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THE LIFE AND TIMES
OF
RODRIGO BORGIA
I"*
THE LIFE AND TIMES
OF
RODRIGO BORGIA
POPE ALEXANDER VI.
BY THE MOST REV.
ARNOLD H. IMATHEW, D.D.
ARCHBISHOP OF THE OLD ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN GREAT BRITAIN
AND IRELAND, DE JURE EARL OF LLANDAFF OF THOMASTOWN
" Let writers of history remember never to dare to tell a lie nor to
fear to tell the truth." POPE LEO XIII.
WITH 52 ILLUSTRATIONS IN HALF-TONE.
NEW YORK
BRENTANO'S
Printed in Great Britain
MADE AND PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
BY
SOUTHAMPTON TIMES LIMITED
SOUTHAMPTON
PREFACE
THE object I have in view in writing this book is
merely to present as accurate a sketch of the life
and times of the principal member of the Borgia
family as it seems possible to produce, with the com-
paratively few contemporary materials that are now
available.
The second and third volumes of Monsieur Thuasne's
Latin edition of the Diary of John Burchard Bishop
of Orta, afford much trustworthy information at
first hand.
The value of this information has been minimised,
firstly, by those who, like Leibnitz, have published
merely extracts from it, conveying a false impression
of the work itself ; and, secondly, by Borgian apolo-
gists, who have striven to cast doubts upon the
veracity of the Bishop of Orta, or to attribute those
entries in his Diary which tell against the Spanish
Pope to " interpolators " who were the alleged
enemies of his Holiness, and anxious to defame him.
The Diary begins in 1483 and ends, with the death
of its author, in 1506. In the short space of twenty-
three years, during which Burchard held the office
of Pontifical Master of the Ceremonies, no fewer
than five Popes had been personally known and
served by him. He resided in the Vatican, and,
as was customary, kept, for his own private use and
information, a daily record of the events which
interested him. This Diary was obviously not
intended for publication, nor for any other eye than
5
6 PREFACE
that of Burchard himself. The original Diary is
now kept securely locked up in the Vatican, and
would probably never have seen the light of day
had it not been for Rodrigo Borgia's namesake, Pope
Alexander VII. (1655-67), who caused a copy of
it to be made for his kinsman, Prince Chigi, who
placed it in the library of the Chigi Palace. It thus
became accessible to historical and liturgical students,
and extracts from it have, from time to time, ap-
peared, whilst all historians of the period it covers
have sought information in its pages.
The fact that Burchard did not write the book
for publication, or for the public eye, suffices to
refute the charges of malevolence and falsehood
brought against him by his detractors in their anxiety
to vindicate the reputation of the House of Borgia.
A man occupying the more or less lucrative appoint-
ment of Pontifical Sacristan, deriving his income from
the Popes, with whom he was in daily contact and
on evidently friendly terms, could have no possible
object in jotting down, in his private note-book,
details of events which, it is contended, either never
took place or were exaggerated.
The style and tone of the entries bear witness
to their accuracy. They consist merely of rough
notes, usually without comment, and in some cases
purposely curtailed, or limited to a few words, suffi-
cient only to recall the incidents, barely recorded, to
the writer's memory. The work is by no means a
mere chronique scandaleuse. It consists chiefly of a
protocol of ceremonies and functions at the Vatican,
the names of persons taking part in them, the vest-
ments worn, the ornaments used, and so forth. Quite
incidentally, and clearly without malice aforethought,
other matters are introduced, some of them of his-
torical interest, others sufficiently startling and, at
times, even shocking. The Diary is intended primarily
and obviously as a mere chronicle of official duties
PREFACE 7
and experiences, and was meant to serve as a book of
reference, or a record of precedents for Burchard
himself.
Nothing could well have been less like an attack
upon the Pope, for the author's impartiality is absolutely
conspicuous, in spite of the fact that it has been
impugned by Borgian apologists. In the first instance
these seem to have derived their animosity against
Burchard from his bitter, jealous, and abusive enemy,
Paris de Grassis, who succeeded him, and also kept
a Diary which one day may see the light.
The contemporaries of Burchard, who corroborate
the details given in some of the entries in his Diary,
such as Infessura, Sanuto, Guicciardini, Giovio,
Machiavelli, and others, are, all of them, condemned
as atrabilious, untrustworthy enemies of the Pope,
whose statements are not worthy of belief !
An impartial student will be unable to adopt this
view, nor is it that of such admirably fair and truth-
loving Roman Catholic scholars as Professor Ludwig
Pastor and the late Lord Acton.
Borgian apologists, some of them, admit that
Pope Alexander was a thoroughly bad man, but they
defend him on the ground that he was no worse than
his predecessors or than several of his immediate
successors in the Papal Chair. This may be true,
but it does not excuse the Pope. In accepting the
position he held, he, like every other Pope, was bound
to be a living representative, a "Vicar" of Christ,
and no Pope could ever have been so completely
ignorant of the life and teaching of his Divine Master
as to suppose he was leading the life and setting the
example which the whole Christian world had a right
to expect from him when he was living as Alexander
lived.
In fact Alexander VI., in his better moments,
deplored his crimes and shortcomings, confessed
them to be worthy of condign punishment, and
8 PREFACE
promised amendment and " the reform of the Church
in its head and in its members."
It was the manifest duty of the Pope to lead and
not to follow. The age was, much like every other
age, " corrupt and lascivious." Undoubtedly corrup-
tion in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was more
conspicuous, for it was rather gloried in than concealed.
The Pope's duty, then, was to rise above it, to denounce
the evil and to set a good example to the whole world.
That the gross profligacy of the Papal Court gave
rise to scandal, is evident, not merely from the
published works of contemporary historians and
from the private letters addressed by statesmen,
diplomats, and others, to their respective governments,
or to personages of consequence, but also from the
denunciations of the great Florentine, Friar Jerome
Savonarola, of the Order of Preachers, who paid for his
temerity in reproving the Pontiff, by suffering the
dread penalty inflicted upon the excommunicate and
the heretic of the time.
All these accumulated items of independent and
separate information form together a body of evidence
which cannot be gainsaid. If further corroboration
is needed it exists in the few frescoes that are preserved
in the Borgia apartments at the Vatican and in the
Schiffanoia Palace, the residence of Lucrezia Borgia
when Duchess of Ferrara. Unfortunately, the life-
history of Alexander VI., which formerly adorned the
walls of the Castle of Sant' Angelo in fresco, has been
entirely obliterated. It was, probably, there that the
painting existed in which the Pope's last-known
mistress, the lovely Giulia Bella Farnese, was repre-
sented as the Blessed Virgin with the Pontiff kneeling at
her feet. The same lady appears, in the Borgia apart-
ments, in the fresco of the Trial of St. Catherine painted
by Pinturicchio. There Caesar Borgia is depicted
as the King, Djem Sultan standing on his left ; Giulia
is St., Catherine, and behind her stand the Pope's
PREFACE 9
young son Giuffredo, Prince of Squillace, with his girl-
wife, Sancia of Aragon, whilst Juan Borgia, second
Duke of Gandia, the elder brother of Caesar, who had
met with a violent death, is mounted on a white charger
at the side. Doubtless other contemporary celebrities
appear in the same work.
Giulia Farnese, in a condition of complete nudity
is still to be seen as " Justice " in the recumbent
effigy which adorns the tomb of her brother, Alessandro
Farnese, who became Pope Paul III. (1534-50), and
who had been promoted to the Cardinalate by
Alexander VI.
Pope Pius IX. (1846-78) was so shocked at
the presence of this work of art in the Basilica of
St. Peter that he ordered it to be covered with a metal
chemise, painted to represent the white marble out
of which the statue is carved.
I have to express my acknowledgments to numerous
authors for the information collected in the present
volume, which does not claim to contain anything
that can be called original. I have not noticed that
any English author has observed that Alexander's
tenth known child, the young Rodrigo Borgia, who
became a Benedictine at Salerno, was born in 1503,
the year of the Pope's decease. Pere Suau, S.J.,
however, mentions the circumstance in a note, in
his Vie de Saint Francois de Borja.
I have to express my indebtedness to Father Ehrle,
S.J., of the Biblioteca Apostolica at the Vatican, and
to Monseigneur Louis Duchesne, of the cole de Rome,
for their kindness in furnishing items of information
for which I applied to them ; also to the authorities
at the British and the South Kensington Museums,
for their ready and valuable help in preparing casts of
various medals preserved in those unrivalled institu-
tions. To the Curator of the Museum at Nimes I owe
my cordial thanks for a photograph of the portrait of
Lucrezia Borgia attributed to Dosso Dossi, and my
10 PREFACE
thanks are also due to the Rector of the Jesuit College
at the old Borgian Palace at Gandia, to the Curators of
the Museums at Naples, Florence, and Rome, and to
Messrs. Spithover of the Piazza di Spagna in Rome,
for the assistance they have given me in the search
for Borgian photographs.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
*
Origin of the Borgias Alonso de Borja : his education Prophecy
of St. Vincent Ferrer Alonso elected Pope under the title of
Calixtus III., 1455 His nepotism Crusade against the Turks
Victory of Belgrade Feud with Alfonso of Naples and his
heir Don Pedro Borgia Death of Calixtus Rodrigo Borgia :
parentage and education ; relations with Vannozza Catanei ;
made Archbishop of Valencia and raised to the purple ; Vice-
Chancellor of the Holy See Election of Pope Pius II.
Rodrigo's conduct at Siena Reproachful letter from the Pope
Rodrigo's character and appearance His munificence at public
festivities Pius II. continues the crusade against the Turks
Death of Pius II., 1464 Election of Paul II. ; his character;
his death, 1471 . . . . . . p. 21
CHAPTER II
State of the country under Henry IV. of Castile Birth of the Bel-
traneja Revolt against the King The Princess Isabella
Battle of Olmedo Marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella
Character and appearance of Ferdinand Rodrigo Borgia's
mission to Spain His shipwreck Battle of Toro, 1476
Isabella's claim to Castile recognised by Peace of Alcantara,
1479 Ferdinand's accession to throne of Aragon Inquisition
in Spam War with Granada Conquest of Granada Chris-
topher Columbus Death of Isabella . . p. 45
12 CONTENTS
CHAPTER III
Death of Sixtus IV., 1484 Letter from the Cardinal of Pa via to
Rodrigo Borgia Election of Innocent VIII., 1484 His char-
acter Corruption of the clergy Rodrigo and Vannozza
Death of Innocent VIII., 1492 Lawless state of Rome
Methods of electing Pope Simoniacal election of Cardinal
Borgia as Pope Alexander VI. His magnificent coronation
festivities Guicciardini's opinion of the new Pope Alex-
ander's vigorous administration of justice His nepotism p. 61
CHAPTER IV
Children of Rodrigo Borgia Girolama and Isabella Don Pedro
Luis Don Giovanni, second Duke of Gandia Caesar : his
education and subsequent career His appearance and person-
ality Machiavelli's opinion of him Lucrezia Borgia Accusa-
tions against her character Her birth and education Giulia
Farnese, Rodrigo Borgia's second known mistress Lucrezia's
betrothal and marriage Birth of Laura, daughter of Rodrigo
Borgia and Giulia Lucrezia's domestic life Don Jofre".
youngest son of Rodrigo Borgia and Vannozza Giovanni
Sforza Letter from Rodrigo Borgia, when Pope Alexander VI.
to Lucrezia Lucrezia at Pesaro Immorality in Rome The
Infans Romanus Rodrigo, Pope Alexander's tenth child
Lucrezia's divorce . . . . . p. 75
CHAPTER V
Piero de' Medici succeeded by his son Lorenzo, 1469 Lorenzo's
love-affairs His marriage Giuliano de' Medici The Medici
wealth Visit of Duke of Milan to Florence Lorenzo's attitude
towards the advancement of letters Relations with Sixtus
IV. Sons of Pope Sixtus Alliance of Milan, Florence, and
Venice, 1474 The Pazzi Conspiracy Punishment of the
conspirators Anger of Sixtus IV. League formed against
him p. 95
CONTENTS 13
CHAPTER VI
Pope Sixtus IV. and Naples unite against Florence Lorenzo's
critical position His letter to the Florentines His reception
at Naples Invasion of the Turks The Pope releases Florence
from his interdict Frescobaldi's plot against Lorenzo Death
of Mohammed II. Capitulation of Otranto Hostility between
the Pope and Naples Alfonso of Calabria defeated at Campo
Morto by the papal troops under Ruberto Malatesta Death
of Malatesta Venetian successes in Ferrara Peace of Bagnolo,
1484 Death and obsequies of Sixtus IV., 1484 Election
of Innocent VIII. Conquest of Pietra-Santa by the Floren-
tines Ill-feeling between Ferrante of Naples and Pope Inno-
cent VIII. Bloodless battle leads to peace Death of Lorenzo's
wife, Clarice His little son, Giovanni, made Cardinal
Lorenzo's letter of advice to him Corruption of the Sacred
College Lorenzo's illness and death His character and
influence Succession of his son Piero Savonarola's preaching
Strife in the Medici family . . . . p. 114
CHAPTER VII
Illness of Louis XL of France The Hermit of Calabria summoned
to heal him His fear of death His character and administra-
tion His successor, Charles VIII. Anne of Beaujeu : her wise
rule Civil war in Brittany Landois : his terrible fate Battle
of St. Aubin du Cormier La Tremouille's treatment of his
prisoners Death of Francis of Brittany His daughter Anne
War continued Betrothal of Anne of Brittany Anne of
Beaujeu gradually withdraws from her position of authority
Release of Louis of Orleans Marriage of Charles VIII. and
Anne of Brittany Character and appearance of Charles
VIII. . . . - - , p. 137
CHAPTER VIII
Galeazzo Maria Sforza : his iniquitous life Conspiracy to murder
him The new Duke and his mother The Sforza brothers
Cicco Simonetta War with Genoa Division in the Court of
14 CONTENTS
Milan Cicco's fate The Duchess Bona and her lover
Ludovico Sforza made Regent Universal war Milan, Naples,
and Florence unite against Venice, Genoa, and Pope Sixtus
IV. The Duke of Urbino made commander of the Milanese
troops Neapolitan defeat at Campo Morto The Pope unites
with Naples and Florence, and places Venice under a ban The
Venetians defeated at Argenta by Alfonso of Naples and Cos-
tanzo Sforza Plot to murder Ludovico Milan ravaged by the
plague, 1485 Unpopularity of Ferrante of Naples and his son
Alfonso Pope Innocent VIII. and his attitude to Naples The
Neapolitan barons offer the crown to Federigo in his father's
stead Battle of Lamentana, 1486 Peace concluded between
Naples and the Holy See Ferrante and Alfonso revenge them-
selves on the barons Northern Italy invaded by the Swiss
Disturbances in Genoa Wedding festivities of the young
Duke of Milan and Isabella, daughter of Alfonso of Calabria
Isabella appeals to Alfonso for help against Ludovico 's infringe-
ment of her husband's rights . . . . p. 155
CHAPTER IX
Preparations for war between Naples and Milan Ludovico Sforza
appeals to Charles VIII. of France Charles decides to under-
take the invasion of Italy His relations with the other Euro-
pean Powers Ferrante of Naples succeeded by his son Alfonso,
1494 Progress of the French Their splendid reception by
Ludovico Charles interviews the wretched Gian Galeazzo
Sforza at Pavia Galeazzo's death Comines at Venice
Alexander's attitude towards the French invasion Piero
de' Medici's unsatisfactory behaviour His letter to the
Florentines ; his downfall Charles VIII. at Pisa . p. 186
CHAPTER X
The French entry into Florence Droll appearance of Charles VIII.
Piero Capponi's prompt action Compromise with the
Florentines Disorderly behaviour of the French at Siena
Progress of the invasion The Pope's alarm and vacillation ;
his agreement with Charles VIII. Capture of Giulia Farnese
CONTENTS 15
The French enter Rome with great ceremony Vannozza's
house plundered Affairs of Djem ; his death Was Alexander
responsible for it ? Abdication of Alfonso of Naples in favour
of his son Ferrantino ; his last days Ferrantino's bad fortune
Caesar Borgia escapes to Rome Fortune favours the French
They enter Naples, February 22, 1495 Ferrantino takes
refuge at Ischia His uncle Federigo Siege of Castelnuovo
French attitude towards the Neapolitans Ferdinand the
Catholic appealed to by Ferrantino Comines at Venice
Charles VIII. leaves Naples ..... p. 208
CHAPTER XI
Homeward march of the French Charles at Siena and Pisa Battle
of Fornuova Sufferings of the French troops Arrival at Asti
Surrender of Novara by the Duke of Orleans The remnant of
the French army arrives in France Importance of the French
invasion of Italy 1495 a disastrous year for Rome Ferrantino
welcomed at Naples Montpensier attacked by the united
forces of Ferrantino and Gonsalvo Marriage of Ferrantino;
his death Succession of his uncle Federigo to the throne of
Naples The affairs of Pisa Piero de' Medici attempts to
return to Florence Death of Ludovico's wife, Beatrice d'Este,
1497 Ludovico's grief Alexander's oppression of the Roman
nobility His predilection for Juan, Duke of Gandia Caesar's
jealousy Siege of Bracciano Defeat of papal troops at
Soriano Gonsalvo da Cordova and the Pope Murder of the
Duke of Gandia The Pope's sorrow Fiendish character of
Caesar Borgia ....... p. 229
CHAPTER XII
Florence after the banishment of the Medici Piero de' Medici
repulsed The Florentines besiege Pisa Fate of Paolo Vitelli
Savonarola ; his execution Death of Charles VIII. Accession
of Louis of Orleans to the French throne His matrimonial
affairs Caesar Borgia returns to a secular life His magnificent
16 CONTENTS
entry into Chinon His rejection by Carlotta of Naples Mar-
riage of Lucrezia and Alfonso of Naples Caesar wins the hand
of Charlotte d'Albret Louis XII. prepares for an Italian cam-
paign His speedy successes Joyful reception at Milan Joy
of Alexander VI. His ambitious schemes Lucrezia made
Regent of Spoleto Her unenviable position The Pope appoints
her governor of Nepi Birth of Lucrezia's son Rodrigo Caesar's
campaign in the Romagna Surrender of Imola Caterina
Sforza's defence of Forli Death of Cardinal Juan Borgia The
Milanese return to their allegiance to Ludovico the Moor
Battle of Novara Ludovico taken prisoner by the French
Alexander's pride in Caesar's prowess Caesar's triumphal entry
into Rome ........ p. 253
CHAPTER XIII
The Jubilee Year, 1500 Florence renews her efforts for the over-
throw of Pisa Narrow escape of Alexander VI. Murder of
Alfonso of Biseglia Lucrezia sent to Nepi to indulge her grief
Raising of money for Caesar's campaign His entry into Pesaro
described by Pandolfo Collenuccio Surrender of Rimini and
Faenza Astorre Manfredi The wife of Carraciolo, the Vene-
tian general, falls into Caesar's power Louis XII. pursues his
plan of attacking Naples Caesar turns his attention to Florence
Reign of Federigo of Naples Claims of France and Spain to
his kingdom The Pope attacks the Colonna Alexander's
rapacity Double-dealing of Gonsalvo da Cordova Siege of
Capua Ill-treatment of the inhabitants by the French and
Caesar Borgia Fate of King Federigo Piombino surrenders to
Caesar A third husband found for Lucrezia Great celebra-
tions in Rome Lucrezia sets out for her new home in
Ferrara ........ p. 277
CHAPTER XIV
Progress of Lucrezia and her retinue Unexpected appearance of
her bridegroom at Bentivoglio Reception at Ferrara Wed-
ding festivities Fortunes of the Borgias Letter to Savelli
Alexander and Caesar visit Piombino The Pope's composure
CONTENTS 17
during a storm at sea Disturbances in Tuscany Caesar attacks
Urbino Capture of Camerino Caesar's alliance with Louis
XII. Suspicions of his generals Crusade against the Borgia
tyranny Success of the allies Peace made with Caesar
Caesar at Sinigaglia His treatment of the Duke of Gravina,
Vitellozzo Vitelli and Oliverotto da Fermo Cardinal Orsini's
imprisonment and death Advance of Caesar Attack on the
dominion of Gian Giordano Orsini . . . p. 306
CHAPTER XV
Caesar Borgia at the height of his power Death of Cardinal Michieli
Nomination of new Cardinals Illness and death of Pope
Alexander VI., 1503 His burial Anarchy in Rome Decline
of Caesar's fortunes Election of Cardinal Piccolomini as Pius
III. His character Reconciliation of the Orsini and Colonna
Flight of Caesar Death of Pius III. after a reign of twenty-
seven days Election of Giuliano della Rovere as Julius II.
The Venetians attack the Romagna Caesar taken prisoner by
the Pope He is betrayed by Gonsalvo da Cordova and sent to
Spain Escapes from imprisonment and is received by his
brother-in-law, King of Navarre Caesar's death in battle,
1507 His character compared with that of Alexander VI.
Caesar's wife and daughter His illegitimate children . p. 331
CHAPTER XVI
Disputes between France and Spain over the partition of Naples
End of Piero de' Medici Gonsalvo da Cordova, the Great
Captain His treatment by Ferdinand Lucrezia's life at
Ferrara Angela Borgia Death of the Poet Strozzi Rodrigo,
Lucrezia's little son His death, 1512 Death of Giovanni
Sforza of Pesaro^ Alfonso of Ferrara placed under the papal
ban Battle of Ravenna Lucrezia's relations with her husband
Her letter to Leo X. Vannozza's last years Death of
Lucrezia, 1519 Grief at her loss Her children . p. 355
BB
18 CONTENTS
CHAPTER XVII
Character of Pope Alexander VI. His apologists Hopelessness of
the attempt to rehabilitate him John Burchard's Diary
Strange temperament of Italians of the Renaissance Secular
spirit of the papacy Alexander VI. in every-day life and as an
administrator The bright side of his reign Copernicus
Alexander's improvement of the Vatican The Borgia apart-
ments Pinturicchio's work The Pope's encouragement of
architecture His attitude towards education Foundation of
Aberdeen University Alexander and the spiritual interests of
the Church Restriction of the Press Summary of Alexander's
pontificate ........ p. 380
CHAPTER XVIII
The great-grandson of Pope Alexander VI., St. Francis Borgia,
fourth Duke of Gandia ...... p. 395
APPENDIX. Note on the death of Djem Sultan The
opinion of contemporary writers on Dyem's death . p. 401
INDEX ......... p. 407
LUCREZIA BORGIA DANCING BEFORE THE POPE (Kaulbach) Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
SIXTUS IV. AND ALEXANDER VI 24
VANNOZZA AND VITTORIA COLONNA . .... 32
PERHAPS JUAN BORGIA, 2ND DUKE OF GANDIA ... 48
CESAR BORGIA ........ 56
LUCREZIA BORGIA 64
ALEXANDER VI. PRESENTING GIOVANNI SFORZA TO ST. PETER 80
JOFRE BORGIA, SANCIA, AND LUCREZIA .... 88
CARDINAL FARNESE AND LORENZO DE' MEDICI ... 96
THE BLESSED VIRGIN AND CARDINAL CARAFFA . . .112
GIULIA FARNESE 120
GIULIA FARNESE AS " JUSTICE " ..... 128
POPE PAUL III. WITH JUAN BORGIA, DUKE OF NEPI . . 144
KING CHARLES VIII. AND SAVONAROLA .... 152
SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER VI. AND THE EXECUTION OF
SAVONAROLA ........ 160
Louis XII. AND ST. JEANNE DE VALOIS . . . .176
THE DUKE OF PARMA AND THE DUKE OF FERRARA . .184
THE TORTURE OF " THE QUESTION " 192
THE TRIAL OF ST. CATHERINE ...... 208
THE MARTYRDOM OF ST. SEBASTIAN . . . . .216
19
20 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FRESCO FROM THE BORGIA APARTMENTS .... 224
FRESCO FROM THE BORGIA APARTMENTS .... 240
ARMS OF POPE ALEXANDER VI. 248
MARQUIS GONZAGA WITH CARDINAL FRANCESCO, HIS SON . 256
MARQUIS GONZAGA WITH HIS COURT ..... 272
FRESCOES FROM THE SCHIFFANOIA PALACE .... 304
FRESCOES FROM THE SCHIFFANOIA PALACE .... 320
LUDOVICO SFORZA, DUKE OF MILAN, AND POPE JULIUS II. . 336
MEDALS OF ALEXANDER VI. ...... 352
MEDALS OF GIOVANNI SFORZA, ETC. ..... 368
ST. FRANCIS BORGIA ....... 384
ALEXANDER VI. ADORING THE SAVIOUR .... 400
The Life and Times of
Rodrigo Borgia
Pope Alexander VI.
CHAPTER I
Origin of the Borgias Alonso de Borja : his education Prophecy
of St. Vincent Ferrer Alonso elected Pope under the title of
Calixtus III., 1455 His nepotism Crusade against the Turks
Victory of Belgrade Feud with Alfonso of Naples and his heir
Don Pedro Borgia Death of Calixtus Rodrigo Borgia :
parentage and education ; relations with Vannozza Catanei ;
made Archibishop of Valencia and raised to the purple ; Vice-
Chancellor of the Holy See Election of Pope Pius II.
Rodrigo 's conduct at Siena Reproachful letter from the Pope
Rodrigo's character and appearance His munificence at
public festivities Pius II. continues the crusade against the
Turks Death of Pius II., 1464 Election of Paul II. : his
character; his death, 1471.
THE remarkable and gifted family of the Borgias,
whose name has been so appallingly conspicuous in
the criminal annals of Europe, had its origin in the
little Spanish town of Borja, on the pleasant, fertile
borders of Aragon, Castile, and Navarre. We have
but scant knowledge of the history of this place ; it
was founded apparently, by the Celtiberians in 960 B.C.,
and in A.D. 1120 we hear of its being bestowed by
King Alfonso I. upon Don Pedro Atares as a reward
21
22 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
for his help in delivering the neighbouring town of
Saragossa from the Moorish yoke.
The said Atares was a grandson of Don Sancho, a
natural son of King Ramiro I., and when Alfonso I.
died, in 1134, he might, without undue exertion, have
obtained the thrones of Aragon and Navarre. But,
in gratitude for miraculous preservation in a storm,
Atares had dedicated his life to piety and good works.
Among the latter he is credited with founding the
monastery of Venuela, where he spent the evening
of his days. He died in 1151, and there is no record
of his having left any children. A century later,
however, when Jaym I., King of Aragon, undertook
the conquest of Valencia no less than eight country
squires bearing the name of Borgia figured in his
army and assisted in the taking of Xativa. Lands
were distributed among them, and they soon estab-
lished themselves in the new kingdom. We hear of a
Rodrigo Borgia who shortly afterwards distinguished
himself at the capture of Orihuela, but neither he
nor his family owned the lordship of Borja, nor did
he take rank as an infante of Aragon. In mentioning
the Borgias, Viciana, the chronicler of Valencia,
confines himself to remarking that they all came from
the town of the same name and that Don Jaym held
them in great esteem.
In the thirteenth century the heirs of the conquerors
seem to have lived in comparative obscurity, but
a century later several of them were prominent in the
affairs of Xativa. Some inhabited the town, others
the " torre de Canals," and the different branches of
the family intermarried. In fortune they were equal,
and they boasted the same coat-of-arms, " un bceuf
passant de gueule," or, " a bull passant gules." In the
fifteenth century an alliance took place between the
Borgias and a noble house of Aragon, when one Rodrigo
Gil de Borja took to wife Sibila Doms. In the
escutcheon of Alexander VI. (grandson of Sibila) we
POPE CALIXTUS III. 23
see the union of the arms of the Doms family with the
Borgia bull.
The real founder of the Borgia 1 greatness was
Alonso de Borja, afterwards Pope Calixtus III. He
was the child of Domingo de Borja, Doncel y Sefior de
la Torre de Canals and Francina de Borja of Valencia,
and first saw the light at Xativa, on the last day of the
year 1378. He was the only son, but there were four
daughters, one of whom, Dona Isabella, married her
cousin, Jcrre* de Borja y Doms, and became the mother
of the world-famous Alexander VI.
At the age of thirteen or fourteen Alonso was sent
to Lerida to continue his education and to specialise
in the study of jurisprudence. He took the degree
of Doctor of Civil and Canon Law, eventually winning
the reputation of one of the most brilliant jurists of the
day. After lecturing in this subject with great success
he was appointed Canon of the Cathedral of Lerida.*
When a young priest he was present at a sermon
preached by the great Dominican, St. Vincent Ferrer,
at Valencia. At the end of his discourse the friar is
said to have singled out Alonso from the rest of the
throng and to have addressed to him these prophetic
words : " My son, I congratulate thee ; remember
that thou art destined to be one day the glory of thy
country and of thy family. Thou wilt be invested with
the highest dignity that can fall to the lot of mortal
man. I myself, after my death, shall be the object of
thy special honour. Endeavour to persevere in the
path of virtue." These words greatly impressed
Alonso, who confidently awaited their fulfilment.
Later on he obtained the post of Confidential
Secretary to Alfonso V., King of Aragon, who recognised
his remarkable diplomatic talent, and was the means of
bringing him to Naples. Having carried out various
diplomatic missions to the King's satisfaction, and
1 "Borgia " is the Italianised form of "Borja."
* Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 12.
24 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
rendered important services to the Papacy, he was
appointed Bishop of Valencia by Pope Martin V. in
1429. He declined the offer of the purple because
disputes had arisen between Pope Eugenius IV. and
Alfonso concerning the kingdom of Naples, but he
accepted it upon their reconciliation in 1444.
Although pious and well-intentioned, Alonso had
already begun to show signs of the nepotism which
was to be so remarkable a characteristic of the Borgia
family. His sister Isabella was the mother of two
sons Pedro Luis and Rodrigo (the future Alexander
VI.). No sooner was Alonso made Cardinal than he
obtained for his favourite nephew Rodrigo, the dignity
of Precentor of the Chapter of Valencia. This, however,
was but the beginning. 1 In 1455 Pope Nicholas V.
died, and Alonso, already an old man of seventy-seven,
was elected as his successor, under the title of Calixtus
III. Though physically frail and worn, his mental
powers were as keen as ever, and, having obtained this
exalted position, he proceeded to satisfy the cravings
of his ambitious relations. At his first Consistory he
appointed Juan Luiz del Mila, the son of his sister
Catherine, Cardinal Priest, while Rodrigo, his darling
nephew, was made Cardinal Deacon and, later, Vice-
Chancellor of the Roman Church. Pedro Luis was
overwhelmed with dignities he was created Duke and
Count of Spoleto, Lord of Civita Vecchia, Governor of
the Patrimony of the Church, Generalissimo of Holy
Church, and finally Prefect of Rome. This last office
was given him in the hope that he would hold in check
the Roman barons, who resented the advent of the
foreigners, or Catalans (as the Romans of the fifteenth
century called all Spaniards) from Valencia.
Upon his accession to the Papal Chair, Calixtus III.
registered a solemn vow of hostility to the Turks
" the irreconcilable enemies of Christendom." He
immediately despatched ambassadors to all the Courts
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 18.
W w> H -r
r > * . n . w
POPE CALIXTUS III. 25
of Europe, exhorting them to join a crusade against
their common enemy. According to his successor,
^neas Silvius Piccolomini, he was successful in raising
a large army and a fleet of sixty galleys by dint of
collecting free-will contributions and levying tithes.
A regular system of collecting was organised and
many precautions taken that the funds should be
exclusively devoted to the expenses of the crusade.
In spite of the greatest care, however, a certain
amount of dishonesty crept in and brought discredit
upon the enterprise, though the Pope did his best
to find out and punish the offenders.
Not content with collecting money for the crusade,
the zealous Calixtus did not scruple to annex jewels
from the papal treasury and to dispose of church
property to provide for the expenses of the war. There
is still in existence a lengthy list of valuables sold by
the Pope to the art-loving Alfonso of Naples, in 1456.
He even stripped the volumes in the Vatican Library
of their gold and silver to augment the war fund, an
act which provoked much criticism. Calixtus himself
lived in a simple and frugal style and was not slow to
express his disapproval of the extravagance of his
predecessor, Nicholas V., who had lavished on jewels
and manuscripts wealth which might have been conse-
crated to the crusade. The buildings begun by the
late Pope were discontinued and the papal revenues
no longer devoted to the encouragement of literature.
Men of letters, indeed, found themselves in little
request under the new regime, when the severest
simplicity prevailed. The aged Pope, indeed, rarely
left his room, and, as Gregorovius remarks, " the
Vatican resembled an infirmary where the gouty
Pontiff spent the greater part of his time by candle-
light in bed, surrounded by nephews and mendicant
friars."
In spite of the Pope's unfailing energy in trying
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 29.
26 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
to arouse interest in the crusade, the Catholic princes
did not respond to his appeals, but remained steeped
in lethargy, even when the Turks planted their
standard on the Hungarian frontiers and besieged
Belgrade. Calixtus, though grieved to the heart,
did not lose courage. Day by day he wrestled with
God in prayer, and it was at this time that he instituted
the custom of ringing the Angelus bell. " I acknow-
ledge and firmly believe, O Almighty God," he prayed
" that it is Thy will that I alone should wear myself
out and die for the general good. So be it ! I am
ready, even if I must myself go into bondage and
alienate all the possessions of the Church." His
efforts were rewarded, and help arrived in the persons
of the Hungarian hero Hunyadi and the saintly monk
John Capistran, who, in July 1456, effected the
deliverance of Belgrade. The aged Calixtus was
overcome with joy at this victory. " The Pope,"
writes the Milanese ambassador, " praised Hunyadi
to the skies, calling him the greatest man that the
world had seen for three hundred years." The
Turkish fleet also was defeated at Mitylene by the
Cardinal Scarampa in August 1457. The Pope,
however, was not content with this measure of success,
and made plans to advance into Ethiopia and even to
carry the war into Granada. He was continually
enlisting fresh help, though by this time his treasury
was completely exhausted and even his own vestments
were pawned.
Meanwhile he had to fight against his former friend,
Alfonso of Aragon, who, on the strength of having
advanced the Borgia fortunes by his patronage, was
not slow to demand unreasonable favours of the Pope.
When the latter refused to cede to him the March of
Ancona and other lands of the Church, with the
words, " Let the King of Aragon govern his kingdom,
and leave to Us the administration of the Church,"
he took the direst umbrage and never forgave the
DEATH OF CALIXTUS III. 27
rebuff, in spite of the efforts of Cardinal Rodrigo
Borgia to bring about a reconciliation. When Alfonso
died, in June 1458, Calixtus refused to acknowledge
his son Ferrante as the heir, on the score of his illegiti-
mate birth, and claimed the kingdoms of Naples and
Sicily as the property of the Holy See. In a conversa-
tion with the Milanese ambassador, he spoke of Ferrante
as a little bastard whose father was unknown. " This
boy, who is nothing," he said, " calls himself King
without our permission. Naples belongs to the Church ;
it is the possession of St. Peter. ... If Don Ferrante
will give up his usurped title and humbly place himself
in our hands, we will treat him as one of our own
nephews."
This, however, Ferrante was in nowise inclined to
do. He called on his barons for help, and sent am-
bassadors to Rome to appeal against the Pope's decree.
Duke Francesco Sforza of Milan, the most potent of
Italian princes, as well as Cosmo de' Medici, took his
part, and it is difficult to say what complications
might have arisen, if the death of Calixtus had not
intervened, August 8, 1458. Even on his death-bed
he did not forget the promotion of his family. The
Vicariate of Terracina he bestowed upon his nephew,
Don Pedro, who, by his arrogance and love of display,
had aroused the envy and hatred of the Roman
nobles, especially the Colonna and Orsini. While
Calixtus lay dying the storm burst. The nobility
and the populace attacked the Castle of Sant' Angelo,
in which Don Pedro had shut himself, and threatened
to set fire to Rome if he would not surrender the
fortress. This he declared himself ready to do on
payment of 20,000 gold ducats. His enemies, however,
were not satisfied, and demanded his life. At great
risk, he succeeded in escaping by night from Rome,
with the assistance of the Venetian Cardinal Barbo.
He was also accompanied by a troop of soldiers and
his devoted brother Rodrigo in disguise. In order to
28 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
mislead the enemy, they turned first in the direction
of the Ponte Molle, and then hurried on to the Porta
di San Paolo. At this gate the two Cardinals left him,
after commanding the soldiers to escort him to Ostia ;
but, so much was he hated, that they nearly all refused
to accompany him, and when, at last, after many
obstacles, the wretched man arrived at Ostia, the
vessel which he was expecting failed him, and he was
obliged to escape in a small boat to Civita Vecchia,
where he shortly afterwards died.
Cardinal Rodrigo returned to Rome after his
brother's flight an action which required no little
courage on his part. The same evening (August 6)
the Pope's sufferings ended, and he passed to his rest.
The Romans shed no tears for him, for his death
freed them from the hated yoke of the Catalans.
His burial was conducted with scant ceremony, only
four priests following him to the grave. l
The two dominant interests of Calixtus III. were
the crusade against the Turks and the promotion of
his own family. Apart from his nepotism, his conduct
as Pope does not offer much scope for blame. On
the whole, he seems to have led a virtuous and honour-
able life, gentle and indulgent to the failings of others,
but strict and harsh towards his own. His attitude
toward the Renaissance strikes one as apathetic, but
it must be remembered that the duty of defending
Europe from the infidels absorbed him to such an
extent that he had little time for the encouragement
of art and letters. He was not, as his accusers have
maintained, actively opposed to their progress, but
simply indifferent.
That the earlier career of Calixtus III. had not
been beyond reproach is proved by the existence of a
bastard son, Don Francisco de Borja, born in 1441,
and of whom we shall hear from time to time in the
course of this history.
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 57.
RODRIGO BORGIA 29
The hatred which pursued Don Pedro did not
extend to his younger brother, Cardinal Rodrigo,
who was later to play such a remarkable part in the
history of Italy. As we have already seen, he was
the second son of Jofre de Borja y Doms, a Valencian
nobleman who married Isabella Borgia, sister of
Calixtus III. Rodrigo was thus doubly a Borgia, and
not, as many have maintained, connected with the
family only through his mother.
He was born at Xativa in 1431. Like the rest of
his race, he was distinguished for physical beauty and
strength, and already, at eight years old, was con-
spicuous in the streets of Xativa for the grace and
gallantry of his bearing. His father died when the
boy was only ten, and his widowed mother took up
her abode at Valencia, a town well provided with
educational advantages. His uncle, Alonso, was at
that time Bishop, and we may suppose that his influence
contributed to enhance the reputation which Valencia
already bore as a literary centre. The little Rodrigo,
we hear, displayed remarkable aptitude for learning,
and soon arrived at the head of his school ; but even
thus early his character showed certain undesirable
tendencies which boded ill for his future career. He
pursued his studies with great zeal, under excellent
teachers, until his eighteenth year, when he went to
the University of Bologna and studied law under the
celebrated Caspar Veronese. On his return to Spain
he practised as an advocate, earning large sums which
might have been even larger but for his unstable and
volatile disposition. Suddenly he became dissatisfied
with his profession and yearned to distinguish himself
in a military career. Meanwhile he had made the
acquaintance of a widow and her two daughters, and
so great was his depravity that he not only maintained
illicit relations with the mother, but strove also to
enter into a like guilty connection with both^the
daughters. After the mother's death he undertook
30 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the guardianship of her children. One of them he
despatched to a convent, and the other Catarina (or
Rose) Vannozza Catanei he retained as his mistress.
Of Vannozza's origin little is known. She was a
Roman, perhaps of the petite bourgeoisie (or, according
to Adinolfi, of a family " non ignobile "), and was born
in July 1442. Her real name was Giovanna, of which
Vannozza is an adaptation. We have no authenticated
portrait of her and no very definite description, but
from our limited sources of information we gather
that she was a subtle combination of voluptuous
beauty, amiability, and shrewdness. She must
certainly have been possessed of some remarkable
magnetism in order to have exercised a permanent
attraction upon so fastidious a man as Rodrigo Borgia.
According to .the well-known Roman Catholic
historian, Dr. Ludwig Pastor, his relations with
Vannozza began about the year 1460, when she
became his acknowledged mistress.
Rodrigo's intercourse with Vannozza resulted in
the birth of five children, of whom we shall hear in
another chapter. They were Don Pedro Luis, First
Duke of Gandia, born probably in 1467 ; Don Gio-
vanni, born 1474, and assassinated 1498 ; Don Caesar
Borgia, who figures so largely in his father's pontificate,
born 1476 ; Donna Lucrezia, born 1480 ; and Don
Jofre, born 1481.
Rodrigo was an affectionate father, and did not
stint money to give his children a good education and
a comfortable home. He did not, however, recognise
them openly before he became Pope.
But to return to Pope Calixtus III. As we have
already mentioned, his first care was to advance the
fortunes of his family, and in particular, those of his
nephews Pedro Luis and Rodrigo. The latter, how-
ever, was so bound by the fascinations of a life of
pleasure that his uncle's promotion did not give him
as much satisfaction as might have been expected.
RODRIGO CREATED CARDINAL 31
Nevertheless, he wrote him a respectful letter of
congratulation.
No sooner did the Pope receive the letter than he
sent Rodrigo the most cordial reply, expressing his
joy in possessing a nephew so skilled in jurisprudence,
and inviting him to come immediately to Rome and
devote himself to the affairs of the State. But to
Rodrigo the idea of leaving his home and amusements
and giving up his present lucrative employment was
most distasteful. The Pope, all impatient, sent
prelates to fetch him, with the offer of a rich benefice
to tempt him. Rodrigo, however, still wavered, and
turned irresolute, to Vannozza herself. Together
they decided that Rodrigo should accept his uncle's
invitation to Rome, and that his mistress should
establish herself at Venice. Soon afterwards Vannozza
set out on her journey, unaccompanied save for two
servants and a Spanish noble, Don Manuel Melchior
(perhaps the only person who was really aware of her
amorous relations), while Rodrigo betook himself to
Rome, where he stayed with his friend, Cardinal San
Severino.
Soon after his arrival he was summoned by the Pope.
Rodrigo cast himself at his uncle's feet, with congratu-
lations upon his promotion. Calixtus, for his part,
spoke in glowing terms of his nephew's capabilities,
and created him Archbishop of Valencia. A little
later in September 1456 both Rodrigo and his
brother, Don Pedro, were raised to the purple in a
secret Consistory, though neither of them had the
remotest claim to piety. Rodrigo's reputation,
indeed, was such as to make his elevation repugnant
to the more conscientious of the Cardinals, and it was
not until some months later, when they had all left
Rome for cooler regions, that Calixtus made the
nomination public. It is noteworthy that the Pope
did nothing for his own son Francisco, at that time a
worthy and pleasing youth of fifteen. Don Jaym of
32 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Portugal was, however, raised to the purple with Don
Pedro and Rodrigo. It is pleasant to record that this
Portuguese Cardinal continued to live a pure and
virtuous life even amid the frightful corruptions of
Rome. He died at the age of twenty-five, and his
tomb, the work of Antonio Rossellino, is one of the
most beautiful monuments of the Renaissance.
Rodrigo's pleasure at being made Cardinal was not
unmixed, for he realised that his new dignity would
be an additional tie to Rome and an obstacle in the
way of his intercourse with Vannozza. But the hope
of one day occupying the Papal Chair bore him up.
Suddenly, and without any warning, he began to
display a mpst unwonted piety and humility. He
paced the streets with sunken head and downcast
eyes, paid frequent visits to churches and hospitals,
and exhorted the people to faith. He thus acquired
a reputation for sanctity quite foreign to his real
character.
In 1457 Rodrigo was made Vice-Chancellor of the
Holy See as a reward for his services in connection
with the disturbances in central Italy. During the
hostilities between Filippo Visconti and Alfonso of
Aragon, Francesco Sforza had taken possession of
nearly the whole boundary-line dividing their States.
Hard pressed by Piccinino and other generals, he
cast himself upon the domain of Ascoli and appointed
Giovanni Sforza as his governor. But a young man
named Giosia instigated a conspiracy, banished Sforza
from Ascoli, and himself took the reins of authority.
Exasperated by his tyranny, the citizens drove him
away and appealed to the Church for protection.
Giosia, with the help of a few banditti, seized a castle
in the neighbourhood of Ascoli and laid waste the
surrounding country. The Pope despatched Rodrigo
to quell the disturbance, and he performed the errand
with so much success that he took the castle and
brought Giosia in chains to Rome. On July 4, 1455,
II
3
ELECTION OF PICCOLOMINI 33
the Cardinal of Siena informed the Cardinal of Sant
Angelo of the capture, and the Cardinal of Pavia, in his
commentaries, speaks of the skill and decision with
which Rodrigo managed the affair.
As long as Calixtus lived Rodrigo seems to have kept
his vicious tendencies more or less within bounds.
^Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, afterwards Pope Pius II.,
indeed refers to him in the following approving words :
" Our Chancellor, Rodrigo Borgia, the Pope's nephew,
is young, it is true, but his conduct and good sense
make him seem older than his years; in wisdom he
is equal to his uncle." But, as will shortly appear,
with the advent of the next Pope he began to change
his manner of life.
When Calixtus III. died in 1458 Cardinal Rodrigo
was the most important personage of the House of
Borgia. " Quite unmoved by the hatred of the other
Purpled Ones, he entered the Conclave of 1458 for
the election of the new Pope, with no such stupid
thing as a plan of action, but with a determination to
comport himself, according as opportunities arose, so
as to improve his position and prospects. ... To a
young man of such temper the gods send oppor-
tunities." 1 When the votes were taken it was found
that Cardinal d'Estouteville had six, while Cardinal
^Eneas Silvius Piccolomini of Siena had nine, but
neither of them had the minimum majority. A hush
of expectation ensued, broken by Rodrigo Borgia, who
rose up and proclaimed : "I vote for the Cardinal
of Siena." After another silence Cardinals Tebaldo
and Prospero Colonna followed his example, and the
muiimum majority was attained. Thus ^Eneas Silvius
Piccolomini, poet-laureate, ambassador, novelist, his-
torian, Bishop and Cardinal, a man of varied and
romantic experience, received the homage of the
Cardinals as Pope Pius II. Campano, his biographer,
tells us that he burst into tears, so greatly was he moved
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 60.
CB
34 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
by the idea of his new responsibilities. In response
to the cheering words of his friends, he answered
that none could rejoice at being raised to such a
dignity save those who forgot its attendant dangers
and toils.
Piccolomini's election was received as tidings of
great joy, and all the Italian Powers, except Florence
and Venice, breathed more freely now that they had
escaped the infliction of a foreign Pope. Although
only in his fifty-fourth year, Pius II. was already
breaking down in health. Not only did he suffer
tortures from an internal malady, but he was often
unable to move owing to severe gout. He had con-
tracted this latter affliction by going on a pilgrimage
barefoot in fulfilment of a vow made during a storm
off the coast of Scotland. But in spite of his physical
disabilities his mental powers were keen and bright,
and, for the first tune for many a long year, the Papal
Chair was filled by a broad-minded, travelled, and
cultured man who was really fitted to restore the
former glory of the Papacy. Those who looked to
find in him a literary patron like Nicholas V. were,
however, disappointed, for the one aim and object
of his reign was the recovery of Constantinople from
the Turks. With the assumption of the tiara the
pleasure-loving, literary man of the world changed
his role entirely, and devoted his whole energies to
the one purpose for which he considered that God had
now called him. *
Little is known of the concerns of Rodrigo Borgia
during this pontificate. We hear of his going in 1459
on a holiday jaunt with the new Pope, who, not
unnaturally, took a special interest in the brilliant
1 The Roman Catholic historian, Ludwig Pastor, says of him :
" In 1444 he confessed to one of his friends that he shrank from
entering the ecclesiastical state, timeo enim castitatem." He was the
father of several illegitimate children. (History of the Popes, vol. i.
P- 343-)
RODRIGO'S CONDUCT AT SIENA 35
young Cardinal who had practically set the tiara on
his head. They visited Florence and chatted with
the little Leonardo da Vinci, then a child of seven.
They also went to Siena and Corsignano, the Pope's
birthplace, where he made arrangements for the
building of a Cathedral, an episcopal palace, and the
Piccolomini Palace for his own family. The super-
intendence of these buildings he confided to Cardinal
Rodrigo, who took advantage of the opportunity to
have their fa9ades adorned with the arms of the
House of Borgia. 1
In 1460 the Pope, who was recruiting his health
at the Baths of Petrioli, received disquieting rumours
of Rodrigo's proceedings. The young Cardinal, it
seems, was disporting himself at Siena, where he took
part in a bacchanalian orgy and conducted himself
in a manner calculated to bring deep discredit upon
the Church. The following reproachful letter from
Pius II. reveals the situation :
" DEAR SON,
" Four days ago several ladies of Siena who are
entirely given up to worldly frivolities were assembled
in the gardens of Giovanni di Bichis. We have heard
that you, unmindful of the high office with which
you are invested, were with them from the seventeenth
to the twenty-second hour. In company with you
was one of your colleagues, whose years, if not the
respect due to the Holy See, ought to have recalled
to him his duty. From what we have heard, the
most licentious dances were indulged in ; no amorous
seductions were lacking, and you conducted yourself
in a manner wholly worldly. Modesty forbids the
mention of all that took place, for not only the acts
themselves, but their very names, are unworthy of
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, pp. 61, 62.
36 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
your position. In order that your lusts might have
freer course, the husbands, fathers, brothers, and
kinsmen of the young women were not admitted.
You and a few servants were the organisers of this
orgy. To-day every one in Siena is talking about
your frivolity, which is the subject of common derision.
Certain it is that here at the Baths, where there is
a large number of ecclesiastics and laymen, your name
is upon every tongue. Our displeasure is beyond
words, for your conduct has brought discredit upon
your holy office and state ; people will say that they
invest us with riches and greatness, not that we may
live a blameless life, but that we may have means
to gratify our passions. This is why the princes and
the Powers despise us and the laity mock us daily ;
this is why our own conduct is thrown in our face
when we reprove others. The Vicar of Christ is
exposed to contempt because he appears to tolerate
these proceedings. You, dear son, have charge of
the bishopric of Valencia, the most important in
Spain ; moreover, you are Chancellor of the Church,
and, what makes your conduct all the more repre-
hensible, is your having a seat among the Cardinals,
with the Pope, as adviser of the Holy See. We
submit the case to your own judgment : is it becoming
for a man of your position to pay court to young
women, to send fruit and wines to those whom you
love, and to have no thought during the whole day
save for all kinds of voluptuous pleasures ? We
are blamed on your account, and the memory of
your blessed uncle, Calixtus, likewise suffers, and he
is condemned by many for having heaped honour
upon your head. It is useless to seek to excuse
yourself on account of your age ; you are no longer
so young as not to be able to understand what duties
your dignities impose upon you. A cardinal ought
to be above reproach and an example of good living
to all. Have we the right to be vexed when temporal
37
princes bestow disrespectful titles upon us, when
they dispute the possession of our property and
force us to submit to their injunctions ? It must be
confessed that we inflict these wounds upon ourselves,
and that with our own hands we prepare these troubles,
by every day diminishing the authority of the Church
through our conduct. Our punishment for it in
this world is dishonour, and in the world to come
well-merited torment. May, therefore, your good
sense put restraint upon irregularities, and may
you never lose sight of the dignity with which you
are clothed, that you may never again be called a
gallant among women and young men. If this
occurs again we shall be obliged to point out that it
is in spite of our admonitions, and that it causes us
great pain. In such a case our censure would cover
you with confusion. We have always loved you and
thought you worthy of our protection as a man of
modest and serious character. Therefore, conduct
yourself in such a way that we may retain this opinion
of you ; nothing could contribute further to this
than the adoption of a regular mode of life. Your
age, which is not such as to preclude amendment,
authorises us to admonish you thus paternally.
" PETRIOLI,
"June ii, 1460."
Rodrigo was at this time twenty-nine years of age
a man of remarkable beauty, tall and dark, with
piercing black eyes. He had gracious and persuasive
manners and a strong and attractive personality.
But he made no effort to subordinate his insatiable
sensuality to his higher faculties, and even when, in
1464, he accompanied the ailing Pope on his cele-
brated expedition to Ancona, this " essentially low-
minded man " could not refrain from his dissolute
habits. Caspar Veronensis describes him later as " a
comely man of cheerful countenance and honeyed
38 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
discourse, who gains the affections of all the women he
admires, and attracts them as the lodestone attracts
iron." 1
To all his physical and mental gifts was added the
attraction of wealth. Not only did he inherit the
large fortune left by his brother, Don Pedro Luis,
but he was the occupant of many lucrative posts.
His income from the Church and cloisters in Italy
and Spain and the three Cathedrals of Valencia,
Carthegena, and Porto was immense. As Vice-
Chancellor alone he received 8,000 scudi. His wealth
enabled him to live in a princely manner and to
sustain a numerous retinue. In his magnificent
palace were heaped up treasures of all kinds silver
caskets, precious stones, silk stuffs and gold brocades.
His library contained rare and valuable works in
every branch of learning and his stables were filled
with the most beautiful horses. The whole palace
was furnished in a costly and luxurious style, and
everywhere was displayed an amazing amount of gold
and silver.
But, notwithstanding this abundance, it seems that
Rodrigo's housekeeping was of a strangely thrifty kind.
The Ferrarese ambassador, writing of him after he
had become Pope, says that it was a penance to dine
with him, so frugal was his table, and that for this
reason Cardinal Monreale and others, whenever possible,
evaded his invitations.
In justice to Cardinal Rodrigo, however, it must
be said that he was in many respects generous and
free-handed, as will be seen by his behaviour under
the following circumstances.
In 1462 Pope Pius II., seeking relief from his gout,
went to Viterbo, where Rodrigo owned a splendid
palace. As the Feast of Corpus Domini drew near, the
Cardinals and the populace vied with one another
in their schemes for decorating the road along which
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 63.
PROCESSION AT VITERBO 39
the sacred procession would pass. But Rodrigo
surpassed them all. Gobellino, the Secretary of
Pius II., writes : " The space which Rodrigo under-
took to arrange contained seventy-four paces. A
purple curtain screened statues, reliefs of historical
representations, and a richly decorated stanza con-
taining a costly throne and a fountain, from which
flowed not merely water, but choice wine. At the
Pope's approach two young maidens advanced to-
wards him. They sang as sweetly as angels, and when
they had, with deference, saluted the Blessed Sacra-
ment and the Pope, they retired towards the curtain
and sang in their clear and beautiful voices, ' Open
your gates, O Princes, and there shall enter King
Pius, the Lord of the world.' Then stepped forward
five kings and a band of armed men, magnificently
attired, in order to protect the entrance. At the
angels' words they exclaimed, ' And who is this King
Pius ? ' The angels, pointing to the Holy Sacrament
which Pius bore in his hands, cried, ' The mighty
Lord of the Universe.' Thereupon the curtain was
drawn aside, the entry made free, and the sound
of trombones, organs, and many other instruments
arose. The kings, amid much applause, intoned a
harmonious chant of heroic verses in praise of the
Pope. In the procession was a savage, leading a
fettered lion with whom he often wrestled. Over
the whole space was spread a canopy of rich material,
from which hung banners covered with mottoes and
symbols of Pope Calixtus and Pedro Luis Borgia,
Prefect of Rome. On both sides hung carpets [arazzi],
valuable both from their material and their artistic
execution. The populace and the cultured alike
admired them and feasted their eyes upon their
beauty. At the exit were armed men arranged in a
triumphal arch in the form of a castello. By means
of metal machines they contrived to imitate thunder,
so that the passers-by were greatly alarmed."
40 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Rodrigo also distinguished himself on the occasion
of the splendid festivities of Holy Week, 1462, when
the head of St. Andrew was carried into Rome with
great pomp and ceremony. According to Gobellino,
Cardinal Borgia far outshone the other Cardinals in
the brilliance and taste he displayed. He covered the
whole of his own house with rich and rare materials,
and also superintended the decoration of the neigh-
bouring dwellings, so that the* surrounding space
appeared a veritable paradise, full of beauty, music,
and song. His palace shone like gold, and the walls
were adorned with verses and inscriptions proclaiming
in large letters the praise of the Apostle and of Pope
Pius II.
Cardinal Borgia's generosity also displayed itself on
later occasions, such as the celebrations in honour
of the taking of Granada, and the restoration of the
Church of Santa Maria in the Via Lata. He contri-
buted liberally to Paul II.'s equipment for the siege of
Rimini, as indeed he did to every public undertaking.
Pope Paul II. entrusted to him the management of
the poor relief fund, and, on the authority of an eye-
witness, it is said that the Cardinal saved many needy
persons from perishing of hunger.
As we have already mentioned, the necessity for
crushing the Turkish power was keenly felt by Pius
II. In September 1459 he delivered a great oration
showing that, if the Turks conquered Hungary, there
would be no check to their descent upon Italy. After
futile efforts to rouse the princes of Europe from
their apathy, he thought to put them to the blush by
leading a crusade in person, fragile and infirm as he
was. This heroic decision aroused great enthusiasm
among the Cardinals. Rodrigo Borgia, in particular,
was ardent in his expressions of approval : "I will
be at your side, Pontiff," he exclaimed, " on sea and on
land, and even, if necessary, will follow you through
fire ! "
DEATH OF POPE PIUS II. 41
The financial needs of the crusade were unexpectedly
supplied by the discovery of some alum-mines near
Civita Vecchia by a friend of the Piccolomini family,
who gladly contributed to the great cause.
On June 18, 1464, Pius II., weak in body but
strong in soul, left the Eternal City for Ancona, the
meeting-place of the crusaders. " Farewell, Rome ! "
he cried with prophetic insight, " never wilt thou
see me again alive ! " In support of Cardinal Borgia's
generosity it is mentioned that, not only did he
accompany the Pope, but that at his own expense he
equipped a fleet. At Ancona Pius II. took up his
abode in the episcopal palace while making prepara-
tions to continue his journey. But the hand of Death
was already upon him. He became seriously ill, and
the gravity of his condition was aggravated by the
intense heat and the mental distress of disillusionment
regarding the success of the projected crusade. He
was keenly disappointed at the non-arrival of the
Venetian fleet, which he awaited with pathetic per-
sistence. At last, on August 12, their approach was
announced. The dying Pontiff rallied for a time
and asked to be carried to the window which looked
out upon the sea. " A flood of despondency over-
whelmed his spirit " as he watched the ships coming
in, and with plaintive sadness he whispered : " Until
this day the fleet was wanting for my expedition, and
now I must be wanting to my fleet."
Two days later the Cardinals gathered round the
Pope's death-bed and listened with tears to his last
counsels. So much affected were they by his im-
pressive words that for some time not one of them
could speak, but finally Bessarion, in the name of
all, made a short reply. Only a few hours longer and
the brave, worn spirit of Pius II. passed from the
fever and the fret of life to its eternal reward.
His death was a severe loss, not only to Western
Christendom but also to the Christians of the East,
42 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
who were already feeling the weight of Turkish
oppression. The crusade of which he had been the
life and soul now came to an end, and the Venetian
fleet returned to Venice.
Those Cardinals who had been in attendance on
Pius II. hastened to Rome for the election of his
successor. Cardinal Borgia's departure seems to have
been delayed, however, by an attack of fever.
On August 28 the Cardinals went into Conclave,
and on the 30th the result of the election was made
known after only one scrutiny. For a long time it
had seemed probable the tiara would fall to Cardinal
Bessarion, who was invested with the dignity of Dean
of the Sacred College. After him the most note-
worthy among the Cardinals were d'Estouteville, the
head of the French party ; the zealous Carvajal ;
Torquemada, the famous theologian, and his two
antitheses, Scarampo and Barbo. * In the first scrutiny
Scarampo had seven votes, d'Estouteville nine, and
Barbo eleven ; the latter immediately received three
more votes by way of accessit, and his election was
thus secured. The news was welcomed with joy,
and the handsome and popular Cardinal received
homage under the title of Paul II. He was at this
time in the forty-eighth year of his age, " grand
seigneur d' esprit leger, tout occupe de statues grecques
et de fetes carnavalesques," says Gebhart, who also
remarks that " with Paul II. began that period in
the history of the Church when the Popes had nothing
apostolic about them." He had originally been
intended for a commercial career, and his adoption
of the ecclesiastical profession was due to his uncle,
Pope Eugenius IV., who undertook the supervision of
his education. In 1440 Barbo, together with his
rival Scarampo, had been raised to the purple, and
in the following years had become, through his gentle-
ness, generosity, and charming manners, one of the
1 See Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. iv. p. 5.
POPE PAUL II. 43
most popular personages in Rome. Unfortunately he
took no interest in humanistic studies, and, though his
hostile attitude towards learning has probably been
exaggerated, he certainly contributed but little to
the advancement of literature during his pontificate.
What he lacked in intellectual culture, however, he
sought to make up by the pomp and splendour of
his person and surroundings, which far outshone those
of any previous Pope. His love for precious stones
amounted to a passion, and his tiara was adorned
with the most costly jewels. In appearance he was
tall, handsome, and of dignified bearing. It is said
that for half a century no handsomer man had been
seen in the Senate of the Church. His chief faults
were vanity and jealousy, but these were to a certain
extent counterbalanced by his great kindness of
heart. His goodness to the poor was proverbial, and
he is reputed to have been constant in visiting the
sick, to whom he dispensed medicines gratis. To
the Cardinals he used jokingly to say that, when
he became Pope, each of them should have a beautiful
villa into which he might retire for refreshment during
the hot days of summer.
During the reign of Paul II. (1464-1471) Rodrigo
Borgia remained in favour, and, by reason of his
courtly manners and noble presence, was deputed
to receive the Caesar, Frederic IV., at Viterbo, upon
the occasion of his state-visit to the Pope in 1469.
Paul did not have so long a reign as his comparative
youth had led people to expect. On the morning of
July 26, 1471, he appeared to be in his usual good
health and held a Consistory lasting for six hours.
He then dined in the garden, indulging in two enor-
mous water-melons, among other delicacies. Later
that night he was seized with an apoplectic fit which
quickly terminated his career. Compared with those
that followed, his reign seems almost praiseworthy,
though his private life and morals would not have
44 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
borne a close examination. He had done nothing
to forward the plans of his predecessor, and his chief
merit lies in his having, to some extent, increased the
material prosperity of the Holy See. From a religious
point of view his pontificate was unedifying, and
tended to pave the way for the grossly immoral and
worldly Popes who were to follow.
CHAPTER II
State of the country under Henry IV. of Castile Birth of the Bel-
traneja Revolt against the King The Princess Isabella
Battle of Olmeda Marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella
Character and appearance of Ferdinand Rodrigo Borgia's
mission to Spain His shipwreck Battle of Toro, 1476
Isabella's claim to Castile recognised by Peace of Alcantara,
1479 Ferdinand's accession to throne of Aragon Inquisition
in Spain War with Granada Conquest of Granada
Christopher Columbus Death of Isabella.
UNDER the dissolute and incompetent rule of Henry IV.
of Castile the country fell into a sorry state. Through
the debasement of the coinage and the depredations
of the nobles, the most shocking confusion prevailed.
Travellers were plundered and Christian prisoners sold
as slaves to the Moors, while the castles of the nobility
became neither more nor less than dens of robbers.
Not only were the King's slackness and incapacity a
source of grievance, but he rendered himself actively
objectionable by making favourites of men of low
degree and promoting them over the heads of the
ancient nobility of the land. But the climax of his
transgressions, which provoked an insurrection of the
nobles under Juan Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, was
Henry's proclamation of his little daughter Juana as
heir to the throne. Thereby hangs a tale. In 1455
Henry had married the sister of Alfonso, King of
Portugal the gay and sprightly young Princess
Juana. For many years their union proved fruitless,
but in the spring of 1462, the Queen gave birth to a
baby girl. Public rejoicings were set on foot, but
over them all lay the shadow of hypocrisy, for popular
45
46 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
opinion strongly suspected that not Henry, but Beltran
de la Cueva, the young Count of Ledesma, was the
father of the baby princess. Even as the nobles,
prelates, and deputies advanced to swear allegiance to
her, words of anger and disdain were uttered beneath
their breath, and when she was invested with the
nickname of "la Beltraneja," no official remonstrance
was made.
Only a fortnight after the Cortes had taken the
oath of allegiance to the little princess, Pacheco drew
up a secret protest, maintaining her illegitimacy, and
before long the rebellion against the King and his
favourite, Beltran de la Cueva, came to a head.
Ever since the birth of la Beltraneja, Beltran had
been treated with almost regal honours by the King,
and Villena and his uncle, the Archbishop of Toledo,
became more and more filled with resentment. Now
that open opposition was declared, the King's position
was far from pleasant, and on one occasion he was
forced to hide in his own palace from the assaults
of Villena's soldiers. After many humiliations and
indignities he submitted, and tried to assuage the
wrath of his mutinous subjects.
Living at the Spanish Court at this time (1466) was
the King's youngest sister, Isabella, a sage and dignified
damsel of fifteen. She had been brought up by her
mother in deep seclusion in the little town of Arevalo,
but in 1462, at Henry's wish, she and her brother
Alfonso had been removed to the Court. Here, in
the midst of much that was corrupt, Isabella retained
her maiden purity and grace, and soon became dis-
tinguished for her strength and determination of
character. Many wooers sought her hand, among
them Don Pedro Giron, Master of Calatrava and
brother of Villena. He was a coarse-mannered upstart
of shady reputation, and Isabella would have none
of him. In spite, however, of her sturdy opposition,
King Henry was insistent in his endeavours to promote
BATTLE OF OLMEDO 47
this match, and petitioned the Pope to dispense
Don Pedro from his vow of celibacy. But, just as the
dispensation arrived and the exultant bridegroom
set out to claim his bride, his career was suddenly cut
short by poison. It has never been known whether
Isabella was concerned in the plot to kill him, for
although, in these days, the idea of a high-principled
woman's taking part in such a crime is barely credible,
we must remember that the ethical standards of
that time differed in many ways from those of
to-day.
Meanwhile war had broken out. On August 20,
1467, the two armies met on the field of Olmedo.
The Archbishop of Toledo led into battle the King's
half-brother, the boy Alfonso, whom he wished to
set upon the throne, while on the other side Beltran
de la Cueva was conspicuous for his valour. The
result of the battle was indecisive, though indirectly
it went against the King, who appears to have dis-
played considerable cowardice on this occasion. A
fearful state of anarchy ensued, and the whole country
was divided against itself. Although, after the battle,
an arrangement had been made by which Henry and
Alfonso respectively were to govern the territories
held by then: partisans, this was rendered impossible
by the fatuity of one monarch and the extreme youth
of the other.
The crisis was just at its height when the young
Alfonso came to a sudden and mysterious end, July
1468. The fact that his death was publicly announced
some days before it occurred confirms the suspicions
of foul play, and it is commonly supposed that he
died from eating some poisoned trout. The hopes
of his party were now centred upon Isabella, who in
1467 had left the corrupt Court and thrown in her lot
with her brother Alfonso. Overwhelmed with sadness
at his death, she retired to the convent of Santa Clara
at Avila, refusing the Archbishop of Toledo's request
48 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
that she would allow herself to be proclaimed Queen
of Castile. She wished to be reconciled to her brother
Henry, she said, and could not entertain the thought
of such disloyalty to him. She was not, however,
averse from accepting the position of heir to the throne
if the King could be prevailed upon to acknowledge
her.
Henry was easily persuaded, and had an affectionate
meeting with his sister at a place called Toros de
Guisando. They entered upon a formal agreement
by which Isabella was recognised as the heir to the
crowns of Castile and Leon (September 9, 1468).
Isabella was now about seventeen, strong in body
and mind, and clear-sighted beyond her fellows. In
appearance she was attractive tall and blue-eyed,
with ruddy chestnut hair and clear complexion " the
handsomest lady," says one of her household, " whom
I ever beheld, and the most gracious in her manners."
Her mother, to whom she was tenderly devoted, had
already fallen a victim to the hereditary insanity of
the House of Portugal, so that Isabella was obliged
to face the world alone. Her brother Henry was
really ill-disposed towards her, and she had no other
near relation.
All sorts of plans were now made to procure a
suitable husband for Isabella. Many sought her
hand, but the only two to whom she gave any en-
couragement were the Duke of Guienne, brother of
Louis XL, and Ferdinand of Aragon, son and heir
of John II. of Aragon. Ferdinand, who was an
engaging youth of her own age, won the day, greatly
to Henry's displeasure, for, by the treaty of Toros,
his consent was necessary to his sister's marriage.
He gave orders for her arrest, but she was taken by
the Archibshop of Toledo and Admiral Henriquez
to Valladolid, where she was put under the protection
of the friendly citizens. After a time she was joined
by Ferdinand, disguised as a servant. The nuptials
PERHAPS JUAN BORGIA, SECOND DUKE OF GANDIA, SECOND SON OF POPE
ALEXANDER VI.
Pintuncchio (Borgia Apartments, the Vatican).
48]
FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 49
were not long delayed, for, though Pope Paul II.,
who was on the side of the Castilian Court, refused
to sanction the marriage of these second cousins
by a dispensation, Ferdinand and his wily supporters,
John II. and the Archbishop of Toledo, forged a papal
bull in order to quiet Isabella's scruples of propriety.
On October 19, 1469, their marriage was publicly
celebrated at the palace of Juan de Vivero, with
whom the Princess had been staying. The celebrations
were but simple, for both bride and bridegroom
were poor in this world's goods, and indeed found
difficulty in obtaining the wherewithal to set up their
modest household. Ferdinand at this time was about
eighteen, a year younger than his bride. He was
fair-complexioned, with a muscular and well-propor-
tioned figure, an excellent rider and sportsman,
and an eloquent talker. He maintained his health by
great moderation in eating and drinking combined
with exercise and hard work. Unlike Isabella, he
had little taste for study, for his literary education
had been neglected. He had spent more of his boyhood
in the military camp than at school, thereby gaining an
experience of men and things which, later on, stood
him in good stead. Though possessing less refinement
and nobility of character than his wife, he shared many
of her admirable qualities. He was a master of states-
manship and used to say that chancellors are King's
spectacles, but woe unto those who cannot see with
unprotected eyes. He was diplomatic, not to say
cunning, and showed great wariness in most of his
proceedings. The frugality of his manage was remark-
able. " Stay to dinner, Almirante," he would say to
his uncle, " to-day we have an olla." Isabella is
reputed to have made his clothes with her own hands
a not overwhelming task, considering the apparent
scantiness of his wardrobe. It is said that on one
occasion he turned to a courtier who was noted for
his extravagant dress, and, touching his own doublet,
DB
50 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
exclaimed, "What durable stuff this is ! it has already
lasted me three pairs of sleeves."
The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella did not
harmonise the discord which prevailed in the land.
Alfonso of Portugal would not renounce his claims,
and doubt was cast over the legality of the marriage.
In order to pour oil on the troubled waters, Pope
Sixtus IV. (who had become Pope in 1471) despatched
Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia on a mission to Spain and
Portugal with the object of settling the dispute.
The Cardinal took with him the bull of dispensation
for Ferdinand's marriage, demanding in return an
annual sum of money to be devoted to the war against
the Turks. The Cardinal of Pavia represents Rodrigo's
behaviour on this occasion in a most unfavourable
light, alleging that his chief purpose was to dazzle
the eyes of his countrymen with the magnificence of
his display. It has also been said that he carried on
the most scandalous intrigues with the ladies of the
Portuguese Court, thereby giving great cause of
offence to the King, who treated him with obvious
coldness.
However this may be, Rodrigo seems to have had
a pleasurable time in his native land, for he stayed
there more than a year and many letters from the
Cardinal of Pavia were needed to entice him back
to Rome.
On his way home, in September 1473, he narrowly
escaped shipwreck. He had embarked on a Venetian
galley and designed another for his suite and his
baggage, which contained several objects of great
value. Near Pisa a terrible storm arose and it seemed
as if the boat would be dashed to pieces, but the
Cardinal's good luck did not desert him, and they
got safely to land. The other boat, containing his
suite and his treasures, was lost. No fewer than
1 80 persons were swallowed up by the waves, among
them three bishops and several jurists.
51
The Spanish confusion was by no means rectified.
Henry proclaimed that the Treaty of Toros had
been violated by the marriage of Ferdinand and
Isabella, since he had not sanctioned it, and declared
Juana, whose legitimacy was sworn, to be the heir to
the throne. Isabella, on the other hand, was recog-
nised as heir by the Cortes. Alfonso of Portugal
united with Henry and the Marquis of Villena, while
Isabella's former friend, the Archbishop of Toledo,
joined her opponents. The civil war now raged
more violently than ever. Alfonso invaded Castile
and gained considerable successes, which, however,
he did not know how to follow up. The Portuguese
troops pushed forward to Zamora, but found the town
so ably protected that they retired towards Toro.
Ferdinand followed them and a bloody battle was
fought on the ledge of rocks separating the two
towns. The royal standard was defended with mar-
vellous bravery by Duarte de Almeida, who fought
until both hands were hacked off and he fell down
exhausted, still clinging to the banner with his teeth.
But another knight, Gonzalo Pirez, who subsequently
received the nickname of Bandiera, tore the banner
back from the enemy. Ferdinand, it seems, had but
little share in the victory, and his wife, with some
reason, blamed him for the unknightly conduct
which had made him flee when threatened with
personal risk. Alfonso, on the other hand, fought
like a lion in the thickest of the fray, and did not
retreat until all hope was lost and the Castilians were
sure of their victory. By this battle of Toro, 1476,
the fate of Castile was decided. By degrees the
adherents of King Alfonso fell away from him and
he and his son Juan were obliged to retire to defend
the Portuguese boundaries. The civil war was
definitely ended in 1479 by the Peace of Alcantara
which recognised Isabella's claims to the throne of
Castile, and gave the last blow to the hopes of the
52 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Beltraneja. Few victories have been more complete
than that of Toro, and when Ferdinand's old father
John of Aragon died in 1479, Ferdinand and
Isabella " the Catholic Kings " reigned over the
whole of Spain from the Pyrenees to the Pillars of
Hercules with the one exception of the Moorish realm
of Granada.
The kingdoms of Castile and Aragon were now
united though they still remained independent of
one another. There was some difference of opinion
between the King and Queen as to which should
have the first place ; Castile and Leon had hitherto
taken the precedence of Aragon in all political transac-
tions ; but Ferdinand now maintained that, as
Isabella's husband, his titles should rank higher than
those of his wife, Isabella, however, was firm,
declaring that, while acknowledging the supremacy of
Ferdinand as her husband, she could never, as Queen
of Castile, yield precedence to the King of Aragon.
She finally gained her point, and it was arranged
that, in all public enactments bearing their joint
names, the titles of Castile and Leon should precede
those of Aragon and Sicily.
Isabella's Confessor, Torquemada, had imbued her
with the idea that the suppression of all heresy within
her realms was a sacred duty. She had, therefore,
in November 1478, obtained a bull from the Pope,
Sixtus IV., for the establishment of the Inquisition
in Castile. Many modern writers have sought to
reduce her share in the introduction of this terrible
institution, but it must be remembered that Isabella
herself probably considered it a meritorious action to
punish with inhuman barbarity those whom she
looked upon as the enemies of the Almighty. In
1480 two Dominicans were appointed by her, as
Inquisitors, to set up their tribunal at Seville. Before
the end of the year 1481 2,000 victims were burned
alive in Andalusia alone. The Pope himself became
SIEGE OF GRANADA 53
alarmed and threatened to withdraw the bull, but
Ferdinand intimated that he would make the Inquisi-
tion altogether an independent tribunal. This it
became later for all practical purposes, and its iniqui-
tous proceedings continued unchecked.
In 1483 Torquemada was made Inquisitor-General,
and he thus became the most potent personage in the
country, " master of Isabella's conscience and feeder
of Ferdinand's purse."
The great event of the reign of Ferdinand and
Isabella was the war with Granada. For many
centuries the existence of this Moorish kingdom had
been a bitter pill for the Spaniards to swallow. Isa-
bella in her sincere, though misguided, religious zeal
deemed that the subjection of the Moors would be
well-pleasing in the sight of Heaven. Ferdinand,
though animated by baser motives, supported his
wife's desire. The Moorish king, old Muley Abdul
Hassan, was a brave and fiery warrior, and the Moors
under his lead made a valiant stand for their inde-
pendence. Space forbids our going into the details
of the wearisome and sanguinary war which dragged
on until 1491, when the siege of the beautiful city of
Granada, the last spot held by the infidel in Spain,
was begun. The Moors defended it with wonderful
tenacity, but famine and the loss of their most coura-
geous men forced them to capitulate. Their King
Boabdil, who had succeeded his father, was feeble and
incapable, and, greatly to the indignation of his
subjects, was only too glad to accept the not ungenerous
terms offered by the enemy. Early in January 1492
Isabella and Ferdinand made their triumphal entry
into Granada. The Queen, mounted upon a splendid
charger, rode by her husband's side accompanied by
the nobility and chivalry of Castile and Aragon and
many of their bravest soldiers. At a given signal the
city gates were thrown open and a melancholy pro-
cession emerged. Boabdil, scornfully called " The
54 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Little," with downcast eyes and dejected mien,
advanced towards the royal group ; he was about to
dismount and kiss the feet of the Queen and her
husband in token of submission, but, with diplomatic
generosity, they forbade it. Having delivered up the
keys of the fallen city, Boabdil, with his family, and
suite, made their way towards the little principality
in the Alpajarra mountains which had been assigned
to him. From a hill above Granada the sorrowful little
cavalcade could view the glories of the noble city
which had once been theirs. Tears ran down the
cheeks of the unhappy king as he gazed upon it.
" Yes, weep ! " said his courageous and high-spirited
mother, " weep like a woman for the city you knew
not how to defend like a man ! "
Four days after the delivery of the keys, Granada
was blessed, and purified with the sprinkling of holy
water and made ready for the reception of the Chris-
tian monarchs. " The steep, narrow lane leading
to the Alhambra from the Gate of Triumph was
lined by Christian troops, and only a few dark-skinned
Moors scowled from dusky jalousies high in the walls,
as the gallant chivalry of Castile, Leon, and Aragon
flashed and jingled after the King and Queen. As
they approached the Alhambra, upon the tower of
Comares there broke the banner of the Spanish Kings
fluttering in the breeze, and at the same moment, upon
the summit of the tower above the flag, there rose a
great gilded cross, the symbol of the faith triumphant.
Then, at the gates, the heralds cried aloud, " Gra-
nada ! Granada ! for the Kings Isabel and Ferdinand,"
and Isabel, dismounting from her charger, " as the
cross above glittered in the sun, knelt upon the
ground in all her splendour and thanked God for
the victory." 1
The fame of Isabel's victory rang through the
whole of Christendom, for the conquest of Granada
1 Martin Hume, Queens of Old Spain.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 55
" marked an epoch, and sealed with permanence and
finality the christianisation of Europe." For the
first time Spain appeared as a Power of the foremost
rank, a fact which quite changed European relations.
In Rome great rejoicings were held, and the Spanish
ambassadors who had brought the news gave a repre-
sentation of the Conquest of Granada with an imita-
tion fortress of wood. l All eyes were turned towards
the warrior-queen, so brave and spirited, yet withal
so modest and gentle. That she could be cruel and
merciless upon occasion it would be idle to deny,
but her whole life was dominated by a fiery, not to
say fanatical, zeal for the destruction of all hostility
to her faith, and what seems to us like bigoted bar-
barity was, in her case, undertaken in direct obedience
to what she considered was the divine will.
A familiar figure in the Christian camp outside
Granada was a tall, fair man with dreamy eyes, who
for eight weary years had followed the Court, awaiting
the royal convenience to listen to his plans for reach-
ing Asia by a western route. His scheme had already
been rejected by the Senate of his native city, Genoa,
and Ferdinand and Isabella had been too much
engrossed with the exigencies of the war to pay serious
attention to this man, who was no warrior, but, as
many suspected, a mere visionary and dreamer of
dreams. Little did they imagine that, while they
were concentrating all their efforts upon the conquest
of a petty kingdom, they were unwittingly rejecting
the acquisition of a new world.
For this blue-eyed dreamer was none other than
the great Christopher Columbus himself. He knew
full well that the patronage of a powerful sovereign
was necessary to the fulfilment of his splendid schemes,
and the gibes and jeers of the Spanish courtiers fell
unheeded as he persistently awaited the pleasure of
Ferdinand and Isabella.
1 See Gregorovius's Lucrezia Borgia.
56 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
When the excitement of the conquest of Granada
had to some extent subsided, Columbus, or " Colon,"
as he called himself, was able to gain the Queen's
ear. But his demands were considered so exorbitant
and impracticable that Isabella, after some hesitation,
agreed with her husband that they must be dismissed.
Columbus, after seven years of fruitless waiting,
turned away in bitter disappointment, his once ruddy
locks now white with care.
But Luis de Sant' Angel, the Jewish Secretary of
supplies, rose to the occasion, and, with all due
humility, prevailed upon the Queen to reconsider the
matter. Columbus was recalled, and finally Ferdinand
was won over, by his wife's representation, to accede to
the explorer's demands. The money for the expedi-
tion was advanced by Luis de Sant' Angel from the
Aragonese treasury. The popular legend of Isabella's
pawning her jewels for the purpose has now been
completely disproved ; indeed, they had already been
pawned for the expenses of the war.
The agreement was signed at Santa Fe on April 17,
1492, and on August 3 Columbus set forth on his
immortal expedition. Nine months later, after a
triumphal progress through Spain, the great explorer,
uplifted with success, entered Barcelona, where he was
received by Ferdinand and Isabella with princely
honours. With him he brought dusky natives, gold-
dust and nuggets, rare birds and plants, and many
curious beasts all testifying to the value of the
country he had discovered. The Queen was greatly
touched by the story of his adventures, and when
Columbus ceased his eloquent recital the whole assembly
knelt and thanked God for having granted so mighty
a favour to the crown of Castile. The discoverer
was overwhelmed with privileges ; the title of Don
was conferred upon him and his brothers, and he was
treated as a Spanish grandee. A new scutcheon
was blazoned for him, combining the royal castle and
o a
a <s
^ r ^
B 5
*
U Z ;
K 5 o
rs H 'O
COLUMBUS RECALLED TO SPAIN 57
lion of Castile and Leon, with the four anchors of his
own coat-of-arms.
When Columbus began in May to prepare for a
second expedition to the newly discovered country,
he was equipped with vast power in order to enable
him to christianize Queen Isabella's new subjects.
On May 3 or 4 Alexander VI. granted bulls confirming
Castile and Leon in the possession of all lands discovered
or to be discovered, beyond a certain boundary line.
Ferdinand, however, realised the undesirability of
vesting so much authority in the person of an Italian
sailor, Admiral of the Indies and perpetual Spanish
Viceroy though he might be. A Council of the Indies
was formed to control the affairs of the new domain,
and the priests who governed it did their utmost to
baulk the plans which Columbus had made. The
news of this second expedition was at first bright
and cheering, but soon came complaints of the high-
handedness and tyranny of the Admiral, while he,
for his part, had much to say of the lack of discipline
and justice among his subordinates. Finally, Colum-
bus was summoned to Spain to give some explanation
of his proceedings. In 1496 he had an interview with
the Queen at Burgos, and found her sympathetic and
full of confidence in his ultimate success. But the
tide of public opinion had turned against him, the
treasury was empty, and it was only with much
difficulty and discouragement that the third expedition
was laboriously fitted out. In May 1498 he set out
on his third voyage. On his arrival at Hispaniola
he found nothing but disorder and oppression caused
by the insolence of the Spaniards whom he had left
in charge. Complaints reached the King and Queen
by every ship, and it was finally decided to send out
an ambassador to investigate affairs. The man
selected was the tyrannical Francisco de Bobadilla,
who, with inexorable harshness, immediately upon his
arrival in Hispaniola had Columbus thrown into
58 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
prison, and then, after collecting all the accusations
against him, shipped him back to Spain in disgrace.
He reached home in December 1580. Isabella
and Ferdinand sent him a letter of regret for the way
in which he had been treated, commanded his imme-
diate release, and summoned him to appear before them
at the Alhambra Palace. As, with bowed white head
and grief-stricken bearing, the degraded Admiral stood
before them, Isabella, overcome with remorse at his
pitiful situation, burst into uncontrollable weeping.
Columbus, deeply affected, also broke down, and,
casting himself at her feet, was unable for some time
to restrain the violence of his tears. The King and
Queen finally arranged that the title of Admiral should
be restored to him, and that a new Viceroy Nicolas
de Ovando should be despatched with thirty-two
ships to take Bobadilla's place. Disaster, however,
overtook the expedition, and, though the viceroy
arrived in safety, it was with the loss of most of his
ships and men.
Although the fame of Columbus's enterprise had
brought Castile and its Queen before the eyes of the
whole world, the financial gain had been extremely
small. For several reasons Ferdinand had never
been very favourably disposed towards it, and though,
when Columbus asked Isabella's help towards equipping
a fourth expedition early in 1502, she was anxious
that his plans should not be hindered, she herself was
disinclined to assist him. In March 1502, the Admiral
sailed westward for the last time. When, nearly three
years later, feeble in health and broken down in
spirit, he returned to Spain, Queen Isabella was
no more. The cares of the last few years had pressed
heavily upon her, for she was a woman as well as a
Queen. In 1499, after much bargaining between
Ferdinand and Henry VII. of England, the young
Princess Katharine of Aragon had been married by
proxy to Arthur, Prince of Wales. The prospect of
DEATH OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC 59
a separation from her youngest daughter preyed upon
Isabella's mind, and she tried hard to delay her
departure. But Henry was in a hurry, and in May
1501, setting aside personal inclinations at the call of
political duty, Katharine and her mother endured
the sadness of farewell, never to meet again on earth.
In 1497 the Prince of Asturias, Isabella's darling
son, was carried to the grave, and the following year
saw the death of her eldest daughter, the wife of
King Emmanuel of Portugal. Her other daughter,
Joan, was also a source of grief, for her obstinacy and
eccentricity were already earning for her the title of
" Joan the Mad." All the domestic sorrow, added
to the peculiar cares of her position, gradually under-
mined the Queen's health, and, after a lingering illness,
she gently breathed her last, November 26, 1504.
In her will she expressed a wish to be buried unostenta-
tiously at Granada, the city of her triumph, " but,
if the King, my lord " desired to be buried elsewhere,
then her body was to be laid by his, " in order that
the union we have enjoyed while living, and which
(through the mercy of God) we hope our souls will
experience in heaven, may be represented by our
bodies on earth." All her j ewels were left to Ferdinand,
" that they may serve as witness of the love I have
ever borne him, and remind him that I await him in a
better world, and so that with this memory he may
the more holily and justly live."
An entry in the Diary of John Burchard, Bishop
of Orta, relating to the conquest of Granada, runs
as follows : " Monday, 4 February, 1488. There
entered the consistory and passed to the second hall
about one hundred moors, each one with a large iron
ring round his neck and all bound together with a
long chain and ropes, all being dressed alike. These
were followed by an ambassador from the kings of
Spain, who knelt before our most holy Lord (Pope
Innocent VIII.) , kissing his holiness' foot only, and
60 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
presented the letters of the aforesaid King and Queen,
written in the Spanish tongue. The Rev. Father
Antoniotto, Lord Bishop of Auray, read these letters
aloud, to the effect that the King and Queen of Spain
were sending to his holiness about one hundred moors,
a part of their spoils taken in the victory at Granada,
the preceding summer, which moors they presented
as a gift to his holiness and offered to send others."
The Pope divided these slaves among the Cardinals
attached to the Curia.
CHAPTER III
Death of Sixtus IV., 1484 Letter from the Cardinal of Pa via to
Rodrigo Borgia Election of Innocent VIII., 1484 His char-
acter Corruption of the clergy Rodrigo and Vannozza
Death of Innocent VIII., 1492 Lawless state of Rome
Methods of electing Pope Simoniacal election of Cardinal
Borgia as Pope Alexander VI. His magnificent coronation
festivities Guicciardini's opinion of the new Pope Alexander's
vigorous administration of justice His nepotism.
BEFORE Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia reappeared at Rome
after his Spanish mission, Pope Sixtus IV. died (1484),
His reign, as we shall see later, had been one of much
agitation and trouble. Borgia, who had been instru-
mental in his election, had consequently enjoyed
the papal favour, receiving in reward for his services
the Abbey of Subiaco, in commendam. From the
following letter from the Cardinal of Pavia, dated
November 15, 1476, 1 it would appear, however, that
his manner of life had not become more saintly. The
Cardinal exhorts Rodrigo to abandon his dissolute
habits :
" May God grant," he writes, " that we may
forget the past and become new men, and that we
may carry out what we have expressed in writing.
For my part, I am honestly determined to do so, and
my letter may serve you as a pledge of my intention.
. . . Do not give this letter, which comes from a
full heart, to your secretary, but shut it in your
writing-table, in a place where you can take it out
1 The year of Caesar's birth.
61
62 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
every year, when you have time and inclination, and
read it over again. ..."
The new Pope, Innocent VIII. (1484-92), was
a mild and colourless person, not altogether devoid
of attractions. He seems to have had the virtues of
gentleness and benevolence, but he was tame-spirited
and immoral and easily led by those around him.
Giuliano della Rovere, afterwards Pope Julius II.,
gained a remarkable influence over him, and came
to live in the Vatican. He could obtain whatever
he liked from the new Pontiff and is mentioned in
a letter from the Florentine envoy to Lorenzo
de' Medici as being " Pope, and more than Pope."
Innocent VIII. was the first Pope who publicly
acknowledged his children. Nepotism was one of his
failings, and he made lavish provision for two of his
sons. To the elder, Franceschetto, he gave dominion
over Anguillari and Cervetri, as well as a large estate ;
but after the Pope's death Franceschetto sold them
both and betook himself to Florence, where he lived
in retirement with his wife Maddalena, daughter of
Lorenzo the Magnificent.
During the pontificate of Innocent VIII., Djem,
brother of the Sultan Bajazet, of whose tragic end
we shall shortly hear, was brought captive to Rome.
From Infessura we get a disapproving account of
Pope Innocent VIII. Among other things he relates
the following : " The Vicar of the Pope in Rome and
neighbourhood, watchful of his flock as befits an
honourable man, published an edict forbidding clergy
as well as laics, whatever their position might be,
to keep mistresses, either openly or in secret. The
penalty for so doing would be excommunication and
confiscation of their benefices, for it was a practice
which redounded to the discredit of priestly dignity
and divine law.
" When the Pope heard this, he summoned the Vicar
CORRUPTION OF MORALS 63
and commanded him to annul the edict, saying that
the practice was not forbidden. And indeed, such
was the life led by the clergy that there was hardly
one who did not keep a mistress. The number of
harlots at that time living in Rome amounted to
6,800, not counting those who practised their nefarious
trade under the cloak of concubinage and those who
exercised their arts in secret."
From this state of things it is evident how they
lived in Rome at that time and how the State of the
Church was governed. To Innocent VIII. is due
the establishment of a kind of bank at Rome for the
disposal of pardons 1 in exchange for pecuniary offerings.
After a certain proportion of the money paid had
gone into the papal treasury, the rest fell to Frances-
chetto, his son.
When Borgia had returned from Spain he received
several letters from Vannozza, which aroused his
desire to see his family. He therefore begged the
Pope's permission to go to Venice on important
business. Innocent, suspicious, forbade him to leave
Rome. Rodrigo, incensed, boldly disobeyed. He
journeyed to Marino, where, under pretext of indis-
position, he stayed several days. From there he sent
a letter to Vannozza asking her to come immediately
to Rome and take up her abode in an outlying part
of the city. In spite of Innocent's repeated com-
mands to return, the Cardinal, now a man of over
fifty years of age, determined to await Vannozza's
answer in Marino, and wrote to the Pope to excuse
himself on the ground of illness. But through
Paoletti, who visited Borgia at Marino, Innocent
learned that he was by no means incapable of travelling.
Finally, Rodrigo was obliged to make up his mind
to return to Rome. Arrived there, he was taken in a
chair to St. Peter's, where he performed his devotions
before the Confession, and then proceeded to the
1 Indulgences, i.e. remissions of canonical penances.
64 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Lateran. There he paid his respects to the Pope and
besought his pardon. But soon came the news that
his family had arrived in Rome and were established
in the neighbourhood of the Capitol, in a house
belonging to the Monks of del Popolo. Vannozza had
hardly reached the Eternal City when the curiosity of
one of these monks led him to pry into the circum-
stances which led her to settle in such a remote part.
It is related that the Prior of the Order was attracted
by the unusual beauty of her daughter and sought
to become acquainted with the family. But Vannozza,
prompt to act, left her dwelling secretly, and moved
into a house in the vicinity of St. Peter's, where
precautions were taken that she might live undisturbed.
Her major-domo, Don Manuele, who had accompanied
her to Venice, was now announced as her husband ;
he adopted the title of Count Ferdinand of Castile.
Although her house was luxuriously furnished and
Don Manuele had access to the most distinguished
social circles of Rome, Vannozza continued to live
in the deepest seclusion ; she never left the house
unless it was for the purpose of meeting Rodrigo, who,
under pretext of a close friendship with the so-called
Count Ferdinand, often passed his evenings at her home.
Borgia's days were spent in outward piety, visiting
churches and hospitals. He realised that the Pope's
strength was steadily failing, and, with an eye to the
approaching election, did all he could to ingratiate
himself with the other Cardinals. He was now a
rich and powerful man, senior member of the Sacred
College, Dean of the Cardinal-Bishops, and Vice-
Chancellor of the Church, and his ambition did not stop
short of the tiara itself. Many of the other Cardinals
were the creatures of Sixtus IV. or Innocent VIII., and
having bought their positions, were now quite willing
to seU their votes to the highest bidder. Rodrigo
ascertained their demands and laid his plans accord-
ingly, with what success will shortly be seen.
LUCREZIA BORGIA, DUCHESS OF FERRARA.
From a portrait painted on wood, dated MDXX., preserved in the Museum
at Nimes.
Lucrezia died in 1519. This portrait is believed to be a copy of a
picture by Dosso Dossi.
64]
VANNOZZA 65
According to Infessura, Rodrigo had married Van-
nozza to Domenico of Arignano in 1476, in order to
give an appearance of legitimacy to their son Caesar.
This information, however, is of doubtful accuracy.
It seems certain that she was married in 1480 to
Giorgio della Croce, a Milanese, for whom Rodrigo
had obtained the post of Apostolic Secretary. It is
remarkable that in the official record of this marriage
Vannozza is described as widow of Messer Antonio
de Brixa. To Giorgio della Croce she bore a son
Ottaviano, who died in 1486, the same year as his
father. During her connection with Giorgio, Van-
nozza increased in worldly prosperity. She appears
to have been the lessee of several taverns in Rome,
to say nothing of a picturesque country house and a
vineyard. After his death she soon married a third
husband, Carlo Canale of Mantua, a man of some
literary repute, who, through Rodrigo's influence,
obtained the office of sollicitator bullarum. This
marriage resulted in the birth of a child for whom
Vannozza requested Lodovico Gonzaga to stand
sponsor a significant fact which sheds a ray of
light upon the naive and unblushing effrontery of the
age.
Vannozza was fifty years old when Rodrigo became
Pope, and was openly recognised as the mother of his
four surviving children. Though the days of his
passion for her were over, he still regarded her with
affection. She herself lived a retired life, so that her
name has never become entangled in the criminal
annals of the House of Borgia. The historian, Paulus
Jovius, who knew her personally, speaks of her as
" an honourable woman," and the inscription on her
tomb describes her as " upright, pious, and charitable,
and deserving much on account of what she did for
the Lateran hospital." In a letter to her daughter
Lucrezia she signs herself " La felice e infelice Madre,
Vannozza Borgia," which implies, perhaps, that she
EB
66 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
felt the embarrassment of her position. There can
be no doubt that, during her last years, she sought
to atone for past sins by devoting herself to a life of
extreme piety.
On the evening of July 25, 1492, the good-natured
and incompetent Pope Innocent VIII. passed away.
It is related that, during his last illness, the operation
for transfusion of blood was unsuccessfully performed.
This, however, is an error arising from the forgetfulness
of two important facts : (i) that the idea of this
operation could not occur to any one to whom the
circulation of the blood was unknown ; (2) that the
phenomenon of the circulation of the blood was not
discovered until the seventeenth century. Raynaldus
and Infessura say that a certain Jewish physician
undertook to restore the Pope's health ; for this
purpose he drew all the blood out of three young
boys, who immediately died. With their blood he
prepared a draught, which, in spite of the doctor's
protestations, failed to improve the sick Pontiff's
condition. The saving virtue of drinking human
blood was no new idea, as may be seen from Tertullian,
ApoL ix. : Item, illi qui munere in arena noxiorum
ingulatorum sanguinem recentem (de ingulo decurrentem
exceptum) avida siti comitiali morbo medentes hauserunt,
ubi sunt ? *
On August 5 the Pope's body was laid in St. Peter's,
where his memory has been perpetuated by a wonder-
fully executed monument in bronze the work of
Antonio Pollaiulo. The lawless state which prevailed
in the capital at this time may be seen from the fact
that, during the seventeen days before the new
election was completed, no less than two hundred
assassinations took place. The disturbances at last
became so serious that some of the barons, at the
instigation of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, agreed
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 79*
METHODS OF ELECTING A POPE 67
to sink their party differences and unite with the
Conservators of the city in maintaining order. This
had a beneficial effect and succeeded in reducing the
confusion.
There are several ways by which a Pope may be
elected :
(1) By Inspiration i.e. when several Cardinals
together, as though impelled by an unseen
power, shout aloud the name of the one they
desire to see elected. By this method other
voices are attracted and the minimum majority
attained. It is, however, rarely employed.
(2) By Compromise i.e. when the Cardinals cannot
agree, and then appoint a committee of them-
selves with power to decide the election. In
this way John XXII. managed to secure
his own appointment, so that the Cardinals
determined never again to have recourse to
this method without securing it against abuse
by stringent precautions.
(3) By Majority i.e. each Cardinal writes the
name of his candidate on a slip of paper and,
with much ceremony and genuflection, places
it in a large, beautifully decorated chalice on
the High Altar of the Chapel in which the
Conclave is assembled. These slips are then
taken out by a Cardinal specially appointed
for the purpose, and carefully compared with
the number of persons present. If then one
of the Candidates has two-thirds of the votes,
he is immediately proclaimed Pope. If, how-
ever, after repeated attempts, the necessary
majority is not obtained, they have recourse
to the Method of
(4) Accession i.e. every Cardinal is free to accede
to another and to strike out the name of his
first Candidate. After the election is finished
all the slips of paper are carefully burned, so
68 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
that no future reference can ever be made
to them.
On August 6, 1492, the Conclave met in the Sistine
Chapel. The competitors were numerous, each one
having some claim to consideration. Ascanio Sforza
was the brother of the first tyrant of Italy. Giuliano
della Rovere and Riario were connected with Sixtus IV.
Lorenzo Cibo seemed to be the direct heir of Innocent
VIII., Borgia was a kinsman of Calixtus III., Orsini
and Colonna shared the secular greatness of their
families. France and Genoa openly took the part
of della Rovere. 1 Borgia opposed to him Cardinal
Sforza, but Ascanio, whose house was threatening
the whole of Italy, realising that his chances were
slight, began to lend a favourable ear to Borgia's
attractive offers. The other Cardinals were un-
decided, but Rodrigo knew how to win them by
bribery and flattery. For three days the Conclave
resembled a banker's counter. To Sforza, Borgia
promised his own palace and furniture, all his bene-
fices, the castle of Nepi, the Bishopric of Erlau, and
a large sum of money as well as the Vice-Chancellor-
ship of the Roman Chair. Cardinal Orsini was to
receive the two fortified towns of Monticelli and
Soriano, the legation of the Marches, and the Bishopric
of Carthagena ; Cardinal Colonna and his family the
Abbey of Subiaco and all the surrounding villages.
Savelli, Michieli, and Pallavicini were to be paid for
their votes with bishoprics, and Cardinals Sclafetani,
Sanseverino, Riario, and Domenico della Rovere were
to receive valuable abbacies and benefices.
In this reprehensible way Borgia managed to secure
twenty-four votes, and only one was wanting to
complete the minimum majority. Cardinals Caraffa,
Piccolomini, Zeno, and Costa, as well as Lorenzo
Cibo, Giovanni de' Medici, Cardinal Basso, and
Giuliano della Rovere, all held aloof from these
Gebhart.
69
unrighteous proceedings, but finally the required vote
was wormed out of Gherardo, Patriarch of Venice, an
old man already in his dotage.
Rome was in wild excitement about this election.
From the Diary of John Burchard, Bishop of Orta,
we learn that, a little while before the assembly of
the Conclave, Borgia had sent four mule-loads of
silver to Cardinal Sforza's house, under pretext that
the treasure might be more safely guarded there,
but that really it was the price of the Cardinal's vote.
On the night of August 10-11, 1492, the name of
Borgia was drawn out of the electoral chalice. At
dawn a window of the Conclave was opened and the
election of Pope Alexander VI. made known to the
drowsy city. 1 The newly made Pontiff, deeply excited
and perhaps fearful as to the way in which his simo-
niacal election might be received, hastened to don
the pontifical insignia. For the same reason he
desired that the news of his appointment should be
spread speedily, and had pieces of paper, inscribed
with his name as Pope, thrown from the Vatican
windows into the midst of the people.
Alexander had hardly dressed himself in his official
garb when he repaired to St. Peter's for the inaugural
ceremonies. The Cardinal Sanseverino lifted him up
in his powerful arms and placed him on the throne,
and the Sacred College paid him the fisrt Adoration.
Huge crowds assembled to catch a glimpse of the new
Pope, whose election, notwithstanding the known
immorality of his life, was by no means unwelcome.
Rodrigo Borgia appeared to possess all the attributes
of a successful temporal ruler, and the prospect of
his being able to steer the Papacy through a difficult
political crisis outbalanced any disadvantages from
a spiritual point of view. Sigismondo de' Conti
describes him as a thoroughly capable man with
remarkable intellectual gifts. He says : " Few people
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 86.
70 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
understood etiquette so well as he did ; he knew how
to make the most of himself, and took pains to shine
in conversation and to be dignified in his manners.
In the latter point his majestic stature gave him an
advantage. Also he was just at the age (about sixty)
at which Aristotle says men are wisest ; robust in
body and vigorous in mind, he was admirably equipped
for his new position. . . . He was tall and powerfully
built, and, though he had blinking eyes, they were
penetrating and lively ; in conversation he was
extremely affable ; he understood money matters
thoroughly " (quoted by Pastor).
Borgia's physical beauty, though not altogether in
accordance with twentieth-century standards, seems
to have been universally conceded. 1 This, combined
with a fine presence and a superabundant vitality, was
quite enough to recommend him to the sensual,
beauty-loving Italians. Portius thus describes him
in 1493 : " He is tall, in complexion neither fair nor
dark ; his eyes are black, his mouth somewhat full.
His health is splendid, and he has a marvellous power
of enduring all sorts of fatigue. He is singularly
eloquent in speech, and is gifted with an innate good
breeding which never forsakes him " (Pastor).
Although no reference is made in this description
to Borgia's dissolute habits, it must not be supposed
that they were unknown. In a College of gay and
riotous Cardinals, Rodrigo had been the gayest and
most riotous of them all. But the level of morality
among the higher classes in Italy at this time was so
distressingly low that public opinion found no diffi-
culty in condoning the profligacy of the new Pope's
previous life. At the same time, considerable resent-
ment was aroused at the unblushing simony by means
of which his election had been obtained.*
1 His portrait in the Uffizi Gallery at Florence is considered to bear
a strong resemblance to the late Cardinal Vaughan of Westminster.
* Many objections have been raised to the assertion that Alexander's
CORONATION FESTIVITIES 71
To return to the morning after the Conclave. From
St. Peter's the Pope went back to the Vatican, where
he addressed the Cardinals for a second time, admon-
ishing them, with pious zeal, to change their manner
of life, and declaring that he would make an impartial
investigation of all accused of simony. It was obvious
that, as Pope Alexander VI., he was not inclined
to maintain his former compacts with the Cardinals.
Indeed, it is remarkable that he had already decreed
the downfall of the very men who had most con-
tributed to his election. Towards Sforza, Riario,
San Michieli, and others, he subsequently displayed
the greatest cruelty, banishing some, and condemning
others to imprisonment or an unmerciful death.
It was with reason that Giovanni de' Medici, a sage
youth of seventeen, observed to Cardinal Cibo, on
the announcement of the election, " Now we are
in the power of a wolf, the most rapacious, perhaps,
that this world has ever seen ; and, if we do not flee,
he will infallibly devour us."
Never had there been such gorgeous celebrations
at a papal election. The Coronation on August 26
accession to the Papacy was brought about by simoniacal
means. Pastor, in replying to these, calls attention to some docu-
ments discovered in recent years. The first of these is Brognolo's
Despatch of August 31, 1492, in which, it is true, A. Sforza is not
named. But in Frakn6i, in the Erlauer Diocesanblatt, 1833, No. 20,
the appointment of Ascanio Sforza to the Bishopric of that place
appears, and the other gifts can equally be substantiated. Thus the
appointment to the Vice-Chancellorship appears from Decret.
Eximice tuce Circ. industria, dat. Rom, 1492, vii. Cal. Sept. Regest.
869, f. i. See also Cod. xxxv. 94, in the Barberini Library. As to the
handing over of the palace, see Appendix, N. 13. The grant of Nepi
is certain, see Leonetti, i. 61 ; Ratti, i. 86, whose apology for Ascanio
is quite futile. Besides this, Ascanio received (Regest. 773, f. I5 b )
two Canonries (dat. Laterani, 1492, vii. Cal. Sept. A i) ; f . 45 : the
Priorate of a Convent in the Diocese of Calahorra, which belonged
to Alexander VI. (D. ut S.) ; f. 167 : an Abbey (D. ut 5.) and various
other favours, f. 187, 260, and 295, all dated vii. Cal., Sept. 1492.
Pastor, Secret Archives of the Vatican, v., p. 382.
72 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
was the occasion for the most brilliant and resplendent
festivities. The streets were decorated with triumphal
arches inscribed with predictions of a Golden Age.
Alexander was feted like a divinity, and the following
inscriptions are typical of the inanity and profanity
of the compliments with which he was surfeited :
Ccesare magna fuit, nunc Roma est maxima, Sextus
regnat Alexander, ille vir, iste Deus ;
and,
Libertas pia, justitia, et pax aurea, opes quce sunt
tibi, Roma, novus fert deus iste tibi.
The Borgia arms, a bull passant on a field or,
lent themselves to ingenious symbolical representa-
tions. By the Palazzo of San Marco was erected the
colossal figure of a bull from whose horns, eyes,
ears, and nostrils flowed water, and from its forehead
wine.
When all the customary ceremonies had been
observed, Alexander bestowed his pontifical benedic-
tion upon the people. He proceeded to this first
official duty, says Corio, " patiently as an ox and
fulfilled it proudly as a lion."
That the new Pope was no divinity, but made of
mortal clay, was demonstrated before the coronation
celebrations were ended. In taking formal possession
of the Lateran Basilica, he was so overcome with
emotion and fatigue that he suddenly fainted, and
restoratives had to be administered before he recovered
consciousness. " This," writes the devout Delfini to
a friend, " forcibly reminded me of the instability of
all human things."
The news of Borgia's election excited much dis-
pleasure in certain quarters, though we can hardly
credit Guicciardini's assertion that all men were
filled with dismay, and that Ferrante of Naples, one
of the most keen-sighted rulers of the day, told
his wife with tears tears which he had not shed even
at the death of his two sons " This election will not
PROMISES OF REFORM 73
only undermine the peace of Italy, but that of the
whole of Christendom."
On the other hand, Alexander's accession was
hailed with joy by some of the Italian Powers, espec-
ially by Milan and Florence. His true self had not
yet been revealed, and many entertained a mistakenly
high opinion of his character.
It may be interesting to hear what Guicciardini
thought of the new Pope. He writes : " Alexander
was very active, and possessed of remarkable pene-
tration ; his judgment was excellent, and he had a
wonderful power of persuasion ; in all serious business
he displayed an incredible attention and ability.
But these virtues were bound up with still greater
faults : his manner of living was dissolute, and he
knew neither shame nor sincerity, neither faith nor
religion. He, moreover, was possessed by an in-
satiable greed, an overwhelming ambition, a more than
barbarous cruelty, and a burning passion for the
advancement of his many children, who, in order to
cany out his iniquitous decrees, did not scruple
to employ the most heinous means."
The new Pope at once took vigorous steps for the
restoration of order in Rome, which had been, during
the interregnum, the scene of frightful anarchy and
bloodshed. The first assassin to be captured was
hanged as an example, and his house destroyed. Alex-
ander also established commissioners for the trial of
disputes, and set aside certain times when he himself
gave audience to all who had any cause of complaint.
" He has promised," wrote the Ferrarese envoy on
August 17, " to make many reforms in the Curia,
to dismiss the secretaries and many tyrannical officials,
to keep his sons far from Rome, and make worthy
appointments. It is said that he will be a glorious
Pontiff, and will have no need of guardians."
Thus the new reign opened with fair prospects
and promises. Even the unfriendly Infessura
74 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
admitted that Alexander " adminstered justice after
a marvellous sort," and the powers of Italy were well
pleased. But their pleasure was of short duration
for the Pope soon began to show symptoms of the
nepotism which was to play deadly havoc with the
prosperity of his pontificate. All his relations flocked
to Rome, anxious to receive the favours which he
was eager to bestow. Gian Andrea Boccaccio declares,
in a letter to the Duke of Ferrara, " ten Papacies
would not suffice to satisfy the greed of all his kindred,"
and subsequent events proved that these fears were
only too well grounded.
CHAPTER IV.
Children of Rodrigo Borgia Girolama and Isabella Don Pedro
Luis Don Giovanni, second Duke of Gandia Caesar : his
education and subsequent career His appearance and person-
ality Machiavelli's opinion of him Lucrezia Borgia Accusa-
tions against her character Her birth and education Giulia
Farnese, Rodrigo Borgia's second known mistress Lucre-
zia's betrothal and marriage Birth of Laura, daughter of
Rodrigo Borgia and Giulia Lucrezia's domestic life Don
Jofre, youngest son of Rodrigo Borgia and Vannozza Giovanni
Sforza Letter from Rodrigo Borgia, when Pope Alexander
VI., to Lucrezia Lucrezia at Pesaro Immorality in Rome
The Infans Romanus Rodrigo, Pope Alexander's tenth child
Lucrezia's divorce.
LET us now follow the fortunes of Rodrigo's children.
His two eldest daughters Girolama and Isabella
are almost unknown to history. They must have
been born before 1470, but the name of their mother
is wrapped in mystery. We know that Girolama
was married to Gian Andrea Cesarini in 1482, when
she was probably about thirteen, and that her brief
career ended in the following year. We know, too,
that her sister Isabella became the wife of a Roman
noble Pier Giovanni Matuzzi in 1483 only this
and nothing more. In the two marriage contracts
Rodrigo Borgia is mentioned as their father, but
their mother's name does not appear.
Don Pedro Luis, the eldest son of Rodrigo and
Vannozza, was probably born in Spain, though the
date of his birth is uncertain. Yriarte 1 gives it as
about 1467. Sabatini prefers 1460 as the date. 1
1 Cesar Borgia, vol. i. pp. 33, 34. Pastor, vol. v. p. 364.
1 The Life of Cesare Borgia, p. 39. (Stanley Paul & Co., Ltd.)
75
76 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Little is known of his career beyond the fact that
he served in the army of Ferdinand the Catholic
and fought bravely in the war against the King of
Granada, distinguishing himself at the capture of
Ronda, 1485. The same year he was invested by
Ferdinand with the hereditary duchy of Gandia,
near Valencia. He was betrothed to Maria Enriquez,
the King's cousin, but died before the marriage was
completed. The date of his death was probably
1488, when he would have been about twenty-one
years old. He bequeathed all his possessions to his
brother Juan, who adopted the title of Duke of
Gandia and eventually married Maria Enriquez.
This Juan (Don Giovanni) was Rodrigo's second
son, born in 1474. At the time of his father's pro-
motion to the Papal See he was already in a wealthy
and influential position. When the news of the
election reached him, he journeyed to Rome to join
the other members of his family. He originally
intended to stay only a short time there, and therefore
sent his wife back to Spain ; but his visit prolonged
itself, and on June 12, 1493, he was present at the
wedding of his sister Lucrezia with Giovanni Sforza,
and presented her with a goblet worth seventy ducats.
On June 16 he went with his brother Caesar to
receive the Spanish ambassador, and on this occasion
they displayed so much pomp and magnificence
that they might have been taken for monarchs.
From a letter from the King of Naples appointing
him Duke of Sessa and Prince of Teano, it is evident
that he tarried in Rome till the beginning of August,
when he returned to Spain on board a Spanish galley
laden with valuables on which the Roman goldsmiths
had been working for two months. Nothing more
is heard of him until August 10, 1496, when he came
back to Rome. He made his entry into the capital
with great ceremony, accompanied by his brother,
Cardinal Caesar Borgia, and the whole papal Court.
CJESAR BORGIA 77
A few months later, on May 20, another brother,
Jof re, appeared with his wife, Donna Sancia of Aragon,
in Rome, where the whole family was now assembled.
This family union seemed to portend some great
undertaking.
Soon afterwards the Duke of Gandia was appointed
Captain of the Church by the Pope, and, in spite of
a conspicuous lack of military ability, on June' 7, 1497,
he was made Duke of Beneventum by the unanimous
vote of the College of Cardinals.
Tomaso Tomasi represents Juan as a good and
honest man, of no mean ability ; there is little doubt,
however, that he led an immoral life, giving himself
up to gambling and other less pardonable excesses.
His father loved him with a passionate love, and
his tragic death, in June 1497, of which we shall hear
anon, was a source of deepest sorrow to him. He
left two children, Juan, third Duke of Gandia, and a
daughter, Isabella, who were piously educated by a
saintly mother. Juan married an illegitimate daughter
of the Archbishop of Saragossa, himself a bastard,
and, strangely enough, the first child of this alliance
which united so much family iniquity was Francisco
Borgia, fourth Duke of Gandia, who afterwards
became a saint.
The third son of Rodrigo and Vannozza was Caesar,
born in 1476. The first authentic document dealing
with his life is to be found at Rome in the Liber
Sillabicorum, published in 1488 by a certain Pompilius.
From it we learn that Caesar, when in his twelfth
year, was appointed Protonotary of the Papal Chair,
a sinecure with important emoluments. From 1490
to 1492 he studied at the University of Pisa, at that
time of world-renown, and rendered doubly attrac-
tive by the theological lectures of the celebrated
Filippo Decio. Among Caesar's fellow-students were
Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Pope Leo X.,
and Alexander Farnese, later Pope Paul III.
78 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Besides the university professors, two Spanish savants,
Romolino da Herda and Giovanni Vera d'Arcilla,
contributed towards his education, which he appar-
ently pursued with industry. On September 12,
1491, Innocent VIII. appointed him Protonotary
and Bishop of Pampeluna, though only on condition
that he should not be consecrated for ten years.
When his father was made Pope, Caesar, at his command,
left Pisa for Spoleto, where he arrived on August 26,
1492. He was still there on October 5, as is proved
by a letter written by him to Piero de' Medici,
Giovanni's brother, with whom he was on intimate
terms.
There is no trace of Caesar's presence at Rome
before March 19, 1493, when the ambassador Boc-
caccio writes to Duke Ercole of Ferrara : " The
day before yesterday I visited Caesar in his house
in Trastevere, just as he was about to go hunting.
He was clad in secular garments of silk and only
a small tonsure was visible. We rode part of the
way together, as we are on terms of intimacy. He
is a man of great and surpassing cleverness and
excellent disposition ; and his manners are worthy
of the son of a great Prince. He is cheerful, even
merry, and always seems to be in high spirits. Owing
to his great modesty, 1 he presents a more distin-
guished and amiable appearance than his brother,
the Duke of Gandia. He also enjoys a good income.
The Archbishop (Caesar) has no bent towards the
priesthood, though his benefices yield him more
than 16,000 ducats. If he does not marry, his revenues
will go to another of his brothers, who is hardly
thirteen years of age."
This description confirms the idea that his amiable
manners and charm of speech made him irresistibly
fascinating, and also proves that he adopted an
1 It is evident that the word " modesty " has changed its
meaning.
MACHIAVELLI'S OPINION OF CAESAR 79
ecclesiastical career against his inclination. This
latter fact makes it all the more credible that he
was the instigator of his brother's murder, which
afforded him a means of escape from the uncongenial
priesthood.
Paolo Giovio represents Caesar as distinctly unattrac-
tive in appearance, having a red face covered with
blotches, and deep-set, sinister eyes. On the other
hand, the portraits of him by Raphael, Bronzino,
and other noted artists depict him as a tall, slender
man with interesting features.
Machiavelli sees Caesar through rose-coloured
glasses, and represents him as the embodiment of
political wisdom and superhuman sagacity. " Caesar
Borgia," he says, " obtained his high position through
his father's lucky star, and lost it after the Pope's
death, in spite of the fact that he spared no pains
and neglected nothing that a wise and courageous
man could do to take firm root in the State which he
had acquired through the arms and good fortune of
another. ... In the future he had to face the fear
that another Pope would be less favourably inclined
towards him, and deprive him of what Alexander
had given him. He therefore sought to secure his
position by four means :
" (i) By the extirpation of all noble families, whom
he had deprived of their States, so that the future
Pope might not re-establish them.
" (2) By trying to win over all the Roman nobles
and thus hold the Pope in check.
" (3) By making as many friends as possible in the
College of Cardinals.
" (4) By seeking to acquire so much authority before
the Pope's death that he would be able by himself
to resist a first attack. At the time of Alexander's
decease he had fulfilled three of these aims and the
last nearly so.
"If we examine the whole conduct of Borgia we
80 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
shall see how firm a foundation he had laid for future
greatness. ... I know no better lesson for the
instruction of a prince than is afforded by the action
and example of this Duke."
Machiavelli further observes : " When I consider
all the actions of the Duke, I find it impossible to
blame him with having omitted any precaution.
Rather must I hold him up as an example to all who,
by fortune or by foreign arms, succeed in acquiring
sovereignty."
This view of Caesar's character must be taken
with many grains of salt, for the other writers of the
day all agree in describing him as a man who shrank
from no perfidy or deed of infamy, if thereby his
own interests could be advanced.
Soon after Caesar's arrival in Rome the Pope,
who, it is said, " loved and hugely feared his son,"
appointed him to the Archbishopric of Valencia,
and on September 20, 1493, he was made Cardinal
of Santa Maria Nuova. To evade the blot on his
birth, Alexander by means of false witness, represented
that he had been born in wedlock.
At the Court of Alexander VI. Caesar had an
excellent opportunity of gaining an insight into the
politics of all the States, for he came into contact
with ambassadors from all the monarchs of Europe.
When he cast aside the ecclesiastical profession he,
as well as his brothers, were recognised by the Pope
as his natural children, though before this they had
passed as his " nephews." The bulls of legitimation,
issued by Sixtus IV., however, establish Caesar's
relationship to Alexander VI.
Lucrezia Borgia, the daughter of Alexander and
Vannozza, has been depicted as the Messalina of her
century by Burchard, Master of the Papal Ceremonies,
and other writers. In later times, however, she has
found many valiant defenders, and indeed an unbiassed
observer would find it hard to pronounce her guilty of
LUCREZIA BORGIA 81
all the terrible and shocking charges brought against
her. Guicciardini, whose wake was followed by other
writers, asserts that she maintained illicit intercourse
not only with her father, but also with her two brothers,
and there is good reason to believe that accusations
of this nature were brought against her quite early
in her career. The first traces of them appear in
the writings of the Neapolitan poets, who were em-
bittered against Alexander VI. on account of the
part he had taken in dispossessing the House of
Aragon, and are therefore not to be relied upon when
they criticise his relations with Lucrezia.
Pontano, for example, composed the following
epitaph for her, although she outlived him more
than twenty years :
Hie jacet in tumulo, Lucretia nomine, sed re
Thai's, Alexandri filia, sponsa nurus.
And Sanazzaro thus apostrophises her :
Ergo te semper cupiet, Lucretia, Sextus ?
O fatum diri numinis ! hie pater est.
By later writers this evidence is considered of suffi-
cient weight to drag poor Lucrezia down into the
deepest depths of infamy. Even the astute Gibbon
writes : "in the next generation the House of Este
was sullied by a sanguinary and incestuous race, by
the nuptials of Alfonso I. with Lucrezia, a bastard
of Alexander VI., the Tiberius of Christian Rome.
This modern Lucrezia might have assumed with
more propriety the name of Messalina, since the
woman who can be guilty, who can even be accused,
of a criminal intercourse with a father and two
brothers must be abandoned to all the licentiousness
of venal love."
In face of these scandalous assertions it will be well
to consider the circumstances under which Lucrezia's
life was spent, as well as the statements of contemporary
FB
82 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
writers who knew and greatly esteemed her when she
was Duchess of Ferrara.
She was born on April 18, 1480, when Rodrigo was
forty-nine and Vannozza thirty-eight years of age.
It was a troublous period in the history of Italy ;
the Papacy had become divested of all holiness,
religion was almost entirely materialised, and im-
moralities of every description were so common as
almost to escape remark. At an early age Lucrezia
was taken from her mother's house and placed under
the care of Adriana Orsini, a relation of Giulia Farnese
and cousin to Rodrigo. Giulia "La Bella," as she
was called on account of her surpassing beauty had
already captivated Borgia as Cardinal and was his
mistress at the time of his election to the Papac}'.
Her brother, afterwards Paul III., owed his appoint-
ment to the Cardinalate to her influence, and indeed
the conspicuous role which the House of Farnese
has played in history is probably due to the Pope's
infatuation for this beautiful woman.
In 1489 a marriage took place between Giulia,
then a golden-haired child of fifteen, and Orsin
Orsini the young son of Adriana. Giulia had, like
Lucrezia, lived in the family of Madonna Adriana,
and while there she probably made the acquaintance
of Cardinal Rodrigo ; either shortly before, or soon
after her marriage, she succumbed to his allurements.
It is difficult to understand how a man of fifty-eight
could thus have attracted so young and lovely a girl,
but there is no doubt that two years after her mar-
riage she was his avowed mistress. Adriana con-
nived at her daughter-in-law's dishonour, thereby
gaining an enormous influence over Cardinal Borgia
who made her the confidante of all his schemes and
intrigues.
Rodrigo, as we have seen, was extremely wealthy,
and he spared no money on the education of his
children. Lucrezia, like other girls of her time, was
BETROTHAL OF LUCREZIA 83
brought up to have great respect for the outward
forms of religion, though no attempt was made to
show her the hideousness of the sin which surrounded
her. In Italy pious exercises always formed the
basis of female education, and Lucrezia seems to have
become particularly accomplished in this respect.
In addition to the study of -"piety," she probably
devoted much attention to Italian and Spanish, as
well as to Latin and Greek. She appears also to have
learned music and drawing, and to have composed
poems in various languages, while her skill in em-
broidery was famous. Considering the times, hei
education was thorough, and she probably continued
it later on in life under the influence of Bembo and
Strozzi. Several hundred of her letters are still
preserved ; they reveal sensibility and appreciation,
but no depth of mind.
Cardinal Borgia was full of brilliant plans for his
children's future, and Lucrezia was hardly eleven
years old when she became betrothed to a Spanish
nobleman Don Cherubino Juan de Centelles, lord
of the Val d'Ayora in the kingdom of Valencia. By
the legal contract drawn up on February 26, 1491, it
was stipulated that Lucrezia should bring her husband
a dowry of 300,000 timbres, or Valencian sous, and
that 11,000 timbres of this amount should be derived
from the legacy of her brother, the Duke of Gandia,
while 8,000 were to be provided by her other brothers,
Caesar and Jofre. It was also specified that Lucrezia
should be taken to Spain at the Cardinal's expense
within one year from the signing of the contract, and
that the marriage should be completed within six
months of her arrival in Spain.
But in spite of all these provisions, the marriage
was destined to fall through. Rodrigo, for reasons
best known to himself, annulled the betrothal and
selected another husband for his daughter. His
choice fell again on a young Spaniard, Don Gasparo,
84 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the son of Don Juan Francesco of Procida, a boy
barely fifteen years of age. The betrothal took place
on the last day of April 1491. 1 But when Rodrigo
became Pope his plans for his daughter's future
increased in brilliancy. Not content with a mere
Spanish noble, he desired to see her married to a
prince. At the instigation of his kinsmen, Ludovico
the Moor and the powerful Cardinal Ascanio Sforza,
Giovanni Sforza, Count of Cotignola and Lord of
Pesaro, sought Lucrezia's hand, to the no small
pleasure of her father. Giovanni had already been
married, but his wife, the beautiful Maddalena
Gonzago, had died in child-birth, August 8, 1490.
He was a man of twenty-six, of attractive appearance
and good education. Lucrezia, it must be remem-
bered, had at this time reached the mature age of
twelve and a half years.
The young Count Gasparo had arrived hi Rome
to assert his claims to his betrothed, and was anything
but pleased at discovering a rival in the field. He
became infuriated when the Pope demanded a formal
resignation of his rights, and declared that he would
appeal to all the princes and potentates of Christen-
dom. But he had to submit after a time, and retired
to console himself with the 3,000 ducats which were
paid him as compensation. Thereupon, on Feb-
ruary 2, 1493, Lucrezia was formally betrothed to
Giovanni Sforza.* It was arranged that she should
receive a dowry of 31,000 ducats and should follow
her consort to Pesaro within a year.
The marriage was celebrated at the Vatican on
June 12 amid the most magnificent demonstrations
of joy. The bridegroom had arrived in Rome three
1 Infessura says that Lucrezia was actually married, and not
merely " betrothed," to Don Gasparo.
* This alliance did not take place, however, until another pro-
ject of marrying Lucrezia to the Spanish Count de Prada had fallen
through.
GIULIA FARNESE 85
days earlier. Of his entry Gregorovius writes : " On
June 9 he entered by way of the Porta del Popolo,
where he was received by the whole senate, his
brothers-in-law, and the ambassadors of the Powers.
Lucrezia, attended by several maids of honour, was
seated in a loggia of her palace in order to watch
her bridegroom and his suite pass by to the Vatican.
As he rode by Sforza greeted her with gallantry, and
his bride returned his salutation. He was graciously
welcomed by his father-in-law."
The marriage feast on June 12 was a scene of
gorgeous splendour. Alexander had invited the no-
bility and magistrates of Rome as well as the foreign
ambassadors. l The fairest of the Roman ladies were
presented with silver cups full of sweetmeats, and
after the banquet there was a magnificent ball, at
which the Pope and his companions passed the whole
night. This entertainment was varied by question-
able songs and a licentious comedy which has been
described by Infessura.
Alexander had taken the keenest pleasure in making
the arrangements for this brilliant match, for, as
Boccaccio, the Ferrarese ambassador, writes : " He
loved her passionately, superlatively." At the am-
bassador's suggestion, the Duke of Ferrara sent, as a
wedding gift, a pair of large beautifuly wrought silver
hand-basins with the accompanying vessels. The
palace of Santa Maria in Portico, where Lucrezia had
already taken up her abode, was chosen as the bridal
residence.
During the year 1492 Giulia Farnese had given
birth to a daughter, Laura. There is no doubt that
Alexander was the father, though she passed officially
as the child of Giulia's husband, Orsini. In after-
years Donna Laura became the wife of Nicolo della
Rovere, nephew of Pope Julius II. So little did
1 Baron Corvo, Chronicles of the House of Borgia, p. 100.
86 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Giulia care for popular opinion that she lived in the
Palace of Santa Maria in Portico, as if she were a kins-
woman of Lucrezia, while her husband dwelt apart
in his castle of Bassanello, one of the estates which
he had received from the Pope on his marriage.
A letter written by Lorenzo Pucci, the Florentine
ambassador at Rome, gives some insight into the
domestic affairs of the Borgias. It is dated De-
cember 24, 1493, and describes the following scene
in Lucrezia's palace :
"... I called at the house of Santa Maria in Portico
to see Madonna Giulia. She had just finished wash-
ing her hair when I entered, and was sitting by the
fire with Madonna Lucrezia, the daughter of our
Master, and Madonna Adriana, who all received me
with every appearance of pleasure. Madonna Giulia
asked me to sit by her side ; she thanked me for
having taken Girolama home and told me that I
must bring her there again to please her. . . . Giulia
also wanted me to see the child ; she is now quite
big, and, it seems to me, resembles the Pope adeo ut
vere ex ejus semine orta did possit. Madonna Giulia
has grown stout, and is become a most beautiful
woman. In my presence she unbound her hair and
had it dressed ; it fell down to her feet I never saw
such beautiful hair before. She wore a headdress
of fine linen and over it a filmy net interwoven with
threads of gold. In truth it shone like the sun !
I would have given much for you to see her that
you might have been convinced of what you have
often wanted to know. She wore a lined robe after
the Neapolitan fashion, as did also Madonna Lucrezia,
who after a time went away to change it. She
returned in a gown made almost entirely of violet
velvet. When vespers were over and the Cardinals
took their departure, I left them."
Lucrezia, who was Giulia's constant companion,
must have been aware of the unlawful relations
between her friend and the Pope, and it is little wonder
that, in the mind of so young a girl, there should have
sprung up confused notions of right and wrong, and
that her moral being should gradually have become
contaminated by the corrupt atmosphere in which
she lived.
Jofre, the youngest son of Rodrigo and Vannozza,
was born in 1480 or 1481, but the date of his death is
unknown. He married Donna Sancia, a natural
daughter of Alfonso II. of Naples, who bestowed on
him the title of Count of Coriata, Prince of Squillace,
with an income of 40,000 ducats. Jofre Borgia also
received important fiefs in the kingdom of Naples, and
adopted the title of Duke of Suessa and Prince of Teano.
Lucrezia's husband stayed for some time longer
in Rome, where, however, his paid position at the
papal Court soon began to be equivocal. His uncles
had promoted his marriage with Alexander's daughter
in the hope of gaining the Pope's help in their schemes
for the overthrow of the House of Naples ; but the
Borgias now went over to the Neapolitan party and
declared themselves as the opponents of Charles VIII. 's
expedition. The following extract from a letter
written by Giovanni Sforza to his uncle Ludovico
the Moor throws light on his embarrassing situation :
" Yesterday his Holiness said to me, in the presence
of Monsignor [Cardinal Ascanio] : ' Well, Signer
Giovanni Sforza, what have you to say to me ? ' I
replied : ' Holy Father, every one in Rome believes
you to be in agreement with the King [of Naples],
who is an enemy of the Milanese. If this is the case,
I am in an awkward position, as I am both in the
pay of your Holiness and in that of the State of Milan.
If things continue in this way I know not how I can
serve one party without abandoning the other, and
yet I wish to detach myself from neither of them. I
88 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
beg your Holiness to be pleased to place me in such
a position that I may not become an enemy of my
own blood, and that I may not act contrary to the
obligations to which I am urged in virtue of my
agreement with your Holiness and the illustrious
State of Milan.' He answered that I took too much
interest in his affairs, and that I should choose in
whose pay I would remain according to my contract.
And then he commanded the afore-mentioned Mon-
signor to write to your Excellency what you will
learn from his lordship's letter. If I had known, my
lord, in what a position I was to be placed, I would
rather have eaten the straw on which I lie that have
bound myself thus. I cast myself into your arms.
I beg your Excellency not to desert me, but to con-
sider my position, and help me with your favour and
advice, that I may remain a faithful servant of your
Excellency. Preserve for me the situation and the
little nest which, thanks to the mercy of Milan, my
ancestors have bequeathed me. I and my troops will
ever be at the service of your Excellency.
" GIOVANNI SFORZA.
" ROME, April 1494."
Soon after this, on April 23, Cardinal della Rovere
repaired to France to try to persuade Charles VIII.
to invade Italy, not for the purpose of conquering
Naples, but to accuse Alexander VI. before a council
and bring about his deposition.
At the beginning of July Ascanio Sforza, who now
made no attempt to conceal his hostility to the Pope,
left Rome and joined the Colonna, who were in the
pay of France. Meanwhile Giovanni Sforza, in his
capacity as Captain of the Church, had joined the
Neapolitan army at Romagna. His wife, Lucrezia,
with Vannozza, Giulia Farnese, and Madonna Adriana,
at the beginning of June accompanied him'to Pesaro,
where they were to remain until August. But
THE DISPUTA OF ST. CATHERINE.
Pmiwuchio (Borgia Apartments, the Vatican).
The two children probably represent Jofre Borgia, Prince of Squillace fourth
son of Pope Alexander VI., and his wife, Dona Sancia of Aragon. The female
figure behind her may be Lucrezia Borgia.
ALEXANDER VI. TO LUCREZIA 89
Giuliana and Madonna Adriana offended the Pope
by leaving for Gapodimonte, where Giulia's brother
Angiolo was lying seriously ill. Gregorovius quotes
Alexander's letter to Lucrezia, written on July 24,
1494:
" ALEXANDER VI., POPE ; by his own hand
" DONNA LUCREZIA, DEAREST DAUGHTER,
"It is several days since we had a letter from
you, and we are much surprised that you neglect
to write to us more often to give us news of your
health, and that of Don Giovanni, our beloved son.
In future be more attentive and industrious. Madonna
Adriana and Giulia have reached Capodimonte, where
they found the latter's brother dead. This event
has so deeply grieved both the Cardinal and Giulia
that they have both been attacked by fever. We
have sent Pietro Caranza to look after them and
have provided physicians and everything necessary.
We trust in God and the glorious Madonna that they
will soon be restored. Of a truth you and Don
Giovanni have displayed little consideration for us
in this departure of Madonna Adriana and Giulia,
since you allowed them to go without our express
permission ; for it was your duty to reflect that so
sudden a departure without our knowledge would
cause us the greatest displeasure. And if you say
that they did so because Cardinal Farnese commanded
it, you ought to have considered whether this would
please the Pope. However, it has now been done ;
but another time we will be more cautious and look
about to see to whose hand to entrust our affairs.
We are in good health, thanks be to God and the
glorious Virgin. We have had an interview with the
illustrious King Alfonso, who has shown us as much
love and obedience as if he had been our own son.
We cannot express to you with what mutual satis-
faction and content we parted. You may be sure
90 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
that his Majesty is ready to yield his own person
and all that he possesses to our service.
"We hope that all suspicion and disagreements in
connection with the Colonna will be completely laid
aside in three or four days. Nothing now remains
but to warn you to take care of your health and to
pray diligently to the Madonna. Given in Rome in
St. Peter's, July 24, 1494."
The year which Lucrezia spent in her husband's
beautiful little domain of Pesaro was probably one
of the happiest of her life. After the fettered exist-
ence which she had led in Rome, she must have tasted,
for the first time, something of the joy of freedom,
and the relief of being separated from her father and
brother must have more than compensated for the ab-
sence of the grandeur and magnificence of Rome. She
was still but a child in years, and she had inherited,
to some extent, her father's buoyancy of disposition,
which we may hope enabled her to shake off the taint
of the iniquitous atmosphere in which she had been
bred, and enjoy the fairness of the fleeting hour.
Everywhere in Pesaro the beautiful young wife was
welcomed with pleasure, for as yet her life was dark-
ened by no shadow of the suspicions which fell upon
her in later years. Pesaro itself had many attractions,
and Lucrezia was able to visit the neighbouring castle
of Urbino, which, under the Duke Guidobaldi, was
at that time a centre of light and learning.
The Sforza palace at Pesaro is still in existence,
though the Sforza arms have disappeared and been
replaced by those of the della Rovere family. Here
Lucrezia spent the greater part of her time, though
in the summer she occupied one of the beautiful
villas on a neighbouring hill. The most inviting of
these country resorts was the Villa Imperiale, on
Monte Accio, which afterwards became celebrated
in song and story.
91
About this time many hideous rumours were
floating about the Vatican. In 1496 it was reported
in Venice that the Duke of Gandia had brought to
Italy a Spanish woman to gratify his father's unholy
passions. Don Jofre's wife, the beautiful and frivolous
Donna Sancia, was also giving Roman tongues much
cause to wag ; it was said that her brothers-in-law,
Caesar and the Duke of Gandia, contested her favours
and that several young nobles and Cardinals, such as
Ippolito d'Este, enjoyed an unlawful intimacy with
her. Rome was indeed at this period a sink of iniquity,
even eclipsing in vice the Court of Naples, from which
Donna Sancia had been removed. No wonder that
the warning voice of the great prophet Savonarola
made itself heard in the land.
The origin of the child Giovanni, or Juan, born
in 1497 or 1498, 1 is clouded with mystery. In two
different documents of 1501 he is described as an
illegitimate son of Caesar Borgia and legitimised by
the Pope. In March 1498 the Ferrarese ambassador
informs Duke Ercole that Lucrezia was believed by
the Romans to have given birth to an illegitimate
child. This date agrees with the age of Giovanni
as given in September 1501. The documents of
legitimation are in the Archives of Este, Lucrezia
having probably taken them with her to Ferrara,
where the mysterious child was allowed to pass as
her brother. Another papal brief of September i,
in the same year, does but increase the obscurity
surrounding the Infans Romanus, as the boy was
called. It unblushingly explains that he was really
the offspring of the Pope, but that, " for good reasons,"
this fact had been suppressed in the preceding docu-
ment. To quote Alexander's own candid remarks
" Since it is owing, not to the Duke" named [Caesar],
but to us and to the unmarried woman mentioned,
1 See Pastor (vol. vi. p. 105), who gives June 18, 1497, as the
probable date,
92 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
that you bear this stain [of illegitimate birth], which
for good reasons we did not wish to state in the pre-
ceding instrument ; and in order that there may be
no chance of your being annoyed in the future, we
will arrange that the document shall never be de-
clared null, and of our own free will, and by virtue
of our authority, we confirm you, by these presents,
in the validity of all that is specified in the said in-
strument." Ronchini has rightly pointed out that
the second bull was meant to be kept secret until a
necessity arose for divulging it ; thus Gregorovius is
incorrect when he speaks of open and shameless
legitimation. The dukedom of Nepi, including Pales-
trina, Olevano, Paliano, Frascati, Anticoli, and other
places, was conferred upon this infant of tender years
by the Pope, his father.
The suggestion that Giovanni was Lucrezia's son
is now generally repudiated, and it is considered
morally certain that Giulia Farnese was his mother.
He seems to have been brought up with Lucrezia's
little boy, Rodrigo, and we shall hear of him later
at the Court of Ferrara, recognised and welcomed by
the Duchess as her brother.
From the Regesta of Pope Leo X. (fasc. vii. p. 166),
it appears that Alexander's tenth child, Rodrigo,
son of Giulia Farnese, was born in 1503, the year of
the Pope's death. Very little is known of him beyond
the fact that on the i8th of the Kalends of September
1515 (August 15), he received a dispensation from
Leo X. enabling him, notwithstanding his illegitimacy,
to enter the monastery of the Benedictine Order,
that of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Vietro, in the
diocese of Salerno.
Giovanni Sforza had by this time fallen quite into
disfavour with the Borgias, who realised that no great
advantage was likely to accrue to them from his
marriage with Lucrezia.
The House of Sforza had lost much of its former
FLIGHT OF GIOVANNI SFORZA 93
prestige, and it seemed that Lucrezia might profitably
adorn a more brilliant sphere. Giovanni's position
at the Vatican had become unbearable, and at last
he was requested voluntarily to renounce his wife.
This he naturally refused to do, whereupon he was
threatened with extreme measures.
Gregorovius writes : " Flight alone could save him
from the dagger or the poison of his brothers-in-law.
According to the chroniclers of Pesaro it was Lucrezia
herself who helped her husband to flee, thus giving
proof of her sympathy with his sad position. One
evening, it is said, when Jacomino, Lord Giovanni's
chamberlain, was in Madonna's room, her brother
Caesar entered, and, at her command, Jacomino had
concealed himself behind a screen. Caesar talked
freely with his sister and said, among other things,
that the command had been given to take Sforza's
life. When he had gone Lucrezia said to the cham-
berlain : ' Did you hear what was said ? Go and
tell him.' This Jacomino immediately did, and
Giovanni Sforza threw himself upon a Turkish horse
and rode with hanging stirrups to Pesaro, where the
beast dropped down dead."
According to letters of the Venetian ambassador
in Rome, this flight took place in March, during Holy
Week. Sforza, under some pretext, went to the
Church of St. Onofrio, where he found a horse in
readiness for him.
The Borgias now demanded a divorce, a request
which hardly emanated from Lucrezia, for a coolness
seems to have arisen between her and her father
and brothers, with the result that, early in June, she
sought an asylum at the Convent of San Sisto, on the
Appian Way, thereby creating a great sensation in
Rome.
Her conduct towards her husband is difficult to
understand. At first she seems to have stood by
him, but later there was a complete rupture between
94 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
them. At the divorce proceedings instituted by
Alexander she declared her willingness to swear that
their marriage had never been consummated, arid
that she was still a " virgin," an announcement
which excited universal derision and mirth in Italy.
In vain did Giovanni protest against the assertion of
his impotence, but finally, persuaded and intimidated
by his kinsmen, Ludovico the Moor and Ascanio, he
yielded and made a written declaration to the effect
that there had been no consummation of their union.
The formal dissolution of the marriage was pro-
nounced on December 20, 1497, and Sforza was
requested to return his wife's dowry to the amount
of 31,000 ducats.
While admitting that Alexander VI. forced Lucrezia
to consent to this shameful divorce, it cannot be
denied that she gave proof of much weakness of
character in the whole affair. But her punishment
was not delayed. Sforza, in revenge for his humilia-
tion, attributed to the Pope the most horrible motives
for desiring the divorce, crediting him and his family
with crimes " which the moral sense shrinks from
putting into words." Lucrezia thus became the
subject of public scandal, and her fair fame was
sullied by hints of the most shameful and revolting
kind. Scandalous tales went the round of all the
Italian Courts, were repeated by Malipiero and
Paolo Capella, formed the subject of satires by
Sannazaro and Pontano, crept into the chronicles
of Matarazzo, and survived in the histories of Guic-
ciardini and Machiavelli. l
1 See Symonds, Age of the Despots, p. 330.
CHAPTER V
Piero de' Medici succeeded by his son Lorenzo, 1469 Lorenzo's
love-affairs His marriage Giuliano de' Medici The Medici
wealth Visit of Duke of Milan to Florence Lorenzo's attitude
towards the advancement of letters Relations with Sixtus IV.
Sons of Pope Sixtus Alliance of Milan, Florence, and Venice,
1474 The Pazzi Conspiracy Punishment of the conspirators
Anger of Sixtus IV. League formed against him.
WORN out in body and wearied in mind, Piero
de' Medici passed to his rest, December 3, 1469.
His elder son Lorenzo, a brilliant and capable youth
of twenty-one, immediately took up the reins of
authority. His was a remarkable personality, for
his many natural gifts had been fostered by a wise
education and the influence of a pious and cultured
mother. Though singularly unprepossessing in ap-
pearance himself, he adored beauty in others, and
in his early youth became enamoured of a lovely
and amiable maiden. But just as her charms were
at their height, Death claimed her, and she was borne
to an early grave, leaving behind her many sorrowing
lovers. Lorenzo, though greatly saddened by this
event, did not refuse to be comforted. He poured
out his soul in sonnets to his lost love, but before
long we get the following relation from his own pen:
" A public festival was held in Florence, to which
all that was noble and beautiful in the city resorted.
To this I was brought by some of my companions
against my will, for I had for some time past avoided
such exhibitions. . . . Among the ladies there assem-
bled, I saw one of such sweet and attractive manners
that, whilst I regarded her, I could not help say-
ing, ' If this person were possessed of the delicacy,
the understanding, the accomplishments of her who
95
96 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
is lately dead most certainly she excels her in the
charms of her person. . . . '
" Resigning myself to my passion, I endeavoured
to discover, if possible, how far her manners and her
conversation agreed with her appearance, and here
I found such an assemblage of extraordinary endow-
ments that it was difficult to say whether she excelled
more in her person or in her mind. Her beauty was,
as I have before mentioned, astonishing. She was
of a just and proper height ; her complexion extremely
fan-, but not pale ; blooming, but not ruddy. Her
countenance was serious without being severe ; mild
and pleasant, without levity or vulgarity. Her eyes
were lively, without any indication of pride or conceit.
Her whole shape was so finely proportioned that
amongst other women she appeared with superior
dignity, yet free from the least degree of formality
or affectation. In walking, in dancing, or in other
exercises which display the person, every motion
was elegant and appropriate. Her sentiments were
always just and striking, and have furnished materials
for some of my sonnets ; she always spoke at the
proper time and always to the purpose, so that
nothing could be added, nothing taken away. Though
her remarks were often keen and pointed, yet they
were so tempered as not to give offence. Her under-
standing was superior to her sex, but without the
appearance of arrogance or presumption ; and she
avoided an error too common among women, who,
when they think themselves sensible, become for the
most part insupportable. To recount all her excel-
lences would far exceed my present limits, and I shall
therefore conclude with affirming that there was
nothing which could be desired in a beautiful and
accomplished woman which was not in her most
abundantly found. By these qualities I was so
captivated that not a power or faculty of my body
or mind remained any longer at liberty, and I could
s (*,
lls
"^* "*
MARRIAGE OF LORENZO DE' MEDICI 97
not help considering the lady who had died as the
planet Venus, which, at the approach of the sun,
is totally overpowered and extinguished." 1
The lady with whom Lorenzo became thus infatuated
bore the name of Lucrezia. She was a member of
the Donati family, and numbered among her an-
cestors the famous Curtio Donati, whose military
talents had been the admiration of the whole of
Italy. But Lorenzo's dreams of bliss were destined
never to be fulfilled. For political reasons, he entered
into a prosaic and highly respectable alliance with
Clarice, a daughter of the celebrated Orsini family.
The match was promoted by Piero de' Medici, and the
wedding took place on June I, 1469. But although
the romantic element was entirely lacking in this
manage de convenance, the young couple soon de-
veloped a mutual respect and affection ; this may
be seen from a letter written by Lorenzo to his wife
in the following July from Milan, where he had
gone to witness the baptism of the eldest son of
Galeazzo, the reigning Duke. It runs as follows :
" LORENZO DE' MEDICI TO HIS WIFE CLARICE
" I arrived here safe and sound, and I think that
this news will be more welcome to thee than any,
saving only that of my return ; so, at least, I conclude
from my own longing to see thee. Seek to be often
in the society of my father and sisters. As much as
possible I will hasten the time of my home-coming,
for the time of our separation seems like a thousand
years. Pray for me, and if thou shouldst desire
anything of me, here, let me know betimes.
"Thy
" LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
" MILAN,
"July 22, 1469."
1 Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo de' Medici.
GB
MARRIAGE OF LORENZO DE' MEDICI 97
not help considering the lady who had died as the
planet Venus, which, at the approach of the sun,
is totally overpowered and extinguished." 1
The lady with whom Lorenzo became thus infatuated
bore the name of Lucrezia. She was a member of
the Donati family, and numbered among her an-
cestors the famous Curtio Donati, whose military
talents had been the admiration of the whole of
Italy. But Lorenzo's dreams of bliss were destined
never to be fulfilled. For political reasons, he entered
into a prosaic and highly respectable alliance with
Clarice, a daughter of the celebrated Orsini family.
The match was promoted by Piero de' Medici, and the
wedding took place on June i, 1469. But although
the romantic element was entirely lacking in this
manage de convenance, the young couple soon de-
veloped a mutual respect and affection ; this may
be seen from a letter written by Lorenzo to his wife
in the following July from Milan, where he had
gone to witness the baptism of the eldest son of
Galeazzo, the reigning Duke. It runs as follows :
" LORENZO DE' MEDICI TO HIS WIFE CLARICE
" I arrived here safe and sound, and I think that
this news will be more welcome to thee than any,
saving only that of my return ; so, at least, I conclude
from my own longing to see thee. Seek to be often
in the society of my father and sisters. As much as
possible I will hasten the tune of my home-coming,
for the time of our separation seems like a thousand
years. Pray for me, and if thou shouldst desire
anything of me, here, let me know betimes.
"Thy
" LORENZO DE' MEDICI.
" MILAN,
"July 22, 1469."
1 Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo de' Medici.
GB
98 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Lorenzo, who was acting as his father's deputy
during the illness of the latter, seems to have been
received with great respect at Milan, which was at
that time under the authority of Galeazzo Maria,
son of Francesco Sforza. Upon his departure Lor-
enzo presented the Duchess with a gold necklace and
a diamond worth three thousand ducats, and the
Duke, not to be outdone in amiability, expressed a
wish that he would act as godfather to all his children.
As we said before, Piero de' Medici did not long
survive his son's marriage. The latter had already
given ample proof of his administrative capacity,
and, though it seemed at first as if the Medici
power might be endangered, the Florentines, in-
fluenced by the representations of Tommaso Soderini,
approached him with respect, inviting him to take
upon himself the government of the city, as his father
and grandfather had done before him.
Lorenzo's younger brother, Giuliano, was only
sixteen at the time of his father's death too young
to take any active part in the government. Both
brothers were highly cultured and showed a dis-
position to encourage men of talent and to promote
the revival of learning. Unlike Lorenzo, Giuliano
was attractive in appearance, and his amiability and
generosity, as well as his propensity for public merry-
making, caused him to be extremely popular with
the people of Florence.
The management of state affairs which Lorenzo
now assumed did not render him neglectful of his
private concerns. The commercial transactions of
his house were continued, though Lorenzo proved
himself but an indifferent financier, and disbursed
the family riches with more zeal than discretion.
The enormous wealth of the House of Medici was
such that, during the last thirty-seven years, they
had spent on public charities alone no less than
665,755 florins.
LORENZO'S MAGNIFICENCE 99
The particular branch of traffic from which the
Medici derived their colossal wealth is not known,
but it is probable that the trade in eastern commodities
was the original source of their prosperity. They
also obtained considerable revenues in other ways ;
as, for example, from the great country estates of
Poggio Cajano, Caffagiolo, etc. But the main bulk
of their riches probably proceeded from the great
banking establishments which they had erected in
almost all the important trading centres of Europe.
In those days the rate of interest was regulated
according to the need of the borrower, and tremendous
profits must have been made by such institutions
to which even princes and sovereigns did not hesitate
to resort when pressed for money.
In March 1471 the Milanese alliance with Florence
was consolidated by a visit from Duke Galeazzo
Sforza to Lorenzo. He and his wife Bona arrived
in Florence accompanied by a large and gorgeous
retinue, which was entertained at the public expense.
There were no less than a hundred armed cavalry,
five hundred infantry, fifty richly clad in silk and
silver, and the same number of courtiers. Including
the retinues of the latter, there were altogether
about two thousand horsemen, to say nothing of
five hundred couples of dogs and an unlimited number
of falcons.
In spite of the amazing splendour of his own
equipment, Galeazzo was overcome with admiration
at the princely treasures of Lorenzo. Especially
was he impressed by the priceless works of art
rare paintings, gems, and statuary which abounded
in the palace and garden. Lorenzo's celebrated
collection of manuscripts and other curiosities also
attracted him, and, though he could not perhaps value
them at their true worth, the Duke had the tact to
acknowledge that gold and silver were as nothing
in comparison with these marvellous works of art.
100 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Galeazzo's eight days' visit was the occasion for
the display of unbridled luxury and extravagance
in Florence. Even the Florentines, who were far
from being strait-laced, were scandalised by the
licentiousness and laxity of the Milanese courtiers,
who, in the enjoyment of their mad and merry holiday,
openly disregarded the rules for Lenten fasting.
The portrait of Duke Galeazzo, painted during his
stay in Florence by one of the Pollaiuoli, is still to
be seen in the Uffizi Gallery.
The Medici were the representatives of Florentine
hospitality, and Lorenzo, who was of a studious
disposition, probably yielded to these dissipations
from necessity rather than choice. He found his
highest enjoyment in the companionship of literary
men, among whom one of his most intimate friends
was Poliziano, the celebrated scholar and poet.
As an example of Lorenzo's desire to promote the
claims of learning may be mentioned his labours
on behalf of the University of Pisa. This institution,
once of great repute, had fallen upon evil times.
In 1348, when the Black Death was raging in Italy,
a similar seat of learning had been established at
Florence ; but, owing to the expenses of living and
the number of distractions which the city offered,
the scheme did not prosper. The Florentines
decided, therefore, to re-establish the University
at Pisa, which, since 1406, had been under the juris-
diction of Florence. The task was entrusted to
Lorenzo and four other citizens. Lorenzo was the
moving spirit and supplemented the state grant
by large sums from his private purse.
In 1471 Pope Paul II. was succeeded by the gifted
and impetuous Francesco della Rovere, under the
name of Sixtus IV. The early relations between
Lorenzo de' Medici and the new Pope were nothing
if not amiable. Lorenzo, at the head of the Floren-
tine embassy, repaired to Rome to congratulate him
POPE SIXTHS IV. AND HIS SONS 101
upon his promotion. He met with a most favour-
able reception, and Sixtus confided to him the care
of the papal finances, an office which contributed
much to the enrichment of both Lorenzo and his
maternal uncle, Giovanni Tornabuoni. Lorenzo was
further allowed to buy part of Paul II.'s collection
of jewels at a very reasonable price, and was also
granted the valuable lease of the papal alum-mines.
Encouraged by these marks of favour, Lorenzo, who
was of a practical turn of mind, ventured to remark
that his most cherished desire was to see a member
of his family admitted to the Sacred College. Sixtus,
who seemed unwilling to refuse him anything, lent
a ready ear to this request, and Lorenzo left Rome
well content with his reception, and laden with every
token of the Pope's favour.
At the time of his accession Sixtus IV. was the
father of several sons, who passed as his " nephews."
He lost no time in raising them to important ecclesi-
astical dignities and bestowing upon them riches
which they, with equal speed, proceeded to squander.
One of them, Pietro Riario, who was at one and the
same time Cardinal of San Sisto, Patriarch of Jeru-
salem, and Archbishop of Florence, expended no less
than 20,000 ducats on one single festivity in honour
of Leonora of Aragon, who passed through Rome in
June, 1473, on her way to marry Ercole, Duke of
Ferrara. The Square of Santi Apostoli was converted
into a banqueting-hall, and the banquet, at which
the Seneschal changed his dress four times, was served
by silk-clad waiters. There were wild boars roasted
whole, peacocks, fishes covered with silver, storks,
cranes, and stags. Sugar castles full of meat were
stormed and their contents thrown to the people
outside. In short, the display of luxury was unex-
ampled and unbridled. Pietro's brother, Girolamo,
who enjoyed a like reputation for extravagance and
profligacy, was made a Count by the Pope, and, that
102 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
he might have the wherewithal to support this
dignity, 40,000 ducats were spent on purchasing the
province of Imola from the Manfredi. The Medici
wished to buy Imola themselves, and their bank did
its utmost to prevent the money negotiations of
Sixtus IV. The latter, who was anxious to gain
possession of the town of Castello, sent Giuliano della
Rovere to capture it. Giuliano had more of the
soldier than the priest in his composition and Vitelli,
the governor of the town, was finally obliged to
capitulate, notwithstanding the help of Florence and
Milan. The Pope's party, not without reason, attri-
buted his lengthy resistance to the financial help of
Lorenzo, who was not inclined to stand idly by and
watch Castello, on the very borders of Tuscany, fall
a prey to the enemy. One consequence of this event
was an alliance between Milan, Florence, and Venice
for their mutual security (1474).
In spite of Lorenzo's popularity with the Floren-
tines, he was soon to fall a victim to a plot which
has perhaps no parallel in history. His overbearing
ambition had made him many enemies, and, as before
mentioned, his support of Vitelli had excited the
animosity of Pope Sixtus, who saw in the removal
of the Medici the main hope of future security for
the Papacy. His views were warmly supported by
Girolamo Riario, whose ambitious projects had been
stimulated by his marriage with Galeazzo's daughter,
Caterina Sforza, a woman of strong and determined
character. 1 The Pope's displeasure had been further
excited by the league between Florence, Venice, and
Milan, in which Lorenzo had played a leading part.
As a first token of resentment, Sixtus deprived Lorenzo
of his office of Papal Treasurer and bestowed it upon
Francesco Pazzi, whose family owned a bank in Rome
and who had advanced three-fourths of the purchase
1 Catherine Sforza, by Pasolini, French translation by Marc Helys
(Perrin & Cie, Paris, 1912).
THE PAZZI CONSPIRACY 103
money for Imola, when the Medici refused their
co-operation. The Pazzi were a noble and influential
Florentine family whose fortunes, owing to the Medici
ascendancy, had lately been declining. It was one of
Lorenzo's leading principles to prevent the other
nobles from becoming too powerful, and this attitude
could not fail to embitter the Pazzi, who, though they
continued to live on terms of apparent friendliness
with the Medici, were quite ready to make common
cause with Girolamo Riario and the Pope. According
to Poliziano, Giacopo Pazzi, the head of the family,
was an unprincipled profligate, who, having squandered
the paternal inheritance in riotous living, sought
occasion to hide his own downfall in that of his native
city. He had no children, but an abundance of
nephews and nieces, one of whom, Guglielmo, had
married Lorenzo's favourite sister Bianca. Another,
Francesco, had for some years resided in Rome, as his
bold and domineering nature could not resign itself
to the growth of the Medici power in his native city.
The real cause of the enmity between the two
families is not clear. Machiavelli mentions a wrong
inflicted by the Medici on one of the Pazzi in con-
nection with some inheritance. But as this took place
many years before the death of Piero, when his sons
were still children, it seems improbable that the
grievance could have produced such far-reaching effects.
The conspiracy had its origin in Rome, where
Francesco de' Pazzi and the Count Girolamo Riario,
incited by Sixtus IV., entered into a compact to
bring about the downfall of the Medici. In the
event of their being successful, the Pope hoped to
take possession of Tuscany and to place the Pazzi
and Riario in authority at Florence. The most
active agent in the plot was Francesco Salviati, who
had lately been promoted to the Archbishopric of
Pisa, much to the displeasure of the Medici. Poliziano
describes him as a man of vicious habits, addicted to
104 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
gambling, and of inordinate vanity. Great cunning
and surpassing impudence were among the other
characteristics which rendered him remarkably unfit
for his high ecclesiastical position. The other con-
spirators were Giacopo Salviati, brother to the Arch-
bishop ; Giacopo Poggio, a celebrated scholar of the
day ; Bernardo Bandini, a man of dissolute life ;
Giovanni Battista Montesecco, of military fame ; An-
tonio Maffei, a priest of Volterra, who had been led
to take part in the plot through grief for the mis-
fortunes of his native city, whose ruin he attributed
to Lorenzo ; Stefano de Bagnone, one of the apostolic
scribes ; with several others of less importance.
As the Medici were extremely popular with the
majority of the Florentines, the conspirators saw the
necessity of providing an adequate military force for
the support of their undertaking. King Ferrante of
Naples, who was at that time on friendly terms with
Pope Sixtus, was persuaded to lend his countenance,
and Girolamo directed his nephew, Cardinal Riario,
to comply with the commands of the Archbishop of
Pisa, who now issued orders that two thousand men
should advance by different routes towards Florence,
so as to be in readiness to support them in case of
need.
Just at this time, in the spring of 1478, the Arch-
bishop despatched Cardinal Riario to Florence, where
he took up his abode at a country villa belonging to
the Pazzi, about a mile from the city. The assassina-
tion of the Medici brothers was planned to take
place at Fiesole, where Lorenzo had a residence to
which it was expected that he would invite the
young Cardinal and his suite. The conspirators were
right in this supposition, for Lorenzo made ready a
magnificent banquet to which Riario and his attend-
ants were bidden. Giuliano, however, was absent
from the festivity, on plea of indisposition, so the
attempt was postponed to a more favourable occasion.
MURDER OF GIULIANO DE' MEDICI 105
After consideration, it was decided that the assassina-
tion should take place on the following Sunday, during
the High Mass in the Church of the Reparata, now
known as Santa Maria dei Fiori.
To Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini was
entrusted the murder of Giuliano, while Lorenzo was
to be slain by the hand of Montesecco. But the latter,
at the last moment, refused to commit murder in a
church, before the High Altar, not daring " to make
Christ witness of a crime." Thereupon, two eccle-
siastics, Stefano de Bagnone, the Apostolic Scribe, and
Antonio Maffei were chosen in his place. Neither
of them appears to have suffered any qualms of con-
science at the idea of desecrating the sacred place
with so hideous a deed.
Cardinal Riario had expressed a desire to be
present on the following Sunday at High Mass in
the Church of the Reparata. Lorenzo, therefore,
invited him to Florence, where he and his suite were
received with magnificent hospitality. To the dis-
may of the conspirators, however, Giuliano did not
appear, and when all were assembled in the church,
and he still remained absent, they began to fear
that their plan would again fall through. Francesco
de' Pazzi and Bandini, in concern, hastened to his
palace to fetch him. Giuliano, all unsuspecting,
accompanied them back to the church. On the way
they engaged him in merry conversation, and even
threw their arms round him in token of apparent
friendliness. Their real object, however, was to
discover whether he was wearing armour under his
clothes. Reassured on this point, they entered the
church with him and seated themselves close by his
side.
The critical moment had arrived. The appointed
signal for action seems to have been the beginning
of the canon of the Mass. The bell rang ; the priest
elevated the Host ; the congregation bowed their
106 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
heads. At the same instant Bandini thrust his dagger
into Giuliano's breast. The victim staggered a few
steps forward and sank helpless upon the ground.
With incredible brutality, Francesco de' Pazzi sprang
upon him and continued to stab him even after he
was apparently dead. Such was the vehemence of
his rage that, in his excitement, he gave himself a
severe wound on the Up.
Meanwhile Bagnone and Maffei had attacked
Lorenzo. Maffei, however, miscalculated his aim,
and, instead of plunging his dagger into the throat of
his victim, succeeded only in slightly wounding his
neck. Lorenzo defended himself with vigour. Twist-
ing his cloak round his left arm to serve as a shield,
he drew his sword and managed to repel his assassins.
The latter, recognising their defeat, sought refuge in
flight, having first wounded a friend of Lorenzo's
who had hastened to his assistance.
Bandini now attempted to fall upon Lorenzo,
but was driven back by a faithful servant of the
House of Medici Francesco Nori. Though his inter-
ference cost him his life, the interruption gave Lor-
enzo's friends time to flock to his help. They hurried
him into the sacristy, where Poliziano immediately
had the brass doors of Luca della Robbia closed upon
him.
It was feared that Lorenzo's injury had been
caused by a poisoned dagger, and Antonio Ridolfo,
a youth of distinguished family, gave practical proof
of his devotion by undertaking to suck the wound.
Great consternation ensued, and so great was the
tumult that many thought that the building was
falling in. The panic-stricken people crowded to
the exit, but no sooner did they realise that Lorenzo's
life was in danger than the whole scene changed.
The wounded man was surrounded by a number of
Florentine youths, who formed themselves into a
bodyguard and led him to his palace, going out of
PUNISHMENT OF CONSPIRATORS 107
their way that he might not meet the dead body of
his brother.
As had been previously arranged, the Archbishop
and his followers were seeking to take possession of
the Seigniorial Palace. Stationing the other con-
spirators in different apartments, Salviati himself
went into the room where Petrucci, the Gonfaloniere,
and several other magistrates were assembled. Upon
his entrance Petrucci, out of respect to his position,
rose to greet him. This action seems to have dis-
concerted the Archbishop, for the Gonfaloniere was
well known for his courage and decision of character.
However this may be, Salviati' s nerve deserted him
at the crucial moment, and, instead of intimidating
the magistrates, he merely proceeded to inform
Petrucci that the Pope had conferred an ecclesiastical
appointment upon his son. The hesitation and
confusion of his manner and the apprehensive way
in which he glanced towards the door were so striking
that Petrucci's suspicions were aroused, and he
rushed from the room to summon the guards. The
Archbishop attempted flight, thereby tacitly acknow-
ledging his guilt. Petrucci, in pursuing him, came
into contact with Giacopo Poggio, whom he seized
by the hair and delivered into custody. The other
magistrates seized upon any weapons at hand not
disdaining even kitchen pots and pans in order to
defend themselves and the Seigniorial Palace. The
doors were barricaded and the conspirators were so
violently handled that they were obliged to relinquish
all attempt at resistance.
Nor had Giacopo de' Pazzi been any more successful
in his endeavours to incite the citizens to revolt.
Standing outside the Palace at the head of about
a hundred soldiers, he tried to stir up the people
with cries of " Liberty ! " The palace gates were
stormed and several of the insurgents pressed their
way in. They were, however, driven back by the
108 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
magistrates and the gates again barricaded as far as
possible until a reinforcement of friends came to
their help. Now, for the first time, Petrucci and
the magistrates heard of the murder of Giuliano.
The news filled them with the deepest indignation,
and, with the common consent, Giacopo Poggio was
hanged from one of the palace windows in sight of
the whole populace. Petrucci, at the same time,
gave orders for the arrest of the Archbishop, his
brother, and the other leaders of the conspiracy.
Only one escaped ; he was found a few days later
hiding behind some wainscoting, half dead from
hunger, and was pardoned out of consideration for
his sufferings. All the others were slaughtered or
thrown, half alive, through the palace windows. After
having been kept in confinement from April 26,
the day of the murder, until June 12, the young
Cardinal Riario, who had taken refuge at the altar,
was eventually set free through the intervention
of Lorenzo. Whether the latter believed in his
innocence is doubtful. Perhaps he was moved to
compassion by the Cardinal's pitiable condition.
So abject was his terror that it is said that he never
recovered his normal health and complexion. His
servants were all slain, and the streets strewn with
their mangled corpses. Francesco de' Pazzi was
discovered at his uncle's house, confined to his bed
by the state of his wound. He was dragged naked
to the Palace, where he met with the same fate as his
colleague. According to Poliziano, Archbishop Sal-
viati, who was hanged at the same time, seized
Francesco's body with his teeth, not loosing his hold
even in the agonies of death.
Giacopo de' Pazzi had meanwhile fled from the
town. The following day, however, he was brought
back to Florence and delivered up to justice by the
neighbouring peasants, heedless of his entreaties
that they would put him to death. His guilt was
sufficiently obvious to the authorities, and he was
speedily executed. The fate of his nephew Renato,
who suffered death at the same time, excited universal
compassion ; he was an inoffensive person of studious
tastes, and his only crime had been that of silence
regarding the conspiracy. Although Giacopo was
dead and buried, his" body was was not allowed to rest
in peace. A violent and incessant rain which set
in soon after these disturbances was attributed by
the superstitious people to the displeasure of Heaven
that so great a criminal had been interred in holy
ground instead of outside the walls of Florence.
The magistrates, either from desire to gratify the
people, or because they too shared this belief, com-
manded that the corpse should be removed. The
next day it was dragged from its tomb by a band of
gutter children, who, regardless of remonstrance,
hauled it through the streets, and, after the most
disgraceful outrages, flung it into the Arno. It
was never seen again, and it was popularly supposed
that the devil had taken it.
The other members of the family were punished
with imprisonment or exile. The only exception
was Guglielmo de' Pazzi, the brother-in-law of
Lorenzo, in whose house he found a refuge from
the fury of the populace. He was afterwards com-
manded to remain at his own country house, about
twenty-five miles from Florence.
The priests who had taken part in the plot were
discovered in a Benedictine cloister on the third day
after the attempt. On their being brought forth
the populace, beside itself with rage, fell upon them
and hewed them in pieces. Indeed, it was with
difficulty that the monks who had sheltered them
were preserved from sharing the same fate. Mon-
tesecco was seized a few days later and beheaded on
May i. Before his execution he made a full con-
fession of the circumstances in connection with the
110 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
conspiracy. His disclosures are of great importance
in their bearing upon the question of the Pope's
participation in the affair. There seems to be no
doubt that Sixtus was intensely anxious to bring
about the downfall of the Medici, but whether he
countenanced the actual shedding of blood is still
a matter for dispute. The most that can be said
for him is that he managed to keep within the letter
of the law.
The last to meet his fate was Bernardo Bandini.
He had succeeded in escaping to Constantinople,
but the Sultan Mohammed II., on being apprised
of his crime, had him seized and taken in chains to
Florence. Esteem for Lorenzo, it is alleged, was
the mainspring of this action. Bandini arrived in
December 1479 at Florence, where he met with well-
merited retribution. An embassy was afterwards
despatched in the name of the Republic with a message
of thanks to the Sultan.
The utter failure of the Pazzi conspiracy was a
striking witness to the affection in which Lorenzo
was held by the Florentines. The remarkable out-
burst of popular emotion rendered it unnecessary
for him to take any steps in his own defence. Indeed,
he did his best to restrain the fury of the people
and to prevent further bloodshed. In spite of his
wound, he addressed a crowded audience in the most
touching terms, begging that the punishment of the
wrong-doers might be left to the magistrates, lest
haply the innocent might suffer with the guilty.
Giuliano was universally lamented, for his humanity
and generosity had made him the darling of Florence.
He is described by Poliziano as tall and powerful,
with dark complexion and glowing eyes. Although
gentler and less ambitious than Lorenzo, he was
distinguished for great courage, and displayed strength
and dexterity in all physical exercises. He loved
music and the fine arts, and was in the main dominated
ANGER OF POPE SIXTUS IV, 111
by religious principle. His burial in the Church of
San Lorenzo was celebrated with great magnificence.
Many young Florentines, who had looked up to him
with admiration, donned mourning garb out of
respect to his memory. Guiliano died unmarried,
but soon after his death Lorenzo heard of the existence
of a child by a woman of lower rank, either posthumous
or born immediately before the father's murder.
He was taken into the Medici household, whence
he passed, forty-five years later, to the papal throne
as Clement VII.
Montesecco's confession had revealed the Pope's
animosity to Lorenzo, who, at the same time, realised
that the King of Naples would probably ally himself
with Sixtus. Ferrante was already desirous of en-
gaging in war for the sake of his son, who had acquired
a considerable degree of military repute. Lorenzo,
in his anxiety to protect himself against this impending
danger, wrote to all the Italian States, as well as to
the Kings of France and Spain, protesting against
the treachery of a Pope who spared neither virtue
nor rank to attain an end which would endanger the
whole of Italy. Several of the Italian States, including
Ferrara and Venice, declared themselves on the side
of the Florentines, and the Kings of France and
Spain assured Lorenzo that they would use all their
influence in his favour.
Lorenzo's preparations for the defence of Florence
angered the Pope still more. In the first heat of his
displeasure he decreed the confiscation of the Medici
property and that of all the Florentines then in
Rome, as well as the imprisonment of the Florentines
themselves. He would have been even more severe
in his treatment had he not entertained apprehensions
as to the fate of his son Cardinal Riario, who was
still in prison. With the view of appeasing his anger,
the Republic of Florence despatched to Rome
Donato Acciajuoli, a scholar renowned for his skill
112 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
in managing public aflairs. But the Pope, instead
of giving heed to his representations, threatened to
have him imprisoned in the Castle of Sant' Angelo.
He would indeed have carried this threat into execu-
tion if the legates from Milan and Venice had not
interfered, declaring that they would look upon any
such infringement of the rights of the people as a
personal affront. Sixtus thereupon armed himself
with spiritual weapons, and solemnly anathematised
not only Lorenzo but the Gonfaloniere and the other
Florentine magistrates.
In the bull which the Pope issued for this purpose
on June i Lorenzo is called a " son of iniquity and
a child of perdition," while equally opprobrious
epithets are bestowed on the magistrates. Lorenzo
is accused of numerous offences against the Papal
Chair, and the Pope's own forbearance and long-
suffering are extolled. Following in the footsteps of
our saviour, he had long suffered with patience the
injuries of his enemies. He would have borne with
them still longer if Lorenzo and the Florentine
Council, possessed by diabolical fury, had not laid
violent hands on the Lord's anointed and, proh dolor
et in auditum scelus, hanged the Archbishop, im-
prisoned the Cardinal, and destroyed their followers
in various ways. He thereupon proceeds to pass
sentence of excommunication upon Lorenzo and the
Council, proclaiming them to be incapable of owning
any property or receiving any inheritance, and
prohibiting the acceptance of any ecclesiastical office
by any of their descendants. At the same time all
the bishops and clergy of the Florentine territories
were deprived of their benefices.
If the Pope had been content to denounce merely
those who had been implicated in the punishment
of the Archbishop and the ecclesiastics, he might
have attained his end ; but, by including in the ban
the Florentine bishops and clergy who were not
o s
55 ,
INDIGNATION AGAINST SIXTUS IV. 113
personally concerned in the conspiracy, he outran
the bounds of his authority. It naturally resulted
that the papal edict was disregarded by all, including
the enraged clerics. The Bishop of Arezzo, Gentile
d'Urbino, summoned a convocation in the Church
of the Reparata, and a document was drawn up
accusing the Pope of having instigated the recent
crimes, and exonerating Lorenzo and the Florentines
from the offences laid to their charge. It is to be
regretted that this defence (Synodus Florentine?) was
couched in terms as passionate and unmeasured
as those of the papal bull itself. In it Pope Sixtus
is alluded to in such choice terms as " the Vicar of
the Devil," and " the adulterers' minion." There
can be little doubt that, by thus overstepping the
limits of decorum, its promoters did no little harm
to their cause. The Pope's conduct aroused the
indignation of Christendom. Venice, Milan, Ferrara,
and Rimini, all took Lorenzo's part. Louis XI. of
France gave his special sanction to the league, and
sent Comines, the historian, to represent him at
Florence, while the Emperor and Matthias Corvinus
of Hungary despatched envoys to remonstrate with
Sixtus.
HB
CHAPTER VI
Pope Sixtus IV. and Naples unite against Florence Lorenzo's critica
position His letter to the Florentines His reception at Naples
Invasion of the Turks The Pope releases Florence from his
interdict Frescobaldi's plot against Lorenzo Death of Mo-
hammed II. Capitulation of Otranto Hostility between the
Pope and Naples Alfonso of Calabria defeated at Campo
Morto by the papal troops under Ruberto Malatesta Death
of Malatesta Venetian successes in Ferrara Peace of Bagnolo,
1484 Death and obsequies of Sixtus IV., 1484 Election
of Innocent VIII. Conquest of Pietra-Santa by the Floren-
tines Ill-feeling between Ferrante of Naples and Pope Inno-
cent VIII. Bloodless battle leads to peace Death of Lorenzo's
wife, Clarice His little son, Giovanni, made Cardinal
Lorenzo's letter of advice to him Corruption of the Sacred
College Lorenzo's illness and death His character and
influence Succession of his son Piero Savonarola's preaching
Strife in the Medici family.
POPE SIXTUS IV., who had hitherto concealed his
hatred of Lorenzo under a cloak of craftiness, now
threw aside his disguise and made open and un-
abashed attempts to get rid of him. The King of
Naples was persuaded to send an embassy to Florence
admonishing the citizens to deliver Lorenzo over
to his enemies or at least to banish him from Tuscany.
The Florentines, however, rose to the occasion and
absolutely refused to accede to this proposal, declaring
themselves ready to endure any hardships rather
than betray their leader. They, moreover, ordered
their Chancellor, Bartolomeo Scala, to draw up a state-
ment concerning the conspiracy, declaring Sixtus IV.
to have been its instigator and promoter.
4
SIXTUS IV AND NAPLES UNITE 115
When Lorenzo realised that the Pope's animosity
was directed against him personally rather than
against the State, he convened a meeting of three
hundred citizens and begged them earnestly not
to allow their anxiety for the safety of his person
to blind them to the welfare of the State, maintaining
his willingness to sacrifice his life and property in
the cause of peace. But the Florentines remained
loyal, and Giacopo de' Alessandri, in the name of the
whole assembly, declared that they were prepared to
defend him even at the risk of their lives.
Preparations for fighting now began. The papal
forces were led by the Duke of Urbino and the
Neapolitan troops by Alfonso, Duke of Calabria.
The Florentines appointed Ercole d'Este, the Duke
of Ferrara, as their Commander-in-Chief.
The allies advanced towards Florence, carrying
devastation in their train. Having plundered several
unimportant places, they turned their attention to
Arezzo. The Florentines were prepared to oppose
them with vigour, but the enemy, who were somewhat
discomfited by the spirited defence of the citizens
of Arezzo, decided that discretion was the better
part of valour, and refrained from any engagement.
The Duke of Urbino's proposal of an armistice was
welcomed by the Duke of Ferrara, greatly to the
displeasure of the Florentines, who felt aggrieved
at having incurred the expenses of the campaign
without having gained any corresponding advantage.
Both armies thereupon retired into winter quarters.
Lorenzo took advantage of the truce to make
further overtures ; but, in spite of the interest which
Milan and Venice professed in his cause, neither of
them seemed disposed to send him any practical help.
The Emperor and the Kings of France and Hungary
were unsuccessful in their attempts to reconcile the
Pope and Lorenzo, for Sixtus, quite unmoved, repelled
all friendly advances.
116 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
During the winter the Florentines had gained the
services of three experienced generals Ruberto
Malatesta, Rudolfo Gonzaga, and Costanzo Sforza
of Pesaro. Venice finally decided to send auxiliary
troops under the leadership of Carlo Montone and
Deifobus Anguillari. Thus reinforced, the Florentines
adopted the offensive. They divided their troops
into two parts, one of which was to invade the papal
domains while the other advanced against Alfonso,
Duke of Calabria. At Montone's approach, the
papal forces beat a hasty retreat, but their courage
was renewed by his unexpected death, and they
encountered the Florentines on the shores of Lake
Trasimene. The remembrance of Hannibal's victory
on the same spot, however, so unnerved them that
they made but a feeble attack and were easily
repulsed. The Florentines thereupon proceeded to
ravage the country as far as Perugia.
The troops who were fighting against Duke Alfonso
did not fare so well. Dissension sprang up among
the various generals, in consequence of which the
Duke of Ferrara withdrew his forces. Alfonso seized
the opportunity to attack the Florentines, who, having
lost confidence in their leaders, fled ignominiously
at the first onslaught. In Florence the consternation
was indescribable, for the route to the city now lay
open to Alfonso. Fortunately for the Florentines,
the Duke showed no disposition to follow up the
victory, but frittered away his time in plundering
and besieging unimportant towns, until the troops
came back from Perugia to inspire the citizens with
fresh courage. Contrary to all expectations, the
Duke of Calabria proposed a three months' truce.
This was hailed with joy by the Florentines, who
hoped thus to obtain relief from the increasing
anxieties and expenses of war.
But this lull in the storm produced very little
improvement in Lorenzo's critical situation. He
had seen the terror with which the Florentines had
viewed the Duke of Calabria's victory, and knew
that, as the war was being waged against him per-
sonally, the mere fact of his surrender to the enemy
would put an end to the strife. He realised too,
that, in spite of the protestations of the citizens,
a feeling of discontent was growing up in Florence
and that he might be betrayed at any moment.
The truce had given the Florentines time to estimate
their position, and complaints were arising that the
commerce of the city was ruined and the public
treasury exhausted. Enough blood had already been
shed, it was said, and Lorenzo would do better to
sue for peace than continue his preparations for war.
Feeling the ground thus tremble beneath him,
Lorenzo made up his mind to a bold step. He
determined to throw himself upon the mercy of
Ferrante, King of Naples, at the same time endeavour-
ing to convince him of the injustice of the war and
persuade him to agree to a separate peace. He was
not unmindful of the enormous risk involved in this
undertaking, but he felt that it was impossible for
things to continue under their present conditions.
At the beginning of December, 1479, then, he left
Florence covertly, without communicating his in-
tention to his fellow-citizens, and proceeded to San
Miniato, whence he despatched to the Florentine
magistrates the following letter :
" It was from no lack of respect that I took my
departure without assigning any reason. Rather was
it from the conviction that, in the present critical
condition of our town, action is more prudent than
deliberation. It seems to me that peace is essential,
and, since all other means of procuring it have failed,
I have decided rather to incur danger to my person
than to leave the town any longer in her present
precarious position. With your permission, therefore.
118 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
I shall proceed directly to Naples, for, as our enemies
are especially aiming at my person, I believe that
to surrender myself into their hands will be the
speediest way of bringing peace to my fellow-citizens.
It must be conceded that either the King of Naples
is, as some believe, and as he himself has declared,
friendly to our State, seeking rather to do us service
even by this hostile action than to rob us of our
freedom, or, that he is desirous of bringing about
the ruin of the State. Should he be favourably
disposed, I can best put his disposition to the proof
by surrendering myself unreservedly to him. This
seems to me to be the only way of making an honour-
able peace. If, on the contrary, the King's hand
is against us, we shall, in this way at least, be in a
position to estimate his attitude, and this knowledge
had better be obtained at the sacrifice of one than
of many.
" Since I am the person principally involved in
this affair, I am willing to take the risk upon myself.
It may be that nothing further than my own de-
struction is desired. And, as I have enjoyed among
you honour and distinction beyond my deserts,
perhaps in a greater degree than any other citizen
of our times, so I feel a special obligation to advance
the welfare of my native place, even though it may
be at the cost of my own life. It is in this spirit that
I set out on my journey.
" It may be the will of Providence that, since this
war opened with the shedding of my blood and that
of my brother, I should be instrumental in bringing
it to an end. My one desire is that, in life or in
death, in fortune or in misfortune, I may contribute
to the prosperity of my native place. Should the
result of my project be favourable, I shall rejoice
in having obtained peace for my country and safety
for myself. Should it be otherwise my distress
will be alleviated by the idea that my misfortune
LORENZO'S RECEPTION AT NAPLES 119
was necessary for the welfare of my country. If
our enemies are merely aiming at my destruction,
I shall be in their power, and if their intentions go
further, they will then be obvious to every one. In
the latter case, I do not doubt that all my fellow-
citizens will unite in defending their freedom to the
last extremity, and I have confidence in the divine
Providence which has hitherto favoured our fore-
fatheis. With this conviction I take farewell of
my native town, beseeching Heaven that I may be
enabbd on this occasion to act as befits a loyal citizen.
" SAJ MINIATO,
"December 7, 1479."
This letter was exactly calculated to work upon
the fetlings of the emotional Florentines. Upon
reading it, says Valori, the magistrates could not
restrain their tears. Some of the citizens, however,
suspected that Lorenzo had already received from
Ferrantt the assurance of a hospitable reception,
while oihers gave expression to their fears of an
impendiig change in the Government.
Lorenz) was received at Naples with all respect.
His friend, Prince Federigo, and the King's grandson,
Ferrantiro, met him at the landing-stage and con-
ducted Km to the King. His arrival excited the
liveliest interest ; everybody was anxious to obtain
a glimps( of a man whose character and talents
commanded universal admiration.
For twelve anxious weeks Lorenzo remained at
Naples, dvided between hopes and fears. By the
charm of lis personality he soon won the friendship
of the Khg's chief minister, Diomede Carafa, and
he had poverful allies in Federigo and the Duchess of
Calabria. The King, too, seemed favourably inclined
towards hin and lent an attentive ear to his representa-
tions. He said that while the interests of Naples
and Florence were so closely connected, it would
120 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
redound to the injury of the former if he took part
against the Florentines. Lorenzo also warned him
against the ambitious projects of the Papal See, which
had already often interfered in Neapolitan affairs,
and thus had a most detrimental effect upon the
State. Nor did he omit to refer to the Pope's part
in the conspiracy which had cost his brother's life.
So effective were these remarks that, although the
King did not immediately accede to Lorenzo's desire,
he gave him reason to hope that the affair would have
a favourable issue, and treated him with the utmost
deference.
But Lorenzo's mind was not yet at rest. Alfonso
had broken the truce and obtained fresh victories
over the Florentines, including the conquest of
Sarzana, the one great Medicean acquisitior. The
Pope had received intelligence of Lorenzo's sojourn
at Naples, and did not cease to urge Fernnte to
remain constant to the alliance. He beggid him
either to keep his visitor at Naples or to send him to
Rome to make his submission to the Hly See.
Although Lorenzo was well aware of the dangers
which threatened him, he betrayed no apprehension,
and continued zealously to pursue his objec. With
the wonderful adaptability which distinguished him,
he threw aside his cares and succeeded ii gaining
great popularity with the Neapolitans. J bought
galley-slaves and restored them to liberty, gave
gorgeous banquets to the nobles, and presetted many
poor girls with dowries. Little wonder, tien, that
one whose wealth and generosity alikf seemed
boundless, should speedily win the heaifs of the
pleasure-loving citizens.
Ferrante was at length persuaded to
iccede to
Lorenzo's proposals, and, having once male up his
mind what course to pursue, he had nc
in arranging a peace which was acceptal}
difficulty
to both
parties. Thus, Lorenzo, who had arrived at Naples
ST. CATHERINE. FROM THE " DISPUTA."
Pinturicchio (Borgia Apartments, the Vatican}.
The portrait appears to be that of Giulia Farnese, Mistress of Pope Alexander VI.
120]
OTRANTO BESIEGED 121
defenceless and embittered, left it after three months
the acknowledged friend and ally of King Ferrante.
He hastened his homeward journey as much as possible,
but no sooner had he departed than a papal envoy
came to the King with a proposal which would not
only have put an end to the truce, but have involved
serious danger to Lorenzo. The latter, however,
deemed it discreet to ignore the urgent message
of recall sent after him by Ferrante. He was
welcomed at Florence with every manifestation of
joy. People of all ranks thrpnged to congratulate
him on his safe return, and, thcagh the terms of peace
were not all that they might have desired, there
were few open signs of discontent.
Pope $ixtus, however, was by no means disposed
to relinquish his plans for Lorenzo's destruction,
and, urged on by Girolamo Riario, he began to make
fresh preparations for war. Alfonso of Calabria,
too, notwithstanding the peace stipulations, remained
with his troops at Siena, whence they continued to
be a source of disquietude to all the surrounding
country. But the situation was saved by an invasion
of the Turks. "As it pleased God," writes Zarducci,
" it came about by His consummate miracle that,
on the sixth day of August, 1480, the fleet of the
Turk came to Otranto and besieged it ; whence
Alfonso, by order of the King, was forced to return
to the Kingdom in defence of that town." All Italy
was seized with alarm, for Mohammed II. the con-
queror of Constantinople, ravaged the neighbouring
coast, putting the inhabitants to death by torture
or carrying them into slavery. But all this turned
to the advantage of the Florentines, so much so indeed
that there were not wanting people who accused
Lorenzo of having encouraged the Sultan's attack.
Not only were they rid of Alfonso's objectionable
presence, but they received overtures of peace from
Sixtus IV, Towards the end of 1480 deputies,
122 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
under the conduct of Soderini, Bishop of Voltera,
were despatched to Rome in order to make terms
with the Pope. On the first Sunday in Advent
Sixtus gave them audience beneath the portico of
St. Peter's, where, on their knees, they craved
absolution. The Pope, in his reply, gave free vent
to his displeasure and reprimanded them severely
for their transgressions against the Church. Finally,
however, he received their submission and released
Florence from the interdict.
Girolamo Riario, in his insatiable thirst for revenge,
now sought other means of getting rid of Lorenzo.
In conjunction with some Florentine citizens of
shady reputation, he set on foot a fresh scheme against
his life. The place chosen was the Church of the
Carmelites, and Battista Frescobaldi, lately consul
at Pera, undertook to do the deed on Ascension
Day, May 31, 1481. But Lorenzo's friends, who,
since the Pazzi conspiracy, had jealously guarded
his safety, had their suspicions aroused and arrested
Frescobaldi. While in prison he made a full con-
fession which resulted in the speedy execution of his
accomplice and himself.
Universal consternation was excited in Florence
by this new plot, and henceforward Lorenzo generally
appeared in public surrounded by a number of tried
and trusty friends, prepared to protect him against
any malicious attack.
The whole of Italy (with the exception of Venice,
which was suspected of having given them encourage-
ment) united in the endeavour to drive the Turks
out of Otranto. But the latter made a valiant re-
sistance, and it was doubtful how the war would
end, when a sudden illness put an end to Mohammed's
career (May 3, 1481). His death was the occasion
of public rejoicings in Rome, and processions of
thanksgiving, in which the Pope himself took part,
were ordered during three days. A dispute between
CAPITULATION OF OTRANTO 123
his two sons, Bajazet and Djem, led to the recall
of the Turkish troops which were destined for the
relief of Otranto. On September 10 the town
capitulated, and by the terms of the treaty the Turks
were allowed to depart in freedom. But the Duke
of Calabria, in defiance of this, retained about 1,500
of them as prisoners, afterwards employing them in
his various campaigns.
Meanwhile, the Venetians sought to take possession
of Ferrara, and, through the influence of Girolamo
Riario, endeavoured to win the Pope for their side.
Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, seeing his country
threatened, also turned to Sixtus for help. But
the latter treated his request with indifference, and
showed no inclination to take his part. Ferrara
belonged to the States over which the Papal See
claimed authority, and, though the Pope was in no
position to prevent its conquest, he was well aware
that the other Italian States would not tolerate such
an aggrandisement of Venice. He hoped, too, to
be able eventually to place the government of Ferrara
in the hands of his beloved Girolamo Riario, who
was making energetic preparations for war.
The Duke of Ferrara had married the daughter
of Ferrante, King of Naples, greatly to the displeasure
of the Venetians, who looked upon the alliance as
a threat. Ferrante proved a faithful friend to his
son-in-law, who was further supported by Lorenzo
de' Medici, the Duke of Milan, the Marquis of
Mantua, and Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bologna. The
command of the united troops was undertaken by
Duke Federigo of Urbino.
With the view of discovering the Pope's real
attitude towards them, Ferrante approached him
with the request that he would allow the Duke of
Calabria, with some Neapolitan troops, a free passage
through his territories. A decided refusal enlightened
him. Without delay Alfonso adopted hostile tactics,
124 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and, seizing Terracina, Trevi, and other towns, ad-
vanced to within forty miles of Rome. At the same
time the Florentines took possession of Castello, and,
greatly to the joy of its inhabitants, restored it to
the guardianship of Niccolo Vitelli.
The Duke of Calabria had meanwhile arrived so
close to Rome that daily skirmishes took place between
the outposts. Ruberto Malatesta, who, at the Pope's
request, had taken command of the papal troops,
drove Alfonso to such straits that the latter, unable
to wait for reinforcements from Naples, was forced
into an engagement at Campo Morto hi the Pontine
Marshes. If we are to believe Machiavelli, this was
the most gory battle which Italy had seen for fifty
years. The Duke of Calabria was utterly defeated,
but, thanks to the courage of those Turks whom
he had unlawfully detained after the capitulation of
Otranto, he was able to escape with his life.
Malatesta, to whom was due the credit of thus
delivering the Pope from danger, was warmly received
in Rome, where he retired to enjoy his triumph.
Shortly after his arrival, however, he died mysteriously.
His death has been attributed to various causes,
among others, to poison administered through the
malice of Girolamo Riario. But it is probable that
his colossal exertions amid the unhealthy swamps
of Campo Morto were quite enough to account for
his sudden illness. Sixtus IV. showed every respect
to the saviour of his capital, and with his own hands
administered Extreme Unction. By command of
the Pope, a marble monument was erected to him
in St. Peter's.
Riario on the other hand, at the head of the lately
victorious army, hastened to dispossess Pandolfo,
Malatesta's illegitimate son, of his inheritance of
Rimini, a circumstance which tended to confirm the
suspicions of foul play. His attempt would probably
have been successful if Pandolfo had not turned for
EXCOMMUNICATION OF VENETIANS 125
help to Lorenzo, who sent some Florentine troops
to his relief. Riario (who, though less talented than
Caesar Borgia, seems to have been but little his
inferior in depravity) then turned his attention to
Castello, which was bravely defended by Vitelli, and
Pesaro, which was under the authority of Costanzo
Sforza.
The Venetians, meanwhile, had captured several
towns in the dukedom of Ferrara, in spite of the
resistance of the Duke of Urbino. The death of the
latter and the ill-health of the Duke of Ferrara
contributed to the further success of the republic.
The Pope, who had lent them no assistance and
could therefore claim no part in their conquests,
began to view with alarm the growing power of the
Venetians. Under the influence of Giuliano della
Rovere, he decided to detach himself from them
and to enter into negotiations for a separate peace.
With the support of the Emperor's ambassador a
truce was made between Rome on the one hand,
and the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and
the Florentines on the other (April 1483). The
Venetians refused to give up hostilities, with the result
that Pope Sixtus laid them under excommunication.
A congress was now held at Cremona, with the
object of arranging some efficacious plan for humbling
the Venetians. It was decided that the Duke of
Milan should attack the Venetian territory, and
that Alfonso of Calabria should make an effort to
relieve the Duke of Ferrara. In this way the pro-
gress of the Venetians was checked, and, on being
foiled in their attempt to conquer Ferrara, they
showed themselves inclined for peace. The Duke of
Milan was approached and persuaded to relinquish
the cause of the allies. His defection moved the
others to unite with Venice in the Peace of Bagnolo,
August 7, 1484, by which the Ferrarese were delivered
from the fear of conquest.
126 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Upon receiving the news of this peace, which was
practically a victory for Venice, the Pope was so
overcome with excitement and anger that for fifteen
hours he lay as one dead, and finally passed away in
the night of August 12. It was said that he lived on
war, and that peace must needs be his death. Though
not without many good points, Sixtus had been
completely under the corrupt influence of Girolamo
and Pietro Riario, to whom he could deny nothing.
His nepotism has become a byword, and he openly
and shamelessly offered ecclesiastical offices for sale,
not even hesitating to create new ones for the increase
of his treasury.
Burchard, in his Diary, gives a vivid account of the
disgraceful obsequies accorded to the dead Pope. His
rooms were pillaged in the twinkling of an eye by his
valets and prelates. The chaplain himself seems to
have undertaken to prepare the body for burial.
" We washed the corpse," he says, " but, as there
was no towel, I tore up the shirt which he was wearing
at his death and used that instead. We dressed him,
without a shirt, in a short cassock, and a pair of slippers
given by the Bishop of Cervia." 1
Terrible days followed the burial of Sixtus IV.
The populace rose in fury against his nephews and
burned their palaces, while the Orsini and Colonna
factions massacred one another in the streets and the
Cardinals and nobles barricaded the entrances to
their houses.
The new Pope, Giovanni Cibo (Innocent VIII.),
like his predecessor, owed his election to simony.
Cardinal Borgia had hoped to be elected, but, on
finding that he had small chance of success, sold his
votes to Cibo. As we have already seen, the latter
was a person of no character, with a strong tendency to
let others do his thinking for him. He cherished a
1 See The Diary of John Burchard, Bishop of [Orta, vol: i.
English translation);
LORENZO AND POPE INNOCENT VIII. 127
great admiration for Lorenzo, and sought his advice
on all important occasions. Lorenzo, who knew how
to estimate the far-reaching influence of the Papacy
over Christendom, made every effort to confirm himself
in Innocent's good graces. By so doing he paved the
way to the brilliant position to which his family, in
spite of many obstacles, afterwards attained.
During the confusion which followed the Pazzi
conspiracy the town of Sarzana, occupying an im-
portant position near the Genoese and Florentine
boundaries, had been seized by bandits. This was a
serious loss to Florence, and as soon as Lorenzo was
free from the dangers which threatened him he made
preparations for its reconquest. The first thing to
do was to take Pietra Santa no easy task. Lorenzo's
presence, however, animated the Florentines with
fresh courage, and, after a few days' siege, the town
capitulated, under condition that the inhabitants
should be no further molested. The victory was a
costly one, and through the ravages of war and fever
Lorenzo lost many of his best friends. The troops
were exhausted after the campaign, so that instead
of proceeding to the attack of Sarzana, they were
obliged to cease hostilities for a time. Lorenzo,
moreover, was suffering severely with gout, for which
he was compelled to seek relief at the baths of San
Filippo.
But before his health was restored Lorenzo was
agitated by the revival of the ill-feeling between
Ferrante and the Papacy, the seeds of which had been
sown in the latter years of Sixtus IV. The Neapolitan
nobles, whose liberty Ferrante sought to restrict,
became discontented and struggled to regain their
old rights. The populace, who had suffered much
from the caprice and tryanny of the upper classes,
would undoubtedly have come to the King's help if
he had not succeeded in suppressing the insurrection
himself. When Innocent VIII. became Pope the
128 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
nobles represented to him in bitter terms their miser-
able condition under Ferrante, " a demon for dis-
simulation, treachery, and avarice " (Symonds), and
his even more tyrannical son, Alfonso. The Pope's
feelings were thus worked upon to such a degree that
he consented to engage in a war which, said his
advisers, could only redound to the honour and glory
of the Papacy. Considerable forces were raised and
the command undertaken by Ruberto San Severino.
The papal standard was erected at Salerno, which was
the first town to display open rebellion.
Although Ferrante was aware of the amicable
relations between the Pope and Lorenzo, this did
not prevent him from turning to the latter for help.
Lorenzo immediately left the baths of San Filippo
and hastened to assure the King of his support, though
at the same time deprecating his arbitrary attitude
towards his nobles. The Medici policy was one of
peace, but Lorenzo took Ferrante's side, on the
ground that an increase in the papal power would
disturb the equilibrium of Italy. The Florentines,
however, were of a different opinion. They were in
no wise disposed to make war upon the amiable Pope,
especially as they were apprehensive of the interference
of Venice. Lorenzo, however, knew his own mind,
and was not to be deterred from his plan.
Meanwhile the unrest at Naples was growing
apace. Ferrante's confidential ministers were in secret
correspondence with his enemies, and Alfonso, who
had advanced towards Rome in order to hinder the
papal troops from uniting with the rebels, was com-
pletely routed by San Severino and obliged to flee
to Florentine dominions. Lorenzo, although ill and
unable to visit Alfonso, did his best to deliver him
from his unenviable position, and gave him money
to continue the campaign. He also influenced Lu-
dovico Sforza, the Duke of Milan, and the Orsini
family to take part against the Pope. At the same
time he endeavoured to convince the latter of the
futility and danger of his policy, assuring him that
the struggle could, at best, end only in the accession
to the Neapolitan throne of some adventurer who
would be a more dangerous enemy to the Papal See
than the House of Aragon had been. Innocent's
martial zeal now began to wane. San Severino was
left without further reinforcement, and the war,
though not abandoned, was continued but languidly.
On May 8, 1486, a battle was fought. It lasted for
several hours, during which, Ammirato informs us,
no one was even wounded, much less killed. San
Severino was obliged, nevertheless, to retreat from the
field. The results of this bloodless battle were im-
portant. Ferrante sought to make terms with the
Pope, proposing to pay him a certain sum of money
and to grant a complete amnesty to the rebellious
nobles, at the same time acknowledging the Pope's
supreme jurisdiction over Naples. Thereupon the war
came to an end.
Lorenzo was now free to turn his attention to the
conquest of Sarzana, which he had very much at
heart. The Florentine troops were commanded by
Giacopo Guicciardini and Pietro Vittorio. The de-
fence was so obstinate and the siege so protracted that
Lorenzo, impatient, himself visited the troops, hoping
to revive their courage. His appearance was as
successful as it had been at Pietra-Santa, and the
garrison surrendered unconditionally. Lorenzo's pre-
sence prevented the pillage of the town, which, now
incorporated with the Florentine State, formed a
bulwark against the attacks of the Genoese.
In July 1487 Lorenzo lost his wife, Clarice. He
seems to have mourned her sincerely, but his grief
was mitigated by his pleasure in the promotion to the
Cardinalate of his young son, Giovanni. In spite of
the Neapolitan war, Lorenzo remained on good terms
with Pope Innocent VIII. and did not cease to
IB
130 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
importune him to bestow the Red Hat upon the little
Giovanni, who from his babyhood had been destined
for the Church. He also appealed earnestly to Ascanio
Sforza and Rodrigo Borgia to exert their influence on
his behalf. Lorenzo's request was finally granted in
March 1489, but only on the condition that during
the next three years Giovanni should neither wear
the insignia of the Cardinalate nor have a seat or
vote in the College of Cardinals. Lorenzo in vain
sought to set aside these unwelcome restrictions. The
Pope for once, remained firm, insisting that the
boy should give the full time of probation to the
study of theology and canon law. Lorenzo's letter
to his son on the joyful occasion of his promotion to
the full privileges of his rank (1492), has become a
classic. It is indeed a remarkable combination of
shrewd worldly wisdom and religious principle. The
young Cardinal is recommended to show his gratitude
to God for the honour done him by living a pious
and exemplary life. He is warned against the diffi-
culty of remaining virtuous in Rome, " that sink of
all iniquity," "where there would be no lack of evil-
minded persons anxious to drag him down into the
abyss into which they themselves have fallen."
" Counting upon your youth," continues the letter,
" they will expect to find this an easy task. Thus it
behoves you to set yourself to prove that this hope
is unfounded, particularly because at present the
College of Cardinals is so poor in men of worth ....
The less your conduct resembles that of those who
now compose it, the more beloved and respected you
will be. ... You can easily understand how much
depends upon the personality and example of a Car-
dinal. If the Cardinals were such as they ought to
be the whole world would be the better for it ; for
they would always elect a good Pope, and thus secure
the peace of Christendom. Endeavour, therefore, to
be such that it would be well for all if the rest
LORENZO'S LETTER TO HIS SON 131
resembled you .... You are not only the youngest
member of the College, but the youngest person that
has ever been raised to the rank of Cardinal. You
should, therefore, in all that has to do with your
colleagues, be observant and respectful and keep
yourself in the background in the Papal Chapels and
Consistories, or in deputations. You will soon learn
which among them are deserving of esteem. You
must avoid both being and seeming to be intimate
with those whose conduct is irregular. In conversa-
tion keep as far as possible to generalities. On public
occasions let your equipage and dress be rather below
than above what is permissible.
" Spend your money rather on keeping a well-
appointed stable and servants of a superior class than
on pomp and show. Endeavour to lead a regular
life, and gradually get your household into strict
order a thing which cannot be done immediately
where both master and servant are new. Silks and
jewels are not suitable for persons in your position,
and your taste will be better shown in the acquisition
of a few valuable antiques and handsome books and
by your circle being well-bred and learned rather
than numerous. Also, it is better for you to enter-
tain your friends at home than to dine out often ; but
in this matter you should follow a middle course.
Let your food be simple, and take plenty of exercise ;
for those in your situation are liable, without great
caution, to contract infirmities. . . . Let it be your
rule to rise early. Setting aside the advantage to
your health of the practice, it gives you time to get
through the business of the day and to fulfil your
various obligations. . . .
" Another very necessary precaution, particularly
on your entrance into public life, is to call to mind
in the evening what will be the work of the day
following, so that you may never be unprepared for
your business. If you speak in the Consistory, it
132 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
seems to me that, considering your youth and in-
experience, it will be most becoming for you to adhere
to the wise judgment of the Holy Father. You will
be pressed to intercede for the favours of the Pope.
Be cautious, however, that you trouble him not too
often, for his temper leads him to give most to those
who are least clamorous. You should be on the
watch to say nothing that would annoy him, but
rather tell him things likely to give him pleasure ;
and, if you should be obliged to request some kindness
from him, let it be done with that modesty which
corresponds best with his own disposition. Take
care of your health."
It is difficult to reconcile the tone of this letter
with the morality of its writer. Lorenzo is said to
have ruined the happiness of countless homes, and to
have even seized the dowries of Florentine girls to fill
his own coffers.
Lorenzo's low opinion of the College of Cardinals
at this time was, alas ! but too well founded. It is
true that it possessed a few worthy members, but their
influence was quite outweighed by that of the majority,
who lived the lives of secular princes steeped in luxury
of the most debased and licentious kind. Prominent
among the most corrupt and vicious of them were
Ascanio Sforza, Orsini, Riario, Giuliano della Rovere,
and, most of all, Rodrigo Borgia. Of these two
subsequently wore the tiara Borgia as Alexander VI.,
and della Rovere as Julius II.
Lorenzo never saw his favourite son again after the
celebrations in honour of his promotion. His malady
was becoming so serious that, towards the end of
March 1492 he left Florence for his villa at Capreggi,
hoping to benefit by the country air. But it was in
vain. He rapidly became worse, and his illness is
said to have been aggravated by the medical treat-
ment, in particular by a draught of crushed pearls
and powdered precious stones. His friend, Poliziano
DEATH OF LORENZO 133
and his favourite sister, Bianca, were with him to cheer
his last days, and it was the former who broke to
him the news of his rapidly approaching end. Lorenzo
sent for Savonarola, the friar whose name was then
on every tongue, in order to receive absolution.
What passed between them is not certain. One
account says that before the Prior would hear his
confession he asked the dying man whether he felt
himself to be in the true faith of God. Lorenzo
answered that he fervently believed it. Thereupon
Savonarola asked him if he would restore all that
he had unlawfully acquired. After some hesitation,
Lorenzo agreed, but when he was desired to restore
liberty to Florence he indignantly dismissed the
Prior without having made his confession. The Last
Sacraments were, however, administered by another,
and Lorenzo had a long interview with his son Piero.
Shortly afterwards he breathed his last, April 8, 1492.
Thus died Lorenzo the Magnificent, the man
whose " pregnant parts and quick inventive brain "
have been the wonder of his own and subsequent
generations. His character, a fine one in many
respects, was full of the strangest inconsistencies, and
the ease with which he could turn from the most
serious occupations to the most frivolous amusements
gained him the reputation of possessing two souls in
one body. He appears to have had genuine claims
to piety, yet he was rarely free from some amorous
intrigue. " One day would find him disputing in the
Academy on virtue and immortality and inditing
pious poems ; on the next he might be seen in the
midst of his dissolute friends, singing loose carnival-
songs, or listening to Luigi Pulci declaiming the
wanton lyrics of his M organic." The words and
example of such a man, and the evil splendour of such
a Court, could not fail to have a corrupting influence
on Florentine life. 1 On the other hand, it must be
1 Pastor
134 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
remembered that, on the whole, he sought to promote
the peace and happiness of his country and never
prostituted his undoubted military talent to a purely
selfish ambition. He may, perhaps, have been intent
on personal ends in the first instance, but throughout
the whole policy of this " miniature Augustus " there
was woven " a genuine fibre of patriotism."
The news of Lorenzo's death gave rise to universal
sorrow in the city of the lilies, for as Guicciardini once
wrote : " Florence could not have had a better or
more delightful tyrant." He left behind him three
sons Piero, " the mad," Giovanni, " the wise," and
Giuliano, " the good." The eldest, Piero, was hardly
twenty-one, and it was only by special arrangement
that the magistrates, out of respect to his father's
memory, allowed him to take public office. He was
a wild young fellow, absolutely unfit to assume the
direction of the State, as events soon proved. His
portrait by Botticelli, to be seen in the Uffizi, shows
a handsome and interesting face with a great bush of
dark hair. He was tall and commanding in figure,
and possessed of extraordinary strength and agility.
Indeed if his moral nature had been as well developed
as his physical, he might have made an excellent
ruler. His manners were, on the whole, agreeable,
though at times haughty and overbearing. From the
Florentines he demanded a blind obedience, and
he constantly ignored the advice so often given him
by his father, " to remember that he was only a
citizen of Florence." Persons with any claim to
positions of importance were looked upon by Piero
with the greatest suspicion. There still existed other
members of the Medici family who might, with
almost equal right, have taken upon themselves the
conduct of affairs. The sons of Piero Francesco
Medici, Lorenzo and Giovanni, although descended
from the younger branch, had hardly less claim than
Piero to posts of authority in the State. But this
SAVONAROLA 135
branch of the Medici, although possessed of great
wealth, had never taken any part in the government,
probably because the connection with the older
branch of the house was considered honour enough.
Nevertheless, there arose between the two a spirit of
rivalry which was not without important effects.
Another source of disturbance was the preaching
of Girolamo Savonarola, who was stirring all hearts
with his denunciations of the prevailing immorality
and self-indulgence. Under his influence men and
women laid aside their former luxuries and adopted
the simplest and barest form of living. So completely,
indeed, did this remarkable man dominate the popular
mind that it was not difficult to foresee that he would
shortly influence the domain of politics to a like extent.
It is possible that Piero might have attained his
end by banishing Savonarola from Florence ; but the
Prior was so much beloved by the people that such a
step would have been ill-advised. Piero himself was
no favourite with the Florentines, for he was quite
devoid of his father's tact and moderation.
Lorenzo's uncle, Piero Francesco Medici, had left
behind him two sons, the aforesaid Lorenzo and
Giovanni, who cherished a not unwarrantable grudge
against Piero. Giovanni was much admired for his
handsome appearance, and found no difficulty in cap-
turing the hearts of the beautiful ladies of Florence.
It happened that, one evening, he and Piero were at
a masked ball where both sought the favour of the
same lady. But to tolerate such a position was
impossible to the haughty Piero, who, infuriated at
the success of his rival, bespattered with ink his
garment of silver cloth.
Giovanni bore the insult as well as he could. Per-
haps he did not recognise Piero, or did not feel inclined
to begin hostilities. But another masked ball was
held at which both rivals were again present. Piero,
unable to brook the idea that another should dare
136 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
to aspire to the favour of the lady in question, rushed
angrily up to Giovanni and tore the mask from his
face. The latter, who was surrounded by friends,
drew his dagger and plunged it into Piero's breast.
Happily for the latter, he was wearing armour under-
neath his clothes, so that no harm was done.
The next morning Piero brought the case before
the magistrates, desiring that the Medici brothers
might be severely punished. Fearing, however, that
he would be reproached with undue severity towards
his own kinsmen, he contented himself with their
temporary banishment from Florence.
Nevertheless, both brothers preserved an undying
animosity for Piero, and lost no opportunity of trying
to injure him. Through the mediation of Ludovico
Sforza, they entered into an alliance with Charles VIII.
of France, who was planning an invasion of Italy.
They gave him clearly to understand that the Floren-
tines were already out of conceit with Piero and that the
situation was now ripe for overthrowing the Medici
rule and restoring Florence to her original condition.
On the other hand, the vain and ambitious Piero
had attached himself to the King of Naples. Alfonso,
who had now succeeded his father, Ferrante, appears
to have promised to try to procure for him the title
of Prince and the power of a despot, and, in return
for this, was to be allowed to shelter his fleet in the
harbour of Livorno and to count on Piero's assistance
in repulsing the attacks of the French.
In this way were the members of the same family
divided into two hostile camps, one of which encour-
aged Charles VIII. in his invasion of Italy, while the
other favoured the claims of the House of Aragon.
Their private enmity was thus the cause not only of
the discord in Florence, but, also, to a certain extent,
of the undoing of Italy.
CHAPTER VII
Illness of Louis XI. of France The Hermit of Calabria summoned
to heal him His fear of death His character and administra-
tion His successor, Charles VIII. Anne of Beaujeu : her wise
rule Civil war in Brittany Landois : his terrible fate Battle
of St. Aubin du Cormier La Tremouilles' treatment of his
prisoners Death of Francis of Brittany His daughter Anne
War continued Betrothal of Anne of Brittany Anne of
Beaujeu gradually withdraws from her position of authority
Release of Louis of Orleans Marriage of Charles VIII. and
Anne of Brittany Character and appearance of Charles VIII.
IT was evident that Louis XI. of France would never
be well again. In March, 1480, he had been suddenly
deprived of sense and speech by a paralytic seizure.
For three days he remained in this condition, and
though he afterwards recovered his faculties, he had
never really regained his strength. The thought of
death filled him with terror, and in his extremity
he sent for the Hermit, Robert of Calabria, whose
prayers were reputed to restore the sick to health.
This holy man had lived for thirty years under the
shadow of a rock, during which time he had tasted
neither fish, flesh, eggs, nor milk. He was an un-
learned man, " ni clerc ni lettre," but in saintliness
none could compare with him. Pope Sixtus himself
bowed before the Hermit's wisdom and piety, and
on his journey through Italy the people everywhere
honoured him as an apostolic messenger and saint.
When he arrived at Tours, King Louis, on his knees,
implored him to prolong his life. The Hermit tried
in vain to turn his thoughts to the life beyond the
grave, assuring him that with God alone lay the
137
138 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
power to lengthen his days. Comines tells us that
he often overheard his ministrations to the King, and
declares that his words were most certainly divinely
inspired, being void of any earthly taint.
Nevertheless, Louis's condition grew nothing better,
and, as he became weaker, his state of mind grew
even more pitiable. He was painfully conscious that
he had unduly oppressed his subjects, and now lived
in a constant state of suspicion and dread that they
would avenge themselves. In terror he shut himself
in his Chateau of Plessis, near Tours, keeping his
Scottish guards at hand both day and night. At
the same time he was most anxious to conceal his true
state from the people, and, from fear of losing his
authority, he dealt out severe punishments, and
conferred and arbitrarily withdrew offices and dignities
with the object of proving that he was still capable
of governing. By dint of thus unpleasantly asserting
himself there was little danger that his existence
would be ignored. Another of the whims by which
he hoped to deceive his subjects as to his failing
strength was to lay aside his usual sordid garb and
appear before them in the most gorgeous apparel, in
spite of his pitiably wasted appearance.
When Louis realised that his end was near he sent
for his son Charles, whom he had neglected for several
years, and gave him some parting words of good
advice, recommending him to retain his old servants,
to avoid quarrelling with Francis, Duke of Brittany,
and to keep the peace right and left until he came
of age. So great was his fear of death that his
attendants were forbidden to mention the word in
his hearing. Nevertheless, he passed away (August 30,
1483) more peacefully than do many braver and better
men. " A cry of thankfulness," it is said, " went
up from every heart in France when his death was
known. . . ."
.Louis, XL has been called, an universal spider. He
CHARACTER OF LOUIS XI. 139
was sly and suspicious, but displayed great shrewdness
and wariness in the conduct of affairs. Cruel and un-
sympathetic in disposition, it is said that he had more
than 4,000 people put to death during his reign. One
of his political enemies, Cardinal de Balue, was kept
shut up for many years in an iron cage as a punish-
ment for his offences. Both his first and second wives
suffered much from his harshness and neglect, and
he made but little effort to bring up his son Charles
in a way befitting the future King of France.
Although proud and haughty in manner, Louis
displayed a distinct propensity for pleasures of the
lowest kind, and engaged in amorous intrigues with
an abandonment which seems hardly compatible
with the superstition and caution of his character.
But, notwithstanding his many and glaring faults,
Louis XI. was a great king. Under his administration
the disturbed country acquired some semblance of
order ; he stamped out feudalism and substituted
autocracy for anarchy, and, by breaking the power of
the nobles, he laid the foundation of France's future
greatness. He also gave an impetus to commerce,
and to him is due the credit of establishing the silk
industry. Though himself no scholar, he encouraged
learning, and set up a printing press at the Sorbonne,
while the Greek savants who sought refuge in France
after the conquest of Constantinople found in him
a powerful protector.
Charles was only thirteen at the time of his father's
death, and his guardianship was entrusted to his
elder sister, Anne of Beaujeu, wife of Pierre de
Bourbon. She was a strong-souled and capable
woman, and for nine years continued to be the
virtual ruler of France. History has never given
Anne her due, but she undoubtedly deserves the
highest honour for the wonderful vigour and skill
with which she guided the affairs of France during
this time. "Her very success has doome.d her v Jo
140 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the neglect of posterity ; she was neither tragical
nor wicked, and the historians of the time have
passed her by almost without a word. She dealt
sharply with Philip of Comines after the death of
Louis XL, as indeed he justly deserved ; and the
historian has meanly avenged himself on her by
omitting from his Memoirs the years of her admirable
government, and " even the very mention of her
name." Her accession to authority gave great
umbrage to the nobles, in particular to Louis of
Orleans, who himself wanted to be in her place.
Anne, or " Madame la Grande," as she was well
styled, was alarmed at his attitude, and did all she
could to impress the people in her favour. She
liberated prisoners, recalled the banished, reduced
the taxes, and brought Jean Doyrac and Olivier
Daim to justice. Olivier, a barber beloved of the
late King, was hanged for his many crimes, while
Doyrac, who had insulted Anne's husband, the
Duke of Bourbon, was banished, after having been
publicly whipped in Paris and having his tongue
and his ears removed.
Anne came out victorious in the struggle which
had been set on foot to overthrow her. The States-
General had met at Tours to consider the matter,
but Anne showed so much ability in the conduct
of her case that her fame spread throughout the
whole country. Her success, however, did not inter-
fere with her temperate and tactful policy. In order
to conciliate Louis of Orleans, the Duke of Angouleme,
and Dunois, Louis's illegitimate son, each of them
was given a yearly pension and a company of a
hundred lancers.
Peace seemed to be restored, when there arose
fresh disturbances which were eventually to bring
about the union of Brittany and France.
By the last will and testament of Francis de Montfort,
Duke of Brittany, it was decreed that, in the event
FRANCIS II. OF BRITTANY 141
of his family's dying out, the dukedom should fall
to the Lord of Penthievre and his niece, the Lady
of Brosse. As he possessed two brothers, an uncle
and a cousin, the extinction of his house seemed so
improbable that no one took much heed of this
provision. Strange to relate, they all died, except
the cousin, Francis II. of Brittany, who had only
two daughters.
Louis XI. persuaded the Lady of Brosse to sell
her claims to him. Francis II., who lived in mortal
terror of Louis, sought help from Edward of England,
Maximilian of Austria, and his son Philip the Hand-
some, offering one of his daughters to each of the latter.
But neither of these could aid him ; Edward was pre-
vented by the confusion arising from the ambitious
plans of his uncle Richard, and Maximilian was
occupied by internal strife and the revolt of Ghent.
There were two other claimants Davaugours, the
legitimised bastard of Francis II., and the Vicomte
Rohan, who had married a daughter of Francis I.
Rohan had two sons, for whom he coveted the Duke's
daughters. Francis refused to entertain the idea of
such an alliance in spite of the exhortations of his
nobles.
Francis II. was completely under the influence
of his minister Landois, who, originally a tailor, had
been raised to the highest position of honour. His
bold and domineering ways made him greatly disliked,
and his conduct with regard to the Chancellor
Chauvin made him the object of universal hatred.
This unfortunate Chancellor was allowed to perish
of hunger in an infected dungeon, and the jailer,
fearing to be accused of his death, displayed the ter-
ribly emaciated corpse in public. Landois bestowed
the dead man's property upon the Davaugours, thus
making Francis his accomplice.
Shunned by all, Landois sought help from Louis
of Orleans, who hastened to Nantes to meet him.
142 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Rendered still more impudent by this alliance, Landois
promoted his nephew, Guibe, to the bishoprics of
Rennes, Nantes, and d'Alby, and finally made him
ambassador, legate, and Cardinal. Another nephew
he appointed Coadjutor of Rennes, an office which
was to prepare his way to becoming President of the
States-General. Despinay, who then occupied this
position, was a hindrance to Landois's plan, so he
got rid of him as he had already despatched Chauvin,
in 1484.
The nobles now determined to bear his tyranny
no longer. Thronging to the Duke's palace, they
implored him, on their knees, to grant them justice.
Francis, although terrified out of his wits, refused to
deliver up his favourite. Another party of nobles
tracked Landois to his country house, but he escaped
just in time and returned the next day in triumph
to the palace.
Brittany was now divided into two parties : Landois
united with the Duke of Orleans, while the conspiring
nobles joined Anne of Brittany, daughter of Francis II.
Since his coronation festivities, the young King
Charles had been a fervent admirer of Louis of Orleans,
who on this occasion had distinguished himself in
the tourney. He was also beginning to look upon
his good sister Anne as an obstacle to the exercise
of his authority, interfering with his plans and
separating him from his friends. Among these were
the three chamberlains, Maillet, Pot, and Gouffier.
They had made up their minds to kidnap the King,
and were actually in his room, persuading him to
flee, when Anne rushed in upon them, and, animated
by the spirit of her dead father, so intimidated the
conspirators by her threats that they fled ignominiously
from the Court. Charles, who was a weak and good-
natured youth, gave in without resistance. The
Duke of Orleans, as the prime mover of the plot,
dared no longer to show his face at Court. Anne,
ANNE OF BEAUJEU 143
who dreaded opposition from the Parisians (whose
governor was an Orlean), had her brother carefully
watched and guarded by troops, and took him to
Montargis in order to await developments.
The Duke of Orleans meanwhile sought to curry
favour with the people, by taking the part of the
oppressed against the oppressor. So secure of his
position did he feel that in January 1485 he, as
first prince of France, laid claim in Parliament to
the Presidency of the States-General. He was,
however, repulsed by the leader, Jacques de la Vac-
querie, who remarked that the greatest blessings
for the country would be unanimity and peace, and
that the princes of the blood should set the people
a good example. Louis then turned to the Uni-
versity, which at that time numbered about 25,000
students, but was here even more frigidly received.
Anne of Beaujeu now thought it time to act.
She sent to Paris armed soldiers who would doubtless
have taken Louis prisoner had not his allies, Gui,
Pot, and Louhans, discovered his danger, set him on
a mule and helped him to escape. At the same
time Anne entered the city.
However, Louis was not yet quelled. In conjunction
with Duke Francis of Brittany and the able Dunois
he collected a force of 10,000 men and attacked the
Regent. Her cause seemed hopeless when affairs
suddenly took a favourable turn. Orleans was about
to take the bridge spanning the Loire and join his
allies on the other side when Anne, noticing this
manoeuvre, sent Duboucheage to oppose it. The
citizens of Orleans came to her assistance, and Louis,
pursued by la Tremouille, was obliged to yield at
Beaugency.
The French nobles set their hopes on Landois,
who had meanwhile collected a considerable army.
But he, too confident of success, plundered and
burned the possessions of many important Bretons
144 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
who were absent in Ancenis. By this barbarity he
drove them to unite with Charles VIII. Not content
with this, he ordered his troops to seize the nobles
in Ancenis. Anne of Beaujeu sent the militia from
Guienne to their help. The two armies met, but,
instead of fighting, they effected a reconciliation,
indignant that the interests of so infamous a scoundrel
should lead to a civil war.
Landois, nothing daunted, continued his resistance,
supported by Duke Francis. Several nobles with-
drew from the troop, and, hi conjunction with the
inhabitants of Nantes, demanded his surrender.
Quaking with fear, the favourite fled to the Duke,
who despatched the Cardinal de Foix and the Vicomte
Narbonne to allay the uproar. They returned,
however, without having effected their object. The
insurgents came nearer and nearer, demanding that
Landois should be delivered over to them. The latter,
green with terror, hid in a cupboard. On hearing
the Chancellor and his enemies approaching, Duke
Francis, with incredible infatuation, continued to
support him. " Why did the people want him ?
What evil had he done ? " he asked. And not till
they appeased him by pretending that they wanted
to shelter Landois from the rage of the populace,
and that he would be given a chance of vindicating
himself, did the Duke produce him from his hiding-
place. Taking Landois by the hand, he admonished
the Chancellor to consider the interests of justice,
which the latter, without any breach of the truth,
had no difficulty in promising.
Landois came to a sad, though well-merited end.
A confession of part of his crime was wrested from
him by torture, and then he was put to death by
hanging. Afterwards two parties were again formed,
the one adhering to Charles VIII. and Anne of
Beaujeu, the other to the Emperor Maximilian,
who was to marry Anne of Brittany, daughter of
ALESSANDRO FARNESE, POPE PAUL III., WITH HIS GRANDSON CARDINAL ALESSANDRO
FARNESE, AND HIS NEPHEW JUAN BORGIA II., DUKE OF NEPI, FIFTH SON OF POPE
ALEXANDER VI., BY HIS MISTRESS GIUI.IA FARNESE, SISTER OF POPE PAUL III.
Titian (National Museum, Naples}.
144]
Francis II. To Maximilian's adherents belonged
Louis of Orleans and his inseparable companion
Dunois, as well as Francis II. and his new favourite,
Lescun. After the death of the Seigneur of Brosse,
his widow, Nicoli, had made over his property of
Penthievre to France, to the huge indignation of
Duke Francis and Lescun. Spurred on by them,
Maximilian seized Mortagne and Terouenne, and
sent his herald to Paris demanding that Anne of
Beaujeu should be removed from the Court of his
son-in-law, Charles VIII. , and the States-General
summoned. All this was with the idea of restoring
peace, but his tactics aroused universal displeasure.
" The time when Germany was subject to France
may be remembered," exclaimed Graville, lord of
Beaujeu, Vendome, and Montpensier, " but not the
time when France was subject to Germany." Not-
withstanding the indignation produced, the Regent
had a foreboding that a plot was being prepared, and
she turned to her brother-in-law, the Constable de
Bourbon, entreating his support. With some diffi-
culty she succeeded in bringing him over to her side.
At the same time a messenger was intercepted bearing
letters which proved beyond a doubt the existence of
a plot. Maximilian, the Duke of Orleans, the Duke
of Lorraine, and others, as well as the greater part
of Brittany, Navarre, Gascony, and Guienne, had
conspired against her, though the soul of the plot was
Dunois.
Anne stood alone against them all. She appealed,
however, to the towns for assistance, and her con-
fidence was not misplaced. Thus intimidated, many
of the conspirators went over to her side and the
danger which had threatened her faded into insig-
nificance.
Intrigues and agitations continued, but through
the remarkable skill with which the energetic Regent
conducted affairs, most of the fortified places of
KB
146 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Brittany fell at last under her sway, while Duke
Francis remained possessed of little besides Nantes
and Rennes. She owed much to the loyalty of la
Tremouille, who worked under command of the
Constable de Bourbon. Her young brother, whom
she had hardly allowed out of her sight since the last
attempt at kidnapping, was then able to return to
Paris.
The Regent, who had hitherto been distinguished
for her moderation, now took a step which gave rise
to a new war. Before Parliament she accused her
brother-in-law, Louis of Orleans, of felony, and the
Duke of Brittany and the Grand-duke Philip, Count
of Flanders, of withholding their feudal homage from
the King. The Duke of Bourbon, the Counts of
Nevers and Angouleme, either from disinclination or
from motives of propriety, absented themselves from
the session. This circumstance brought Anne to her
senses, especially as the magistrates hesitated to
confirm her accusation. She therefore withdrew it
provisionally.
The Duke of Orleans and Francis II. now appealed
to Henry VII. of England, who sent a few thousand
men to the support of Marshal Rieux. The latter
was thereby enabled to reconquer Vannes and Ploermel
Meanwhile la Tremouille also entered the field and
reduced Ancenis, Chateaubriant, and Fougeres to
ruins, to the no small discomfiture of the Bretons.
On July 27, 1488, a battle took place at St. Aubin
du Cormier. After two hours' fighting, la Tremouille
defeated the Breton troops. The number of dead
and captured amounted to 8,000. Among the latter
were the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Orange, and
several well-known French nobles. Although con-
scious of their precarious situation, the prisoners did
not lose courage, especially as la Tremouille treated
them with consideration. With alacrity they ac-
cepted his invitation to a banquet, little suspecting
DEATH OF DUKE FRANCIS 147
the fate that awaited them. During dessert la
Tremouille rose and deliberately announced that the
two Princes would await the King's decision as to
their punishment, but the leaders, who had been
taken while fighting against their King and country,
would be allowed only a moment in which to prepare
for death. All in vain were their supplications for
delay. La Tremouille was obdurate, and they were
all straightway executed.
The two Princes were dragged from one prison to
another. The Prince of Orange was taken to Angers,
where the raging crowd threatened to tear him in
pieces. Orleans was confined at Bourges, where, so
strict was his supervision, that every night he was
locked up in an iron cage.
Duke Francis of Brittany bound himself over to
pay 200,000 golden guldens as war indemnity, to
banish all foreigners from his dukedom, and not
to give his daughter in marriage without the King's
consent. As a pledge of good faith, he delivered up
to France his strongest fortresses, and swore an oath
of fealty. He died, however, almost immediately
afterwards. His death is ascribed by some to grief
at the loss of his independence, by others to a fall
from his horse (1488). By his will he left the dukedom
of Penthievre to the Duke d'Albret, who had loyally
supported him in all his wars. The regency was to
be undertaken by Marshal Rieux with the aid of
d'Albret, Lescun, and Dunois. D'Albret's sister,
Fran9oise de Dinan, Comtesse de Laval, was to super-
vise the education of Francis's two daughters. One of
these, Isabeau, died soon after her father, and the
other, Anne, was only about twelve years old. She
was, however, a capable young person, of resolute
will and with decided opinions of her own. D'Albret,
notwithstanding his grey hairs and the possession of
eight children, now took it into his head to try to
win the hand of this young heiress. Apart from his
148 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
age, his whole conduct and appearance were such as
to make the thought of marrying him repugnant to
any right-minded girl. Moreover, Anne regarded
herself as betrothed to the good-natured Archduke
Maximilian, who however never appeared to take
much notice of his affianced bride. The Regent, too,
came to her aid and persuaded the Pope Innocent VIII.
to refuse the marriage dispensation. Dunois also
supported her, and succeeded in winning over to his
side the German leaders, several Breton gentlemen,
and even the Seigneur of Montauban, the Chancellor
of Brittany. There now arose two parties ; on one
side were Lescun, d'Albret, and de Rieux, and on
the other, the Chancellor, Dunois, and the Princess
Anne.
Meanwhile the French army advanced. Without
any open declaration of war, it had been despatched
by the Regent in order to fan the flame of discord.
Dunois and the Duchess no longer felt safe in Rennes,
and were obliged to seek refuge in Nantes. But de
Rieux had the gates closed and refused to admit his
sovereign. Dunois approached the town, hoping that
the citizens would take their part. De Rieux ad-
vanced against him with a strong force, meaning to
take the Princess prisoner. Dunois, always prompt
in action, drew up his little escort in battle-array,
keeping Anne close behind him. This acted ad-
mirably, for de Rieux, restrained by a kind of shame
from drawing his sword against the lady to whom
he had sworn fealty, returned to Nantes without
carrying out his plan ; but the next day, repenting
of his weakness and spurred on by d'Albret, he came
back with a still larger troop. Dunois, unable to
resist him, entered into negotiations. He undertook
to surrender the Duchess Anne, and gave up his best
friend, de Louhans, as hostage. He and the Duchess
found hospitality in the outskirts of Nantes, but, on
his arrival in the town, de Louhans realised that
DIPLOMACY OF ANNE OF BEAUJEU 149
there was no hope of escape. He sent a message
to Dunois telling him how matters stood, and offering
to release him from his promise.
Dunois was in desperate straits, for he wished to
sacrifice neither the Duchess nor his friend. But he
did not give up hope, and began negotiating with
his enemies in order to gain time. The latter, sure
of victory, agreed to the proposals, which were of
slight importance in themselves. After a fortnight,
however, they were startled out of their complacency
by the news that Dunois had escaped with the Duchess
to Rennes. The inhabitants of this town, angry at
d'Albret's unprincipled conduct, had invited Anne
and Dunois to take refuge with them.
Torn by disruption and strife, Brittany seemed near
her downfall. Henry VII. of England sent 6,000
English to the help of d'Albret. German and Spanish
troops were also despatched to Brittany ; but, instead
of uniting to drive out the French, they only fanned
the flame of civil war which was smouldering all
over the country.
Anne of Beaujeu was meanwhile observing these
proceedings from her Chateau at Plessis les Tours,
and, without apparent interference, managed, with
her wonted ability, to turn things to her own advan-
tage. She endeavoured to reconcile her enemies and
restored to freedom the Prince of Orange, Comines,
and Bussy who had been taken prisoners in the battle
of St. Aubin. Her most dangerous opponent, the
Duke of Orleans, was kept in captivity. Through
this leniency she won the adherence of Dunois. The
fate of Brittany seemed sealed. Rohan, at the head
of the French troops, had taken possession of almost
the whole of the dukedom, and hardly anything but
Rennes remained to the young Duchess. Maximilian,
who would have come to her help, was detained by
disturbances in the Netherlands. He was her only
hope and had won her heart by his endeavours to
150 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
aid her. No one knew that they had secretly devised
a plan which had, at first, some success, but eventually
proved useless. Maximilian sent the Duke of Nassau
to Paris to insist upon the fulfilment of the compact
which Francis of Brittany had made with France.
He was received by the Regent with the greatest
affability. She had no suspicion as to the real object
of his visit, and even provided him with an escort
to Rennes. No sooner had he arrived there than the
betrothal of the young Duchess and Maximilian took
place by the curious ceremony of procuration. But
instead of going to Rennes in person to complete the
marriage, the phlegmatic bridegroom betook himself
to the Danube, anxious to recover the hereditary
duchies of Austria after the death of the Hungarian
King, Matthias Corvinus, in the interest of the
moment forgetting his affianced wife in Rennes, his
daughter in Paris, and his son in Flanders.
This marriage, if marriage it may be called, brought
the young Duchess into an extremely dangerous
position. Rohan advanced more bololly, d'Albret
seized Nantes as security for a reconciliation with
France, de Rieux permitted the slaughter of all the
German troops who had come to her help, and the
English soldiers, far from defending the country,
ravaged it like enemies.
Anne of Brittany, neglected by her betrothed,
turned for advice to Henry VII. of England, who
urged Maximilian to return. He also sent envoys to
Spain to stir up Ferdinand. But Anne of Beaujeu
recognised the danger that would accrue to France
if England were to menace Normandy and Guienne,
Spain, Roussillon and Cerdagne ; and Maximilian
Artois, Burgundy, and Franche-Comte, while at
the same time all three were labouring to secure the
independence of Brittany. When she heard of the
betrothal of Anne of Brittany she was seized with
consternation, and would have sent a French army
DECLINE OF ANNE'S POWER 151
to occupy Brittany, had she not been afraid that
Anne would flee to Maximilian. She then changed
her tactics and treated the marriage as a joke, at the
same time seeking to win the young Princess for her
brother Charles, and showing her every respect and
consideration.
Dunois, the Prince of Orange, and almost the whole
of the Breton nobility were now on Anne of Beaujeu's
side. But nothing could persuade the fourteen-year-
old Princess to consent to a marriage with Charles VIII.
Even Dunois was obliged to appear to side with her,
if he did not wish to lose her confidence.
In 1491 Charles attained his twentieth year, and
it was noticed that the Regent now somewhat relaxed
her strict supervision and often absented herself from
Court in order to inspect her property. It seemed
that her influence was on the wane, and that the
Orleans party would gain the upper hand. People
reproached her with having allowed her private
grudge against the Duke of Orleans to affect her
treatment of him. The Duke of Angoule"me, Dunois,
and the Prince of Orange all joined the chorus against
her. Above all, her own sister Jeanne, wife of Louis
of Orleans, opposed her. Wearing deep mourning,
Jeanne cast herself at the King's feet and implored
mercy for her husband. In vain did Anne of Beaujeu
tiy to make a stand against all this hostility ; the time
of her power was over and gone.
Encouraged by this abatement of the Regent's
authority, Miollars, the King's Senator, and Cosse,
Overseer of the Court Bakery, ventured to reproach
the young King with his lack of independence and
to challenge him to manifest his power by restoring
the Duke of Orleans to liberty. But Charles would
not openly defy his sister's authority. Under pretext
of a hunting party, he went to Montrichard, and
from there despatched d'Aubigny with orders to
liberate the Duke. Upon meeting they fell into one
152 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
another's arms and wept for joy. The long imprison-
ment had altered Louis. Instead of laying claim to
the hand of Anne of Brittany, he was now a zealous
supporter of her marriage with Charles.
The Regent, on hearing of Louis's release, recog-
nised that her authority had had its day and ceased
to be. Charles was now entirely under the influence
of her enemies, and she was filled with apprehensions
as to what might befall her. The young King was,
however, too good-natured to allow any injury to be
done to his sister. In answer to her humble letter of
self -justification, he sent her a reassuring communica-
tion, protesting that he would close his ear to all
hostile insinuations, and ending affectionately with
the words " Vous disant a Dieu, ma bonne soeur,
ma mie, qui vous ait en sa garde. ..."
As Anne of Brittany remained unmoved by all
representations on behalf of her marriage with Charles,
force had to be employed. Three troops under
Rohan, la Tremouille, and the King, advanced and
conquered the whole country as far as the capital
in which the Duchess remained. For Charles to
reduce Rennes to ruins and take forcible possession
of the lady would hardly have been seemly, so Louis
of Orleans undertook to act as mediator. By his
eloquence and amiability he contrived to move her,
and on November 15, 1491, a secret marriage contract
was signed.
Nevertheless Anne, who was far from being meek-
spirited, demanded a capitulation in which her
personal freedom and that of her troops and depen-
dents should be expressly granted. Perhaps she
wished to spare the German troops who surrounded
her, or felt ashamed that they should regard her as
Queen of the Romans while she was secretly betrothed
to Charles.
Her bridegroom awaited her at Langeais, in Touraine,
whither she escaped secretly with two nobles and
CHARACTER OF CHARLES VIII. 153
her Chancellor, Montauban. Everything was pre-
pared for the marriage. Dunois alone was absent.
Just as the wedding contract was signed, he died,
December 6, 1491.
Through her marriage Anne's rights as sole heiress
to Brittany were transmitted to Charles. His former
betrothed, Marguerite, was calmly sent back to her
father Maximilian. Anne seems to have got over
her dislike to him, and on the whole made him a good
and suitable wife.
From the historian Comines we get no very attrac-
tive account of Charles VIII. He describes Charles as
lacking in intelligence, capricious, and easily influenced
by unwise counsellors. Guicciardini, while confirming
this mention of his feeble mental powers, comments
on his great passion for governing and acquiring
renown. He had little confidence in his nobles, but
was much under the influence of men of low degree
who were susceptible to bribery.
His external appearance did not belie his character.
Short of stature, and short-necked, with parrot-like
nose, of enormous dimensions, it was little wonder
that Anne of Brittany had not found him alluring.
Baron Corvo describes him thus : "A self-conceited
little abortion of the loosest morals even for a
King, o f gross Semitic type, with a fiery birth-flare
round his left eye, and twelve toes on his feet hidden
in splayed shoes, which set the fashion in foot-gear
for the end of the fifteenth century in Italy."
In 1495 Charles and Anne lost their only son.
From Comines we gather that the bereaved father was
not overwhelmed with grief. Though he wore
mourning in seemly fashion, it was supposed that
there lay deep in his heart of hearts a grim kind of
satisfaction that his son was no more, " parce qu'il
etait bel enfant, audacieux en parole et ne craignant
point les choses que les autres enfants sont accou-
tume's k craindre, et vous dis que pour ces raisons,
154 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
le pre en passa aisement son dueil, ayant desja doute*
que tost cet enfant ne fust grand et que continuant
ses conditions, il ne luy diminuast 1'authorite et
puissance : car le Roy ne fut jamais que petit homme
de corps et peu etendu : mais estoit si bon, qu'il n'est
point possible de voir meilleure creature."
Queen Anne, however, was inconsolable. Not
only did she experience the natural grief of a mother
on losing her child, but she foresaw the injury which
would accrue to the State through his death. The
King, hoping to cheer her, commanded several
nobles to come and dance before her among them
Louis of Orleans, who was already thirty-four years
old, and passed as the next heir to the throne. The
Duke had so much difficulty in concealing his joy
at the Dauphin's death that the royal pair were
deeply offended, and for a long time refused to speak
to him.
Both Charles VIII. and Louis of Orleans were
destined to be intimately connected with the fate of
Italy.
CHAPTER VIII
Galeazzo Maria Sforza : his iniquitous life Conspiracy to murder
him The new Duke and his mother The Sforza brothers
Cicco Simonetta War with Genoa Division in the Court of
Milan Cicco's fate The Duchess Bona and her lover Lu-
dovico Sforza made Regent Universal war Milan, Naples, and
Florence unite against Venice, Genoa, and Pope Sixtus IV.
The Duke of Urbino made commander of the Milanese troops
Neapolitan defeat at Campo Morto The Pope unites with
Naples and Florence, and places Venice under a ban The
Venetians defeated at Argenta by Alfonso of Naples and Cos-
tanzo Sforza Plot to murder Ludovico Milan ravaged by the
plague, 1485 Unpopularity of Ferrante of Naples and his son
Alfonso Pope Innocent VIII. and his attitude to Naples The
Neapolitan barons offer the crown to Federigo in his father's
stead Battle of Lamentana, 1486 Peace concluded between
Naples and the Holy See Ferrante and Alfonso revenge them-
selves on the barons Northern Italy invaded by the Swiss
Disturbances in Genoa Wedding festivities of the young
Duke of Milan and Isabella, daughter of Alfonso of Calabria
Isabella appeals to Alfonso for help against Ludovico's infringe-
ment of her husband's rights.
UPON the death of the illustrious Francesco Sforza,
in 1466, his eldest son, Galeazzo Maria, succeeded to
the throne of Milan. Galeazzo was a fiend in human
form, and the corruptness of his life and morals gave
cause for scandal even in those shameless times.
His mother, Bianca, tried to induce him to reform
his evil ways, and her death was attributed to poison
administered by him in resentment at her inter-
ference. Afterwards he continued his iniquities un-
restrained, abandoning himself to the most appalling
and monstrous immoralities. Like most profligates,
he was mercilessly cruel, and revelled in the torments
of his victims. As Bishop Creighton remarks : " There
155
156 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
was a superfluity of naughtiness in the insolence with
which he disregarded all restraints in gratifying his
appetites, and punishing those whom he suspected."
One offender was shut up in a chest and buried alive ;
a peasant who had caught a hare was made to eat
his capture, skin and all, until the unhappy wretch
died. A priest who had offended the Duke by pre-
dicting that his reign would not last more than
eleven years, was immured in a dungeon and slowly
starved to death. A small loaf, a glass of wine, and
the wing of a roast capon were put before him with
the message that he would never get anything else
to eat. Galeazzo delighted in the sight of corpses
in a tomb, and enjoyed nothing more than being
present at executions. Many other revolting in-
stances of his barbarity might be mentioned, but
enough has been said to illustrate the fact that he
was a tyrant of the most vicious kind. He oppressed
the people with heavy taxation and extorted money
from the rich. Nevertheless, he was not absolutely
devoid of good qualities. He loved and encouraged
the arts, and his Court was one of the most brilliant
in Europe. To his courtiers he showed himself
generous and amiable, and he granted a willing audience
to his subjects. His Council consisted of the most
capable and distinguished men, for he recognised
virtue and disliked double-dealing and self-conceit.
During his reign he caused many buildings to be
erected, and fortified Novara and Galiate. He was
well read, an astute politician, and an eloquent
speaker, excelling hi this respect all the other princes
of the day.
The time arrived when the people of Milan could
no longer endure their Duke's tyranny. A conspiracy
was formed, headed by three young people of dis-
tinguished families whose dignity had been outraged.
They were Giovanni Andrea Lampugnano, Girolamo
Olgiati, and Carlo Visconti. Inspired by the scholar
ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE 157
Montano, they planned to murder the Duke on St.
Stephen's Day, December 26, 1476, in the Church
of St. Stephen. On that particular day the weather
was so cold that Galeazzo wished to hear mass in
his own residence, the Castle of Porta Giovia ; his
chaplains, however, had already gone on to the
church, so he finally decided to follow them. He
and his suite started forth on horseback, accompanied
by the ambassadors of Ferrara and Milan. The
Duke was richly dressed in crimson, brown, and sable ;
but, unhappily for himself, he wore no breastplate.
As he entered the church where the conspirators,
well armed, were assembled, Lampugnano moved as
if to clear the way before him, then suddenly drew
his knife and thrust it into the Duke's neck and
abdomen. Olgiati pierced him in the throat and
breast, while Visconti dashed forward and dealt him
three deadly thrusts, and a certain Franzoni wounded
him in the back with a sword. With the cry, " O
nostra Donna ! " the Duke expired. Thereupon
Franzoni fell upon one of his servants, Francesco
da Riva, and slew him as well. The congregation,
recovering from the stupefaction in which the
sudden attack on the Duke had plunged them, drew
their swords and rushed upon the conspirators.
Lampugnano, who tried to slip away amongst the
women, was slain by Gallo Mauro, one of the Duke's
guard. His corpse was dragged through the city by
street-urchins, hewn hi pieces, and thrown into the
river. The other two conspirators escaped, but were
soon captured and executed, together with Franzoni.
Olgiati, who was only about twenty-two years of
age, was cruelly tortured ; as the executioner was
cutting open his breast with a blunt knife, the victim,
though fast losing consciousness, made a last effort
and exclaimed : " Courage, Girolamo, the memory
of this deed will endure for ever ; death is bitter, but
glory is eternal ! "
158 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
On hearing the news of Galeazzo's murder, Pope
Sixtus IV. exclaimed : " To-day the peace of Italy
is dead," and it certainly appeared as though the
political system of the country were radically over-
thrown. The new Duke, Giovanni Galeazzo Sforza,
was only a child, and his mother Bona, to whom was
entrusted the regency, was a woman of little account,
not likely to be able to withstand the schemes of the
ambitious King of Naples. Sixtus immediately issued
a brief to all the Italian potentates, urging them to
use their influence on behalf of peace and to recognise
and support the Regent. The taxes devised by the
late Duke were suspended and his creditors paid.
A large quantity of grain from Sicily was sold to the
people at less than cost price. These prompt measures
were mainly due to the State Secretary, Cicco
Simonetta, who had already conducted the affairs
of State under Francesco Sforza and his son Galeazzo,
and was now Bona's most trusted minister. But he
found violent opponents in the five brothers of the
murdered Duke. Of these, Filippo Maria and
Ottaviano were already in Milan, and the other three
now returned from banishment, Ascanio from Rome,
and Ludovico the Moor 1 and Sforza Maria, Duke
of Bari, from France. They all united with Ruberto
San Severino, Donate del Conte, and Ibletto Flisco
to devise schemes for ousting their sister-in-law and
her adviser. The hatred between the two parties
grew so intense that a catastrophe seemed inevitable
when Luigi Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, came to
Milan on a visit to the young Duke, to Bona and to
the brothers Sforza, to whom he was much attached.
With the help of the papal legate he succeeded in
bringing the adversaries to terms. The Duchess
1 So called from his swarthy complexion, says Guicciardini, but
Paul Jovius asserts that Ludovico was fair. It is probable that the
nickname " il Moro " arose from his having adopted the mulberry-
tree for his device.
CICCO SIMONETTA 159
Bona was to pay each of the brothers a yearly sum of
12,500 ducats, and to give up to them the revenue
of Cremona, which belonged to the dowry of their
mother Bianca. In addition, each of them received
an imposing palace in Milan. Having thus amicably
arranged matters, Luigi Gonzaga returned to Mantua.
But the reconciliation was not lasting. The am-
bitious Ludovico still strove for the mastery, and
his schemes were favoured by the unrest prevailing
in northern Italy, where the old dissension between
Guelphs and Ghibellines was revived. The Genoese
nobles rebelled, but they could not stand against
the Sforza brothers, who compelled them to return
to their former dependence. The Swiss also prepared
for war, secretly incited by Sixtus IV., who, like the
King of Naples, was annoyed with the Duchess for
remaining faithful to her alliance with the Florentines.
After the suppression of the Genoese rising, the
Sforza brothers, in conjunction with San Severino
and Donate, busied their brains with plans for over-
throwing Cicco ; but the latter was equally clever
in baffling them. At Whitsuntide Donato was
invited by the Duchess and the Council to the Castle.
Hardly had he arrived when he was seized, tortured,
and thrown into the Monza prison, known as il Forno.
Thereupon the Sforza and San Severino despatched
Stefano Stampa to demand his release. On meeting
with a refusal they laid siege to the Porta Tosa,
where an army of 6,000 men soon rallied round them.
The Ghibellines were incited to revolt, and Milan
was divided into two factions. The Sforza brothers
offered to lay down their arms as soon as Donato,
who had often risked his life for the State, should be
set free. The other party replied that Donato
should be liberated as soon as they had laid down
their arms. Finally, after the intervention of the
Florentine and Neapolitan envoys and several im-
portant citizens, matters were satisfactorily settled.
160 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Ruberto San Severino, somewhat suspicious at the
trend of events, with a few of his veterans, crossed
the Ticino and visited a castle owned by the brothers
Giovanni and Francesco Cocconati. Here he learned
that Gorella di Caravaggio was pursuing him with
an armed troop. In order to escape him, he told
the Cocconati that Borella was fleeing on account
of having insulted the Duke, and that when he reached
the castle they would do well to take him prisoner.
Thereupon San Severino rode on in great haste.
Borella soon afterwards turned up at the castle,
and begged assistance in capturing Ruberto ; but
the brothers seized and imprisoned him instead.
By this cunning did San Severino escape the danger
which threatened him. Ibletto Flisco fled to Villa-
nova, but was captured and incarcerated in one of
the towers of Milan Castle.
Worst of all fared it with the young Ottaviano
Sforza, who escaped in the direction of the Adda.
At the Duchess's command he was pursued by peasants,
and, in trying to cross a ford, he was borne away
by the current, though his horse arrived uninjured on
the other side. His body was found after three
days, brought to Milan, and entombed in the Tempio
Maggiore.
Sforza, Duke of Bari, Ludovico, and Ascanio Sforza
were banished on account of their part in the dis-
turbance Sforza to Bari, Ludovico to Pisa, and
Ascanio to Perugia. Donate tried to escape from
prison by twisting his bedclothes into a rope and
letting himself down from the window. But the
rope broke and he fell from a considerable height.
He was taken back severely injured, but, in spite of
assiduous nursing, died hi a few days.
The young Giovanni Galeazzo was crowned in the
Cathedral at Milan, 1479, amid popular rejoicing.
About the same time the Swiss invaded the north
and occupied a rocky valley. When the Milanese
THE SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER VI. IX THE CRYPT OF ST. PETER
THE EXECUTION OF SAVONAROLA AND HIS DOMINICAN BRETHREN IN THE MARKET-
PLACE AT FLORENCE, MAY 23, 1497-
St. Mark's Museum, Florence.
1 60]
WAR WITH GENOA 161
army advanced against them they withdrew to the
mountains and rolled stones down on the pursuing
troops, who fled in alarm, not realising the small
numbers of the Swiss. The latter then gave chase.
A panic broke out among the Milanese, who took
flight in great disorder along unknown mountain
paths. Many, to escape death, cast themselves into
the river and were borne away by the force of
the current. In this way more than 8,000 men
perished.
In February 1479 war broke out anew with Genoa.
Sforza, Duke of Bari, and his brother Ludovico,
incited by Ferrante of Naples, had entered Genoese
territory and united with San Severino and Ibletto.
The young Duke, Bona, and Cicco sent large sums of
money to Ercole d'Este and Federigo Gonzaga
in order to gain their assistance against the Sforza.
They also obtained the help of Ruberto Malatesta
of Rimini and Costanzo Sforza of Pesaro (of another
branch of the family), who were both willing to
take part against the Pope. Both brothers Sforza
and San Severino were declared rebels, and their
revenues, together with their maternal inheritance of
Cremona, confiscated.
The Sforza then betook themselves to Tuscany,
and, after engaging in successful marauding expedi-
tions, returned to Liguria. Ferrante and the Pope,
who was bitterly hostile to the Florentines, despatched
an army against them. The Duke of Milan, Federigo
Gonzaga, the lords of Rimini ai..d Pesaro, and even
the Venetians, came to their assistance. All Italy
was up in arms, and a universal war seemed imminent.
Meanwhile Sforza, Duke of Bari, had died, and
King Ferrante bestowed the dukedom of Bari upon
Ludovico il Moro. The latter, always greedy and
grasping, straightway invaded Tortona, which, by
dint of bribing the governor, he succeeded in annexing.
He then advanced towards the Po, taking possession
LB
162 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
in the Duke's name of several small fortresses on his
way.
Cicco, alarmed at these proceedings, opposed
Ludovico, in company with Ercole d'Este, Gian
Giacopo Trivulzio, and several other captains. But
another party in Milan, headed by Bona's lover,
Tassino, tried to bring about a reconciliation between
Ludovico and Bona, to which the latter, realising
the power of her brother-in-law, was nothing loth
to agree.
The court of Milan was now cleft in twain. At
the head of one party was Cicco, who for fifty years
had conducted the affairs of State ; at the head of
the other was Antonio Tassino of Ferrara, who,
originally a small tradesman, had been appointed
Chamberlain to the Duchess Bona by Galeazzo
Maria. Though not handsome, he was young and
well dressed, and after the Duke's death steadily
grew in favour with Bona, who consulted him on all
the affairs of State, to the great annoyance of Cicco.
The latter, indeed, could hardly conceal his con-
tempt for the young upstart, thereby incurring his
implacable hatred.
At Tassino's suggestion, Bona decided to summon
Ludovico to the Court. He was greeted with effusion
by the Ghibellines, and received at the Castle with
all politeness by Bona and the young Duke.
This reconciliation between the Duchess and her
brother-in-law filled Cicco with the greatest con-
sternation. " Illustrious Duchess," he remarked, " I
shall lose my head, and you your rule, in the course
of time." This prophecy was fulfilled. He sought
in vain to win Ludovico's good opinion by showing
himself friendly, but the latter was persuaded by his
companions, in particular by Pusterla, that he would
never be able to live in peace as long as Cicco Simonetta
was free. At the same time Pusterla united with
the Ghibelline leaders and incited them to arms.
FATE OF CICCO 163
He also sent a message to San Severino, Cicco's bitterest
foe, summoning him to prepare for war. Ludovico
still seemed undecided, but Pusterla, without con-
sulting him, seized Orfeo Aricco, a friend of Cicco's
and paymaster of the forces. His son Alexander was
taken to the Borromeo Palace, from which he managed
to escape disguised as a miller. When Ludovico
heard this he no longer wavered, and determined
that Cicco should be arrested. The latter, since
Galeazzo's death, had occupied rooms in the Castle,
and twice refused to appear before Ludovico. At
the third summons, however, he yielded and was
immediately taken captive. His brother Giovanni,
and many of his adherents, met with the same fate.
Cicco's rooms and his house, Torre di Capponi,
were plundered.
Cicco and his brother were shortly afterwards sent
to Pavia and placed in the charge of Count Giovanni
Attendolo. Orfeo Aricco was taken to Trezzo,
and the others were set free. Ludovico was now
appointed co-regent with Bona. Envoys were des-
patched to the King of Naples to negotiate between
him and the Florentines. Venetian ambassadors
appeared at Milan, and Ascanio Sforza was recalled
from banishment. Ferrante, for his part, sent envoys
to Milan, and peace was concluded on November 20,
1479. But the Venetians refused to come to terms,
and rather incited the Swiss to war against the
Milanese. The misunderstanding between Ferrante
and Lorenzo the Magnificent still prevailed, and
gave rise to Lorenzo's already mentioned journey to
Naples. Not only did he win the King's favour,
but he succeeded in bringing about an alliance between
Sixtus IV. and Ferrante and the Duke of Milan
and Florence.
Ascanio Sforza, Bishop of Pavia and Apostolic
Legate a later e, through jealousy of his brother,
favoured the Ghibelline party. Ludovico, who had
164 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
formerly been on their side, now began to oppress
them. When Ascanio arrived at the Castle of Milan
he, with several leading nobles of his party, was
arrested and the Ghibellines were forced to deliver
up their arms. Ascanio was banished to Ferrara.
In response to the appeals of several of Ludovico's
friends, he sent lawyers to Pavia to pronounce judgment
upon Cicco. Ludovico, who knew that Cicco had
laid by considerable sums in foreign banks, offered
to release him on payment of a ransom of 40,000
ducats. But the prisoner sturdily resisted this pro-
posal. He had been unjustly and disgracefully treated,
he said, in return for long and faithful service. If
he had offended in anything, he was willing to receive
an appropriate punishment, but his property, acquired
by honourable work, should pass to his rightful heirs.
Cicco's appointed judges were Colla, Capitano di
Giustizia, and Ambrogio Oppizone, Doctor of the
College of Judges. Oppizone, however, withdrew
from the responsibility ; so Colla, alone, decided on
the death-sentence, which was mainly grounded upon
the imprisonment of Donate. After having been
cruelly tortured, Cicco, with maimed limbs, was
taken to the castle ramparts at Pavia, where he was
executed, 1480. He was seventy years old, and
displayed remarkable fortitude during his torture and
in face of death. The following lines were carved
upon his tomb :
My country's faithful servant and my Lord's,
I perished by the guile of treacherous words.
Now that Cicco was out of the way Tassino's
arrogance grew and flourished, particularly as the
Duchess Bona daily showed him fresh signs of favour.
He did not scruple to keep Ludovico and the first
nobles of the land waiting in his anteroom while
he combed his hair carefully, and he displayed an
DUCHESS BONA AND HER LOVER 165
overbearing haughtiness to every one with whom he
came in contact. He persuaded the Duchess to
make his father, Gabriello, Governor of Milan Castle,
in place of Filippo Eustachio ; but the plan was
frustrated by Ludovico's party. Tassino and his
father were driven out of Milan, and, with the treasure
of gold and precious stones which they had accumulated
through the favour of Bona, betook themselves to
Venice. The Duchess, however, could not endure
this separation from her lover, and, throwing decency
and dignity alike to the winds, decided to follow
him. Nothing could turn her from this decision.
Regardless of the fate of her son, she delivered the
regency to Ludovico, who promptly had a legal
document drawn up to that effect. Then she started
forth, like one demented, in pursuit of her lover.
But her quest was doomed to meet with failure.
At Abbiategrasso she was arrested by order of Lu-
dovico, and condemned to live sequestered from the
world. Thus it may be seen how an insignificant
man like Tassino proved to be the prime cause of
the loss of Milan by the House of Sforza.
The young Duke was under the sway of Eustachio
and Pallavicini, so Ludovico adopted a friendly
policy towards them. From this there resulted what
might almost be called a triumvirate ; San Severino,
displeased at this development of affairs, demanded
an increase of salary. On being refused he left
Milan in dudgeon and went to Castelnuovo, where
he began to prepare for war. Ludovico summoned
Costanzo Sforza, an illegitimate son of Sforza, from
Florence.
The Florentines and Ferrante sent envoys urgently
begging San Severino to return to Milan ; but he
refused to trust himself to Pallavicini and Eustachio.
He now entered into negotiations with Pietro dal
Verme, who was the master of Vaghera as well as
many small fortresses, Piero Maria Rosso, and many
166 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
other nobles of Parma, who were discontented with the
new government. They were also joined by Ibletto.
In 1482 4,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry were
ordered out by Ludovico. Part of this force was
sent to help the Duke of Savoy, who was attacked
by the Bishop of Milan, while the rest, under the
leadership of Costanzo Sforza, marched against San
Severino. Ibletto Flisco, who, with a large number
of adherents from Liguria, was about to unite with
San Severino, was overtaken by Costanzo Sforza,
forced into an engagement, and utterly routed. This
defeat greatly discouraged San Severino's friends,
especially dal Verme, who realised how slight was
their chance against the Duke. The danger of his
situation soon began to dawn upon San Severino also,
and he withdrew with a few veterans to Genoa,
whence he and thirteen of his men went by sea to
Siena. His son Gasparo escaped to France, but
their wives and Ruberto's younger son were led
captive to Milan.
Ludovico now despatched Costanzo against Piero
Maria Rosso, under pretext that he had disobeyed
the Duke's summons to Milan. The real reason,
however, was that Ludovico wished to seize his
possessions, which were many, and included twenty-
two castles in Parman territory. Costanzo tried hard
to compromise, for Rosso had done important service
to Francesco Sforza, and he shrank from witnessing
the ruin of so illustrious a family. But, mainly
through the influence of Pallavicini, Costanzo's repre-
sentations were unavailing, and Pietro Bergamino and
Trivulzio were placed in command of 6,000 men and
despatched against Rosso.
Rosso, recognising that he had no chance against
such a force, gave himself into the hands of the
Venetians. They appointed San Severino Com-
mander-in-Chief and sent him with an army of
17,000 against Ercole d'Este, who, at the suggestion
THE HERMIT OF BOLOGNA 167
of his son-in-law, Ludovico, 1 had blocked the way
so that they could not go to Rosso's help. Ercole,
in his extremity, turned to Ludovico. The whole
of Italy was now in arms. On the side of Milan
were Ferrante of Naples and Florence, while Venice
was supported by Sixtus IV. and Genoa. The Duke
of Urbino was appointed General-in-Chief of the
Milanese by Ludovico.
The Duke of Ferrara was already too old to cope
with San Severino. The latter crossed the Po, near
Ferrara, and established his camp in the Park of
Garcos, where he planted the banner of St. Mark.
At this the Duke was almost beside himself with rage,
so that his wife (Ferrante's daughter) had to take
over his responsibilities. Rumours of his death soon
spread ; the people were seized with the greatest
consternation which was not allayed until he appeared
on a balcony in public.
The Duchess, who was most anxious to maintain
the courage of the soldiers, summoned a hermit from
Bologna. In passionate terms he admonished the
people to sacrifice blood and property as in a sacred
cause. His words had the desired effect, particularly
as he promised to equip a fleet of twelve galleys
which should annihilate the Venetians. The whole
town was stirred, and the hermit was revered as a
magician. On a certain day all the inhabitants,
greatly excited, repaired in procession to the enemy's
camp in order that San Severino might be converted
by the eloquence of the wonderful man.
On seeing this strange sight the Duke of Urbino
cried, " Tell the Duchess that it is not processions
which are needed to disperse her enemy, but rather
money, artillery, and soldiers ! " In Romagna the
Venetian and papal troops were victorious, and the
Duke of Calabria was utterly defeated at Campo
Morto after a desperate and bloody fight.
1 Ludovico had married the seventeen-year-old Beatrice d'Este.
168 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Sixtus IV., perturbed at the Venetian success,
united with Ferrante of Naples and the Florentines ;
they were joined by many petty princes who were
alarmed at the Venetian threat of taking Ferrara.
The Pope pronounced anathema against Venice, but,
with the exception of a few monks, his decree was
ignored by all the Venetian clergy, who appealed
against the Pope to a Council.
The Milanese now appointed Ferrante's son, Al-
fonso of Calabria, as their leader, but the Venetians
boldly opposed this alarming alliance. San Severino,
indeed, gained sundry advantages over the allies,
but in the battle of Argenta the Venetians suffered
a total defeat at the hands of Alfonzo and Costanzo
Sforza. Fifteen thousand of their men suffered
death or imprisonment, and they began to lose hope.
San Severino now succeeded in gaining possession of
the bridge over the Adda at Trezzo. When the news
reached Milan a panic arose, for the Court feared
a revolution, but, as nothing alarming occurred,
Ludovico plucked up courage and continued the war
with renewed energy.
The Venetians now summoned the Duke of Lor-
raine to the command of their troops. Ludovico,
with the idea of intimidating Ferrara, advanced
against Bergamo, but San Severino hastened to its
defence, leaving the Duke of Lorraine with part of
the Venetian troops before Ferrara. Strategic man-
oeuvres were employed on both sides in order to
mislead the enemy and to avoid an actual engagement.
A Venetian fleet was meanwhile threatening the
coasts of Naples and plundering the neighbouring
places. The Neapolitan galleys, on the other hand,
laid waste the coast of Dalmatia, but could not
succeed in enticing the Venetians from Naples. Fer-
rante was therefore obliged to recall his troops and
turn his attention to the defence of his own States.
The league against the Venetians had already
THE TREATY OF BAGNOLO 169
become weakened through the many selfish interests
of its members, and threatened to become extinct.
Alfonso, whose daughter was affianced to the young
Duke of Milan, saw through the ambitious schemes of
Ludovico, now supreme governor of Milan. The
Florentines, too, who had nothing to gain from the
war, were beginning to weary of the state of affairs.
Notwithstanding the vigorous opposition of the
papal envoy, the Treaty of Bagnolo was concluded,
by which the Duke of Ferrara was bound to restore
to the Venetians all the privileges which they had
formerly enjoyed in Ferrara, and also to cede to
them further territory. On the other hand, all
conquests made by the Venetians were to be re-
turned to the Duke. Milan and Mantua were to
restore all conquests made on Venetian ground. The
towns which the Venetians had possessed in Naples
were to go back to Ferrante, and in return they
were to enjoy commercial privileges in his States.
Ruberto San Severino, as Captain-General of the
Venetians, was to receive a salary of 140,000 ducats,
of which 50,000 were to be contributed by Milan,
50,000 by Venice, and the other 40,000 by the Pope,
Ferrante, the Florentines, and the Duke of Ferrara.
This treaty, while to the advantage of the chief
Italian Powers, bore hardly on the smaller Princes
and States. To Sixtus IV., who had hoped to enrich
his nephews with the lands taken from the Duke of
Ferrara and the Venetians, it was as gall and worm-
wood. Upon the news of its conclusion reaching
him, he exclaimed, " This peace is a shame and
disgrace, which will in time be more productive of
evil than of good. I can neither bless nor sanction
it ! " (August 12, 1484). Seeing that the Pope was
becoming speechless from fear and anger, the envoys
begged him to bless the peace which could not now
be altered. Drawing his gouty hand from its sling,
he made a sign which some regarded as a refusal,
170 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
others as compliance. After this he spoke no more,
and died the following night, August 13, 1484. l
Ludovico's behaviour was now exciting consider-
able displeasure, for it was obvious that he intended
to usurp the authority which belonged to his nephew,
Giovanni Galeazzo. Not only did he entirely re-
nounce the Ghibelline party, but, whenever possible,
raised to the most important positions those who had
always been hostile to the Sforza family. His relations
with Bona, too, were such as to arouse discontent.
This universal dissatisfaction culminated in a plot
to murder Ludovico. The conspirators were Fran-
cesco, brother of Eustachio of the Ordine Bianco, Fra
Ugo Barattino, the Father Confessor of the Duchess
Bona, Luigi Vimercato (with the connivance of
Pasino, whom Ludovico had insulted), a certain
Sant' Angelo, stipendiary, and Guido Eustachio and
his brother Filippo. All these were supported by
several of the nobles and patricians of Milan. On
the appointed day they stationed themselves at the
entrance to the church which Ludovico was in the
habit of attending, but, on account of the throng,
he entered by another door, thus frustrating their
plan. Nothing daunted, however, they assembled
at the gate of the citadel, for it was his custom to go
every day to the Pallavicini and the Castellan. When
Ludovico arrived he asked for Eustachio, and, on
hearing that he was engaged at his midday meal, he
turned and went into his rooms, followed by Vimercato
to spy upon his movements. But Ludovico's servants
saw the gleam of an unsheathed dagger which he was
wearing under his doublet. Their master, on being
informed, had him arrested, and, after a short trial,
he was beheaded, quartered, and his limbs fixed up on
the gates of Milan (February 27, 1484). Pasino, after
being repeatedly tortured, was condemned to life-
long imprisonment in the Castello of Sartirano, where,
1 See Chapter VI.
PLAGUE OF MILAN 171
by Ludovico's orders, he was tortured every year on
St. Ambrose's Day.
In 1485 Milan was ravaged by the plague, and
Corio, the historian, withdrew into retirement from
fear of infection. It was at this time that he began
to write the work which was to be of such great
importance to the student of history.
At the same time Alfonso of Calabria, Ferrante's
eldest son, summoned an assembly of the barons at
Chieti, under pretext of arranging certain business
matters. He profited by this occasion to have Count
Montone and his wife arrested and imprisoned in a
dungeon at Naples. The new Pope Innocent VIII.
thereupon united with the Count's relations and
declared war against Ferrante.
The unpopularity of the King of Naples did but
increase when Alfonso began to take part in the
government. Comines writes : " There existed no
more vicious, cruel, and wicked scoundrel than Alfonso.
His father was more dangerous, because no one could
guess what were his thoughts or with whom he was
angry, for even while he flattered and entertained,
he did not scruple to betray. From Ferdinand no
one ever obtained mercy, nor was he ever moved by
sympathy, as his nearest relations and friends have
told me ; never was his heart touched by the sufferings
of the poor whom he oppressed by taxation. In his
anxiety to engage in the commerce of the State, he
farmed herds of pigs for half profits. He had them
fed by farmers in order to command a better price,
and he also insisted on being paid for those which
died. In places where olive oil was produced, such
as Apulia, he and his son bought it up at a favourable
price ; in the same way they bought corn before the
harvest and afterwards sold it for as high a profit as
possible. And, if it began to fall in value, they forced
the people to buy it. Indeed, when they had corn
to be bought no one else dared to offer any for sale."
172 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Thus, by creating fictitious famines, did Ferrante
make his profits. His starving subjects were com-
pelled to buy his provisions, however abominable
these might be. One of his victims writes : " The
bread made from the corn of which I have spoken
was black, stinking, and abominable. One was obliged
to consume it, and from this cause sickness frequently
took hold upon the State."
Although Pope Innocent VIII. had been brought
up at the Court of Naples, this did not prevent his
cherishing a secret grudge against King Ferrante ;
the latter had displeased him by desiring a remission
of a considerable part of the money usually paid by
Naples as church tribute, giving, as an excuse, the
heavy expenses incurred by the Turkish crusade.
The discontented barons hoped now to find an ally
in the Pope, and formed a conspiracy. A deed of
violence perpetrated by Alfonso gave Innocent an
opportunity of giving his displeasure vent.
The little mountain town of Aquila enjoyed the
freedom of a republic, though it was really in subjection
to the King of Naples. For more than a century the
Count of Montorio had exercised over it much the
same kind of authority as that of the Medici over
Florence. This independence rankled in the mind
of Alfonso, and he determined to deprive the town
of its privileges. His troops were now quartered at
Chieti, whither he summoned the Count. The latter,
all unsuspecting, responded to the call, whereupon he
was immediately arrested, and, with his wife, conveyed
to Naples. At the same time Alfonso despatched his
troops in small detachments to Aquila, by which
means the whole army succeeded in entering the
town without exciting suspicion. When, at last, the
citizens guessed his intention, they repeatedly begged
the King to remove his men, as it was contrary to
their privileges to be obliged to receive troops in
their town. As he turned a deaf ear to their entreaties,
PARLIAMENT SUMMONED AT NAPLES 173
the citizens armed themselves and slaughtered part
of the garrison, putting the rest to flight. They
thereupon declared their independence of King
Ferrante and placed themselves under the protection
of the Church. Innocent welcomed them cordially
and prepared for war. Ferrante, for the sake of
appearance, liberated the Count of Montorio. The
Pope, however, allowed the vassals of the Colonna to
advance against Aquila. The King then summoned
a parliament at Naples, but the Count of Fondi, the
Duke of Amalfi, and the Prince of Tarento were the
only nobles who had the courage to appear. All the
other barons escaped to Melfi, convinced that to fall
into Ferrante's power would mean the loss of their
lives. They determined that they would no longer
be trampled upon, but Alfonso, who was well aware
of their intentions, seized the Count of Nola, took
all his strongholds, and sent his wife and two sons as
prisoners to Naples. He also made up his mind to
capture the other rebellious barons one by one, before
they had time to unite their forces ; but his enemies
were more numerous than he had expected, and
he was therefore obliged to be wary in his move-
ments. However, neither Alfonso nor the malcontents
were ready for war, so negotiations were set on foot,
with a view of gaining time rather than of making
peace. Ferrante sent to Florence and Milan to
demand auxiliary troops, which they, as allies, were
expected to provide.
Ludovico, following his usual obscure policy, re-
turned an ambiguous reply, but Florence, which was
dominated by Lorenzo de' Medici, promised the King
powerful support. Ludovico was therefore obliged
to declare his readiness to help, and the war costs
were to be shared between Milan and Florence. The
Count of Pitigliano, the Lord of Piombino, and all
the generals of the House of Orsini, were subsidised,
and began fighting in November.
174 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
The Pope, on the other hand, strove to show himself
friendly to the Venetians, and released them from the
ecclesiastical censures laid upon them by Sixtus IV.
But the Republic of Venice was only just beginning
to enjoy the benefits of peace after lengthy warfare,
and did not feel inclined to plunge into fresh hos-
tilities. They, however, offered the Pope the services
of their General, Ruberto San Severino, and his two
sons. Innocent VIII., in this predicament, sum-
moned to his assistance the Duke of Lorraine, whom
he regarded as the representative of the House of
Anjou, and offered him the investiture of the kingdom
of Naples. But the Duke was just then engaged in
disputing his grandfather's will, by which he was
deprived of his inheritance, and could therefore be
of little help.
Ferrante, meanwhile, had given the barons to under-
stand that he was willing to listen to their complaints.
They therefore despatched the Count Bisignano as
their representative, with many requests. Ferrante,
with his usual power of dissimulation, appeared to
acquiesce in their demands, and sent his second son,
Federigo, to their assembly with power to grant them.
But the barons, who knew the treachery of their
King, were alarmed at his seeming complaisance, and
refused to accept peace under the conditions which
they themselves had proposed. When Federigo arrived
at Salerno, in the belief that matters were pacifically
arranged, the Prince of Salerno convened a meeting
of the barons, and sought, in strong and energetic
terms, to induce him to accept the crown in his father's
stead, assuring him that they would defend his throne
at the sacrifice of their lives and property.
Federigo, who was in truth a noble Prince, moved
by no prospects of self-advancement, thanked them
for their proposal, but refused it with decision, declaring
his unwillingness to defy the law and treat his father
and brothers with contumely.
BATTLE OF LAMENTANA 175
The conspirators were seized with rage and despera-
tion, and, as they could not make Federigo King, they
took him prisoner instead. They further took up
their stand under the papal banner and openly declared
themselves hostile to the King. Ferrante determined
to avenge the affront by an attack on the States
of the Church, and sent Alfonso to the frontier of
the Kingdom. When he realised that the soldiers
as well as the leaders had religious motives for warring
against the Pope, he summoned a meeting of com-
manders and barons in Naples Cathedral and publicly
explained that he only desired to defend his boundaries
and that he had no wish to fight against the Holy
See, of which he remained a dutiful son (1485). At
the same time he issued commands to all the bishops
and prelates of his kingdom that they should leave
the Roman Court and repair to their own dioceses.
The revenues of the Archbishop of Salerno and the
Bishops of Melito and Teano, who did not comply
with this order, were confiscated. A second force
under command of Duke Alfonso's son, Don Ferrantino,
was sent to Apulia, accompanied (on account of the
inexperience of the leader) by the Counts of Madde-
loni and Marigliano.
Nothing decisive occurred at first. Alfonso and
the Orsini blocked the way of San Severino, who
wished to pass through the Papal States in order to
join the revolting barons. Thereupon all the towns
on the boundaries of Romagna rose in rebellion,
renouncing their adherence to the Pope and declaring
themselves republican. The Baglioni provoked insur-
rection in Perugia, and the Vitelli in Citta di Castello,
while Giovanni dei Gatti asserted his rights to Viterbo.
In Assisi, Foligno, Montefalcone, Todi, Spoleto, and
Orvieto a party was formed which wished to join
with the Florentines.
Meanwhile on May 8, 1486, the troops of Duke
Alfonso and San Severino had an encounter at the
176 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Bridge of Lamentana, where San Severino's son,
Fracasso, received a dangerous wound. Alfonso took
a number of his men prisoners, and forced him to
retreat. Thereupon he united with the Orsini and
cast terror into the heart of Rome. At the same
time Federigo escaped to Naples, where he was
rapturously received by his father and the citizens.
The wily Ferrante did not cease to try to win over
to his side the rebellious barons who were annoyed
with the Pope because their soldiers received no pay.
The Cardinals, too, assailed Innocent with complaints
and requests, so that he at last made up his vacillating
mind to enter into negotiations with Ferrante. The
barons likewise resolved to make up their quarrel with
the King, but they proceeded with the greatest caution.
The Pope, knowing the treacherous character of
Ferrante, desired that the Duke of Milan, Lorenzo
de' Medici, and the King and Queen of Castile should act
as guarantors for his promises.
Peace was concluded on August n. Ferrante
acknowledged himself as a direct vassal of the Church,
and undertook to pay the Pope an annual tribute.
In spite of the guarantee of the King of Spain and
the Duke of Milan, the barons knew Ferrante's faith-
lessness and Alfonso's cruelty well enough to be
greatly alarmed at this peace.
The Chief Seneschal of the kingdom, Pietro di
Guerrara, died of a broken heart, and the other
barons banded themselves together to defend their
castles, and, if possible, to obtain help from Rome
and Venice. But Ferrante and Alfonso, hi their
crafty way, treated them graciously and promised
them every security. The Prince of Salerno alone
refused to be entrapped by their wiles ; he fled to
Rome, but perceiving that the Pope's thoughts were
no longer of war, he betook himself to France.
Ruberto San Severino, dismissed by the Pope,
now journeyed with 1,600 cavalry in the direction
THE FATE OF THE BARONS 177
of Ravenna. Alfonso, however, was on his track,
and Ruberto could do nothing but disband his force,
and, hurling maledictions on the Pope, escape secretly
by night to the Venetians, in company with about
one hundred cavalry. His soldiers, like sheep without
a shepherd, dispersed in all directions. Some of them
were captured and robbed by peasants, others by
the Florentines and Bolognese, while others entered
the service of Alfonso.
Ferrante and Alfonso were meanwhile deliberating
as to how they could revenge themselves on the
barons. They determined, first of all, to compass
the ruin of the Count of Sarno and the Secretary
Petrucci, on whom the other barons laid all the
guilt. They hastened the wedding between Marco
Coppola, the Count's son, and the daughter of the
Duke of Amalfi, a grandson of the King. In the
midst of the festivities in the great hall of Castelnuovo,
constables rushed in and seized the Count of Sarno
and his sons Marco Coppola and Filippo, the Secretary
Petrucci, the Counts Carinola and Policastro, together
with several others. Not content with this, the
King gave orders for the plundering of their castles,
which treachery excited violent protests. He there-
fore appointed four judges to pronounce sentence on
the prisoners, who were all condemned to death and
their property confiscated.
The King apparently wished to prolong the pleasure
of seeing them die, for he refused to have them all
executed on the same day. The Secretary's sons
were the first to suffer ; they were executed on a
scaffold erected hi the middle of the market-place.
A few months later Petrucci himself and the Count
of Sarno were beheaded at the gate of Castelnuovo,
in sight of the whole town, May 15, 1487. Ten
days later he commanded the arrest of the Duke
of Altamura, Prince Bisignano, the Duke of Melfi,
the Duke of Nardi, the Count of Morcone, the Count
MB
178 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
of Lauria, the Count of Melito, the Count of Nola,
and many other cavaliers. At Alfonso's instigation
the King, at various times and in various ways,
brought about their deaths.
To complete the tragedy, Marino Marzano, who
for twenty-five years had languished in prison, was
handed over to the executioner. The fate of the
last batch of victims remained a secret until it was
noticed that the hangman was adorned with a gold
chain belonging to the Prince of Bisignano. Rumours
spread that they had been killed and thrown in sacks
into the sea, while their sons and wives, accused of
further insubordination, were arrested and deprived
of their goods.
Ferrante, emboldened by the annihilation of so
many barons, now abandoned all pretence of deference
to the Pope, and refused payment of tribute, at the
same time coolly disposing of benefices without any
reference to the Holy See. Innocent despatched
the Bishop of Cesena to Naples to remonstrate with
the King on his conduct. The latter insolently
replied that as far as the tribute was concerned, he
had already spent so much on behalf of the Church
that he could justly claim dispensation ; also that
he knew his subjects better than did the Pope, and
would therefore continue to distribute benefices as
he thought good. Truly, this was the most shameful
peace ever entered upon by the Holy See.
In 1487 Northern Italy was invaded by the Swiss,
who were successful until the Duke of Milan despatched
a powerful army against them. They thereupon
made peace and restored what they had conquered.
But war soon broke out again. The Swiss asserted
that they were accused by the Italians of plundering
the churches, and laid siege to Domodossola, the
strongest castle of the whole country. Ludovico
Sforza advanced as far as possible, and Renaldo
Trivulzio undertook to raise the siege. A terrible
CARDINAL PAOLO BOMBARDS GENOA 179
encounter took place, in which many were killed
and wounded. The Swiss, who displayed the greatest
bravery throughout, were finally obliged to yield.
One part of them fled to the mountains, while another
continued to defend the bridge of Crea, at the entrance
to the Antegoria Valley. They held out with phenom-
enal courage until the number of slain fallen into the
river was so great as to make a kind of bridge across
which the enemy passed and attacked the Swiss
on the flank. The latter all perished, and a like
fate overtook those who had sought refuge in the
mountains. Some were killed by the soldiers, others
by the peasants, while those who escaped died of
starvation, and were found with grass and leaves
in their mouths. The fiendish cruelty displayed
by the Italians during this war was a disgrace to
humanity. It is even said that there were women
who roasted parts of the corpses and served them
at meals.
Genoa also was not free from disturbances. Ibletto
Flisco and Battistino Campofregoso took up arms
against the Cardinal Archbishop Paolo, who, in
the name of the Duke of Milan, held the regency
of Liguria. Archbishop Paolo withdrew to the
casteletto and bombarded the town, which fell
into strife and disorder. The Duke thereupon sent
Francesco San Severino with large troops to Genoa.
Ibletto finally united with Adorno and Spinola and
became reconciled to the Duke, so that only the
castle and Savona remained in Paolo's hands. But
Ludovico Sforza, who intended to seize Genoa for
himself, made an arrangement with Tregoso that
Savona should be ceded to him on payment of 4,000
ducats yearly, and that Chiaro Sforza, daughter
of Galeazzo and widow of Dal Verme, should be
betrothed to his son Tregesino. Paolo now yielded
the fortress to San Severino, who entrusted it to the
care of Zanone da Lavello a man both brave and
180 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
loyal, and himself set sail for Rome. But Ludovico,
when he had the castle in his power, forgot Tregoso,
and appointed as Governor of Genoa the able Agostino
Adorno.
In 1487 began preparations for the marriage of
the young Duke of Milan and Isabella, daughter of
Alfonso of Calabria, who had been betrothed since
1480. The Duke's natural brother, Hermes, was
sent to the Neapolitan Court that he might act as
escort to the bride. He was accompanied by the
most distinguished nobles of Milan, who vied with
one another in the display of magnificence. All
were clothed in gold and silver stuffs, and decorated
with costly pearls and precious stones ; but the most
gorgeously apparelled was the Marchese Rolando
Pallavicino, whose jewels were valued at 25,000
ducats. The very servants wore silken garments
with the arms of their masters embroidered in silver
and pearls upon the left sleeves.
At Genoa six galleys awaited the Marchese Hermes
in order to take him to Naples. On December 24,
1488, he reached his destination with a company of
450 persons, not including the Genoese ambassadors,
who were there as a sign of respect for the Duke.
Having concluded the arrangements for the wedding,
he set out on his homeward way with the bride, who
had many Neapolitan lords and ladies in her train.
At Civita Vecchia they were received and entertained
by Monsignore Ascanio, uncle of the bridegroom,
while at Leghorn the bride was waited upon by a
deputation of Florentines, who invited her to go
into the country to recover from the fatigues of
her journey. She remained in Leghorn four days,
during which the Florentines inaugurated brilliant
festivities in her honour.
On January 17, 1489, Isabella arrived at Genoa,
where she met with an enthusiastic reception. The
approach of the little fleet was signalled by the firing
MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE OF MILAN 181
of salutes. The highest nobles of the town came
forth to greet her, and, amid the pealing of bells,
she was escorted under a canopy to the ducal palace.
Here she stayed for five days, and then went on
to Tortona, where Ludovico and her bridegroom
advanced on horseback to meet her. The young
Duke greeted her with effusion, and would have
embraced her, instead of kissing her hand in Nea-
politan fashion, if the restlessness of the horses had
not prevented him. The town was gaily decorated,
and everywhere hung festoons of laurel with gilded
apples nestling in the foliage. The people hailed
the bride with shouts of joy, and she was escorted
by the crowd to the Episcopal Palace, which was
arranged for her reception. Who could, at such a
moment, foresee that Isabella was destined to become
one of the most unhappy Princesses of Italy ? The
next day they continued their way to Abbiatagrosso,
where the Duchess Bona met her and accompanied
her to Milan.
Three litters were specially built to convey the
bride and her suite to the bridegroom's home. The
one destined for her own use was decorated with
red velvet bearing the impress of the ducal arms,
and furnished inside with the greatest luxury. A
few miles from Milan she was met by a deputation
of welcome, consisting of Philip, uncle of the young
Duke, several ladies of the highest rank, and sixty of
the most beautiful maidens of Milan.
Near San Cristoforo, Ludovico, with a retinue
of senators and ambassadors, advanced to greet her
and escorted her to Milan. At the harbour of Porta
Ticinese the Duke, with more than 500 nobles and
a bodyguard, came to meet his bride. At the same
moment cannon thundered, trumpets crashed, and
bands played in order to announce the happy arrival
of the young Duchess. Hand in hand, the bridal
pair made their way to the Castle. In the courtyard
182 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the walls were draped with azure cloth from which
hung festoons of ivy. Everywhere there was evidence
of joy and welcome. Upon entering the Castle
they were received by the Duke's sister, Bianca
Maria, who embraced the bride and led her to the
bridal-chamber. The bed was of untold value, both
from an artistic and a pecuniary point of view ;
upon the counterpane were embroidered five lions
in pearls. All around were spread wonderful carpets,
and the whole room was decorated with crimson
satin.
The next day the marriage ceremony took place
in the Cathedral. Cloths in the Sforza colours were
spread in the streets ; all the houses were decorated
with carpets, satin cloths, and festoons of laurel and
ivy. The goldsmiths displayed in the middle of
their street an immense gilded globe adorned with four
golden griffins ; a silvered column bearing a lion was
on the top, while at the foot of the globe stood a
child dressed as Cupid, who sang festal verses as
the bridal pair passed by. In the Cathedral place
triumphal arches were erected, upon them depicted
the most distinguished deeds of the Sforza family.
The wedding procession was led by the pages and
serving nobles ; then followed the ducal trumpeters
and minstrels, together with those of the other gentle-
men, and then the ambassadors and the chief nobles
in pairs. The ducal sword was borne by Viscount
Francesco Bernardino, and immediately after him
rode the bridal couple under a canopy of gold cloth
lined with ermine. The bride's horse was led by the
Marchese Giovanni Pallavicino and the Count Gio-
vanni Borromeo, while by her side walked Alexander
Sforza, in readiness to help her dismount. Fifty of
the most beautiful ladies in Milan rode at the end
of the procession, which was joined by the clergy.
Priests and monks in their full vestments formed a
line which reached from the Castle to the Cathedral.
ISABELLA APPEALS TO ALFONSO 183
Amid cries of joy the bride and bridegroom reached
the church, where a solemn mass was celebrated.
Then a priest handed the wedding-rings, which lay
upon the altar, to the Bishop, who blessed them, and,
after a long address, gave them to the Duke. The
latter placed one of them on the bride's finger, while
he himself received the other from Ludovico. After
a solemn Te Deum several of the nobles were knighted
by the newly married Duke. Finally the procession
wended its way back to the Castle in the same order
in which it had come.
But in spite of all these manifestations of good-
will to the young Duke, Ludovico retained the
management of state affairs in his own hands, and
only allowed the merest pittance for the maintenance
of the ducal household. He gave important offices
to his adherents and made himself loathed by his
system of oppression. Not only did he take upon
himself the command of the army, but he seized upon
the ducal treasure and disposed of the annual revenues.
His soveregnity, indeed, was supreme, and Giovanni
Galeazzo and his young wife were repressed in every
way. Isabella, who was a girl of spirit, could not
brook this humiliating treatment, and sent the
following appeal to her father, Alfonso :
" It is now several years, my father, since you
arranged for me an alliance with Giovanni Galeazzo,
with the idea that he should, on reaching a proper age,
govern his States as his father Galeazza, his grand-
father Francesco, and his ancestors, the Visconti, have
done before him. He has now attained the requisite
age, and is already a father ; yet his authority has
been completely stolen from him. Only with difficulty
can he obtain the necessaries of life from Ludovico
and his ministers. Ludovico manages everything as
he pleases, decides upon war or peace, makes laws,
confers diplomas, exempts from taxes, imposes rates,
184 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
distributes favours, appropriates treasures all accord-
ing to his pleasure. We, on the other hand, deprived
of all assistance, and without money, lead the life
of private persons ; Giovanni Galeazzo does not
appear as the Lord of the State, but Ludovico stations
the prefects in the fortresses, surrounds himself with
soldiers, augments the Council, and usurps all the
exclusive privileges of the ruler. Not long ago he
became the father of a son, who, according to the
popular belief, is destined to be Count of Pavia, and
later to succeed as Duke. Meanwhile, the mother
is honoured as though she were the Duchess. We
and our children are despised, and are indeed not
without risk to our lives under his rule, so that one
day, in order to bring to an end the hatred which is
openly and on all sides manifested to us, we may be
swept out of the way, and I can already imagine
myself an inconsolable and deserted widow. And
yet I still feel in me courage and strength. The
people love and sympathise with us, while they hate
and abhor our tyrant, who has sucked their blood in
order to satisfy his avarice. But I bow beneath the
unequal weight, and submit to the ignominy which is
laid upon us.
" It thou has any bowels of compassion, if thou
dost cherish a vestige of affection for me, if my tears
can move thee, if there is in thy heart a spark of
generosity, so let me entreat thee to free thy daughter
and thy son-in-law from cruel bondage, insults, and
death, and raise them to the throne. But, carest
thou nothing about our fate, better would it be for
me to take my own life than that I should continue to
bear the yoke of tyranny and suffer every reverse
under the eyes of my rival."
On receiving this epistle Alfonso was filled with a
mighty anger against Ludovico. He went to his
father, Ferrante, and told him what disgrace had
EMBASSY TO LUDOVICO 185
come upon the House of Aragon, urging him, with
vehemence, to interfere on behalf of the young Duke.
Ferrante realised the extent of Ludovico's authority,
and he thought that the matter would be more pru-
dently settled by negotiation than by war. Cool and
self-possessed, he awaited an opportunity for revenge.
He never allowed himself to exhibit anger or displeasure,
and appeared to disregard insults as though he had not
understood them. Finally, he despatched two ambas-
sadors to Ludovico, who received them with every
appearance of amiability. They, with great moderation,
explained to him that, his nephew having now attained
a suitable age to undertake the government of Milan,
King Ferrante begged that the sceptre of authority
might be yielded to him. Ludovico, however, sent
the messengers back to Naples without any decisive
answer. Ferrante was informed by Isabella of the
unsatisfactory result of the embassy, and he finally
agreed with Alfonso that force would have to be
employed before the young Duke could be restored
to his rights.
CHAPTER IX
Preparations for war between Naples and Milan Ludovico Sforza
appeals to Charles VIII. of France Charles decides to under-
take the invasion of Italy His relations with the other Euro-
pean Powers Ferrante of Naples succeeded by his son Alfonso,
1494 Progress of the French Their splendid reception by
Ludovico Charles interviews the wretched Gian Galeazzo
Sforza at Pavia Galeazzo's death Comines at Venice Alex-
ander's attitude towards the French invasion Piero de'
Medici's unsatisfactory behaviour ; his letter to the Florentines ;
his downfall Charles VIII. at Pisa.
MEANWHILE, as we have already seen, Pope Innocent
VIII. had been gathered to his fathers, and Rodrigo
Borgia, as Alexander VI., was now occupying the
Papal Chair.
In 1493 King Ferrante prepared to take active
measures against Ludovico the Moor. He gave
command of the army to his son, Alfonso, who,
possessed of no small military skill, was only too
ready to undertake an expedition in defence of his
daughter's interests. Ferrante imagined that the
war would be but a trivial one, since its only object
was to place the rightful prince upon the throne, and
he knew that the people strongly disapproved Lu-
dovico's behaviour to his nephew, the young Duke
Galeazzo. Alexander Sforza, the Duke's half-brother,
had visited Naples and assured the King that the
citizens were already ripe for revolt against Ludovico's
hated rule.
But Ludovico, through his spies, managed to keep
well abreast of Ferrante's plans, and made up his
mind to resist them at any cost. So astute a man
186
LUDOVICO APPEALS TO CHARLES 187
could not fail to realise that he had given his subjects
genuine cause for complaint. Taxation and all
manner of extortions, deprivation of property, banish-
ment, insults, death, outrages, the promotion of
favourites of low degree, ingratitude for service
rendered, utter ruin for all whose riches excited his
avarice or against whom he bore a secret grudge all
these were of constant occurrence, and caused him
to be hated by all. Now, when he was about to fight
in an unjust cause, Ludovico deemed it advisable
to obtain help from outside. France seemed to him
the most suitable source to which to appeal, for the
House of Anjou had never yet renounced her claim
to Naples. He therefore despatched the Count of
Belgiojoso to the Court of Charles VIII. to persuade
the King to act as his ally. The Count fulfilled his
mission with all the skill of an accomplished courtier ;
he interviewed all who were likely to have any influence
over their monarch, bribing some with gold and
others with promises of great possessions in Naples.
By this means he won over many of the nobles to
his side, among them Stephen de Vere, a former
Chamberlain of the King's, afterwards Seneschal
of Beaucaire, and BriQonnet, the financier. The
frivolous young King, secure in his shallow-pated
ignorance, airily consented to undertake the invasion
of Naples, " but there was none save himself and two
lesser folk who found it good." These two lesser
folk were Briconnet and de Vere, who hoped by
means of the expedition to increase their possessions.
But those who had more at heart the welfare of their
King and country tried to discourage the undertaking.
Ludovico wrote a letter to Charles VIII., referring
to the friendly relations which had always existed
between France and the House of Sforza and inviting
him to attempt the reconquest of Naples, which had
been illegally annexed by the House of Aragon. He
also represented that Naples was most admirably
188 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
situated for the headquarters of a campaign against
the Turks, since a fleet could easily be equipped and
an army collected. Promising to support the French
with arms, money, horses, and soldiers, he conjured
the King not to refrain from an undertaking which
would have the countenance of all the Princes in
Italy, to say nothing of Heaven itself. From Naples,
he continued, it would be a light matter to attack
the Ottoman Empire, conquer Jerusalem, and win
everlasting fame. " All the thousands banished from
their country by the despot Ferrante cry to thee for
help, through thee they expect to be restored to their
homes ; they call to thee for support with the same
anguish with which the Patriarchs in limbo once
looked to Christ for deliverance. Everything fore-
tells victory ; thou hast nought to fear, either from
without or within, and, if anything deters thee,
remember that I will see that thou art obeyed, followed,
and received by all with honour."
Charles, dull of wit, lazy, and yet boastful, began
serious preparations for his invasion of Italy, after
an arrangement had been made with Ludovico that
the French army should be granted a free passage
through Italy. Ludovico further undertook to furnish
him with 500 lances and to allow them to equip
as many ships at Genoa as they should find necessary ;
he also agreed to provide Charles with a loan of
200,000 ducats upon his departure. On the other
hand, the French King undertook to defend the
dukedom of Milan and Ludovico's authority, to invest
the town of Asti (the property of the Duke of Orleans),
with a garrison of 200 lances, which should always
be in readiness to fight for the House of Sforza, and
also to bestow the princedom of Tarento upon Ludovico
after the conquest of Naples.
This compact was secretly arranged, and when
the rumour of the impending invasion spread and
Ludovico was suspected of being in alliance with the
POWER OF THE HOLY SEE 189
French, he feigned to be no less alarmed than the
others at the prospect of the intruders' arrival.
The claims of the House of Anjou to Naples were
as ill-founded as those of the House of Aragon. Both
parties deduced their rights from a gift. In order
to prove the validity of this gift, it had first to be
settled whether the kings of Naples held their crown
as vassals of the Holy See and whether the Pope
could, under certain circumstances, again lay claim to
it. It was presumed that the power with which
one Prince had been endowed by another might,
at will, be transferred to a third, and that only the
consent of the Church would be necessary to render
the transference valid.
If prescription of that which had been acquired by
force or cunning could legalise its possession, then
the House of Anjou had certainly the first claim
to Naples, since it had governed that kingdom for
almost two hundred years. When, in 1442, Renatus
was driven from Naples by Alfonso of Aragon, the
kingdom was lost to the House of Anjou, and through
several successive legacies its rights were inherited by
Louis XL, who bequeathed it to his son Charles VIII.
On the other hand, exception might be taken to
the claims of Ferrante. He derived them from
Manfred, the natural son of Federigo II., and they
were only transmitted to him through the female
line. Ferrante, moreover, was himself illegitimate,
though acknowledged by his father. But the same
power which invested the House of Anjou with
Naples had, on a later occasion, bestowed the same
kingdom upon Alfonso, Ferrante's father. The feudal
power of the Papacy, to which both sides appealed,
had therefore to be regarded as the final arbiter.
Ferrante inherited the throne from his father
Alfonso, and could consequently be regarded de jure
and de facto, as the rightful king.
Charles VIII., who was anxious to be on good
190 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
terms with the Florentines, sought by promises and
threats to turn them from their alliance with Ferrante.
But they were reluctant to proclaim themselves
definitely on his side, and their envoys, the Bishop of
Arezzo and Piero Soderini, who were despatched
to the French Court at Toulouse, expressed them-
selves so dubiously as only to excite suspicion.
Through de Bri9onnet and the Seneschal Beaucaire,
Charles sounded the ambassadors as to their intentions.
The latter begged that he would not compel them to
take part against Ferrante. The ruin of their State
would profit him little, they said, while Ferrante
was great and powerful, and enjoyed the Pope's
support, and they would be subjugated before France
could help them. Charles, who regarded this state-
ment as a mere subterfuge, became furiously angry,
and commanded the removal of all Florentines from
his States, as well as the confiscation of their property.
Fortunately, however, he allowed himself to be dis-
suaded from such an extreme measure.
In order to further his ends, he overwhelmed the
brothers Lorenzo and Giovanni de' Medici with favours,
hoping that they would overthrow Piero, who was
unpopular. They themselves were much loved in
Florence for their generosity and amiability, while
Piero, by his pride and ambition had aroused universal
dislike.
Both brothers, rendered arrogant by the King's
marks of favour, openly boasted of their power and
influence, and persuaded many of the citizens to join
their party. But the gravest suspicions were aroused
when d'Aubigny stayed in Florence on his return to
France and was received by them with every demon-
stration of respect. Piero, under pretext that they
were a danger to the State, had them arrested ; their
goods were seized, and their speedy execution followed.
But the Senate began to see through Piero's ambitious
plans, and the people took up arms on Lorenzo's
EMBASSY TO ALEXANDER VI. 191
behalf. Piero now pretended that he meant to
overlook the offence, being unwilling to shed the
blood of a kinsman. They were, however, banished
and forbidden to come within a twenty-mile radius
of Florence. Thus was Florence divided into two
factions.
Charles sent an embassy to Rome for the purpose
of securing the sympathy of the new Pope, Alexander
VI. ; but the latter replied evasively, calling his
attention to the fact that Naples was a fief of the
Church, and that, in the event of a quarrel about
it, it was the province of Rome to decide the affair.
But when Charles sent a second embassy, the Pope's
attitude seemed to have changed entirely, and he
had gone over to the Neapolitan side. A match
had been arranged between Sancia, the illegitimate
daughter of Alfonso of Calabria and Jofre, then
Alexander's youngest son. The King of Naples
heaped favours upon the young couple, and the Pope
was thus quite drawn over to the Neapolitan party.
He now gave Charles to understand that the House
of Aragon had already been enfeoffed three times
by the Papal See, and that, if he had no better claim
to advance, the right of the Aragons to Naples could
not be disputed.
The other Powers, with the exception of Ercole
of Ferrara, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere (Alexander's
implacable foe), and Lorenzo, son of Piero Francesco
de' Medici, now showed a strong disposition to support
the Pope. Ferrante of Naples was in high glee.
" Be of good cheer," he wrote to his envoy in France,
" for perfect harmony now reigns between me and
the Pope."
But before Charles could set out on his campaign,
he wanted to make sure of the friendship, or at least
of the neutrality, of the other European Powers.
His relations with Maximilian of Austria were, to
say the least, unpleasant. Not only had Charles
192 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
repudiated his betrothal to Maximilian's little daughter,
Margaret, who was ignominiously sent back to Austria,
but he had added insult to injury by marrying Anne of
Brittany, the Emperor's affianced bride. Ambassadors
were sent to the King of France demanding compensa-
tion for his offence, but the affair ended amicably, for
every one was tired of war. It was arranged that
Philip, Maximilian's son, should receive the part of
Artois which Charles had annexed and which had
already been made over to France as a portion of
Margaret's dowry.
Comines, in his Memoirs, relates that he asked
many doctors of theology whether Anne's marriage
with Charles was valid, and that some gave answer
in the affirmative, others in the negative. It seems,
however, that neither this match nor that of Margaret,
who afterwards married the Prince of Castile, turned
out happily. Anne's three sons all died very young,
and Margaret lost her husband in the first year of
their wedded life. Shortly after his death she gave
birth to a still-born son, " qui a mis en grande douleur
les Roy et Reyne de Castile, et tout leur Royaume."
Amicable relations had also to be established between
France and Ferdinand of Spain, who was a kinsman
of the reigning House of Aragon in Naples. Ferdinand
had once borrowed 100,000 ducats from Louis XI.,
giving him, as security, Roussillon and Perpignan.
But when a few years later, he was prepared to pay
back the money, Louis steadfastly refused to give
up these two provinces. As soon, however, as Charles
had decided on the Italian expedition, he sent envoys
to Ferdinand announcing his readiness to restore
them, and asking nothing but his friendship in return.
The transfer really took place, and Ferdinand promised
not to interfere in the affairs of the House of
Aragon.
The Venetian response to Charles's request for
help and advice was unsatisfactory. They could
THE TORTURE OF " THE QUESTION," COMMONLY APPLIED IN THE FIFTEENTH
CENTURY IN ROME.
From a fresco in the Church of San Pietro in Gessate.
192]
GREAT CAMPAIGN OF CHARLES VIII. 193
not undertake to support him, they said, for they
always had to be on their guard against Turkey ;
that it would be presumption on their part to offer
advice to so wise a King, but that they were more
disposed to help than to hinder him. With these
evasive words Charles had to be content.
In August 1494 King Charles set out gaily, almost
flippantly, on the great campaign which was to
change the face of Europe. His first stopping-place
was Lyons, where he tarried for several weeks, wasting
his substance in riotous living. Cardinal Giuliano
della Rovere and the Duke of Salerno, who had
escaped from the snares of King Ferrante, hastened
thither to persuade Charles to attack Naples. His
sagacity soon perceived that he must turn for help
to Stephen de Vere and Brisonnet rather than to the
King. Their policy consisted of shameless flattery
and indulgence, by which means they maintained
a strong influence over the weak-minded Charles.
The Duke represented the Italian invasion and the
conquest of Naples as an undertaking to which the
House of Anjou (whose claims devolved on Charles)
was in honour bound. Thus the way was smoothed
for Ludovico's ambassador, Galeazzo, brother of
Count Cajazzo of San Severino, who shortly after-
wards arrived. He was received by the King with
the greatest affability and brilliantly entertained.
Ludovico had won over the Genoese, who had formerly
been attached to the House of Aragon. It was
arranged that the Duke of Orleans should go with a
fleet of 3,000 Swiss to Genoa, while d'Aubigny was
to be sent to Milan with 200 lances and 3,000 Swiss.
But the King was undecided as to whether he should
go backwards or forwards.
Comines observes that the cost of equipping the
ships for Genoa was so great as to cripple the King's
monetary resources. He continues. " Car, comme
j'ai dit, il [Charles VIIL] n'estoit point pourvue,
NB
194 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
ne de sens, ne d'argent, n'y d'autre chose ne'cessaire
a telle entreprise. . . . Je ne veux point dire que le
Roy ne fust sage de son age; mais il n'avait que
vingt et deux ans, ne faisoit que saillir du nid."
Ludovico, who was by this time extremely un-
popular in Italy, did all in his power to urge the King
to set out. Finally Charles prepared to start, but
again wavered, and Comines was told that everything
was broken off. On the same day, however, the
King borrowed 500,000 ducats from a merchant in
Milan, for which Ludovico had to provide security.
Before this he had already borrowed 100,000 francs
from the Bank of Genoa, for which he had, in four
months, to pay interest amounting to 14,000 francs.
Ferrante sought by negotiations to hinder Charles's
advance towards Naples, and even volunteered to pay
him an annual tribute. Thereby, however, he only
served to confirm the King in his plan. These negotia-
tions did not prevent Ferrante from making active
preparations for war. He equipped a fleet of forty
galleys and assembled a land force of 7,000. But
death suddenly freed him from his embarrassments
on January 25, 1494. Burchard relates that he had
become unwell at his country house of Trapergola,
and had therefore returned to Naples. In mounting
his horse he fell down unconscious, and the next
day passed away, sine luce, sine cruce, sine Deo. He
was seventy-one years of age.
Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, now succeeded to the
throne of Naples, and every one looked anxiously to
see what attitude the Pope would adopt towards
the new King, who did everything in his power to
propitiate him. Early in February Alexander warned
the French ambassadors against attacking Naples,
and also wrote a letter to Charles VIII. expressing
surprise that he should entertain hostile designs
against a Christian Power when a union between
all European States was necessary in order to thwart
JOFRfe
BETROTHAL OF JOFRE BORGIA 195
the Turks. On May 7, 1494, Alfonso was crowned
by the Cardinal of Monreale, and soon afterwards
was celebrated the betrothal of Sancia of Aragon
and the thirteen-year-old Jofre* Borgia. Alexander
exempted the new King from the annual tribute,
and in return Alfonso invested the Pope's eldest son,
Giovanni the Duke of Gandia, with the princedom
of Tricaria and other crown lands, which yielded an
annual income of 12,000 ducats. Neither was Caesar
forgotten : a considerable portion of crown land
was assigned to him. The bride's dowry amounted
to 200,000 ducats, and the alliance was celebrated
by the most brilliant festivities, as if they wished to
forget the danger that was threatening the country.
But Alfonso was quite conscious of the gravity of the
position. He determined to undertake the command
of his troops himself, and entrusted that of the fleet
to his brother Federigo.
On August 23, 1494, Charles left Vienna and
advanced towards Asti. At Suza he was met by
Galeazzo San Severino, who accompanied him to
Turin. The Regent Bianca, widow of the Duke of
Savoy, received him with astonishing splendour.
De la Vigne, in his Vergier d'honneur, describes the
magnificence of the display. Dazzled by the number
and value of the diamonds worn by the Duchess
and her suite, Charles was unable to refrain from
borrowing them, upon which he immediately pawned
them for 12,000 ducats. As Comines naively remarks :
" Et pouvez voir quel commencement de guerre
c'estoit, si Dieu n'eut guide 1'ceuvre."
In Chien Charles stayed for several days, enjoying
himself in his own fashion. Dramas of doubtful
morality were performed in his honour, but the
chief attraction seems to have been the charms of a
certain Anna Solari (De la Vigne and Segur).
Asti was the appointed meeting-place, and Ludovico
Sforza, Ercole of Ferrara, and Guiliano della Rovere
196 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
were there to greet the French King. Ludovico
was accompanied by his wife Beatrice and fifty
beautiful Italian ladies, who, moreover, were not
troubled with many scruples of morality. The King's
weak brain was dazzled by the loveliness of these
women, who were adorned in the richest manner
and by no means sought to conceal their charms.
They made their entry into the town in six carriages
covered with gold cloth and red velvet and drawn
by six-and-twenty horses. Charles, who had at first
been inclined to harbour suspicions of Ludovico,
changed his opinion in two days, for he was quite
overwhelmed by the splendour of his reception.
King Alfonso had despatched two armies towards
Charles. The one, led by his son and Virginio Orsini,
was opposed by the tried and trusty d'Aubigny, a
Scotchman by birth, and distinguished both for his
bravery and his generalship. The other, which had
embarked with the idea of conquering Genoa, was
commanded by Federigo, Alfonso's brother. With
the help of Flisco (Fiesco) and several disaffected
Genoese, Federigo hoped to have little difficulty in
effecting his object. But unfortunately for his plans,
Louis of Orleans appeared at the crucial moment
and drove back his troops. The cannon which the
French had installed on their vessels, and which, up
to that time, had not been used in Italy, contributed
greatly to the victory. A great galley belonging to
Comines, and furnished with heavy artillery, was
seriously damaged. The Swiss, under the leadership
of the Bailiff of Dijon, advanced towards the Nea-
politans, who fled before them. Many prisoners
were taken, but they received no further injury than,
after the Italian custom, being stripped to their
shirts and then set free. Among them was Fregoso,
a natural son of Paul Fregoso, Cardinal-Archbishop
and former Doge of Genoa.
The Swiss guards, who took the war seriously
SUCCESS OF LOUIS AT GENOA 197
however, plundered Rapallo and killed many of the
inhabitants ; but when they brought their booty to be
sold at Genoa, the Italians rose in revolt and several
Swiss were slain. Order was restored by Adorno, who
held the reins of government.
While Charles was at Asti he received news of the
success of Louis of Orleans at Genoa. The outlook
seemed promising when the King was taken dangerously,
ill with a disease which, though called small-pox,
was probably the result of his dissolute habits. He
got better, however, and continued his way to Casale,
the capital of Montferrat. Here he was heartily
welcomed by the Margravine, and he did not neglect
the opportunity of borrowing her jewels with the
intention of pawning them in Genoa.
Chance favoured Charles in a surprising way. Don
Ferrantino, at the head of the second division of the
forces of his father, Alfonso, had advanced with his men
as far as Ferrara, and was burning with anxiety to
fight d'Aubigny. But his men lacked cohesion, being
made up of soldiers from different Italian States who
were, again, under the command of their own leaders ;
moreover, the news of the French victory at Rapallo
had discouraged the Italians. Although they exceeded
the French in number, a council of war decided that
it would be indiscreet to venture upon a battle.
Orsini, in particular, was opposed to the idea of fighting,
although Pescara and Trivulzio were of a different
opinion. Subsequent events proved that d'Aubigny
was right in supposing that Ferrantino's troops would
soon be disbanded if left alone. The Colonna, who
had always been rivals of the Orsini, declared them-
selves on the side of the French, seized upon Ostia,
and summoned Charles to take possession of that
important harbour.
The Pope thereupon withdrew the troops which he
had sent to Ferrantino's help, while d'Aubigny was
reinforced with fresh men. The favourable moment
198 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
was gone ; but Ferrantino would not yield, for he
still reckoned on the support of the Princes of Romagna.
Mordano, near Imola a strong fortress resisted, but
the French stormed the town with incredible fury.
The garrison men, women and children were all
massacred, and when d'Aubigny entered he found
nothing but the corpses of the inhabitants. Don
Ferrantino then withdrew to Rome.
While at Casale Charles gave audience to Constantine
Arianite's, claimant to the crowns of Servia and
Macedonia. He assured the King that European
Turkey, weary of Bajazet's tyranny, was now ripe
for rebellion. Ludovico, too, had approached Charles
at Asti, and had, with much eloquence, expounded
the same theory. " Quand vous me voudrez croire,"
he said, " je vous aiderai a vous faire plus grand que
ne fut jamais Charlemagne, et chasserons ce Turc,
hors de cet empire de Constantinople aisement, quand
vous aurez ce Royaume de Naples."
Charles, who from the outset had cherished remark-
able dreams of covering himself with glory by crushing
the Turkish power, was encouraged and strengthened
in his childish schemes by these words. He now
proceeded to Pavia, where the luckless Gian Galeazzo,
Ludovico's ill-treated nephew, was languishing in
captivity. Ludovico was greatly alarmed when he
heard that the King desired to speak with his cousin
(the mothers of Charles and Galeazzo were sisters,
Princesses of the House of Savoy), for he feared
that the chivalrous instincts of France might be
aroused at the sight of the unhappy Prince. The
latter was only about twenty-five years old, but he
had been a prisoner for ten years. His chief pleasure
lay in the affection of his wife Isabella and his little
son, for whom he pathetically entreated the French
King's protection. Galeazzo's physician, Theodore of
Pavia, was present at the interview, and Charles
gathered, from his behaviour, that his patient was
DEATH OF GALEAZZO 199
suffering from the effects of a slow poison. As
Comines says, he would willingly have warned him,
" mais il ne vouloit deplaire en rien au dit Ludovic."
At a certain moment a secret door opened and the
young Duchess, clad in deep mourning, entered.
She threw herself at the King's feet, imploring him
to protect her husband and pardon her father ; but
Charles, though affected, answered that it was now
too late to help her.
The poor young wife, with her little children, shut
herself up like a prisoner in a room into which the
light could not penetrate, and lay for a long time upon
the hard ground. Her rival, the gay Beatrice d'Este,
could now for a short time enjoy her triumph.
Ludovico, now more than ever anxious to win the
King's favour, provided him with gold and weapons
and tried to urge him forward. Charles soon left
Pavia for Piacenza, but no sooner had he arrived there
than news reached him of Galeazzo's death. 1 This
event caused him considerable remorse, for he was
conscious of having done nothing to improve his
fortunes. He was also mistrustful of Ludovico, who
hastened to Milan to make arrangements for the
coronation of Galeazzo's little son. Meanwhile Charles
had the obsequies of his cousin celebrated in the
most lavish and magnificent manner, inviting the
whole of Piacenza to take part in them.
From Asti Comines was sent with letters of recom-
mendation from the Duke of Milan to his ambassador
in Venice. He received a monthly salary of 100 ducats,
together with a beautiful dwelling and three gondolas.
The Venetian envoy in Milan was treated with equal
consideration, only, as Comines ingenuously remarks,
there no gondolas were placed at his disposal, because
in Milan it was customary to use horses. He journeyed
through Brescia, Verona, Vicenza, and Padua, and
1 There is good reason to suppose that Ludovico hastened his end
by poison.
200 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
was everywhere received with the greatest respect,
and worthily entertained. Everything was arranged
for him, but, alas ! no one thought of paying the
minstrels and tambourine players, so that the poor
Comines was not much the gainer.
As Comines approached Venice he was received
by twenty-five nobles richly clad in red silk. They
escorted him to the Church of St. Andrew, where
the other nobles and the ambassadors from Milan
and Ferrara were already assembled. Afterwards he
was taken on board a luxuriously equipped boat,
much larger than an ordinary gondola and capable of
holding about forty people. To Comines was given
the place of honour between the two envoys, and
away they went down the Grand Canal, " the most
beautiful street in the world." He was greatly
impressed by the splendour and beauty of the houses
which they passed, many of them decorated with
marble and precious stones. It was the richest town
that he had ever seen, and, as he remarks, the best
governed.
Escorted by fifty nobles, Comines visited the
Cloister of the Black Monks of San Giorgio, where an
apartment was assigned to him. The next day he
appeared before the Signor and delivered his cre-
dentials to the Council, which was assembled under
the presidency of the Doge. The latter (Barbarigo)
is described as a gentle, wise, and amiable old man,
with a wide understanding of Italian affairs. His
palace was very beautiful, and contained four large
and richly gilded halls of marble, though the court
itself was small. From it Comines could hear mass
being sung at St. Mark's, the richest Cathedral in
the world, full of marvellous treasures and precious
stones.
For eight months Comines stayed in Venice, enjoy-
ing himself at the public expense. He has nothing
but praise for the good management and sagacity of
EMBARRASSMENT OF THE FRENCH 201
the Seignory. When the latter heard of Galeazzo's
death they asked Comines whether Charles VIII.
would be inclined to take up the cause of the little
five-year-old heir. But Comines thought it unlikely
on account of the friendly relations between the
French King and Ludovico, who, regardless of the
child's claims, was proclaimed Duke at Milan. In
order to gain this end, he had invited the French to
Italy, knowing that the Italian Powers would never
allow this usurpation.
It was not long before the deference which the
Italians had, at first, accorded the French, diminished,
for their rapacity and unseemly conduct were making
them universally unpopular. The French now found
themselves in considerable embarrassment. Their
treasury was completely exhausted, and Brigonnet
advised a return to France. But this would have
been no easy matter. At the same time the King
was assured by the brothers Medici, and others, that
Florence was waiting open-armed to receive him.
Ludovico, too, was ready with promises of help.
Nevertheless Charles, in order to continue the march,
was obliged to raise 150,000 gold ducats upon his
crown lands, and the clergy advanced 15,000 on the
understanding that the freedom of the Gallican Church
should be granted in Rome. While these transactions
were going on, Pope Alexander sent a message to
Charles forbidding him to set foot in the papal
province. But the King replied that he had long
since taken a vow to make a pilgrimage to the Apostle
Peter at Rome, and that he must fulfil it even at the
risk of his life.
This command of the Pope only served to rouse
the French spirit, and it was now merely a question
as to which route the army should take. Venice, to
the north-east, was neutral ; the Pope had finally
decided to oppose the French ; in Florence opinion
was divided the citizens were prepared to welcome
202 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Charles and were confirmed in their views by Savona-
rola's predictions that a scourge should chastise Italy.
Piero de' Medici, on the other hand, was in league
with Naples. It was finally decided to take the
rough and stormy route of the Via de Pontremoli,
rather than the shorter and more convenient one
through Bologna and Rimini. They would thus
avoid Prince Ferrantino of Naples, who had been sent
by Alfonso to hold the Romagna. The Duke of
Montpensier had orders to move towards Pontremoli
with the vanguard, while Charles soon followed with
the remaining troops.
When the French reached the Florentine fortress
of Tivizzano, the garrison opposed them with decision.
But the Marquis of Malaspina, who knew the neigh-
bourhood well, offered himself as guide and disclosed
the weakest point in the fortress. After a vigorous
attack, the Duke of Montpensier and his troop
gained an entrance and slew the whole garrison
with great slaughter. Little was gained, however,
by this cruelty, for the French progress was checked
by the impregnable fortresses of Sarzana and Pietra
Santa. Both these places, on their steep heights,
needed only to keep their gates shut to render further
advance impossible. The French were thus placed in
an awkward plight, for to besiege the fortresses would
have been extremely risky, owing to the difficulty of
obtaining provisions in that sterile district. People
were justified in thinking that Ludovico had enticed
Charles into a trap.
The situation was saved by the discord just then
prevailing in Florence. Piero de' Medici, hated for
his extortions and misrule, thought to escape from
the atmosphere of distrust which surrounded him
by imploring the protection of Charles. He was
evidently influenced by the example of his father
Lorenzo, who, under similar circumstances, had ap-
pealed to the Neapolitan Court. But Piero was cast in
PIERO DE' MEDICI IN BANISHMENT 203
a less heroic mould ; he lacked both courage and skill
to carry through his enterprise, and only succeeded
in getting permanently banished from Florence.
From Empoli Piero despatched the following letter
to the Government :
" I will not try to justify my hasty departure,
for I think it no wrong to adopt a measure which,
in my humble opinion, is not only calculated to
restore peace to my native town, but is also attended
with less difficulty and danger for the State and
its inhabitants (myself alone excepted) than any
other. I have decided to go in person to his Most
Christian Majesty in the hope of mitigating the
displeasure which the town has been obliged to cause
him by fulfilling her contracts with other States.
For, it seems to me that this is the only respect in
which the King desires a change. As I have been
hitherto regarded as the cause of his ill-will, I will
either justify my conduct or at least attract his revenge
to my person rather than to the State. My family
has already often set the example of such a sacrifice,
but I hold myself under a deeper obligation than
any of my forefathers, because I, more than any of
them, have been honoured beyond my merits. The
less I deserve the distinctions which have fallen to
my share, the more I consider myself bound to carry
out my present plan. Neither difficulty nor expense,
nay, not even life itself, do I esteem ; but I would
willingly sacrifice myself for each of you in particular,
much more for the whole Republic. On this occasion
I shall probably give you a proof of my sincerity,
for I shall either return with good news for you
and the Republic, or I shall surrender my life in
the attempt to serve you. By the love and loyalty
which you owe to the ashes of my father, the great
Lorenzo, and by the kindness you have ever displayed
towards me, I conjure you to remember me in your
204 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
prayers. Also, if it be the will of Providence that
I should not return to you, I commend to your care
my brothers and children. To-morrow I set out on
my journey from here.
" PIERO DE' MEDICI.
"GIVEN AT EMPOLI,
" October 26, 1494."
From Empoli Piero proceeded to Pisa, whence
he sent a message to the Neapolitan envoy in Florence
to the effect that, though his devotion to the House
of Aragon never failed, he lacked friends, money,
and credit to continue a war in which he had been
involved through friendship for the royal House of
Naples.
On October 30 Piero arrived at Pietra Santa,
where he heard that Orsini, who had been sent to
reinforce Sarzana, had been attacked and defeated
by Montpensier a circumstance of trifling importance
considering the strength of the two fortresses. But
Piero was afraid to enter the camp of Sarzana without
a letter of recommendation from the French King.
Bri9onnet and de Piennes were despatched to meet
him, but when Piero arrived at the camp he com-
pletely lost his head, and knelt, cowed and discomfited,
before the King, whose reception of him was cool
and a trifle contemptuous. The French demands
were by no means modest, but Piero agreed meekly
to all that was proposed. Sarzana, Pietra-Santa,
Librafratta, Pisa, and Livorno were to be surrendered
until the conquest of Naples should be completed,
and Florence was to be the pledge of reconciliation.
Comines tells us that the French were highly amused
and astonished that Piero should concede so much
more than they had ever expected.
The Florentines were furious when they heard of
Piero's irresponsible folly. " It was time," said Piero
Capponi, in the Council of November i, " to shake
EMBASSY TO CHARLES 205
off this baby government." They sent an embassy
of five citizens, headed by Savonarola, to Charles,
hoping to obtain some amelioration of the hard
conditions. But neither their representatives nor
the threats and predictions of Savonarola could move
the King. From the demeanour of the envoys
Piero could see how greatly the Florentines were
offended by his action. He therefore begged his
kinsman Paolo Orsini, the commander of the
Florentine army, to follow him to Florence with
as large a troop as he could muster. On November
9, he presented himself, with a considerable retinue,
at the Town Hall, intending to summon a general
parliament and take the government into his own
hands ; but his entry was prevented by Corsini, Nerli,
and others, who hurled the most bitter reproaches
at his head. Piero, disconcerted, retired to his
palace, and, arming himself and his servants, begged
Orsini to defend him from his enemies. But the
whole of Florence was in rebellion. Everywhere
sounded the cry, " Liberty ! liberty ! down with
the Balls ! " l Even the sight of Piero's brother,
the popular Cardinal de' Medici, produced no effect
upon the excited crowd. The very street-boys
assailed Piero with stones and hisses ; the tumult
became more and more violent, until he saw that
all hope was gone, and that nothing remained but
the memories of the family. The magnificent works
of art collected by Lorenzo in the garden of San
Marco, which had been for the Florentines a kind of
Art Academy, were all stolen or destroyed. Even
the very trees which he had planted were demolished.
Charles VIII., meanwhile, was moving onwards.
From Sarzana he went to Pisa by way of Lucca, where
he refused to see Cardinal Piccolomini, who had
been sent by the Pope to try to make terms with
him. On November 9 Charles entered Pisa, where
1 The Medici arms.
206 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the citizens hailed him as their deliverer. They had
suffered oppression from the Florentines for no less
than eighty years, and consequently hated them
with a deadly hatred. A mighty throng advanced
to meet the French King, entreating him to relieve
their city from the yoke of Florence.
A certain Rabot, Councillor of the Dauphin^
Parliament, advised Charles to grant the request
of this ill-treated people. The King, who certainly
had no power to bestow freedom upon the Pisans,
nevertheless obligingly promised them his protection.
Rabot, amid many demonstrations of joy, com-
municated his answer to the people. In their excite-
ment they hastened to the Arno Bridge, where stood
the statue of a colossal lion erected in token of the
Florentine supremacy ; this they threw down and
raised in its place an image of the King, who, sword
in hand, was mounted on a horse which trampled with
its hoof the overthrown lion.
On the same day were banished the Florentine
authorities, who were only saved from actual ill-
treatment out of respect for Charles. The King's
untimely complaisance was to result in a bloody
strife, which disturbed the peace of Italy for many
a weary year.
D'Aubigny was meanwhile gaining important suc-
cesses in the Romagna. He had taken several for-
tresses and compelled the bold Catherine Sforza,
widow of the late governor of Imola and Forli, to
renounce her alliance with the Pope. He then
advanced to Faenza with the object of attacking
Ferrantino, but the latter was so much terrified at
this proceeding that he beat a hasty retreat to Cesena.
There he received news of the surrender of Sarzana
and the Florentine rebellion. No longer feeling safe,
he marched towards Rome, but his obvious alarm
had weakened confidence in his power to such an
extent that serious resistance seemed improbable.
BANISHMENT OF THE MEDICI 207
Charles only stayed in Pisa a few days and then
continued his way towards Florence. At Empoli
he received disquieting news of the rebellion of
the Florentines and the banishment of the Medici.
Florence, it is true, was prepared for the defence,
but, at the same time, she did not omit to send
ambassadors to the French King, with costly presents
for his propitiation.
CHAPTER X
The French entry into Florence Droll appearance of Charles VIII.
Piero Capponi's prompt action Compromise with the Floren-
tines Disorderly behaviour of the French at Siena Progress of
the invasion The Pope's alarm and vacillation ; his agreement
with Charles VIII. Capture of Giulia Farnese The French
enter Rome with great ceremony Vannozza's house plundered
Affairs of Djem ; his death Was Alexander responsible for
it ? Abdication of Alfonso of Naples in favour of his son Fer-
rantino ; his last days Ferrantino's bad fortune Caesar Borgia
escapes to Rome Fortune favours the French They enter
Naples, February 22, 1495 Ferrantino takes refuge at Ischia
His uncle Federigo Siege of Castelnuovo French attitude
towards the Neapolitans Ferdinand the Catholic appealed to
by Ferrantino Comines at Venice Charles VIII. leaves
Naples.
ON November 17, 1494, the French army entered
Florence. Charles VIII. , welcomed by the shouts
of the people, rode under a rich canopy borne by
elegant youths of noble descent. " The monarch's
appearance was in strange contrast with that of
the numerous and powerful army behind him. He
seemed almost a monster, with his enormous head,
long nose, wide, gaping mouth, big, white, purblind
eyes, very diminutive body, extraordinarily thin
legs and misshapen feet. He was clad in black
velvet, with a mantle of gold brocade ; bestrode a
tall and very beautiful charger, and entered the
city riding with his lance levelled a martial atti-
tude then considered as a sign of conquest. All
this rendered the meanness of his person the more
grotesque." 1
1 Villari.
208
CHARLES VIII. ENTERS FLORENCE 209
With him was the imperious and warlike Cardinal
della Rovere (afterwards Pope Julius II.), who was
filled with the ambition to depose Alexander VI.,
as a simoniacal usurper.
Having been escorted by the Seignory, amid deafening
cries of " Viva Francia ! " from the excited populace,
to the Church of Santa Maria del Fiore, where mass
was celebrated, Charles was installed with much
ceremony in the luxurious palace of the Medici.
The owner of the said palace, Piero de' Medici, had
meanwhile arrived in Venice, where he encountered
Comines and poured out his woes to him. To such
a pass had things come, he said, that he had actually
been refused credit for a piece of cloth (to make clothes
for himself and his brothers), worth about one hundred
ducats. This was indeed a humiliation for a member
of the rich and prosperous house of Medici.
King Charles remained for several days in Florence,
enjoying the festivities which were arranged for him.
A representation of the Annunciation was given in
the Church of San Felice, with such brilliant success
that the King begged for a repetition of it. Each
day was filled with pageantry and feasting, and at
night the city was so brilliantly illuminated that it
seemed like midday.
But this pleasant state of affairs was not to last.
Philippe de Brienne, who was staying with Lorenzo
Tornabuoni, a friend and kinsman of Piero de' Medici's,
used all his influence to persuade the King to
recall Piero. This Charles was not disinclined to do,
and an invitation to return was sent to him, with
the assurance that he should be reinstated in his
former dignities. Piero, however, who received the
letters while in Venice, was misguided enough to
ask advice of the Council ; the latter, who were by
no means anxious for the complete restoration of
peace in Florence, warned him against placing too
much reliance on the King's promises, and gave orders
OB
210 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
that he should be carefully watched in order to prevent
his leaving the town.
When the news of Piero's recall spread through
Florence, the people fell into a state of tremendous
excitement, which was increased by the French
King's declaration that he would establish a new
constitution and appoint the Seignory himself. The
citizens, goaded to rebellion, protested that the town
would defend herself to the bitter end rather than
consent to lose her freedom. The people thronged
round the palace, and fighting would undoubtedly
have begun there and then if a few of the French
leaders, combining with some members of the Seignory,
had not interfered. Nevertheless, the French pride
had received a severe blow, and they realised that
Florence was not to be conquered by entering it
" chalk in hand and lance to hip." 1
The Seignory took advantage of the opportunity
to try to abate the King's unreasonable pretensions,
and soon the terms of the agreement were settled.
Charles was to receive the title of Restorer and
Protector of the Liberty of Florence, with the right
to hold the fortresses for two years, on condition that
they should be restored directly the war was ended ;
the Florentines were also to pay him a large sum of
money, but a fresh dispute arose as to the amount.
Finally, Charles ordered his secretary to read his
conditions aloud, declaring that he would yield no
further. When the magistrates again refused to
accept them the King, in anger, exclaimed : " Then
we will sound our trumpets ! " Thereupon the
capable, energetic Capponi seized the document, tore
it up, and made his famous reply : " Then we will
ring our bells." These decisive words were not
without their effect upon Charles, who realised the
undesirability of a fight with the Florentines.
1 The French made chalk-marks on the houses they intended to
occupy.
CHARLES VIII. LEAVES FOR SIENA 211
Capponi, who had left the hall in dudgeon, was recalled,
and the King, who had known him personally as an
envoy to the French Court, called out facetiously :
" Ah, Ciappon, Ciappon, voi siete un mal Ciappon ! "
Thus, thanks to Capponi's prompt action, a com-
promise was made without much difficulty.
The Florentines bqund themselves to pay 120,000
ducats, in three instalments ; they were to change
their coat-of-arms for that of the French King. The
latter, in return, took them under his protection and
bound himself not to retain the fortresses for more
than two years, and, if the Neapolitan expedition ended
before that time, to give them up without delay.
The Pisans were to be pardoned as soon as they re-
turned to their old allegiance to Florence ; the decree
putting a price on the heads of the Medici was to be
revoked, but the estates of Giuliano and Giovanni
were to remain confiscated until all Piero's debts
were paid, and Piero himself was not to come within
two hundred miles of Florence. After this agreement
had been drawn up in official form, the contract-
ing parties met in the Church of Santa Maria del
Fiore, November 26, 1494, and took a solemn oath
of observance.
On November 28, stimulated by the warnings of
Savonarola, the King, to the unspeakable joy of the
citizens, left Florence for Siena. Among the many
causes of grievance against the French was the
plunder of the splendid palace in which they had
been so lavishly entertained. Even the King him-
self had not thought it beneath his dignity to make
off with objects of the greatest value, among them
an intaglio representing a unicorn, estimated by
Comines to be worth about 7,000 ducats. The officers,
nobles, and common soldiers busied themselves in the
same way, and shamelessly took possession of everything
that tempted their greed.
At Siena Charles stayed several days, enjoying the
212 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
festivities inaugurated in his honour and indulging
his propensity for amorous adventures. His further
progress was not without danger, for his soldiers
were exposed to great privation on the bare and
frozen fields. Comines wrote to the King that
Alfonso was about to establish himself at Viterbo,
while his son Ferrantino was to defend Naples. He
was thus protected in the rear by Rome and the
Orsini possessions. But Cardinal Riario, who was
in Viterbo and in league with the Colonna, surrendered
the town to Charles. Fortune favoured the French;
all the fortified places in the neighbourhood of Viterbo
yielded, and even as they journeyed through the
Orsinsi domain they met with no resistance.
From Brazzano, one of the largest of the Orsini
towns, where the French army had found a plentiful
supply of food, the King despatched Cardinal Riario
to Ostia, a place of great importance under the
dominion of the Colonna. Through the quarrels of
the two houses of Orsinsi and Colonna Rome was
divided into two factions, and, according to Comines,
it was only this constant strife and ill-will that pre-
vented the States of the Church from being the
happiest States on earth.
Before Charles's entry into Viterbo he had sent
envoys to Rome in order to negotiate with Pope
Alexander VI., whose friendship he considered would
be worth an army to him. The Pope, who had let
Ferrantino and his troops into the capital by night,
dismissed the envoys, but retained Cardinal Ascanio
Sforza, brother of the Duke of Milan, and Prospero
Colonna as hostages.
More and more were the French spreading them-
selves over the papal domains. As the Pope's mistress,
Giulia Farnese, her sister Girolama, and Madonna
Adriana were going to visit Cardinal Farnese in
Viterbo, they fell into the hands of a body of French
scouts under the captaincy of d'Allegre. They and
CAPTURE OF GIULIA FARNESE 213
their suite were taken captive to Montefiascone, and
when the captain discovered their identity, he placed
their ransom at 3,000 ducats, at the same time in-
forming King Charles of the affair. The latter,
however, refused to see them.
Alexander was filled with anxiety upon hearing
of this adventure and begged Cardinal Ascanio to
intercede on behalf of the captives. He also wrote
to Galeazzo of San Severino, who was accompanying
the King to Siena, and who, anxious to please the
Pope, urged Charles to release them. The King
complied, and sent the ladies, with an escort of 400
Frenchmen, to the gates of Rome. The Pope, it is
said, went to meet them arrayed in the most festive
lay attire, much to the amusement of the people.
Ludovico reproached Cardinal San Severino and
Monsignore Ascanio for surrendering them, for, since
these beautiful women were " the heart and eyes "
of the Pontiff, " they would have been the best whip
for compelling him to do everything that was wanted
of him ; for he could not live without them."
Charles rejected Alexander's request for an armistice
for himself and Alfonso, and sent envoys to negotiate
with him. But the Pope, instead of listening to their
proposals, had them arrested, though he very soon
released them. He was indeed in a vacillating temper,
and " grew more helpless from hour to hour." At one
moment he wanted to defend himself, the next to
come to terms ; then, again, he thought of leaving
the city. On December 18 Burchard relates that
" everything in the Vatican down to the bedding and
table service, was packed for flight." *
On December 17 the French took possession of
Civita Vecchia, and on the same day the Orsinsi went
over to the French King and admitted him to their
Castle of Bracciano. After much wavering, the Pope
decided to give up opposing Charles and to allow
1 Pastor,
214 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
him to enter the city. During Christmas night three
French envoys had arrived in Rome, and their retinue
calmly installed themselves in the chapel in the
places reserved for the prelates. Burchard, Prefect
of the Ceremonies, was anxious to turn them out ; but
the Pope, in terror, exclaimed : " You will cost me
my head ; let the French put themselves wherever
they please ! "
After considerable difficulty, the Pope and the
King came to an understanding. Charles promised
to respect Alexander's rights, both temporal and
spiritual, and the whole of the city on the left bank
of the Tiber was given up for the occupation of the
French troops.
On the last day of the year 1494 Charles made
his formal entry into Rome. At the Porta del Popolo
the keys of all the city gates were delivered over to
the King's Grand Marshal. It is said that the entry
of the troops lasted from three o'clock in the after-
noon till nine in the evening a sight witnessed
by mighty throngs of spectators. Cardinals Ascanio
Sforza and Giuliano della Rovere rode beside the
King, and many Italian nobles and generals were
conspicuous among the French nobility. The im-
posing procession struck terror into the hearts of the
Romans, who were particularly impressed by the
weight and size of the bronze cannon. The Pope
himself was so much alarmed and unnerved that,
notwithstanding the King's assurance that he should
be treated with respect, he had fled to the Castle
of Sant' Angelo. The Cardinals, in particular Riario
and Ascanio, urged Charles to depose him and consent
to a new papal election. Twice were cannon pointed
towards the castle, but " tousjours le Roy par sa
bonte y resista."
During the first days of the French invasion a
number of houses were plundered by the soldiers, and
several inhabitants suspected of hostility to Charles
DJEM SULTAN 215
were murdered. The home of Vannozza was ruth-
lessly ravaged ; some of her servants were ill-treated,
and she herself exposed to coarse insults. One can
imagine her feelings at being subjected to the affronts
of insolent soldiers, while her treasures, the result
of long saving, were plundered beneath her very
eyes. Her first impulse was to hasten to the Pope
to beg him to have the French quarters burned
down, but she was prevented by the reflection that
this might lead to the complete downfall of the Pope
and his house.
At last a compromise was made. The Pope agreed
to yield Civita Vecchia and other strongholds of the
States of the Church to Charles until he had con-
quered Naples. The helpless Djem, too, was to be
delivered over to the French, though Alexander was
to retain the 40,000 ducats which Bajazet annually
paid as pension for his brother. Caesar Borgia, " who
seemed to have been born only that there might be
in the world one man wicked enough to carry out
the designs of his father, Alexander," 1 was to accom-
pany Charles to Naples as hostage.
The sudden appearance of Djem upon the scene
may perhaps require some explanation. He was the
son of Mohammed, the conqueror of Constantinople,
and brother of Bajazet, the reigning Sultan. Although
younger than the latter, he far surpassed him in
intellect and courage. Supported by a large party,
he revolted against his brother. A bloody fight
ensued in which Djem was worsted and obliged to
flee. At first he sought shelter with the Knights
of St. John at Rhodes, but the Grand Master was
base enough to have him arrested and, later on, for
greater security, delivered up to Pope Innocent VIII.,
who kept him in the greatest subjection. Bajazet did
all he could to win the Pope's favour, and even sent
hmi the Holy Spear which was supposed to have
1 Guicciardini.
216 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
pierced the body of Christ. He also undertook to
pay an annual sum of 40,000 ducats for the mainten-
ance of his brother, who for the rest, lived quite
pleasantly at Rome during the last years of Inno-
cent VIII. and the first of Alexander VI. He took
part in all the papal festivities, and when he rode
with the Duke of Gandia, the latter always treated
him with the greatest consideration.
When Charles VIII. was preparing for his journey
to Naples, which was to be followed by the more
important oriental enterprise, it was understood that
Djem had instigated a rebellion against Bajazet.
But the farther Charles advanced, the more did
Alexander realise the impossibility of resisting him,
and he decided, together with Alfonso, to enter into
negotiations with the Sultan. Two envoys Camillo
Pandone and Giorgino Bucciardo were therefore
despatched as apostolic ambassadors to Constantinople.
They met with a favourable reception, but, as Buc-
ciardo was returning to Rome in company with an
envoy from the Sultan, they were shipwrecked between
Sinigaglia and Ancona, and completely plundered by
Giovanni della Rovere, Lord of Sinigaglia. In this
way they lost the 50,000 ducats which the Sultan was
sending to the Pope, as well as all their important
papers. They were then set free, but, in spite of the
Pope's appeal to the Venetians, who owned the control
of the Turks in the Adriatic, the money was never
restored, and the papers were handed over to King
Charles, who was still in Florence, by della Rovere,
the Pope's enemy. There were five letters from
the Sultan to Alexander, one of them containing an
offer of 300,000 ducats and the holy seamless robe of
Christ in return for the death of his brother Djem.
Although the envoy had lost these letters he had
not forgotten their contents, which he was able to
impart to Alexander VI. The offer of so considerable
a sum, as well as the desire to thwart the French King's
plans, must have been a great temptation to the
Pope to take Djem's life. " He knew the secret of a
slow poison 1 devoid of taste and smell, and resembling
powdered sugar in appearance, with which he could
easily effect his object." Djem, who, with a sum of
2,000 ducats, was delivered over to Charles, already
bore death in his heart. In bidding farewell to
Alexander and Caesar, he thanked them in touching
words for their kindness, and begged them to recom-
mend him to the King's favour. This recommenda-
tion was quite unnecessary, for it was to Charles's
interest to keep him alive. Nevertheless, on
February 25 the unfortunate man died, greatly to
the satisfaction of Bajazet, who, it is said, promptly
handed over the blood-money. The statement is,
however, disputed.
Paul Jovius, Guicciardini, and Marino Sanuto all
speak of the popular suspicions that Alexander VI.
was responsible for Djem's death. On the other
hand, Burchard, whose testimony is worthy of credit,
simply writes that Djem died after having eaten
" something that did not agree with his stomach " 1
Another contemporary biographer asserts that he
died from rheumatism, increased by the neglect of
the French King. His physician appears to have
ascribed his death to catarrhal affection of the chest, *
and the same cause is mentioned in a letter from the
Venetian Government to their ambassador at Con-
stantinople. The writer continues i " He died a
natural death, that is very certain." * But the
1 Probably a cumulative poison was meant.
* No reliance whatever can be placed upon the evidence of a
physician at this period, more especially when he may have been
an interested witness,
1 See 1'Epinois, article on " le Pape Alexander VI." Revue des
Questions Historiques, April 1881.
Pastor (vol. v. p. 465) gives additional evidence in favour of Alex-
ander's innocence. Nevertheless, the damaging fact remains that
218 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
circumstances of the death were less well known then
than they are now.
When the contract with Charles had been signed,
Alexander ventured to emerge from the Castle of
Sant' Angelo, and a meeting took place between him
and the French King in the garden of the papal
palace. Extreme amiability prevailed at this inter-
view, and they vied with one another in the display
of politeness. Having embraced affectionately, the
problem arose as to which could remain longer with
uncovered head. The Pope solved it by reaching
forward for the royal head-gear and obliging Charles
to put it on while he put on his own. Thus were
both the august heads covered at one and the same
time. It is noteworthy that Charles kissed neither
the hand nor the feet of the Pope. No doubt the
latter had arranged for the meeting to take place
in the garden to prevent the need of demanding
homage from the King. At a second interview, how-
ever, Charles, as an obedient son of the Church,
kissed the papal feet.
Alexander, in his first fright, had given a kind of
promise to bestow upon Charles the investiture of
Naples ; but now he steadily refused to commit him-
self to anything definite, merely promising to bring
the King's desire before the College of Cardinals.
During the month which Charles spent in Rome,
he comported himself exactly as if he were the legal
owner of the city, and kept the Palace of San Marco
always filled with Cardinals and the highest officials
of State. His long stay there, however, instead of
Alexander applied to Bajazet for the sum he had offered to the Pope
as a fee to be paid for the murder of Djem. If the death had been
due to natural causes, it may well be asked why Alexander demanded
payment, since Djem was no longer in his custody when his death
occurred. We have always suspected that Caesar, before his flight
from the French camp, administered the poison or made arrange-
ments for its administration.
ABDICATION OF ALFONSO 219
injuring his cause, rather served to prepare his way
to Naples, for many of the Neapolitan nobles fell
away from Alfonso and declared themselves on the
French side.
The once bold and warlike Alfonso, his son Fer-
rantino, and the Orsini were now afraid to remain
in Rome. Alfonso indeed, fell into a state of deep
dejection. If the waves roared at night he imagined
that they were calling " France, France ! " and the
very trees and stones seemed to him to shriek the
hated name.
When the young Ferrantino got back to Naples
Alfonso deemed it advisable to abdicate the crown
(January 23), for, on account of his cruelties and
oppressions, he was so much detested that he felt
his throne tremble beneath him. This was not
surprising, for a more depraved and vicious tyrant
would have been hard to find. After signing his
abdication in favour of his son, he betook himself
in obvious terror, to the harbour, where four galleys,
laden with his treasures, awaited him. He was
conveyed safely to Mazara, in Sicily, a country seat
owned by the widowed Queen of Naples. Here he
was permitted to pass the last days of his wicked life
hi peace and safety.
Guicciardini relates that the spirit of King Fer-
rante appeared three times to Alfonso's physician,
enjoining him to tell his son Alfonso that all resistance
against the French would be futile, as it was fore-
ordained that his family should die out after the
loss of his crown. The reason assigned for this
punishment was the cruelty of which the House of
Aragon, especially Ferrante, had been guilty towards
its subjects. The same historian further relates that
the forms of murdered ones often appeared to Alfonso
in his sleep, and that he dreamed that the people
were dragging him away to a bloody revenge.
Alfonso now led the life of a penitent and took a
220 LIFE AND TIMES OP R. BORGIA
vow of retirement from the world. He served God
at all hours of the day and night, fasted, gave alms,
and lived the life of a holy man. At last he was
attacked by a painful disease, which he bore with
great patience. He was about to retire to a cloister
in Valencia when death overtook him. Comines closes
with the words, " et selon sa grande repentance, il
est a espe"rer que son ame est glorieuse en Paradis."
Ferrantino, who was a brave and promising youth,
did his best to avert the dangers which surrounded
him. He liberated the prisoners and restored then-
property, and granted extensive privileges to the
people. But it was too late. If this leniency had
been displayed earlier a reconciliation might have
taken place, but now every one suspected that it was
only the result of fear, and it therefore failed of its
intended effect. Most of the nobles and office-
holders had already joined the French party, and
the prospect of Charles's approach filled Ferrantino
with terror. Nevertheless, he assembled a consider-
able troop, of which the command was taken by
Giacopo Trivulzio and the Count of Pitigliano,
Niccolo Orsini. With this army he proceeded to
San Germano, which, from its favourable position,
served as the key to the kingdom, for on the one
side it was obscured by steep mountains, and on the
other by deep morasses, and in front by the river
Garigliano. He might certainly have retarded the
advance of the French had not the cowardice
or treachery of his generals rendered resistance
impossible.
Meanwhile Charles was drawing near to Naples.
At Velletri it was discovered that the wily Caesar
Borgia, who had been sent by the Pope as a guarantee
of good faith, had slipped away to Rome. This was
looked upon as an omen of Alexander's faithlessness.
Montefortino was stormed by the French on their
march, and all the inhabitants slain. Valmontona,
FORTUNE FAVOURS THE FRENCH 221
which belonged to the Colonna, was not attacked,
but they planted their cannon in front of Monte San
Giovanni, which, after a very heavy siege, was taken*
Charles now approached San Germano, which was
occupied by Ferrantino's troops. It seemed that
now, if ever, the advance of the French might be
checked ; but before they reached San Germano
Ferrantino had fled, with his disorganised forces, to
Capua. Here his men were refused admission though
he and a small retinue were allowed to enter. Fer-
rantino did not stay in Capua, but hastened on to
Naples, where a rebellion had broken out. On his
return he found that Virginio Orsini and the Count
of Pitigliano were on their way to Nola. Both were
taken captive with their men, and, though no injury
was done them, they suffered considerable losses.
The instigator of this treachery was Trivulzio, who,
immediately after Ferrantino's departure, had de-
livered the town to Charles and gone over to the
French. The latter pursued Ferrantino on foot, and,
in order to advance more rapidly, were obliged to
leave their heavy artillery behind.
The surrender of Capua was soon followed by that
of all the most important places hi the kingdom,
with the exception of Brindisi, Reggio, and GaUipoli.
Everything conspired to favour the French pro-
gress ; even the weather was mild and pleasant, and
the meadows brilliantly green and covered with
spring flowers. " In the short space of a few weeks,"
remarks Ricciardi da Pistoja, " the French conquered,
as by a miracle, a whole kingdom, almost without
striking a blow." " The French," said Alexander VI.,
" came in with wooden spears, and found they had
nothing to do but the quartermaster's work of mark-
ing the doors with chalk."
Ferrantino, deserted by all, summoned the most
important Neapolitan nobles, released them from
their oath of fealty, and gave them permission to
222 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
negotiate with Charles. Although this could not
fail to make the people more favourably disposed
towards him, it was obvious that his cause was hope-
less. The Neapolitans lost no time in plundering his
palace, and the lives of the royal family were no longer
safe. Ferrantino managed to escape to Ischia, where
he sought refuge in the castle for himself and family.
With some reluctance, the governor consented to
admit the King alone, probably with the intention
of surrendering him to the French ; but as soon as
the door was opened Ferrantino drew a pistol from
his cloak and shot him on the spot. The garrison,
impressed by this practical demonstration of the
King's courage and presence of mind, allowed him
to take possession of the castle without resistance.
On February 22, 1495, Charles entered Naples in
triumph. Never was a King more joyfully received,
for the people believed that they were now delivered
from the tyranny of the House of Aragon. Calabria
and Apulia, as far as Brindisi, declared themselves
for the French, and all the nobles of the kingdom
came to Naples to pay homage to Charles.
In Ferrantino's flight to Ischia he had been accom-
panied by his uncle Federigo. The latter was after-
wards summoned to Naples by Charles, who offered
him a dukedom in France for his nephew if he
would renounce his claim to the throne. In vain did
Federigo beg that Ferrantino might receive a portion
of Naples with the title of King, and also that he
himself might retain his title and possessions. Charles
would not yield, and, after a second futile interview,
Federigo returned to Ischia.
Now began the siege of Castello dell' Nuovo, where
Ferrantino had left a German garrison under com-
mand of the Marquis of Pescara. Chance at last
brought the siege to an end, for the uninterrupted
firing of ten days had not been able to force the
place to surrender. A powder magazine exploded
CORONATION OF CHARLES VIII. 223
and caused terrible devastation ; nevertheless, the
garrison held out bravely. But misfortunes rarely
come singly. The wind blew a lighted fuse into a
storehouse of pitch, resin, and other inflammable
materials. A terrible fire immediately arose, and
streams of burning pitch and sulphur poured into the
courtyards and ruins of the castle where lay the
mutilated and wounded. Things seemed desperate,
when Caspar, a captain who had already distinguished
himself, came to the front. He forced Pescara to
take flight, plundered the treasure, which he divided
among his German soldiers, and then capitulated.
On March 5, 1495, the trusty captain knelt on the
breach, his hands extended, his white head bared, and
begged for mercy. Castello dell' Nuovo could no
longer hold out against the heavy artillery of the
French, and surrendered on March 15.
Charles now had himself crowned and took up his
residence in the Castello Capuano. To the people
he behaved kindly, reducing their taxes and freeing
them from oppression, but he treated the nobles,
especially the adherents of the House of Anjou,
with great arrogance. The Aragons, particularly the
Carafas, were dealt with more graciously. All offices
and landed property were given to the French.
The self-respect of the Italians was wounded by
the King's attitude, and they felt keenly the con-
tempt shown to their nobles. While the French,
who were unacquainted with the manners and customs
of the country, managed everything as they pleased,
it was only with difficulty that the Italians could
approach the King. They were obliged to wait for
hours in the anterooms of the French minister,
and days at the King's door begging for an audience ;
and if, at last, after being exposed to the contemp-
tuous glances of the courtiers, they reached the royal
presence, fresh humiliations awaited them. They
yearned, with a kind of home-sickness, for their former
224 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
habits and customs, which were now so much despised
by their conquerors. The very drama which the
French introduced must have been a source of deep
annoyance to the Italians, who were not spared the
infliction of many insults from the stage. Indeed,
the French, from the courtiers and generals down
to the common soldiers, took no pains to hide their
contempt for the cowardice of the Neapolitans.
Charles, however, troubled himself little about
the humours of his new subjects. He was mightily
enjoying the pleasures of the south, and spent much
of his time at knightly tournaments and plays. Every
morning he conscientiously performed his devotions
at one of the churches of Naples, and he also devoted
himself to the " healing " of epileptics and those afflicted
with the King's Evil. According to the popular be-
lief, the King of France had the power of healing
these diseases by the laying on of hands. When he
attended divine service in the Church of St. Januarius,
the head of the saint and the reliquary in which
his blood was preserved were displayed in the King's
honour. The blood seemed at first as hard as stone,
but when he touched it with a little silver staff it
immediately became liquid. Charles and his suite
were astonished, for this miracle was reputed to happen
only at the prayer of the faithful and on rare
occasions.
Ferrantino had meanwhile hastened to his father,
Alfonso, whom he found at Messina surrounded by
monks. They consulted as to the best means of
banishing the French from Naples, and decided to
turn for help to the Spanish King, Ferdinand the
Catholic, a step which proved to be a fateful one for
the Aragonese House of Naples and Sicily. Ferdinand
was indisputably the heir of Alfonso I. of Naples
and Sicily, whose crown was illegally transferred to
his natural son Ferdinand I. Although the King of
Spain had raised no claims at Ferrantino's coronation,
UNEASINESS OF THE POWERS 225
and had even given him his sister in marriage, it was
supposed that this was only for lack of power to main-
tain them at that time. Without considering this
danger, the King of Naples despatched his secretary
to Madrid, where he was favourably received by
Ferdinand the Catholic, and, although he had promised
Charles not to interfere with his plans of conquest,
it was represented that the treaty had only been
concluded on the condition that the French King
could exhibit legal claims to Naples.
The King of Spain equipped a large fleet and placed
it under the command of " The Great Captain,"
Gonsalvo Fernandez Aguilar da Cordova, who without
delay set sail for Sicily.
The other Powers also began to feel uneasy about
the French King's conquests, and all sent ambassadors
to Venice. The King of the Romans sent the Bishop
of Trent, together with two knights and a doctor.
They were well received, and allowed ten ducats
a day, in addition to free lodging. Soon afterwards
the Spanish ambassador arrived, followed by the
Bishop of Como and Francesco Bernardino Visconti,
both dispatched by Ludovico. All were treated in
the same manner. At night they met in secret
council, and the Milanese tried to deceive Comines
about their mission. The latter, however, was well
aware of their plans. He appealed to the great Council
to repress a league which was being formed against
Charles, but the Doge told him to give no heed to
such rumours, since in Venice every one was free to
speak as he liked, except concerning the affairs of
the State.
When the news of Charles's entry into Naples
and the surrender of the fortresses reached Venice,
Comines was summoned by the Doge. He found
him ill, but able to communicate the tidings with an
appearance of cheerfulness. None of those present
were able to dissemble with the same ease, and many
PB
226 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
of them, by their dejected bearing, revealed the sadness
of their hearts.
Comines immediately informed Charles of the
situation, and begged him either to equip himself
with money and supplies or to make up his mind to
return to France as soon as possible after the fortified
places had been provided with garrisons. He also
advised the Duke of Orleans, who was at Asti, to
prepare for the attack which would doubtless follow.
One morning Comines was summoned to appear
before the Great Council. The Doge, upon his
entry, informed him that Venice had concluded a
league with the Pope, the King of the Romans, the
King of Spain, and the Duke of Milan. Their object,
he said, was threefold i (i) to protect the Christian
States against the Turks, (2) to defend Italy against
all outside attacks, and (3) to maintain and protect
the Italian States. At the same time he commissioned
Comines to acquaint Charles VIII. with the formation
of the league. All present, we are told, bore their
heads high and looked much more cheerful than
they had done on hearing of the conquest of Naples.
Although they assured Comines that they bore no
ill-will to the French King, their intention of banish-
ing him from Italy and cutting off his return was
obvious.
On the afternoon of the same day all the envoys
of the League, in company with a band of musicians,
went in gondolas past Comines's windows, but " the
Milanese ambassador appeared not to recognise him."
In the evening there was great jubilation, including
fireworks, bonfires, and the roar of cannon. For
three days Comines and his companions refrained
from entering the town, so that no unseemly word
was addressed to them. At the Pope's wish the
League was made known publicly on Palm Sunday,
and that not merely in Italy but also in Germany
and Spain. All the Princes and envoys were to bear
INHUMANITY OF FRENCH TROOPS 227
olive-branches in token of peace. In Venice a carpeted
way led from the Doge's Palace to the end of the
Place of San Marco, and a magnificent procession of
magistrates, envoys, and their retinues passed along
it. They were all magnificently attired in red velvet.
Even the servants had received new garments, " mais
elles estoient bien courtes," Comines quaintly re-
marks. At a column of porphyry the decisions of the
League were read aloud. All who were present re-
ceived the general absolution from the papal legate.
Comines, though invited, was not present. During
the short time which he afterwards remained in
Venice he was treated as before, and when and he left
for Florence, where he was to await the King, he
was provided with a safe escort and the expenses of
his journey as far as Ferrara were paid for him.
Charles was now in an unenviable position, for
the Neapolitans, who had formerly welcomed him as
their deliverer, loathed the French from the bottom
of their hearts. The military heeded neither the
laws nor the customs of humanity, and even the
nunneries were not safe from the indulgence of their
bestial sensuality. Charles realised that he must
depend upon his own troops since Ludovico of Milan
had failed him. But before leaving Italy he made
another effort to persuade the Pope to confer upon
him the investiture of Naples ; but Alexander,
who had refused this before, was still less inclined
to gratify him now.
Charles, however, could not bring himself to say
good-bye to Naples without making a considerable
parade of his departure.
On May 12 he made a brilliant entry into the town
as King of France, Sicily, and Jerusalem. He was
received by some of the most distinguished citizens,
who presented their children to him, begging that he
would grant them titles of nobility. Before the
ceremonies were ended the King took a solemn oath
228 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
binding himself to maintain the privileges of his
new subjects, who, for their part, undertook to render
him loyalty and obedience.
Charles now made preparations for departure.
In spite, however, of the admonitions of Comines,
he neglected to garrison Reggio in Calabria and other
important towns, which had formerly adhered to
France, but, since the formation of the League, had
gone over to the House of Aragon.
As Governor of Naples Charles installed the Duke
of Montpensier, " bon chevalier et hardy ; mais peu
sage, ne se levant qu'il ne fust midy," as Comines
informs us. In Calabria the French were repre-
sented by d'Aubigny, a brave and canny Scot of the
House of Stuart, who was appointed Chief Constable
of the Kingdom, Count of Acri, and Marquis
of Squillace. The other fortresses Charles confided
to his most experienced generals. All of them proved
faithful to their trusts except Gabriel de Montfaucon,
a man held by the King in high esteem, but who
surrendered the fortress of Manfredonia within four
days, although they had no lack of provisions. In
Tarento, Georges de Suilly distinguished himself
by his valour ; he defended the town until hunger
forced him to submit. He himself died of the plague.
They all suffered from an alarming scarcity of money
as the expected supplies did not arrive. The Princes
of Salerno and Bisignano, as well as the Colonna,
were provided with more than thirty places to de-
fend ; but they soon began to get discontented and
to intrigue against the King, instead of winning
honour and glory by remaining loyal to their oath of
fealty.
CHAPTER XI
Homeward march of the French Charles at Siena and Pisa Battle
of Fornuova Sufferings of the French troops Arrival at Asti
Surrender of Novara by the Duke of Orleans The remnant of
the French army arrives in France Importance of the French
invasion of Italy 1495 a disastrous year for Rome Ferrantino
welcomed at Naples Montpensier attacked by the united forces
of Ferrantino and Gonsalvo Marriage of Ferrantino ; his
death Succession of his uncle Federigo to the throne of Naples
The affairs of Pisa Piero de* Medici attempts to return to
Florence Death of Ludovico's wife, Beatrice d'Este, 1497
Ludovico's grief Alexander's oppression of the Roman nobility
His predilection for Juan, Duke of Gandia Caesar's jealousy
Siege of Bracciano Defeat of papal troops at Soriano
Gonsalvo da Cordova and the Pope Murder of the Duke of
Gandia The Pope's sorrow Fiendish character of Caesar
Borgia.
ON May 20, 1495, Charles VIII. took leave of Naples
and began his homeward march. His soldiers were
overjoyed at the prospect, and it was easy to recognise
those who were appointed to return to France, by
their cheerful bearing, while those whom duty called
to stay behind showed deep depression. Even the
King could not conceal his pleasure at departing,
and expressed compassion for those who were left.
Rome was reached on June I. To the great dis-
appointment of the French, they found that the
Pope had already left the city, although Charles had
sent an envoy assuring him of their homage, and
begging him to await their arrival. The League,
having doubts of Alexander's loyalty, had, it appears,
persuaded him to retire to Orvieto, after having
placed a strong garrison in the Castle of Sant' Angelo.
339
230 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Charles's second entry into Rome was much less
impressive than his first had been. He refused the
offer of residence in the Vatican, preferring what he
considered less risky quarters in the Borgo. Once
more he begged an interview of the Pope, who agreed
to meet him at Viterbo ; but, on arriving there, he
found that Alexander had already taken his departure
for Perugia. Charles, however, was received with
great pomp, and tarried there three days awaiting
the arrival of his rearguard and artillery. Meanwhile,
he went to view the dead body of the sainted Rosalia,
who looked as if merely sleeping, as indeed the monks
declared she was.
The French now gave full vent to their hatred of
the Italians, and behaved as if they were in the land
of an enemy. While the King was at Viterbo the
vanguard stormed Toscanella, which had refused their
admittance, and slaughtered the inhabitants. Charles,
it is said, was extremely vexed at this, for Toscanella
belonged to the papal dominions. But the anger of
so mild and inconsequent a monarch was not very
alarming, and the Bastard of Bourbon, who was
responsible for the attack, sought to appease the
King by making him an accomplice. Among the
prisoners was a young girl of ravishing beauty. The
Bastard brought her to Charles and left them alone
together. The maiden, realising her danger, fell
on her knees before the image of the Madonna, and
in terror besought her protection. The King was
so touched by her despair that he began to make
inquiries about her circumstances. She confessed
that she was betrothed, but that her bridegroom and
all her possessions had been lost hi the Toscanella
disaster. Fortunately it was discovered that he had
escaped the massacre and was among the prisoners.
The King sent for him, gave the young couple his
blessing, and presented them with 500 ducats.
At Siena Charles was received by an embassy of
CHARLES WELCOMED AT PISA 231
the most distinguished citizens. Comines was there,
too, and after two days he tried to persuade the
King to resume his march, since the allies were still
unprepared for war. But he stayed almost a week
longer, for the Sienese entertained him in a manner
after his own heart, and " luy monstrenent les
Dames." Leaving a garrison of three hundred
French in Siena, Charles proceeded to Pisa, his
original idea of going to Florence having been changed
by the news that the Florentines were equipping
themselves for war. As Jacopo Nardi relates, it was
marvellous to see how rapidly men and boys took
arms, and how private citizens competed with the
Commissioners of the Seignory in stocking the city
with weapons and supplies (Villaii). The French
King was filled with indignation to hear that the
whole town was preparing as if for the approach of
a foe, while the Florentines suspected that he was
about to reinstate Piero de' Medici. Savonarola, of
whom Charles had a kind of superstitious awe, was
sent to Poggibonzi (June 1495) to remonstrate with
him ; but, though the King seemed impressed at the
time by his warning words, they had no permanent
effect.
At Pisa Charles was welcomed with delight. All
the houses were decorated, and the children of the
nobles, dressed in white silk woven with lilies, came
forth to meet him. On the great bridge was erected
his statue, with his horse treading on the Lion of
Florence and the Serpent of Milan. Tables groaning
under rare wines and delicacies were set up in the
street, and even the least of the French soldiers were
invited to partake. One day, as the King was re-
turning from mass, he encountered a procession of
all the loveliest women in Pisa, robed in black, with
flowing hair, bare feet and ropes about their necks ;
they besought him, with cries and plaints, not to
deliver them up to the tyranny of the Florentines.
\
232 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
But though Charles appeared touched, he would give
no promise. A French garrison was established in the
citadel, commanded by d'Entragues, a man of shady
reputation.
The King now continued his march by way of
Lucca, where, according to de la Vigne :
II f ut festi6 moult honorablement
En submettant la ville entitlement
Les corps, les biens des hommes et des femmes,
A son plaisir et bon commandement,
Pour le servir de cceur, de corps et d'ames.
From Lucca Charles went on by way of Pietra
Santa to Sarzana, where he received news that the
Genoese were about to detach themselves from
Milan. He therefore sent troops to their help, and
a French fleet from Naples was also despatched. But
the rumour proved false, and the fleet was defeated
at Rapallo.
The Duke of Orleans, whose troops were occupying
Asti, and had also conquered Novara, as a descendant
of the House of Visconti, laid claim to Milan. He
was supported by the Margravine of Montferrat,
though against the King's wishes.
From Lucca, Charles went on through Pietra-Santa
and Sarzana to Pontremoli, at the foot of the moun-
tains. He sent the vanguard, under Marshal Gie*
and Trivulzio, to request an entrance, which was
granted. But there soon arose a quarrel between
the inhabitants and the Germans belonging to the
King's troops, with the result that thirty or forty of
the latter were killed. Their compatriots, infuriated,
flew to arms, plundered the town, and burned all the
provisions they could lay hands on. This outbreak,
united to the King's bad reputation, did great harm
to the French cause. The army suffered much
privation from lack of provisions, though the Ger-
mans did their best, by the vigour of their service, to
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ALLIES 233
compensate for the misfortune they had caused.
Owing to their energy the King, with all his baggage
and artillery, were safely conveyed over the pre-
cipitous mountain paths of the Apennines. The
vanguard, under Marshal Gie*, was already thirty miles
in advance, in camp near the village of Fornuova,
only half a mile away from the troops of the allies.
The latter, luckily for the French, were led, by the
expectation of greater booty, to wait until the rest
of the army had arrived.
In the camp at Fornuova the French were able to
renew their stock of provisions. The peasants brought
very black bread, much-watered wine, and a little
fruit, which they sold at exorbitant prices. The
soldiers at first feared that the food might be poisoned,
and hesitated to taste it, especially as two Swiss died.
But before midnight their hunger overcame them,
and they followed their horses' example by making a
good supper. Comines remarks that it was greatly to
the credit of the Italians that no poison had been
employed.
The two armies were separated by the river Taro,
which could easily be crossed at low water. Comines
was deputed to enter into negotiation with the allied
forces, for the French army had to cross the river
before continuing its march. He set out reluctantly
on his mission, and, though an interview took place,
it led to no result. The same night there broke over
the camp a terrible storm, hi which many saw a
presage of evil. The French position was indeed
critical. In front of them was a large and powerful
army commanded by the daring Marquis Francesco
Gonzaga, and it seemed as though their scanty troops
could have little chance against it. But when, on
Monday, July 6, Comines found Charles fully armed
on a beautiful black horse, he recognised such a
change in the King's usual faltering and undecided
demeanour that the words of Savonarola, " This time
234 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
you will escape from the danger which threatens
you," recurred to him and gave him fresh courage.
Everyone saw that a battle was inevitable. The
strength of the French was concentrated in the van-
guard under Trivulzio and Marshal Gi ; the
main corps was commanded by the King, and
the rearguard by la Tremouille and the Comte de
Foix.
The army of the League was divided into four
parts, three of which were destined for the attack
while the fourth was to defend the camp. The first
corps, under Galeazzo San Severino, was to cross
the river on the upper side of the French vanguard
and proceed to the attack. The centre, under
Gonzaga, consisted of about 14,000 men, including
many hardy Stradiotes. Their task was to cross the
Taro and attack the French centre, while a strong
reserve under Montefeltro were to await the signal
of attack on the river bank. The third corps, com-
manded by Forte Braccio, was to fall upon the French
rearguard.
Of the fight which followed Comines gives a wonder-
fully detailed account, but the reports of contem-
porary Italian historians differ considerably. There
is no doubt, however, that Charles VIII. displayed
remarkable bravery and did not shrink from the
greatest personal risk. Both sides suffered much, for
the fight, though short, was sharp. The French
army would probably have been utterly destroyed if
it had not been for the untrained Bohemians in the
Italian forces, who hastily began to plunder the
enemy's baggage. The French were thus enabled
to cut their way through, though not without heavy
damages. The royal standard, the headquarters, and
an immense amount of valuable booty fell into the
hands of the Italians, and it is not surprising that
they laid claim to the victory, although the object
of the battle had not been gained. The well-known
BRUTALITY OF FRENCH SOLDIERY 285
Madonna of the Victory, now in the Louvre, com-
memorates this claim. The French, for their part,
considered themselves victorious, since they were now
able to continue their march.
The Italians, who were little accustomed to blood-
shed in war, seem to have regarded this battle as
remarkably gory, while Comines mentions it as a com-
paratively insignificant skirmish. The French slaugh-
tered all their prisoners, but the Italians treated theirs
with humanity. The Marquis of Mantua, in an inter-
view with Comines, recommended to him those who had
been taken captive, and in particular his uncle Ridolfo,
under the delusion that they were still alive. " Mais
je scavoye bien le contraire," says Comines, " toute
fois je classeuroye que tous les prisonniers seroyent
bien trait^s. . . . Les prisonniers par nous detenus
estoyent bien aise's a panser, car il n'y en avoit point."
To an unbiassed observer it would seem that
great errors were made on both sides. Charles ought
to have proposed a battle with the allies instead of
allowing his vanguard to cross the river, and thus
deprive himself of their support. Just as blame-
worthy was the conduct of the allies, who, by their
great superiority in numbers, might easily have gained
a victory over the weary French troops ; but their
forces were split up into too small portions, which
were not well under the control of their generals.
On their homeward march the French troops
suffered sadly from lack of provisions and water.
Their thirst, we are told, was so terrible that they
were obliged to drink muddy ditch-water. Comines
sometimes went for two days with nothing to eat but
a little bad bread, yet he was among those who
suffered least. It was most praiseworthy, he thinks,
that there was no murmuring. This was the most
fatiguing and painful march in which he had ever
engaged, although he had followed the Duke of
Burgundy in many a hard campaign.
236 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
At last the hungry and weary troops arrived at
Asti, where they were cheered by an abundant supply
of provisions. Here they received news that Louis,
Duke of Orleans, was about to surrender Novara
owing to lack of food. Charles immediately hastened
to Vercelli, hoping to be able to cross the Sesia and
go to the Duke's assistance ; but, owing to the heavy
rains, the river was swollen into a rushing torrent,
and the camp was cut off from help. The King,
however, rose to the occasion and himself super-
intended the building of a bridge of boats, which,
alas ! was speedily swept away by fresh floods of
rain. While they were considering the erection of
another bridge the Duke of Orleans surrendered, only
thirty Frenchmen being left in the citadel. Two
thousand men had died of hunger, and of the remaining
5,000 less than 600 were capable of fighting. The
others were so emaciated as to appear more dead
than alive.
Although French historians represent the recon-
quest of Novara in a not unfavourable light, it cannot
be denied that it was one of the most acute humilia-
tions which they had encountered in the whole
campaign. The town was completely invested by
the allies, and the garrison suffered the most terrible
privation. Charles was obliged to ask for an armistice,
which the Duke of Milan only granted with reluctance.
The Duke of Orleans and a few friends were allowed
to visit the King at Vercelli, but only on condition
that they should return to Novara in the event of
no peace being concluded. After lengthy negotiations,
the Duke of Milan finally decided to leave the allies
and enter into a private treaty with Charles. The
latter was thus permitted to equip a fleet in the
harbour of Genoa, and received promise of a free
passage through Milanese territory, and assistance
in troops and money in the event of his undertaking
a fresh campaign against Naples.
IMPORTANCE OF THE INVASION 237
The French, who had lost 2,000 men through
hunger and pestilence, now set out to join their King
at Vercelli. More than three hundred of them,
however, died on the way, and as many more
collapsed immediately upon their arrival. The King
treated his troops with great consideration, and
Comines, it is said, saved more than fifty lives by
nursing many of the invalids in the little Castle of
Camariano.
With his army now reduced to one-third of its
original numbers, Charles pushed homeward by way
of Turin. Here he tarried for some time, but on
October 22, 1495, he took his departure and was
soon back in his own dominions. His wonderful
conqaest of Naples was already a thing of the past,
though its effects were far-reaching indeed.
In spite of its evanescent character, the invasion
of Charles VIII. was a great factor in the history of
the Renaissance. It marks a turning-point from
which dates the spread of culture in Europe. Italy,
in all her glory, was at last revealed to the nations of
the north. " Like a gale sweeping across a forest
of trees in blossom, and bearing their fertilising
pollen to far-distant trees that hitherto have bloomed
in barrenness, the storm of Charles's army carried
far and wide through Europe the productive energy
of the Renaissance." 1
The year 1495 had indeed been a disastrous one
for Rome. It had twice witnessed the invasion of
the French, and before its close one of the most
terrible floods ever known in Italy had set its mark
upon the city. In some parts people were drowned
in their beds, and many others died from the effects
of cold and hunger. " There were great floods,"
writes a Venetian correspondent, " in the reigns of
Pope Sixtus IV. and Martin V., but never one like
this. Many are rilled with terror and think there
1 J. A. Symonds, Age of the Despots, p. 358.
238 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
is something beyond nature in it ; but it is not for
me to say anything on this point. . . . These parts
of Rome have suffered so much that it makes the
heart ache to see it. The Pope has ordered pro-
cessions to implore the mercy of God."
A belief arose that the Divine wrath was about
to burst forth upon the city and utterly destroy it.
Strange and ominous tales were spread, one in par-
ticular of a monster said to have been found on the
banks of the Tiber. The Venetian ambassadors
describe it as having " the body of a woman, and a
head with two faces. The front face was that of an
ass with long ears, at the back was an old man with
a beard. The left arm was human, the right re-
sembled the trunk of an elephant. In the place of
a tail it had a long neck with a gaping snake's head
at the end ; the legs, from the feet upwards and the
whole body, were covered with scales like a fish."
On all hands signs and tokens were thought to portend
fresh disasters, and the voice of Savonarola thundered
forth the most terrible prophecies of evil to come.
As soon as the young King Ferrantino heard that
Charles had left Naples he landed on the coast of
Calabria with about six hundred men. Gonsalvo
da Cordova joined him, but d'Aubigny, whom
Charles had left behind to defend Naples, defeated
them at Seminara. Ferrantino retreated to Messina,
and Gonsalvo fled over the mountains to Reggio.
In this battle Ferrantino was saved from death by
the loyalty of his page, Giovanni of Capua, who
paid for his heroism with his own life.
At Messina Ferrantino equipped a small fleet and
sailed in the direction of Naples, hoping to be kindly
received by the Neapolitans. In vain he cruised
about the coast for three days, and he was already
about to retire when a boat from Naples brought
him news that the people were longing for his return,
but, from fear of the French garrison, they dared
MONTPENSIER FLEES TO SALERNO 239
not welcome him ; if, however, he would attempt a
landing they would stand by him. On the day after
the battle of Taro, therefore, Ferrantino landed at
Maddalena, about a mile from Naples. An insurrection
arose ; the gates were closed behind the French,
and only opened again to receive Ferrantino, who
was greeted by the populace with loud cries of joy.
The Duke of Montpensier made a brave defence,
but was finally obliged to flee to Salerno. Here
he received reinforcements, and, returning to Naples,
almost compelled Ferrantino to beat a retreat. But,
fortunately for the latter, the Pope sent a few troops
to his aid, and, with the help of Prospero and Fabricius
Colonna, he was able to repulse the French attack.
Ferrantino also sought help from the Venetians.
The Senate, no longer hiding its hostility to France,
sent him a considerable fleet and a land force under
the Marquis of Mantua, who had won a great reputa-
tion in the battle of Taro. In return for this assist-
ance, they demanded the surrender of Brindisi,
Trani, Gallipoli, Otranto, and other towns on the
shores of the Adriatic.
Montpensier, who had withdrawn to Atella, was
reinforced by a number of Swiss. D'Aubigny, also,
though himself in need of support against Gonsalvo,
sent him both money and men. These were
commanded by Count Moreto and Albert San
Severino, who, however, were surprised and captured
on their march by Gonsalvo. At Atella, Montpensier
was so violently attacked by the united forces of
Ferrantino and Gonsalvo that he was obliged to
negotiate. An armistice of thirty days was granted
on condition that, if in that time no fleet came to his
help, he must surrender not only Atella but also all
the Neapolitan fortresses still in the possession of
the French.
But Charles, having once safely arrived in his own
country, troubled little about the brave warriors
240 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
left behind in Italy. The stipulated time passed,
and the hoped-for succour did not arrive. Mont-
pensier, therefore, had to fulfil the conditions of
the treaty ; but Ferrantino, instead of keeping his
promise of letting the French troops immediately
set sail for Provence, sent about 6,000 of them to the
island of Procida and other unhealthy parts, where
almost two-thirds of them died from hunger and
disease. Montpensier died at Pozzuoli, but d'Aubigny,
after tarrying in Calabria until he heard of the
surrender of Atella, withdrew his troops and led them
safely back to France.
Ferrantino, whose claim to the throne of Naples
was no longer disputed, now turned his attention to
matrimony. He had long loved Joanna, a beautiful
girl of fourteen, the half-sister of his father Alfonso,
and, now that his kingdom was in a state of com-
parative peace, he gained the Pope's dispensation
for the marriage. Their near relationship was looked
upon askance by many. " Ce me semble horreur,"
says Comines, " de parler d'un tel mariage, dont on
eut fait deja plusieurs en cette maison." The King,
however, did not long enjoy his married life, for he
died shortly after the wedding celebrations. As he
left no children, the crown passed to his uncle Federigo,
a Prince of considerable virtue and kindliness, who,
under more propitious circumstances, might have
reorganised and tranquillised the kingdom of
Naples.
Before Charles VIII. left Italy he had given the
Florentines a definite promise that, in return for the
loan of a much-needed sum of money, he would
restore Pisa to them. D'Entragues received orders
to evacuate the citadel, but he surrendered it to
the Pisans for 12,000 ducats, whether at the King's
counter-order, or merely from a desire for money,
is not certain. The Florentines thereupon had
recourse to arms ; but the Pisans raised forces and
THE STORY OF ISIS AND OSIRIS.
Pinlnricchio (Borgia Apartments, the Vatican}.
240]
ENTRY OF EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN 241
turned to the other Italian States for help, promising
subjection if they would free them from the hated
yoke of Florence. The Venetians and the Duke of
Milan prepared for the defence.
Meanwhile the Florentines, under Viletti, attacked
the unfortunate town, but were forced to retreat
by the fire of artillery from the citadel.
There now appeared a new candidate for the
possession of Pisa, no less a person than the Em-
peror Maximilian. In October 1496 he marched
into Milanese territory, where the Duke had made
brilliant preparations for his reception. He then
proceeded in the direction of Pisa. But the Venetians,
who were ever seeking to increase their power, and
kept a jealous eye upon their neighbours, placed a
strong garrison in the town, and obliged Maximilian
to withdraw. They tried to persuade him to renounce
his claims, but he, angry at his failure, was eager to
ravage the whole province of Tuscany. A terrible
storm arose, however, and scattered his fleet, so that
he was obliged to beat a hasty retreat to his own
domains.
For the last year Piero de' Medici had been living
a degraded and vicious life in Rome. He had never
given up hope of being reinstated in Florence, and
thought that the Emperor's arrival in Pisa would
provide a suitable opportunity for him to try to
return. The Pope and the Venetians supported
him, and he had many friends among the youth of
Florence who encouraged him in his undertaking.
With the help of Virginio Orsini, who, during the
battle of the Taro, had escaped from captivity,
Piero marched into Umbria with a considerable
force, and reached Rapollano in the middle of winter.
But the Florentines had taken all necessary pre-
cautions. Arezzo and Cortona were reinforced and
all disposable troops gathered to Florence, while
the friends of the Medici were carefully watched.
QB
242 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
It was thus almost impossible for the advancing
forces, who relied as much on their friends as on their
own strength, to venture an assault. Virginio, there-
fore, merely set fire to the outlying villages, having
first plundered them for the maintenance of his men.
While in this critical situation he received a command
to take service with the French King, who was with-
drawing his troops from Naples. Notwithstanding
the grudge he bore to Charles for having unjustly
detained him in prison, Virginio lost no time in
marching towards Naples with his troops, leaving
Piero and his friends in the lurch. His treachery
met with its reward, for he, together with the Duke
of Montpensier, was taken prisoner at Atella, and
they both died in captivity. Piero's army was
now disbanded.
About this time domestic troubles pressed hardly
upon Ludovico of Milan. Three of his sons died and
soon afterwards, in January 1497, he lost his wife,
Beatrice d'Este, after the birth of a still-born child.
Ludovico, who was absolutely callous to the miseries
of his fellow-men, nevertheless suffered agonies of
grief at her death, for she had been the loyal sharer
of all his joys and ambitions, to say nothing of his
crimes. At his command she was splendidly en-
tombed in the Chapel of Santa Maria delle Grazie,
which was decorated in the most lavish manner.
Beatrice was only twenty-three at the time of her
death ; her strong personality had always exercised
a remarkable influence over her wicked husband, and
when she was no longer on earth to advise him,
his fortunes began steadily to decline. Ludovico
ordered that the day of her death should be observed
as a fast, and he himself always celebrated the anni-
versary with deep abasement of spirit, standing
with rent garments at the table where his courtiers
dined.
Now that Alexander VI. had no more to fear from
GREED OF ALEXANDER VI. 243
France, he adopted measures for the oppression of
the Roman nobility, proceeding to enrich his beloved
children at their expense. He was especially anxious
to promote the fortunes of Juan, Duke of Gandia,
upon whom he hoped to found the future greatness
of his house. The Duke, though immoral, was of a
gentle and amiable disposition, and was as much loved
as his brother Caesar was hated and feared. The
Pope, indeed, loved Juan with a far more tender affec-
tion than that which he bore to the brilliant Caesar.
The latter, who longed for the proud position of heir
of the House of Borgia, was consumed with jealousy
of his elder brother. Juan, however, was still young,
while Alexander was getting on in years, so that in
the natural course of events Caesar would never
have the first place in his father's favour. A horrible
plan was already seething in his brain ; he had re-
duced crime to a fine art and found no difficulty in
devising a way of removing this hindrance from his
path. How he succeeded will shortly be seen.
Alexander VI. had always been at enmity with
those Roman nobles whose possessions excited his
greed. Upon becoming Pope he had lost no time in
attacking the Orsini, until the French invasion had
forced him to desist. At the same time, he pursued
the Colonna, who had seized upon Ostia. He con-
fiscated their property and had their palaces de-
molished ; but, on account of the Pope's treaty with
Charles VIII. , to whom the Colonna were attached,
he was obliged to give up molesting them for a time.
After the French retreat, however, he renewed his
hostilities against the Orsini, who had remained faithful
to France, while the Colonna were more inclined
towards the House of Aragon.
The task of overthrowing the Orsini was entrusted
to Juan, Duke of Gandia, whom the Pope summoned
from Spain for this purpose. When he arrived in
Rome (August 10, 1496), the French garrison at
244 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Atella had already been forced to surrender, with the
result that Virginio, the Orsini leader, was imprisoned.
This seemed a good opportunity for attempting the
further conquest of the Orsini strongholds. The
Duke of Gandia, though by no means remarkable for
military skill, was, amid much pomp and circumstance,
appointed Commander-General of the papal troops.
On October 27 the expedition started from Rome.
Gabera, Scrofano, Formello, Campagnano, and finally
Anguillara, speedily succumbed.
" The next step was to proceed to lay siege to the
family castle of Bracciano. This majestic fortress,
with its five round towers, still crowns the height above
the blue lake in grey and massive grandeur. Here the
whole clan, with all their forces, were assembled.
The youthful Alviano, with his high-spirited con-
sort, Bartolomea, Virginio's sister, commanded the
defenders." 1 Bartolomea threw her whole energies
into the cause of her family, and sacrificed her riches,
her jewels, and even her wedding-robe in order that
the soldiers might be paid. Her husband, Alviano,
also distinguished himself by wonderful fearlessness,
energy, and presence of mind. The Duke of Gandia,
on the other hand, was inexperienced and not very
capable, so that no progress was made until the end
of November, when the guns which the King of Naples
had lent the Pope arrived. Even then Bracciano
continued to hold out bravely, though the besiegers
displayed the most inhuman cruelty. Caesar Borgia,
who was indulging in the pleasures of the chase at
Monte Mario, was nearly taken prisoner, and was
only saved by the fleetness of his horse. The Pope
was frantic at the non-success of his troops, and
on Christmas Day was quite incapacitated by
anxiety.
The French King, meanwhile, did not abandon
the Orsini cause. He sent them money and a few
* Pastor, vol. v. p. 489.
troops under Carlo, a natural son of Virginio Orsini,
and Vitellozzo. Many old soldiers again enlisted
under their banner, and they were also joined by the
Baglioni, the Prefect of Rome, and other important
nobles who feared the Borgia rapacity. Only the
Colonna and Savelli held back. They were now as
friendly to the Borgias as they had formerly been
hostile, and gave no heed to the popular saying that
" the Borgias would dine on the property of the
Orsini, but that they expected to sup on that of the
Colonna."
The approach of these reinforcements compelled
the papal army to raise the siege. The two armies
met at Soriano an January 25, 1497, and the battle
resulted in the absolute defeat of the pontifical troops.
The Orsini, though at a disadvantage in the beginning,
fought lustily, and five hundred men were killed or
taken prisoners ; the rest saved themselves by flight.
The Duke of Gandia was wounded and Urbino cap-
tured, and the Apostolic Legate died a few days
later from the effects of fright.
The Orsini were now masters of the Campagna.
The Pope was terrified at the news of the defeat, and
contrived to patch up a kind of peace with his enemies.
Virginio Orsini, however, derived no benefit from the
success of his house, for he had died, presumably
from poison, before the battle took place.
Ostia still remained in the power of Cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere, the declared enemy of the
Pope. The latter now turned to the only friend
whom he could trust Gonsalvo da Cordova, the
Spanish General, and commissioned him to reconquer
it for the Papal See. As peace prevailed in Naples,
Gonsalvo united his Spaniards with the papal forces
and began to fire upon the fortress ; but before
many shots had been exchanged, Menaldo, the
commander of the garrison, surrendered (March 9,
1497). At the same time Alexander VI. decided,
246 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
on his own responsibility, to deprive Cardinal Giuliano
della Rovere of his benefices, and his brother Gio-
vanni, who had supported Vitellozzo, of the Prefecture
of Rome.
On March 15 Gonsalvo and the Duke of Gandia,
" the one an able general and statesman, the other
a mere stage prince bedizened with ornaments and
tinsel," arrived in Rome. They were welcomed at
the gates by the Pope's sons, all the Cardinals, and
a goodly multitude of people. Gonsalvo was at
once conducted to the Pope, who kissed him on the
cheek, and, in presence of the Cardinals, conferred on
him the golden rose. The Spaniard gave proof of
his magnanimity by begging that Menaldo might be
liberated. His request was granted, and Menaldo
was allowed to retire to France.
Modern writers have maintained that Gonsalvo took
the opportunity of remonstrating seriously with
the Pope on his evil ways, but there seems to be no
mention of this in contemporary chronicles. There
can be no doubt, however, that such reproof was
urgently needed, for Alexander's nepotism and iniquity
were unbounded. It was about this time that
Cardinal Peraudi remarked to the Florentine envoy :
" When I think of the lives of the Popes and some of
the Cardinals, I shudder at the idea of residing at
the Court."
The Pope, who was anxious to form a party of
Cardinals to support his schemes, had made himself
very unpopular in 1496 by conferring the red hat
upon several Spaniards. In June, 1497, a Secret
Consistory was held, at which he proposed to invest
the Duke of Gandia with the Duchy of Benevento
as well as the cities of Terracina and Pontecorvo,
hoping thus to prepare his way to the throne of
Naples. Though there were twenty-seven Cardinals
present, Piccolomini was the only one who had the
courage to protest against this alienation of church
MURDER OF JUAN BORGIA 247
property, and his remonstrances were disregarded.
In the same month Caesar Borgia, despite the great
disapproval of the College of Cardinals, was appointed
Legate to Naples, where he was deputed to anoint
and crown the new King Federigo. At the close
of the Consistory, Caesar retired to his rooms and
shut himself in ; it is probable that he was already
busying himself with the plans for his brother's
murder. The time had come when his jealousy
could no longer be contained and he determined, by
foul means, to oust the Duke of Gandia from his
position as heir of the Borgia fortunes. Several
contemporary historians impute to him the desire
of getting rid of a rival for Lucrezia's favours. This,
however, can hardly be credited, for Lucrezia was
already on distinctly unfriendly terms with her father
and brothers after the dissolution of her union with
Sforza. It cannot be denied that Caesar possessed
some demoniacal kind of influence over his sister,
but there are no fixed facts to prove the appalling
suspicions which have been promulgated by enemies
of the House of Borgia. There is, however, little
doubt that both Caesar and the Duke of Gandia
maintained immoral relations with Donna Sancia,
their sister-in-law. Some have regarded this as an
additional motive for the murder.
Burchard, the Master of the Papal Ceremonies,
gives in his Diary a blunt and detailed account of the
Duke's murder, which, however, bears upon it the
impress of truth. " On June 14," he says, " the
Cardinal of Valencia [Caesar] and the Duke of Gandia,
both sons of the Pope, were present at a banquet
given by their mother, Vannozza, who lived near the
Church of San Pietro in Vincoli. As it grew late,
the Cardinal reminded his brother that it was time
to return to the Papal Palace. They and a small
escort therefore mounted their horses, or mules, and
rode as far as the Palace of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza,
248 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
where the Duke informed the Cardinal that he
wished to pay a visit to his mistress before going
home. Thereupon he dismissed his entire suite with
the exception of his valet and a masked person who
had visited him daily for the last month. He let
this domino sit behind him on his mule and rode
as far as the Ghetto, where he gave his servant orders
to wait for him until a certain hour, but, if he did
not get back by that time, to return to the palace.
The Duke took this masked person up again behind
him and rode on. But in the night he was murdered,
and his body thrown into the Tiber. The servant
who waited for him was also attacked and fatally
wounded, and, although everything was done to
revive him, he did not recover consciousness enough
to give any comprehensible information about his
master's fate.
" When the Duke had not returned by the following
morning his people became uneasy, and one of them
informed the Pope that his sons had passed the whole
night in revelling, and that the Duke had not yet
reappeared. At this news the Pontiff was overcome
with anxiety, though he suspected that Gandia had
spent the night with some hired prostitute, and,
not wishing to compromise himself by leaving her
house in broad daylight, was waiting the shades of
evening. But when the night came and he did
not appear, the Pope became acutely miserable, and,
sending for various people, questioned them minutely.
Among them was a workman, Schiavoni by name,
who had spent the night in a boat on the Tiber,
guarding some wood which he had been unlading.
To the question whether he had seen any one thrown
into the river on the preceding night he replied that
he had noticed two foot-passengers come down the
street, and look carefully round to see if anybody
was passing. As nothing stirred, they turned back,
and soon two other men appeared. They looked
THE ARMS OF POPE ALEXANDER VI.
Pinturiccliio (Borgia Apartments, ike Vatican)
248]
RECOVERY OF JUAN'S BODY 249
about just as the others had done, and, as everything
remained quiet, made a signal to their companions.
Thereupon a man mounted on a white horse rode
up ; in front of him was a corpse, whose head and
arms hung down on one side of the horse and his feet
on the other ; it was supported by the two men he
had just seen, to prevent its falling down. As soon
as they reached the place where the town-refuse was
cast into the Tiber, the rider and both the men seized
the body by its hands and feet and hurled it into the
river. The horseman asked them whether it lay
right Li the current, and they answered, ' Yes, sig-
nore.' Thereupon he himself looked into the river,
and, perceiving a cloak floating on the water, asked
what the black thing was. They told him, and one
of the men threw a stone upon it and caused it to
sink. On being asked why he had not informed the
authorities of the occurrence, Schiavoni answered
that he had, during his lifetime, seen over a hundred
corpses thrown into the Tiber, and had never heard
any inquiry made about them." This remark was
truly significant of the shocking state of Rome under
Alexander VI.
Orders were given that the Tiber should be dragged,
and after a time the body of the Duke of Gandia was
hauled out. The Roman wits did not lose the oppor-
tunity of making epigrams upon Alexander VI., " the
true successor of St. Peter, and indeed a fisher of men."
The Duke's throat had been cut, and there were
eight ghastly wounds on other parts of the body.
His purse, however, and his rich garments had not
been touched, so it was obvious that robbery had not
been the motive for the murder. The corpse was
taken to Sant' Angelo, where it was clothed in ducal
robes and then carried on an open bier to lie in
Santa Maria del Popolo.
The Pope, who had loved his son with a great love,
grieved for him with a great grief. He shut himself
250 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
in his room, overcome with sorrow, and wept bitterly,
so that the noise of his weeping was heard afar off.
From Wednesday evening till Sunday morning no
food passed his lips, neither did he lose his trouble
in sleep from Thursday morning till Sunday. When
the first transports of grief were over, remorse seemed
to seize him. He summoned a Conclave of the Car-
dinals, humbled himself with tears before them, and
instituted a commission for the amendment of the
abuses which he had sanctioned in the Church.
An interview with Vannozza appears to have soothed
the Pope's troubled soul. It is probable that she
reasoned with him, and pointed out the fact that
the brilliant Caesar was more fitted to uphold the
majesty of his house than had been the less gifted
Duke of Gandia. " The miserable father rose from
the earth, dried his eyes, took food, put from him
his remorse, and forgot, together with his grief for
Absalom, the reforms which he had promised for
the Church." 1
Roscoe assumes that Gandia was attacked and
murdered by a jealous rival, because, in Schiavoni's
account of the event, there is no hint of Caesar's guilt,
and also because, after the murder, Caesar was appar-
ently received with friendliness by both his father
and sister. But there is very little evidence to
support this theory. Even if it is true that Caesar
did not leave his palace that night, this is no proof
of innocence ; he had no need to commit the crime
in person since in Don Michelotto, the leader of his
band, he had always a ready instrument for any deed
of infamy. That jealousy of the Duke's love for
Lucrezia was the motive for killing him, as is
imagined by Tomaso Tomasi and Gordon, is most
improbable, but Caesar undoubtedly felt that his
brother stood in the way of his worldly advancement.
He had adopted an ecclesiastical career very much
1 J. A. Symonds.
MURDER OF PEROTTO 251
against his inclination, and it was only through the
Duke's death that he could hope one day to attain
the position of an independent Prince, the summit
of his ambition. He alone had anything to gain
from his brother's removal, and, as we have already
seen, his character was such that he shrank from no
iniquity which might in any way be of advantage to
him. Alexander and Lucrezia probably realised his
infamy, but did not dare to oppose him. " The Pope
loves and hugely fears his son," says the Venetian
ambassador. Platina, too, tells us how much Alexander
feared the power of his ferocious offspring, and adds
that Caesar, who had begun to despise the Cardinal's
Hat, murdered his brother for no better reason
than that he wished to lead the papal troops in his
stead.
The Duke of Gandia's wife, Donna Maria Enriquez,
was in Spam at the time of the murder. Upon hearing
the sad news from the Pope's sister, Donna Beatrice
Borja y Arenos, she lost no time in appearing before
the tribunal of the kingdom of Valencia to claim
the duchy of Gandia and the Neapolitan fiefs of
Suessa, Teano, Carinola, and Montefoscolo on behalf
of her three-year-old son, Don Juan. He was accord-
ingly recognised as the legal heir.
Caesar was now released from all ecclesiastical ties,
by the Pope, who devoted his energies to building up
the fortunes of his fiendish son. As time went on this
monster of iniquity became more and more inhuman
in his cruelty. It is said he actually stabbed Perotto,
the Pope's minion, while the boy was taking refuge
in Alexander's arms. On another occasion " he
turned some prisoners sentenced to death into a court-
yard of the palace, arrayed himself in fantastic clothes,
and amused the papal party by shooting the unlucky
criminals. They ran round and round the court,
crouching and doubling to avoid his arrows. He
A
252 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
showed his skill by hitting each where he thought fit.
. . . Other scenes, not of bloodshed but of grovelling
sensuality, though described by the dry pen of Bur-
chard, can hardly be transferred to these pages "
(Symonds).
One of Caesar's most striking qualities was the
coolness with which he regulated his passions. He
lost nothing by impatience, but would calmly await
the psychological moment in order that he might
taste the exquisite pleasure of revenge and enjoy its
flavour to the full. The Pope, who, for his part,
could control neither tongue nor impatience, looked
with admiration and astonishment upon the trans-
cendent genius of his son, " le veritable virtuose de
la famille."
CHAPTER XII
Florence aftei the banishment of the Medici Piero de' Medici re-
pulsed The Florentines besiege Pisa Fate of Paolo Vitelli
Savonarola ; his execution Death of Charles VIII. Accession
of Louis of Orleans to the French throne His matrimonial
affairs Caesar Borgia returns to a secular life His magnificent
entry into Chinon His rejection by Carlotta of Naples Mar-
riage of Lucrezia and Alfonso of Naples Caesat wins the hand
of Charlotte d'Albret Louis XII. prepares for an Italian cam-
paign His speedy successes Joyful reception at Milan Joy
of Alexander VI. His ambitious schemes Lucrezia made
Regent of Spoleto Her unenviable position The Pope ap-
points her governor of Nepi Birth of Lucrezia's son Rodrigo
Caesar's campaign in the Romagna Surrender of Imola
Caterina Sforza's defence of Forli Death of Cardinal Juan
Borgia The Milanese return to their allegiance to Ludovico the
Moor Battle of Novara Ludovico taken prisoner by the
French Alexander's pride in Caesar's prowess Caesar's tri-
umphal entry into Rome.
SINCE the banishment of the Medici, many changes
had passed over Florence, and the reins of government
were now in the hands of the mob. The real leader
of the citizens, however, was Savonarola, who was
determined upon the reformation and purification
of the city. Through negligence on the part of the
magistrates a famine arose, which proved that the
government was by no means an ideal one. With
the co-operation of the leading inhabitants, a Gon-
faloniere was elected in the person of Bernardo del
Nero, an old man well stricken in years, while the
other offices of State were filled with men who did
not belong to Savonarola's party. Piero de' Medici,
encouraged by this turn of affairs, and upheld by
253
254 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
promises of support from Venice and the Pope, re-
solved to make an effort to reinstate himself. He and
his brothers collected a troop, at the head of which
they placed Bartolomeo d'Alveano, who had already
distinguished himself in connection with the papal
forces. Stealthily they advanced towards Florence,
but, just as they were about to approach the gates,
a violent rain set in causing confusion among the
soldiers and a delay of several hours. The Florentines,
meanwhile, had got wind of the enemy's approach,
and, led by Paolo Vitelli, took energetic measures to
defend their town. The Medici partisans were taken
into custody, so that Piero could no longer expect
any help from his friends. His men had to abandon
their plan of attacking the gates, and withdrew to
the States of the Church, where they occupied them-
selves with plundering the villages. Nardi relates
that, on this occasion, Piero was so near the city walls
(April 28, 1497) that the Florentines could recognise
him, and that they congregated in bands to gaze
upon him and his followers, though no sign of friend-
liness was shown.
Nardi further mentions that the poet Benivieni,
himself a passionate enthusiast, was sent to inquire
of Savonarola what would be the result of this dreaded
attack of the enemy. The Prior, who was reading,
looked up and answered : " O thou of little faith,
why doubtest thou ? Knowest thou not that God
is with thee ? Go, tell thy superiors that I will pray
for the town, and that they must not be afraid, for
Piero de' Medici will not come beyond the gates, and
having accomplished nothing, will retreat." And it
happened just as he had predicted.
Four of the most important adherents of the
Medici were convicted of holding communication
with the enemy and condemned to death. The aged
Gonfaloniere, Nero, was included in the same punish-
ment for having known, yet not disclosed, the enemy's
plans. Great discontent was aroused in Florence
by this severity.
Meanwhile the Florentines besieged Pisa. The
Duke of Urbino, who had purchased his freedom for
30,000 ducats, Bartolomeo d'Alveanoj who had
formerly been on the opposing side, Paolo Orsini,
Ludovico the Moor, and Venice, which was then at
the height of its power, took the part of the Pisans.
The Florentine troops were led by Paolo Vitelli,
while the Marquis of Mantua had command of the
allies. Both parties prepared for war. The Pisans
were returning from plundering Volterra when they
were attacked by the Florentines in the valley of
San Regolo. A battle ensued, in which Florence
sustained an utter defeat.
In their extremity the Florentines turned to
Ludovico Sforza. It was not difficult to convince
him of the undesirability of any increase in the
Venetian power, and he consented to support Florence ;
the treaty, however, was to be kept secret until a
suitable opportunity occurred to withdraw his troops
from the allies.
This secret alliance with the Florentines was
much more harmful to Venice than an open breach
would have been. Ludovico persuaded several leaders
who had formerly adhered to Pisa to come over to
the side of Florence, and a large and powerful army
entered the field under the command of Paolo Vitelli.
They advanced against Pisa, garrisoned all the ap-
proaches to the town, and directed their batteries
against Vico Pisano, a fortress in the neighbourhood.
The latter surrendered, and the enemy proceeded
to the conquest of Pisa.
The Florentines proposed to settle their dispute
with Pisa by arbitration ; but Venice, conscious of
her power, preferred to continue the war, in the ex-
pectation of uniting Pisa to the Venetian possessions.
But, as Vitelli continued the siege with great vigour
256 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and persistence, the allies became more inclined to
listen to the Florentine proposals. After lengthy
negotiations, the judgment was entrusted to Duke
Ercole of Ferrara, who passed the following sentence
(1499) : The Venetians were to withdraw their troops
from the dominions of Florence and Pisa ; Florence
was to pay them 180,000 ducats as compensation
for the expenses of the war, and Pisa was again to
be restored to Florentine authority.
Universal discontent was aroused by this decision,
and it was decided to return to the fight.
The walls of Pisa were very strong, the town well
provisioned, and the garrison numerous and capable ;
but the Florentines made vigorous efforts to gain the
victory, especially as the Venetians withdrew the
greater part of their troops under the pretext of dis-
satisfaction with the behaviour of the Pisans, though
really in order to seize upon part of their domains.
Vitelli first attacked the fortress of Stampace, on
which the Pisans set their chief hopes. The in-
habitants resisted bravely, men, women, and children
taking part in the defence ; but the garrison was
utterly defeated. Most of them were shot down and
the rest fled to Pisa. Vitelli might have followed up
his victory by forcing an entry into the town, but
this, for some reason or other, he neglected to do.
The Pisans thereby gained time to recover from their
consternation. But, although Vitelli may have let
slip a favourable opportunity, it must be admitted
that he spared no effort to force the town to sur-
render, employing every means at the command of a
skilful general. Luck, however, was against him.
The plague broke out among the Florentine troops,
who were encamped in a marshy district. The putre-
fying corpses of the slain contributed to aggravate
the evil, and although fresh reinforcements arrived
from Florence, the death-rate became so high that
the siege had to be abandoned.
HOSTILITY OF SAVONAROLA 257
Vitelli now journeyed to Cascina, where he was
awaited by an embassy of Florentines. He was de-
clared prisoner and conveyed to Florence, where he
was accused of meeting with the Medici at Casen-
tino and of set purpose allowing them to escape.
He was also severely censured for his conduct at the
siege of Pisa. As he refused to admit his guilt, he
was put to the torture ; but, as the cruellest torments
could wrest from him no confession, he was con-
demned to death and was beheaded on the night
after his trial.
The Florentines had by this time begun to grow
restive under the domineering influence of Savonarola.
Already, in 1496, he had given great offence by the
fiery outspokenness of his Lenten sermons, which
were quite frankly directed against the Pope, the
Reman clergy, Ludovico Sforza, the Medici, and the
Florentines themselves. Ludovico the Moor and Piero
de' Medici urged the Pope to take active measures
against this inconvenient reformer, whose position
was hourly getting more precarious. There arose a
hostile party anxious to have him bound and cast
into the Arno as a heretic, but the Friar Preacher
still had many supporters, and they dared not lay
hands upon him.
Unfortunately for Savonarola, a Seignory hostile to
him now came into power. At one of their assemblies
a Franciscan accused the Prior of heresy and fraud,
challenging him to prove the truth of his doctrine
by the Ordeal by Fire. Savonarola refused, but Fra
Domenico, his faithful supporter, took up the gauntlet
and a day was fixed for the ceremony. The Franciscan,
however, now cast about for an excuse to withdraw
the challenge, saying that his quarrel was with Savona-
rola alone, and that he would have nothing to do
with Fra Domenico. But, in spite of the Franciscan's
faint-heartedness, and the fact that Savonarola severely
reproved Fra Domenico for his excess of zeal, the
RB
258 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
matter was not allowed to rest. " If Savonarola
enters the fire," said his enemies, " he will be burned ;
if he refuses to enter it, he will lose all credit with his
followers ; we shall have an opportunity of arousing
a tumult, and during the tumult we shall be able to
seize on his person." The members of the Seignory
were quite willing to help forward this plot, which
could only result in the shedding of innocent blood.
April 7 was the day finally fixed for the ordeal.
Savonarola, accompanied by his friars, walked in
procession to the Piazza singing the psalm, " Let God
arise, and let His enemies be scattered." The Fran-
ciscans, who had made no demonstrations, were
already there, and stood silently on their side of the
Loggia while the Dominicans prayed aloud. A vast
multitude of people had gathered together to witness
the sight ; the windows, balconies, and even the roofs
of the neighbouring houses were crowded with
spectators. All was ready when a dispute arose
between the two parties as to what each champion
should be permitted to take with him into the flames.
Fra Domenico was desirous of taking the crucifix,
but to this the Franciscans raised resolute objections.
Finally, he announced his willingness to take the
Sacred Host instead ; but this proposal was emphati-
cally opposed by the throng of spectators as well as
by the Franciscans. The discussion lasted so long
that the shades of night were already gathering before
the matter was settled, and, after waiting a whole
day for the ordeal to take place, the disappointed and
angry mob dispersed at the command of the Seignory.
The conduct of Savonarola and his followers
aroused universal condemnation ; even the Piagnoni
declared that he ought to have entered the fire alone
if no one would go with him. The whole of Florence
tingled with indignation and resentment, and the
Friar's fate was already sealed by his own act.
On the morning of Palm Sunday, April 8, Savonarola,
MARTYRDOM OF SAVONAROLA 259
in direct opposition to the command of the
Seignory, preached a sermon in St. Mark's. His words
were few and melancholy ; he offered his body as a
sacrifice to God, and took a sad but calm farewell of
his people. Before the day was over Francesco
Valori, the Prior's chief supporter, was murdered and
the Convent of San Marco stormed. Savonarola,
amid the jeers of the populace, was led before the
Seignory, which received the Pope's authority to
institute proceedings against him. Painful days fol-
lowed, in which strange confessions were alleged to
have been forced from the Prior by torture, though
statements thus extorted can hardly be accepted as
proofs of guilt. The trial, as all had foreseen,
resulted in sentence of death by hanging being pro-
nounced upon Savonarola, Fra Domenico, and Fra
Silvestro. On the following day, May 23, they
went forth calmly and courageously to meet their
fate, after a night spent in prayer. Before being
delivered over to the executioner they were degraded
from the priesthood as " heretics, schismatics, and
contemners of the Holy See." As Savonarola mounted
the ladder to the place of execution he looked round
upon the crowd assembled to see him die, and cried
aloud, " My people, what have I done to you that
you should treat me thus ? "
When life was extinct the bodies were burned
and the remains cast into the Arno. It is said that a
little child afterwards saw the Friar's heart unhurt
among the ashes, and for many years flowers were
placed upon the spot where his body fell, on every
anniversary of his death. 1
On April 7, the very day fixed for the Ordeal by
Fire, Charles VIII. came to his end. The cause of
his death is uncertain, but it is generally attributed
1 St. Philip Neri regarded Savonarola as a saint, and always wore
his medal. It is not unlikely that the excommunicated Dominican
may, like Joan of Arc, be raised to the altars of the church.
260 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
to apoplexy following a blow on the head. It is
related that he and his Queen were entering a gallery
in the Castle at Amboise, in order that they might
watch the courtiers playing at tennis, when the King
struck his head against the top of the low doorway.
Not taking much notice of the blow, he entered into
conversation with the people around him, saying to
one of them that he hoped never to commit another
wilful sin as long as he lived. While thus speaking
he fell down unconscious, and, in spite of the minis-
trations of several doctors, passed away in a few hours.
Charles, though remarkably faulty in character,
appears to have won the affection of his subjects,
who mourned long and loud for him. Comines
arrived at Amboise three days after his death and
prayed by the coffin of the dead King. Never was
such grief seen, he says, for Charles had always shown
himself gentle, kind, and generous, never giving cause
of offence to any one.
As he left no legitimate children he was succeeded
by his distant cousin, the already mentioned Louis,
Duke of Orleans, who as Louis XII. ascended the
throne without any opposition. Europe was not
long left in suspense as to the new King's projects ;
he had set his heart not only upon overthrowing the
House of Sforza, but also upon conquering the king-
dom of Naples. Under his rule began an Italian
war which continued after his death, bringing name-
less miseries in its train.
When quite a youth, Louis had married the Prin-
cess Jeanne, third daughter of Louis XI. She was
a woman of blameless life, but sickly and unattractive
in appearance and her husband now sought a divorce
upon the grounds of her having given him no heirs
and also of her near relationship to him. At first
the slighted wife resisted the attempt to dethrone
her, but finally, rather than submit to further in-
dignities, she gave in.
CAESAR BORGIA SECULARISED 261
The true cause of Louis's repudiation of Jeanne lay
in the passion which he had long ago conceived for
Anne of Brittany before she became the wife of
Charles VIII. He was also much attracted by the
idea of uniting the crowns of Brittany and France.
The papal consent ought to have been obtained
before the new marriage was concluded, but Louis,
in his hurry, took upon himself to dispense with it.
Alexander VI., anxious to keep on good terms with
him, overlooked this offence, and sent his son Caesar
to France to deliver the dispensation.
But, before this, the Pope had summoned a Con-
sistory for the purpose of releasing Caesar from his
ecclesiastical ties. Caesar himself explained that he
had only adopted this estate in order to please his
father, that it was distasteful to him, and that he
had a desire to marry. The Cardinals replied that
they were not opposed to his wishes, but that they
would leave the whole affair in the hands of the Pope.
The latter, though he had at first been averse from
the idea, thereupon gave his consent to the change.
Caesar immediately resigned his red hat and donned
secular garments of French fashion, August 17, 1498.
On the same day Louis de Villeneuve, the French
ambassador, arrived in Rome for the purpose of
accompanying Caesar to France. The preparations
for the journey were, however, so extensive that they
did not start until the beginning of October. Before
this the Pope sent an autograph letter to Louis XII.
commending Caesar to his kindness as one who was
more precious to him than anything else on earth.
He is mentioned as Duke of Valentinois, so that the
principality must have already been conferred on
him, though the formal investiture had not yet taken
place. With the dukedom was included an income
of 20,000 francs, to which the French King added the
appointment of Captain of one hundred lances, an
appointment also worth 20,000 francs a year.
262 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
The Pope, who was always overshadowed by the
fear of being called to account for his abuses of church
property, thought to safeguard himself by a friend-
ship with the King of France. Ferdinand and Isabella
were much perturbed at this alliance, which could
only be prejudicial to them. They sent envoys to
the Pope deploring the fact of Csesar's mission to
France, an alliance with which would run counter to
the interests of the other States. Alexander sought
to assuage their agitation, but they soon saw through
his intentions and turned from complaints to accusa-
tions. Bitter words were said, and the Pope ended
by declaring all who contradicted him to be " bastards
of the Church." One of the envoys pertly replied
that there were in Rome plenty of bastards whom one
would be reluctant to harbour in the Church. This
remark so angered the Pope that he averred that all
that he had done had been rightly done, and that
he would do the same again, in defiance of those who
had had the hardihood to contradict him. There-
upon he turned an angry back upon them and shut
himself in his room.
But the envoys were likewise filled with wrath
and indignation, and declared that they would not
budge before drawing up a legal protest. They so
far forgot themselves, indeed, as to stamp their feet
in resentment, until the Pope, more enraged than
ever, emerged from his room and showed them the
door.
Meanwhile Caesar had arrived in France, where,
by Louis's command, he was given a magnificent recep-
tion. They surrounded him with a guard of honour,
and the people thronged to see him in such multitudes
that one of his suite wrote home from Chinon saying
that he had seen neither trees, walls, nor villages in
France, but only men, women, and the rays of the
sun. Even Caesar, who had no modest opinion of
himself was astonished at the sensation he was causing.
C^SAR ENTERS THE ROYAL CAMP 263
On December 19, 1498, Csesar entered the royal
camp at Chinon with a splendour never before wit-
nessed in France. Accompanied by a gorgeous pro-
cession of men and mules, the Duke himself appeared
riding on a richly saddled and bridled battle-horse.
He wore a garment of red silk and gold stuff elaborately
decorated with embroidery and precious stones.
His cap was adorned with rive or six rubies " as big as
beans," which shone like fire. Upon his gloves were
a quantity of precious stones, and his boots were
covered with pearl embroidery and gold laces. Round
his neck alone he wore jewels to the valufc*f 30,000
ducats, and his horse was decorated in the most
extravagant manner with pearls and precious stones.
The French King watched the procession from
a window, making mock of this extravagant display.
As he remarked to his courtiers, it was " too much
for the petty Duke of Valentinois."
Apart from the delivery of the papal dispensation,
the main object of Caesar's journey was to win the
hand of Carlotta, daughter of the King of Naples,
who had been brought up at the French Court. To
his no small chagrin, however, not only did Federigo
refuse to sanction the match, but the lady herself
stoutly refused to have anything to do with him.
The Pope, however, was determined to marry one
of his children into the royal House of Naples, and
prevailed upon King Federigo to consent to a marriage
between Lucrezia and Don Alfonso, younger brother
of Donna Sancia and illegitimate son of Alfonso I.,
a young Prince only seventeen years old. According
to the contract, Alfonso was to remain in Rome for
a year, and Lucrezia was not bound, during the
Pope's lifetime, to follow him to Naples. It was
only out of fear that the King had acquiesced in
this alliance, and he remained firm in denying Caesar
the hand of his daughter. Lucrezia, apparently,
had conceived a genuine affection for her new consort,
264 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
" the handsomest young man ever seen in the Im-
perial city," and she suffered keenly when, shortly
after their marriage, he was torn from her by a violent
death.
When Caesar saw how frail was his prospect of
obtaining Carlotta's hand, he decided not to give
up the Pope's dispensation until King Louis had lent
him his support. Although every one knew that he
had received it, he, in the most barefaced way, denied
his possession of it. But Louis summoned an assembly
of theologians, and put before them the question
whether his first marriage had not been legally dis-
solved and his marriage with Anne legally concluded,
especially as there was no doubt that the Pope had
already conferred the dispensation. With one voice
the theologians declared him to be in the right, and
Caesar could do no less than hand over the dis-
pensation. He, however, vented his rage upon the
papal legate, who had betrayed the fact of its des-
patch, and " gave him a dose of the poison which he
always kept in readiness for those who offended him."
That luckless legate died a few days later in great
wretchedness.
At the French Court Caesar met two men who
were destined later to have considerable influence on
his career. They were Georges d'Amboise, for whom
he had brought a Cardinal's Hat, and Giuliano della
Rovere, who had hitherto been the Pope's bitterest
foe, but who was now won over to the Borgia cause
through the mediation of Louis XII.
A new alliance was projected between Caesar and
the charming Charlotte d'Albret, sister of the King
of Navarre. She, less scrupulous than Carlotta of
Naples, accepted the hand of Caesar, who thus gained
an entry into the royal house of France. l
Caesar started with renewed energy on his downward
career. The Pope and Lucrezia quailed before his
1 See Duchess Derelict, by E. L. Miron.
LOUIS'S ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 265
domineering spirit, for no one was safe from his
poisonous powders or from the depredations and
murderous assaults of his bandits, who remorselessly
removed any one who stood in the way of his insatiable
ambition.
Now that King Louis was assured of the Borgia
support, he concluded an alliance with the Venetians
by which he was to deliver over to them Cremona
and Ghiaradadda as soon as his conquest of Milan
should be completed.
Louis had now quite made up his mind to undertake
an Italian campaign, in spite of the dissuasions of
some of his courtiers on the ground of inadequate
means. The King, however, stood firm, and des-
patched a large force of cavalry towards Piedmont.
The troops destined for the conquest of Milan were
commanded by Trivulzio, de Ligny, and the Count
d'Aubigny. Louis himself went only as far as Lyons,
leaving the administration of the campaign to his
generals and to luck. With him were Caesar Borgia
and Cardinal della Rovere.
The army, which consisted of about 14,600 men,
met with remarkable success. Louis's progress was
as speedy and bloodless as that of his predecessor ;
all the Lombard towns opened their gates, and
Milan rose in rebellion against Ludovico. The
latter had hoped for help from the German Emperor
and Federigo of Naples, but Maximilian was engaged
in warring against the Swiss, and, upon hearing that
Alessandria had succumbed to the French, Federigo
abandoned his original idea of opposing the Pope.
Ludovico therefore sought refuge in the Tyrol, deeply
depressed that so many of his former friends had
become his foes. The Milanese sent envoys to the
French camp announcing their readiness to yield
Milan as soon as King Louis arrived. This example
was followed by the other towns of the duchy, who
all surrendered. Even Bernardino da Corte, to
266 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
whom Ludovico had entrusted the citadel of Milan,
yielded to bribery, and delivered it over to the enemy.
But his treachery was so much despised by Italians
and French alike, that he was utterly boycotted,
and, shunned by his fellows and tormented by con-
science, he shortly afterwards died from pain and
shame.
Louis XII., who was now at Lyons, received news
of the brilliant success of his troops, and hastened to
Milan, where, on October 6, 1499, he was welcomed
by the populace with indescribable joy. He was ac-
companied by Caesar Borgia, the Cardinals d'Amboise
and Giuliano della Rovere, the Duchess of Ferrara
and Savoy, and many other people of note.
The Milanese satisfaction was not, however, of
long duration. It is true that Louis reduced their
taxes, but they wished to be entirely freed from
them, and much secret murmuring and discontent
arose. Trivulzio, himself an Italian, was made gover-
nor of the city, and Louis received homage from
the States of Milan and Genoa. The young heir,
son of the unfortunate Galeazzo, was despatched to
a cloister in France, while his mother Isabella re-
tired to Naples, where she had the unhappiness of
beholding the downfall of the House of Aragon.
Alexander VI. was unable to conceal his delight
at the French success, for he saw in it a promising
prospect for the aggrandisement of his children.
On August 24, 1499, two Portuguese envoys were
sent to remonstrate with him on his nepotism,
on Caesar's resignation of the Cardinalate, and on the
French alliance, which was injurious to the peace
of Europe. Alexander, though disquieted at their
attitude, did not change his conduct, and shortly
made arrangements for Caesar to conquer the Romagna.
The Pope, after holding a Consistory, sent his
major-domo, Giacopo, to Caesar, at Lyons, with
despatches containing the whole scheme that the
LUCREZIA APPOINTED REGENT 267
Borgias should found an independent dominion through
the downfall of the noblest princely house in Italy,
and though Alexander carried on these proceedings
with the greatest secrecy, Ludovico became aware
of Giacopo's journey. As soon, therefore, as the
latter reached Milanese territory, he was arrested
and his despatches seized. When the Pope heard
this he was furiously angry ; he had all the gates of
Rome shut, and gave orders to arrest the Milanese
envoy. But the latter had already taken flight,
fearing the Pope's vengeance. The Sforza party
were greatly alarmed at this, and placed themselves
under the protection of the Colonna. This precaution
proved not to be unneeded, for Alexander wished
to wreak his revenge on Sforza's adherents. He
sent a message to Cardinal Colonna demanding the
surrender of the fugitives. This the Cardinal was
disinclined to grant, but, as the Pope threatened to
employ force, he saw that he must either deliver up
his friends or draw down the papal anger upon himself
and his family. Nevertheless, he resolved to try
flight, and sought refuge with his friends at Nettuna,
one of the Colonna possessions.
The Pope gave orders that the palace of the Milanese
envoy should be searched, but nothing was found
save empty walls. It having transpired that the envoy
had hidden all his furniture and treasure in a cloister,
Alexander sent messengers to seize upon them, with
strict commands to bring him the twelve valuable
silver statues representing the Apostles.
It was about this time that the Pope appointed
Lucrezia regent of the dukedom of Spoleto, with
the life-long enjoyment of its privileges and revenues.
At their father's command, Lucrezia and her brother
Jofre made a brilliant and pompous entry into the
town (August 1499). The magnificence of their
display almost rivalled that of Caesar's visit to Chinon.
They were welcomed with great honour and respect.
268 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
On August 15 Lucrezia received the priors of the city,
who swore allegiance to her, and later on the Com-
mune gave a state banquet in her honour. Her stay in
Spoleto was short, for her regency was only a token that
she had actually taken possession of the territory.
Lucrezia was at this time in an extremely trying
position. Her husband, Don Alfonso, after having
lived with her at Rome for a year, had disappeared
on August 2. The reason of his flight is not quite
clear, but it was probably encouraged by the advice
of Ascanio Sforza, who knew the plans of Alexander
and Caesar, and realised that Louis XII. was aiming
not only at the conquest of Milan, but also at the fall
of the House of Naples. Whether Lucrezia knew of
her husband's intended flight is uncertain. A letter
written from Rome by a Venetian on August 4 simply
says : " The Duke of Bisceglia, Madonna Lucrezia's
husband, has secretly fled and gone to the Colonna
in Genazzano ; he deserted his wife, who has been with
child for six months, and she is constantly in tears."
(Diary of Marino Sanuto, quoted by Gregorovius.)
Lucrezia was now utterly in the power of the Pope,
who, enraged at her husband's flight, banished his
sister, Donna Sancia, to Naples. Alfonso, for whom
his wife seems to have had a sincere affection, sent a
pressing message urging her to follow him to Genaz-
zano ; but the letter fell into Alexander's hands, and
he compelled her to write to her husband demanding
his return. It was perhaps to avoid the sight of
Lucrezia's sadness that the Pope sent her from Rome
and entrusted her with the government of Spoleto.
Alfonso decided to obey the papal command
and return to his wife. Alexander desired him to
go to Spoleto and then come with Lucrezia to meet
him at Nepi. Nepi, although always under ecclesias-
tical government, had several times changed masters.
Alexander himself had been appointed governor by
his uncle Calixtus, but when he became Pope he
BIRTH OF LUCREZIA'S SON 269
conferred the position on Cardinal Ascanio Sforza.
At the beginning of 1499, however, Alexander again
took upon himself the control of the city, and he now
delivered it, together with the castle and domain of
Nepi, into the hands of Lucrezia. On September 4,
1499, Francesco Borgia, the Pope's treasurer, took
possession of it in her name.
On October 10 the Pope despatched a brief to
the city of Nepi commanding the municipality
thenceforth to render obedience to Lucrezia, Duchess
of Bisceglia, as their true sovereign. Two days later
he invested his daughter with the power to remit
some of the taxes to which the inhabitants had been
subject. On October 14 Lucrezia returned to Rome,
and on November I she gave birth to a son, who was
named Rodrigo, out of compliment to the Pope.
He was baptized with great ceremony on November n,
in the presence of ambassadors from England, Venice,
Naples, Savoy, Siena, and Florence, as well as many
other dignitaries.
Caesar Borgia, who was now in high favour with
Louis XII., had, with the papal troops and some
French reinforcements, set out on his campaign
against the Tyrants of the Romagna. His intention
was to attack the Sforzas of Pesaro, the Malatesta of
Rimini, the Manfredi of Faenza, the Riarii of Imola
and Forli, the Varana of Camerino, and the Monte-
feltri of Urbino. When Alexander returned from
Nepi to Rome, rendered confident by Caesar's alliance
with France, he had Giacopo Caetani, Protonotary of
the Roman Chair, arrested on an unjust pretext, in
order that he might seize his possessions. Caetani
soon died in the Castle of Sant' Angelo, whereupon his
son, Niccolo, heir to the property of Sermoneta, was
seized and strangled, by the Pope's command. Hardly
was the victim dead when Alexander announced that
the town of Sermoneta and the other possessions of
the Caetani had fallen to the Papal See.
270 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
There can be no doubt that the Pope was at this
time completely under the malignant influence of
Caesar, who was the moving spirit in many deeds of
infamy which his father would hardly have conceived
unaided.
The troops which Louis of France had promised to
the Borgias consisted of 300 lances under the com-
mand of d'Allegre, and 4,000 Swiss, who, neverthe-
less, were to be paid by the Pope. After forcing Imola
to surrender, Caesar proceeded to besiege Forli, whose
citadel was bravely defended by the spirited and
beautiful Caterina Sforza. She was a woman of
extraordinary courage and skill, yet with the few
resources at her command she was in no position to
hold out for any length of time. If, however, the
plot of one of her faithful servants had succeeded
not only Caterina, but also the whole of Italy, would
have been freed from the tyrannical yoke of the
Borgias. Tomasino, one of the Pope's musicians, a
native of Forli, went to Rome with forged letters from
the citizens, begging the Pope to make peace. These
letters, it is said, " were charged with so virulent a
poison that the death of the person who opened them
was assured." They were rolled up inside a hollow reed,
and Tomasino confided the secret to one of Alexander's
servants, who promised his support. But the plot, in
spite of every precaution, reached the Pope's ears and
both the conspirators were arrested. From Burchard
we learn that, in answer to the Judge's question how
he could expect to escape when he had been contem-
plating so dreadful a crime, Tomasino said that his
only thought had been for Caterina, that Imola and
Forli would have thereby been freed from Caesar's
tyranny, and, moreover, that death for such a cause
was to him of little moment.
The fate of the two culprits is unknown, but judging
from the temper of the Borgias, their punishment
could have been no light one.
POISONING OF CARDINAL BORGIA 271
On January 12, 1500, the citadel of Forli capitulated,
overcome by the violent attacks of the enemy and the
cowardice of some of the officers of the garrison.
Caterina herself fell into the hands of Caesar. Accord-
ing to the reports of the time, he led her in golden
chains to Rome, where the Pope assigned her rooms
in the Belvedere, and where she remained in terror
of Caesar's poison. After a futile attempt at flight
she was taken to the Castle of Sant' Angelo ; but some
French gentlemen, in particular Ivo d'Allgre, per-
suaded the Pope to set her free and to allow her to
retire to Florence, after having spent a year and a half
in captivity. She spent her last days in a convent
and died there in 1509, leaving behind a son of the
same bold spirit as herself Giovanni Medici. He
was the last of the great condottieri, and became
famous as the leader of the Black Bands.
During the siege of Forli Caesar committed a crime
of which only a mind in the last stages of depravity
could have been guilty. Juan Borgia had been
chosen by the Pope as legate a later e, and journeyed to
Forli to parley with Caesar, who, though he hated
him on account of his predilection for the Duke of
Gandia, received him graciously. Caesar invited him
to a banquet and had poison mixed with his food.
The unhappy Cardinal had hardly tasted it when
he began to feel unwell ; nevertheless, he continued
his journey to Rome. At Urbino, however, he was
seized with such violent sickness that he nearly
died. While he was fighting against death he heard
of the capture of Forli, and, notwithstanding his
condition, he decided to go and congratulate Caesar
on his success. He had hardly reached Fossombrone
when he succumbed to the effects of the poison.
Some maintain that he did not suspect Caesar's
treachery until a few minutes before his death, and
1 Catherine Sforza, by Count Pasolini. French version by Marc
Helys (Paris, 1912).
272 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
that with his dying breath he gasped : " I see now
only too clearly that Caesar wishes us all to go the same
way as the Duke of Gandia." 1
At the same time Cerviglione, Captain of the
papal troop, was murdered by command of Caesar,
whom he justly suspected of carrying on an amorous
intrigue with his wife. The Pope seemed little
concerned at his son's iniquities. Indeed, Rome and
the whole States of the Church were just then over-
run with assassins, so that one crime more or less
was a mere trifle. The Borgias, secure in their
alliance with France, openly robbed some by force
of arms, while they had others secretly murdered
in order to prey upon their riches. Thus Agnelli,
Archbishop of Cosenza, was poisoned at his own
table by one of the Borgias' hired assassins. The
Archbishop, who with his relations and friends had
enjoyed a merry meal, was the next morning found
dead in bed with every symptom of poisoning. " His
face was so much disfigured that it was terrible to
look upon."
Alexander immediately seized upon the dead man's
riches and sent them to Caesar. The Archbishopric
he bestowed upon Francesco Borgia, son of Calixtus
III., while his post as Secretary of the Apostolic
Chamber he bartered for 5,600 ducats to a Genoese
merchant named Ventura Benessai.
It was the Pope's pleasant custom to claim for his
own all the possessions left by deceased clerics, regard-
less of any last will and testament left by them.
The benefices were sold in so shameless a manner that
Cardinal Bembo remarked that the only way of
remedying so great an evil would be for the secular
princes to forbid their subjects to purchase them
under pain of life-long banishment and confiscation
of their goods.
1 Pastor considers the story of Caesar's having poisoned his nephew
to be groundless. See History of the Popes, vol. vi. p. 73.
FALL OF LUDOVICO SFORZA 273
Hardly five months had passed since the entry of
Louis XII. into Milan when the Milanese, exasperated
by the cruelty and infamy of the French, turned
again to Ludovico Sforza, whose harsh rule seemed
mild in comparison with that of France. Sforza, who
had appealed in vain to Maximilian for help, now
took 8,000 Swiss into his pay and united his forces
and those of Ascanio, who came over the mountains
into Italy and seized Como. On February 5, 1500,
the gates of Milan opened to receive Ludovico, who
was now apparently re-established as Lord of Milan.
But the King of France was not inclined to submit
tamely to this snatching away of his conquest, and
sent an army under la Tremouille to expel Ludovico.
A battle was fought at Novara, whose citadel was
still occupied by the French, although they had been
driven from the town. The Swiss refused to fight
against their kinsmen in the French army, and
remained obdurate when Sforza, with promises and
tears, begged them at least to convey him to a place
of safety. On April 10, 1500, he was taken prisoner,
probably through the treachery of some of his Swiss
soldiers, who were tempted by the high price which
la Tremouille set upon his capture.
Ludovico was taken to Lyons, where, upon his
arrival, a huge crowd collected eager to witness the
downfall of so mighty a Prince. After staying two
days there without being allowed to address the
King, he was taken to the terrible state prison in
the Castle of Loches, where he languished for ten
years, at first in a subterranean dungeon and afterwards
in an upper chamber. Such was the pitiful end of
the false and passionate Ludovico Sforza, whose
vaulting ambition had thus o'erleapt itself.
Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, who had fallen into the
hands of the Venetians and been delivered over to
the French, was treated with greater humanity. He
SB
274 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
was taken to Bourges and kept in honourable captivity
where King Louis himself had been imprisoned a few,
years before.
The news of Ludovico's fall reached Rome on
the evening of April 14, 1500. The Pope is said to
have rewarded the messenger with 100 ducats, and
the Orsini gave expression to their joy by means of
bonfires.
The rising in Milan forced Trivulzio to beg troops
from the Venetians. At the same time he withdrew
the French soldiers who were with d'Allegre in the
Romagna, thus leaving him with his forces so much
weakened that he was unable to continue the war.
He retired with his troops to Rome (February 26,
1500), where a brilliant reception awaited him. The
Pope could hardly control his impatience for his son's
arrival ; he was feverish and agitated, " weeping and
laughing at the same time." His heart was filled
with pride at Caesar's wonderful abilities, for he had
displayed extraordinary powers of organisation during
the campaign. All the Cardinals were commanded
to send their retinues to meet the conqueror, and
all the magistrates, ambassadors, and other dignitaries
were requested to join in the procession. Cardinals
Orsini, Farnese, and Giovanni Borgia went as far as
Civita Castellana to welcome him. Having been
greeted by the Cardinals, he continued his way
through the Corso to the Castle of Sant' Angelo. First
came a number of carriages, followed by fifty noble-
men richly clothed ; then a troop of trumpeters and
minstrels, who, however, were forbidden to play,
three heralds Alfonso, Duke of Bisceglia, Lucrezia's
ill-fated husband, and Jofre, Duke of Squillace,
Caesar's younger brother. Finally came Caesar himself,
riding between two Cardinals. He was clad in black
velvet, with a finely wrought chain of gold round
his neck. After him marched a hundred servants on
foot, each one clothed in black velvet and bearing a
INAUGURATION OF JUBILEE YEAR 275
stick in his hand. Lastly came the foreign
ambassadors, each of whom had an Archbishop or
Bishop on his right.
The proceedings were unpleasantly disturbed by a
dispute between the English and Neapolitan envoys
and the two representatives of the King of Navarre
as to their order of precedence. The question could
not be satisfactorily settled, and the Navarrese left the
procession in a state of high dudgeon.
As Caesar rode past the Castle of Sant' Angelo he was
honoured as no one had been before him. The whole
garrison stood on the walls and ramparts, under arms,
with unfurled banners bearing allusions to the Duke's
exploits, while a triple salute was fired by the artillery.
The Pope, meanwhile, viewed the proceedings from
a balcony, in company with the Cardinals Monreale
and Cesarini. As soon as his son reached the portico
of the Vatican, Alexander rushed into the Papagallo
room to welcome him. The throne, steps, and floor
were decked with gold brocade. Csesar advanced
gravely to the threshold, inclining himself ceremo-
niously. Burchard, who was present in his official
capacity, heard him thank his father, in Spanish, for
all the favours which he had showered upon him.
As he bent down to kiss the Pope's foot, Alexander
could no longer restrain himself, and, with a passionate
gesture, caught hold of his son and pressed him to his
heart. Caesar's triumph seemed indeed to be com-
plete. The Duke of Gandia's murder was apparently
forgotten, and Valentinois, " biondo e bello," was the
admired of all beholders on that festive day.
Although the Jubilee year (1500) had hardly begun,
the Pope inaugurated a masked fete in order to give
his son a chance of displaying his unbridled luxury.
It was at this time that Csesar, taking the Roman
Emperor for his model, adopted the device, Aut
Ccesar, aut nihil. On the Piazza Navona was pro-
duced a representation of the Triumph of Julius
276 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Caesar. The procession opened with twelve triumphal
chariots, in the last of which sat Caesar himself,
magnificently attired, and accompanied by a numerous
suite. It moved slowly towards the Vatican, that
the Pope might behold the wondrous spectacle.
Alexander was clearly overwhelmed with a sense
of his son's marvellous abilities. Not long after
this he summoned a Consistory, and with the Car-
dinals' consent made him Gonfaloniere and General-
issimo of the Church, at the same time presenting
him with the Golden Rose.
CHAPTER XIII
The Jubilee Year, 1500 Florence renews her efforts for the over-
throw of Pisa Narrow escape of Alexander VI. Murder of
Alfonso of Bisceglia Lucrezia sent to Nepi to indulge her grief
Raising of money for Caesar's campaign His entry into Pesaro
described by Pandolfo Collenuccio Surrender of Rimini and
Faenza Astorre Manfredi The wife of Caracciolo, the Venetian
General, falls into Caesar's power Louis XII. pursues his plan
of attacking Naples Caesar turns his attention to Florence
Reign of Federigo of Naples Claims of France and Spain to his
kingdom The Pope attacks the Colonna Alexander's rapa-
city Double-dealing of Gonsalvo da Cordova Siege of Capua
Ill-treatment of the inhabitants by the French and Caesar
Borgia Fate of King Federigo Piombino surrenders to Caesar
A third husband found for Lucrezia Great celebrations in
Rome Lucrezia sets out for her new home in Ferrara.
THE year 1500 was the year of Jubilee. Preparations
for its celebration were begun as early as 1498, for
Alexander VI. was a Pope who revelled in ceremonies
and public displays. Pilgrims thronged to visit the
tombs of the Apostles that they might gain the
indulgences granted for such expeditions. The dis-
turbed state of northern Italy and the badness of
the roads doubtless prevented many from leaving
their homes, but the numbers who assembled in
Rome bore witness to the influence which religion
still held over men's minds, as well as to the respect
still maintained for the Holy See. On the Thursday
of Holy Week the number gathered together to receive
the papal benediction was estimated at 100,000.
" I rejoice," wrote Peter Delphinus, " that the
Christian religion does not lack the testimony of
277
278 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
pious minds, especially in these times of failing faith
and depravity of morals."
The conditions prevailing in Rome at that time
could not have contributed much to the edification
of these pious pilgrims. Many scandalous tales about
the Pope and his family were flying about the city,
which was frequently the scene of brawling and blood-
shed. It is said that, one day in May, no less than
eighteen corpses were hung up on the Bridge of
Sant' Angelo. One of the most prominent evildoers
of the time was a doctor of the Hospital of San Gio-
vanni in Laterano, who used to go out in the early
morning to shoot the passers-by, and then plunder their
dead bodies. He was associated in crime with the
confessor of the hospital, who encouraged him to poison
the wealthy among their patients, that they might
share the spoils between them.
Spectacles of worldly splendour also greeted the
pilgrims' eyes. One day a Frenchman and a Bur-
gundian fought a duel on Monte Testaccio. One of
the combatants was backed by Caesar Borgia, and the
other by the Princess of Squillace. On another
occasion Caesar gave a Spanish display in the Piazza.
of St. Peter's. Mounted on horseback, he slew
five bulls with a lance, and beheaded a sixth with one
stroke of the sword.
The Florentines were meanwhile making fresh
preparations for the overthrow of the Pisans. Since
they had concluded an alliance with the French
King and sent a considerable force to his aid, they
thought that they might reasonably count upon
help from France. Cardinal de Rohan, governor of
Milan, was at last induced to send them 600 cavalry,
8,000 Swiss, and a train of heavy artillery and other
implements of war. The Florentines also enlisted
the help of Italian warriors in order to besiege the
unfortunate town still more effectively. The Pisans,
not relying entirely upon their valour and the strong
NARROW ESCAPE OF ALEXANDER 279
fortifications of their town, entered into negotiations
with Beaumont, the leader of the French troops,
offering to surrender to the King of France. But
Beaumont continued the siege, and destroyed part
of the walls. When, however, a riotous band of
soldiers was about to rush upon the town, they found
their progress interrupted by a deep trench, which
was fortified by a rampart just erected by the Pisans.
The French, unable to proceed, were greatly em-
barrassed, and Beaumont now felt inclined to consider
the proposed offer. A mutual agreement was arrived
at, and the French were received with open arms.
Great confusion prevailed among the besieging troops,
who broke all the bonds of discipline. The Pisans,
thereupon, made a bold sortie, advanced upon Libra-
fetta and took possession of the place, which was of
great importance as the approach to Lucca.
Louis XII. was deeply indignant at this affront
to his army. The Florentines sent ambassadors
among them Machiavelli in the hope of soothing
him, but not until they had promised him fresh
subsidies did the King look upon them with favour.
He even proffered renewed assistance, but the Floren-
tines, who either harboured suspicions or were not
in a position to continue the war, declined his support.
Csesar stayed in Rome several months in order
to raise money for his enterprises in the Romagna.
His high-flown plans were, however, soon frustrated.
On the day before the Feast of St. Peter and St.
Paul the Pope had a very narrow escape from death
through the fall of a piece of iron in the Basilica.
The next day, as he was sitting in his room with the
Cardinal of Capua and Monsignore Peto, his private
secretary, a sudden and alarming hurricane arose
and tore off the roof of the upper part of the Sala
de' Papi. A quantity of masonry crashed into the
room, but the Pope was protected by the balcony
from injury. His two companions snouted to the
280 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
watchman that his Holiness was killed, and the
news immediately spread all over Rome. But when
the clouds of dust had settled they were able to make
their way to the place where he lay stunned and
wounded. Three nobles, who had been precipitated
from the upper story, were lying near, in an un-
conscious and dying condition. The Pope was carried
into the adjoining hall, where he soon recovered
consciousness. His injuries, it was found, were
not serious. There was a slight wound on the head,
and one of the right-hand fingers, on which he wore
the papal ring, was badly crushed. The first night
his temperature was high, but he soon began to mend.
" If nothing unforeseen occurs," writes the Mantuan
envoy on July 2, " he will recover."
Caesar and Jofre" hastened to express their joy at
their father's rescue. The Pope, however, seems to
have turned in his weakness to Lucrezia, than whom
he would have no other nurse. When the Venetian
ambassador visited him on July 3 he found with
him Madonna Lucrezia, Sancia and Jofre', and one
of Lucrezia' s maids of honour, who stood high in the
favour of the seventy-year-old Pope.
" Any other man would have been led to look
into himself and consider his ways by such a series
of narrow escapes ; but Alexander was a true Borgia ;
he thanked God and the Blessed Virgin and SS.
Peter and Paul for his preservation, and lived on as
before." Writing of Alexander in September 1500,
Paolo Capello says : " The Pope is now seventy years
of age. He grows younger every day. His cares never
last the night through. He is always merry, and never
does anything that he does not like. The advancement
of his children is his only care ; nothing else troubles
him."'
A considerable sum of money was necessary for
the execution of Caesar's plans. Alexander entered
1 Pastor
DUKE OF BISCEGLIA MURDERED 281
heart and soul into the raising of supplies for him.
People who paid one-third of the cost of a pilgrimage
to Rome were entitled to the privileges conferred
by the actual journey. From Venice alone were
received 799,000 livres in gold. As a pretext for
this unusual accumulation of money, it was given out
that the Pope wished to equip a fleet to support
the Venetians against the Turks. But this help was
of a less substantial kind, and consisted merely in the
command that all the faithful should say an Ave
Maria or the Angelus at the sound of morning, midday,
and evening bells.
Caesar had long cherished an intense hatred of
Lucrezia's husband, Alfonso of Bisceglia, whom he
regarded as a hindrance in the way of providing him-
self with a more profitable brother-in-law. He there-
fore resolved to get rid of him.
On July 15, 1500, the news of a terrible deed spread
through the city of Rome. Late at night Alfonso,
who was on his way from the Vatican to visit Lucrezia,
had been struck down on the steps of St. Peter's
by a band of masked men who attacked him with
daggers and left him for dead. The Duke, however,
revived and managed to drag himself as far as the
Pope's apartments, where Lucrezia, at the sight of
her husband covered with blood, fell on the ground
in a faint. Alfonso was carried to another room in
the Vatican, where a Cardinal immediately adminis-
tered Extreme Unction. In spite of his severe wounds,
however, he began to recover. The Pope placed
sixteen sentinels at the door of his room, and, in order
to avoid the risk of poisoning, all his food was cooked
by his sister Donna Sancia and his wife Lucrezia,
though the latter was still suffering severely from the
effects of the shock.
All Rome was prating about the attempted murder.
On July 19 the Venetian ambassador wrote to his
Seignory : " It is not known who wounded the Duke,
282 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
but it is said to be the same person who murdered the
Duke of Gandia and threw him into the Tiber. Mon-
signore of Valentinois has issued an edict that no one
shall be found with arms between the Castle of Sant'
Angelo and St. Peter's, on pain of death."
To the same ambassador Caesar remarked : "I
did not wound the Duke ; but, if I had done so, he
would well have deserved it." To the great surprise
of every one, he even paid a visit to the wounded man,
though it was said that, as he left the sick-room, he was
heard to mutter these pregnant words : " What is not
accomplished at midday, may be done at night."
When the prospect of Alfonso's recovery was
established beyond a doubt, Borgia lost patience.
On August 18, at nine o'clock in the evening, he paid
another visit to his brother-in-law, who was by this
time allowed to sit up. Forcibly ejecting Lucrezia
and Sancia from the room, Caesar summoned his
fiendish friend Michelotto, who, throwing the young
Duke across his bed, strangled him without more
ado. This gruesome deed done, they bore the dead
man to St. Peter's, without priest and without prayers,
amid the silence of the night.
Caesar now threw off his mask of hypocrisy and
declared openly that he had committed the murder
in self-defence, as Alfonso had on one occasion tried
to take his life. He had, he said, once been walking
in the Vatican gardens, when one of the archers of
the Duke of Bisceglia had directed an arrow at his ear.
The way in which the Pope regarded this crime
shows clearly what a terrible power Caesar wielded
over his father. The Venetian envoy leads us to
suppose that Alexander had even made some feeble
attempt to protect Alfonso's life ; but as soon as the
murder was committed he glossed the matter over,
partly from fear of his formidable son, and partly
because the Duke's removal would afford him oppor-
tunities which he desired.
DEPARTURE OF LUCREZIA 283
" Never," says Gregorovius, " was bloody deed so
soon forgotten. The murder of a prince of the royal
House of Naples made no more impression than the
death of a Vatican stable-boy would have done. No
one avoided Caesar ; none of the priests refused him
admission to the Church, and all the Cardinals con-
tinued to show him the deepest reverence and respect.
Prelates vied with each other to receive the red
hat from the hand of the all-powerful murderer, who
offered the dignity to the highest bidders."
The unhappy Lucrezia, who had really loved
Alfonso, was in a pitiable position. That she was
incapable of any very great depth of feeling is possible,
but that the conduct of her father and brother did
not fill her with impotent rebellion is hardly credible.
On August 30 she turned her back on Rome, so full
of hideous memories, and, accompanied by a retinue
of six hundred riders, set out for Nepi, where she
might indulge her grief unobserved. Her father and
brother were probably relieved to be rid of her tearful
presence. Paolo Capello, the Venetian ambassador,
who left Rome on September 16, 1500, in his report
to his Government, says : " Madonna Lucrezia, who
is gracious and generous, formerly stood high in the
Pope's favour, but now she is so no longer."
How long Lucrezia stayed at Nepi we do not know.
Her father probably recalled her to Rome in September
or October, when a reconciliation took place between
them. Lucrezia's buoyancy of spirit soon reasserted
itself, and her mind became filled with visions of a
brilliant future in face of which the sadness of her
widowhood faded into nothingness. That Lucrezia
was a strong or noble character will hardly be main-
tained even by the most daring of her apologists, but
that she was gentle and sweet, as well as affectionate,
cannot be denied. Far from being the vindictive,
passionate heroine of romance, this unfortunate
woman was little more than a passive agent in the
284 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
hands of her father and her brother, whose strong
and vigorous personalities easily dominated her
colourless and plastic nature. She was essentially
a child of circumstance, more sinned against than
sinning.
The expenses of Caesar's campaign were still very
heavy, and all Alexander's extortions did not suffice
to pay them. The Pope was, therefore, obliged to
borrow considerable sums from merchants and others,
in particular from a certain Agostino Chigi, a brother
of Lorenzo Chigi, one of the nobles who met his end
in the accident to the Vatican apartment. He was
one of the wealthiest men in Rome, and not only lent
Alexander many thousand ducats, but also gave him
his plate, which the Pope immediately had melted.
The year 1500 was for Caesar a year of good fortune.
The Venetians, who were in close alliance with the
King of France and the Pope, sent him a patent by
which he became a Venetian noble. This mark of
favour greatly encouraged him in his ambitious plans.
Towards the end of September Caesar advanced
against the town of Pesaro, which received him without
resistance, and he entered with public honours the
Sforza Palace, where, hardly four years before, Lucrezia
had lived with her husband, Giovanni Sforza, the
hereditary Lord of Pesaro. A witness of Caesar's entry
was Pandolfo Collenuccio, who, having once been
banished by Sforza, had found an asylum at Ferrara.
He was now despatched by Duke Ercole to congratulate
Caesar on his capture of Pesaro. On October 29,
1500, Collenuccio wrote to the Duke the following
letter, quoted by Gregorovius in his Lucrezia Borgia :
" MY ILLUSTRIOUS MASTER,
" Having left your Excellency, I reached Pesaro
two and a half days ago, arriving there on Thursday
at the twenty-fourth hour. At exactly the same
time the Duke of Valentino (Caesar) made his entry.
LETTER FROM COLLENUCCIO 285
The whole population was gathered about the city
gate, and he was received in the midst of a heavy
storm of rain and presented with the keys of the city.
He took up his abode hi the palace, in the room
formerly occupied by Signer Giovanni. His entry,
from what my people tell me, was very impressive.
It was orderly, and he was accompanied by many
horses and foot-soldiers. The same evening I notified
him of my arrival, and requested an audience as soon
as it might suit his Majesty's convenience. About
2 o'clock at night [eight o'clock in the evening] he
sent Signer Ramiro and his major-domo to call
upon me and to ask me in the most courteous manner
whether I was comfortably lodged and whether,
owing to the great crowd of people in the city, I
lacked anything. He also bade them tell me to rest
myself thoroughly, and that he would receive me on
the following day. Early on Wednesday he sent a
courier to me with a sack of barley, a cask of wine, a
wether, eight pairs of capons and hens, two large
torches, two bundles of wax candles, and two boxes
of sweetmeats. He, however, appointed no time for
an audience, but he sent his apologies and begged
me not to think it strange. The reason was that
he had risen at the twentieth hour [two o'clock in the
afternoon] and had dined, then had gone to the
castle and spent the night, returning greatly exhausted
in consequence of a sore in the groin.
" To-day, after he had dined, about the twenty-
second hour [four in the afternoon], he sent Signer
Ramiro to fetch me to him. With great frankness and
amiability his Majesty first apologised for not having
granted me an audience on the preceding day, owing
to his having so much to do in the castle, and also
on account of the pain caused by his ulcer. After
these preliminaries, and when I had announced
that the sole object of my mission was to wait upon
his Majesty, to congratulate and thank him, and to
286 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
offer your services, he answered me in very carefully
chosen and fluent words, covering each point. The
gist of it was that, knowing your Excellency's ability
and goodness, he had always loved you and hoped
to enjoy personal relations with you. He had looked
forward to this when you were in Milan, but circum-
stances then prevented it. But now that he had
come to this country, he determined to fulfil his
wish had written the letter announcing his success,
of his own free will and as proof of his love, feeling
sure that your Majesty would have pleasure in it.
He says that he will continue to keep you informed
of his doings, as he desires to establish a firm friendship
with your Majesty, and he offers to do everything
in his power to help you in case of need. He desires,
indeed, to look upon you as a father. . . .
" When I take both the actual facts and his words
into consideration, I understand why he wishes to
establish some sort of friendly alliance with your
Majesty. I believe in his professions, and can see
nothing but good in them. He was much pleased
by your Majesty's sending a special messenger to
him, and I heard that he had informed the Pope of
it ; to his people here he mentioned it in a way
which showed that he considered it of the greatest
importance. . . . We came to the subject of
Faenza. His Majesty said to me, ' I do not know what
Faenza wants to do ; she can give us no more trouble
than did the others ; still she may delay matters.' I
replied that I believed she would do as the others had
done ; but, if she did not, it could only redound to
his Majesty's glory, for it would give him another
opportunity to display his skill and valour in capturing
the place. This seemed to please him, and he replied
that he would assuredly crush it. Bologna was not
mentioned. He was pleased with the messages from
your people, from Don Alfonso and the Cardinal, of
whom he spoke long and affectionately.
" Thereupon, having been together a full half-hour,
I took my departure, and his Majesty rode forth on
horseback. This evening he is going to Gradara ;
to-morrow to Rimini, and then farther. . . .
" In this place there are more than two thousand
men quartered, but they have done no appreciable
damage. The surrounding country is swarming with
soldiers, but how much harm they have done we do
not know. He has granted to the city no privileges
or exemptions, and a certain doctor of Forli has been
established as his deputy. He took seventy pieces of
artillery from the castle, and the guard that he has
left there is very small.
" I will tell your Excellency something which I have
heard from several sources ; it was, however, related
to me in detail by a Portuguese cavalier, a soldier
in the army of the Duke of Valentino, ... an
upright man who was a friend of our Lord Don
Ferrantino when he was with King Charles. He
told me that the Pope intended to give the town as a
dowry to Madonna Lucrezia, and that he had found
a husband for her an Italian, who would always
remain on friendly terms with Valentino. Whether
this is true, I know not, but it is commonly believed.
" As to Fano, the Duke did not retain it. He was
there five days. He did not want it, but the citizens
presented it to him and it will be his when he desires
it. They say that the Pope commanded him not
to take Fano, unless the burghers themselves requested
it. Therefore it remained in statu quo.
" Postscript. The daily life of the Duke is as follows :
he goes to bed at eight, nine, or ten o'clock at night
[three to five o'clock in the morning]. Consequently
the eighteenth hour is his dawn, the nineteenth his
sunrise, and the twentieth his time for rising. Im-
mediately on getting up he sits down to the table,
and while there and afterwards attends to his business
affairs. He is considered brave, strong, and generous,
288 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and is reputed to lay great store by straightforward
men. He is terrible in revenge so many tell me.
A man of great good sense, and eager for greatness
and renown, he seems more anxious to conquer States
than to keep and administer them.
" Your illustrious ducal Majesty's servant,
" PANDULPHUS.
" PESARO,
" Thursday, October 29, six o'clock at night, 1500."*
Caesar took possession of Rimini, which was governed
by the fierce and gifted Pandolfo Malatesta, just
as easily as he had taken Pesaro. The conquest
of Faenza presented greater difficulties ; its ruler,
Astorre Manfredi, an attractive youth of seventeen
or eighteen, was much beloved by his subjects, who
valiantly repulsed the assaults of Caesar's Generals
Vitellozzo and Orsini, and, as winter approached, the
siege had to be raised ; but, with the return of spring,
Caesar resumed the attack, and on April 25, 1501, the
town surrendered under condition that Astorre's
liberty should not be interfered with. His conquerors
at first treated him as a distinguished guest, but
before long he was carried off to the Castle of Sant'
Angelo, where, in January 1502, he and his younger
brother were put to death, being strangled by Caesar's
command. On June 9, 1502, the young Lord of
Faenza was found drowned in the Tiber with a stone
fastened round his neck. He was, says Burchard, of
such fine stature and so charming of face that his like
could scarcely have been found among a thousand
youths of the same age.
A maid of honour of Elizabeth Gonzaga's, the
wife of the Venetian General, Giovanni Caracciolo,
had the misfortune to attract Caesar's attention on
her journey to Venice. She was one of the most
beautiful women in Italy, and the Duke immediately
1 Quoted by Gregorovius.
ABDUCTION OF CARACCIOLO'S WIFE 289
cast lustful eyes upon her. Well knowing that he
could not hope to win her either by entreaties or
by presents, he decided to use force, and sent a troop
of soldiers to arrest her at Cesena. But her suite
was determined to defend her at any risk. A fearful
fight ensued, and not until most of her escort were slain
did the small remainder take flight. The lady
fell into Caesar's hands, and thereupon her fate was
sealed.
Caracciolo, on hearing the terrible news, was almost
beside himself with rage and grief. Determined not
to submit to this shameful treatment, he appealed to
the Council of Ten, at that tune presided over by
the Doge Barbarigo. They immediately despatched
Aloysius Manentino to Caesar demanding that the
lady should be restored to her husband. The French
envoy was also informed of the occurrence, and
complaints were lodged against Caesar, who, under the
King's auspices, had led the war into the Romagna.
The envoy at once set out for Imola to express his
displeasure at the Duke's behaviour and to assure
him that Louis XII. would be greatly annoyed. The
Senate also wrote to the Pope demanding satisfaction
for the insult offered to the Republic of Venice. But
both Alexander and Caesar remained quite unmoved
by these representations. Caesar, who was a liar of
the first magnitude, denied his guilt, and promised
to investigate the matter, adding that there was
no lack of beautiful maidens whose favours he could
enjoy without having recourse to forcible means.
Tomaso Tomasi, however, relates that when the
bodies of Astorre and his brother were discovered in
the Tiber, near them was the corpse of a woman
who proved to be none other than the unhappy wife
of Caracciolo. To Caesar no human life was sacred,
and all who stood in his way or afforded him any
inconvenience were speedily doomed to die.
The capture of Faenza was the occasion of great
TB
290 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
joy at the Vatican, and Caesar immediately adopted
the title of Duke of the Romagna, a dignity which
was recognised by other Powers, such as Hungary,
Venice, and even Castile and Portugal.
Puffed up with pride, Caesar now journeyed to
Bologna with the intention of attacking it. But
on his approach, he received commands from the
King of France not to molest the town, as he had
pledged himself to protect it. His obligation, to be
sure, contained the restriction that the rights of the
Church should not be interfered with, but the King
thought it well to maintain that the Pope had no
rights over the district of Bologna. Caesar was there-
fore obliged to acquiesce, but Alexander, through the
medium of Paolo Orsini, made an agreement with
Bentivoglio, the Governor, that Bologna should be
left unmolested on condition that Caesar should have
a free passage and provisions for his troops, and that
Bentivoglio should pay an annual tribute of 9,000
ducats, provide a certain number of soldiers, and
surrender the castle to the Orsini. This treaty was
concluded in 1501, but Bentivoglio, on account of a
rumour spread by Caesar that he had been invited
to come to Bologna by the family Marescotti, had
all the members of the family at that time in the
town put to death.
The French army had now to proceed to carry out
King Louis's plan of attacking the kingdom of Naples.
A thousand lances and ten thousand infantry were
despatched to Naples under the command of d' Aubigny.
Caesar, on the other hand, with two hundred lances,
and two thousand foot soldiers, sent to his help by
Bentivoglio, turned in the direction of Florence.
Not waiting for a response to his request to the Floren-
tines for a free passage and provisions, he crossed over
the Apennines.
Arrived at Barberino, he threw off his mask, and
desired Florence to conclude an alliance with him,
and that the present government should be replaced
by another in which he could place more confidence.
Caesar made this demand, not so much because he
had the power to insist upon it (for his army was
neither large nor suitably equipped, but because
Florence was just then in a defenceless condition,
with no soldiers but the inhabitants. The Flor-
entines, too, were unhappy and suspicious because
in Caesar's camp were the Orsini, Vitellozzo, the
brother of their ill-fated General, and Piero de' Medici,
who thought it a favourable opportunity to profit
by their interests. But Caesar had not the slightest
intention of advancing Piero's reinstatement, for
he was by no means anxious to promote the fortunes of
the Orsini and Vitellozzo families, with whom the
Medici would undoubtedly have closely allied them-
selves in the event of their restoration in Florence.
He also nursed a private grievance against Piero, for,
while Caesar was still a student at Pisa, he had journeyed
to Florence in the hope of enlisting Piero's interest on
behalf of a friend who was involved in a criminal
law-suit. Piero, however, kept him waiting in his
audience-chamber so long that Caesar, no little offended,
left the city without having spoken to him. Neverthe-
less, in order to curry favour with the Orsini and the
Vitellozzi, and also to increase the alarm of the
Florentines, he pretended to fall in with their wishes,
always hoping that he would get an opportunity of
seizing for himself part of the Tuscan domain.
Borgia meanwhile fixed the conditions under which
alone he would depart. The most important were
that Florence should appoint him administrator-in-
chief, with a considerable salary, and not interfere
if he wished to attack the other States of Italy, in
particular the dominion of Piombino, which at that
time stood under Florentine's protection. Further,
that six of the foremost citizens, chosen by Vitellozzo,
should be delivered up to him, and that Piero de'
292 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Medici should be reinstated in his former position.
When these plans became public so much bitter
feeling was aroused in Florence that the magistrates
fell into extremely bad odour with the people.
Before matters were fully settled Caesar received
orders from Louis, who was not at all pleased that
he should thus arbitrarily interfere with the method
of government in Florence, to leave Florentine
domains. In the event of his disobedience, d'Aubigny
was commissioned to drive him out by force.
With great unwillingness, Caesar obeyed, and with-
drew his troops. But first of all he was appointed
administrator-in-chief of Florence, with a salary of
36,000 ducats, and exemption from personal service.
He then journeyed slowly towards Piombino, carrying
great havoc in his train. In places where he found
nothing to plunder he had all the inhabitants
slaughtered. As he possessed no artillery, he des-
patched Vitellozzo to Pisa to obtain some.
Once in the domain of Piombino, Caesar took
Sughereto, Scarlino, the island of Elba, and Pianosa.
He then besieged the town of Piombino, where Appiano,
lord of the princedom, had collected an army ; but he
was soon obliged to join the troops of Louis XII.,
who was preparing to war against Naples. He, how-
ever, left garrisons and troops behind him in the
province of Piombino.
Federigo, King of Naples, was extremely popular
among his subjects, for he had both the power and
the will to promote their happiness. Even those
who had revolted and taken to flight under the rule
of Ferrante I. and Alfonso II. now returned to their
native town, and the Princes of Salerno and Bisignano
had been among the first to do homage to their new
sovereign. The goods of those barons who had been
on the French side were restored, and it seemed as
if at last a time of peace and happiness had begun
for Naples. But Federigo's reign was destined to be
D'AUBIGNY'S MARCH ON NAPLES 293
a short one. The Kings of France and Spain wished
to divide the kingdom of Naples between themselves,
and devised a disgraceful means of attaining their
object. As the representative of the House of Anjou,
Louis XII. was to assert his claim to Naples, thus
forcing Federigo to seek help from Ferdinand the
Catholic. The latter, under pretext of driving away
the French, was to send a considerable force which
would unite with the French soldiers and expel the
House of Aragon. Naples would thus be divided
between France and Spain. The French King was
to receive the town of Naples, the provinces of Terra
di Lavoro and Abruzzo, as well as half the revenue of
the meadow-lands of Apulia, and to bear titles as
Duke of Milan and King of Naples. On the other
hand, Calabria and Apulia, together with at least half
of the revenue of the pasture-lands, were to fall
to the share of Spain. This compact, signed on
November n, 1500, is still extant, and gives strong
evidence of the faithless character of both Kings
concerned.
Louis gave the conduct of the war into the hands
of his trusty General, d'Aubigny, who was to march
into the dominion of Naples with an army of one
thousand lances and ten thousand infantry. When
Federigo heard of this he asked help from Gonsalvo
da Cordova, who, with his troops, was in Sicily.
Gonsalvo immediately hastened to seize upon all the
fortified places in Calabria. Federigo had meanwhile
collected a considerable army, which was joined by
the Colonna and their troops.
A gory fight was expected, but before the French
had entered Naples the French and Spanish envoys
arrived in Rome and disclosed to the Pope and the
College of Cardinals the contents of the treaty con-
cluded by their masters and declared the partition
of Naples to be inevitable. The defence of Naples
against the Turks and the spread of the Christian
294 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
faith among the infidels, for which the situation of
this kingdom was particularly favourable, served as
pretext under which the Most Christian and Catholic
Kings sought to cloak their rapacity.
The Pope did not oppose this obvious injustice,
for he was glad of the opportunity for indulging his
hatred of Federigo. For Caesar, too, the prospect
of being able more freely to pursue his passion for
conquest in the States of the Church was attractive.
On July 15, 1501, a bull was published by which
Federigo was deposed and his kingdom divided between
the two monarchs. To Alexander it seemed a suitable
time for seizing upon the goods of the Colonna, who
clung to the cause of the Aragons. It became increas-
ingly clear that no Prince without considerable
resources of his own could dispense with the favour
of the Borgias. The Colonna also realised that the only
way of retaining their possessions, was to place
themselves under the protection of the College of
Cardinals. But the Pope declared that no favour
could be shown them unless they surrendered to
him the keys of their town. At the same time he
forbade the Cardinals to interfere in the quarrel
with the Colonna, whose goods he had made up his
mind to seize, threatening with imprisonment and
death all who opposed him. On June 22 Francesco
Borgia was despatched to take possession, in the
Pope's name, of Rocca di Papa and the other castles
belonging to the Colonna, who, fearing the Borgia
rage, thought it well to submit. On the day following
some twenty vassals of the family came to Rome
and took an oath of homage to the Papacy. Each
of them was presented with a gold ducat and a pair
of stockings.
At the same time it was decided that San Marino,
which had always served as a citadel for the Colonna,
should be entirely demolished, a sentence which Caesar
and the French troops proceeded to carry out.
CARDINAL OF CAPUA POISONED 295
The Savelli, who also adhered to the House of
Aragon, knew that their turn would soon come, and
sought refuge in flight from the danger which threatened
their lives.
The death of Cardinal Domenico della Rovere
gave Alexander an excellent opportunity for enriching
his treasury. He sent the Cardinal of Capua to his
palace at midnight for the express purpose of seizing
upon the property of the deceased, especially the
gold, silver, and precious stones, which he had strict
injunctions to bring to the Vatican. The poor Cardinal
of Capua, although himself concerned in the inheritance,
was obliged to obey. A few days later he died from
the effects of poison, and then the grasping Pope
was able to prey upon the property of both Cardinals.
About the same time occurred the death of Cardinal
Zeno of Santa Maria in Porticu. Alexander's prede-
cessors had given him liberty to dispose of his property
as he chose, with the result that he left 25,000 ducats
to various pious objects, and 100,000 ducats to Venice
in order to carry on the Turkish crusade. But the
Pope, who could not endure to lose sight of so large
a sum of money, informed the Venetian Republic
that he had revoked the power granted to the Cardinal
by former Popes, and declared the will invalid. He
thereupon, in his capacity of Spiritual Lord, claimed
all the property for himself. Although Venice took
no heed of the Pope's action, he did not altogether
fail in his object. The Cardinal had left, in a cloister
of Ancona, two caskets containing 20,000 gold ducats
as well as other valuables, with directions that they
should be given to a youth who had once done him
great service. This young man, however, died before
the Cardinal, who made no mention of the caskets
in his will. Alexander, upon hearing of this, sent to
Ancona and seized upon the treasure.
A like fate overtook the Cardinal of Lisbon, who
was seized with an apoplectic stroke while dining
296 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
with a friend at the Vatican. He recovered sufficiently
to be able to be taken to his own palace, but the Pope
refused to allow him to make his will, hoping to be
able to take possession of the inheritance himself.
The Cardinal, deeply incensed, swore that the Borgias
should have none of his money. He sent secretly
for some of his friends, to whom he entrusted some
50,000 ducats for the promotion of good works ;
among other friends and relations he divided consider-
able sums, as well as furniture and silver plate, com-
manding them to leave the States of the Church
secretly. To the astonishment of all concerned,
however, the Cardinal recovered, when he found
himself without enough means to keep up the dignity
of his position. But the thougLl that he had deprived
the Borgias of his inheritance contributed much to
cheer him in his misfortune.
This custom of appropriating the goods of the
deceased rich was constantly exercised by the Pope's
children, who not infrequently disputed the division
of the treasure.
Meanwhile, d'Aubigny had marched into Rome
at the head of his troops. He and his generals,
Gajazzo, d'Allegre, and others, were richly enter-
tained in the palace of Cardinal Sforza. Their
soldiers, too, were treated with every consideration.
On the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul the whole of
the Roman clergy went in procession to the Basilica
of St. Peter. First of all the Pope received d'Aubigny
and the French Generals, and afterwards the terms
of the already-mentioned treaty between Alexander
VI. and the Kings of France and Spain. But care
was taken to represent the alliance only as a union for
the defence of Christendom against the Turks. In
five or six days the French took their departure from
Rome, and Alexander greatly rejoiced when he saw
them disappear in the direction of Naples.
Federigo of Naples was terrified at the news that
France and Spain had united against him, and, without
beating about the bush, he appealed to Gonsalvo to
know whether this alliance was a fact. Gonsalvo
denied it most emphatically, and even promised
Naples his support. But Federigo, whose suspicions
were not quite allayed, withdrew in the direction of
San Germano, in order to await the troops recruited
by the Orsini. As soon as the French had arrived,
Gonsalvo ceased to dissimulate, and sent six galleys
to Naples to fetch the two widowed Queens, one
of whom was a sister, the other a niece, of the King
of Spain. Prospero Colonna advised Federigo to
seize the opportunity and capture the galleys before
all the troops had united. But the King lacked the
necessary decision to follow this advice, and thought
it more prudent to use his troops in defending his
towns, though San Germano was already hi a state of
insurrection. He chose Capua as their citadel, and,
leaving Prospero Colonna behind in Naples, he himself
went with the rest of the army to Aversa.
D'Aubigny lost no time in laying siege to Capua,
which his troops attacked with great violence. The
garrison, however, defended itself so bravely that
the French had perforce to retire with considerable
losses. But the Capuans, at last realising that they
could not hold out indefinitely, agreed to an interview
with Fabricius Colonna. Relying upon overtures
of peace, the defence was neglected, the sentry relieved,
and the town left in disorder. This did not escape
the notice of the enemy, who hastened to break
open the gates, slaughter the inhabitants, and plunder
the town. Even the cloisters were not spared,
and many women were sent to Rome and sold in
the market. Many of them, preferring honour to life
itself, threw themselves into the wells or drowned
themselves in the river.
Caesar Borgia, who had also been engaged in the
298 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
invasion of Capua, learned that some women had taken
refuge in a tower of the castle. Guicciardini relates
that Caesar, hastening thither with some of his suite,
examined his victims carefully, and, choosing forty
of the most beautiful for himself, abandoned the
rest to the mercies of his men. Fabricius Colonna,
Don Ugo di Cardone, and the other Captains were
taken captive ; among them was the famous con-
dottiere, Rinuccio da Marciano, who was severely
wounded and only survived his capture a few days.
If we are to believe the historian Paulus Jovius, his end
was accelerated by poison administered by Vitellozzo
in revenge because Rinuccio's faction in Florence had
condemned his brother to death.
After the fall of Capua Federigo gave up all hope
of being able to defend his kingdom, especially as
Gaeta had also yielded. Naples therefore entered
into negotiations with the enemy, and bought itself
off for 60,000 ducats of the plunder. The King
had to retire to Castelnuovo, though he was com-
pelled to surrender this fortress as well as his other
towns and fortified places, with the exception of
Ischia, to the French. Cast down from his high
estate, he found himself and his numerous family
reduced to great misery ; his treasure had been
snatched away from him, and his eldest son was
imprisoned in Tarento without hope of release.
Among his companions in misfortune were his sister
Isabella d'Este, who had been cruelly repudiated by
her husband Ladislaus of Hungary, and Isabella,
Duchess of Milan, whose husband and eldest son had
been poisoned by Ludovico the Moor, and who now
had to look on helplessly at the degradation of her
House of Aragon.
In describing the events of this period, Guicciardini
recounts a remarkable example of filial love. When
the French entered Naples the son of the Prince
of Montpensier went to visit his father's tomb at
GONSALVO INVADES CALABRIA 299
Pozzuoli. Throwing himself down by the tomb,
he was overcome by a passion of grief so intense that
he died from its effects.
Federigo, whose position had become untenable,
now resolved to throw himself upon the mercy of
Louis of France rather than entrust himself to his
other enemy, the false Ferdinand of Spain. The
French King willingly granted him a safe escort
to France, whither he embarked after sending his
son in Tarento as much help as possible. Louis
received him graciously, and conferred on him the
dukedom of Aragon, with a pension of 30,000 ducats.
Thereupon Federigo commanded that Ischia should
be ceded to the French.
The " Great Captain," Gonsalvo, meanwhile
marched into Calabria, where the towns, with the
exception of Manfredonia and Tarento, yielded without
much resistance. After an obstinate defence, Tarento
had finally to give in. When the Count of Potenza
and Leonardo, Knight of Rhodes and Governor of
Tarento, who had the guardianship of the young
Duke of Calabria, saw that they could no longer
hold out, they bound themselves to surrender the
town in four months, provided no help arrived mean-
while. On the other hand Gonsalvo had to swear
that the young Duke should be free to choose his own
place of withdrawal. The latter had received orders
to join his father in France, but Gonsalvo, notwith-
standing his solemn oath, refused to let him go,
but sent him under escort as a prisoner to Spain.
Caesar, whose assistance was no longer necessary,
now sent Giovanni Baglioni and Vitellozo with troops
to Piombino. Appiano, who was in no condition to
defend himself, hastened to France to demand help
from Louis XII. on the ground of a former treaty.
But the King explained that he could not oppose
Caesar's conquests on account of a reconciliation which
300 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
he had concluded with the Pope. Piombino therefore
was obliged to surrender.
Already in 1501 rumours were afloat in Rome
concerning a projected alliance between Lucrezia
and Alfonso d'Este, the hereditary Prince of Ferrara.
It was Alexander himself who had devised this plan,
for he hoped by it to secure the possession of the
Romagna for Caesar, and at the same time to open a
prospect of annexing Bologna and Florence. That
Lucrezia might still harbour regrets for the other
Alfonso did not affect the Pope's schemes. He
commissioned Giambattista Ferrari of Modena, one
of his staunchiest adherents to lay the proposal before
Duke Ercole of Ferrara, " on account of the great
advantage which would accrue to his State from it."
The Duke was greatly embarrassed at the offer. His
son Alfonso raised decided objections, and his daughter,
the virtuous Isabella, Margravine of Mantua, and
her sister-in-law Elisabetta of Urbino, were horrified
at the idea of admitting a Borgia into their family.
Thus influenced, Duke Ercole returned a decided
refusal, but Alexander, undismayed, succeeded in
overcoming the opposition of Louis XII. and winning
him over to his side. Louis was most anxious to
conciliate the Pope, for it was just at the time of
his expedition to Naples, for which he needed the
papal authority. At the same time he only gave a
half-hearted consent to the furtherance of the match,
and advised Duke Ercole not to be in a hurry, and
even assured him that he would continue to favour
the alliance between Alfonso and Louise of An-
goule'me. The Duke, therefore, made no haste to
conclude matters, and when Alexander and Caesar
tried to urge him forward he insisted that the stipu-
lated conditions should be carried out.
On July 27, 1501, the Pope, accompanied by a
troop of soldiers, went to Sermoneta, leaving Lucrezia
as his representative in the Vatican a bold and
extrordinary step to take. " Before his Holiness, our
Master, left the city, he turned over the palace and
all business affairs to his daughter Lucrezia, authoris-
ing her to open all letters which should come
addressed to him. In all important matters she was
to ask advice of the Cardinal of Lisbon " (Burchard's
Diary). Alexander had just received news of Alfonso's
consent to the union, and it was probably as a recogni-
tion of Lucrezia's political importance as the prospec-
tive Duchess of Ferrara that he placed her in so
prominent a position.
Duke Ercole had experienced no little difficulty
in overcoming his son's repugnance to an alliance
with a woman of Lucrezia's ill repute, for the mali-
cious rumours spread at the time of her divorce had
sullied her fair fame so greatly that most honourable
men and women looked at her askance.
But when Ercole threatened that he would marry
her himself, Alfonso gave way. The marriage was
regarded merely as a profitable piece of statecraft,
and the honour of the house of Milan was bartered
for the highest price obtainable. The Pope's agents
in Ferrara, alarmed at the Duke's exorbitant demands,
sent Raimondi Romolini to Rome to submit them to
Alexander. The Duke's conditions have already been
mentioned. The dowry which he demanded was
an extravagant one, but so great was the Pope's desire
to secure the throne of Ferrara for his daughter that,
after some altercation, he finally consented to pay
it. The Duke also insisted upon the remission of the
annual tribute paid by the fief of Ferrara to the
Church, as well as the cession of Cento and Pieve,
which belonged to the Bishopric of Bologna. Csesar
and Lucrezia both urged their father to submit to
whatever the Duke demanded. Lucrezia, we are
told, was radiant at the prospect of this, her third
marriage. With characteristic volatility, she forgot
the sorrows of her widowhood in the anticipation of
302 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
a brilliant future. Doubtless, too, she looked forward
to her position in Ferrara as a release from the un-
congenial atmosphere of Rome, where her life was
darkened by the tyranny of Caesar and the black
shadow of the Borgia reputation.
The marriage contract was executed on August 26,
1501, and the nuptials were concluded on September I.
When the news arrived that the nuptial contract
had been signed in Ferrara, the Pope, in his jubilation,
had the Vatican illuminated and the glad tidings pro-
claimed by the cannon of the Castle of Sant' Angelo.
On September 5 Lucrezia, accompanied by four
bishops and three hundred knights, passed through
the streets of Rome on her way to a thanksgiving
service at Santa Maria del Popolo. In accordance with
a strange custom of the time, she presented the costly
robe in which she had attended the ceremony, to one
of her court fools, who ran gaily up and down the
city, yelling out, " Long live the illustrious Duchess
of Ferrara ! Long live Pope Alexander ! "
The Vatican now became the scene of feasting and
merriment. Dancing and music enlivened every
evening, for it was one of the Pope's greatest delights
to watch beautiful women at the dance, and he often
so far forgot his sacred office as to be present at
voluptuous displays such as had aroused the dis-
pleasure of Pius II. Lucrezia, fond as she was of
gaiety, became worn out with all this dissipation, and
it was a relief when her father left Rome in order to
visit Civita Castellana and Nepi. On September 25
the ambassadors wrote to Ferrara : " The illustrious
lady continues somewhat ailing and is greatly fatigued.
. . . The rest which she will have while his Holiness
is away will do her good ; for whenever she is at the
Pope's palace the entire night, until two or three
o'clock, is spent in dancing and at play, which tires
her greatly."
The bride's outfit was of the most luxurious kind ;
LUCREZIA'S MARRIAGE 803
her father told the Ferrarese ambassadors that he
intended her to have " more beautiful pearls than any
other Italian princess."
On December 23 the bridal escort, consisting of
Alfonso's brothers, Sigismondi, Ferrante, and the
Cardinal Ippolito d'Este, with a retinue of five
hundred persons, arrived in Rome. On the same day
the Ferrarese envoy, in a letter to his lord, expresses
the following favourable opinion of Lucrezia : " She
is singularly graceful in everything she does, and her
manners are modest, gentle, and decorous. She is
also a good Christian, and more, she is going to con-
fession and to Communion on Christmas Day. As
regards good looks she has quite sufficient, but her
pleasing expression and gracious ways make her seem
even more beautiful than she is. In short, she seems
to me to be such that there is nothing to fear, but
rather the very best to be hoped, in every way, from
her."
On December 28 the marriage was celebrated by
procuration in the Vatican amid gorgeous festivities.
The bride's dress was of " gold brocade and crimson
velvet trimmed with ermine. ... A black band
confined her golden hair, and she wore on her head
a light coif of gold and silk. Her necklace was a string
of pearls with a locket consisting of an emerald, a
ruby, and one large pearl." Until her departure on
January 6, 1502, Rome gave itself up to one long
round of festivities, and for days only masked faces
were to be seen out of doors. Dances, comedies,
banquets, games, and bull-fights followed in quick
succession, all paid for out of the funds of the reluctant
city.
The Pope was determined that Lucrezia's departure
should be attended by great pomp and magnificence,
and that her progress through Italy should be truly
regal. He said farewell to his daughter in the Chamber
of the Parrots, where they spent some time alone.
304 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
As she left him, he called after her in a loud voice
bidding her be of good cheer and to write to him
whenever she wanted anything, adding that he
would do more for her in the future than he had ever
done for her while she was in Rome. He then wan-
dered from place to place, watching her until she and
her retinue were lost to view.
It was about three o'clock in the afternoon when
Lucrezia set out for her new home. The Romans
heaved a sigh of relief at her departure, for they had
been sorely taxed by the expenses of her marriage
festivities. The papal Court, the Cardinals, ambas-
sadors, and magistrates accompanied her to the Porta
del Popolo. Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of Cosenza,
a most devoted retainer, had been chosen as legate
to escort her through the States of the Church. The
bride's own suite consisted of one hundred and eighty
persons ; in a list which is still preserved may be
seen the names of many of her maids of honour ; her
first lady-in-waiting was the beautiful and charming
Angela Borgia. Lucrezia, herself, was mounted on a
white jennet caparisoned with gold, and she wore a
riding habit of red silk and ermine and a hat trimmed
with feathers. Her brother Caesar accompanied her
for a short distance and then returned to the Vatican.
The Pope had made detailed arrangements for the
journey and had carefully noted all the places at which
they were to stop. Their route was to comprise
Castelnuovo, Civita Castellana, Narni, Terni, Spoleto,
Foligno, Pesaro, Rimini, Cesena, Forli, Faenza, Imola,
and Bologna. From the following letter to the
Priors of Nepi we may see to what extortions the
people were subjected :
" DEAR SONS,
" Greeting and the Apostolic Blessing. As our
dearly beloved daughter in Christ, the noble lady and
Duchess Lucrezia de Borgia, who is to leave here
304]
THE TRIUMPH OF VENUS.
FRESCOES FROM THE SCHIFFANOIA PALACE, RESIDENCE OF LUCREZIA
BORGIA AT FERRARA.
POPE'S LETTER TO PRIORS OF NEPI 305
next Monday to join her husband Alfonso, the beloved
son and first-born of the Duke of Ferrara, with a
large escort of nobles, and two hundred horsemen will
pass through your district, therefore we wish and
command you, if you value our favour and desire to
avoid our displeasure, to provide for the company
mentioned above for a day and two nights, the time
they will spend with you. By so doing you will
receive from us all due approbation. Given in Rome,
under the Apostolic seal, December 28, 1501, in the
tenth year of our Pontificate." 1
1 Gregorovius.
Us
CHAPTER XIV
Progress of Lucrezia and her retinue Unexpected appearance of
her bridegroom at Bentivoglio Reception at Ferrara Wed-
ding festivities Fortunes of the Borgias Letter to Savelli
Alexander and Caesar visit Piombino The Pope's composure
during a storm at sea Disturbances in Tuscany Caesar attacks
Urbino Capture of Camerino Caesar's alliance with Louis
XII. Suspicions of his generals Crusade against the Borgia
tyranny Success of the allies Peace made with Caesar
Caesar at Sinigaglia His treatment of the Duke of Gravina,
Vitellozzo Vitelli and Oliverotto da Fermo Cardinal Orsini's
imprisonment and death Advance of Caesar Attack on the
of Gian Giordano Orsini.
IN every city where Lucrezia and her convoy halted,
they were, at the Pope's command, feted and honoured
at the expense of the commune. At Spoleto she was
met by Duke Guidobaldi of Urbino, who escorted
her to his city. Sumptuous quarters were allotted
to her in the beautiful palace of Federigo, which the
Duke and Duchess had vacated for the occasion. The
famous Duchess Elisabetta also showed the bride great
kindness and accompanied her to her journey's
end.
Pesaro, which Lucrezia must have entered with
much emotion, now belonged to Caesar, who had
commanded that a royal reception should be accorded
to his sister. Her former subjects appeared delighted
to welcome her, but, notwithstanding their demon-
strations of joy, she took no share in the festivities.
Pozzi, in writing to the Duke, says that she spent the
whole time in her chamber " for the purpose of
306
PROGRESS OF LUCREZIA 807
washing her head, and because she was naturally
inclined to solitude." Even the buoyancy of Lu-
crezia's disposition, it seems, was weighed down by
sorrowful memories of the past.
This washing of the head was probably connected
in some way with the hair-dressing, for it appears
to -have been a frequent interruption to the progress
of the cavalcade. Don Ferrante wrote from Imola
that Lucrezia would stay there a day in order to
wash her head, which, she said, had not been done
for eight days, and she was therefore afflicted with
headache.
At Bologna the bridal retinue was splendidly re-
ceived by the Bentivoglio family, who, though in
their hearts they must have loathed the Borgias,
spared no pains to do Lucrezia honour.
On the evening of January 31 they reached the
Castle of Bentivoglio, about twenty miles from Ferrara.
Here Lucrezia was greatly surprised by the unex-
pected appearance of her bridegroom, Alfonso, who had
hitherto displayed a morose and apathetic attitude
towards the bride who had been thrust upon him.
During their short interview Lucrezia, by the silent
commendation of her beautiful face, contrived to
cast her spell upon him, and he left for Ferrara at
the end of two hours, with his heart relieved and his
misgivings much allayed.
The Pope was delighted to hear of this meeting,
for he had experienced many qualms as to Lucrezia's
reception by the House of Este, and had frequently
begged Cardinal Ferrari to warn Duke Ercole to
treat his daughter-in-law kindly.
On February i Lucrezia continued her journey
to Ferrara by the canal. Near Malalbergo she found
Isabella Gonzaga waiting to meet her. At the
urgent request of her father the marchioness, much
against her will, had come to do the honours during
the festivities in his palace. " In violent anger," so
308 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
she wrote to her husband, who remained at home,
she greeted and embraced her sister-in-law.
The Duke, with Don Alfonso and his Court, awaited
Lucrezia at Torre della Fossa. When she left the
boat the Duke saluted her on the cheek, she having
first respectfully kissed his hand.
Thereupon, all mounted a magnificently decorated
dais, to which the foreign ambassadors and numerous
cavaliers came to kiss the bride's hand. To the
strains of music and the thunder of cannon, the
cavalcade proceeded to the Borgo San Luca, where
they all dismounted. Lucrezia took up her residence
in the palace of Alberto d'Este. 1
Ferrara was already filled with thousands of strangers,
of whom part had come out of curiosity and part
at the invitation of the Duke. The Princes of Urbino
and Mantua were represented by the ladies of their
families, and the House of Bentivoglio by Annibale.
France, Rome, Venice, Florence, Lucca, and Siena
had all sent envoys. Caesar himself was still in Rome,
but he was represented by a cavalier. The Pope had
desired that Caesar's wife, Charlotte d'Albret, should go
to Ferrara for the festivities, but she did not appear.
Lucrezia's entry into the city on February 2, 1502,
was one of the most splendid pageants of the age.
At two o'clock in the afternoon Duke Ercole and all
the ambassadors repaired to Alberto's palace to fetch
the bride. On the way back Alfonso headed the
procession, the bride came towards the middle,
and the Duke last. This arrangement was intended
to show that Lucrezia was the most important per-
sonage of the parade. " Just behind Alfonso came
her escort, pages, and court officials, among whom
were several Spanish cavaliers ; then five bishops,
followed by the ambassadors according to rank ;
the four deputies of Rome, mounted upon beautiful
horses and wearing long brocade cloaks and black
1 Gregorovius.
LUCREZIA'S HORSE THROWS HER 309
birettas, coming next. These were followed by six
tambourines and two of Lucrezia's favourite clowns.
" Then came the bride herself, radiantly beautiful
and happy, mounted upon a white jennet with
scarlet trappings, and followed by her master of horse.
Lucrezia was dressed in a loose-sleeved camorra of
black velvet with a narrow gold border, and a cape
of gold brocade trimmed with ermine. On her
head she wore a sort of net glittering with diamonds
and gold a present from her father-in-law. . . .
About her neck she had a chain of pearls and rubies
which had once belonged to the Duchess of Ferrara
as Isabella noticed, with tears in her eyes. Her
beautiful hair fell down unconfined on her shoulders.
She rode beneath a purple baldachin, which the
doctors of Ferrara, i.e. the members of the faculties
of law, medicine, and mathematics, supported in turn.
" Behind Lucrezia came the Duke, in black velvet,
on a dark horse with trappings of the same material.
On his right was the Duchess of Urbino, clad in a
dark velvet gown. Then followed nobles, pages,
and other personages of the house of Este, each of
whom was accompanied by one of Lucrezia's ladies.
. . . Afterwards came fourteen vehicles upon which
were seated a number of the noble women of Ferrara,
beautifully dressed, including the twelve damsels
who had been allotted to Lucrezia as maids of honour.
Then followed two white mules and two white horses
decked with velvet and silk and costly gold trappings.
Eighty-six mules accompanied the train, bearing the
bride's trousseau and jewels."
At the gate near Castle Tedaldo Lucrezia's horse
was frightened by the discharge of a cannon, and she
was thrown. She rose without assistance, and the
Duke placed her upon another horse, whereupon the
cortege started again. " In honour of Lucrezia there
were everywhere triumphal arches, tribunes, orations,
and mythological scenes. . . . When the cavalcade
310 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
reached the Piazza before the church, two rope-
walkers descended from the towers and addressed
compliments to the bride thus was the ludicrous
introduced into public festivities at that tune. . . .
At the moment when the procession reached the palace
of the Duke, all prisoners were given their liberty." 1
At the ducal palace the bride was received by the
Marchioness Gonzaga and other distinguished ladies,
many of them bastard daughters of the House of
Este. To the sound of music the bridal pair were
conducted to the reception hall and seated upon a
throne. Then followed the presentation of the
court officials, and an orator delivered himself of an
epithalamium. Afterwards the Duke accompanied
Lucrezia to the rooms which had been prepared for
her. She must have been pleased with her reception
by the House of Este, for her charming appearance
made a favourable impression on every one, and all
the poets of the day, not excluding Ariosto, wrote
effusively in her honour. The chronicler Bernardino
Zambotto describes her in the following words :
" She has a beautiful countenance, sparkling and
animated eyes, and a slender figure ; she is keen
and intellectual, joyous and human, and possessed
of good reasoning powers. She pleased the people
so greatly that they are perfectly satisfied with her,
and they look to her Majesty for protection and
good government. They are truly delighted, for
they think that the city will greatly profit through
her, especially as the Pope will refuse her nothing,
as is shown by the portion he gave her, and by pre-
senting Don Alfonso with certain cities."
Cagnolo of Parma also speaks of her approvingly :
" She is of medium height and slender figure. Her
face is long, the nose well-defined and beautiful ;
her hair a bright gold, and her eyes blue ; her mouth
is somewhat large, the teeth dazzlingly white ; her
1 Gregorovius and Garner.
WEDDING FESTIVITIES 811
neck white and slender, but well rounded. She is
always cheerful and good-humoured."
The wedding festivities were continued for six
days, their attractions being greatly increased by the
presence of the three most beautiful women of the
day Lucrezia, Isabella, and the Duchess of Urbino.
On the last day of these celebrations, so minutely
described by Gregorovius, the departing ambassadors
presented the bride with valuable gifts of beautiful
stuffs and silver ware. The Venetian envoys had
been clad in most magnificent garments of crimson
velvet trimmed with fur, which excited the astonish-
ment of the multitude. One of them, it is said,
contained twenty-eight, and the other thirty-two,
yards of velvet. Following the instructions of the
Seignory of Venice, these festive robes were bestowed
on Lucrezia as a bridal gift. The manner of presenta-
tion was quaint. The envoys, having addressed
discourses in Latin and Italian to Lucrezia, retired
to an adjoining room, where they divested themselves
of their splendid garments and sent them in to the
bride. This performance excited great merriment
at the Court of Ferrara.
In spite of the trouble and expense to which the
Duke had gone, Isabella seems to have found the
entertainments dull and slow. She was longing
to get back to Mantua, where she would not be
constantly irritated by the unwelcome presence of
her new sister-in-law. There is, however, good
reason to believe that her antipathy died away in
the course of tune, to be replaced by a genuine friend-
ship for Lucrezia.
On September 15, 1501, long before his sister's
marriage, Caesar had returned to Rome, where he
learned that his troops had captured Piombino.
The Borgia star was now in the ascendant. Lucrezia
was about to enter upon an honourable alliance
312 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Alexander had established two dukedoms 1 out of
the property which he had seized from the Colonna ;
Caesar was master of nearly the whole of the Romagna,
as he was virtually master of Rome. The Pope
himself quailed before the iron will of this odious
tyrant, by whom no human life was held sacred.
Burchard, in his Diarium, describes a scene of the
most horrible debauchery at a feast given by Caesar
on October 31, 1501, at which both the Pope and
Lucrezia are said to have been present. 1 This, however,
is the only occasion on which Burchard represents
Lucrezia in an unfavourable light. He makes not
the remotest reference to the criminal intimacy
with her father and brothers of which she has been
accused a fact which he is not likely to have con-
cealed if he had entertained any suspicions of its
probability.
At the end of the year 1501 a bitter and malignant
letter attacking the Borgias in no measured terms
was sent to Silvio Savelli, one of the exiled Roman
barons. " You are mistaken, my dear friend," it
1 Nepi and Sennoneta.
"Buchard tells us how, for the amusement of Cesare, of the Pope,
and of Lucrezia, . . . fifty courtesans were set to dance after supper,
with the servants and some others who were present, dressed at
first and afterwards not so. He draws for us a picture of those fifty
women on all fours . . . striving for the chestnuts flung to them
in that chamber of the Apostolic Palace " by the Pope and his
two children. " There is much worse to follow." (The Life of
Cesare Borgia, by Rafael Sabatini, p. 305. See also The Diary of
John Burchard, Bishop of Orta, vol. iii., entries under October 27
and November n, 1501.) Mr. Sabatini discredits these stories,
but, since Burchard resided in the Vatican, he had every opportunity
of knowing whether or no they were true, and he could have had
no conceivable object in recording, in his private diary and note-
book, not for publication but merely for his own information, events
of which he had not ascertained the full and accurate details. Entries
of the kind are rare in the Diary, but when they occur they indicate
no surprise on the part of Burchard.
LETTER TO SILVIO SAVELLI 313
ran, " if you think that you ought to attempt to
come to terms with this monster. . . . Lay before the
Emperor and the other Princes of the Empire all
the evil that has proceeded from this cursed beast
for the perdition of Christendom ; narrate the
abominable crimes by which God is set at naught,
and the heart of religion pierced through." It goes
on to accuse the Pope, Caesar, and Lucrezia of every
conceivable crime. " There is no sort of outrage
or vice," it says, " that is not openly practised in
the Palace of the Pope. The perfidy of the Scythians
and Carthaginians, the bestiality and savagery of
Nero and Caligula, are surpassed. Rodrigo Borgia
is an abyss of vice, a subverter of all justice, human
or divine."
Although the Pope had this libel read to him, he
made no effort to check the circulation of the
pamphlet or to prosecute its author. Caesar, how-
ever, did not take things so calmly. At the end of
November a masked man who had inveighed against
the Duke in the Borgo was seized by his command
and suffered the loss of one hand and the tip of his
tongue. A Venetian who had translated some
scandalous document from the Greek and sent it
to Venice, was put to death. The Pope, in speaking
of his son to the Ferrarese envoy, said : " the Duke
is good-hearted, but he cannot bear injuries. I
have often told him that Rome is a free country,
where a man may say or write what he will ; that
much is said against me, but that I do not interfere.
He answered : ' If Rome is accustomed to write
and speak slanders, well and good ; but I will teach
them to repent.' For my own part, I have always
been forgiving witness the Cardinals who plotted
against me when Charles VIII. invaded Italy. I
might have rid myself many times of Ascanio Sforza
and Giuliano della Rovere ; but I have not done so."
Five weeks after Lucrezia's departure Alexander
314 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and Caesar set out for Piombino, which had surrendered
in September, 1501. The aim of this expedition was
to inspect the fortifications which were in construction,
apparently under the supervision of Leonardo da
Vinci. They were accompanied by the Cardinals
Pallavicino, Orsini, Cosenza, d'Este, and Borgia, as
well as by a number of prelates and servants. They
afterwards visited the island of Elba, and also spent
some time in the outlying districts of Piombino.
Their own enjoyment was not neglected, and the
most beautiful maidens of the neighbourhood per-
formed their national dances in the market-place.
The time was Lent, but the papal Court made no
pretence of fasting. In order to win the favour
of the country people and impress them with the
Borgia munificence, feasts were organised and an
astonishing amount of money lavished on them.
The return journey was begun on March I, but,
owing to the bad weather, their progress was slow,
and they did not reach Ercole until the fourth.
They continued as far as Corneto, but upon their
arrival the storm was so violent that it was impossible
to land, and they seemed in imminent danger of
shipwreck. The crew were beside themselves with
terror, and fell on their faces and wept. The Pope
alone appeared calm and unaffrighted. He remained
on deck, crossed himself from time to time, and
called upon the Name of Jesus. The alarming
situation did not affect his appetite, and he asked
for dinner ; but the winds and waves were too rough
to allow the kindling of a fire at the time, though
later on, during a lull in the storm, they were able
to cook a few fish. Finally, with great difficulty,
they effected a landing near Porto Ercole, where horses
were sent for the Pope and his suite from Corneto.
Meanwhile disturbances had broken out in Tuscany,
originated by Vitellozzo, Giampagnolo, Baglione, and
the Orsini, who, with the help of Pandolfo Petrucci
were anxious to reinstate Piero de' Medici in Florence.
But Guglielmo de' Pazzi, the Florentine plenipo-
tentiary in Arezzo, learned that some of the citizens
were in treacherous communication with Vitellozzo,
and were meditating a revolution. He thereupon
had two of the leaders arrested ; but this measure
only served to bring the rebellion to a head. The
citizens of Arezzo rose up and openly renounced
their allegiance to Florence. They liberated both
prisoners, and imprisoned Pazzi and the other magis-
trates in their stead. The people ran up and down
with cries of " Freedom ! Freedom ! " and all that
remained in the hands of the Florentines was the
citadel in which the Bishop of Arezzo, the governor's
son, had taken refuge.
The rebels sent to ask help of Vitellozzo, who was
anything but pleased at this rash outbreak of revolution
before adequate preparations had been made. Never-
theless, he hastened with troops to the support of
the citizens. A few days later he returned to Citta
di Castello, leaving his forces behind at Arezzo, and
promising to return shortly with considerable rein-
forcements.
The Florentines apparently did not recognise the
importance of this rebellion, and were in no hurry
to suppress it, thinking that peace could be restored
by a handful of soldiers from the surrounding districts.
Vitellozzo, quick to notice their remissness, immediately
returned to Arezzo with fresh forces. Baglione,
Cardinal Paolo Orsini, and Piero de' Medici came to
his aid, and the besieged, realising that the Florentine
troop under Bentivoglio was not strong enough to
resist Vitellozzo, surrendered in a few days. The
besiegers, however, detained the Bishop, in order
that they might exchange him for a few prisoners
taken by the Florentines. Afterwards the citizens
razed the citadel to the ground. The Florentines,
who now saw that their cause was hopeless, withdrew
316 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
to Monte Varchi, whereupon Vitellozzo made himself
master of the surrounding district.
The Borgias took no part in this rebellion ; the
reinstatement of the Medici could only have been
to their advantage, since the unrest which prevailed
among the Florentine citizens would have been
favourable to their plans against Tuscany. Caesar,
not wishing to let the present opportunity slip,
directed his attention to Urbino, within whose
province lay four towns and thirty fortified castles.
Duke Guidobaldi of Montefeltro had, however,
given no cause of offence ; on the contrary, he had
often taken up arms on behalf of the Church. His
courage was undoubted, and, by his amiable qualities,
he had earned the affection of his subjects. Caesar,
who, since the troops of Vitellozzo and Baglione were
otherwise engaged, was not in a position to attack
Urbino, took refuge in cunning. Both he and Alex-
ander displayed the greatest friendliness towards
the Duke, and the Pope undertook to settle the
difference which had arisen between Guidobaldi
and the Apostolic See concerning his enfeofrment.
His nephew, Francesco Maria, was appointed Prefect
of Rome, and the Pope planned for him a marriage
with his niece, Angela Borgia.
No sooner did Caesar feel secure of the Duke's
favour than he despatched part of his troops for
the purpose of besieging Camerino. He sent two
ambassadors to Guidobaldi, requesting the loan of
his heavy artillery as well as a free escort for fifteen
hundred of his men. The Duke was most obliging,
and immediately sent one of his nobles to Caesar at
Spoleto with assurances of his support. Caesar,
not to be outdone in amiability, received the envoy
graciously, asserting that he well knew how to prize
the service and favour of the Duke of Urbino, adding
that he could wish no other brother in Italy.
Directly the envoy had returned to Urbino, Caesar
CAESAR TAKES URBINO 317
sent two thousand men to the province, under pretext
of conveying the artillery and the provisions. At
the same time he commanded the rest of his troops
to press forward, garrison all the routes, and hold
themselves in readiness to occupy the States of the
Duke. Caesar himself lost no time in betaking
himself and his cavalry to Nocera, which lay on the
way to Camerino, and thence rushed with so much
violence upon the domain of Urbino that no place
escaped pillage. Leaving behind him destruction and
desolation, he announced his intention of now pro-
ceeding against the town of Urbino.
Duke Guidobaldo was immediately informed of
this unexpected hostility on the part of his supposed
friend, and being unable to defend himself, was
obliged to seek safety in flight, clad as a peasant.
In spite of Caesar's vigilance and craftiness, he managed
to escape to Mantua.
Caesar took possession of Urbino without meeting
any resistance, though he felt that his dominion over
it could never be secure until he had succeeded in
annihilating the family of Montefeltro. Knowing
Cardinal della Rovere, who was at that time in
Savona, to be their most devoted friend, the Pope
and Caesar cast about for some way of capturing him.
Their plan, which was to beguile him on to some
galleys under a false pretence, and then to seize him,
fell through, owing to the Cardinal's sturdy principle
of completely ignoring the Borgia authority.
For some time longer Caesar remained at Urbino,
unable to decide whether to continue the siege of
Camerino or to unite his troops with those of
Vitellozzo, who had gained important advantages
in Tuscany. Although he dreaded the displeasure
of France, who had taken Tuscany under her pro-
tection, Caesar could not resist throwing in his lot
with Vitellozzo, whose successes aroused his most
sanguine expectations. The Medici brothers and
318 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the Orsini united with him, and it seemed certain
that Florence would soon have to yield. In this
crisis the citizens assembled to consider how they
could avert the danger which threatened them.
Soderini declared that the only way of saving the
situation was to turn to Louis of France, who, in
the Treaty of Blois, November 1501, had promised
the Republic his protection. The result of Soderi-
ni's representations was that King Louis sent hasty
messengers to the Borgias, admonishing them to
give up their designs on Florence. In the event of
their disobedience, a French force was ordered to
be in readiness to expel Vitellozzo from Tuscany
and to deprive Caesar of the conquered towns. The
latter was therefore obliged, with great reluctance
to withdraw his forces from Florence.
Caesar, who was zealously continuing the siege of
Camerino, after pretending to negotiate with Giulio
Cesare da Varano, the ruler, seized upon the town.
As he never considered himself secure of a con-
quest as long as the legal owner still lived, he
had Varano and two of his sons immediately
strangled.
When the Pope heard of the capture of Camerino
he was " almost beside himself with joy," writes
the Venetian ambassador. Caesar was already be-
ginning to think of turning his attention to Bologna
when Louis XII., who was beset by complaints of
the conduct of the Duke of Romagna, gave him to
understand that his ambition was leading him too
far. Caesar, who counted much on the French
King's favour, hastened to Asti to try to make peace,
throwing the blame of the Florentine undertaking
upon Vitellozzo, the Orsini, and the Medici. Louis
was appeased by the plausibility of his representations,
especially as strife had broken out between France
and Spain, and he was anxious to be on good terms
with the Pope. He not only received Caesar
PUNISHMENT OF THE ORSINI 819
graciously, but concluded an alliance with him and
promised him support in his enterprises.
But the suspicions of Caesar's generals were aroused,
and they summoned an assembly at Perugia, justly
fearing that, sooner or later, the Borgia craft or
force would deprive them of all their possessions.
A compact was made to protect themselves against
Caesar and to support the Duke of Urbino. At the
same time they commissioned Cardinal Orsini to go
to the King of France in order to justify themselves
for the capture of Arezzo, and to lodge complaints
against Caesar.
The Cardinal begged Alexander, under pretext
of private business, for permission to absent himself
from Rome ; but the Pope refused, saying that he
had need of him. Orsini therefore took French
leave, which so enraged the Pope that he visited his
displeasure on the other members of the Orsini family
by depriving them of their lives and property.
Among those who united in the crusade against
the Borgia tyranny were the Dukes of Ferrara and
Urbino, the Marquis of Mantua, Cardinal della
Rovere, the Bentivogli, the Venetians, and the
Florentines, who were " afraid that the dragon
was preparing to swallow them up one by one."
They painted in vivid colours the treachery and
disloyalty of Caesar, and conjured the King to
punish this most perfidious monster who revelled
in the shedding of innocent blood.
But the King was more disposed to listen to the
representations of the Borgia ambassadors, especially
as they promised him the help of Alexander and
Caesar in the war which had broken out in Naples
between France and Spain. The complaints of the
allies fell on deaf ears, for Louis not only distrusted
the Venetians, but he considered the Pope's friendship
necessary for the maintenance of his power in Italy.
Public festivities were held in Rome in honour of
820 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the taking of Camerino, and the Pope, assured of
Louis' favour, took measures for frustrating the
intentions of the malcontents. Caesar, to plant
himself still more firmly in the King's favour, went
to visit him at Milan, accompanied only by Cardinal
Borgia and Trocci, the ever-facile tool of the Pope.
He stayed at Ferrara and took his brother-in-law,
Alfonso d'Este, with him to Milan, where he arrived
safe and sound. The rebels were greatly astonished
at this move, for the King's attitude had not yet
been made public. When they saw how cordially
Caesar was received they realised that they had
nothing more to hope for from the French.
Caesar, with glib and oily tongue, represented to
the King that all the disturbances in Italy proceeded
from the malcontents, and promised that both he
and the Pope would lend him powerful aid in his
fight against Spain. Louis was captivated by his
eloquence and winning manners, not realising the
depths of infamy that lay beneath his charming
exterior. " No cat, purring by the winter fireside,"
says Dean Kitchin, " could be softer or gentler,
or seem to think less of her claws and the mice.
Machiavelli saw in him the strong man destined to
pluck Italy out of the hand of the foreigner. To
such a man, he thought, all things could be forgiven."
When the French King left Milan Caesar repaired
to Imola with the intention of assembling his whole
army there. All the Princes of Italy were terribly
concerned at the Borgia good fortune, especially
when they heard of Louis' promise to support him
in his attack upon Bologna. The Venetians, therefore,
addressed a letter to the King, pointing out the
undesirability of encouraging the Duke of Valentino
(Caesar), and how little it would redound to the
credit of the House of France and the honour of
the Most Christian King to support a tyrant of so
barbarous and bloodthirsty a kind that he gave the
whole universe a hideous example of inhumanity
and faithlessness.
King Louis, however, remained unmoved by this
communication, refusing to injure his position by
breaking faith with the Borgias. After his departure
from Milan, Caesar's opponents thought it a favourable
opportunity to provide for their safety. For although
the Orsini, Baglioni, and Oliverotto da Fermo were
in the Duke's service, and had received money from
him in order to enlist troops against Bologna, they
nevertheless deemed it prudent to unite their forces
in order to protect themselves against him. At
the same time a certain Ludovico Paltroni, who was
in secret communication with the troops occupying
the castle of S. Leo at Urbino, incited the whole
town to make an effort for the restoration of their
beloved Duke.
The allies assembled at Magione, near Perugia.
After mature deliberation they decided to defend
the cause of the Duke of Urbino, and to place seven
hundred lances and nine thousand infantry in the
field, if Bentivoglio would begin the war in Imola,
and the Malatesta and Sforza take the necessary
measures for the reconquest of Rimini and Pesaro.
In order, however, to avoid offending the King,
they declared themselves ready to support him in
his enterprises and to sacrifice their lives and property
in the honour of his service.
The allies would have given much to induce the
Venetians and Florentines to join them. But
although both these Powers were deeply annoyed by
Caesar's usurpations, they wished to see what line the
French King would pursue before taking any decisive
step.
Caesar was at Imola, preparing to surprise Bologna,
when the news of this alliance reached him. Although
greatly discomposed, he did not lose courage, hoping
to give the world a convincing proof of his genius
WB
322 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
for overcoming obstacles. First of all he sent couriers
to Louis XII. begging him to despatch troops without
delay, and then he entered into negotiations with
the allies, thus gaining time, and preventing any
hasty move on their part.
Bentivoglio had in the meantime seized and
plundered the Castle of San Pietro da Coccia, near
Imola. At the same time the Duke of Gravina and
Paolo Orsini had proceeded with their troops to the
domain of Urbino, where they encountered Caesar's
generals, Michelotto and Ugo da Cardone, at Cagli.
Michelotto, whose skill lay rather in assassination
than in generalship, had the unhappy Giulio Cesare
Varano murdered, and took possession of Fossombrone,.
But the allies attacked him so vigorously that his
troops were utterly routed. Cardone was among
the captured, but Michelotto escaped to Fano.
Caesar commanded him to go to Pesaro to repress
the inhabitants, who were showing signs of restiveness
and ill-will. Camerino, too, had risen up and
summoned Giovanni Maria, the eldest son of their
late Duke, from Venice in order to undertake the
government.
Universal joy was excited by the success of the
allies, who, if they had only taken advantage of the
favourable moment, would undoubtedly have suc-
ceeded in wresting all Caesar's conquests from him.
They allowed themselves, however, to be misled by
his false representations of a union, and thus missed
their chance. To their great consternation^ Caesar
raised a large army, including reinforcements from
the King of France. Although he was now in a
position to crush the allies, he preferred to dally
with negotiations for a while longer. The Pope
also entered into transactions with Bentivoglio and
the Orsini. The latter were speedily won by fair
words and promises, though it seems hardly credible
that such crafty and experienced generals could be
CARDINAL ORSINI'S CONFIDENCE 323
duped by a man whose falseness and barbarity were
so well known to them.
Baglione and Vitellozzo showed great repugnance
to the idea of a reconciliation with Caesar. Vitellozzo,
especially, mistrusted him, and, in order to incite
the other allies to war, he sent his troops to Fossom-
brone to help the Duke of Urbino to reconquer his
territory. The latter did all in his power to prevent
the league from coming to terms with Caesar, but, as
Orsini and others had been won over to his side,
the rest were obliged to follow suit. It was agreed
that the past should be forgotten, that Caesar should
take back his former generals, that they should help
him to reconquer Urbino and Camerino, though
they did not bind themselves to take any personal
part in this enterprise. A separate peace was con-
cluded with Bentivoglio, by which Bologna bound
itself to provide Caesar for eight years with one
hundred lances as well as an annual tribute of twelve
thousand ducats. Bentivoglio's son also undertook
to place at Caesar's disposal, though only for a year,
a hundred lances and a hundred mounted archers.
France and Florence were to be sureties for this
contract, and, to confirm the alliance, the son of
Annibale Bentivoglio was to espouse a " niece " of the
Pope, the reputed sister of the Bishop of Enna.
As soon as this agreement was concluded the
Duke of Urbino, who seems to have had no great
confidence in the promises of his people to defend
him at the risks of their lives, returned to Venice.
Before starting he had all the fortifications torn down,
so that the enemy could not garrison them and keep
the people in slavery.
The blind confidence which Cardinal Orsini placed
in the Borgias, who had won him through cajolery
and flattery, is very remarkable. He gave no heed
to the repeated warnings which assailed him, especially
as he continued in favour with the Pope.
824 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Caesar had taken Camerino and Urbino without
any resistance, since the allies had not only abandoned
these towns, but had even threatened to turn their
weapons against them. He thereupon gave his
generals orders to attack Sinigaglia, which was then
under the regency of Giovanni da Montefeltro, for
his son Francesco Maria della Rovere. The town
soon surrendered, and Giovanni, abandoned by all,
fled from the vengeance of the Borgias, leaving the
citadel in charge of Andrea Doria ; but the latter,
on hearing that Caesar himself was bearing down
upon them, took flight to Venice. The citadel
refused to surrender to any one but Caesar.
Although Vitellozzo found it hard to place any
confidence in the villainous Duke who had slain his
brother, he allowed himself to be persuaded by
Paolo Orsini, who had succumbed to Caesar's fawn-
ing flattery, to await the Duke with the others in
Sinigaglia.
Caesar, who had decided to leave Fano on De-
cember 30, 1502, communicated his intentions to
eight of his confidants, including Michelotto and
the Bishop of Enna. When he arrived at Sinigaglia
on December 31 he was joined at the gates by
Vitellozzo, Paolo Orsini, the Duke of Gravina, and
Oliverotto da Fermo. Vitellozzo looked sad and
depressed, almost as if his approaching death had
cast its shadow upon him, and it is said that he
had already taken farewell of his people as though for
the last time. The Duke greeted them with every
appearance of friendliness, and they all entered the
town together. No sooner, however, had they
arrived at the ducal palace than he had them arrested
and thrown into prison. Caesar then gave commands
that the troops of Oliverotto and Orsini should be
attacked without delay. Oliverotto's men, who were
near at hand, were all slaughtered, but the Orsini
and Vitellozzo forces, being farther off, had time to
PLUNDER OF THE ORSINI PALACE 325
collect themselves, and offered a brave and successful
resistance.
The same night Vitellozzo and Oliverotto met
their fate. At Caesar's command they were brought
forth to the place of execution, where, seated back
to back on two chairs, they were ruthlessly strangled.
At this critical moment the unfortunate victims
were deserted by their accustomed courage. Oliver-
otto, bathed in tears, accused Vitellozzo of having
brought about his downfall, while Vitellozzo en-
treated that the Pope would grant the remission of
his sins.
Neither Paolo nor the Duke of Gravina (both
Orsini) met with so speedy a vengeance, for Caesar
was awaiting news from Rome. But when he heard
that the Pope had seized Cardinal Orsini, the Arch-
bishop of Florence, and Giacopo di Santa Croce,
both Paolo and the Duke were strangled in the same
fashion by Michelotto, January 18, 1503.
On the morning of January 3, the blind and aged
Cardinal Orsini, who had received news, through
the Pope, of the capture of Sinigaglia, was hastening
with his congratulations to the Vatican. On the
way he encountered the Prefect of Rome, who, as if
by chance, accompanied him to the palace. Arrived
there, the mules and horses of the Cardinal's retinue
were taken to the Pope's stables, and the Cardinal
himself entered the Chamber of the Parrots. Here
he found himself immediately surrounded by a band
of armed men. Seeing him turn pale with fright,
the soldiers sought to soothe him, begging him to
accompany them to another room. With him were
the Protonotary Orsini, Giacopo of Santa Croce,
and the Abbot Alviano, and the Pope hastily sent
for Rinaldo Orsini, Archbishop of Florence, to add
to their number. When they were all secured,
commands were issued to seize and plunder the
Orsini Palace. The house of the Cardinal's mother,
326 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
who had fled on hearing of her son's arrest, was also
completely pillaged. " Everything was taken even
to the straw from the stables," says Giustiniani. The
booty was afterwards divided among the Borgias,
Caesar, of course, receiving the largest share.
The prisoners were conveyed to the Castle of
Sant' Angelo. The Protonotary and Giacopo da
Santa Croce found means to regain their liberty by
binding themselves, on heavy security, to reappear at
an appointed time ; but no sooner were they set free
than the Pope issued orders for their rearrest,
regardless of the compact that had been made with
them.
The College of Cardinals, indignant at this treatment
of the Orsini, attempted to remonstrate with the
Pope. But the latter was much annoyed at their
interference, and declared that the Orsini had dis-
graced the Holy See by conspiring against the Duke
of the Romagna, and had given him every cause
for revenge. " Since they had not seen fit to keep
their word, there was no reason why he should keep
his."
Cardinal Orsini was kept a prisoner hi the Borgia
tower until February 22, when he succumbed to
poison, said to have been administered by order of
the Pope. Such was the end of the man who, next
to Ascanio Sforza, contributed most to bringing about
the election of Alexander VI. He was borne to the
grave in an open coffin, in order that it might appear
that he had died a natural death. Burchard was
authorised to superintend the obsequies, " but,"
writes the wary chaplain, " not wishing to know more
than I was obliged, I stayed away and occupied
myself in another manner." On February 24 the
Pope summoned the physicians who had attended the
dying Cardinal and forced them to swear that he
had died from natural causes.
Tomasini describes the circumstances of his death
DEATH OF CARDINAL ORSINI 327
as follows : " When Alexander had taken Cardinal
Orsini captive, he treated him as though he were
only imprisoned as a hostage, and at first confined
him to the rooms in the Vatican which lay on the
upper side of the Papal Chapel. Afterwards he was
taken to the Castle of Sant' Angelo, without being
kept in very close custody. The Pope even allowed
him to occupy the apartments of the governor,
and gave his mother permission to provide him with
food. But Alexander had determined to end his
life by poison, and after a time the Cardinal was
forbidden to accept his mother's culinary attentions.
At the same time the Pope heard that a vineyard had
been bought by an Orsini for 2,000 scudi, and that
this money had been given over to the Cardinal, with
a pearl of extraordinary size and beauty. As neither
the money nor the pearl had been found during
the plundering of the palace, Alexander demanded
the surrender of both, under severe penalties, just
as if they had been his own property. When this
was refused, he commanded that no meat sent by the
Cardinal's mother should be received. But maternal
love triumphed. Dressed in man's clothes, she went
to the Pope, and resigned to him the pearl and the
2,000 scudi which her son had given her. It was,
nevertheless, too late. Poison had already been
administered to the Cardinal, and the provisions
which she was again able to send could profit him
nothing."
How far Alexander VI. was concerned in the violent
deaths just described is matter for conjecture. When
news reached him of the despatch of Oliverotto and
Vitellozzo he assured the ambassador Giustiniani
that he knew nothing of the affair, and that he had
even written to the Duke of Valentinois bidding him
disband his troops and return to Rome. Afterwards
he spoke to the Cardinals of a plot against the life
of Caesar, who had been obliged to arrest and execute
828 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the leaders. When on January 3, 1503, the Pope
had arrested Cardinal Orsini, the Archbishop of
Florence and Giacopo da Santa Croce, he justified
himself by referring to these plots, supported secretly
by Florence and Venice, and connived at by the Cardinal.
In talking to the Ferrarese ambassador, Alexander
mentions disapproval of Caesar's conduct. " As soon
as we heard of the Duke's intention," he said, " we
wrote to tell him not to do anything with Vitellozzo
until he had so settled affairs as to have the Duke of
Urbino in subjection."
The accusation against Alexander VI. of having
poisoned Cardinal Orsini is not easy to prove. Gius-
tiniani, who was deeply attached to the Orsini and
well posted in all the news of Rome, writes on
February 15, 1503, that the Cardinal showed signs
of frenzy ; on the 22nd, in announcing the sick
man's critical condition, he says no word of any
suspicion of foul play. Soderini, the Florentine
ambassador, in his despatch, and Brancatalini, in his
diary, simply mention the death of the Cardinal
with no hint of poison. Burchard, in describing
the Consistory of February 20, tells us that Cardinal
Orsini had offered the Pope 27,000 ducats for his
release, but that Alexander had replied that his health
must first be restored, and warmly recommended
him to the physicians. Hearing the reports that
were spread after his death, the Pope had inquiries
made concerning the illness, and the doctors who
had attended the Cardinal swore that his death
had been a natural one. 1
Caesar Borgia now turned his attention to his other
foes. Hastening to Citta di Castello, from which
the Vitelli had fled, he had no difficulty in taking
possession of it. He next proceeded to Perugia,
which had been abandoned by Baglione, and then
1 See Revue des Questions historiques, April 1881.
CAESAR DISPLEASES LOUIS XII. 829
made preparations to advance upon Siena. He
sent ambassadors demanding the banishment of
Pandolpho Petrucci, the Lord of Siena, promising,
on his side, not to molest the Sienese boundaries,
but to withdraw his troops to Roman territory.
The Pope, for his part, tried to lull their suspicions,
as he had already lulled those of others. He wrote
very amiable letters and despatched envoys with
messages full of loving kindness. But the suspicious
disclosure that he had no intention of forcing a way
into the town made the plot against Petrucci all
the more difficult. For, although many of the citizens
were dissatisfied with his government, they preferred
the tyranny of a fellow-citizen to the rule of a
foreigner. Caesar, nevertheless, persisted in his hypo-
critical assertion that he only wished to compass the
banishment of Petrucci, although he had already
marched into the dominion of Siena, advanced as
far as Pienza and Chiusi, and received the submission
of the surrounding places.
Consternation sprang up and spread in Siena,
and Petrucci decided, with a good grace, to yield his
position, which sooner or later would have been
forced from him, and left the town. Caesar was
thereupon informed that the Sienese were ready
to comply with his wishes as soon as he and his troops
had quitted their domains.
For various reasons, Caesar agreed to their proposals.
He realised the difficulty of conquering Siena, which
was strongly garrisoned, and he was also conscious of
falling into disfavour with the French King, who
by no means approved his proceedings.
Meanwhile Caesar received news from the Pope
that the Duke of Pitigliano and the other Orsini had
united with the Savelli and taken up arms. They had
already taken the Bridge of Lamentano and dis-
tributed their troops throughout the neighbourhood.
Caesar immediately attacked the dominion of Gian
330 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Giordano Orsini, in spite of the fact that the latter
was under the protection of the French King. The
Pope excused himself to Louis on the ground that
it was impossible to leave this domain in possession
of the Orsini, his deadly foes, and proposed to make
over to him the dukedom of Squillace and other
property as an equivalent.
The King, however, repelled this offer. He des-
patched envoys to Caesar with a peremptory command
that he should cease to molest the dominion of Gian
Giordano, who at the risk of his life had escaped to
Bracciano, the chief stronghold of the Orsini.
CHAPTER XV
Caesar Borgia at the height of his power Death of Cardinal Michieli
Nomination of new Cardinals Illness and death of Pope
Alexander VI., 1503 His burial Anarchy in Rome Decline
of Caesar's fortunes Election of Cardinal Piccolomini as Pius
III. His character Reconciliation of the Orsini and Colonna
Flight of Caesar Death of Pius III. after a reign of twenty-seven
days Election of Giuliano della Rovere as Julius II. The
Venetians attack the Romagna Caesar taken prisoner by the
Pope He is betrayed by Gonsalvo da Cordova and sent to
Spain Escapes from imprisonment and is received by his
brother-in-law. King of Navarre Caesar's death in battle, 1507
His character compared with that of Alexander VI. Caesar's
wife and daughter His illegitimate children.
CESAR BORGIA was now near the zenith of his am-
bition. Having mastered the whole of the Romagna,
he turned a covetous eye towards Florence, Pisa, and
Siena. The Florentines quailed before his ever-
growing power, especially as the Pope proposed to
declare him King of the Romagna and Umbria.
The King of France was at this time faring badly
in Naples, with the result that the Borgias no longer
felt dependent upon him, and even went so far as
to declare themselves ill-satisfied with his conduct
towards them. But the peace which, through the
mediation of Philip, Duke of Austria, was concluded
at Blois between Louis XII. and Ferdinand of Castile,
put a stop to the enmity against Giordano. The
King, who had been chosen as arbitrator for the
contesting parties, arranged an agreement between
them, by which Giordano was to receive an equivalent
for the dominion of Bracciano.
331
882 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Caesar, who now had no further need of his troops,
led them back to Rome ; but, before he arrived there,
Cardinal d'Este quitted the city, having entered into
an amorous intrigue with Sancia of Aragon, with
whom Caesar himself was also reported to be on terms
of illicit intimacy. About the same time occurred
the death of Cardinal Michieli, " nephew " of Pope
Paul II. ; there can be little doubt that his end was
caused by poison administered by command of the
Borgias, who reaped a considerable harvest from his
removal. " His Holiness," we are told, " shut him-
self up with doors firmly closed, that he might count
up his gains." The fact that Michieli's fortune had
contributed towards Alexander's election had no
effect upon the rapacious Pope, whose avarice did but
increase with his advancing years.
But the lucky star of the Borgias was already on
the wane. In order to carry out their designs on
Tuscany, much money was needed, and the most
convenient way of raising the required amount
seemed to be by nominating fresh Cardinals. Gius-
tiniani, the Venetian ambassador, writes on May 31,
1503 : " To-day there was a Consistory. Instead of
four new Cardinals, as people expected, and as the
Pope had said, nine were nominated. . . . Most of
them are men of doubtful reputation ; all of them
have paid handsomely for their elevation, some
20,000 ducats and more, so that from 120,000 to 130,000
ducats have been collected. If we add to this 64,000
ducats from the sale of the offices in the Court and
what Cardinal Michieli left behind him, we shall
have a fine sum. Alexander VI. is showing to the
world that the amount of a Pope's income is just
what he chooses." 1
Not content with this method of making money,
1 Pastor warns us that Giustiniani's reports must be accepted with
caution, though he admits that the bribes given at this creation of
Cardinals are confirmed from other sources.
CANTARELLA 833
Alexander and Caesar, it is said, made plans for poison-
ing not only the nine new Cardinals, but also some
others of the richest prelates in Rome. With this
object, they invited them to a supper at the Villa of
Cardinal Adriano di Corneto, who, on account of his
great wealth, was also condemned to die. Caesar,
in pursuance of this diabolical scheme, had despatched
to the Pope's servant, who was to wait at table, some
tankards of wine, " hi which was mixed the poison
called Cantarella." This was a " kind of white powder
resembling sugar, which the Borgias had already often
found an expeditious means of despatching their
enemies. It was a poison of the deadliest kind,
and Caesar gave express commands that the wine
should be offered to no one but the doomed persons "
(see Appendix, p. 404).
On the evening of August 10, 1503, * the Pope and
Caesar repaired to Corneto's villa at la Vigna for
supper. Some writers assert that the Pope was in
the habit of carrying about a consecrated Host in a
gold case, because an astrologer had once prophesied
that he would never die as long as he had It upon
him. On this particular evening it chanced that
he had forgotten It, and upon discovering Its absence,
he at once sent Cardinal Caraffa to fetch It. While
Caraffa was gone, Alexander, owing to the extra-
ordinary heat, felt thirsty and unable to wait until
the meal was served. Just at that time the cup-
bearer who had received Caesar's instructions with
regard to the poisoned wine had gone to the Vatican
in search of peaches which had been unaccountably
forgotten. There only remained an under-servant
who knew nothing of the subtlety of the situation.
As he saw six flagons standing apart in a corner, he
imagined that they contained the choicest wine, and
presented a large glass of the poisoned beverage to
the Pope, who, all unsuspicious, drained it to the
1 Tomasi gives August 2 ; Yriarte gives August 5.
334 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
dregs. Caesar also drank a glass of the same without
the least suspicion.
The Pope had hardly seated himself at the table
when the poison began to take effect. He was seized
with pains so violent that he fell on the ground and
was taken up as one dead. Caesar exhibited much
the same symptoms as his father.
Alexander, upon reviving a little, was plied with
emetics ; phlebotomy was also tried, but all in vain.
The fever and pain produced by the virulent poison
continued, and, after having received the Holy Sacra-
ment, he died. During his brief illness he made no
mention of his children, for whose advancement he
had set the whole Christian world in commotion.
Such, with slight variations, is the account which we
get from contemporary writers such as Bembo, Guic-
ciardini, Jovius, Platina, and Tomasi. Burchard, how-
ever, puts a different complexion on this affair. He
maintains that the Pope, on August 12, 1503, fell sick
of a fever ; on the i6th a vein was opened, and it
seemed that he was suffering from a tertian fever.
On August 17 he took medicine, but the next day he
became suddenly worse and it seemed that his life was
in danger. He therefore received the Viaticum at the
mass, during which five Cardinals were present, in his
room. In the evening Extreme Unction was adminis-
tered, and immediately afterwards he passed away.
Roscoe considers it extremely improbable that two
such astute men as the Borgias should have made the
safety of their lives dependent on the carelessness or
loyalty of a servant. An impartial examination
renders it more than likely that Alexander's death
was not due to poison, but rather to a malignant fever.
It is nevertheless remarkable that both he and Caesar
were at the same time attacked by severe illness
which brought the father to death and the son to
the edge of the grave.
It may be of interest to quote yet another account
ILLNESS OF THE POPE 335
of Alexander's last days. " At the moment when the
Pope, forced to make a speedy decision between
France and Spain, hardly knew which way to turn ;
seeing himself on the eve of a disastrous war, of which
Venice would take advantage to invade the States
of the Duke, death came to relieve him of his embar-
rassments. Already, on July n, he was feeling indis-
posed, perhaps the result of indigestion ; the Venetian
orator saw him lying on a couch, fully dressed, and
looking well." On the I4th he received Antonio in
the Pontiff's Hall seated, " somewhat weak" but his
mind keenly alert. But on August 7 the ambassador
found him rather depressed and more reserved than
usual. Rome was at this time ravaged by fever, and
Alexander was alarmed at the number of deaths which
it had caused. " We will take more precautions for
the safety of our person than we have hitherto done,"
he remarked. On the nth he celebrated, with his
accustomed bonhomie, the anniversary of his ele-
vation, though in his heart of hearts he was perturbed
and uneasy. As from his window he watched the
passing of a funeral, he said, " This is a fatal month
for stout people." 1 Just at this moment an owl
fell at his feet, and he started back in terror, murmur-
ing to himself, " Evil omen ! evil omen ! " The same
day, Friday, he dined with a good appetite ; the bill of
fare a dangerous one for the hot weather has been
preserved : eggs, lobster, pumpkin au poivre, preserved
fruits, plums, and tart covered with leaves of gold.
Some days before he had supped at a late hour
with Caesar and several Cardinals at the vineyard
of Cardinal Adriano. On Saturday, August 12, he
was taken violently ill with sickness and fever. Caesar,
too, was confined to bed with fever, and all the other
guests suffered from the same alarming symptoms.
On the I4th the Pope was bled copiously, and the
Duke's condition grew worse. On the I5th Giustiniani
1 Alexander himself was portly.
336 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
was unable to obtain any reliable news. Those
who entered the Vatican did not come out again;
the Duke recalled his troops to Rome ; the habituts
of the palace feigned great nonchalance ; but all these
precautions were of evil portent. On the i6th the
situation remained the same. On the lyth the Pope
took medicine ; his physician, the Bishop of Vanosa,
did not conceal his anxiety. Towards evening the
palace was topsy-turvy ; every one sought in secret
to save his own property. The tutors of the young
Borgias, Giovanni and Rodrigo, sent to Piombino
the valuables of their wards. On August 18 Alexander
confessed and received the Holy Communion, in the
course of the mass which was celebrated by his bed-
side. Then a strange hallucination overtook him I
he imagined that a monkey was springing about his
room. A Cardinal, in order to soothe him, said that
he would capture the creature. " Leave it alone,"
said the dying man, " for it is the devil ! " At the
hour of Vespers he received Extreme Unction, and
then, in presence of a bishop, the datary, and the grooms
of the palace, he expired. " Thereupon," says Bur-
chard, " the Duke, who was hi bed, despatched Don
Michelotto with a large company of people ; they
closed all the doors of the papal apartments, and one
of them drew a dagger, threatening to cut Cardinal
Casanova's throat and throw him out of the window if
he did not give up the Pope's keys. The Cardinal,
terrified, surrendered them, and the intruders went
into the room next the papal chamber and seized
upon all the silver that they could lay hands on, as
well as two coffers containing about 100,000 ducats.
Towards evening Alexander's death was made known.
The valets took possession of all that remained in his
wardrobe and bedroom, leaving nothing of value
except the arm-chair, a few cushions, and the tapestry
nailed to the walls. The Duke never visited his
father during his illness nor after his death, and the
DEATH OF ALEXANDER VI. 837
Pope, in his last days, did not once make mention
either of Caesar or Lucrezia."
The Cardinals remained absent from the bedside of
their dead master, and the scandal of the obsequies
of Sixtus IV. was repeated. Burchard dressed the
corpse to the best of his ability, but he found no
episcopal ring to place on the finger. The first night
the Pope remained stretched out upon a table, between
two wax tapers, quite alone, it nemo cum eo. When,
the next day, he was carried to St. Peter's, accom-
panied by only four prelates, the palace porters
fought the clergy of the basilica, who took refuge in
the sacristy. Burchard's description of the terrible
appearance presented by the corpse will not bear
translation. It became, he says, " the colour of very
black cloth." There was need for haste. Six porters
and two carpenters, laughing and joking, placed it in
. coffin which was both too narrow and too short.
They took off the papal mitre, and covered the dead
Pope with an old carpet, while with rough pulls
and pushes the wretches adjusted his body to the
ill-fitting coffin. " There were," says the Chaplain,
" neither tapers, nor lights, nor priests, nor any one
to watch over the dead Pontiff." 1
In a letter to his wife, Isabella d'Este, the Marquis
of Mantua gives particulars of Alexander's death.
" There are some," he writes, " who maintain that
at the moment he gave up his spirit seven devils were
seen in his chamber. As soon as he was dead his
body began to putrefy, and his mouth to foam like
a kettle over the fire, which continued as long as it
was on earth. The body swelled so that it lost all
human form, and became nearly as broad as it was
long. It was carried to the grave with little ceremony,
a porter dragged it from the bed, by means of a cord
fastened to the foot, to the place where it was buried,
as all refused to touch it. It was given a wretched
1 Gebhart, Moines et Papos.
XB
838 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
interment, in comparison with which that of the cripple's
dwarf wife in Mantua was ceremonious. Scandalous
epigrams are every day published regarding him." l
It is interesting to hear what Ercole of Ferrara
really thought about the Pope, his daughter-in-law's
father. In a letter to the Milanese ambassador,
August 24, 1503, he says : " Knowing that many will
ask you how we are affected by the Pope's death, this
is to inform you that it was in no way displeasing to
us. Once we desired, for the honour of God, our
Master, and for the general good of Christendom,
that God in His goodness and foresight would provide
a worthy shepherd, and that His Church would be
relieved of this great scandal. Personally we had
nothing to wish for ; we were concerned chiefly with
the honour of God and the general welfare. We may
add, however, that there was never a Pope from whom
we received fewer favours. ... It was only with the
greatest difficulty that we secured from him what
he had promised ; but, beyond this, he never did any-
thing for us. For this we hold the Duke of Romagna
responsible ; for, although he could not do with us
as he wished, he treated us as if we were perfect
strangers. He was never frank with us ; he never
confided his plans to us, although we always informed
him of ours. Finally, as he inclined to Spain, and
we remained good Frenchmen, we had little to look
for either from the Pope or His Majesty. Therefore
his death caused us little grief, as we had nothing but
evil to expect from the advancement of the above-
named Duke. We want you to give this our confi-
dential statement to Chaumont, word for word, as we
do not wish to conceal our true feelings from him but
speak cautiously to others about the subject, and then
return this letter to our worthy councillor, Giantuca."
1 Both Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. are buried in the church
of Santa Maria de' Monserrato, where their monument with
medallions is to be seen.
ANARCHY IN ROME 339
Alexander's death was followed by scenes of the
direst confusion and anarchy in Rome. The insur-
rection was promoted mainly by those who had suffered
loss of property at the hands of the Borgias ; in par-
ticular the Colonna, who with Gonsalvo's permission,
had come back to the States of the Church to recover
their possessions. Caesar, who likewise had much to
fear from the Orsini, was obliged to restore the
property of both families. The Duke of Urbino,
too, lost no time in taking possession of his State
again. Francesco Maria della Rovere, the Lords of
Pesaro, Camerino, Citta di Castello, and Piombino
did the same. Malatesta, who was not greatly be-
loved by his subjects, met with some resistance in
Rimini, whose fortress was still occupied by Caesar's
soldiers ; but Baglione, Ludovico Orsino, the Counts
of Pitigliano and Alviano, with the help of the Venetian
troops, succeeded in recapturing Perugia.
The Vatican was invested by the troops of Caesar,
who during his illness had given the command to
Michelotto. The ravages committed by his soldiers
produced the greatest alarm in Rome. The Bishop
of Nicastro, Commander-in-Chief of the Castle of
Sant' Angelo, was anxious to check their depredations
by distributing weapons and ammunition among the
Romans. The Cardinals, however, rejected this pro-
posal, fearing that it would cause too much bloodshed.
They would have preferred to enlist a regiment for
the protection of themselves and their city, but the
treasury was so much exhausted that there hardly
remained money enough to summon a Consistory for
the election of the new Pope.
Finally the Cardinals succeeded in raising a force of
2,000 soldiers, who were placed under command of
Carlo Tanco. He received the title of Captain of
the Sacred College, and finally, not only the garrison
of the Castle of Sant' Angelo, but also Caesar's soldiers,
had perforce to swear allegiance to the commands of
840 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the College of Cardinals. But the disturbances in
Rome continued. Although the Cardinals had com-
manded the Orsini and the Colonna not to set foot
in Rome, Prospero Colonna, with a considerable
number of Spanish troops, entered the city, though
he explained that he had no intention of insulting
the Sacred College. The Count of Pitigliano and
Fabio Orsini also advanced upon Rome at the head
of two hundred lances and over a thousand infantry.
Their sole object was to revenge themselves on Caesar
and Michelotto, who had burned down the Orsini
Palace on Monte Giordano.
The Orsini adherents pressed into the houses of
the Borgias and their friends, pillaged them thoroughly,
and committed the greatest barbarities. When a
Borgia fell into their hands Fabio had him slain
immediately, and, not content with having taken his
life, washed his hands and mouth in his blood. In
the meantime Caesar's people were not idle ; they
also had a share in the shocking dramas which were
being enacted, and the Eternal City became one
hideous scene of murder and bloodshed. A rumour
arose that Caesar's soldiers had seized upon the Car-
dinals and that Rome was to be burned and plundered.
The citizens were so much terrified at this report
that they armed themselves, closed the shops, and
barricaded the streets with chains and heavy beams.
This frightful anarchy continued until the Cardinals,
in desperation, turned to the ambassadors of the
Emperor, the Kings of France and Spain, and the
Republic of Venice, to beg their protection. This
step was the more effective because both the French
and Spanish troops were at that time in the neighbour-
hood of Rome. The ambassadors promised the help
of their sovereigns, who declared themselves ready to
maintain the privileges of the Conclave. The Car-
dinals charged them, above all, to rid the city of the
seditious troops who were causing such havoc, and
CESAR'S APPREHENSIONS 841
especially to remove Caesar and his followers from
their midst.
Caesar Borgia, depressed both in mind and body,
and exposed to the rage of his enemies, was filled with
constant apprehensions for his safety. The College of
Cardinals and the ambassadors issued in the name
of their sovereigns a proclamation that all the party-
leaders were quietly to withdraw from Rome without
offering any obstacle to the papal election. The
Orsini followed this command, and Prospero Colonna
also submitted on condition that he should first be
apprised of Caesar's decision. But the latter could
not bring himself to leave Rome and begged, as a
favour, permission to remain. He pleaded his bad
state of health, adding that his life would be en-
dangered if he were to leave the city or even the
Vatican. He offered to withdraw to the Castle of
Sant' Angelo if the Cardinals would give security for
his safety, so that the Conclave might be held in the
Vatican. He would, however, much prefer to remain
where he was, and promised to disband his troops under
this condition. But the Cardinals, who mistrusted
him and yet could not fathom his true intentions,
decided that he and his troops must leave Rome
without delay. They, however, offered him a safe
escort through the States of the Church, and allowed
him to take his baggage and artillery with him. Caesar,
therefore, could do nothing but obey this decree.
The Cardinals, moreover, obliged him to swear to
quit the city within three days, as well as not to
engage hi any enterprise against Rome or any other
part of the States of the Church, and to remain at
least ten miles from Rome during the Conclave.
Prospero Colonna also bound himself to the same
conditions. The ambassadors of the Emperor and
of the King of Spain offered security for Caesar.
After these stipulations were concluded Caesar re-
solved to march towards Tivoli. He took with him
842 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
eighteen cannon and had an escort of eight hundred
infantry provided by the Cardinals. First of all
came his vanguard, and then his baggage, which
comprised about one hundred waggons. He was
carried through the Vatican door in a litter, under a
crimson canopy, borne by twelve of his halberdiers.
Nevertheless, he took the precaution of having a page
to ride close to his litter, on one of his fleetest horses,
with the idea that he himself, in spite of his illness,
could mount it in case of any sudden attack. For
greater safety, he occupied a place in the middle of
the procession. Cardinal Cesarino came to see him
off at the city gate, but Caesar sent a message to
say that he was not in a condition to speak to any-
body. Prospero Colonna also arrived with the same
object, but found Caesar in such a miserable plight
that he openly offered him his pardon for all the
injustice he had received through him, at the same
tune proposing to accompany him with his own troops
as far as Tivoli. Caesar made answer that he was
not going in that direction, but would be pleased to
see him at Pontemolle.
But Colonna dare not venture, on account of the
number of French troops, to be found in the neigh-
bourhood. Caesar continued his way to Nepi, first
halting at Citta Castellana, which was still in his
possession. The French army lay only a short dis-
tance from Rome, between Nepi and Isola. The com-
mand had now been taken by the Marquis of Mantua
in the place of la Tremouille, who was ill. Under
pretext of protecting the Conclave, their real intention
was to prevent the election of a Spanish Pope.
Some thirty-six Cardinals met together for the
purpose of arranging the Conclave and celebrating the
obsequies of the deceased Pontiff. When the Papal
Chair had been vacant for about a month the Car-
dinals assembled in order to elect a new occupant.
The Conclave began on September 16, and by the
ELECTION OF PIUS III. 343
scrutiny taken on the 2ist, Giuliano della Rovere
had the highest number of votes, though it fell far
below the requisite majority of two- thirds ; Caraffa
came next, and then d'Amboise, who, four days before,
had declared, with his usual assurance, that either he
or another Frenchman could not fail to be chosen ;
but as soon as he saw that he was out of the reckoning,
he joined forces with Soderini, Ascanio Sforza, and
Medici, and proposed the name of the aged and infirm
Cardinal Francesco Piccolomini. Their idea was
that his reign would of necessity prove a short one,
and that, after his death, they would have more free-
dom in a new election. They were supported by the
Spanish Cardinals, and the affair was immediately
settled. On the following morning (September 22)
Piccolomini, nephew of Pius II., was declared Pope
under the title of Pius III.
The new Pope was a man of temperate and re-
putedly virtuous life, and his election rilled the
hearts of the Romans with joy and relief. " Our
hearts rejoice and our eyes are filled with tears,"
writes Piero Delphinus, " because God our Lord
has had mercy on His people and has given them a
Chief Shepherd who is a holy man, innocent, and of
untarnished name. Our deep sorrow has been turned
to joy, and a day of sunshine has followed a night of
storm. We are all filled with the highest hopes for
the reform of the Church and the return of peace."
And on September 28, 1503, Cosimo de' Pozzi, Bishop
of Arezzo, in a letter to the newly elected Pontiff,
says : " When all hope of release seemed shut away,
God has given us in you a Pope whose wisdom, culture,
and learning, whose religious education and virtuous
life, have filled all good and God-fearing men with
consolation. Now we can all hope for a new era in
the history of the Church."
But the position of successor to the Borgias was
fraught with difficulties for the gentle and peace-loving
844 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Pius III. The Vatican had been robbed in the
most shameless manner, and the papal treasury was
in a lamentable state. " I wish no harm to the Duke,"
he said, " for it is the duty of a Pope to have loving-
kindness for all, but I foresee that he will come to a
bad end by the judgment of God."
This prediction was soon fulfilled, for, with the
departure of the French army for Naples, Caesar's
last refuge failed him. Bartolomeo d'Alviano and
Baglione raised troops with the object of attacking
him, and the Orsini and Savelli were also preparing
to bear down upon him. Caesar, who was still far
from well, besought the kind-hearted Pope to allow
him to return to Rome. " I never thought," said
Pius to the Ferrarese ambassador, " that I should
feel any compassion for the Duke, and yet I do most
deeply pity him."
Caesar, therefore, obtained permission to re-enter
Rome, greatly to the disapproval of many of the citi-
zens, especially of Cardinals Giuliano della Rovere and
Riario. The Pope himself, on October 7, acknow-
ledged that he had made a mistake in allowing him
to return. " I am neither a saint nor an angel,"
he remarked, " but only a man, and liable to err ;
and I have been deceived."
The Orsini, who were also in Rome, would hear
of no reconciliation. They challenged Caesar to
appear before the Pope and the Sacred College and
justify himself from the crimes laid to his charge.
Their idea was to join forces with Alviano and
Baglione and avenge the murderous deeds of which
he was guilty. Every day there were bloody skir-
mishes between Caesar's soldiers and those of the
Orsini.
Although the Orsini received pressing invitations
to join the Spanish army, some of them yielded to
the blandishments of Cardinal d'Amboise, and allied
themselves with the French. The latter made
DEATH OF POPE PIUS III 345
overtures to Alviano, but met with a decided rejection,
for it was obvious that d'Amboise, with an eye to a
future election, was determined to remain on friendly
terms with Caesar. Alviano and the Orsini were so
much incensed at this behaviour that, notwithstanding
the fact that Giulio Orsini had already declared for
the French, they concluded a treaty with the Spanish
ambassador. On October 12 the reconciliation be-
tween the hitherto hostile houses of Orsini and Colonna
was publicly announced.
Caesar was now beset by foes on all sides, and his
only hope lay in flight. But, just as he was about
to leave Rome to seek refuge at Bracciano, the Orsini
made a violent attack upon him. On October 15
two of his companions turned traitor, and his troops
became scattered. Caesar, not knowing how to
escape, begged the Pope to allow him to take refuge
in the Vatican. His request was granted, but his
enemies quickly followed him. Alviano joined Or-
sini in the pursuit, crying, " Dead or alive ! " By
setting fire to the Porta Torrione it was easy to gain
access to the Vatican, and Caesar was very near his
doom when, with the help of his brother Jofre, Duke
of Squillace, and three or four Cardinals he succeeded
in escaping along a secret passage to the Castle of
Sant' Angelo.
On October 18, after a brief reign of twenty-seven
days, Pope Pius III. laid down the burden of the
flesh. His death, it was said, was hastened by the
unskilfulness of a physician, who, by an ill-judged
operation on his leg, brought on the inflammation
to which he succumbed. A rumour also arose that
his end was due to a poisoned plaster applied to his
leg at the instigation of Pandolfo Petrucci, Lord of
Siena. " The death of this Pope," wrote the
Ferrarese ambassador, " will be lamented at all the
Courts of Europe, for he was, by universal consent,
held to be good, prudent, and pious. In spite of
846 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the rainy weather at the time, all Rome hastened to
kiss the feet of the dead Pope, whose features were
quite unaltered."
The papal election was put off for a few days in
order to give the Orsini troops time to withdraw from
Rome. The choice of the new Pope was practically
certain before the assembly of the Conclave, for
Giuliano della Rovere, though hated by many and
feared by all, had bought so large a proportion of the
Cardinals' votes that the others were in no position
to withstand him. On November i, 1503, the news of
his election, under the title of Julius II., was made
public.
Much astonishment was caused by the almost
unanimous choice of a man who was well known for
his dangerous and turbulent characteristics. It is
true that he was one of the oldest as well as the
richest and most powerful of the Cardinals, and
also that he possessed a certain magnanimity which
gained for him a considerable number of partisans.
By tempting promises he persuaded d'Amboise to
give him his vote, and the Spaniards, who were in
the minority and feared to make an enemy of him,
also supported his election. He won over Caesar
Borgia by promising to appoint him Gonfaloniere
of the Church, and to allow one of his daughters to
espouse Francesco Maria della Rovere. Caesar was
also greatly influenced by the new Pope's promise
to help him in regaining possession of the Romagna,
for Perugia, Castello, Urbino, Pesaro, Camerino,
Piombino, and Sinigaglia had been recaptured as
speedily as they had once been conquered. Some
few towns still remained faithful to Caesar, for they
had experienced the advantages of uniting under
his rule, since their former masters had been too
weak to protect them, though, at the same time,
powerful enough to oppress them. To his severe
administration of justice they owed relief from a
PLANS AGAINST ROMAGNA 347
band of robbers who had formerly laid waste the
country with rapine and slaughter.
The Venetians now made plain their intention of
taking possession of the Romagna. Immediately
upon the death of Alexander VI. they had despatched
a large number of troops to Ravenna, which was
already in their possession. By night they made a
sudden and stealthy attack upon Cesena, but encoun-
tered such a stubborn resistance that they were com-
pelled to withdraw. Notwithstanding this repulse,
they seized upon Faenza, whose inhabitants turned
for help to the Pope. The latter was not a little
irate at the impudence of the Venetians, but had
neither troops nor money enough to oppose them.
All he could do was to send the Bishop of Tivoli to
Venice to protest against this usurpation.
The Venetians would also have seized upon Imola
and Forli had they not feared to exasperate the Pope
too greatly. They were, however, masters of Rimini,
and her province, Monte Fiore, Sant' Archangelo,
Verucchio, Cattera, Savignano, Solaruolo, and Monte
Bataglia, so that Caesar remained in possession of
nothing but the citadels of Forli, Cesena, Forlimpo-
poli, and Bertinoro.
Realising that he must inevitably lose these places,
Caesar offered them to the Pope on condition that
they should be restored to him as soon as his affairs
were set in order. But Julius would not accept
this stipulation, and desired the Duke to leave Rome.
On November 19 he embarked for Ostia, whence
he intended to set sail for Leghorn to negotiate with
Florence for help in conquering the Romagna.
Meanwhile the Pope, repenting him of his hastiness
in refusing Caesar's offer, sent messengers to him
stating his readiness to agree to the aforesaid con-
ditions. But Caesar now refused to come to terms,
whereupon the Pope, infuriated, had him taken
prisoner upon the boat which was equipped for his
848 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
departure, and taken to Rome, where he was placed
in strict custody. This treatment seems, for the
time, to have completely broken Caesar's haughty
spirit ; the Mantuan ambassador relates that he was
even reduced to tears. Julius, however, treated him
kindly, and gave him rooms in the Vatican, hoping
to obtain the surrender of the keys from his governors
without any fuss. Caesar apparently sent the required
orders, but the Governor of Cesena refused to take
any commands from him while he was still a prisoner,
and detained the papal messengers. When the Pope
heard this he was upon the point of casting Caesar
into one of the dungeons of Sant' Angelo, but he
relented and sent him to the Torre Borgia instead.
His goods were all confiscated, and his adherents
were filled with terror of the Pope's vengeance.
Caesar's few remaining troops were obliged to
surrender, and their leader, Michelotto, was sent
as a prisoner to the Pope. The latter, however,
set him at liberty, greatly to the surprise of all who
knew how strong was his antipathy to all those who
had served as tools for the Borgia malice and cunning.
But the Pope, without committing an open breach
of faith, determined to delay Caesar's release for a
time. He was probably afraid that the Governor
of Forli would refuse to surrender the town if the
Duke were at liberty, and was also perhaps influenced
by memories of the injustices which he had suffered
from Alexander VI. Caesar, becoming suspicious,
made a secret appeal to Gonsalvo, begging him to
provide him with a safe escort to Naples, and two
ships to call for him at Ostia. This request was
willingly granted. Meanwhile, the Cardinal of Santa
Croce received news that the required sum had
been paid, and both Cesena and Bertinoro delivered
to the Pope. He, thereupon, without the Pope's
knowledge, set Caesar at liberty. The latter, without
waiting for Gonsalvo's ships, went secretly to Nettuno ;
thence in a little boat to Mondragone, and then by
land to Naples. Here he received a cordial welcome
from Gonsalvo, who entered with apparent interest
into his plans, and even undertook to furnish him
with troops and ships to escort him to Pisa. Thus
did the Great Captain contrive to keep his dangerous
visitor quiet until he had received instructions from
King Ferdinand of Spain.
The ships were ready equipped to start the next
day. Caesar had had a long interview with Gonsalvo,
who displayed every sign of amity, finishing with
an affectionate embrace. Nevertheless, the Duke
had hardly left the room when, by Gonsalvo's com-
mand, he was seized and confined in the citadel.
Gonsalvo excused himself for this breach of faith
by saying that the command of his sovereign to take
Caesar prisoner was to be more esteemed than his
own word. Not only this, but it was absolutely
necessary to capture Caesar, who, not content with
his former injustices, intended to overthrow the
other States and to set all Italy in an uproar. On
August 20, shortly after his arrest, Caesar was sent
to Spain on a small galley, attended by a single page.
During the voyage he was guarded by his old enemy
Prospero Colonna, who was in command of the vessel.
Prospero, however, seems to have displayed great
tact and magnanimity on this occasion, and, so far
from triumphing over his fallen foe, he avoided
meeting him for fear that he might seem to be
rejoicing in his humiliation.
But all the cruel buffets of fortune did not succeed
in reducing Caesar's spirit and energy for any length
of time, and he busied himself with plans for escape.
Ferdinand had him first of all confined in the Castle
of Chinchilla, 1 but as this was not considered a safe
enough prison for so restive a prisoner, he was re-
moved to the Castle of Medina del Campo, in the
1 Not, as Gregorovius says, Seville.
350 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
north of Spain. Here he was kept in rigorous captivity,
deprived of every luxury, and allowed no visitors.
" All his plans had failed, nothing remained of all
that he had sought to achieve by his crimes, his cruelties,
and his murders." His only recreation was in flying
his falcons, watching them seize upon a helpless bird
and tear it to pieces with their talons. No one in
Italy made any effort to procure his release except
Lucrezia, whose desires met with little sympathy
from her husband's family. The Gonzaga alone
appear to have maintained a not unfriendly attitude
towards him, and Isabella, who was now warmly at-
tached to Lucrezia, seconded her appeals to her
husband on Caesar's behalf.
In spite of the strict watch kept over him, on
October 25, 1506, Caesar, with the help of his chaplain
and a servant of his jailer, contrived to escape from
his window. The Count of Benevento was awaiting
him with horses, and, after a month's rest under the
Count's sheltering roof in order to give some wounds
in his hands time to heal, the fugitive made his way
towards Pampeluna, where he was kindly received by
his brother-in-law, Jean d'Albret, King of Navarre.
On October 7, 1506, Caesar, in a letter to the Marquis
of Mantua, says : " After so many vicissitudes, it
has pleased the Lord God to deliver me and to enable
me to leave my prison. My secretary, Federigo, the
bearer, will explain how it happened. Through the
infinite mercy of the Lord, may it be for His great
glory."
Caesar had intended to proceed to France with the
idea of obtaining the support of Louis XII., but the
latter, having just entered into a truce with Spain,
refused to receive him. Not only so, but the King
also snatched from him his yearly income and his
dukedom of Valentinois in order to confirm himself
in the good graces of the King of Spain.
The King of Navarre was at this time engaged in
DEATH OF CAESAR BORGIA 351
a war with one of his vassals, the Prince of Alarino.
Caesar, who was now deprived of all other resources,
offered to serve as volunteer in his brother-in-law's
army. A terrible skirmish took place under the walls
of the fortress of Viana, during which Caesar received
a fatal blow. His dead and naked body, covered with
wounds, was discovered at the bottom of a ravine.
The King, greatly distressed, had him covered with
a cloak and carried to Viana. After a pompous
ceremony, the corpse was laid in front of the high
altar in the parish church of Santa Maria of Viana, and
during the course of the same year, 1507, an imposing
and elaborate tomb was erected to his memory.
Tomasi is of opinion that Caesar's manner of death
was too honourable for a man whose record was so
black with crime. When, however, we consider his
deep humiliations, the sufferings which he bore
manfully, the miserably dependent condition in
which he found himself after his father's death, the
loss of all his possessions, as well as the treachery
which was shown towards him, it is difficult to avoid
a feeling of compassion for the unfortunate wretch
whose fortunes so miserably failed him at the last.
Neither must it be forgotten that he lived at a time
when a human life was of less account than we now
consider the life of a dog, and that even the most
appalling of the charges laid to his account are not
to be judged by twentieth-century standards. 1
Caesar's courage and endurance were of a rare kind.
He pursued his ends with incredible persistence,
undaunted by the greatest difficulties. Brave in war,
amazingly ambitious, energetic, and of irresistible elo-
quence, it was little wonder that he, with the help of
his father Alexander VI., rose to such eminence. His
administrative talent was remarkable, and, though he
sought to extirpate the most important families of
Italy, he governed his conquests with skill and ability.
1 See Cesare Borgia, by R. Sabatini.
852 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
While former princes had troubled little about their
subjects except to practise extortions upon them,
Caesar introduced a severe system of jurisdiction, and
had all those who threatened the peace of the com-
munity executed. The adherence and loyalty shown
to him even after his fall, by several towns, are a proof
that they had fared better under his rule than under
that of their former legitimate masters. The worst
of men have some redeeming quality, and, though
Tomasi, Guicciardini, and other historians have con-
demned him with no sparing hand, an impartial
judge cannot but admit that, in spite of their many
and monstrous crimes, both Caesar Borgia and his
father were not wholly beyond the pale of humanity.
Caesar certainly has less claim to forbearance than
Alexander, who from the year 1497 was thoroughly
under the influence of a mind stronger and even
more determined than his own. The Pope, as we
have seen, was afraid of his powerful son, and followed
his lead along the paths of wickedness. To quote
M. mile Gebhart in his essay on the Borgias : " Alex-
andre est digne de quelque pitie. II n'a pas goute*
grace a Caesar, toute la joie qu'il s'etait promise du
pontificat ; il a perdu, dans Tapre labeur auquel
son fils 1'avait asservi, sa gaite naturelle et un vague
instinct de grandeur d'ame que manifestaient encore,
dans les premieres annees de son regne, quelques
paroles vraiment nobles. Le Valentinois fut le demon
de la famille. II doit porter la plus lourde part de
la gloire maudite des Borgia."
Many and bitter were the tears which Lucrezia,
now Duchess of Ferrara, shed for her brother. It
would seem that Caesar could not have been utterly
devoid of grace to have caused so much sisterly regret.
Pope Julius II., on the other hand, must have rejoiced
to be rid of so dangerous an enemy, who had many
faithful followers in the Romagna.
a ?
id Q
2 q
7. X,
CAESAR'S CHILDREN 353
According to Zurita, Caesar left only one legitimate
child a daughter, Louise who was born in 1504,
and was destined never to see her father. Her mother,
Charlotte d'Albret, lived for some time at the Court
of the beautiful Anne of Brittany, but soon after the
birth of her baby-girl she withdrew to a quieter life
in the vicinity of her friend, the repudiated Queen
Jeanne. Having found the world unsatisfactory, she
turned to the religious life. She lived like a saint in
her chateau near Bourges, and, though her stingy
father had given her but a meagre dowry, the poor
of the neighbourhood had good cause to bless her
name. In 1507, the year of her husband's death,
Charlotte lost her faithful protectress, Jeanne. The
double loss seemed to overwhelm her, and she refused
to be comforted. She had the walls of her house
hung with black, and, though only twenty-five years
of age, retired into these mournful surroundings,
only emerging at intervals to distribute her bounty
to her needy neighbours. On March n, 1514, this
pious lady said farewell to earth, and departed this
life in the odour of sanctity. Her little daughter,
who was with her during her last moments, was, at
Charlotte's wish, entrusted to the care of Madame
d'Angouleme, mother of King Francis I. A few
years later she became the wife of Louis de la Tre"-
mouille, the knight " sans peur et sans reproche."
He was killed at the battle of Pavia in 1525, and
some years later the widowed Louise found a second
husband in Philip of Bourbon, Baron de Busset.
It is known that Caesar was also the father of two
natural children a son, Girolamo, and a daughter,
Lucrezia. Girolamo probably died in boyhood, but
Lucrezia, dedicated to the cloister from her early
youth, lived on, until 1573, in Ferrara, where she
had become Abbess of San Bernardino. Gregorovius
relates thatj as late as February 1550, an illegitimate
son of Caesar's appeared in Paris. He was a priest,
YB
354 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and gave his name as Don Luigi. On the strength of
his father's having met his death in the service of the
King of Navarre he had journeyed from Rome to
ask assistance of the French King. The latter gave
him a hundred ducats, whereupon he returned to his
native place, and was heard of no more.
CHAPTER XVI
Disputes between France and Spain over the partition oi Naples
End of Piero de' Medici Gonsalvo da Cordova, the Great
Captain His treatment by Ferdinand Lucrezia's life at
Ferrara Angela Borgia Death of the poet Strozzi Rodrigo,
Lucrezia's little son His death, 1512 Death of Giovanni
Sforza of Pesaro Alfonso of Ferrara placed under the papal
ban Battle of Ravenna Lucrezia's relations with her husband
Her letter to Leo X. Vannozza's last years Death of
Lucrezia, 1519 Grief at her loss Her children.
ALREADY before the death of Caesar there had arisen
between France and Spain differences which were to
have the most disastrous consequences for Italy. It
had been arranged that, in the division of Naples,
France should receive the provinces of Terra di
Lavoro and both the Abruzzi, while Spain was to
take possession of Apulia and Calabria ; but, when it
came to the point, it was evident that neither monarch
knew the country well enough to settle the exact
boundry-line. The divisions of Alfonso I. Terra
di Lavoro, Principato, Basilicata, Calabria, Apulia,
and Abruzzo were no longer recognised. The pro-
vince of Basilicata was the first source of discord.
The Spanish General, Gonsalvo, maintained that
both Basilicata and Principato belonged to Calabria
because they lay exactly between the two Calabrias,
and therefore must be attributed to Spain. The
French viceroy, Louis d'Armagnac, Duke of Nemours,
declared, on the other hand, that these provinces had
never belonged to Calabria. A like dispute arose
about Capitanata, a subdivision of Apulia, and also
about the division of the pasture-lands of the same
355
356 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
province which were the source of considerable
crown-revenues. In the first year these were equally
divided between the monarchs, but the next year
each party sought to grasp as much as possible for
itself, with calamitous results.
The Neapolitan nobles sought to mitigate the
strife, and the Duke de Nemours had a personal in-
terview with Gonsalvo. But, as no agreement could be
arrived at, the decision was referred to the two Kings,
though only upon condition that, before the passing
of the sentence, weapons should be laid down. But
the Duke of Nemours, whose forces were stronger
than those of Gonsalvo, refused to be bound by the
compact, fearing that the latter might, in the mean-
while, strengthen his resources. He informed Gon-
salvo that he would again begin hostilities if the district
of Capitanata were not surrendered, and immediately
garrisoned Tripalda and all the fortified places of
which he could possess himself. A reinforcement of
two thousand Swiss, sent by Louis to the Duke,
clearly showed his intention of continuing the war
and of taking advantage of his present superior
position. His troops were very successful. Canosa,
in spite of a plucky resistance, was forced to yield ;
the town of Cosenza was plundered, and Gonsalvo had
perforce to evacuate not only Capitanata, but also
the greater part of Calabria and Apulia. Destitute
of money, and scantily provided with provisions and
ammunition, he retired to the fortified town of
Barletta, where he was surrounded and hard pressed
by the troops of the Duke of Nemours.
The French captains, however, maintained that
for divers reasons, among others the lack of water,
the whole army could not besiege Barletta ; but
though d'Aubigny thought otherwise and protested
against this idea, it was decided that part of the
French army should continue the siege, while the
rest should be devoted to the conquest of Naples.
CONQUEST OF APULIA 357
The Viceroy now conquered the whole of Apulia,
with the exception of Otranto, Gallipoli, and Tarento,
and then turned back to the investment of Barletta.
At the same time d'Aubigny entered Calabria and con-
quered and plundered Cosenza, though the citadel still
remained in the possession of the Spaniards. Troops
from Sicily united with Gonsalvo's forces, and a
fight ensued, resulting in a signal victory for d'Aubigny.
But a change in the fortunes of war now seemed
to be approaching. A French officer named Charles
de Torgues, who, through an exchange of prisoners,
had come to Barletta, was invited by Don Enrico of
Mendoza to supper. Inigo Lopez and Don Piero
d'Origno, the Prior of Messina, were also present.
During the meal a discussion arose over the incapacity
of the Italian soldiers, and de Torgues called them " an
effeminate and degenerate people." Lopez replied
that he had in his service troops who were just as
brave and trustworthy as his Spaniards. In order to
settle the dispute, it was decided to select thirteen
French and the same number of Italians, who, on
horseback and fully armed, should be put to a fighting
test. The conquerors were to receive, as a reward,
the horses and armour of the conquered, together
with a hundred golden crowns. Each side was
allowed to choose four arbitrators, and hostages
were provided to ensure the proper observance of
the stipulated conditions.
On February 13, 1503, the first trial took place
in a plain between Andre and Corrato. Both armies
were present at the spectacle, and Gonsalvo, in an
address which has been perpetuated by a Spanish
poet, urged the Italians to put forth their whole
strength to vanquish their opponents. After a pro-
longed and dangerous struggle, in which strength,
courage, and perseverance were displayed by both
sides, the Italians gained the day. But the French
had felt so secure of victory that no one among them
358 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
could produce the hundred golden crowns which
were to have been the prize of the conquerors. They
were therefore taken captive to Barletta, where
Gonsalvo, with considerable magnanimity, paid their
ransom,
Henceforward the good fortune of the French
seems to have abandoned them. First, the inhabitants
of Castellanetta, in the neighbourhood of Barletta,
took up arms, angered by the insolence of the French,
over whom they gained important advantages.
Then Gonsalvo, hearing that the village of Rubos,
some twelve miles distant from Barletta, was carelessly
guarded, descended upon it by night. He attacked
the French with such fierceness that they, totally
unprepared for the onslaught, offered only a feeble
resistance. They were utterly defeated, and la Palisse,
their commander, was taken prisoner. Gonsalvo
returned to Barletta, without being pursued by the
Duke of Nemours.
Although Louis, secure in the hope of a peaceful
termination, had instructed the Duke to remain on
the defensive only, the latter considered it a favourable
juncture to enter upon a decisive action. Moreover,
the two armies were now so close together that an
encounter was inevitable. The Spanish had received
reinforcements under the command of Ugo da Cardone,
and had assembled all the troops in Calabria, while
the French were stationed at Seminara. D'Aubigny
was in Gioia, three miles away, endeavouring to block
the way of the Spanish troops. He fortified his
camp with four cannon, which he had posted on
the bank of the river on which Gioia stands. The
Spanish vanguard, under Manuel Benavida, now
advanced to the bank which was not garrisoned by
the French. Their leader began negotiations with
d'Aubigny, but while they were thus engaged the
Spanish rearguard were traversing the river.
D'Aubigny, upon hearing of this, hastened without
DOWNFALL OF D'AUBIGNY 359
his artillery to the point where the Spaniards were
crossing, with the intention of attacking them before
their troops had reached the other side. But it
was too late. The Spaniards had already effected
a landing and were ready in battle-array. D'Aubigny,
in spite of having no artillery, thought it his duty
to attack them, but was utterly crushed even before
the Spanish rearguard had got across the river. Several
of the French commanders and many Neapolitan
barons were taken captive. D'Aubigny himself fled
to the Castle of Angitola, but was obliged to surrender
to the Spaniards, who hemmed him in on every
side.
The downfall of their greatest General was most
detrimental to the French, especially as it moved
their Viceroy, the Duke of Nemours, to rash pro-
ceedings which he would perhaps otherwise not
have entered upon. Gonsalvo, who knew nothing
of the success of his countrymen, marched secretly
towards Carinola, about ten miles distant from
Barletta. The plague, as well as lack of provisions,
had driven him to abandon the latter place. Carinola
is about midway between Barletta and Canosa, where
Nemours had assembled his forces. The Duke was
uncertain as to whether he should attack the Spaniards,
and held a council of war. Several of the officers
were against an assault, since the French troops had
been reduced by their previous reverses, while the
Spanish army had been reinforced by fresh troops.
They advised a withdrawal to Mem until help could
be sent to them from France. Others, again, thought
it risky to remain idle, especially as reinforcements
could not be relied upon. They were anxious to
venture an attack, considering that the honour of
the French arms demanded it.
Nemours, who knew that the Spaniards were
marching upon Carinola, decided to begin the attack,
and despatched his troops in great haste. But he
360 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
could obtain no reliable news as to whether Barletta
was completely evacuated, for Fabricius Colonna had
arranged his troops so cleverly that the French were
cut off from the town, and the height of the fennel,
which grows luxuriantly in Calabria, concealed the
view of the Spanish army as it marched along.
The Spaniards arrived in Carinola at almost the
same time as the French, but, as the latter were
in possession of the town, Gonsalvo had the neighbour-
ing vineyards garrisoned. On Colonna's advice, the
Spanish troops began digging entrenchments, but
before their task was finished the French approached
their camp. It was already night, and Yve d'Allegre
and the Prince of Melfi advised postponing the
attack to the following day, since the Spaniards
would be shortly obliged to yield from lack of pro-
visions. Nemours, however, ignored the advice, and
proceeded with great vigour to the attack. The
Swiss, in particular, distinguished themselves by
their valour in the obstinate fight which ensued.
Suddenly a powder magazine exploded, causing the
utmost consternation and confusion. Gonsalvo, never-
theless, retained his self-possession, and called out,
" The victory is ours. God has declared Himself
for us ; we have no more need of our artillery."
His prediction was fulfilled, and the Spaniards actually
won the day. Owing to the varying accounts of this
event it is difficult to assign the cause of this victory.
The French were completely disarrayed by the death
of the Duke of Nemours, who, fighting courageously
in the foremost rank, was struck down by a musket-
shot, which immediately killed him.
D'Allegre, the Prince of Salerno, and several of the
Neapolitan barons withdrew to Gaeta and Trajetto,
and the rest of the French troops were dispersed to
various parts. Gonsalvo, however, marched imme-
diately upon Naples. He offered the Prince of
Melfi the half of his kingdom if he would ally himself
with the Spaniards. But nothing would have in-
duced the Prince to accept this proposal. At Naples
Gonsalvo was received with open arms, and the
French fled to Castelnuovo. Capua and Aversa,
abandoned by the French commanders, surrendered
to Spain on May 14, 1503.
Louis XII. still clung to the hope of reconquering
Naples. He not only sent reinforcements, under
la Tremouille, towards Naples, by way of the States
of the Church, but he attacked Ferdinand of Spain
himself.. His numerous troops advanced into Rous-
sillon and Fontarabia, while his fleet threatened the
coasts of Catalonia and Valencia. But Ferdinand,
placing himself at the head of his army, drove the
enemy back into French territory. Neither did the
French fleet accomplish anything, and, after several
futile attempts to land men, it was obliged to return
to Marseilles.
The French fared no better in Italy. The Viceroy,
the Marquis of Saluzzo, who had succeeded Nemours,
united his troops with those which were still lying
round Gaeta, and received, besides, reinforcements
from the Duke of Mantua, who had allied himself
with France. With the united strength of all these
forces he invested Trajetto and Fondi as far as the
river Garigliano.
Gonsalvo now left San Germano, where he had
withdrawn with his men, and garrisoned the opposite
bank of the river, in order to prevent the French
from crossing. The latter, however, had ferried
over in flat boats, with the intention of attacking
the Spaniards, while cannon were mounted on the
bank. But the Spaniards defended themselves with
the greatest vigour, and forced the French to
retreat.
Gonsalvo had encamped near Cintra, about a
mile away from the river, but, as the district was
marshy and the weather extremely stormy, his troops
362 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
suffered grievously from damp and cold. The captains
wanted to withdraw to Capua in order to refresh their
men, instead of awaiting a second onslaught from
the French, who far exceeded them in number. But
Gonsalvo replied that he would prefer to die at once,
having advanced only a handsbreadth against the
enemy, rather than to live a hundred years, having
retreated only two paces.
The French had constructed a bridge, which they
fortified at the end with bastions, but they were
prevented from attacking the Spaniards, because
their camp was surrounded by morasses which the
heavy rains had rendered impassable. They also
suffered much from the badness of the weather, as
well as from lack of provisions. Consequently the
troops were attacked by sickness, and the Italians
abandoned them. Day by day their numbers visibly
decreased, so that they only had courage to engage
in petty skirmishes with the Spaniards, in which the
latter were nearly always victorious.
The Spanish army, on the other hand, was re-
inforced by the troops of Bartolomeo d'Alviano and
the Orsini. Gonsalvo now made an onslaught upon
the French, encouraged by hearing that their corps
were placed at very wide intervals. He decided to
cross the river, if possible, without the enemy's
knowledge, and entrusted this difficult task to
d'Alviano. A wooden bridge was surreptitiously
built in the camp and, during the night, conveyed to
Suio (some four miles from the French camp), where
it was placed across the river. On December 27,
1503, Gonsalvo 'crossed the bridge with his men,
in the darkness. He gave command that the next
morning his rearguard should attack the tete de pont
of the French. When the latter heard of this bold
stroke they were seized with terror. The Marquis
of Saluzzo despatched d'Alldgre to prevent the
passage of the Spaniards, but it was too late. At
PIERO DE' MEDICI DROWNED 363
the same time Alviano attacked the tele de pont
on the other bank of the Garigliano with great
violence, hunting the French from their posts.
The Viceroy immediately withdrew his troops to
Gaeta, though he was obliged to leave behind a large
part of his ammunition, nine cannon, and the sick
and wounded. Gonsalvo, on perceiving the flight,
sent Prospero Colonna with his light cavalry, in order
to hinder their progress as much as possible. They
were overtaken at Seandi, where a slight skirmish
took place, but the French continued their march
directly afterwards. After much fighting, they reached
a bridge near Gaeta, where the Viceroy found
it necessary to call a halt. A violent encounter
took place. The Spanish rearguard had by this
time come up, and had crossed the river in boats.
The French resisted as well as they could, but the
fear of being attacked by Gonsalvo in the rear under-
mined their courage. Closely pursued by the
Spaniards, they took flight in the direction of Gaeta.
Not far from the latter place the road branches into
two, one of which leads to Itri, and the other to
Gaeta. Those who took the Itri path were for the
most part captured or slain, and the others were
pursued through the very gates of Gaeta itself.
In this battle Piero de' Medici fought valorously,
and, when the cause seemed hopeless, he embarked
on a galley to fetch four heavy cannon which he had
saved out of the hands of the enemy. But their
weight, as well as that of the great number of people
who had sought refuge on the vessel, caused it to
sink. Piero and many others were drowned, and
his corpse was not found until several days had passed.
His death was a clear gain to the House of Medici,
since the hatred of the Florentines had been mainly
directed against him personally. His widow Alfonsina
received permission to return to Florence. She
married her daughter to Filippo Strozzi, a nobleman
364 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
whose renown had penetrated the whole of Italy.
It is true that, upon hearing of this marriage,
the magistrates of Florence condemned the bride-
groom to pay a penalty of five hundred golden crowns,
and to three years' banishment. Strozzi, however,
returned to the city before the stipulated time harl
elapsed, without any inconvenient results.
Gonsalvo, who was in very low water, was only
too glad to conclude a treaty which made over to
him the possession of the important fortress of Gaeta
together with all the artillery and military stores.
A free passage was granted to the remnant of the
French army, which, sick and woe-begone, made its
retreat. "With those who had taken the land route
it fared almost as ill as with those who embarked at
Gaeta. The greater part of their fleet was wrecked
upon the French coast during a violent storm, while
those who were on land were stricken down by
pestilence, hunger, and cold, so that the roads were
strewn with corpses. After the surrender of Gaeta,
a treaty was concluded between the two Kings.
(October 12, 1505.) Ferdinand who, after the death of
Isabella, had quarrelled with his son-in-law, Philip
the Fair, and longed eagerly for a male heir, was
to marry Louis XII.'s niece, Germaine de Foix, a
spoilt young beauty of eighteen. Any children of
this marriage were to inherit Sicily, Aragon, and
Naples, but, should the union prove fruitless, Naples
was to be divided between France and Aragon.
Ferdinand, on the other hand, was to pay Louis a
million gold ducats as indemnity for the late war.
Of all the generals who had distinguished themselves
in the last Italian campaign, none stood so high as
the Great Captain, Gonsalvo Aguilar da Cordova,
By his courage, endurance, and military genius he
had conquered the whole of Naples, and his kindness,
generosity, and love of justice had made him beloved
of the Neapolitans. Ferdinand well realised how
MEETING OF THE KINGS AT SAVONA 365
much he owed to Gonsalvo, and not only appointed
him Viceroy of Naples, but bestowed on him crown-
land revenues to the amount of 20,000 gold ducats.
Notwithstanding these tokens of favour, the King
in his heart cherished suspicion and jealousy of
the Great Captain, fearing that he might constitute
himself unconditional lord of Naples. In all Gon-
salvo's dealings, even the wisest, he only saw a desire
to gain the affection of the Neapolitans in order
that he might one day possess himself of the crown.
His uneasiness, indeed, became so uncontrollable
that he recalled Gonsalvo to Spain under pretext
of asking his advice. But the General begged to
be excused, saying that the affairs of the kingdom
were not yet completely arranged. Ferdinand repeated
his command, but again Gonsalvo refused to obey.
The King's agitation thereupon became so intense
that he made up his mind to journey to Naples to
see for himself what was going on. He arrived
there, in company with his young wife, in October
1506. Although during his journey he received news
of the death of his son-in-law Philip, and the regency
of Castile devolved upon him on account of the mental
incapacity of his daughter Joan, even then he could
not bring himself to forego his undertaking. He
stayed seven months in Naples, replaced Gonsalvo's
chosen officials by others, made a few arrangements
for the government of the town, and started on his
homeward way, accompanied by the source of his
anxiety Gonsalvo.
In Savona Ferdinand had a meeting with the
King of France. Gonsalvo was treated with the
greatest honour. Louis, indeed, could not conceal his
admiration even for one who had robbed him of a
kingdom. Ferdinand restrained his annoyance until
they reached Spain, when he commanded Gonsalvo
to retire to his country house, and not to appear at
the Court without permission. This was the way
866 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
in which he rewarded a General who had served him
well and faithfully, esteeming neither his life nor
possessions in comparison with the welfare of his
King and country. He died in 1515, and the only
recognition made of his greatness by the King was
a magnificent funeral at the royal expense.
Gonsalvo, in reviewing his past life, was accustomed
to say that he reproached himself for three great
mistakes : firstly, for having broken his promise to the
royal House of Aragon ; secondly, for having sent
Caesar Borgia as prisoner to Spain ; and thirdly, for
a mistake which he would not mention, but which
may have been his removal from Naples when at
the height of his power, and his retirement into the
loneliness of private life. Ferdinand's ingratitude
must have wounded him deeply, and the fact that
he took his unjust sentence of banishment with so
little resentment gives proof of the nobility of his
character.
From the time of Lucrezia's marriage with Alfonso
d'Este, her life seems to have been beyond shadow
of reproach. After the excitement of the wedding
festivities she had many difficulties to overcome on
the threshold of her new life, but by her gentle and
affectionate nature and winning manners she succeeded
in gaining all hearts. Pietro Bembo, the famous
Venetian, fell a victim to her charms, and though
there can be no doubt of his absorbing passion for
Lucrezia, there is no reason to suppose that it ever
passed the bounds of propriety. Lucrezia, for her
part, evidently regarded him with an affection which,
according to Gregorovius, was more than platonic.
Bembo was an attractive man of handsome presence
and courtly manners, which stood out in pleasing
contrast to the somewhat uncouth deportment of
Alfonso. From 1503 to 1506 they enjoyed the
closest friendship a fact which did not fail to excite
LUCREZIA AND THE POETS 367
the jealousy of Lucrezia's husband, and probably
led to Bembo's removal in 1506 to the Court of
Urbino. They nevertheless continued to keep up
a correspondence, much of which is still preserved.
Lucrezia's letters are inscribed : " Al mio carissimo
M. Pietro Bembo."
Bembo's infatuation has not escaped the notice
of the two Strozzi, at whose villa near Ferrara he
spent much of his time. But both father and son
appear also to have fallen under Lucrezia's magic
spell, and the verses which they dedicated to her
are even more full of passion than those of Bembo.
Tito Strozzi, the father, sang of a rose which his
lady-love had given him, but his son surpassed him
in an epigram on " Rose of Lucrezia," which could
hardly have been the one bestowed upon his father.
Many other poets celebrated Lucrezia's beauty
and virtue in verse. The great Ariosto dedicated to
her a stanza of his Orlando Furioso, in which he
represents her as a pattern of modesty and beauty r
Lucrezia Borgia di cui d'ora in ora
La belta, la virtu e la fama honesta,
E la fortuna, va crescendo non meno
Che giovin pianta in morbida terra.
Even making allowances for the flattery of a court
poet, it is highly improbable that he would have
written anything directly inconsistent with the public
opinion of the tune.
Living at the Court of Ferrara was a kinswoman
of Lucrezia's Angela Borgia, who by her grace and
comeliness threw a glamour over all who came into
contact with her. She had at one time been betrothed
to Francesco Maria della Rovere, but for some reason
or other the contract had been annulled. Among
Angela's adorers were two brothers of Alfonso's
Cardinal Ippolito d'Este, and Giulio, a bastard son
368 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
of the old Duke Ercole. One day, when Ippolito
was paying court to her, she began to praise the
beauty of Giulio's eyes. This so inflamed the Cardinal's
jealousy that he hired assassins and commissioned
them to lie in wait for his brother as he returned
from hunting, and to tear out the beautiful eyes
which had excited Donna Angela's admiration. His
command was carried out, November 3, 1505 ; but
the depraved Ippolito was not allowed to enjoy
the complete success of his plan, for the physicians
were able to save one of his victim's eyes. The
whole of Ferrara burned with indignation at the
Cardinal's atrocity, and he was punished by a tem-
porary banishment. Giulio, who considered that
the Duke had dealt too leniently with him, longed
for a deeper revenge. Ippolito, however, had many
friends in Ferrara, for he was a jovial man of the
world, while the Duke, by his morose and surly
manners, was unpopular with the nobility.
Giulio succeeded in winning the support of several
disaffected nobles and others who were in Alfonso's
service, among them Count Albertino Boschetti,
the captain of the palace guard, a chamberlain,
and one of the Duke's minstrels. Even Don Ferrante,
the Duke's own brother, entered into the plot.
Giulio's plan was to despatch Cardinal Ippolito by
means of poison, and then to destroy the Duke himself
and set Don Ferrante on the throne.
The Cardinal, however, who was well supplied
with spies, got an inkling of what was going on,
and lost no time in informing his brother, Duke
Alfonso. The conspirators, with the exception of
Don Ferrante, sought refuge in flight, but only
Giulio and the minstrel succeeded in escaping. Count
Boschetti was seized in the neighbourhood of Ferrara.
When Don Ferrante was brought before the' Duke
he cast himself at his feet and begged for mercy.
But Alfonso, in a frenzy of rage, struck out one of
s a
BIRTH OF ERCOLE D'ESTE 369
his eyes with a staff which he had in his hand. He
then had him imprisoned in the tower of the castle,
where he was soon joined by Giulio, who had been
surrendered by the Marquis of Mantua, from whom
he had sought protection. The trial for treason
resulted in sentence of death for all the guilty. Bos-
chetti and two of his companions were beheaded in
front of the Palazzo della Ragione. The execution
of the two Princes was arranged for August 12, 1506.
The scaffold was erected in the courtyard of the castle,
the Duke took his place, and the people thronged
to witness the revolting sight. The wretched victims
had already been led to the block when Alfonso made
a sign that a reprieve would be granted. More dead
than alive, they were borne back to their dungeons,
where they were condemned to a life-long imprison-
ment. They both survived their brother. Don
Fen-ante died in 1540, at the age of sixty-three,
and Don Giulio, who was liberated after Alfonso's
death, died in 1561, in his eighty-fourth year.
Duke Alfonso's hopes of an heir had twice been
disappointed, but on April 4, 1508, his heart was
gladdened by the birth of a baby son, who was named
Ercole, after his grandfather. The younger poet
Strozzi celebrated the advent of the little heir in
the most exuberant and flattering verses. They
were, however, his final effort, for on the morning
of June 6 the dead body of the poet was found near
the d'Este Palace, wounded in two-and-twenty places,
and with part of his hair torn out by the roots. The
whole of Ferrara was filled with resentment, for
Strozzi, who had only reached his twenty-eighth
year, was a general favourite, and indeed had con-
tributed much to the fame of the city.
This foul deed has, by some, been ascribed to
Alfonso on the grounds of an infatuation for his
young wife, Barbara. Others maintain that he was
ZB
870 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
jealous of Lucrezia's attitude towards him. One
of the strongest proofs of the Duke's guilt is that
he apparently made no effort to discover and punish
the murderer.
Even Lucrezia has not escaped being charged
with the murder, though none of the later historians
have attributed any importance to this accusation.
The motives ascribed to her were jealousy of Barbara,
or the fear that Strozzi might reveal her relations
with Bembo.
Meanwhile, what had become of the little Rodrigo,
Lucrezia's son by Alfonso of Naples? For some
reason it was not considered suitable that the child
should be brought up at the Court of Ferrara. Yriarte
quotes a letter from Duke Ercole to Lucrezia, strongly
advising his separation from her, and he was therefore
placed under the guardianship of the Patriarch of
Alexandria and Francesco Borgia, Archbishop of
Cosenza. He was well equipped, from a worldly
point of view, for he not only owned his father's
inheritance of Bisceglia, but he was also Duke of Ser-
moneta and lord of Guadrata. He appears to have
been confided to the care of his aunt, Donna Sancia
of Aragon, a somewhat unsuitable person to whom
to entrust the education of a child, one would think !
Upon her death in 1506 Rodrigo was probably placed
under the protection of another aunt, Isabella of
Aragon, Duchess of Ban, whose acquaintance we
have already made as the unhappy wife of Gian
Galeazzo of Milan, the victim of Ludovico Sforza's
jealous ambition.
There is an entry in the household accounts of the
Duchess of Ferrara for March 26, 1505, mentioning
" a suit of damask and brocade which her Majesty
sent to her son Don Rodrigo in Bari, as a present."
The little Rodrigo appears to have had, as com-
panion, the mysterious Giovanni Infans Romanus, who
was about the same age. Alexander VI., it is said,
JULIUS II. AND VENICE 371
enjoyed the company of these two children and often
had them with him. In 1508 Giovanni and Rodrigo
are again mentioned as being together in Ban, and
sharing the instructions of a certain Don Bartolommeo
Grotto. In August 1512 the inconvenient little Duke,
Rodrigo, was removed by the hand of death. Lucrezia
appears to have grieved over his loss, for in a letter
to an unknown correspondent, dated October I,
she speaks of her continued tears and sorrow " per
la morte del Duca di Bisselli, mio figliulo carissimo."
In 1510 occurred the death of Lucrezia's first
husband, Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, who had been
living a quiet and studious life at the Castle of Gradara.
He had ruled his State with considerable wisdom
and had made many improvements in Pesaro. In
1504 he had married Ginevra, daughter of a Venetian
noble, and their union resulted in the birth of a son,
Costanzo. This fact proves that the ostensible
reason for his divorce from Lucrezia was unfounded.
Meanwhile Pope Julius II. had made peace with
Venice and commanded Alfonso d'Este to withdraw
from the league with France and to cease hostilities
against the Republic. This the Duke refused to do,
and was therefore placed under the papal ban. Ferrara
and France were thus drawn into a war, which led
to the celebrated battle of Ravenna, on Easter
Sunday, April n, 1512, in which Alfonso's artillery
won the day. This is said to have been the most
bloody battle fought on Italian soil since the days
of the Huns and Goths. It was during this war that
Lucrezia made the acquaintance of the celebrated
Bayard. His biographer writes : " The good Duchess
who was a pearl in this world, received the French
with special marks of favour. Every day she gave
the most wonderful festivals and banquets in the
Italian fashion. I venture to say that neither in her
time, nor for many years before, has there been such a
glorious princess, for she is beautiful and good, gentle
372 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and courteous to every one, and there is no doubt that,
although her husband is a skilful and brave prince, this
lady, by her gracious character, has been of great
service to him."
Lucrezia's relations with Alfonso, though never of
a passionate nature, seem to have become more
affectionate with the passing of time. In April 1514
she bore him a second son, Alessandro, who, however,
died when he was two years old. In a letter to her
friend and sister-in-law, Isabella Gonzaga of Mantua,
she makes touching reference to her loss : " Yesterday,"
she writes, " at the fourth hour of the night, the
poor little man (poverino) yielded his blessed soul
into the hands of our Lord God, leaving me much
afflicted and full of sorrow, as your Excellency, being
a woman and a tender mother yourself, may easily
believe." In July 1515, she had her first baby-girl
Leonora and on November I, 1516, arrived another
little son, Francesco. Alfonso was delighted to have
a legitimate family springing up around him ; he
was also much gratified by the respect and admiration
accorded to his wife, who, though she had outlived
the zenith of her beauty, was honoured for her womanly
charm and virtue.
It appears from the official correspondence of
Leo X. that Lucrezia sought from him spiritual con-
solation and advice. She also wrote to him on one
occasion begging him to intercede with her husband
on behalf of a citizen who was unjustly imprisoned.
The Pope, in his reply, says : " Because you are
universally esteemed to be prudent and discerning
beyond other women, and have the reputation of
being adorned with all the virtues, I doubt not that
you will accomplish your will with your husband, by
whom, I believe, you are warmly loved for these
reasons."
It cannot be disputed that the once defamed and
execrated Lucrezia had now become one of the most
DEATH OF VANNOZZA 373
honoured women of the day, and even the fierce light
which beats upon a throne reveals no taint of dis-
credit. Caviceo dedicated his work, // Pelegrino, to
her in 1508, and considered it honour enough, when
he wished to praise the celebrated Isabella Gonzaga,
to say that she approached in perfection the Duchess
of Ferrara.
The historian, Jovius, tells us how entirely Lucrezia
cast away her former luxurious habits in order to
live a simple and pious life. In time of famine her
kindness to the poor was remarkable, and she actually
pawned her jewels in order to help them.
In the year 1518 occurred the death of Lucrezia's
mother, Vannozza. Although the days of the Borgia
greatness were over and past, Vannozza had lived on
in Rome a noted, and, to a certain extent, an esteemed
personality. She had never seen her daughter, of
whom she was both fond and proud, since her marriage
with Alfonso d'Este, though she continued to corres-
pond with her. Her last letter to Lucrezia, dated
December 19, 1515, refers to Agapito of Emilia,
Caesar's former secretary. The formality with which
she thinks fit to address her daughter, the Duchess,
strikes quaintly upon modern ears. It runs as follows :
" ILLUSTRIOUS LADY, GREETING AND RESPECTS !
" Your Excellency will certainly remember with
favour the services which Messer Agapito of Emilia
rendered to his Excellency our Duke, as well as the
love which he has always shown us especially. He
therefore deserves that his kinsmen should be supported
and favoured in every possible way. Shortly before
his death he relinquished all his benefices in favour
of his nephews to Giambattista of Aquila ; among
them are some of little value in the Archbishopric
of Capua ; the deceased acted thus in order to further
the interests of his nephews, for he never imagined
that they would be injured by the most reverend
874 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
and illustrious Cardinal who is Archbishop of that
town. If your Excellency wishes to do me a kindness,
I beg, for the above-mentioned reasons, that you
will recommend the said nephews to the favour
of his most revered lordship. Niccolo, the bearer of
this letter, himself the nephew of the said Agapito,
will furnish your Excellency with all necessary explana-
tions. And now farewell to your Excellency, to
whom I recommend myself.
" Postscript. Your Excellency will do in this
matter as you think best, for I have written the
above from a sense of obligation. Do, therefore, only
what you know will please his Worthiness, and,
for the moment, answer as you think discreet.
" VANNOZZA,
" Who prays for you constantly."
From the above it will be seen, remarks Gregorovius,
that Vannozza did credit to the Borgias and the
diplomatic lessons which they had taught her.
Like many others of her kind, this woman who
had been a great sinner devoted the latter years of
her life to piety and good works. She was a familiar
figure in the churches, and in her will she endowed
a number of religious foundations. For many years
there were inscriptions in the hospitals of the Lateran
and of the Consolazione referring to her legacies
as well as to provisions for masses on the anniversaries
of her death and those of her two husbands.
Vannozza breathed her last at Rome, November 26,
1518, at the age of seventy-six. She was buried with
conspicuous honours " almost like a Cardinal " in
the Church of Santa Maria del Popolo, near her son,
the Duke of Gandia. An official character was
imparted to the ceremony by the presence of the
papal Court. Pope Leo X. in this way recognised
Vannozza either as the widow of Alexander VI. or
as the mother of the Duchess of Ferrara.
ALTIERI'S MEMORIAL OF VANNOZZA 375
The manuscript of a memorial drawn up by Marc-
antonio Allied, one of the most prominent men in
Rome, and Guardian of the Company of the Gon-
falone ad Sancta Sanctorum, is still preserved among
the archives of the Association. It runs as follows :
" We must not forget the charitable foundations
established by the respected and honoured lady,
Madonna Vannozza of the House of Catanei, the
happy mother of the illustrious Duke of Gandia, the
Duke of Valentino, the Prince of Squillace, and of
Madonna Lucrezia, Duchess of Ferrara. As she
wished to endow the Company with her worldly
goods, she bequeathed it her jewels of great value,
and so much more that the Company in a few years
was able to discharge certain obligations, with the
help of the noble gentlemen, Messer Mariano Cas-
tellano and my dear Messer Rafael Casate, who had
recently been guardians. She made an agreement
with the great and famous silversmith Caradosso,
by which she gave him 2,000 ducats so that he might,
with his exceptional talent, carry out the desire of
that noble and honourable woman. She also left us
so much property that we shall have a revenue of
400 ducats with which to feed the sick and miserable
who, alas ! abound. Out of gratitude for her piety
and devotion and for those meritorious and charitable
endowments, our honourable Society unanimously
and cheerfully decided not only to celebrate her
obsequies with great pomp, but also to honour the
deceased with a magnificent and splendid monument.
It was also decided to celebrate mass in the Church
de Popolo, where she is buried, on the anniversary
of her death, and to provide for other ceremonies
with an assembly of men bearing torches and tapers,
for the purpose of commending her soul's salvation
to God, and to prove to the world that we hate and
despise ingratitude."
It is not certain whether a marble monument was
376 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
ever erected to Vannozza's memory, but the following
mendacious inscription was placed over her grave :
" To VANNOZZA CATANEI, ENNOBLED BY HER CHILDREN,
DUKE CAESAR OF VALENTINO, JOFRE OF SQUILLACE, AND
LUCREZIA OF FERRARA, AND EQUALLY CONSPICUOUS FOR
HER GOODNESS, HER PIETY, HER AGE AND HER WISDOM.
GIROLAMO Picus, FIDUCIARY-COMMISSIONER AND EXE-
CUTOR OF HER WILL, ERECTED THIS MONUMENT IN MEMORY
OF THE GREAT SERVICES RENDERED BY HER TO THE LATERAN
HOSPITAL. SHE LIVED SEVENTY-SIX YEARS, FOUR MONTHS,
AND THIRTEEN DAYS. SHE DIED ON NOVEMBER 26, 1518."
For more than two hundred years the priests in
Santa Maria del Popolo sang masses for the repose of
the soul of this famous woman, who, doubtless,
hoped to propitiate heaven with her gold and silver
and precious stones. Much evil has been spoken and
written about Vannozza, but an impartial examination
leads us to suppose that the chief accusation which can
be justly supported is that of her amorous relations
with Rodrigo Borgia before he became Pope. After-
wards, though, owing to her increasing years, she ceased
to wield the same kind of attraction over him, she
still influenced him (even when he had fallen a victim
to the charms of Giulia Farnese), by her amiability,
good sense, and discrimination.
When the Duke of Ferrara returned from France,
where he had been trying to gain the support of
Louis XII. against the Pope's claims upon Reggio and
Modena, he found Lucrezia in an extremely serious
state of health. On June 14, 1519, she gave birth to
a still-born child. It was evident that she could not
recover, and she herself clearly realised her danger.
The following letter written to Pope Leo X. two
days before her death, sheds light upon the state of
mind in which she approached the Valley of the
Shadow :
LUCREZIA'S LETTER TO LEO X. 377
" MOST HOLY FATHER AND HONOURED MASTER,
" With all respect I kiss the feet of your Holi-
ness and commend myself in deep humility to your
holy mercy. Having suffered severe pain for more
than two months, early on the morning of the I4th
of this month, as it pleased God, I was delivered of
a daughter. I hoped then to find relief from my
sufferings, but it has been otherwise and I shall be
obliged to pay the debt of nature. And so great is
the favour which our merciful Creator has shown
me that I realise that my end is approaching, and
know that in a few hours, after having received the
Holy Sacraments of the Church, I shall be no longer
of this world. Having arrived so far, I desire as a
Christian, although a sinner, to beg your Holiness
to deign mercifully to give me all possible spiritual
consolation and support, and your blessing upon my
soul. This I ask in all humbleness, and I commend
to your Holiness my husband and children, all of
whom are your servants.
" Your Holiness's humble servant,
" LUCREZIA D'ESTE.
" FERRARA,
"22nd June, 1519, 2^th hour."
It is hardly credible that this letter, so full of calm
and dignity, could have been written on her death-
bed by any woman guilty of all the crimes which have
been laid to the charge of the unhappy Lucrezia.
On the night of June 24 the soul of Lucrezia escaped
from the envy and calumny of this troublesome world.
Alfonso immediately sent the news of his loss to his
nephew, Federigo Gonzaga, in a letter from which
we quote the following :
" It has just pleased our Lord to recall to Himself
the soul of the illustrious lady, the Duchess, my much-
loved wife. ... I cannot write this without tears,
878 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
so much do I suffer at the thought of losing so dear
and sweet a companion ; for such her exemplary
conduct and the tender love which existed between
us, made her to me. On the occasion of this severe
loss, I would indeed seek consolation from your
Excellency, but I know that you will share my sorrow,
and I prefer that you should mingle your tears with
mine rather than that you should endeavour to
console me. ..."
The Marquis Federigo sent his uncle, Giovanni
Gonzaga, to Ferrara. In sending news of Lucrezia's
funeral to his nephew, Giovanni says : " Her death
has caused great grief throughout the entire city, and
his ducal Majesty, in particular, has manifested the
keenest sorrow. Wonderful things are reported con-
cerning her life, and it is said that she has worn
the cilice l for about ten years ; also that she has
confessed daily for the last two years, and has
received the Communion three or four times every
month."
Among the many letters of condolence received
by Alfonso was one from the mysterious Infans Ro-
manus, Giovanni Borgia ; he mourns the loss of his
" sister," who had also been one of his principal
patrons. There is documentary evidence to prove
that he had remained at the Court of Ferrara until
1517, and that the following year he went to France,
with an introduction from Duke Alfonso to the French
King.
From the union of Lucrezia and Alfonso d'Este
were born five children Ercole, who succeeded his
father as Duke of Ferrara, and married a daughter
of Louis XII. of France ; Ippolito, who became a
Cardinal and died in 1572 at Tivoli ; Eleonora, who
entered upon a religious career and died a nun in the
Cloister of Corpus Domini, June 1575 ; Francesco
1 A penitential hair garment.
LUCREZIA'S CHILDREN 879
afterwards Marquis of Massalombardo, who died in
1578, and Alessandro, the little boy who died in 1516,
when only two years old. The history of these
children, however, belongs to the House of Este and
we will not pursue it further.
CHAPTER XVII
Character of Pope Alexander VI. His apologists Hopelessness of
the attempt to rehabilitate him John Burchard's Diary
Strange temperament of Italians of the Renaissance Secular
spirit of the Papacy Alexander VI. in every-day life and as an
administrator The bright side of his reign Copernicus
Alexander's improvement of the Vatican The Borgia apart-
ments Pinturicchio's work The Pope's encouragement of
architecture His attitude towards education Foundation of
Aberdeen University Alexander and the spiritual interests of
the Church Restriction of the press Summary of Alexander's
pontificate.
MANY and fierce are the controversies which have
raged about the life and character of Pope Alex-
ander VI. Illustrious scholars such as Rinaldi, Ma-
tagne, Hergenroether, Moehler, and Mansi have taken
the darkest possible view of him, and at one time
the name of Borgia went forth to the world as a
synonym of all that was vile and debased. "It is
easier," says Mansi, " to be silent about this Pontiff,
than to speak of him with moderation, since in him
all vices were exaggerated, and he was, one might say,
devoid of virtue." On the other hand, the researches
of von Reumont and Gregorovius have made it
probable that many of the crimes imputed to Rodrigo
Borgia have been invented or exaggerated, and
several writers, such as Padre Leonetti, Baron Corvo,
and the Abbe Clement, have even sought to depict
him as a maligned and injured saint. Dr. Ludwig
Pastor, himself a Roman Catholic historian of high
repute, demonstrates the absolute hopelessness of
trying to rehabilitate a character whose vices and
380
ALEXANDER'S PROFLIGACY 381
excesess are confirmed by a study of the cocuments
accessible to the present-day historian. He particu-
larly refers to valuable information contained in
papers of the Milanese Archives which were not
investigated by Gregorovius. Much light, too, has
been thrown upon Alexander VI. and his family by
the publication of the Diary of John Burchard, Bishop
of Orta, * who was Master of the Ceremonies under
Sixtus IV., Innocent VIII., and Alexander VI. A
lympathic, egotistic, unimaginative man, his detailed
narrative bears the stamp of truth, and there can be
little doubt that he is one of the most trustworthy
contemporary witnesses whose evidence is obtainable.
That Alexander was the father of at least ten
illegitimate children is now established beyond a
doubt. He followed the profligate and immoral mode
of life which, alas ! was all too common in his time
among all ecclesiastics, especially those in high places.
Many influential men, while leading private lives
of revolting depravity, continued their public careers
with brilliancy and satisfaction. The moral and
social conscience of the time was feeble and atrophied.
It is almost impossible for the average decently-brought-
up Briton of the present age to realise the unwholesome
moral atmosphere in which the Italians of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries lived, moved, and had
their being. " The exceptional infamy that attaches
to Alexander," remarks Bishop Creighton, " is
largely due to the fact that he did not add hypocrisy
to his other vices." " Les vices d' Alexandra
VI. ne choquent que parce qu'il est Pape : ailleurs
ils seraient toleres, acceptes, peut-etre applaudis." 1
The extraordinary thing about these men of the
Renaissance is that many of them appeared to combine
a deep religious fervour with a life of appalling wicked-
ness. They were " so constituted that to turn from
1 An English translation has been published in three vols.
Revue des Questions historiques (April, 1881).
382 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
vice and cruelty and crime, from the deliberate cor-
ruption and enslavement of a people, by licentious
pleasures, from the persecution of an enemy in secret,
with a fervid and impassioned movement of the soul
to God, was nowise impossible. Their temper ad-
mitted of this anomaly, as we may plainly see from
Cellini's autobiography." 1 Alexander himself is re-
ported to have cherished a particular devotion for
the Blessed Virgin, and in her honour he revived the
custom of ringing the bell during the recitation of the
Angelus thrice a day.
Alexander VI. has been called the " most charac-
teristic incarnation of the secular spirit of the Papacy
of the fifteenth century." It must, however, be
remembered that the secularisation of the Papacy
had been begun by Sixtus IV., and that it was as
remarkable under Innocent VIII. as under Alexander,
though certainly during the latter's pontificate the
materialisation of religion reached its highest point.
Of his ability of his genius even there can be no
two opinions ; indeed, if vigour of body and mind
were all that was required of a Pope, Alexander VI.
would have been among the greatest. He had a
remarkable capacity for hard mental work, and his
buoyant, jovial nature enabled him to bear his burden
of vice and crime, with a lightness impossible to a
man of a less sanguine disposition.
In every-day life Alexander VI. was genial and
pleasant, fond of talking, and almost incapable of
keeping a secret. He was impetuous, but he rarely
bore malice, and he had but little sympathy with the
vindictive spirit constantly displayed by his son
Caesar. Naturally unreserved and expansive, he
showed a frank and almost boyish glee at the success
of his schemes. As we have seen, he was an affectionate
father, and his dominating passion was the advance-
ment of his family. Although in the highest degree
1 Symonds, Renascence,
CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER VI 883
sensual, he does not appear to have been intemperate
in eating or drinking. To inferiors he showed him-
self plausible and affable, and it is said that " he liked
to do unpleasant things in a pleasant manner." In
spite of these amiable characteristics, however, the
populace detested their Pope with a deadly loathing.
Indeed, as Yriare remarks, the fact that Rodrigo
Borgia was permitted to occupy the throne of St.
Peter for a space of ten years affords remarkable
proof of the strength of the later mediaeval Papacy.
Alexander was an excellent man of business and a
good organiser. He regulated the Curia and arranged
that the salaries of all officials should be paid punctu-
ally, a matter in which many of the former Popes had
been remiss. In times of famine he minimised the
suffering in the city by providing a supply of corn
from Sicily. His administration of justice after his
accession has already been commented upon.
The prevalent belief that Alexander poisoned his
Cardinals when his treasury needed replenishing
" can neither be proved nor disproved ; it is bad
enough that the Pope's conduct did not make such
stories incredible. Men saw the Pope greedily seizing
on the goods of dying Cardinals without any attempt
to conceal his pressing need of money and his readiness
to receive it from every source. They can hardly be
blamed for not stopping to reflect that even Cardinals
must die, and that the number who died during
Alexander's pontificate was not above the average." 1
Unlike his son Caesar, Alexander does not appear
to have been wantonly inhuman. He did not revel
in cruelty as cruelty, though he certainly never let
any humane scruples stand in the way of his own
advancement. In the ordinary sense of the word he
was no tyrant ; his natural geniality, as a rule, pre-
served him from that form of vice.
The pontificate of Alexander VI. is indeed dark
1 Creighton.
384 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
with a terrible darkness. But the gloom is not
absolutely unrelieved, for, in some ways at least, he
contributed to advance the good and the beautiful.
Under his rule painting and architecture flourished,
and many monuments still abide to bear witness to
his patronage of the arts. Scientists and men of
letters found protection and encouragement at the
papal Court, and the Pope did much to forward the
cause of education.
Among the arrivals in Rome during the year of
Jubilee was a clever but impecunious youth who, to
earn his daily bread, was obliged to give lessons in
mechanics and mathematics. Alexander VI., on
hearing of him, summoned him to the Vatican, and,
after making inquiries, installed him in the Chair
of Astronomy at the Roman Gymnasium. Sometimes
the Pope himself would go and listen to his lectures,
for the young man was no other than the great Coper-
nicus. In later years the astronomer, as a recognition
of the Pope's kindness, dedicated to him his work
On the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies.
Almost immediately after his accession the Pope
set about the renovation of his apartments in the
Vatican. He also had a square tower built on to
them the Torre Borgia the upper part of which
was used as his private chapel. The decoration of
the rooms was entrusted to the painter Pinturicchio,
who, though he probably had many assistants in the
work, superintended it so capably that his influence
is plainly visible in the whole scheme of decoration.
" As a whole," says Schmarsow, " the work should
be justly ascribed to him, and deserves the highest
praise for the evenness of its execution, and the
careful schooling and sagacious selection, in regard to
the parts assigned to them, of the pupils whom he
evidently employed."
Alexander occupied five of these apartments for
living purposes the Hall of Mysteries, the Hall of
ST. FRANCIS BORGIA, S.J., FOURTH DUKE OF GANDIA, THIRD GENERAL OF THE
SOCIETY OF JESUS, GREAT-GRANDSON OF POPE ALEXANDER VI.
From the old Ducal Palace at Gandia, now a Jesuit College.
The tapestry on the right represents his baptism, the one on the left his departure
from home to join the Jesuits.
384]
THE BORGIA APARTMENTS 385
Saints, the Hall of Arts and Sciences, and two " with-
drawing " rooms. It was in the Hall of the Arts that
Lucrezia's first husband was assassinated, and the
apartment next to it witnessed the last scene of
Alexander's life.
It is supposed that Pinturicchio had no share in the
decoration of the Hall of the Pontiffs, the first room
of the suite. It was here that Alexander VI. had such
a narrow escape from being killed by the falling in of
the roof during the summer of 1500. The three
rooms which open out of this Hall are to be seen
to-day exactly as they were in the time of the Borgias,
and are now the apartments of Cardinal Merry del
Val. In the rich decorations of gold and stucco-work
the Borgia Bull continually appears. In the first of
these three the Hall of Mysteries the pictures are
entirely drawn from religious subjects. There are
seven principal paintings the Annunciation, the
Nativity, the Adoration, the Resurrection, the As-
cension, the Descent of the Holy Spirit, and the
Assumption of the Virgin. The Annunciation is
probably the work of Pinturicchio. Its design is
simple and graceful, a religious tone pervades the
whole conception, and the colouring is exquisitely
soft and beautiful. The figures of the Virgin and
Child in the Nativity are also thought to be due to
the master's hand, though other portions of the
picture point to the work of pupils. The painting
of the Resurrection is of special interest in that it
contains a striking full-length portrait of Pope Alex-
ander himself. Although he is so completely swathed
in a superb jewel-embroidered and brocaded cope
that only his head and hands are visible, yet, by the
wonderful art of the painter, we are made to feel
the figure beneath the drapery. "It is in the face
and hands, however, that the artist reveals himself as
a portrait-painter of high rank. The face is in direct
profile a position that shows as little as may be
AAs
886 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
the fat cheeks and extra layers of flesh running from
cheeks and chin to neck. But a square full face would
not more truly have given the character of this Borgian
Pontiff. An insufficient, sloping forehead, full eyes,
too close to the nose, which is large and with a high
Roman arch to it, long upper lip over a heavy lower
one, a chin that leads by one diagonal line without a
curve into the wide, short neck, a most abnormal
development of the lower back part of head and
neck these are the salient points of this portrayal,
which can be no caricature. For it must have pleased
the Pope, or it would not have remained on the walls,
and perforce it must have done him full credit. The
hands, with their smooth taper fingers, would be
nearly ideally perfect if the flesh had not made them
puffy. Not the kind of hands likely to be found on a
strong, noble man, but of charming line and colour
for a soulless dilettante perhaps." l
The Hall of Saints contains the finest of all Pin-
turicchio's works the Dispute of St. Catherine. In
a large and brilliant assembly of people, St. Catherine
is the only adult woman. She stands " straight,
willowy, and undismayed, robed in a magnificent
brocaded gown, her long fair hair hanging to her
waist," declaring her beliefs before the Emperor
Maximilian and fifty philosophers. It appears that
many members of the crowd are portraits of well-
known people. Catherine herself has been taken as
a likeness of Lucrezia Borgia, but it is more probable
that she represents Giulia Farnese. One of the
most conspicuous figures is a Turk on a white charger.
He is supposed to be a portrait of Djem, the son of
Mohammed II., but is more probably Juan Borgia,
Duke of Gandia. Caesar is also there as King, and
Jofre", with his girl-wife, appears in the centre of the
picture.
The ceiling of this hall is decorated with scenes
1 Mary Knight Potter, The Art of the Vatican.
DECORATION OF THE APARTMENTS 387
from the myths of Isis and Osiris and the Bull of
Apis subjects suggested by the Borgia arms. Over
the doorway leading into the Hall of Arts and Sciences
is a round medallion of a Madonna and Child. Vasari
is probably right in supposing the Madonna to be a
portrait of Giulia Farnese, for it is the same face as
that of St. Catherine's in the Disputa. His statement
that Alexander VI. was painted kneeling in adoration
before her appears, however, to be quite unfounded.
In the lunettes of this third apartment, which was
probably the Pope's study, are painted personifications
of Mathematics, Dialectics, Jurisprudence, Geometry,
Arithmetic, Music, and Astronomy. Next to the figure
of Geometry is the Borgia escutcheon surmounted
by the keys and the tiara, and supported by three angels
who make one of the most charming groups in the
whole set of apartments.
From the Hall of Arts and Sciences a marble stair-
case leads to the chambers in the Borgia Tower.
These two rooms are less elaborately decorated than
the others. In the first is a frieze of apostles and
prophets. Each apostle bears a scroll inscribed with a
sentence from the Creed, while each of the prophets
carries one with a prophecy written upon it.
In the second room, which was probably the Pope's
bedchamber, there are sibyls and prophets in pairs,
and the spaces are filled up with ribbons on which
are written the early prophecies concerning the birth
of Christ. Though these apartments are on a less
magnificent scale than the others, they harmonise
well with the conception of the whole. Pinturicchio,
though not one of the great masters of the Renais-
sance, understood the rare and potent art of " space
composition," which will cause his works to be re-
membered when those, perhaps, of greater men are
forgotten.
Pinturicchio's gay and fanciful style was particularly
congenial to the luxurious and sensual age of th
388 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Borgias, when a higher form of art might have lacked
appreciation. Mr. Berenson, in speaking of his work,
says : " But if mere prettiness pleased so well, why
then, the more pretty faces, the more splendid cos-
tumes and romantic surroundings per square foot,
the better ! And so Pinturicchio, never possessing
much feeling for form and movement, now, under
the pressure of favour and popularity, forgot their
very existence, and tended to make of his work an
olla podrida, rich and savoury, but more welcome to
provincial palates than to the few gourmets. And
when such an opulent and luxurious half-barbarian
as Pope Alexander VI. was his employer, then no
spice nor condiment nor seasoning was spared, and a
more gorgeously barbaric blaze of embossed gold
and priceless ultramarine than in the Borgia Apart-
ments you shall not soon see again I "
Alexander made special efforts for the improvement
of the Trastevere, the northern part of Rome, which
had grown to be the most important division of the
city. During his pontificate it was transformed into
a remarkably handsome quarter. Sixtus IV. had
already made a wide street running from the moat
of the Castle of Sant' Angelo to the Papal Palace.
Alexander added another, parallel with it ; it was then
called the Via AUessandrina, but is now known as
Borgo Nuovo. This new street was really planned
in order to accommodate the great crowd of pilgrims
expected to assemble for the Jubilee celebrations of
1500.
Substantial alterations were made by Alexander VI.
in the Castle of Sant' Angelo, which he had thoroughly
well fortified and surrounded by a wall and moat.
Five subterranean prisons were also dug out, and, by a
special arrangement, the Pope reserved the right of
appropriating anything of value which might be
found in the course of the excavations a stipulation
ALEXANDER'S IMPROVEMENTS 389
which resulted in his possession of the bust of Hadrian,
which is now in the Rotonda of the Vatican.
By the Pope's orders, a fountain was placed in the
Piazza, of Santa Maria in Trastevere, while the one
erected by Innocent VIII. in the Piazza of St. Peter's
was decorated by Alexander with four gilt bulls, the
Borgia arms.
In Rome itself Alexander finished the roof of Santa
Maria Maggiore, which had been begun by his uncle,
Pope Calixtus. It is said that the first gold brought
from America was employed in the decoration of its
beautiful panels. As Cardinal he had already built
the colossal Palazzo Borgia, now the property of the
Sforza Cesarini. It had its origin in the ancient
buildings of the Papal Chancery, which Borgia trans-
formed into one of the finest palaces in Italy. He
also set on foot restorations in St. Peter's, the Church
of San Niccolo in Carcere, and the Church of the SS.
Apostoli, as well as in the city walls. The rebuilding
of the University is also due to him.
The architectural zeal displayed by the Pope gave
an impetus to building throughout the whole of the
city, and new churches and palaces arose on every
hand. The celebrated Cancellaria, the abode of the
wealthy Cardinal Riario, was a product of this time,
and Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere also built a palace
for his own occupation.
The year 1502 saw the completion of the celebrated
Tempietto in the court of the Franciscan Convent
near the S. Pietro in Montorio. It was the work of the
great Bramante, who had come to Rome in 1499 and
thoroughly imbued his mind with the spirit of classic
architecture as exemplified in the antiquities of the
ancient city.
Besides the already mentioned churches, many
others were erected during Alexander's pontificate.
Among them were the Church of San Rocco on the
quay of the Ripetta, and that of SS. Trinita del
390 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Monti, on the Pincio, founded by Cardinal Bri9onnet.
The Porta Settimiana was restored by order of the
Pope, whose architect, Antonio da Sangallo, also
designed the fortresses of Civitella, Tivoli and Civita
Castellana.
For the encouragement of education Alexander VI.
did much. He enlarged the buildings of the Uni-
versity of la Sapienza at Rome, regulated the method
of conferring degrees at Pisa, and commissioned the
Archbishop of Toledo and the Bishop of Salamanca
to reform the Universities of their respective towns.
He also made a grant from the ecclesiastical revenues
to help the foundation of the University of Lisbon.
The founding of Aberdeen University was sanctioned
by him, and the Latin bull issued at Rome for this
purpose, in 1495, is still in possession of the authorities.
It sets forth " the many blessings that flow from the
acquisition of the priceless pearl of knowledge,"
which " conduces to the clear understanding of the
secrets of the universe," and " raises those of humble
origin to the loftiest rank." Howbeit, in the northern
districts of the realm of James IV., " there are certain
localities cut off from the rest of the kingdom by
firths and very lofty mountains, where dwell rude and
ignorant men, almost uncivilised," so that it is
difficult to find suitable men for preaching the Word
of God and administering the sacraments. If, how-
ever, a school of general learning were established in
these parts, " large numbers ecclesiastics and lay-
men alike would willingly incline to the study of
letters." Moreover, in the " renowned city of Old
Aberdeen," there is " a healthy climate, no lack of
provisions, and abundance of all the necessaries of
life." Therein, therefore, we " do by these presents
appoint and ordain " that " from henceforth and for
ever, there do flourish a School and University of
General Learning, alike in Theology, Canon and Civil
Law, Medicine, Polite Letters, and any authorised
ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY 391
faculty, whatsoever, wherein clergy holding church
benefices, and laymen, doctors, and masters, may
lecture and teach, and those desirous to study (come
whence they may) may do so and qualify." The
deed further enacts that the Bishop of Aberdeen, for
the time being, is to be Chancellor, and shall " confer
the degrees of Bachelor and Licentiate in any or all
of the aforementioned faculties on students of praise-
worthy life, who have been deemed suitable for that
honour by the Rector, the Regents, the Masters, the
Doctors, or a majority of the faculty in which they
severally desire to graduate." The further degrees of
Master or Doctor are to be granted to Licentiates
after due examination by the Masters or Doctors of
the Studium, with the assent of the other Doctors or
Masters of the faculty. All graduates are to have
full licence to teach in this or any other University
without further examination or test. The Chancellor
and the Rector, assisted by certain of the resident
Doctors and others, are empowered to make statutes
for the good government of the University. The
malediction of St. Peter and St. Paul is invoked against
any infringement of the deed.
Such was the legal document placed by Alex-
ander VI. in the hands of Bishop Elphinstone. It is,
however, more than likely that the Bishop himself
inspired the terms of the bull, and that the Pope merely
gave it his official sanction. 1
Strange though it may seem, this paradoxical Pope
was by no means indifferent to the spiritual interests
of the Church. In his Censorial edict for Germany,
June i, 1501, he declares that, though the art of
printing is valuable for the spread of good literature,
it may also be a means of propagating works directed
against the Catholic faith and help in the dissemina-
tion of erroneous doctrines. Steps are to be taken,
therefore, for the suppression and prevention of
1 Robert Walker, M.A., Aberdeen University Handbook, Pt. i.
392 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
such publications. Strict supervision is to be en-
forced, especially in the Dioceses of Cologne, Mayence,
Tre"ves and Magdeburg. " In virtue of our au-
thority," continues the bull, " we charge the said
Archbishop, Vicars, and officials to command all
printers and other persons residing in their respective
Dioceses, whatever may be their dignity, position or
condition, within a certain fixed time, to notify all
printed books in their possession to the said Arch-
bishops, Vicars, or officials, and, without prevarication
of any kind, to deliver up whatever books or treatises
shall be judged by them to contain anything con-
trary to the Catholic Faith, or to be ungodly, or
capable of causing scandal, or ill-sounding in any
way, equally under pain of excommunication and a
fine to be determined as aforesaid."
It is also noteworthy that in the bull decreeing the
limits of Spain and Portugal, Alexander urgently
enjoins the sending of wise and pious men to spread
the Catholic religion among the infidels. When
plans were made for the conquest of Africa, he was
emphatic as to the need for introducing Christianity
among the natives. He confirmed the appointment
of the self-denying monk, Mathias, as Bishop of
Greenland, where, without this spiritual leader, the
people would have relapsed into the darkness of
heathenism. In preparing for the second voyage of
Columbus, Alexander joined with Ferdinand and
Isabella in providing missionaries for the evangelisation
of the native races. The Militia of St. George, a
military order which was supposed to keep two or
three thousand men in readiness to take up the
defence of Christendom, was confirmed by him, and
he did much for the Order of St. Michael and that
of the Militia of Christ. Finding that the worship
of Satanic power was widely spread, and having an
injurious effect upon the development of Catho-
licism, the Pope published an edict condemning
ALEXANDER'S REPENTANCE 393
the magicians and wizards who practised the black
arts. He often posed as the champion of convents
against their oppressors, and he took measures for
the reform of the Austrian monasteries. He sup-
ported the efforts of Cardinal Ximenes in Spain and
tried to improve the state of the clergy in Portugal.
After the death of his son, Juan, Duke of Gandia, he
was heard to cry aloud in his grief : " God has per-
haps permitted this blow as a punishment for one of
our sins," and he reiterated his wish to reform the papal
Court and the Church of Rome, which, he said, ought to
serve as an example to all the Churches in the world.
But in men of Alexander's temperament a fit of
remorse and repentance is far from being synonymous
with reform, and, in spite of his protestations, the
grossly corrupt morals of the whole papal Court
were not materially improved. His good deeds
were of the spasmodic order, and his predominating
interests were distinctly secular. The formalities
and ceremonies of the religious offices were as nothing
to this light-minded Pope, and, at the solemn mass
sung on Charles VIII. 's arrival in Rome, he is said
to have confused all the ceremonies. While travelling,
he placidly ate meat, regardless of the rules for Lenten
abstinence, and it is not surprising that his callousness
and levity in these respects should have brought
reproach upon the Church.
To repeat although modern research has, to
some extent, lightened the burden of guilt with
which history has charged Pope Alexander VI.,
and has proved him to be somewhat less black than
he is painted, yet there is such undoubted proof
of his iniquities, that no unbiassed person can do
otherwise than agree with von Reumont when he
says : " The reign of this Pope, which lasted eleven
years, was a serious disaster, on account of its worldli-
ness, openly proclaimed with the most amazing
394 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
effrontery, on account of its equally unconcealed
nepotism, and lastly, on account of his utter absence
of all moral sense both in public and private life,
which made every sort of accusation credible, and
brought the Papacy into utter discredit, while its
authority still seemed unimpaired. Those better
qualities which Alexander undoubtedly did possess
shrink into nothing in the balance when weighed
with all this."
CHAPTER XVIII
The great-grandson of Pope Alexander VI., St. Francis Borgia,
fourth Duke of Gandia.
IT seems a contradiction of the accepted laws of
heredity that from Borgia ancestry should have
sprung a man of pure and holy life Francis Borgia,
the Saint. As we have already seen, Alexander's
son, the murdered Duke of Gandia, left a widow,
Maria Enriquez, who lived a pious and praiseworthy
life. Her eldest son Juan, third Duke of Gandia,
was the child of many prayers, and he grew up to be an
upright and virtuous prince. He married Joan, an
illegitimate daughter of the Archbishop of Saragossa,
Alfonso of Aragon (himself a bastard son of King
Ferdinand the Catholic), and the eldest son of their
union was Francisco Borgia, whose fame as a saint
has outlived many generations.
The little Francisco was born at Gandia in 1510.
Very early in his career he showed a distinctly religious
bent. At an age when other children were playing
with toys, the future saint delighted to raise miniature
altars and imitate the ceremonies of the Church.
When he was ten years old his mother died, an event
which cost the sensitive boy many tears and fervent
prayers, and gave him, it is said, the idea of flagellating
himself. Shortly afterwards, owing to social dis-
turbances in his father's duchy, Francisco was en-
trusted to the care of his uncle, Don Juan of Aragon,
who had succeeded Alfonso as Archbishop of Sara-
gossa. Don Juan received his young charge with
kindness and geniality, and made excellent provision
for his education.
395
396 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Francisco's disposition was remarkably gentle and
lovable, and the reports of his character were so
attractive that his grandmother, Dona Maria Luna,
felt that she could not die without having seen him.
The boy and his little sister were therefore sent to
her at Baza. He had hardly arrived there when he
was seized with an illness from which he did not
recover for six months. When he was well, Dona
Maria, with the consent of his father and uncle,
sent him to Tordesillas to be with Joan the Mad's
youngest child. This little girl was living under
the strict discipline of the Marquis of Denia, and
sadly needed a companion of her own age. Three
years later, when he was about fifteen, Francisco
went back to Saragossa, where he studied philosophy
under the Doctor Gaspard de Lax. In 1527 he
was removed to the Court of Charles V., where he
soon became a general favourite, for his character
was such that no breath of calumny could touch it.
At the age of nineteen he married Eleanora de Castro,
a Portuguese damsel of high rank and consider-
able attractions. At the same time he was made
Marquis of Lombay by Charles V. Francisco
accompanied the Emperor upon two disastrous
expeditions to Provence 1536, and to Algiers
later.
In 1539 occurred the death of the Empress Isabella,
for whom Francisco cherished a chivalrous devotion.
Charles V. was at Toledo at the time, and he com-
missioned Francisco and Eleanora to go with her
corpse to Elvira, where the burial was to take place.
Upon their arrival Francisco was called upon to
identify the body, and the coffin lid was removed.
The sight of her face, changed almost beyond recog-
nition by the ravages of death, made the deepest
impression upon him. Realising the transitoriness
of even the most beautiful of earthly things, he
DEATH OF ELEANORA BORGIA 897
determined to leave the world as soon as God should
remove the hindrances in his path.
The same year Francisco was made Viceroy of
Catalonia, an office which he filled with justice and
ability, while at the same time he did not neglect
the culture of his spiritual life. He succeeded in
ridding the province of the dangerous brigands who
infested it, and established schools and hospitals for
the good of his people.
While Francisco was Viceroy his father died,
and the family estates descended to him. He shortly
afterwards obtained leave to resign his office and
accepted the position of major-domo to the Infanta
Maria of Portugal, then about to be married to
the Emperor's son Philip. Before this marriage
took place, however, she died, and Francisco was set
at liberty. He retired to Gandia, where he built
a Dominican convent and a Jesuit college.
In 1546 Eleanora was taken ill. Francisco at first
prayed for her recovery, but, realising that if she
recovered he would not be able to sever himself from
the world, he ceased his prayers. On March 27
Eleanora died, and her husband, though feeling her
loss keenly, now rejoiced at the thought of yielding
himself up entirely to the religious life. The death
of the Empress seven years before had withdrawn
him from the Court and the vanities of the world,
but the death of his wife detached him from the
world itself. A few days later Father Peter Lef6vre
came to Gandia to lay the foundation-stone of the
College of Jesuits. Francisco went through the
spiritual exercises of St. Ignatius with him, and gained
so much benefit that he wrote to the Pope begging
him to seal them with his apostolic approval. At
the same time he made up his mind to join the Society
of Jesus. St. Ignatius, however, advised him to
wait until his children were settled in life. For the
next three years, therefore, he watched over their
898 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
education and development until they were all
able to dispense with his fatherly care. Francisco
himself lived the simplest of lives and daily grew in
grace so that the very sight of him " was like a bene-
diction."
In August of the Jubilee year, 1550, Francisco set
out for Rome, accompanied by his second son Juan
and a retinue of thirty servants. He was enthu-
siastically received in Italy, and his uncle, Ercole II.
(son of Lucrezia Borgia), invited him to the Court
of Ferrara. The Pope, Julius II., offered him rooms
at the Vatican, but Francisco refused them in order
that he might sit at the feet of Ignatius, at whose
saintliness he never ceased to marvel. " Until now,"
he confessed, " I thought Lefevre a giant and myself
a child ; but, compared with Ignatius, Lefevre him-
self is but a child."
Francisco's stay in Rome was not a long one. In
February 1551 he returned to his native country,
not to Gandia, but to Ognate in Guipuscoa. With
the Emperor's consent he resigned his duchy in
favour of his eldest son, and then definitely withdrew
from secular affairs. His hair was cropped and
tonsure shaven, his ducal robes cast off, and the
Jesuit's habit put on. The same year, 1551, he
was ordained priest, and he preached his first sermon
at Vergara on June 29.
The people of Ognate gave Francisco a hermitage
about a mile from their town. Here he made wooden
cells for himself and his companions, but, instead of
leading the retired life which he had planned, he
found himself the centre of attraction. Crowds of
visitors invaded his solitude, curious to see the Duke
who had been transformed into a hermit. When
St. Ignatius heard of this, he sent him on a preaching
expedition in Portugal, where, by the humility
and sweetness of his life, he gained much influence.
In Spain, too, he enlisted many disciples for his Order.
ST. FRANCIS BORGIA 899
In 1554 Francisco was appointed Vicar-General
of Spain by St. Ignatius, a responsibility which was
distasteful to his meek and lowly spirit, though he
nobly fulfilled the duties connected with it. He
continued to live an austere and devoted life, charit-
able towards others and severe towards himself. His
sunny disposition never changed, though the mor-
tifications to which he subjected himself became
so intense that his friends complained to St. Ignatius,
who commanded him to modify them for his health's
sake.
In April of the next year (1555) Francisco soothed
the last hours of the unfortunate Queen, Joan the
Mad, sister of our Catherine of Aragon, who for
many years had shown the greatest repugnance to
the things of religion. Francisco's gentle and loving
ministrations had the desired effect, and on Good
Friday, April 12, her sad life ended with the prayer,
" Christ Crucified be with me."
Francisco, in consequence of this happy influence,
became more beloved than ever, for all Spain was
grateful for his goodness to Queen Joan. To the
sick he was a god-send, for no service, however
distasteful or menial, was disdained by this saintly
man.
St. Ignatius died in 1556, but the election of his
successor did not take place until nearly two years
later. Francisco, for some reason, was not present,
a fact which led to a disagreement with Padre Nadal,
who, in his journal, represents our hero in a less
favourable light than is generally shed upon him.
It must always be remembered that Francisco was,
after all, human, and that his gracious and beautiful
life was the outcome, not of his natural temperament,
but of a continual and obstinate struggle with his
lower self, in which he never faltered.
In 1565 Francisco was elected General of the
Society of Jesus, upon the death of Father Laynez.
400 LIFE AND TIMES OF R. BORGIA
Pope Pius IV. rejoiced at the news, and all the Catholic
Courts congratulated him. Francisco alone was dis-
mayed. The entry in his journal for the day of the
election is simply, " Day of my crucifixion I "
His habit of submission to the divine will, however,
stood him in good stead, and he entered upon his
new responsibilities with courage and cheerfulness.
He removed to Rome, the headquarters of the Society,
and, by his energy and enterprise, the institution
grew and flourished. In 1572 we hear of Mary,
Queen of Scots, appealing for the prayers of the
Society and those of its holy General. In 1571
Francisco was sent by Pope Pius V. on an embassy
to France, Spain, and Portugal to stir up the Christian
Powers in the defence of Christendom against the
Mohammedans. He was at this time in bad health,
and the long journey and excitement proved too
much for him. Having accomplished his mission
and arrived at Ferrara, he was taken so seriously ill
that his cousin Duke Alfonso sent him back to Rome
in a litter. Two days after his arrival, September 30,
1572, Francisco Borgia passed calmly and peacefully
to his rest. Eventually he was raised to the altars
of the Catholic Church by canonisation.
ALEXANDER VI., ADORING THE RISEN SAVIOUR.
Piniurtcchio (Borgia Apartments, the Vatican).
400]
APPENDIX
NOTE ON THE DEATH OF DJEM SULTAN
A WORD remains to be said on the question of the death of
Djem Sultan. The prevalent opinion among Turkish students
is that his decease was brought about by foul means, and
that a cumulative poison, probably arsenious acid or white
arsenic, was employed.
Caesar Borgia was a hostage in the army of Charles VIII.,
as was also Djem Sultan. The Turkish Prince having been
transferred from the Pope's custody to that of the French
King, his Holiness could no longer draw the pension of
40,000 ducats per annum paid for Djem's maintenance by
the Sultan Bajazet II. He would, therefore, lose nothing
by the death of Djem, who was no longer in his power.
On the other hand, it is undisputed that Bajazet had
offered large bribes to both Charles VIII. and Alexander VI.
in return for the death of Djem, although his letter to the
Pope in which an offer of 300,000 ducats was made, pro-
vided Djem's soul could be " released from the cares of this
troublesome world," having been intercepted, was not
actually delivered to his Holiness. The contents of the
letter are recorded and were, therefore, known more or
less publicly. It is not improbable that the Pope was made
aware of them, since they concerned him particularly.
Caesar Borgia is said, by Mr. Sabatini, to have escaped
from Charles VIII. on the night of January 29, 1494, and on
February 25 following Djem Sultan died. Mr. Sabatini,
consequently, concludes (i) that Caesar could not have
administered any poison to Djem ; (2) that Djem's death
involved a heavy loss to the Pope, who thereby forfeited the
pension of 40,000 ducats ; (3) that cumulative poisons are
unknown ; (4) that the offer of a money reward for Djem's
death never actually reached the Pope ; (5) that no money
was eventually paid to the Pope for Djem's corpse. Djem,
he says, died at Capua on February 25, 1494, and bis death
" was natural," whatever the disease causing it may have
been ; (6) that the " secret poison " referred to by many
BBs 401
402 APPENDIX
contemporary writers could not have had any existence in
fact, since, if it had existed, it would have been unknown
outside the Borgia family.
The obvious reply to these statements is the following :
1. Caesar, being a fellow-hostage with Djem, may have
had opportunities of administering doses of poison to him,
if not by his own by another's hand. Djem was ill for a
week, and the malady from which he suffered and died
was some painful affection of the intestines or stomach. It
is described by contemporaries as " dysentery." It was
quite possible for Caesar to have instructed one of his faithful
retainers accompanying the forces of Charles VIII. to ad-
minister very small doses of white arsenic to Djem which
would not destroy the life of his victim for several weeks,
but take effect gradually. Examples of this kmd of poisoning
are not at all rare. Having provided the poison and the
instruction required for its administration, Caesar withdrew,
probably leaving the accomplishment of his nefarious design
in trustworthy hands.
2. Djem, having passed out of the Pope's custody and
into the hands of the King of France, Alexander VI., as we
have said, could no longer draw the pension paid for the
Prince's maintenance by Bajazet II. Therefore it is incorrect
to say, with Sanuto, that Djem's death involved loss to his
Holiness. If the Pope, by his agents, were able to inform
Bajazet that Djem had been murdered, in accordance with
Bajazet's suggestion, then Alexander could claim the reward
offered to him by the Sultan for the commission of this foul
crime. The blood-money named by the Sultan as the price
he was willing to offer for his brother's life was 300,000
ducats, more than seven years' pension at the rate Bajazet
was paying. The temptation to obtain such a sum down,
rather than lose both Djem and his 40,000 ducats a year
altogether, must have been irresistible to men like Alex-
ander VI. and Caesar Borgia, whose money-hunger was
insatiable.
3. Cumulative poisons are few in number, and arsenious
acid, or white arsenic, is one of them. It resembles powdered
sugar or flour. When ordered medicinally, in minute quan-
tities, patients are always directed to discontinue the medicine
for at least a week, after taking it for fourteen days, the
reason being that cumulative poison remains in the system,
and, if persevered in regularly and without intermission,
will cause death slowly but surely, in course of time, however
small the doses taken may be. The existence of arsenious
APPENDIX 403
acid, or white arsenic, was not the secret of the Borgias.
The manner of its administration, as a slow poison, difficult,
at that period, to detect, was the Borgia secret 1 Every one
knew what was meant by " cantarella," but only few were
aware that it was cumulative in its action. On this point
Mr. Sabatini appears to have been misinformed.
4. That money rewards for Djem's death had been offered
by Bajazet is admitted by Mr. Sabatini. He says : " Bajazet
had offered such bribes to Charles for the life of Djem, as
had caused the Knights of Rhodes to remove the Turk from
French keeping." 1 He also does not deny that Bajazet
made a similar offer to Alexander VI. But he thinks
that " for Djem's death in the hands of France, the Pope
could make no claim upon Bajazet." 1 Now the reversa
appears to be the case, as Mr. Sabatini himself shows. He
states that the Pope, fearing a French invasion, had
actually appealed for help to Bajazet. 1 The Sultan was
frantic at the prospect of Djem's falling into the hands of
Charles VIII., who proposed to " make a raid " upon Bajazet.
It was in consequence of this wholesome fear that Bajazet
appealed to Alexander to murder his brother Djem. The
bribe was to be paid on delivery of the Prince's body in
Constantinople, and was to be the reward for removing
Djem from risk of capture by the French King. The inter-
cepted letter from the Sultan to the Pope was delivered by
Giovanni della Rovere to his brother the Cardinal, who,
detesting Alexander, promptly laid it before Charles VIII.
The King immediately demanded and obtained the sur-
render of Djem, whose death was now the only solution of
the Pope's difficulty.
The circumstantial evidence against Alexander is, there-
fore, strong.
5. As to whether Alexander received the bribe of 300,000
ducats in return for Djem's dead body, the evidence that
his Holiness did receive it is equally circumstantial. The
body, having been returned to the papal agents, was embalmed
and shipped to Constantinople, where Bajazet received it
with great pomp and parade of mourning. *
This is undisputed. It was, moreover, accompanied by
papal representatives. On what grounds was Djem's body
surrendered to and taken possession of by Alexander VI. ?
It was manifestly of no utility to Charles VIII. Why was
1 Cesar e Borgia, p. 118. * Ibid. * Ibid., p. n 2 .
4 See Djem Sultan, by L. Thuasne.
404 APPENDIX
it sent by the Pope to Bajazet II. ? There can be only
one opinion on this point.
6. As we have shown above, it has never been pretended
that " cantarella," or white arsenic, was a " secret poison "
unknown to any except the Borgias. It was its cumu-
lative property that was known to them, and not generally
known at the time.
" Cases of chronic poisoning are the result usually of the
repeated administration of small doses of lead, copper,
mercury, phosphorus, or arsenic.
" Chronic poisoning may be caused by inhaling vapours
in factories, or arsenical dust from green wall-papers, making
artificial flowers, etc., etc.
" Persons continuing in this atmosphere show all the
indications of arsenical poisoning, and will gradually die, if
not removed from it." 1
THE OPINION OF CONTEMPORARY WRITERS ON
DJEM'S DEATH
" On Wednesday, 25th of the month of February last,
Gem, alias Zizimi, brother of the Grand Turk . . . died
through eating or drinking something disagreeable to which
his stomach was not accustomed. His corpse was then, at
the importunate request of the Grand Turk, sent to him
with all the household of the deceased. The Grand Turk
is said to have paid or given a large sum of money on this
account, and to have received this household with favour."'
Thuasne says : " L' opinion generale des contemporaires
est que le prince turc fut empoisonne."
Burchard states that he died " in the State of Naples at
the Castle of Capua " (vol. ii. in loco). This explains the
difficulty raised by Mr. Sabatini, who finds the following
discrepancies in the contemporary accounts of the tragedy :
1. Sagredo states that Djem died at Terracina, which is
a town on the coast about fifty miles north of Naples, through
which the forces of Charles VIII. passed. He attributes
the death on January 31 to poison, administered by direction
of the Pope, in return for money promised by Bajazet.
2. Paulus Jovius, the Bishop,* gives a later date, and
1 Dictionary of Medicine, p. 1296.
* Diary of John Burchard, vol. ii., entry for February 25, 1495.
Of. Nocera.
APPENDIX 405
says the Prince died, from the same cause, at Gaeta, which
is about ten miles south of Terracina on the way to Naples.
3. Guicciardini and Corio tell the same story, but place
the death at Naples.
4. Burchard's entry, quoted above, states that he died
in the State of Naples at the Castle of Capua, and his state-
ment, though guarded, agrees with the others.
5. Panvinio " tells us positively that Djem died of dysentery
at Capua."
6. Sanuto says death resulted from " a catarrh which
descended to the stomach," at Capua.
Thus we find that, out of seven authors quoted by Mr.
Sabatini, five agree as to the place where and the date when
the death occurred. The two others fix the death as occurring
en route to Naples. The discrepancy appears to be un-
important.
7. Priuli, who is not quoted by Mr. Sabatini, says :
" On February 26, 1495, four days after the King of France
entered Naples, Ziem Sultan, brother of the Grand Turk,
died. He was poisoned." 1
According to Burchard, Cardinal Caesar Borgia fled from
the camp of Charles VIII. on Friday, January 30, in the
disguise of a stable-man.
The full text of Bajazet's letter to the Pope is given in
the Diary, in the Latin text of Thuasne, on pp. 209-10.
Monsieur Thuasne, in a note, says : " The Cardinal de Gurck,
Raymond Perrault, affirmed to the Florentine Notary,
Alessandro Bracci, that he had seen the original letter, and
Bracci writes, ' moreover he knew that the Turk had offered
three hundred thousand ducats if the Pope would cause
the death of his brother (Djem), and that many believed
D Jem's death was due to poison.' "*
" The ' white powder ' might very well have been Arsenious
Acid, or some preparation containing it ; but Dr. Willcox
thinks it improbable that that substance was prepared in
anything approaching a pure form at that time, and that
it was more likely to have been present in a mineral such as
limestone or chalk. He does not think that it will be possible
to identify the substance by the name ' Cantarella.'
" The symptoms resembling those of dysentery would do
very well for a case of acute arsenical poisoning. The poison
would not, strictly speaking, have a cumulative effect, but a
single dose, unless very large, would probably take several
1 Rer. Ital. Script., t. xxiv., Chronicon Venetum, col. 16.
1 Arch. Fiorent. Letteri ai X di Balie, clas. x., dist. 4, no. 26, a. c. 103.
406 APPENDIX
days to produce fatal results. In this case, if arsenic was
the poison, it is probable that more than one dose was
administered." *
The famous Catherine Sforza left a book in manuscript
written by herself. It contains more than 550 receipts
relating to hygiene, medicine, cosmetics, magic, etc., and is
included by Count Pasolini in his volume of " Documents "
appended to his Life of Catherine Sforza. The receipts
contain directions for administering poison " slowly, or by
degrees." *
1 Extract from a letter from Sir Bernard Spilsbury, to the Author.
1 Catherine Sforza, French text by Marc Helys (Per'in & Cie., Paris,
1912), page 410.
INDEX
ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY, founded
by Alexander VI., 390, 391
Adriano di Corneto, Cardinal,
333, 335
d'Albret, Charlotte, wife of Caesar
Borgia, 264, 353
d'Albret, Duke, 147, 150
Alcantara, Peace of, 51
ALEXANDER VI. (Pope), Rodrigo
Borgia, ancestry, 21, 23 ; birth
and youthful career, 29 sqq. ;
relations with Vannozza Ca-
tanei, 29, 30, 64 ; favoured
by Calixtus III., 31 ; raised
to the Cardinalate, 31 ; ap-
pointed Vice-chancellor of the
Holy See, 32 ; military suc-
cesses, 33 ; part in election
of Pius II., 33 ; disedifying
conduct reproved by Pius II.,
35 ; by the Cardinal of Pavia,
61 ; his wealth, 38 ; and
generosity, 38-40 ; mission to
Spain for Sixtus IV., and
escape from shipwreck, 50 ;
schemes for securing the Pa-
pacy, 64 ; his election, 68 ;
question of simony, 71 note ;
character and appearance as
a young man, 69, 73 ; celebra-
tions at his election, 71, 72 ;
his children, 75-82 ; liaison
with Giulia Famese, 82 ; ques-
tion of paternity of Giovanni
Borgia, 91 ; attitude towards
Lucrezia's divorce, 93, 94 ;
question of his guilt in death
of Djem Sultan, 215-18, 401-6 ;
his oppression of Roman no-
bility, 342 sqq. ; hatred of
Giuliano della Rovere, 245 ;
forbids Charles VIII. to enter
papal territory, 201 ; meeting
with Giulia Famese, 82 ;
Dread of Charles VIII., 312;
prepares for flight, 213 ; makes
terms with Charles VIII., 214-
15 ; allows Louis XII. to
marry his cousin's wife, 261 ;
scene with Spanish envoys,
262 ; pleasure at French con-
quest of Milan, 266 ; schemes
for advancement of Caesar,
266 sqq. ; murder of the
Caetani, 269 ; of Agnelli, 272 ;
bis own narrow escape from
death, 279 ; deposes Federigo
of Naples, 294 ; rapacity in
dealings with Cardinals, 294-6 ;
goes to Piombino with Caesar,
314 ; coolness in danger, ibid. ;
murder of Cardinal Orsini,
325 sqq. ; of Michiele, 332 ;
creates plots to murder nine
new cardinals, 333 ; his death,
question of poison, 334 ; funeral,
337 ; character, 380 ; ability,
383 ; encouragement given to
art, etc., 384 ; improvements
In Rome, 388 ; protrait by
Pinturicchio, 385
Alfonso V. of Aragon, 23, 26
Alfonso of Bisceglia, 263, a68,
281 sqq.
Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, 116,
117, 121, 124, 125, 171, 172, 191,
194, 196, 219, 224
Alfonso of Portugal, 46, 47, 51
d'Allegre, Yve, 296, 360, 362
Almeida, Duarte de, 51
d'Amboise, Cardinal, 264-66, 343
America, discovery of, 57
Angelus, the, instituted, 26
Angoule'me, the Duke of, 151
Anne of Beaujeu, 139, 140, 142,
149, 151, 152
Anne of Brittany, 142, 147, 152,
153, 154
407
408
INDEX
Ariosto, 367
Arms of the Borgia family, aa
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 58
d'Aubigny, 228, 290, 293, 296,
356 sqq.
B
BAGNOLO, Treaty of, 169
Bajazet, Sultan, 215, 216, 217
note, 401, sqq.
Bandini, Bernardo, 104 sqq.
Barbo, Cardinal. See Paul II.
Bayard, 371
Beltran de la Cueva, 46
" Beltraneja, La," 46 sqq.
Bembo, Cardinal, 272
Bembo, Pietro, 366
Bentivoglio, 322, 323
Blois, Peace of, 331
Boabdil, King of the Moors, 53, 54
Bologna, 323
Bona, Duchess of Milan, 158 sqq.,
164, 181
Borgia, or Borja Family, origin
of, 21-3 ; arms of, 22
Alonzo. See Calixtus III.
Angela, 367
C*SAR, birth and education,
77 ; character and appearance
as a youth, 78, 79 ; Machia-
velli's opinion of him, 79 ;
appointed Archbishop of Va-
lencia, 80 ; sent as hostage
to Charles VIII., 215 ; his
share in the murder of Duke
of Gandia, 247 ; released from
ecclesiastical ties, 251 ; em-
bassy to France, 261 ; made
Duke of Valentinois, 261 ;
marriage with Charlotte d'Al-
bret, 264 ; poisons his com-
panion, 264 ; campaign in
Romagna, 269 ; poisons his
nephew Juan, 271 ; murders
Cerviglione, 272 ; his triumphal
progress at Rome, 274 sqq. ;
the " Golden Rose," 276 ;
murders Alfonso of Bisceglia,
281 sqq. ; made a noble of
Venice, 284 ; captures Pesaro
and Rimini, 287, 288 ; more
murders, 288 ; rape of the
wife of Caracciolo, 288, 289 ;
designs upon Italy, 290 sqq. ;
behaviour at Capua, 298 ;
examples of vindictiveness, 313 ;
expedition to Tuscany, 315
sqq. ; visit to Louis XII. at
Milan ; schemes against Siena,
328 ; callous behaviour at his
father's death, 336 ; fears for
his own safety, 341 ; arrange-
ment with Julius II., 346 ;
taken prisoner, 347 sqq. ; death,
351 ; character, 351 ; also
401 sqq.
Borgia, Francesco de (son of Calix-
tus III.), 28, 32, 272, 304, 370
St. Francisco, 395-400
GIOVANNI (or Juan), Duke
of Gandia ; birth, 76 ; youthful
career, ibid. ; character, 77,
243 ; marriage with Donna
Maria Enriquez, 76 ; sent by
Alexander against the Orsini,
243, 244 ; wounded, 245 ; created
Duke of Benevento, 246 ; cir-
cumstances of his murder,
247 sqq.
Giovanni (Infans Romanus),
91, 92
Girolama (child of Alexander
VI.), 75
Isabella (child of Alexander
VI.), 75
Isabella (sister of Calixtus III.),
29
Jofr6 (son of Alexander VI.),
87, 191, 280
Juan (nephew of Caesar Borgia),
271
Louise (daughter of Cassar
Borgia), 353
LUCREZIA, birth, 80 ; home
with Giulia Farnese, 82 ; edu-
cation, 82, 83 ; betrothal to
Cherubino de Centelles, 83 ;
to Gasparro of Procida, 83 ;
to Giovanni Sforza, 84 ; mar-
riage feast, 85 ; letter from the
Pope to her, 89 ; extraordinary
circumstances of her divorce,
94 ; marriage to Alfonso of
Bisceglia, 263 ; made Regent
of Spoleto, 267 ; sovereign of
Nepi, 269 ; nurses Alexander
VI. in illness, 280 ; leaves
Rome after Alfonso's murder,
283 ; marries Alfonso d'Este,
301 sqq. ; progress to Ferrara,
304-311, life there, 366 sqq. ;
letter to Leo X., 377; death,
377 ; Lucrezia's children, 378 ;
INDEX
409
her character and calumnies
against her, 80, 81
Borgia, Lucrezia (natural daughter
of Caesar), 353
Pedro Luis (brother of Alexan-
der VI.) ; created Duke of
Spoleto and Prefect of Rome,
etc., 24 ; attacked in Castle
of St. Angelo, 27 ; flight and
death, 28
Pedro Luis (son of Alexander
VI.), 75, 76
Rodrigo (Alexander VI.), q.v.
Rodrigo (son of Lucrezia),
269, 370, 371
Borgia apartments in the Vatican,
384 sqq.
Brittany, troubles in, 138-143
Brosse, the Lady of, 141
Burchard, John (Bishop of Orta
and Diarist, his credibility,
5, 6, 312, 381 ; quotations
from his Diary, 59, 69, 126,
312, 326, 334, 336, 337, 404 sqq.
CALIXTUS III. (Pope). Alonzo
de Borja, birth and parentage,
23 ; reputation as a jurist,
23 ; career as a young man,
25 ; appointed Bishop of Va-
lencia, 24 ; raised to Car-
dinalate, 24 ; elected Pope,
24 ; nepotism of, 24 ; crusade
against Turks, 25 ; quarrel
with Alfonso of Aragon, 26 ;
death and character, 28
Camerino, capture of, 318
Cantarella, the poison, 333, 401,
403, 404
Capua, siege and conquest of,
by Caesar Borgia, 298
Caracciolo, 289
Caraffa, Cardinal, 333
Casanova, Cardinal, 336
Castile and Aragon united, 52
Castile, Ferdinand of. See Fer-
dinand
CHARLES VIII., King of France,
succeeds his father, 138 ; ad-
miration for Louis of Orleans,
142 ; attains his majority,
151 ; liberates Orleans, ibid.
marries Anne of Brittany,
152, 153 ; character according
to Comines, 153 ; decides to
Invade Italy, 188 ; embassy
to Alexander VI., 191 ; sets
out, 193 ; behaviour on the
expedition, 195 ; progress, 193
sqq. ; at Pisa, 205 ; Florence,
208 sqq. ; Rome, 214-218 ;
Naples, 222 ; difficulties at
Naples, 227 ; return, 229 ;
at Rome, ibid. ; at Viterbo,
230 ; at Siena, 231 ; Pisa, 231 ;
conduct at Fomuova, 233 ;
results of invasion, 237 ; death,
259
Chauvin, 141
Cicco, 162, 163, 164
Colonna family, the, 197, 244,
294, 297, 339 sqq.
Columbus, Christopher, at Granada,
55 ; assisted by Isabella, 56 ;
return from America, ibid. ;
made Admiral of Indies, 57 ;
difficulties with the Spaniards,
ibid. ; disgrace, reinstatement
and death, 58
Conspiracy against the Medici,
103-113
Copernicus, 384
Coronation festivities of Alexander
VI., 72
Cremona, congress at, 125
Crusades against the Turks, 24
sqq., 40 sqq.
D
DJEM SULTAN, brought to Rome,
62 ; handed over to Charles
VIII., 217 ; circumstances of
his death, 217, 401-6
Domenico of Arignano (husband
of Vannozza), 65
Domenico, Fra, 257-9
Donate, 159
Dunois, 148
ELECTIOK, mode of papal, 67
d'Este, Alfonso (Duke of Ferrara),
husband of Lucrezia Borgia,
300, 369, 371
Beatrice, 242
Ercole (Duke of Ferrara,
father of Alfonso), commander-
in-chief of Florentines, 115 ;
marriage to daughter of Fer-
rante of Naples, 123 troubles
410
INDEX
of, 125 ; difficulties with
Venice, 167 ; supports Charles
VIII., 196 ; arbitrates between
Florence and Pisa, 256 ; con-
gratulates Ca?sar Borgia, 284 ;
marries his son to Lucrezia,
300 ; his opinion of Alexander
VI., 338
d'Este, Ercole (son of Lucrezia and
Alfonso), 369
Ippolito, 91, 367, 368
Isabella, 298, 309 sqq.
FAKNZA, capture of, 289
Farnese, Alexander. See Paul
III.
GIULIA, marriage to Orsini,
82 ; relations with Rodrigo
Borgia, 82 ; birth of a daughter,
85 ; domestic life of, 86 ; the
Infans Romanus, 91 ; falls into
hands of the French, 212 ;
portrait in Vatican, 387 ; effigy
on tomb of Paul III., 9
Federigo, King of Naples, 174, 175,
196, 222, 240, 263, 292, 297, sqq.
Ferdinand, King of Aragon,
character, 49 ; marriage with
Isabella of Castile, 49 ; succeeds
to throne of Aragon, 52 ;
campaigns against the Moors,
53. See also 192, 225, 262,
361, 365
Ferrante, King of Aragon, 27
King of Naples, 104, 117-
121, 127-9, l6l l6 7> I7* *74
176-8, 185, 186, 189, 191,
194, 219
Ferrantino, King of Naples, 197,
319, 220, 238-40
Ferrara, Dukes of. See d'Este.
Florence, 190, 201, 208, 253,
378, 291 sqq., 315. See also
Charles VIII., d'Este, etc.
Forli, siege of, 270, 271
Fornuova (or Taro), battle of,
34, 235
France, See Louis XL, Louis
XII., Charles VIII., etc.
Francis II. of Brittany, 140,
142, 146, 147
Frederic IV., 43
GAKTA, battles near, 360-65
Gem. See Djem
Genoa, 179, 180, 266
Giron, Don Pedro, 24, 47
Gonsalvo Fernandez, da Cordova,
225, 245, 297, 299, 348, sqq.
356 sqq., 364
Granada, conquest of, 53-5
Guerrara, Pietro di, 176
Guidobaldi of Montefeltro, 316
H
HENRY IV., King of Castile, 45,
47,48
Henry VII., King of England, 58
IGNATIUS of Loyola, St. 397-99
Infans Romanus, 91. See Borgia,
Giovanni
INNOCENT VIII. (Pope), Giovanni
Ctbd, election, 126 ; difficulties
with Cardinal Borgia, 63 ;
curious decision with regard
to clerical concubinage, 63 ;
illness and death of, 66 ;
character, 62 ; nepotism, ibid.
See also 59, 172, 174, 176
Inquisition, in Spain, 52
Invasion of Italy. See Charles
VIII.
Isabella of Calabria, 180-3, 198
Isabella of Castile, 46 ; recog-
nised as heir to throne of
Castile, 48 ; character, 48 ;
marriage with Ferdinand, 48 ;
enters Granada, 53 ; assists
Columbus, 56-8 ; death, 59
JACQUES de la Vacquerle, 143
Jaym, Don, of Portugal, 31
"Joan the Mad," 59, 399
Jubilee at Rome, 275, 277
JULIUS II. (Pope), Giuliano della
Rovere, 66 ; opposes Alexan-
der's election, 68 ; persuades
Charles VIII. to invade Italy,
188 ; captures Castello, loa ;
accompanies Charles VIII. to
Florence, 209 ; Rome, 214,
245 ; reconciled to Borgias
by Louis XII., 264 ; present
at election of Pius III., elected
Pope by simoniacal means,
346 ; peace with Venice, 371 ;
INDEX
411
treatment of Caesar Borgia, 347
sqq.
LAMPUGNANO, Giovanni Andrea,
156
Landois, 141, 142, 144
LEO X. (Pope), Giovanni de'Me-
dici, 77 ; made Cardinal, 129 ;
correspondence with Lucrezia
Borgia, 372
Leonardo da Vinci, 35
Lopez, Inigo, 357
Lorraine, Duke of, 174
Louis XI., King of France, 113 ;
character, 139 ; illness and
death, 137, 138
Louis XII., King of France,
marriage and divorce, 260,
261 ; remarriage with Anne of
Brittany, 261 ; conquest of
Milan, 265, 289, and Naples,
292 sqq. ; 318 ; 361 ; makes
peace with Ferdinand of Cas-
tile, 331. See also Orleans
Louis of Orleans. Vide Orleans
and supra
Lucrezia Borgia. See Borgia
Ludovico the Moor, 84 ; opposes
Cicco Simonetta, 158 ; banished
to Pisa, 1 60 ; made regent of
Milan, 165 ; opposes Venice
and Genoa, 167 sqq. ; usurps
authority of his nephew, 170 ;
relations with Ferrante, 173 ;
meets Isabella of Calabria,
181, but retains all his nephew's
power, 186 ; encourages Charles
VIII. to advance to Naples,
194-8, 199 ; domestic troubles,
242 ; returns to Milan, 273 ;
death, 273
M
MACHIAVELLI, 279 ; his opinion
of Ca3sar Borgia, 79
Malatesta, 124, 339
Manfredi, Astorre, 288
Mantua, Marquis of, 319, 337, 369
Manuele, husband of Vannozza, 64
Maria Enriquez, Donna, 251
Martin V. (Pope), 24
Maximilian, Emperor of Austria,
144, ISO, 191, 241
Medici family, the, 98, 99
Cosmo de', 27
Giovanni de', 135, 136.
See Leo X.
Giuliano de', 98, 104, 105
LORENZO de' (the Magnificent),
succeeds Piero, 95 ; marriage
with Clarice Orsini, 97 ; enter-
tains Galeazzo Sforza, 99 ;
work for advancement of
learning, 100 ; conspiracy
against, 102 sqq. ; anathe-
matised by Sixtus IV., na ;
prepares for war, 115 ; leaves
Florence for Naples, 117-121 ;
makes friends with Innocent
VIII., 127 ; supports Ferrante,
however, 128 ; takes Sarzana,
129 ; death of his wife, 129 ;
his death, 133 ; character and
morality, 132, 133, 163
Piero de' (father of Lorenzo),
78,95
Piero de' (son of Lorenzo),
succeeds Lorenzo, 134 ; char-
acter, ibid. ; quarrels with his
cousin, 135 ; in league with
Naples, 202 ; banished, 203 ;
submits to Charles VIII., 204,
209 ; life at Rome, 241 ; fails
to get back to Florence, 242 ;
other fruitless attempts, 254,
291, ; his death, 363
Michelotto, 250, 282, 322, 325,
336, 339, 348
Michieli, Cardinal, 332
Milan, 160, 162, 168, 170, 171. See
Sforza, Ludovico the Moor, etc.
Montesecco, Giovanni Battista,
104, 105
Montorio, Count of, 173
Montpensier, Duke of, 239, 240
N
NAPLES, partition of, 355. See
Ferrante, Alfonso, Federigo,
Ferrantino
Navarre, Jean d'Albret, King
of, 350
Nemours, Duke of, 356, 359
Nepi, 269
Nepotism of Popes. See Calixtus
III., Alexander VI., Innocent
VIII., etc.
Nicholas V. (Pope), 24, 25
412
INDEX
o
OLGIATI, Girolamo, 156
Olmedo, battle of, 47
Orange, the Prince of, 146, 147
Orleans, Duke of, 140, 141, 143,
196, 232, 236. See also Louis
XII.
Orsini family, the, and the
Borgias, 249, 274, 291, 324 sqq.,
329-39
Adriana, 82
Cardinal, 319, 323, 326
Gian Giordano, 329 sqq.
Orsini, husband of Giulia Far-
nese, 85-7
PACHECO, JUAN, Marquis of
Villena, 45
PAUL II. (Pope), Barbo, election,
42 ; character, 42, 43 ; re-
fuses to sanction marriage of
Ferdinand and Isabella, 49 ; ill-
ness and death, 43. See also 28
PAUL III. (Pope), Alexander
Farnese, 77 ; obligations to
Julia Farnese, 82
Pazzi, conspiracy of the, 102-5
Petrucci, Pandolpho, 329, sqq.
Philip, Duke of Austria, 331
Philip Neri, St., 31, 259 note
Piccolomini, ^Eneas Silvius. See
Pius II.
Francesco. See Pius III.
Pinturicchio, 384 sqq.
Piombino, 292
Pisa, relation with Charles VIII.,
207, 240 ; with Florence, 240 ;
and Maximilian, 241 ; besieged
by Florentines, 255 ; again
attacked, 278
Pius II. (Pope), &neas Silvius
Piccolomini, election, 33 ;
character, 34 ; letter to Car-
dinal Borgia, 35 ; keeps Corpus
Domini at Viterbo, 38 ; crusade,
40, 41 ; death, 41
Pius III. (Pope), Francesco
Piccolomini, 205, 343
Platina, 334
Poggio, Giacopo, 104
Poison of the Borgias. See
Cantarella.
R
RAVENNA, 347, 371
Riario, Girolamo, 102, 122 sqq.,
103-5
Riario, Pietro, son of Sixtus IV.,
101
Robert of Calabria, 137
Rohan, Cardinal da, 278
Romagna, Duke of. See Borgia,
Caesar
Rome, anarchy at, after death
of Alexander VI., 339 sqq. ;
floods at, 237 ; improvements
in, effected by Alexander VI.
388 sqq. ; state of, during
reign of Borgias, 278, 312
Roscoe, 334
Rosso, Piero Maria, 166
Rovere, Cardinal Domenico della,
295
Francesco della. See Sixtus
IV.
Giuliano della. See Julius II.
SABATINI, Mr. Rafael, and death
of Djem Sultan, 401-6
Salerno, Duke of, 193
Saluzzo, Marquis of, 361
Salviati, Francesco, Archbishop
of Pisa, conspiracy against
the Medici, 103 sqq.
Sancia, Donna, wife of Jofr6
Borgia, 91, 191, 268, 281, 332
San Severino, Cardinal, 31, 69
Savelli, Silvio, letter to, describing
the Borgias, 312
Savonarola, 91 ; interview with
the dying Lorenzo de' Medici,
133 ; his preaching, 135 ;
predicts failure of Piero
de' Medici, 233 ; trouble with
Florentines, 257 ; ordeal by
fire, 258 ; execution, 259
Scarampa, Cardinal, 26
Sforza, Ascanio, 88, 94, 163, 164,
214, 269, 273
Caterina, 270
Duke of Bari, 160, 161
Francesco, 32
Galeazzo, 99, 155-7
Giovanni Galeazzo, 158, 160,
179-5, 198
Giovanni (husband of Lu-
crezia Borgia), 84, 87, 93, 371
INDEX
413
Sforza Ludovico, 129, 136, 160, 161.
See also Ludovico the Moor
Sforza family, quarrels of, 158-70
Siena, 329
SIXTUS IV. (Pope), Francesco
della Rover e, elected, 100 ; sends
Cardinal Borgia to Spain, 50 ;
establishes Inquisition in Spain
52 ; relations with Medici,
zoo ; plots against Medici,
102 sqq. ; unites with Florence
against Naples, 114; further
plots against Medici, 121 ;
death accelerated by annoy-
ance, 126 ; his children, 101.
See also 158, 168, 169
Spain. See Ferdinand, Isabella,
" Beltraneja," etc.
Spoleto, 267
Strozzi family, the, 367, 369
Swiss invade North Italy, 178 ;
plunder Rapalla, 197
TANCO, Carlo, 339
Tarento siege, of, 299
Tassino, 162 sqq.
Torgues, Charles de, 357
Toro, battle of, 52
Torquemada, Cardinal, 42, 52, 53
Transfusion of blood, operation
for, 66
Tr6mouille, La, 146 sqq. ; 273,
342, 361.
Trivulzio, 266, 274
U
URBINO, Duke of, 167, 319 sqq.
d'Urbino, Gentile, 113
V
VALENTINOIS, Duke of. See
Borgia, Caesar
Vannozza, Catanei, becomes mis-
tress of Rodrigo Borgia, 30 ;
goes to Venice, 31 ; writes
to Rodrigo, 63 ; goes to Rome
64 ; marriage with Manuele
announced ibid. ; different hus-
bands alleged, 64, 65 ; plun-
dered by the French, 215 ;
her death, 373 ; character,
65, 373 sqq ; also 250
Vatican, orgies at the, 312, and
note.
Venice attacks Ferrara, 125 ;
Milan, 163, 168 ; relations
with Charles VIII., 192, 201,
225 ; with Ludovico Sforza,
255 ; alliance with Louis XII.
265, 347
Veronese, Caspar, 29, 38
Villeneuve, Louis de, 261
Visconti, Carlo, 156
Vitelli, Paolo, 255-7
Vitellozzo, 315, 323, 324
ZENO, Cardinal, 295
Zizim. See Djem Sultan
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