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Full text of "The life and speeches of Hon. Charles Warren Fairbanks, Republican candidate for vice-president"

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Republican Candidate for Vice-President 



Author of History of Indiana 


VV.m. B. Burford, Printer and Publisher 



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• ■ 

Copyrighted 1004 by 
Wat. B. Burkord. 



» • . 


Chapter. Page 

I. Ancestry and Boyhood 7 

II. Success as a Lawyer 19 

III. He Enters Politics 25 

IV. Enters National Politics 42 

V. His Services to His Party 58 

VI. His Services to His Party (Continued) 77 

VII. He Enters the Senate 97 

VIH. The War With Spain 115 

IX. The Constitution and the Flag 136 

X. The Joint High Commission 142 

XI. The Assassination of President McKinley. . 154 

XH. Other Services in the Senate 162 

XIQ. Miscellaneous Speeches 173 

XTV. Mr. Fairbanks and Organized Labor 182 

^ XV. His Home Life 188 

XVI. Nominated for Vice-President 199 

XVH. How He Was Received at Home 216 

XVIH. Officially Notified of His Nomination 232 

XIX. What Is Said of Him 243 


Chapter I. 


A S" industrious and toiling farmer's boy. 
■* A hardworking college student. 

An industrious press reporter. 

A successful lawyer. 

A safe and popular politician. 

An able and distinguished Senator. 

A wise and conscientious statesman. 

The unanimous choice of a great political party 
for the second office in the nation. 

Such, in brief, is the story of the life and achieve- 
ments of Charles Warren Fairbanks. 

Fifty-two years of active, busy life; no idle mo- 
ments ; no time for vacations ; no time to waste. Al- 
ways industrious, always a student, in his achieve- 
ments he has again emphasized the possibilities that 
are before every American boy. 

On the farm he gave the same earnest and careful 
labor he exhibited in pursuing his studies in college, 
to his work as a lawyer, to his duties in the Senate. 

Never a self-seeker, his successes and his honors 
have come to him because of his native ability, his , 



industry, and his conscientious discharge of every 
duty, whether of private or public life. 

He has not been without ambition, but his ambi- 
tion has been to do the very best he could in every- 
thing, under the circumstances surrounding him. In 
school and in college he was ambitious to utilize every 
moment and gather all the knowledge he could in the 
time allotted to him. As a press reporter he was am- 
bitious to give the best work possible; as a lawyer, 
to win an honorable success; as a politician, to aid 
his party by giving to the public through his speeches 
a just, fair-minded and honest exposition of public 
policy. In the Senate his ambition has been to give 
the country intelligent and enlightened service. 

We live in a country where it is a delight to boast 
of our "self-made" men. Napoleon once said he 
was the first of his house, yet after all it is good to 
have forefathers, to come from a long line of ancestry 
distinguished for honesty and integrity, who lived 
honorable and upright lives, winning and holding the 
respect of their fellow-citizens. In one respect 
Charles Warren Fairbanks is a self-made man — that 
is, he has succeeded in life without the adventitious 
aid of wealth or of influential friends. He made his 
opportunities, having himself laid the foundation en- 
abling him to seize on the opportunities when they 
came, but he can count a long line of ancestors who 
filled creditably the various stations in life to w^ich 
they were called. 


Among the yeomanry of England was a family of 
Fayerbancke. For generations they had been farm- 
ers, growing up into a sturdy love of liberty. They 
loved liberty of conscience as well as they loved civic 
liberty. They believed in God, and in man's account- 
ability to God, and they became Puritans. With 
others of that way of thinking the Fayerbanckes suf- 
fered persecutions under the dominance of the Es- 
tablished church. There came a time when the com- 
mons of England were forced into a struggle with the 
King in defense of the liberties of the people. In 
that struggle the Fayerbanckes bore honorable service 
under Cromwell. 

One day, only a few years after the town of Bos- 
ton, Massachusetts, was settled, a ship from England 
came sailing into that port. Like all ships from 
England in those days, it brought to these shores a 
number of emigrants fleeing from the persecution at 
home, and who were seeking a land where they might 
serve God after the dictates of their own hearts. 
Probably none then thought of this being a land of 
liberty as we now view that term, but to them it was 
to be a land of liberty of the conscience, far away 
from the tyrannies and persecutions of an Estab- 
lished church. 

Among those on board of the ship that came sailing 
into Boston harbor on that day was Jonathan Fayer- 
bancke, who, with his wife and four sons and two 
daughters, had left behind them the home that had 


been that of their ancestors for generations, and had 
turned their faces to this land of liberty of con- 

Jonathan Faverbancke, like all the Puritans of his 
day, was a man of strong prejudices and of iron de- 
termination. There were some things about Boston 
he did not like, and he became one of the pioneers 
of the town of Dedham. The Puritans were professed 
believers in liberty of conscience, but in practice the 
liberty they permitted was only the liberty to believe 
what the congregation decided. The sturdy and inde- 
pendent character of Jonathan Fayerbancke pre- 
vented him from giving this absolute and unques- 
tioning adhesion to the dictates of the congregation, 
and for a time he was not in good fellowship with 
his fellow-colonists. In the records of the church at 
Dedham is to be found this entry : 

"Jonathan Fayerbancke, notwithstanding he has 
long stood off from ye church upon some scruples 
about publike p'fession of faith and ye covenant, yet 
after divers loving conferences with him, he made 
such a declaration of his faith and conversion to God 
and p'fession of subjection to ye ordinances of XT 
in this Xyt he was readily and gladly received by ye 
whole church 14d— 6m.— 1664:." 

Charles Warren Fairbanks is the ninth in descent 
from the Jonathan Fayerbancke who settled in Ded- 
ham, Massachusetts, in 1636. lie was born on a 
farm in Union county, Ohio, May 11, 1852. His 














father, Loriston Monroe Fairbanks, was a native of 
Vermont, but before reaching manhood he removed 
to Massachusetts, and at Ware, in that State, worked 
in a woolen mill, but afterward emigrated to Union 
county, Ohio, to engage in farming. He returned 
to Ware and learned the wagon-making trade. He 
then again removed to Union county to engage in 
wagon-making, which he followed for several years. 
After his removal to Union county Mr. Fairbanks 
married Mary Adelaide Smith, whose family was 
among the early pioneers of Union county. 

It was in a log house that Charles Warren first 
saw the light. Fifty years ago tilling the soil was 
not so easy as it is in these days of improved farm 
machinery, and the elder Fairbanks had a hard 
time to meet the expenses of his increasing family. 
As soon as he was old enough to assist in any way 
with the work of the farm, young Charles was as- 
signed his tasks. The family was large, the land had 
to be paid for and the forests cleared, that the land 
might be cultivated, and the work had to be done 
by members of the family, so the young lad was 
trained to laborious service. There was little time 
for idleness had he been disposed to idle. The re- 
turns from the crops were limited, and frugality 
as well as toil was the lot of the family. 

In no way was he different from the neighboring 
farmer boys, unless it was in a strong desire to obtain 
an education. In the evenings, and at other times 


when released from the labors of the farm, he eagerly 
pursued his quest for knowledge. He read all the 
books he could obtain, and during the short sessions of 
the country schools he attended them. He early deter- 
mined that if within the range of possibilities he 
avouM secure a collegiate education. In this craving 
for an education all the members of the family heart- 
ily sympathized, and his parents encouraged it. 
Thus, at the very outset of his life young Charles met 
with all the encouragement his family could give him 
in his aspirations. 

The biographer delights to relate stories of the 
youthful life of his subject, and the people take an 
equal delight in reading incidents of the boyhood life 
of men who have become distinguished, on the theory, 
it is supposed, that "the boy is father to the man," 
but there are few incidents connected with the boy- 
hood life of Mr. Fairbanks that would interest the 
reader. He was not bad, as boys go, nor was he espe- 
cially good. He indulged in no wild pranks or esca- 
pades. On the farm he was industrious, and at 
school attentive to getting all he could from his books. 
He was not precocious, nor did he give any evidence 
of future greatness. Once only was his life in seri- 
ous danger. It occurred when he was about four 
years of age. The carpenters were building a new 
frame house for the family, and were using the old 
log house as a workshop. Little Charles wandered 
into the old house where they had been at work. . The 


floor was littered with shavings, and the lad thought 
he would like to make a fire. He opened the door 
of the stove and undertook to thrust in a handful of 
the shavings. It was only a flash when the fire ex- 
tended from the shavings he had thrust into the stove 
to the pile on the floor, and the room was ablaze. 
The flames were between him and the doorway, and 
how he finally escaped has been something of a mys- 

He was much more than ordinarily daring and 
courageous as a boy, and especially excelled in break- 
ing and managing horses, and became an expert 
horseman while very young. On one occasion while 
attempting to ride an unruly colt he met with a se- 
rious accident, resulting in his receiving a broken 
arm. He persisted and conquered the colt. While 
still carrying his broken arm in a sling, he con- 
trolled and stopped a runaway team. He was fond 
of hunting and became an expert marksman, and is 
today what would be called a good shot. He joined 
in the neighborhood, merrymakings, and was ever a 
welcome addition to every company of young people. 

But in one very important respect in his case the 
boy was the father to the man, for his boyhood de- 
light in study followed him, and he became a stu- 
dious man. The sturdy integrity and honesty and 
the habits of labor of the boy have characterized the 
man. As a boy he learned to exert his best endeavors 
in whatever he undertook, and as a man that has 


been his unchanging rule. In the country school and 
in college he put forth his best efforts to obtain knowl- 
edge; as the editor of his college paper he gave his 
best thought to what he wrote; as a press reporter 
he gave the same conscientious labor ; as a lawyer, his 
clients got the best results of his studies, and in the 
public service he has always given the best he could. 

At the age of fifteen he saw his way to enter col- 
lege. He had saved up a few dollars, and with this 
meager sum, backed by good health, a frugal train- 
ing and a determination to succeed, he was optimistic 
enough to see the end. His parents were not poor, 
but they were far from being rich, and it was a hard 
struggle on the farm to make both ends meet, so but 
little could be spared to send one of the boys to col- 
lege. But young Charles was not to be deterred by 
any such difficulties. 

Not far from his home was the Ohio Wesleyan 
University, at Delaware, Ohio, and to that institution 
he determined to go. A neighbor lad was equally 
ambitious for a collegiate education, and he, too, was 
poor. They conceived the idea of joining forces and 
thus making the burden easier on each one. They 
rented a small room near the University, and therein 
placed what little furniture they needed. A part 
of it, a table, a bookcase and a washstand, was made 
by Charles himself on the farm. Their parents, as 
often as they had opportunity, sent them supplies of 
provisions. There they roomed, and there they 


studied. They did their own cooking and took care of 
their room. Their table was never luxuriously spread, 
but it was always ample. Their expenses, all told, 
amounted to only one dollar and fifty cents a week. 
In these days of athletic sports and intercollegiate 
excursions and fraternities young Fairbanks and his 
roommate would make a poor showing among their 
fellow-students, but perhaps it was best for them that 
their college days were days of adversity. 

The meager sum of one dollar and fifty cents nec- 
essary for the week's expenses had to be earned, and 
Charles, who had learned on the farm the use of 
tools, became a carpenter's assistant, or did odd jobs 
of carpentering on Saturdays. He was not in college 
for play, and soon became known as one of the hard- 
est working students in his class, yet when he found 
time for relaxation no one joined in the sports of 
the hour more heartily. His sunny temper aud his 
cheerful and obliging disposition soon made him one 
of the most popular students in the University, while 
his studious habits and correct deportment made him 
a favorite with the faculty. He became one of the 
three editors of the college paper, by election from 
his class. 

His college life, like that of his boyhood, was al- 
most wholly devoid of those incidents that make 
readable stories in biography. In after life his class- 
mates always spoke of him in terms of respect and 
affection, but could recall to mind little in the way of 



incident. A short time ago the former room-mate of 
the Senator recalled how on one occasion they cut 
cordwood for a farmer, taking their pay in wood for 
their winter fuel. 

There is, however, one little story that illustrates 
the trials he passed through. One day he and his 
room-mate engaged in a friendly struggle, when the 
only pair of trousers young Fairbanks possessed gave 
way under the strain. The damage done was beyond 
repair, and the procurement of new trousers became a 
necessity. The young student went to a clothing 
merchant and asked for credit, but it was denied him. 
There was one other dealer in ready-made clothing in 
the town, and to him Fairbanks at last applied. 
Here he met with a different reception, and the credit 
was readily extended. The merchant who was thus 
willing to aid a struggling college student is still 
doing business at Delaware, and since his old-time 
debtor has become a prominent man in the nation he 
frequently refers to the time when he trusted him for 
a pair of trousers. 

Hon. H. D. Crow, of Washington, was a college 
mate of Mr. Fairbanks, and tells the following little 
story that exemplifies one of the characteristics of 
the Senator: 

"Fairbanks went through college very young, grad- 
uating at twenty," said Mr. Crow. "He was a tall 
and slender youth, a good student and industrious, 
but not regarded as particularly brilliant. Two 


young fellows named Locke and Jones, had been ex- 
pelled from the college because they would not give 
information concerning some of their comrades' es- 
capades. The entire student body met one afternoon 
to discuss the advisability of petitioning the faculty 
to restore them to their classes. There was consider- 
able debate over the matter, which finally resolved 
itself into a fraternity fight. 

"The debate had been between seniors chiefly and 
few of the juniors had ventured to express opinions. 
As the last speaker sat down someone addressed the 
chair from the ranks of the sophomores in the rear. 
There was a clamor of protest from the seniors and 
juniors. A tall, ungainly, awkward boy, with a voice 
that had not matured, stood quietly waiting for the 
recognition of the chair. His cool persistence won, 
and the chair recognized Fairbanks. ~No one knew 
what position he would take, for he was not a mem- 
ber of any of the fraternities. He made a plea in 
favor of restoring the two expelled members, not be- 
cause they were or were not members of any society, 
but because it would be a kindly thing to do. That 
speech won the debate. The student body voted with 

"Mr. Fairbanks, some time after his speech, be- 
came a member of the Phi Gamma Delta fraternity, 
but he had no thought of doing so at the time he 
made his speech." 

One who was with him in college says that in the 


social gatherings there was none more genial or more 
welcome than young Fairbanks. a He was not only 
genial/' says this writer, "but he was full of spirits, 
and in conversation most entertaining. His laugh 
was infectious. Possibly he would not have been 
called a brilliant student, but he certainly was re- 
markable for his grasp of all subjects and for his 
capacity to absorb knowledge. This is demonstrated 
by the fact that he crowded a six years' course into 
five years. On nearly every occasion when the stu- 
dents wanted one to speak for them young Fairbanks 
was chosen, he being regarded as a leader. At one 
time there was a difference between the faculty and 
the fraternities. Fairbanks was a member of the 
Phi Gamma Delta, and although there were students 
concerned who were both older in years and in length 
of membership, he was the chosen spokesman of the 

Chapter II. 


V^OIING FAIKBANKS entered college a raw, 
•*■ country boy. He was tall, slim and strong. In 
1872, when he left, being graduated with high honors, 
he was still tall and slim, but much of his shyness and 
awkwardness had been polished away. He had im- 
proved in his style of speech, but he retained his seri- 
ous thoughts of life. He returned to the farm, but 
only temporarily. He had other views for life. He 
had stored his mind with the knowledge to be ob- 
tained from his schoolbooks, and from the teachings 
of his preceptors, and he desired to use that knowl- 
edge in a broader field than was offered by a life on a 
farm. The law was to be his chosen profession, and 
he went to work patiently, earnestly and persistently 
to prepare himself. He was through college but was 
out of money, and to study law more money had to be 
earned. The late William Henry Smith, a brother 
of his mother, was general manager of the Associ- 
ated Press, and through him young Fairbanks was 
employed as an agent, first at Pittsburg and then 
at Cleveland. Engaged in the arduous labors of a 
press reporter, he applied the habits of industry he 



had displayed in college, and utilized every possible 
hour in continuing his law studies. He attended one 
term at a law school in Cleveland, and in May, 1874, 
was admitted to the bar by the Supreme Court of 

At this time a strong temptation to enter politics 
came to him, but he refused. He said : "The prac- 
tice of law is to be my life work, and I must first 
make my place in the profession sure. When that 
is done then I can afford to give my attention to 
politics." He was well aware that the game of 
politics is a fascinating one, and once entered 
upon is hard to break away from, yet its pur- 
suit greatly militates against the fortunes of a 
young man, although he may be successful from 
a political standpoint, and he would not enter 
the game. He did not ignore politics, however, but 
carefully studied the great political problems of the 
day, and when a campaign was on gave some of his 
time to speechmaking for his chosen party. His first 
political speech was made in Union county, Ohio, 
before he was twenty-one years of age. 

On October 6, 1874, after he was admitted to 
the bar, and after he had determined to make his 
future home in Indianapolis, he married Miss Cor- 
nelia Cole, who had been a student with him at Wes- 
leyan University. When he was ready to enter the ac- 
tive practice of his profession the problem of where 
to locate was a serious one. His observation had 


taught him that the best chances for success were to 
be found in a growing city. The bar in such a city 
might be well supplied in numbers of aspiring law- 
yers, and in ability, but he remembered the old adage, 
"there is always room at the top," so he determined 
to cast in his lot and begin his struggles in some 
growing city. The top was still far ahead of him, 
but he determined to reach it if patient, persistent 
work would take him there. After canvassing the 
whole field he finally decided on Indianapolis. It 
was a fortunate choice for him and for the State of 

Before deciding to make his home in Indianapolis 
he visited the city and readily saw its future possi- 
bilities. It was the capital city of a State that was 
rapidly growing in population, wealth, and commer- 
cial and political importance. The city itself was 
expanding. It was a great railroad center, and was 
becoming the center of vast manufacturing interests. 
Consequently such a place would be one where great 
legal interests would be involved, and he decided that 
it should be his future home. 

On removing to Indianapolis he and his young 
wife occupied a modest home, for their means were 
restricted, and neither of them was disposed to make 
any ostentatious show or to live beyond their limited 
means. They felt hopeful that success would come, 
but the place of the husband at the bar was yet to 
be won. The fight to reach the top might be a very 


hard one. They could not tell, but they were brave 
of heart and brave of hope. If conscientious labor, 
hard study, a strict attention to business and integ- 
rity of action could win success, they believed it 
was within their reach, for Mr. Fairbanks was pa- 
tient, was a hard student, and was determined to 
give strict attention to his profession, and integrity 
of life and of purpose was his birthright from his 

He had a happy faculty of making friends, and 
with him once to make a friend was to hold a friend. 
Step by step he climbed up in his profession. At 
first clients came slowly, then they multiplied rap- 
idly and success was assured. He won the esteem 
and respect of his fellows at the bar. When he en- 
tered on the trial of a case he gave it assiduous atten- 
tion and close study, depending on the law and equity 
rather than upon any chicanery or tricks. In fact, 
he had nothing of those elements in his makeup. He 
never assailed the attorney or the litigant in oppo- 
sition to him, but treated attorneys, litigant and the 
court with the utmost courtesy and respect. 

In a very few years he had as wide and as lucrative 
a practice as any member of the Indianapolis bar, and 
for several years his emoluments from his law prac- 
tice steadily grew, and there were but few lawyers 
anywhere in the United States with a more lucrative 
practice. His practice extended into many of the 
States, but was especially large in Ohio, Indiana and 


Illinois. Much of it was connected with large trans- 
portation and corporate affairs. He had no practice 
in criminal matters. Neither his mind nor his read- 
ing ran toward criminal law, and he never tried but 
one criminal case. Increase of practice brought hard 
work, demanded more hours of study, and laborious 
research. He began with a well-grounded knowledge 
of the elementary principles of the law, but his prac- 
tice soon required a thorough knowledge of the stat- 
ute law of many of the States, as also of the laws 
of other countries. 

Much of his practice was before the Federal courts, 
and he had to meet and contend against many of the 
most prominent lawyers of the country. He began 
with a very modest library, consisting of a few vol- 
umes only, but they had been chosen with great care. 
When he entered the United States Senate he pos- 
sessed one of the largest and most valuable libraries 
in the West. 

His success in his profession was not, in one sense 
of the word, phenomenal, but came from his thorough 
training, his close and conscientious attention to busi- 
ness, and his faculty for making friends. It was 
the result of a determined and set purpose. When 
he entered the United States Senate it was at a great 
pecuniary sacrifice, for, having accepted office at the 
hands of the people, he determined to give to their 
service the same conscientious attention he had given 
to his profession, and to do that he must be prepared 


to give all his time; so he at once retired from the 
practice of the law. In his youth, when tempted 
to enter politics he had refused, saying that he must 
first win a place in his profession, so that if he failed 
in politics he would be sure to have something to fall 
back upon ; second, he must accumulate a competence 
for himself and his family. Having succeeded in 
both these directions, when the people called for his 
services he could give them his undivided time and 

It would be pleasant to indulge in reminiscences 
and fill a few pages with anecdotes connected with 
his legal practice, tell of great and signal triumphs 
he won over distinguished and able counsel, but the 
reader can not be indulged in that respect. He won 
notable triumphs, it is true, but they were won by 
a thorough preparation of his case and an intimate 
knowledge of the law. He knew the law, and "the 
tricks of the law," but never indulged in the tricks, 
and only used his knowledge of them to prevent him- 
self being tricked by an opposing attorney. He never 
had any startling cases, but he did have cases in 
which vast interests were involved, and they were 
presented to the court or to the jury without any 
startling complications. Hence he was better known 
to the bar and to the bench than to the general public. 
His practice led him into an acquaintance with many 
of the distinguished men of the nation, and he won 
their friendship and confidence. In this he found 
one of the elements of his later success in politics. 

Chapter III. 


A S HIS success at the bar increased, and as his 
^ position in the profession became fixed, he felt 
that he could give more time to politics. He had been 
a student of politics. He had given careful study 
to all the great political problems of the day, to the 
political history of the country, and to the policies 
advocated by the various political parties, so that 
when he was ready to enter the political field it was 
as a well-equipped warrior. He had, at various times 
during political campaigns, made a few speeches, and 
had impressed himself on the leaders of his party 
in Indiana, so that his advice and counsel were 
sought, but it was not until 1888 that he took any 
active part in the management or direction of party 

Among the early professional friendships he 
formed was one with the late Walter Q. Gresham, 
who was Judge of the United States Court for the 
district of Indiana when Mr. Fairbanks began the 
practice in Indianapolis. This personal friendship 
remained unbroken until the death of Mr. Gresham, 



and that friendship had much to do with the enter- 
ing into active politics by Mr. Fairbanks. 

In 1888 Indiana had two distinguished sons who 
were talked of as possible candidates for the Presi- 
dency — Benjamin Harrison and Walter Q. Gresham. 
To decide between the two placed more than one citi- 
zen of Indiana in a quandary, but not so with Mr. 
Fairbanks. Ever fair and open in his professional 
life, he determined to be equally open and fair in 
his adherence to the political fortunes of any man. 
He was a friend of General Harrison, and admired 
his lofty character and great qualities. He had often 
met him in legal battles, and knew full well his great 
abilities as a lawyer. He had heard his speeches on 
great political occasions, and had watched his career 
in the Senate, and fully appreciated his grasp of 
matters of political policy and statecraft. He knew 
that if General Harrison should be exalted to the 
high office of President of the Republic the admin- 
istration of the affairs of the nation would be marked 
with high ability ; but against all this was the per- 
sonal affection he had for Judge Gresham, inspired, 
first, by the kindly consideration of the eminent 
Judge to a young and struggling lawyer, and in- 
creased by the wonderfully fascinating personality of 
Mr. Gresham. Had he not believed that Judge 
Gresham possessed all the qualifications to make him 
a great President and a safe head for the nation, 
these personal considerations would not have weighed 
with him. 


As it was, he instantly made up his mind to sup- 
port Judge Gresham, but in pursuance of the policy 
that he had always followed, he wrote to General 
Harrison a letter stating the reasons that led him 
to support the candidacy of the Judge. It was a 
fair, candid, open statement of one friend to an- 
other, but one that is not often found in political 
life. One of the most cherished possessions of Sen- 
ator Fairbanks is the reply of General Harrison. 
The reply is as follows : 

"Washington, May 11, 1888. 
"C. W. Fairbanks, Esq., Indianapolis, Ind. : 

"My Dear Sir — Your kind letter of the 8th has 
been received. I assure you that your frank decla- 
ration of your preference for Judge Gresham can not 
in the smallest degree affect our friendly relations. 
I am not one of those who have no friends who are 
not followers. It has been my wish, and my efforts 
have been with my wish, to suppress all divisions 
of a personal character in the party in Indiana. So 
far as I could I have restrained my friends, but, 
as Judge G. has himself found out, that is not 
always possible. I feel sure that you will know 
how to advocate his claims without unkindness to me. 

"Very truly yours, 


Mr. Fairbanks took charge of the Gresham cam- 
paign for delegates in Indiana. All the old party 


leaders and the whole party machinery were for Gen- 
eral Harrison, whose candidacy was supported by 
nearly all of the Republican papers of the State. 
General Harrison finally got the delegation from the 
State, but it was only after one of the hottest fights 
ever known in a State where political battles are pro- 
verbially warm. Notwithstanding he failed to get 
any of the delegates from Indiana, Judge Gresham 
determined to contest for the nomination at Chicago. 
The Republican convention of 1888 was one of the 
notable gatherings of that party. James G. Blaine 
was the brilliant leader of the Republican party, 
and he had many friends who were bent on making 
him once more the standard-bearer, notwithstanding 
he had declared that his name must not go before 
the convention. Sherman, Allison, Depew, Alger, 
Harrison and Gresham were before the convention, 
but the Blaine cloud overshadowed the whole. All 
of the Chicago papers were for Judge Gresham. 

In marshaling the Gresham forces Mr. Fairbanks 
displayed wonderful skill in the handling of men. 
Suave and pleasant with everyone, listening to 
all suggestions, nevertheless he kept his own coun- 
sels. He displayed prodigious activity, yet never 
appeared to be hurried. He refused to join in 
the attacks made on General Harrison, and did 
what he could to discourage them, especially those 
made in regard to the General's attitude on the labor 
question. He talked to newspaper reporters, to edi- 


tors, gave them suggestions, but never divulged his 
plans. He was always ready to make combinations, 
but would not make any to which a bargain was at- 
tached. He carefully avoided saying or doing any- 
thing that might by any possibility be distorted into 
a promise to bind his chief. He had a corps of ef- 
fective lieutenants and to them divulged just enough 
of his plans to put them to intelligent and earnest 
work. He kept them busy, and when the convention 
opened it looked as if he would be able to nominate 
his candidate on one of the early ballots. 

On the first ballot Sherman led and Gresham was 
second. It was well known that Sherman had polled 
on that first ballot all the strength he could command, 
and it was thought he could not hold his followers, 
but he did. The uncertain factor all the time was 
the position the Blaine men would finally take. The 
Blaine leaders hoped the convention would tire itself 
out in a vain effort to nominate and would then turn 
to the "Plumed Knight." They gave up this hope 
at last, and then thev went to Harrison and he was 
nominated on the eighth ballot. Among the first to 
send the successful candidate congratulations on his 
victory was Mr. Fairbanks, who returned to Indiana 
and at once tendered his services to the General and 
to the Republican committee. There were those who 
advocated ignoring Mr. Fairbanks and the other 
Gresham adherents in Indiana, but General Harrison 
put a quietus on it by saying that a man who had 


shown the political skill and forcefulness of Mr. Fair- 
banks could not be ignored with impunity. 

Judge Gresham had many lovable traits of char- 
acter, and those traits made his friends devoted to 
him. Mr. Fairbanks was a young man when he first 
made the acquaintance of Judge Gresham. He was 
just starting out in his profession, and on more than 
one occasion the Judge exhibited for him such a 
kindly consideration that he at once won the heart 
of the young attorney. In 1903, nearly twenty years 
after his first meeting with Judge Gresham, Mr. 
Fairbanks was called upon to deliver an address at 
the unveiling of a portrait of the Judge in the United 
States court-room in Springfield, Illinois. In the 
course of the address he paid the following tribute 
to the memory of his friend : 

"He delighted in aiding the young. No man with 
the same opportunities ever did more than he to help 
young men get on in the world. He saw in others the 
struggles of his own youth, and he was ever ready to 
serve them in every possible way. The lawyer, when 
entering upon his professional career, when possessed 
of doubts as to his cases, and filled with discourage- 
ment, always found a sympathetic friend in the gen- 
erous-hearted and noble Judge. The young attorney, 
with a good cause, but overmatched by an older and 
more resourceful antagonist, found upon the bench 
help and sympathy. How far goes a helpful word 
in time of need to the beginner at the bar. 


"He was a just judge in the fullest and best sense. 
He came from the great body of the people and was 
always in touch with them. He possessed none of 
the elements of the demagogue. He was always nat- 
ural; never sought nor pretended to be what God 
had not made him. He never tried to veneer his 
true character, or to obscure it by cheap or meretri- 
cious arts. 

"He was simple and modest in his habits; frank 
and candid. There was nothing meteoric in him. 
He pressed forward, meeting the duties of the hour 
as he found them ; discharging them faithfully, con- 
scientiously and well. 

"He was on terms with men of all conditions. He 
met them upon a common level. There was that 
subtle element in him which invited the confidence 
of all. The weak and the powerful alike saw the 
true nobility of his character and held him in like 
respect. The lowly were not overawed and the high 
were properly deferential." 

Mr. Fairbanks threw himself heart and soul into 
the work of electing Mr. Harrison President. In 
other campaigns he had made an occasional speech, 
but he now engaged actively in that work, and almost 
at once established his right to hold a first place 
among the political orators of Indiana. He was well 
equipped for the work, as he had made a careful 
study of political policies and of the demands of the 
nation. One thing was noticeable from the very be- 



ginning of his speech-making career — his complete 
avoidance of personal detraction and vituperative lan- 
guage. He tried at once, so far as his voice and 
example could go, to lift party politics from the low 
marsh of detraction and corruption up to the high 
plane of reason and argument. In all the speeches 
he has ever made — and they have been many — not 
one word of abuse of a political opponent or of the 
opposing party can be found. He always speaks of 
everybody with courtesy and kindness. This trait of 
character was early noticed by his opponents, and it 
is to be said to the credit of political controversy in 
Indiana that no speaker of the opposing party has 
ever uttered one word of detraction of Mr. Fairbanks. 
His entire attitude is exemplified by the following 
extract from his remarks at the memorial service of 
the late William Holman : 

"He raised his standard of exalted duty in public 
place, and to it remained inflexibly true. He was 
possessed of superb moral courage, and his purpose 
once set, he was immovable. The stock from which 
he came was strong, rugged. It laid the broad foun- 
dation for a mighty empire of wealth, of power, of 
intelligence in the great Mississippi Valley. He was 
a type of which there are too few. 

"Mr. President, we reluctantly retire from the con- 
templation of a character so illustrious in achieve- 
ment and devotion to the service of his countrvmen. 
He has richly earned the 'Well done, thou good and 


faithful servant/ and the repose which crowns an 
honest life." 

It may be granted that many of the eulogiums pro- 
nounced in Congress are perfunctory, but all who 
know Mr. Fairbanks will readily credit him with 
being sincere in this commendation of the life and 
services of a political opponent. With Mr. Fairbanks 
life has been too serious for him to utter sentiments 
foreign to his heart. 

His campaign work for General Harrison was of 
a very high order, and had much to do with carrying 
Indiana for the Republican ticket that year. His 
manners were popular and he rapidly extended his 
acquaintance with the party leaders of the State. 
His ability as a speaker was at once recognized and 
his services were in demand. With him it was no 
grudging service. He had been defeated at the Chi- 
cago convention, but General Harrison was his 
friend, and he felt that he would fill the exalted 
station to the honor of the nation. And, too, he be- 
lieved in the policy of the Republican party, and 
that its triumph was for the best interests of the coun- 
try. His zeal for the party was strengthened by his 
zeal for his personal friend and fellow-townsman. 

It was not alone in speech-making that his influ- 
ence was felt in that campaign, but his counsels to 
the managers were wise and his suggestions always 
prudent. The managers never made a mistake when 
they followed his advice. He had become a power 


in the party councils, and that power has grown con- 
tinuously with each campaign. 

From 1888 Mr. Fairbanks has been one of the 
leaders of his party in Indiana. No step has been 
taken by the party that he has not been consulted 
on, and it may be added that for some years no step 
has been taken against his advice, so fully has the 
party come to depend upon his political sagacity. 
The campaign of 1890 was a disastrous one to the 
Republicans of Indiana. The McKinley bill had 
just gone into operation, but its provisions were not 
thoroughly understood, and the tide turned strongly 
against the administration, but* Mr. Fairbanks la- 
bored in season and out of season, and was ever found 

in the forefront of the battle. His services were 


in constant demand. The calls on him for speeches 
were so many that he could not fill all of them. His 
popularity and strength as a campaign speaker rap- 
idly increased. The tide was too strong, however, 
and the party went down to defeat. The party thus 
early began to regard him as excellent senatorial 
timber, whenever the time should come that the Re- 
publicans would have the power to elect one. 

The campaign of 1892 opened with a struggle be- 
tween the friends of Blaine and those of Harrison 
for the nomination. Even in Indiana there was some 
dissatisfaction with President Harrison, but it was 
not strong enough to effect anything. The Repub- 
lican National Convention met at Minneapolis. Mr. 


Fairbanks was present, a strong advocate of the re- 
nomination of President Harrison. He was one of 
those who engineered the famous meeting of the Har- 
rison delegates the night before the convention, at 
which it was easily demonstrated Harrison would 
be renominated on the first ballot. The friendship 
between the President and Mr. Fairbanks had in- 
creased during the four years from 1888, and Mr. 
Harrison had been taught to regard the future Sen- 
ator as one of his safest political advisers. 

The political battle of 1892 was one of the fiercest 
ever fought in Indiana. For a number of years 
Indiana was looked upon as a doubtful State, and 
was controlled first by one party and then by the 
other. Again Mr. Fairbanks was one of the leaders, 
and his voice was heard in almost every part of the 
State. He was one of the most industrious of the 
many speakers the State had. During the short in- 
tervals when he would be at Indianapolis he was in 
close consultation with the State committee, counsel- 
ing, advising and suggesting new moves on the en- 
emy. It was a period of political unrest. The lower- 
ing clouds of financial and commercial depression 
were already gathering, and in Indiana the party 
was somewhat torn by factions. Large numbers who 
had hoped for Federal appointments under Harrison 
had been disappointed. All these things combined 
to make the fight a hard one. 

It was under these conditions the Kepublicans of 


Indiana made preparations to put a State ticket in 
the field, and began to consider which one of its 
orators would be the best to make the opening speech 
outlining the issues, or, as is so often said in politics, 
"deliver the keynote." It was readily recognized that 
no mistake must be made in this "keynote" speech. 
The unanimous choice of the leaders was Mr. Fair- 
banks, and when the convention met he was made 
its chairman, and in a speech of cogent reasoning 
and great power he clearly outlined the issues that 
divided the two great parties, upholding the admin- 
istration of General Harrison and clearly pointing 
out the disasters that would follow a change in the 
policies of the government. The tariff was one of 
the principal issues, and he discussed that question 
at some length, contrasting the condition of business 
under the tariff law of the Cleveland administration 
and the McKinley bill of Harrison's. The opening 
paragraph of the speech was peculiarly striking : 

"For thirty years," he said, "the Republican party 
has stood in the 'white light that beats against the 
throne,' and its record is flawless. There is no one 
who admires courage and steadfastness in the cause 
of good government who does not admire the Repub- 
lican party Its history is so full of 

deeds of vast and vital moment, I would weary you 
if I attempted a recital of them." 

At that time the free coinage of silver, that culmi- 
nated in 1896, was just looming up. The Demo- 


cratic party was not yet ready to put itself on record 
in favor of the coinage at the ratio of sixteen to 
one, but it was seen that matters were drifting in 
that direction, and Mr. Fairbanks sounded a warning 
note and boldly announced the attitude of the Repub- 
lican party on the question. This was four years 
before the party in its national convention declared 
for a gold standard. Among other things Mr. Fair- 
banks said : 

"The Republican party stands for a sound, honest 
dollar. It has always opposed an unstable and de- 
based currency. The all-important element in the 
circulating medium is that it be of stable value. On 
this the Republican party stands." 

He gave much consideration to State issues, con- 
trasting the administration of the two parties. This 
speech was circulated by the committee as a campaign 
document. Mr. Fairbanks was the great pacificator 
during that campaign, using all his powers of per- 
suasion to harmonize the factions, stir up the luke- 
warm, and give courage to the doubtful. He did 
effective and faithful work, but once more the tide 
turned to the enemy. He made many speeches, can- 
vassing nearly the entire State. President Harrison 
recognized the value of his services, and after the 
conclusion of the campaign warmly thanked him, 
and the friendship between the two received a new 

When Mr. Fairbanks began the practice of the 


law in Indianapolis Mr. Harrison was the leader 
of the bar, and two years later was the Republican 
candidate for Governor of the State. His great abil- 
ities and sterling character at once impressed Mr. 
Fairbanks, and he took his place in the ranks of 
Harrison's warm admirers. His estimate of the char- 
acter and public services of General Harrison is 
shown by extracts from a number of speeches deliv- 
ered by him. As Chairman of the Indiana Repub- 
lican Convention of 1892 Mr. Fairbanks, in his open- 
ing speech, said : 

"You do well to cheer that name [Harrison]. It 
stands for pure and exalted statesmanship. No other 
has done more to place our State high in the estima- 
tion and the admiration of the world." 

When General Harrison returned to Indianapolis 
at the close of his term as President, the citizens 
gave him a reception. Mr. Fairbanks was chosen to 
make the welcoming address. In the course of it 
he said : 

"You have taught obedience to law, a higher re- 
spect for our American institutions. You have in- 
spired a deeper reverence for the sacred emblem of 
our national authority Your adminis- 
tration was of the highest purpose, persisted in to 
the end ; it has been without a stain ; the most ma- 
lignant tongue can lodge against it no word of re- 

In 1898, at a banquet in Quebec, Canada, in re- 


sponse to the toast "The President of the United 
States," Mr. Fairbanks said: 

"Then came Harrison, of my own State — Benja- 
min Harrison, who brought to that great office a 
genius for statesmanship and a devotion to the public 
service that ranks him among the greatest who have 
held that high office." 

It was during the campaign of 1892 that Mr. Fair- 
banks first met Mr. McKinley, and then began the 
friendship that existed between the two men. Mr. 
McKinley was in Indiana taking part in the cam- 
paign, and on several occasions the two distinguished 
orators spoke from the same platform. Each recog- 
nized the ability of the other, and on one occasion 
the future President said: "Fairbanks, you ought 
to be in the Senate." Had the Republicans suc- 
ceeded in Indiana he would have been in the Senate. 
But his time was not yet. 

The campaign of 1894 opened with brighter pros- 
pects for the Republican party. It was a time of 
great business depression, and thousands of workmen 
were out of employment. A financial panic had 
greatly demoralized business everywhere, and the 
Democratic administration had the burden of blame 
to bear. There was also a very decided and growing 
dissatisfaction with Mr. Cleveland in his own party. 
Indiana was beginning to feel the good effects of 
the natural gas boom when the business depression 
struck the country, and the "gas belt" felt the blow 


in a marked degree. All these things made thousands 
of Democrats lukewarm, and other thousands turn 
to the Kepublican party for relief. In Indiana the 
Republicans entered upon the campaign with high 
hopes and great enthusiasm. They felt from the 
beginning that it was to be their year. As usual, 
Mr. Fairbanks took the leading part in the campaign. 
By this time his fame as a campaign speaker had 
passed the boundary of Indiana, and he received 
many invitations from other States. He renewed his 
acquaintance with Mr. McKinley, and again they 
took part together in campaign work. It was a glori- 
ous year for the Republican party in Indiana, and 
they swept the State, electing a State ticket and every 
member of Congress, and once more obtained control 
of the Legislature. This campaign greatly added to 
the popularity and strength of Mr. Fairbanks. By 
this time he had spoken in every county in the State. 
He carried into his political work the same suave and 
kindly manner that had so distinguished him at the 
bar. He was of the people, mingled with the people. 
There was nothing of the demagogue about him, but 
he was always hearty and earnest in his greetings. 
He had no bitter antagonisms among his political 
opponents. In later years he announced in the Sen- 
ate his creed as to political differences, in his memo- 
rial address in respect to Mr. Holman, when he said : 
"Political parties are undivided as to purpose — the 
highest and best welfare of the country ; their dif- 


ferences arise as to the best method of obtaining the 

It was in this spirit he discussed the political ques- 
tions of the day, and he always commanded a re- 
spectful and attentive hearing. 

Chapter IV. 


T?OR eight years he had been a potent factor in 
•■" Indiana politics, and had taken a leading part 
in four hotly contested campaigns, and the time had 
now arrived when he was to become an active and 
potential factor in national political affairs. Another 
Presidential election was on ; and the people were 
beginning to array themselves for the contest. In 
the four years since he had made his memorable 
speech at Fort Wayne, wherein he declared the Re- 
publican party always had been and always would 
be for an honest dollar, a stable currency, the march 
of events had been rapid. The advocates of free sil- 
ver coinage had been especially active and the finan- 
cial heresy had spread over all the country, and it 
became a living issue. 

In Indiana it had strongly tainted the Republi- 
cans, especially in the rural districts. The free 
silver men had been proselyting everywhere. It was 
readily seen that*if the Republican party was to suc- 
ceed, this drifting away from the old moorings by 
members of the party must be checked, yet there 



was a great danger in running contrary to the cur- 
rent. Mr. Fairbanks was one of those who saw the 
danger to the country in this financial heresy; he 
saw the ruin to the nation's credit, the disaster that 
would come to the great business interests of the 
country if free coinage became a part of the policy 
of the Government. He was courageous enough to 
step into the breach, and sagacious enough to see 
that if his party would take a firm stand for honest 
money the people would sustain it. 

Before the assembling of the Indiana Republican 
Convention certain parts of the platform were por- 
tioned out among the leaders of the party for the 
preparation of the proper declaration. To Mr. Fair- 
banks was assigned the preparation of the financial 
plank, and when the leaders met for consultation he 
offered the following: 

"We are firm and emphatic in our demand for 
honest money. We believe that our money should 
not be inferior to the money of the most enlightened 
nations of the earth. We are unalterably opposed 
to every scheme that threatens to debase our cur- 
rency. We favor the use of silver as currency, but 
to the extent only and under such regulations that 
its parity with gold can be maintained ; and, in con- 
sequence, are opposed to the free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one." 

It at once met with strong opposition, and several 
who admitted it was the correct principle expressed 


grave fears of the result, believing that such a pro- 
nounced declaration would alienate all of the Repub- 
lican adherents of free silver, but Mr. Fairbanks 
stood firm. He reasoned and argued, holding that 
the only safe course was for the Republican party 
to stand consistent with its past record ; that it must 
not stultify itself by a retreat from the position it 
had always taken in favor of an honest dollar, saying 
that he would rather go down to defeat than for one 
instant to fall from the high standard the party had 
always maintained; that all admitted that free coin- 
age would be ruinous if adopted, and the Republican 
party must not give the least countenance to any 
policy that would bring financial ruin or throw dis- 
credit on the integrity of the Government. 

He won, and the plank was incorporated in the 
platform, but one of the leading candidates on the 
ticket remarked : "It is brave, it is right ; but I 
shall prepare to be snowed under." 

Mr. McKinley was a leading candidate for the 
Presidential nomination, and Mr. Fairbanks took 
charge of his campaign in Indiana and handled it 
with such skill and finesse that every district in the 
State declared for the Ohio man, Mr. Fairbanks 
being named as one of the delegates-at-large. The 
financial stand of the party in Indiana attracted con- 
sideration in all parts of the country, and it called 
attention to Mr. Fairbanks. Mr. McKinley sent for 
him and requested him to accept the temporary chair- 
manship of the convention. 


When the Convention met at St. Louis, Mr. Fair- 
banks was named as the temporary Chairman, and 
delivered the speech as requested by Mr. McKinley. 
The speech was a very able one, and completely cov- 
ered all the issues before the country, and it so well 
fits the conditions of today that it is here reproduced : 

"Gentlemen of the Convention — I am profoundly 
grateful for this expression of your generous confi- 
dence. As citizens we were never called upon to 
discharge a more important duty than that which 
rests upon us — the nomination of a President and 
Vice-President of the United States. This duty is 
a very impressive one at the moment, for it is al- 
ready written in the Book of Pate that the choice 
of this convention will be the next President and 
Vice-President of this great Republic. 

"Three years of Democratic administration have 
been three years of panic, of wasted energy, of anxi- 
ety and loss to the American people, without a pnr- 
allel in our history. Today the people turn to the 
Republican party hopefully, confidently, and it is 
for us to meet their expectations ; it is for us to give 
them those candidates upon whom their hearts have 
centered, and to give them clear, straightforward, 
emphatic expression of our political faith. The Re- 
publican party is a party of convictions ; and it has 
written its convictions in the history of the Republic 
with the pen and the sword; with it the supreme 
question always has been not what is merely politic, 


but what is 'everlastingly right.' The great men 
we have given to the Nation and to history, the 
mighty dead and the illustrious living, are our inspi- 
ration and tower of strength. If we are but true 
to their exalted example, we can not be false to our 

"For a third of a century prior to the advent of 
the present Democratic administration we operated 
under laws enacted by the Republican party. All 
great measures concerning the tariff and the cur- 
rency originated with it. Tariff laws were formed 
upon lines which protected our laborers and pro- 
ducers from unequal and unjust foreign competition, 
and upon the theory that the best market in the 
world is the home market and that it should be en- 
joyed by our own countrymen. 

"Under the currency laws our currency was made 
national. The wildcat State bank money of the Dem- 
ocratic party was wiped out of existence. The un- 
precedented demands growing out of the war were 
met by a paper currency which ultimately became 
as good as gold. Since the resumption of specie pay- 
ment in 1879 every dollar of our money, paper, sil- 
ver and gold, has been of equal purchasing power 
the world over. The policy of the party has been 
to make and keep our currency equal to the best in 
the world. 

"Under the operation of these honest tariff and 
honest money Republican laws the country grew in 


wealth and power beyond precedent. We easily out- 
stripped all other powers in the commercial race. 
In November, 1892, there was work for every hand 
and bread for every mouth. We reached high-water 
mark. Labor received higher wages than ever, and 
capital was profitably and securely employed. The 
national revenues were sufficient to meet our obli- 
gations and leave a surplus in the treasury. Foreign 
and domestic trade were greater in volume and value 
than they had ever been. Foreign balances were 
largely in our favor. European gold was flowing to- 
ward us. But all of this is changed. The cause is 
not hard to find. A reaction began when it was 
known that the legislative and executive branches of 
the Government were to be Democratic. 

"The Democratic party had at Chicago condemned 
the protective tariff principle as unconstitutional, and 
solemnly pledged itself to the overthrow and destruc- 
tion of the McKinley law and to the adoption of free 
trade as the policy of the United States. This bold, 
aggressive attack upon the long-settled policy of the 
Republican party bore its natural fruit in shaken 
confidence and unsettled business, and we were soon 
drifting against the rock of destruction. 

"Before the work of demolition was actually begun 
a run was started upon the treasury reserve which 
the Republican party had wisely accumulated for the 
protection of the national credit. The drain upon 
the reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and 



treasury notes greatly surpassed all prior experience 
and emphasized the discredit into which the Demo- 
cratic administration had fallen. An utter want of 
confidence in the administration possessed the people. 

"The Democratic party was harmonious on one 
subject, and that was the destruction of the McKin- 
ley law. But when they came to the exercise of the 
creative faculty, the enactment of a great revenue 
measure in its stead, there was discord. The im- 
periled interests of the country watched and waited 
through long and anxious months for some settlement 
of the important question. They wanted an end of 

"At length the Wilson bill was adopted, and it 
was characterized by a Democratic President as the 
child of 'perfidy and dishonor.' It was so bad that 
he would not contaminate his hand by signing it. 
A bill that is too base for Mr. Cleveland to approve 
is too base for the approval of the American people. 

"This important law was wanting in the primary 
purpose of a revenue measure, for it failed to provide 
adequate revenue to meet the requirements of the 
Government. The deficiency thus far amounts to 
some $150,000,000. The end is not yet, for the defi- 
ciency grows day by day. This leaves the treasury 
and the public credit in constant peril. Our foreign 
credit is impaired and domestic capital feels inse- 
cure. The sectional favoritism of the Wilson bill 
was one of its marked features. Its blow at sheep 


husbandry was an unpardonable offense. It was a 
flagrant wrong to the farmers of the United States. 
This great industry had developed and grown under 
Republican protective laws until it was one of our 
greatest. We are now sending abroad millions of 
dollars for wool which were paid to our farmers 
under the McKinley law. 

"The bill struck down reciprocity, one of the high- 
est achievements of American statesmanship. No 
measure was ever enacted which more directly ad- 
vanced the interests of American farmers than reci- 
procity. With its destruction fell advantageous com- 
mercial agreements, under which their products were 
surely finding larger and profitable foreign markets, 
and without the surrender of their own. 

"The substitution of ad valorem for specific duties 
has opened the way for systematic wholesale frauds 
upon the treasury and producers and employers of 
the country. By means of under-valuations foreign 
goods pass through the customhouses without paying 
their just tribute to the treasury of the United States. 
Thus we have lost millions of dollars in revenues, 
and the foreign producers have been enabled to un- 
fairly possess our home markets. 

"Neither time nor place will permit further ref- 
erence to the unfortunate revenue legislation of the 
Democratic party, nor to the hurtful, demoralizing 
effect of it. Suffice it to say it has been the great 
and original factor in breaking down confidence and 


progress, emptying the treasury, causing continued 
deficits and enforced idleness among millions of will- 
ing workers. 

"To meet the monthly deficits and protect our 
credit and save the Government from protest the 
President has been forced to sell bonds — in other 
words, he has been obliged to mortgage the future 
in a time of peace to meet the current obligations 
of the Government. 

"This is a sharp contrast with the Republican 
record. Our tariff laws not only raised revenue, but 
they protected our domestic industries; they impar- 
tially protected the farmer and the manufacturer, 
both north and south. Not only that, but they raised 
suificient revenue to gradually reduce the public debt, 
and without imposing a grievous burden upon the 
people. During the administration of Harrison 
$236,000,000 of obligations were paid, while Cleve- 
land, during the last three years, has added to our 
interest-bearing debt $262,000,000. Against such 
Democratic financiering the Republican party enters 
its emphatic protest. 

"Having attempted to reverse the tariff policy of 
the United States with such lamentable results, the 
Democratic party now proposes to reverse the cur- 
rency policy. It turns to the currency as the parent 
of our ills. Its effort to shift the responsibility will 
deceive no one. Its attack upon the tariff, its record 
of inefficiency and insincerity, is a part of the un- 
fortunate history of the Republic. 


"The present currency system is the fruit of Re- 
publican wisdom. It has been adequate to all our 
past necessities, and, if uncorrupted, will meet our 
future requirements. Our greatest prosperity was 
attained when Republican currency laws were in full 
operation. When the Republican party was in 
power, our currency was good; it was made as good 
as the best on the globe. We made sound money, 
and we also made an honest protective tariff to go 
with it. Sound money and an honest protective 
tariff go hand in hand, together; not one before the 

"The very foundation of a sound currency system 
is a solvent treasury. If the people doubt the integ- 
rity of the treasury, they will question the soundness 
of the currency. Recognizing this fundamental fact, 
the Republican party always provided ample revenue 
for the treasury. 

"When in the last half-century of our history did 
the Democratic party advocate a financial policy that 
was in the best interests of the American people ? 
Look at its ante-bellum currency record. Consider 
its hostility to the currency rendered necessary by the 
exigency of the war ; and later, its effort to inflate the 
currency in a time of peace by the issue of green- 
backs. * Witness its opposition to the efforts of the 
Republican party to resume specie payments. But 
four short years ago it declared for the return of the 
old, discredited State bank currency. 


"The Republican party has not been unfriendly to 
the proper use of silver. It has always favored, and 
favors today, the use of silver as a part of our cir- 
culating medium, but it favors that use under such 
provisions and safeguards as shall not imperil our 
present national standard. The policy of the Repub- 
lican party is to retain both gold and silver as a part 
of our circulating medium, while the policy of free 
coinage of silver leads to certain silver monometal- 
lism. It is an immutable law that two moneys of 
unequal value will not circulate together, and the 
poorer always drives out the better. 

"The Republican party, desiring fairly to secure 
a larger use of silver, pledged itself in favor of an 
international agreement. Harrison, true to the 
pledge of his party, took the initiatory steps and 
invited an international monetary conference at 
Brussels, at which the subject of an international 
coinage agreement was ably and profitably discussed. 

"The Democratic ■ party was also committed to 
international bimetallism, but when it came into 
power the work which had been so auspiciously begun 
by the Republican party was abandoned. It was so 
absorbed in its efforts to break down the McKinley 
law and empty the treasury that it had no time to 
promote international bimetallism. 

"Those who profess to believe that this Govern- 
ment can, independently of the other great commer- 
cial Powers, open its mints to the free and independ- 


ent coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one, and 
at the same time not drive every dollar of gold out of 
circulation, but deceive themselves. 

"Great and splendid and powerful as our Govern- 
ment is, it can not accomplish the impossible. It 
can not create value. It has not the alchemist's sub- 
tle art of transmuting unlimited silver into gold, nor 
can it, by omnipotent fiat, make fifty cents worth 
one hundred cents. As well undertake by resolution 
of Congress to suspend the laws of gravitation as 
attempt to compel an unlimited number of fifty-cent 
dollars to circulate with one-hundred-cent dollars at 
a parity with each other. An attempt to compel 
unlimited dollars of such unequal value to circulate 
at a parity is bad in morals and vicious in policy. 
Sound thinkers upon the great question of the cur- 
rency know from the beginning of the experiment 
how miserably and certainly it would fail. The com- 
merce of the country would again be thrown upon the 
sea of uncertainty, and the specter of want would 
continue to haunt us for years to come. 

"Upon opening our mints to the independent free 
coinage of silver foreign credits would be withdrawn 
and domestic credits would be greatly curtailed. 
More than this, there would be a certain and sudden 
contraction of our currency by the expulsion of 
$620,000,000 of gold, and our paper and silver cur- 
rency would instantly and greatly depreciate in 
purchasing power. But one result would follow this : 


Enterprise would be further embarrassed, business 
demoralization would be increased, and still further 
and serious injury would be inflicted upon the labor- 
ers, the farmers, the merchants, and all those whose 
welfare depends upon a wholesome commerce. 

"A change from the present standard to the low 
silver standard would cut down the recompense of 
labor; reduce the value of the savings in savings 
banks and building and loan associations; salaries 
and incomes would shrink ; pensions would be cut in 
two ; the beneficiaries of life insurance would suffer ; 
in short, the injury would be so universal and far 
reaching that a radical change can be contemplated 
only with the gravest apprehension. 

"A sound currency is one of the essential instru- 
ments in developing our commerce. It is the pur- 
pose of the Republican party not only to develop our 
domestic trade, but to extend our commerce into the 
uttermost parts of the earth. We should not begin 
our contest for commercial supremacy by destroying 
our currency standard. All the leading powers with 
which we must compete suspended the free coinage 
of silver when the increased production of silver 
forced the commercial value of silver below the coin- 
age ratio to gold. Shall we ignore their ripened 
experience ? Shall we attempt what they have found 
utterly impossible ? Shall it be said that our stand- 
ard is below theirs ? 

"You can not build prosperity upon a debased or 


fluctuating currency; as well undertake to build 
upon the changing sands of the sea. 

"A sound currency defrauds no one. It is good 
alike in the hands of the employe and the employer, 
the laborer and the capitalist. Upon faith in its 
worth, its stability, we go forward planning for the 
future. The capitalist erects his factories, acquires 
his materials, employs his artisans, mechanics and 
laborers. He is confident his margin will not be 
swept away by fluctuations in the currency. The 
laborer knows that the money earned by his toil is 
as honest as his labor, and that it is of unquestioned 
purchasing power. He likewise knows that it 
requires as much labor to earn a poor dollar as a 
good one; and he also knows that if poor money is 
abroad it surely finds its way into his pocket." 

The speech was widely circulated throughout the 
country, and had great influence. Major John W. 
Carson, dean of the Washington correspondents, 
lately wrote as follows of the effect of the speech : 

"Fairbanks was placed at the head of the Indiana 
delegation to the St. Louis Convention and was made 
temporary chairman of that body, delivering a speech 
that attracted wide attention and contributed to fix- 
ing the status of the party on the money question. 
That convention declared against the free coinage of 
silver, and it was largely due to the persistent efforts 
of Mr. Fairbanks and a few other sagacious and con- 
servative men that that declaration was made. It 


has been claimed that the action of the Indiana Re- 
publican State Convention in 1896 had a very salu- 
tary influence on the Republican National Conven- 
tion of the same year in declaring for the gold 

On the money question the convention gave its 
emphatic endorsement to the speech of Mr. Fair- 
banks and to the attitude of the Republicans of 
Indiana in the following plank of the platform : 

"The Republican party is unreservedly for sound 
money. It caused the enactment of the law provid- 
ing for the resumption of specie payment in 1879 ; 
since then every dollar has been as good as gold. 
We are unalterably opposed to every measure calcu- 
lated to debase our currency or impair the credit of 
our country. We are therefore opposed to the free 
coinage of silver except by international agreement 
with the leading commercial nations of the world, 
which we pledge ourselves to promote, and, until 
such agreement can be obtained, the existing gold 
standard must he preserved. All our silver and 
paper currency must be maintained at parity with 
gold, and we favor all measures designed to main- 
tain inviolably the obligations of the United States 
and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the 
present standard, the standard of the most enlight- 1 
ened nations of the earth." 

Mr. McKinley was nominated and there followed 
one of the memorable campaigns of history. The 


Democratic party declared in favor of the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to 
one, and also bitterly assailed the integrity of the 
United States Supreme Court. Mr. Fairbanks' 
speech at the St. Louis Convention attracted the 
attention of the party leaders everywhere to him, 
and his services were at once demanded in all parts 
of the country. It was a strange campaign, every 
party but the Republican being divided. The broad 
declaration of the Democratic Convention in favor 
of free silver did not meet the approval of the entire 
party; there was an open revolt against it, and a 
sound money Democratic ticket was put in the field. 
Even such minor parties as the Prohibitionists and 
the Populists divided and each had two tickets. 
Hundreds of prominent Democrats announced their 
purpose to save the country from the disasters of free 
silver by voting for the Republican candidates. In 
Indiana there were a large number of these sound 
money Democrats. 

Mr. Fairbanks returned from St. Louis and at 
once addressed himself to the task of making good 
his predictions that Indiana could be carried on a 
sound money platform. He took part in the manage- 
ment of the campaign, and he made an active and 
complete canvass of the State. He spent his days 
and nights in traveling and speech-making, and in 
consulting with members of the party in all sections. 

Chapter V. 


Or* HE result of the campaign was a notable victory 
-*• for the Kepublican party. The Legislature be- 
ing Republican, all eyes at once turned toward Fair- 
banks for Senator, and all hearts declared the place 
was rightfully his. When the General Assembly 
met he was duly chosen Senator and he entered upon 
a new field. He was ripe for the duties of the high 
station to which he had been chosen. His close 
studies of policies, his clear analysis of motives and 
forecasting of results, his broad and comprehen- 
sive views of public affairs, his integrity of 
character, fitted him to take a place among the law- 
makers of a nation. Studious by nature and by 
habit, possessing a lofty conception of the duties of 
a public servant and of the exalted dignity and re- 
sponsibilities of a member of the highest legislative 
body in the world, he entered upon the discharge of 
his duties fully armed and equipped. Before taking 
up and reviewing his public career in the Senate it 
will be well to follow a little further his services to 
his party in the campaigns that have followed his 
election to the Senate. 



Before the campaign of 1898 opened he was called 
to Detroit, Michigan, to address the people on the 
celebration of Washington's Birthday. His speech 
abounded in epigrammatic sentences, a few of which 
are culled for insertion in this place : 

"It is a trite saying that the luxuries of yesterday 
are the necessities of today. Our children are wiser 
than the philosophers who studied in the shade of 
Academus. The world is moving forward with elec- 
tric momentum and the political philosophers of the 
Platte are unable to stop it. An advancing country 
demands a party of progressive principles. A party 
which neither learns nor forgets is a national hin- 
drance, and valuable only as a reminiscence." 

"The country has outgrown Democracy as it has 
outgrown the ox-cart, the stage-coach and their con- 
temporaneous instruments of civilization." 

"Before that august tribunal (the Supreme Court) 
the weak and the strong, the poor and the rich, stand 
upon a plane of absolute equality, and whoever 
attempts to undermine the confidence of the people 
in its integrity or justice is an enemy of the re- 

"The vitalizing fact, the vivifying influence of 
Republicanism today is bathing the country in the 
sunshine of prosperity. The clouds and mists of 
adversity which have rested upon our land for the 
past few years are lifting under the restoration of 
Republicanism in our government. The people are 


lighter-hearted and fuller-handed than they were, and 
look hopefully and confidently to the future for even 
greater things." 

"Republicanism lays the groundwork for the 
larger development of the opportunities which a 
bountiful providence has placed within our grasp." 

"Republicanism is evolution ; evolution to higher 
and better conditions ; evolution out of commercial 
paralysis to industrial activity where labor and capi- 
tal are joint sharers." 

"Republicanism is catholicity of spirit. Its moni- 
tor is the national conscience." 

"!No nation which is not essentially honest can 
long succeed. Policies which are not just can bring 
nothing except distrust and disaster." 

"Republicanism seeks to restore confidence, for 
after all it is the best currency, though it bears not 
the stamp of government. Confidence is the basis 
of all prosperity, of all national greatness. Upon 
confidence rests the everlasting throne. Without it 
the church vanishes as a disordered dream. Upon 
confidence rest our temples of justice. Confidence 
is the handmaiden of the arts and sciences. Confi- 
dence led Gallileo through the dark night into the 
beautiful garden of the skies. Confidence led Wash- 
ington from Valley Forge to Yorktown, and Grant 
from Donelson to Appomattox. Confidence in our- 
selves, confidence in each other, confidence in truth 
and righteousness is essential to all progress, all suc- 



"Republicanism demands that our currency shall 
be honest, sound and stable, in order that capital and 
labor may go forth resolutely and without fear into 
the future." 

"The currency that is good for the one must be 
good for the other." 

"We have the best country, the best people, and 
limitless possibilities. We are entitled to have, and 
we shall consent to have nothing less than the best 
instrumentalities for our development." 

"We should throw about our monetary system 
such safeguards as shall preserve it in the shock of 
war and in time of peace." 

"No country which is willing to juggle with its 
credit will long retain the respect of mankind." 

"National repudiation is national degradation and 
the loss of individual respect." 

"Whoever would seek to blind the people by preju- 
dice and attempt to overthrow the fixed, unvarying 
standard, under which so much has been accom- 
plished, is their arch enemy." 

"The greatest government should be the most 


"The ultimate judgment of the American people 
is always just. We can confidently appeal to it." 

Senator Fairbanks opened the campaign of 1898 
in Indiana by presiding at the State Convention and 
again sounding the "keynote" for the party. The 
speech was an able and exhaustive review of the first 


year of the administration of President McKinley. 
He opened with a serious declaration of the duty of 
a party to give a faithful account of its stewardship 
to the people: 

"My countrymen, the occasion demands that we 
should give to the great constituency which we rep- 
resent some account of our administration of national 
and State affairs with which the people have in- 
trusted us. In the nature of the case, we can do no 
more than touch upon the more salient features of 
the great and numerous questions which have en- 
gaged out attention. We have been in power in 
State and Nation about one year and a half — a brief 
period, yet filled with more important events than 
any similar period of our country's history, except, 
perhaps, only one. It has been, indeed, a history- 
making epoch — an epoch which will challenge the 
admiration and approval of those who shall follow us. 
Mighty events have pressed quick upon each other, 
and more are soon to come. 

"When we were last assembled, two years ago, dis- 
tress and commercial paralysis were on every hand ; 
our people were enervated and progress seemed dead. 
But with the restoration of the Republican party to 
power in 1897 an era of prosperity was ushered in. 
All avenues of industry were reopened ; countless 
thousands of idle workmen found remunerative fields 
of employment, and the returns of the farmers in- 
creased until plenty and happiness extend throughout 


the borders of the Republic. What caused this sud- 
den transformation — this radical and universally rec- 
ognized change? It was the natural and logical re- 
sult of the restoration of the Republican party to 
power and the re-establishment of Republican princi- 
ples in public administration." 

He took up the principal acts of the McKinley 
administration, the reform of the tariff, the war with 
Spain, the war revenue bill, the treatment of the 
financial question, the annexation of Hawaii and the 
Nicaragua canal, analyzing and dissecting them in a 
clear and logical style. He closed as follows: 

"We are proud of the administration of President 
McKinley. He has borne the burdens of his great 
office with a patience and courage that have won the 
approving judgment of all parties and all peoples. 
He has met every duty with a broad and compre- 
hensive statesmanship, and sought to lead our country 
in the ways of peace, fraternity, prosperity and 
honor. When war became inevitable, when it be- 
came necessary to appeal to the sword, he struck with 
a swift and heavy hand. " In less than sixty days he 
assembled an army of nearly a quarter of a million 
of men, calling to the rank and places of leadership 
men of all parties and of all sections of the country. 
Those who had fought against him when he was de- 
fending the Union were called to lead, that they 
might vindicate their love for the Republic, their 
devotion to the flag they had once in their mistaken 



zeal sought to destroy. He has well met the ardu- 
ous demands of peace and the grave exigencies of 

"My countrymen, the Republican party has confi- 
dence in the future. It sees in present conditions 
the promise of enlarged opportunity and of greater 
prosperity and happiness for the American people. 
The bow of promise which bends above us was never 
more splendid than today. There never was an hour 
in all our proud history when it meant more to be an 

"Our flag is more loved at home and more people 
are willing to die for it than ever before. It is the 
flag of mercy and liberty ; it is profoundly respected 
wherever the stories of sacrifice and heroic deeds are 
read ; it is more honored and respected than ever by 
the nations of the earth; it has been raised in the 
name of suffering humanity and placed upon the cita- 
dels of cruel power ; it has blessed the famished and 
suffering ; it has brought succor to the distressed and 
redemption to the oppressed ; it is the blessed symbol 
of honorable peace and not of tyrannical rule. 
Patriotism is all-pervading, sectional differences have 
disappeared, and the hearts of our countrymen are 
at last welded into an indissoluble imion." 

The result of the campaign was a triumphant vin- 
dication of the Republican party and policies, its 
ticket having a largely increased plurality. It added 
to the respect and confidence of the people in Mr. 


Fairbanks, and gave him a new hold on the party. 
As in prior campaigns he was the trusted leader, the 
eloquent and forceful champion of his party. He 
did not neglect his duties in the Senate — simply 
worked harder and more hours. He did not confine 
his campaign services to Indiana, but spoke in a num- 
ber of other States. 

He was ever the champion of the McKinley admin- 
istration. He was not an apologist, for he never 
thought the administration needed an apologist ; but 
he was at all times willing to stand up and show why 
the policies adopted by the administration were wise, 
conservative and the best for the nation and the 
people. On October 7, 1899, at a banquet of the 
Marquette Club, of Chicago, he was chosen to respond 
to the toast, "The Present Administration," and there 
gave an elaborate exposition of the ruling motives 
and the results of the policy pursued by President 
McKinley. As a just and able exposition of the first 
two years of President McKinley's term the speech 
is worthy of preservation : 

"The present administration needs neither an apol- 
ogist nor an eulogist. Its imperishable record is writ- 
ten and is before the world. It is an administration 
of arduous deeds done, which lift it above the dead 
level of history. It has been confronted by great 
questions of domestic policy; it has solved them. 
It has also encountered grave foreign problems, and 
well it has met them. No emergency has been so 


great or exigency so severe that it has not been met 
on the high plane of national duty and national 

"Few administrations ever succeeded to power with 
more weighty responsibilities, or of which there were 
more exalted expectations. There were years of dis- 
tress, years of hopelessness and crippled enterprise 
back of us. There was a Macedonian cry from all 
sections of the land for relief — for deliverance. The 
administration was essentially pledged to the mainte- 
nance of the public credit, the public faith. Public 
credit is preserved ; yes, it was never so high at home 
and abroad as it is in this historic hour. 

"The first duty which was laid upon the adminis- 
tration was to secure the readjustment of the tariff 
and the enactment of a genuine protective measure. 
To this end Congress was convoked in extraordinarv 
session at the earliest practicable moment, and a tariff 
law was enacted. It has served well its purpose. It 
instantly gave confidence to enterprise, quickened 
depressed industries, and the signs and evidences of 
commercial activity were soon witnessed on every 
hand. Domestic commerce took on new energy and 
life, and our foreign trade soon reached and passed 
the high-water mark of the successful and splendid 
administration of Benjamin Harrison. 

"The determination of the administration to pre- 
serve inviolate the public faith and inflexibly uphold 
the gold standard gave an assurance and confidence 


to commerce that had all the potency of the most 
solemn congressional enactment. Commerce knew 
that no chimerical monetary schemes would be 
allowed to corrupt or tarnish the circulating medium 
while the present administration was in power. It 
knew that free silver coinage was, for the time being 
at least, as dead as the Rameses, and that in the light 
of practical experience the American people could 
not soon be led to adopt any of the current financial 
sophistries and heresies. 

"Prosperity came. It came to the seventy-five 
millions of American citizens, and in exceptional 
abundance. It came by the assurance of wise and 
conservative administration, bv the enactment of - 
wholesome laws, by the subtle touch of the magic 
wand of confidence — confidence which in the final 
analysis is the source of all progress, all success, and 
without which there is stagnation and death. It 
came contrarv to manv fervent and unwise predic- 
tions. It came through the harmonious co-operation 
of three potent agencies — a protective tariff, a gold 
standard, and a sound, patriotic administration. 
Were the present administration committed to a de- 
based silver currency and to free trade, the splendid 
transformation Ave have witnessed would have been 
an utter and absolute impossibility, and the calamities 
from which we have so successfully and happily 
escaped would have been but multiplied. 

"There were indeed domestic questions numerous 


and grave enough to absorb the attention of the 
administration, but it inherited an ample legacy of 
international problems of more than usual gravity. 
The national conscience was stirred by Spanish 
atrocities ; the people could endure them no longer. 
The Cuban specter would not down. All the powers 
of diplomacy were invoked to bring peace and order 
to the blood-stained island of Cuba. There was no 
thought of war; no desire for war. ~No one knew 
better than the President the dreadful consequences 
of an appeal to the sword. No one knew better than 
he that nothing so becomes power as its sparing use. 

"'While the administration was employing all pos- 
sible agencies to secure peace and honorably avert 
war, there were many of our countrymen who were 
impatient to recognize the belligerency of the Cubans 
— the independence of the so-called Cuban Kepub- 
lic — and were insistent that the conflict should begin. 
They challenged the patriotism of the administration 
and questioned its courage, although the President 
had gathered harvests of enduring fame upon the 
battlefields of the country. For humanity's sake the 
administration had appealed to the Spanish Cabinet 
in behalf of Cuba, but medieval government would 
not hearken to the voice of nineteenth century civ- 
ilization. All efforts to mediate a peace having 
failed, the dread alternative of war alone remained. 

"A crisis was at hand, as sharp and severe as could 
possibly confront the Government; a crisis which 


comes but seldom in the life of a nation, and yet too 
oft. The administration with one hand delayed the 
oncoming storm, while with the other it pushed with 
all possible dispatch the coast defenses, the purchase 
of munitions of war, and the enlargement of the 
navy, which was to give such a splendid report of 
itself. The crisis was supreme, and it was superbly 
met. When the hour for action came the Congress 
of the United States, interpreting the heart and con- 
science and the inexorable determination of the 
American people, declared for war. Spain's fatal 
hour had come. The administration was prepared to 
execute the decree of Congress ; it was ready to 
strike. The thunderbolt of war fell first in the ob- 
scure harbor of Manila, today the best known harbor 
on the face of the earth. 

"The supreme demand of the American people 
was voiced in the order of the administration which 
flashed to -Hongkong: 'Find the Spanish fleet and 
destroy it.' How well this order was interpreted and 
executed the world knows, and history will not for- 
get. The intrepid Dewey, in one short hour, stood 
with the foremost admirals of all ages. All honor 
to him; all honor to his brave men. A nation's 
gratitude to them, each and all. 

"An army of a quarter of a million men was called 
from the myriad vocations of peace, organized : 
equipped, and put in the field with almost incredible 
dispatch. ~No better soldiers ever answered the call 


to arms. They were American soldiers, ready and 
eager to serve at the post of duty, counting no sacri- 
fice too great in their country's cause. 

"They came from the four quarters of the Repub- 
lic, Federal and Confederate, and their descendants 
stood together in a common cause, inspired by one 
hope, actuated by one high purpose, and that was to 
preserve a common inheritance, the glory of a com- 
mon flag. The Grants and the Lees, the Shafters 
and the Wheelers, the Lawtons and the Butlers, bore 
commissions from the same President. The admin- 
istration and the public welcomed the disappearance 
of sectional differences. The Republic has experi- 
enced a new birth of patriotism ; and, let us hope and 
pray, is reunited and unified forever. 

"But it has been said with some unction that the 
administration did not desire war. Re it so. It is 
a grave matter to start the mighty enginery of sev- 
enty-five millions of people, brave and proud, though 
just they are. Finite mind can compass the begin- 
ning, but Omniscience alone can set the boundaries 
of its ending. It will indeed be a fatal hour for the 
Republic when the President of the United States 
shall love peace less than war. 

"The administration sought no sordid ends, no ter- 
ritorial aggrandizement. It sought no Napoleonic 
extension of empire ; it desired only peace with her 
boundless joys, her limitless possibilities ; peace of 
which the country had been so long enamored. It 


had added Hawaii to our domain, through the instru- 
mentality of diplomacy and from the dictates of the 
highest statesmanship in the national interest ; but it 
coveted no other lands and no other peoples. Hawaii 
was indeed trophy enough to signalize any adminis- 

"The Congress, with due deliberation and excep- 
tional unanimity, declared war, and the Senate of 
the United States, after protracted debate, ratified 
the Treaty of Peace. With the treaty came new and 
remote lands, new peoples, new and unexpected re- 
sponsibilities ; but they came as the logical sequence 
of war, and not as the fruit of its supreme purpose. 
The sword was drawn in the high and holy cause of 
humanity ; it was drawn to liberate peoples from bar- 
barous, tyrannical rule, from horrors which disgraced 

"By the Articles of Peace Porto Rico is ours, to be 
administered as an exalted sense of justice shall re- 
quire. Cuba is committed to us in trust, and is to be 
given stable and suitable government, according to 
our pledge. The Philippines are ours by title abso- 
lute, unassailable. They have come to us and are 
ours by right universally recognized among the na- 
tions of the earth. They passed to the jurisdiction 
of the United States by the cession of the treaty of 
peace, duly ratified and exchanged by the two Powers 
engaged in war. With the extension of our sover- 
eignty there came the duties which American sover- 


eignty implies — the enforcement of law and order, 
the preservation of the peace. 

"A portion of the inhabitants of the islands denied 
the supremacy of the United States in the archipel- 
ago. They challenged the exalted purpose of the 
Government; they wantonly fired npon the Amer- 
ican troops pending the ratification of the treaty of 
peace. Without the pretense of provocation or the 
shadow of justification they have assailed the flag 
whose mission is merciful. The administration re- 
sisted the attack and did what the people of the 
United States desired it should do ; it did its duty by 
asserting the supremacy of the national authority by 
force of arms. 

"Our forces in the Philippines formed no league 
with Aguinaldo ; made no compact with him for sub- 
ordinating the authority of the United States to his 
self-constituted dictatorship. Our peerless Captain 
of the Seas added imperishable glory to the Amer- 
ican flac\ He could not have surrendered the field 
of his incomparable victory to the insurgent chief- 

"When the administration overthrew the Spanish 
authority in Manila it owed a high and solemn duty 
to the Americans, the British, the Germans, the 
French, the Spaniards, and other nationalities in the 
archipelago, to preserve them from massacre and to 
save their homes and property from pillage and the 
torch. It could not have withdrawn its support and 


left to chance the protection of the thousands of citi- 
zens and subjects of the leading nations of the world 
who were there under the guardianship of Spanish 
authority. It would not have comported to the dig- 
nity, the justice and the mercy of the Republic for 
the administration to have recalled our victorious 
forces lest by staying we should assume some unex- 
pected responsibilities. Such a policy would have 
been dastardly and would have dishonored the flag, 
which is without its first blemish. Yea, more than 
that, it would have been the master crime of the age. 
Moreover, we can never forget that we were under a 
large moral obligation to the peace of the world 
which an abandonment of the Philippines would have 
placed inevitably in serious peril. 

"We are not now concerned with questions of im- 
perialism or of expansion. We are occupied with the 
paramount question of enforcing respect for the na- 
tional authority, of suppressing rebellion against it. 
Opposition to our authority, wherever it has been 
extended under universally recognized law, is rebel- 
lion, whether it is in Illinois or in the Philippines. 
We have an irreversible and irrevocable code of na- 
tional duty; the flag must be protected wherever it 
is lawfully raised. What American can demand 
less ? 

"We wish the war had been honorably averted, 
great and splendid as have been its results, but, in 
God's providence, that was impossible. We could 


not desire to avoid any of the responsibilities or duties 
which justly devolve upon a victorious army; a 
country brave enough and good enough to go to war 
in humanity's name must be just enough and brave 
enough to accept the consequences, whatever they 
may be. To attempt to escape the burdens fairly 
arising out of our own course and conduct would 
earn for us the reproach of the civilized world and 
the forfeiture of our own national self-respect. We 
have but one way to go, and that is in the path of 
duty. There all honor lies." 

■& * * 

"The administration has been able, well poised, 
firm, courageous, avoiding no responsibility and 
shunning no duty. It has been an epoch-making ad- 
ministration. It has walked in untried paths with 
no guide except the national conscience. It has ob- 
served the fundamental truth that in a Republic the 
people are the source of all power, and it has taken 
them into its confidence in fullest measure. Its 
North Star has been the people's will. It is clean; 
the atmosphere which surrounds it is wholesome. A 
high sense of civic duty characterizes all branches of 
the public service ; and the public business is dis- 
patched without friction and with fidelity. 

"It has managed well the finances of the Govern- 
ment. Illinois is entitled to her full share of credit 
for this, for she gave to the administration a Secre- 
tary who ranks with the foremost Secretaries of the 


Treasury; with Hamilton, Gallatin, Chase and Sher- 
man. His mastery of the science of finance enabled 
him not only to preserve the credit of the country 
from the shock of war, but to advance it to the high- 
est point ever attained. The ordinary fiscal require- 
ments of the Government have been promptly met, 
and the war-chest has been amply supplied. Bonds 
have been sold upon terms better than have been 
obtained for either the purposes of peace or war. 
The money came from the pockets of the people. 
The capitalists of Europe were eager to take them, 
but there was no need of their assistance. Syndi- 
cates at home wished to subscribe for them, but the 
reliance of the administration was upon the great 
mass of the people; and how splendidly have they 
justified its confidence ! $ Their only regret was that 
they could not give the Government, in the hour of 
its necessity, millions more than were required. 

"The United States never stood higher in the 
esteem of the great Powers of the earth than now. 
Her justice, her magnanimity and her power have 
become manifest to all. It is, indeed, of the utmost 
importance that our country should sustain relations 
of amity with other countries. Our commerce is 
expanding, and more than ever, seeking distant mar- 
kets. Nothing will more distinctly aid in its exten- 
sion than the existence of cordial relations with 
foreign peoples. We must win our way to the com- 


mand of the world's trade by compelling, through 
our course and example, the world's respect. 

"The administration has scrupulously observed our 
international obligations. It has been no less regard- 
ful of the rights of other nations than it has been 
rigidly insistent upon the recognition of our own. It 
lias cultivated good neighborhood with all of the 
great Powers, and today there is no nation with which 
the United States is not upon terms of cordial rela- 

"It has sought no political or entangling alliance 
with any Power; it is bound to none except by the 
ties of commercial interest and mutual respect." 

The speech was also, in part, a prophecy of what 
would be the claims of the Republican party the next 
year for the continued confidence of the people. 
Free silverism had been badly defeated in 1896 and 
the elections in the various States in 189$ had em- 
phasized that defeat, but free silverism was not dead. 
It still was rampant and defiant, and early gave evi- 
dence that its spirit would control the Democratic 
National Convention in 1900 and a ticket would be 
nominated on that issue. It was this fact that im- 
pelled Republican speakers to dwell largely on the 
monetary question in all their addresses before the 

Chapter VI. 


CXNTG before it came time to name candidates for 
-™— ' President in 1900 it was practically known that 
the two who had opposed each other in 1896 would 
again be called to lead their respective parties. The 
administration of President McKinley had been so 
eminently successful that his party had no thought of 
choosing another, and Mr. Bryan had so impressed 
himself on the free-silver wing of the Democratic 
party that they would be satisfied with none but him, 
so the meeting of the conventions were little more 
than perfunctory, except in the adoption of a plat- 
form and selecting candidates for the second place. 
Mr. Fairbanks was again sent to represent his State, 
and was made Chairman of the Committee on Reso- 
lutions. This distinction arose from two causes — 
his eminent fitness for the place, and because it was 
understood he was more nearly the personal repre- 
sentative of President McKinley than any other dele- 
gate. He knew the views of the President on all the 
great questions ; he was sound on the financial ques- 
tion, stood with the President in the manner and 



method of governing our new possessions and the pro- 
posed construction of an isthmian canal. 

On his return to Indianapolis he was invited to 
deliver an address on the issues. In his clear, logical 
manner he presented the issues as they appeared to 
him and to his party. He said : 

"I shall discuss in a plain way and as briefly as 
may be some of the questions engaging the attention 
of the American people. We should approach them 
as patriots rather than as partisans, inspired only by 
the purpose to advance the best interests of our coun- 
try. Prejudice and passion have no rightful place 
in the august tribunal where the destiny of the Amer- 
ican Republic is determined. 

"We come before the people with no apology upon 
our lips, but with a luminous record of righteous 
deeds done, with promise wrought into fulfillment. 
We are not ashamed of our old issues nor afraid to 
frankly espouse our new ones. Our record is before 
the people, and it is a part of the enduring history of 
the Republic. We could not change it if we would, 
and we would not if we could. 

"Four years ago we promised to enact a tariff law 
which would supply the federal treasury with ade- 
quate revenue and promote American interests. We 
have redeemed this pledge by the enactment of the 
Dingley law. This law established confidence, ; re- 
opened factories, erected new enterprises and opened 
the way to profitable employment for the great army 


of unemployed workingmen. The products of the 
farm found ready markets at enhanced values; the 
treasury was replenished and prosperity prevailed 

throughout the United States in unusual degree." 

* * * 

"No one has shared more in the prosperity stimu- 
lated by the McKinley administration than the farm- 
ers of the United States. No one suffered more than 
they during the last administration. Their gain in 
the enhanced value of live stock and ten staple crops 
for four years is more than one billion dollars." 

■Jfr & "3& 

"It has been but a few years since the streets and 
highways were crowded with idle workmen, vainly 
searching for work — work at any wages. It has been 
but a few years since idle men, pinched by want and 
hunger, were marching upon Washington, appealing 
for relief. A revolution has occurred, peaceful in its 
process, mighty and significant in its results. The 
ranks of the employed have been increased by hun- 
dreds of thousands. J Labor has had work. It has 
not been asking bread at the hands of charity. It 
has been building homes ; it has been educating chil- 
dren ; it has been increasing deposits in building and 
loan associations and savings banks. Shall we reverse 
this gratifying condition ? Shall we again increase 
the ranks of the unemployed ? Shall work continue 
to seek labor, or shall we return to the days when 

labor was anxiously seeking work V 

* * * 


"Those who toil should not be defrauded of the 
fruit of their labor. There is no device that so sure- 
ly cheats labor as a depreciated currency, and it is 
the part of good government to provide for a circu- 
lating medium which shall be as good in the hands of 
labor as in the hands of capital. It must defraud 
neither the one nor the other. There is something 
almost cruel, it seems the very irony of fate, for the 
owners of silver bullion to attempt to secure the sup- 
port of those who toil to the debasement of the cur- 
rency which they must receive for their labor." 

* * * 

"Wages are none too high. The overthrow of the 
gold standard and the establishment of silver mono- 
metallism would mean their immediate and inevi- 
table reduction. A reduction in the value of the 
money in which wages are paid is, in effect, a reduc- 
tion of wages." 

"We can not contemplate the currency issue, grave 
and important as it is, without acknowledging the 
great debt the country owes to those splendid men 
who put country above party and enabled us to 
achieve a great victory in 1896 — the Gold Democrats. 
We must merit their further confidence and their 
potential support by a steadfast adherence to sound 

and wholesome policies and administration." 

* * * 

"The record of the administration in the war with 


Spain and with respect to the problems growing ont 
of it challenges oivr admiration. Its conrse has been 
dictated by the loftiest motives, and a brilliant chap- 
ter has been added to American history. 

"When the present administration came into pow- 
er there was no thought of war. It was confronted 
only by pressing and important problems of peace, 
the restoration of prosperity among the people, and to 
these it promptly and seriously addressed itself. 

"The war in Cuba, which had existed so long, be- 
came more and more intolerable, and it was early 
apparent that an international problem of great grav- 
ity was at our very door. A resolution recognizing 
the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents was intro- 
duced in the Senate soon after the inauguration of 
President McKinley, and after protracted debate 
passed, but it failed to pass the Republican House. 
It was opposed by the President, who regarded such 
a measure as tending seriously to involve the United 
States in perplexing complications, and because such 
recognition would have no beneficial effect to the 
struggling Cubans, and would abate none of the hor- 
rors and brutalities which shocked the moral sense 
of the world. 

"The President desired permanent peace estab- 
lished in Cuba and the independence of the Cubans 
secured. To this end he tendered the good offices of 
the United States to the Spanish Cabinet. While 
thus invoking the peaceful instrumentalities of di- 


plomacy, the opposition was unsparing in its criti- 
cism of the Executive. Cuba lay so close to our doors 
that turbulence and revolution within her borders 
were instantly and sensibly felt by us. Twice we 
had been brought to the very verge of war by her 
conduct. The Black Warrior incident and the Vir- 
ginius affair had in their time profoundly disturbed 
the country, and war was on each occasion averted by 
the exercise of great tact and a spirit of forbearance 
on the part of the Government of the United States. 

"For years our coast cities were ravaged by dis- 
ease which had its permanent abode in the pestilen- 
tial cities of Cuba. Our national honor, our national 
peace and the health of our people demanded that 
Spanish misrule should cease in the island and it 
should be permitted to enjoy an enlightened, inde- 
pendent government. 

a In the midst of the President's efforts to bring 
peace and independence to Cuba came the overwhelm- 
ing, unspeakable tragedy in the harbor of Havana. 
The demand for immediate vengeance swept across 
the land and the people were stirred as never before 
except at the shot at Fort Sumter. 

"The country will not forget the dark hours that 
preceded the declaration of war. They will never 
forget the strong, calm, conservative, straightforward 
course of the President, unmoved by the clamor, the 
criticism, the unkindness of the unrenective. His 
resistance of the urgent cry of the opposition for war 


was in nowise due to any lack of confidence in the 
result of the issue or to any want of faith in the 
power of the government. 

"We were unprepared for war. We had so long 
pursued the ways of peace that we were unfit even 
for one engagement. The inadequacy of our fleet 
was everywhere recognized. Our coasts were unpro- 
tected. No one knew but what the opening engage- 
ment with Spain would be the signal for a general 
engagement among European Powers. But the oppo- 
sition took no thought of this. The country will not 
forget, amidst the smoke and fustian of a political 
campaign, with what superb courage the President 
held war in check when it became inevitable. Prepa- 
rations were pushed with the utmost expedition. 
Amidst it all was to be heard the opposition clamor 
for war without delay. Those who criticised most 
then criticise most now. Those who were most eager 
for war were quickest to run from our duty and re- 
sponsibility when it closed. 

"The response of our countrymen to the call to 
arms is the pride of all. The brave young men of 
the country came from every vocation with a spon- 
taneity that showed that the American people be- 
lieved in the righteousness of our cause and were de- 
termined to sustain the patriotic course of the Presi- 

"The dramatic and decisive hour had come. The 
flag of Spain must be withdrawn and the flag of a 
republic be raised in its place. 


"The world knows with what swiftness the Presi- 
dent made war when in due course it had been de- 
clared by Congress. The matchless victory of our 
navy in the Philippines and the resplendent triumph 
of our army and navy in Cuba have become an en- 
during part of our heroic history. 

"Fellow-citizens, it is impossible to overestimate 
the importance of the impending campaign, its far- 
reaching significance. Indiana, great and splendid 
State that she is, should not support any reactionary 
policy ; she will not. She will stand firm as she has 
stood heretofore in favor of a protective tariff, the 
gold standard, national duty and the honor of our 
flag. ISTo stain rests upon it; symbol of liberty, jus- 
tice and mercy. Let us give our potential support to 
an administration which makes for prosperity and 
honor at home and for prestige and honor abroad." 

In this masterly speech Mr. Fairbanks vindicated 
the action of the President and the Republican party 
in the terms granted to Spain and for what had been 
done in the new possessions. Mr. Fairbanks made 
many other speeches during that campaign, growing 
continually in strength as a campaign speaker and 
in the confidence of his party. His services were in 
great demand in other States, and wherever he ap- 
peared he was sure of an attentive and appreciative 
hearing. The campaign resulted in a great triumph 
for the Republican party, not only in Indiana but in 
the country. By this time the attention of the whole 


country had been drawn to Mr. Fairbanks, and many 
prophecies were made that in 1904 he would be the 
logical candidate to succeed Mr. McKinley. He was 
known to possess the entire confidence of the Presi- 
dent, and his calm, logical and conservative mind had 
taken hold on the party throughout the nation. 

On the last day of December, 1900, he delivered 
a notable address before the Columbia Club of Indi- 
anapolis, the topic assigned him being "The Future 
of the Republican Party." The speech added much 
to his reputation, and was widely circulated. He 

"This is indeed a propitious hour. We stand upon 
the dividing line between two great centuries — the 
one great in arduous deeds done, in history written; 
the other mighty in possibilities of things to be. The 
Republican party can look upon the good old century 
which is rapidly fading away with pride and satisfac- 
tion, and upon the new century with hope and confi- 

"The old century ! What a mighty century it has 
been! About midway the Republican party was 
born, and made luminous its second half. It en- 
larged the meaning of liberty ; it gave to freedom a 
significance unknown to the immortal founders of the 
Republic ; it wrote a brilliant chapter with the sword 
and established our industrial supremacy among the 
nations of the earth; it raised our flag in honor 
among the great Powers. 


"It is indeed a favorable omen that the twentieth 
century, which has already entered our eastern gates, 
will witness the Republican party in the ascendancy ; 
not a decrepit party, not a mere political reminis- 
cence, but a party in the very flush of power, radiant 
with hope and high purpose, commissioned anew by 
the American people. The Great German Chancel- 
lor, Bismarck, once said : 'Germany has no power to 
fear except the wrath of Almighty God.' We may 
appropriate this utterance without vainglory. We 
realize, however, that boastfulness is vulgar, that real 
strength is its own herald. Yet, as we stand at this 
supreme historic hour, we may be pardoned a word 
as to our greatness. Our power, which is to be found 
in our vast domain and in our marvelous material 
development, is not our chief glory. Our charity 
and our humanity are our principal evidences of na- 
tional grandeur. 

"Xaturally, increased power brings added respon- 
sibility. The problems of the twentieth century will 
tax the genius and courage and patriotism of the Re- 
publican party. The questions immediately before 
us do not invite repose. Many of them will continue 
to be vital, living questions far into the future. What 
we have done in the past is of little matter. Our con- 
tinued ascendancy must depend upon the. skill and 
the success with which we meet the increasing and 
inexorable demands of the years to come. ' The high 
record we have made will not greatly aid us ; it will 


rather serve to make our path more difficult, for more 

will he expected of us. The higher we have risen, the 

higher we must rise." 

* * * 

"We have an abiding sense of security against 
alien assault. Our institutions are not in peril from 
abroad. They must be secure from perils within. 
Our sense of justice must keep pace with our ex- 
panding power. We must see to it that right and 
might dwell together as in perpetual wedlock. The 
Nation is in no danger, no matter how numerous its 
population and great its material resources, if the 
people are pervaded with a sense of justice, and par- 
ties which control the Government are actuated alone 
by high motives. There will, indeed, be great neces- 
sity in the future of a party of self-restraint. 

"The Kepublican party had its birth in a quick- 
ened national conscience. Its immortal founders 
dedicated it to the cause of human liberty, the high- 
est and best interests of the people. It must be true 
to the ideals and purposes of its founders and to the 
great men who have raised it to its present proud 
eminence. One of the greatest of these [General 
Harrison] sits at this board, possessing the admira- 
tion and respect of his grateful countrymen. He has 
made a brilliant page in the country's history which 

time will not efface." 

-* ■* •* 

"The Kepublican party will continue to be a party 


of broad sympathies, the advocate of human liberty 
and the inflexible foe to sectional, race or class spirit. 
Class has no place in its patriotic principles, for class 
is the fruit of empire, the enemy of the Republic. 
It will continue to be the protector of both labor and 
capital — the two mighty pillars upon which our 
social and political fabric rests. The party which 
would pull down either invites both to hopeless ruin. 
The party which does not comprehend this is deficient 
in statesmanship and is an enemy of the Republic. 

"It will not abandon the contest it has made in 
the interest of a sound monetary system, which is the 
foundation rock of commercial success. Good gov- 
ernment and good money must co-exist. The dollar 
current is essentially a Republican dollar and it must 

be preserved without taint or tarnish." 

* * * 

"The Republican party will in the new century 
cut the narrow isthmus which divides the Atlantic 
from the Pacific and fulfill the long-cherished hope 
of the American people and under their undisputed 
control. This stupendous work, the like of which in 
its vastness is nowhere to be found, will be under- 
taken under Republican auspices in the no distant 


-x- * •* 

"There are more peoples under the flag today than 
ever before. There are those who have been stran- 
gers to us. Our flag has delivered them from imperial 


rule. We must deal with them; we must have a 
care for them. They have not hitherto tasted of the 
fruits of liberty. They know not the beneficent ways 
of republican government. We must secure to them 
the amplest fruits of the Republic, and in good time 
thev will come to reverence it as their deliverer from 
imperialistic rule and find in it the assurance and 
guaranty of freedom and civilization. 

"The future of the Republican party! What 
splendid possibilities lie before it ! Will it be true 
to its traditions ? Will it be true to its opportuni- 
ties ? It will live as long as it serves well the coun- 
try, and it should live no longer. It is a means, not 
an end. It is an instrument for the advancement of 
good government and we should no more consent to 
its debasement than we would welcome national deg- 
radation. Those in whom the thought of personal 
aggrandizement is uppermost should not be permitted 
to control its destiny. If we would have pure govern- 
ment we must have a pure party — one whose sole aim 
is to promote wholesome administration. 

"Washington, in his immortal farewell address, ex- 
horted his countrymen against the excesses of party 
spirit. Webster pointed out the peril to the founda- 
tions of our institutions if party be substituted for 
country. We will not forget that the power of the 
Republican party abides with the people; that, as 
much as we love the party, our country must' be the 
real object of our concern and that our power will 


endure only as we shall truly serve it. Republican- 
ism and Americanism must ever be synonymous. 

"New issues will arise, new questions will divide 
the people, of which we know not now. The Repub- 
lican party will be found espousing those issues and 
those question which will make for the stability, the 
honor and the welfare of the country. It must hold 
fast to those great fundamental doctrines of human 
liberty for which our fathers stood ; for the rights of 
all, and the equality of all before the law. If it ad- 
vocates principles and policies which will square with 
these wholesome truths, the years of its power and 
supremacy are unnumbered and its beneficent influ- 
ence unmeasured." 

There are many sentences in this great speech that 
ought to find an abiding lodgment in the hearts and 
minds of all the people. They are not mere words 
thrown together to make phrases for oratorical effect, 
but they come from the keystone of his conscience ; 
they are the axioms of his political life and the 
guides of his public service. They are a part of the 
serious thought and conviction of the man. The 
whole speech is made up of such utterances, but some 
of the sentences are so telling and are so character- 
istic of the man that we reproduce them : 

"Our power, which is to be found in our vast do- 
main and in our marvelous material development, is 
not our chief glory. Our charity and our humanity 
are our principal evidences of national grandeur." 


"Our sense of justice must keep pace with our ex- 
panding power." 

"We must see to it that right and might dwell 
together as in perpetual wedlock." 

"The Nation is in no danger, no matter how 
numerous its population and great its material re- 
sources, if the people are pervaded with a sense of 
justice, and parties which control the government 
are actuated alone by high motives." 

"Good government and good money must coexist." 

"It [the Republican party] will exist as long as it 
. serves well the country, and it should live no longer. 
It is a means, not an end." 

"If we would have a pure government we must 
have a pure party — one whose sole aim is to promote 
wholesome administration." 

"We will not forget that the power of the Repub- 
lican party abides with the people ; that as much as 
we love the party, our country must be the real object 
of our concern and our power will endure only as we 
shall truly serve it." 

Crisp, sharp, decisive, these sentences are the ut- 
terances of a strong man, of a man whose soul is 
imbued with thoughts of the future greatness of the 
country, and the responsibilities of individuals and 
parties. They are patriotic as well as wise. Some 
of them contain a warning note to his own party as 
well as to all other parties, that power and control 
only come to the party that serves the country best. 


They may, indeed, be classed as political axioms. 
Mr. Lincoln said that the country could not long en- 
dure half slave and half free. So Mr. Fairbanks 
says that a political party can endure only so long 
as it serves the country faithfully and well. 

To those given may be added a few taken from an 
address delivered before the Americus Club of Pitts- 

"Without harmony between labor and capital there 
can be no real, enduring progress and prosperity. It 
should alwavs be remembered that each has rights 
which the other should respect, and that they should 
dwell together in amity." 

"We should seek to inculcate a sense of justice 
among men, so that capital shall deal fairly with 
labor, and labor deal with equal fairness with cap- 

"It [the Eepublican party] should always be care- 
ful in promise and quick and resolute in fulfillment. 
So long as it keeps faith with the people, the people 
will keep faith with it." 

In 1902 he opened the political campaign in Indi- 
ana at Anderson, in a speech reviewing the past 
achievements of the Eepublican party and the record 
of the McKinley administration. Like all his polit- 
ical speeches, it was full of crisp statements of facts, 
sharply defined conclusions and fair and candid pre- 
sentations. * Although it was the opening speech of 
what is called in politics "an off-year campaign/' it 


attracted wide attention at the time of its delivery, 
and as a full and forceful presentation of the prin- 
ciples of the Kepublican party is worthy of reproduc- 
tion, but space forbids more than a few extracts from 
the more striking sentences: 

"Our record is written. It has been written suc- 
cessfully. By it we must be judged. In all Amer- 
ican history there is no record of any political party 
which equals, much less surpasses it. Parties, like 
individuals, must be judged by deeds done, by things 
accomplished, and not by mere promises made. We 
must account to the people for our stewardship. We 
have been entrusted with vast power. Have we been 
faithful ? The past five years constitute but a brief 
period in the Nation's history, yet how long it seems 
when measured by things accomplished for the well- 
being of the people." 


"Idle labor is not a good customer for the farmer. 
Abundant crops signify nothing if there is a poor 

buyer, or if they are allowed to perish in the field." 

* * * 

"We do not hold that the protective tariff is an in- 
spired decree. It is, at most, an expedient of govern- 
ment. Tariff schedules are not sacred. They are 
devised to support the government and to sustain our 

industrial life — not to threaten it." 

* * * 

"It is not at all necessary to resort to such a dan- 


gerous and unscientific expedient as that of over- 
throwing the tariff system to reach the evils which 
may, from time to time, inhere in trusts. Those 
evils will be eradicated, not by indirection, but di- 
rectly; not by breaking down an economic system, 
long established, but by laws aimed directly at them 
and enforced against them. There is no combination 
of capital so strong that the people are not stronger. 
The power to cure all evils abides in the people and 
they will never alienate it." 

* * # 

"One of the greatest correctives of abuses is pub- 
licity, and publicity should be required wherever 
abuses are supposed to exist. No great wrong will 
long exist in the full light of publicity. Publicity 
will not cure all wrongs, but it will result in curing 

7T 7T 7v 

"When we overthrew Spanish power it became our 
supreme duty to hold disorder in check, to protect the 
dependent from pillage and the torch, and when the 
islands were ceded to the United States it became as 
much our duty to maintain peace there as in any 

other territory belonging to the United States." 

* * * 

"It pays nations, as well as individuals, to adhere 
to the inflexible principles of fair dealing. No doubt 
the United States could have ignored the Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty and proceeded with the construction 


of the canal, but it preferred, as it always prefers, 

the frank and honorable way. 77 

* •* # 

"When we cast our ballot with one hand we should 
hold in the other the records of the two great political 
parties. We should ponder them, reflect upon them. 
We should not be governed by what the parties have 
promised, but by what they have accomplished. The 
party which should win is not the party that promises 
most, but which performs most." 

*5r TV tt 

"The destiny of the Republic is what we make it. 
Let the young men of Indiana whose fathers have 
wrought so well in building up State and Nation 
unite with the Republican party, which has served 
the country wisely and patriotically in every supreme 
crisis. Inspired by its heroic past, and by the mem- 
ory of its mighty statesmen dead, and by the example 
of its statesmen living, aid in carrying our country 
forward in the way of peace, honor and prosperity, 
and to the highest and best destiny." 

In this campaign Mr. Fairbanks was a candidate 
to succeed himself as Senator. The result of the cam- 
paign was a great personal triumph. The Republican 
State ticket was elected by a plurality larger than 
ever before given, with one exception, while the ma- 
jority in the Legislature was the greatest in the his- 
tory of any party. Mr. Fairbanks was reelected by 
the unanimous Republican vote. 



As has been remarked heretofore, Mr. Fairbanks' 
services to his party were by no means confined to 
speech-making. He advised and counseled as to the 
declaration of principles and the conduct and man- 
agement of campaigns. And amid it all he never 
ceased his efforts to lift party politics upon a high 
plane of political and individual integrity, away 
from the low stage of personal detraction and corrup- 
tion at the ballot-box. 

Chapter VII. 


THE entry of Mr. Fairbanks into the Senate was 
propitious. On the day that he took his seat 
his friend, Mr. McKinley, took the oath of office as 
Chief Magistrate of the Nation. The new President 
and the new Senator were not political friends only, 
but they were personal friends as well. They knew 
each other intimately, and each had an exalted opin- 
ion of the personal and intellectual worth of the other. 
They had each measured the strength of the other, 
and each had an abiding faith that the other was 
especially fitted in all ways for the position to which 
he had been chosen. During the great campaign of 
1896 Mr. Fairbanks had been one of the most inti- 
mate and most trusted of the advisers of Mr. McKin- 
ley, and the new President had learned during these 
months to have great confidence in the judgment of 
the future Senator. They were both moved by the 
same lofty impulse — to serve the people to the best 
of their ability. They both were conservative by 
nature and by training, and each had an exalted esti- 
mate of the duties and responsibilities of the station 



they had assumed. They both were serious and ear- 
nest students of public affairs, and neither would let 
party considerations outweigh their deliberate judg- 
ment as to what was best for the people. So it was 
that the new President came at' once to rely upon the 
wisdom and judgment of the new Senator, as he had 
relied upon the campaign adviser. 

Mr. Fairbanks took with him into the Senate an 
established reputation as a profound lawyer, a wise 
and successful party leader and a forcible speaker. 
The intimate relations between him and the Pres- 
ident were well known, and that the President re- 
lied greatly upon his counsels, so he took a prom- 
inent place at once among his colleagues. He was 
too modest, too self-contained, too much amenable 
to the traditions of the august body which he had 
entered to push himself unduly forward in debate, 
but from the very first he was taken into the inner 
councils of his party associates in the Senate. 

It was at a propitious moment for himself that 
Mr. Fairbanks entered the Senate, but it was a for- 
tuitous moment for the whole country, for it was at a 
crisis in the affairs of the Nation when such calm, 
deliberate, conservative, yet really bold, tempera- 
ments were needed in the councils of the Nation. 
For some time the war and barbarities in Cuba had 
been attracting the attention of the civilized world, 
and the relations between the Government of the 
United States and that of Spain were becoming daily 


more and more strained. The effects of the war in 
Cuba were, felt more in this country than in any 
other, owing to the proximity of the island to our 
coast, and the suffering people there were calling 
loudly upon us for aid in their struggle against the 
tyranny of Spain. The people of the United States 
were indignant, and anxious that some steps should 
be taken to end the cruel war. This had been rec- 
ognized by the convention that nominated Mr. Mc- 
Kinley for President, and the deliberate views of 
the Republican party were embodied in the platform 
adopted by that convention. There were many in 
Congress and out of it who clamored for action, even 
if it involved this country in war with Spain. 

Another and most momentous question was con- 
fronting the Nation. For three years the country 
had suffered an unexampled season of business de- 
pression. Everywhere factories were closed, and 
hundreds of thousands of workmen were anxiously 
seeking for employment they could not obtain. Dis- 
tress, financial and commercial, covered the country 
like a pall, and the new administration was con- 
fronted with the duty of finding some solution of this 
problem; some way to open the factories, of finding 
work for the labor that was idle. Under the pressing 
exigencies of the occasion President McKinley called 
Congress to meet in extraordinary session, and it was 
fortuitous for the country that Mr. Fairbanks had 
taken his seat among the conservative Senators. 



Mr. Fairbanks had not been a Senator three 
months when he made his maiden speech. It was 
upon an exciting and most important occasion, one 
fraught with great possibilities to the country. His 
relations with President McKinley were such that 
when he arose to speak every one felt that what he 
should say would truthfully and faithfully reflect 
the views of the President, and he was listened to 
with much more than the usual attention given to the 
maiden effort of a young Senator. 

The President had called Congress to enact a tariff 
laAv, but at the very beginning the Cuban question 
presented itself, and Senator Morgan, of Alabama, 
introduced a resolution recognizing the belligerency 
of the Cuban insurgents. It was a question of great 
moment, and if adopted the resolution was sure to 
break off diplomatic relations with Spain and possi- 
bly lead to a war with that country. It was on this 
question, fraught with such vital consequences, that 
Senator Fairbanks made his maiden speech. It was 
a speech full of dignity and the seriousness befitting 
so important an occasion. It was also of great force. 
It gave to the members the gauge of their new col- 
league. It was a calm and dispassionate presentation 
of the situation and the consequences involved, and 
was delivered with dignity and force. It was the 
product of a student and of a statesman. It is now 
a part of the history of the country, and no apologies 
are offered for presenting it here: 


"Mr. President : It has not been my purpose until 
now to invite the attention of the Senate in this de- 
bate, and it is my present intention to add but a few 
words. I shall not indulge in criticisms upon the 
Senate or its members, for my brief presence here has 
but increased my respect for both. My observation 
is that there is no one here who possesses more pa- 
triotism or love of liberty than others; that in that 
respect there is absolute equality here. I further 
observe, Mr. President, as this debate has progressed, 
that there is no difference among the honorable Sen- 
ators with respect to their desire for the freedom of 
Cuba. All wish to see peace reign and liberty estab- 
lished in the desolated island. The difference arises, 
sir, with regard to the means which shall be employed 
to attain the hoped-for end. 

"The immediate division of opinion has been with 
reference to the motion of the distinguished Senator 
from Maine to refer the resolution of the honorable 
Senator from Alabama to the Committee on Foreign 
Relations. Those who opposed the reference felt that 
they had adequate information upon which to act, 
while those who favored the reference desired in an 
orderly and usual way to secure information in the 
State Department bearing upon the subject under 
consideration, and they also desired to have the delib- 
erate judgment of the able Committee on Foreign 
Relations with respect to it. Their desire in this 


regard was intensified by the partial disclosures made 
yesterday by the distinguished Senator from Ohio. 

"Mr. President, it seems to me that those who fav- 
ored the reference for the reasons indicated are not 
wanting in humanity and love of country, and are 
not unreasonable in their demands. Few questions 
can arise in this chamber more momentous than this, 
and it should have that consideration which comports 
with its magnitude. Some Senators may be satisfied 
with the fragmentary information of affairs in Cuba 
which they have from, private sources, from the pub- 
lic press, and from the State Department, but others 
may not be. 

"It would seem that as a predicate for action upon 
this question, so important in its immediate results 
and which shall become a notable precedent, there 
should be upon the table of every Senator all the offi- 
cial information obtainable and a well-considered re- 
port from the appropriate committee. Each Senator 
must act upon the solemnity of his oath, and a nice 
regard for the obligations he has taken upon his en- 
trance to this chamber demands that he have the es- 
sential facts, officially ascertained, before he records 
his deliberate potential judgment. 

"I observe that this course was adopted by the 
Senate at the last session. The resolution concern- 
ing Cuba was referred to the Committee on Foreign 
Relations. The committee, after mature delibera- 
tion, reported it back to the Senate with substitute 


resolutions. The majority report was presented by 
the honorable Senator from Alabama, who now op- 
poses the reference of his own resolution upon the 
same subject in the same manner to the same com- 
mittee. If deliberation and orderly procedure were 
observed then, why not now? What exigency has 
arisen which demands the present departure from 
the practices of the Senate in the past \ 

"Mr. President, I shall not stop to discuss the 
question as to whether, under the constitution, the 
recognition of belligerency is an executive or legisla- 
tive function, or whether the executive and legislative 
branches of the Government should act conjointly. 
But it seems to me that in the conduct of our foreign 
affairs the practice has been for the Committee on 
Foreign Relations to act upon these international 
questions to some degree in conjunction with the 
Executive Department of the Government. If such 
has not been the practice heretofore, now is the time 
to set a good precedent. 

"A new administration is in power, not yet three 
months old — an administration charged with great 
responsibility. Shall we act in this grave matter re- 
gardless of its views or policies respecting foreign 
affairs ? Shall the Congress take one position and 
the Executive another upon a question of such mo- 
ment and obvious delicacy ? If so, what will be the 
effect, not only upon the fortune of Cuba, but upon 
our domestic affairs, sensitive and unsettled as they 


"Mr. President, if I correctly apprehend those who 
favor the resolution of the Senator from Alabama, 
one of the chief purposes to be accomplished by the 
recognition of belligerency is to legitimatize the war 
in Cuba ; it is to change barbarous warfare into civil- 
ized warfare. The immediate purpose is not to stop 
the war, but to alter its character. 

"Sir, I hold to the opinion that all war is barbar- 
ous. I am against war, civilized or uncivilized, ex- 
cept it be necessary to redeem people from oppres- 
sion, or be for national defense, or to sustain the na- 
tional honor in the protection of American citizen- 
ship. I preferred a reference of the joint resolution 
to the Foreign Relations Committee, that it might 
determine whether, under all the facts,- according to 
the official information in possession of the Govern- 
ment, it could not report a resolution which will ac- 
complish what the resolution offered by the Senator 
from Alabama fails to secure, and that is, peace and 
the independence of Cuba. 

: 'Upon the recognition of belligerent rights, Mr. 
President, we do not stop the war; we merely dignify 
it. When will it cease ? How much longer will the 
slaughter continue? How much longer will the 
sword and torch devour? Xo one can tell; no one 
can measure the loss. 

"I would prefer a policy more certain, more di- 
rect. Let us come out into the open and be for war 
or against it. If a great moral responsibility rests 


upon ns, as I believe it does, let us discharge it 
squarely and fairly. 

"Sir, I would forthwith tender the good offices of 
this Government to the Spanish Cabinet, to the end 
that war cease. And further, I would open amicable 
negotiations to secure the independence of Cuba, 
which, under the providence of the Almighty, is its 
manifest destiny. If these peaceful and honorable 
methods fail and the war should continue, I would 
have no hesitancy in reaching out the mighty arm 
of this Government and saying, 'This war shall 
cease.' But, sir, such an extreme measure will not 
be necessary to accomplish an honorable peace. 

"Some of the distinguished Senators who belong to 
the party which holds my loyal allegiance have pro- 
fessed to support the resolution of the Senator from 
Alabama because, as they hold, it is in consonance 
with the platform adopted at St. Louis. I heard the 
distinguished Senator from Nebraska, who presided 
over the deliberations of that great congress of Amer- 
ican citizens with such conspicuous ability, read the 
platform this morning and declare his approval of 
it. With due deference to the honorable Senator, I 
must utterly and entirely repudiate the suggestion 
that the resolution proposed by the Senator from 
Alabama is in accord with the Republican platform, 
for, in my judgment, it is against it. The platform 
on the Cuban question declared that — 

" 'From the hour of achieving their own independ- 


ence the people of the United States have regarded 
with sympathy the struggles of other American peo- 
ple to free themselves from European domination. 
We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic 
battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and op- 
pression, and our best hopes go out for the full success 
of their determined contest for liberty. 

" 'The Government of Spain having lost control 
of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or 
lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with 
its treaty obligations — ' 

"Note carefully what follows — 

Sve believe that the Government of the United 
States should actively use its influence and good 
offices to restore peace and give independence to the 

"This language is free from ambiguity. Its mean- 
ing is not involved in the slightest doubt. Peace and 
independence are to be obtained through the active 
agency of the United States. 

"Let me read the resolution offered by the Sena- 
tor from Alabama : 

" 'Resolved by the Senate and House of Represen- 
tatives of the United States of America in Congress 
assembled, That a condition of public war exists be- 
tween the government of Spain and the government 
proclaimed and for some time maintained by the 
force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the 
United States of America shall maintain a strict 
neutrality between the contending powers, according 
to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and 
territory of the United States/ 


"The policy to which this resolution commits the 
Government is one of — 

'strict neutrality between the contending powers, ac- 
cording to each all rights of belligerents in the ports 
and territory of the United States.' 

"I yield to no Senator, I yield to no Republican 
in my attachment to the doctrines of the Republican 
party. I believe that when the platform was adopted 
at St. Louis it was a covenant to be executed honestly, 
fearlessly, faithfully ; and I am here, Mr. President, 
to execute it to the best of my humble ability. 

"The scope and purpose of the resolution and the 
Republican platform are totally dissimilar. The for- 
mer recognizes the rights of belligerency and main- 
tains an attitude of strict neutrality — nothing more 
— while the platform requires the Government to ten- 
der its good offices to restore peace and give independ- 
ence to the island. The distinction between tendering 
the good offices of the Government and acknowledg- 
ing belligerency, according to international law, is 
broad and marked. 

"I believe the golden moment of which the hon- 
orable Senator from Massachusetts has spoken has 
arrived. The condition in Cuba, except the horrors 
of the pestilential camps, which the President's mes- 
sage has wisely attempted to mitigate, seems to be 
worse than ever; the hold of Spain on Cuba is less 
certain ; her revenues have decreased ; the burdens of 
war have increased. The rainy season is at hand, 


when the march must stop. A large army is to be 
maintained at heavy cost until the seasons permit a 
new campaign. The issue is in the balance. Sir, 
it would seem that the highest considerations which 
can move men or nations would suggest the tender 
and acceptance of the good offices of this Government. 

"Mr. President, before closing I wish to say that I 
am deeply sensible of the distress in Cuba. I have no 
doubt of the substantial accuracy of the reports of 
the press of the country with respect to it. I am also 
conscious of the distress and sufferings in our own 
country. ' Every hour the pathetic appeals of our own 
countrymen come to us. More than 2,000,000 good 
and loyal American workmen are walking the streets 
and highways of our country asking for work ; seek- 
ing not charity, but a chance to labor. Their eyes are 
on this chamber. Every hour is precious to them. 
They are not threatened by the barbarity of Weyler, 
but by the cruelty of want. 

"For every soldier that falls on the fields of Cuba 
a hundred fall in the ranks of labor. The manufac- 
turers have been discouraged and the merchants have 
been idle in the marts of trade. In the name of 
these, sir, I protest against delay in the consideration 
of the matters for which we were convoked in this 
extraordinary session. 'Pass the tariff ! Pass the tar- 
iff !' comes from our expectant countrymen night and 
day. A tariff law and a currency commission are» the 
imperative demands of the hour. Whatever will in- 


terfere with early securing them, no matter how im- 
portant it is, I shall steadfastly oppose." 

Senator Fairbanks closed his speech by offering an 
amendment to the pending resolution. This amend- 
ment was understood to express the views of Presi- 
dent McKinley. It was to the purport that the Gov- 
ernment tender the good offices of the United States 
to Spain in an endeavor to secure independence for 
Cuba. The amendment failed and the original reso- 
lution of Senator Morgan was adopted, but it failed 
to pass the House, and the threatening crisis was 
escaped for a time. 

This speech fixed the status of Mr. Fairbanks in 
the Senate, and from that time he has taken part in 
the discussion of every important question that has 
been before the Congress. He was made Chairman 
of the Committee on Immigration, in view of the 
vast numbers of illiterate, pauper and criminal 
classes who were flocking to our shores, a very impor- 
tant committee. He addressed himself to the duties 
of the place with the same care and industry he had 
ever displayed. He made a profound study of the 
whole question of immigration and its effect upon 
this country. When he had thoroughly prepared him- 
self for an exhaustive discussion of the subject he re- 
ported a bill restricting the admission of immigrants 
into this country, and enforced it with a speech of 
some length, abounding in statements of facts and 
cogent arguments as to why the bill should become a 


law. In the progress of the speech he presented a 
number of statistical tables of great value to the stu- 
dent of political and social economy. Among other 
things he said : 

"No more important question can engage our at- 
tention, and none should receive more earnest and 
thoughtful consideration, than one which seeks to 
guard and preserve the high standard of our popula- 
tion and citizenship. No policy, however venerable, 
no mere sentimental considerations should dissuade 
us from dealing with an evil which menaces our civil- 
ization, and in a manner compatible with the best in- 
terests of our country and all its people." 

* * # 

"We are not unmindful of the immeasurable con- 
tributions which our foreign-born population has 
made to the upbuilding of the Republic. Its work 
and influence has been felt throughout the country, 
and much of all that is great and splendid about us 
is the fruit of its genius and industry. But those 
who have aided most were those who quickly blended 
with the great mass of our native-born population 
and most readily renounced allegiance to their own 
countries and assumed the duties of loyal citizens, 
taking an interest and pride in sustaining and 
strengthening the institutions of the country of their 
adoption. Sir, I am pleased to say that the native 
and foreign-born of Indiana have wrought together 
in raising that splendid State to her present exalted 


position. They have been zealous co-workers, sharing 
alike in all the labors, anxieties, and rewards incident 
to carving ont of the wilderness that majestic com- 
monwealth. Search her muster-rolls, and there you 
will find thousands born beneath distant skies who 
dared all in defense of the honor and the integrity 
of their chosen land. They shared in the arduous 
deeds of heroes on many fields, and their patriotic de- 
votion is a part of the imperishable glory of the 


* * * 

"The absorptive power of our nation has been 
great, and in the main the aliens and the natives have 
easily fused into a homogeneous people. The rapid 
admixture of foreign bloods here without the impair- 
ment of our national character has challenged the 
wonder and admiration of the civilized world." 

5f -Jf * 

"Until recent years immigration was invited and 
stimulated by liberal homestead laws, and by coloni- 
zation agencies which offered alluring inducements. 
All who sought our shores were accepted without 
question or discrimination. The educated, moral 
and patriotic were welcome. * The culprit, fleeing 
from outraged justice, found a refuge here. The 
physically, mentally or morally disordered were per- 
mitted to become residents and citizens and share 
with us, as though to 'the manner born/ the privi- 
leges bequeathed to us by our fathers. Our broad, 



rich, unoccupied domain and expanding industries 
invited numbers, and no heed was taken of their qual- 
ity; and it is remarkable, and indeed the subject of 
congratulation, that we suffered so little from the 
undesirable and really objectionable while our gates 
stood unprotected." 

"The very large per cent, of the immigration, until 
quite recently, came from the United Kingdom, Ger- 
many, Sweden, Norway and Denmark. It was in 
the main intelligent, industrious, frugal, law-re- 
specting and liberty-loving. It readily assimilated 
with us and merged into the American with marvel- 
ous facility. It contributed to our statesmanship, to 
our literature, to our commerce, to our agriculture, 

and to all other avenues of industry." 

* -x- * 

"If it be said that in further restricting immi- 
gration we are departing from the traditional policy 
of our Government, we answer that conditions have 
changed, and with new conditions the policy of the 
Government must change to meet them. No policy 
should stand against the best interests of our coun- 
trymen, native and foreign-born alike." 

4f -5f -x- 

"The more recent immigration is less devoted to 

home building than the former It may 

be stated as axiomatic that home-builders are good 
citizens, for the government that rests upon the home 


will better resist the shock of foreign invasion or do- 
mestic tumult. The American home is indeed the 
cradle of liberty — it is the unit of the Republic's 
strength. There are taught the lessons that endure. 
That immigration that does not seek to build homes 
among us is the most objectionable, and its exclusion 

will be no loss." 

-x- « * 

"A patriotic regard for those to whose interests 
we owe first allegiance requires us to see that the 
persons who present themselves to this new compe- 
tition shall not be the most ignorant pauper laborers 

from abroad A low wage scale is not 

consistent with the most wholesome development of 
the country and of its people." 

* # * 

"What should be more in harmony with our insti- 
tutions than an educational test, for the enduring 
basis upon which the Republic rests is intelligence ? 
The schoolroom is more potential in our preservation 
than steel-armored fleets; more essential to our de- 
fense than the strongest fortress. A general knowl- 
edge among the people of the rudimentary branches 
of an education is regarded as essential »to the safety 
of our free institutions and necessary for the enjoy- 
ment of American citizenship. It is in recognition 
of these facts that private beneficences have endowed 
schools and that many States have enacted compul- 
sory education laws, and that the people have volun- 


tarily laid upon themselves the burden of instructing 
the youth of the land. In many of the States the 
truant officer has become a familiar arm of the law. 
May we not demand of those without seeking our 
shores that rudimentary education which we require 
from our own countrymen within V 9 

w vv "?T 

"Mr. President, the present bill has heretofore re- 
ceived the approval of the Senate. It is born neither 
of a want of hospitality nor of a nativistic spirit, but 
of a profound conviction that the illiterate elements 
which do not make for national betterment should be 
excluded, and that we should admit only those able 
to read and write our Constitution and who are enam- 
ored of our country and its institutions. Sir, let 
us exalt American citizenship, the richest legacy 
which in the divine economy may be bequeathed to 
the children of men, and preserve undiminished the 
moral and intellectual grandeur of the Republic." 

Chapter VIII. 


T 7*ERY early in the service of Senator Fairbanks 
* one of the great questions — onr financial sys- 
tem — was under discussion. The election of Mr. 
McKinley made it certain that for four years, at least, 
there would be no free coinage of silver, but the free 
silver advocates were in earnest and the silver ques- 
tion had many phases. It will be remembered that 
Mr. Fairbanks had been chosen by Mr. McKinley for 
temporary chairman of the St. Louis convention, and 
to forecast in his speech what would be the financial 
policy of his administration should he be nominated 
and elected President. It is not surprising, then, 
notwithstanding Mr. Fairbanks had been a member 
of the Senate less than one year, when the subject of 
silver was under discussion, that he should deliver a 
set speech. Senator Teller, of Colorado, one of the 
most earnest and able advocates of free silver, intro- 
duced into the Senate a resolution declaring, in sub- 
stance, that certain bonds issued by the United States 
were payable, principal and interest, at the option of 
the Government, in silver coin. 



It was a very adroit and insidious attack on the 
financial policy of President McKinley, and was cal- 
culated to win support from the unwary, and cause 
trouble for the Republican party. The speech 
of Senator Fairbanks was characterized by close, 
logical reasoning, and he supported his argument 
with copious facts and figures taken from the past 
history of the country. In view of the fact that 
there are still a large number of people who continue 
to advocate the doctrine of free coinage, the speech 
made by Mr. Fairbanks in January, 1898, is well 
worth considering at this day. Among other things 
he said: 

"I am reluctant to add to what has alreadv so 

admirablv and forcibly been ursred against the adop- 

tion of the resolution of the Senator from Colorado. 

But I am so impressed with its subtle attack upon the 

public credit and by its mischievous effect upon the 

country that I can not consent to rest my opposition 

solely upon my negative vote." 

* * * 

"It is wholly reactionary in its purpose. It de- 
clares that the principal and interest of certain bonds 
shall be paid at the option of the Government in 
silver dollars of the coinage of the United States 
containing 412J grains each of standard silver, re- 
gardless of the great decline that has occurred 
in the commercial value of silver throughout the 
world. It is not claimed that its terms either enlarge 


or restrict the obligations devolved upon the Govern- 
ment by existing law. It does not have the force of 
law; it is at most a brutum f oilmen." 

■x- * -x- 

"It is evident that the central purpose of the reso- 
lution is to obtain the sentiment of the Senate upon 
the proposition for the free and unlimited coinage of 
silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. Whv was not 
this purpose, Mr. President, frankly and clearly ex- 
pressed in the face of the resolution, in order that 
no doubt whatever might arise as to its scope and 
meaning? So important a question as the currency 
and the coinage of gold and silver can not be settled 
by indirection, nor will we be entrapped into any 
inconsiderate and doubtful expression with respect 

•x- -X- * 

"I am aware, Mr. President, of the tremendous 
power of environment upon our lives and upon our 
judgments. It seems to me that in the devotion of 
the Senator from Colorado to the cause of free silver 
he is following but an ignis f atuus, and that he would 
lead his country and his followers in the pursuit of 
it into the morass of commercial paralysis, degrada- 
tion and dishonor." 

•x- -X- * 

"What is its purpose? What does it seek to ac- 
complish? Sir, it seems to me to lay the ground- 
work of national discredit and national dishonor. 


Any impairment of the public credit sensibly and 
injuriously affects individual credit and private enter- 
prise. Any possible derangement of our commercial 
interests must tend to create dissatisfaction, discour- 
agement, discontent, and out of such conditions it is 
hoped, I believe, that the free coinage of silver will 


* * * 

"The present resolution is unwarranted by exist- 
ing circumstances. Whatever tends to arrest the 
rapid restoration of prosperity, which tends to dis- 
turb confidence, which is the foundation-rock upon 
which all true and enduring prosperity is built, is 

unwise, untimely." 

* * * 

"The ranks of free silver have been recruited out 
of adversity and disaster. I give the author of the 
pending resolution credit for the perspicacity to see 
that in the complete restoration of prosperity, now 
imminent and manifest to all, the free and unre- 
stricted coinage of silver is an utter impossibility, and 
as a real issue it would soon become as dead as the 


* # •* 

"The enforced payment of the bond creditors of 
the Government in cheap silver dollars would, in 
my judgment, be in violation of the spirit and pur- 
pose of the contract, if not in contravention of its 


* * * 


"I well recollect the invitation that was presented 
soon after the war to induce the people by various 
devices to repudiate a portion of the great bond debt. 
But it is a part of our proudest history that the voice 
of the repudiator was unheeded and that the great 
mass of the people were as sensitive of preserving the 
national honor by meeting the national obligations 
as they were to defend it upon the battlefields of the 


* * * 

"I shall not stop to critically examine the letter 
of the bonds of the Government, supplemented by 
the provisions of the resolution before us. I shall 
write into them the good faith and moral obligation 
of the country to meet and discharge them fairly and 
squarely and without loss to the creditor. This obli- 
gation, I take it, is of no less binding force upon a 
country sensitive of its honor than that which may 
be termed strictly the legal obligation, and I shall 
consent to no interpretation which shall prevent the 
Government from paying its debts in the best stand- 
ard of money and in full measure. This policy I 
would apply in its best and most comprehensive sense 
to bonds, pensions, and every other class and form of 
Government indebtedness. I hold, sir, that above 
all gold and all silver and of all other forms of cur- 
rency stand the honor and the credit of the Govern- 

* * * 


"The present is no time for quibbling, for uncer- 
tainty, for doubt. There must be no equivocation 
with respect to the character of our money standard, 
and no hesitancy nor divided purpose in its inflexible 
maintenance. It is our duty to place about it such 
safeguards as wisdom and prudence may suggest and 
to preserve it unimpaired. The judgment and the 
conscience of the American people found expression 
in the platform adopted by the St. Louis convention, 
in 1896, and which was triumphantly ratified at the 
ballot box. The declaration made was unalterable 
opposition to every measure calculated to debase our 
currency or to impair the credit of the country. Op- 
position was pledged to the free coinage of silver 
except by international agreement with the leading 
commercial nations of the world, to promote which 
pledge was given; and until such agreement could 
be obtained the existing gold standard must be pre- 
served. All our silver and paper currency must be 
maintained at parity with gold, and all measures were 
favored which were designed to maintain inviolably 
the obligations of the United States and all our 
money, whether coin or paper, at the present stand- 
. ard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of 
the earth. Sir, this constitutes our monetary creed 
— broad, sound, patriotic — the true foundation of all 
real, individual prosperity and enduring national 

A momentous crisis was approaching and the coun- 


try was about to be suddenly plunged into a war the 
results of which were to startle the world and change 
our traditional policy. The condition of affairs in 
Cuba had been going from bad to worse. The bru- 
talities practiced on the people of the island by those 
in authority had long shocked the humanity of the 
world, but Spain was deaf to all protests, to all solici- 
tations. President McKinley watched the develop- 
ment of affairs with keen interest. At the verv be- 
ginning of his administration there had been an effort 
made to force the Government to take a step that 
would have led to immediate war, but it had been 

The excitement in this country increased, and 
members of all parties urged the President to take 
some decisive stand to end the barbarities practiced 
in Cuba, but he steadfastly pursued his policy of 
trying to maintain peace with Spain and at the same 
time induce that government to better the condition 
of affairs on the island. He recognized that this 
country was not ready for war, and that war was to 
be avoided if at all possible compatible with the honor 
of the Nation. At last an electric spark was touched 
that aroused the Nation as nothing had done in all 
its history. 

The President from the first had been profoundly 
impressed with the seriousness of the situation, and 
that war might come, but he was not to be hastened 
into taking any step that would look like desiring 


war. His first official act in the affairs of Cuba was 
to ask an appropriation to enable him to provide food, 
medicines and transportation out of the island for 
the Americans stranded there. The filibuster ele- 
ment kept up a constant and fierce fire upon him, but 
he showed no sign of weakening in his conservative 
attitude. In his first annual message to Congress 
he calmly discussed the situation; spoke plainly of 
the horrors of the war in the island, and very strongly 
indicated that the time might come when the United 
States would feel bound to interfere to end the hor- 
rors. He stated that his efforts to bring about an 
honorable peace would be continued, and then closed 
with these solemn and impressive words: 

"The near future will demonstrate whether the 
indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just 
alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as well as equitable 
to all our interests so intimately involved in the wel- 
fare of Cuba, is likely to be obtained. If not, the 
exigency of further and other action by the United 
States will remain to be taken. When that time 
comes, that action will be determined in the line of 
indisputable right and duty. It will be faced with- 
out misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obliga- 
tions the Government owes to itself, to the people who 
have confided to it the protection of their interests 
and honor, and to humanity. 

"Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense 
ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic con- 


siderations, moved neitlier by passions nor selfishness, 
the Government will continue its watchful care over 
the rights and property of American citizens and will 
abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful 
agencies a peace which shall be honorable and endur- 
ing. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty im- 
posed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization 
and humanity, to intervene with force, it shall be 
without fault on our part and only because the neces- 
sity for such action will be so clear as to command 
the support and approval of the civilized world." 

Following the full and comprehensive recital of 
the condition of affairs, and the many provocations 
given to the United States, this language might well 
have been looked upon as being an ultimatum, an- 
nouncing that the conduct of the war must change 
or the United States would interfere. ff It was not 
regarded by Spain. In February, 1898, the indigna- 
tion of the American people received a new impetus. 
A proposition had been made to show the friendly 
feeling between this country and Spain by an inter- 
change of visits by a warship of each nation, the 
Spanish vessel to visit New York and the American 
Havana. While this peaceful maneuver was in 
course of preparation a letter was published, purport- 
ing to have been written by the Spanish Minister at 
Washington, Dupuy de Lome, to a Spanish official 
at Havana. This letter teemed with abusive epithets 
against the President, and suggestions to the Spanish 
official to continue a certain course of deception. 


The publication of this letter produced a storm of 
excitement in this country, and the Spanish Minister 
promptly cabled his resignation to his government 
and left the country. This was followed eight days 
later by the blowing up of the Maine in Havana har- 
bor. An instant demand for war followed, and Con- 
gress promptly gave the President $50,000,000 for 
defensive purposes and for the purchase of ships to 
strengthen our navy. 

On the 11th of April, 1898, President McKinley 
sent a long and comprehensive message to Congress, 
reviewing the situation, and closing with the follow- 
ing paragraph: 

"The issue is now with Congress. It is a solemn 
responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to re- 
lieve the intolerable condition of affairs which is at 
our doors. Prepared to execute every obligation 
imposed upon me by the Constitution and the law, 
I await your action. " 

A resolution was introduced in Congress declaring 
the people of Cuba free, and demanding that Spain 
relinquish authority in that island. The President 
was empowered and directed to use the land and 
naval forces of this country to carry the resolution 
into effect. A number of able speeches were made 
while the resolution was pending, that of Senator 
Fairbanks being especially effective. In the course 
of his speech he said : 

"I have not been for either peace at any price or 


war at any cost. I have been steadfastly for peace 
if it conld be maintained honorably, and for war if 
the national dignity and honor required it. The 
problem which is presented to ns is one of the great- 
est gravity, one which invokes our most deliberate, 

patriotic judgment." 

* -x- * 

"In view of onr relations to the island and of onr 
policy of opposition to foreign interference with 
Spanish control, we are morally bound to put an end 
to the wrongs, the outrages, the evils which flow from 
Spanish misrule. We have repeatedly tendered to 
the Spanish Cabinet our friendly offices to end the 
wars in Cuba and to restore peace. Our offers have 

been uniformly rejected." 

* * # 

"This Government has at all times been scrupu- 
lously observant of her duties toward Spain, yet 
Spain has either been unwilling or unable to prop- 
erly protect the rights of our citizens or to make ade- 
quate reparation for the wrongs committed against 
them. They have been imprisoned without cause 
and tardily released without just reparation for the 
indignities and wrongs committed. The story is an 
old one; is alreadv familiar as a thrice-told tale. 
History is but repeating itself." 

■x- -* # 

"For many months the Chief Executive, upon 
whom rests, under the Constitution, the conduct, of 


our foreign affairs, lias been attempting to solve the 
Cuban problem peacefully and honorably. He has 
proceeded to its consideration with a broad and sym- 
pathetic statesmanship, and with a determination to 
enforce all the just demands we could make upon the 
Spanish authority, and with a purpose of defending, 
in the fullest degree, the national honor. The task 
imposed has been a grave and difficult one, and he has 
discharged it in a manner to challenge the admira- 
tion of his contemporaries and, in my opinion, to 
win the approval of dispassionate history. His pol- 
icy was an open one, known to the world; it was 
peace with honor above and beyond all else, and war 
with honor only as the last dread emergency. If 
war was to come, it must come at such a time as we 
would be able to meet it and in such manner as the 
whole world would approve. He truly compre- 
hended the resources and the patriotism of our peo- 
ple, and well knew that but one result would follow 
an appeal to the sword. He also knew that nothing 
so became the mighty power of a great people as its 
sparing use. 

"But a few weeks ago the Maine, one of our war 
vessels, was sent to the harbor of Havana upon a 
mission of peace, for the protection of American in- 
terests, and not for war. Her going was but the 
resumption of old-time friendly relations. While 
the noble ship rested at peace in the harbor of Ha- 
vana, while she was enjoying Spanish hospitality, she 


was destroyed, and most of her brave crew perished 
with her. When the blow came she was Spain's 
guest, which 'was strong against the deed. 7 The ex- 
plosion aroused onr countrymen and shook the earth. 
It was the master tragedy of the age." 

■5f * * 

"The evidence is ample to convict Spain. No un- 
prejudiced jury in all Christendom would fail to ren- 
der a verdict of guilty if Spain were an individual 
resting under indictment in a court of criminal juris- 
diction. Her conduct both before and after the fact 
leaves no possible shadow of doubt. Whether the 
electric current was sent upon its mission of death 
by Spanish decree or by a Spanish functionary in 
Havana we will not stop to inquire. It is not for us 
to do so. The burden rests upon Spain. It was by 
the direct order of her military authorities that the 
Maine was anchored above a powerful, deadly sub- 
marine mine. Was this accidental? How chivalric! 
What a token of friendship and esteem ! What a 
graceful courtesy! But it is said by Spain that we 
have not shown that she released the fatal spark. 
Be it so. It is not necessary. ' The primary cause 
was her act ; we will not look beyond it. The orig- 
inal offense was hers. Nor are we obliged to stop to 
inquire whether the Spanish officers were negligent 
or exceeded their authority. If such a duty rests 

upon any one, it does not rest upon us." 

*■ * * 



"Sir, the ghosts of the Maine will not down ; they 
beckon us on. Would that they could tell the secrets 
of their 'prison house.' Then we would know how, 
sleeping, the Spanish 'serpent stung' them. For this 
grave act Spain must make due amends." 

vT 7V "77 

"Our own tranquility, our own sense of security, 
our regard for our present and future comfort and 
for the lives of her helpless and hapless subjects, 
demand that we should interpose the mighty power 
of this Government to stop the carnival of crime and 
suffering and restore peace to the Island of Cuba un- 
til some suitable government may be formed which 
shall be a guaranty to us and to the other nations of 
the earth that it will at all times in the future be 
ready and willing and able to discharge its domestic 

and international obligations." 

•x- #■ # 

"No one will distrust our motives in taking this 
step. We do not intervene for revenge, for the ac- 
quisition of territory, for the extension of our author- 
ity and power. Our past history is ample proof of 
this. Spain has long overtaxed the generous for- 
bearance of our people. We have suffered wrongs 
that would have justified a nation actuated by less 
exalted motives than we to have struck in revenge. 
Ample opportunity has heretofore occurred for the 
seizure of the island by force if we had been eager 
to extend our dominion. The world will acquit us 


of any base design. The misgovernment of Cuba 
has become so flagrant, the barbarism, the wrongs, 
the outrages there have so offended the civilized 
world that we must intervene for and in the name of 
humanity. No higher motive can actuate any gov- 

•* * # 

"We are at the beginning of a new epoch in our 
history. ISTo graver emergency ever confronted us 
than the one which faces us at this hour. Peace is 
about to be abdicated for a policy which may lead to 
war. War, if it comes, will have been forced upon 
us by the misgovernment, the insolence, the cruelty 
of Spain. Spain has too long presumed upon our 
good nature. She has too long offended against the 
sense of justice of our people. Her desultory, guer- 
rilla-like, barbarous warfare upon her subjects in 
Cuba, upon American citizens and American com- 
merce, has been in effect a war upon us." 

4 *■ * 

"I confess I have come to the conclusion to which 
I have arrived after much deliberation — reluctantlv 
and with profound regret. I have hoped and prayed 
that this great emergency might be honorably 
averted or avoided. My hesitancy did not grow out 
of any doubt, as to the patriotism or the power of my 
country. It was due to no possible doubt as to the 
result of the issue, but to the fact that I have felt 
that even Spain, cruel and merciless as she has been, 


would not be wholly dead to our righteous and firm 

"All efforts at amicable solution have failed, and 
all that remains is to invoke the mighty power of this 
Government in behalf of enduring peace and imper- 
iled humanity. We shall now have the satisfaction 
of knowing that, come what may in the lottery of 
war, we have left undone nothing which could be 
done consistently with honor to secure a pacific set- 
tlement. The Spanish flag must be withdrawn and 
cease forever to contaminate the air of this hemis- 
phere. To the high and holy cause of humanity and 
the vindication of our national honor we dedicate the 
lives and fortune of the Republic." 

War was declared, and the country made prepara- 
tions to fill the army and the navy. It is known 
how the people rallied to the standard of the nation 
from every section. Those who had fought for the 
gray vied with those who fought for the blue in tes- 
tifying their devotion to the old flag. That glorious 
page in American history has been read by the world. 
The United States was to step forth as the champion 
of humanity and liberty, and the people were ready 
for it. Men who had grown old and gray in the 
service of the country tendered themselves for duty ; 
young men, sons of sires who had fought on the 
bloody battlefields during the civil war, came for- 
ward as did their fathers in the days from 1861 to 


1865. Among those who offered for duty at the 
front was Senator Fairbanks. In the Senate he had 
opposed all hasty action and advocated the exhaus- 
tion of every possible means to bring about a peace 
before resorting to arms, but when patience ceased 
to be a virtue he voted for the declaration that was 
to loose the army and the navy of the United States 
to drive Spain from this side of the world. He 
wrote to Governor James A. Mount, of Indiana, 
tendering his services for duty in the field. To this 
offer of his services Governor Mount made the fol- 
lowing reply: 

a My Dear Senator — Permit me to say, in reply 
to your patriotic tender of your services, that I com- 
mend your loyalty to the State and Nation. The 
offer of your services as a soldier means that you 
are ready to make any sacrifice for the preservation 
of the national honor. 

"I beg to assure you that you can best render that 
service in the United States Senate. In this con- 
nection I desire to commend your patriotic course. 
Your great speech on the Cuban question was the 
argument of a statesman. I could not consent to 
your leaving the Senate. Your constituents would 
protest. We need statesmen as much as soldiers. 
We can fill the places of soldiers much easier than 
the seats of Senators. 

"No one can place a higher estimate than I place 
upon the offer of your services to the State as a sol- 


dier, but above this is my measure of your services 
as a Senator. Very truly yours, 

"J. A. Mount. 
"Indianapolis, May 3, 1898." 

Mr. Fairbanks was a very busy man in the Senate, 
especially during the continuance of the short war 
with Spain. He earnestly upheld in every way the 
hands of the administration in forcing a speedy 
peace. He was earnest in his advocacy of all the 
war measures authorizing volunteers, strengthening 
the navy and the raising of the proper revenue, mak- 
ing a very elaborate speech on the bill for that pur- 
pose. He was not hasty in throwing himself into 
a debate, but carefully and studiously prepared him- 
self with facts and authorities, just as he would pre- 
pare himself for an argument before a court. 

One of the things to which the Republican party 
— the party to which Senator Fairbanks owed alle- 
giance — had pledged itself was to enact whatever 
legislation was needed to maintain the parity of the 
various kinds of currency with gold. It was a per- 
plexing question, owing to the variance in the views 
of the Republican members of Congress and to the 
strong opposition of the free silver advocates, who 
would be satisfied with no currency bill that did not 
provide for the coinage of silver. The struggle to 
harmonize the many conflicting views was long and 
arduous. The sound money members kept steadily 
before them the necessity of some legislation on the 


subject, the only question with them being what shape 
the legislation should take. There were, also, seem- 
ingly irreconcilable differences between the two 
houses of Congress. Senator Fairbanks watched the 
course of .the legislation and the discussion with great 
interest. A bill was finally formulated that after 
a long discussion passed the House and was sent to 
the Senate. There it received many amendments, 
and the struggle between the two houses was trans- 
ferred to the room of the Conference Committee. 
It was not until the report of that committee was 
made that Senator Fairbanks joined in the discus- 

He gave to the question a careful and exhaustive 
study, and came to its discussion fully armed at all 
points, with authorities and precedents. The speech 
is an epitome of the history of financial legislation 
in this country, and is valuable for reference to the 
student of finance. He again emphasized his adhe- 
sion to the gold standard and his unalterable oppo- 
sition to the free coinage of silver. On any ques- 
tion that came up before the Senate there was never 
any doubt as to where Senator Fairbanks stood. In 
no speech that he ever delivered was there to be 
found any equivocation or evasion. He always 
stated his position plainly and clearly, that there 
might be no doubt about it. So it was in this speech 
on the financial bill. 

"The pending measure,'' he said, "continues gold 


as the monetary unit or standard of value. It does 
not attempt to establish a new standard of value with 
which we are unfamiliar. It makes no new experi- 
ment which may lead to surprises and uncertainties, 
to the embarrassment of commerce and the conse- 
quent injury of the interests of labor and capital. 
It is a reassurance to them that no change is to occur 
in our monetary system which will place them in 
immediate or serious peril. Upon this renewed 
pledge they may go forward, planning, building and 
expanding for the future. It allays apprehensions; 
dispels fears. It becomes the secure foundation of 
an expanding commerce — of a larger commercial 

It was not the custom of the Senator, while dis- 
cussing a question pending before the Senate, to in- 
dulge in political bickerings or to contrast the atti- 
tude of the political parties on the question, but in 
this speech he drew this sharp contrast between the 
policy advocated by the Republicans and that of their 
opponents : 

"The issue between the two parties is sharply de- 
fined. The one adheres to the gold standard and 
the consequent use of a large but limited volume of 
silver and paper currency, its full equivalent in 
effecting the exchanges of the people, while the other 
is for the maintenance of the single silver standard, 
with gold expelled from the channels of trade. It 
is true this is not its professed policy, yet it would 
be the inevitable result if its policy were adopted." 


In another place he defended the Republican party 
from a charge of inconsistency made against it by 
Senator Teller, saying: 

"It is of little profit to pause and consider whether 
there has been any variation in political platforms. 
The pregnant fact is not whether a party was right 
or wrong in the past, but whether it is right now. 
The Senator will search in vain for any equivocation 
in the utterances or the purposes of the Republican 
party at any time with respect to the preservation 
of the absolute equality of all forms of currency. 
It always has been opposed to a degraded dollar, and 
at the earliest moment possible after the war brought 
every dollar of our money to a plane of absolute 
equality. It evolved order out of financial chaos in 
1879 and has stood immovable for the preservation 
of the parity with each other of our dollars — gold, 
paper and silver." 

The Senator once said that he believed platforms 
were made to be lived up to, and that all promises 
should be religiously fulfilled. To him the platform 
of his party meant something more than idle words 
with which to catch votes. On all proper occasions 
he urged the prompt keeping of all promises made 
to the people. Therefore he was one of those who 
rejoiced at the prospect of the passage of the financial 
bill. To him it meant something in addition to 
maintaining the gold standard — it was one more 
promise kept. 

Chapter IX. 


HpHE war with Spain placed new burdens on the 
-*■ Congress and the Executive. We had taken 
over Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands from 
Spain, and a system of government was to be formu- 
lated for them. This was an exceedingly delicate 
task on many accounts, principally because the whole 
system of laws under which those islands had been 
governed for centuries was totally different from that 
which prevailed in the United States. In addition to 
this was the fact that the people spoke another lan- 
guage, and a vast majority of them were illiterate, 
and having grown up under tyranny and oppression, 
they were turbulent and intractable. 

A very grave and perplexing question at once 
arose — '"Does the Constitution follow the flag 8" Pos- 
sibly a very large majority of the American people 
held that the flag took with it the Constitution and all 
our institutions ; that having taken possession and as- 
sumed jurisdiction over Porto Rico and the Philip- 
pines they at once became integral parts of the United 
States, and their citizens became citizens with us, 



with all the rights of American citizens. In our gov- 
ernment, they said, we know no such things as "sub- 
jects/' and many held that the people of our new 
possessions must be either citizens or subjects. 
Theretofore, whenever our flag had been raised over 
a new possession, at the same moment the Constitu- 
tion had spread its broad aegis over the people; but 
here there were complications that had existed in 
none of the countries that had been annexed hereto- 
fore." It was indeed a delicate problem — one much 
harder than the one presented at the close of the war 
between the States, when the status of the negro had 
to be defined. It is not surprising that statesmen 
divided on the question when courts, the expounders 
of the Constitution, divided. 

A temporary solution was found so far as the in- 
ternal government was concerned by putting the 
islands under military control for the time, but even 
then difficulties were in the way. If the islands were 
an integral part of the country, then the laws of Con- 
gress prevailed, and among those laws was one levy- 
ing impost duties. One day Porto Rico was a foreign 
country, and its products were liable to the customs 
duties if brought into this country; the next day, 
when it passed under our jurisdiction, was it entitled 
to have its products admitted free of customs duties ? 
There was another question that looked for awhile as 
if it would be hard to solve. In the Philippines the 


church and the state had been practically one. Such 
a condition could not remain under American rule. 

Another question to be solved was how the ex- 
penses of the insular governments were to be paid. 
This was one of the first that arose in Congress. It 
was proposed to retain our tariff law as to Porto Rico, 
but so far favor the products of the island as to admit 
them on payment of a very small per cent, of the 
duties levied on the same articles from other coun- 
tries. This proposition raised a storm of protest all 
over the country. In Indiana the people were prac- 
tically united in holding that the Constitution fol- 
lowed the flag, and that Porto Pico, consequently, 
was under the protection of that instrument and no 
customs duties could be levied against its products. 
Senator Fairbanks was fairly deluged with letters 
and protests against the proposed law, and he was 
urged to take a stand in opposition to it. Almost 
every friend he had in the State counseled him so to 

Senator Fairbanks had studied the question for 
himself, and had reached the conclusion that the Con- 
stitution did not of itself follow the flag, and that in 
the case of our new insular possessions it would not 
be safe at this time to extend' it over them ; that the 
Constitution not automatically extending itself, Con- 
gress had the power to require customs duties from 
its products imported into the States, and that it was 
very proper and right so to do, to provide for the 


necessary expenses of maintaining a government over 
them. He addressed the Senate in an elaborate 
speech setting forth the reasons that impelled him to 
take that position, and in advocating the passage of 
the pending measure he said: 

"Whether the Constitution extends automatically 
to a territory acquired has been a much debated ques- 
tion. Divergent views have been and still are sharply 
entertained upon the subject. Such difference of 
opinion will continue until the Supreme Court, in the 
serenity of yonder judicial chamber, shall, in a case 
raising squarely the issue, determine the question. 
Its supreme judgment will be accepted by the country, 
for in its wisdom and in the integrity of its purpose 
there exists no doubt. Until it shall determine and 
define the powers of Congress under the Constitution 
the Congress should reserve to itself the widest pos- 
sible liberty, the amplest discretion in dealing with 
the problems and conditions which are now facing us 
and which were not within the contemplation of the 
wise framers of the Constitution. 

"Our Constitution, for which the American people 
have a respect and veneration next only to their re- 
spect and veneration for Holy Writ, was framed for 
the government of a people who had in them the seed 
of self-government which had germinated and grown 
for centuries, a people who were familiar with the 
privileges conferred and the duties imposed by the 
Constitution, and who knew how to exercise and ob- 


serve them. It was framed for a people whose wants 
and capacities were distinctly known and understood. 

a In its essential principles, in its most exalted pur- 
pose, the Constitution can be adapted to many peoples 
and many countries that are without preliminary 
training or experience; but as to others it would be 
illy adapted, and some modification as to details 
would become necessary, if it were to be applied to 
them. The spirit of that immortal instrument may 
go everywhere, but many of its fixed and absolute 
provisions would rest imperfectly upon those peoples 
and races whose traditions and conditions are entirely 
unlike our own." 

Senator Fairbanks fully appreciated the impor- 
tance and gravity of the question, and in earnest 
words appealed for deliberate action. He said: 

"The greatest danger in dealing with the new prob- 
lems which engage our attention is undue haste, un- 
considerate action. There will be no difficulty in 
solving them if we will be content to act only upon 
ample information and be willing to retrace our steps 
if we go wrong. There is no mind so gifted as to 
be able to see the end from the beginning. We must 
obtain the best lights possible and follow them in the 
settlement of the questions before us, actuated always 
by the exalted purpose td^deal justly and liberally 
with those who, through one of the great revolutions 
in history — may I not say evolutions — are committed 
to our care. 


"We should remember that free government did 
not spring, Athena like, into existence, but is the fruit 
of centuries of trial and tribulation, and that educa- 
tion and experience are essential before any people 
can appreciate and exercise that government which 
we enjoy and which we believe is the best that human 
wisdom has devised." 

Having exhaustively discussed the powers of Con- 
gress, the conditions of the people of Porto Rico, 
and the political soundness of the position he had 
taken, the Senator concluded his remarks with the 
following words in giving his adhesion to the pending 

"We should approach and consider the subject be- 
fore us in no illiberal or dogmatic spirit. ~No matter 
what shades of opinion with respect to the best course 
to be pursued and the wisest measures to be adopted 
with reference to Porto Rico, there is perfect unity 
of purpose among all parties to provide the most lib- 
eral form of government and just laws under which 
her welfare may be promoted in the very highest de- 
gree. The pending bill commands my judgment, my 
conscience ; it shall have my vote. It has not been 
given to finite mind to read the future of Porto Rico, 
but we may believe that under the inspiration of 
republican laws and tfie impetus of American ex- 
ample her people will grow in knowledge, strength 
and power, and forever bless the great Republic." 

Chapter X. 


\ 17 HEN Mr. McKinley entered upon the dis- 
* * charge of his duties as President several very 
grave and important questions were pending with 
Canada, among them being the boundary of Alaska. 
The United States had purchased all the rights of 
Russia over the Alaskan territory, and until the dis- 
covery of rich gold fields in that country there was lit- 
tle thought or care as to where the actual boundary 
lines were. The discovery of gold, however, at once 
made these lines a serious question, especially as Can- 
ada laid claim to much more territory than the 
United States was willing to accord. The dispute 
waxed warm between the two countries, but at no 
time seriously threatened to involve us with our 

In May, 1896, a protocol was signed between the 
United States and Great Britain for the appointment 
of a Joint High Commission for the adjustment of 
the Canadian questions. The commission was to be 
composed of ten commissioners, five of whom were to 
be appointed by each government. Later the com- 



mission was increased to twelve members, six from 
each country. 

There were several questions to be submitted for 
the consideration and determination of the commis- 
sion. Many of them were of long standing and of 
great importance, and it was desired by the two coun- 
tries to have them considered by the commission and 
finally put to rest. They had been the source of more 
or less friction between the two great powers for 
many years, and the two governments anxiously de- 
sired to have them adjusted in order that good neigh- 
borhood between them might not be disturbed. The 
principal subjects submitted were as follows: 

First. The questions in respect to the fur seals 
in Bering Sea and the waters of the North Pacific 

Second. Provisions in respect to the fisheries off 
the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, and in the waters of 
their common frontier. 

Third. Provisions for the delimitation and estab- 
lishment of the Alaska-Canadian boundary, by legal 
and scientific experts, if the commission shall so de- 
cide, or otherwise. 

Fourth. Provisions for the transit of merchandise 
in transportation to or from either country, across 
intermediate territory of the other, whether by land 
or water, including natural and artificial waterways 
and intermediate transit bv sea. 

Fifth. Provisions relating to the transit of mer- 



chandise from one country to be delivered at points 
in the other beyond the frontier. 

Sixth. • The question of the alien labor laws appli- 
cable to the subjects or citizens of the United States 
and of Canada. 

Seventh. Mining rights of the citizens or subjects 
of each country within the territory of the other. 

Eighth. Such readjustment and concessions as 
may be deemed mutually advantageous of customs 
duties applicable in each country to the products of 
the soil or industry of the other, upon the basis of 
reciprocal equivalents. 

Ninth. A revision of the agreement of 1817 re- 
specting naval vessels on the lakes. 

Tenth. Arrangements for the more complete def- 
inition and marking of any part of the frontier line, 
by land or water, where the same is now so ineffi- 
ciently defined or marked as to be liable to dispute. 

Eleventh. Provisions for the conveyance for trial 
or punishment of persons in the lawful custody of the 
officers of one country through the territory of the 

Twelfth. Reciprocity in wrecking and salvage 

President McKinley appointed as Commissioners 
of the United States : 

Charles W. Fairbanks, United States Senator 

from Indiana; 
George Gray, United States Senator from Dela- 


Nelson Dingley, Member of Congress from 

Maine ; 
John W. Foster, of Indiana, ex-Secretary of 

John A. Kasson, of Iowa, ex-Minister to Spain ; 
T. Jefferson Coolidge, of Massachusetts, ex- 
Minister to France. 
Senator Fairbanks was made Chairman of the 
American Commissioners. 
Great Britain appointed: 

Lord Herschel, Lord Chancellor of Great 

Britain ; 
Sir Wilfred Laurier, Premier of Canada ; 
Sir Richard J. Cartwright, Minister of Finance 

of Canada ; 
Sir Louis Davies, Minister of Marines and Fish- 
eries of Canada ; 
John Carlton, Member of the Canadian Parlia- 
ment ; 
Sir James Winter, Premier of Newfoundland. 
The commission met at Quebec in August, 1898, 
and addressed itself to the consideration of the sub- 
jects embraced in the protocol. After being in ses- 
sion some weeks it adjourned to meet in Washington. 
It assembled in the latter place in December, 1898. 
There it labored for several months in an effort to 
compose the differences between the two powers. 
The commission practically determined many of the 
questions submitted, but the differences which arose 


with respect to the Alaskan boundary made a recess 
necessary, without the final adjustment of any of the 
questions pending before it. 

The American Commissioners urged the settle- 
ment of those questions which were substantially 
agreed upon, leaving the boundary question for the 
determination of the two governments ; but the Brit- 
ish Commissioners declined to proceed with the fur- 
ther consideration of the remaining questions while 
the boundary question was undetermined. 

The Joint High Commission issued a statement 
showing the status of the negotiations and that an 
agreement had been reached practically on many of 
the questions, but that on the Alaskan boundary no 
agreement was possible; that the British Commis- 
sioners favored a submission of that question to arbi- 
tration, but the American Commissioners would not 
agree to submit to a foreign arbitrator the question as 
to the coast line boundary. 

After the adjournment of the Washington meet- 
ing of the commission without reaching any definite 
results, Senator Fairbanks, at the instance of Presi- 
dent McKinley, visited Alaska to obtain what light 
he could on the question in dispute. He visited all 
the waterways and studied the topography of the 
country. He also made extensive inquiries of the res- 
idents as to what jurisdiction, if any, had been exer- 
cised by Great Britain over any portion of the dis- 
puted territory. 


On_August _18, 1901, Senator Fairbanks reviewed 
the work of the Commission and suggested its reas- 
sembling, to resume the consideration of the subjects 
that admitted of ready solution. Respecting the 
boundary dispute he said : 

"We can not submit to a foreign arbitrator the 
determination of the Alaska coast line, under the 
treaty between the United States and Russia of 1867. 
That line was established by the convention of 1825 
between Great Britain and Russia. The coast line 
was carefully safeguarded by Russia, and the United 
States has invariably insisted that it should not be 
broken. Its integrity was never questioned by Great 
Britain until after the protocol of May, 1898. 

"In short, 'the views of the British govermnent in 
regard to the bearing of the treaty of 1825 upon the 
territorial rights around the upper part of the Lynn 
Canal/ which are now entertained by that govern- 
ment, were not brought to the attention of the United 
States until May, 1898. 

"The boundary back of the coast line is not well- 
defined, and should be established, and with as much 
dispatch as is reasonably possible. We do not dis- 
agree as to this. We have been disposed to be liberal 
with respect to providing for its suitable delimitation, 
but as to that territory so long possessed by the 
United States upon the Pacific coast and occupied by 
it without challenge from any other power, we find 
no subject whatever for the consideration of an arbi- 


tral tribunal. We are unwilling, through an Euro- 
pean arbitrator, to put in peril our Pacific coast line, 
which was maintained unbroken by Russia and the 
United States, and remained unquestioned for nearly 
seventy-five years. 

"Our negotiations have been characterized bv a 
spirit of mutual respect and good will, and by a de- 
sire of the respective commissioners to promote good 
neighborhood between the two governments, which 
must ever sustain toward each other the most inti- 
mate commercial and social relations. 

"The American Commissioners always have de- 
sired, and desire still, to determine and remove from 
dispute as many controverted questions as possible, 
in order that the good relations of the two govern- 
ments may still continue unbroken. They are in no 
wise interdependent, and the settlement of any num- 
ber of them will not, as Ave believe, prejudice the ulti- 
mate disposition of the boundary question. But, as 
much as we desire to conclude the questions which we 
have practically determined, we can not consent to 
settle them upon the condition that we must abandon 
to the chance of an European arbitrator a part of the 
domain of the United States upon which American 
citizens have actually built their homes and erected 
their industries long prior to any suggestion from 
Great Britain that she had any claim of right thereto. 
We are not to be understood, from the foregoing, as 
opposing a board of jurists of repute, or scientific ex- 


perts, selected equally by our respective govern- 
ments, to determine and demark the boundary back 
of or east of the coast line on the main land. 

"Inasmuch as the Alaska boundary is a subject 
which stands by itself, and is, by the action of the 
commission, remitted to the two governments, may 
we not leave it with them, and proceed to further con- 
sider and dispose of the remaining questions at some 
date mutually convenient 'I They, or the most of 
them, are so advanced that they can be concluded at 
a brief sitting. 

"I shall be gratified to be assured that this is quite 
agreeable to you. 

"The views herein expressed, I am pleased to say, 
have the sanction of the President and of the Secre- 
tary of State." 

In 1902 the United States and Great Britain 
agreed upon a Boundary Tribunal composed of six 
jurists of repute, three of whom were appointed by 
each government. This was the tribunal proposed by 
the American members of the Joint High Commis- 
sion, but which was then rejected by the British Com- 

The members of the Boundary Commission ap- 
pointed by the United States were: 

The Honorable Elihu Boot, Secretary of War; 
Henry Cabot Lodge, United States Senator from 
Massachusetts; and George Turner, United States 
Senator from Washington. 


The commission was organized and sat in London, 
and after elaborate hearings four members of the 
commission (the Lord Chief Justice of England join- 
ing with the three American Commissioners) held 
that the construction of the treaty under which the 
United States acquired Alaska was substantially as 
claimed by the United States, thus justifying the posi- 
tion maintained by the United States Commissioners 
before the Joint High Commission. 

Of the work of the Joint Lligh Commission and 
the ability displayed by Senator Fairbanks, Hon. 
John W. Foster, ex-Secretary of State, and one of the 
American Commissioners, in a recent communication 
thus speaks : 

"During the administration of President McKin- 
ley it was deemed desirable to make an earnest effort 
to adjust the various questions between the United 
States and Canada, some of which had been the 
source of controversy between the two neighboring 
countries for generations, and all of which tended 
to disturb the harmony of their relations. 

"Among these were the Northeastern fisheries, 
which had been the fruitful source of discussion and 
negotiations for a hundred years ; the Bering Sea 
seal industry, which had at one tiine threatened war 
with Great Britain and had been the subject of in- 
ternational arbitration, but was still a vexed and un- 
settled question ; the Alaskan boundary dispute, a 
topic likely at any time to bring about a conflict of 


authorities; commercial reciprocity, a subject in 
which the Canadians and certain sections of the 
United States took a deep interest ; the bonding priv- 
ilege, intimately connected with our interstate com- 
merce laws and the unequal competition of the Cana- 
dian railroads ; and several other questions, as naval 
armament on the Great Lakes, reciprocal mining 
privileges, immigration and the labor laws, more ac- 
curate marking of the international boundary, etc., 
embracing no ]ess than twelve different subjects. 

"It was determined to refer all these matters to a 
Joint High Commission, and six persons were se« 
lected by the United States and an equal number 
by Great Britain. For members of this commission 
it was the desire of President McKinley to name 
statesmen of large experience and the highest stand- 
ing, as it was known that the British members would 
be men of prominence and ability. It was a most 
distinguished honor that Senator Fairbanks should 
be chosen as chairman of the American Commission, 
especially as there were associated with him men of 
much longer experience in the public service. The 
British Commission was headed by Lord Herschel, 
the Lord Chancellor and the recognized head of the 
English bar, and next on the Commission was Sir 
Wilfred Laurier, the Prime Minister of Canada, a 
resourceful and brilliant statesman. 

"During the years 1898 and 1899 the Joint High 
Commission held two sessions in Quebec and two in 


Washington, and went very fully over the important 
subjects committed to it for adjustment. On several 
of these it reached practically satisfactory conclu- 
sions, which would have taken the shape of treaty 
stipulations, but for an irreconcilable difference of 
opinion respecting the Alaskan boundary. Because 
of a failure to agree to an adjustment of this matter, 
the British members of the Commission refused to 
come to an agreement on any other of the questions 
before it, and the Commission adjourned to meet 
again whenever convened by the chairmen of the two 

"The Alaskan boundary controversy has happily 
been satisfactorily settled by the London Joint Tri- 
bunal, and this result, so gratifying to the United 
States, was largely due to the work of the Joint High 
Commission. Senator Fairbanks was a member of 
the sub-committee having the Alaskan boundary in 
charge, and he took a deep interest in shaping the 
issues which were eventually submitted to the London 

"The other questions before the Commission still 
remain unsettled, because, owing to the irritation in 
Canada over the Alaskan boundary decision, the 
Commission has not as yet been reassembled; but 
the work already accomplished has not been in vain. 
If that body does not again come together, its work 
is in the hands of the two governments, and it is 
quite feasible for them to take up and adjust several 


of the matters which were practically agreed upon 
by the Commission. 

"It is a matter of pride to Americans to be assured 
that in all the deliberations of the Commission, when 
he was confronted by the ablest lawyers and states- 
men of England and Canada, Senator Fairbanks sus- 
tained the cause of his country with skill and success, 
and represented it with great dignity and uniform 

Chapter XI. 


[~N 1900 President McKinley was nominated and 
A elected to succeed himself. The intimacy and 
friendship between the Senator and the President 
continually increased, and so highly did the Presi- 
dent regard the abilities of his Indiana friend that 
he gave him notice that it was his intention in the 
near future to invite him into his Cabinet. On the 
sixth day of September, 1901, a terrible blow fell 
upon the American people, and for the third time 
within a third of a century an American President 
was stricken down by the hand of an assassin. This 
great calamity touched all Americans. It was a blow 
at law and order. 

For six years Mr. Fairbanks had been on terms 
of the closest intimacy with Mr. McKinley. The 
President relied much on the judgment and sagacity 
of the Senator ; the Senator had an exalted estimate 
of the ability and patriotism of the President. Un- 
der these circumstances the blow fell with peculiar 
force on Senator Fairbanks. To the nation it was 
tbe President who had been slain; to Senator Fair- 



banks it was a loved friend. When the bullet of 
the assassin had found its mark all thought the end 
had come, but a few days later it was announced 
that the stricken President would recover. Senator 
Fairbanks had been at the bedside of his friend and 
chief, but when this cheering word from the surgeons 
was received he left Buffalo to fulfill an engagement 
to address a Thanksgiving service of the Grand Army 
of the Republic at Cleveland, Ohio, to be presided 
over by Senator Hanna. That great body of patri- 
otic men, who had served their country on the field 
of battle in the hour of the country's direst need, 
held a Thanksgiving service over the announcement 
that the President was to yet live. Senator Fair- 
banks paid a glowing tribute to the character of the 
President, and said: 

"Fellow citizens, it is a source of gratification to 
know that in the solution and settlement of the great 
problems and great questions which are yet pending 
before the American people, undetermined, we shall 
have the wise statesmanship of William McKinley. 
We not onlv want him, and wish him to live for 
that, but we wish him to live as the American people 
wished that Abraham Lincoln might live, until he 
can see the full fruition of his administration, and 
live many years to receive the grateful homage of 

a grateful republic My friends, let 

us retire to our homes with a pro-founder rev- 
erence for law and order; let us return to our 


homes and continue at the fireside our supplica- 
tion to the Allwise Ruler that He speed the hour 
when the brave President of the United States will 
leave his bed of pain and walk again among the 
people he loves so well, in the full possession of his 
health and his magnificent manhood." 

Hardly had these words died away on the air when 
the startling news came that the great President was 
dead. The country was shrouded in grief, and all 
the nations of the earth joined America in mourning 
over the awful crime. 

In October, 1901, he addressed a campfire of the 
Sixty-ninth Indiana and paid a tribute to the mem- 
ory of the late President, and thus spoke of the 
crime that took from the country its Chief Exec- 
utive : 

"I speak only the truth when I say that when the 
tragedy occurred at Buffalo Democrats and Republi- 
cans felt that a crime had been committed against 
them each alike. It seems yet like a horrid night- 
mare. What had this man done to deserve such a 
fate? One of the kindest, one of the bravest, and 

one of the best The blow was not 

struck alone at him ; it was a blow struck at the 
state. Anarchy ! What a hated word ! Anarchists 
— how at war with all our conceptions of right, of 
orderly government ! Anarchists ! There is no room 
in this Republic, great and splendid as it is, for 
anarchy! The red flag must go down in the face 


of the Stars and Stripes! The anarchist is the 
enemy of all governments, monarchial and republican 
alike. There ought to be treaties between the various 
governments in the civilized world leaving no spot 
for anarchy to place its foot short of perdition itself." 

President McKinley worshiped at the Metropoli- 
tan. Methodist Church at Washington, and a few 
months after his death a tablet to his memory was 
placed in the church. On that occasion Senator Fair- 
banks was one of the speakers. His short speech was 
a generous tribute to the worth of the martyred Pres- 
ident. Because of its correct estimate of the char- 
acter of Mr. McKinley, and because it evidences the 
sincere feeling and affection of the Senator, it is 
reproduced here : 

"My friends, we are met to perform a most gra- 
cious service — to dedicate here, in this house of God, 
a tablet to one of the few names that was born to 
never die. We stand upon ground made sacred by 
the presence of William McKinley. Unto this shrine 
the Christians will come in the unnumbered vears 
before us and derive new hope and inspiration. It 
seems but yesterday that our friend occupied yonder 
pew, brave, strong, in the very plenitude of power, 
the most beloved of our fellow-men. We can yet 
almost hear his voice as it was raised in song and 
thanksgiving. Here he came upon the Sabbath day 
to pay tribute to his Maker, for he was a sincere 
believer in religion, a devout Christian and a doer 


of Christian deeds. He not only taught hut carried 
the great truths into every act and deed of his life. 

"It was here he found solace from the great and 
arduous responsibilities which rested upon him, and 
drew courage and inspiration to meet and discharge 
them. It does not seem that it was but a few months 
ago, less than one brief year, that our friend was 
here. It is, indeed, but a short time, measured by 
the calendar, but measured by events how long it 
is. What mighty events have come and gone; how 
the great heart of the nation has been wrung with 
an uncommon sorrow. The tragedy at Buffalo was 
the master crime of the new century. We could not 
at first believe the awful truth — it was so unnatural. 
We stood bereft of speech. Who could be so dead 
to all sense of pity as to strike down one who so 
loved his fellow-men ? About us everywhere were 
the ample evidences of peace. Sectional differences 
were dead ; a fraternal spirit was everywhere, and 
under the guidance of our great President we were 
moving on to a splendid national destiny. 

"The theme which this occasion suggests is a great 
one — too vast for the brief hour in which we are 
assembled. There is in all the world nothing so 
great and beneficent as a good name. It raises our 
poor humanity to a more exalted plane. It lifts us 
into an 'ampler ether and diviner air.' William Mc- 
Kinley was, in the fullest and best sense of the word, 
'of the people.' He rose by the force of his genius 


from an humble beginning to stand among the great- 
est of men. He sought to interpret the public will, 
knowing full well that the wisdom of the people is 
unerring, that their voice is indeed the voice of 
Almighty God. He inspired confidence among men 
in the integrity of his purpose and in the wisdom 
of his policies. He was a total stranger to arts by 
which weaker men seek to attain place and power. 
He did not attempt to rise upon men ; he preferred 
to rise with them. His mind and heart were filled 
with no shadow of hate ; the sunshine of love, affec- 
tion and human sympathy filled theni to overflowing. 
He was in the truest and best sense a patriot. He 
gave the best years of his life — he gave life itself 

to his country In the National House 

of Represent atives he won enduring fame by his in- 
telligent service and complete consecration to the in- 
terests of his fellow-men. His every act was char- 
acterized by a high conception of his exalted trust. 
When summoned by the voice of his countrymen to 
the chief office in the Republic he entered upon its 
grave and difficult duties with a full consciousness 
of the tremendous responsibility that rested' upon 
him. He reverently invoked wisdom from .on high 
that he might well discharge the task that had come 
to him. 

"When others sought to plunge the Nation into 
war he stood against it with all his power. He 
abhorred it, although knowing full well that victory 



must crown our arms if war should come, and that 
the prestige of his name would fill the earth. He 
thought not of that, but of the loss and suffering the 
war must bring. And not until all pacific means 
had been exhausted and the national honor com- 
manded did he consent that his country should draw 
the sword. When obliged to strike he struck rapidly 
and with terrific power, and upon the ruins of mon- 
archy he planted republican institutions. 

"The multitude will come and look on yonder tab- 
let and in time it will crumble awav. Monuments 
will arise throughout the land and disappear. Can- 
vas will seek to perpetuate and be forgotten, but the 
name of our friend will live. His enduring tribute 
will be found in the hearts of the people so long as 
this great Republic endures. Long after we have 
lived our brief hour and the physical monuments we 
have raised have been resolved into the dust, the 
pure, patriotic and holy influence of William Mc- 
Kinley will continue to be an inspiration and bene- 
diction among men." 

So well was the intimate friendship that existed 
between the Senator and the President known that 
on several occasions where a tribute was to be 
paid to the memory of the President Mr. Fairbanks 
was invited to deliver an address. The most notable 
of these occasions was the unveiling of the McKinley 
monument at Toledo, Ohio, on September 14, 1903. 
On that occasion the Senator delivered an elaborate 


address in which he reviewed the life and public 
services of Mr. McKinley. The soldier, the man, 
the Representative in . Congress, the Governor, the 
President, all passed in review before the audience. 
It was not alone the tribute of an eulogist, but the 
tribute of one acute mind to the public services of 
another. As a citizen Mr. Fairbanks had lost his 
President ; as a party man he had lost his political 
chief ; as a friend he had lost a brother ; and in pay- 
ing his great tribute at Toledo to the dead he spoke 
as a citizen and a friend, but not as a party man. 

Chapter XII. 


/"~\^NTE of the perplexing problems that have been 
^-^ before Congress — the one that has given the 
widest latitude to debate — has been the future of the 
Philippine Islands. They fell to us at the conclusion 
of the war with Spain, and they have been a bone 
of contention between the two great parties ever 
since. Against the holding of them by the United 
States the cry of "imperialism" was raised. All 
seemingly admitted that, having dispossessed Spain, 
it was the duty of this Government to establish peace 
and order — a duty we owed to humanity, to other 
nations, and to ourselves, but the people divided on 
the question of what was to be done with the islands 
after peace and order was established. It was a 
question on which there might well be a difference 
of opinion among the good and the patriotic of this 
country. How to govern the islands, how much lib- 
erty to give to the people, how far political liberty 
should be restricted, engaged the earnest thought of 
our statesmen. 

As a mere question of territorial expansion, few, 



possibly, could be found to advocate the taking and 
holding possession of the archipelago, but other con- 
siderations moved the commissioners who negotiated, 
on the part of the United States, the treaty of Paris. 
In 1902 a bill to provide a temporary government 
for the Philippines was pending before the Senate. 
The committee that had the bill under consideration 
divided and two reports were made. That of the 
minority called for an immediate declaration of the 
future purpose of the United States in regard to' the 

The debate was long and at times acrimonious. 
Many charges were made against the administration 
of the late President McKinley. He was accused 
of having overthrown a republic; of having set up 
a government without the consent of the governed, 
and of having done many other things contrary to 
the traditions of this country. The debate spread 
from the Congress to the country, and the newspa- 
pers and political orators at home joined in the hue 
and cry, some demanding an immediate withdrawal 
from the Philippines, and others, with equal vigor, 
contending that we should continue to hold the 

There were some members of Congress who did 
not lose themselves or their calm deliberation in this 
whirlwind of political debate, for that is what the 
debate had degenerated to. Among these was Sen- 
ator Fairbanks. He did not take part in the debate 


until near its close, when he delivered a speech re- 
viewing the history of our possession of the islands, 
the course pursued in their government up to that 
time, and the improved condition of the people. It 
was a calm, earnest and faithful presentation 
of the facts, and contained many gems of thought 
that have characterized in so marked a degree all of 
his public speeches. Take a few of them: 

"There has been considerable debate as to whether 
the Constitution follows the flag. Iso matter how 
diverse and conflicting our opinions may be on this 
subject, there is one opinion which we all entertain, 
and that is, that the American schoolhouse follows 
the flag." 

"I believe we shall find in the magic of the school- 
room a potential influence working for the advance- 
ment of civilization, good order and civil government 
in the Philippines." 

"It is a gratifying and reassuring fact, indeed, that 
the people are so sensitive of the national honor, and 
that they will not sanction any supposed breach of 

"The questions of human rights and human liberty 
are the potential questions which have summoned 
our mightiest armies and have assembled our fleets 
and stirred our country to the utmost depths." 

"It will indeed be a sad hour for the Republic 
when the President shall love peace less than war." 

"Opposition to the efforts of the Government to 


assert its lawful authority has never been regarded 
with favor. We erect no monuments to commemo- 
rate the efforts, no matter how earnestly and hon- 
estly they may have been rendered, of those who put 
themselves in the pathway of national duty and prog- 

"I base my opinion upon the broad ground that 
all wisdom and all patriotism will not die with us, 
and that those who will follow us and who will, in 
all probability, be obliged to deal with these ques- 
tions, will be as enlightened and animated by as 
exalted sense of justice, and be in every respect as 
sensitive of the national honor as we." 

"There need be no fear, no matter what political 
party may be in power, for the time being, that there 
will ever go upon the statute books of the United 
States a solitary oppressive act, or any measure 
which shall not be inspired by a sense of the funda- 
mental principles of republican government." 

"Havana and Manila and Santiago and Buffalo 
tell of the mighty cost of human liberty ; they chasten 
us ; they show how narrow is the boundary set to our 
finite vision, and how we should address ourselves 
to the duties of the hour and courageously and hope- 
fully await the demands of the future; they show 
that moral duties abide with nations as with men." 

The whole speech showed the careful study and 
well-balanced thought of a statesman, and led the 
debate back from the morass of partyism to the cop 


sideration of the pending measure. In the consid- 
eration of all grave subjects before the Senate he 
sank the partisan and squared his actions by the rule, 
"What is wisest, what is best ?" His whole senatorial 
career will be searched in vain for a display of par- 

Another one of the great questions before Congress 
in which Senator Fairbanks took a deep interest was 
that of excluding Chinese immigrants. This had 
been an important question for many years. It had 
been the subject of treaty with the Chinese Empire, 
and several laws have been enacted intending to limit 
and control immigration from China. Before taking 
part in the debate of any question Senator Fairbanks 
always made as thorough a study of it as possible, 
and he followed this rule when the Chinese question 
was pending. One of the first declarations he made 
in his speech was : "The duty to preserve the purity 
of the currents which vitally affect the standard of 
our citizenship is plain and imperative," and it was 
along that broad line he proceeded in his argument 
favoring the passage of the pending bill. lie dem- 
onstrated that he was thoroughly informed as to all 
prior exclusion legislation and the terms of the exist- 
ing treaties, and of the effect of Chinese labor in this 
country. Beside the details of legislation, and of 
treaties the speech contained many thoughtful decla- 
rations. Among other things he said: 

"We value our broad fields, our great cities. They 


stimulate our pride, but above and beyond all that, 
as great and splendid as they are, we value our citi- 
zenship. It is, indeed, our chief glory. It means 
more to us, more to our children and to their chil- 
dren, more to the future strength and majesty of the 
Republic than all of the myriad material things 
which surround us." 

"A high order of citizenship is the chief end and 
aim of the Republic. We establish schools and found 
universities that they may elevate our people to a 
higher and better and broader plane. We have a 
care for the humblest among us. We want men and 
women who are in love with our institutions, and 
who will support and defend them, and transmit 
them unimpaired to posterity." 

"They [the Chinese] do not harmonize with us. 
Upon their admission they become an undigested and 
undigestible mass." 

"In the final analysis,, great issues which engage 
our attention from time to time, in fact the destiny 
of the Republic, are determined at the American 
fireside. Abolish the American home and the davs 
of the Republic are numbered." 

The seven years of service in the Senate of Mr. 
Fairbanks have been laborious years. His labors 
were not confined to preparing speeches on the im- 
portant questions that have arisen during his service, 
but much the greater part has been given to work 
in the committee-room. His habits of industry 


would not permit him to be idle, and his exalted 
ideas of the duties he had assumed impelled him 
to give his time and his labor to the work before 
him. There is no record of the committee labor he 
performed, but his colleagues all bear willing testi- 
mony to his untiring industry, and it was in the pre- 
cincts of the committee-room that he impressed his 
colleagues with his really great abilities and his con- 
scientious regard for the interests of the people. To 
any measure to which he could not give the conscien- 
tious approval of his judgment he would not listen 
or advocate. 

T\ nen the great disaster overwhelmed the unfor- 
tunate people of Martinique Senator Fairbanks 
promptly introduced a bill appropriating $100,000 
for the relief of the sufferers. The bill was speedily 
passed. For this prompt expression of sympathy 
Ambassador Cambon sent the Senator the following 
note of appreciation: 

"Ambassade de France aux Etats-Unis, 

"Washington, D. C. 
"My Dear Senator — It was very thoughtful and 
generous of you to introduce and press for passage 
through the Senate the bill for the relief of the 
needy survivors of the Island of Martinique. I de- 
sire to thank you in my own name and those of the 
people whose distress you sought to alleviate, and 
to say that your action, which promises to be of 
incalculable benefit to the sufferers, will remain al- 


ways a subject of tender appreciation by the citizens 
of the French Republic. Very sincerely yours, 

"Jules Cambojn t . 
"May 10, 1902." 

The Republican party had pledged itself to the 
speedy construction of an isthmian canal. A bill 
was introduced in Congress providing for the con- 
struction of the canal. When it reached the Sen- 
ate Mr. Fairbanks, desiring to insure the speedy 
beginning of the work and the rapid pushing of it 
to completion, offered an amendment to the bill pro- 
viding for the sale of bonds with which to pay the 
cost of construction. This not only provided the 
money necessary, but put it beyond the power to 
delay the work for want of an appropriation at any 
time, and it also put a part of the burden of con- 
struction on the next generation that is to receive 
the greatest benefit. 

For years there has been a growing sentiment in 
favor of settling all differences between nations by 
international arbitration. To advance this move- 
ment a great meeting was called by some of the 
leading citizens of this country to be held at Wash- 
ington. The matter was presented to the United 
States Senate, and was referred to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations. There it was referred to a 
subcommittee consisting of Senators Frye, of Maine, 
Fairbanks, of Indiana, and Senator Morgan, of Ala- 
bama. In an interview, published in the New York 


Herald, Senator Fairbanks gave this expression of 
his views: 

"There is a wholesome and increasing desire for 
some method of adjusting differences between na- 
tions in some other manner than by an appeal to 
the sword. A resort to force to settle international 
disputes would seem to be unnecessary, yet that has 
been a too frequent means of adjustment for many 
centuries. There has been no hour scarcely in all 
the history of human experience when there might 
not be heard in some quarter the harsh notes of war 
between nations seeking to compose their differences. 

"We are wont to think that we live in the most 
advanced period of human development, an age when 
men are wiser and more just than they have been. 
Yet the flames of war light up the Far East. How 
much blood will be shed or how much money wasted 
to settle the questions which diplomacy has failed 
to settle no finite wisdom can determine. 

"The question recurs as often as we witness the 
devastating effects of international strife. Can not 
the wit of man devise some agency whereby to avert 
it in whole or in good part? Can not men reason 
and solve grave questions in the deliberative cham- 
ber as well as upon the battlefield? Can not men 
successfully discuss questions of international signifi- 
cance in the serene tribunals of peace as well as upon 
the decks of men-of-war, with the air filled with the 
missiles of death and destruction 2 


"The arbitral tribunal affords a ready, fair and 
honorable way of determining most of the disputes 
which arise between nations. It will not be effica- 
cious in all cases, but that it is capable of settling 
many and serious problems there can be no possible 
doubt. This agency may be invoked without the 
loss of national dignity or national self-respect in 
adjusting a vast range of international differences. 

"Territorial disputes may in exceptional cases be 
readily and properly arbitrated. In comparatively 
recent years the Venezuelan boundary was settled by 
arbitration and in a manner entirely consistent with 
the honor of the parties concerned. The Alaskan 
boundary was settled by a tribunal created by the 
United States and Great Britain. It was not an ar- 
bitral tribunal, but a commission composed of six 
jurists, divided equally. There was no independent 
arbitrator, yet a decision was reached in a friendly 
way and a cause of serious difference was forever 

"The Hague tribunal is a great and important 
step forward — one of the most significant in recent 
years. It is in its experimental stages, yet it has 
already accomplished enough to justify its creation. 

"The strongest nations can well lead the way in 
promoting the principle of international arbitration. 
Their motives will not be questioned and their exam- 
ple will have a far-reaching and beneficent influence. 
The principle is essentially sound. It should re- 


ceive, as it is receiving, the utmost consideration 
at the hands of the statesman and student of public 
questions, to the end that it may become an acknowl- 
edged, permanent international policy. It makes for 
peace; it will become an effective agency to avert 

"The move recently made in the Senate Committee 
on Foreign Relations looking to some plan of inter- 
national arbitration to go a bit beyond The Hague 
conference is the most important step of this char- 
acter ever taken in this country. After waiting two 
years the Senate Committee has at last reported fa- 
vorably the treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary 
claims among the countries of the Western Hemi- 
sphere. This also is an important step in the right 
direction, and will receive the support of public 
opinion. Indeed, public opinion in this country, I 
think, has stimulated the Senate to action, and while 
it may take time to develop a practical scheme of 
international arbitration to which all countries will 
agree, a beginning has been made, and it is emi- 
nently proper that this country should take the ini- 

Chapter XIII. 


OENATOR FAIRBANKS has been a very popn- 
^ lar orator for almost all kinds of occasions. On 
the stump, addressing the people on the political is- 
sues of the day, few draw larger or more attentive 
and appreciative audiences. As has already been 
shown, in the Senate he always commanded the re- 
spectful and earnest attention of his colleagues, never 
speaking to the galleries. As a speaker he is espe- 
cially popular at political and social clubs, and the 
invitations that come to him from such sources are 
many times in excess of the hours he can give to 
such work. He has delivered several literary ad- 
dresses and spoken to graduating classes at colleges. 
The most notable of these was his address at Baker 
University, Kansas, in 1901. It was an eloquent 
presentation of the duties and possibilities that lay 
before the students who were about to leave the col- 
lege aud enter on the broader sphere of life. The 
following passages are samples of the whole : 

"Commencement Dav has no fellow. There is no 
other day in all the year like unto it. It is full of 



sweetness and life, of pleasant reminiscence and of 
happy expectation. It is essentially the day of youth, 
of splendid young womanhood and noble young man- 
hood. Our elders live over the blessed days which 
have faded into the past, and are themselves young 
again. It is not the day of the pessimist, but is the 
hour of the optimist. It is the time when the virtues 
which dignify and glorify humanity amplest fruitage 
bear, and when we behold the splendor of our institu- 
tions, not with the eye of a mere political partisan, 
nor with the vision of a sordid materialist." 

"Your scholastic course crowned the old century 
with its tremendous achievements. In all the cen- 
turies that are passed not one was filled with such 
mighty and significant events in the onward march of 
humanitv. ]STo such tremendous advance was before 
made in knowledge, in the arts. Science seems to 
have revealed the most hidden and important secrets 
of nature. She has scanned the heavens and fath- 
omed the seas. She has asserted dominion over the 
enemies of man and made them his obedient servants. 
Fire and water and electricity have been made to do 
his bidding in countless ways. Time and space have 
been reduced in international communication and the 
world made relatively smaller ; in fact, it has been re- 
duced to a vast neighborhood. The zone of human 
liberty has been extended until about the greater por- 
tion of the globe man recognizes no master except 
Almighty God. The beams of civilization and right- 


eousness are 'cast afar/ and where they penetrate 
slavery and serfdom vanish as vice before virtue." 

"You will meet with both encouragement and dis- 
couragement. The way may sometimes look dark 
and the future unpromising, but with stout heart, up- 
right purpose and complete consecration to your 
work you can and should win success*. Walk erect ; 
be self-reliant. In the final analysis your victories 
must be won through your own strong right arm. 
The way to place and power is open to all alike. Your 
future is to be determined not by the accident of 
birth, not by what your ancestors were, but by what 
you are, by what you shall yourselves accomplish. 
Stand fast for the maintenance of civil and religious 
liberty, for the preservation of these two great funda- 
mental doctrines for which our forefathers contended 
with titanic power." 

"Promote civic righteousness ; do not avoid the 
caucus, fearing it will contaminate you, but attend it 
to the end that it may not contaminate the State. In 
the ballot-box our liberties are compounded. See to 
it that it gives true expression of the public will. Pre- 
serve it from pollution ; protect it and defend it as 
you would preserve the Ark of the Covenant, for it 
has been purchased by the priceless blood of count- 
less heroes upon the battlefields of the Kepublic." 

"The greater knowledge the student bears hence, 
the heavier his civic obligations. The splendid na- 
tional fabric, the like of which you have not thus far 



discovered in your historic research, is the fruit of the 
wisdom and patriotism of your fathers, and it must 
not be given over to those who comprehend not its 
full and splendid significance." 

"What is the measure of success in life ? We re- 
gard that life the most successful which has done most 
under its particular environment for the welfare and 
happiness of others. The person who is wholly self- 
centered is neither fit to live nor to die, and dying 
would, perhaps, better become him. The man who 
gathers and hoards his money merely that he may 
feast his covetous eyes upon it is of no earthly use 
to man or beast. The student who does not yield the 
rich treasure of his mind for the benefit of others is 
of little more worth to mankind than gold which lies 
forever buried in the lowest depths of earth, beyond 
the reach of man." 

"We erect monuments to men because they have 
done something in behalf of other men ; because they 
have rendered service to others. We invoke canvas 
and marble and granite and bronze to commemorate 
their unselfish deeds. We pay no tribute to others." 

"The immortals are those who live beyond this 
brief hour, in things accomplished ; accomplished for 
others, and not alone for self. Neither greed nor 
vanity has fellowship with immortality." 

"Carry into every act a conscience. Win, if you 
may, the approval of your fellowmen, but above and 
beyond all, win the approval of your own conscience. 


Royalty can confer no decoration which will yield 
such enduring joy as the approval of one's own con- 
science. Neither place nor power nor the world's ap- 
plause can bring the measure of satisfaction, the in- 
expressible ecstacy, which comes from the approval 
of that imperious censor, our own conscience. With 
its approval we can dare all, suffer all, do all." 

One of the happiest of the miscellaneous addresses 
of Senator Fairbanks is the one he delivered at the 
German Day celebration in Indianapolis in 1899. It 
was a great occasion for the Senator, for it gave him 
the opportunity to teach patriotism and love of coun- 
try, lie is never so happy as when inculcating good 
citizenship. A large part of the citizenship of Indi- 
ana is made up of persons of foreign birth or foreign 
parentage, and much of the greatness and prosperity 
of the commonwealth is due to that class of her popu- 
lation. It was a great audience that gathered on the 
3d of September, 1899, to hear the Senator. 

"This is indeed a fit occasion," he said, "upon 
which to acknowledge the supremacy of American 
institutions and proclaim anew our undying pride 
and glory in American citizenship. Great and 
. splendid it is to be a German citizen, but greater and 
still more splendid it is to be an American citizen. 
No matter whether you are from Germany or from 
Ireland or from England or from France ; no matter 
from what country you may come, your proudest 
boast is that you are an American citizen, and that 


you are enamored of the institutions of the great 

"America ! The sublimest word in the human 
tongue ! What limitless opportunities are here. The 
way to place and power is alike open to the lowest 
and highest ; to native and foreign-born alike." 

"The Germans are found in every avenue of use- 
fulness, doing their full duty as loyal American citi- 
zens. They have taken a conspicuous place at the 
bar ; they preside in our courts of justice ; they partic- 
ipate in politics; they have contributed some of the 
foremost statesmen in the history of the Government ; 
they fill chairs in our great universities ; they occupy 
the pulpit; they have increased the power of the 
press; they have added to our literature; they have 
helped to fell the forest and reclaim the waste places ; 
they have been upon the frontier line of civilization, 
and, in brief, they are found in every branch of in- 
tellectual and commercial activity. Whenever the 
call to arms has come, thev have marched down to 
the battlefields of the Republic and shown the world 
how patriots can do and die." 

"I have no sort of sympathy with those who, for 
some occult reason are attempting to foment discord 
between the United States and the German Empire. 
There is no reason why these two great nations should 
not continue to exist upon terms of amity. We should 
cultivate friendly relations not only with Germany, 
but with all the other great powers of the earth. We 


can never forget — at least we never should forget — 
that Frederick the Great was the first to recognize the 
birth of the Republic out of the throes of the Revolu- 
tion ; and that during the great civil war we had little 
to encourage us among many of the European 
powers, but Germany never ceased to manifest her 
belief in the eternal justice and her faith in the ulti- 
mate triumph of our cause." 

"The Germans are usuallv found on the side of 
good government. Thev carrv into the service of the 
State the same wholesome, practical ideas of economy 
and loyalty to trust which they practice in their do- 
mestic affairs. They hold public officials to a high 
accountability, and this is well. Official place is a 
trust of the highest moment, and should be executed 
not for the exploitation of personal selfish ends, or 
for personal aggrandizement, but for the advance- 
ment and promotion of the interests of the entire 
body politic, and for the glory of the State. Breach 
of public trust should rank among the unpardonable 
sins. An official who will win the public confidence 
and basely betray it is unworthy to enjoy the price- 
less boon of American citizenship, and should be 
whipped out of place and power." 

One of the strong traits of Senator Fairbanks' 
character is his unselfish and clear estimate of others 
who are or have been prominent in the Government. 
He possesses a power of selecting the strong points 
in the character of others, whether they are political 


friends or enemies. The late Senator Morton, the 
great war Governor of Indiana, died when Mr. Fair- 
banks had been a resident of Indianapolis less than 
three years. In March, 1900, the State presented to 
Congress a statue of the great Senator and Governor, 
to occupy a place in Statuary Hall. Senator Fair- 
banks, as senior Senator, delivered an address, in 
which he drew a picture of Mr. Morton that was a 
just and true estimate of his character and abilities. 
He said: 

"Oliver Perry Morton was one of the commanding 
figures of the United States during the most heroic 
period of her history. He impressed himself upon 
his State and the Nation by the force of his command- 
ing genius, and the history of neither State nor Na- 
tion would be complete without the story of his life 
and work." 

"The records of the Senate bear the amplest testi- 
mony to the extent and merit of his work. He was 
neither a trimmer nor a time-server, and neither 
avoided nor evaded issues. No matter what the issue, 
he met it courageously, fearlessly. During his serv- 
ice in the Senate he participated in all the most im- 
portant debates which engaged its attention. He was 
an aggressive and zealous advocate of the policy of 

"He was a total stranger in the arts of the dema- 
gogue. He was too great to descend to intrigue or 
to desire success otherwise than through the merit 


and force of his cause. He was frequently the object 
of the envy and the intrigue of men ; but all efforts 
to strike him down were futile, and his character was 
rendered the more luminous by the harmless attempts 
to destroy it. No dishonorable act detracts from his 
fame. His hands were clean, his integrity incorrupt- 
ible. He was a bold but chivalrous political an- 
tagonist, for his sense of honor was acute." 

Chapter XIV. 


O ENATOK FAIRBANKS is and always has been 
^ a friend of labor and an advocate of their just 
rights. He was born to a life of toil. At a very 
early age he did almost a man's work on the farm 
of his father. It has been said that "all work and 
no play makes Jack a dull boy." Whether that is 
sometimes true or not, it came very near being all 
work with Mr. Fairbanks in his boyhood days. 
While attending college he worked with his hands 
to aid in obtaining the means with which to pay his 
weekly bills. lie knows by hard experience what it 
is to toil, and from the very first his heart and his 
feelings have ever gone out to those who are com- 
pelled to w T ork for their daily bread. 

In his boyhood days the labor question did not 
attract much attention, but as he grew older and 
the question became one of more vital importance 
he was always found advocating the cause of the 
workingman. In the Senate he was the representa- 
tive and champion of the Cigarmakers' Union, and 
in a number of his speeches on questions before the 



Senate he spoke in the warmest terms to advance the 
canse of labor. He was Chairman of the Senate 
Committee on Immigration, and as such chairman 
reported a bill very largely restricting the admission 
of immigrants. He supported the bill because it 
was in the interest of labor. In fact, this was one 
of the inducements for the introduction of the bill. 
In speaking of the effects of the admission of pauper 
labor from Europe, he gave utterance to a sentence 
that is a keynote to his character. He said: "A 
low wage scale is not consistent with the most whole- 
some development of the country and its people." 
He said the bill "connects itself intimately and in- 
separably with the labor question." 

In a speech he delivered at Pittsburg he said : 
"Without harmony between labor and capital there 
can be no real enduring prosperity and progress. It 
should be always remembered that each has rights 
which the other should respect, and that they should 
dwell together in amity. We should seek to incul- 
cate a sense of justice among men, so that capital 
shall deal fairly with labor, and labor deal with 
equal fairness with capital." 

He often referred to labor as one of the mighty 
pillars on which rests our social and political fabric. 
Whenever discussing the question of sound money 
he always argued that a debased currency was a 
wrong committed against labor. He was invited to 
address the workingmen of Kansas City on Labor 


,Day, 1902, and his address was a calm, dignified, 
yet earnest exposition of the question of labor. 
Among other things he said : 

"It is a fitting time to teach our children that 
labor is honorable, and that only through it can we 
possibly hope to achieve the beneficent ends for which 
society is established or government founded. So 
long as labor is deemed honorable there need be no 
concern as to the future. There is peril only when 
labor is regarded as degrading. We are essentially 
a nation of laborers, and we have no hospitality for 
human drones. Indeed, the Nation is the rich fruit 
of labor, for our ancestors — noble and splendid men 
and women they were — with their strong right arms 
carved out of the wilderness this great Republic. 
They felled the forests, founded mighty cities, 

■ ♦ 

spanned rivers and knitted together all sections of 
the country with vast highways of commerce and 
the telegraph. They have reclaimed the waste places, 
and on every hand have taught the necessity and 
the true virtue and dignity of labor." 

"We are so bound together as a people that we 
are necessarily concerned in each other's welfare. 
Whatever adversely affects any considerable number 
of our population adversely affects, in a measure, all 
others, and, conversely, what benefits any considera- 
ble number necessarily benefits, in some degree, all 
others. There is no such thing as complete and abso- 
lute independence, and it is well that it is so. Our 


interests are so interlaced in tjie loom of the Al- 
mighty that we can not live apart if we would, and 
we would not if we could." 

"Labor organizations have their origin in the in- 
stinct of self-preservation, of mutual advancement, 
of common good, and are as natural and legitimate 
as the organization of capital. In fact, the organi- 
zations of labor and capital go hand in hand. The 
one is essentially the complement of the other." 

"That labor organizations have done much to ad- 
vance the cause of labor there can be no doubt. They 
have been earnest advocates of education, knowing 
full well that knowledge is real power. They have 
established newspapers throughout the country, in- 
telligently devoted to the promotion of their inter- 
ests. They have founded benevolences and paid mil- 
lions of dollars to their membership. They have in- 
creased wages where inadequate, and secured reason- 
able hours of service. They have abolished or mod- 
ified conditions in the sweat-shops of great cities 
which were undermining the health and morals of 
the operatives. They have stood against the abuses 
of child labor. They have taught the necessity of 
the observance of contracts, knowing full well that 
contracts are founded in honor and are the basis 
of commercial success. They have increased and 
seek to maintain a higher morale among their mem- 
bership. ' They are opposed to anarchy, xlnarchy 
has no greater foe than they. They know that labor's 


best interests are dependent upon the maintenance 
of orderly and stable government." 

"Labor must be free ; with all the prerogatives 
which pertain to freedom. It must be free to sell 
its commodity in the highest market. So capital 
must be likewise free to buy labor where labor desires 
to sell its commodity. There must be reciprocity 
of privilege, reciprocity of opportunity."' 

"The true solution of the questions arising be- 
tween labor and capital lies in an awakened public 
conscience ; in a thorough inculcation of the princi- 
ples of fair dealing among men ; in organization, and 
in wise, humane leadership, and in the establishment 
of boards of conciliation or arbitration which are 
absolutely free from the polluting touch of selfish 
interests or political demagogues, to which the inter- 
ests concerned may freely and confidently appeal." 

"Cheap labor is not the sole end we seek in the 
United States. It is our pride that this is not a 
cheap-labor country; that labor is better paid here 
than in any other country. The sentiment is pro- 
claimed over and over from platform and press. 
Cheap labor ? Xo. VTe do not want cheap labor. 
We want well-paid labor. We desire "not only well- 
paid labor, but want that labor steadily employed. 1 ' 

There is no class of people in the United States 
more deeply interested in knowing the sentiments 
vnd views of those who seek their suffrages than the 
laboring class. On all matters concerning labor Mr. 


Fairbanks has always been open, frank and clear in 
his statements. He has neither sought to equivocate 
nor mislead. To organized labor he has said that 
organization was legitimate, was right, was necessary, 
but he said that labor, organized or unorganized, 
must respect the rights of others. A weaker man 
would have left unsaid some things that Mr. Fair- 
banks so frankly uttered, but Mr. Fairbanks pre- 
ferred the more honorable way of frankly telling 
all his views. It would be well if every workingman 
in the United States would read and ponder the 
frank and manly speech delivered at Kansas City. 

It has already been said that Senator Fairbanks 
is a very popular speaker on occasions that are non- 
political, and on every such occasion has won new 
laurels for the breadth of his views and the lessons 
of patriotism, good citizenship, obedience to law and 
order he has inculcated. 

In ISTew Jersey he was the orator on the celebration 
of the one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary of 
the battle of Monmouth; at Lancaster, Massachu- 
setts, he spoke on the celebration of the two hundred 
and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of that 
town ; in Minnesota he addressed the assembled thou- 
sands at the State Fair. He has spoken on numerous 
other like occasions, and always with the approbation 
of his audience. 

Chapter XV. 


'Hr^HE home life of Senator Fairbanks lias been 
■*■ ideal. Married in early life to one who had 
won his affections when he was still a student at col- 
lege, he has found in the wife of his bosom one who 
has shared in all his struggles, his aspirations, his 
successes, and joyed in them. She has made his home 
happy, because she has made it a home in very truth. 
They had a very modest beginning. Mr. Fairbanks 
was poor in money wealth, but rich in the determina- 
tion of purpose to make and hold a place in life, and 
in integrity and honesty of character. Furnished by 
love and equipped by high purpose, their home could 
not have been anything else than a happy one. 

Engaged during the hours of the day in a struggle 
for an established place in his chosen profession, the 
young husband always gladly turned his steps toward 
his home when evening came, sure that there he 
would find sympathy, encouragement and strength 
for the next day's conflict. Both are by nature do- 
mestic in their inclinations, yet they are fond of en- 
tertaining their friends, and each is possessed with a 
























/W < &C+/~ /7'^A^d 


happy faculty for making friends. When economy 
and saving were necessary, Mrs. Fairbanks willingly 
and cheerfully saved and economized, but when the 
future Senator's practice had increased sufficiently 
to warrant it they moved into a larger and more lux- 
uriously furnished house, but there was no ostenta- 
tion ; it was still all simple, all home-like. 

Mr. and Mrs. Fairbanks have been not only 
husband and wife, but they have been partners, in 
the fullest and most complete sense of the term. The 
genial, kindly nature of Mr. Fairbanks won friends, 
and the kindly, genial nature of the wife fastened 
them by new and additional ties. It can be said that 
the circle of personal friends of the Senator is as 
wide as his circle of acquaintance, and none who has 
ever visited his home has failed to receive a welcome 
from Mrs. Fairbanks that made them long to repeat 
the visit. 

Five children, one daughter and four sons, have 
been born to them. When just beginning active life 
Mr. Fairbanks declared he would not enter into 
politics until he had won an established place in his 
profession and accumulated enough to educate and 
care for his children. Blessed by a kind Providence, 
and through his untiring energy, he was able to thus 
accumulate, and has given to each of his children a 
collegiate course, except the youngest, and he is now 
preparing to enter college. The two elder children 
were graduated from the college which their parents 



had attended. This alma mater is very dear to the 
heart of both Mr. and Mrs. Fairbanks. The Senator 
has long been a member of its Board of Trustees, 
and he has several times given liberally to its endow- 
ment. The Senator has no warmer or more enthusi- 
astic friends anywhere than he has in the halls of 
the old Ohio Weslevan Universitv, and the students 
and faculty are alike proud of his success and of the 
high station he has reached. 

The Senator and his wife are both members of 
Meridian Street Methodist Episcopal Church at In- 
dianapolis, and are consistent and earnest Christians. 
Their Christianity is shown in kindly words spoken 
or deeds done. "Do unto others as you would have 
others do unto you," and "Love your neighbor as 
yourself" have been the rules by which they have 
guided and shaped their lives and their relations 
with others. 

They both enjoy social life, and the charming man- 
ners of Mrs. Fairbanks peculiarly fit her for a social 
leader. In their home life, in their social life, in 
their church life they have never been ostentatious, 
but always simple, kindly and earnest. One has been 
the complement of the other. 

Senator Fairbanks is by nature kindly. In him 
malice or envy or enmity never had a place. He 
has a friendly word and greeting for every one he 
meets, and business or public cares never press on 
him so heavily or so closely occupy his thoughts as 


to prevent him stopping long enough to give a grasp 
of the hand and a pleasant word to his friends. Some 
years ago, before he entered upon a political life, he 
said to a friend that when he was a boy he made 
it a rule of his life to make as many friends as possi- 
ble, and to avoid making an enemy if it were possi- 
ble, and he has followed that rule. In his own State 
he has always been on terms of ardent personal 
friendship with the leaders of the party opposed to 
him. He counted such men as the late Vice-Presi- 
dent Hendricks and the late Joseph E. McDonald 
as among his warm personal friends, and in the 
Senate he has no enemies among the Democratic 

His genial and kindly nature is a part of him. 
His charities — and they are numerous — are, like all 
his other acts, done without ostentation or display. 
He is not a rich man, as riches are counted in these 
money-making days, but he has been successful 
enough in his law practice to accumulate a modest 
fortune. He lives a home life, and is most delighted 
and happy when he is in his home, surrounded by 
his wife and children. 

His characteristics are frankness, sincerity, friend- 
liness and seriousness. He is frank and open in all 
his dealings ; frank in his friendships, and when en- 
gaged in the practice of the law he always dealt 
frankly with the court and jury. In all his discus- 
sions before the public, whether it is of the political 


issues before the people or one of the great questions 
arising in the Congress, he is frank in his statements 
of his own views and of the views of those who oppose 
him. He never misstates a proposition or garbles the 
words of another. 

No one ever doubts his sincerity. He gives no 
occasion for doubts of that kind. He is never dog- 
matic as to the correctness of his own views, but 
every one accords him the meed of perfect sincerity" 
in presenting them and in believing in them. His 
evident sincerity impresses every one who listens to 
him, and it is one of his marked characteristics. 

He deals with all matters of life, private or public, 
seriously. With him there are no trifling things in 
life. Every question that calls for his attention is 
given the most serious consideration. In his public 
career he has many calls for endorsements of indi- 
viduals for office. He never gives such endorsements 
lightly. The public service, to him, is a matter of 
great moment. He believes that the people of Amer- 
ica are entitled to the best public servants that can 
be obtained and entitled to the best work such serv- 
ants can give, hence he is never found urging the 
appointment of unfit men for office. He takes a like 
serious view of party politics. - 1 Party organizations 
are the great methods by which the people express 
their views on public affairs, and the issues before 
them affect the welfare of the people and the Gov- 
ernment for good or for bad, hence they are serious 


questions. lie deals with, them as serious questions, 
ever using all his influence to elevate partisanship 
and party methods. He stands for the highest type 
of purity at the ballot box, purity in all the relations 
between parties and the people. He is a foe to decep- 
tions, either in platforms or in discussions of political 
questions. He has often said he would rather go 
down to political defeat than to win a victory that 
was in the least degree tainted by trickery, fraud, 
corruption or deception, and he says this so earnestly 
and carries it out so completely in all his actions 
that those who know him know he is sincere. 

Senator Fairbanks has never been a "trimmer." 
It is not in his nature. ' There have been times in 
his political and public career when a weaker man 
would have trimmed his sails to the popular breeze, 
but Mr. Fairbanks turned a deaf ear to popular 
clamor and did what he believed was right. His sen- 
atorial career furnished two notable examples of this. 
When Mr. McKinley assumed the reins of govern- 
ment the country was stirred to its depths over the 
wrongs in Cuba, and from every section came an 
almost imperative demand for the recognition of 
the Cuban independents, even though it would in- 
volve a war with Spain. This feeling was very strong 
in Indiana, his own State, and his personal and polit- 
ical friends urged him to unite with the extreme wine 
in Congress. . To have done so would have rendered 
him extremely popular, but he preferred to stand for 


the exhaustion of every peaceable means to avoid war. 

The other occasion referred to was when the ques- 
tion of providing a revenue for Porto Rico was under 
consideration. The cry that "the Constitution fol- 
lows the flag/' swept over the country. It was heard 
on almost every tongue. Once more his friends be- 
sought him to take what was so evidently the popular 
side. He was candidly told that if he took the other 
side of that question it would ruin him politically. 
Firm in his convictions of what was right and best, 
he refused to trim his sails to the popular breeze. 
He not only took a stand in opposition to the advice 
of his friends, but he made one of his boldest and 
ablest speeches in favor of the views he had espoused. 

When in 1896 he was just entering on a wider 
political life than he had hitherto occupied there was 
an opportunity the political trimmer or wabbler 
would have delighted in. The whole country seemed 
to be inoculated with the virus of financial heresy. 
In Indiana free silver was not only the popular issue 
with the Democrats, but it had invaded the Repub- 
lican ranks and counted thousands of supporters in 
that party. Mr. Fairbanks was then a candidate for 
the United States Senate. To most of the leaders in 
Indiana it looked like political suicide to declare 
openly against free silver. To Mr. Fairbanks was 
assigned the duty of drafting the financial plank for 
the State platform. He could have evaded it, and 
would have evaded it had he been a weaker man. He 


prepared a plank not only strenuously opposing free 
silver, but practically declaring in favor of a gold 
standard. He was urged again and again by the 
party leaders and by those who expected to have 
places on the ticket not to push it, but he clung to his 
work, and it was finally adopted by the convention. 
This was one of the first declarations of the Repub- 
lican party in favor of the gold standard. 

What Senator Fairbanks said of the late Judge 
Gresham and of the late Senator Morton can well be 
applied to himself. Of Senator Morton he said: 

"He was a total stranger to the arts of the dem- 
agogue. He was too great to descend to intrigue or 
to desire success otherwise than through the merit 
and force of his cause. . . . His hands were 
clean, his integrity incorruptible." 

Of Judge Gresham he said: 

"He was a man of positive character. He was not 
negative and colorless. He possessed convictions 
and adhered to them with resolution. He was not, 
however, a dogmatist, but was always ready to hear 
whatever might be urged against the integrity of his 
own views. . . . He was always natural; never 
sought or pretended to be what God had not made 
him. He never tried to veneer his true character 
or obscure it by cheap meretricious acts." 

Senator Fairbanks has always had a high standard 
of duty and of life. He would no more falter in 
the. face of duty than a soldier would falter and hang 


back in the face of the enemy on the battlefield. All 
his acts and all his speeches show this. 

He is averse to political wrangles and never in- 
vites them. In this he is unlike both Blaine and 
Morton. As Ingersoll said, Blaine was like a war- 
rior, "a plumed knight/' and he always went into 
a political battle with eagerness. Morton delighted 
in a political contest, for there the sledge-hammer 
blows of his logic caused victims to fall all around 
him. On the other hand, Mr. Fairbanks prefers to 
put party wrangling aside, if possible, when it comes 
to discussing questions of state or matters pertaining 
to the welfare of the people. 

He is a lover of books. By nature and training 
he is a student, but he reads much of the literature 
of the day. 

In his speeches he appeals to the reason and not 
to the emotions or sentiments of his hearers. He is 
never ornate, never indulges in flowers of rhetoric, 
never in metaphors, figures of speech, nor startling 
similes. He never culls from the classics and never 
jests. No anecdotes or stories, are found in any of 
his public speeches. He is never vehement in decla- 
mation or gesticulation. He never gets on the moun- 
tain top. "With him any question that is worthy of 
being debated is worthy of being treated seriously. 

He is candid and open in the statement of his 
position, and there is no equivocation or evasion. He 
makes his statements clearly and every one can readi- 


ly know the position he takes. He indulges in no 
waste of words, and never says anything that has 
to be explained, apologized for or withdrawn. He 
is never bitter, never vindictive. ~No irony or sar- 
casm is to be found in his speeches, and he never 
utters a word that would wound an opponent. He 
credits those who hold views in opposition to his 
own with honesty and integrity of purpose, and he 
respects their views. He addresses the Senate as he 
would address the court, reinforcing his argument 
with authorities and the opinions of others. He tries 
to convince, not to captivate. 

He is never a pessimist, but always optimistic, es- 
pecially when talking of the future greatness and 
power of the United States. He would never have 
advocated the seizure of Porto Rico or the Philip- 
pines merely to extend territory, but when those 
islands fell to us as the result of a war he was opti- 
mistic enough to believe there was no danger to 
either the institutions or the power of the country 
in our holding them. He could not see ruin to us 
in raising our flag in the Pacific. 

He rose rapidly in the confidence and respect of 
his party. He became a factor in national politics in 
1896. So greatly had he grown in public confidence 
by 1901 that leaders of his party in various sections 
of the country began to talk of him as a logical and 
fitting successor to President McKinley. He was 
frequently referred to in the public press as one who 


would, in all probability, be selected. When Mr. 
Roosevelt succeeded on the death of the President, 
it was natural the party should look to him to be his 
own successor. Then it was the selection of a can- 
didate for the second place presented itself to the 
party, and the name of Mr. Fairbanks was on almost 
every tongue. He was deluged with letters urging 
him to become a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. 
Mr. Fairbanks is strong before the people because 
of his honesty and integrity in public and in private 
life; because of his entire consecration to duty; be- 
cause of his absolute and implicit belief in the sound 
judgment of the people, the final and sole arbiters 
in all questions affecting the government. He be- 
lieves that the people, in the end, will see the right 
and approve it ; that loyalty to the best interests of 
the Xation is inherent in the people ; that this is a 
Republic, a Republic of the people, and that when 
the people have thoroughly considered any question 
of policy and given their verdict thereon, their judg- 
ment should be carried out to the end. He knows 
that if he does well the people will applaud, and if 
he does ill they will condemn. He is of the people 
and he trusts in their unerring judgment. 

Chapter XVI. 



T IS rare in the political life of any man that a 
nomination to such a high office as Vice-President 
of the United States comes wholly unsought, and with 
the entire unanimity of his party friends. Such a 
distinction came to Senator Fairbanks on the 23d 
of June, 1904. For months his name had been prom- 
inently coupled with that high office. He did not 
seek the nomination. He had still five years to serve 
as Senator, a position to which his party in Indiana 
had twice elevated him. The floor of the Senate was 
a fitting place for the display of his talents. He had 
achieved the position there of being one of the party 
leaders. He was looked upon as a conservative and 
wise legislator. He loved the duties of Senator, and 
although he regarded the office of Vice-President of 
the Republic as one of very high distinction and 
honor, he would not seek it. 

Many of his ardent friends in different parts of 
the country, and many of the party leaders, looking 
to the advantage of the party, urged him to announce 
himself as a candidate for the place. In his own 



State his party friends were opposed to it, and ad- 
vised him to say he would not accept the nomination 
if tendered to him. This he declined to do, holding 
that it was a matter that could only be determined 
in the light of public duty. They urged upon him 
that his State had sent him to the Senate and had a 
right to demand that he remain there ; that his seven 
years of service had given him an experience that 
another could only obtain by a like period of service ; 
that the State needed his services in the Senate. 
These arguments came from the friends who had 
stood with him through all his political life, and it 
was felt by the Senator that such expressions de- 
served to be weighed carefully. 

To all he frankly said his preference was to re- 
main in the Senate, but, as he would not give en- 
couragement to those who were advising him to be- 
come an avowed candidate for the place, so he would 
not lightly make up his mind to openly decline it if 
tendered by the party. The feeling in favor of the 
nomination of Mr. Fairbanks so increased that, bv 
the time the convention met, hardly any other name 
was mentioned in connection with the second place 
on the ticket. The Senator was one of the delegates- 
at-large from Indiana, and in that capacity attended 
the convention. Wherever lie was present he was 
received with an enthusiasm that showed the hold lie 
had on his party. So strong was the feeling in his 
favor, and that his name would add strength to the 


ticket, that his Indiana friends at last gave consent 
to his accepting the nomination if the convention 
should so desire. 

The Eepuhlican National Convention of 1904 was 
a great gathering. Many of the most notable men 
of the Nation were present as delegates. They were 
there to lend their potent aid in shaping the declara- 
tion of principles; to give their adherence to the 
patriotic administration of President Roosevelt, and 
to join in declaring him the unanimous choice of the 
party to succeed himself in that high office. Mr. 
Roosevelt was duly named as the candidate for Presi- 
dent and the time came to choose his associate on the 
ticket. Senator Dolliver, of Iowa, rose, amid great 
enthusiasm, and spoke as follows : 
"Gentlemen of the Convention: 

"The National Republican convention, now nearly 
ready to adjourn, has presented to the world a moral 
spectacle of extraordinary interest and significance. 
It is a fine thing to see thousands of men representing 
millions of people, fighting in the political arena for 
their favorite candidates, and contending valiantly 
for the success of contradictory principles and con- 
flicting doctrines. Out of such a contest, with its 
noise and declamation, its flying banners, its thunder 
of the captains and the shouting, the truth often se- 
cures a vindication and the right man comes out 
victorious. Sometimes, however, wisdom is lost in 
the confusion, and more than once we have seen the 


claims of leadership swallowed up in contention and 

"We have the honor to belong to a convention 
whose constituency in every State and Territory, and 
in the islands of the sea, has done its thinking by 
quiet firesides, undisturbed by clamor of any sort, 
and has simplified our responsibilities by the unmis- 
takable terms of the credentials which we hold at 
their hands. 

"At intervals of four years I followed the banner 
of James G. Blaine through the streets of our con- 
vention cities, from Cincinnati to Minneapolis, and 
did my full share to see that nobody got any more 
applause than the great popular leader, who had cap- 
tured my enthusiasm long before I was old enough 
to vote. 

"JSTot even his defeat served to diminish the hold 
which our champion had upon the hearts of those 
who followed him, and it has required a good deal of 
experience to enable them to understand the lesson 
of his defeat. Other conventions have met to settle 
the fate of rival chieftains; we meet to record the 
judgment of the Republican millions of the United 

"They have based their opinion upon the facts of 
the case. They have not concluded that we have the 
greatest President of the United States since Wash- 
ington. They know how to measure the height and 
depth of things better even than Professor Bryce, 


when he deals with the superlatives which find their 
way into all well-regulated banquets after midnight. 
They have not forgotten the grave of Lincoln, which 
has become a shrine for the pilgrimage of the human 
race. They remember still the day when the canon 
of Westminster opened the doors of that venerable 
monument to admit the name of the silent American 
soldier into the household of English spoken fame. 

"They have passed no vainglorious judgment upon 
the career of Theodore Roosevelt. They have studied 
it with sympathetic interest from his boyhood, as he 
lias risen from one station of public usefulness to an- 
other, until at length, before the age of forty-five, he 
stands upon the highest civil eminence known among 
men. Their tears fell with his as he stood in the 
shadow of poor McKinley's death, and as a part of 
his oath of office asked the trusted counselors who 
stood by the side of the fallen President to help him 
carry forward the work which he had left unfin- 
ished, and while his administration deserved the 
tribute which it received in this convention from the 
eloquent lips of our temporary chairman, it is be- 
cause he has executed in a manly way the purpose 
of the Republican party and interpreted aright the 
aspirations of the American people. Nor can there 
be a doubt that, if in the years to come, he shall walk 
steadfastly in the same path, he will be numbered 
among the great leaders of the people who have given 
dignity and influence to their highest office. 


"But the judgment of the Republican party is not 
only united upon its candidate — it is unanimous 
also, upon the fundamental principles for which it 
stands. I think the convention has been fortunate 
in harmonizing the minor differences which unavoid- 
ably arise in a country like ours, where speech is free 
and where printing is free. We stand together on the 
proposition that the industrial system of the United 
States must not be undermined by a hostile partisan 
agitation, and that whatever -changes are necessary 
in our laws ought to be made by the friends, or at 
least the acquaintances, of the protective tariff sys- 

"The things upon which we are agreed are so great 
and the things about which we differ are so small, 
that we are able, without sacrificing sincere Repub- 
lican convictions, anywhere, to unite as one man in 
defense of our common faith. 

"We stand at the beginning of the new era, and 
while the Republican party leans upon the counsel 
of its old leaders, it has not hesitated to summon to 
the responsibilities of public life the young men who 
have been trained under their guidance to take up 
the burdens which they are ready to lay down, and 
finish the work which comes to them as an inherit- 
ance of patriotism and duty. That is the significance 
of the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, and that 
is the explanation of the call which has been made by 
the Republican party without a dissenting voice upon 


Charles W. Fairbanks to stand by the side of the 
President in the guidance and leadership of the Re- 
publican party. 

"While he has not sought to constrain the judg- 
ment of the convention, directly or indirectly, he has 
kept himself free from the affectation which under- 
values the dignity of the second office in the gift of 
the American people, and I do not doubt that his 
heart has been touched by the voluntary expression 
of universal good will which has already chosen him 
as one of the standard-bearers of the Republican 
party of the United States. 

"The office has sought the man, and, He will bring 
to the office the commanding personality of a states- 
man equal to any of the great responsibilities which 
belong to our public affairs. A leader of the Senate, 
the champion of all the great policies which consti- 
tute the invincible record of the Republican party 
during the last ten years, his name will become a 
tower of strength to our cause, not only in his own 
State, but everywhere throughout the country. A 
man of affairs, the whole business community shares 
the confidence which his political associates have re- 
posed in him from the beginning of his public life. 
The quiet, undemonstrative, popular opinion, which 
has given the Republican party a platform upon 
which all Republicans can stand with no dissenting 
voice, here or anywhere, has long since anticipated 
the action of this convention in adding to the national 



Republican ticket the name of Senator Fairbanks, of 

"I take pleasure in presenting bis name, honored 
everywhere throughout the United States, as our can- 
didate for Vice-President." 

When Senator Chauncey M. Depew rose to second 
the nomination of Mr. Fairbanks, on the part of Xew 
York, a delegate inquired whether he had had his 
dinner. Mr. Depew took this inquiry for the text of 
his speech, and said: 

"My friend wants to know if I have had my din- 
ner, but what I am about to say is in behalf of 
dinners for the American people. I can not help con- 
trasting, in listening to the eloquence with which we 
have been privileged this morning, what will be the 
difference when our Democratic friends meet on the 
6th of July to go through with their duty of nom- 
inating candidates and adopting a platform. We 
here have been unanimous upon our candidates, all 
agreed upon our principles, all recognizing and ap- 
plauding our great statesmen, living and dead, and 
agreeing with them, while on the other hand in that 
convention there will be the only two living exponents 
of Democratic principles. 

"On the one side will be their only President ris- 
ing and saying 'be sane/ while on the other side, in 
opposition, will come their last candidate for Presi- 
dent, saying 'be Democrats.' The two are incompat- 


"I present just two thoughts which it seems to me 
in the flood of our oratory have been passed by. 
There has been criticism of this convention that it 
was without enthusiasm, perfunctory and would oc- 
cupy little place in history. But this convention is 
an epoch-making convention, because it marks the 
close of fifty years of the life of the Republican 
party. That fifty years, if we should divide recorded 
time into periods of half a century, the fifty years 
from 1854 to 1904, would concentrate more that has 
been done in this world for the uplifting of humanity 
than all the half centuries which have preceded. 
While this half century has done so much in elec- 
tricity, so much in steam, so much in invention, so 
much in medicine, so much in surgery, its one dis- 
tinguishing characteristic will be that it was the half 
century of emancipation — emancipation all over the 
world, led mainly by the American thought and the 
success of the American experiment. 

"But when for our purpose we look back over this 
half century we find that the best part of it, that 
which has made most for the welfare of our country, 
most for emancipation, has been done by the Repub- 
lican party. 

"In 1854 James Buchanan, at Ostend, issued the 
manifesto to buy or conquer Cuba for slavery, and 
in 1900 William McKinley set up Cuba as an inde- 
pendent republic. In 1854 the first cable flashed 
under the Atlantic Ocean, and this tremendous dis- 


covery came from a Republican President who was 
the only President since the formation of the coun- 
try who had presided over the destinies of a free 
people, with freedom in the Constitution, and the 
Declaration of Independence was no longer a living 

"Now, it was only sixty years ago, ten years pre- 
ceding the birth of the Republican party, when that 
great wit and great writer, Sydney Smith, said : 'Who 
reads an American book % Who eats off an American 
plate ? Who drinks out of an American glass ? Who 
wears American clothes \ Who buys anything Amer- 
ican V The answer is that from the figures coming 
yesterday from the Department of Commerce we dis- 
cover that this year $450,000,000 of manufactured 
articles from American looms and factories go into 
European markets to compete with the highly organ- 
ized industrial nations of the world in their own mar- 
ket places. 

"An American can start and go around the world 
and not leave his country. He can cross the Pacific 
to Yokohama in a Northern Pacific steamer. He 
rides through Japan and China under American elec- 
trical appliances. He goes six thousand miles across 
the Siberian Railway in American cars drawn by 
American locomotives. In Spain alongside of their 
orange groves he finds California oranges. In Prance 
he drinks wine, labeled French, which has come from 
San Francisco. He crosses the Nile upon a bridge 


made in Pittsburg. In an English hotel lie goes to 
his room near the roof in an elevator manufactured 
in New York. His feet are on carpets made in Yon- 
kers. On the banks of the Ganges he reads his cables 
by an electric light run by an American and made in 
America. He goes under old London in tunnels dug 
by and run by American machinery and American 
genius, and then he goes to Newcastle and finds that 
the problem which has been unsolvable forever, coals 
■ — American coals are carried to Newcastle. 

"Now, my friends, while we represent the posi- 
tive, the convention which meets on the 6th of July 
represents that element unknown heretofore in Amer- 
ican politics, the opportunist. It is waiting for bank- 
ruptcy, waiting for panic, waiting for industrial de- 
pression, waiting for financial distress. 

"There was an old farmer upon the Maine coast 
who owned a farm with a rocky ledge running out 
into the ocean called Hurricane Point. On it ships 
were wrecked, and he gathered his harvest from the 
rocks, and, in his will, he wrote : 'I divide my farm 
equally among my children, but Hurricane Point 
shall be kept for all of you forever, for while the 
winds blow and the waves roll the Point will pro- 

"But we have put a lighthouse on Hurricane Point, 
a lighthouse of protection, with a revolving light 
shedding gold over the ocean, and American com- 


merce is going and coming in absolute safety. And 
now, gentlemen, my second thought. 

"It seems to me that we have not given enough im- 
portance to the office of Vice-President of the United 
States. It was not so among the fathers. Then of 
the two highest potential Presidential possibilities, 
one took the Presidencv, the other the Vice-Presi- 
dency. But in the last forty years, ridicule and cari- 
cature have placed the office almost in contempt. Let 
us remember that Thomas Jefferson ; let us remember 
that old John Adams ; let us remember that John C. 
Calhoun and George Clinton and Martin Van Buren 
were Vice-Presidents of the United States. 

"Eighty millions of people want for Vice-Presi- 
dent a Presidential figure of full size. He presides 
over the Senate, but he does more than that. He is 
the confidant of the Senators. He is the silent mem- 
ber of every committee. He is influential in that 
legislation which originates and which is shaped in 
the Senate, and now that we have become a world 
power, now that treaties make for either our pros- 
perity, our open door, or our closed harbors, he is 
necessarily an important factor in the machinery of 
the government/ By the tragic death of McKinley 
the Vice-President was elevated to the Presidency, 
and today for the first time we have renominated the 
Vice-President who thus came to be the President, 

"All that has been said here about Theodore Roose- 
velt — all of which is true — the highest tribute to him 


is that the American people, for the first time, unani- 
mously demand a Vice-President shall be the elect of 
their choice for the Presidency of the United States. 

"Now, gentlemen, it is my privilege, in looking 
for Vice-Presidential possibilities, to announce what 
you all know, that we have found a Vice-Presidential 
candidate of full Presidential size. 

"Everybody knows that, if the towering figure of 
Theodore Poosevelt had been out of this canvass, one 
of the promising candidates before this conven- 
tion for President of the United States would have 
been Charles W. Fairbanks. And New York, appre- 
ciating his great ability as a lawyer, appreciating the 
national name he has made for himself as a Senator, 
appreciating his dignity, his character and his genius 
for public affairs, seconds the nomination of Charles 
W. Fairbanks for Vice-President of the United 

Speaking for Ohio, Senator Foraker said : 
"Gentlemen of the Convention : 

"We have come here to do three things: Make a 
platform, name the next President of the United 
States, and also name the next Vice-President of the 
United States ; we have done two of these things, and 
are about to do the third. And we have done both 
of the things we have done well. 

"The platform we adopted yesterday has already 
met the favorable judgment of the American people. 
It is the counterpart of the best the Republican party 


has ever adopted, and, if you would know how high 
is that tribute, recall the fact now of which every 
Republican may justly feel proud — that, of all the 
many platforms we have made in the fifty years of 
our party life, we would not today strike one of them 
from our record if we could. 

"Further than that, there is not a plank, or a dec- 
laration, or a thought, or an idea in one of them that 
we would erase if we had the power. From the plat- 
form of 1856 down to that one adopted yesterday, all 
are as solid as a gold dollar. 

"If you would know what a tribute is here to Re- 
publican patriotism, wisdom and statesmanship, re- 
call the great questions with which the Republican 
party has dealt in making these platforms. They are 
all imperishable contributions to the political litera- 
ture of our day. 

"If you would know the measure of our success, 
read also of the damageable failure our Democratic 
friends have met with in making their platforms. 

"While we are today proud of the success of ours, 
our Democratic friends can not find one platform 
they have made in all this period that does not have 
some features at least of which they are now ashamed. 
"Not all of them, perhaps, because there are some 
Democrats who can not be ashamed of anything. 

"And on the platform made yesterday we have 
placed our candidate who is to head the ticket. It 
may not have been as easy in some of the conventions 



that have gone before to name a Republican candi- 
date for the Presidency as it was for us to name our 
candidate here today. 

"In former years, when we have been called upon 
to choose between such great leaders as Conkling and 
Morton and Blaine and Garfield and Harrison and 
McKinley, they have weighed so evenly, their claims 
for merit were so equal, that it was a harder task. 
But this time one man stood head and shoulders above 
all others of our Republican leaders, as has been well 
said from this platform, by American people before 
we took our seats in this convention. 

"On the ticket with him, as his associate for the 
Vice-Presidency, we want to place a man who repre- 
sents in his personality, in his belief, in his public 
service, in his high character, all the splendid record 
the Republican party has made ; all the great declara- 
tions of the former platforms, and a man who will 
typify, as the leader of our ticket will, the highest 
ambition and the noblest purposes of the Republican 
party of the United States. 

"I will not detain you with an eulogy of Senator 
Fairbanks, beyond simply saying that, to all who 
know him personally as those of us do who have been 
closely associated with him in the public service, he 
meets all the requirements so eloquently stated by 
Senator Depew. He is of the Presidential caliber. 
He has all of the qualifications for the high office for 
which he has been named, and, by all of these potent 


considerations, in the name of the forty-six delegates 
of Ohio, I second the nomination of Senator Fair- 

Governor Pennypacker, of Pennsylvania, speaking 
for his State, said : 

"The Republican party held its first convention 
in that city of western Pennsylvania which in energy, 
enterprise and wealth rivals the great mart on the 
shores of the inland lake, where, after the lapse of 
nearly half a century, we meet today. Pennsylvania 
may well claim to be the leader among Republican 
States. The principles which are embodied in the 
platform of the party as we have adopted it are the 
result of the teachings of her scholars and states- 

"Her majorities for the nominees of that party are 
greater and more certain than those of any other 
State. She alone, of all the States, since the elec- 
tion of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, has never given 
an electoral vote against a candidate of the Repub- 
lican party for the presidency. She is unselfish in 
her devotion. During the period of half a century 
that has gone no son of hers has been either President 
or Vice-President. She has been satisfied, like the 
Earl of Warwick, to be the maker of kings. She has 
been content that you should have regard to the suc- 
cess of the party and the welfare of the country, 
rather than to the personal interests of her citizens. 

"The waters of the Ohio, rising in the moun- 


tains of Pennsylvania, roll westward, bearing fertil- 
ity and men to the prairie lands of Indiana. The 
thought of Pennsylvania turns with kindred feeling 
toward the State which has produced Oliver P. Mor- 
ton, Benjamin Harrison and the brave Hoosiers who 
fought alongside of Reynolds on the Oak Ridge at 
Gettysburg. She well remembers that when her own 
Senator, who did so much for the Republican party 
and whose wise counsels, alas, are missing today, bore 
a commission to Washington, he had no more sin- 
cere supporter than the able and distinguished states- 
man, who then, as he does now, represented Indiana 
in the United States Senate. Pennsylvania, with the 
approval of her judgment and with glad anticipation 
of victory in her heart, 'following a leader, who, like 
the chevalier of France, is without fear and without 
reproach, seconds the nomination for the Vice-Presi- 
dency of Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana." 

With entire unanimity and great enthusiasm the 
convention declared that its choice for Vice-President 
of the United States was Charles W. Fairbanks, and 
the work of the convention was over. 

Chapter XVII. 




N^ Saturday, June 25th, Senator Fairbanks re- 
turned to his home at Indianapolis. Before he 
left Chicago he received hundreds of telegrams from 
all parts of the country congratulating him on his 
nomination, and the party because of his selection by 
the convention. Many of these were from his friends 
in Indiana, quite a number being from prominent 
Democrats. At every station on his way to Indian- 
apolis he was greeted by large and enthusiastic 
crowds, and at several points he made brief speeches. 
At Indianapolis his fellow-citizens of all parties 
arranged to give him a hearty welcome. When the 
train arrived at the Union Station it found a great 
throng awaiting it. The station was literally packed 
with people, giving ample evidence of the high re- 
gard in which the Senator is held by the people of his 
own city. The residence of the Senator is two miles 
from the station, but along the entire course the 
crowds gathered to give him a warm and cordial 
home-coming. In the absence of himself and Mrs. 
Fairbanks the friends had takes possession of tlu^ 



residence and fittingly decorated it for the occasion. 

At the residence and around it several thousand 
citizens gathered, and the welcome they gave the dis- 
tinguished party was as cordial and enthusiastic as 
that which had greeted them at the station. Speeches 
were made ' by Senator Beveridge, Hon. John W. 
Holtzman, Mayor of the city, Hon. John W. Kern, 
and Hon. John L. Griffith, the Mayor and Mr. Kern 
being two of the Democratic leaders of the State. 

Mayor Holtzman welcomed the returning candi- 
date in the following generous words : 

"Senator Fairbanks — The people of your home 
city are here, irrespective of party, to welcome you 
to your home and to congratulate you upon the great 
honor which your political party has conferred upon 
you and which we feel was a distinction and honor 
well earned by your fidelity and steadfastness to 
those principles which your party represents, and 
above that, by the upright life and career which you 
have made for yourself as citizen and statesman. 
, "Indiana has been the political battleground in 
many campaigns and her sons have been honored by 
both great political parties. 

"The first one was paid to our great State in the 
nomination of our distinguished fellow-citizen, the 
late George W. Julian, who was nominated for Vice- 
President by the Free Soil Democracy, in 1852. 
Later the Republican party conferred this honor upon 
Schuyler Colfax, a distinguished editor of our State, 


and in 1876 the Democratic party selected for the 
Vice-Presidency that distinguished, genial and most 
lovable citizen and statesman, Thomas A. Hendricks. 
In 1880 the Democratic party again came to Indiana 
to select a candidate for Vice-President and in that 
year nominated that able financier and statesman, 
William H. English. 

"In 1884 the Democratic party, with its eye still 
upon the State of Indiana, again selected to grace the 
second place upon the ticket our beloved Hendricks, 
and in 1888 the Republican party selected as its 
standard-bearer that distinguished soldier and states- 
man of Indiana, Benjamin Harrison, and in this year 
of our Lord, the Republican party has wisely come 
to the Hoosier State to make its selection for the 
Vice-Presidency, and I hope it is not out of place 
for me to say here that it is my wish that the Demo- 
cratic party may exercise the same wisdom at its 
convention in St. Louis. 

"Indiana has sons in each party who would grace 
either the first or second place upon either ticket, 
and may I say without giving offense that we would 
all have been much better pleased had the Repub- 
licans at Chicago made the ticket read the other way. 

"I am sure that every citizen in Indiana deserving 
of the name of Hoosier was proud when any of her 
citizens were honored by either of the great parties. 

"I am glad to see that, notwithstanding all of the 
bitte^nees which has entered into past campaigns, we 


are big enough and broad enough to lay aside our 
partisan feeling and to tender a reception to one of 
our citizens who has won distinction for himself 
which has been recognized by the party with which 
he has been affiliated. 

"We have a right to differ as to governmental poli- 
cies. We have a right to fight our political battles to 
a finish, but it is well not to let our bitterness inter- 
fere with that pride which we should have in our 
fellow-townsmen in any prominence or distinction or 
honor which they may attain or which may be be- 
stowed upon them. I am proud to live in a commu- 
nity where citizens turn out to tender a reception, 
irrespective of party, to one who has won distinction. 

"We should not allow ourselves to be controlled by 
the narrowness of party spirit. To be able to meet at 
all times the common amenities of life and to do the 
gracious and courteous things, is the sign of progress 
toward that culture which every community should 

"Let us remember that we do not lose our party 
allegiance in doing honor to one who has dis- 
tinguished himself, and I am sure that Indianapolis 
has a citizenship which is broad enough to extend a 
similar reception to my very dear friend, the Hon. 
John W. Kern, when he returns from St. Louis with 
the Vice-Presidential nomination in his pocket. 

"In the name of the people of the city of Indian- 
apolis, I greet you, with the hope that such gifts and 


honors as lie within the power of the party to which 
you helong may be bestowed upon you." 
Hon. John L. Griffiths spoke as follows: 
"In the civilization of Greece the city was the 
unit of power — Athens was the State. Enough of 
the Greek spirit survives to cause us to rejoice when 
an unusual honor comes to the city in which we live. 
It seems in a sense to reflect honor upon each member 
of a communitv when one of their number is se- 
lected for special distinction because of what he has 
done in literature or art, in science or philanthropy 
or statesmanship. This gathering tonight of friends 
and neighbors is to testify to their appreciation of 
Charles W. Fairbanks, not as a party leader, but as 
a citizen. It is a beautiful and spontaneous tribute 
to the worth of a man. In the stress of the campaign 
he will often recall, I doubt not, these homelike sur- 
roundings and this vast host of men and women, 
many of whom for an hour at least, forget their party 
ties in their eagerness to bear witness to the high per- 
sonal esteem in which they hold their friend. Po- 
litical animosities are not as deep-rooted or as bitter 
as they often appear to be. It is well that this is so. 
^To party can arrogate to itself all the purity and 
ability, all the patriotism and courage which are to 
be found in the country at any one time. We realize 
more and more that chance plays little part in the 
successes of men. To achieve greatly one must labor 
intelligently and continuously. 


"The nominee of the Chicago convention for the 
Vice-Presidency has not been the favorite of fortune. 
He has fairly and justly earned all the honors which 
have been bestowed upon him. He comes close to 
the people because his life has been rooted in their 

"His nomination is a recognition of the growing 
power of the great middle West — of that section of 
our common country where the people are peculiarly 
frugal and resourceful, industrious and thrifty, with 
sturdy notions of honesty, where they care less for 
cleverness than for integrity and place a higher value 
upon character than they do upon wealth. 

"Charles W. Fairbanks was made one of the stand- 
ard bearers of his party because he has always had 
'a healthy conscience' in public matters and has been 
actuated by an overpowering sense of duty. He has 
felt as Lincoln did, that in the tides of feeling which 
sweep and surge about a public man, he must keep 
some consciousness of being somewhere near the 
right. He must keep some standard or principle 
fixed within himself. He has been diligent in the 
business of his Government. He has never regarded 
the holding of an office as a pastime, but has keenly 
felt the high responsibility which a lofty trust im- 
poses. He has always had c a sweet and just tongue/ 
speaking what he had to say temperately but forcibly. 
~No public utterance of his can be recalled in which 
he ever abused a political opponent. He has won his 



way into the hearts of men by traveling a pathway 
too seldom traversed — the pathway of gentleness and 
fairness and moderation. 

"His nomination is a reminder that the early tra- 
ditions of the Republic have not entirely disappeared. 
Again we have the inspiring spectacle of the office 
seeking the man. Whenever this occurs, now as in 
the days of Washington and Jefferson and the elder 
Adams, it is the capable man that is sought — the man 
who by training, education, experience and ability is 
best equipped for the office. 

: 'The nomination of Charles W. Fairbanks has 
also shown, in this age so much given to speech- 
making, that silence is still golden. 

"General Lafayette, upon his return to France, 
said of Martha Washington, 'She is the best woman 
in the world and beloved by all who know her.' Re- 
cently I heard a woman pay this same tribute to the 
wife who has contributed so much to Senator Fair- 
banks' illustrious career. Coming from a woman, 
the tribute means much more than if spoken by a 

"In the nomination of the husband we also see an 
appreciation of the wife, who is the embodiment of all 
the splendid qualities which beautify and adorn the 
highest and truest womanhood. Through all the 
years, Senator and Mrs. Fairbanks, your friends and 
neighbors wish for both of you peace and joy and 
happiness, increasing honors and widening fields of 
usefulness and power." 


Hon. John W. Kern said : 

"Senator Fairbanks — To have such a home-coming 
as this must be to the man of heart and generous sen- 
sibilities vastly more gratifying than to be nominated 
and elected to any office in the gift of the people. 
One may be nominated and elected to office simply 
because men prompted by a sense of duty or party 
loyalty vote their party ticket, but this welcome home 
from your neighbors of every shade of political belief 
conveys to you the pleasing fact that your neighbors 
are your friends, delighting in your preferment and 
rejoicing because of the high honors of which you 
are the worthy recipient. 

"This meeting proves that Indianapolis is not only 
a city of homes, but a city of neighbors, and the 
neighborly spirit of the community was never more 
strikingly illustrated than tonight, when hundreds of 
your fellow-citizens, who will fight you tooth and nail 
on election dav, are here in generous rivalry with 
your most ardent political supporters, as to who may 
best attest the sincerity of the personal friendship 
and good will with which you are regarded by all. 

"While they recognize in you a foeman worthy 
the steel of their greatest leaders, they also recognize 
in you an upright citizen, a genial companion, a 
neighbor and friend, and so most heartily do they 
extend to you their congratulations, and their best 
wishes for your health, happiness and continued per- 
sonal prosperity. 


"It is true, in Indiana, at least, that political dif- 
ferences do not interfere in the slightest degree with 
personal friendships. The flowers that grow upon 
our garden walls of party politics are always in 
bloom. We have shown to the world in many a hard- 
fought conflict in the past that it is entirely possible 
for us to fight each other in campaign times like 
wildcats; and then, after the election, go on drink- 
ing out of the same canteen, as if nothing had hap- 

"And this, because all realize that our differences 
of opinions are honest differences, and that our dis- 
agreements are only on questions of governmental 
policy — for when the Government itself is assailed, 
or the honor of the flag imperiled, all differences are 
instantly forgotten — and in devotion to the Republic 
and loyalty to the flag, our people become as indi- 
visible as the sea. 

"There are many of us who can not vote for you 
at the polls, because we do not subscribe to the polit- 
ical creed of which you are a distinguished represent- 
ative, and we will defeat your ticket if we can, but 
we will be none the less your friends, wishing you 
great prosperity in everything save politics. 

"The fact is, Senator, and I think I violate no 
confidence in stating it, that the voters of my party 
prefer you as Senator rather than any other Repub- 
lican who might be elected as your successor, and are 


loath to give you up before the expiration of the term 
for which you were elected. 

"They feel that your services are really needed in 
that capacity, both by your country and party, and 
that you are also needed there as a companion and 
friend to Senator Beveridge, to throw about him your 
gentle restraining influence. We all like Senator 
Beveridge, and as one of Indiana's ablest and most 
brilliant sons, are proud of him, but we feel that he 
will do better work by the side of an experienced and 
staid companion like yourself than he is likely to 
when hitched up with one of the many colts who will 
be prancing about trying to get into your senatorial 
harness even before you have laid it off. 

"I therefore assure you that, while we may not be, 
can not be, for your national ticket, we are neverthe- 
less for you for United States Senator even to the 
uttermost limit of your term. 

"But seriously and in conclusion, Senator Fair- 
banks, you are to be congratulated, and we, your 
neighbors, do most heartily congratulate you on your 
great good fortune. You have made a success of life. 
You have a delightful home and family; you have 
received great honors from your State and your 
party, but better and above all that, you have lived 
such a life, and so walked amongst men, as to draw 
to yourself from amongst those who know you best 
great hosts of personal friends, who are ready on an 
occasion like this to forget that there are differences 


of opinion amongst us, and join together as one man 
in rejoicing at the new honors which have come to 

"Without regard to party lines, the people of In- 
dianapolis, your beautiful home city, are one to-night 
in their heartfelt congratulations to you, and invok- 
ing God's blessings upon you and your household." 
Senator Beveridge greeted his colleague as follows : 
"There are few better words in our language than 
the word 'honie,' and there is no kinder word than 
the word 'welcome.' If to these another word be 
added, we have the trinity which makes life worth 
living, and that third word is the dear word ' friend.' 
These words and all they mean are on our lips to- 
night, and they are on our lips because they are in 
our hearts ; for we welcome home our friend. We 
greet him in that solid, earnest faithful way which 
distinguishes the people of our city and our State. 
The people of Indiana claim no monopoly of human 
virtues, but this we know: that nowhere does hospi- 
tality, generosity and good fellowship mean more 
than here within the boundaries of our common- 
wealth. And when one of Indiana's sons wins dis- 
tinction all the people of our State are proud and 
glad. It is in this spirit that we, his neighbors, 
gather fonight about the roof tree of our beloved 
fellow-citizen who conies _ back to us crowned 
with an honor conferred upon him by men 
from all over the Republic, The pride we 


feel in him, the gratitude which is in our hearts 
to those who placed this laurel upon his brow, 
is that of brothers and sisters of a family. In 
a certain sense we feel that we share in the high favor 
which has been conferred upon him. For we live 
right beside him. For years we have gone with him 
about the walks of the day's business ; for years been 
favored by his genial presence ; for years his perfect 
life has been to us all an example and inspiration. 
So, as friends and neighbors we take him by the 
hand tonight with the grasp of that real welcome bet- 
ter spoken by the touch of hand than by the sound of 
words. This assemblage assures him again of what 
he has always known and always may know : that he 
is surrounded now as he will be hereafter by the 
friendship of the people among whom he lives. One 
of the greatest gifts which the Father can bestow on 
any human being is the treasure of friendship ; and 
this treasure Senator Fairbanks has in noble measure. 
"The law of compensation is universal, and no 
honor comes to man without corresponding duties. 
Into the arduous work to which my eminent colleague 
is now immediately called he will have the inspira- 
tion of the hearty good wishes of every man, woman 
and child in Indiana ; and we on our part have the 
sure knowledge that in it all he will speak and work 
for what he believes to be best for the Republic. In 
this he will be merely a type of Americanism; be- 
cause all of us, of every party and of every creed, 


are hoping and working in our various ways to make 
and keep this Nation the noblest of all the nations 
of the earth. As we are given to see the right, each 
one of us is now doing and will hereafter do his part 
to keep the fires of American ideals burning on Lib- 
erty's altar. In this sense all of us, of every party 
and of every creed, hail our friend and neighbor as 
a fellow-American, who, in common with us all, 
works and wishes for the Republic's good. That our 
friend does this — that his efforts are devoted to the 
Nation's weal, that earnest consecration to high pur- 
poses distinguishes him — none can better know than 
I, who for five years have been favored by sitting at 
his side in that exalted body which his presence has 
honored and adorned. As friends and neighbors we 
greet him and wish him good fortune and God- 

Senator Fairbanks said: 

"Mr. Mayor, Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Kern, Senator 
Beveridge, my Neighbors and Friends — What can I 
say ? This splendid greeting steals my tongue away. 
You, good friends, have said more, and no one knows 
better than I how much more, than I deserve. To 
you I bring the tribute of a heart outflowing with 
gratitude for this manifestation of your neighborly 
respect. I recognize among the vast multitude here 
many who are not in political accord with me. I 
honor them none the less for that, for in this great 
Republic the right of difference with respect to polit- 


ical questions goes unchallenged. I do not expect to 
win all of you to my political beliefs, but I do hope to 
convince you as to the integrity of my motives and 
purposes. Eo word from me tonight will have about 
it any political partisan flavor — none whatever. 

"You have alluded, my friends, to the great Na- 
tional Convention at Chicago, which conferred a dis- 
tinguished honor upon me. Great as that is, it is 
incomparable to the honor which I realize in full 
measure tonight. All of the political parties upon 
this earth can confer no honor that is comparable to 
that which I trust I enjoy in the respect and confi- 
dence of the people of this city and State. My 
friends, honor does not abide in place, no matter 
how exalted it is. It abides in the hearts and the 
confidence of one's countrymen. 

"This is a splendid city. All that we have been, 
all that we are and all that we expect to be, is cen- 
tered here. Her shame is our shame; her honor is 
our glory. 'Home/ says my beloved colleague — yes, 
in all the vocabulary of men, vast as it is, there is no 
sweeter and no holier word than that. And you have 
added to its sweetness tonight. It possesses a splen- 
dor and a glory it never possessed before. 

"My friend, Mr. Griffiths, in the goodness of his 
nature, paid a tribute — 

[The Senator was so affected at this point that for 
a time he was unable to proceed. Mr. Griffiths had 
paid a high tribute to Mrs. Fairbanks.] 


"All I can say, is, I thank you for it. 

"This State has contributed some of the greatest 
names ever contributed by your party [turning to Mr. 
Kern] and ours in American history, and in the 
glory they brought the State we find an equal cause 
for rejoicing and gratification. The city of Indian- 
apolis gave to the Nation an eminent United States 
Senator and a Vice-President, a friend of mine from 
the time I set foot in Indianapolis — Hon. Thomas 
A. Hendricks. And there was Joseph E. McDonald, 
a man of sound judgment, of patriotic purpose, a 
United States Senator of distinction, and then there 
was William H. English, who was nominated for the 
second office in the gift of the people. Their mem- 
ories are a part of the rich inheritance that not only 
Democracy enjoys, but Republicanism as well in the 
State of Indiana. 

"My friends, the list is a long one. There is an- 
other name to which I would direct your attention. 
It stood a tower of strength in the perilous days of 
the Republic. I refer to the Cromwell of American 
politics, Oliver P. Morton. 

"And there was my old-time friend and our old 
neighbor, Judge Walter Q. Gresham, who rendered 
conspicuous civic and military service and left us a 
name without a stain. Yes, and there was another 
— one who wrote a high record of patriotic, intelli- 
gent, conservative service to the Republic — the late 
General Benjamin Harrison. 


"My fellow citizens, we have had a busy day of 
it. Coming from the city of Chicago, all the way 
through the State, we have been met by magnificent 
assemblages of American citizens. Our countrymen, 
without regard to party distinctions or partisan dif- 
ferences, have come to meet and to greet us. I know 
very well that when the time for gathering the judg- 
ment of the American people at the ballot-box comes, 
our differences will manifest themselves, but thus far 
there has been no trace whatever of partisan division. 
In that fact I find the greatest gratification. It is 
an assurance to me that, after all, partisans as we are 
in this great State where political battles are won in 
the heat of conflict, we are all Americans, Americans 

"I have only this further to say, my friends : We 
can make this community better, we can make the 
city better, if we will. We each and all owe to it, no 
matter what our political beliefs are, intelligent, de- 
voted service. This State, this community, is a State 
and community of homes. "We practice here those 
virtues which are the foundation of the fireside, 
which, in the final analysis, is the very bulwark and 
strength of the Republic. 

"Fellow citizens, permit me to return to you my 
thanks, and ask for you, in the years that lie before 
us, the richest blessings that the Almighty can shower 
upon you, each and every one." 

Chapter XVIII. 


/^\N the 3d of August the committee appointed by 
^-^ the convention to officially notify Senator Fair- 
banks of his nomination for Vice-President arrived 
in Indianapolis, headed by Hon. Elihu Root, ex-Sec- 
retary of War. The committee was escorted to the 
residence of the Senator, where a large crowd of cit- 
izens had assembled. Mr. Root, speaking for the 
committee and the convention, said : 
"Senator Fairbanks: 

"The committee which now waits upon you was 
appointed by the National Convention of the Repub- 
lican party at Chicago in June and its agreeable duty 
is to notify you of your nomination as the Republican 
candidate for the office of Vice-President of the 
United States for the term to begin on the 4th day of 
March, 1905. 

"We give you formal notice of that nomination 
with assurance of the undivided and hearty support 
of the great party which has executed the people's 
will in the government of this country for the better 
part of the last half century. The nomination comes 



to yon in accordance with the best methods and prac- 
tices of representative government. It was the result 
of long and earnest consideration and discussion by 
the members of the convention. It was not the 
chance product of an excited hour, and it was not 
upon the demand of any powerful influence — politi- 
cal or otherwise — constraining the judgment of the 
delegates. It was not made for the purpose of concil- 
iating possible malcontents, or of swelling the cam- 
paign fund of the party. No bargains or intrigues 
contributed to it. No suppressions of the truth or 
misleading of the convention as to your principles 
and opinions were necessary to bring it about. It 
was the deliberate, informed and intelligent judg- 
ment of the delegates from every State and Territory, 
and it was their unanimous judgment. 

"It is a great office to which you are called. John 
Adams and Thomas Jefferson, and George Clinton, 
and John C. Calhoun, and Martin Van Buren, and 
many others whose names are illustrious in the his- 
tory of our country, have filled it. It is an office of 
high dignity and immediate, ever-present importance. 
The credit and honor of our country are greatly con- 
cerned in the character and conduct of the man who 
presides over the Senate of the United States — that 
powerful and august body, of which you are already 
so experienced, so useful and so honored a member. 

"But the Vice-President has other grave duties of 
imperative obligation. When the people elect a 


President "under our political system they do not 
merely select the man for the office ; they give their 
approval to certain controlling principles and policies 
of government ; and the administration, of which the 
Vice-President is a part, is bound to give effect to 
these principles and policies. The primary duty of 
the Vice-President to be always ready to take up the 
burden of the Presidency if occasion requires, car- 
ries with it the duty to be always ready to continue 
unbroken the policies which the people have entrusted 
to the administration for execution. For the due per- 
formance of this duty the Vice-President should be 
familiar with the conduct of affairs by the adminis- 
tration as it proceeds, a part of its counsels and im- 
bued with a knowledge of its labors, its perplexities 
and its motives, that can come only from intimate 
association and confidence and sympathy. Too often 
it has happened that after excited contests for the 
Presidential nomination the candidate for Vice-Presi- 
dent has been selected from the defeated faction for 
the purpose of appeasing their resentment, and that 
after election he has remained antagonistic in spirit, 
and a stranger to the counsels of the President whom 
he may be called upon to succeed. Happily we are 
now in no such case. The people would fain see again 
such relations of sympathy and loyal helpfulness for 
the public good as existed between President Mc- 
Kinley and Vice-President Hobart ; and the personal 
relations between President Poosevelt and yourself, 


your mutual esteem and good understanding assure 
us that these happy conditions will come again after 
the 4th of next March. We count upon your wisdom 
and experience and loyal aid as an element of ever 
present strength in the coming administration. 

"As to the supreme responsibility of the Vice- 
Presidency in case of succession to the Presidency, 
we shall all pray, and no one more earnestly than 
yourself, that it may not come to you. But we are 
not at liberty to ignore the possibility that it may 
cgme. Sad and bitter experience admonishes us that 
provision for succession to the Presidency is no idle 
form. Of the last twelve Presidents elected by the 
people of the United States five — nearly one-half — 
have died in office and have been succeeded by Vice- 
Presidents. A serious obligation rests upon political 
parties which select the candidates between whom the 
people must choose, to see to it that they nominate 
men for this possible succession who have the 
strength of body and mind and character which shall 
enable them, if occasion comes, to take up the bur- 
dens of the great Presidential office, to endure its try- 
ing and exhausting demands, to meet its great re- 
sponsibilities, and with firm hand and clear vision 
to guide the government of the country until the 
people can express their choice again. 

a Our opponents of the Democratic party have sig- 
nally failed to perform this duty. They have nom- 
inated as their candidate for the Vice-Presidency an 


excellent gentleman who was born during the presi- 
dency of James Monroe, and who before the 4th of 
March next will be in the eighty-second year of his 
age. Before the next administration is ended he will 
be approaching his eighty-sixth birthday. It is no 
disparagement of this gentleman, for whom, I believe, 
we all have the highest respect, to say that he shares 
the common lot of mortals, and that the election of 
any man of such great age would furnish no safe- 
guard to the American people against the disaster 
which would ensue upon the death of a President 
with a successor not competent to perforin the duties 
of the Presidential office. It is common experience 
that very aged men, however bright and active they 
may appear for brief periods, can not sustain long- 
continued severe exertion. The demands of the Pres- 
idential office upon the mental and physical vitality 
are so great, so continuous and so exhausting as to be 
wholly beyond the capacity of any man of eighty- 

"The attempt by such a man to perform the duties 
of the office would with practical certainty be speed- 
ily followed by a complete breakdown both of body 
and of mind. In contemplating the remote possi- 
bility of the election of the Democratic candidate for 
Vice-President, the people of the country are bound 
to contemplate also as a necessary result of such an 
election in case of the President's death, that others, 
not chosen by the people, and we know not who, 


would govern in the name of a nominal successor un- 
able himself to perform the constitutional duties of 
his office; or worse still, that serious doubt whether 
the Vice-President had not reached a condition of 
'inability' within the meaning of the Constitution 
would throw the title to the office of President into 

"The serious effect of such an event upon the gov- 
ernment and upon the business interests and general 
welfare of the country and the serious effect even of 
the continual menace of such an event, must be ap- 
parent to every thoughtful mind. 

"In your election, on the other hand, this chief 
requirement will be fully met. In the full strength 
of middle life you are prepared for the exhausting 
duties of the Presidency. Your successful and dis- 
tinguished career, the ability and probity with which 
you have already discharged the duties of high office, 
the universal respect and esteem of the people of In- 
diana who have delighted to honor you, the attach- 
ment of hosts of friends throughout the Union — all 
assure us that you have the character and the ability 
to govern wisely and strongly should you become 
President. Many indeed among our people have al- 
ready turned toward you as a suitable candidate to 
be elected directly to that great office. 

"It is the earnest wish of your party and of many 
good citizens who have no party affiliations that you 
shall accept this nomination, and that you shall be 



elected in ^November to be the next Vice-President of 
the United States. In expressing to you this wish, 
we beg to add an assurance of our own personal re- 
spect, esteem and loyalty." 

To this address of Mr. Root Senator Fairbanks re- 
plied as follows : 
"Mr. Root and Gentlemen of the Committee: 

"I thank you for the very generous terms in which 
you have conveyed the official notification of my nom- 
ination for Vice-President of the United States. The 
unsolicited and unanimous nomination by the Repub- 
lican party is a call to duty which I am pleased to 

"I accept the commission which you bring with a 
profound sense of the dignity and responsibilities of 
the exalted position for which I have been nominated. 
My utmost endeavor will be to discharge in full meas- 
ure the trust, if the action of the convention shall 
meet the approval of the American people. 

"The platform adopted by the convention is an ex- 
plicit and emphatic declaration of principles in entire 
harmony with those policies of our party which have 
brought great honor and prosperity to our common 
country, and which, if continued, will bring us like 
blessings in the future. 

"The monetary and economic policies which have 
been so forcibly reannounced lie at the very founda- 
tion of our industrial life, and are essential to the 
fullest development of our national strength. They 


give vitality to our manufactures and commerce, and 
if impaired or overthrown there would inevitably 
ensue a period of industrial depression, to the serious 
injury of the vast interests of both labor and capital. 

"The Republican party, since it preserved the in- 
tegrity of the Republic and gave freedom to the op- 
pressed, never rendered a more important service to 
the country than when it established the gold stand- 
ard. Under it we have increased our currency supply 
sufficiently to meet the normal requirements of busi- 
ness. It is gratifying that the convention made frank 
and explicit declaration of the inflexible purpose of 
the party to maintain the gold standard. It is essen- 
tial not only that the standard should be as good as 
the best in the world, but that the people should have 
the assurance that it will be so maintained. . 

"The enemies of sound money were powerful 
enough to suppress mention of the gold standard in 
the platform lately adopted by the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention. The leader of Democracy in two 
great national campaigns has declared, since the ad- 
journment of the convention, that as soon as the 
election is over he will undertake to organize the 
forces within the Democratic party for the next 
national contest, for the purpose of advancing the 
radical policies for which his element of the party 
stands. „ He frankly says that the money question is 
for the present in abeyance. In view of these palpa- 
ble facts, it is not the part of wisdom to abandon our 


vigilance in safeguarding the integrity of our mon- 
etary system. We must have not only a President 
who is unalterably committed to the gold standard, 
but both houses of Congress in entire accord with 
him upon the subject. 

"In Congress and not with the President rests the 
supreme power to determine the standard of our 
money. Though the Chief Executive should oppose, 
the Congress, acting within its independent constitu- 
tional authority, could at any time overthrow or 
change the monetary standard. 

"The wisdom of our protective policy finds com- 
plete justification in the industrial development of 
the country. This policy has become a most vital 
part of our industrial system and must be maintained 
unimpaired. When altered conditions make changes 
in schedules desirable, their modification can be 
safely entrusted to the Republican party. If they 
are to be changed by the enemies of the system along 
free trade lines, uncertainty would take the place of 
certainty, and a reaction would surely follow to the 
injury of the wage-earners and all who are now prof- 
itably employed. Uncertainty undermines confi- 
dence and loss of confidence breeds confusion and 
distress in commercial affairs. 

"The convention was wise not only in its enuncia- 
tion of party policies, but in its nomination of a can- 
didate for the Presidency. During the last three 
years President Roosevelt has been confronted with 


large and serious questions. These he has met and 
solved with high wisdom and courage. The charges 
made against him in the Democratic platform find an 
irrefutable answer in his splendid administration, 
never surpassed in all the history of the Republic 
and never equaled by the party which seeks to dis- 
credit it. 

"The election of the President is imperatively de- 
manded by those whose success depends upon the con- 
tinuance of a safe, conservative and efficient adminis- 
tration of public affairs. 

"We have an ample record of deeds done, of benefi- 
cent things accomplished in the public interest. The 
vast business of the government has been well admin- 
istered. The laws have been enforced fearlessly and 
impartially. The treasury has been adequately sup- 
plied with revenue and the financial credit of the 
Government was never better. Our foreign trade 
balance continues to increase our national wealth. 
We have adopted an irrigation policy which will 
build homes in the arid regions of the West. The 
Panama Canal, the hope of centuries, is in course of 
construction, under the sole protection of the Ameri- 
can flag. 

"We have peace and great prosperity at home and 
are upon terms of good neighborhood with the entire 
world. These conditions constitute the strongest pos- 
sible assurance for the future. 

"Later I shall avail myself of a favorable opportu- 


nity to submit to you ; and through you to my fellow- 
citizens, a fuller expression of my views concerning 
the questions now in issue. 

"Permit me again to thank you and to express the 
belief that we may confidently submit our cause to 
the candid and patriotic judgment of our coun- 
trymen. " 

Chapter XIX. 


A LMOST from the moment of his entering the 
•*■ ** Senate Mr. Fairbanks has stood among the 
leaders of that great legislative body. His colleagues 
have held him in high esteem and recognized his abil- 
ities. In 1902 the late Senator Mark Hanna made 
several speeches in Indiana, and in all of them lie 
referred in high terms to Senator Fairbanks. In his 
speech at Bunker Hill he said : 

"There is no man in the United States Senate who 
is respected more highly ; who has any .wider in- 
fluence nor who has exerted more of that influence 
in, the support of the McKinley administration, and 
all through his public life, than has Senator Fair- 
banks. You should be proud of him, and in sending 
him back to the United States Senate it will be a 
recognition of his eminent abilities and loyal patriot- 
ism to have his majority in the Legislature over- 

At South Bend he said: 

"This election is as important to you as if a Presi- 
dent was to be chosen, because you are called upon 



this fall to say whether von will send back to the 
United States Senate that splendid Senator, Charles 
W. Fairbanks, a man who entered that body at ? time 
when trials awaited this conntrv ; at a time when the 
ISTation needed good judgment, sound sense and safe 
legislation; a close friend and adviser of our mar- 
tyred President; always right on every question, al- 
ways influential and powerful in debate, and in all 
things which contributed to that splendid administra- 
tion of William McKinley, he was a prominent fac- 
tor; able and attentive to all public duties and to the 
interests of his constituents at home, he has never 
failed to support the measures which have contrib- 
uted so much to the benefit of all." 

Before the meeting of the Chicago convention 
nearly all the Republican papers of the country spoke 
in terms of high praise of Mr. Fairbanks, and urged 
his selection for the second place on the ticket. Since 
the convention the press of the country has spoken 
at length as to his character and abilities. A few 
extracts will show the temper of the whole : 

Gazette, Pittsburg, Penn. : 

"Senator Charles Warren Fairbanks needs no in- 
troduction to the public. He has carved out for him- 
self a career that speaks eloquently for his force of 
character and his standing where he is known. On 
the floor of the Senate he has been a leader, an ad- 
vocate of progressive and sound policies. lie is a 
man of affairs. He will make a model Vice-Presi- 


dent . . . Senator Fairbanks is in close and in- 
telligent touch with the interests and policies of the 

Record, Troy, N. Y. : 

"Senator Fairbanks' Republicanism has never 
been questioned. His addresses on public policy have 
always rung true to the keynote of the issues as de- 
fined in the party's platforms, and as temporary 
chairman of the National convention in 1896 it was 
he who gave form to the issues of the campaign of 
that year. He has the full courage of his convic- 
tions. If he is elected he will without doubt make a 
dignified and thoroughly capable Vice-President. 1 


News, Providence, P. I. : 

"Fortunate indeed is the Republican party in hav- 
ing as its nominee for Vice-President such a wise and 
progressive statesman as Charles Warren Fairbanks, 
and President Roosevelt is equally fortunate in. hav- 
ing as his associate on the ticket a man of such com- 
manding mental equipment. Not only is Mr. Fair- 
banks of Senatorial stature, but of Presidential cali- 
ber, and he brings to the cause of Republicanism the 
valuable assistance of his personal popularity in In- 
diana, a State the electoral vote of which is always 
included in Democratic calculations of possible vic- 
tory. He has made an enviable record in the pro- 
fession of the law and on the higher plane of politics ; 
he has served with distinction in the Senate, where he 


revealed himself as the possessor of a long head and 
a loyal heart, and his sound judgment and familiarity 
with affairs of national concern can not fail to prove 
valuable assets of his party." 

Times, Troy, N". Y. : 

"As presiding officer of the Senate, of which he is 
now a valuable and respected member, as a counselor 
of the President and as a representative to our own 
people and those of other countries of Americanism 
in high office, Charles W. Fairbanks, the present Sen- 
ator, will justify the complete wisdom with which 
the Republican convention placed his name on its 

Express, San Antonio, Texas : 

"He is a leader of distinguished ability, a man who 
is held in high estimation by the whole country, a 
statesman who would honor any public position." 

Gazette, Delaware, Ohio : 

"He is a brainy man, an intelligent man, a re- 
sourceful man, and a fearless man ; he is in the Presi- 
dential class. He is a popular man, and his name 
will add a tower of strength to the ticket." 

Hawkeye, Burlington, Iowa: 

"Of Senator Fairbanks much that is good can be 
said. Much has been said of him in times past, and 
it is all to his credit as a broad, earnest, forceful, 
loyal Republican. His record is without a stain; 
his ability above question. He will add a great 


and influential strength to the National ticket, and 
he will give a standing to the office of Vice-Presi- 
dent far above the ordinary conception of it." 

Union, Springfield, Mass. : 

"He will make an ideal presiding officer in stature, 
dignity and intellect. He will be a most valuable 
counselor, and in him the Republic will have, as it 
always should have, a man able and worthy to take 
his place at the head of the Nation should occasion 

Republican, Johnstown, N. Y. : 

"Throughout his public life his colleagues have 
reposed great confidence in his wisdom, and his ad- 
vice has been sought on all important matters." 

The Indianapolis Union, the official organ of the In- 
diana Federation of Trade and Labor Unions : 
"There is no man living more approachable, more 
humble in his simple method of living than Senator 
Fairbanks. We have seen him get out of his seat in 
the crowded street car and give it to a tired working- 
man in his shirt sleeves ; we saw him pick up a pick- 
aninny and carry it across the muddy street, soiling 
his own clothing while others humble in circum- 
stances did not notice the urchin. Committees of or- 
ganized labor have frequently had occasion to call 
on the Senator, and they never had occasion to com- 
plain on account of red tape methods applied in 
securing an audience. Senator Fairbanks was the 


speaker on Labor Day at Kansas City two years ago. 
His address was full of his Senatorial utterances 
upon the immigration and Chinese exclusion ques- 
tions which have distinguished him. 

"In this particular direction one of the influential 
of American statesmen is in unison with organized 
labor upon at least two cardinal principles. As a 
public man, Mr. Fairbanks is open to public criti- 
cism, but we are candid in our opinion that, reared 
as a Republican, brought up amidst environments 
that have taught him to believe in the tenets of the 
Republican party, there are few, if any, of his polit- 
ical stature, of his scholarly attainments, personal 
traits and character, that will more nearly serve the 
people's best interests as the Vice-Presidential nom- 
inee and incumbent chosen by a National Republican 
convention than Senator Charles Warren Fair- 

The United States Tobacco Journal, in its issue 
of June 25, 1904, in describing the efforts of the 
cigarmakers of the country to secure a modification 
of the tariff on leaf tobacco, as proposed in the pend- 
ing Dingley bill, has this to say in regard to Sen- 
ator Fairbanks: 

"There is no man in public life to whom the to- 
bacco trade is under greater obligations than Senator 
Fairbanks, the nominee of the Republican party for 
the Vice-Presidency. 

"The United States Tobacco Journal makes this 


statement deliberately and will instantly proceed to 
prove it. . . . 

"The two-dollar duty passed triumphantly the 
House. Onlv the Senate was then left for a renewed 
attempt at modification, and untiring in their zeal 
the Philadelphians commenced to tackle every indi- 
vidual Senator. Almost the first and only one who 
responded with a receptive mood was Senator 
Fairbanks, from Indiana. Although then new to 
his Senatorial toga he had nevertheless acquired a na- 
tional reputation as the presiding officer of the con- 
vention which nominated William McKinley for the 
Presidency. In his first interview with the Phila- 
delphians the Senator frankly confessed his absolute 
ignorance of the merits in question ; but he signified 
at the same time his willingness to be instructed. 
And so he was, and in less than no time he became 
better informed on it than any other member of Con- 
gress. He then went to work with the Finance Com- 
mittee to consent to a reduction of the duty to $1.50. 
It was the stiff est kind of a job the Senator could 
have undertaken, as the influence of Senator Orville 
H. Piatt, from Connecticut, who naturally supported 
the $2 rate in the supposed interest of the Connecti- 
cut tobacco growers, seemed to be paramount in that 
committee. After weeks of wrangling and haggling 
there was to be one evening a meeting of the Finance 
Committee at the Arlington Hotel for the final set- 
tling of the schedule rates. The Philadelphians were 


in a whirl of excitement, crowding the lobby of the 
hotel and watching for the assembling of the com- 
mittee. Imagine their surprise, therefore, when they 
saw Senator Fairbanks coming ont of his room in full 
evening dress, and, instead of entering the committee 
room, trying to leave the hotel ! He was at once be- 
sieged with anxious inquiries, to which he answered 
good humoredly and reassuringly that he was 'com- 
manded' to dinner with the President, whose com- 
mand, of course, he could not disobey, but he was 
provident enough to get beforehand the promise of 
the committee that they would wait with the final 
fixing of the tobacco rates till he should return. And 
promptly at 10 o'clock the anxious watchers were re- 
warded with the return of the Senator, who at once 
repaired to the committee room, where he succeeded 
in having both Piatt and Dingley defeated in the ac- 
ceptance of the $1.50 rate by a majority vote. 

"These are the unforgetable services of Senator 
Fairbanks, now a Vice-Presidential candidate, on be- 
half of the tobacco trade, the more to be appreciated 
because he had no immediate constituents to serve in 
this respect. 

"How infinitely more is it, therefore, to the credit 
of Senator Fairbanks that he placed himself at the 
service, most disinterestedly and most courteously, 
of men who were not even his constituents, and of a 
cause that only remotely affected a not altogether too 


large industry in his own State ? Such a service 
should, be gratefully remembered." 

When Senator Fairbanks' name was being can- 
vassed as a probable nominee for Vice-President the 
New York Sun was not disposed to cordially support 
the proposition. A few days after the Chicago con- 
vention the Sun quoted several extracts from the 
maiden speech of the Senator, and followed with 
these remarks: 

"We take this speech by Mr. Fairbanks as an illus- 
tration of his habits of thought and direct methods 
of expression. We choose this particular speech for 
these reasons : 

"1. This was his maiden speech in Congress, and 
it is on the occasion of a first appearance that an or- 
ator is most likely to trim or hesitate or wabble, if he 
is conffenitallv and habituallv a trimmer, a wabbler 
or a moral stutterer. 

"2. The speech concerned a crucial question of na- 
tional policy, obtruded a year before it actually went 
to the arbitrament of war ; and historical events since 
the expressions of these opinions therefore afford a 
ready test of Senator Fairbanks' prescience, his good 
sense and his patriotic courage. 

"3. It contained a manly appeal to those Repub- 
licans in the Senate who had different opinions of 
duty and policy regarding Cuba, to stand by the St. 
Louis platform and redeem its pledges honestly, fear- 
lessly, faithfully. 


"Do these passages we have quoted above read like 
the utterances of a weakling ? Do they betray a bur- 
rowing, Machiavellian, sophistical or an evasive and 
colorless sort of mind ? Xot a bit of it ! Mr. Fair- 
banks' words on this great subject went straight and 
rang clear." 


This book is 


under no circumstances to be 
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form 410