni lava tnens est, Diique nostros 

Accumulare volunt triumphos. 

No. LIX. 

(Page 66.) 
Jo. Pierii Valenanl. 

De Portentis anteaquam totus terrarum orbit in Ventto* 

EST aliquis mens ipsa Deus, de seminc Cceli, 

De superis porro sedibus ilia venit. 
Usque adeo eventi semper pnrsaga futuri, 

Quod nusquam est, multo pra;videt ante malum. 
Quin etiam totus, quo circunfundimur, aer 

I'.t 1 K-rii - passim pncditus est animis, 
Qui tacito semper videantur in aure susurro 

Instillare bomini consilia alta Drum. 
Ilicet et cum membra thoro sopita quiescunt, 

Libera metis ru-lum scandit, adiUjue Jovem ; 
Atque hunc, atque ilium e Superis per longa salutat 

Atria, et ilia videt, qiuv latuere prius. 
Quid sit cumque satis manifestum est, contremero omnem 

Eugancaui, borrendis casibus attonitam. 
Corda hominum passim nam consternata vidcmus 

Olim Venturis nunc trcpidare malis, 
2 2 


Terrifica insani quae pangunt carmina Vates, 

Carmina de exitio Cromnia terra tuo. 
Iraminct heu quantus Venetis labor ! otia cedant, 

Non mare, non Tellus tuta erit ulla diu. 
Cedite jam ingenui, ac alio properate labores. 

Artibus hac summis nullus in urbe locus. 
Namque canunt, hoc Dii facinus prohibete, futurum 

Cedat ut hoc subito pulsa Minerva solo. 
Apta manus calamis enses tolerabit, et hastas ; 

Apta levi chartae scuta onerosa feret. 
Heu decus, heu specimen Phoebi Phaetontia tellus, 

Seu vis Euganeum, seu Venetum esse genus. 
Venisti ad culmen studiorum, et nominis, heu heu 

Destinat in clades sic sua quemque dies. 
Qui tibi perpetuo conjunct! fbedere Reges 

Foedabunt laesa jusque piumque fide. 
Heu quot amicorum spoliis potientur iniqui, 

Tincta quot in socio sanguine tela gerent. 
Jurabunt omnes, terrarum quidquid in orbe est, 

Omne tmnn ut perdant terra beata decus 
Qua mare, qua montes, quaque Addua, fonsque Timavi 

Terra novem magnis inclita fluminibus ; 
Per quorum ora vagus passim premit arva superbus 

Hadria, amara ut aquis dulcibus ora riget, 
Stagna cruoris erunt, et flumina sanguinis ibunt, 

Praeda erit omne solum, flamma, favilla, cinis. 
Extemplo ille quidem terra pelletur ab omni ; 

Et mediis dura sorte latebit aquis, 
Saepe animo, et solids collectis viribus altum 

Surget, et in latos stagna refundet agros. 
Haec tarn dira canunt Vates, majora minantur 

Terrificis passim monstra nefanda modis, 
Motu Creta ruit terras, non una crematur 

Insula in Hadriacis, non regio una Vadis. 
Emporium terrarum orbis, Germanaque tecta 

Tantum opus in cineres flamma proterva dedit ; 
Mox Navale tot annorum orbis, ac opus, heu heu 

Quam subito in mediis funditus arsit aquis ! 


An referam tristes nocturne tempore voces ; 

Numina vel medio saepe locuta die ? 
Visa Dei Mater (testis pro littore templum est) 

Lugubri Gnatum peplo operire suuin, ' 
Ejectoque sedens trunco clamare per undas, 

Terra fleas, hoc ter dicere, Terra fleas. 
Ille quidem Truncus toti vcnerabilis orbi 
Visitur, et sancta est relligione sacer. 
Unde autem exultas risu, gliscisque cachinnis 

Italia, O populis saeva Noverca tuis ? 
Sic arguta plagis Philomele cantat in arctis, 

Sic duro vinctus Navita navigio. 
In tua convertis sceleratum viscera ferrum, 

t misera in proprio lift a dolore furis. 
Quin Venetos optas salvos, ut ab igne redemptis 

Reliquiis, horum libera tor t .1 petas ? 
Interea venerande Senex nos instrue Musis, 

Dum licet, et Venetum pax fovet alma solutn : 
Dum trahis eduras suavi Testudine quercus, 

t liquido lapsas acre sistis aves. 
Dum Venetum historias, primaque ab origine mundi 

Ad tua conscribis tempora res hominum. 
Te scquimur, tibi docta cohors se dedicut uni ; 

Ut mine quisque animis ingenioque valet. 
Seu tibi in Hadriacis libeat considere tectis ; 

Sive Aponus cordi, seu Medoacus erit. 
Culta vel illectent tot arncenis collibus arva, 

Sive Arquata placent, seu Thenlana magis. 
Dum datur esse bilares, neque adhuc crudelis Enyo 

In promptu bellum, quod meditatur, li.iln.-t 
Ne timor ante tubam consternat pectora inanis. 
Vivamus. MUSJE gaudia mentis amnnt. 



No. LX. 

(Page 81.) 
Cann. illustr. Poet. Ital. torn. viii. p. 59. 

Ant. Francisci Rainerii. 

URSINI venerate ducis picta ora, manusque, 
Eridanum quicumque bibis, Tiberimve Athesimve, 
Tyrrhene quicumque rnari, Hadriacove potenti 
Adlueris ; celsi aut juga suspicis Apennini. 
Hie etenim Ausonios cum se effudisset in agros 
Horrida tempestas, totamque involvier armis 
Cerneret Italiam, et trepidantes pectore Patres 
Italia- Venetos decus, et cum maximus hostis 
Fulminibus claram Patavi contunderet urbem 
Exitiuin in magnum ; stetit imperterritus ille 
Hue illuc aciem volvens, urbemque pererrans : 
l\i nun lid HIM prisca fractus qua barbarus arte 
Vique animi invicta, Ausoniis excessit ab oris. 
Salve o bellipotens, tot qui unus millia contra 
Sublapsam nobis vigilando restituis rem, 
Qui fera Gallorum et Germanae robora pubis, 
Innumeras acies qui comprimis Hispanorum, 
Et conjuratos Itala in praecordia reges. 


No. LXI. 

(Page 93.) 

Carm. iUustr. Poet. Ital. torn. \.p. 434. 

1*1111 1 1 t/orti. 

IMPROBIOR Caco, Lernseque immanior Hydra, 

Geryone asperior, 
I IK- est, Ausoniae non enarrabilis auke 

Pestis et opprobrium 
Jam turn vulgatum cunctis Alidosius oris ; 

Quern tamen impavidus 
Sustulit Herculeo confossum Feltrius ictu, 

Scilicet ut merito 
Sublatus terns Stygias inviseret umbras 

Tergeminumque canem, 
Perpetuas illic pcenas, et saeva daturus 

Supplicia, heu miserum.! 
Te pudor et pietas, et relligionis honores 

Deseruere simul ; 
Pro quibus invidiam et rabicm exercere solebas, 

Imperium patriae 
Artec-tans, tumidi dum te victoria Galli 

Erigit, atque putas 
Jllius auspiciis cuncta exoptata referre : 

Sed vetuere Dei. 
At vos jamdudum cteso gaudete Tyranno, 

Patriciorum anitna?, 
Et tu cum placido Bononia, Kheno ; 

Nam quis erit scelerum 
Tantorum inventor, qui tristes improbus iras 

Effugiat Superum ? 


No. LXII. 

(Page 96.) 
Exemplar in Bibliotheca Vaticana conservatum. 

Oratio Maximi Corvini Parthenopei Episcopi Esernien. 
Sanctissimo Julio Secundo, Pontifici Maximo dicta. 

AD Rev. in Christo patrem et dominum, Dominum Joannem 
Sanctae Mariae in Dominica Diaconum Cardinalem de Me- 
dicis. S. R. E, Bononiae Flaminiaeque Legatum dignissimum 
Maximi Corvini Episcop. Esernien. Epistola. 

Oratio sanctissimi Fcederis, quam in templo divae Mariae, 
quae Romano populo praeest, tertio nonas Octobris egi, tuo 
auspicio exeat. Quippe cum trium horarum fcetura sit quan- 
do trium dierum duntaxat ad agendum mihi spatium datum 
fuerat, earn domi retinere institueram. Sed plerique mei 
amantissimi cum omni officio efflagitassent, repugnare non 
potui. Quae si forsan in livoris ignavi morsus incideret, tua 
auctoritate, tua disciplina, et brevissimi temporis fcetura de- 
fensa, dentes non formidabit. Vale. 


Cum in omni oratione, quae inter sacra et ceremonias, Bea- 
tissime Pater, dici consuevit, dicendi initium Deo Opt. 
Max. magnaeque Genitrici semper Virgini, cceli Reginae, 
gravissimorum Oratorum officium rite dicaverit, ea duntaxat 
ratione, quod nemo mortalium (nisi divino numine adjutus 
fuerit) quicquam de se promittere posset, hodierna die meae 
orationis, ne dicam initium, sed caeterae partes : immo ipsa 
etiam memoria et actio a me consecrari debent. Quis enim 
in tanta rerum silva subito profari queat ? Quis de tanta ce- 
lebritate absque divini luminis auxilio, quod spiritum sapi- 
entiae et intellectus oranti subministrare solet, breviter dilu- 
cide et ornate dicere possit ? maxime coram te summo totius 
orbis terrarum Patre Beatissimo : cujus sapientia ccelo con- 


est : onus quippe atque provincia meis viribus impar. 
Sed me tua sanctajussa, tua divina oracula (quo; servarere- 
ligiosum, detractarc nefas est,) ad dicendutn quocumque pos- 
sem orationis curriculo impulerunt. 

Dicenduni est igitur de Sanctissinio Fcedere ; quod tandem 
divino nuinine a tua sapientia perfectum atque a tua sanctis- 
sima Majestate cum Ferdinando Catholico Rege potentissi- 
mo, de hac Apostolica sede semper bene merito, et inclita 
Venetorum republica ; Octob. in sacro Senatu tot am- 
plissiniorum Patrum sancte sancitum fuit. Quod quidem 
opto, ac prepotentem Deum suppliciter precor, ut in pri- 
mis Sanctitati tua- et huic Apostolico Imperio, inde Ferdi- 
nando Catholico Regi, Venetorum Reipub. ac fideli et Chris- 
tiano populo faustum fortunatum felixque sit. Quo igitur 
divinitus sancito, cum Sanctitas tua in hoc gloriosissimo die, 
more majorum, supplicationes Deo Opt. Max. ac Divae Ge- 
nitrici, qua? huic templo prax?st, rite et sancte decernendas 
duxisset : sacro inihi jussit oraculo, ut meo ore propalam 
mortalibus fieret. 

Cujus quidem Sanctissimi Fcederis inulta- magnaeque sunt 
rationes ; nam cum tu Pater beatissime, qui divini nominis 
observator, Christiana? religionis cultor, ac hujus sacrosanc- 
tse Sedis vindex maximus semper extitisti, superiore anno 
populos Ecclesiastica? jurisdictionis superbissima Tyrannide, 
ct amaro servitio, quibus per tot annos premcbantur, libe- 
rare instituisses, plerique Tyranni, multique seditiosissimi 
mortales, tain profani quam sacri, ne quicquam ordinis (qui 
devia caliginosa et perdita feruntur via) omnes tuos conatus 
conjuratis etiam inter se animis et viribus, retnrdarunt. Un- 
de cum maxima detrimenta huic sacrosancto npostolico Im- 
perio intulissent, et adhuc damnata in Meresi pertinaces hfr- 
rere videantur ; hoc sanctissimum Fcedus (in quo alii poten- 
tissimi Principes hactenus nomtnabuntur) inter Sanctitatcm 
tuam, Ferdinandum catholicum Regem, et Rempub. Vene- 
torum solemni ritu ictum est. 

Primo pro salute, presidio, statu, atque libertate tarn 
Sanctitatis tua? quam hujus Apostolici Impcrii, ne quid de- 
trimenti amplius patiatur. Inde ut jura, munia, oppid> 


Ciritateset loca Ecclesiastics jurisdictionis, quae huic sacro 
Imperio, immo Jesu Christo, human! generis redemptori, 
hostes nimis superbe et avare non sine dolo malo eripuerunt, 
recuperentur. Postremo ut Tyrannorum atque seditiosis- 
simorum unimi, qui furore agitantur, atque ab una sancta ca- 
tholica et apostolica Ecclesia dissidere videntur, aliquando 
ad sanitatem redeant : ne superbissimi Luciferi ritu, aut Gi- 
gantum more, adversus praepotentem Deum amplius impios 
conatus moliantur ; sed penitentia ducti, tranquilla in pace 
resideant. Pro cujus quidem sanctissimi Fcederis vel defen- 
sione vel presidio pugnare summa virtus, mortem oppetere 
gloria et vita est sempiterna. Et vero laudentur diuturna me- 
inoria Lacedemonii, qui pugnantes adversus vim et injuriam 
Persarum, adverse pectore vulnera acceperunt. Ornantur 
eximia laude Romani; quod pro patriae charitate, contra 
perduellem Antonium fortiter occubuerunt. Anteferentur 
quidem omnibus, qui pro Apostolico Imperio, pro hoc sanc- 
tissimo Foedere servando, atque pro ilia perniciosissima he- 
resi, et portentissima seditionis bellua extinguenda con- 
stantissima fide pugnabunt : quibus non monumenta, non 
honores, non merita, non laudes sempiternse, non supplica- 
tioncs deerunt ; quos ego, cum fortissimos et victores fore ex- 
istimem, non minorem gloriam fortiter occumbendo, quam 
naviter vivendo, consecuturos judico: quando fortissimus 
quisque pro Jesu Christo, pro ejus Vicario, pro catholica 
Ecclesia, et pro Christianae reipublicae salute pugnare debet : 
de quibus in hoc sanctissimo fcedere magnis conatibus agitur. 
Verum enim vero quis de hujus sanctissimi foederis victoria 
atque felicitate dubitare potest? cum hoc divino consilio in- 
ceptum, sapienter consultum, caste juratum sit ; et hodierna 
die inter sacra et ceremonias sancte celebretur. Quin etiam 
cum tuani, Beatissime Pater, castam et integerrimam men- 
tern considero, qua? divini ignis amore percita, quae erga 
Christianum populum magno charitatis ardore incensa, cum 
pro Apostolico imperio semper spirituale martyrium subiisset 
toties tot periculis et laboribus ultro se se exposuisset, nulla 
unquam aegritudine, nullo incommodo, neque fortuna retar- 
datus es, et cui cum hoc ipsum Tyrannidis ac seditionis no- 


men pro ecclesiastica libertate, pro Christiana? reipub. pace 
semper invisum fuerit ; omnia qua?ciunquc future sunt, di- 
vino numine, divina justitia, et tua divina potentia atque vir- 
tute (quam superis simillimam judico) gloriosa et serena fore 
decerno. Cum gesta Ferdinand! catholici Regis tota mente 
repeto, jam tanti principis summa et heroica virtus, qua? 
semper Apostolicum Imperium fortiter tuendum duxit ; qtue 
semper contra hostes Christian! nominb acerrime pugnavit, 
unde tot urbes, tot populos, tot provincial tot regna Chris- 
tiano Imperio subjecit, adeo ante ceteros Reges (ut pace 
omnium dixerim) immortalem gloriam sib! compare vit, ut 
certain nobis victoriam promittat. Quid de constantissima 
Venetorum Republica dicam ? qu;i- turn per tot annos, turn 
terra, turn man, T urea rum impetus ab Italia; vastitate pro- 
hibuisset: superiore anno auxiliares copias misisset: hoc 
ctiam tempo re omnes suos conatus pro hujus sanctissimi 
Foederis presidio non est intermissura. 

Ceterum, cum Tyrannorum atque seditiosissimorum h< >- 
ininum. qui huic Apostolico Imperio impie infensi sunt, n.i- 
turam, mores, et facta commemoro, cum eorum animos, qui 
in consilio impiorum versantur, et in cathedra pestilentiar 
sedere admittuntur, in mentem duco ; cum tot monstra, tot 
prodigia, et tot portentia, qua? in eorum capita ferri visa 
sunt, perquiro : qua? ctiam Moses et summi Sacerdotes in 
vetustissimis monumentis non aspemati sunt. Jam jam illos 
conscientia delictorum agitatos, jam tot monstris perterritoe, 
jam incertos, dejectos, vanos, devios, et inter se dissidcntes 
fluctuare vehementer intueor: denique cum prepotentem 
Deum, qu! hanc sacratissimam sedem sibi elegit in terns, 
atque eandem per te Sanctissimum Patrem, suum lepittmum 
Vicarium regere voluit, mentis et animi luminibus suspicio ; 
ilium ipsum sublimi in majestate, altera manu Sanctitatem 
tuam, et hoc sacrosanctum Imperium protegentem, altera 
ignita tola contra seditiosissimos hostes vibrantom video; 
quapropter nihil verendum, nil dubitandum, quin hoc sanc- 
tissimum Fcedus, quod justis et magnis rationibus inchoa- 
tum, summa pietate et sapientia consultum, sociorum fide et 
virtute juratum, tua Sanctitate sancitum, et divino numine 


atque auspitio celebration : faustum, fortunatum, felixque 
futurum sit 

In fine Orationis meae vos Presides custodesque hujus sa- 
cri Imperii magnos Apostolos, teque in primis Deum opti- 
mum maximum, teque etiam coeli Reginam oro implore 
atque obtestor, ut Sanctissimum patrem Julium II. Ponti- 
ficem Maximum, Ferdinandum Regem catholicum, Rem- 
publicam Venetorum ac ceteros fortissimos Principes pro 
Ecclesiastica libertate, atque pernitiosissima seditionis peste 
extinguenda, in hoc sanctissimum Foedus euntes, incolumes, 
victores, felicesque diutissime servetis. Dixi. 

Cursii Panegyris de Foedere inter Julium II. Pont. Max. et 
Htspan. Regem. Sixtus, Almce urbis Prior, Petro Cursio, 
Prceceptori suo, S. P. D. 

ACCIPE, mi Cursi, Panegyrin, seu mavis Sylvam, a te su- 
bito calore editam. Cui enim quam tibi, dicari tua melius 
poterant ? ut quod te invito et inscio ederemus, sub tuo no- 
mine ederetur. Siquidem hanc (ut nosti) quod Tertio post- 
quam effuderis die coram Julio Pon. Max. Kal. Novembris 
recitaturus eras, mihi legendam, et Galeatio Boschetto 
magno judicio et litteris predito emendandam commiseras, 
verum (ut saepe accidit) ovem lupo commisisti ; quam enim 
mihi tamen legendam, et Boschetto (ut dixi) nostro emen- 
dandam dederas, de consilii sententia imprimendam curavi- 
mus. Non quod earn vel solo nutu probaveris, sed ut tua 
tu epigrammata, elegias, eclogas, quas palam secreto nobis 
recitasses, aliquando in vulgus dares. Nam etsi scimus 
quam tibi non placeas : scimus etiam quam de te opinionem 
concitaveris. Ignosce igitur, si quid inscio et invito amico, in 
amicum, amicitiae causa, deliquerimus. Tibique tandem 
persuade, cum haec extemporalia digna ut publicum ac- 
ciperent judicaverimus, impendio magis, ea placitura, quae 
in multos annos presseris. Vale. Ex aedibus nostri priora- 
tus, pridie Kal. Novembr. M.D.XI. 


Currii Panegyris de nono Anno Pont. Juki et noto Fae- 

FESTA dies noni qui nunc novus inchoat anni 
Juleo renovat fastos ; hinc clarius orbem 
Illustrant solis radii : jactantior hinc est 
Auspiciis Roma alta novis : hinc aurea pubes 
Purpureique patres : et plebs non sordida cult u, 
Principis accumuiant lucem. Non flamina perflant, 
Sed variis avium ccetus consentibus auras 
.Mull-cut, et fluvio gestit Tyberinus ameno. 
Ditior hinc solito templis nitor : altior aris 
I "lamina uncut ; plenaque deis sparguntur acerra, 
Quos calices, divesque tulit panchaia odores. 
Sic primes decet ire dies ; sic secla renasci 
Julia, qui celsi referas palatia coeli. 
Omnia qui referas ad sacra, et publica vota : 
Fama ingens, melior factis, et numine numen. 
I'.iniila sideribus quisquis tua templa tuetur, 
Non opus esse hominum, sed cceli mcenia credit. 
Ergo alacres animis juvenes optate Secundo 
. 1 '.t rmoM |u- dies, aeternaque gaudia vita-. 
Nam (si vera negent non ipsi facta Tyranni, 
Qui non horruerunt veluti Titania proles, 
Templa Deum spoliare suis custodibus, aras 
Ferro, igne, eruere, et crudeli spargere canle, 
Infantes ante ora patrum mactare, puellas 
In matrum gremiis populo spectante piare) 
Qui metus orbis erat ? qua? tristia munnura ? qua; turn 
Mens hominum ? cum te rapuit pene improba febris ? 
Nonne mori est omnifc Juli cum funere mundus 
Creditus ? atque omnis cura est dimissa salutis ? 
Scilicet his hominum clausissent luctibus aures 
Numina sprevissentque virum pia vota, precesque ? 
Ut populator opum, divum contemptor, Juli 
Immemor, oftensis superis frueretur, et orbis 
Quern lacerat, tandem pnudo potiretur liabenis. 
Non ita : namque hominum Justus timucrc querelas 


Ccelicolae quis enim coluisset numina, Julc, 
Si pereas ? per quern pereant nee sacra, nee urbes, 
Non tibi sed superis qui quaeras regna, et honores. 
Ergo erat in fatis, ut post tua fata resurgens 
Talia non sineres audere impune Tyrannos, 
Turbatamque ratem fida in statione locares. 
Te populis, populosque tibi servare liceret, 
Ulciscique decs, juncto tibi foedere Hibero 
Principe, quo melior bello non extitit unquam, 
Non erit, aut nunc est, qui tot non cognita regna, 
Tot populos nunquam auditos, sine lege vagantes 
Ad Christi revocat cultus, melioraque fata ; 
Quasque acies, turmas, classes, in viscera Mauri 
Legerat, has geminis mittit ductoribus ; alter 
Is Raimundus erit, quo Bellatore cruentus 
Hannibal Italiam nunquam tetigisset ; et alter 
Omina felici felicia nomine portans 
Terminus, Imperium et famam quae terminet astris 
Jule tibi, populis secura in pace locatis. 
Militat auspiciis Regis Raimundus, Juli 
Terminus, auspiciis divum pugnabit uterque. 
Auspiciisque tuis, certa est victoria, certus 
Bellorum eventus, quae Petro atque auspice Rege, 
Juli, bella geres, pro libertate labanti 
Italiae, spretisque focis, templisque Deorum. 
Anne Deum, Julique hostes non sternat Hiberus ? 
Qui Reges et Marte suos prostraverit hostes 
Ter, quater, et decies felix, deciesque Beate 
Termine, qui turmis Petri, turmisque Secundi 
Preficeris : poterunt unquam quag premia reddi 
Digna tibi ? statuique tibi quae digna trophea ? 
Nunquam omnes poterunt terras tibi digna referre 
Premia : decernet polus ipse trophea, triumphos. 
Nee trahet albus equus currum : nee flectet habenas 
Vir tibi, ccelesti in ccelum vectabere curru, 
Certatim superum turba comitante triumphum 
Fama jugum, virtusque trahent, moderante Minerva. 



(Page 96.) 
Exemp. in Bib. Vatic ami. 

Lo numero e la qvantitd de la armata, cioe de It homiui 
d'Arme, de le Galee, et de It Pedoni t cki ccrranno in 
ajuto de la S. Lega 

SE fa noto et manifesto ad ogni persone, come el summo 
in Christo padre, Julio, per la divina providentia Papa II. 
per la recuperatione de la Cita de Bologna immediate per- 
tinente a la sancta Romana chiesia, suo Conta et distrecto ; 
ac etiam de tutte altre Cita, Rocche et Castelle dequalunche 
persona siano detenute, mediate o immediate pertinente ad 
sua Beatitudine, et sancta Chiesia, et defensione de la per- 
sona sua, et conservatione, de la auctorita dignita et liberta 
ecclesiastica, et unione de la sancta Chiesia Romana, et per 
obviare ad ogni Scisma, havere facto sanctissima lega et 
confederatione stabilita et solemnamente firmata con el Se- 
renissimo Ferdinando de Aragonia, et de 1* una et 1' altra 
Sicilia Re catholico, e Governatore et Administratore deli 
Regni de Castella et de Leon, devotissimo figh'olo de la 
sancta Chiesia, et Illustrissimo Duce et la Signoria de Ve- 
nctia. per subsidio de la quale recuperatione et conserva- 
tione de la liberta et stato Ecclesiastico, contra ogniuno si 
voglia opponere a dicta Sanctissima lega et confederatione 
el prefato Re Catholico ad fede effecto manda lu Illustris- 
simo Don Remondo de Cardona Vicere de Napoli per C- 
pitaneo generate de tutta la lega et confederatione con 
M.CC. homini d' anne in biancho, et M. gianeti, ben in or- 
dine de cavalli et arme, et X. miUiafanti Spagnoli recipient! 
et artigliaria bene in ordine, et ad tale expedition? iiecessa- 
ria, et per mare XI. Galee. Et sua Sanctita da in subsi- 
dio de dicta lega CCCCCC. homini 1'arme in biancho, 
sotto el governo et conducto de lo Illustrissimo Ihica de 


Termine. Et el prefato Duce et Signoria de Venetia ogni 
loro exercito et forza de homini d' arme come cavalli legieri, 
et fanteria, et oportuna artigliaria, et per mare ogni sforzo 
loro di Galee overo quello sara bisognio, conjuncte con le 
sopradicte Galee del Catholico Re, possano non solamente 
resistere all inimici, sed offendere a chi presumera ad dicta 
Sanctissima lega opponerse, come piu expresso e a pieno ne 
i Capitoli sopra de dicta lega et confederatione particular- 
mente stipulati et confirmati, con debite promissione et ju- 
ramenti. De le qual cose et Sanctissima lega e informatis- 
simo el Serenissimo Re de Inghelterra. L'animo del quale 
circa cio et volunta assai e certa et declarata ad sua Sanc- 
tita, et altri confederate : reservato honestissimo loco ad 
ogni altro Re e Principe Christiano, quale vora ad effecto 
predicto intrarne dicta confederatione et Sanctissima lega, 
facta al nome del omnipotente Dio et sua gloriosissima ma- 
tre et vergine Maria, et gloriosi Apostoli Sancti Pietro et 
Paulo, Principi e defensori de Sancta Romana Chiesia, et 
de tutta la Corte celestiale, conservatione et incremento del 
stato de sua et Sanctita, et liberta ecclesiastica. Et viva 
Sancta Chiesia et Julio II. 

No. LXIV. 

(Page 98.) 
Bandini, Collec. Vet. aliquot Monimentorum. Areti, 1752. 

Reverendissimo in Christo patri et Domino D. meo col. D. 

Cardinali de Medicis Bononice Legato dignissimo. 

Ut a tribus incompatibilibus, ut inquit auctor, solvatur, 

enixe rogat. 

REVERENDISSIME Domine D. mi Colendissime. La servitu, 
et observantia mia, che da molti giorni in qua ho sempre 
avuta verso Vostra Signoria Reverendissima, e 1* amore, e 
benignita, che quella mi ha dimostrata sempre, mi danno 


ardire, che senza adoperare altri mezzi, io ricorra ad essa 
con speranza di ottenerne ogni grazia ; e quando intesi a di 
passati, che Vostra Signoria Reverendissima aveva avuta la 
Legazion di Bologna, ne ebbi quell' allegrezza, che averei 
avuta, se 1 Patron mio Cardinale da Este, fusse stato fatto 
Legato ; si perche de ogni utile, e d' ogni onore de Vostra 
Signoria, sono di continue tanto desideroso, e avido, quanto 
tin vero, et affectionate Servitore, deve esser de ogni exalta- 
zione del Patron suo, si anche perche mi parve, che in ogni 
mia accurrenzia io fusse per avere quella tanto propicia, e 
favorevole, quanto e debitore un grato Patrone ad un suo 
deditissimo Servo. 

Supplico dunque Vostra Signoria Reverendissima de vo- 
lermi per Bolla dispensare ad tria incompatibilia, et a quel 
piu, che ha autorita di fare, o che e in uso, et a piu digni- 
tade ensieme, con quelle ample clausule, che si ponno fare, 
et de non promovendo ad Sacros ordines per quel tempo, che 
piu si puo concedere. Io son ben certo, che in Casa di Vos- 
tra Signoria Reverendissima e chi sapra far la Bolla molto 
piu ampla, che non so dimandare io. 

L'Arciprete di Santa Agatha presente exhibitore, il 
quale ho in loco di Patre, et amo per li suoi meriti molto, 
venira a Vostra Signoria per questo effecto. Esso torra la 
cura di far fare la supplicatione di quello, che io dimando. 
Supplico Vostra Signoria Reverendissima a farlo expedir 
gratis, la qual mi perdoni, se io le parlo troppo arrogante, 
che T affectione, e servitu mio verso quella, e la memoria, 
che ho delle offerte fattemi, da essa molte volte, mi dareb- 
bono ardire di domandarle molto maggior cose di queste 
(ancorche queste a me paranno grandissime) e certitudine 
d' ottenerle da Vostra Signoria. Se ricordi, che deditissimo 
Servo le sono, alia quale umilmente mi raccomando. 

Ferrariae xxv. Novembris MDXI. 

D. V. Reverendissima. 

Deditissimus, et Humilu Servu*. 


2 c 


No. LXV. 

(Page 124.) 

Hist. Concil. Lateran. Ed. Romee, 1521. 
In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Amen. 

ANNO a nativitate ejusdem 1512, indictione decimaquinta, 
die vero Luna? tertia mensis Maii, qui fuit dies inventionis 
sanctae crucis, pontificates sanctissimi in Christo patris et 
domini nostri, domini Julii divina providentia Papae II. an- 
no nono, praefatus Sanctissimus Dominus noster Papa, qui 
alias indixerat Concilium Generale in aliena Urbe, in eccle- 
sia Lateranensi, die Lunae decimanona mensis Aprilis prse- 
teriti inchoandum et celebrandum, et deinde propter certtun 
conflictum habitum apud Ravennam civitatem Komandiolae 
inter milites Suae Sanctitatis et sanctaa Romanae ecclesiae et 
Regis Catholici ex una, et exercitum Ludovici regis Fran- 
corum et praetensos scismaticos, adhaerentes conciliabulo 
Pisano, seu conventiculae Satanae, ex alia parte; in quo con- 
flictu fuerunt interfecta multa hominum millia, et inter cae- 
teros Dominus de Fusso magnus magister capitaneus regi* 
Franciae, et plures alii diversi duces et barones et proceres 
Gallorum et Hispanorum, et capti reverendissimus dominus 
Joannes Cardinalis de Medicis apostolicae sedis legatus, et 
Fabricius Columna, et alii plures, et dicta civitas ecclesi* 
miserabiliter a Gallis direpta ; inchoationem hujusmodi us- 
que ad Kalendas Maii ejusdem anni prorogavit, et demum 
ex eadem causa ad supradictum diem Lunae tertium supra- 
dicti mensis Maii iterum prorogavit, prout in literis aposto- 
licis, quarum tenores infra acta primae sessionis inseruntur, 
plenius continetur. 

Volens idem sane tissimus dominus noster, dominus Julius 
II. pontifex maximus inchoare dictum concilium generale 
ex pluribus et variis, gravissimis et urgentissimis causis, 
statum universalis ecclesias et apostolicae sedis, ac pernici- 
osissimi schismatis extinctionem concernentibus, ut in literis 
indictionis Concilii latius continetur, indictum, eum die prae- 


cedenti ex palatio apostolico lectica vectus ob sui corporis 
indispositionem in pontifical! apparatu et comitiva omnium 
reverendissimorum dominorum cardinalium, patriarcharum, 
primatum, archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, protonotario- 
rum, abbatum, et universa curia et custodia militum Rho- 
dianorum cruce signatorum, et consuetis ceremoniis, ut mo- 
ris est, in dicta? basilica? Lateranensis aedibus divertisset et 
hospitatus esset et pernoctasset, constitutus dicta tertia die 
de mane in praefata basilica Lateranensi, celebrata prius in 
majori altari missa per reverendissimum in Christo patrem 
et dominum, dominum Raphaelem episcopum Ostiensem, 
Cardinalem sancti Georgii vulgariter nuncupatum, sanctae 
Romanae ecclesiae Camerarium, et collegii sacri cardinalem 
decanum, ac facto sermone Latino per reverendum patrem 
et magistrum fratrem Egidium de Viterbio, sacra? theologiae 
professorem, ac ordinis Heremitarum sancti Augustini pri- 
orem generalem, ac verbi Dei praedicatorem celeberrimum, 
cujus tenor in fine praesentis actus et solennitatis initii sacri 
Lateranensis concilii ponetur. Facta etiam prius processi- 
one per eumdem sanctissimum dominum nostrum, reveren- 
dissimos cardinales, patriarchas, archiepiscopos et episcopos 
ac abbatcs, nee non alios viros, qui de jure seu consuetudine 
ad concilium generale venire consueverunt, intraverunt or- 
nati pivialibus, planetis, et dalmaticis juxta ordinis qualita- 
tem, et mitris, locum in medio praedictae Lateranensis eccle- 
siae pro celebratione concilii hujusmodi paratum, cum suis 
subselliis, tabulatis, clausuris, altaribus, pontifical! cathedra, 
ornamentis et ordinibus, quae in hujusmodi sacrorum conci- 
liorum celebrationibus servari et fieri consuevisse reperiun- 
tur. In quo cantatis litaniis et aliis devotis orationibus, et 
hymno, Vent creator Spiritus, $c. de more in principio ce- 
lebrationis conciliorum a sanctis patribus et sancta Romans 
ecclesia legi et decantari solitis et consuetis, capelln canto- 
rum incipiente, Salcum me fac Deus quoniam intrarenint 
aquce usque ad animam mcam, $c. et invocata Spiritus sanctS 
gratia, ac exhibita per omnes cardinales et prelates prasfatos 
sanctissimo domino nostro obedientia et reverentia consueta 
in paramentis ordinate et convenienter, cantatoque evange- 

2c 2 


Ho per reverenclissimum in Christo patrem dominum Ludo- 
vicum sanctae Marias in Cosmedin diaconum cardinalem de 
Aragonia vulgariter nuncupatum, incipiente, Designavit do- 
minus alias septuaginta et duos, &c. Reverendissimus in 
Christo pater dominus Alexander sancti Eustachii diaconus 
cardinalis de Farnesio vulgariter nuncupatus stans in thalamo 
eminenti, ubi dictus dominus noster Papa sedebat, legit sche- 
dulauVtenoris infra scripti, nomine suag sanctitatis, propter 
indispositionem sui corporis impediti, videlicet. 

Indicto per nos hoc sacro Lateranensi Consilio, de* quo, 
cum in minoribus essemus saepenumero cogitavimus, et ad 
Minimi apostolatus apicem vocati, omnino nobis celebran- 
dum proposuimus, dum ante ipsius inchoationem bella inter 
Christianos vigentia sedare, et oves perditas ad ovile domi- 
nicum reducere intendimus, repente intestina haeresis, in- 
sidiante Satana bonorum operum perturbatore, domum Dei, 
quam decet sanctitudo, invasit. Ne igitur contagiosa pestis 
latius serperet, et Christi gregem nobis commissum sensim 
inficeret, pastorali officio jugiter invigilantes, vocemque 
Isaiae animo repetentes : Ini consilium, coge concilium diu- 
tius cunctandum fore non duximus. Convenimus itaque, 
venerabiles fratres, vosque dilecti filii, hodierna solenni die 
in hac Lateranensi basilica, ut in Spiritu sancto congregati 
viam veritatis eligamus, et abjicientes opera tenebrarum, 
induamur arma lucis. Vos igitur hortamur in Domino, ut 
ilium prae oculis habentes, qui est via, veritas et via, in me- 
dium libere consulatis, Deo magis quam hominibus pla- 
cere studentes. Speramus enim domino cooperante in hac 
sacra Lateranensi Synodo sentes ac vepres ab agro Domini 
penitus extirpare, depravatos mores ad meliorem frugem 
redigere, pacem inter Christianos principes componere, de- 
nique expeditionem adversus hostes fidei inter se dissidentes 
decernere, ut in hoc vexillo salutiferae crucis quas huic sacro 
concilio auspicatissimum dedit initium, antiqui hostis insi- 
dias superare valeamus. 


No. LXVI. 

(Page 134.) 
Exemplar, in Biblioth. Vaticana. 

Oratio Ci vita t is Farm, ad Julittm Secundttm Pont. Maxi- 
mum habita. 

Magnifici Domini Jacobi Bayardi Juris utri usque Docto- 
rif. Equitis et Comitis, Parmensium Oratoris, ad Bea- 
tissimum Julium Secundum Pontificem Maximum Opti- 
mum, Oratio habita in deditione Urbis Parma. 

SOLEMUS plerumque tristes, Beatissime Juli Pontifex optirae 
maxime, multiplices ad exprimendam aegri animi acrimoniam 
voces reperire, laetis vero et exultantibus nescio quomodo 
non ita facile occurrunt. Evenit enim saepenumero ut ju- 
cundos admodum quidam veluti mentis error occupet. Id 
quod mihi quoque id presentiarum accidisse ita sentio, ut 
uncle publicum raeae Civitatis gaudium aperiam satis idoneam 
Orationem (etsi jampridem hoc saxum volvo) non.dum inve- 
nerim : nam cum cogito, dum expiscor, dum in magna veluti 
verborum silva anxius pervagor, devius voluptate animus 
aberrat. Neque aliam arbitror ob causain voluptatem Egyptii 
sextodecimo numero cxprimebant. Quia ilia nimirum ectas 
petulans inconstansque voluptati dum nimium indulget, ra- 
tionem penitus et consilium dediscere consuevit. Sumusque 
praemodum la-t i ; non illi fere a-tat i absimiles. Itaque si 
parcior communis la?titia? voluptatisque quam Parma nostra 
civitas te principe a Deoimmortali coeloqueipso sibi misso 
concepit venditator fuero, si parum in Oratione constant et 
minime castigatus, sit ha?c Civitatis Populique Parmensis 
gratulatio locupletissima, Ut primum enim laHissimas tui 
divini nominis audiit acclamationes, oblita cladium quas a 
Barbaris, quibus ad extrema fere deducta, passa est innu- 
meras, moverc sese ab iinis sedibus urbs ipsa visa est, ges- 
tireque, et certis quibusdam nutibus testari qunm la-ta foret 
quamjucunda, quam sibi denique felicitatem polliceretur. 


Certe si in praestando officio expendi cujusque animus debet 
mi 11 a u IK 1 1 lain Civitas quamquam pro acceptis beneficiis tarn 
grata tamque fidelis pariter et obsequens fuit. Sed ibo qua 
me impellit voluptas, nulla inquam Civitas in Sanctam Ro- 
manam Ecclesiam talem unquam, tamque afFectam se osten- 
dit. Obtulerint aliae habenas, impenderint pecunias, aras, 
focos, liberos, militaverint, navigaverint, bella passa? sint. 
Parma (quod summum est, quod nee vi, nee ferro, nee cae- 
dibus extorqueas) voluntatem ajo ipsam, et animum impen- 
dit. Quippe seculis Patrum nostrorum cum etiam sub Ty- 
rannis degeremus, bona pars Civitatis Parmae Romanae EC- 
clesiae semper constantissime favit : et novissime sub Barba- 
ris contineri studia hominum ac cohiberi plausus, quamquam 
extrema illi minarentur, vix poterant : quibus ex rebus phi- 
rima a Gallis Civitas perpessa est detrimenta. Norat enim 
natio Italis semper infensa quo in te animo essemus, cujus 
nomen ab hominum cordibus facile non posset aboleri. 
Quare non solum factum est ut non evelleretur, sed ut longe 
amantiores essemus. Nimirum solent qui amant si quid pa- 
tiantur ob istud ipsum jacturse, vehementius etiam diligere 
percupereque quod difficilius periculosiusque ad consequen- 
dum videatur. Adde quod Parma Civitas nostra, immo 
tua, Beatissime Juli Pontifex optime maxime, jam ab initio 
cognominata est Julia, ut in antiquis nostrae Civitatis mo- 
nimentis legitur, quod fatis tamen ipse nequaquam adscrip- 
serim, sed Dei maximi providentiae, cujus aeterna mens fa- 
cile praeviderat quandoque futurum, ut inexplebili Tyran- 
norum siti exhausta, teterrimis Barbarorum rapinis et incur- 
sionibus vexata tandem sub Opt. Max. Julio. Pontifice 
quern vere nobis Secundum praescrverat, interspiraret, de- 
fessasque vires et accisas reficeret. Sunt etiam qui nostra e 
Civitate majores tuos originem traxisse opinentur; adeo quod 
uni ingeniorum Principi Homero contigit, tot te sibi urbes 
vendicare, quamquam ut de illo Antipater, ita propter sum- 
mas et incredibiles animi et corporis dotes de te praedicare 
non erubescamus, Patriam tibi esse ccelum. Nam nee ali- 
unde te tot infractum bellis venisse, tot indefessum caedibus, 
tot Belgarum insidiis, cedere ac vinci nescium tot periculis 


domi forisque circumventum, tot inexhaustum sumptibus, 
tot sceleratas hiemes, tot sestus, tot vigilias, tot labores pas- 
sum hoc a?tatis Principem arbitrari convenit. Propterea 
est qiuedam privata nobis Parmensibus luce immortalis glo- 
ria- voluptas, oetene Italia- immo orbi non cotnmunis et pro- 
pria gratulatio, quae cogitari fhcilius potest quam exprimi, 
vel si maxime possit, in aliud rejicienda est tempus. Nunc 
dedit sese tibi Beatissime Juli Pontifex Optime Maxime 
tua Julia Parma; id libentcr prolixequc facit: sanctissimis 
advoluta pedibus dedit Civium animos, et Incolarum vori 
demum compotes turn fidos et obsequentes, quam par est, 
-iiimno rerum humanurum divinarumque Principi devotos 
subditos. Et nos Oratores Juliam Pannam armis, Htteris, 
religione insignem, soli fertilitate beatam, Procerum fre- 
quentia iliustrem, coeli temperie salubrem, animi magnitu- 
dine excelsam, vere Romanam, Sacrosanctae Romans Ec- 
clesiae jure hcrcditario diu debitam, atque a tuis praedeces- 
soribus jam possessam ut publicis habetur document is, hac- 
tenus per Tyrannos, et prsesertim Gallos vi occupatam, et 
illegitirae tie ten tarn, tibi Julio Optimo Maximo Pontifici, 
vero Christi Vicario, legitirao Petri successori, Bedique 
Apostolicae, potius restituimus quam damus, inviolabile ju- 
ramentum tideliUitis et omagii qua valeinus reverentia lati 
et t- \ul tantes pnestare parati. Tu yero Juli Pontifex Op- 
time Maxime ita nos suscipe, itii habe, tueareque (ut opti- 
mum Principem decet) ita amplectere, protege, et fove, ut 
intelligamus Dei te mum-re, cui tua suimna virtus et pietas 
cordi semper fuit, nobis et toti fidelium gregi optimum pa- 
rentem contigisse. Vos vero coclites omnes, Tuque Deus 
maxime dator innocenti, qui tibi Principes, quorum sub- 
tliiioue omnes degunt homines, cura? esse voiuisti, Beatissi- 
inum Julium Pondticem optimum Maximum non soium 
Julia? Parma?, verum etiam totius Italic libcrtatis defenso- 
rem, sospitein ac vod compotem diu scrvate et incoluuiem. 


Silva Francisci Marii Grapaldi, in deditione Parma, S. 
Julio II. Pont. Max. 

Julio II. Pont. Max. Italics Liberator*. 

GLORIA Pontificum, Salve, Rex maxime regum, 
Atque pater patriae, Juli, tutela, decusque 
Justitiae, tu Martis honor, cum bella moventi 
Obstas, et merito vim vi propellis ; ad unum 
Ausoniae cessere Duces ; tua signa superbus 
Contremuit Gallus, vinci moclo nescius ulli, 
Ut canis Egypti sitiens cum potat ad amnem. 
Fatale est Julii quando tibi Gallia nomen. 
Quo schisma ? aut quo conciliabula pluria ? Dirae 
Haec agitant : nebulas in dolia condere vanum est. 
In stimulum quisquam non calcitret : optima vitae 
Sors est, sorte sua contentum vivere : te unum, 
Te Italiae gentes cupiunt, venerantur, adorant, 
Expertae quam sit durum servire Tyrannis : 
Te duce, barbarici rabiem contemnimus hostis. 
Te duce, quid paveant populi ? cui militat aether ; 
Stat Deus aeterno cui foedere : maxime Juli, 
Soter ades cunctis : sic nos te fronte serena 
Accipimus : meritosque tibi praestamus honores, 
Atque fidem, natas, nos, nostra, addicimus uni : 
Pro te equidem prompti quaecumque extrema subire. 
Auguror et vinces : sunt in te nulla cupido, 
Auri nulla sitis : mens est, atque unica cura 
Stat patriae, numerosa cohors de gente feroci 
Assueta et bello ; nervi sunt rebus agendis 
Invictusque animus, rerum experientia. Cceptis 
Insiste : (baud dubita) dabitur mox omne quod optas. 
^Eniilite e primis sub te coiere quot urbes ? 
Ecclesiae et Juli sunt dulcia nomina, dulce 
Regnum, sub dulci populi ditione perennent : 
Te Regem, dominum volumus, dulcissime Juli : 
Templa Deis, leges populis, das ocia ferro : 
Es Cato, Pompilius, Cesar, sic Cesare major, 
Sit qualis quantusque velit : civilia bella 


Suscitat hie, reprimis placidus in, mitis, et idem 
Tu gravis, et nulli est melior facundia : solus 
Tu Xerxent supcras sumptus splendore togatum, 
Delicium humani generis, spes unica nostri : 
-flitatem robur supra est, in pectore robur, 
In cunctis robur : roburque insignia : victus 
Robur erat priscis ; homines de robore nati : 
Per te vita, salus, per te sunt cuncta renata, 
Dasque novam faciem Latio : liberrima per te 
Et nova libertas, multis non cognita ab annis : 
Gens Itala id debet tibi libera Roma Camillo 
Olim quod debet : terra hinc mare, sydera et urbes, 
Letitia acclamant : sed Parma ex omnibus una 
Laetior, atque tuum praesens modo numen adorat : 
Julia Parma tua est merito, qua; Julia Juli 
Nomen habet, sed re nunc est nunc Julia Parma : 
Parma tibi sese commendat, Parma precatur 
Suppliciter, populum addictum tibi, maxime Juli, 
Excipe, et exhaustis libeat succurrere rebus : 
Felicem praestent sedem tibi numina, votis 
Aspirent eadem, nee sit quod gaudia tollat, 
Nestoreamque simul fauste egrediare senectam. 


Beatissime Pater: cum me Patria a secretis comitem 
oratoribus in verba S. I . jurat uri- dedisset, visum est haec 
pauca scribere in ejus laudem, quae et illi recitavi, et nunc 
(ut jusserat) mitto, non quod docta elegantiaque sint et 
digna tanto numine: sed quod fidei et devotionis unde pro- 
dierant referta sunt : Tuae S. erit animum expendere, non 
earmina : valeat diu felicissimeque S. T. cui me humiliter 

llumil limns Servulus, 




(Page 155.) 
Ex origin, in Archiv. Reip. Florent. 

Reverendiss. Domino Joanni Medices Dei gratia Cardi- 
nali, ac Legato de Latere, Domino observantissimo. Flo- 

DUM animi laetus sum, corporis autem infirmi, jam dicere 
possum, satis me vixisse arbitror. O quantum gaudium, o 
quantum refrigerium meum corpus febrizans sensit, dum 
ilia serena facies in patriam restituta fuit. Donum Dei. 
Perveni unice Reverendiss. Domine quo tendebam, et au- 
debo familiarius loqui ; numquam opes, neque dignitates op- 
tavi, nisi introitum ilium tarn felicem, tamque prosperum. 
Si vera loquor, Deus protector testis sit, et vita mea, hue 
semper omnes curas, omnes vigilias meas verti. Dicam illud 
Plutarchi ad Troianum Principem, virtuti vestrae gratulor, 
et fortunae meae. Hocimhi solatium non mediocre peperit, 
quod ilia relegatio injusta, dulcis, et praedilecta in Rempub- 
licam facta sit, in qua Pater divus, pater patriae Avus, Proa- 
vus tain just i, tarn pii, et liberales in earn fuerunt. O veri 
Liberatores, protectores, auctores, divites opum, et predi- 
vites ingenii, ut scriptum erat : gloria, et divitiae in eorum 
domibus. Ita senuerunt longa serie. Quid plura ? Nunc 
nihil habeo, nisi Deum immortalem precari, ut desiderium, 
et sensum Reverendiss. D. vestrae ad ultimum vitee finem 
mihi proferre liceat. Proinde quid animi restat, ut compos 
votorum meorum ad plenum sim. Solum manus sanctas 
dilectas osculem Deo favente, et Archangelo omnium An- 
gelorum principe. Cupio cum Reverendiss. D. vestro bene 
vivere, et ad ultimum in aetate longeva mori, et in Repub- 


lica feliciter valere. Valeat R. D. V. in eo, qui omnia re- 
git, et gubernat, et Servi fidelis memor. 

Pridie calend. Septerabris M. D. xn. 
Rererendiss. Dom. 

Vr. Servitor, 

df Antiguardis. 
Ar. Sanctee Reparatte de Ccutrocaro. 

lo credo unice Reverendiss. Domine provedere quella 
1' uno, o dua sparviere nidace, et de uno terzollo d' uno 
pare di cani liprieri, et di dua fanelli. Et quando, quod 
Deus avertat, bisognassi di cento amici palischi tutti son 
per fargli andare, dove quella designara, et el corpo ex- 
porre cum le faculta. Come son veramente obligatissimo, 
pregando V. R. S. me riserbi un loco apresso a quella, 
come antiquo et fidele servo, et fumiliare, et dove occurrera 
andare in omnibus locis usque ad inferos* 


(Page 1G4-.) 
Carm. /lluslr. Poet. Ital. col. iv. p. 357. 

Joan. Anton. Flaminii. 

MAXIME ccelicolum cultor; quo preside majus 

Nil videt, aut terrac clarius orbis habet ; 
Quern divum genitor Romana in sede locavit, 

Et Minimum in terns jussit habere locum ; 
Res gravis est, cui te moderantem cuncta necesse e*t 

Consulere, ac totis viribus esse ducem. 
Cura tibi, et generis late commissa potestas 

Humani, quod te numinis instar habet, 
l^t spernenda tibi non sit pater optime noctri 

Tutela, aut tantis destituenda malis. 


Aspice, quo rerum nostraram summa redacta est, 

Et patrium, cujus vix manet umbra decus. 
Terra potens opibus, populisque, et fortibus armis, 

Magnorumque altrix tarn numerosa ducum, 
Quae domitrix rerum, cui terrae paruit orbis, 
Gentibus exposita est, servitiumque timet. 
Quanta sit haec Latiae subeunda injuria genti, 

Quam foedum patriae dedecus, ipse vides. 
Cura tibi, scimus, debetur publica rerum, 

Teque patrem populis omnibus esse decet. 
Hoc tamen ante alias pars haec pulcherrima rerum 

Poscit, et imprimis digna favore tuo est. 
Hie vetus imperii locus est : hinc clara propago 

Pontificum : hie rebus gloria parta tuis. 
Haec patria, haec sedes simul est tibi, qua regis orbem, 

Et caput in populis hie quoque Roma tua est. 
Mille alias possim causas memorare ; sed iis tu 

Non egeas ; nee te me reticente latent. 
Serviet ergo, quibus dominata est Romula tellus ? 

I tula, tarn turpi terra premere jugo ? 
O patria ! O Divum sedes ! certissima custos 

Imperii, et terris omnibus ante pavor ! 
Sic ne igitur vilis, sic tu contempta jacebis ? 

Non anna arripient ? Non feret ullus opem ? 
O pater, et tantae tu, Romule, conditor urbis ; 

O decus ant i< jiuiii], bellipotensque genus ! 
Si vobis, si sensus inest, si gloria tangit, 

Famaque sub Stygias pertulit ista domos, 
Non facinus tetrum, stirpisque infamia vestrae, 

Non acris animas ira, pudorque movent ? 
Quo mine Italiae, quo belli gloria cessit ? 

Et vetus armorum militiaeque decus ? 
In tenebras abiit majorum lumen, et ingens 

Gloria, quae toto splenduit orbe, perit. 
Brute, tuum hie nomen, tibi cruris gloria, Codes, 

Fit minor : et dextrae, Scaevola, languet opus. 
Aule, lacus tibi nunc decrescit fama Regilli ; 

Nostra iterum Senones signa, Camille, petunt. 


Magna parens, tellus altrix fecunda virorum ; 

Tarn sterilis foetu, tarn sine honore jaces ? 
Nullus erit Cossus ? non Manlius ? Impia nullum 

Cursorem tali tempore bella dabunt ? 
Non quisquam summis eludet montibus hostem ? 

Nee spes in Deciis ulla salutis erit ? 
Spes igitur rebus jam fessis una : suos quern 

Non decet in tantis deseruisse mails. 
Aspice nos placido, Latii pater optime, vultu ; 

Et mala mox oculis mitibus ista vide. 
Inspice : tarn gravia haec, tarn mox horrenda videbis 

Ut mens inspectis non queat ilia pati. 
Pestis atrox saevit ; morbi contagia crescunt : 

Et mala praeteritis asperiora ferunt. 
Sic ubi conceptum est membris lethale venenum, 

Inficit, ac sensim spargitur atra lues. 
Hie agitur rerum de summa, deque salute 

Certamen durum est totius Ausoniae. 
Si male res cedunjt, libertas intent ; et res 

Haec stragem nobis, servitiumque parit. 
Hue d -11111111 tracta est Italae sors ultima gentis : 

Nostraque tarn dubio, vitaque, morsque loco est. 
Quod si nos, t ant i fort una inimiru duelli, 

Cogat Santonico subdere colla jugo, 
Quid tibi mentis erit ? Quo te nunc vertere possis ? 

Quid tut um credos rebus inesse tuis '. 
Quid Latium de te, quid regna externa loquentur ? 

Quis rumor cunctis partibus orbis erit ! 
Exeat htec igitur ? tain turpis fama vagetur ? 

Hanc ferat in populis Ausonis ora notam ? 
Insultare aliquis, vel dicere possit, Julo 

Pontifice, Italian! barbara jura pati ? 
O natum vere tune infelicibus astris, 

In patria qui sic vivere possit hiuno ! 
Tu potes in tanto rerum discrimine solus 

Optatam populis ferre salutis opem : 

Et potes, et dcbes rebus succurrere lapsis, 

Ne Latium casu mox graviore cadat. 


Viribus ipse vales propriis, quas ampla ministrat, 

Et magis CEnotrii pars metuenda soli. 
Tot tibi nunc parent urbes, tua jura sequuntur 

Tot populi, ut possis omnibus esse metus. 
Adde tot insignes equituin peditumque catervas ; 

Tot simul egregios ad tua signa duces. 
Flos Italse, virtusque tibi delecta juventae 

Militat : in castris haec habet arma tuis. 
Quot confecta tibi jam tali bella fuerunt 

Milite ? quot tali parta trophaea manu ? 
Irrita cesserunt tibi numquam coepta : nee uflae 

Conatus vires imped iere tuos. 
Majestas tibi tanta dehinc, tu tantus in ista 

Sede nites : uni sic tibi posse datum est ; 
Totus ut a nutu terrarum pendeat orbis 

Ipse tuo, Christi qua patet orbe fides. 
Cui solium Petri sic scandere contigit umquam ? 

Cui numquam mersae sic dare vela rati ? 
Dux opus est acris populos qui cogat in unum : 

Qui male Concordes jungat ad arma manus. 
Sed nemo est, tibi quern conferri posse putemus : 

Aut melius, quam tu, qui ferat ullus opem. 
Fac tantum norint Itali te velle, coibunt, 

Et novus in cunctis protinus ardor erit. 
Qui Senones nostris ? quis miles Santonus armis ? 

Belgica quaeve Italis sint satis arma tuis ? 
Ausonio quoties jam milite Gallia victa est ? 

Quot saevis poenas cladibus ilia dedit ? 
Nulla fait, simili quae non invaserit olim 

Eventu Latias gens inimica domos. 
Quid genus /Eacidum, quos patrum bellica virtus 

Compulit a nostris finibus ire procul, 
Aut tibi Pasnorum referam numerosa potentum 

Agmina ? quid Cimbros, Teutonicamque manum ? 
Aut Herulos memorem perfuses sanguine nostro ? 

Aut Hunnas acies ; semiferumque Geten ? 
Non desunt vires, modo non concordia desit, 

Atque habeat, qualem res petit ista, ducem. 


Haec tua sunt igitur : te solum haec coepta reposcunt : 

Auspiciis sunt haec bella gerenda tuis. 
Magna quidem est, verum provincia grandibus ausis 

Convenit, et curam postulat ista tuam. 
Ingentes animos ingentia facta sequuntur : 

Nee tenues curas mens generosa capit. 
Tradita praecipue gentis tutela Latinae 

Est tibi ; et ad partes it prior ista tuas. 
Quod licet (et poscunt nunc summa pericla) rogamu*, 

Tuta sit ut tanto preside nostra salus. 
Sit defensus honor, libertas, publica, per te ; 

Pristina sit Latio te duce parta quies. 
Barbariem hanc magnis expertus saepe periclts, 

Dum licet, Ausonio pellere Marte para. 
Non tu tutus eris, non cani Umina Petri. 

Ni properes, tutus non locus ullus erit. 
Saepe nocet gravibus morbis cessasse medentem : 

Saepeque dilatam cura repellit openi. 
In te oculos, in te verterunt ora Latini, 

Hoc sperant urbes, suppliciterque petunt. 
Adde ingens decus hoc titulis, quos inclita virtus, 

Coelestisque favor tot peperere tibi. 
Nam quamquam in populis tua tantuin gloria crevit, 

Ut facile augeri non queat ilia magis ; 
Tot tamen ex factis, nullum praestantius, et quod 

Te magis insignem reddere possit, erit* 
Fama haec Aurore croceos properabit ad ortus ; 

Ad loca, quae Phcebo deficiente tepent. 
Fama haec Ismariam Rhodopen transibit ct I l;unum. 

t populos medio quos videt axe dies. 
Italia est, quam tu tutandam sumis, et in qua 

Est tua cum nostra Martc tuenda salus. 


No. LXIX. 

(Page 174.) 

Carm. illustr. Poet. Ital. torn. \\\.p. 172. 


Sylva, et Exultatio in Creatione Pont. Max. 

Leonis Decimi. 

QUID sibi tot plausus ? quid tanta tonitrua poscunt ? 

Quid poscunt celeres ad sacra palatia cursus ? 

Fallor, an insonuit Medices mihi Nomen ? et ilia 

Vox tarn grata homini, quam non ingrata Tonanti 

Coelitus emicuit tenues delapsa per auras ; 

O festam, sanctamque diem ! o suffragia sancta 

Candidiora nive, electro mage pura nitenti, 

Quae Deus omnipotens coelo demisit ab alto 

Parcarum signata manu : quae lacteus orbis 

Excepit, fovitque sinu, quibus atra recedant 

Flagitia, et Fidei jam longa oblivia sanctae. 

Quis bella, et caedes, et proelia dira facessant, 

Quis bona mens, pax alma, pudor, probitasque, fidesque, 

Et sancti redeant mores, et praemia morum. 

Sed quae turba sequens urget ? quae turba sequentem 

Me prior exculcat sancta haec suffragia cantu 

Intempestivo celebrantem ? En templa sacerdos 

Maximus ingreditur, populique Patrumque corona 

Stipatus. Salve o Numen sanctumque, piumque. 

Noctem oculis, noctem menti, noctem excute sacris 

Canninibus, pectusque pio mihi robore firma. 

Nam quid inops animi pavor hie per genua per artus ? 

Nam quid ad ima redit singultim spiritus et vox ? 

En supplex procumbo, en genua pedesque beatos 

Amplector, jam se facies augustior offert 

Supra hominem, captumque hominis, jam tollor in auras 

Supra hominem, captumque hominis, jam Numen amicum 

Experior ; sacri video penetralia cordis, 


Magnanimamque fidem, ru jus cervicibus alt i- 
Humanumque genus, magnusque innit it ur orbis. 
Salve Magne Parens hominum, cui summa potestas, 
Summus honos triplici frontem Diademate cingit, 
Unde sacri Hexo certatim poplite lieges 
Imperil pia jura petunt, et fascibus ultro 
Summissis adeunt, et sanctum Numen adorant, 
Cujus ab excelso pendet vitaeque, necisque 
Judicium nutu, cujus de luce suprema 
Celsum iter ad summum nobis aperitur Olympum, 
Quemque Dens dedit esse Deum mortalibus aegris, 
Cujus in augusto divinae culmine Petrae 
Fundamenta piae Fidei certissima jecit. 
Sed quibus hanc titulis, quibus hanc virtutibus arcem 
Te meruisse canam ? circumstant agmine longo 
Centenique patent aditus. Tu siste parumper, 
Magne Leo, mentem taut arum in limine lauduin. 
Neve precor tibi me claris Natalibus offer; 
Neve offer patriae Florentis amabile nomen. 
Dum major; i cano, dum non vacat ire per omnes 
Herois magni titulos. Insigne Parentum 
Nomen avis, abavis, atavis, pnefulserit ; at qui 
Non ita praefulsit, ne major ab indole lampas 
Fulserit usque tua. Patria est illustris, at illam 
Illustrant Medices mage, quam illustrentur ab ilia, 
niustrant velut astra tamen, velut ;rt lira serena 
Nocte micat. Medio tu sol clarissimus orbe 
Largiris patriae insigni lucemque, caloremque, 
Ut vivat Duce te, aeternos et floreat annos. 
Nee geherosa pii referam cunabula partus, 
Maternosve sinus, teneris ut creverit annis 
Et pudor, et probitas, castaeque modestia mentis, 
Semper et innocui sine labe, et crimine mores. 
Ingrediare meos mihi longe augustior orsus 
Puniceo cinctus caput hoc illustre Galero. 
Prsetextje nondum, ac bull* tua cesserat cetas. 
Cum supra aetatem sapere, et profectibus annos 
Vincere te magni vidit pia cura Parentis ; 

VOL. II. 2 D 


Atque ait : haec nobis domus est satis ampla, sed uni 
Est angusta tibi. Magnae te moenia Romas 
Accipiant, bona mens cui tantum indulsit, et alti 
Doctrinarum haustus. I fili, grande Parentum 
Grande decus Patriae, melioribus utere fatis, 
Et fortuna domus et gratia poscit honestae, 
Et tua relligio, mea ne sinat irrita vota, 
Indole macte tua : mira indulgentia summi 
Pontificis vicit pia vota, precesque parentum. 
Et subito sublimis apex tibi vertice sedit. 
Turn vero qualem te publica munia, qualem 
Te privata domus vidit ? quo tempore mores 
Praecipites labi coepere, et recta relinqui 
Officia, et metis longe post terga relictis 
Roma potens sceleri tolas efFudit habenas ; 
Unus eras nulla conspersus labe veneni, 
Non secus ac Psyllus Libyae sitientibus arvis 
Cui dirum afflatum posuit, cui sibila serpens 
Non oculis, non dente minax, non verbere saevus. 
Insidiae, et fraudes tota dominantur in Urbe. 
Terror, et ira nocens, et nullis tetra libido 
Nominibus parcens, nulli non conscia culpae, 
Ungue minax unco, piceataque dextera torvis 
Anguibus, et rigido miscebat proeh'a ferro. 
Hie nigris volitans alis instabat Erinnys 
Tartareas accensa faces, et Pyxidis usu 
Terrificae succincta sinus, geminoque cruentam 
Letho armata manum, caedes, ac bella ciebat. 
Inter tot rerum discrimina solus ab alti 
Libertate animi pendens, sanctaeque recessu 
Mentis, eras vultu intrepido, Fidei aegide tectus, 
Et cupiens animam pro relligione pacisci. 
Turn quoties trepido vexata est Roma tumult u. 
Ortaque seditio diris immiscuit armis 
Omnia, te circum placidae longa otia Pacis, 
Te circumstetit alta quies ; injusta tuorum, 
Vidisti exilia, illacrimans non damna tuorum, 
Damna tuae patriae magis, et miserabile fatum, 


Ingratosque animos vano te nomine, vauo 
Judicio extorrem vocitantes, cum tua virtus, 
Cum tua te Pietas procul asseruisset ab omni 
Fortunae imperio. Patriae tibi limes ab ortu 
Solis ad occasum longe lateque patebat. 
Exul erat patria ilia nocens, oblita Parentes, 
Teque, domumque tuuni insignem, et benefacta Parentum. 
At simul ac Patria est tibi reddita, reddidit ilia 
Se sibi ; quacque prius stricto pendebat ab ense 
Gallorum, haec eadem pietatis tacta paternae 
Nunc clypeo, aeternos tecum florebit in annos. 
Hie diversa subit rerum fortuna tuarum, 
Quantaque in adversis fuerit tua cognita virtus, 
Qui modo Flaminiae fueras legatus, et annis 
Hispanis male defensus sub Gallica jura 
Jam legatus eras. Captivum dicere nemo 
Audeat, infensis qui te jus reddere Gallis 
Viderit, expressasque preces expressaque vota. 
Procubuisse tibi amplexos tua genua, pedesque, 
Supplice voce sui veniarn petiisse furoris. 
Sic victor victoris eras, et ab hoste triumphum. 
Victore extorquens, quae essent captiva docebas 
Quaeve essent nullis obnoxia colla catenis. 
Ecce autem vinclis tibi rursum illudcre certant 
Ducere trans Alpes, Regi ostentare potenti 
Insignem Christi de religione triumpbum. 
Magnum iter emenso inicuit tibi lampadis instar 
Fastigiatus apex, et circum tempora flam ma?. 
Non hostes sufferre valent, non tela, nee enses 
Ignivomae frontis faciem. Sic agminis ordo 
Turbatus, longo proprior fuit intervallo, 
Qui proprior: disjecta fuga stint Gallica castra 
Protinus : Italiaeque humeris in tuta rcceptus 
Ausus es a Patriac oppressis cervicibus ingens 
Excussisse juguui. Cum te tua Roma repente 
Advocat, utque jubet uiajora capesseue fata, 
Auspiciis longe raajoribus astra mereri. 
Erepti quaerendus erat successor Juli, 
2 D 2 


Illis, quae possent hominique, Deoque probari 
Artibus, has inter belli, fideique procellas, 
Quern pia relligio commendet et inclita virtus, 
Ab Jove qui summa Coeli credatur ab arce 
Demissus, Fidei cui demandentur habenae, 
Quein tantum sentire queat, monstrare nee audeat 
Nee possit mbrtale genus, te praeter, in omnes 
Virtutum numeros sic alto vertice supra 
Sic extantem humeris, ut te tua Roma, Latinae 
Optarint urbes, populi, Regesque, Ducesque ; 
Omnis et optarit te voto supplice Mundus 
Ante pia haec fratrum suffragia, qualia summi 
Laetus ab arce poli cernens, hominumque probata 
Relligione, Deus votis subscripsit honestis. 
Murmurajam cessent veteris turpissima famae 
In proceres Fidei, quos nunc non ulla potentum 
Gratia, amicitiae non vis, fraudesve, dolive, 
Non spes ulla lucri a vero detorsit et aequo. 
Ambitus aeternum tenebris damnatus et Oreo 
Pro diademato sibi vertice, frontis inustae 
Perpetuum jam stigma geret. Vos cardine rerum 
In summo positos, per quos teterrima labes 
Tartaream patitur centena in secula noctem, 
Vos ego Patrones Fidei, Pietatis et alma? 
Longum assertores vos relligionis in aevum 
Ut video, agnoscoque favens, ut pronus adoro ! 
Non rubros apices, speciosaque Nomina, et altos 
Divinis titulis late ostentantia fastus, 
Non comitum ingentem longo procul ordine pomp am, 
Sed puras, sanctasque manus, incoctaque honesto 
Pectora, et humanos non respicientia sensus, 
Atque pias Christi tantum meditantia leges. 
Ergo lethiferae, vobis auctoribus, istis 
Excessere adytis pestes : jam cessit ab Urbe, 
Cessit ab orbe nefas : utres difflavit inanis 
Fastus, et ad meritos celsae virtutis honores 
Summisit fasces : cessit furor omnis, et omnis 
Ira nocens : Strophadas ultra exarmata Celaeno 


Evolat, et livens tandem sibi Livor edaci 
Dentem dente ferit, tan turn in sua viscera ssevus. 
Emigrantque mala? pennis pernicibus artes 
Euphratem supra, et Nilotica flumina supra ; 
In quarum subiere locum laeto agmine mores 
Ingenui, sanctaeque artes, jus, fasque, piumque. 
Roma exuta gravi languentia corpora culpa 
Induit assimiles justo sub Principe mores. 
Cujus ab exemplo jamdudum Maximus orbis 
Ad vitas faciem sese componit honestae. 
Artibus his tantam meruisti scandere sedem : 
Artibus his retinenda tibi est, augendaque tantis 
Officiis, ut spem, fuerit quae maxima, vincas, 
Quando visus eras nondum diademate cinctus ; 
Ut te omnes virtute tua, meritisque minorem 
Esse affirmarent. Nunc quum nil maximus orbis 
Te melius videat, nil te sublimius uno, 
Optima si praestes, semper videare necesse est 
Humano generi longe meliora daturas. 
Jam sancti accipiant amplissima munera mores ; 
Ingeniis nee priscus honos, nee gratia desit. 
Expectent majora tamen, melioraque semper; 
Nee frustra expectent, modo sit pax alta per omnes 
Et tranquilla quies populos ; Regesque, Ducesque, 
Unanimes Duce te jungant in fcedera dextras. 
Jam vero i, volitans Pallas, bona nuntia pacis, 
Nuntia amicitiae ; populos, Regesque saluta. 
Ulterius ne odiis certent, irave minaci, 
Neu bello, neu caede fremant, ferrove cruento, 
Diva jube. Die clausa bifrontis limina Jani 
Pro foribus stare aedituum ad sacra Templa Leonem, 
Nunc precibus, nunc vi, ferrum extorquere, minaces 
Exarmare hastas, nunc tradere Tybridis alveo 
Arma Ducum, illustres galeas, thoracas ahenos, 
Squallentes auro tunicas, atque sere trilicem 
Loricam, Mavortis equos, Mavortia castra, 
Gradivumque Patrem in Thracas armare furentes ; 
Aonidum dehinc cincta choro, vatumque piorum, 


Pontificis repetas sanctissima limina : tecum 
Sit pia relligio, sit morum grata bonorum 
Majestas, nulli deerunt sua prsemia nullus 
Principis a tanti pedibus non laetus abibit. 

No. LXX. 

(Page 183.) 

Alia Clarissima Signora et Madonna, Madonna Contessina 
Medical del Magnifico Piero Ridolphi consorte, et del 
Summo Pontifice Leone X. carnale Germana, Maestro 
Jo. Ja. Penni Medico Florentino S. P. D. 

OOGLIONO li desiderosi in scrivere, clarissima et unicha mia 
Patrona observandissima, quando vogliono alchuno opusculo 
mettere a luce, accio le rabide lingue senza lesione transgre- 
dere possino, dedicare a' qualche Magnifica o colenda per- 
sona accio sotto piu favorevole ombra emissa piu considera- 
tamente dalli Lettori gustata sia (ancorche el basso ingegno 
et la mia rauca cetra non merti dal Lauro dali descendenti 
de esso laude, o corona) Cosi io confiso nella tua benignia 
Magnificentia, o pigliato presumptione sotto 1' ombra di 
quella, la presente operetta mandar fora accio dove V ingeg- 
nio mio manchi el favore et humanita di quella per me sup- 
plisca. Et sappia V. S. non per altro essermi mosso se non 
la affectuosa volunta mia spronatomi, accio secundo mia 
conditione possi far cosa che sia grata a quella. Et anchora 
perche la famosa Prosapie Medica per spatio di tempo delle 
glorie immense, et famosi triomphi obnubilata, non inlau- 
data passasse, et accio li descendenti nostri per il tempo 
senza cognitione di si magno triompho non devessino res- 
tare. Et si vegia che '1 Summo Fattore miserato a questa 
nostra Europa, over Christianita, habi voluto el Laureo 
tempo, o vogliamo dire Aureo per sua dementia retorni ; 
che possiamo dire da che successela condolenda morte della 
Laurea Magnificentia, primo membro dello Italico poten- 
tato viridario virtuoso, et della Pontificia prole degno geni- 


tore, possemo dire da indi in qua la eta aurea con la vir- 
tuosa premiatione insieme con laureato corpo fossin sepulte, 
donde sequi che li Italici Potentate, lassate le virtuose imita- 
tione, ale quale a gara di Lauro davano opera, chi in vendi- 
carsi con el inimico, chi per cupidita di thesoro o regno, 
pigliate le arme in mano, detteno causa che la aure aeta in 
ferrea se convertisse : donde n' e sequito effusion di sangue, 
stupri, rapine, depopulation de cita, et quasi ruina de tutto 
questo nostro Italico Regno, come habiamo a tempi nostri 
oculata fide possuto inspicere : insino a tanto che '1 Summtf 
Rectore de questa mundial machina ha voluto per conser- 
vatione di quella, per vero Pastore delle anime dare a noi 
uno Leone, assai piu humile et immaculato che puro agnel- 
lo : qual cosa 1' universe cognoscendo, non la progenie sua, 
non la propria Cita, non Roma genitrice, ma tutta la Italia 
con la remanente Christianita con una vocealtro che '1 vi- 
vente Pastore non desiano. Siche unicha Patrona mia, 
conoscendo io non se convenire ad un mortale a laudare un 
che sempre alle divine fur sue opre equale, perche non al- 
tramente mi trovo tra le tante narrande laude Pont, et de 
sua geste implicate, qual nochiero troppo auso creduta la 
cimba sua a procellosi venti disperato ridursi al tuto et de- 
siato porto si trova. Pertanto non riguardando alia mia 
troppa ausa presumptione, ne al basso stile, ma piu presto 
alia sparsa et exviscerata servitu quali da nostri antecessori 
di continue alia nobile familia Medica e stata maxime cog* 
noscendo io non essere persona niuna piu gratamente fusse 
per acceptar tal dono, accio la S. V. absente le fraterne 
Pontificie laude et honesti triumphi lieta possa con 1' occhio 
mentale considerare quello che '1 corporale per la distantia 
del locho non a possuto : qual prego come affectuosamente 
si condona cosi gratamente quella si degni acceptare. An- 
chor che '1 donatore con la donata opera indegno si cog- 
nosca: pur qual sia con la continua servitu donando di 
continue alia 8. V. humanissima si racomanda, Vnlete. 


Ar. S. ad Lectorem. 

Cuncta mihi ex animo cesserunt optime lector 

Dum Pompae exactae grata trophea cano. 
Maximus haec cernit Pastor : Germanus et illi 

Julius : et Medices Candida turba domus. 
Attamen hoc unum conturbat gaudia, nullo 

Tempore quod LAURENS me leget ille prior ; 
Elysias sed si quicquam descendit ad umbras 

Heroum, hunc etiam tantula fama juvat. 

A. P. 

Qui vidit Decimi Lateranum Stemma Leonis 
Ille semel : cernes (hunc lege) multoties. 

Cronicha delle Magnifiche et konorate Pompefatte in Roma 
per la Creatione et Incoronatione di Papa Leone X. Pont. 
Opt. Max. 

NEL anno della salutifera Incarnatione M. D. XII. a Di 
XX. del mese de Febraro, in Dominica sequente, il Lunedi 
ad hore XI. di nocte ; La felice memoria de Julio II. Pont 
Max. de questa fragil vita passo, et portato dalli Canonici 
de San Pietro a sepellire in dicta Chiesa con debite et so- 
lemne cerimonie et pompa, come a tali Pontefici costumar si 
suole. Di poi per nove giorni continui furon celebrate per 
li Reverendissimi Cardinali le sumptuose et honorate exe- 
quie. Le quale finite il giorno sequente che forno Tre del 
Mese di Marzo da poi celebrata Messa del spirito Santo di 
commune concordia entrorno nel Conclave, quale preparato 
era nel palazo Apostolico nella Capella della fe. re. de Sixto 
IV. Pont. Max. Si quali forno in numero Vinticinque per 
eligere uno nuovo Pastore alia grege Christiana ; et infusi 
per il divino splendore del Spirito Sancto un Giovedi di 
nocte che forno Dieci del ditto mese di Marzo tutti ad una 
voce elessono in novo Pastore Joanni figliolo di Lorenzo de' 
Medici allhora Cardinale Diacono del titulo]de Sancta Maria 
in Domenica, di era di anni xxxvii. et mesi tre. Et la mat- 


tina sequente ad hore xiv. rotta la finestra del conclave quale 
era murata forno per el R. Alexandro de Farnesio Diaco, 
Cardinale de S. Eustachio tal parole con alta et intelligibili 
voce publicate ; Gaudium magnum nuntto robis, Papam ha- 
bemus, Reverendissimum Dominum Joannem de Medici* 
Diaconum Cardinalem Sanctee Mariee in Domenica; qui 
vocatur Leo Decimus. Finite de publicare le dicte parole 
fu sentito per satio de hore doi nel Castello Adriano et 11 
Palazo Apostolico, santo strepito et romore de bombarde et 
altre artiglierie et suoni di varii instrument! et campane et 
voce di populo gridare, VIVA LEONE, et PALLE PALLE, che 
parea proprio il cielo tonitruasse, o fulminasse. Non molto 
da poi assentato in una Cathedra Pontificale dal detto Con- 
clave con grande triumpho et comitato di tutto il Clero et 
Religiosi cantando Tc Deum laudamus, in la Chiesa di 
Pietro al magiore altare condutto fu, et quivi dalli Cardinali 
della sacra Chiesa fu intronizato. Pervenuta la sera del 
detto di, et per octo continui giorni per tutta 1' alma Citta di 
Roma furono fatti fuochi lumi et razi in segno di alegrezza; 
et in diversi lochi precipue tra nobili Mercanti Fiorentini 
furno buttati denari, et dispensato pane, et molte botte piene 
de vino in mezo delle piaze et strade si poneano ; et de 
ogni sorte de instrumente da sonare davanti allor case et 
palazi si sonavano, et facevansi grandissime feste, attal che 
Roma non fu mai piu si lieta. Fu preparata di fare la so- 
lenne Coronatione adi xix. del prefato mese. Sopra delle 
scale marmoree del Principe deli Apostoli fu constructo un 
grande et amplo Palcho ligneo, et erectovi octo columne 
bellissimi, et sopra di esse un cornicione rilevato si vedea 
ben fabricato che veramente marmoreo parea. Sotto del 
quale nel primo aspetto sculpto era un breve a lettere ma- 
juscule de oro, tal parole: LEONI X. PONT. OPT. MAX. LI- 


cumcirca di finissimi panni di razza adornato era. Venuta 
la mattina del prefato giorno fu condutto dalli soi insieme 
con tutto il sacro Collegio de Cardinali, Archiepiscopi, 
Episcopi, et Prelati dal suo Apostolico palazo, in la Chiesa 
di San Pietro, et quivi in la Capella dello Apostolo Andrea 


posato, furon cantati solennemente li matutinali Psalmi et 
orationi. Perfecte le decantate laude fu atlornato de habito 
sacerdotale per celebrare la Messa, et menato dalla decta 
Capella a 1' ara di Pietro, et el Maestro delle Cerimonie 
avanti di lui con doi arundine, una in man dextra, et 1' altra 
in la sinistra, in la summitate delle quale una ballotta di 
stoppa, et una candela accesa, et genuflectendosi davanti 
allui, ponendo la candela in la stoppa, tale parole exprimeva : 
Paler sancfe, sic transit gloria mundi. Pervenuto alia sacra 
ara di Pietro, quivi con grandissima divotione celebro la sua 
priina messa, la qual finita si condusse al palco sopranarrato, 
et demoratavi alquanto, fu da doi Cardinali, cioe il Cardi- 
nale Farnesio, et de Aragona, sopra del suo capo imposto 
un regnio di tre Corone circundato, et di molte altre varie 
perle et gioie adornato, con gran turaulto di tubicine et 
altri instrument! et alegreza di populo, fu coronato. Di poi 
con ilare fronte benedetto tutto il populo quivi presente, in 
lo Pontifical palazo retorno. Et ordinatosi per T undecimo 
giorno del sequente mese de andare ad acceptare la posses- 
sione del suo Episcopate Lateranese. Pervenuto il dicto 
giorno con tale ordine detteno principio alia felice caval- 

Radunati nella platea del Principe delli Apostoli gran 
moltitudine de gente per accompagnarlo alia Laterana Ec- 
clesia, in tal modo principiorno la triumphante andata. Pri- 
mo homini ducento a cavallo armati con lance, con bande- 
role, et in lor persona sajoni et calze con fiamme bianche et 
rossa, divisa Ursina. Non molto di poi a costoro venia piu 
di Cento Signori et Conti di diversi lochi, si della nobil 
genta Ursina et Colunna, come Sabellica et Contescha, de 
finissimi brochati et velluti adornati, loro et lor stafieri et 
cavalli. Alzando li occhi tra i primi mi parve di vedere quel 
famoso Signore Jo. JORDANO in mezo di quella honorata co- 
pia, cioe S. Fabricio Columna, et S. Julio Ursino. Sequia da 
poi a costoro, a dui a dui, S. Franciotto, el Conte Pitigliano, 
S. Prospero de Cavi, et S. Camillo, S. Mario, S. Octavio, 
et S. Amico, della nobil familia Ursina ; S. Alessandro de 
Pallestrina, et S. Federico Columna, S. Jo. Bapt. de Stabia, 


et S. Stephano di Valmontone, et mold altri per non esser 
fastidioso a V. S. lor nomi taccio. Appresso di costor se- 
quiano di molti et varii sonatori, vestiti alia divisa, o ver liv- 
rea del Pontifice, chi de velluto, chi de finissimo panno cioe 
biancho rosso et verde, et innel pecto un dignissimo richamo 
de oro facto vi era un Diamante con tre penne, una biancha, 
1'altra verde, e 1'altra pavonaza, ligate al pie con un brevicello, 
nel qual vi era questa parola scripta, SEMPER: et derieto nelle 
rene un Jugo, con questa over simil littera di sopra. N. Di 
sotto un brevicello che dicea, SUAVE. El significato di tal 
cosa lassaro a voi considerare. Sequiano da poi questi I'anti - 
guardia delli Greci, vestiti alia sopradetto livrea Pontificia 
di veste fatte a loro usanza con capelletti in testa, et lance 
con banderole et targhette. Apresso veniano le Valige delli 
Cardinal! della Sacra Chiesia con degnissimi richami di oro, 
factovi la oro insegna overo arme. Insieme con queste era- 
no doi simile rosate senza alcuno richamo, overo arme della 
Sanctita di nostro Signore ; le quale sopra de Cavalli che 
quelle portavano, sopra uno era el Barbiere di Sua S. et 1' 
altra el Sartore. Sequia costoro gran copia de nostri Concivi 
Merchanti di ricchissime veste di velluto, di raso chermosi, 
et panni rosatl vestiti : tra li quali mi parve cognoscer Pier 
Francesco di Borgarini, Bindo Altoviti, Bernardo Bini, 
Pandolpho della Casa, Luigi Gaddi, Pier del Bene, Fran- 
cesco della Fonte, Mario Guiducci, et Guidetto Guidetti : 
tutti con varie livree et devise alii loro staffieri. Non longe 
da costoro sequiano doi Maestri di Casa del prefato Ponti- 
fice, et derieto a dui li Scutiferi del nostro Signore vesti- 
ti di veste rosate, et Sajoni di damasco raso over vellu- 
to, et jupponi di raso chermusi : quali erano circa ducento 
sexanta. Et doppoi loro una Chinea bianca coperta di vel- 
luto, sopra del dorso suo una scaletta coperta di velluto 
chermusi ; con la quale el Papa monta a cavallo, era la so- 
prascritta Chinea da uno Palafriniere menata a mano, et lui 
con un bastone pinto rosso in mano. Sequian a costoro 
dodici Cursori vestiti de panni rosati sopra di belli cavalli 
con una bandiera in mano per uno di taflfetto rosso, con la 
insegna del Pontifice. Sequiano dapoi a costoro tredici 


giovani a piede, detti Conestavoli delli Romani, Capi de 
Regioni, con una bandiera in mano con la insegna della re- 
gione. Dapoi venian doi altri Cursor! Bidelli del Roman 
Gimnasio con una simile bandiera in mano, che vera de- 
pinto un Cherubino di focho per uno. Sequia non molto 
lontano da costoro lo Illustre Signore Giovangiorgio della 
nobil familia Cesarea, Confaloniere del populo Romano con 
un gran Vexillo in mano di seta rossa, di finissimo oro ador- 
nato, con la insegna del Populo Romano cioe littere simile 
de oro. S. P. Q. R. Et con lui hayea gran copia di staf- 
fieri de finissimi rasi et velluti vestiti. Venia di poi el nobile 
gentilhomo Giovanne Blanckfeldt de la Marcha Brande- 
burgen, quale era vestito di candidissima seta, con un sten- 
dardo in mano di taffetto bianco, con una Croce negra nel 
mezo, per la religione di Sancta Maria Teutonicorum, con 
molti Staffieri di seta biancha vestiti. Et appresso sequia 
il nobil Cavaliere Misser Julio della famosa casa de Medici, 
al presente Archiepiscopo Florentine, che per la religione 
di Sancto Joanni Hierosolimitano Rodiano, el gran sten- 
dardo havea di taffetto rosso con una croce biancha nel 
mezzo, con gran moltitudine di staffieri a sua livrea vestiti. 
Non molto dapoi venia il Signer Frachasso con un altro 
gran Vexillo di seta rossa con le Chiave : qual era del Ca- 
pitano della Sancta Chiesa, con staffieri di brochato di oro 
et velluto vestiti. Sequitava un altro Nobil giovane con un 
altro stendardo in mano, qual diceano esser del Confaloniere 
di sancta Chiesia, cioe del Ducha di Ferrara, con molti 
staffieri come li antedicti adornate. Dapoi a costoro venian 
piu de ducento Signori Baroni et Cavalieri : i quali, chi con 
el Ducha di Ferrara, chi con quel di Urbino, e chi con el 
Signoro di Camerino venuti erano : Intra li quali el Signor 
Carlo Baglioni vi si vedeva : et altri nipoti et Parenti di 
Cardinali de richissimi vestimenti adornati. Preteriti cos- 
toro veniano nove Cavalli chiamati Achinee bianchissime, et 
tre Mule di richissimi fornimenti et coper te di brochato 
d' oro et velluto chermusi, con adornamenti di purissimo ar- 
gento et oro, menate per mano da Parafrenieri vestiti con 
sajoni di velluto, jupponi di raso chermusi, scufie de oro, 


berrette di rosato, et cinti dc oro tirato, et bastoni di colore 
rosso in mano. Drieto a questi veniano doi Maestri di stalla 
con piu di quaranta famigli di stalla a pie vestiti di rosato. 
Da poi a questi sequitavan quattro nobili giovani Roinani 
nominati Scudieri di honore, li quali ciaschuno havea in 
mano un bastone di velluto chermusi, et in la summita era 
un cappello di velluto chermusi per uno della Sanctita di 
nostro Signore. Da poi a costoro sequivano cinquantasei 
coppie di Cubicularii, vestiti di rosato con li cappucci attor- 
no il collo foderati di bianchissimi armellini. In fine di questi 
erano quattro altri similmente : i quali dui di loro haveano 
una Mitria Episcopate in mano per uno, de richessime gioje 
et perl'e adornate, li altri doi Regni circondati di tre corone 
tutti de finissime gioje adornati. Sequiano poi dieci Corsi- 
eri con barde di brochato di oro coperte con regazi sopra 
con cimieri in testa bellissimi et lance in mano. Parvemi 
vedere dopo a questi Regazi el Signer Nicolo Nipote della 
fe : me : di Julio II. con lui molti Signoro sequitarlo con 
tanti adornamenti che diro, come disse il Mantuano Poeta: 
Non mihi si lingua centum sint oraque centum, ferrea vox, 
La minima parte non bastarebbe a narrare. Appresso ; di 
costoro sequian molti nostri Giovani floridi. Tra quali questi 
mi parve di cognosciere Pietro de Paulo Antonio Soderini, 
Pierfrancisco de Lorenzo de' Medici, Simone Tornabuoni, 
Giovannino de Giovanni de' Medici, Antonio de' Medici, 
Pietro de Jacomo Salviati, Luigi vostro primogenito, Ber- 
nardo del Butta de' Medici, Piero Pucci, Luigi Martelli, 
Misser Riciardo Milanesi, Raphaello Pucci, et Raphaello de' 
Medici, Girolamo Morelli, Philippo Strozzi, Francesco Tor- 
nabuoni, Antonio da Ricasoli, Leonardo Bartholini, et Mis- 
ser Philippo da San Miniato, Commessario generale del 
Sanctissimo Pontefice ; et molti altri assai, che per abreviare 
taceremo. Costoro ciaschaduno vestiti di finissimi drappi 
con varie livree di divise di drappi alii loro staffieri ricamente 
decorati passorno. Preteriti costoro sequiano li Oratori, si 
quelli della Marcha Anchonitana, como quelli del Patrimo- 
nio, del Ducato Spoletano, della Romandiola, ct de Bolog- 
na, et della nostra Cita floritla, vi erano Matheo Strozi, et 


Francesco Vittori, quello della Signoria Veneta, del Catho- 
lico Re di Spagna, del Christianissimo Re di Franza, quel 
del Serenissimo Imperajore in mezo di Jacobo Salviati, et 
del Illustre Julio Scorciati alhora Senator di Roma. Venne 
dapoi questi Francesco Maria Ducha di Urbino con livrea 
negra di velluto e raso se et sua staffieri, per dimostrare el 
dolore del suo Zio morto Julio II. Pont. Max. Et con lui 
el Magnifico Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici con infinita molti- 
tudine di staffiera a sua divisa et livrea. Et perche la Sanc- 
tita del nostro Signore Papa Leone, mentre che la hono- 
rata compagnia allordine cavalcava, voleva montare a ca- 
vallo, havendo dello ammanto Ducale rivestito lo Illustre 
Alfonso da Esti Duca Benemerito di Ferrara, el prefato 
Duca montata sopra della Chinea la quale doveva cavalcare 
el Papa, cavalco alquanti passi, et dipoi dismontato tenne 
la staff a al benignio Pontifice, et assettatogli li paramenti 
attorno, monto sopra del suo cavallo, et ando allo ordine 
dove nel processo del cavalcare lo ritroveremo. Da poi la 
onorata compagnia, dui Custodi Hostiarii con un baculetto 
in man per uno, coperti di velluto chermusi in segno di loro 
offitio. Et drieto aloro, tre Subdiaconi Apostolici, li quali 
quel di mezzo portava sopra de un gran bastone argenteo 
et deaurato la Sanctissima Croce. Sequia di poi una bian- 
chissima Chinea : et quella sopra del dorso suo havea un 
tabernaculetto adornato di brochato d' oro nel qual dentro 
si posava la Sacra Eucharistia, et di sopra era un bellissimo 
baldacchino, et circumcirca forsa vinticinque Parafrenieri 
con torce di purissima cera biancha accense in mano, et dri- 
etoli il Sacrista con un baculo ligneo in mano, per custodia 
di Christo. Successe da poi questi a dui a dui un Secretario 
et uno Advocate consistoriale. La prima coppia erano dui 
chiamati Perfetti navales, et havean tutti in dosso una cotta 
over camiso, et di sopra un Piviale, ma erano alia Aposto- 
lica, cioe scoperti il braccio diritto. Sequian costoro li Can- 
tori della Capella Pontificia, et li Clerici della Apostolica 
Camera, et li Advocati Consistoriali con loro, el Maestro del 
sacro Palazo, con li rochetti et cotte indosso. Dapoi sequian 
tutti li Episcopi, et Archiepiscopi, i quali forno circa CC. 


cinquanta, sopra di buoni cavalli coperti tutti di guarnello bi- 
ancho, excepto li occhi donde vedeano, et loro haveano in 
dosso sopra di loro rochetti Piviali adornati de richissimi 
lavori : et le initrie in testa di finissinie tele bianche. Se- 
quian poi li Cardinali della Sacra Chiesa a 1'ordine loro, 
cioe prima i Diaconi, da poi li Preti, li ultiini li Episcopi, 
vestiti secondo li sacri ordini che havevano, cioe li Diaconi 
con le Dalmutiche, li Presbiteri con le Pianete, et li Epis- 
copi con li Piviali de richissimi brochati di oro, sopra di Ca- 
valli coperti tutti Him in terra di tafFetto bianco, et loro con 
le initrie di candidissimo damasco in capo. Tra li quali dui 
primi Cardinali, cioe Sigismundo Reverendissimo Cardinale 
di Mantoa, et Alfonso Reverendissimo Cardinale Senense, 
era lo Illustre Duca di Ferrara de una richissima veste di 
oro adobato con gran copia di bene adornati staffieri : et 
ciascheduno de sopradetti Cardinali havea a piedi octo Pa- 
rafrenieri bene in online con un bastone biancho in mano 
per uno : et quattro o ver sei caraerieri con sajoni et robe 
di velluto damascho o raso. Veniva dapoi el R. Padre 
Paris de Grassis Episcopo Pisaurensis. Maestro delle Ce- 
rimonie. Dapoi lui Alexandro Cardinale di Farnesio, et 
Reverendissimo Cardinale di Aragona. Dapoi la guardia 
delli Elvetii in giubone bianchi e rossi et calze simile con 
un broncone verde, che nasceva dal pie ritto, et per la gatn- 
ba di fuore si distendeva per el giubone sino alia mano, che 
pareva una pittura. Veniano dapoi questi li Parafrenieri 
del Papa, insieme con li Capi de' Region! de Roma vestiti 
di raso chermusi, et velluti et altri richi drappi, et con Co- 
lon* li Conservator! et altri Official! Roman!, tutti di finis- 
simi velluti chermus! vestiti ; et questi portavano lo hono- 
rato baldacchino. Sotto del quale sopra di una Achinea 
veniva quello Illuminatore della fede Christiana, dicho Suc- 
cessor di Pietro, LEONE DECIMO con un richissimo piviale 
adosso, et un regnio in testa adornato di tre corone auree, 
et di molte altre gioje et pietre pretiose, donando la sua 
sancta Bcnedictione a tutto quanto il populo che per le 
strade genuflexo a veder era, et ad aha voce gridava, VIVA 
LEONE LEONE, et PALLE PALLE, per terra et per mare, chr 


per infino al cielo da picoli puti, dali giovani et di vechi, et 
donne tal boche risonavano. Sequia derieto a lui lo Ulustre 
Giovanni Maria de Varano S. di Camerino, et il R. patre 
Mercuric de Vipera Decano delli Auditori di Rota, et Ca- 
pellano del prefato Pontifice. Appresso venia un Clerico de 
la Camera Apostolica, nomato Misser Ferrando Ponzetto, 
quale havea davanti lo arcione del cavallo doi sportoni pierii 
de danari, con la impronta overo insegna del prefato Lepne 
X. et de quelli per tutta la via, hora in qua hora in la, ad tut- 
to il populo spargendo. Di poi costui sequiano li Reverendi 
Prothonotarii con veste ad usanza Cardinea, excepto che li 
Capelli erano tutti negri. Finalmente sequia la retroguardia, 
quali erano piu di quattrocente Balestrieri, a cavallo, con sa- 
joni alia divisa over livrea Pontificia, delli quali ne eran 
Capitani Guido Guaina, Giornamo degli Albizi, et Vincentio 
de Tibure. Cosi felicemente ad ordine questa ornata' com- 
pagnia andava fino alia Sede Lateranense. Et immediate di 
poi questi tutti di nuovi panni et drappi passo la mia Magni- 
ficagine, come la Mula del Zacheria, cioe con li mia forni- 
menti vechi, con livrea di calze una rotta, et 1' altra straciata, 
senza staffieri, perche ero a pie. Partendosi de Pontifical 
palatio trovorno davanti la casa di Cechotto Jenuese uno 
apparato quadrato in tal modo costrutto. Sopra di quattro 
columne argentate era un bello festone, et di sopra un fre- 
gio di panno azuro attorno attorno, adornato di dentro di 
diamanti, penne, et Jugi, et Palle deaurate, con odoriferi 
profumi. Dalla parte di ruora del predicto fregio verso il 
palatio a lettere di oro tal parole vi erano scripte : LEONI X. 
banda die '1 Capel Castel rimirava, a simil lettere tal parole 
del narrate fregio era una coronice che veramente marmo- 
rea parea, et il cielo del apparato era di panni chiamati ro- 
vesci azurri. Di sopra in ciaschuno angulo della coronice 
era una Palla deaurata, et fra le dui Palle era una insegnia, 
o vero arme Pontificia. Di sotto tra una columna et 1'altra 
per ogni parte era uno quadro di pittura da non insuffitiente 
Maestro pitte : in quel che da man destra stava, era il Papa 


in un cielo infra dui rami di palme, et dalla dextra mano un 
Sancto Pietro et un Sancto Paulo che parlavan col dicto Pa- 
pa, et da 1' altra mano si vedea un angelo sonare una tromba, 
et havea nella banderiola della tromba 1' arme Pontiticia : 
sotto a questo si vedea uno arco cioe Iris, et sotto 1' archo 
montagnie, fiumi, pianure, arbori, frondi, homini et domic, 
et un brevicello che dicea : APERTUS EST ORBIS ET EXIVIT 
REX GLORIA. Dalla sinistra mano dello apparato in nel qua- 
dro era pitto il Pontifice che sedea, et dalla mano dextra 
eron molti Re genuflexi che li presentavano oro et argento, 
et di sopra di questi era un brevicello che dicea: PARCERE 
SUBJECTIS : Da T altra mano erano certi Imperatori con un 
altro brevicel di sopra che dicea: DEBELLARE SUPERBOS. 
Dal narrato apparato di qua et di la, la strada per insino al 
Castello Adriano de bellissimi panni parata si vedeva. Alia 
porta del prefato Castello era un palco ligneo coperto di 
brocchati di oro et sericei drappi ; qui erano molti Judei 
con le tabelle de loro legge con octo facelle bianche di cera 
accense, et quando quivi pervenne LEONE X. PONT. OPT. 
MAX. domandorno esserli confirmate le loro lege : pigliato 
dal prefato Pastore dalloro un libello aperto in mano, et 
lectovi alquanto, queste dui parole mi parve de intender : 
Confirmamus sed non consentimus, lassandosi caschare il li- 
bro in terra seguito il suo camino. Dal Castello sino allo 
exito del ponte era apparato de belli et richi panni adornati 
con festoni et insegne Pontificie, Jugi, diamanti, et penne. 
Allo exito del ponte era un bellissimo arco, che a quelli che 
alii antiqui triumphanti Romulei si faceano : el quale in tal 
forma stava. Questo dignissimo arco dalla parte che f l Cas- 
tello riguardava da ogni banda facea un poco di curvo, in- 
nella qual curvita in quella che da man dextra era, si vedeva 
depicta una donna che tenea in la man sinistra un libro, et 
la dextra con un digito disteso alzava verso il cielo, ncllaltra 
curvita era un Apollo con la lira in mano, et la pelle di Mar 
sia in su la spulla et I' arco et la pharetra a li piedi, haveva 
di poi il prefato arco dua pilastri con li suoi capitelli, nel 
mezo de quali artifiziosamente di ciascuno uscia una fon- 
tana. Di quella che da man dextra era usciva di una palla 
VOL. n. 2 E 


vino mero et singulare, et dall altra di una guastada di vino 
acqua clarissima et pura : et sopra i capitelli di ditti pilastri 
era uno architrave che quando era sopra la medietate della 
curvita dello arco vi stava una testa di Leone che haveva 
appenso un diamante in bocca : era sopra questo architrave 
un fregio pitto a Leoni, diamanti, et penne, et sopra tal fre- 
gio una coronice, et di sopra uno epitaphio a lettere di oro 


STUDIOSO : di sopra lo narrate epitaphio un altra coronice 
dove sopra vi si posava la inclita insegnia Pontificia in mezo 
di dua Leoni i quali ciascuno un piede sopra una Palla et 
1'altro alia insegna teneano, et havevan di sotto un brevicello 
per uno, delli quali uno ne dicea : PR^EDA DIGNA ME/E GLO- 
RIA, et 1' altro, Mini CUR^E EST. Entrato poi sotto lo arco 
nel suo celo si vedea in uno ottangulo la Pontificate insegna, 
et era tutto questo cielo ad octanguli compartito, dentrovi 
varie fantasie tra li quali in uno era lo Redemptor nostro 
Jesu Christo, che dava le chiave al principe delli Apostoli, 
Pietro. En in 1' altro un sacrifi tio vi si vedea ; et da ogni 
banda del dicto arco nelle sue faccie di dentro eran doi 
belli quadri ne quali quello che da man dextra era si vedea 
il Pontifice in una cathedra Pontificalmente aparato sedere, 
et de intorno molti Imperatori Re et Principi i quali parea 
che se pacificassino et adorassinlo : da 1' altra inano molti 
populi che se abbracciavano. A piede della sua degna re- 
sidentia erano due fanciulli che haveano una facella di fuo- 
cho in mano et radunati molti instrumenti bellici si li abrus- 
ciavano. Dalla man sinistra del arco era la nobil Cita Flo- 
rida et molti concivi di quella parea che lietamente el Papa 
in habito Cardineo hilari lo acceptassino, si che festigiando 
parea che dentro alle porte di quella volessino intrare. Et 
cosi dentro questo arco era situate senza narrare le parte 
da pie, le quale per non esser prolixo lasso. Dalla facciata 
di fuora cioe la parte che nelli banchi riguardava stava co- 
mo nella faccia che rispondeva verso il Castello, excepto che 
questa parte facea doi gomiti piu larghi che li anteditti : nel 
gomito ad mano dextra era un tabernaculo, o vogliam dire 


un niezo nichio nel qualc si vctlea tli rilievo una figura de 
una donna assai piu grantle del naturale, et questa dalla dex- 
tra inano havea una spada, et dalla sinistra una Palla, e sotto 
i piedi un brevicello di tal tenore: E CCELO TANDEM REDI. 
E di sopra passato lo architrave fregio et cornice era pur di 
rilievo un Christo che parea parlassi, tanto naturale si vedea : 
questo havea le chiave in mano, et alii piedi un hreve che 
della man stancha de 1 archo in un nichio era una donna 
rispondente al altra, la quale havea un Regnio Papale dalla 
dextra mano, et dalla sinistra una pnlma, et sotto i piedi un 
breve di tal suono: PRECLAR. VIRTUTIS PREMIUM. Et 
sopra li medesimi ornamenti detti era pur di rilievo genu- 
flexo un Sancto Pietro che guardava a Christo che da 1' al- 
tra banda habiamo scritto, lo epitaphio che da questa banda 
era sopra lo arco diceva: LEO X. PONT. MAX. VINCENDO 
SEIPSUM OMNIA supERAViT. Et di sopra doi Leoni con 1' 
arme come da 1' altra banda havemo narrato con un brevi- 
cello sotto, che T uno di tal suono era: SUPPLICES GENEROSE 
Et mold altri adornamenti che per non esser fastidioso las- 
so. Questo sopranarrato arco per lo Episcopo Petruccio 
Castellano del prefato Castro fu ordinato. 

Et seguitando la strada el Sanctissimo nostro Leone, 
avanti la casa del nobil Misser Augustino Chisi Senese era 
edificato uno memorabile arco di tal forma. Era posto so- 
pra di octo columne in quadro ad ogni cantone una qua- 
dra, et per di dentro una tonda, et faccva di sopra un piano 
con un architrave fregio et coronice, et in nel fregio dalla 
banda che riguardava il Castello cran dui versi a lettere di 


HABET. Et sopra il verso era la cornice et uno Epitaphio 
Licisstno. Et da ogni banda dello Epitaphio era un taber- 
naculo cioe mezo nichio ne quali in quello che era da mano 
dextra vi stava una figura viva, la quale representava Apollo. 
Et da man sinistra nel altro mezo nichio un altra figura viva, 


che representava Mercuric. Venia sopra questi Taberna- 
culi, e lo Epitaphio una cornice a uno piano, dove che di 
sopra alia dextra mano in su lo angulo era di rilievo una 
statua, che era dal mezo in suso homo, et dalla meta in giu 
Serpente, et tenea in mano uno oriolo a polvere, et da 1' al- 
tra mano innello angulo era pur di rilievo un Centauro, et 
sopra uno saltare era posto a sedere un Leone nel mezo del 
arco : di dentro il palco suo di sopra nel mezo era la inseg- 
na del Papa : et da ogni banda quella del prefato Augustino 
Chisi. Et dalle faccie in ciascuna un quadro bellissimo di 
diverse materie picto, et sotto li quadri era da ogni banda 
tre mezi nichi, ne quali in quel di mezo era una Nimpha, et 
di qua et di la dui Mauri piccoli vivi, si da 1' una banda co- 
me da 1' altra. La Nimpha che era dalla dextra mano con 
audace faccia recito alquanti versi. Drento in li quadri, 
precipue quello che in la man dextra eravi pitto, in fra dui 
monticelli una donna, la qual cavava la spina del piede ad 
un Leone : et questa la figuravano per la Virtu, dove poi 
questa medesima donna era assaltata da molti varii et vene- 
nosi serpenti, et parea quasi che ristretta a perire a tal che 
il detto Leone con grande impeto quelli assaltava et libera- 
vala da tale insidiatione, et havevane morti parechi a piedi. 
Eravi dapoi un Spirito Angelico, che coronava il Leone di 
tre corone Pontificie. Nel quadro dalla mano sinistra era 
una donna per la Virtu, la quale havea quattro Vitii da se 
schacciati : era prostrato in terra, uno in forma di huomo 
grosso, et havea una mescola in mano, et tre donne che pa- 
rea volessino fugire, tra le quale una giovane et bella era 
con una borsa in mano, et 1' altra bellissima che parea che 
un braccio tirassi 1' altro braccio, et 1' altra era una vecchia. 
Figuravan costoro Gula, Avaritia, Luxuria, et Invidia. 
Quella che era Virtu era in loco piu elevato che queste al- 
tre, et haveva un Leone che lo porgea nel zodiaco alia Ver- 
gine, et lei infra se el Cancro lo metteva, vedevasi in questa 
Zona Gemini el Cancro la Vergine, et parte della Libra, et 
questo Leone porto dalla Virtu alia Vergine. Di fuori ver- 
so la Zeccha era decorato nel medesimo modo che era ver- 
so il Castello, ne altra differentia vi si vedea, salva che '1 


breve che era nel fregio da questa banda cosi a lettere di 
oro era descripto : VOTA DEUM LEO UT ABSOLVAS HOMI- 


RITUS. Et le figure che erano poste nelli tabernaculi, una 
rapresentava la Liberalita, et 1' altra la Dea Pallas. Et le 
figure che erano in su li anguli, era una Donna, la quale 
haveva un freno di cavallo in mano. Et dall altra banda 
del arco era un homo con un timone, et molte altre cose, che 
per non esser prolisso taccio, perche volendo veder tutto, 
caminare mi bisognia. Basti che Misser Augustino mostro 
lo animo suo essere in ogni parte generoso. 

Ne mi pare di lasciare indrieto che passato il prenarrato 
Arco sopra della Bottega di Maestro Antonio da San Marino 
Orefice, stava una Statua di Venere Marmorea ; la quale ha- 
veva un verso di sotto a lettere de oro scripte : il quale illu- 
dea alquanto quelli de Misser Augustino Chisi : cioe quelli 
che dicea, OLIM HABUIT CYPRIS. Quello che sotto della 
dicta Venere stava in tal modo risonava ; MARS FUIT, EST 
PALLAS, CYPRIA SEMPER ERO. Et di continue la dicta sta- 
tua acqua clarissima spargeva. 

Non so se'l mio rozo ingegno potra tanto, che narri 1' arco, 
over edifizio facto da nostri Concivi mercanti Fiorentini. 
Era la intrata di questo ornato edifitio di qua et di la sopra 
doi pilamidoni una bellissima columna per uno, et ciaschuna 
il suo pilastro capitello et architrave fregio et cornice. In su 
la columna a mano dextra era San Pietro con le chiave in 
mano, et un libro. Da 1' altra banda pur sopra di una co- 
lumna era un S. Paulo, che havea nella man dextra un libro, 
in 1' altra la spada. Questi dui figure erano di rilievo co- 
perte tutte di oro et parevano proprie vive. Dallo archi- 
trave di ciascuna columna longo il muro si partiva archi- 
trave fregio et cornicione distendendosi insino alia columna 
del arco. Et da ogni banda erano quattro pilastri con li 
capitelli. El fregio de jughi et Leoni per insino a li archi 
questo andito o vogliamo dire portico, era tutto di bellissimi 
panni di raza parato. Et perche la longeza di un panno 
benche grandi fussero non servivan a 1' altezza, avevano in 
questo mezo fatto un fregio di brochato a la largheza della 


peza, tal clie tutto lo apparato pareva una pittura. Hora 
perche le facce de 1' adornamento si se affrontava dui strade 
come si sa, noi havendo a descrivere primamente parleremo 
de uno e poi de 1'altro ; et diremo prima di quello che era 
in la Via Pontificum, et poi del altra. Et perche la facciata 
dinanzi era comune ornamento di tutti a dua li archi la des- 
criveremo. Questa facciata era con quattro belle columne 
in su li loro pilamidoni che veramente di altro che di bian- 
chissimo marmo non si judicavano profilate di finissimo oro. 
Infra li dui archi si se videva da basso, cioe al piano delle 
columne tre tabernaculi li quali alia intrata de tutti quattro 
columnette se li adornava; li dua da li canti sopra le columne 
havevan lo architrave fregio et cornicione ; sopra del quale 
si voltava un mezo arco compartito con arte assai ne vacui, 
in uno era un diamante con tre penne e'l breve, et in 1' altro 
era un jugo pur con uno altro brevicello ; quello del mezo 
solo havea lo architrave et era piu spacioso, perche li altri 
dui havevan un mezo nichio per uno, et una figura, et ques- 
to dui mezi nichi et dua figure : nel mezo tutte coperte di 
oro di grandeza alquanto magiore di huomo naturale si era 
un Christo nudo, et Sancto Joanni Protector della nostra 
Cita Florida, che lo battezava ; et ne tabernaculi dalli canti 
era da 1'uno San Cosmo, et dal altro San Damiano. Non 
mi fu di poca allegreza veder li Medici sopra li triomphali 
Archi, perche pensai noi altri essere favoriti dalli Cieli. Ma 
poi molto male me ne e riuscito, perche Idio havendo fatto 
delli Medici el Papa, gli pare allui che noi siamo tutti richi; 
ne gli pare, che sia piu conveniente che nessuno si si amali, 
che si dia ferite. Et per piu nostro fastidio scaccia el mal 
francioso di Italia; non so come la andera. Credo bisog- 
niera che el Papa ci faccia tutti Episcopi, a volere potere 
regerci. Qualche cosa fia, sequitiamo nostro ordine. Sopra 
la figura del mezo era un breve tenuto da dui Leoni che 
tenevano i piedi sopra de tabernaculi, et a lettere di finis- 
simo oro in campo azurro tal parole risonava : MIRABILIS 
DEUS IN SANCTIS suis. Et sopra questi una cornicetta et 
dui altri tabernaculi dove si vedeva in quello da mano dex- 
tra un San Lorenzo, et da man sinistra un San Juliano coi 


Falcone in pugno. Nel mezo infra questi dui tabernaculi 
era depitto de finissimo lavoro la cena del nostro Signer 
Jesu Christo con li Apostoli ; et poi di sopra, un architrave 
che sopra tutti a dui li archi se destendea era un fregio bel- 
lissimo di colore azuro, fino nel quale questo verso a lettere 
di oro vi era posto : LEO X. PONT. OPT. DE CCELO MISSO, 
sopra questo breve era un bellissimo cornicione, dove sopra 
alii dui summitate delli archi si riposava supra ciascuna una 
figura a jacere con un corno di dovitia, le quale quella che 
era sopra 1'arco de Via Pontificum havea volto il volto verso 
banchi, et 1'altra dalla Via Florida havea volte le spalle ; de 
drieto a queste figure, et sopra tutto lo apparato che si ve- 
dea dinansi, era con bellissime figure picte decorato con 
certi saltari dove dui candiliera di marmo candidissimo sta- 
vano, et in mezo la honorata Arme del Pontifice, ct dalle 
bande che venivano apunto sopra delli archi era un bellissi- 
mo giglio roso insegna del populo Fiorentino. Nelli trian- 
guli dello arco che prima vogliano parlare si era la Sibilla 
Libica, ne 1' altro la Sibilla Persicha. 4 Ne pilastri delli co- 
luiniic era depinto varie fantasie, bronconi, palle, jughi, et 
diamante. Entrando sotto lo artificioso arco el suo cielo 
tutto ad otto anguli compartito, nelli quali in quel di mezo 
era la nobil insegna del Papa, nelli altri varie fantasie erano. 
Nelle faccie de dentro dello arco stavan dui quadri di degna 
pictura facti in tal forma ; innel uno era uno arboro secco 
sopravi dui piccholi rami viridi, et sopra questo arbor eran 
tre putti che se attenevano ct attacchavansi meglio che po- 
tevano, et allo fusto dello arbore erano tre huomini nidi le- 
gati, et da ogni banda era sopra una scdia una donna, la 
quale haveva dietro alle spalle uno angelo, che li tenea so- 
pra il capo una palla, et una di queste haveva alii piedi tre 
Re, che tenevano le corone in terra, et stavano genuflexi, et 
1 altra donna che haveva di molti homini attorno, et un 
come Sacerdote li mostrava un Leone, et tenea una grilan- 
da in mano. Sopra queste figure erano ccrte altre figure 
picchole che giucavano alia palla con quelli putti che erano 
sopra lo arboro detto. Nel altro quadro pitto vi si vedea 


una palla nel cielo infra Cherubini et Seraphim, ed dua An- 
gioli, che una negulata parea, tenessino questa palla, et sotto 
questa nugola era figurata una Cita che ardea, et a pie di 
questa Cita era una donna in sedia con molte donne et ho- 
mini attorno con palle in mano et a piedi una paniera di 
palle infra rose et fieri se potea considerare, et cosi stavano 
le picture de li dui quadri di questo arco. Lo esito dell 
arco erano dui bellissime columne sopra li pilamidoni come 
stava nella banda dinanzi, et nelli trianguli dello arco era 
pitta da una banda la justitia et da 1' altra la forteza, et di 
sopra lo architrave fregio et cornice. Da questo arco nas- 
cea un bellissimo adornamento fatto fare del prudente de 
ogni liberalita pieno Messer Johanni Zincha Teutonico, pa- 
trone della Zeccha della Romana Camera et Sede Aposto- 
lica. Nel quale apparato molte diverse et varie cose no- 
tande vi si vedea ; delle quale ne daremo notitia secondo 
che '1 nostro debile ingenio saperra. Questo magnifico or- 
namento nascea di sopra e detto dal arco cioe sopra le co- 
lumne nascea lo architrave, cosi il fregio et cornicione, et 
distendevasi da ogni faccia tanto quanto la onorata casa 
della Zeccha si destendea, alia fine del quale eran dui belle 
columne dove di sopra et sopra la strada passava un archi- 
trave un fregio, et una cornice dove stava la triumphante 
Arme del nostro Signore Leone X. Pont. Max. et dalla 
man dextra 1' arme dello Imperatore, et dalla sinistra quella 
dil Re d'Ungaria, vedeansi dalla banda di fuore como da 
quella di dentro, dalla banda di dentro sotto alle arme era 
scritto tal parole : LEONI X. PONT. MAX. Dal altra di 
fuora : VIRTUTUM AMATORI. Drento a questo apparato 
era tutto di panni di raza bellissimi adornato ; et sopra un 
fregio bellissimo de jugi, diamanti, et bronchoni, et quattro 
Arme del Papa : Sottovi un breve che dicea : FELIX Ro- 
cora vi si vedea octo tondi quattro per lato, con octo fanta- 
siete assai bene ordinate, et sei octanguli tre per banda com- 
partiti con li tondi et frame zati tie jughi et diamanti, delle qual 
storie narraremo : etprima delli tondi, et poi delli octo anguli. 


Era in nel primo tondo di pictura figurato uno fiumc, 
alia ripa del qualc un Pastore havea acceso un gran foco, 
et con una sua reticella con grande affectione parea che pes- 
cassi, et (juanti pesci venenosi et di mala natura pigliava in- 
nello acceso foco lo roettea. Et quelli che erano boni ncl 
medesimo h'ume li buttava. Et era sotto il tondo un brevi- 
cello di tal parole; NON DESINAM USQUE AD UNUM. 

Nel secundo circulo era picto un putto sopra di uno loco 
rilevato alquanto, et havea in inano uno breve di tal tenore : 
VIRTUS CUNCTIS EMINET. Et alii piedi havea molti vecchi, 
li quali lo adoravano con le mano giunte, et le genochia in 
terra, con un altro motto di sotto che cosi diceva: CANICIBS 


El tergo tondo vi se vedea una Cita assediata da uno ex- 
cercito grandissimo di gente de arme et fanteria et artiglia- 
ria, come se rechiede a tale exercitio. Et sotto questo era 
un breve che dicea: TE PRESIDE NIL VEREOR. 

Innel quarto tondo pur di pictura se comprendea un 
campo pieno di Spine, et molti venenosi animaletti, nel 
mezzo del quale parea che con difh'culta uscissi un fiorito et 
bello giglio : et sotto vi era un breve di tal tenore : NON 


El quinto tondo era decorato sopra de una Sedia pontifi- 
calmente un Papa, alii piedi del quale si vedea dui Re li 
quali genuflexi deposte le Corone in terra lo adoravano, et 
vedevasi dui Leoni, li quali pareva che li ditti Re lecchas- 
sino et facessino loro honore. Et sotto a costoro anchora 
si vedea dua armati tutti, et ciascuno un feroce Leone che 
con loro certava. A questa degna consideratione era sos- 
peso un breve che diceva : PROSTRATIS PLACIDUS, REBEL- 


Nel sexto tondo si vedea una Navicella da quattro venti 
combattuta contrari 1* uno al altro : dentro alia quale si vedea 
un giovane il qual parea che un suo zufoletto sonassi con 

Nel settimo tondo si vedea un Hume che repente caschava 
da certe foce, et venia ad un bello piano dove si vedeva 
molte varie et diverse spetie de animali per natura inimici ; 


li quali di commune concordia beano tutti a quella acqua, 
et era appenso a questo circulo un tal breve : NATURALIS 


Innel octavo et ultimo tondo era un fiore del quale uscia 
una palla, et della palla duo tralci ne usciva, lo uno facea 
grano bellissimo, et 1'altro uva: et queste spiche et uve 
pereano che coprisse tutta una Palla, in la quale era il mon- 
do figurato, sotto al tondo tal brevicello era suspense : Au- 


Nel primo octangulo si vedea un Papa che tenea un piede 
sopra la terra et 1' altro nel mare, et havea nella man dextra 
una chiave colla quale apriva el Cielo, et nella sinistra un 
altra chiave : et drieto a lui si vedea la nobile Cita Florida 
elevata in acre, et sotto a questo di tal tenore il breve era : 

Nel secondo si se vedea el Papa che incensava lo altare, 
in compagnia molti Cardinali et Episcopi con le mitrie in 
capo, et molti Preti, Fratri, et altri Religiosi, eravi scripto : 
TAMQUAM AARON. Et a pie del octangulo tal breve sos- 


Nel tertio si vedeva la ruota della Fortuna, nella summita 
sua il Papa, ne altri dalli canti ma la Fortuna, che la rota 
tenea ferma ; et eravi sospeso un breve che in nome de la 
fortuna tal parole risonava : IMMOBILIS CONSISTO, QUIA TE 


Era nel quarto sopra un carro triumphale la Maesta dello 
Imperatore, et il Re di Franzia, et il Re di Spagna, da un 
altra parte era il Papa che guardava questo carro con quelti 
Re che pareano di alegrezza pieni triumphassino, et sotto a 
questo tal breve era scripto: CUNCTI FIDELES GAUDIUM 


Drento al quinto si vedea il Papa con li cubiti sopra del 
altare con le man giunte, et le ginocchia in terra, et drieto 
a lui haveva molte gente armate, et era scripto nello octan- 


gulo : TAMQUAM MOYSES, et sotto il detto octangulo un 
breve era di tal tenore : Tu BENE ATQUE CONSTANTER DI- 

Nel sexto et ultimo octangulo erail Cbncilio Lateranense 
cio il Papa con tutti li Cardinali et li Imbasciatori, et il 
Papa a tutti dava la benftdictione ; di tal tenore sotto a 
questo era il breve : Tu CONCILIO FINEM IMPONES, AC EC- 


Passato il degno apparato apresso de monte Giordano da- 
vanti una Chiesiola nomata Sancto Angelo in Macerello, era 
una tiguretta non molto grande sopra di un broncone chesi 
cavava de un pie una spina, del loco della spina acqua cla- 
rissima usciva, sopra la figura erano questi tre versi : De- 
cembrefu al suo natal favore. Aprile al cor It die pena et 
tormento. Marzo cavato /'a cCogni dolore. Seguitando il 
camino tutta la strada era parata et coperta di richissimi 
panni, et in mold lochi Altari adornati de molte argentarie 
per magnificentia del novo Pontifice. Andavano le voce al 
cielo di LEONE LEONE, et PALLE PALLK. Pervenuto apresso 
alia pia/,a de parione davunti la casa di Messer Ferrando 
Ponzetta, della Apostolica Camera Clerico, era un degno 
arco di tal struttura. Havea questo degno Arco una en- 
trata o vogliamo dire porticho, cioe, sopra dui pilami- 
doni dui columne, una da ogni banda della strada, so- 
pra delle quale lor architrave, fregio, e cornice. Da una 
parte stava un Perseo de rilievo con lo scudo in braccio : 
et in la man dextra teneva una corona de ulivo, sopra de 
1'altra era uno Apollo die teneva in un. mano una corona 
di lauro, nell altra una lyra. Di queste columne et loro ar- 
chitrave fregio et cornice lungo il muro da ogni parte della 
strada se destendeano insino a 1* arco che era in mezo de dua 
altre columne. Nelli spatii del portico alle sue facie in una 
di quelle era picto in habito Cardineo el Papa in sedia, et 
parea che con certi vecchi disputassi, et tutti vincente lui 
alegro si mostrava. Dal altra banda si vedea et popule 
gentile che adoravano un Serpente, et parea che vcnissi 
Moises, et sopra di loro facevi piover Serpenti venenosi. 


Et sopra le dui colonne che lo arco tenevano era de rilievo 
un Mercuric, che dalla dextra tenea un rufoletto, et dalla 
sinistra il baculo con li serpenti, et sopra del altra era 
Diana con 1' arco in mano. El fregio che adornava tutto 
questo arco era pieno di jughi, diamanti, penne et bron- 
choni. Sopra il fregio et cornicione da questa parte sopra lo 
arco era uno epitaphio di tal tenore : SCOLA OMNIUM VIRTU- 
TUM IN ECCLESIA DEI RENATA EST. Et sopra lo epitaphio 
era una cornice, disopravi dua bellissimi Leoni, li quali te- 
nevano 1'arme della Sanctita de nostro Signore Leone X. 
Pont. Max. Di dentro allo archo tutto il suo cielo era 
fatto di rilievo compartito Palle, Regni, et Chiave, et da 
ciaschun canto dello arco era un quadro de pictura con 
figure bellissime, tra le quale in quello da man dextra era 
un Lauro, el quale oltra il suo piccolo seme, o frutto, pro- 
ducea certe palle in nelle quale in una che nel mezo si ve- 
dea aperta, ne usciva un bambino piccolo con le mano gi- 
unte, parea che uno angelo li figurato parlassi, et a pie del 
verdigiante Lauro si vedeva molti homini et donne giovani 
et vecchi genuflexi stavano ad adoralo. Nell altro da man 
stancha era figurato il Papa in habito Cardineo, sopra di 
una mula, et havea in compagnia soldati, et vedevasi quello 
gia a canto a una riva de un fiume, dove una piccola bar- 
cheta sopra de 1' acqua si riposava, et vedevasi in aere sopra 
1' acqua un angelo che scacciava quelli che con arme in 
compagnia de lui erano. Dalla parte di fuora verso la piaza 
de Parione, lo arco senza lo antiporto in un medesimo modo 
era posto, excepto che sopra una delle colunne era posto 
una figura di rilievo, cioe un giovane armato con un scudo 
in braccio, dentrovi un breve che dicea, LIBERTAS ; et da 
1' altra banda una figura di donna che tenea in mano una 
grillanda di varii fiori, et era vestita tutta de bianco. Et lo 
epitaphio posto da questa banda dicea : LEO X. PONT. 


TAM. Et passato il detto arco di qua et di la la strada, et 
di sopra era apparata di richissimi panni, et cosi in tanto 
gaudio pervenuto dalla casa dello Episcopo della Valle, era 
quivi davanti uno arco di laude, degno non per la sublime 


fabrica, ma per memoria dclli antiqui Romani. Stava in 
questa forma ; dalla banda de nanzi verso Parione da ogni 
banda del arco un pilamidone, et un pilastro con suo capi- 
tello, et sopra di ciaschuno pilamidone era posto uno Phau- 
no di statura quanto uno homo giusto, di pietra marmorea, 
et ciaschuno havea sopra della testa una paniera di varii 
pomi piena, et erano statue antiche di tanta belleza quanto 
dir se possino ; sopra li capitelli de pilastri era uno archi- 
trave, fregio, e cornicione, e sopra la Pontificale insegna ; 
el cielo dello archo era de panni setuasi benissimo, et da 
1' una delle facce sotto lo archo era un Ganimede, et uno 
Apollo, et un Baccho statue marmoree antique, et certe 
teste bellissime pur antique ; dal altra banda era una Ve- 
nere, et un altro Baccho con certe teste pur antique. Dalla 
parte di fuora verso S. Marco stava como gia dalla prenar- 
rata banda, excepto che le statue marmoree clie erano so- 
pra i pilamidoni in uno era un Mercurio, et in 1' altro un 
Hercole puro antique, fu existimato bello adornamento solo 
per la admiratione delle cose antique. Procedendo allo ho- 
norato camino, al cantone della pillicciaria di verdura eravi 
un archo el quale per due versi che erano nel fregio non 
ho voluto preterirlo senza narrarli, li quali cosi resonavano. 
Cavalchato alquanto da qui per il suo camino davanti alia 
casa de Messer Evangelista de Rossi nobile patritio Ro- 
mano, erano tante statue di marmo, Alabastri, et Porfidi, 
che valeano un thesoro, et per essere antique et belle mi e 
parso narrarne alquante. Prima vi vidi una Diana de Ala- 
bastro che proprio parlar volessi mi parea, di poi un Nep- 
tuno con el tridente, uno Apollo col cavallo allato assai gra- 
tioso, un Marsia che lieto 1* armonia sua sonava una Lato- 
na con dui piccoli putti in braccio, un Mercurio con acto 
veloce, un fido Achate, un Bacco lieto, un mirabil Phebo, 
un vago Narciso, un Plutone, et un Tritolomo, con dui al- 
tre statue senza nome, tutte integre antiquissime et belle, 
con dodeci teste d' Imperatori, et de antiqui et famosi Ro- 
mani. Sarebbe stato necessario piu de uno corso volere 


volere contemplare queste. Passato che fu cavalchando de 
uno in altro adornamento, et de pitture, et de panni volendo 
ciaschuno mostrare la alegreza che dentro al core havea, mi 
parea quel di ch'el Kedemptore della humana natura ando in 
Hierusalem el di delle palme, et per iscambio de dire Osan- 
na filii Davit, gridavano VIVA PAPA LEONE, et PALLE 
PALLE ; et per cambio de ulivi et palme, veste et panni per 
le strade si vedea, et cosi cavalchando pervennero alia de- 
siata sede Lateranenese, et quivi fatto le ordinarie cerimo- 
nie quale se usano fare alii altri Pontifici, fu lietamente nel 
Episcopato acceptato. Finite tutte lor cerimonie la sera 
del medesimo giorno ritorno al suo Palatio Apostolico, per 
la strada che viene a campo de fiore, con tutti li Cardinal!, 
Episcopi, et Prelati che con lui andorno la matina, ma non 
con quelli habiti che portorno, cioe Paramenti, ma come alia 
loro usanza sogliono cavalchare. Et queste strade erano 
parate de panni et altri ornamenti, como quelle altre donde 
ando la mattina. Et essendo passato gia la Cancellaria alia 
casa de Sauli merchant! Genovesi depositarii de Sua San- 
tita, era uno archo da profundo ingenio erecto in questa for- 
ma. Erano nella faccia verso la Cancellaria dui pilamidoni, 
sopra de quali se riposavano per ciascuno, una bellissima 
columna con sua capitelli tenevano in mezo la entrata del 
archo, et sopra de capitelli uno Architrave innel quale in 
mezo al archo era una Arme del Papa con un verso di tal 
TIS NOVO SIDERI. Sopra questo architrave era un fregio, 
a jughi, diamanti et Leoni ; et sopra questo uno Epitaphio 
che in tal modo dicea: NON DE C^SORUM NUMERO FUSOVE 


to sopra delle columne, el cornicione sopra di due saltaretti 
dui figure de rilievo che 1' uno rapresentava Numa Pompi- 
lio et T altro Antonio Pio, et sopra dello epitaphio una co- 
ronice, sopra della quale se riposavano dui Leoni, che te- 
neano una Palla de oro in eare, sotto del archo nel suo celo 
ad octo anguli compartito, si vedea nel mezo in un octangulo 
una Arme del Papa, et in dui altri dalli canti in uno era un 
sacrifitio fatto da dui Pastor! che amazavano davanti uno 


altare un agnello, et in T altro era un Mutio Scevola, che an- 
cora la mano sopra el fuocho tenea, et innelli altri, varie et 
diverse fantasie. Lo octangulo del mezo dove era 1' arme 
del Nostro Signore, al passare di esso si levo via, et di quello 
locho usci una Palla, la qual se aperse, e eravi dentro un 
putto, che questi infrascripti versi con audace animo et ilare 
fronte recito. 

Si fuerat dubium Superb an Regna darentur, 
Ambiguum Princeps Optimus omne levat. 

Nam rebus nemo fessis adhibere salutem, 
Nee melius Medicus sciret habere manus. 

Recitato li dicti versi la Palla se ritiro dentro, el' Arme 
al luogo suo ritorno ; era nelle facce sotto 1' archo da ogni 
banda un quadro de pictura, nell uno de quali si vedea mohi 
iniliti. et quelli portavano un candelabro sopravi niolti fuo- 
chi. Et innel altro quadro da mano stancha era uno giovane 
sopra un carro triumphale tirato da dui bellissimi corsieri 
con molti prigioni et spoglie de inimici, et militi assai. Di 
fuora innella parte che risguardava li banchi stava nel me- 
desimo modo che habiamo descripto delta faccia verso la 
Cancellaria, salvo che sopra delle columne, in una delle 
quale era pur di rilievo una figura di Fabio Manlio, et so- 
pra 1' altra un Scipione Aphricano, et verso dello Architrave, 
et quello dello Epitaphio dicea, come quelli che dall altra 
banda habiamo scripto. Tale che passato questo archo, la 
notte comrnincio ad aparire, tale che immediate dalle case 
et apoteche comminciorno a venire numero infinite di torce 
accense di cera biancha et gialla, talche piu de dua milliaria 
numerare se ne potea, et cosi cavalchando giunse nil altrn 
parte del richo adornamento fatto fabricate dal soprascritto 
gia Messer Johanni Zincha della Zeccha patrone, el quale 
si se univa con 1 altra parte del archo fatta fare dalli nostri 
merchanti Fiorentini, et questo e la parte che lassamo della 
via Florida. Era come dalla via Pontificum dua columne 
sopra delle quale era uno Architrave, un fregio con un cor- 
nicione sopra del quale come dall' altra banda stava 1' arme 


del Papa, dello Imperatore, et del Re de Ungaria, et a let- 
tere di oro nel fregio era scritto: LEONI X. PONT. MAX. et 
le medesime Arme dalla parte di dentro si vedeano, et un 
verso che dicea, LITERATORUM FAUTORI, questo portico che 
facea compagnia al archo uno parea fatto per ornamento di 
quello, perche da ogni banda se univa con lo Architrave 
fregio et cornicione del Archo, et era decorate con panni de 
raza, et haveva da ogni banda un tondo et dui ottangoli 
con pittura secondo che descriveremo. Dalla man dextra 
era in un tondo el Papa in un studio sopra di una cathedra; 
parea che studiassi, et a questo tondo si li pendeva un breve 
di tal tenore ; STUDIO VACANS. Nelli ottanguli che tenevano 
in mezo questo tondo eran le septe Arte liberale ; in uno 
era Gramaticha, Logicha, et Rectoricha, et sottovi un breve 


Innel altro era Aritmeticha, Musicha, Geometria, et Astro- 
nomia, et a questo tal breve sottovi era : MULTOS HABEMUS 


altra parte in mezo de dui octanguli era dipinto il Papa, che 
pigliava denari de un vaso che li era porto, et davali a uno 
artifice mechanico, e sotto era tal brevicello : PECUNIAS 
EXPONAS. Nelli octo anguli erano le mechaniche arte picte, 
erano in uno il Lanificho, et la arte Fabrile, et uno Navi- 
gante, et di sotto tal breve attachatovi era : JACENTES AT- 

TUAM CERNIMUS. Innel altro octangulo era Agricultura, la 
Venatione, et la Medicina ; sottovi un tal breve : AUREA 


Erano tramerati i tondi dalli octanguli con diamanti, penne, 
jughi, bronconi, et Leoni. Passata la dicta consideratione 
si trovava sopra dui pilamidoni dui columne, le quale tene- 
ano in mezo lo archo del qual debiam parlare con loro pilas- 
tri, architrave, fregio, et cornice, et innelli trianguli del Ar- 
cho era in uno la victoria adormentata, et in 1' altro era uno 
Angelo con una palma in mano con una grillanda che parea 
che la destassi, et intrando sotto 1' archo nel suo cielo com- 
partito ad octanguli, era in quello che venia in mezo la or- 


nata Arme del Pontefice, et in quattro altri atorno era in 
uno la Fede, in 1' altro la Speranza, in 1' altro la Charita, in 
1' altro la Prudentia. Ne e di maraviglia alcuna se la ma- 
gior parte delli compartimenti delle cose sono state tutte 
fatte, o a tontli o octanguli, li tondi tigurati Palle, e li octan- 
guli per octo undeci notabili si trovano innella Sanctita di 
nostro Signore, li quali lassando li millesimi sono questi. 
La sua nativita a di xi. di Decembre el di di Sancto Dama- 
so Papa, et a di xi. di Marzo (la vigilia di S. Gregorio Pa- 
pa) da Innocentio VIII. fu fatto Cardinale. Et el di della 
dedicatione del Salvatore, a di nove di Novembre, per po- 
pulare movimento li sua cari Gerniani, della inclita Cita di 
Fiorenza si partirno, et lui dal distretto, el di de Sancto 
Martino a di xi. del sopradetto mese si se alontano. Et a di 
xi. de Aprile lungo tempo da poi (essendo da Julio II. Pont. 
Max. fatto Legato di Bologna per quella alia chiesia ridurre 
sendo con lo Hoste Spano a Ravenna) fu fatto prigione delle 
gente Francesche. Et el di de Sancto Barnaba Apostolo, 
del mese di Giugno, per divino ajuto di Dio piu che mon- 
dana opera acioche quello fussi suo vicario lo libero. Et a 
di xi. di Septembre della nativa sua Cita Florida con gran 
pompa e gloria reintro. Et a di xi. de Marzo fu publicato 
Pontifice. Et a di xi. de Aprile fu questa sua solenne co- 
ronatione. Mirabile certamente in mesi undeci liberate do 
( alii, tomato alia desiata patria, et creato Pontifice Max. 
Et pero uno mio commendate sotio li infrascripti versi com- 
pose, et in lo narrato Archo decoro. 

Undecima eduxit LEON EM lux Candida in orbein. 

Et patribus sacris addidit Undecima. 
Undecima existi patria? confinibus exul. 

Hostibus es saevis captus in Undecima. 
Undecima exolvit nexus et Gallica vincla. 

Nativas sedes reddidit Undecima. 
Undecima e vatis Pastorem Curia solum 

Te legit, et regnum firmat in Undecima. 
Undecimum Vates numerum celebrate quotannis. 

Carminibus cultis lux sonct Undecima. 

VOL. II. 2 F 


Per tornare al nostro archo, era da ogni canto un quadro 
di pittura, in 1' uno delli quali si vedevano certi homini che 
havevano serpenti venenosi in mano, et dua, giovane Donne 
a cavallo, -con Arme inastate le quale assaltavano et amaza- 
vano li serpenti, et delK homini quali per terra morti, et 
quali in fuga si metevano. Et drieto a queste era dua donne 
a pie che dua trombe parea sonassino. Nascea nel mezo di 
questo quadro un bellissimo Broncone elevato in acre, et so- 
pravi la Dea della Justitia con la bilancia in mano senza 
spada, vedeasi sopra certi pogetti da ciascuna banda homini 
et donne che tutte stavano in acto admirativo. Innel altro 
quadro si vedea di pittura molti Astrologi con li loro libri, 
e astrolabii, et sphere, ma dormivano, et eravi tre infantuli 
con Palle in mano, parea che giuchassino, et sopra questi 
putti era pitto un pilamidone, sopravi una columna con un 
Idolo in la sumitate che haveva dua Leoni a piedi ; sopra el 
capitello della columna, et in sul piano del pilamidone eran 
picte due donne con dui baculetti in mano, et un Gallo che 
becchava sopra il pie di una delle donne, et 1' una di quelle 
li tenea il baculetta sopra il collo, et 1' altra che mesta pareva 
a sedere el beccho li percoteva, et era da ogni banda intorno 
a questo Idolo homini et donne pur in acti admirativi, altro 
non era da considerare nel narrate archo. Passato il Papa 
con infiniti lumi ripasso 1' archo de Augustino Chisi, et dal 
Casteliano, con suoni et tonitrui de artiglieria quanto dire si 
puo, et cosi allegramente nel Borgo retornato, passato, lo 
adornamento di Cecchotto nel suo Apostolico Palatio rein- 
tro ; et cosi licentiati li Cardinali della Sacra Chiesia, et tutti 
li altri Prelati ciaschuno torno alle \OTO- habitatione et con 
fuochi et altri segni di alegreza si mostro lieto in tutta quella 
notte, in festa, suoni et canti. Et a me nel considerare le 
vedute Pompe et alte Magnificentie, me crede una volunta 
del Pontificale grado, che la notte mai possetti dormire sen- 
za ripossarmi. Tal che piu non me maraviglio che questi 
Prelati tanto desiderino tale dignita. Perche io non credo 
che sia alcuno servitore che non volessi piu presto se Papa 
che il Patrone. Et per la fissa mia imaginatione a tale deg- 
nita, ponendomi a scriver, havendo la memoria debile, ades- 


so che al fine deDa opera sono venuto, cognoscho havcrc 
lassato di dar notitia di molti nomi di Signori, Merchant!, 
et Parenti, et Amici del prefato Pontifice che alia cavalcao 
si trovorno. Priego la loro humanita vogliono perdonarmi, 
offerendomi a quelli che vi veranno a non minore gloria di 
Papa Leone ricordargli. Preghino Dio che li dia tanta vita 
che li Cardinali se troverano alle morte sua lo vegino vechio, 
perche non manchara materia alii Scriptori. Et cosi a quelli 
che nella cavalchata si ricordano, priego che per me preg- 
hino la Sanctita del N. S. Papa Leone, et sua Consorti et 
Amici, che questa calamitosa poverta, non mi habia piu ad 
angustiare tanto, quanto 1' a fatto insino adesso. t voi 
unica mia Patrona observandissima, scorta et mediatrice alii 
mia desiderii, humUissimamente con tutte le forze del cor 
mio mi vi racomando. Cognosce che questa storia vorrebbe 
essere stata decorata con altro parlare che '1 mio rusticano, 
et con alt ri vocabuli piu limati, per la brevita del tempo et el 
mio poco ingegnio non estato abastanza tanta opera. Ac* 
cepterete in quella la mia buona affectione verso V. S. alia 
quale di nuovo mi racommando. 



No. LXXI. 

(Page 185.) 

Exempt, in Biblioth. Vatican. 
Janus' VitaUs Castalius Doctissimo Pierio Valeriano 8.D. 

ME quoque cultissime Pieri, Sanctissimi LEONIS X. Pont. 
Opt. Max. Electio una cum omnium, et deorum et homi- 
num betitia, maximo gaudio medullitus nffecit. Quocirca 
non potui in tanta Vatum hikritate non aliquod exultationis 
signum pro viribus prsestare, quantum videlicet nostris ju- 



venilibus lucubrationibus fieri potuit. Quod si aliquid ca- 
lamo dignum inerit, acerbis adhuc annis, temporis inopiae, ac 
nimise la?titiae attribuas obsecro. Ne vero expectes a me 
artem ullam quam a vestri generis grege in primis expeti 
non sum nescius. Tanto enim, et tarn commune omnium 
gaudio confusus, nullum ordinem servare potui. Tu igitur 
(nam tibi nuncupantur) haec qualiacumque sint ingenioli mei 
monumenta (ut benignus es) accipe. Qua? si aliqua ex parte 
laudabuntur, cevte quod tanto viro sint accepta, censeri po- 
terunt. Proinde spero te duce me ad majora progressurum. 
VALE Aonidum levamen. 

Datum Roma iii. Id. April. M.D. XIII. 

Janus Vitalis Castalius LEONEM X.P.M. Lateranen. Epis- 
copatum ingredientem Icetabundus admiratur. 

JAM novus in terras alto descendit Olympo 
Jupiter, et sancto laetatur martia vultu 
Roma, triumphales iterim ductura quadrigas. 
Sed tamen armorum cedat furor, impia cedant 
Praelia Mavortis, si quidem revocamur ad ilia 
Secula, Cumaeis praecognita vocibus aurea, 
Secula, queis nunquam majus sonuere Poetae 
Ausonii : patribus assurgit Romula Thuscis 
Pompa : genusque suum, et veteres agnoscit honores, 
Unde urbem, proceresque auxit, gentemque togatam. 

Roma tuuin meritis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
Felicem patriam ! felices Principe tanto 
Hunc populum ! hosque patres ! felicia maenia Roma? ! 
Felicem Italiam ! et terrarum quicquid ubique est ! 
Nam quae monstra prius totum furibunda per orbem 
Irruerant, caedes, incommoda, damna, rapinas, 
Omnibus intulerant, mansueti hac fronte Leonis, 
Territa cesserunt, atque exanimata repente 
Proripuere fugam, in Stygium raptata Baratrum. 
Quique prius morbi ingruerant mortalibus aegris 
Luce Leonini pelluntur Apollinis alma : 


Datque salutiferos passim Medicina liquores, 
Non Aloe tristis, non succis improba amaris : 
Dulcior Ambrosia sed enim est ac nectare dulci. 

Roma tiiuin mcritis Decimum venerate triumphis. 
Ipsum hunc namque tui poscebant jure quirites ; 
Ipsum hunc Italia, et terrarum quicquid ubique est, 
Non ausi sperare unquam tarn grandia dona, 
Qua? videre prius quam spes foret ulla petendi. 
Qualis ubi ad gelidos fontes, laticesque sonantes, 
Improvisus adest, praeda lassatus, et arcu, 
Venator liquidis rabiem positurus in undis. 
Ergo agite, atque focos, et lumina festa per urbeni, 
Laeti incendamus, lectosque crememus odores : 
Cuncta sonent cantu, vincantur lumine noctes; 
Stellarum passim radiosque, facesque inicantes, 
^Ethera per tractusque poli jaculemur ovantes ; 
Atque omni sonet ore Leo, Leo cantibus unus 
Emodulandus adcst. Leo sit vox omnibus una. 

Roma tuum meritis Decimum venerare triumphis : 
Non hunc terra tulit, non hunc genuere parentes 
Mortali de gente sati, descendit Olympo 
Tale genus, licet humana sub veste videre 
Immortale bonum, sanctum, et venerabile numen. 
Te regnante cadent fraudes, neque non mala mentis 
Gaudia : simplicitas imprimis pura vigebit. 

Roma tuum meritis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
Non opus est armis, nutu superabitur hostis, 
Si quis erit : scd quis tarn barbarus, atque malignus, 
Ut contra ire parct? non Maurus et accola Syrtis, 
Non Babylon, non Persa ferox, non dira furentmn 
Pectora Turcarum valeant sacvire, ncc iras 
In te acres movisse uri({iiam, licet improba cunctos 
Vexet avaritia, atque pii sitibunda cruoris 
Gens rabiat, queratque Italos populare penates. 

Roma tuum meritis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
Qui si unquam fors tale nefas tentare paralnmt, 
Sunt animi, atque viri, et congesta pecunia, ct auri, 
Argentique ingcns pondus, sunt anna, ducesque, 


Magnanimusque Leo, imprimis quern diligit, 
Ipse Deus, Deus ipse. Leo tibi vincula, Turce, 
Exitiumque feret ; jam nostra excedere terra 
Bizantique oris meditare, et linquere pontum. 
Roma tuum mentis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
Thracia debetur nobis, spatiosa Propontis 
Nostra fuit, nostrisque venit nunc obvia regnis. 
Tuque Asia ampin, tuos ritus antiquaque sacra 
Jamdudum aspicies, pietas est tanta Leonis. 
Roma tuum mentis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
Nunc erit in pretio virtus, nunc digna labori 
Prcemia, et ingenuis nunc artibus ampla parantur 
Munera : quid resides animi torpetis ? ab alto 
Jamdudum somno consurgite, Concitat omnes 
Nunc Leo : sat vitiis, sat fcede, et turpiter ausis 
I mini t inn : nunc regna sibi tenet unica Virtus. 
Roma tuum meritis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
O tandem, O longo post tempore secula nobis 
Aurea nascentur ; nullo poscente colono, 
Matris Eleusinae fruges, et palmite pleno, 
Decerpet dulces uvas, et dona Lyaei; 
Mella dabunt sentes, sudabunt robora Amomum. 
Roma tuum meritis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
O felix patriae dominus, nunc urbis, et orbis ; 
Quae tarn, qua? fausta, et felix concordia caetus, 
Cardinei, studiis qui tarn concordibus unum 
Te juvenem patribus cunctis, tantoque senatu, 
Preposuere : ultroque tibi dixere, jubetis : 
Rex tu noster eris : tali tu stemmate dignus. 
Roma tuum meritis Decimum venerare triumphis. 
Sancte Pater, hominum reverentia, cura deorum, 
Spes miserum, lux clara hominum : decus atque deorum, 
Aspice nos : felixque pias ne desere Musas. 
Solus ab Aoniis semper cantande Camoenis. 
Tu vero, Pater alme hominum, Pater alme deorum, 
Sydera qui tractusque maris, terrasque jacentes 
Arbitrio regis immenso, et mortalia secla 
Sponte tua reficis, truncas, multosque per annos, 


Producis, nee fata tihi ullam imponere legem 
Ancient, his hominum precibus moveare precantum : 
Dum sic intenti spectant placida ora Leonis, 
Longos esse dies Decimo, nmltosque per annos 
Da Decimoprodesse aegris mortalibus, atque 
(Quod cupit) humanum genus instaurare niedela ; 
Quam tulit, e summo per te demissus Olympo. 

Mariangelus Accursiu*. 

Cui nova Semiferi tetrica sub arundine fama 

Contigit, ore novo dum canit ad Cytharam : 
Mirantur Minise juvenem preclara moventem, 

Orphea majorem qui prius audierant. 
Hie quoqne quod juvenis, quod noinina clara Leonis, 

Ore novo exultat, laeta per arva lyra ; 
Quis non quod tetrica modulatur arundine Carmen, 

Miratus dicat, spem fore Roma tuam f 

Franciscus Aquila Benecentanus. 

Cervice inflexa celestis claviger aulae, 

Qui vidit Eoas, Hesperiasque plagas : 
Templa dedit Latio, et primum celestibus aras, 

Instituitque sacris thura Sabea focis. 
Castalii Vates hie Janus janitor ant ri, 

Atque Hyppocrenis nectar ab inde ferens 
Pontificis primum canit iste Leonis honores : 

Quo cingat meritum terna corona caput. 
Si qua parte hue usque cava? viguere tenebrae : 

Obscurum lustrat nunc Cynosura locum. 



(Page 193.) 
Guidi Poslumi Silvestri Eleg. lib. \. p. 4. 


IMMITES Sexti manes, manesque Secundi, 

Dira quibus cordi praelia semper erant, 
Per quorum gladios, et adhuc Latium ossibus albet, 

Quin matrum gemitus nunc quoque ferre grave est : 
Audistisne precor quo successore, renata est, 

Ipsa sibi a vestro terra recepta metu ? 
Audistis reor, ac magni decora alta Leonis 

Vobis perpetui vulneris instar erunt. 
Quot rogo nunc animas istuc tranare videtis, 

Quas ferri abstulerit ambitiosus Amor ? 
Imperjuratae requievit portitor undae, 

Scilicet, atque suum nunc leve sentit onus. 
Iste Deus noster sceleri dedit ocia vestro, 

Supremam bellis imposuitque manum ; 
Quasque coegistis rixarum et csedis in usus, 

Ingeniis meritas usque refundit opes. 
Saecla deditque, annis non visa prioribus, heu quae 

Sospitibus vobis ferrea semper erant. 
Christe potens rerum, tuque illius innuba Mater, 

Quas Capitolini verticis alta tenes, 
Et Vaticanae pater ac vetus accola rupis 

Petre, Palaestino proxima cura Jovi, 
Diique Deaeque omnes, quibus esse vel infima cordi, 

Nunc Leo, qui vestro est de grege, signa dedit, 
Ne revocate precor stellis, sed perstet in aevum, 

Cernitis hoc mundi quod superesse caput, 
Sunt modo apud superos tot millia multa piorum, 

Hoc sinite oro homines numen habere suum, 
Vobiscum est Janus, vobiscum mater Elissa, 

Vobiscum est Hiero qui triplici ore tonet, 


Vobiscum est vestra? Paulus tutela corona, 

Proque polls, stricto stat ferus ense pater. 
Sit qui vos doceat ccelo impcritare sereno, 

Nee vana populos credulitate capi, 
Sit quoquc divitiis qui nesciat orbis abuti, 

Sed bene partitas cum Jove servet opes. 
Sit quo confugiat rectum, probitasque fidesque, 

Qui grave quondam alio sub duce crimeu erant. 
Quod si unquam hunc, coelum nobis inviderit olim, 

(Quanquam etiam Pylios vixerit ante dies) 
Aut tune rectorem nullum dominumque feremus, 

Flebilis et nullo preside mundus erit, 
Aut vestrum hue aliquem flendo eliciemus ab astris, 

Assueti vestro de grege habere ducem. 


(Page 195.) 
Bemb. Ep. Pont. lib. i. Ep. 18. 


Ex tuis literis intellexi, te a Legato istius reipub. atque tuo, 
qui apud Ludovicum Regem Gallorum est, certiorem esse 
factum, de summi Pontificis munere mihi credito Regem il- 
ium inagnam kctitiam cepisse, deque me multa gravissimis 
amantissimisque verbis fuisse loquutum. Quteque idem Rex 
de te cum illo egerit summa cum tua dignitate & illustri tes- 
tificatione amoris erga te sui, quantumque tibi tribuerit, li- 
bentissime cognovi. Jucunda ctiam mihi fuit voluntas, quam 
prae te fers, gratum te ei atque memorem illius in te bene- 
volentiae ostendendi : rationesque tuae, quibus me de trac- 
tanda pace uti cogitcm hortaris, multa? ilia* quidem pruden- 
terque collecta?, mihi magnopere probantur. Quibus de re- 
bus omnibus hoc te primum scire volo, nullam me ad rem 
tarn pronum tamquc propensum esse, quam ad omnium 
Christianorum Principum animos sanctissimis concordia* 
vinculis colligandos, inter seque conglutinandos : nihil plane 


tarn cupuere, quam pacem. Quam quidem si pacem omni 

tempore humiliorique in fortuna summopere concupivi, cu- 

jus tu iiu-.r voluntatis optimus atque locupletissimus esse 

testis potes : certe nunc Pontifex Maximus, cum Christi vi- 

carium gero, qui pacis fons atque autor pacem hominibus 

diligentissime commendavit, multo magis earn velle, multo 

curare impensius debeo. Neque mea a memoria excidit, 

quantum Rex te amaverit, cum in Gallium turbulentis illis 

nostris temporibus te contulisses, quove loco apud se ha- 

buerit : quanta semper etiam in Gallorum reges cum patriae, 

turn families in primis nostrae observantia extiterit : in qua 

manere te, modo cum dignitate fiat, non solum volumus, sed 

etiam optamus. Eorundem Regum quanta fuerint in rem 

Romanam merita, quanta hujus ipsius, non sum oblitus. 

Ipse quoque, si per ilium non steterit, omnia ei paterna offi- 

cia, ita sum praestaturus, ut quae tu, quag familia nostra reli- 

qua illi debet, etiam persolvere videamur voluisse. Quod si, 

ut scribis, ejus animus ea quae recta sunt cogitat, facile & 

ipsi inter nos conveniemus, & tu, quae vis hac in re, quaeque 

optas, assequere, tuamque apud me authoritatem, tuas co- 

hortationes plurimum valuisse cognosces. Unum illud co- 

gitare te est aequissimum, ut quoniam Rex te internuncio uti 

apud nos voluit, non tu ilium minus ad bene de nobis me- 

rendum tuis literis excites, quam me ad ilium amantissime 

complectendum es cohortatus. Extremum est, de quo te 

Regem certiorem facere plane volo, ut intelligas me datu- 

rum operam, ut ilium de pontificatu meo gavisum fuisse, 

numquam poeniteat: praesertim si aequas atque honestas, 

hoc est, cum hujus reipub. majestate conjunctas pacis con- 

ditiones proponet. Datis prid. Cal. April. M. D. XIII. 

Anno, primo. Roma. 



(Page 196.) 

Sadoleti Ep. Pont. No. 10, Rom. 1759. 

DILECTE Fili. Postquam nobis renuntiatum fuit, dilectum 
li limn Bartholomaeum de Alviano, quern antea Majestas tua 
sub diuturna custodia retinuerat, a te propemodum restitu- 
tum esse in libertatem, latioresque illi, & liberiores fines ad 
vagandum esse concessos ; quamquam illi forti viro, no- 
bbque multis rationibus conjuncto, omnia semper optavimus, 
quae illius commodum honestatemque attingerent, tamen in 
hoc tuo facto, non minus in gerendo modus, quam ipsa res 
gesta nobis laetitiae ac jucunditati fuit. Sic enim ad nos 
fuit allatum ; te, cum ultro admonente nemine, illius libe- 
randi menteni induxisses, turn addidisse, nostra prsesertim 
causa te & sedulo, & libenter id facere ; ut quern nobis gra- 
tum esse intelligeres, omni indignitate custodia? liberates. 
ll;i c tua singularis, & regia liberalitas a nobis intellecta, fa- 
cile declaravit cum magnitudinem animi tui, turn erga nos 
optimum voluntatem, quorum alterum commendatione at- 
que laude, alterum grata tanti officii memoria prosequimur. 
Quod si ii sumus, qui quidem esse cupimus ; ut imitatione 
Salvatoris nostri nihil majoris aestimemus, quam bonam vo- 
luntatem, potes existimare, nos tuum hoc non mediocre mu- 
nus, non solum hominis nobis cari, atque grati nostra causa 
liberati, sed multo magis animi tui adversum nos in optimam 
partem spectati & cogniti, pari aliquando munere, cum Do- 
minus dederit, repensuros. Illud quidem interea Majestati 
tua? significandum duximus, hoc tuum beneficium in homi- 
nein esse collatum dignum tua omni humanitate, non inodo 
propter virtutem, & fortitudinem, verum etiam propter 
fidem atque constantiam. Quacumque enim tibi conditione 
fidem suain obstrinxerit, in ea cum certe confidimus perman- 
surum esse. Datum Roma? anno primo. 




No. LXXV. 

(Page 198.) 

Sadoleti Ep. Pontif. No. 11, Ed. Romce 1759. 

DILECTE Fill. Ex eis litteris, quas Julianus de Medicis 
noster secundum camera germanus ab Oratore Florentino- 
rum, qui apud Majestatem tuam Legati officio fungi tur, ad 
se scriptas nobis misit, intelleximus id, quod nobis maxima* 
laetitiae ac jucunditati fuit, inducias inter te, & carissimos 
filios nostros Ferdinandum Aragoniae, & Siciliaa Regem Ca- 
tholicum ad annum facias, in quibus Massimilianus electus 
Romanorum Imperator, & Henricus Angliae, & Jacobus 
Scotorum Reges, aliique nonnulli Prin'cipes comprehende- 
rentur, pactaque ac capitula, quas inter vos convenissent, ad 
nos missa studiose legimus. In quibus illud optimum, & 
sanctissimum exordium (vos scilicet idcirco laborare, ut, ad 
unitatem Christiani nominis conficiendam, sanguinisque fide- 
lium nimis diu, ac largiter eiFusi rationem habendam, perfi- 
dosque Turcas comprimendos, ut sepulchrum Domini nostri 
Jesu Christi aliquando ex impiis infidelium manibus eripia- 
tur, viam nobis, atque aditum aperiatis) nostrum animum ita 
affecit, ut sublatis continuo in crelum manibus Deo omnipo- 
tenti gratias infinitas ageremus, qui diuturnas Christianorum 
inter se discordias, & dissensiones, in viam aliquando spe- 
ratae atque exoptatae pacis perduceret. Itaque in tantam 
spem venimus concordiae universalis constituendae, ut vix 
gaudii nostri atque laetitiae modum inveniremus. Nam, si, 
dum in minoribus essemus, quantum potuimus semper, non 
solum consilio atque sententia, sed votis precibusque institi- 
mus, ut arma inter Fideles Principes ponerentur, adversus 
impios sumerentur ; postquam illius providentia sine cujus 
nutu, ne folium quidem in arbore moveri credimus, in hunc 
altissimum gradum sumus evecti, quid nos agere, aut quan- 
tum hujus rei causa laborare oportet, non solum nostro per- 
petuo judicio ac desiderio accensos, sed etiam Dei ipsius 


maximo beneficio obligates ? Hanc tamen, ut vere fateamur, 
spem nostram, laetitiamque conceptam, illud imtninuit, quod 
sequebatur, Majestatem eandem tuam a domesticis pericu- 
lis vacuam tandem & liberam, conversuram arrna ad Italiam, 
suumque jus, ita enim scribitur, in suis rebus ablatis, .bello 
recuperandis persecuturam, neque existimaturam in- eo, aut 
cuiquam injuriam, aut nobis molestiam aliquam posse inferri. 
Denique (ea enim aliquantum a supradicto capitulorum ex- 
ordio discrepabant) non omnino Majestas tua velle anna de- 
ponere, sed potius transferre videbatur, ut cum una ex 
parte, otio quieti tuae prospexisses, libentius altero bello 
indulgeres. Sed per summi Dei bonitatem & erga te bene- 
ficentiam, qui tibi tantum potentiae et dignitatis tribuit, ut 
populo suo fideli defendendo, ac conservando esset aptior ; 
confer te parumper in earn curam, & cogitationem, ut intel- 
ligas, si arma tibi tantopere placeant, longe honoratiorem & 
gloriosiorem militiam a te expectari. Nam in rebus quidem 
Italia?, si quemadmodum credimus, a jure, & aequitate disce- 
dere non cogitas, quanto facilior ratio atque explicatior ad 
tuum jus perveniendi, per viam tractatus, & honorifica; 
compositionis proponitur ; in qua nos utilitatem, commo- 
ditatem tuam non modo adjuvare, sed omni nostro studio, 
quantum cum Domino justitia poterimus, procurare su- 
mus parati : neque id solum commodo, sed honori etiam 
tuo atque existimationi vehementer consulere : per vim vero, 
atque arma rem velle gerere, tumultusque denuo maximos 
concitare non solum a Dei voluntate alienum longe esse, sed 
etiam ab optimi Regis dignitate. Ac nos quidem, quoniam 
in memoria versantur ea, quae tot annos continues magno 
cum dolore vidimus, misera, calamitosa detrimenta Italia?, 
nihil mirum est, si pro pastorali ofticio, quod sustinemus, 
& pro amore patriae, cui tanquam homines, & non ingniti 
alumni affecti sumus, metu impcndentium malorum commo- 
vemur. Vidimus enim, nee commemorare possumus sine 
dolore, maximas saepe caedes, atque strages Christianorum 
fieri, virginibusque, & matronis nefariam vim infcrri, urbes 
non paucas praedae gladiisque subjici, templa Deo immor- 
tali consecrata, sanguine & acerbissimis rapinis violari ; 


quae talia, & tarn acerba qui perpessi sunt, perpetuum moero- 
rem, qui vero egerunt, brevem adepti sunt laetitiam. Atque 
haec si iterum expectanda, & perpetienda essent, quae annis 
rursum commotis, instare, & imminere necesse esset, sane 
miseram, & calaraitatibus nimium addictam existimaremus 
esse Italiam, quae cum propter nobilitatem, & principem in- 
ter omnes nationes Imperil ac verae Religionis gloriam, im- 
munis omnium malorum esse deberet ; tantis ultra cladibus, 
& calamitatibus est afflicta, ut nihil addi ad deteriorem con- 
ditionem posse videatur. Quare iis omnibus rebus adducti, 
& quae dictat nobisque inspirat maximus auctor pacis, & 
charitatis Deus, tibi quoque persuadere cupientes, Majesta- 
tem tuam quanto possumus studio, per viscera misericordiae 
Dei nostri adhortamur, & enixe oramus, ut suum Christia- 
nissimum nomen cogitet, velitque sua in Deum pietate, nos- 
traque erga ipsum benevola & propensa voluntate, imitari 
ilium summum Regem, qui se inter cetera nomina pacificum 
appellari voluit; armisque omissis sibi periculosis, Italia? 
perniciosis, legitimam juris, & honestissimam compositionis 
viam persequi: in qua nos illi non modo aequitatem nos- 
tram, si earn requisierit, sed etiam benevolentiam paratam 
fore promittimus, ut intestinis inimicitiis dimissis, ea consilia 
quae inchoata sunt omnino communis concordia? conciliandae, 
sanctissimique in crudelissimos Christi hostes belli suscipi- 
endi ad debitum, & optatum finem perducantur. Quibus 
nostris paternis, & amantissimis monitis si Majestas tua ani- 
mum adhibuerit, cum ceteris quoque Principibus agere non 
cessabimus, ut hujusmodi optatae pacis societate, non sol inn 
Italia, sed omnes, quae ubique crucem Christi agnoscunt 
gentes nationesque conjungantur. Datum Romae anno 




(Page 199.) 

Bembi Ep. Pont. lib. i. JS, 23. 

ET si ea, quae de tua religione atque in hanc rempub. nosque 
ipsos propensa praestantique voluntate, deque tuis plurimis 
egregiisque virtutibus Episcopus Wigorniensis Legatus tuus 
quotidie commemorat, mihi per se gratissima jucundissi- 
maque sunt, tamen ilia ipsa gratiora etiam & jucundiora 
efficit ejusdem oratoris probitas, prudentia, virtus, atque is, 
quo ilium amplexus magnopere sum, .amor charitasque mea 
prope singularis. Itaque cum de eo, qua? volo, quaeque de 
Rege praestantissimo magnaeque spei adolescente possunt 
dici libenter exaudio, turn propterea quod ab homine nobis 
amicissimo & virtute praedito tuae virtutes praedicantur, 
uberiorem ea res nostram earn voluptatem facit. Spem enim 
capio fore, ut quoniam animi tui magnitudinem atque praes- 
tantiam, cum egregia in Deum Opt. Max. pietate et in Ro- 
manos Pontifices observantia maxime conjunctam & conso- 
ciatam esse intelligo, & tu de tuis virtutibus uberrimos ju- 
cundissimosque fructus, & Christiana respub. de te magnos 
proventus, egregia incrementa, illustres utilitates sit percep- 
tura. Quam te in cogitationem incumbere noctes atque 
dies decet, ut in ista adolescentia florentique tua aetate, ea 
fundamenta jacias virtutis & probitatis tuae, quibus reliqua 
aetas omnis egregie praeclareque nitatur. Quod erit, si in 
hujus Pontificatus observantia non modo permanebis, sed 
etiam in dies singulos magis magisque te accendes ad ejus 
dignitatem, majestatem, gloriam & tuendam, & augendam. 
Id cum, ut spero, ipse feceris, curabo profecto ego, eni- 
tarque ut ea tibi a me ornamenta proficiscanturv quibus in- 
tern facile possis te ejusmodi cogitationes suscepisse. Haec 
autem, atque his longe plura, deque mea non solum spe, sed 
etiam erga te mente, quamquam multa cum oratore tuo ege- 


rim, in meas tamen etiam ad te literas partem eorum ali- 
quam facile conjeci, ut tibi ipse omnia de me paterna officia 
polliceri uberius, & cumulatius posses. Reliquum est ut in- 
telligas, eundem ipsum oratorem tuum, quern turn etiam, 
cum fortuna leviore nitebamur, unice semper-dileximus, 
nunc, quia is egregiam tibi singularemque operam prsestat, 
a nobis etiam impensius amari ; ejus enim & prudentiam 
atque agendis rebus probitatem cognitam perspectamque 
habuimus jam inde ab illis temporibus cum is viri clarissimi 
Patris tui istiusque Regni res negotiaque procurabat summa 
atque mirifica diligentia : & postea ex adversis ejus turbu- 
lentisque rebus, quae sunt ilia tempora consequutae, magnam 
molestiam cepimus : utque hominis plane probi & nobis ami- 
cissimi aegre molesteque tulimus illam calamitatem. Quas 
ob res atque causas omneis cum eum tibi esse charissimum 
existimem, illud magnopere cupio, ut mea commendatione 
tibi sit etiam charior, omnibusque in rebus, quae ad ejus 
dignitatem pertinebunt, quibus in rebus ei aspirare prove- 
hereque ilium possit aura studii & favoris tui, quae quidem 
res erunt semper plurimae atque maximae, & fidem illius erga 
te, & meam in ilium benevolentiam cbaritatemque recor- 
dere. Dat tertio Non. April. M. D. XIII. Roma. 


(Page 207.) 
Bembi Ep. Pont. lib. iv. Ep. \. 


cum in ea victoria, quam superioribus diebus 
maximam estis atque clarissimam consequuti, unum illud vel 
pro naturae meae sensu & lenitate, vel pro credito mihi com- 
munis Parentis atque Pontificis munere doluerim, tantum 
scilicet humani sanguinis efFusum esse, tantam Christiano- 
rum hominum manum tamque for tern cecidisse : valde tamen 


vehementerque laetor, vos, qui Ecclesiae Romanae libertatem 
defenden dam tuendamque suscepistis, vestros & ejusdem li- 
bertatis hostes fugavisse, propeque delevisse. Qua ex re 
magna vos gloria magnaeque utilitates sunt subsequutae. 
Neque enim minorem ex vestris commodis, honoribus, in- 
crementis, voluptatem capio, quam par est Patrem capere in 
optimorum & charissimorum filiorum prosperis felicibusque 
rebus. Illud etiam me voluptate magnopere afficit, quod 
qui legitimam Dei sponsam vexare, non sutilemque Christ! 
tunicam scindere sunt aggressi, quos quidem, antequam in 
earn cogitationem atque scelus animum induxissent, omnium 
rerum gloria florere videbamus, ut primum se malis conati- 
bus dediderunt, infeceruntque schismaticis pravitatibus, exe- 
crationumque Julianarum justissimis vocibus tacti percussi- 
que sunt, statim illis amare omnia infeliciterque ceciderunt : 
partaque ab ipsis gloria simul cum Regno, ad eos qui aut 
Ecclesiae Romanae parent, aut earn tuentur, facile transiit. 
Quibus de rebus omnibus ago maximas Immortali Opti- 
moque Deo gratias, agamque dum vivam, qui abalienatos a 
se, desciscentesque respuit ; suos, aut jacentes sublevat, aut 
stantes non deserit. Vos autem, quos idem Deus suae volun- 
tatis esse ministros voluit, charissimos animoque meo sensi- 
bus omnibus plane habeo conjunctissimos. Neque vos mo- 
veant improborum voces, quae, ut intelligo, jactantur temere 
illae quidem atque injuste, nos reliquosque federates nos- 
tros compositis & pacatis rebus, vestrum praeterea nomen 
vestramque benevolentiam non curaturos. Nam me quidem 
ab eo fcedere, quod mihi vobiscum est, quoad vos non pre- 
nitebit, nihil profecto abducet. Quin illud etiam dies noc- 
tesque cogito ac verso, quonam vos pacto cum omnibus fe- 
deratis mihi Regibus ac populis, conjunctos facere atque 
federates possim : ut & securiores esse, majori fulti praesi- 
dio possitis, et eorum omnium adjumento & conspiratione 
ornatiores. Quod Dei benignitate brevi futurum confido. 
Itaque hoc sic habetote, ut de mea prona propensaque ad 
vos amandos ornandosque voluntate, studio, benevolentia, 
vobismet ipsi omnia polliceamini, quae expectari possunt 
ab hujus reipublicae praefecto, vestri nominis amantissimo. 

VOL. II. 2 G 


Hortor autem vos, planeque a vobis etiam atque etiam peto 
& postulo ; ut quemadmodum ad hue quidem egregie lauda- 
biliterque fecistis, seduci vos abalienarique a nobis quorun- 
dam malevolorum artibus posthac ne permittatis : sed contra 
erigatis potius, diligentiamque vestram ea in re etiam adau- 
geatis. Quibus de rebus omnibus Ennius Episcopus Veru- 
lanus aget vobiscum latius. Data prid. Jul. Anno primo. 


(Page 208.) 

Bembi Ep. Pont. lib. iii. ep. 1. 

ALLATUM est, Helvetios pro tua ditionisque tuae propugna- 
tione, cum Gallis apud Novariam conflixisse, eosque supe- 
ravisse, ac prope ad internitionem pulsos fugatosque rede- 
gisse. Ea res tametsi propter occisorum magnum numerum, 
qui quidem Christiana? reipublicse esse usui aliquando po- 
tuissent, meum animum dolore admodum perculit ; tamen 
pro tua in nos observantia meo in te tuosque omnes vete- 
ri singularique amore magnopere gavisus sum, qui te de sta- 
tu rerum tuarum deturbare atque expellere sunt aggressi, 
eorum conatus cogitationesque non solum irritas inanes 
fuisse, sed ipsis etiam insignem cladem attulisse. Cujus qui- 
dem eventus atque victoriae Deo Opt. Max. qui te tueri 
atque defendere voluit, gratias agere, tantorumque benefi- 
ciorum summam illi acceptam referre te in primis decet : ut 
pius in ilium esse, ac dignus eo munere maxime fuisse vide- 
are. Quod quidem fiet, si duci efferrique te victorias dul- 
cedine non sines, neque statues eos omnes, qui contra te ali- 
quid conati sunt, usquequaque velle te perdere ac persequi. 
Quam in cogitationem ut incumbas, lenissimeque agas, eo- 
dem illo meo in te amore benevolentiaque admonitus vel 
potius impulsus te rogo, & quidem valde rogo; atque ut si 


quid a quoquam erratum peocatumque cst (est aatem for- 
tawe a multis) venia id magis, quam vindicta dignum exis- 
tiroes a te peto. Sic enim melius eorum, qui abalienati unt, 
animos tibi benevolos reddes, neque infinnabis ullam rertnn 
tuarum partem. Qui enim potes in ullos animadvertere, 
quin d itionis tuae homines mulctes ac punias ? quod si saepe 
facias, tuas ipsius opes debilitaveris. Accidet enim id, quod 
esse tibi exploratisshnum debet, ut minus multa perficias, 
cum timore, non benevolentia, erunt negocia constitucnda. 
Extremum Ulud adjungitur, quod quidem baud scio an om- 
nium primum atque maximum sit : quod si parces multis, si 
veniam pluribus dabis, imitatus Dominum fueris, qui tibi 
Tires subministravit ad tui nominis hostes fugandos atque 
propulsandos. Nihil enim illo mitius, nihil injuriarum mi- 
nus retinens, nihil ad parcendum, ad miserandum pronhts 
atque profusius unquam fuit. Quamobrem redeo ad illud, 
ut te amantissime horter, ut tua victoria quam moderatis- 
simo quamque lenissimo animo utare. Quod si feceris, ne- 
que aures malevolis hominibus przebueris, id quod solet 
esse difficillimum efficies, prudentiamque cum fortuna con- 
junges. Dat III. Id. Jun. Anno I. Roma. 


(Page 208.) 

Bembi Ep. Pont. lib. iii. ep. 2. 

I IELVETIORUM contra Gallos victoria de qua nuncii nuper 
ad me sunt allati, non solum propter Maximilian! Insubrum 
Ducis incolumitatem fortunasque eo pnelio restitutas plane 
atque confirmatas, sed etiam quia tu pro illo laborasti, mihi 
gratissima atque jucundissima accidit. Quanquam sane tot 
fortes homines, tot claros viros tantam tamque bellicosam 
manum, qus quidem reipublica- ChrLstiarue dignitatem tuen 
facile propagareque potuissct, fund it us periisse non moles- 


tissime ferre non potui. Pacem enira maxime, non bella, 
hominumque in Deum pietatem, non jacturam Christian! 
sanguinis, aut praelii dimieationem cupere singuli exoptare- 
que debemus. Quoniam autem ad Maximilianum dedi li- 
teras, quibus literis hortatus eum sum, ne omnes illos, qui 
uliquid in se conati molitive sunt, dignos putaret quos usque 
ad internitionem persequeretur : peto abs te, quern quidem 
scio plurimum apud ipsum valere, ut autoritate tua studium 
meum juves, ostendasque ei nihil esse vero Principe dignius 
nihil omnino laudabilius placabilitate, lenitate, misericordia: 
nibil contra detestabilius inclementia, iracundia, crudelitate. 
Itaque velit injuriarum oblivisci, miteraque se atque flexibi- 
lem ad humanitatem praebere, ut & dignus eo munere, & 
optimi tranquillique animi, atque in primis Deo grati esse 
maxime videatur, suorumque populorum non tarn fortunas, 
quam etiam animos possidere, eis amicissimis & benevolen- 
tissimis uti possit. Id si feceris, & ipsi optime consulueris, 
& certe mihi, qui summa ilium benevolentia sum complexus, 
quietemque & multorum finem laborum cum omnibus turn 
illis maxime populis aliquando tandem dari cupio, feceris 
gratissimum. Data tertio Id. Jun. Anno primo. Roma. 

No. LXXX. 

(Page 211.) 
Rymer. Fcedera, torn. vi. p. 50. 

Ad Regem Litera Cardinalis Eborum, super Victoria in 
Conflictu communiter vocato, LA JOURNEE D'ESPERONS, 
super Indulto nuper Papee in manibus Cardinalis Sinaga- 
lensis deposito, super Reductione Scismaticorum Cardina- 
IIHIII, Sf de Imperatore movendo pro Pace cum Venetis. 


THE Fifth Day of this Month the Poopis Holinis was ad- 
vertised fromoon Ambassadour of the Florentynes, Resident 
at the Fransshe Court, upon Yor Grace late Conflict with 


th' Ennymyes of the Churche, and the manner of Your 
moste Victorious Tryumphe obtenyde against the same; 
whiche was unto his Holines and all odir Your Graces 
Frendes Lovers and Servaunttes here marvalous grette Joye 
and Comforthe, and surelie unto your Ennemyes in this 
Courtt no lesse Paine and Discourage. 

Uppon the Morrowe next aftur I went unto the Cardinall 
Sinogalen, desyring him, in Your Graces Name, for to have 
deliverde unto Me the Breve, that Youre Grace knowthe 
of, putt into his keeping for Yor Highnes by the Blessed 
Memorye of Pope Julye according to the said Popis Com- 
mandement : 

He answered me that nodre he is ne ever was of oder 
mynde but that Your Grace shulde have it uppon the ac- 
complishyng of such Conditions as be compriside in the 
same, which he grauntithe that nowe Your Grace most no- 
blie and with inoost glorious Victorie hath fullfillide ; Al- 
beit he saithe that, because the said Brere is of so greate 
and so weightie Importance, apperteignyng the perpetu- 
all Honour of so Highe and Myghtie a Prince, he durste 
no be so boulde as to deliver itt from his Hands unto ony 
levying Creatour without speciall Commandement yeven un- 
to hym from Your Grace in Writing; whiche hade, he 
saithe, he will with all his Hartt and Mynde deliver itt unto 
Me for Your Gratis Bihove and Honour, soo he grauntith 
that the said Pope Julie commaunded hym, he praithe 
Your Grace to latt itt be noo otherwise shewide butt that 
Ye hade the saide Breve in Youre Haundes in Pope Julys 
Days, he wolde nott that the Popis Holines that nowe is 
shulde in ony manner knowe the contrary. 

And, standing that his Holines hath Confirmyde all such 
Indulties and Graces as the said Pope Julie did Graunte 
unto Your Grace, whereof this said Brece is oon and moost 
of Gravite, Me semyth Your Highnes may right honoura- 
bilie and condignlie desire of his Holines speciall Confirm- 
ation of the said Brere in more ample maner under Leads; 
whiche I truste verali nodre he will ne convenyently 


I sende unto Your Grace, with thies Presenttes, a Let- 
tre from my said Lorde Cardinall Sinogalen, writen with 
his own haunde, uppon his loving contynuyde good Mynde 
and Woll towards Yor Grace in the Premysses. 

If it may stonde withe Your Graces Pleasour, att conve- 
nyent tyme, aftyr youre receptt of the said Breve, to Yeve 
unto hym some Promotion more or lesse in recompence of 
his trewe and feithfull demenour towardis your said Grace 
in this Bihalf, I thinke that nat oonlie it should grettlie re- 
dunde unto your Honour, but also reteigne hym evir to 
contyenewe as oone of Your Gracis moste kynd and loving 
Frendes during his Lyve. 

After that thies Newes afforesaide ware dyvulgate in the 
Citie here, th' Ambassadour of Venyce, being here Resi- 
dent, desiride Me withe grett instance moste humblelie to 
besiche your Grace uppon thare bihalfe, that, stoundying 
that tli Emperour is now presentt with Your Grace, ye woll 
wiche save to move his Majestic for some goode and indif- 
ferentt Peace to be establashide betwixt the Same and Them; 
He depeeched a Curiour straightlie unto their Signorie with 
writing uppon this forsaide Ovarthrowe of the Franshmen, 
and saithe he doubtithe nott but the hoill Signorie woll in 
all haste possible addresse their Letters towards Your Grace 
of most humble Supplication for the Premysses, supposing 
veralie that, by reason of tK Emperiall Majesties Presence 
with Your Highnes, ye shal set some goode Ordor betwixt 
Them, and doubtith not, as he said, but that the saide Sig- 
norie wol be right tractable thereunto. 

Uppon the Breve of Confirmation of all such Grauntes 
as Pope Julie had grauntide unto Your Highnes sundrie 
days affore that ye were advertiside thereof frome Me ande 
my Lorde your Oratour here, and in like maner uppon the 
Restitution of the Scismatiques Saintt Crossis and Saintt 
Severyne, I pray Your Grace nott to thynke herefore that 
he shulde in your Causes be more diligent or use better 
Studie for th' Exspede therof then We do ; well I am as- 
suride that the said Breve was graunted and finallie Ex- 
spede, save oonlie at the Plombe, Sundrie Days affore that 


ever he knewe it laboride ; fore as soon as he hade know- 
lege of it, he corruptid oon of the Secretaries, and gatt of 
hym a Copie, to th' entent he myght shew unto Your Grace 
his pretendite Diligence and goode Service. 

He myght right longe affore have shewide unto Your 
Grace the intendide Restitution of the said Schismatiques; 
His Diligence and Labours were moche more seen in bryng- 
yng that matier to pass thenever I did see in hym for ony 
Cause apperteignyng owdere to Yor Gracis Honour or 

Thus I shall most hartlie besiche the Blesside Trinitie 
for the Preservation of Your moste Highe and Roiall 

From Rome, the xiith Day of Septembre 1513. 

Your moost humble Beedman and Subject. 


(Page 213.) 

Bembi Epist. Pontif. lib. v. ep. 19. 

LECTIS tuis literis, quibus me de tua in Morinis contra 
Gallos victoria, Morinorumque deditione certiorem facis 
magna sane laetitia pro mea in te paterna benevolentia, pro- 
que rei confectse magnitudine affectus sum : habuique Deo 
Opt. Max. gratias, quod is eorum, qui pro hujus Imperii 
dignitate tuenda & conservanda pio ac recto animo armn 
sumserunt, curas conatusque fortunaverit. Quanquam id 
quidem certe prope pro comperto semper habui. Spera- 
bam enim fore, ut omnia tibi prospere atque feliciter eveni- 
rent, cum propterea quod prudentibus consiliis, summis opi- 
bus, magno apparatu, numerosissima validissimaque inanu, 
Maximiliano etiani Rornanorum Imperatore designate, sua 
tecum consilia communicante, bellum hostibus inferre es ag- 


gressus : turn vel maxime, qui Dei caussam agendam et de- 
fendendam suscepisti. Itaque cum non multos dies de tua 
victoria laetus inter tuorum Legatorum jucundas salutatio- 
nes confecissem, vellemque ut par erat, ea de re tecum per 
literas gratulari, ecce alteras abs te literas, quae secundam 
nobis partam abs te victoriam longe maximam atque claris- 
simam attulerunt, Britannicos scilicet exercitus tuos cum 
Jacobo Scotorum Rege, qui quidem ingenti militum numero 
invaserat in ditionem tuam, manum conseruisse, ejus exer- 
citum fudisse, magnam eorum partem Rege ac Regni Prin- 
cipibus occisis internitioni dedisse, magnam etiam captivam 
fecisse. Itaque paucis te diebus bellum atrox ac'periculo- 
sum felicissime confecisse. lis intellectis, tametsi per mihi 
molestum fuit, tantum Christiani sanguinis effusum fuisse, 
tot hominum millia e populo Dominico desiderari, turn Chris- 
tianum Regem egregii sane nominis neque spernendarum 
virium, Sororis tuae virum, Christiani Regis sibique conjunc- 
tissimi ferro confossum cecidisse ; valde tamen sum gavisus, 
alteros tuos exercitus tarn illustrem tamque celerem victoriam 
de alteris tuis hostibus qui te ab optimo tuo incepto revocare 
conabantur, reportavisse. Quamobrem eundem ilium, qui 
hos duplices glorias tuae proventus subministravit, Deum 
flexis ad terram genibus, erectisque coelo manibus adoravi, 
quod tibi Regi plane juveni bellorum initium ab Ecclesiae 
suae defensione auspicanti hsec rudimenta tarn praeclara tam- 
que conspicua, quasi fundamenta jecerit reliquae sane vel 
glorias vel aetatis tuae. Te vero in primis decet existimare, 
ab illo te omnia, non ab humanis opibus accepisse : quoque 
Dominus Deusque noster pluribus atque majoribus orna- 
mentis virtutem illustrare atque condecorare voluit tuam, eo 
te quidem certe illi humiliorem submissioremque fieri, erit 
virtutis et prudentiae singularis. Quod cum feceris, non so- 
lum credibile est fore ut tibi is secunda prosperaque omnia 
in iis, quas nunc tractas, rebus atque bellis largiatur : sed 
viam etiam munial, per quam ingrediens, tuum nomen opti- 
mis atque sanctissimis artibus asternitati consecrare facile 
possis. Id erit, cum tibi eas cogitationes propones, quibus 
reliquis tuis restinctis pacatisque bellis ad contundendam 


Turcarum nimis jam incitatam exultantemque ferociam ac- 
cendare. Quas ad cogitationes ineundas, quemadmodum 
nunc quidem se res habet, multum dari nobis posse tempo- 
ris, non est existimandum. Ita jam et Pannonia Sarmatiae- 
que regna populata debilitataque ab illis sunt, premuntur- 
que in dies acrius : et ipsa Italia amissis in proximis regioni- 
bus non unis praesidiis, illos sibi vicinos finitimosque acerbum 
sane dolendumque spectaculum contuetur. Haec pericula, 
ut vere dicam quod sentio, me suspension atque solicitum 
habent, meamque de secundis tuis rebus voluptatem et laeti- 
tiam esse solidam atque propriam non sinunt. Quare ab 
ipso immortali Deo precibus omnibus atque votis peto, ut 
quemadmodum Ecclesia? suae dignitatem ab iis, qui ejus pro- 
pugnationem suscipere in primis debebant, aliquando male 
habitam egregie prosperrimeque est tutatus : ita earn et ab 
accenso ad inflammanda sacrosancta ejus templa atque de- 
lubra igne, et ab imminenti populorum sibi dicatorum cervi- 
cibus ferro, inimicarum perpetuo gentium, aliquando tan- 
dem eripiat. Quibus de rebus omnibus cum Episcopo 
Unigorniensi, Legato tuo, loquutus sum, ut is tibi mentem 
meam perscribere latins ac diligentius possit. Datis quinto 
Id. Octob. Anno primo. Roma. 


(Page 223.) 

Rymer. Faedera, torn. vi. p. 51. 



SERENISSIME & Excellentissime Rex et Domine, Domine 
mi Colendissime, Humillimam Commendationem. 

Provexit me nuper non mea quidem virtus, qua; exigua 
aut nulla est, sed Summi Pontificis Benignitas, cum Tribus 
aliis Dominis & Collegis meis ad Cardinalatus Dignitatem : 


De qua (verum fatebor) non tarn raihi existimo laetandum 
esse, quam illud considerandum quo, ut unusquisque se cg- 
noscat, admonemur. 

Equidem ut de me loquar, nam aliis jampridem earn Dig- 
nitatem merito deberi sciebam, in eum ordinem me sentio 
relatum, illud fastigium ascendisse ubi sine periculo consis- 
tere posse vix me puto ; nam video quale aequor intravimus 
& cujus navis remigio admoti sumus, nee cui confidam cer- 
tior ac vicinior succurrit quam Autor Deus, qui dignabitur 
sua dementia vires praebere sustinendo ponderi quod impo- 
suit, & honorem quern dedit conservare, meque earn vitam 
ducere quae creditae mihi Dignitati conveniat. 

Quod veto ad meam in Majestatem vestram servitutem 
attinet, visum mihi est nunc Illi scribere non tarn ut promoti- 
onem Illi meam significarem (quam ex aliorum literis audi- 
tam illi puto) sed animum ut aperirem meum clarissimis ac 
felicissimis inclytisque ejus rebus gestis Deditissimum & ob- 

Et, quicquid ex hac mea Dignitate, qualiscumque futura 
ea est, honoris, emolumenti, industrias, laboris, ac studii 
promittere possum, Illi omnia dedicare, sicut vero & optimo 
Principi & de sancta Universal! Ecclesia, difficillimo ejus 
tempore, tantopere merito, mihi vero praecipuo & singula- 
rissimo Domino ; & cui ego & Familia nostra omnis omnia 
debemus, & ejus Regio Servitio parata semper offerimus. 

Habeat in hac Curia plurimos vestra Regia Majestas 
doctrina, prudentia & auctoritate praestantiores ; qui me fide, 
aniino & affectu erga earn sit superaturus inveniet certe ne- 
minem, sicut ex suo ore, qui Servitutis meae testis est locu- 
pletissimus, planius intelliget, Vestra Regia Majestas,' cui 
me continue & humillime commendo. 

Roma; ex Palatio Apostolico xxx Septembris, M. D. xiii. 
E>xcellenlissim(E Vestroe Regies Majestatis, 

HumiUimus et Fidelissimus Servitor, 




(Page 224.J 

Bembi Epist. Pontif. lib. v. ep. 7. 

ETSI scio iis de rebus, quae per nos publice geruntur, a Le- 
gato tuo homine perdiligente, fieri te quotidie certiorem : 
volui tamen, ut quod novissime pro Reip. ornamento & in- 
cremento statui faciendum, id meis etiam literis cognosceres. 
Non enim vereor, quin tibi pro tuo erga me amore Remque 
pub. Christianam studio, ejusmodi omnia aeque jucundasint, 
atque ipsi mihi. Itaque scies me ad XI. Cal. Octob. fratrib. 
meis E. R. Cardinalibus consentientib. Laurentium Puc- 
cium, familiarem meum, a dandis literis, & Julium Medicen, 
Archiepiscopum Florentiae designatum, patruelem meura, & 
Bernardum Divitium Bibienam, Quaestorem, atque Inno- 
centium Cibum, Sororis meae filium, Innocentii Papae Oc- 
tavi nepotem, plurimis maximisque de caussis in Cardina- 
lium collegium cooptavisse. Quorum trium prudentiam, 
integritatem, agendisque rebus usum atque scientiam, virtu- 
tesque caeteras, & esse tibi perspectas existimo & reip. & 
honori & praesidio confido fore. De Innocentio autem, spero 
fore ut volumus ; habet enim egregiam indolem conjunctam 
cum optimis moribus, quos ornat literarum & bdnarum ar- 
tium studiis ; ut nihil jam sit adolescente illo probius, ele- 
gantius, charius. Ejus rei confectio, quae me magnopere de- 
lectavit, erit sane mihi & gratior & jucundiorsi tibi quoque, 
qui recte omnia prudenterque judicas, perpendereque soles 
probabitur. Existimare autem debes, quoniam tuorum in 
me familiamque meam, plurimorum non solum officiorum, 
sed etiam beneficiorum, illi ipsi omnium optimi testes sem- 
per fuere, quae ad tuam dignitatem tuendam atque amplifi- 
candam pertinebunt, eos esse non minus dilig^nter, quam 
quae nostra ipsorum intererunt, omni tempore curaturos. 
Datis IX. Cal. Octob. M. D, XIII. Anno primo. Roma. 



(Page 229.) 

Beatissimo Clementissimoque Divo Leoni X. Pont. Maximo 
Aurelius Serenus Monopolitanus. 

AD uberiorem tui imperii gloriam, Beatissime Pater, id 
divinitus contigit, quod nullo unquam tempore superiorum 
Pontificum contigisse proditum est. In annuls enim tui Pon- 
tificatus ludis mense Martio celebratis, eo quidem mense 
quern Romulus, urbis tibi obsequentissimae conditor, patri 
dedicavit Marti, quo tempore ver novum incipit, et tellus, 
floridis induta coloribus, suavissimos odores per orbem 
effundit, Indus Elephas omnium animalium sagacissimus a 
Serenissimo Emanuele Lusitanorum Regem, per splendidis- 
simum Equitem Oratorem suum Tristanum Cuneum mis- 
sus, incognitus nee dum seculo nostro in Italia visus, stu- 
pentibus ac mirantibus populis, per totam urbem exhibitus 
apparuit. Quod spectaculum Pompeio, Hannibali, Domi- 
tiano, paucisque aliis patuit, id tuo augustissimo tempore 
fuit demonstratum : ut docile animal in tua publica hilaritate 
oblatum, supplex tuum numen sentiret adoraretque. Con- 
gruit igitur ut iisdem Inctitiac diebus hie meus libellus prodi- 
ret et Septimo mense legitimam fortasse fceturam emitteret, 
qui ob rei novitatem ac magnitudinem, Elephas jure appel- 
lari potest. Agitur quidem de celeberrimo Capitolino The- 
atro ; quod superior! mense Septembri, S. P. Q. R. Mag- 
nifico Juliano dilectissimo tuo Germane, civitate donate, 
paravit ; quo nihil ornatius copiosius magnificentiusque us- 
quam auditum, visum, aut in historiis descriptum ostenditur. 
Verum id negocii suscipiendum mihi satis pertimui, quan- 
doquidem Chilonem ilium Lacedemonium, cujus responsa 
pro oraculis accepit antiquitas, ex tot sententiis quas edidit, 
hunc precipuam saluberrimamque tulisse autumant, Unum- 
quemque se ipsum noscere oportere. Hoc dictum adeo ce- 


lebratissimum apud priscos viros fuerat, ut e coelo cecidisse 
non ab re crediderint. Metiri enim se quemque suo modulo 
ac pede certum est. Quam rem si quisquam recte percepe- 
rit, atque animo mcnteque saepius volutavcrit, nihil absonum 
nee laude indignum agitabit ; sed per sanctissimum rationis 
tramitem assidue gradietur, decorumque ad unguem in re- 
bus omnibus servabit. Id inihi vitio nonnullos in praesentia 
objecturos esse non vereor ; qui tantam ac inusitatam pro- 
vinciam aggredi non dubitaverim. Ego etsi meas tenues 
exilesque vires non denegaverim, meque inter pelliculam (ut 
ajunt) tenere sciverim, ne tarn magnum onus subirem, quam 
ad celebrandum hunc Capitolinum Apparatum, non mea, 
quae perexigua est, sed Maroniana opus esset Musa ; tamen 
si id agendum meo jure vendicasse videor, et aliquid de 
ipsis laudibus, qua? pene divinae et innumerabiles sunt, in 
medium afferre instituerim, duabus me tutabor rationibus. 
Altera est meae ingenuae adversus Beatitudinem tuam, Se- 
natumque Romanum ipsum observantiae significatio. Altera 
exploratissimae veritatis ostensio. Quae quidem dum pate- 
fiat, non cultam verborum copiam desiderat, non eloquentiae 
ornatum exoptat, sed simplex animi obsequium pensitabit ; 
tantum roboris in se habet veritas, ut nullo angulo indigeat, 
nullumque ad concitandos animos, apud cloctos praesertim 
clarosque viros, loquacitatis fucum, calamistratumque ser- 
moneni postulet. Nam quemadmodum Maurus ille et agres- 
tis homo, Elephantis rector ac moderator, universae urbi, 
spectantique populo, ingentem voluptatem tribuit, quo due- 
tore immanis bellua mitis et mansueta incedit, ad cujus nu- 
tum omnia perficit, obsequiturque docilissima, nee illius 
persona ad tantae rei momentum despicitur ; ita et ego ad 
hujus Theatri structuram non indignus opifex exiero : dum 
qualibuscunque carminibus Romanorum laudes enarraturus, 
urbem ipsam admirantibus voluptatem attulero. Rem itaque 
omnem a principio, qualiter gesta fuerit, cxamussim apw/o, 
nihilque intactum reliquisse videor. Malui diligctis inda- 
gator fieri, longamque seriem accuratius absolvere, quam in 
tanto rerum fastigio, ob- incultae linguae pudorem, aliquid 
mutilatum minusque perfectum ostendisse. Quare cum li- 


bellus iste (ut diximus) ex aequa utriusque partis majestate, 
et urbis suscipientis, et civis suscepti Elephantis instar ha- 
beat, veritus ne verborum inopia Grillus diceret, pepercisse 
calamo alienum judicavi, digressionibus non ineptis materiam 
exaggerans ; eo tamen pacto, ut tripartite operi (ni fallor) 
quo ad Theatri descriptionem, nihil deesse videbitur, quo 
ad apparatus ordinem nil vehementius dici potuisset, quo 
demum ad epuli celebritatem, ut caena ista omnibus aliis 
superiorum Principum longe antecellit, ita a nemine ullo 
propensius caena aliqua explicata invenitur. Theatrum 
igitur Capitolinum res urbis et fratris tui complectens, tuo 
Sancto Nomini dedico; ut eo libentius cum ocium dabit 
legendum audias ; quo illam confoves tuerisque ; et ilium 
diligis et amas. Quod munus ita gratius suscipere dignetur 
tua Beatitude, ut mentis meae serenitatem ex animo perpen- 
dere possit; qua eandem Beatitudinem, togatamque Ro- 
manorum gentem prosequor, colo, ac veneror. Hocque pro 
tempore edatur satis. Deinde tuarum laudationum Kbel- 
lum imprimendum curabo. Romae decimo Kal. Apriles 
Anno a natali Christiano M.D.XIIII. Tui vero pontificatus 
anno secundo. 


(Page 232.} 

Bembi Epist. Pontif. lib. iii. ep. 22. 

1 1 I:KI, quemadmodum Deo Opt. Max. placuit, qui delin- 
quentium interitum non vult, sed ut eos poeniteat & vivant, 
Bernard! ii us Caravajalis Episcopus, & Federicus Severinas 
IMaconus Cardinales, quos ante, propterea quod in Dei Ec- 
clesia sacrosancta atram perniciosamque scismatis nebulam 
excitavissent, Pisanumque Concilium conflavissent, Julius 
II. Pontifex Maximum Cardinalatus amplitudine ac munere 
sacerdotiisque omnibus mulctavcrat, privatosque reddiderat, 


aura Zephyri coelestis afflati ad veram poenitentiam rever- 
tentes, frequent! fratrum meorum Cardinalium Conventu 
popular! in veste ad pedes se nostros demissi supplicesque 
projecerunt, veniamque suorum erratorum & delictorum 
precibus omnibus petiverunt, paratosque se dixerunt esse, 
quam ipsis cunque poenam statuissemus, earn luere & per- 
peti animis libentissimis : pollicitique sunt, se posthac Sacro 
Lateranensi Concilio semper adhaesuros, semper meae fra- 
trumque meorum voluntati mandatisque obtemperaturoi. 
Quod ipsum tametsi antea per earn schedam maim sua scrip* 
tarn fecerant, quas in postremo ejusdem Concilii die perlecta, 
puMiitentium eorum humilitatemque declaravit, idem tamen 
inul to quidem clarius atque apertius praesentes egerunt ; Pi- 
sanoque Concilio repudiate, altera a se perlecta scheda ple- 
niore scilicet, expressiorisque sententias planeque submis- 
sions, quaecunque in eo acta essent, damnaverunt, magno- 
pereque improbaverunt. Quamobrem nos, quos quidem 
a lege universae Christianae Reip. Deus posuit, ut nemini 
vere poenitenti, pietatis suae cujus nos ministros esse voluit, 
fores occluderemus, humilitatem eorum, confessionem, pos- 
nitcntiam, gratissimum Deo sacrificium sperantes futuras, 
eos ambos, paterne quidem antea reprehensos atque casti- 
gates, eorundem Cardinalium consensu, ad Cardinilatus 
officium, dignitatem, sessionemque qua prius utebantur, res- 
tftuimus. Quod eo libentius feci, quod perniciosum illud 
schismatis vulnus, quo tune Ecclesia Dei scissa disjectaque 
ab illis non solis fuit, eorum duorum ad veram poenitentiam 
reditu, coire plane jam sanarique videbatur. Ad cujus qui- 
dem schismatis nomen extinguendum atque delendum ipse 
certe negligentior ac dissolutior si fuissem, tuae tamen pru- 
dentes hortationes me in primis excitare potuissent ut nihil 
praetermitterem, quod ad negotium conficiendum, ad exi- 
tumque perducendum posse aliquid afferre opis et facultatis 
videretur. Itaque cum per me ipse nihil aeque unquam op- 
tavissem, quam in Dei Sponsae vultu earn notam cicn^-fcem- 
que aboleri, te hortatore libentius atque pnxl v us in earn 
cogitationem incubui, ut eos viros, quoa commemoravi, aba- 
lienatos dudum a Rep. desciscentesque, ad veritatis fontcm 


recta redeuntes via amice paterneque exciperem. Qua om- 
nino de re non solum nos, sed universa urbs visa est mag- 
nam voluptatem cepisse, seque admodum audito ejusmodi 
humilitatis poenitentiae restitutionisque nuncio exhilaravisse. 
Ipse autem maximas Deo gratias cum egissem, qui suos de 
alienis facit, quique nobis dedit tanti sceleris comprimendi 
faciiltatem, haec tibi omnia in primis duxi esse significanda : 
quern quidem pro tua in rempub. conservandam atque am- 
plificandam cura, studio, diligentia, labore, plane scio libenti 
animo has literas perlecturum : in quibus erit utrarumque 
de quibus mentionem feci, schedarum, et cum iis abolitionis 
nostrae eorum peccati restitutionjsque ad priorem statum 
exemplum, quo cognoscere singula melius atque facilius pos- 
sis. Te vero, tametsi minus id quidem necesse est facera 
me, sed pro meo in te studio mihi tamen faciendum puto, 
amantissime sane hortor, ut, quod adhuc quidem semper fe- 
cisti, posthac etiam facias, piamque matrem omnium Deum 
amantium Ecclesiam, cujus protegendae caussa post Christi 
vicarios maximum ipse in terris magistratum geris, ab om- 
nibus ejus pacem atque concordiam perturbantibus, vindices 
atque defendas. Datis IV. Cal. Jul. Anno Prirao. Roma. 


(Page 233.) 

Rymer. Feeder, torn. vi. p. 53. 

CHARISSIME in Christo Fili noster, Salutem & Apostolicam 

Eis ex Literis, quas ad Nos & quibus ad Dilectum Filium 
nostrum Christophorum Tituli Sanctce Praxedis Presbite- 
rum Cardinalem rationes tuas de eo ipso Legato non ad- 
mittendo prscripsisti, cognovimus animum Majestatit tua 
non ita, uti veHenms. deflexum ad Pacem, & a consiliis con- 
cordiae aliquantum abhorrcntem ; sed tamen ut ex eisdem 


literis & constants Regis & Invicti Principis virtus atque 
animus eluceat ; quippe enim Te religione Foederum & Con- 
junctorum Regum societate ac concordia impediri scribis, 
quo minus Tibi consilia Pacis seorsum ab illis capias ; firma 
quidem in eo constans est ratio tua, neque aliter decet 
Regem Magnanimum & Praestantem, sed neque a Nobis 
consilium ullum profectum est erga Te ut illis relictis Paci 
solus studeres. Nos enim evellere ex animo tuo omnes odii 
atque inimicitiarum aculeos voluimus, ut illis ejectis tanquam 
in bonum solum sic in sensum tuum Pacis Concordia? se- 
mina jaceremus : nee tamen Tibi soli hoc persuadere nixi 
sumus ; sed, hortante Nos nostri honoris munere atque of- 
ficio, Venerabilibus etiam Fratribus nostris, Sanctae Ro- 
innna- Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, ab initio Pontificatus nos- 
tri, & postea saepe tarn in Consistoriis nostris secretoque in 
Sacri Concilii Lateranensis Sessionibus palam Nos ad hanc 
curam suscipiendam conficiendae Pacis vocantibus & obtes- 
tantibus, agere cum caeteris quoque Regibus, ad arma si qui 
spectant, non destitimus, neque vero desistemus, Deique in 
eo voluntati & Saluti Christiani nominis quantum eniti pote- 
rimus, omni studio & opera adhaerebimus ; praesertim cum 
etiam multorum Regum atque Principum querelae ad Nos 
per Literas & Nuncios ipsorum parlatae sint, ferentium gra- 
viter indignantium has perseverare inter Christianos dis- 
cordias, non solum fidei Catholica? perniciosas, sed ne ipsis 
quidem qui eas exercent ullo modo utiles. 

Quocirca etiam, Carissime in Christo Fill, Nobisque in 
amore paterna Caritate praecipue adhortamur in Domino 
& rogamus, ut dedere Animum tuum nostris amantissimis 

O * 

Consiliis velis. 

Etenim cum illud nobile gloriosum propositum animi 
tui, quo ad arma capienda adductus es, ut Libertatem Ec- 
clesiasticam violatam Injuria nonnullorum defenderes, Sedis- 
que Apostolicac dignitatem ab omni labe vendicares, jam ad 
exitum perductum sit, hostesque tui nuinine & tua incredi- 
bili virtute, tuomm quoque Confonleratorum Opera, posi- 
tis animis contumacibus, ad Unitatem Ecclesia? & erga Nos 
ac sedem Apostolicam Reverentiam humiles accesserint, est 

VOL. II. 2 II 


jam tuum gerere inimicitias placabiles, et si tuo Honori sa- 
tis consultum fuerit, Pacem quoque potius quam Bellum ap- 
petere. Ulius enim jam tui praestantissimi facti fructus, qui 
Tibi ex nostra & totius posteritatis praedicatione uberrimi 
debentur, Tibi sunt & erunt semper paratissimi, mine, sicut 
armis invictum Te praestitisti, ita optimis consiliis tractabi- 
lem Te ut praebeas, erit non minoris laudis tuae quam illud 
fuit gloriae. Nos quidem, qui & constantiam ac fidem tuam 
probamus, & virtutem miro amore complectimur, non Tibi 
suademus quae contra tuam honestatem sint, ut sine Confce- 
deratorum tuorum consensu Te ad Pacem accedere velimus ; 
sed salva Dignitate tua & honorificis conditionibus paratis 
ut animum promptum ad Pacem, si caeteri consenserint, ha- 
beas, id rogamus ; nee Te ab Illis avellere, sed, Te, Nobis- 
cum una, Illos adhortante, causamque Dei & Pacis fovente 
honestis conditionibus arma ponere animum caeteri ut indu- 
cant, Nos aliquid assecuturos speramus ; Majestas quidem 
tua, si Consilia nostra in earn partem acceperit ad quam di- 
riguntur, seseque ad ilia & suas Deliberationes accommoda- 
verit, aget & ex Summi Dei Sententia & ex virtute ac hu- 
manitate sua. 

Datum Romce, apud Sanctum Petrum, sub Annulo Pis- 
catoris, die Decima septima Decembris, Millesimo quingen- 
tesimo decimo tertio, Pontificatus nostri Anno Primo. 


Carissimo in Christo Filio nostro Henrico 
Regi Anglice Illustri. 


(Page 243.) 
See Appendix, No. LXIX. 



(Page 244.) 
Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. torn. x. p. 31. 

Jo. Pierii Valeriani. 
SERMO, cut titulus est Si MI ,\. AD LEONEM X. 

NEMO ii UK 1 1 1. 1 in tanto studiove, fideve, laboret 
Proficere, officiis vel sedulus omnibus, ut non 
Interpres mains occurrat, qui singula prave 
Invertat, veluti quaedam modo fabula vates 
Subsannat, Pater alme, tuas & vellicat aures. 
Nam quoties tibi quicquam, animum quod leniat aegmm 
Porrigimus, curis et blandimenta paramus, 
Ecce, ajunt, vere nunc Simla vana Leonem 
Exagitat, viden' ut turba importuna poetae ! 
Quamprimum nostro illuxit Leo Maximus orbi, 
Hunc misere affligunt quocumque in limine, nunc in 
Porticibus, nunc in lecto, et penetralibus imis, 
In specula, in luco citriorum, altoque recessu ? 
Sive is res duras, et magna negotia versat, 
Et quae omnes nunc invadunt incendia terras, 
Sive cibum capit, aut superante labore quietem, 
Fortior ut rebus se mox accingat agendis, 
Instant hi tamen; inque meras avertere nugas 
Tantum hominem, tantis vexatum pectora curis 
Pergunt ; ulla unquam ne sit spirare potestas ; 
Denique sic petulans generoso infensa Leoni 
Simla: quae natibus, caudaeque, et clunibus hujus 
(Tantum animi est parvis) adfixa procacibus ausis 
Hoc tarn magnum animal vexatque, agitatque, neque ullam 
Esse moram patitur, musca importunior apta. 
Ilia feros vitare ungues, et dentis acumen, 
Lubrica dum fidit saltu, levibusque lacertis, 
Deque suo affectat sibi tot ludibria rege. 
Ergo odere tui sic nos, Pater optime, sed tu 
2 ii 2 


Quid facias ? vis esse Leo ? patiare Leonis 
Jura, neque hsec temere confingi nomina credas ; 
Quae Deus, aut sapiens Natura animantibus ipsis 
Indidit, et taciturn admonuit latitare vigorem. 
Scilicet est curse nobis, quae pectore in imo 
Consilia assidue volvas, ut ponere tandem 
Cladibus Europae finemque modumque ruentis 
Possis, inque Scythas strictum convertere ferrum. 
Immo haec, atque alia, atque etiam his majora poetae 
Concipiunt, neque enim frustra Deus ingruit illis. 
Sed ne forte adeo, assimulet quod Simia vatem, 
Ridiculum esse putes, natura haec compare constant. 
Nonne vides, rebus non bruta ut mente gerendis 
Simia se, et nostris accommodat artibus, utque 
Humanos ritusque modosque imitatur et ori 
Denique ut est nostro similis digitisque, volaque. 
Nempe etiam humanos pro re, pro tempore, mores 
Qua de cunque velis vitae ratione, poe'ta 
Exprimit, atque omnem dictis accommodat artem ; 
Fit Proteus, fit Vertumnus : nunc fingit Julum 
Acrem animi, indomitumque malis fera bella moventem, 
Seu Venetos, seu Felsineos domitare pararet, 
Sive Pado dare jura suo, seu vertere bellum 
Trans Alpes, Italoque solo donare quietem. 
Nunc te cum patribus dudum, sanctoque Senatu 
Pacandis mundi rebus diversa petentem 
More Numse, indigeris post aspera bella Quirini 
Consulere in medium, quo possint fcedere tandem 
Jungi Gallica castra, Caledoniaeque phalanges ; 
Unde animos ponat Caesar ; Veneti unde quiescant ; 
Unde modus praedis, et tantis caedibus ; unde 
Spes Italis. Regemve suum, aut sua jura tueri, 
Barbaricasque olim collo abrupisse catenas. 
Demum horum est vates, ut ludicra Simia, mimus. 
Haec eadem, si vera canunt, venerabile quondam 
Signum habitum in templis, Nilique per oppida sanctum. 
Nam docilis calamos ductare, et volvere chart as 
Rite admissa sacris, delubri in parte locata 


Damnavit populos votis, precibusque benigne 
Favit, et ./Egyptum omnem in relligione, pari cum 
Iside, cumque Oro vel Osiride detinuisse 
Fertur, et oblatis ditasse altaria donis ; 
Seu Caniceps manibus coelo sublimibus, ortum 
Laudaret Lunae, posita seu sede sederet, 
Sive cava latices cauda instillaret, et horas 
Funderet, et pisces aversa fronte caveret. 
Sic olim vates, qua totus panditur orbis 
Ambitus, a populis, a gentibus omnibus uno 
Sancti habiti, dictique sono, hinc oracula, leges, 
Hinc modus, atque tenor vivendi mentibus haesit ; 
Sive error, sive improbitas mortalia corda 
In sordem, in fraudem vano illectaret amore. 
At postquam e terris jus, fasque, piumque recessit, 
Subrepsere doli, visque omnia vertit, et ille 
Clarior est, qui plura potest ; timuere poetae 
Liberius taxare malos : qui, proh pudor, aureis 
Carminibus turpes mores laudare coacti. 
Nil sincere animo, ingenua nil mente locuti : 
Temporibus se subjecere : ut Polypus omnes 
Attrahit a scopulis animo trepidante colores. 
Suntque ita Simiolas imitati, ut ludere numquam 
Desierint, risusque hinc, et jocus esse tyrannis ; 
Qui sanctos vates, vitae, morumque bonorum 
Auctores, tandem sic elusere protervi, 
Ut tanquam Satyri terga hispida fune revincti 
Pro foribus, pro vestibulis, altisque fenestris, 
Ostentarentur populo in risum, inque cachinnos. 
At patriae queis cura suprema diu obtigit omnis, 
Non ita inhumani Medices, qui in sorte secunda 
Virtutum omne genus sic erexere benignis 
Auxiliis, opibusque, ut quidquid ubique nitoris 
Cecropii, Latiique foret, Florentia totum 
Ad sese traheret, doctasque referret Athenas. 
Invidit Fortuna bonis ; ac ne foret ullus, 
Qui ingenia auderet, sanctasque fovere Camcenas, 
Attritis graviter rebus vos expulit urbe : 


Nec tamen evaluit nitens pervincere tantum, 

Ut non vestra domus doctisque probisque pateret 

Semper, opemque libens miseris afferret amicis. 

Nunc vero quum tu Fortunam eviceris omnem, 

Mortalem supra sortem ; qui flectere habenas 

Terrarum ccelum usque potes, precor ilia voluntas 

Qua? cupienti olim fuerat, sit certa petenti ; 

Nam sine te (ut Sphyngis repetatur fabula nostrae) 

Aonidum chorus est tanquam sine lumine Solis 

Luna ; sub imperio cujus vaga Simia vivit. 

Nam cava si fuerit, si nullo candicet igne, 

Simia languescit pariter, clangensque per omnes 

Duodecies horas urinam sanguinis edit, 

Inde suo fit Sole potens, lucemque remittit, 

Qua Sol parte ferit tantum, et sine Apolline vates 

Obscuri vitam in tenebris sine nomine ducunt. 

Sol, Leo ; ut JEgypti sapientia monstrat : ab alto 

Ille micans, terris felicia cuncta ministrat : 

Unde hominum genus, alituum pecudumque vigescunt, 

Et pisces, tanta est virtus, vis tanta Leonis. 

Quid memorem laticum laetissima munera? Nilum 

Undantem, et late spatiosa per arva refusum, 

Fertilibus glebis Cerealia dona ferentem. 

^Egyptum hisce bonis Leo munerat, unda Leonis 

Ore fluit, fontesque tubique ex ore Leonis. 

At rores, pluviaaque olim, et liquor omnis Olympo 

Deciduus, signum doctrinae effingitur, ilia 

Nulla erit absque opibus : veteres hinc sculpere cribrum 

Commenti, et fruges prius ostentare paratas, 

Quam tu unquam Musas, et honesta negotia tractes. 

Quando igitur Leo Magnanimus tanto omine terris 

Affulges plenoque exundat Copia cornu, 

Nunc age Cercolypes, et sacros Cercopithecos, 

Quos Liber, Albiolusque et Sepia monstrat alendos, 

Legitimis admitte sacris, si vivere Musae 

Te nascente, patris Laurenti munere quondam 

Ceperunt, casusque tuos, tua damna, per omne 

Exilium tulerunt, si tecum, O denique fatis 


In melius versis, redivivo lumine quae sunt 
Tecum ortae, tecum vigeant, felicia tecurn 
Otia, et optatum teneant, Pater optime, portum. 


(Page 246.) 

Marini, Lettera sopra il Ruolo de 1 Professori deli 1 Archi- 
ginnasio Romano. 

QUOD bonum faustum felixque sit LEONI X. PONTIFICI 
MAXIMO, Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Patribus, Populoque 
Romano, Dei Optimi Maximi, Beatae Marias Virginis, & 
Apostolorum Petri & Pauli auspitiis. 

Pater amplissimus Raphael Episcopus Ostiensis Sanctae 
Romanae Ecclesia? Camerarius, Dominicus Jacobatius Epis- 
copus Lucerinus, Sanctissimi Domini nostri Papa? in alma 
Urbe Vicarius Generalis, Gymnasii Romani Rector, Anto- 
nius Zoccolini, Marius Octaviangeli, Antonius Draco, & 
Gabriel de Minutulis ejusdem Gymnasii Reformatores. 
Cum litterae omnium fundamenta sint virtutum, illisque te- 
nerae mentes exeulta? omnia deinceps offitia facile exequan- 
tur, Pontificis Maximi liberalitate, studioque erga litteras 
invitati, ex ejus auctoritate, decretoque bonarum artium, 
disciplinarumque omnium tarn humanarum, quam divinarum 
in praesentem annum a Christ! natali 1514, a Pontiiicatu 
LEONIS X. secundo, Professorum nomina proponuntur, 
quorum industria excitentur ingenia, erudiantur mentes, 
doctrinae atque eloquentiae studia floreant, virtutumque om- 
nium bonestissima exercitatio instituatur, Professores ergo, 
qui inscripti sunt, tertio nonas Novembris negotium susci- 
piant, meminerintque quantum illis oneris sit impositum, 
labore industriaque enitantur ut tali honore, majoreque in 
dies praemio digni judicentur. Sciant non litterarum solum, 
sed morum optimorum, virtutumque Magistros se constitu- 
tes, ni/iil a Christiana Religione alienum doceant. Liber- 


tutem ecclesiasticam, auctoritatemque Pontificis Maximi, et 
Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae tutentur, commissumque sibi mu- 
nus exequantur, neque alium quemvis suum in locum sub- 
stituant. Statutis diebus, si per valetudinem licuerit, legant, 
legisse Discipuli fidem faciant, si negotium sit, nonnisi po- 
testate per Rectorem facta, munus omittant, secus si fece- 
rint Floren. XX. quotiens cessarint mulctentur. Prceter 

liceat nemini. 

In Theologia de mane. 

Flor. 150. Magister Johannes Ord. S. Aug. 

De sero. 
Flor. 150. Magister Nicolaus de Luna. 

Diebus festis, de mane. 
Flor. 50. Magister Ciprianus Beneto. 

De sero. 

Flor. 200. Magister Ant 

Injure canonico, de mane. 
Flor. 250. Dominus Michael Angelus de Pisis. 
Flor. 200. Dominus Julius de Stephanutiis. 

De sero. 

Flor. 230. Dominus Sebastianus de Phedericis. 
Flor. 200. Dominus Zaccharias. 

Ad Lecturam Decreti. 

Flor. 130. Dominus Jo. Antonius de Nobilibus. 
Flor. 80. Dominus Jo. Baptista Vicentinus. 

Ad extraordinariam diebus festis. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Franciscus Castellanus. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Jacobus de Phara. 

Ad Lecturam Sexti. 

Flor. 100. Dominus Antonius de Leonibus. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Clemens de Cesis. 

Ad Lecturam Clementinarum. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Philippus Onessus. 

In jure civili, de mane. 

Flor. 250. Dominus de Sancta Cruce. 

Flor. 200. Dominus Lanceloctus de Senis. 
Flor. 120. Dominus Tiberius Manellus. 

De sero. 


Ducat, a. a. 300 

Flor. 150 

Flor. 100. Dominus . . . . de Sanguineis. 

Ad extraordinariam, de mane. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Michael Conradus de Tuderto. 

De sero. 

Flor. 80. Dominus Petrus Puulus de Parisis de Cusentia. 
Flor. GO. Dominus Petrus Sabinus. 

Ad extraordinariam diebus festis, de mane. 
Flor. 150. Dominus Marius Salomonius. 
Flor. 80. Dominus Julius Cesar. 

De sero. 

Flor. 70. Dominus S. . . . de Arctic. 
Flor. 50. Dominus Silvester S. . . Politianus. 

Ad Lecturam Institutionum. 
Flor. 200. Dominus Pirrho Senen. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Jubentius. 
Flor. 100. Dominus Archangelus de Patritiis. 

Diebus festis, de mane. 
Flor. 70. Dominus Sigismundus Dondolus. 
Flor. 70. Dominus Lucas de Perleonibus. 

De sero. 

Flor. 70. Dominus Evangelista de Goris. 
Flor. 50. Dominus Jacobus Carpinus de Finno. 
In Medicina theor. de mane. 
Flor. 530. Magister Archangelus de Senis. 
Flor. 100. Magister Bonifatius. 
Flor. 230. Magister Johannes de Macerata. 
Flor. 150. Magister Severinus de Spoleto. 

De sero. 

Due. aur. a. 300. Magister Cristoforus. 
Flor. 500. Magister Scipio de Lancelloctis. 
Flor. 230. Magister Alexander de Spinosis. 
Flor. 200. Magister Marius Scapucius. 

Diebus festis, de mane. 
Flor. 250. Magister Jo. Angelus de Victoriis. 

De sero. 
Flor. 70. Magister Jacobus de Praepositis. 


Flor. 60. Magister R. . . . lo de Fabriano. 

Ad Lecturam Praticae, de mane. 
Flor. 250. Magister Nicolaus de Doxio. 
Flor. 230. Magister Jo. Baptista de Verallis. 

De sero. 

Flor. 400. Magister Bartholomeus de Pisis. 
Flor. 150. Magister Joannes de Phara. 

In Metaphisica. 

Flor. 150. Magister Aug. p de Ve .... 

Flor. 100. Magister Michael Angelus de Sanctis. 

Ad Lecturam ordinariam Philosophise. 
Due. a. a. 300. Magister Augustinus de Sessa. 
Due. similes 200. Magister Johan. de Montes de hoc. 
Flor. 100. Magister Petr. Nicolaus Cillenius. 

Ad extraordinariam. 

Flor. 130. Magister Bernardinus de Radicibus. 
Flor. 130. Magister Sebastianus de Veteranis. 

In Philosophia morali. 

Flor Magister Damianus 

Flor. 130. Magister Paulus Jovius. 

In Logica. 

Flor. 80. Magister Jordanus de Scandrilia. 
Flor. 100. Magister Cesar Manellus. 

Diebus festis. 

Flor. 60. Magister Cimlius Campallus de Spoleto. 
Flor. 60. Magister Valerianus. 

In Astrologia. 
Flor. 100. Magister Petrus de Aretio. 

In Mathematics 

Flor. 120. Magister Lucas de Burgo Ord. Minor. 
Flor. 70. Magister Antonius de Firmo. 

In Rhetorica de mane. 
Flor. 300. Dominus Thomas Phedrus. 
Flor. 250. Dominus Philippus Beroaldus. 
Flor. 250. Dominus Jo. Baptista Pius. 
Flor. 250. Dominus Raphael Lippus. 
Flor. 250. Dominus Julianus de Camerino. 
Flor. 250. Dominus Antonius Amiterninus. 


De sero. 

Flor. 250. Dominus Baptista de Casalibus. 
Ducat. 200. Dominus Janus Parrasius. 
Flor. 180. Dominus Gallus. 
Flor. 120. Dominus Vincentius Pimpinellus. 
Flor. 150. Dominus Decius Sillanus. 

Diebus festis, de mane. 
Flor. 150. Dominus Camillus Portius. 
Flor. 130. Dominus Joannes Darius Novarien. 
Flor. 130. Dominus Donatus. 

De sero. 

Flor. 50. Dominus Michael de Fulgineo. 
Flor. 70. Dominus Desiderius Sabinus. 
Flor. 50. Dominus Jo. Julius Siculus. 
Flor. 60. Dominus Leonardus Mantuanus. 

In Graeco, de mane. 
Flor. 300 Dominus Augustus. 

De sero. 
Flor. 300. Dominus Basilius. 

Diebus festis. 
Flor. 300. Dominus Varinus. 

Ad declarationem Simplicium Medicinae. 
Flor. 80. Magister Julianus de Fulgineo. 

In Gramatica, pro Regione Montium. 
Flor. 50. Magister Jacobus de Genezano. 
Pro Regione Trivii. 
Flor. 50. Magister Jacobus C. . . . 

Pro Regione Columns. 

Flor. 50. Magister Angelus de 

Pro Regione Campi Martis. 

Flor. 50. Magister Jo. Baptista de 

Pro Regione Pontis. 
Flor. 50. Magister .... 

Pro Regione Parionis 

Flor. 50. Magister Jo. Baptista de 

Pro Regione Arenube. 

Flor. 50. Magister Franciscus 

Pro Regione S. Eustachii. 


Flor. 50. Magister Andreas 

Pro Regione Pineae. 

Flor. 50. Magister Antonius 

Pro Regione Campitelli. 

Flor. 50. Magister 

Pro Regione S. Angeli. 

Flor. 50. Magister Angelus 

Pro Regione Ripae. 

Flor. 50. Magister 

Pro Regione Transtiberim. 

Flor. 50. Magister Julius 

Pro Reverendo Domino Rectore, Ducat. 

auri in auro papales 100. 
Pro quatuor Reformatoribus, Ducat, auri. 

in auro papales 100. 
Pro Notario Reformationum, Ducat, auri 

in auro papales 25. 
Flor. 100. pro Bidello. 
Flor. 25. pro Campana. 

No. XC. 

(Page 250.) 

Sadoleti Epist. Pont. No. iii. 

DiLECTE Fili. Cum haec ad te scribenda mandavimus, jam 
fore existimabamus, ut tu, bona parte itineris confecta, ad 
nos appropinquares ; tamen voluimus has litteras ire tibi 
quasi obviam, significantes, te, quod scribis gaudere et gra- 
tulari vehementer hac amplification nostrse dignitatis, jure 
ac merito id agere : non enim amiciorem, vel tibi ipsi nomi- 
natim, vel iis artibus optimis atque honestissimis, quibus tu 
egregie praeditus, atque ornatus es, audire potuisti sublatum 
esse ad summum fastigium tantae potestatis. Quare, si Deus, 
cui omnia nostra semper accepta tulimus, nostris cogitatis 


adfuerit, intelligent omnes boni, fortunam atque potentiam 
bene institutis mentibus rectisque animis dare facultatem 
benignitatis potius, quam temeritatis exercendae. Sed haec 
speramus nos coram propediem collaturos. Tu si valebis, 
nosque cito invises, rem pergratam nobis feceris. Datum 
Romae anno primo. 

No. XCI. 

(Page 253.) 

TRANSLATION of the Greek Verses prefixed by MARCVS 
MUSURUS to the works of PLATO. 

SPIRIT DIVINE, who 'midst thy kindred throng 

Of sainted heroes sit'st, to whom 'tis given 
To track the burning wheels that bear along 

The great Creator o'er the deeps of heaven ! 
IMMORTAL PLATO ! from thy lofty sphere, 

Revisiting again this genial earth, 
Accept the volume we thy votaries bear, 

The sacred work that owes to thee its birth. 
Where, full displayed, we trace the mighty hand 

Of him, the ONE great Architect; unchanged 
Who fills the void of space, and whose command 

Th' empyreal orbs in eight-fold order ranged. 
Suspended high, of all his works the chief, 

The fix'd sun pours his unextinguish'd light, 
Whilst seven inferior stars, in soft relief, 

Shed their mild lustre o'er the shadowy night. 
Or wondering mark th' unceasing central force, 

Bound by whose chain the mighty whole revolves, 
While unreluctant in its silent course, 

Each in due time its fated round absolves. 
Thence too the glorious hope that fires the soul 

With secret longings for its heavenly home, 
Spurns the dull bonds of earth, the base control 

Of mortal fate, and lives beyond the tomb. 


Nor uninstructed by thy sacred page, 

We bid the city's towering ramparts rise, 
By justice guard them, and by statutes sage 

Define the bounds of right ; with watchful eyes, 
Whilst Shame and Punishment, immortal pair, 

Protect the peopled haunts. But ah, what tongue 
To number all the sacred truths shall dare 

That breathe thy warm, inspiring page along ? 
Thou then accept the votive tome, and haste 

To ROME'S seven-crowned hills, where still resides 
Imperial sway, and midst AUSONIA'S waste 

Rich TIBER rolls his fertilizing tides ; 
Not there a tyrant's scowling brow to meet, 

Of Scylla born, who mocks the heavenly muse ; 
No Dionysius fierce ; for there shah 1 greet 

Thy welcome presence He whom Europe views 
With wondering awe, her pastor and her guide, 

From great LORENZO sprung ; the brightest star 
Of MEDICEAN fame ; with conscious pride 

Whom his own FLORENCE hails ; and from afar 
The scepter'd rulers of the nations own, 

And as their Lord obey ; in towering state, 
Imperial LEO named ; who bears alone 

The key that opes Olympus' lofty gate. 
There, as the holy portals meet thy sight, 

A friendly train around thy steps shall throng, 
Accomplish'd bards, whom virtuous toils delight, 

Lords of the lyre and masters of the song. 
But two beyond the rest those precincts grace ; 

The first from GR^ECIA, of distinguish'd fame, 
To whom, derived from LASCAR'S noble race, 

The triple-fronted God concedes his name. 
'Twas he my infant steps with ceaseless care 

Guarded, and loved me with a parent's love ; 
He bade me to the muses' hill repair, 

And pointed out the glorious meed above. 
Illustrious BEMBO next ; whose honied tongue 

Gives in three languages his thoughts to flow ; 


O'er whose blest birth the sister graces hung, 

And taught his mind with all their charms to glow. 
Be these thy guides ; and, to his presence brought, 

Thou, with submissive Kp, his holy feet 
Touch reverent ; then, with sacred fervour fraught, 

In strains like these the mighty pontiff greet : 
" PASTOR REVERED, propitious be thy smile 

" O'er all thy flock, to earth's remotest ends ; 
" Nor thou refuse the offspring of his toil, 

" The Grecian tome thy duteous ALDUS sends 
" Sends, but, in conscious independence bold, 

" A great remuneration dares to claim ; 
" Not silver high emboss'd, nor heaps of gold, 

" Nor splendid robes with purple tints that flame ; 
" But that thy hand might dash the fiend of war 

" That now relentless o'er EUGANIA'S plain 
" Roams uncontroll'd, and drives his iron car 

" Thro' scenes of horror and o'er heaps of slain. 
" What heart so hard that would not melt to hear 

" The orphan's wail, the widow's piercing cry ? 
" Antiphates himself might drop a tear, 

" And Polyphemus heave a pitying sigh ; 
" Temples and domes a common ruin share, 

" The crackling harvests in the flame expire, 
" Whilst fierce barbarians, all unused to spare, 

" Glean the last relicks of destructive fire : 
" Calm thou their fierce contentions, MIGHTY CHIEF ! 

" To peace, to love, thy erring sons restore ; 
" From thee let suffering nations find relief, 

" And bid contending monarchs rage no more. 
" Deep hid within his cavern's dark recess, 

" Too long has Mars the goddess Peace confined ; 
" Thou lead her forth, to harmonize, to bless, 

" And with her bounteous gifts enrich mankind. 
" Then turn the tide of war on TURKEY'S shores, 

" And curb the wolf-like unbelieving band, 
" Whose tyrant empire, fainting GREECE deplores ; 

" Whilst, hovering now o'er IAPYOIA'S strand, 


" They threaten in degrading chains to bind 

" Thy sons, and banish the REDEEMER'S name ; 
" But let them first thy ready vengeance find ; 

" On ASIA'S shores let warlike myriads gleam. 
" There let the GAUL, in mailed armour bright, 

" Spur his proud steed, conspicuous from afar ; 
" HELVETIA'S sons, on foot who urge the fight, 

" Sweep o'er the field, a sable cloud of war. 
" And they who joy to wield the glittering spear, 

" The bold IBERIANS, shall the battle grace ; 
" GERMANIA'S giant offspring too be there, 

" And, loved of Mars, BRITANNIA'S hardy race ; 
" And all who yet survive the wasteful sword, 

" Italia's heroes, long in battle tried ; 
" All prompt to march thro' regions unexplored, 

" Scale the steep hill or stem the surging tide. 
" With these PJEONIA'S tribes, the bow who bend, 

" Their feathery shafts oft tinged in Turkish blood ; 
" And VENICE there her countless fleets shall send, 

" Imperial VENICE, mistress of the flood. 
" SPAIN'S floating battlements of mountain size 

" Tow'rds the wide HELLESPONT their course shall steer, 
" And whilst the towering masts salute the skies, 

" Each warlike prow the healing cross shall bear. 
" Then o'er BYZANTIUM'S towers if once again 

" The light of freedom dawn ; if then, represt 
" By thy victorious arms on GR^CIA'S plain 

" The poisonous dragon low'r his hateful crest, 
" 'Tis all achieved for then, from bondage freed 

" ACHAIA'S sons their ancient fires shall feel ; 
" Beneath their hands the barbarous foe shall bleed, 

" Or fly before their swift avenging steel. 
" And shouts of triumph, and victorious songs, 

" And grateful anthems, shall to heaven arise ; 
" And whilst around thee crowd the conquering throngs, 

" All ASIA'S wealth shall glitter in thine eyes. 
" And clad in sounding arms, the warrior bold 

" Shall join the dance and share the social mirth ; 


" Revolving time a better age unfold, 

" And sacred justice, long estranged from earth, 
" Again return propitious ; nor in vain 

" Raise o'er the guilty head her awful sword ; 
" And all mankind beneath thy equal reign, 

" Enjoy the lasting peace by thee restored. 
" Haste, happier hours ! meanwhile with pleased regard, 

" Let drooping SCIENCE own thy fostering care ; 
" O let the studious but neglected bard 

" Thy favouring smile, thy liberal bounty share. 
" From GRECIA'S shores, from fair ITALIA'S clime, 

" Call thou their noble sons impatient forth ; 
" Ingenuous youths, who feel the glow sublime, 

" Of native genius or paternal worth. 
" And 'midst thy ROME a calm retreat provide, 

" Hid from the crowd ; but near the shelter'd home 
" Let the fair Naiads roll their constant tide ; 

" So may it emulate the far-famed dome 
" Of Grecian ACADEME : where once 'twas mine 

" To pour instruction 'midst the youthful band, 
" Imbue the generous breast with truths divine, 

" Retracing all that early culture plann'd. 
" These now no more remain yet still survive 

" The latent sparks of learning's holy flame ; 
" O let thy breath its genuine glow revive, 

" Till each young bosom catch the lucid beam. 
" On TIBER'S banks ATHENIAN bands shall rove, 

" Nor mourn to quit ILYSSUS' favour'd strand ; 
" Surrounding thousands shall thy toils approve, 

" And give thy name to every distant land. 
" Through every clime, in every varied tongue, 

" The Rhetor's eloquence, the Poet's fire, 
" To future ages shall thy praise prolong ; 

" And but with time itself thy fame expire. 
" Too oft, forgetful of their trust divine, 

" Have former pontiffs burnt with warlike rage ; 
" But, by paternal maxims taught, 'tis thine 

" To heal the wounds of war and meliorate the age." 

VOL. II. 2 I 


Thus by thy strain, IMMORTAL PLATO ! fired, 

Shall mighty aims engage his ardent mind ; 
Such once his father's glowing breast inspired, 

The friend of peace, the light of human kind. 
Then, whilst his wondering eye thy form shall trace, 

In full dilated majesty outspread ; 
The sacred features of thy beaming face, 

And ample honours of thy hoary head ; 
Awhile in pleased attention shall he bend, 

And to thy precepts yield a willing ear ; 
But now thy destined hour arrives ascend 

And join the triumphs of the heavenly sphere. 

No. XCII. 

(Page 259.) 
Platonis Op. ex Edit. Aldi, 1513. 


EST vetus proverbium BEATISS. PATER, languescere et alia 
membra, cum caput doleat. Verissimum id quidem in aegris 
corporibus, sed multo verius in moribus summorum virorum 
et principum, qui caput sunt populorum ; nam longa expe- 
rientia compertum est, qualescunque principes fuerint, talem 
civitatem futuram ; quaecunque imitatio morum in principi- 
bus extiterit, eandem in populo secuturam. Quamobrem, 
cum primum creatus es Pontifex Max. tantam ceperunt vo- 
luptatem Christiani omnes, ut dicerent, praedicarent, affir- 
marent, alter alteri, cessatura brevi mala omnia quibus op- 
primimur ; futura bona quae seculo aureo fiiisse commemo- 
rant ; quandoquidem Principem, Pastorem, Patrem nacti 
sumus, qualem expectabamus, quo nobis miserrimis his tem- 
poribus maxime opus erat. Audivi ipse, meis auribus, illis 
ipsis diebus, ubicunque fui, omnes haec eadem uno ore di- 
cere, et praedicare ; nee vana fides ; multa enim sunt, quae, 


ut tantas hominum expectation! rcspondeas, promittnnt. 
Primum est, quam optime semper, et sanctissime ante acta 
vita tua a teneris usque ad Pontificatum. Secundum, fami- 
lia Medicum clarissima, altrix semper magnorum virorum. 
Aotvoc xapeucTfjp, ica7rf(J7)/uoe tv Sporotc iffSAwv ytvlaSeu. 
Hinc, ut taceam caeteros, ortus est Pater ille tuus Lauren- 
tius, vir optimus, ac tanta prudentia, ut non solum pacis 
patriae, sed et totius Italiae author fuerit, quandiu vixit ; qui 
utinam et nunc viveret ; bella enim, quibus paulo post ejus 
mortem ccepit ardere, et nunc maxime ardet Italia, ardet et 
tota fere Europa propter Italiam, vel nunquam fuissent, vel 
accensa, statim ut quamplurimi opinantur, Heros ille, gravis 
pietate, gravis et meritis, sua prudentia extinxisset, quem- 
admodum saepe ab illo factum meminimus. O ter, quater 
damnosam ! O semper dolendam, semper deflendam mor- 
tem ! Sed ad haec omnia una consolatio est ; quod sicut paulo 
post mortem Patris tui, tanta incendia belli exorta sunt, sic 
te illius filio, creato Pontifice Max. brevi, tua opera, tuo 
unius studio, penitus extinguentur. Tertium est aetas tua. 
Non enim sine numirie Divuni factum est, ut tu, nondum 
annum agens trigesimum octavum, Pontifex Max. crearere ; 
posthabitis tot magnis patribus, tot summa veneratione dig- 
nis senibus. Quoniam enim composituro res Christianas 
religionis, et correcturo mores hominum, qui ubique terra- 
rum sunt, longa vita opus erat, te eum fore Deus voluit, 
Juvenem integerrima vita, et moribus ornatissimum, qui 
haec omnia faceres longa die nullis succumbendo laboribus, 
nullis vigiliis. Ou xpr) iravvv\iov tvSeiv /3ouX?}^opov avSpa, 
$ Xaot T' E7riTTpa^>arat, icat roercra yuf/LtijXt. Additur et ilhul, 
quod maximi faciendum est, tantum terrarum, tantum maris, 
tot varies populos, ante vel Romanis illis rerum dominis, 
nedum nobis, incognitos, inveniri tctate nostra, et subjici 
Christianis Regibus, ita, ut te Rectore Romanae Ecclesiae 
sperandum sit, unum futurum ovile sub uno pastore, eo- 
demque optimo et pientissimo. Quapropter nunquam satis 
laudari potest Emanuel Rex Lusitaniae invictissimus, qui 
multos jam annos nunquam desinit validissima classe novas 
terras, nova regna disquirere, victorque beatos fter populos 

2 i 2 


dot jura, viamque affectat Olympo. Solvens enim Olys- 
sippone, ac praeteriens circulum Cancri, ./Equinoctiique et 
Gapricorni proxime Antarcticum, turn vertens cursum, rur- 
sus circulum Capricorni /Equinoctiique transiens, totam 
Africam, ac bonam totius Asiae partem circuit, itinere ad 
centies, ac quadragies et amplius centena millia passuum, 
devenitque in locum aromatum quam ditissimum, Callicu- 
tium appellatum, atque inde nuper, ad dexteram relicta 
Taprobane insularum maxima, devenit ad urbem nomine 
Malacen, populosissimamque, ac ditissimam, et plenam mer- 
cium, eamque difficillimo praelio victor, tandem expugnavit. 
At illi cognitis sacris nostris, visis Christianorum moribus, 
certatim baptizantur. O felicissimum Regem. O Heroem 
semper mirandum, colendum, extollendum in ccelum laudi- 
bus, et nobis et posteris seculorum omnium. Atque utinam 
caeteri Christianorum reges idem facerent, nee inter se cru- 
deliter bella gerendo, seipsos, ac potius miseros populus ab- 
sumerent. Quicquid delirant reges plectuntur Achivi. Nam 
paucis annis omnes homines ubique terrarum Deum verum 
cognoscerent, IN JESUM, Deum Opt. Max. constanter crede- 
rent, eumque solum supplices adorarent. Sed cognoscent, 
credent, adorabunt, te Pontifice. Cum enim tu, Pater, amare 
inter se filios tuos, nedum projicere tela manu, coegeris af- 
flictisque populis succurreris, restituta pace, curabis debel- 
landos Christiani nominis acerrimos inimicos ; curabis ho- 
mines, ubicunque terrarum incogniti lateant, disquirendos, 
ad eosque subactos mittes Apostolos tuos ad prasdicandum 
illis Evangelium, ut sacris Romanae Ecclesiae instituti, soli 
Deo nostro serviant. En potes jam ab Indis incipere ; 
potes ab aliis populis, quos in oceano occidental! Hispani 
superioribus annis invenere. Nee minor gloria servatur tibi 
BEATISS. P. instaurandis bonis literis ; suppeditando op- 
timos quosque libros studiosis, et qui nunc sunt, et qui post 
aliis erunt in annis, propagandis bonis artibus et disciplinis. 
Tentarunt hoc olim plurimi ex veteribus et Graeci, et La- 
tini, et Barbari, et quia mirum in modum profuere, conse- 
cuti sunt ex ea re gloriam sempiternam. Tentarunt et non- 
nulli ex junioribus non solum privati, ac mediocris fortunae 


homines, sed et Pontifices Max. Imperatores, Reges, atque 
alii illustres ; et, ut taceam caeteros, nonne plurimum juvit 
rem literariam Nicolaus V. Pont. Max.? nonne et parens 
tuus Laurentius ? qui si diutius vixissent, multa cssent in 
manibus, quae non habentur, turn quae habentur, facta fuis- 
sent eorum cura longe meliora. Debes tu igitur, illius mag- 
nus successor, hujus dignus filius, quod efficere illi morte 
praeventi non potuerunt, perficere. Ego autem jamdiu hoc 
saxum volvo ; qua in re, mihi quidem videor esse alter Sisy- 
phus, quod nondum illud volvendo perduxerim in apicem 
montis ; aliis autem, iisque eruditis, Hercules ; quod nullis 
cedens malis, nullis succumbens laboribus, jam plus unus ipse 
juverim rem literariam, quam MI mil omnes, quotquot fuere 
mult is seculis, ita me amant de tantis laboribus, ut nunc co- 
ram, nunc accuratis literis laudando obtundant. Sed non ego 
credulus Hits. Nullum enim adhuc dedi librum, in quo mihi 
satisfecerim. Nam tanta erga bonas literas benevolentia est 
mea ut emendatissimos simul, etpulcherrimos esse cupiam li- 
bros, quos emittam in manus studiosorum. Quamobrem quo- 
tiescunque vel mea, vel eorum incuria, qui mecum corrigendis 
libris incumbunt, aliquo in libro quamvis par v us error corn- 
mi ttitur, etsi opere in magnofas est obrepere somnum (non 
enim unius diei labor hie noster, sed multorum annorum, 
atque interim nee mora, nee requies) sic tamen doleo, ut si 
possem, mutarem singula errata nummo aureo. 

Damus igitur nunc Beatiss. P. quaecunque extant Plato- 
nis opera, idque sub tuo nomine felicissimo. Quod ob earn 
quoque causam fecimus, quia cum Marsilius Ficinus Domus 
tuae alumnus, Platonis opera latina a se facta, I^aurentio 
Parenti tuo dicaverit, quod sic foverit semper doctissimos 
quosque utriusque linguae, ut Florentia et esset, et habere- 
tur, vivente Laurentio, Athenae alterae, nos quoque tibi il- 
lius filio, eidemque Pont. Max. turn decori, et presidio ex- 
pectato hujus aetatis eruditorum, ejusdem Authoris libros, 
eosque Graecos atque Atticos, quales ipse composuit, merito 
dedicare voluimus. Simulque ea in re, morem gessimus 
quibusdam Amicis nostris, amantissimis bonarum literarum, 
qui, etsi id mea sponte eram facturus, tainen amice me mo- 


nuerunt, ut nulli magis, divini hominis lucubrationes, quam 
tibi, summo divinarum rerum Antistiti, nuncuparentur ; spe- 
rantes earn rem Academiae, quam tot annos parturimus, mi- 
rum in modum profuturam, ut scilicet nos foveas, provinci- 
amque hanc nostram, maximi cuj usque principis favore, ac 
auxilio dignissimam amplectaris, ac potius earn ipsam Aca- 
demiam, sempiternum bonum hominibus, tu Pont. Max. in 
urbe Roma cures instituendam ; quorum unus, ac prsecipuus 
est Musurus Cretensis, magno vir judicio, magna doctrina, 
qui bos Platonis libros accurate recognovit, cum antiquissi- 
mis conferens exemplaribus, ut una mecum, quod semper 
facit, multum adjumenti afferret et grcecis, et nostris homi- 
nibus ; quapropter non minus quam nos pacem desiderat, 
aeque ac nos et ipse, ut tuo sumptu, tuis opibus, fiat Acade- 
mia rogat ; id quod ex ejus docta, et eleganti, ac gravi Ele- 
gia, graece composita, quas statim post latinum indicem libro- 
rum Platonis sequitur, facile est cognoscere. Gratissimum 
praeterea futurum tibi Platonem hunc nostrum nobis per- 
suademus, cum aliis plurimis, turn etiam, quia cum multis 
jam seculis in plura dissectus membra vagaretur, nunc illis 
in unum corpus diligenter collectis, integer habetur cura 
nostra, idque per ordines quaternaries novem, quemadmo- 
dum in vita Platonis, Diogenes Laertius, Thrasyllum secu- 
tus, memoriae prodidit. Sed de Platone hactenus. Tu modo 
B. P. qui JESU CHRISTI DEI OPT. MAX. locum tenes, cuique 
commissa est cura populorum, curabis pro viribus, quae tua 
est probitas, tua prudentia, tua pietas, PACEM, quam solam 
moriturus CHRISTUS tanquam testamento reliquit hominibus, 
liul>rn<l,un passim Christianis tuis, qui nunc inter se, Eheu, 
bella gerentes cruel elissima, validas christianorum vires in- 
festo ferro absumunt, quo graves Turcae melius perirent. 

Curabis inquam tu, communis omnium Pater, summa tua 
authoritate, sanguinolentos filios tuos componendos, hasc 
iterum atque iterum repetens, Neu Juvenes, neu tanta animis 
assuescite bella, Projice tela manu populus mem. Atque 
interim non minus, quam nos speramus, quod et graece et 
latine sis apprime doctus, favebis nobis tandiu, ac tantum 
pro re literaria laborantibus. Nam etsi Maximum videmur 


attulisse adjumentum utrisque linguae studiosis, tamen tanto 
majus allaturi sumus, te amplexante provinciam nostram, 
quanto major est Aldo LEO X. PONT. MAX. 


(Page 260.) 

Perotti Cornucopia, Yen. 1513. 

UNIVERSIS, et singulis, ad quos hae nostrae pervenerint, 
salutem, et apostolicam benedictionem. Quoniam dilectus 
films Aldus Manutius Pius Romanus, qui jam tot annos pro 
virili de re literaria benemereri non cessat, in eoque genere, 
ac prajsertim turn exacte emendandis, turn omni cura, et 
studio, imprimendis graecis latinisque libris, atque iis quidem 
literis in chalibem tarn docte, eleganterque incisis, ut calamo 
scriptae esse videantur, magnos sumptus facit, magnos la- 
bores sustinet, ac propterea veretur, ne sua haec industria, 
et labor, aliis, qui hide capere exemplum possent, lucrum 
magno suo cum damno, pariat ; Nobis humiliter supplicari 
fecit, ut ad earn rem pastoralem curam nostram adjicere dig- 
naremur. Nos igitur, qui literarum, et omnium bonarum 
urtium studiosos, quantum in nobis fuit, semper fovimus, et 
amplexi sumus, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, utbo- 
minum ingenia ad honestiores, utilioresque re rum usus vel 
indagandos, vel inveniendos in dies magis excitentur, libri- 
que utriusque lingua? longe diligentius, emendatiusque in 
studiosorum manus emittantur ; atque cum ipso Aldo, cu- 
jus doctrinam, et rectum ingenium, mirificamque diligen- 
tiam satis cognitam, et perspectam habemus, commode, be- 
nigneque agere cupientes ; omnibus, et singulis, ad quo- 
rum notitiam praesentes nostra? pervenerint, sub cxcommu- 
nicationis, latae sententia?, in nostris vero, et S. R. K. civita- 
tibus, terris, et locis degentibus , nobisque et dicta? eccle- 
siae mediate, vel immediate subjectis, praterea quingento- 


rum ducatorum auri, et amissionis omnium librorum, quos 
impresserint, incurrendis, Cameraeque nostrae Apostolicae 
applicandis prenis expresse inhibemus, ne per spatium quin- 
decim annorum a tempore cujusvislibri tarn graeci quamla- 
tini, quern ipse Aldus et antehac curavit et posthac curave- 
rit imprimendum iis characteribus, quos ipse invenit, vel 
edidit primus, et quibus adhuc usus est, vel quos in poste- 
rum invenerit, imprimere, vel imprimi facere ; neve cha- 
racteres eos, quos cursives, sive cancellarios appellant, 
imitari, et assimilatione adulterare, aut curare id per alios 
faciundum, librosque ejusmodiformisexcudere, aut excuses 
venundare ullo modo praesumant ; atque eas ipsas poenas 
incidere eos volumus, penes quos id genus libri venales re- 
perirentur. Decernentes nihilo minus authoritate aposto- 
lica absque alia declaratione, omnes, quicunque contra inhi- 
bitionem hanc nostram facere ausi fuerint, antedictae excom- 
municationis sententiae obnoxios ilico fieri. A subditis vero 
nostris et S. R. E. ultra posnam excommunicationis ejusmo- 
di, ab eis incurrendam pecuniariam etiaro, et amissionis om- 
nium librorum, ut praefertur, a Camera nostra Apostolica 
irremissibiliter exigi debere, ita que per prassentes decer- 
nimus. Atque, ut hujus inhibitionis, et decreti nostri igno- 
rantiam praetendere nemo possit, universis, et singulis nos- 
tris, et Apostolicae Sedis Legatis, Patriarchis, Archiepisco- 
pis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, et locorum Ordinariis, eorumque 
locum tenentibus, et Vicariis, Gubernatoribus, praeterea 
Praetoribus, et casteris Officialibus nostris, qui praesentium 
nostrarum vigore fuerint requisiti, mandamus expresse, ut 
literas ipsas in locis consuetis ecclesiarum, diocesum, et 
administrationum suarum publicari faciant ; ipsique Aldo 
pro consequendo effectu decreti, et inhibitionis hujus nos- 
trae, ubi, et quoties opus fuerit, omni favore, et auxilio suf- 
fragentur, constitutionibus, et ordinationibus apostolicis, 
caeterisque in contrarium facientibus non obstantibus qui- 
buscunque. Caeterum quia difficile admodum foret prae- 
sentes nostras ad singula loca deferri, volumus, atque de- 
cernimus, ut his ipsis literis in plura exempla typis excusis, 
et sigillo alicujus Legati nostri, seu personae in dignitate ec- 


clesiastica constitute munitis ea prorsus fides adhibeatur, 
qua? praesentibus nostris, si exhibita?, vel ostensae forent, ad- 
hiberetur. Turn siquis harum nostrarum publicationem 
quovis modo impedire, seu obstare ne publicentur, seu pub- 
licatas et ubivis locorum de more affixas, lacerare, delereve, 
aut amovere, amoverive curare, idque scienter facere pra?- 
sumpserit, eum volumus, et declaramus supradicta? excom- 
municationis pcenae itidem subjacere. Volumus autem, et 
Alduin ipsum in Domino hortamur, ut libros justo pretio 
vendat, aut vendifaciat, ne his concessionibus nostris ad 
aliani, quam honestum est, partem utatur, quod tamen eum 
pro sua integritate, atque in nos observantia curaturum plane 
confidimus. Datum Romae apud Sanctum 1 V t rum, sub an - 
nulo Piscatoris, die xxvin. Novembris. M. D. xin. Pont, 
nostri anno primo. 


No. XCIV. 

(Page 262.) 

, de Grtec. illustr. p. 255. 
LEO P. P. X. 

UNIVERSIS et singulis ad quos hae litterae nostrae pervene- 
rint, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Studia littera- 
rum et bonarum artium, qua? vitam humanam imprimis il- 
lustrare et excolere videntur, et antea, dum in minore for- 
tuna essemus, semper fovimus, et postquam ad supremum 
hunc honoris locum divina providentia evecti sumus, de iis, 
quantum in nobis fuit, bene mereri nunquam cessavimus, 
facturi idem in posterum tanto libentius tantoque liberalius, 
quanto ingenia ad artes ipsas capessendas fieri propensiora 
et ardentiora cognoverimus. Cum itaque dilecti filii adoles- 
centes Gymnasii nostri in Quirinali colle per nos consti- 
tuti, Graecis artibus incumbentes, hanc antiquissimorum et 
nunquam antehac impressorum Homeri auctorum interpre- 


tationem formis excudendam curaverint, Nos, considerate 
operis utilitate, et fruetu maximo, qui ex tanti tamque illus- 
tris poetae expositione ad studiosos perventurus est, et simul 
habita ratione laborum et impensarum, quos chalcographi 
in excudendum librum contulere, opera? pretium facere visi 
sumus, si ad earn rem juvandam favorem et auctoritatem 
nostram adjiceremus. Ne quid igitur in praejudicium Gym- 
nasii fraudemque et detrimentum dictorum impressorum 
committat, volumus et mandamus ne quis eos ipsos auctores 
decennio proxime futuro imprimere, aut imprimi facere, aut 
impresses venundare, venundandosve dare ullis in locis sine 
licentia Gymnasii praefati, aut ejus curam gerentium. Qui 
contra mandatum hoc nostrum fecerit, admiserit, is universes 
Dei ecclesias toto orbe terrarum expers excommunicatus- 
que esto. Praeterea libris et aureis quingentis ad arbitrium 
nostrum applicandis sine ulla remissione multator. Praeci- 
pientes universis et singulis archiepiscopis, episcopis eorum- 
que vicariis, necnon nostris et S. R. E. officialibus, et quem- 
libet magistratum Jam in alma urbe quam extra earn geren- 
tibus, et aliis ad quos spectat in virtute sanctae obedientiae, 
ut praemissa ad omnem instantiam dicti Gymnasii ipsiusque 
rectorum faciant inviolabiliter observari, contrariis non ob- 
stantibus quibuscunque. Datum Romae, apud Sanctum 
Petrum, sub annulo Piscatoris, die vn. Septembris MDXVII. 
pontificatus nostri anno quinto. 

No. XCV. 

(Page 264.) 

Ex origin, in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 
Baldassare da Peseta a Lorenzo de Medici. Flor. 

AD la sua de xxii. giunta hiersera, non accade fare altra 
risposta salvo, che al pretio delli alumi, che ne scrive V. S. 
gli rispondo, che M. Augustino Chiei mi disse delli xxii. 
Carlini o ducatino et mezo il cantare, et me lo ha replicato 


dipoi, tamen hiermattina, de commissione del Cardinale, io 
fui col prefato Augustino, et meco fu Averardo da Filicaia 
pure di sua commissione, et per obviare ad la necessita 
grande, che s'intende esser li per al presente, se ne sono 
prese mille cantari ad ragione di ducati uno et mezo il can- 
tare, et lo dicto Averardo ha preso la cura di provedere sac- 
chi, et barche, et quelle sara bisogno per supplire ad questa 
necessita della Citta, et non attende ad altro, che sollicitare 
ea expeditione, et mandargli quanto piu presto si puo, et 
non havemo facto altro accordo, ne instrumento, salvo che lo 
prefato M. Augustino d contento della fede di V. S. et non 
vuole, che di li se ne venda ad altri che a quelli del domi- 
nio, et questo se glie promesso, et Monsignore Reverendis- 
simo aspecta la Lettera di Jacopo Salviati, et se ad questo 
pretio non piacerranno la S. V. havera tempo ad pensarci, 
et contractare questa cosa con quelli vantaggi si potra ad 
causa, che al restante che la Citta ha di bisogno si possa 
meglio vantaggiare, o pigliarlo per quello pretio, che Jacopo 
dice, che sarebbe bonissimo mercato, quando si potessino 
havere per li xvii, o xviii. Carlini il cantare, come V. S. ne 
scrive, &c. sicche D. V. deliberabit, et reddet me certiorem 
de omnibus, &c. 

M. Augustino me dice, et me ha imposto, che per parte 
sua scriva ad V. S. come quella gli fece domandare uno Pu- 
ledro da Morgante, &c. et che gli rispose, che sarebbe bene 
havessi aspectato, che havessi preso questa herba, et che al 
Paledro sarebbe stato meglio il venire dipoi, che innanzi, et 
che nondimeno lo facessi intendere ad V. S. che ne farebbe 
quello, che la volessi, et che mai poi ne ha inteso altro. Per 
la presente fa intendere ad V. S. che il Puled ro, et lui sono 
al piacere suo, et quello che disse allora ad Morgante, fii 
per benefitio del cavallo, et non per altro. V. S. risponda 
quello vuole si faccia. 


No. XCVI. 

(Page 274-.) 
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Baldassure da Peseta a Lorenzo de" Medici, a Flor. Roma, 
xxvi. Martii, 1514. 

AD li di passati ve Scrips!, come el Generale di Valom- 
brosa era state misso in Castello per ordine di Nostro Sig- 
nore ; hora havendo inteso, che lo hanno solum appichato 
ad la fune per tirarlo su, et che lui ha confessato tra le altre 
cose haver facto adorare uno manico di rasoio per Legno 
di Croce, et certa falsita di Contracto, et innanzi che fussino 
le mine di casa vostra, haver facto dia piu de uno anno, 
uno Psalmo, Deus laudem meant ne tacueris, &c. per farla 
ruinare, et altre cose di importantia, io, come quello che ho 
pensato, che simile cose meritano punitione grande, et ad 
minus, depositione dell' offitio, et parendomi questo esser 
cosa d' importantia in la Citta vostra, curiosamente, et come 
affectionate di V. S. sono stato questa sera ad longum cum 
Monsignore Reverendissimo, et domandatoli ad che termine 
erano le cose sue, et che io desideravo saperle per signup- 
carle ad V. S. La medisse, tu hai facto bene ad domandar- 
mene, perche te volevo imporre gliene scrivessi, et scrivegli, 
come io lo feci mettere in castello, et che hora mai ho molto 
bene justificato le cose sue, et ha confessato di sorte, che 
io penso ad ogni modo farlo privare dell' offitio, et per ob- 
viare, che non si parli, et dica, che noi lo facciamo per ava- 
ritia, et per torgli la Badia et entrate sue, io andavo pen- 
sando di fare unire quella Relligione di Vallombrosa ad la 
Congregatione di Monte Cassino, et smembrarne uno otto, 
o nove mila ducati, et li in Firenze edificarne una bella 
Chiesa di S. Giovangualberto, o altro Santo loro, et parte 
unirne ad alchuni Monasteri che sono li, et di homini, et 
donne, che vi sono, che sono poverissimi, et si moiono di 
fame, et il resto da ducati in su M. darli ad Monte Cassino, 


che nonci cloverranno fare difficulta, et riempieri et assettare 
in Firenze quelli poveri et povere che vi sono, ad futuram 
rei memoriam, &c. Et vi fa intendere, che questo e 1' ani- 
mo suo ; nondimeno ha voluto, che voi lo sappiate, et che 
segretamente, et cum dexterita voi ne parliate cum alchuni 
de quelli vecchi, et tritamente examiniate questa cosa, et 
qual fussi et sia la opinione vostra et loro gliene significhi- 
ate ; sicche non ne parlerece, se non cum quelle persone, 
che vi parranno ad proposito vostro, advertendole, che non- 
ne parlino con homo alchuno. Signore mio, questo mi e 
parso, et pare una cosa d' importantia grande, et quando 
non si facessi questo disegno di Monsignore Reverendissimo 
V. S. pensi, che se si ha ad fare Generale nuovo, come si 
fara di metterci uno, che sia ad proposito vostro, e se vi 
paressi, che M. Guerrino vostro, o alchuno altro fussi 
bono, pensici quella, perche havere li uno di chi voi ve ne 
possiate valere ad ogni vostra posta, et non ce lo havere, se 
importa assai, sendo la cosa d' importantia, come e ; io dal 
canto mio di qua non cessero andare pensando cosa che 
sia, se non per tornare in utilita, et commodo vostro, cum 
quella audacia, dexterita, et curiosita si ricerchano ad uno 
bono, et fedel servo, et non manchero mai ricordarvi quello 
poco, che io cognoscero, rimettendo mi pero sempre in ogni 
cosa all' judicio, et parere vostro. 


(Page 274.) 
Ex orig. in Archie. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Pescia a Lorenzo de Medici, a Flor. Roma, 
xvi. Junii, 1514. 

EL Dioscoride si fa diligentia di trovare, et essendocene lo 
haveremo, o quello, che V. S. domanda, o il migliore si trovi 
in Roma. Quella dica ad Philippo Strozzi, che Monsig- 
nore Guerrino fara transcrivere lo Hippocrate, che gli pro- 


misse, et io lo sollicitero, et me ha promesso trovarre il 
Dioscoride, et servire Philippo. 

Al Medesimo. 1 Julii, 1514. 

El Dioscoride di Monsignore Scipione, second! che mi 
dice Monsignore Guerrino, non e corretto, ma glie ben qui 
in Roma uno, che ne ha uno antique, et bene correcto, ma 
non lo vuole dare per fora di Roma, et dice che quando V. 
S. lo volessi fare transcrivere qui, gli sarebbe concesso, al- 
tramente saria difficile haverlo ; quella commetta quanto 
vuole la sene faccia, che non si uscira di commissione. 


(Page 295.) 
Sadoleti Ep. Pont. No. 54. 

Dilecto Filio Francisco de Rosis Rhavannali. 

DILECTE Fili, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum 
multi, et quidem praestantissimi rerum scriptores, qui non 
sine gravissima latinae linguae jactura delitescebant, nostro 
tempore e profundissimis quasi tenebris in lucem prodierint, 
non possumus non majorem in modum studiosis gratulari. 
Nam inter ceteras curas, quas in hac humanarum rerum 
curatione divinitus nobis concessa, subimus, non in postre- 
mis hanc quoque habendam ducimus, ut latina lingua nostro 
pontificatu dicatur facta auctior, et bonarum artium cupidis 
ad maximos in disciplinas progressus, non mediocrem ap- 
portatam fuisse opera. Idcirco nulli parcendum ducimus im- 
pensse, ut veteres scriptores ubique gentium diligentissime 
inquirantur, et ad nos deferantur. Sic enim fit, ut neminem 
sui laboris pceniteat. Multi sua sponte id oneris suscipiant, 
ut in remotissimas penetrent regiones ad antiquorum monu- 
menta vel hominum invidia, vel temporum injuria suppressa, 
e tenebris eruenda ; gnari conatus sui egregie praemia re- 


portaturos. Ut tu nuper fecisti, dilecte fili, qui per tot bar- 
baras, et dissonas gentes in Syriam usque, cum maximo dis- 
pendio, nee sine vita? periculo parvenisti ; neque id alia de 
caussa, quam ut a situ, immo interitu, nonnulla praestantis- 
simorum Philosophorum scripta vendicares. Inter quae 
quoddam opus, quod Aristotelis Theologia, seu Philoso- 
phia mystica inscribitur (sic enim libri titulus innuebat) quan- 
doquidem egregia doctrina refertum Arabicis litteris scrip- 
turn, e Greco translatum deprehendisti : quod latinum fac- 
tum, nobis grato admodum munere obtulisti ; idque formis 
ad usum communem excludendum nostro etiam hortatu 
suscepisti. Qui ne irritus sit hie tuus labor, si statim post 
tuam editionem alii quoque excuderint, mandamus univer- 
sis, et singulis per totum orbem terrarum ad quos hae litte- 
rae pervenerint, sub excommunicationis, latae sententiae, his 
vero qui in nostra hac S. R. E. ditione degunt, praeterea 
sub ducentorum ducatorum tibi applicandorum, et librorum 
quos impresserint amissionis poena, ne post tuam editionem 
per decennium proxime futurum usque audeant imprimere 
absque tuo consensu. Absolutionem vero omnium et singu- 
larium huic nostrae voluntati contravenentium, nobis tan- 
tummodo reservamus ; atque iisdem poenis et imprimentes, 
et impressa volumina vendentes teneri volumus. Ne autem 
contra nostram hanc inhibitionem audeat quispiam contu- 
maciter insurgere, mandamus et praecipimus universis, et 
singulis Apostolicae Sedis Legatis, Nunciis, Oratoribus, Pa- 
triarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Praelatis- 
que omnibus Ecclesiasticis, nee non eorum locum tenentibus, 
turn locorum omnium Gubernatoribus, ac Praesidentibus, 
et copiarum Ductoribus in virtute Sanctae obedientiae, et sub 
ejusdem excommunicationis incurrenda? poena, ut requisiti 
abs te, omni auxilio prohibeant, ne quis contra nostrum 
edictum per praedictum Decennium audeat innovare. Ce- 
terum, si quis tarn audax, ac temerarius esset, qui nostras 
has litteras vel divulgari prohiberet, vel divulgatas, ex locis 
sacris, aut profanis amoveret, earundem poenarum sit reus. 
Constitutionibus, et ordinationibus apostolicis, ceterisque 
quibuscumque contrariis non obstantibus. Datum Roma* 


apud S. Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die xxx. Decem- 
.bris. MDXVII. Pontificatus nostri an. v. 


No. XCIX. 

(Page 300.) 
Exempt, in Biblioth. Vaticana. 

Epistola Potentissimi ac Invictissimi Emanuelis Regis Por- 
tugallifs et Algarbiorum, $c. de victoriis habitis in India 
et Malaccha. Ad S. in Christo Patrem et Dominum nos- 
trum, Dominum Leonem X. Pont. Maximum. 

SANCTISSIMO in Christo Patri, ac Beatissimo Domino, Do- 
mino Nostro, E. S. additissimus filius Emanuel, Dei gratia 
Rex Portugalliae et Algarbiorum, citra ultraque mare in Af- 
rica Dominus Guineas et conquistae navigationis, ac com- 
mertii Ethiopiae, Arabiae, Persias, atque Indiae, humillima 
beatorum pedum oscula. Quantum Deo Opt. Max. quan- 
tum et tibi gratulari debeamus, Beatissime Pater, vel ex 
nuntio quod nostra Inclica classis proxime attulit satis ap- 
paret. Quod enim te Pont. Max. te S. Romanae Ecclesiae 
et Christiano Orbi presidente, tarn admiranda in Dei laudem 
ac gloriam gesta, tarn ex voto successerint, tua certe laus 
tua gloria censeri debet. Jure itaque visum est, qua? in In- 
dia, Dei suffragio, ad ipsius cultum spectantia, nostris armis 
modo facta sint, ad tuam Sanctitatern, utpote totius Chris- 
tianae Reipublicae caput et orthodoxae religionis normam, 
carptimac summatim,ne stilum Epistolarum excedamus,pra3- 
scribere, ut pro rerum dignitate cuncta pensari, summoque 
Deo accepta referri valeant,ac indies sui Sanctissimi Nominis 
gliscentem laudem Christianique dogmatis propagationem 
facile speremus. Igitur pacata, post plures dubii Martis 
victorias non sine labore et sanguine partas, India, relictis 
in ea opportunis praesidiis Alphonsus de Albicherque pro- 
tho-capitaneus noster, ut jacturam, quam superioribus annis 


nostri fecerent, injuriamque ulcisceretur, auream Cbersone- 
sum, M alacham accolae appellant, contendit ; ea est inter 
Sinum magnum et Gangeticum sita, Urbs mirae magnitudi- 
nis, utque vigintiquinque millium et amplius larium censea- 
tur, terra ipsa fecundissima, ac nobilissimarum quas fert In- 
dia mertium feracissima, celebratissimum ob id Emporium, 
nbi non modo varia aromata et omnigeni odores, sed Ami 
quoque, argenti, margaritarum ac preciosorum lapillorum 
magna copia atlluit. Hanc Rex Maurus gubernabat, eate- 
nus vires suas Maumetica Secta protendente, caetera Gen- 
tiles tenent. Hue itaque cum instructa classe applicuisset 
Alphonsus, urbem oppugnare destinat ; quod praesentien- 
tes Sarraceni, bello se multis munitionibus et armis prae- 
paraverunt, sed frustra; nam commisso bis praelio, nostri 
tandem, Dei auxilio, superiores plurimis ex hostibus cassis 
urbem vi intrant, occupant, data praedae libertate, diripi- 
unt, incendunt. Rex ipse, qui ex Elephante pugnabat, 
graviter vulneratus, cum superstitibus Mauris fuga sibi con- 
suluit. In ea pugna magnus hostium numerus exiguo nos- 
trorum'damno interiit ; capti plures ; magna etiam ablata 
spolia, in quibus et septem ipsius Regis bello assueti Ele- 
phantes, suis turribus, sericis, atque auro intextis ephip- 
piis, illius Provincia? more muniti, ac aeneorum omnis ge- 
neris tormentorum ad duo millia summa arte fabricata. Cap- 
ta sic urbe, hostibusque profligatis, quo nostrae rei tutius 
consuleretur, in fluminis ripa quod mediam urbem interfluit, 
hoste ubivis terra marique subacto, undique suae securitati 
prospiciens, munitissimam arcem murorum quindecim pe- 
dum latitudine construxit, ex lapide videlicet qui ex dirutis 
Saracenorum quas Mosquitas vocant sedibus excerptus est. 
Mirabilis profecto divina providentia, quod ubi tanto tern- 
pore Maumeticae perfidiae cultus celebratus, ubi lledemp- 
toris nostri nomen toties blasphematum, inde occulto Dei 
consilio, magna sua laude, Sathanae dedecore, qui tanto la- 
bore ac nostrorum sanguine tamdiu proCatholica? Fidei aug- 
mento affectamus, buic aedificio et Cbristianis tain necessario 
operi opem acceperimus. Erant eo tempore Maluciue plu- 
res extranei ac diversarum nationum mercatores, scilicet 

VOL. II. 2 K 


Zamatri, Pegui, Janaei, Goraei, et ab extreme oriente at- 
que ultima Sinarum regione Chines, aliique Gentiles, qui 
urbem commertii gratia frequentes, multis divitiis, auro, 
argento, margaritis, et pretiosis lapillis, serico etiam vel- 
lere ac multifariis aromatibus et odoribus, afFatim replent. 
li cum multis quoque finitimis, ab Alfonso foedus et ami- 
citiam ultro flagitantes, ab ipso et benigne et favorabiliter 
sunt accepti, pactoque commertii et mercaturae tractatu, 
suas negotiationis domos circum arcem ubi tutius versari 
possent secum transtulere, mutuo foedere adeo laeti, ut quam- 
vis hactenus illud emporium omnium fuerit celeberrimum, 
deinceps tamen, si fieri poterit, multo majus ac celebrius 
futurum existimetur ; quin et ipsi Chines nuntium ad nos 
mittunt, a quo perfectius res suas intelligamus. Atque adeo 
tarn hi, quam caeteri urbis accolae, dicto audire, imperatis- 
que legibus parere non recusarunt, ut Reip. regiminis jus- 
titiaeque officiales nostro nomine Alfonsi manu acceperint, 
quorum juditio et arbitrio gubernantur, simul et monetam 
nostro ibi nomine causam tanquam Regis Dominique sui ag- 
noscentes, excipiunt, et expendunt, auream catholicos mille 
scilicet nummorum, argenteam centum valereMalachenses in- 
scripsere : Haec cum cognovisset Rex de Ansia, et gente et 
solo Orientem versus potentissimus, ad quern fama erat jure 
Malacham spectare, et a Mauris olim usurpatam, Legato 
ad Pragfectum nostrum destinato, qui se suaque, nostro man- 
ciparet obsequio, auream simul craterem cum pretioso mag- 
naeque existimationis carbunculo, ensemque auro adfabre 
elaboratum, in signum videlicet recognitions, ac verae per- 
petuaeque futurae amicitiae dono misit ; ad quern Praefectus 
aliquos e nostris expertos vafrosque viros intima regionis 
scrutaturos cum multis etiam muneribus remisit, unde max- 
imum Dei obsequium et Catholicas Fidei augmentum fore 
non dubitamus. Rebus sic apud Malacham compositis, et 
obfirmato tractate commertii fcedere, relicto in arce tormen- 
tis, machinisque, munitissima sexcentorum etiam virorum 
ac strenuorum militum secure praesidio, et classe ad mari- 
timae orae tutelam viris armisque optime instructa, Alfonsus 
in Indiam revertens, Goae Urbis praecipuam arcem, quam 


ipse superioribus annis magno nostrorum periculo, sed 
niajore hostium strage occupaverat, nostraeque ditioni et 
imperio adjunxerat, a Mauris obsessam reperit, extructa 
etiam juxta alia fir mis si ma arce, unde ruebant Turchorum 
manus qua? sex millia nostros continue infestabant : quos 
cum adoriretur Praefectus plurimis jam trucidatis, despe- 
rata salute, pacta tantummodo corporum incolumitate, se 
tandem ac reliqua nostris dedidere, partisque et ibi machi- 
narum, equorum, annorum et hujusmodi baud contemnen- 
dis spoliis, quibusdam etiam qui inter Mauros reperti sunt 
Apostatis qui a fide nostra desciverant, debito afflictis sup- 
plitio, urbem pristinae quieti restituit. Appulerat interea 
Dabuli urbi haud procul a Goa, Presbyteri Joannis poten- 
tissimi Christicolarum Domini ad Praefectum nostrum Le- 
gatus, qui ejus nomine ut Christiani Christiano omnem 
opem, omnia ad helium contra Catholicae fidei hostes op- 
portuna, militum exercitus, armorum ac commeatus praesi- 
dia, ultro offerat : praesertim si mare rubrum, suo conjunc- 
tum dominio, nostra classis trajiciat, ubi commodissime 
utriusque vires jungi possent. Haud exiguum acloranda? 
et verae Crucis lignum ad nos mittit, viros vafros et indus- 
tries poscens, quorum ingenio et artificio a Sultani territo- 
rio et regione, Nilum deflecti atque divert! posse existimat. 
Aderant tune apud nostrum Prefectum a Narsingue Rege 
Legati, Rege Gentili adeo potentissimo, ut mille et quin- 
gentos belligeros Elephantes, armatorum Equitum qua- 
draginta millia, prater innumerum peditum numerum, suo 
arbitrio, in aciem parvo negocio proferre, tantumque agri 
possidere perhibeatur, quantum semestri itinere vix emetiri 
possit. Huic plures Reges ac Satrapes parent, quorum 
nonnulli, maritimis oris proximi, nobis sunt tributarii. 
Apud Alfonsum et Cambayae Regis Legatus, terra marique 
potentissimi, atque inter Mauros maximi, item a Zabayo 
Goa? quondam domino, atque a Rege Grosapa, aliique 
complures Regum Satrapumque Legati a nostro Praefecto, 
fcedus pacemque ultro exorantes ac sua munera singuli afle- 
rentes. In hac etiam quac proximo appulit classe ab Armu- 
sii Rege Legatus, cum multis margaritarum rerumque pre- 

2 K 2 


tiosarum donis, in signum videlicet fidelitatis et recogniti- 
onis ad nos venit. Hunc Regem Alfonsus idem, urbe opu- 
lentissima et praecipuo emporio Armusio vi capto, quinde- 
cim millium Seraphinorum, ea est aurea moneta ducatis equi- 
valens, annuum nobis tributarium efFecerat. Inter hos suc- 
cessus, Pater Beatissime, Divino suffragante numine, per 
universam Indiam plurimi Spiritus Sancti gratia igneque 
afflati, depositis gentilitiis erroribus, in dies ad nostram 
religionem conversi, veram Dei fidem agnoscunt, ob quae 
Deo Opt. Max. summse gratias suntmeritoreferendae: quod 
tarn procul a nostro Orbe, in tarn remotis regionibus, quo ne 
fama quidem Sui Sanctissimi Nominis penetraverat, nostra 
nunc sedula opera, suam veram fidem, cultumque celebrari, 
publicari, ac propagari dignatus sit : unde proculdubio, 
Divina favente dementia, sperandum est, cum nunc Prse- 
fectus noster ad Mare rubrum, ut ejus ostio occupato, Sar- 
racenis earum partium commertia interdicat, relictis in In- 
dia opportunis praesidiis, ingenti classe properat ut ubi con- 
junctis sub Crucis vexillo Presbyteri Joannis nostrisque vi- 
ribus, maximum Dei obsequium, et Maumeticae sectae de- 
trimentum et ignominia sequatur, extremaque Orientis ora, 
quo et sacras Apostolorum voces intonuisse compertum est, 
Occidentali nostrae propediem jungatur, et ad veri Dei cul- 
tum, ipsius suffragante numine, traducatur ; S. Sedi Apos- 
tolicae ac tuae Sanctitati, ut optimo pastori Christiani gregis 
more debitum, obsequium et obedientiam oblatura. Bene 
valeat Beatitude tua, quam pientissimus Deus diu ac feli- 
cissime conservare et augere ad votum dignetur. Datum 
in Urbe nostra Oiisipone, 8, idus Junias, Anno Domini 
M. D. xiii. 


No. C. 

(Page 301.) 
Aurelii Sereni Monopolitani Op. Rom. 1514. 

De aliis muneribus cum Elephante et Leopardo a Rege 
Emanueli ad Leonem X. Pont. Maximum dono missis : 
Aurelii Sereni Monopolitani elegiacum carmen. 

NON tibi sat fuerat divo misisse Leoni 

Hoc ingens animal, quod novitate placet ; 
Est ingens, fateor, quamvis deformius esset, 

Id tamen ingenio non caruisse putes. 
Sic natura jubet nihil omni ex parte beatum ; 

Una hie dote viget, qua minus ille viget. 
Hoc tamen ornasti pulchro tu munere munus 

Huic dono junctus nam Leopardus adest. 
Distinctus maculis, visu pulcherrimus ille est, 

Omne decus variis rebus inesse solet. 
Digna ministeriis Rex optime munera sacris 

Misisti nostro Pontificique simul. 
Altaris tegmen gemmis decoratur et auro 

Ampla sacerdotis fit tunica atque nitens. 
Adduntur gemina? pro binis inde ministris, 

Magnum auri pondus quse preciosa valet. 
Haec preciosa quidem sunt munera, qualia nulli 

Pontifici a quoquo Rege fuere data. 
Per flores et aves magnis texuntur elencis 

Quos varius rutilans undique jaspis habet. 
Cernitur Emanuel frons et tua grata voluntas, 

Sed dicas tanto dona minora Deo. 

Joannis Capitonis Aretini Elegia ad eundem Elephant em. 

Si te Elephas Lybico credas servire Leoni, 

Falleris : e cffilo decidit iste Leo, 
Hie tuus est Dominus, terrarum gloria prima, 

Tergeminum decorat cui diadema caput, 


Inter mortales plusquam mortalis habetur : 

Claudere cui fas est et reserare polum. 
Si servire Deo vere est regnare, Leoni 

Dum servis, regnas ; nam Leo in orbe Deus. 
Forsitan hie inter coeli te signa locabit, 

Quando inter superos ille relatus erit. 
Quid natale solum patriasque revisere silvas 

Plus cupias ? sedes est sacra Roma Deum, 
Non tu Parthorum regum male fida subibis 

Tecta, sed heroum ccelicolumque lares. 
In Vaticano cum tu stabulabere colle, 

Delicias orbis jure tenere putes. 
Fertilitate locus pomorum et vere perenni, 

Hesperidumque hortos praestat et Alcinoi. 
Quid memorem dulces. auras, coelumque salubre ? 

Elysia hie credas arva colenda piis. 
jSi te religio, Venus alma, et gloria tangunt, 

Religio hie regnat, gloria, et alma Venus. 
Bellandi studiis si flagres Martis et oestro, 

Romuleam hanc urbem Martia turba colit. 
Hac socia, invicti auspiciis, ductuque Leonis, 

Ad Latios referes clara trophea Deos. 
Laeta triumphalis ductabis fercula pompse, 

Vel Capitolino plaustra superba Jovi. 
Vive diu hie lastus dans omina fausta Leoni, 

Vescere cum Domino nectare et ambrosia ; 
Schcenobates fias ; varios disce edere ludos, 

Quis dominum curis mille levare queas. 
Sic Latio poteris gratissimus esse Tonanti, 

Atque auram populi conciliare tibi. 
Ne meditere fugam ; quod si moriaris in urbe, 

Non poteras fato nobiliore mori. 
Pontificem in summum testabere Regis amorem, 

Cum magna et sancta fcedus amicitia. 
O felix animal, fausto sub sydere natum, 

Quod tarn nobilitant Carmina, Roma, Leo. 


Quos Capitolinum juvit meminisse theatrum, 

Qualiter est procerum res agitata virum, 
Hue adeant, docti relegant monumenta Sereni; 

Spectabunt oculos ceu foret ante suos. 

Tarn bene succedit Syculo bonus iste Poeta 

Ut mereat Succuli nomen et ingenium. 
Hie Elephas Vates ea carmina quae tibi cudit, 

Nil nasi, et multum nasi Elephantis habet. 

No. CI. 

(Page 302.; 
Exempt, in Biblioth. Vatican. 

Dleghi Pacecchi Jur. Consult. In prestanda Obedientia 
pro Emanuele Lusitanorum Rege Inrictiss. Leoni X. 
Pont. Opt. Max. dicta Oratio. 

t>LOQUAR an sileam ? Quis enim obsecro vel consummatis- 
simus Orator, P. B. quae tanta ingenii aut facundiae feli- 
citas, ne dicam esse, sed animo concipi potest, quae ante 
Augustissimum tui acerrimi judicii Tribunal, apud Majes- 
tatem tuam, in sublimi Solio, ac solidissima Petri Petra, 
divina unanimique omnium sententia sedcntem ; inter Sacro- 
sanct;c Romanae Ecclesiae Cardines firmissimasque Colum- 
nas, ac tot clarissima mundi luinina, quasi Solem inter 
sua sidera micantem ; in tanta prestantissimorum virorum 
corona, celeberrimoque totius Orbis theatro, de re tarn 
ardua tamque difficili, non dicam verba facere, sed mutire 
quidem aut hiscere ausit? Quae sane res, si ulli unquam 
in hoc sacro Conventu dicturo difficilis visa est, mihi qui- 
dem eo majorem difficultatem afferre debet, quod homo 
peregrinus, nullo dicendi, nulloque eloquendi studio sim ex- 


cultus, sed rudis adhuc, et Transalpini sermonis, situ squa- 
lidus, crassoque (ut ille inquit) sub acre natus. Venerunt 
profecto timor et tremor super me, et contexerunt tenebrae. 
Quid igitur faciam? tacebo ne? Sed urget me parendi ne- 
cessitas. An justissimi Regis, Dominique mei dicto non 
audiam, qui sanctissima Dei praecepta libens audire, seque 
ac sua omnia eidem dicare semper consuevit ? An illius 
imperio non obediam, qui et ipse ultro obediens nos cum obe- 
dientia ad te mittit ? An optimi, ac religiosissimi Principis 
tarn sancto desiderio refragabor, qui ut tua lumina supplices 
adiremus, tuosque Sanctissimos Pedes exoscularemur, non 
sumptui, non impensae, non laboribus pepercit ? In tanto 
fluctuantis animi aestu haererem proculdubio, P. B. nisi Se- 
renus iste, Divinusque Vultus tuus, discusso mentis nubilo, 
omnes jam difficultates pervinceret, quo nos usque adeo re- 
creas, ut tuo velut numine, sinceram Principis nostri men- 
tern, purissimum cor, praecipuam fidem, singularem obser- 
vantiam, atque hilarem offerentis animum jam perpendisse 
videaris, neque ex verborum inopia, sed ex animi copia rem 
metiri, majoremque bonae voluntatis, quam culti sermonis 
habere rationem. Quare tuis jam auspiciis, B. P. Serenis- 
simi Regis nostri Emanuelis mandata paucis explicabo, ut 
quam tuae Sanctitatis auribus molestiam forte hac barbara 
mea elocutione attulero, eandem ipsam Orationis saltern 
compendio rependam. Sed unde ordiar ? quid primum exe- 
quar ? Equidem divinas tuas laudes, aeternasque virtutes 
aggressurus, novam quandam pati videor ex copia inopiam. 
Ita dicere conanti certatim se se ingerunt, ita quaglibet fes- 
tinabunda occurrens, primum apud te locum sibi vendicare 
gestit, adeo quidem ut invicem se se ipsas eo concursu im- 
pediant et obturbent. Cogitanti etenim mihi preclara Jus- 
titiae munera, qua ad amussim et aequa lance cuncta perpen- 
dis, quae ut caeterarum Domina et Regina se primum ofiert, 
reclamat ejus socia dementia, ac velut tibi peculiaris et pro- 
pria, praeferri miris modis expostulat. Dicturum de singu- 
lari Pradentia, qua perpetuae vitae lineam tarn bene duxisti, 
non patitur Fortitude, quae te interritum, ac summa floren- 
tiisiinarum yirtutum cacumina, Leonino more, affectantem, 


fortissime simul et felicissime, Leo, tot laborious, tot for- 
tunae fulminibus sola virtute superatis, in ipso aetatis flore 
(quod vix alteri contigit) ad eminentissimum rerum fasti- 
gium evexit. Caeteras vero contemnit, nullique cedit Tem- 
perantia, cum posthabitis voluptatum illecebris, toties de te 
ipso pulcherrime triumphaveris. Gravitas quoque quae po- 
tissima laus in Principe est, nee lento quidem gradu, ut te 
sibi quasi suum vindicet, procedit, cum tamen Benignitas 
longo illam intervallo anteire conatur. Certat cum Fruga- 
litate Liberalitas, neque ei quidem concedere, aut hoc in 
certamine liberalis esse deliberat. Venim ipsa Dei praepo- 
tentis Religio, recteque vivendi Ratio sanctissima, qua caete- 
ros mortales semper praestitisti, merito quidem te totum pos- 
sidere, sibique primas ab reliquis deferri debere, summo stu- 
dio contendit. Ita virtutum quaecumque prior occurrat, illi 
caeterae aliae quasi invidentes sese opponunt, magnaque vi ob- 
sistunt. In quibus profecto recensendis, cum impediat turba 
delectum, cumque ego neque eo ingenio sim, neque ea elo- 
quentia, qui illarum magnitudinem, quae in te uno suum col- 
locasse domicilium videntur, efferre possim, illis pratermissis, 
quaeso obtestorque te, P. B. ut pro tua humanitate, dum 
demandatum mihi pensum absolvere pro viribus adnitor, quae 
dicturus sum aequis auribus benignissime excipias. Venimus 
igitur, Potentissimi Regis Nostri Emanuelis, filii tui devo- 
tissimi jussu atque imperio, ad Sanctissimos pedes tuos, ejus 
nomine, Apostolico Throno, ac tuae Sanctitati de more gra- 
tulaturi; Deo imprimis gratias agentes, quod eum huic 
Sanctae Sedi, ac Petri naviculae Gubernatorem praefecerit ; 
qui ut novit regere, ita et velit et possit. Venimus ab ultimo 
Lusitaniae recessu, ut te Dei Vicarium, Christianas religionis 
Summum Antistitem, unicum Rom. Ecclesiae, gregisque Do- 
minici Pastorem, veneremur, colamus, atque in tuo nomine 
Christum, cujus vicem geris, adoremus. Veniraus publice 
privatimque tuas Sanctitati, ab utroque Orbe nostris jam 
armis convincto,obedientiam ac vere recognitionis signa prae- 
stituri. Neque ea quidem solita et antique, P. S. sed nova, 
ac multo majora tibi afferimus : Et quae ad sanctissimam con- 
tra Christi hostes expeditionem in Sacro Lateranensi Con- 


cilio, quod ad id potissimum tarn recte quam sancte conti- 
nuare instituisti decernendam, non solum attineant, sed vel 
maxime impellant. Nam ut Lusitanorum retro Principum do- 
mi forisque pro Christiano Imperio studium ac gesta omit- 
tam, utpote universe Orbi satis jam superque satis nota,ut ad- 
mirandam Manicongrii Regis cum innumero populo, Regis 
inquam totius yEthiopiae maximi ac potentissimi, non sine 
Divino ministerio, sedula tui Emanuelis opera ad Christum 
conversionem silentio praeteream, cujus nova obedientias mu- 
nera, non multo post, primus videbis, primusque excipies, 
quid de nostrorum Indica expeditione, belloque, quod in 
Oriente magnis animis geritur, existimandum est? Licet 
enim ad mei Regis famam, meae Patriae decus, Lusitanique 
nominis seternitatem spectet, baud tamen silendum est Opus 
divinum potius quam humanum, Opus ante saecula nostra 
nescio inspiratum, an verius desperatum, Opus quo impius 
ille Maumetes, ejusque praecipua sedes, Sarracenorum caput, 
Mecba, in bane usque diem Christianis armis inaccessa, no- 
bis nunc, divino sufFragio, pervia, non sine magno sanguinis 
pretio reddita est. Nam quod tarn longe, tanto terra? ma- 
risque tractu, ultra centum stadiorum millia, nostra arma, 
victricesque manus protendantur, tarn immensa Oceani vas- 
titate enavigata, tot insanis tempestatibus superatis, tot la- 
boribus exantlatis, expugnata pene ipsa rerum natura, nee 
id quid em impune, multa enim nostrorum corpora ipsi in- 
dignanti Oceano devoranda, monstrisque marinis in escam 
dantur, (pretiosa sane, ac summo praemio digna sepultura, 
quae sui Dei amore, suae fidei zelo, sui Regis imperio, suae 
Patriae gentisque studio, pulcherrime paratur) quod tot Re- 
ges, ac Satrapae gentis numero, rerum opulentia munitissimi, 
classe potentissimi, nostra arma viresque sentiant, eorumque 
potentia a nostris, quamvis numero imparibus, saape retun- 
sa, multoties confracta, saepius attrita ; quod tot Provincias 
subactae, tot populi sub jugum missi, tot Nationes in potes- 
tatem redactae, nee ipsa modo oppida et opes, sed multorum 
quoque animae recuperatae, qui a perpetuo Maumeticas ser- 
vitutis jugo liberati, veram Dei fidem agnoverunt ; quod me- 
moratissima alterius quondam Orbis terrarum creditaTapro- 


bane, multis antea saeculis incognita, nee minus expetita 
quam Celebris, nobis jam sit familiaris ; quod celeberrima 
ilia Aurea Chersonesus, Regiaque ejus Malacha, nostris sub- 
acta armis, jura legesque nostras acceperit ; quod plurimi 
Reges, ac ininime aspernandi Principes, audita Lusitanorum 
fortitudine, ultro fop d us et amicitiam per Legates expostula- 
rint, munera etiam, et ea quidem pretiosissima dono dede- 
rint ; quod maximus ille, potentissimusque Princeps, Pres- 
byter Joannes, sua arma nostris junxerit, verae adorandaeque 
Crucis baud exiguum lignum tuo Emanueli miserit, totius- 
que sui Regni vires contra Catholicae fidei hostes libere 
quidem obtulerit ; nonne haec omnia P. S. ductu opera aus- 
piciisque tui Emanuelis, in Christi jam peculium recensenda, 
atque in Sanctae Ro. Ecclesiae Patrimonium sunt referenda? 
Sed quo ego illud piaculo praeteream Sanctiss. Leo, quod 
nuper hoc anno Invictiss. idem Rex noster felicissime in 
Africa gessit, nihili estimans, quod variis hinc inde bellis, 
hinc ex Asia, inde ex Africa ageretur, ut magno apparatu 
bellico, maximaque instructa classe, Illustris magnanimique 
Bragantiae Ducis, Sororis Filii, virtute ac robore animi, et for- 
tissimorum militum ardore, non fere prius instructam aciem 
in Africam transmiserit, quam de hostibus triumpbaverit ; 
Azamor Mauritania? urbem, loci situ et soli ubertate insig- 
nem, ac totius Regni quasi caput, tantopere a Christianis et 
frustra tentatam, expugnaverit ; mox Almedinam ortho- 
doxo nomini infestam, et cunctis affluentem divitiis, aliaque 
oppida munitissima, compluraque loca opulentissima, suae 
ditioni suoque Imperio felicissime adjecerit. Cujus rei gau- 
dium duo tintinnabula, indigna olim ex Christianis trophaea, 
in Urbe Azamor reperta, mirifice testata sunt, quae antiqui 
non oblita soni, magno Christian! nominis dedecore, tot an- 
nos suppressa, insperato nunc quasi postliminio divinas lau- 
des quotidie resonant, et quo diutius conticuere, eo clariore 
sonitu laetius jucundiusque exultant, turn in gratulationem 
restitutae libertatis, turn in contemptum perfidi Maumetis 
ac superbi Sathante, qui ibidem cum diris devotionibus 
(horrendum dictu) in Christianom nomen, indignissime co- 
lebantur, nunc autem illorum dedecore vera Dei fides, vera 


lans, vera gloria sciscitatur, agnoscitur, praedicatur. Magna 
haec sunt P. B. signa, et (ut verius loquar) certissima Dei 
promissa. Dorainaberis profecto, dominaberis a mari usque 
ad mare, et a Tyberi usque ad terminos Orbis terraruni. 
Reges Arabum et Sabae dona adducent, et adorabunt te 
omnes Principes, et omnes gentes servient tibi, tibi serviet 
ultima Thule. Quid enim jam sperandum est, nisi extremam 
illam orientis oram, quo vix fama quidem Christiani nominis 
pervenerat, nostrae Occidentali conjunctam, et ad veri Dei 
fidem cultumque traductam, propediem Tuae S. ut Optimo 
Pastori Christiani gregis, novam obedientiam ac debitum 
obsequinm praestituram, ut Indo ac Gange, Tago ac Tyberi, 
in eundem velut alveum coactis, tuisque auspiciis concordi- 
ter fluentibus, fiat unum Ovile, et unus Pastor. Age igitur 
B. P. quod te jam mente ista altissima evolvere credimus, 
tantam bene gerendae rei occasionem amplectere, aggredere 
bane tarn claram provinciam, Magnanime Leo, dignam Prin- 
cipe, dignam Pontifice, dignam inquam Leone, Ortbodoxae 
religioni salutarem, Deo Opt. Max. gratissimam. Quid 
enim Servatori nostro Christo Jesu acceptius efficere potest 
ejus Vicarius, quam infinitas pene animas, perpetuo bara- 
thro demergendas, in viam salutis dirigere? Quid Sedi 
Apostolicae et Christianae Reipub. commodius, quam mem- 
bra Ecclesiae suo capiti restituere ? Tuum est P. S. aestu- 
antis Petri naviculae naufragio subvenire ; tibi haereditarium 
fluenti Populo mederi, et Christianam Rempub. tot procellis, 
tot saevissimis tempestatibus tarn diu jactata, tuo salutifero 
ac pretioso pbarmaco, peculiari quodam gentis Medicae jure 
medicari. In te omnis aegrotantium spes alioqui inclinata 
recumbit. Tu publicae saluti remedium adhibe. Verum, 
verum inquam Leonem indue, pervigila, aut oculis adapertis 
somnum in hac navicula, quod Leoni de suis Catulis sollicito 
peculiare legimus, captabis, in qua non somniculose est dor- 
miendum ne periclitetur, ne pereat. Pastor es bonus ; ne 
oves tuas Barbaris morsibus lacerandas permittas : Unge nos 
Leo Clementiss. tuo salutifero adipe, tuo pretiosissimo un- 
guento, quo rapacissimorum Luporum rabiem conteramus, 
teque ferocissimum Leonem in perfidos Christi bostes os- 


tende. Quod quo facilius perfici possit, totis viribus, quod 
instituisti, adnitendum est, ut Christianorum Principum 
concurrentia inter se segna, unde tot vulnera, tot clades, 
tan tarn sanguinis effusionem, tot civilibus bellis oppressa res 
Christiana in dies patitur, in primis componantur : ac tan- 
dem confecta pace, qua nee Deo quicquam acccptius, nee 
huic rei aptius esse potest, sedatisque eorum discordiis, 
unanimi consensu, concordia fidelium arma. in Infideles tuo 
felici aaspicio, convertantur. Quod ut facias, quanto potest 
studio ac precibus, te obsecrat, teque obtestatur B. P. tuus 
Emanuel, qui hujus Sanctae Sedis, Progenitorum more, ac 
tuae S. praecipue semperque studiosissimus, qua solet obser- 
vant ia, nos alacri animo ad te mitt it, cujus nomine obedien- 
tiam exhibentes, verse sinceraeque fidei officia spondemus 
nusquam defutura ; Teque verum Christi Vicarium, Petri 
haeredem, Maximum Romans? Ecclesiae Pontificem, totius 
Christiana? Reip. Praesulem, recognoscimus, fatemur, ado- 
ramus. Simul etiam ut vestris Sacris Conciliis intersimus 
injunxit: ubi Clementissimus Deus dignetur adsistenthun 
corda Spiritu Sancto ita replere, ut te duce decernantur, 
qua? Dei cultum, Catholica? fidei augmentum, S. Sedis 
Apostolicae decus, Tuae B. merita ac famam, sacri Concilii 
laudem, totius Christiani orbis commodum, Infidelium per- 
niciem excidiumque perpetuum concernant ; in Dei Opt. 
Max. gloriam sempiternam, Amen. 


Dum Tulli eloquium et clypeus famulatur Achillis, 
Emanuel dextra fulminat, ore tonat. 

Jo. Ja. Cipellit*. 

Armis Emanuel, Pacecchus ore est ; 
Claras viribus ille, hie eloquendo. 
Virtutes quoque Regias in uno 
Omneis Emanuele sentiebam 
Dum doctus celebraret hunc Pacecchus. 
Hinc Regem dubitabo clariorem 
Devictine Arabes, et Indi, et Afii, 


An Orario fecerit Pacecchi. 
Dicent nee scio poster! et nepotes, 
Laudandum magis an magis timendum. 


Lusitanorum turn fortia, turn pia facta, 

Urbem, orbem implerant, Oceanum, Imperia, 
Nempe pii et clari per saecla perennia Regis 

Nullum os, nulla aatas laudibus abstinuit. 
At postquam suus ilia alto tulit ore Pacecchus, 

Et Regem egregium nuntia lingua refert, 
Perculsis stupuere animis Patresque Patrumque 

Ipse pater; Regis laus geminata nitet. 
Ac simul hinc, Regem, quod fecerit inclita, laudant 

Hinc, se quod tanto jusserit ore cani. 

P. Cursius Carpinen. 

Regum gloria, Principumque sidus, 

Europae decus, India? subactor, 

Unus Emanuel facis quot omnes, 

(Si fas vera loqui) suis duellis 

Reges non faciunt potentiores. 

Quae nunc scribere non opus, quod omnes 

Norunt tam bene, quam suos lacertos. 

Nam dum haec grandiloquo explicavit ore 

Pacecchus tuus, sic Leo priorum 

Longe Pontificum optimus, Senatus, 

Sic orbis stupuit tuis trophaeis, 

Haec ut te erigere, baud loqui hunc, putarit. 

Regum gloria, Principumque sidus, 

Europas decus, Aphricae subactor ; 

Quod sol exoriens cadentem adorat, 

Quod quum Sol viget, est minor cadente, 

Quod miracula tot facis canenda, 

Felix ter, quater es tuis canendis. 

Sed quae tot facis ut canat legendus 

Saeclis omnibus, omnibus disertis, 

Ter, quater, decies, perenne, felix. 


Lancellottus Politu* Jur. Cons. 

Quid nam opus hoc? Oro. Cuinam obsecro dicta? Leoni. 

Pro quo ? Magnanimo pro Emanuele suo. 
Quid potuit tanto dici pro Principe dignum ? 

Quis potuit tanto dicere digna Deo ? 
Pacecchus, grandi et claro qui edisserit ore, 

Te digna Emanuel, te quoque digna, Leo. 
Sit tua, Dive Leo, virtus licet unica, et ipsa 

Unica sint etiam gesta tua, Emanuel, 
Par tamen illius dicendi gloria, cum sit 

Unicus ingenio, et unicus eloquio. 

/>. Dardanus. 

Haec quoque ne occiduae genti laus desset ab armis, 

Ingenii rarum protulit ilia decus : 
Nuper enim Orator dum Lusitanus in Urbe 

Funderet eloquii flumina larga sui, 
Roma sacrosancto stupuit veneranda Senatu; 

Substitit attonitis Albula tristis aquis. 
Eloquium domina quod jam Tagus hausit ab Urbe, 

Hauriat occidui Tybris ab amne Tagi. 


Imperil augebat iatos Hispania fines, 

Mitteret Augustos cum tibi Roma duces : 

Dum Lusitani tonat hie praeconia Regis 
Eloquii amissum rettulit ilia decus. 

Janus Vitalis Panormitanus. 

Rex, orator, eques, prudens, torrens, animosus ; 
Vincit, agit, pugnat, ingenio, ore, manu. 

Camillus Porctus. 

Ante quidem, Emanuel, Regum Rex, gloria belli 
Cesserat armorumque tibi, praereptaque nobis 
Militias laus atque decor, quo maxima Roma 
Divum hominumque parens, coelo sese intulit olim ; 


Dum tu, posthabitis bellis civilibus, et quae 
Nunc miseram urgent Europam, felicius arma 
Vertis in infidos hostes, belloque frementes ; 
Indosque, Ethiopesque, ignotaque Regna lacessis, 
Atque indignatum sternis tot classibus aequor. 
Non tamen antique e Latio, et Laurentibus oris 
Candor adhuc aberat linguae, pluresque vigebant, 
Eloquio insignes, soliti volitare per ampla 
Ora virum, aeternumque decus nomenque mereri ; 
At postquam Orator grandi tonat ore Pacecchus 
Gesta tua, Emanuel, tuaque inclita facta revolvens, 
Flexanimae rapit adstantes dulcedine vocis, 
Obstupuere omnes, Latiae obstupuere Camense, 
Mirataeque suum Tyberim ut migrarit in alveum 
Auriferasque Tagi, ac Durii praedivitis, undas. 

No. CII. 

(Page 303.) 

Sadolet. Ep. Pont. Ep. No. 20. 

POSTEA quam Serenitas tua, suis Legatis, viris lectissimis, 
ad nos missis, id, quod regi Christianissimo fuit consenta- 
neum, veram et sinceram obedientiam Deo optimo maximo, 
nobisque Dei in terris vices, licet immeritis, gerentibus, ac 
Sedi Apostolicae praestitit ; cum munus eorum publice cum 
magna dignitate actum, habitamque luculentam orationem 
laeti auscultavissemus, et quae visa nobis fuerunt ad tuam sin- 
gularem laudem, et commendationem pertinere, respondis- 
semus ; fuimus ab iisdem Legatis tuis appellati, ut privatim 
eis copiam, et potestatem nostri faceremus, quod habere se 
dicerent mandata, et munera, de quibus tuo nomine essent 
nobiscum acturi : quod nos cum illis libenter concessimus 
(antecesserat autem rumor, et hominum expectatio non me- 
diocris, propter famani, et nobilitatem eorum munerum, quae 


abs te missa esse dicebantur, quo esset tua liberalitas testa- 
tior) die constituta advocavimus nobis Venerandum Fratvum 
nostroruin S. R. E. Cardinalium ccetum universum; mag- 
namque praeterea multitudinem et copiam ornatorum ac proe- 
stantiuin virorum tanti spectaculi celebritas concitarat. Ita- 
que constituti in Conventu pleno summse dignitatis excepi- 
mus adeuntes Legatos tuos, eorumque orationem de tua 
erga nos benevolentia, de muneribus missis, de animo in 
sanctam Sedem Apostolicam, ac in Dei fidem egregio et 
praestanti, jucundissime accepimus; neque mediocri cum vo- 
luptate, munera ipsa aspeximus, Elephantum unum Indicum 
incredibili corporis magnitudine, et Pardum unum aliquanto 
specie ipsa venustiorem, virgato corpore, et maculis distincto : 
sed in Elephanto omnium admiratio major, vel propter me- 
moriam antiquitatis, quod apud veteres haec bellua Romas 
frequens, tanto sseculorum intervallo visa non fuerit, post- 
quam videlicet hujus maximae, et nobilissimae civitatis vete- 
res illae imperil et potentiae opes conciderunt ; vel propter 
docilitatem belluae atque disciplinam, ita obtemperantis mo- 
nitis et praeceptis rectoris sui, ut fides fieret non falso fuisse 
a gentilibus nostris litteris proditum, esse quandam illi bel- 
luae cum genere hutnano societatem. Atque base hujusmodi 
animantium productio, et nobis jucunditati fuit, et popula- 
rem in primis habuit admirationem. Sed cum, hoc specta- 
culo transacto, in medio eorumdem Fratrum nostrorum, et 
in gravissimorum, atque ornatissimorum hominum corona, 
consedissemus, explicaverunt eo in loco ministri Majestatis 
tuae vestem destinatam rebus divinis, ac vere tantummodo 
dignam, quae in thesauris Dei omnipotentis censeatur; cum 
nemo mortalis tarn sit arrogans, qui se tanto illo ornatu dig- 
num putare queat. Sed ejus fulgor simul atque, involucris 
rejectis, ad oculos intuentium est oblatus, silentium primum 
et tacita admiratio omnes tenuit : neque enim aut oculi ad 
aspectum, aut vox ad laudem sufficere posse videbantur ; 
idque non injuria. Erat enim ea species, ea pulchritudo 
nobilissimi operis, qualem nee vidissemus antea unquam, nee 
videre expectavissemus ; is splendor, qui ex candore, et co- 
pia tot gemmarum esse debebat ; artem autem in eo, et va- 

VOL. II. 2 L 


rietatem opcrum, omnes plane confitebantur etiam pretio- 
siorem esse materia, cum diuturnus labor nobilitatem summi 
art ilicii. ordine et contextu mirabili margaritarum, antecel- 
lere omnibus Indicis, atque Arabicis opibus coegisset. Hoc 
dono conspecto, in quo, et magnitude animi tui, qui dedicas- 
ses, et summi Dei, cujus honori dedicasses, erga te benefi- 
centia perspiciebatur ; lectae sunt litterae tua?, scriptae incer- 
tum elegantius, an religiosius ; te, quod primitive omnium 
rerum Deo dicanda? sunt, primitias Lybiae, Mauritania?, 
^Ethiopia?, Arabiae, Persidis, atque India? in Dei honorem, 
nobis, ipsius vices sustinentibus dare, ac dedicare. Quorum 
omnium, et verborum, et operum magnificentia, a tanto et 
tarn illustri Rege profecta, inusitata quidem nobis et mirabi- 
lis visa est, animo percurrentibus, quas tu provincias, quas 
regiones, quas oras tarn terrestres quam maritimas virtute 
ac victoria, Deo comite, peragrasses ; ut te pra?stantissimum 
Regem non solum nostra, sed etiam antiquitatis memoria 
pra?buisses. Sed multo clarior, atque admirabilior visa est 
in tanto Rege, et optima erga Deum voluntas, et summa Re- 
ligio : animus vero, et benevolentia erga nos, ceterarum re- 
rum omnium nobis accidit jucundissima. Quamquam enim 
maximas, ac praeclarissimas res nobis dono misisti, tamen 
multo habemus gratiorem amorem erga nos tuum, quam 
cunctarum opum, et divitiarum apparationem. Itaque mu- 
nera quidem tua, ut nobis charissima, in sacrario nostri de- 
lubri Palatini conservaturi sumus, te vero ipsum ac praestan- 
tissimas virtutes tuas in corde, atque animo nostro perpetuo 
conservabimus. Utinam quas vellemus gratias tua3 Sereni- 
tati agere possemus : agimus quidem maximas ; sumusque, 
si occasio feret, aliquando relaturi. Sed referet Deus ipse, 
qui nee pietatem tuam ccelestibus suis praemiis, qua? maxima 
sunt, irremuneratam, nee nostram cupiditatem referenda? 
gratia?, ut confidimus, irritam esse sinet. Nos quidem, quod 
nostra? est potestatis, et singularem benevolentiam tua? erga 
nos voluntati perpetuo habituri sumus, et summum honorem 
virtuti. Datum Roma? die xi. Maji 1514. anno secundo. 



NO. cm. 

(Page 308.) 
Ex orig. in Archiv. Pafat, Retpub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de Medici. Flor. Rom. 23 
Mar. 1514. 

QUESTA mattina sono stato ad longum cum lo prefato Mon- 
signore Reverendissimo nostro, domandandogli, se haveva 
da dirmi cosa alchuna, rispondendo di no ; et ricercandolo 
dell judicio suo di questa tregua fra Spagna, et Francia, et 
quellogliene pareva; medisse, che se non ci era sotto qual- 
che trappola, la era per andar bene, et che Nostro Signore 
non se ne potrebbe piu contentare, quando non ci sia drento 
qualche che, come Sua Santita ne dubita, perche quando 
siano per andare al bene, et non removere le cose d'ltalia, 
come lo Stato di Milano, come ne e stato accennato, Sua 
Santita (come ve dico) ne sta contentissimo; et piu di sono 
il Re di Spagna gliene fece intendere della pratica di questa 
tregua ; ma Nostro Signore ha paura, che non segua quel 
parentado della figliola di Francia con Spagna, ad la quale 
si ragiona dare in dote lo Stato di Milano, et quando questo 
seguisse Sua Santita non ne sarebbe troppo contenta per 
rispecto delle cose d'ltalia; questo me ha detto Monsignore 
Reverendissimo, che io ve scriva, et che voi nonne scriva, 
parliate con homo alchuno, ma solo ad vostra satisfactione 
si scripto, et che per adasso non ci e altro. 


No. CIV. 

(Page 309.) 
Ex. orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de 1 Medici Flor. Rom. 15 Apr, 


MONSIGXOR Reverendissimo me dice, che qui non ci e al- 
tro di nuovo, salvo che questo Archidiacono di Monsignor de 
Marsilii venuto di Francia, et che voi di la havete il mede- 
simo, et che il Re di Francia desidera restringersi con Nos- 
tro Signore, et vorrebbe per mezo di Sua Santita pigliare 
accordo con li Svizeri, et essere con quella, et la pratica, 
che ha della figliuola con lo Arciduca, se potessi fare altro, 
lo farebbe volentieri, per rispecto che malvolentieri se de- 
potesta dello stato di Milano, et poi anchora dubita, che se 
lo Arciduca havessi quello stato, non fussi augumentato 
dallo Imperatore de una Verona, et altre citta li circumvi- 
cine, et cosi ne potessi venire ad damni soi ; et dicemi Sua 
Signoria Reverendissima, che lo Re di Francia promette 
ad Nostro Signore Stato, &c. se si restringano insieme loro 
tre, cioe Francia, Papa, et Svizeri, et che havendo questo 
non teme ne di Spagna, ne Inghilterra, ne Imperatore, ne 
altro, et facto questo ne vorrebbe venire in Italia, &c. ad 
recuperare lo Stato di Milano. Delle qual cose Nostro 
Signore non e anchora resolute, et altro non ci e degno da 

lo comprehendo, per quello posso ritrarre da alchuno, 
che Nostro Signore vistosi lassato indrieto da Spagna da 
uno tempo in qua comincia ad prestare orecchie ad queste 
cose di Francia, et ad ogni hora lo ambasciatore Franzese e 
con S. Sanctita et lo ausculta volentieri, che prima nonne 
voleva sentir parlare, et M. Luisi de' Rossi e mezano ad 
tutte queste cose, et lui me ha detto, che crede, che Nostro 
Signore se restringera cum quella Maesta, et veramente non 
e dubio, che quando fussino insieme Nostro Signore, Fran- 


cia, et li Svizeri, ci fussi da dubitare, et le cose andrebbono 
bene per voi altri ; staremo a vedere, et intendendo risolu- 
tione alcliuna, subito se significhera ad V. S. 

No. CV. 

(Page 312.) 

Rymer, Fcedera, torn. vi. par. i. p. 57. 
De Pileo et Gladio Consecratis, ad Regem missis. 

Charissime in Christo Fili noster, Salutem et Apostolicam 

I MIT ATI vetus Institutum Romanorum Pontificum Praede- 
cessorum nostrorum, cum in proxima Natalis Dominici Noc- 
te, inter Missarum solemnia, Ensem et Pilewn manibus nos- 
tris consecrassemus, ut eo postea munere, uti consuevit fieri, 
aliquem ex Christianis Prihcipibus de hac Sancta Sede be- 
nemeritis donaremus, convertimus cogitationem nostram in 
tuam praecipue Majestatem, pro paterna nostra ac singulari 
in earn benevolentia, proque tuis ac Illustrium Progenitorum 
tuorum erga ipsam Sedem et Christianam Religionem cla- 
rissimis ac testatissimis meritis; Teque tantum ac talem 
Principem, Sanctaeque hujus Sedis ab ipso Deo utrumque 
Gladium habentis devotissimum Filium, hoc nostro praeclaro 
munere de Venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum Sanctac Ro- 
m;m;r Ecclesiae Cardinalium concilio decrevimus decoran- 

Quod quidem Donum, Fill Carissime, non tarn Materia 
< |u.iiii Misterio praetiosum est ; signatur enim hoc Gladio, 
Unigeniti Dei Filii de inventore mortis ac humani generis 
hoste victoria, ac Dei infinita potentia in ipso Filio suo, 
vero Deo et Homine, aeque cum Patre subsistens. 

Figurat etenim Pontificalis hie Gladius Potestatem sum- 
mam Temporalem, a Christo, Pontifici Maximo, Vicario ejus 
in Terris collatam. 


Pileus vero cum Ense iccirco conjungitur, ut eo, veluti 
Galea quadam Salutis assumpto, assiduus intrepidusque Pro- 
pugnator adversus inimicos Fidei et Sanctae Romanae Ec- 
clesise protegaris, et armetur caput tuum Spiritus Sancti 
gratia, qui per columbam margaritis ornatam significatur. 

Suscipe igitur, Carissime Fill, Munus hoc Sacrum Regia 
tua Animi magnitudine ac praestanti virtute dignissimum ; 
accipe manu ista bellica Ensem Bellicum; hoc Tu felicissi- 
mis auspiciis bella geres, hostes fidei nostras suhiges, Chris- 
tiana? Reipublica? fines ac Imperium propagabis ; tune Te, 
Princepsfortissime, animum decet advertere ad tan turn de- 
cus, tantum meritum, etiam ante alios evolare, contra Infi- 
fidelium rabiem tuas Militias facinora excercere, primitias vi- 
riura, roboris, astatis, Deo Optimo Maximo consecrare, ut 
in Praeliis per hoc munus coelesti auxilio fretus celebres re- 
feras ex Christi hoste Triumphos, pace vero deinde parta 
idem Tibi munus perpetuo sit decori atque ornamento. 

Quod ut Tibi gratius esset, mittimus illud per Dilectum 
Filium Leonardum de Spinellis Affinem ac Familiarem nos- 
trum, Nobis admodum gratum, ut Persona? auctoritas gra- 
tiam muneris augeat, et simul ut Majestati tuce intimam 
nostram erga Te charitatem et benevolentiam coram uberius 

Datum Romts apud Sanctum Petrum sub Annulo Pisca- 
toris, Die Priraa Martii M. D. xiii. Pontificatus nostri Anno 


Charissimo in Christo Filio nostro Henrico Regi Anglic 


No. CVI. 

(Page 312.) 
Ex. orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reip. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de' Medici Flor. Rom. xviii. 

Ap. 1514. 

QUESTA havevo cominciato questo di xvii. credendo si 
spacciassi, ma perche non parti alchuno per li, la ho sopra- 
tenuta persino ad questa sera xvni; et dipiu fo intendere 
ad V. S. come questa sera Monsignore Reverendissimo me 
ha detto, che io gli faccia intendere come qui sono lettere 
del jrim<> di questo del Re proprio d'Inghilterra ad Nostro 
Signore per le quali si duole assai cum Sua Santita de questa 
tregua, che ha facto Spagna con Francia, et monstra ne es- 
sere mal contento, et gli fa intendere, che vuole essere con 
quella, et non uscire della volunta sua ; d'onde Nostro Sig- 
nore pensa, et con ogni ingegno trama di operare, che 
1'Inghilterra et Francia se reconcilino, et faccino accordo in- 
sieme, et di gia ha dato qualche principio, et fara ogni 
opera d'accordargli, et Dio gliene presti gratia. S. S. Re- 
verendissima fa intendere ad V. S. che di questo ultimo ca- 
pitolo d'Inghilterra la non ne parli ; ma solum sia ad sua sa- 

No. CVII. 

(Page 315.) Biblioth. Vaticana. Et v. Fabron. in vita Leon. X. 
in Not. 38. 

Copia originalis Litterce Serenissimi Regis Anglia ad 
Sanetissimum Dominum nostrum, Dominion Leonem Pa- 
pam X. missee, de pace acfoedereper eum et Christianis- 
stmum Francorum Regent noviter inita. 

BEATJSSIME Pater : &c. Post multas variasque disceptatio- 
nes atque altercationes inter Serenissimi Francorum Regis 


Oratores apud nos, et nostros Conciliarios ultro citroque ha- 
bitas, divino tandem munere, et Sanctitate vestra duce at- 
que auctore, arma per nos pro ista sancta Sede sumpta de- 
posuimus, et terra marique pacem ac fcedus cum eodem 
Francorum Rege aequis et honorificis, tarn vestrae Sanctitati 
quam nobis, conditionibus inivimus. Nam vestram ante om- 
nes Sanctitatem, istamque sanctam Sedem, ac universam 
ejus ditionem et nominatim Bononiam in hac pace et fcedere 
comprehendimus. Complex! etiam sumus sacrum Imperium, 
et Illustrissimum dominum Principem Castellae, atque illis 
annum hinc ad tres menses inchoandum dedimus ad animi 
sui sententiam declarandum, utrum in hac pace et fcedere 
esse velint, nee ne. At vestrae Sanctitati diem nullam prae- 
scripsimus. Nullum praeterea non studium et operam ad- 
hibuimus, nee quicquam obmisimus, ut Ducem quoque Me- 
diolani eadem pace ac fcedere complecteremur. Verum id 
obtinere nulla ratione potuimus. De Serenissimo vero Rege 
Aragonum, quoniam is res suas ex se ipso agere magis 
amat, neuter nostrum mentionem ullam fecit. A dicto 
Serenissimo Francorum Rege inter caeteros amicos Scoti 
quoque sunt comprehensi, sub quibusdam conditionibus, 
quibus eos nequaquam staturos existimamus. Hujus autem 
pacis terminus anno postquam alteruter nostrum vita exces- 
serit est constitutus ; quemadmodum ex dictae pacis Capitu- 
lis, quse ab eodem Francorum Rege intra proximos duos 
menses sunt comprobanda, et postea infra annum vestrae 
Sanctitatis auctoritate (adjectis contra violatorem censuris) 
confirmanda, ac nunc etiam ex Reverendo Domino Episcopo 
Vigorniensi, nostro apud Sanctitatem vestram et Sedem 
Apostolicam Oratore, copiosius intelliget. Ut autem base 
pax firmior stabiliorque sit eidem Serenissimo Francorum 
Regi, Illustrissimam Sororem nostram Dominam Mariam, 
ab ipso instantissime petitam, in matrimonium promisimus. 
Quae olim cum vix annum xm. attigisset, per nostrum cla- 
rissimae memoriae Patrem praedicto Jllustrissimo Principi 
Castellae, Annum tune aetatis suae nonum agenti pacta fuerat, 
tempusque constitutum, ut cum idem Illustrissimus Domi- 


nus Princeps ad annum xim. pervenisset, Oratores ac Pro- 
curatores suos hue ad nos mitteret, qui cum dicta Illustris- 
sima Sorore nostra solemnia Sponsalia, per verba de prae- 
senti, conficerent. Quod cum non esset ab ejusdem Illus- 
trissimi Principis Gubernatoribus observatum, rursus anno 
superior! cum apud Insulas Oppieses essemus, huic rei, xv. 
die mensis Maii proxime praeteriti, per Oratorem nostrum 
operam dedimus, atque hoc quoque ab eisdem Domini Prin- 
cipis Gubernatoribus (quamquam ssepe a nobis admonitis et 
rogatis) fuit neglectum. Quapropter dicta Illustrissima Soror 
nostra, consultatione prudentum habita, quicquid per eum- 
dem nostrum Patrem, suo nomine, cum praedictis Domini 
Principis Gubernatoribus actum fuerat, coram Notario pub- 
lico et testibus se rescindere, ac irritum habere protestata 
est : atque re dissoluta, dicto Serenissimo Francorum Regi 
est desponsata, et matrimonium per ejusdem Regis Procu- 
ratorem jam contractum. Quo vinculo non dubitamus sin- 
ceriorem et constantiorem inter eum et nos pacem futuram : 
ad quam quidem crebre studiosissimeque vestrae Sanctitatis 
adhortationes, et demonstrata nobis ab ea, non istius Sanctae 
Sedis modo, verum etiam totius Christianas Reipublicae uti- 
litas nos imprimis allexerunt, ea sane spe, ut non nostra tan- 
turn, sed et omnium Christianorum arma plus nimio in mu- 
tuas caedes grassata, finem aliquando faciant, et in Christi- 
ani nominis hostes convertantur; qui fraternas nostras caedes 
laeti ac ridentes spectant, et nos eo melius rem sibi gerere, 
ac magis strenue sibi militare, quo atrocius in nostra ipsa 
viscera saevire arbitrantur. Proinde Sanctitatem vestram 
etiam atque etiam oramus, ut quod sanctissime cogitavit, et 
foeliciter crcpit, universali paci componendae nunc maxime 
instet, Divinoque suo concilio, et quantis valet precibus, si- 
cuti apud nos fecit, ita apud caeteros Principes Christianos 
agat, summaque vi in tarn praeclarum, tamque vestra Sancli- 
tate dignum, Christianaj Reipublica? salutiferum opus adni- 
tatur : quo pulcherrima ilia, votisque omnibus et nobis sem- 
per exoptata adversus infideles expeditio concortlibus om- 
nium Christianorum armis animisque conspiciatur : quod aut 


sub vestra Sanctitate, aut sub nullo alio Pontifice nos visuros 
speramus. Ex palatio nostro Greenvici die XH. Augusti 
M. D. XIHI. 


(Page 318.) 

Rymer, Foedera, torn. vi. par. 1. p. 61. 
De Obitu Cardinalis Eboracensis. 

Serenissime ac Inmctissime Rex et Domine, Domine mi 

POST humillimas commendationes. Hodie, Bonae Memoriae, 
Cardinalis Eboracensis Naturae reddidit quod acceperat, 
ex cujus obitu quantum ceperim doloris nullis possim expri- 
mere Literis. 

Nam, praeterquam quod observaveram et amaveram eum 
non vulgariter, fecit non parvam jacturam Ordo noster tanto 
Patre et Domino carere, et cujus etiam Servitio quotidie 
Regia Majestas vestra uti poterat. 

Sed quoniam a Deo haec sunt, cui nihil nisi rectum pla- 
cet, ejus voluntati acquiescendum est, ejusque roganda cle- 
mentia ut inter Servos suos ad aeternam illam vitam dignetur 

Ego vero, quod ad Officium meum pertinere existimavi, 
statim Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum conveni, et suae 
Sanctitati supplicavi ne quid de Beneficiis praedictae Bonae 
Memoriae prius decerneret, quam a Majestate vestra de ip- 
sius voluntate certior fieret et juxta earn deliberaret : 

Quod ab Sua Sanctitate, pro summa ac paterna ejus in 
Majestatem vestram benevolentia et afFectione, facile impe- 

Cogitabit itaque ilia mature quod magis ex ipsius Ser- 
vitio futurum est, et Sanctissimo Domino Nostro quaecumque 
concedi ab eo poterunt sibi poterit firmiter permittere. 


Ego ab Institute et Officio meo erga Majestatem vestram 
in nulla occasione discedam : quae et de Cardinalis aegritu- 
dine et studio ac opera mea ex Domini Wygorniensis ore 
iict planius certiorata. 

Commendo Me humillime vestrce Regice Majestati; quam 
Deus incolumem ac felicissimam diu conservet. 

Roma; ex Palatio Apostolico, xiv. Julii, M.D.XIV. 
Sacrce Regice Majestatis vestrce, 

Humillimus ac Fidelissimus Servitor, 

No. CIX. 

(Page 318.) 

Rymer, Fcedera, torn. iv. part. 1 . p. 86. 

SERENISSIME et Gloriosissime Rex et Domine, Domine 
Observantissime, humillimas Commendationes prcemissas. 

Indies Majestas vestra reddidit me dignitatibus, et mu- 
neribus obnoxiorem ; accepi nuper a Magnifico Equite Grif- 
Jitho Don pra3sentium Latore, nomine Majestatis vestrce, li- 
teras humanissimas, jet duos Equos optimos, regiis ornamen- 
tis instratos ; Donum profecto insigne et mihi gratissimum, 
turn praestantia Equoi-um, turn vel maxime quod a Majes- 
tate vestra missum erat; Cui ago ingentes gratias, et si 
quando dabitur occasio referam, et me humillime etiam at- 
que etiam commendo ; qua? felicissime valeat. 

Ronue ex Palatio Apostolico, die tricesimo Octobris 

Excellentissimce Majestatis vestrce, 

Humillimus Servitor, 


Serenissimo et Gloriosissimo Principi et Domino, Domi- 
no Henrico, Regi Anglice, Franciceque ac Domino Hybcr- 
nia Obftcrvandissimo. 


No. CX. 

(Page 318.) 

Rymer, Faedera, torn. vi. p. 74. 
Litera Regis Francorum ad Th. Wolsey Elect. Eboracensem. 

Monsieur a" Jorci, 

POUR ce que j'ay sceu Retour de ce Porteur pur dela, je 
ne 1'ay voulu lasser partir sans vous porter Lettres de Moy. 

Et par icelles Vous prier & affectueusement que Vous 
vueillex faire mes bonnes & Cordialles Recommandacions 
aux Roy & Rayne mes bonnes Frere & Sceur & aussy a la 
Royne ma Femme. 

En Vous priant, en oultre, tenir main a ce que ma Femme 
parte de la le plus tost que faire se pourra, 

Car il n'y a Chose en ce Monde que tant je desire que 
de la veoir & me trouver avecques Elle, 

Et, en ce faist, Vous me ferez plaisir, & m'obligerez 
de plus en plus a vous. 

Priant Dieu Monsieur d* Jorci qu'il Vous ait en sa Sainte 

Escript a Eslampes le Second Jour de Septembre. 



A Monsieur a" Jorci. 

Ejusdem ad Eundem, p. 81. 

Monsieur d' Yore, Mon bon Amy. 

J'AY puis n'aguieres receu la lettre que Vous m'avez es- 

Et par le contenu d'icelle entendu la bonne et parfaicte 
voulonte, que vous avez non soullement a 1'entretenement 
de la bonne Paix et mutuelle Amytie d'entre le Roy mon 


bon Frere et Cousin et Mot/, maiz a 1'augmentacion et ac- 
croissement d'icelle, et de noz Honneurs et Estatz. 

Dont tant et si affectueusement que Je puis Je vous 

Et vous prie, Monsieur d' Yore, Mon bon Ami, en croye 
fermement qu'el n'y a ainytie ne allience en la Christiente 
que tant ne plus Je tiengne chere, que Je faitz et vueil faire 
tant que Je viuray, celle de mon dit bon Frere et Cousin, 
esperant, par vostre bon moyen trouver tousjours en Luy 
pareille Correspondance. 

Et quant a ce que m'escripuez de la traduction et venue 
par deca de la Royne ma Femme, Je Vous mercye de la 
paine que Vous prenez pour 1'appareil des choses qui sont 
requises et necessaires pour sa dite venue, et de 1'extresme 
diligence que Vous y avez faict et faictes, ainsi que le Seig- 
neur de Marigny et Jehan de Paris iriont escript. 

Vous priant continuer et 1'abreger le plus que vous pour- 
rez, car le plus grant desir que j'aye pour leure presente est 
de la veoyr deca la Mer, et Me trouver avecques Mile, par 
quoy en ce faisant et ny perdant temps, comme Vous le 
m'escripuez, vous Me ferez singullier plaisir, et tel quel ne 
sera jamaiz que j'en aye souvenance et obligacions envers 

Et, quant a ce qu'avez retenu avecque vous le dit Seig- 
neur de Marigny et Jehan de Paris, pour ayder a dresser le 
dite appareil a la mode de France, Vous m'avez fait plaisir 
en ce faisant, et presentement leur escrips que non seullement 
ilz Vous obeissent en cela, maiz en toutes autres choses que 
Vous leur commanderez, et tout ainsi qu'ilz feroyent a ma 
propre parsonne. 

Et, au regart du plaisir, que dictes par vos dites Lettres, 
que ma dite Femme a pris d'avoyr ouy de mes bonnes nou- 
velles, et que la chose, que pour le Jourduy plus Elle desire 
et souhaite, est de Me veoyr et estre en ma Compaignie, 
Je Vous pris, Monsieur d* Yore, Mon bon Amy, Luy dire 
de par Moy, et Luy faire bien entendre, que mes desirs et 
souhaitz sont pareilz et semblables aux siens ; Et que puis 
quel n'est possible que Je la voye si tost que Je dessire, 


que Je Luy prie qu'elle me face savoir de ses nouvelles Je 
plus souvent que faire se pourra, et Je feray le semblable de 
M on couste. 

Au surplus, en tant que touche les tresaffectueuses et 
trescordialles recommendacions que Vous avez faictes a mon 
dit Frere et Cousin da ma part, et celles que de la sienne 
Vous Me faictes, Je Ten mercye de tout mon cueur, et vous 
prie derechef les Luy faire, et aussi Me faire primerement 
entendre s'il y a aucune chose en mon Royaume ou il preigne 
plaisir, et je metray paine de Luy en complaire. 

Au demeurant j'ay veu ce que Vous avez escript a mon 
Cousin le Due de Longueville ,- sur quoy Je luy ay ordonne 
Vous faire responce telle que verrez, Je Vous prie y ad- 
jouster foy ; et Me faire savoyr de voz Nouvelles le plus sou- 
vent que possible sera, et Vous Me ferez plaisir si grant que 
plus ne pourriez. 

Priant Dieu, Monsieur d' Yore, Mon bon Amy, que vous 
ayt en sa garde. 

Escript a Paris le jour de Septembre. 



A Monsieur <F Yore, Mon bon Amy. 

No. CXI. 

(Page 327.) 
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Magnifico viro Patrono meo observandissimo Laurentio de 

MAGNIFICE vir, patrone mi observandissime, &c. In ris- 
posta delle sue de' v. non me accade dire altro ad V. S* 
salvo cbe ho ringratiato el Magnifico Juliano, per parte di 
quella, del cavallo suo gli vuole mandare, el quale sarebbe 


gia per via, se non fussi che ha havuto un poco di male in 
uno piede di drieto, che non si e potuto mandare ; pure si 
partira Sabbato di qua, et credo verra Piero Tedesco con 
epso, et venendo lui mandero in sua compagnia li duo ca- 
valli del Signore Jo. Jordano, che ho havuti, et lo cavallo 
del Signore Luca Savello, quale e in Corneto, ordinero che 
vengha con questi. Quello del Signore Niccolo non si e 
potuto havere, perche dice che e malato ; per hora si man- 
dano questi tre, perche piu non sene sono potuti havere. 

Monsignore Reverendissimo Cibo per parte di V. S. ho 
visitato, et confortato al curarsi, et recuperare presto la sua 
bona pristina valitudine, per venire in questa festa di la, 
Sua Signoria Reverendissima non sta anchora troppo bene, 
nondimeno sta levato, et va per camera, et tutte le sue 
stanze, et ha una voglia extrema di venire, et dice, che se 
si dovessi fare portare in lectica, omnino vuole essere li in 
questo S. Giovanni, per godere in compagnia di V. S. quelle 
cose che suranno, et si faranno li, et che non lasser& ad fare 
cosa alchuna per guarire, per essere li, et partecipare questo 
piacere con quella, ad la quale assai se racommanda. 

V. S. sarebbe tarda ad la fiera ad Lanciano; questo 
dico, perche se lo Elephante, che la ha domandato lo ha- 
vessi chiesto tanto innanzi, che fussi potuto venire ad tempo, 
quella ne sarebbe stata compiaciuta, ma se la se ricorda bene 
della grosseza, et graveza sua, et se pensa ad le strane vie, 
che sono di qui ad Firenze, ed atteso ad li soi deboli piedi, 
quali mirabilmente le pietre offende, non si condurrebbe costi 
in uno mese, non che in xv. giorni, che ci sono di tempo, 
nondimeno per satisfare ad quella, si va pensando modi, o 
fargli qualche scarpa, come si fa ad li cani, o se potremo man- 
darlo per mare o qualche altro modo, ma nonci si vede pos- 
sibHe ; et venendo se si facessi male, et rimanessi per via 
Nostro Signore et anchora V. S. ne restarebbono mal con- 
tent!. Pertanto, se non lo havera V. S. dolghisi di se me- 
desimo. lo subito ne parlai non Nostro Signore, et con 
Monsignore Reverendissimo, et tutti ridendo fortemente 
disseno sarebbe bene per honorare quella festa mandarcelo, 
ma non andrebbe ad tempo, et sarebbono stati contend 


darvi questa consolatione, ma el tempo e corto ; siccha la 
bona volunta di compiacere ad V. S. nonci e manchata, li 
effect! non possano seguire per li rispecti se detti di sopra. 

Ad Monsignore Reverendissimo ho dato la copia della 
conventione de Frati, et operai de' Servi, et quella ha ha- 
vuto chara, &c. 

Hier mattina, doppo il Consistorio Nostro Signore venne 
in Castello, et staravvi per sino ad Sabbato ad vespro, 
perche e vespro Papale, &c. Hoggi doppo pranzo passe- 
giando Sua Santita, et stando audire cantare, si strinseno 
insieme quella, et Monsignori Reverendissimi di Ferrara, 
et de Aragona, et M. Luigi de' Rossi, et parlando delle 
cose di Firenze, cioe della giostra, triomphi, caccie, et 
altre feste, che si faranno li, Sua Santita me fece chiamare 
da M. Luigi, et volseno vedere la nota del triompho, et 
delli capitoli della giostro, che ho havuto di la, et in con- 
clusione si risolverno, che andando li prefati Reverendissimi 
Ferrara et Aragona ad Loreto, come vanno fra in. di, di 
venire ad vedere la festa, et essere li stravestiti, la vigilia di 
S. Giovanni, et che volevano fare la via di Cortona, et venire 
in poste. Nostro Signore me ha commesso, che io ne 
scriva ad V. S. et che gli dica per sua parte, che la ordini 
da Cortona ad Firenze, che siano tante poste, quante sara 
di bisogno, et che per ogni posta ordini vi. o vin. cavalli, 
perche ciaschuno di loro havera in. o mi. Servitori, et 
che dette poste siano in ordine ad li xvm. o xix. di di 
questo, et che la faccia loro honore, et careze, &c. et uno 
pezo con grandissimo desiderio si parlo di quella festa, et 
omnino di venire ad vederla, et in questi ragionamenti si 
disse, che il Magnifico Juliano anchora lui verra, ma stra- 
vestito. Doppo questo, partiti da Nostro Signore li pre- 
fati Reverendissimi et M. Luigi mi chiamorno, et commis- 
sommi, che io scrivessi ad V. S. per parte loro, come have- 
vano deliberato di venire, per la via et modi detti di sopra, 
et essere li la vigilia di S. Giovanni al fermo. Io ringratia- 
toli, et invitatoli per parte di V. S. me offersi fare il bisogno. 
M. Luigi et Io parlando dipoi insieme della venuta de questi 
Reverendissimi, c. ci risolvemmo confortare Nostro Sig- 


nore ad fare ordinare la camera terrena di V. S. et quella 
altra per Ferrara, et Aragona, et per lui et M. Augustino 
de' Triultii, et il Conte Hercule, la camera de' Cancellieri, et 
per lo Magnifico Juliano la camera dove stette Nostro 
Signore, et se verra Cibo, quella di Madonna, et dice, che 
se '1 Magnifico Juliano verra, lui ne verra seco ; ma non 
venendo lo prefato Magnifico Juliano, che lui con li prefati 
M. Augustino, e'l Conte Hercole sara costi o Lunedi, o 
Martedi innanzi S. Giovanni per godere V. S. alchuno di. 
Questo ordine delle camere ho conferito con Madonna, et 
S. S. dice che V. S. lo faccia che saranno bene accommo- 
dati, non dimeno me ne rimetto ad quella, &c. 

Li danari se haveranno da Nostro Signore, ma nori so 
tutti, et per questa altra mia ne daro migliore notitia : et 
acciocch se possa cominciare ad spendere qual cosa si 
manda con questa una lettera di cambio di ducati 200 d'oro 
larghi ad Lanfredini, che siano pagati ad Sig. Bernardo, 
per spese et provision! di casa, et questo lo ha facto Ma- 
donna, &c. 

Roma, viii. Jun. 1514-. 

No. CXII. 

(Page 328.) 
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reip. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de' Med. Flor. Rom. xvii. 
Jun. 1514. 

QUESTA mattina lo ambasciatore Venitiano ha cavato fora 
per Roma havere lettere da Venetia fresche, come Mon- 
signore Reverendissimo Gurgense e morto di veneno ; il che 
quantumque per nissuno si creda, nondimeno ne ho voluto 
scrivere ad V. S. Nostro Signore ne lo Signore Albertone 
hanno nova nissuna ; tamen ogni cosa potrebbe essere, et 
perche per Roma non si dice altro, lo ha voluto significare 
ad quella, ad la quale humilmente meraccommando,et prego, 

VOL. II. 2 M 


che per potere satisfare ad Nostro Signore et Monsignore 
Reverendissimo della festa di la, la non voglia lasciare pre- 
termettere quantunche minima actione, che ad la giornata 
vi si fara, di per di, farle significare ; che veramente, poiche 
non possano essere present! li, sentendole per lettere, ne 
piglieranno piacere grande, et saranno loro molto grate. 

Al Medesimo. Rom. xix. Jun. 1514. 

M. Luigi de' Rossi con li compagni debbano esser giunti 
li per sino hieri, al quale V. S. me racommandera, et gli 
dira, che qui non e anchora nova alchuna de quella cosa sua, 
dipoi si parti di qui ; venendocene non manchero di fare 
quanto me impose, et che Nostro Signore si sta la maggior 
parte del di in la stantia sua ad giocare ad scacchi et udire 
sonare, et aspectando ad la giornata quello si fara li, di per 
di de quelle feste ; pero quella non manchera quando co- 
minceranno, ogni di fame scrivere, et spacciare una caval- 
cata per questo effecto, per sino che le durano, che gli 
sara gratissimo. Sua Santita et Monsignore Reverendis- 
simo, et tutti li altri stanno benissimo, et la Clarice con uno 
corpo grande, et ad la bona gratia di V. S. humilmente me 

Al Medesimo. Rom. xxii. Jun. 1514. 

Per lo amore di Dio V. S. commetta ad S. Joanni, che 
non manchi di scrivere ad la giornata, ogni minima cosa de 
qualunche particulare, si delli Signori venuti di qua, quanto 
delli altri, et del triompho, palio, caccia, et giostra, cosa per 
cosa, perche Nostro Signore et Monsignore Reverendis- 
simo ne piglieranno quel medesimo piacere, udendole ordi- 
natamente, che se vi fussino presenti ; et perche so, che V. 
S. debbe essere occupatissima, non gli diro altro, salvo che 
ad la bona gratia di V. S. humilmente me racommando, 
qua? fcelix valeat. 

Al Medesimo. Rom. xxiii. Jun. 1514. 

Delle nuove che venghano di fora, mentre che sta lo 
Magnifico Juliano li, non scrivero altramente, perche Mon- 


signore Reverendissimo ha ordinato, che ne sia scripto sem- 
pre una lettera commune al Magnifico Juliano, et ad V. S. 

E stato grato havere inteso la arrivata de' quelli Reve- 
rendissimi Signori, et del magnifico Juliano ad salvamento, 
et molto piu sara ad Nostro Signore grato intendere ad la 
giornata distinctamente li progressi, li homini che interver- 
ranno, le ordinanze, et qualunque altra minima cosa della 
festa, che per uno piacere non potrebbe ricevere maggiore 5 
et se V. S. dovessi deputare uno ad questa cura, che non 
habbia altro da fare (se non lo havera facto) per vostra fede 
non manchi di fare scrivere ogni minima cosa, di sorte che 
habbia satisfare ad Sua Sanctita ; et quanto piu largamente 
sara scripto, tan to piu sara grato. 

Al Medesimo. Rom. xxvi. Jun. 1514. 

Magnifice patrone mi observandissime, &c. Hieri ricevvi 
due di V. S. de' xxn. et xxni. ad le quali non accade altra 
risposta, salvoche li avisi della festa sono stati grati, ma se 
fussino state un poco piu largamente, et particularmente 
descripte le cose, narrando le persone, li ornamenti, in che 
quantita, et quali ta, et ciascuna altra minima cosa, sariano 
piu piaciuti ; et quello che non si e facto V. S. lo potra 
fare, dando questa cura ad persona, che le habbia visto tutte, 
et che non habbia altra cura, et significarle, perche saranno 

Al Medesimo. Rom. xxvii. Jun. 1514. 

Questa sera, dipoi ch' io hebbi mandato le lettere ad la 
posta, ricevvi le di V. S. de' xxv. cun le avisi della caccia, et 
del resto della festa, li quali sono stati molto grati, et in ve- 
rita questo modo di scrivere e satisfacto assai a Nostro Sig- 
nore ; et non mancho piacere ne ha preso sua santita leg- 
gendo tutta la lettera, che se la vi fussi stata presente et 
queste formale parole ha usato questa sera, mentre la leg- 

2 M2 



(Page 329.) 
Ek. orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de' Med. Flor. Rom. viii. 
Jun. 1514. 

QUESTE tante feste che si faranno in Firenze hanno facto 
venire capricci a tutto il palazo, et la corte, di venirle a ve- 
dere, et Monsignore Reverendissimo nostro, et il Castellano 
ne hanno grandissima voglia, ma ne 1'uno, ne 1'altro ci puo 
venire. El Castellano questa mattina ha mandato duo Lupi, 
che haveva ad V. S. et dice che Nostro Signore ve harebbe 
mandato lo elephante, se non havesse havuto paura, che gli 
fussi stato facto pagare la gabella ad la porta, et se racom- 
manda ad V. S. et la ringratia di quelle cose, et dice che 
Madonna Appollonia della Masina sarebbe bona per una di 
quelle vergini vestali del TRIOMPHO DI CAMILLO, et mille al- 
tre sue baie, et e tutto di V. S. El quale triumpho, per es- 
sere contra Franzesi, e stato di qua notato da alchuno homo 
da bene, et detto che e da advertirci per rispecto de' Fran- 
zesi, che sono molto sensitivi, et quando V. S. lo potessi 
mutare, o subtacere il nome, non sarebbe male ; quella e 
prudentissima, et credo havera ben pensato tutto ; questo 
gli ho detto, perche Monsignore Reverendissimo di Fer- 
rara me ne ha advertito questa mattina, che dice cognoscere 
in qualche parte la natura Gallica. lo ne ho detto con 
Monsignore Reverendissimo nostro, et anchora lui dice, che 
quando si potessi mutare, non sarebbe male ; tamen tutto 
sia rimesso ad la prudentia di V. S. 

Potrebbe essere, che Latino et io venissimo sino la, in 
poste, quando V. S. se ne contend, et Nostro Signore. 


No. CX1V. 

(Page 329.) 
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de Med. Flor. Rom. xi. 
Jun. 1514. 

MONSIGNORE Reverendissirao ringratia V. S. del Rosso 
Ridolphi senza altre cerimonie, et perche qui si fa gran dire 
di questa giostra di V. S. S. S. Reverendissima me ha im- 
posto, che io gli scriva, che poiche li si e deliberato di farli, 
et qui si dica, che V. S. metta in campo non so quanti, come 
la advertisca di fare electione di quelli giostranti, et hoinini 
sopra cio, che saranno per lei, che 1' honore resti in casa, 
come sempre si e facto in simile et altre cose, et gli ricorda 
ad mandare fora di Firenze ad cercare valenti homini in 
giostra et nel ordinare, et che non si fidi di Fiorentini, che 
non sanno che si peschino, se non di cose antiche ; et che 
in questo V. S. habbia advertentiagrande, et di core gliene 
racommanda per honore della casa. 

No. CXV. 

(Page 330.) 
Ex orig. in Archiv. Palat. Reipub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de' Med. Flor. Rom. \. 
Jun. 1514. 

MADONNA me dice, che ha inteso hoggi, come V. S. si 
prova ad giostrare, et mettesi arme adosso, et corre cavalli 
grossi armato, et che piii presto gli fa male, che altramente, 
&c. II che quanto gli sia dispiaciuto in verita non lo po- 
trei scrivere ad V. S. et stanne con grandissima passione, et 
me ha imposto che per sua parte gli scriva, et gli ricordi, 


che pensi bene ad li Antiqui di casa, che hanno giostrato, 
quali et chi furno, et ramemora che se Piero di Cosimo gi- 
ostro, era vivo suo Padre, che governava la citta, et haveva 
uno fratello ; et anchora quando Lorenzo, Avolo di V. S. 
giostro, haveva Piero suo Padre, che governava; et anchora 
lui haveva uno fratello, cioe Juliano, Padre de Monsignore 
Reverendissimo, el quale Juliano quando anchora lui gios- 
tro, la bona memoria di Lorenzo governava, et che etiam 
quando la bona memoria di vostro Padre giostro haveva 
duo figlioli, et duo fratelli, et non obstante questo gliene fu 
gridato, et ne riporto assai incarico, et che hora, che V. S. 
e giovine, et in casa non ci essendo altro, che quella et lo 
Magnifico Juliano, et tutti dui senza donna et figlioli, et at- 
teso la cattiva complexione del prefato Magnifico Juliano, 
quella non puo fare rnaggiore errore, che tenere simil vie ; 
et dice, che V. S. la faccia fare ad altri, et lei stia a vedere, 
et che la pensi ad vivere, et mantenere la casa. Veramente 
tutto questo discorso lei me ha facto con grandissima pas- 
sione, et quasi con le lacrime in su gli occhi, et prega cara- 
mente quanto puo pregare una madre il figliuolo, V. S. che 
la si vogli portare in modo, che non gli vogli dare queste 
passioni, che se le continuassino non la farebbe troppo be- 
ne. Signore mio, V. S. vede che sua matre si muove ad 
buon fine, el quale credo, che se la lo considerera bene, 
pensera che lo fa ad benefitio suo, non per altro ; et io an- 
chora, per lo amore che io gli porto, la prego quanto so, 
et posso, che non vogli pigliare simili exercitii, che non sono 
ne di honore, ne utili. 


No. CXVI. 

(Page 331.) 
Canti Carnascialeschi, p. 121. Ed. Fior. 1559. 

Di Jacopo Nardi. 

CONTEMPLA in quanta altezza sei salita, 

Felice, alma Fiorenza, 

Poi che dal Ciel disceso e in tua presenza 

La Gloria, e con gli esempi a se t'invita : 

La quale ha tal potenza, 

Ch' a' i morti, rende vita ; 

Ond'ella il morto gia CAMILLO mostra 

Viver' ancor per fama, all' eta nostra. 
Quell' e Furio Cammillo, il gran Romano, 

Per cui Roma esaltata 

Fu tanto, che 1' invidia scellerata 

Uso ver lui la rahbia, benche invano : 

Perche la Patria ingrata, 

II consiglio non sano 

Conobbe poi, che le levo la soma, 

E fu costretta dir, per te son Roma. 
Le pompe trionfal, nel tuo cospetto, 

Le barbariche spoglie, 

Le tempie ornate delle sagre foglie, 

Mostran le lode sue ; ma tal concetto 

Una parola accoglie ; 

Poi che lui solo e detto 

Delia Patria, per 1' opre alte e leggiadre, 

Primo liberator, secondo Padre. 
Manca la vita, in un tanto superba, 

Mancan le sue sant'ale ; 

La nostra Dea, contro 1' ordin fatale, 

Tra'el buon fuor del Sepolcro, e'n vita il serba. 


La Vertu sola vale 
Contro la Morte acerba : 
E senza lei, cercar gloria non giova, 
Ma seguendo Vertu, -costei si trova. 
Come vedete, seco insieme vanno, 
La Dea Minerva, e Marte ; 
Che colla spada, con scienza, e arte, 
A 1'huom mortale immortal vita danno : 
E 1'haver grate carte, 
Lo ristora del danno ; 
Perche come 1' allor foglia non perde, 
La Storia, e Poesia sempre sta verde. 
Dunque colui, che'n questo Mondo brama, 
Col generoso cuore 
Vincer 1'invidia, e acquistare honore, 
Ne seco seppellir la propria fama, 
Porti alia Patria amove : 
Perche colui che 1'ama, 
E con giustizia difende e governa, 
In Cielo ha vita e fama al mondo eterna. 


(Page 334.) 
Ex orig. in Archlv. Palat. Relpub. Flor. 

Baldassare da Peseta a Lor. de' Med. Flor. Roma, 
xi. Mai, 1514. 

MAGNIFICE patrone mi observandissime, &c. Scrivendo 
hiersera ad V. S. inter caetera della partita del Reverendis- 
simo Gurgense, gli dissi, come la intelligentia et maneggio 
di queste cose de' Venitiani con lo Imperatore tra Nostro 
Signore et Gurgense me era cascato in mano, &c. quale e 
venuto in questo modo ; cioe. A di passati sendosi rotto 
Gurgense cum Nostro Signore, perche ne seguiva, ne e an- 
chora seguita, la ratificatione delli Venitiani della pronuntia 


facta per Sua Sanctita, et havendo S. S. Reverendissima, in 
su questa rottura domandato licentia da Nostro Signore et 
da tutti li Reverendissimi in consistorio, et parendoli dipoi 
pure male partirsi senza conclusione, o vogliamo dire, senza 
danari, ha misso el nostro procuratore della Minerva frate 
Nicolo della Magna cum Nostro Signore Monsignore Re- 
verendissimo nostro, et Fra Piero Quirino Camaldulense, 
quale tratta qui, oltra le cose de 1 Venitiani, cose grande, et 
est apud hos nostros maxima? authoritatis, et non mostrando 
mosso da lui, e venuto da quattro di in qua da Monsignore 
Reverendissimo, et cominciato ad tractare qualcosa sopra 
questa materia, et per essere lui pure amico nostro, cioe 
della casa de' Medici, et molto affectionate, gli prestano fe- 
de, et per essere lui relligioso non vorrebbe essere veduto 
ad ogni hora in queste camere, et per essere mio intimo 
amico con licentia de Monsignore Reverendissimo, ha preso 
ad communicare con me tutto quello che lui ha da Gur- 
gense ; et per componere et reconciliare S. S. Reverendis- 
sima cum Nostro Signore, mediante me, fa intendere ad 
Monsignore Reverendissimo nostro quello, che occorre ogni 
hora, et quello, che cave da quella, dimodo che per amore 
di V. S. ad la quale e deditissima non resta ad fare cosa al- 
chuna di intrometterme in questi negocii, et credo che lui 
forse se transferira cum Gurgense dallo Imperatore, come 
homo di Nostro Signore ; il che seguendo, noi saremo ra- 
guagliati ad ogni hora delle cose di la sinceramente ; et qui 
adpresso di Nostro Signore fa pensieri lasciare me con una 
cifera, et indirizo de' tutto quello, che tractera per Sua 
Sanctita et altri, sicche la S. V. ha inteso, come la cosa e 
andata, et per quanto si puo ritrarre per li ragionamenti ha- 
vuti col procuratore. Gurgense uccella ad danari, et ad 
una Legatione, et se lui havesse dalli Venitiani uno 20, o 25. 
m. ducati, et da Nostro Signore una Legatione, le cose se 
reconcilierebbono; ma credo, che arera in arena, et se non 
piglia altra via, se ne partira come vorra ; pure mentre che 
scrivo, lui e venuto da Nostro Signore, et se potro ritrarre, 
innanzi che io serri la lettera, cosa alchuna, ne faro parte- 
cipe V. S. 


Monsignore Reverendissimo nostro me dice, che Gur- 
gense si e partito per ritornare qui domattina da Nostro 
Signore, et non si e conclusa cosa alchuna ; concludendosi, 
se ne dara notitia ad V. S. et dicemi, che Gurgen. gli ha 
detto, che vuole passare di li, d'onde conforta quella ad 
fargli honore, et careze, non pero fora dell' ordinario, &c. 
De Inghilterra qui sono lettere, come quel Re fa la im- 
presa contro Francia gagliardamente, et di Francia ci sono 
lettere anchora, quali doverranno essere venute li et pero 
non sene dira altro. 


(Page 341.) 

Bembi Op. torn. iii. p. 478. 

Al Principe M. Leonardo Loredano, ed alia Signoria di 
Vinegia, per nome di Papa Leone X. 

PAPA LEONE, Serenissimo Principe, ed Illustrissima Sig- 
noria, il quale ha continuamente servata memoria delle cose, 
che questo Dominio ha per addietro a beneficio de' suoi 
Fratelli, e della sua Famiglia amorevolmente molte volte 
adoperato, ed ha sempre amato il temperamento di questa 
Repubblica, fondata in santissime leggi, e la prudenza, e la 
gravita sua ; mentr' egli e stato in minor for tuna, con tutti 
que' modi, co'quali s'e per lui potuto, ha cerco, e procac- 
ciato il comodo, e 1' onor vostro, e sempre d' ogni vostra av- 
versita s' e doluto non altramente, che se questa Citta la 
medesima Patria sua stata fosse, e dappoi pervenuto al Pon- 
teficato, quantunque incontanente chiudeste voi la Lega col 
Re di Francia, senza farneli alcuna cosa sentire ; nondimeno, 
vincendonelo il paterno affetto suo si dispose di fare ogni 
opera che voi lo stato vostro reintegraste, ed a questo fine 
tentando, e movendo, come si suol dire, ogni pietra, e con 
lo 'mperadore, e col Re di Spagna, e spesovi sopra molto 


tempo, e molti pensieri, posciache egli vide non potergli a 
convenente pace indurre con voi, come che egli assai chiaro 
per le passate sperienze conoscesse di quanto pericolo era 
favorir Frances!, ed in Italia richiamargii, pure fermatosi in 
sul volere, che questa Signoria ricnperasse tutto il perduto, 
incomincio a proccurar la pace tra '1 Re d'Inghilterra, ed il 
Re di Francia, e quella condotta al fin suo, conforto, sic- 
come sa la Serenita vostra, il detto Re di Francia al venire 
in Italia, aftine, che da quella venuta ne seguisse il benefi- 
cio di questa Repubblica ; la qual fu cosa, che forte offese 
gli animi degli altri Prencipi mal contend di sua Santita ren- 
dendogli tutti. Ma tuttavia ne anco questo giovando, e 
tardando il Re la sua venuta, o perche non la curasse molto, 
stance, e sazio del guerreggiare, e dello spendere anco egli, 
o perche cosi volesse N. Sig. Dio, che per altra, e piu sicura 
via deliberato avesse di rassettare, e tranquillar le cose vos- 
tre, e quelle della conquassata Italia, e avvenuto, che i ne- 
mici del Re si sono in questo tempo, e spazio deliberati, e 
risoluti, e preparati alia difesa di modo, che nessuna spe- 
ranza chi sanamente considera, aver piu si puo sopra lui, 
come intenderete. Laonde ne con lo 'mperadore, ne col 
Re Cattolico avendo nostro Signore trovato modo di sod- 
disfar a voi, e di racchetarvi, ne col Re Cristianissimo spe- 
rando di poterlo ritrovar piu, egli si stava in grande afianno, 
e travaglio d'animo, e di mente tutto sospeso. Nel qual 
travaglio dimorando egli molto mal contento, solo per lo 
non si potere esso risolvere a beneficio di voi, e tuttavia in- 
trattenendo lo 'mperadore, ed il Re Cattolico, e tanto ancor 
piu, quanto meno si poteva sopra Francia fondamento alcun 
fare, sopragiunsero le novelle Turchesche, e la rotta, e scon- 
fitta che si disse il Gran Turco aver dato al Sof i. Le quali 
novelle forte commovendo 1' animo di Sua Beatitudine, co- 
noscendo egli prima, e potissima cura sua dovere essere, lo 
avere, alia salute della Cristiana comunanza risguardo, egli 
in tutto si rivolse a proccurar la unione de' Prencipi Cris- 
tiani, per potere, fatto cio, mandare avanti la tante volte in 
vano e pensata, e ragionata, e proposta impresa, e guerra 
contra Turchi, siccome a buono, e vigilante Pontefice si 


conveniva, non lasciando per tutto cio di sollecitare Cesare 
ed il Cattolico alia restituzion dello Stato della Serenita 
vostra, e cosi ne scrisse a' Prencipi tutti, a cui di cio s'appar- 
tenea di scrivere, e sopra tutto caldissimamente a Cesare, 
come vedeste. Anzi non ben contento di confortargli, e 
pregargli alia detta unione per lettere, si dispose di mandar 
loro Legati a questo fine, e spezialmente Monsignor lo Car- 
dinale di Santa Maria in Portico allo 'mperadore. La qual 
deliberazion fatta da lui, venutogli poi parendo che il man- 
darlo Legato si traesse dietro piu lunga dimora, e tempo 
per gli impedimenti, che la legazione ha seco ; desideroso 
della reintegrazion di questo Dominio, si dispose di man- 
darnelo privato Nunzio, piu guardando all' effetto dell' an- 
data sua, ed al poter tanto piu tosto proccurare il comodo 
della Signoria vostra, che all' onor del Cardinale a se caris- 
simo, come sapete. Dovendo egli adunque andare in La- 
magna, e gia s'era presso, che posta in iscrittura, e fornita 
tutta la commission sua, la quale io vidi, e lessi, di vero, 
Signori, tanto favorevole alle cose vostre, che parea che 
nostro Signore il mandasse piu tosto Nunzio di questa Re- 
pubblica, che suo ; ragionando egli meco sopra la commis- 
sion predetta molte cose, egli forte si dolea, e rammaricava, 
che Bergamo alia divozion dell' Imperadore tornata fosse, 
affermandomi, che a lui arebbe dato il cuore di fare assai a 
beneficio vostro, se quella Citta si fosse mantenuta per voi. 
Ora essendo a questo termine, ed in tale stato le cose, ebbe 
nostro Signore dal Re Cattolico per lettere di 6. del mese 
prossirnamente passato, che egli chiudesse la pace tra Ce- 
sare, e la Serenita vostra, con restituzion di tutto lo Stato 
vostro, da Verona in fuori, pagandone voi all' Imperadore 
dugento mila fiorini d'oro, o quel piu, che necessario fosse 
a giudicio di sua Beatitudine, la qual cosa avutasi a 25. del 
detto mese, fe risolver nostro Signore, il quale per addietro 
molte volte v' avea pensato, di confortar voi ad accettare il 
partito. E cosi 1' altra mattina per tempissimo, fattomi a se 
chiamare, mi scoperse questa resoluzione sua, e ordinommi, 
che io mandassi dicendo all' Ambasciator vostro, ed al Car- 
dinale e Grimano, e Cornelio, che eglino venissero a lui, im- 


ponendomi, che io mi vi trovassi ancora io. A' quali egli 
parlo, quanto per lettere dell' Ambasciatore, e forse delle 
loro Signorie dee avere vostra Serenita inteso a bastanza. 
Ma 1' altro di poi, che fu a' 27. non rimanendo egli ben sod- 
disfatto di fare intendere a questa Citta per lettere la detta 
risoluzion sua, delibero mandarle una voce viva per maggiore 
espressione dell' animo suo, estimando egli, che questa pro- 
posta bene intesa, e accettata da voi, si tiri dietro la salute, 
non accettata forse la ruina di questa Repubblica. Ed el- 
esse me a questo officio, si perche io potessi a voi buona tes- 
timonianza rendere della sua mente, che e dentro, e di fuori 
sempre 1'avea veduta, e si acciocche questa Signoria essendo 
io de suoi, piu fede mi avesse a prestare in cio, che io le di- 
cessi : commettendomi, che venuto qui piu tosto, e con piu 
diligenza, che io facessi alia Serenita vostra intendere, che 
avendo egli deliberato procacciar primieramente la salvezza 
della Cristiana Comunanza, siccome principalissima parte 
del suo Ufficio : percio, che s' e vero, che il Turco abbia 
rotto, e sconfitto il Sophi, e bene armarci noi di modo, che 
tornando egli potente, e superbo da quella vittoria, egli non 
la possa offendere : se e falso, come anco si dubita, e vero 
sia, che dal Sophi sia stato vinto il Turco, questo appunto 
e il tempo da fare arditamente la impresa centre lui ; e non 
volendo starsi e consumar piu lungo tempo in trame, ed in 
consigli senza conclusione alcuna, siccome egli stato era tut- 
to questo tempo del suo Pontificate ; egli s'era del tutto ri- 
soluto a confortar questa Citta e pregarla con tutta 1' auto- 
rita del paterno affetto suo verso lei a prendere, e ad ac- 
cettar questo accordo. E dice, che ella il faccia primiera- 
mente per onore, e riverenza di Dio, acciocche nol prenden- 
do voi, e percio sturbandosi la union de' Prencipi Christi- 
ani ; che tutta, rassettati, e riuniti Voi con I'lmperio, agevol 
cosa fia, che si fornisca e a capo se ne venga in brievi gi- 
orni, la Chiesa di Dio, e la Santa fede sua ed i suoi popoli, 
non ne ricevano qualche scorno. Secondamente per ris- 
petto di lui, e per trarlo di questa noja, nella quale egli t 
stato tutto questo tempo, solo per cagion della restaurazion 
vostra. A quali se egli avuto riguardo non avesse, il pri- 


mier di del suo Ponteficato, egli averebbe potuto raccbettar 
le cose di quella santa Seggia, e della Patria sua, siccome 
le avesse sapute disegnare, e ordinare egli stesso. Ma so- 
prattutto vuole nostro Signore, che voi vi moviate a cio per 
beneficio vostro. Conciosiacosa, che men male e, anzi pur 
vie meglio, lasciando Verona, la quale, chi ben considera, si 
dipone, e sequestra piu tosto a brieve tempo, che ella si las- 
ci ; e pagando quella somma di denari, la quale si paghera 
in buona parte con tempi, e con agevolezze, ricuperar tutto 
il rimanente del vostro grande, e bello Stato, e alle guerre 
por fine, che volendo voi Verona, e non 1'avendo, poiche 
ella pure sotto 1'Imperio e al presente, per questa cagion 
poire a manifestissimo periglio tutto esso vostro Stato, e 
per awentura forse anco la liberta di questa Repubblica. 
E dice Nostro Signore, e argommenta cosi ; due cose sono 
ora in elezion vostra, o la pace con lo 'mperadore, o 1' 
amista col Re di Francia. Dalla pace con lo 'mperador ne 
seguono alia Serenita vostra tutte queste cose : prima di 
presente la ricuperazione di quelle Terre vostre, le quali 
non possedete, insieme con 1'uso e 1'utilita di lore, fuori solo 
Verona. Appresso le rendite, e la utilita d'alquante altre 
che possedete, cio sono Crema, Vicenza, Padova ; e per dir 
piu il vero, quasi 1'utile di tutta la vostra terra ferma, che 
sapete bene, quanto voi ne traete a questi tempi. Da poi 
poi il mancar delle spese degli esserciti ; che per cagion 
della guerra necessariamente nutrir si convengono. A 
questo modo in un punto voi e le vostre rendite crescierete, 
e le spese sciemerete : che sono le due cose, che ritornar 
possono nel pristine vigore, e color suo questa Repub. Da 
poi cesserete le noje, e gli affanni, che sapete quanti, e 
quanto varj, e quanto gravi sono con voi stati si lungamente, 
e vi partorirete quiete, e riposo assai oggimai necessario a 
questa Citta, ed a' popoli vostri. Da poi non isporrete piu a 
periglio la somma dell' Imperio Vestro, e vi leverete questa. 
spina delF animo, che a ciascuna ora lo dee stimolare, e pug- 
nere ; del dubbio, e del sospetto, che per un disordine, o per 
una sconfitta del vostro Esercito, o per alcun tradimento di 
qualchc suddito, di qualche condottier vostro, o per altri 


mold somiglianti errori, che awenir possono, se ne vada, e 
perdasi il tutto. E ricordivi bene, quante volte quest! non 
molti anni addietro avete cagione avuta di timerne. Oltre 
cio a questo cammino andando entrerete per la via medes- 
ma di ricuperar Verona istessa. Perciocche e openion di 
molti savj uomini, che quando bene il Re di Francia venisse 
in Italia, e ricuperasse a questa Signoria il suo Stato, non 
percio potra egli ricuperarle Verona, essendo allo 'mpera- 
dor agevolissimo mandarvi sempre buona quantita di fanti 
a difenderla, come egli fatto ha piu volte. Laddove facen- 
do voi pace con lui, e per la pace levandogli il pensare alle 
cose della Italia, come gli leverete, egli senza dubbio en- 
trera in nuove imprese, o alle cose della Borgogna, alle qua- 
li par gia volto, o all' acquisto dell' Imperio di Constanti- 
nopoli, facendosi la impresa contra Turchi, o in altri di- 
segni, e pensamenti, e trame, che gli sono sempre cosa molto 
naturale, e molto propria, per ciascuna delle quali essendo 
necessario, che gli venga bisognando aver buona quantita di 
moneta, eziandio, che voi non voleste, si vorra egli darvi 
Verona, e renderlavi, e cosi la ricupererete voi con agevo- 
lezza, ed al sicuro. Non potra uno animo grande, e vasto 
come il suo e, avendo con voi pace, non aver di voi uopo 
bene spesso, oltra che bella, e grande loda cosi facendo ac- 
quisterete dal mondo tutto, e opinione, che slate buoni e 
pacefici, e cessar farete quella voce, che si da a questa Re- 
pubblica d' aspirar grandemente all' Imperio della Italia, la 
qual voce, non accettando voi il proposto partite, si confer- 
inera, e stabilira nella mente di ciascuno, stimandosi, che 
nessuni altri ricusare il potessero; specialmente essendo 
egli a beneficio di tutti i popoli Cristiani, e desiderandosi 
cio per dar modo alia union de' Prencipi, perche ne segua 
la guerra contra gl'infideli, se non spiriti, che ostinatamente 
affettino, e attendano alia Signoria del tutto. II che dice 
N. Sig. che non dee ultima cosa essere in considerazione ap- 
po voi. Queste sono le parti utili congiunte con la pace. 
Vegga ora la Serenita vostra, e ben consider!, quali e quan- 
ti danni partorir vi potra il voler continuare, e mandare in- 
nanzi 1'amista de' Francesi, nella qual considerazione, dice 


N. Sig. cosi. O il Re di Francia verra in Italia, o egli non 
ci verra. Se verra, veduto die essendogli voi sernpre buoni 
amici stati, ed avendogli mantenuta ottima leanza, anzi pure 
avendosi questa Signoria tirata addosso la guerra dell' Im- 
peradore, e la sua nimista solamente per lo avere voluto 
ella servare al Re fede, e per tale e tanto rispetto dovendovi 
egli eterno obbligo sentire, egli nondimeno vi ruppe guerra 
senza cagione alcuna averne, accordandosi, e legandosi col 
vostro nimico medesimo, fattovi nimico per suo conto, e per 
lo non gli avere voi voluto consentire il Ducato di Melano, 
che era del Re, nella qual guerra egli di tutta la terra fer- 
ma, che tenevate, vi spoglio, sopra cui, ne in tutta, ne in 
parte egli ragion niuna non ebbe giammai : che si dee cre- 
dere, che egli ora debba voler fare, ragionevolmente dee in 
odio avere tutto il nome Viniziano, vedendo egli, che ogni 
Viniziano grandissima cagione ha di sempre odiar lui, dal 
quale tanti nostri danni, tanti travagli, tante ruine sono pro- 
cedute ? Ed ora dico, che egli potra dire d'avere alcuna 
giurisdizione sopra Crema, e Bergamo, e Brescia, che sono 
alquanti anni state sue. Non credete, voi, che egli pensera 
di ripigliarlesi, almeno per torre a voi modo d' esser grandi, 
e di potere a qualche tempo vendicarvi di lui ? Crediatelo, 
crediatelo, oltre gli altri argomenti, eziandio per quello del 
capitolo, che egli col Re d'Inghilterra fece a questa Signoria 
ben palese, e ben chiaro, che dimostra chente 1'animo di 
lui sia d'intorno alle cose della Lombardia, ed alle giurisdi- 
zion sue sopra le terre vostre. Che se giudicaste, che egli 
avesse fatto lega con voi per altro, che per valersi di questo 
Stato alia ricuperazion di Melano, voi di troppo sareste er- 
rati. Non vi vuole ora essere amico colui, che esser non 
voile, quando egli devea, e vi fe inganno ; ma vuole di voi 
giovarsi, ed apprestarsi al potervi ingannare un altra volta. 
Ma posto pure, che egli non pensi allo 'nganno, non istarete 
voi almeno in gelosia sempre di lui ? Nol temerete ? E per 
dir phi il vero, nol temerete per le passate prese da voi spe- 
rienze della sua fede, potendo egli con una trombetta dalla 
mattina alia sera torvi lo Stato tutto ? O non bisognera per 
questa temenza, e rispetto, che gli siate sempre sottoposti, 


sempre ad ubbidienza, sempre servi ? Ora qual perdita, 
Serenissimo Principe, e maggiore, o puo essere di questa ? 
Qual Verona puo contravalere, e ristorar questa servitu, 
questo ragionevolissimo sospetto, questa continua paura? 
ma chi sa, che prima, che egli venga, per agevolar la sua 
venuta, che parer gli dee vie piu che malegevole, egli non 
sia per pigliar con 1'Imperadore, e col Re Cattolico accordo, 
e lasci loro lo Stato vostro, che essi hanno in preda, pro- 
inettendo loro ancora di ajutavli a pigliare il rimanente ? lo 
so ben tanto, Serenissima Signoria, che sono venute a nos- 
tro Signore novelle di buona parte, che gli fanno intendere, 
ch'il Re di Francia pensa di lasciarvi per ogni piccolo ac- 
concio suo, e tanto nol fa, quanto egli ancora nol trova. 
Or se cio adivenisse che non sarebbe cosa guari lontana dall' 
usanza di questo Re, il quale veggiamo aver lasciati gli 
Scozzesi, antichi e perpetui suoi amici e confederati, in pre- 
da degl'Inglesi, ed i Navarresi in preda degli Spagnoli, de' 
quali due popoli 1* un Re ha perduto lo stato suo per lui, 
1'altro prese col cognato, che Re d'Inghilterra e, guerra 
per rivocarlo dall' impresa contra Francesi, ed e in quella 
guerra morto a lui servendo, se questo, dico, adivenisse, non 
direbbe ognuno, dice nostro Signore, che a voi bene stesse 
ogni male, che vi siate fidar voluti di chi una volta ingan- 
nati vi ha cosi laidamente, e specialmente con tanti esempj 
innanzi gli occhi aver d' altrui, a cui egli ha fatto questo 
medesimo inganno ? La qual cosa Dio non voglia, che dire 
si possa giammai di questa cosi prudente, e grave, e saggia 
Signoria, e Repub. Queste cose, e queste parti tutte da 
considerar sono, che avvenir possano, venendo il Cristianis- 
simo in Italia, o per composizione, o per forza ; conciosia- 
cosa, cbe per semplice amore, e di volonta degli altri Pren- 
cipi, egli non e per venirci giammai. Ma se egli non viene, o 
non tentando la venuta, o tentandola, e risospinto essendone, 
siccome egli 1'anno passato fu, a qual termine, a qual partito 
vi troverete esser voi, avendo rifiutato 1'accordo, e la pace, 
che ora vi si propone, e per cio avendo vi voi oltra 1'Imperio, e 
la Spagna, fatta nimica tutta 1'Itatia ? non riman questo Do- 
ininio in preda certa, e manifesta de' suoi nimici ? Per Dio, 
VOL. n. 2 N 


Signori, gnardate che a voi non si possa dire quel prover- 
bio, Essi tardo hanno apparaio a sapere; e ricordivi, che 
la penitenza da sezzo non giova. E' di mestiero, che altri 
s'avegga per tempo di quello che danneggiar lo puo, e schi- 
filo. Ora che il Re non sia per venire in Italia eziandio non 
tentando di venirci, e non solamente da sospettare, ma an- 
cora grandemente da credere ; perciocche se avendo egli 
chiusa questi passati mesi la lega col Re d'Inghilterra, ed 
armato trovandosi con phi di ventimila fanti pagati per far 
la impresa, e potendola egli far di volonta, e consentimento 
di N. S. e col favore, e con la riputazion, che gli dava in 
quel tempo quella lega ; quando egli averebbe i suoi nimici 
sopragiunti sproveduti, e impauriti, si per altre cagioni, e si 
ancor per riverenza di N. S. che favoreggiava il Re, quanto 
s'e veduto, nulla di meno egli venir non si voile, ne anco in- 
vitato, e sollecitato da sua Santita ; che si dee credere, che 
egli debba volere fare a questo tempo, nel quale, e Svizzeri, 
e Spagnoli, e lo'mperadore, e Melano, Fiorenza, e Geneva 
tutti uniti, e d'un medesimo animo insieme con N. S. non vor- 
ranno, che egli ci venga, e saransegli preparati allo'ncontro ; 
aggiuntogli la nuova, e bella moglie allato, la quale tanto 
di piu gli fara in obblio metter le guerre. E sono di quelli,