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THE 

LIFE     AND     TIMES 


OF 


SIR    THOMAS    GRESHAM. 


VOL.  I. 


v*udo   ) 


'/ 


THE 


LIFE   AND    TIMES 


SIR  THOMAS  GRESHAM; 


COMPILED    CHIEFLY    FROM    HIS    CORRESPONDENCE    PRESERVED   IN 
HER    MAJESTY'S   STATE-PAPER   OFFICE: 


NOTICES  OF  MANY  OF  HIS  CONTEMPORARIES. 

WITH    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

BY  JOHN  WILLIAM  BURGON. 


IN     TWO    VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 


LONDON : 
ROBERT    JENNINGS,  62,    CHEAPSIDE. 

MDCCCXXX1X. 


PREFACE. 


WO  volumes  on  a  subject  ap- 
parently so  little  fertile  in  ma- 
terials  as  the  present,  seem 
to  require  a  few  preliminary 
remarks  ;  and  I  should  be 
sorry  to  forego  the  opportu- 
nity of  stating  in  this  place,  that  which  could 
not  with  equal  propriety  be  stated  elsewhere, 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

principally  in  explanation  of  the  length  to  which 
the  following  pages  have  most  unexpectedly 
extended. 

This  memoir  was  commenced  some  years  ago, 
in  consequence  of  an  announcement  that  a  pre- 
mium would  be  given  by  William  Taylor  Cope- 
land,  Esq.  M.P.,  then  Lord  Mayor,  to  the  author 
of  the  best  Essay  "  on  the  Life  and  Character  of 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham;"  which  was  to  be  com- 
prised within  such  limits,  that  the  public  recitation 
of  it  should  not  exceed  half  an  hour.  Altogether 
unacquainted  with  the  subject,  it  was  presumed 
by  the  writer  that  a  few  pages  would  indeed 
have  comprised  all  that  was  discoverable  con- 
cerning one  who  lived  at  so  distant  a  period, 
and  of  whom  but  little  had  been  recorded  in 
printed  books  ;  but  a  diligent  search  led  to  a 
vast  accumulation  of  materials,  and  the  Essay, 
instead  of  forming  a  slight  pamphlet  as  was 
anticipated,  soon  assumed  the  size  of  a  small 
volume.  The  object  with  which  it  was  written 
having  been  attained,  in  compliance  with  the  con- 
ditions under  which  the  prize  was  bestowed,  such 
portions  of  the  Essay  as  seemed  best  adapted  for 
the  purpose,  were  publicly  read  at  the  Mansion- 
house,  May  14th,  1836;  the  office  of  reader  hav- 
ing been  undertaken  with  singular  kindness  by 
the  Rev.  George  Cecil  Renouard,  B.D.,  Rector  of 


PREFACE.  IX 

Swanscombe,  Kent ;  of  the  value  of  whose  long- 
standing friendship  the  writer  is  deeply  sensible; 
and  whose  good  offices  on  this,  and  many  other 
occasions,  he  gladly  avails  himself  of  the  present 
opportunity  to  acknowledge. — It  was  further  in- 
tended that,  as  the  successful  composition,  the 
Gresham  Essay  should  have  been  published  ;  but 
the  narrow  limits  within  which  it  had  been  com- 
prised were  judged  so  unfavourable  to  its  proba- 
ble success,  that  the  MS.  was  soon  laid  aside  ; 
and,  after  a  few  months,  the  expectation  of  seeing 
it  printed  was  completely  abandoned. 

Two  years  had  elapsed,  when  the  destruction 
of  the  Royal  Exchange  by  fire  in  the  beginning 
of  1838,  seems  to  have  suggested  the  idea  that 
a  more  auspicious  moment  had  arrived  for  the 
appearance  of  the  life  of  its  founder ;  and  inqui- 
ries were  made  for  the  neglected  MS.  But, 
before  it  left  his  hands,  the  writer  determined 
to  apply  for  permission  to  inspect  the  corres- 
pondence of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  which  he  was 
told  existed  in  the  State- Paper  Office  ;  and  the 
necessary  facilities  having  been  promptly,  as  well 
as  very  obligingly  granted  him  by  the  Right  Hon. 
Lord  John  Russell, — a  favour  which  the  writer 
begs  leave  respectfully  and  gratefully  to  acknow- 
ledge,— to  the  State- Paper  Office  he  repaired. 
Great  indeed  was  his  surprise  and  satisfaction  at 


X  PREFACE. 

discovering  such  a  mass  of  historic  evidence  as 
was  then  first  disclosed  to  him.  Hundreds  of 
letters  now  appeared  in  place  of  the  scanty  docu- 
ments which  he  had  hitherto  known  of;  and — 
these  volumes  are  the  result. 

There  can  be  no  presumption  in  hoping  that 
the  present  will  be  found  to  be  a  more  satisfactory 
Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  than  any  which  has 
hitherto  appeared ;  for  that  eminent  man  has  had 
the  singular  fate  of  leaving  behind  him  a  name  with 
which  every  one  is  familiar,  without  ever  having 
found  a  biographer  who  would  take  the  pains  to 
collect  the  scattered  rays  of  information  con- 
cerning him,  which  time  has  failed  to  dissipate. 
Dr.  John  Ward,  who  one  hundred  years  ago 
filled  the  chair  of  rhetoric  at  Gresham  College, 
may  be  considered  to  be  the  first  and  only  person 
who  ever  fairly  undertook  to  write  a  sketch  of 
his  history  ;  for  the  worthless  publication  which 
had  previously  appeared  in  1707,  entitled,  "An 
Account  of  the  Rise,  Foundation,  Progress,  and 
Present  State  of  Gresham  College  in  London, 
with  the  Life  of  the  Founder,"  contains  no  Life, 
and  does  not  correspond  with  its  title-page  :  and 
the  seemingly  laborious  (and  certainly  heavy) 
article  on  the  subject  in  the  Biographia  Britan- 
nica  is  little  else  than  a  transcript  from  Ward's 
work, — encumbered  with  an  apparatus  of  notes. 


PREFACE.  XI 

The  Professor's  performance  has  been  so  often 
quoted  and  referred  to  in  print,  that  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  state  that  it  precedes  a  valuable 
collection  of  Lives,  published  in  1740,  with  the 
following  title  :  "  The  Lives  of  the  Professors  of 
Gresham  College,  to  which  is  prefixed  the  Life 
of  the  Founder,"  &c.  An  interleaved  copy  of 
this  work,  which  belonged  to  Dr.  Ward,  and  has 
been  enriched  by  him  with  many  valuable  MS. 
additions,  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. 

Ward's  Life  of  Gresham  is  a  very  creditable 
performance  ;  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  it 
was  an  original  compilation,  executed  at  a  time 
when  the  facilities  which  are  at  present  within 
the  reach  of  every  student,  were  but  very  imper- 
fectly accessible.  Notwithstanding,  however,  that 
he  has  inserted  at  length,  with  all  its  legal  ver- 
bosity, Gresham's  will,  his  Life  barely  extends 
to  the  length  of  thirty- two  pages :  a  degree  of 
conciseness  scarcely  compatible  with  that  minute- 
ness of  information  which  biography  professedly 
requires.  All  subsequent  Lives,  —  possessing 
more  or  less  literary  merit,  according  to  the  ta- 
lents of  their  respective  authors, — may  be  said  to 
have  added  nothing  to  our  stock  of  knowledge 
concerning  Sir  Thomas  Gresham. 

It  may  be  as  well  to  state  something  in  this 
place  of  the  method  which  has  been  adopted  in 


Xll  PREFACE. 

editing  the  numerous  letters,  or  parts  of  letters, 
which  the  ensuing  pages  will  be  found  to  contain. 
— In  the  opinion  of  some  antiquaries,  ancient 
letters  should  be  printed  with  a  strict  adherence 
to  the  ancient  spelling.  Others  advocate  a  con- 
trary system,  and  are  for  altogether  remodelling 
the  orthography ;  so  that  (say  they)  '  he  that  runs 
may  read.'  Now,  either  method  is  liable  to  some 
grave  objections.  I  certainly  think  that  when 
old  letters  are  printed  for  their  own  sake,  as  a 
collection  of  old  letters,  or  for  purposes  of  refer- 
ence, they  cannot  be  too  accurately  printed :  the 
importance  and  interest  of  the  preservation  of  the 
ancient  spelling  is,  in  many  instances,  susceptible 
of  direct  proof;  while  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
the  history  of  language  and  literature  derives 
illustration  from  such  sources.  But  when  it  is 
only  intended  to  give  authenticity  to  a  biogra- 
phical or  historical  relation,  it  is  perhaps  a  matter 
of  doubt  whether  a  more  judicious  course  might 
not  be  pursued.  The  evil  of  strictly  adhering  to 
the  ancient  orthography  is  principally  this  : — that 
it  prevents  one's  narrative  from  being  read  with 
fluency,  and  may  even  have  a  tendency  to  disgust 
and  repel  ordinary  readers  ;  which  surely  is  to 
purchase  a  reputation  for  accuracy  at  too  dear  a 
rate.  Altogether  to  modernise  the  spelling,  on 
the  other  hand,  in  the  writer's  opinion,  besides 


PREFACE.  Xlll 

being  sometimes  a  very  hazardous  operation,  is 
to  destroy  an  integral  part  of  an  old  epistle :  a 
certain  degree  of  quaintness  in  this  particular 
being  as  much  its  characteristic,  as  the  obsolete 
and  often  difficult  phraseology, — which  no  one 
presumes  to  correct. 

After  much  deliberation,  I  have,  in  conse- 
quence, pursued  a  middle  course;  removing  oc- 
casionally a  few  letters  where  they  seemed  parti- 
cularly uncouth  or  redundant;  and  sometimes 
spelling  a  word  correctly,  where  the  sense  of  a 
passage  depended  upon  it,  or  seemed  likely  to 
suffer  by  its  retaining  the  antiquated  form.  Far 
oftener  have  I  observed  the  practice  of  merely 
spelling  a  word  according  to  the  most  intelligible 
method  adopted  by  the  same  writer.  Thus, 
since  Gresham  sometimes  spells  the  word  pos- 
sibly,— "  possibelly,"  and  sometimes  according  to 
the  modern  method,  I  have  thought  it  allowable 
occasionally  to  reject  the  word  containing  four 
syllables  in  favour  of  the  word  with  only  three. 
Possibelly,  in  attempting  to  steer  this  middle 
course,  instead  of  reconciling  two  classes  of  anti- 
quaries, I  shall  find  that  I  have  incurred  the 
disapprobation  of  both :  in  which  case,  I  shall  beg 
leave  to  inform  the  advocates  for  literal  accuracy 
of  my  firm  belief,  that,  even  by  themselves,  (the 
initiated,)  the  orthography  of  these  letters  would 


XIV  PREFACE. 

never  have  been  suspected  without  this  explana- 
tion ;  and  to  state  that  I  have  only  made  it,  lest  I 
should  be  hereafter  charged  with  more  inaccura- 
cies than  I  have  really  been  guilty  of.  I  have 
also  a  word  to  whisper  in  the  ear  of  the  lovers  of 
modern  orthography,  but  it  must  not  be  over- 
heard by  the  other  party :  namely,  that  I  dismiss 
these  volumes  not  without  a  suspicion  that  I 
should  have  acted  more  wisely,  had  I  remodelled 
the  spelling  throughout;  and  that,  considering 
what  is  due  to  the  prejudices  of  the  great  bulk  of 
readers,  I  verily  believe  their  method  to  be  the 
right  method  after  all. 

It  should  also  be  stated,  that  I  have  purposely 
abstained  from  transferring  to  my  pages  any  of 
the  contractions  with  which  old  letters  and  papers 
abound :  and  lastly,  that  when  a  writer's  mode  of 
expression  seemed  too  elliptical,  and  the  meaning 
of  a  whole  passage  was  rendered  obscure  by  the 
want  of  a  single  word,  as  a  pronoun  or  a  conjunc- 
tion,— I  have  ventured  to  supply  such  deficiency 
between  brackets.  The  genuineness  of  the  ori- 
ginal has  consequently  been  in  no  single  instance 
impaired ;  and  it  is  therefore  hoped,  that  no 
reader  will  feel  offended  by  a  practice  which  has 
been  pursued  solely  for  his  convenience. 

The  principal  source  whence  the  materials  for 
these  volumes  have  been  derived,  has  been  al- 


PREFACE.  XV 

ready  mentioned.  The  writer  had  access  also  to 
the  registers  preserved  in  the  Council- Office,  from 
which  some  useful  information  was  obtained.  It 
is  impossible  to  visit  that  valuable  repository  of 
archives  without  a  feeling  of  gratitude  to  C.  C.  F. 
Greville,  Esq.,  for  having  supplied  the  (before  al- 
most useless)  volumes  with  that  indispensable  ap- 
pendage,— an  Index  :  and  most  earnestly  is  it  to 
be  desired  that  Government,  when  it  sees  their 
importance,  will  encourage  him  to  crown  his  noble 
task  by  supplying  them  in  addition  with  a  gene- 
ral Index  Nominum.  This,  to  the  historian  and 
biographer,  would  be  of  paramount  interest ;  for 
many  great  and  shining  characters  are  necessa- 
rily mixed  up  with  events,  trifling  in  themselves, 
but  highly  important  to  personal  history :  and 
these  unavoidably  escape  notice  in  the  analytical 
indexes  with  which  alone  the  Council-books  are 
as  yet  furnished. 

The  assistance  which  I  have  derived  from  the 
valuable  communications  of  many  kind  friends 
has  been  so  carefully  recorded,  in  almost  every 
instance,  in  my  notes,  that  the  subject  might  be 
excluded  with  propriety  from  my  preface :  but  I 
am  desirous  of  recording  in  this  place  my  obliga- 
gations  to  a  few  persons  to  whom  I  feel  myself 
more  especially  indebted ;  and  to  no  one  more 
distinctly  than  to  my  kind  friend  Dawson  Tur- 


XVI  PREFACE. 

ner,  Esq.,  of  Yarmouth,  not  only  in  affording  me 
opportunities  of  access  to  his  valuable  MS.  li- 
brary, but  for  the  zealous  manner  in  which,  from 
the  beginning,  he  has  uniformly  done  every  thing 
in  his  power  to  facilitate  my  researches.  My 
learned  friend  Dr.  J.  M.  Lappenberg,  of  Ham- 
burg, will  allow  me  publicly  to  acknowledge  the 
zeal  and  ability  with  which,  at  my  request,  he  ex- 
amined the  archives  of  that  city,  in  his  custody, 
in  search  of  documents  illustrative  of  this  memoir : 
and  less  cannot  be  said  in  connexion  with  the 
name  of  M.  Frederic  Verachter,  the  archiviste  of 
Antwerp  ;  to  whom  I  feel  equally  indebted,  and 
equally  grateful. 

Let  me  not  forget  to  add  to  the  preceding 
names,  with  many  thanks  for  the  valuable  infor- 
mation they  have  occasionally  imparted,  those  of 
Robert  Lemon,  Esq.  of  the  State  Paper- Office, 
Sir  Francis  Palgrave,  and  the  Rev.  Joseph  Hun- 
ter. To  William  Jacob,  Esq.  I  am  also  much 
obliged ;  and  to  John  Gough  Nichols,  Esq.  I 
am  indebted  for  his  numerous  communications. 
My  kind  friend  P.  Fraser  Tytler,  Esq.,  in  parti- 
cular, has  my  hearty  thanks  for  his  frequent  good 
counsel  and  kind  assistance  :  and  it  may  be  that 
there  are  others,  nearer  and  dearer  still,  but  who 
must  be  nameless,  to  whom  still  heartier  thanks 
are  due,  and  on  the  very  same  grounds. 


PREFACE.  XV11 

To  Joseph  Neeld,  Esq.,  M.  P.,  I  am  much 
obliged  for  leave  to  engrave  Gresham's  portrait 
from  a  beautiful  picture  in  his  possession :  and 
the  Rev.  J.  Forshall,  of  the  British  Museum,  has 
my  best  thanks  for  obtaining  permission  for  the 
fac-similes  of  autographs  to  be  executed,  which 
precede  the  second  volume. 

The  lady  to  whose  indefatigable  and  munificent 
exertions  Englishmen  are  indebted  for  the  pre- 
servation of  Crosby  Hall,  will  I  trust  allow  me 
the  gratification  of  thanking  her  in  this  place  for 
a  long  succession  of  kind  offices,  most  cheerfully 
rendered  throughout  this  undertaking :  and  if  I 
have  reserved  for  the  last  the  mention  of  my 
kind  friend,  the  Rev.  Alfred  Butler  Clough, 
B.  D.,  Rector  of  Braunston,  late  Fellow  of  Jesus 
College,  Oxford,  he  may  be  assured  that  it  is  not 
because  his  frequent  and  very  valuable  communi- 
cations on  the  subject  of  his  ancestor  have  been 
least  prized ;  but  for  a  contrary  reason. 

Here  I  shall  dismiss  these  volumes,  which  have 
been  compiled  not  without  considerable  care  and 
anxiety  ;  and  if  it  should  be  objected  to  them 
that  the  author  has  not  sufficiently  adhered  to 
his  principal  subject,  but  has  in  many  instances 
noticed  persons  and  events  only  indirectly  con- 
nected with  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  let  it  be 
remembered  that  his  object  was  to  carry  the 


XV111  PREFACE. 

reader  back  to  the  times  in  which  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham  flourished,  as  well  as  to  narrate  the 
incidents  of  his  life.  It  will,  moreover,  be  gene- 
rally found  that  some  new  light  has  been  thrown 
on  the  subjects  treated  of  incidentally  in  the  en- 
suing pages.  It  is  too  much  to  require  of  a  tra- 
veller whose  journey  lies  across  a  picturesque 
country,  that  he  should  look  neither  to  this  side 
nor  to  that,  but  "  hold  his  course  right  on : "  and, 
to  vary  the  illustration,  it  seems  as  unreasonable 
to  dwell  on  one  solitary  character,  and  call  one's 
narrative  a  life,  as  it  would  be  to  cut  a  single 
portrait  out  of  a  family  group,  and  call  the  irre- 
gular piece  of  canvas  so  obtained,  a  picture. 
History  presents  us  with  groups  of  men  rather 
than  with  individuals  :  and  what  is  antiquarian 
biography,  but  the  magnify  ing-glass  applied  to  a 
particular  portion  of  history  ? 


Brunswick  Square, 
July  12,  1839. 


CONTENTS 

OF     VOLUME     THE     FIRST. 


CHAPTER    I. 
[1519  TO  1550.] 

Introduction,  p.  1. — The  Gresham  Family,  p.  5. — Some  Account 
of  its  early  Members,  p.  6. — Memoirs  of  Sir  John  Gresham,  p. 
11. — Holt  School,  p.  14. — Memoirs  of  Sir  Richard  Gresham, 
p.  21.— Intwood  Hall,  p.  39.— Birth  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  p. 
44.— His  youthful  History— Early  Notices  of  him,  p.  48. — His 
Marriage,  p.  49.— Portrait  of  him  by  Holbein. 

CHAPTER  II. 
[1551  TO  1553.] 

The  Office  of  Royal  Agent,  p.  54.— Stephen  Vaughan,  p.  57.— Sir 
William  Dansell,  p.  63. — Gresham's  appointment,  p.  66. — He  re- 
moves to  Antwerp,  p.  70. — Notices  of  Flanders — of  Antwerp — 
The  Schetz,  p.  78. — Gresham's  early  Services — his  Dissatisfac- 
tion, p.  88. — His  Financial  Schemes — Patronised  by  the  Duke 
of  Northumberland,  p.  100. — Intwood  Hall,  p.  101.— Gresham 
negotiates  with  the  Ambassador  of  Charles  V.,  p.  104. — His 
Prosperity — Enumeration  and  Notices  of  his  Servants — Anec- 
dote of  Edward  VI.,  p.  111. 

CHAPTER  III. 

[1553  TO  1558.] 

Accession  of  Queen  Mary,  p.  113. —  Its  Influence  on  Gresham's 
Fortunes — His  Memorial,  p.  115 — and  its  Consequences. — Sir 


XX  CONTENTS. 

John  Legh,p.  122. — Christopher  Dauntsey — Gresham  restored 
to  Office,  p.  130. — Transactions  at  Antwerp — Gresham  is  sent 
into  Spain,  p.  149. — Sketch  of  his  Movements — He  returns  to 
Antwerp,  p.  156. — Extracts  from  his  Letters  to  Queen  Mary 
and  others — His  Duties  as  Royal  Agent,  p.  163. — Further  Ex- 
tracts from  his  Letters  illustrative  of  History — Abdication  of 
Charles  V.,  p.  173.— Letter  to  the  Queen— The  Mercers  and 
Merchant  Adventurers — Extracts  from  Gresham' s  Correspon- 
dence, p.  190. — Notices  of  his  Friends  at  Antwerp — M ore's 
Portraits  of  Gresham. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

[1558  TO  1562.] 

Accession  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  p.  211. — Scene  at  Hatfield-House, 
and  an  Anecdote  of  the  Queen — Character  of  Sir  William 
Cecil,  p.  220. — Gresham  resumes  his  Office,  p.  232. — Notices 
of  Richard  Clough,  p.  235. — His  Description  of  Charles  the 
Fifth's  Funeral,  p.  241. — Gresham's  Correspondence  resumed, 
p.  257- — His  Movements—  Flemish  Affairs — Gresham's  Knight- 
hood, p.  278. — He  proceeds  to  the  Court  at  Brussels — Lombard 
Street — The  Lombards,  p.  282. — Extracts  from  Gresham's  Cor- 
respondence— He  returns  to  England,  and  again  proceeds  to 
Antwerp,  p.  290. — Extracts  from  his  Letters  relative  to  the 
State  of  Flanders— The  Siege  of  Leith — Flemish  Affairs— Ob- 
jects purchased  abroad — Foreign  Intelligence — The  Queen's 
Marriage,  p.  311. — Shipment  of  Ammunition — The  Marquis 
of  Winchester,  p.  326.— Scotland— Finance— Clough's  Visit 
to  Wolrad,  Count  Mansfeld,  p.  337-— Official  Correspon- 
dence—Amelioration of  the  Coinage,  p.  354. — General  View 
of  Gresham's  Services — He  breaks  his  Leg — Returns  to  Eng- 
land, p.  369. — Sir  John  Gresham — Flemish  Pageantry,  p.  374. 
— The  Land  Jewel — Gresham  proceeds  to  Antwerp,  p.  395. — 
His  Letters  and  Movements — dough's  Account  of  the  Custom- 
House  in  1561,  p.  404.— Proposal  for  a  Burse,  p.  409.— Gres- 
ham-House— The  Ciolls— Foreign  Travel,  p.  421.— Thomas 
Cecil,  and  Windebank  his  Tutor— They  visit  Gresham,  p.  441. 
— Their  Correspondence  with  him  and  Sir  William  Cecil — 
Departure  from  Antwerp. 


CONTENTS.  XXI 


APPENDIX  : — 

No.  I.  Pedigree  of  the  Gresham  Family.— No.  II.  Wills  of  the 
Gresham  Family,  proved  at  Norwich. — No.  III.  Grants  of  Land 
to  Sir  Richard  Gresham. — No.  IV.  Military  and  Naval  Expen- 
ses of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI.— No.  V.  Gresham's  first 
Account ;  rendered  to  King  Edward  in  August,  1552. — No.  VI. 
Curious  old  Catalogue  of  Pictures. — No.  VII.  Extracts  from 
Gresham's  official  Correspondence  in  the  Reign  of  Edward 
VI.— No.  VIII.  Old  Method  of  obtaining  a  Subsidy.— No.  IX. 
Genealogical  Notices  of  Sir  John  Legh  and  his  Family. — 
No.  X.  Gresham's  Instructions  on  being  sent  into  Flanders 
in  1553. — No.  XI.  Gresham's  Instructions  on  being  sent  into 
Spain.— No.  XII.  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham.— No.  XIII. 
Finance  during  the  Reign  of  Queen  Mary. — No.  XIV.  Value 
of  certain  Coins  in  Mary's  Reign. — No.  XV.  Ammunition,  &c. 
purchased  in  Flanders. — No.  XVI.  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  to 
Archbishop  Parker.— No.  XVII.  The  Poet  Churchyard.— 
No.  XVIII.  Doctor  John  Caius.— No.  XIX.  On  the  Orange 
in  More's  Portrait  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham. — No.  XX.  Ano- 
ther Letter  from  Sir  Philip  Hoby  to  Cecil.— No.  XXI.  Sir 
Thomas  Gresham  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  on  Finance. — No.XXII. 
Further  Particulars  of  Charles  V.'s  Funeral.— No.  XXIII. 
Early  English  Vehicles.— No.  XXIV.  Expenses  of  Clough's 
Journey  to  Mansfeld. — No.  XXV.  Paul  Gresham's  House- 
hold Book. — No.  XXVI.  Documents  relating  to  Finance. — 
No.  XXVII.  Gresham's  Instructions.  July  1562. 


ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  VOL.  I. 


Plate  I.  PORTRAIT  OF  SIR  THOMAS  GRESHAM  .  .  to  face  the  Title. 

(Noticed  at  pages  207  and  481.) 

II.  HOLT-SCHOOL,  NORFOLK p.  15 

III.  THE  ENGLISH-HOUSE,  ANTWERP 72 

IV.  INTWOOD-HALL,  NORFOLK 102 


Preceding  the  Preface,  are  engraved  the  seals  habitually  used 
by  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  and  his  servants,  faithfully  copied  from 
the  originals,  or  from  fragments  of  the  originals,  attached  to 
their  letters.  The  Vignette  to  Chapter  I.,  representing  Gresham- 
Church,  is  from  a  sketch  made  on  the  spot,  in  April  1838 : — 
that  preceding  Chapter  II.,  representing  the  Burse  at  Antwerp, 
is  from  an  old  print,  communicated  by  M.  Verachter : — that 
preceding  Chapter  III.,  shows  the  costume  of  an  English, 
Flemish,  and  Venetian  merchant,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
is  noticed  at  p.  209.— Mainan- Abbey,  a  view  of  which  precedes 
Chapter  IV.,  (reduced  to  perspective  from  a  curious  original 
painting,)  is  mentioned  in  vol.  ii.  p.  367- — Gresham's  wedding- 
ring,  represented  in  the  initial  letter  to  Chapter  I.  is  noticed  at 
p.  51. — The  initial  letters  of  Chapter  II.,  III.,  and  IV.,  respec- 
tively exhibit  pennies  of  Edward  VI.,  Queen  Mary,  and  Queen 
Elizabeth :  communicated  by  my  kind  friend,  Edward  Hawkins, 
Esq.,  of  the  British  Museum. 


GRESHAM    CHURCH,    NORFOLK. 


CHAPTER    I. 

[1519  TO  1550.] 

INTRODUCTION — SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  GRESHAM  FAMILY — 
MEMOIRS  OF  SIR  JOHN  AND  SIR  RICHARD  GRESHAM — SIR  THO- 
MAS GRESHAM — HIS  EDUCATION,  EARLY  LIFE,  AND  MARRIAGE. 

HE  name  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham  is  conspicuous  a- 
mong  the  number  of  those 
who  have  been  an  ornament 
to  the  land  which  gave  them 
birth,  and  a  blessing  to  the 
age  in  which  they  lived. 
His  life  was  at  once  so  actively  and  so  usefully 
spent,  that  had  he  left  no  other  memorial  of  him- 

VOL.  I.  B 


Z  INTRODUCTION. — ENGLAND    IN 

self  than  the  space  he  occupies  in  the  page  of  the 
historian,  his  career  would  have  been  far  from 
an  uninteresting  subject  of  literary  inquiry:  but 
when  we  consider  besides,  how  greatly  he  adorned 
and  enriched  the  metropolis  of  this  country,  he 
appears  to  possess  a  peculiar  claim  on  our  atten- 
tion ;  and  it  seems  but  natural  that  we  should 
desire  to  become  better  acquainted  with  his  per- 
sonal history  and  character. 

Living  during  the  reigns  of  Henry  the  Eighth, 
Edward  the  Sixth,  Mary,  and  Elizabeth,  it  may 
be  said  of  the  period  at  which  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham  flourished,  that  it  is  precisely  the  period  of 
English  History  to  which  the  student  is  accus- 
tomed to  refer  with  most  interest,  and  which 
he  is  able  to  contemplate  with  most  satisfaction. 
Sufficiently  remote  to  be  invested  with  that  air 
of  romance  which  is  inseparable  from  antiquity, 
and  which  the  multitudinous  evidence  of  a  later 
age  fails  not  to  dissipate,  it  is  nevertheless  not  so 
far  removed  from  the  period  at  which  we  live,  as 
to  partake  of  the  doubt  and  obscurity  in  which 
our  earlier  annals  are  involved.  We  seem  also 
to  be  connected  with  the  epoch  at  which  he  flou- 
rished by  an  intimate,  and  as  it  were  a  domestic 
tie ;  for  while  all  our  older  families  trace  their 
line  with  certainty  to  about  that  period,  few  can 
adduce  any  better  evidence  of  a  more  ancient 
origin  than  such  as  the  partiality  of  the  herald 


THE    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.  3 

has  supplied/  The  descendants  of  many  of  the 
families  which  became  ennobled  during  the  six- 
teenth century  in  particular,  are  still  to  be  found 
among  us:  and  this  circumstance,  while  it  ren- 
ders the  names  which  were  famous  then,  familiar 
to  ourselves  as  household  words,  seems  to  keep 
up  a  living  interest,  to  give  us  a  personal  concern, 
as  it  were,  in  all  that  relates  to  the  history  of 
their  illustrious  predecessors,  and  to  their  times. 
The  reign  of  the  eighth  Henry,  during  which 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham's  family  first  acquired  dis- 
tinction, seems  to  be  the  grand  transition  period 
in  our  history  ; — the  epoch  during  which  our 
ancestors  first  emerged  from  darkness,  ecclesi- 
astical and  civil,  to  enduring  light  in  every  de- 
partment of  the  commonwealth.  Then,  in  the 
dying  words  of  the  venerable  martyr  Latimer, 
was  "  lighted  such  a  candle  in  England,  as  shall 
never  be  extinguished."  It  was  then  that  the 
influence  of  the  art  of  printing  first  began  to  be 
felt :  letters  from  this  period  dated  their  revival, 

a  Hear  the  evidence  of  a  contemporary  on  this  subject, — 
Paulet,  Marquis  of  Winchester ;  a  man  of  ancient  family,  and 
certainly  a  very  competent  judge  of  such  matters :  "  Heralds 
make  their  books  at  adventure,  and  not  by  the  records."  The 
letter  which  contains  this  passage,  was  addressed  to  Cecil  on 
the  subject  of  the  preservation  of  the  Tower  Records.  It  bears 
date  April  11,  1567,  and  is  preserved  in  the  Domestic  Corres- 
pondence, State-Paper  Office. 

B  2 


THE    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY. 

and  superstition  and  ignorance  the  termination 
of  their  long  reign :  commerce,  the  source  of 
our  national  wealth,  then  made  a  gigantic  stride  ; 
and  all  the  arts  of  war  and  peace  being  sedulously 
promoted,  England  was  raised  to  that  proud  emi- 
nence in  the  scale  of  nations  which  she  has  ever 
since  maintained. 

Remarkable  periods  ever  produce  remarkable 
men ;  and  the  influence  which  the  Reformation, 
perhaps  more  than  any  other  event,  exerted  over 
the  spirit  of  society,  is  apparent  in  every  page 
of  the  history  of  that  time.    The  turbulent  nobles, 
and  the  ignorant  priesthood  of  a  preceding  age, 
made  way  for  a  race  of  Worthies  in  church  and 
state, — widely  differing  indeed  in  their  opinions 
and  characters,  but  all,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree, 
stamped  with  the  impress  of  the  more  enlightened 
age  in  which  they  lived.     These  men  it  has  been 
occasionally  the  object  of  envy  to  blacken,  or  of 
ignorance    to   depreciate.     It  requires,  in  truth, 
very  little  acumen  or  discrimination  to  perceive 
that,  as  men,  they  all  partook  of  the  foibles  to 
which  humanity  is  subject;    and  as  public  cha- 
racters,   that   most   of  them    exhibited   in  their 
actions  the  influences  of  the  system  of  society, 
and  state  of  manners,  in  which  they  lived.    But 
taken  collectively,  they  exhibit  a  mass  of  virtue, 
of  talent,  of  wisdom,  and  of  valour,   such  as  a 


SIR    THOMAS    GRESHAM.  O 

succeeding  age  would  find  it  difficult  to  parallel. 

Throughout  the  period  to  which  reference  has 
been  made,  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  is  to  be  dis- 
tinctly traced :  not  indeed  as  a  brilliant  star 
amid  the  constellation  of  great  names  alluded  to, 
but  as  one  readily  discernible,  and  capable  of 
being  identified  with  certainty.  It  is  a  vulgar 
error  to  suppose  that  his  ancient  celebrity  de- 
pended on  a  few  munificent  acts ;  or  that  his 
pretension  to  the  notice  of  a  succeeding  age  is 
founded  on  no  other  grounds.  Gresham  was  a 
statesman  as  well  as  a  merchant :  he  resided 
for  a  short  time  at  a  foreign  court  in  the  capacity 
of  an  ambassador  ;  and  both  at  home  and  abroad 
was  the  companion  and  correspondent  of  princes 
and  nobles.  After  the  lapse  of  nearly  three 
centuries,  our  means  of  developing  his  life  and  ac- 
tions are  necessarily  much  impaired ;  but  enough 
evidence  remains  to  prove  that  he  was  neither  an 
inactive  spectator  of  his  country's  prosperity,  nor 
altogether  uninfluential  in  promoting  its  rising 
greatness.  It  shall  be  our  endeavour  to  follow 
him  through  the  successive  stages  of  his  busy 
life ;  in  order  to  do  which  effectually,  it  will  be 
desirable,  in  the  first  place,  to  state  somewhat 
concerning  his  origin  and  lineage. 

The  family  from  which  Sir  Thomas  Gresham 
was  descended,  like  most  other  old  Norfolk 


6  ANCESTORS    OF 

families,  derived  its  name  from  a  little  village 
where  it  had  been  settled  for  many  generations.5 
Tradition  points  out  the  ruins  of  an  ancient 
fortified  mansion  near  Gresham  church  as  their 
former  residence  ;  but  historical  evidence  is  al- 
together wanting  in  support  of  this  statement. 
Neither  does  the  curious  little  round-towered 
village-church  itself,  (which  is  represented  in  the 
engraving  at  the  head  of  the  present  chapter,) 
record  the  existence  of  the  Gresham  family  at 
any  time  in  the  neighbourhood.  The  heralds 
alone  (and  they  all  tell  the  same  story)  speak 
of  one  John  Gresham,0  who  resided  at  Gresham 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
His  son  James  appears  to  have  been  clerk  to  Sir 
William  Paston,  the  judge :  he  was  lord  of  the 
manor  of  East  Beckham,  and  is  said  to  have 
settled  at  Holt,  which  is  only  a  few  miles  from 
the  village  where  his  father  resided.  In  quitting 
Gresham,  he  certainly  exchanged  a  picturesque 

b  "  Gresham,  nomen  faciens  ditissimae  exinde  prosapiae,"  &c. 
Sir  H.  Spelman's  English  Works,  1723,  fol.  p.  152.  See  also 
Camden's  Britannia,  ed.  1722,  c.  467.  There  are  villages  in 
Norfolk  which  bear  the  names  of  Coke,  Paston,  Repps,  Wal- 
singham,  Walpole,  Wodehouse,  Wyndham,  &c. 

c  The  reader  is  referred  to  a  pedigree  of  the  family,  (Appen- 
dix, No.  I.)  for  a  few  genealogical  particulars  which  it  was 
thought  requisite  to  supply,  but  with  which  it  was  not  deemed 
necessary  to  encumber  the  text.  In  the  Appendix  to  Dr.  Ward's 
Lives,  &c.,  a  fuller  pedigree  may  be  found. 


SIR    THOMAS    GRESHAM.  7 

neighbourhood  for  one  singularly  bleak  and  un- 
productive; for  Holt  stands,  or  rather  stood,  in 
the  midst  of  a  wild  heathy  moor,  in  the  most 
northern  part  of  Norfolk,  being  only  four  miles 
distant  from  the  sea.  Here  he  probably  erected 
the  old  manor-house,  which  occupied  the  centre 
of  the  town ;  and  having  since  been  reconstructed 
and  converted  into  a  free-school,  now  constitutes 
the  chief  ornament  of  Holt.  It  is  represented  in 
plate  ii.  Eleven  of  the  letters  of  James  Gres- 
ham,  written  between  the  years  1443  and  1464, 
have  been  published  among  those  of  the  Paston 
family/  They  are  dated  from  London,  and  seal- 
ed with  a  grasshopper ; — a  sufficient  refutation,  by 
the  way,  of  an  idle  tradition  accounting  for  the 
adoption  of  that  heraldic  symbol  by  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  which  Mr.  Lodge,  in  his  "Portraits  of 
Illustrious  Personages,"  has  not  thought  unde- 
serving of  notice. 

James  Gresham  was  succeeded  by  his  son  John, 
who  married  Alice,  daughter  of  Alexander  Blyth, 
of  Stratton,  Esquire :  this  lady  brought  her  hus- 
band an  ample  fortune,  and  by  her  he  had  four 
sons, — William,  Thomas,  Richard,  and  John:  the 
two  younger  of  whom  had  the  honour  of  knight- 
hood conferred  upon  them  by  King  Henry  VIII. ; 

d  Original  Letters,  &c.,  edited  by  Sir  John  Fenn,  4to.     See 
vol.  ii.  plate  xiv.  fig.  2. 


8  WILLIAM    GRESHAM. 

but  Richard  more  especially  claims  our  notice,  as 
being  the  father  of  the  distinguished  individual 
whose  history  forms  the  peculiar  subject  of  these 
pages.  Before  we  enter  on  the  life  of  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gresham,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  give 
some  account  of  his  uncles,  who  were  also  '  me- 
morable men  in  their  generation.' 

Of  William  and  Thomas,  we  know  little  more 
than  is  set  forth  in  the  family  pedigree.  The 
eldest,  a  mercer  and  merchant-adventurer  of 
London,  and  the  last  of  the  family  who  resided  at 
Holt,  married  a  lady  of  the  Bodley  family ;  and 
in  1537  was  registered  one  of  the  principal  free- 
men householders  of  the  Mercers'  Company.6 
Hakluyt  says,  "  it  appears  out  of  certain  auncient 
Ligier  Bookes  of  Master  John  Gresham,"  that 
between  the  years  1511  and  1534,  many  English 
ships  traded  to  the  Levant ;  among  which  he 
mentions  "  the  Mary  George,  wherein  was  factor 
William  Gresham."  f  This  was,  perhaps,  the  indi- 
vidual of  whom  we  have  so  little  else  to  recount ; 
but  it  is  certain,  that  in  the  year  1545  he  was 
ranked  among  the  most  considerable  merchants 
connected  with  the  Low- Countries.  He  died  at  an 
early  age,  and  was  interred  in  Our- Lady- Chapel, 

«  Herbert's  History  of  the  Twelve  Companies,  &c.,  vol.  i.  p. 
227. 

f  Principal  Navigations,  &c.,  vol.  ii.  p.  96. 


FLEMISH    SETTLERS    IN    NORFOLK. 

in  the  church  of  St.    Pancras,    Soper-lane,  (now 
Bow-lane,)  on  the  20th  of  March,  1548.g 

The  commercial  importance  which  Norfolk  ac- 
quired at  a  very  early  period,  and  for  which  it 
was  indebted  to  its  geographical  position,  is  well 
known.  So  far  back  as  the  beginning  of  the 
twelfth  century,  many  Flemish  weavers  came  over 
and  settled  at  Worsted  in  that  county, — then  a 
large  and  populous  town,  but  at  present  only 
remarkable  for  having  bestowed  its  name  on  a 
particular  description  of  woollen  manufacture : 
and  in  the  year  1336,  a  large  company  of  artisans 
of  the  same  nation,  invited  over  by  Edward  III., 
established  themselves  permanently  at  Norwich.11 
Their  fleets  found  anchorage  in  Kirkley-road, 
near  Lowestoft ;  a  haven  which  has  been  disused 
ever  since  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  Besides  their 
manufactures,  the  Flemings  brought  with  them  the 
arts  of  their  country  ;  of  which  traces  are  visible 
to  this  day  in  the  painted  screens  wherewith  they 

«  In  1544,  among  the  most  liberal  citizens  who  advanced  mo- 
ney to  King  Henry  VIII.  on  a  mortgage  of  common  lands,  we 
find  the  names  of  Sir  Richard,  Sir  John,  and  William  Gresham  ; 
who,  between  them,  furnished  the  king  with  1073/.  6s.  8d. ;  viz. 
500/.,  800  marks,  (or  533^.  6*.  8rf.)  and40/.  respectively.— Stowe's 
Survey,  ed.  1720,  book  i.  p.  282. 

h  Blomefield's  Norfolk,  vol.  iii.  p.  83.  In  1332,  Yarmouth 
yielded  in  importance  to  scarcely  any  English  maritime  town. 
It  sent  43  ships,  and  1905  mariners,  to  assist  Edward  III.  in  the 
siege  of  Calais. 


10  FLEMISH    ARCHITECTURE. 

decorated  the  churches  of  Norfolk,  and  the  style 
of  domestic  architecture  which  they  introduced. 
Of  the  former,  the  church  of  Worsted  itself  sup- 
plies us  with  a  capital  specimen  :  and  a  compari- 
son of  the  views  of  Holt  grammar-school,  the  old 
manorial  residence  of  the  Greshams,  in  plate  n., 
and  of  Intwood  Hall,  in  plate  iv.,  with  the  Hotel 
van  Lyere,  or  house  allotted  to  the  English  mer- 
chants at  Antwerp,  in  plate  in.,  will  show  how 
clearly  imitative  of  the  Flemish  style  of  architec- 
ture were  the  residences  of  the  Norfolk  gentry  in 
old  times.  The  art  of  building  with  brick,  which 
had  been  lost  since  the  departure  of  the  Romans, 
was  introduced  by  the  same  people  early  in  the 
fourteenth  century. 

About  the  year  1500,  the  trade  with  Flanders 
had  attained  its  highest  degree  of  prosperity ;  and 
this  may  explain  why,  of  the  four  sons  of  John 
Gresham,  three  devoted  themselves  to  a  commer- 
cial career,  in  which  two  of  them,  John  and  Rich- 
ard, (of  whom  more  hereafter,)  made  such  distin- 
guished figures.  It  serves  in  particular  to  ex- 
plain the  origin  of  their  connexion  with  Flanders, 
which  in  the  end  was  productive  of  such  important 
results  to  the  family. 

Thomas  entered  the  church,  and  was  presented 
to  the  rectorship  of  the  adjoining  parishes  of  South 
Repps  and  North  Repps,  in  1515  and  1519  re- 


THOMAS    GRESHAM.  11 

spectively.4  These  villages  are  only  a  few  miles 
distant  from  that  whence  the  Gresham  family 
derived  its  name.  Thomas  became  a  prebendary 
of  Winchester,  and  in  1535  was  collated  to  the 
chancellorship  of  the  cathedral  of  Lichfield.  In 
his  will,  which  was  proved  in  1558,j  we  have  a 
picture  of  him  in  his  last  moments.  "  He,  the 
sayde  Maister  Thomas  Gresham,  parsone  afore- 
said, being  asked,  if  God  dyd  call  hym,  who  sholde 
be  his  Executor  and  Dower  for  hymn, — laye  styll 
awhyle,  and  pawsed.  Then,  he  being  asked  ones 
again, — *  For  youe  have  always  borne  your  good 
will  to  Maister  Edmund  Gresham,  your  nephew, 
howe  saye  ye  ?  Shall  he  be  Dower  for  you,  if 
God  do  calle  you  to  his  mercy  ?'  He  answered 
and  said,  «  Yee.'  " 

John,  the  youngest  son,  was  a  merchant  of  con- 
siderable importance.  He  was  born  at  Holt ;  but 
apprenticed  in  London  to  a  mercer,  by  name  Mr. 
John  Middleton,  and  admitted  a  member  of  the 
Mercers'  Company  in  1517.  At  that  early  pe- 
riod, and  even  earlier,  the  English  traded  to  the 
Levant,  and  John  Gresham  was  one  of  the  princi- 
pal adventurers.  On  one  occasion,  having  hired 

1  Tanner's  MS.  in  the  registry  of  the  Bishop  of  Norwich. 

j  September  17th,  Prerogative-Office.  Noodes.  quire  xlvi.  In 
the  Bishop's  registry  at  Norwich,  I  found  another  will  of  this 
person,  of  a  similar  tenour,  but  quite  differently  worded.  Jerves, 
ccxlvj.  It  was  proved  September  16th.  See  Appendix,  No.  II. 


12  SIR    JOHN    GRESHAM. 

a  Portuguese  vessel,  and  loaded  it  at  Scio  with 
merchandise  for  the  English  market,  the  Portu- 
guese, to  whom  the  vessel  belonged,  dishonestly 
detained  it  in  Portugal,  and  made  himself  master 
of  the  cargo,  which  was  valued  at  12,000  ducats. 
Henry  VIII.  deemed  this  injury  done  to  a  British 
subject  not  unworthy  of  his  notice,  and  wrote  to 
John,  King  of  Portugal,  desiring  that  the  property 
might  be  restored :  the  letter  is  dated  the  1 5th  of 
October,  1531,  and  has  been  preserved  by  Hak- 
luyt.k  Another  illustration  of  the  early  traffic  of 
this  family  with  the  Levant,  is  supplied  by  the 
will  of  Lady  Isabella  Gresham,  (Sir  John's  sis- 
ter-in-law,) where  particular  mention  is  made  of 
her  '  Turkey  carpets,' — a  great  luxury  for  a  pri- 
vate individual,  in  an  age  when  rushes  formed 
part  of  the  furniture  of  the  court.1  John  Gresham 
became  sheriff  of  London  in  1537,  (the  year  of 
his  brother  Richard's  mayoralty,)  and  was  knight- 
ed while  in  that  office. 

After  the  lapse  of  three  centuries,  we  catch  but 
imperfect  glimpses  of  such  a  character  as  Sir  John 
Gresham :  but  we  may  infer,  that  he  was  held  in 

k  Principal  Navigations,  &c.,  vol.  ii.  p.  96.  A  marvellous  story 
told  by  George  Sandys,  the  traveller,  in  which  a  merchant  named 
Gresham  is  a  principal  performer,  probably  refers  to  Sir  John.— 
Sandys'  Travels,  book  iv.  p.  194. 

1  In  1602,  a  Turkey  carpet,  sixteen  feet  long,  cost  27^.,  equiva- 
lent to  nearly  200/.  at  the  present  day. 


SIR    JOHN    GRESHAM.  13 

high  consideration,  and  lived,  as  our  ancestors 
would  have  said,  in  great  worship,  from  the  fol- 
lowing entry  in  an  old  MS.  account  of  payments 
made  "  by  John  Gostwyk,  treasurer  unto  the 
King's  Majestic  of  the  first-fruits  and  tenths,  to 
these  personnes  ensuyng  for  diverse  and  sundry 
his  Majestie's  affaires  ;"  from  which  we  learn  that 
when  Anne  of  Cleves  came  to  England  in  1539, 
for  the  purpose  of  being  united  to  the  ill-man- 
nered Henry,  the  task  of  entertaining  certain  of 
her  train  fell  to  the  share  of  our  knight : 

"  To  certain  Inholders  of  Grenewiche  and  Lon- 
don, for  their  dietts,  and  lodging  of  certain  gen- 
tilmen  that  came  over  with  the  Quene's  said 
grace,  387/.  6s.  ^d. 

"  To  Sir  John  Gressham  for  the  charge  of  the 
ambassadors  lodged  in  his  house,  56/.  4s.  4d." 

In  the  same  document  mention  is  made  of  Sir 
Richard,  father  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  and  bro- 
ther of  the  preceding,  viz. 

"  To  Sir  Richerde  Gressham  for  a  cheyne  of 
fyne  golde  whiche  was  geven  to  a  gent,  that  came 
from  the  Duke  of  Bavyer,  100/.  13s.  Qd"m 

Liberality  and  benevolence  appear  to  have  been 
qualities  inherent  in  this  family  ;  for  in  1546,  hav- 

m  Cott.  MS.  Append,  xxviii.  1.  128.  The  Gostwicks  were  an 
ancient  family  of  Willington,  in  Bedfordshire.  As  gentry  they 
are  extinct. 


14  HOLT    SCHOOL. 

ing  purchased  of  his  eldest  brother,  William,  the 
mansion-house  at  Holt,"  where  their  father  had 
lived,  and  where  himself  and  his  brothers  were 
born,  Sir  John  Gresham  converted  it  into  a  free 
grammar-school,  which  he  endowed  with  the  ma- 
nors of  Pereers  and  Holt  Hales,  in  Norfolk,  with 
all  their  appurtenances  ;  besides  upwards  of  ten 
freehold  estates  in  the  same  county,  and  three 
more  in  London.  Had  the  trustees  of  this  school 
been  formerly  distinguished  for  the  same  vigilance 
which  characterizes  their  representatives  at  the 
present  day,  it  would  not  have  been  our  painful 
duty  to  state,  that  of  the  extensive  demesnes  with 
which  Holt  grammar-school  was  endowed  by  its 
founder, — sufficient,  had  they  been  properly  ma- 
naged, to  have  set  it  on  a  level  with  the  first 
establishments  of  a  similar  nature  in  England, — 
there  remains  at  present  but  162  acres  of  land. 
Its  total  revenue  amounts  to  not  quite  350/.,  about 
two-thirds  of  which  arise  from  the  rents  of  its 
estates  in  London.  Most  of  the  above-named  pro- 
perty seems  to  have  lapsed  previous  to  the  year 
1592 ;  for  the  Fishmongers'  Company  (to  whom 
the  management  of  the  school  was  confided  by  its 
founder)  have  no  evidence  that  the  greater  part 

»  Blomefield's  Norfolk,  vol.  ix.  p.  396.  The  deed  of  sale  is 
dated  October  14,  39  [38  ?]  Henry  VIII. ;  and  the  purchase- 
money  was  170J.  Holt  school  was  incorporated  April  27,  1  and 
2  Philip  and  Mary,  (1555.) 


HOLT    SCHOOL.  15 

of  it  was  in  their  possession  in  that  year, — the 
earliest  period  to  which  they  are  able  to  refer. 
In  the  manor  of  Holt  Hales  they  have  no  interest 
beyond  the  receipt  of  a  fee-farm  rent  of  7/«  per 
annum,  paid  to  them  by  the  present  lord  of  the 
manor.  Notwithstanding  every  disadvantage,  this 
school,  liberally  conducted,  and  regulated  by  salu- 
tary statutes,  is  in  a  flourishing  condition  at  the 
present  day,  and  educates  fifty  free-scholars  ;  to 
any  one  of  whom  removing  to  either  of  the  uni- 
versities, an  annual  exhibition  of  20/.  is  allowed.0 
A  representation  of  Holt  school  may  be  seen  in 
the  annexed  plate.  It  is  an  ornament  and  a  bless- 
ing to  the  county,  and  reflects  much  credit  on  the 
trustees  and  its  worthy  principal — the  Rev.  B. 
Pulleyne. 

Nor  is  it  altogether  destitute  of  historical  inte- 
rest ;  for  in  the  year  1650,  a  few  loyal  inhabitants 
of  Norfolk  having  agreed  to  adventure  their  lives 
and  fortunes  in  the  service  of  their  royal  master, 
we  are  told  that  one  Mr.  Cooper,  a  minister  and 
schoolmaster,  was  apprehended,  and  sentenced  by 
the  minions  of  Cromwell  to  be  tried  on  Christmas- 
day,  "  partly  to  show  their  dislike  of  the  observa- 
cion  of  that  day,  and  partly  to  add  to  his  afflic- 
tion, whom  they  knew  to  honour  that  festival-day. 

0  Twelfth  Report  of  the  Parliamentary  Commissioners  on 
Charities  in  England  and  Wales.  1825,  vol.  x.  p.  103. 


16  THE    MARCHING    WATCH. 

And  though  they  had  no  evidence  against  him 
but  presumption  that  he  was  privy  to  the  plot,  yet 

they  condemned  him,  and he  was  executed 

at  Holt,  before  his  schoole-house  doore."p 

Sir  John  Gresham  succeeded  in  obtaining 
from  Henry  VIII.  the  Hospital  of  St.  Mary 
Bethlem,  which  has  continued  ever  since  in  the 
hands  of  the  Corporation  of  London,  as  an  asylum 
for  lunatics.  In  1547,  being  lord  mayor,  he 
revived  the  splendid  pageant  of  the  Marching 
Watch  ;q  a  ceremony  which  had  been  practised 
from  time  immemorial  by  the  citizens  of  London 
at  Midsummer  ;  but  having  been  prohibited  by 
royal  command  in  1528,r  and  again  in  1539,  was 
discontinued  till  the  year  of  Sir  John  Gresham's 
mayoralty.  The  period  fixed  for  its  celebration 
was  the  eves  of  St.  John  and  St.  Peter  ;  and  what 
rendered  it  particularly  attractive  on  the  present 
occasion  was,  an  accession  of  "  more  than  300 
demi-launces  and  light-horsemen,  that  were  pre- 
pared by  the  citizens  to  be  sent  into  Scotland."5 

p  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxv.  p.  593. 

q  Stowe's  Survey,  ed.  1720,  book  i.  p.  256. 

r  On  account  of  the  Sweating  Sickness. — Hall's  Chronicle, 
fol.  177,  ed.  1548.  A  brief  account  of  that  malady  may  be  found 
in  Sir  H.  Ellis's  interesting  selection  of  "  Letters,"  &c.  first  Se- 
ries, vol.  i.  p.  269. 

8  Stowe's  Chronicle,  ed.  1631,  p.  595.  For  a  description  of 
the  Marching  Watch,  see  Strutt's  Sports  and  Pastimes,  4to.  p. 
269,  or  Stowe,  ed.  1603,  p.  159.  But  the  curious  reader  should 


SIR    JOHN    GRESHAM.  17 

In  the  Lady  Long's  household-book,  preserved 
at  Hengrave  in  Suffolk,  the  following  entry 
occurs,  relating  to  this  ceremony  :  "  Paid  to  xxx 
men,  for  weying  of  your  La :  barneys  on  Midsom- 
mer  eve  and  St.  Peter's  eve  ;  that  is  to  say,  xs. 
to  my  L.  Mayor,  and  xx  to  Sir  Roland  Hill;"4 — 
"  my  Lord  Mayor  "  being  Sir  John  Gresham. 
In  proof  of  the  interest  this  pageant  excited, 
Stowe  relates  that  Henry  VIII.  and  his  queen, 
Jane  Seymour,  "  stood  in  Mercers'  Hall,  and  saw 
the  watch  of  the  city  most  bravely  set  out," 
during  the  mayoralty  of  his  privy-counsellor,  Sir 
John  Aleyn. 

Stowe  somewhat  graphically  mentions  Sir 
John  Gresham,  when  he  describes  how  Protector 
Somerset,  on  the  afternoon  of  October  14,  1549, 
"  was  brought  from  Windsor,  riding  betwixt  the 
Earls  of  Southampton  and  Huntingdon,  through 
Oldbourne,  in  at  Newgate,  to  the  Tower  of  Lon- 
don, accompanied  with  divers  lords  and  gentle- 
men, and  300  horse."  The  Lord  Mayor,  Sir 
Ralph  Warren,  Sir  John  Gresham,  Mr.  Recorder, 
and  other  city  dignitaries,  he  says,  "  sat  on  their 

consult  the  Harl.  MS.,    No.  3741 ;  "  A  booke  conteyning  the 
manner  and  order  of  a  watche,"   &c.  [1585]  :  which  has  been 
reprinted  in  the  Harleian  Miscellany  by  Park,  4to.  1812,  vol.  ix. 
p.  389. 
1  Gage's  History  of  Hengrave,  p.  198,  Note. 

VOL.  I.  C 


18  SIR    JOHN    GRESHAM. 

horses  against  Soper-lane,"  [Bow-lane,]  the  officers 
standing  with  bills  and  halberds  while  the  Duke 
passed. 

It  was  to  this  person  that  the  subject  of  these 
pages  was  apprenticed;  and  from  a  passage  in 
one  of  the  letters  he  addressed  to  Queen  Mary 
in  1558,  it  is  evident  that  Sir  John  was  repeat- 
edly employed  as  agent  in  Flanders  to  Henry 
VIII.  Nor  did  his  commission  cease  with  that 
monarch's  reign,  as  appears  from  the  council-book 
of  his  successor,  where  he  obtains  frequent  notice 
as  a  financial  agent." 

After  having  amassed  a  considerable  fortune  in 
trade,  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  purchase  many 

«  Three  extracts  may  suffice.  "12  April,  1547.  Warrant  to 
Sr  John  Gresham  and  Andrew  Judde,  aldermen  of  London,  for 
delivery  owte  of  the  money  rysing  by  sale  of  the  King's  Maties 
allom  and  fustians,  the  summe  of  cccc  K.  to  thands  of  Leonard 
Shorer  and  his  brother,  for  so  much  by  them  delivered  at  An- 
twerp to  William  Damesell  for  his  Maties  affaires  there." 

"  13  February,  1547-8.  Sr  John  Gresham  had  warrant  to  pay 
to  Mr.  Damosell,  repayring  to  Antwerp  in  his  Maries  affaires, 
ccc  crownes." 

"  28  April,  1548.  Sir  John  Gresham,  now  lord  mayor  of 
London,  had  warrant  for  xviii  c  li.  [1800J.],  to  be  sent  to  Sr 
Richard  Cotton,  Thresaurer  of  Bulloin,  for  payment  of  things 
under  his  charge ;  which  money  to  be  parcell  of  that  same  re- 
ceyved  of  the  same  Sr  John  sold  for  fustyanes  of  the  King's  Matie 
deceassed,  delyvered  to  him  whyle  his  Highnes  lived."  For 
access  to  a  very  beautiful  transcript  of  the  council-book  of  Ed- 
ward VI.,  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  my  friend,  P.  Fraser 
Tytler,  Esq. 


SIR  JOHN  GRESHAM'S  DEATH.  19 

estates  in  Norfolk,  besides  the  manor  of  Titsey 
in  Surrey/  he  died  of  a  malignant  fever,  on  the 
23rd  of  October,  1556, — seven  days  after  he  had 
made  final  dispositions  for  the  government  of 
Holt-school, — and  was  interred  in  the  beautiful 
church  of  St.  Michael  Bassishaw,  in  which  parish 
he  resided  at  the  time  of  his  death.  "  He  dwelt," 
says  Stowe,  "  where  Sir  Leonard  Halliday,  who 
was  mayor  anno  1605,  afterwards  dwelt." w 

Strype  has  given  us  a  list  of  several  worthies, 
who,  in  a  short  space,  fell  victims  to  the  same 
pestilential  malady ;  and  he  does  not  omit  to 
mention  Sir  John  Gresham  among  the  number. 
The  day  of  his  interment  happening  to  be  a  fast- 
day,  he  says  an  extraordinary  fish-dinner  was 
provided  on  the  occasion,  at  which  were  admitted 

»  In  Henry  VIII.'s  Privy-council  book,  it  is  stated  that,  in 
1541,  "a  frame  of  tymbre  belonging  to  Sir  John  Gressam  of 
London,  knyght,"  was  destroyed  by  incendiaries  in  Surrey : 
whereupon  a  letter  was  addressed  to  Justice  Willoughby,  and 
other  justice  gentlemen  dwelling  in  the  said  county,  ordering 
them  to  examine  all  suspected  persons  at  the  Sessions  at  God- 
stone. — Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  the  Privy-council  of 
England,  8vo.  1837,  vol.  vii.  p.  174. 

w  It  appears,  from  his  will,  that  he  had  first  lived  in  Milk- 
street,  and  subsequently  in  the  parish  of  St.  Mary,  Alderman- 
bury.  "  He  gave  the  coat  of  the  Greshams  with  a  chief,  or ;  a 
trefoil,  azure,  between  two  asses'  heads,  erased,  sable,  collared." 
— Stowe' s  Survey,  ed.  1720,  book  v.  p.  176.  Among  the  armorial 
bearings  painted  in  the  old  hall  of  the  Mercers'  Company,  were 
those  of  Sir  John  and  Sir  Richard  Gresham. 

c2 


20  HIS    FUNERAL    AND    WILL. 

all  that  came ;  and  the  funeral  sermon  was 
preached  by  the  celebrated  Dr.  Harpsfeld.x  To 
judge  from  the  ceremonial  of  his  interment,  he 
must  have  been  a  personage  of  great  considera- 
tion. "  He  was  buried,"  says  Stowe,  "  with  a 
standard  and  penon  of  arms,  and  a  coat  armour 
of  damask,  [Damascus  steel,]  and  four  penons  of 
arms ;  besides  a  helmet,  a  target  and  a  sword, 
mantles  and  the  crest,  a  goodly  hearse  of  wax, 
ten  dozen  of  pensils,  and  twelve  dozen  of  es- 
cutcheons. He  had  four  dozen  of  great  staff 

torches,  and  a  dozen  of  great  long  torches 

The  church  and  the  streets  were  all  hung  with 
black,  and  arms  in  great  store ;  and  on  the  mor- 
row three  goodly  masses  were  sung ;  one  of  the 
Trinity,  another  of  Our  Lady,  and  the  third  of 
Requiem." y  Many  were  his  charitable  bequests. 
Besides  100/.  to  poor  maids'  marriages,  and  con- 
siderable sums  to  the  different  prisons  and  hospi- 
tals of  London,  he  left  to  sixty  poor  men,  and  forty 
poor  women,  as  many  black  gowns,  of  the  value 
of  265.  Sd.  and  20s.  each,  respectively.  Sir  Row- 
land Hill,  and  Sir  Andrew  Judd,  Knts.,  conjointly 
with  his  '  well-beloved  nephew,  Thomas  Gresham,' 

x  Lowndes  mentions  "  A  notable  and  learned  Sermon  or 
Homilie  vpon  St.  Andrewes  Day  last  past,  1556,  &c.,  by  Mayster 
John  Harpesfield.  D.D.,"  &c. 

y  Stowe's  Survey,  ed.  1720,  book  i.  p.  258-9. 


SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM. 


21 


were  appointed  overseers  of  his  will.  To  the 
Mercers'  Company  he  left  13/.  6s.  Qd.  for  a 
feast, — "  desiring  theim,  aftre  dynner,  to  have  my 
soul  in  remembrance  with  their  prayers."  He 
was  twice  married,2  and  by  his  first  wife  had  ele- 
ven children,  from  the  eldest  of  which  was  de- 
scended Sir  John  Gresham,  the  representative 
and  last  baronet  of  the  family,  who  died  at  Titsey, 
on  the  20th  of  October,  1801.* 

Sir  Richard,  brother  of  the  preceding,  and 
father  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  was  born  at  Holt,b 
but  brought  up  in  London,  where  he  was  ap- 
prenticed to  Mr.  John  Middleton,  an  eminent 
mercer,  and  merchant  of  the  staple  at  Calais.0  In 
1507  he  was  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  the 
Mercers'  Company.  Though  occasionally  en- 
gaged in  Flanders,  he  pursued  his  business  at 
home,  and  there  appears  to  be  no  evidence  what- 
ever that  he  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  Royal 
Agent  in  the  Low  Countries/  as  many  have  as- 

1  See  the  family  pedigree  in  the  Appendix,  No.  I. 

4  Gent.  Mag.  vol.  Ixxi.  pp.  962,  1049. 

b  Blomefield's  Norfolk,  vol.  ix.  p.  396. 

c  Middleton  seems  to  have  been  a  Hertfordshire  man.  He 
died  in  London  in  October  or  November  1509,  and  was  buried 
before  the  image  of  St.  Katharine  Coleman.  Prerogative-Office, 
Bennett,  quire  22. 

0  In  the  Privy-purse  expenses  of  King  Henry  VIII.,  from  Nov. 
1529  to  Dec.  1532,  he  is  merely  styled  "  of  London,  mercer."— 
See  pp.  7,  116,  and  261,  of  that  interesting  publication. 


22  SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM,    A 

serted.  In  confirmation  of  this  statement,  it  is 
worth  remarking  that  he  attained,  in  succession, 
to  the  several  honours  of  citizenship ;  from  all  of 
which  his  son  was  excluded,  by  his  periodical 
residence  in  the  capacity  of  Royal  Agent  at 
Antwerp.  That  he  was  frequently  employed  in 
the  service  of  the  state,6  and  was  its  accredited 
financial  agent,  is  however  certain  ;  and  he  ap- 
pears to  have  been  one  of  those  individuals,  of 
whose  number  were  Sir  John  Hackett,  John 
Hutton,  and  others,  on  whom  Wolsey  and  Crum- 
well,  as  prime-ministers,  were  accustomed  to  de- 
pend for  foreign  intelligence,  and  co-operation  in 
the  working  out  of  their  plans  at  home.  Thus, 
in  1526,  Richard  Gresham  wrote  to  the  cardinal 
from  Flanders,  apprizing  him  of  an  arrest  of  the 
English,  and  a  general  seizure  of  merchandise  at 
Nieuport  ;f  and  about  the  same  time  we  find  him 
among  his  fellow-citizens,  supporting  the  demands 
of  the  crown  with  a  degree  of  warmth  which  called 
forth  the  unqualified  expression  of  their  displea- 
sure. Supplies  were  required  to  enable  Henry 

e  See  a  letter,  reprinted  in  Cavendish's  Life  of  Wolsey,  by 
Singer,  1827,  p.  461.  It  is  from  the  Cott.  MS.  Otho.  C.  x. 
fol.  223. 

f  Cott.  MS.  Galba.  b.  ix.  fol.  12.  This  was  in  revenge  of  the 
arrest  of  the  imperial  ambassadors  in  England.  The  writer 
recommends  to  the  Cardinal's  notice  Jochem  Howsteter,  a 
German  merchant,  who  was  the  bearer  of  the  letter. 


SERVANT    OF    THE    STATE.  23 

VIII.  to  carry  on  the  war  with  France ;  and 
Wolsey,  after  attempting  some  arbitrary  imposi- 
tions, which  drove  the  Londoners  very  nearly 
into  a  state  of  rebellion,  solicited  a  voluntary  con- 
tribution of  the  mayor  and  aldermen.  This  they 
also  refused  to  comply  with,  until  they  had  com- 
municated his  request  to  the  common-council ; 
who  so  indignantly  rejected  it,  that  the  court 
moved  for  expelling  Richard  Gresham,  John 
Hewster,  and  Richard  Gibson,  three  of  their 
members,  who  ventured  to  speak  in  favour  of  the 
measure.8  On  his  death-bed,  Wolsey  spoke  of 
Gresham  as  his  '  friend.'  Sir  William  Kingston, 
constable  of  the  Tower,  desired  the  cardinal  to 
state  what  had  become  of  a  sum  of  money  lately 
in  his  possession.  "  This  money  that  ye  demand 
of  me,"  replied  the  dying  cardinal,  "  I  assure  you 
it  is  none  of  mine  ;  for  I  borrowed  it  of  divers 
of  my  friends  to  bury  me,  and  to  bestow  among 
my  servants,  who  have  taken  great  pains  about 
me,  like  true  and  faithful  men."h  He  then  ex- 
plained how  he  was  indebted  for  200/.  to  Richard 
Gresham.  This  happened  in  the  year  1530. 

In  1531  Richard  became  sheriff  of  the  city  of 
London ;  and  in  October  1537  was  elected  lord 

«  Hall's  Chronicle,  by  Ellis,  4to.  1809,  p.  699. 

h  Cavendish's  Life  of  Wolsey,  by  Singer,  1827,  p.  384. 


24  LETTER    ON    THE    BIRTH    OF 

mayor.1  The  dignity  of  the  chief  civic  officer 
was  at  that  time  commonly  augmented  by  the 
honour  of  knighthood ;  and  during  his  mayoralty, 
Gresham  received  that  distinction  at  the  hands  of 
his  royal  master .j  It  is  rather  remarkable,  that 
of  the  four  letters  of  Sir  Richard  known  to  exist, 
three  were  written  during  his  mayoralty;  each 
being  in  its  way  highly  interesting,  important,  and 
characteristic. 

The  first  in  order  is  probably  the  following, 
dated  only  a  few  days  after  the  writer's  election 
to  the  civic  chair.  It  was  addressed  to  Crumwell 
on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  Queen  Jane  Sey- 
mour, an  event  which  occurred  a  few  days  after 
she  had  given  birth  to  Edward  VI. 

"  Myne  humble  dieuty  rememberyd  to  your 
good  lordeshipe,  &c.  Yet  shale  please  you  to 
untherstand,  that  by  the  commaundement  of  the 
Ducke  of  Northefolk,  I  have  cawssyd  xii  c.  [1200] 
massys  to  be  seyde,  within  the  Cite  of  London, 

1  In  which  year  (30th  November)  Christopher  Barker,  Garter 
King  of  Arms,  granted  to  him  and  his  posterity  the  following 
augmentation  to  his  arms  ; — on  a  chief,  gules,  a  pelican  between 
two  lions'  gambs  erased,  or,  armed,  azure.  The  grant  may  be 
found  in  "  Miscellanies  Historical  and  Philological,"  &c.  8vo. 
1703,  p.  175. 

j  His  knighthood  is  referred  to  1537,  because  he  is  styled 
Gentleman  in  the  grant  just  cited,  and  Sir  Richard  Gresham  in 
documents  dated  in  the  succeeding  year  :  but  Ward,  and  others, 
state  that  he  was  knighted  in  1531. 


KING    EDWARD    THE    SIXTH.  25 

for  the  sowle  of  our  moste  gracious  Quene.  And 
whereas  the  Mayer  and  Aldyrmen,  with  the  Com- 
menors,  was  lattely  at  Powlles,  [St.  Paul's,]  and 
ther  gave  thanckes  unto  God  for  the  byrthe  of 
our  Prynce, — my  Lorde,  I  doo  thyncke  yt  wher 
convenyent  that  ther  shulld  bee  allsoo  at  Powlles 
a  sollem  derige  and  masse  ;  and  that  the  Mayer, 
Alldyrmen,  with  the  Commeners,  to  be  there,  for 
to  praye  and  offer  for  Hyr  Grace's  sowle.  My 
Lorde,  yt  shall  please  you  to  move  the  Kynges 
Highnes,  and  hys  pleasser  knowen  in  thys  be- 
helfve,  I  ame  and  shale  be  redy  to  accomplyche 
his  moste  gracious  pleasser.  As  knowethe  God, 
who  gyve  unto  you  goode  helthe  with  long  lyve. 
From  London,  thys  Thurssdaye,  the  viiith  daye 
of  November. 

"  My  Lord,  yf  ther  be  eny  allines  to  be  gyvyn, 
ther  ys  many  power  pepyll  within  the  Cite. 

Your  owne,  at  your  Lordeshepes 
Commaundementes, 

RYC.  GRESHAM."k 

This  letter  merits  preservation,  were  it  only 
for  the  humanity  which  dictated  the  concluding 

k  Cott.  MS.  Nero.  C.  x.  f.  2  b.  Thus,  on  the  occasion  of 
Queen  Katherine's  pregnancy,  (5th  July,  1518,)  Henry  VIII. 
commanded  Te  Deum  laudamus  "to  be  solempnely  sunge  in 
Powlys."— See  Pace's  Letter  to  Wolsey.  State  Papers,  vol.  i. 
K.  Henry  VIII.  4to.  1830,  p.  2,— a  publication  replete  with  in- 
terest of  the  highest  order. 


26  PETITION    TO    HENRY    THE    EIGHTH 

sentence.  But  the  charitable  spirit  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham's  father  will  best  appear  from  the  fol- 
lowing very  remarkable  petition ;  wherein  he 
prefers  no  selfish  suit,  but  avails  himself  of  his 
influence  with  the  king  to  plead  the  cause  of  the 
afflicted  and  the  friendless.  One  scarcely  knows 
which  to  admire  most ;  the  benevolence  of  the 
writer,  the  earnestness  with  which  he  presses  his 
request,  or  the  dexterity  with  which  he  avails 
himself  of  the  arguments  likely  to  have  most 
weight  with  the  king,  and  best  calculated  to  se- 
cure a  favourable  result  to  his  application.  The 
letter  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Most  redowted,  puysant,  and  noble  prynce  ; 
my  most  dradd,  beloved,  and  naturall  sovraigne 
Lorde ;  I,  your  pore,  humble,  and  most  obedient 
servaunt,  dailly  consideryng,  and  ever  more  and 
more  perceyvyng  by  your  vertuus  begynnyngs, 
and  charitable  procedyngs  in  all  your  cawses,  your 
persone  and  majestie  Royall  to  be  the  elected  and 
chosen  vessell  of  God ;  by  whome  not  alonly  the 
very  and  true  worde  of  God  is,  and  shal  be  sett 
forthe,  and  accordyng  to  the  trewghth  and  verytie 
of  the  same, — but  also  to  be  he,  whom  God  hath 
constituted  and  ordeyned  bothe  to  redresse  and  re- 
forme  all  crymes,  offences,  and  enormyties,  beyng 
repugnant  to  his  doctryne,  or  to  the  detryment 
of  the  comon  welthe  and  hurt  of  the  pore  people, 


FOR    THE    CITY    HOSPITALS.  27 

beyng  your  naturall  subjects ;  and  forder,  to 
forsee  and  vigilantly  to  provyde  for  the  charitable 
reformacion  of  the  same, — whyche  thynge  hath, 
and  yet  dothe  encorrage  me,  and  also  my  bounden 
dewtie  oblige  the  me,  (in  especiall  beyng  most 
unworthy  your  Levetenaunt  and  Mayer  of  your 
Cytie  Royall  of  London,)  to  enforme  and  adver- 
tise your  most  gracious  highnes  of  one  thyng  in 
especiall,  for  the  ayde  and  comforte  of  the  pore, 
sykk,  blynde,  aged,  and  impotent  persons  beyng 
not  able  to  helpe  theymselffes,  nor  havyng  no 
place  certen  where  they  may  be  refresshed  or 
lodged  at,  tyll  they  be  holpen  and  cured  of  theyr 
diseases  and  syknes.  So  it  is,  most  gracious 
Lorde,  that  nere,  and  withyn  the  Cytie  of  Lon- 
don, be  iij  Hospy  tails,  or  Spy  tells,  commonly 
called  seynt  Maryes  spytell,1  seynt  Barthilmewes 
spytell,  and  seynt  Thomas  spytell ;  and  the  new 
abbey  of  Tower- Hyll,m  founded  of  good  devocion 
by  auncient  Faders,  and  endowed  with  great  pos- 
sessions and  rents,  onely  for  the  releffe,  comforte, 
and  helpyng  of  the  pore  and  impotent  people,  not 
beyng  able  to  helpe  theymselffes  ;  and  not  to  the 
mayntenaunce  of  Chanons,  Preests,  and  Monks, 

i  Now  called  Bethlehem  Hospital.— Stowe's  Survey,  ed.  1720, 
b.  i.  p.  192. 

m  This  was  the  Abbey  of  St.  Clare,  called  the  Minories.— Ibid, 
b.  ii.  p.  14. 


28  PETITION    FOR    THE 

to  lyve  in  pleasure,  nothyng  regardyng  the  miser- 
able people  Hyng  in  every  strete,  offendyng  every 
clene  person  passyng  by  the  way,  with  theyre 
fylthy  and  nasty  savours.  Wherefore  may  it 
please  your  marcifull  goodness,  (enclyned  to 
pytie  and  compassion,)  for  the  releffe  of  Crysts 
very  images,  created  to  his  own  similitude,  to 
order  by  your  high  authoritie,  as  supreme  hed  of 
this  Chyrche  of  England,  or  otherwise  by  your 
sage  discrecion,  that  your  Mayer  of  your  Cytie 
of  London,  and  his  brethern  the  aldermen  for  the 
time  beyng,  shall  and  may  from  henssforthe  have 
the  order,  disposicion,  rule,  and  governaunce, 
bothe  of  all  the  lands,  tenements,  and  revenewes 
apperteynyng  and  belongyng  to  the  said  Hospi- 
talls,  or  any  of  theym ;  and  of  the  ministers  which 
be,  or  shalbe  withyn  any  of  them.  And  then 
your  Grace  shall  facilie  perceyve,  that  where  now 
a  small  nombre  of  Chanons,  Preests,  and  Monkes 
be  founde,  for  theyr  own  profitt  onely,  and  not 
for  the  common  utilitie  of  the  Realme ;  a  great 
nombre  of  pore,  nedy,  sykke,  and  indigent  per- 
sones  shalbe  refresshed,  maynteyned,  and  com- 
forted, and  also  healed  and  cured  of  theyr  infir- 
myties,  frankly  and  freely,  by  Physicions,  Sur- 
geons, and  Potycaries,  which  shall  have  stipende 
and  salarie  onely  for  that  purpose  :  so  that  all 
impotent  persons  not  hable  to  labour,  shalbe  re- 


CITY    HOSPITALS.  29 

leved;  and  all  sturdy  beggars  not  wylling  to 
labour  shalbe  punyshed.  For  the  whiche  doyng, 
your  Grace  shall  not  alonely  merit  highly  towarde 
God,  but  shew  your  selffe  to  be  more  charitable 
to  the  pore  than  your  noble  progenitor  King  Ed- 
gar, foundour  of  so  many  Monasteryes:  or  Kyng 
Henry  the  Thyrde,  renewer  of  Westminster :  or 
King  Edward  the  Thyrde,  founder  of  the  new 
Abbey  :  or  Kyng  Henry  the  Fyfte  founder  of 
Syon  and  Shene ;  but  also  shall  have  the  name 
of  conservatour,  protectour,  and  defendour  of 
the  pore  people,  with  their  contynuall  prayer  for 
your  helthe,  welthe,  and  prosperitie  long  to 
endure. 

Your  humble  and  most  obedyent  servant, 

RYCHARD  GRESHAM."" 

This  petition  for  the  city  hospitals  was  in  part 
granted ;  and  the  grant  was  subsequently  con- 
firmed by  Edward  VI.  That  the  petitioner  had 
attracted  the  favourable  notice  of  the  monarch,  and 
was  approved  by  his  ministers,  may  be  reasonably 
inferred  from  the  letter  itself;  in  which  the  writer, 
in  the  fulness  of  his  heart,  appeals  at  once  and 
with  confidence  to  the  highest  authority  in  the 
land.  He  was  familiar  with  Lord  Crumwell,  (who 
in  early  life,  "  beyng  at  Antwerpe,  was  reteined," 
says  Foxe,  "  of  the  Englishe  Marchauntes  to  be 

"  Cott.  MS.  Cleop.  E.  iv.  f.  222. 


30  FIRST    PROPOSAL    FOR    THE 

their  Clerke  or  Secretary,  or  in  some  such  like 
condition  placed  perteinyng  to  their  affaires,")0 
and  Audeley,  the  Chancellor  :  but  he  preferred 
addressing  his  "  most  redowted,  puysant,  and  no- 
ble prynce,"  his  "most  dradd,  beloved,  andnatu- 
rall  sovraigne  Lord,"  the  irascible  and  impetuous 
Henry  himself.  That  monarch,  stained  as  he  was 
in  his  latter  days  with  crime,  showed  himself  in  the 
beginning  of  his  reign  keenly  alive  to  the  claims 
of  men  of  merit,  and  to  such  was  ever  easy  of 
access.  One  would  wish  to  remember  him  only 
as  the  king  who  loved  '  to  be  merry '  with  Sir 
Thomas  More  at  Chelsea ;  "  whither,"  says  Ro- 
per, "  on  a  time  unlocked  for  he  came  to  dinner 
with  him ;  and  after  dinner,  in  a  faire  garden  of 
his,  walked  with  him  by  the  space  of  an  hower ; 
holdinge  his  arme  about  his  necke." 

But  the  letter  of  Sir  Richard  Gresham  which 
is  best  known,  and  has  been  most  often  quoted,  is 
that  in  which  he  declared  his  anxiety  to  erect  a 
Burse  or  Exchange  in  Lombard-street,  for  the 
convenience  of  merchants.  On  this  head  we  shall 
have  more  to  say  hereafter ;  but  that  Gresham 's 
letter  may  be  understood,  it  is  necessary  to  ob- 
serve that  at  this  period  it  was  the  custom  of  mer- 

°  Acts  and  Monuments,  ed.  1576,  p.  1149.  Some  valuable 
notices  of  Crumwell  are  given  by  Sir  H.  Ellis,  in  the  second 
Series  of  his  Letters,  &c.  vol.  ii.  p.  116. 


ERECTION    OF    A    BURSE.  31 

chants,  for  the  transaction  of  business,  to  assemble 
twice  every  day  in  Lombard-street ;  where  they 
were  necessarily  exposed  to  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather,  and  other  inconveniences  which  had  long 
been  severely  felt.  Such  however  is  the  ten- 
dency of  mankind  to  adhere  to  ancient  usage  and 
resist  innovation,  that  when,  in  the  year  1534  or 
5,  the  king  proposed  to  the  citizens  that  they 
should  remove  their  place  of  meeting  from  Lom- 
bard-street to  Leadenhall, — a  building  admirably 
adapted  for  their  accommodation,  to  judge  from 
Stowe's  description, — the  proposal  was  declined ; 
being  negatived  at  a  meeting  of  the  common- 
council  by  a  show  of  hands.p 

The  project,  so  often  unsuccessfully  mooted,  Sir 
Richard  seems  to  have  had  much  at  heart.  He 
had  visited  Antwerp,  where  a  Burse  had  newly 
been  erected,  and  in  1537  had  submitted  to 
Crumwell  (then  lord  privy-seal)  a  design  for  a 
similar  edifice,  which  he  was  bent  on  seeing  con- 
structed at  home.  Before  retiring  from  his 
mayoralty  in  1538,  he  made  another  effort  in  fur- 
therance of  his  favourite  project,  by  calling  the 
circumstance  to  his  lordship's  remembrance  in  the 
following  words: — "  The  last  yere,  I  shewyd  your 
goode  lordeshipe  a  platte,  that  was  drawen  howte 
for  to  make  a  goodely  Bursse  in  Lombert  strette, 

p  Stowe's  Survey,  ed.  1720,  book  ii.  p.  152. 


32  SIR    GEORGE    MONEUX. 

for  marchaunts  to  repay er  unto.  I  doo  supposse 
yt  wyll  coste  ii  M  li.  [£2000]  and  more,  wyche 
shalbe  very  beautyfull  to  the  citti,  and  allsoo  for 
the  honor  of  our  soverayngne  lord  the  kinge. 
But,"  he  adds,  "ther  ys  serten  howssis  in  the 
sayd  strette  belongyn  to  Sir  George  Monnocks  ; 
and  excepte  wee  maye  purchesse  them,  the  sayd 
Bursse  cannot  be  made.  Wherefor,  yt  may 
please  your  goode  lordshipe  to  move  the  kyngs 
highnes  to  have  hys  most  gracious  lettyrs  di- 
rectyd  to  the  sayd  Sir  George,  wyllinge  and 
allsoo  commaundynge  hym  to  cawse  the  sayd 
howssys  to  be  solid  to  the  mayer  and  common- 
altye  of  the  city  of  London,  for  such  prices  as 
he  dyd  purches  them  for ;  and  that  he  fawte  not 
but  to  accomplyshe  hys  gracious  commandement. 
The  lettyr,"  he  observes,  "must  be  sharpley 
made,  for  he  ys  of  noe  jentyll  nature  ;q  and  that 
he  shale  giffve  further  credens  to  the  mayor,  I 
wyll  delyver  the  lettyr,  and  handyll  him  the 
beste  I  can ;  and  yf  I  maye  obtayngne  to  have 
the  sayde  howssys,  I  dought  not  but  to  gather  oon 
M  pounds  [£1000]  towerde  the  bulldynge,  or  I 
departe  howte  of  myne  office.  Ther  shale  lacke 

«  Not  gentle  perhaps,  but  certainly  benevolent.  According  to 
Stowe,  he  re-edified  the  decayed  parish  church  of  Walthamstow ; 
built  a  bridge  there,  founded  a  hospital  and  a  free-school,  and 
endowed  alms-houses  for  thirteen  poor  persons.  He  was  lord 
mayor  in  1514. 


SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM.  33 

noe  goode  wylle  in  me.  And  thus  our  Lorde 
preserve  your  goode  Lordeshipe  in  prosperous 
helthe,  longe  to  contynewe.  At  London  the  xxv 
daye  of  Juylly,  [1538.] 

All  yours,  att  your  Lordeshipes 
Comandement, 

RYC.  GRESHAM.'^ 

What  reception  this  application  met  with,  does 
not  appear;  but  with  the  additional  obstacle  of 
the  houses,  and  the  'unjentyll  nature'  of  their 
owner,  it  can  be  no  matter  of  surprise  that  it  was 
unsuccessful,  and  that  the  citizens  remained  un- 
disturbed in  their  old  place  of  resort.  With  Sir 
Richard  Gresham,  however,  rests  the  honour  of 
having  originally  projected  the  'goodely  bursse,' 
which  his  son  was  happily  possessed  of  the  means 
as  well  as  the  inclination,  thirty  years  later,  to 
construct.  He  had  also  the  wisdom  to  imitate 
his  father  in  his  other  acts  of  benevolence  and 
charity,  which  is  far  higher  praise. 

In  consequence  of  the  representations  of  Sir 
Richard  Gresham  in  the  letter  above  mentioned, 

'  Cott.  MS.  Otho.  E.  x.  f.  45.  Ward  (who  has  been  followed 
by  every  subsequent  writer)  was  incorrect  in  assigning  to  this 
letter  the  date  of  1531 ;  as  will  appear  from  a  careful  consider- 
ation of  its  contents.  He  has  also  erred  in  stating  it  to  have 
been  addressed  to  Audeley,  while  privy-seal, — an  office  which 
Audeley  never  held.  I  am  indebted  to  the  acuteness  of  Mr. 
Robert  Lemon  for  the  detection  of  Ward's  error. 
VOL.  1.  D 


34  SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM, 

permission  was  granted  to  merchants  to  exercise 
the  privilege  of  exchanging,  without  restraint;  an 
advantage  of  which  they  had  been  deprived  by 
royal  proclamation,5  and  which  they  could  no 
more  be  without,  says  the  writer,  "  than  the 
shippes  in  the  sea  can  be  wythoute  wattyr."  A 
long  letter  on  this  subject  is  extant,  written  at 
the  time  by  the  Lord  Chancellor  Audeley  to 
CrumwelL* 

It  has  been  observed  in  a  preceding  page,  that 
Sir  Richard  Gresham  was  an  accredited  financial 
agent  of  the  state,  and  was  frequently  employed 
in  its  service.  He  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in 
this  capacity  in  the  State  correspondence  of 
Henry  the  Eighth's  reign  :  Sir  Edward  Game, 
for  instance,  (the  English  ambassador  in  Flan- 
ders,) in  1539,  thanks  Crumwell  for  having  sent 
him  "  a  bill  from  Mr.  Gresham  for  50/.,  to  be  re- 
ceived of  his  factor  at  Barowgh  :"u  Wriothesley, 
a  few  weeks  after,  begs  the  same  nobleman  "  to 
thank  Maister  Gresham;"  adding,  "I  have  for 

•  Grafton's  Chronicle,  sub  anno  1530. 

4  It  follows  Sir  Richard  Gresham's  letter  in  Cott.  MS.  Otho. 
E.  x. ;  being  the  document  which  Ward  has  so  sadly  mangled  in 
his  Appendix,  No.  I. 

u  Sometimes  written  Burborough,  the  modern  Bourbourg; 
situated  a  little  distance  south  of  Gravelines.  The  letter  is  dated 
from  Brussels,  8th  January,  1538-9.— Flanders  Correspondence, 
State-Paper  Office. 


A    FINANCIAL    AGENT.  35 

meself  and  my  fellowes  recyved  at  his  hande 
sithens  I  arryved  here,  besides  the  money  for  the 
plate,  710/.,"v  and  Sir  Thomas  Wiatt,  writing 
probably  about  the  same  time  to  Henry  VIII., 
says,  "Here  is  here,  abowte  the  provision,  Mr. 
Parker,  Mr.  Blunt,  and  Mr.  Gresham,  your 
majesty's  servants."*  So  that,  supposing  the 
personage  here  referred  to,  to  have  been  in  each 
instance  Sir  Richard  Gresham,  (which  was  pro- 
bably the  case,x)  we  may  presume  that  he  was 
actively  engaged  from  about  the  year  of  his 
mayoralty  until  1540,  when  the  king  required 
his  services  at  home,  on  business  of  a  different 
nature. 

The  surest  road  to  Henry's  favour  was  a  wil- 
ling acknowledgment  of  his  ecclesiastical  supre- 
macy ;  and  in  this,  like  many  of  his  elders  and 
betters,  Sir  Richard  Gresham  was  not  deficient. 
Nor  does  he  appear  to  have  been  one  who,  at  an 
earlier  period,  opposed  himself  to  the  mandates 
of  the  imperious  monarch.  In  1532,  it  was  un- 
fortunately his  duty,  as  sheriff,  to  receive  into 
his  custody  and  commit  to  Newgate,  James  Bain- 
ham,  Esq.,  a  Protestant  gentleman  of  the  Temple, 
who  suffered  martyrdom  in  Smithfield  on  the 

v  From  Brussels,  3rd  March,  1538-9.— Ibid. 
w  Harl.  MS.  No.  282,  f.  119.     Parker  and  Blount  belonged  to 
families  afterwards  ennobled. 

'  See  the  Postscript  to  Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  x.  f.  96. 

D2 


36        WALSINGHAM    MONASTERY    DISSOLVED. 

30th  of  April;  and  now,  in  1540,  (having  been 
already  appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  for 
taking  the  value  of  the  benefices  of  London, 
before  the  suppression  of  the  abbeys,)  he  was, 
together  with  his  brother  Sir  John,  in  the  com- 
mission under  Bishop  Bonner  for  persecution 
upon  the  six  articles.  The  character  of  that  com- 
mission is  too  well  known  to  require  comment. 
Foxe  calls  it  "  the  whip  with  sixe  strings."  We 
will  only  mention,  that  at  this  period  the  king 
bestowed  upon  him  some  broad  church  lands  in 
Yorkshire  ;  from  which  circumstance  the  reader 
must  draw  the  most  charitable  inference  he  is 
able. 

It  was  with  reference  to  the  former  of  these 
commissions,  (to  which  he  was  appointed  in 
1536,y)  that  Sir  Richard,  writing  to  Crumwell  on 
the  25th  of  July,  1538,  says,  "I  have  received 
your  lordshippe's  lettyr  by  Doctor  Peeter, 
whereby  I  doe  perceyve  that  the  Kyng's  pleasser 
ys,  that  the  monastery  of  Wallssyngham  shale  be 
dissolved.  Wherunto  I  am,  and  shalbe  conform- 
able in  alle  things  to  hys  highness  pleasure  ;  and 
by  the  commissyners  I  have  whrytten  in  such 
weysse  to  the  Prior,  as  I  dowght  not  he  shale 
make  noe  staye  in  the  same."2  Nor  did  he  ;  for 

y  Strype's  Eccl.  Mem.  ed.  1822,  vol.  i.  p.  276. 
«  Cott.  MS.  Otho.  E.  x.  f.  45. 


CHURCH    LANDS    IN    NORFOLK.  37 

Dugdale  relates  that  Richard  Vowell,  the  prior, 
surrendered  the  priory  of  Walsingham,  with  all 
its  possessions,  to  the  king,  on  the  4th  of  August 
following.*  A  few  weeks  after,  when  the  hospital 
of  St.  Thomas  of  Acre  shared  the  fate  of  Walsing- 
ham Priory,  Gresham  was  instrumental  in  securing 
it  to  his  company,  who  erected  the  Mercers'  cha- 
pel in  Cheapside  on  its  site.b 

The  remainder  of  the  postscript  to  Sir  Richard's 
letter  to  Crumwell,  last  quoted,  is  too  interesting 
to  be  omitted : — "  Yt  maye  please  your  good 
Lordshipe  to  move  the  king's  highness  to  be  soo 
goode  and  gracious  lorde  unto  me,  that  I  may  beg 
of  his  grace  serten  launds  in  Northeff  [oik,]  late 
of  the  bysschopys  launds ;  callyd  Thorpe,  Blow- 
esse,  Hevyngham,  Byghton,  and  Battysford. 
The  vallewe  of  them  ys  CL  li.  [150/.]  by  yere, 
aftyr  the  ratte  of  xx  yeres  purchase.  The  some 
ys  iij  M  li.  [3000/.]  whereof  it  maye  please  hys 
grace  to  be  deffaulkyd  i  M  li.  [1000/.]  wyche  I 
was  commaunded  by  the  Lorde  Cardynale  to  dely- 
ver  to  the  Duke  of  Buckynghame  at  hys  goynge 
over  to  Guy  lies,  as  by  ii  obligations  remaynynge 
in  the  custody  of  mastyr  Whrysseley,  (wherein 
stande  bowndyn  the  sayd  ducke  with  other  for 
payment  to  the  kyngis  usse,)  yt  maye  appere. 

a  Monasticon,  fol.  1817-29,  vol.  vi.  P.  i.  p.  71. 

b  Weever's  Ant.  Fun.  Monuments,  ed.  1631,  p.  400. 


38  SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM 

And  the  reste,  wyche  is  ii  M  li.  [2000/.]  I  shale 
content  and  paye  unto  hys  grace  in  redy  mony. 
And  thus  our  Lorde  preserve  hys  noble  grace  in 
prosperous  helthe  longe  to  contynew.  Amen." 

"  To  the  ryght  honable  and  hys 
synguller  goode  Lorde,  my  Lorde  Prevy  Seale." 

It  will  have  been  perceived,  from  some  of  the 
preceding  passages,  that  the  writer  of  this  letter 
was  one  in  whom  Henry's  ministers  had  confi- 
dence :  and  this  further  appears  from  an  entry  in 
the  Privy-council  book,  under  the  year  1540, 
when  several  persons  were  apprehended  as  "  set- 
ters forth  of  a  naughty  booke  made  by  Philipp 
Melanchton  against  the  King's  Acts  of  Christian 
Religion."  The  entry  states  that  "  Henry  Dubbe, 
stationer  of  London,  beyng  sent  for  as  suspect, 
was  dismissed ;  and  declared  by  the  report  of 
Sir  Richard  Gresham,  knt.,  and  John  Godsalve, 
one  of  the  clerks  of  the  signet,  to  be  (as  far  as 
they  could  perceyve  by  thexamination  of  hym) 
inocent  in  that  mater."c 

From  about  the  year  1541  until  the  time  of  his 
death,  we  hear  no  more  of  Sir  Richard  Gresham, 
except  that  he  received  five  successive  royal 
grants  of  church  lands,d  the  latest  of  which  Henry 

c  Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  the  Privy-council  of  Eng- 
land, edited  by  Sir  H.  Nicolas,  8vo.  1837,  vol.  vii.  p.  101. 
d  See  Appendix,  No.  III.  for  the  particulars  of  these  grants. 


BUILDS    INTWOOD-HALL.  39 

bestowed  in  the  last  year  of  his  reign, — sufficient 
proof  of  the  regard  he  entertained  for  the  old 
knight.     Without  much  fear  of  erring  in  our  con- 
jecture, though  the  annals  of  the  county  are  silent 
on  the  subject,  we  may  follow  Gresham  at  this 
period,  when  his  actively  spent  life  was  verging 
to  its  close,  into  the  retirement  of  Intwood  Hall, 
in  Norfolk.     That  Intwood  belonged  to  his  son, 
who   often  resided  there,    has   been   frequently 
stated ;  but  it  does  not  appear  to  be  known  that, 
from  the  few  traces  of  the  old  Hall  which  yet  re- 
main, the  prior  residence  of  the  father  is  esta- 
blished beyond  doubt.     In  the  garden  at  Intwood 
are  the  ruins  of  an  old  porch,  on  either  side  of 
which,  beneath  the   label  which   surmounts  the 
arch,    is   an    escutcheon   carved  in   stone, — one 
bearing  the    initials  R.  G.,  encircling  a  grass- 
hopper;   and  the   other  representing   the   arms 
granted   to    Sir    Richard  during  his  mayoralty. 
Over  the  door  of  the  kitchen  we  find,  similarly 
carved  on  two  shields,  a  cypher6  and  the  letters 

e  This  is  generally  called  a  merchants  mark ;  but,  I  think,  in- 
correctly. The  same  representation  (with  the  addition  of  letters) 
is  to  be  found  on  the  seals  of  many  private  gentlemen  of  the 
time  :  see,  for  example,  the  seal  of  Sir  Thomas  Ky tson  the  elder, 
in  Gage's  History  of  Hengrave,  in  the  plate  facing  page  170. 
Cyphers,  carved  on  either  side  of  the  door-way,  seem  to  have 
been  once  a  prevailing  fashion  in  Norfolk :  they  are  of  perpetual 
recurrence  at  the  present  day  in  Norwich,  and  other  parts  of 
the  county. 


40  CHARACTER    OF 

R.  G.  fancifully  connected.  So  that  Intwood  Hall, 
as  it  appears  in  plate  iv.,  must  have  been  erected 
by  the  father  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  sometime 
between  the  years  1538  and  1549,  when  he  died ; 
and  thither,  during  that  interval,  he  no  doubt  often 
retired.  It  seems  probable,  however,  that  even 
during  these  latter  years  of  his  life,  he  was  more 
or  less  employed  in  the  service  of  the  crown ; 
since,  a  few  weeks  after  his  death,  arrangements 
were  made  for  transferring  to  Sir  John  Williams 
a  sum  of  money  "  growing  out  of  the  sale  of  cer- 
tain demi-launce  harnes,  stele  saddells,  &c.,  ap- 
perteigning  to  the  King's  Matie;"f  which,  at  the 
time  of  his  decease,  Sir  Richard  held. 

Unfavourable  as  some  of  the  preceding  passages 
unquestionably  are,  and  insufficient  as  the  com- 
bined evidence  may  appear  to  enable  us  to  form 
a  correct  estimate  of  the  character  of  this  indivi- 
dual, we  should  perhaps  ^err  wrere  we  not  to  assign 
to  him  a  place  in  the  foremost  rank  of  the  worthies 
of  London.  In  giving  his  son  the  benefit  of  a 
college  education,  contrary  to  the  practice  of  the 
commercial  order  of  that,  or  indeed  of  a  subsequent 
period,  he  showed  himself  possessed  of  enlarged 
views  and  of  an  enlightened  understanding ;  and 
may  be  pronounced  to  have  been  in  advance  of 
the  age  in  which  he  lived.  He  was  of  a  disposi- 
f  MS.  Council-book  of  Edw.  VI.,  April  1st,  1549. 


SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM.  41 

tion  singularly  energetic  and  enterprising:  and 
let  it  be  recorded  to  his  honour,  that  however 
fortunate  as  a  merchant  and  favoured  as  a  cour- 
tier, he  was  yet  not  so  engrossed  by  the  cares 
incidental  to  a  mercantile  career,  as  to  be  insen- 
sible to  the  beauty  of  loftier  speculations ;  nor  so 
spoiled  by  having  basked  in  the  sunshine  of  court 
favour,  as  to  become  selfishly  callous  to  the  wants 
of  his  less  fortunate  fellow-creatures.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  remarkable  that  though  we  know  of 
but  few  of  his  letters,  they  every  one  afford  evi- 
dence of  a  most  humane  disposition.  The  city 
of  London  had,  perhaps,  never  before  known  a 
greater  benefactor  ;  and  it  is  but  charitable  to 
ascribe  the  harsher  features  of  Sir  Richard's  cha- 
racter to  the  intolerant  spirit  of  the  times  in  which 
he  lived.  His  connexion  with  Bainham's  martyr- 
dom in  particular  must  be  leniently  viewed ;  since 
it  does  not  appear,  from  Foxe's  narrative,  that 
Gresham  exercised  any  severities  towards  his  un- 
fortunate prisoner,  and  only  discharged  the  duties 
of  his  office  in  taking  him  into  his  charge.  The 
share  which  the  great  Sir  Thomas  More  is  sta- 
ted to  have  had  in  that  transaction,g  so  strangely 
at  variance  with  the  wonted  mildness  and  modest 
bearing  of  that  illustrious  man,  should  incline  us 
to  look  with  clemency  on  the  errors  of  spirits  of 

*  Acts  and  Monuments,  ed.  1576,  p.  1000,  et  seq. 


42  SIR    RICHARD    GRESHAM's    DEATH. 

an  inferior  order,  committed  during  a  period  of 
popular  excitement  unparalleled  in  the  later  an- 
nals of  our  history. 

Sir  Richard  Gresham  died  at  Bethnal-green, 
where  he  generally  resided,  on  the  21st  of  Fe- 
bruary, 1 548-9, h  and  was  buried  in  the  church  of 
St.  Laurence- Jewry  ;  the  coat  of  arms  which  had 
been  granted  to  him  during  his  mayoralty,  being 
placed  over  his  tomb.  It  was  taken  down, 
however,  according  to  Stowe,  by  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  who  substituted  for  it  the  old  family 
coat.1  He  had  been  twice  married ;  first  (in  1517, 
probably,)  to  Audrey,  daughter  of  William  Lynne, 
Esq.  of  South  wick,  in  Northamptonshire ;  se- 
condly to  a  widow  named  Isabella  Taverson,J  who 

h  From  the  original  Inquisition  found  on  the  death  of  Sir 
Richard  Gresham,  obligingly  communicated  by  J.  Salusbury 
Muskett,  Esq.  of  Intwood  Hall :  (enrolled  among  the  Inquis. 
post  mortem,  an.  4,  Edw.  VI.  nu.  77.  Rolls  Chap.)  The  in- 
scription on  his  monument  (Stowe,  ed.  1720,  book  iii.  p.  45,) 
incorrectly  states  his  death  to  have  occurred  on  the  20th  of 
February,  which  happens  to  be  the  date  of  his  will,  (Prerogative- 
Office,  Populwell.  quire  31.)  Sir  Richard's  monument  was  not 
erected  till  after  1559;  and  the  inscription  also  misstates  the 
names  of  his  children, — another  proof  that  such  evidence  cannot 
be  safely  relied  on. 

i  Stowe's  Survey,  ed.  1720,  b.  v.  p.  176. 

J  Her  maiden  name  was  Worpfall.  She  made  her  will  April 
23rd,  1565,  and  it  was  proved  on  the  28th  of  the  following 
month;  her  death  must  therefore  have  occurred  during  the 
interval. — Prerogative-Office,  Morrison,  quire  xyj. 


HIS    FAMILY.  43 

survived  him.  By  his  first  marriage  he  had  four 
children, — two  daughters,  Christiana,  who  mar- 
ried the  wealthy  Sir  John  Thynne,  of  Longleatk 
in  Wiltshire,  from  whom  the  Marquis  of  Bath  is 
descended;  and  Elizabeth,  who  died  unmarried 
in  1552,  and  bequeathed  the  bulk  of  her  property 
to  her  sister  Lady  Thynne,  "  who,"  she  observes, 
"  hath  been  very  good  unto  me  these  four  years." 
Sir  Richard  Gresham  had  also  two  sons,  the 
younger  of  whom  is  the  peculiar  subject  of  the 
ensuing  pages.  He  states  his  nett  annual  income,1 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  to  have  amounted  to 
850/.  2s.  6d.9  of  which  Lady  Gresham  inherited 
2S2/.  7s.  per  annum  ;  Sir  John,  188/.  13s.  Qd. ; 
and  Thomas,  afterwards  Sir  Thomas  Gresham, 
941.  10s.  8d.m 

These  earlier  members  of  the  Gresham  family 
seemed  to  demand  a  brief  memorial  of  their  fame 
and  fortunes,  as  having  laid  the  foundation  of  their 
descendant's  celebrity ;  but  they  must  not  be  suf- 
fered any  longer  to  withhold  us  from  contempla- 
ting the  character  and  actions  of  Sir  Thomas  him- 
self, who  seems  to  have  inherited  all  the  better 

k  At  Hawnes,  in  Bedfordshire,  the  seat  of  Lord  Carteret,  is 
preserved  a  view  of  Longleat,  as  it  appeared  anciently. 
1  In  the  Inquisition  just  quoted. 

"•-  His  will  was  proved  20th  of  May,  1549.  He  left  rings  to  all 
his  friends,  not  forgetting  Protector  Somerset  and  his  lady,  to 
each  of  whom  he  left  a  ring  of  the  value  of  five  pounds. 


44  BIRTH    OF    SIR    THOMAS    GRESHAM. 

qualities  of  his  ancestors,  while  in  personal  merit 
he  certainly  far  surpassed  them  all. 

He  was  the  second  son  of  Sir  Richard  Gresham, 
by  his  first  wife  Audrey,  daughter  of  William 
Lynne,  Esq.,  and  seems  to  have  been  named  after 
his  uncle,  the  rector  of  South  Repps.  He  was 
probably  born  in  London  in  the  year  1519.n  Of 
his  youth  we  know  nothing,  except  that  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  deprived  of  a  mother's  care 
at  the  tender  age  of  three  years  ;  and  that  he  was 
subsequently  sent  to  Cambridge,  and  admitted  a 
pensioner  of  Gonville  Hall.  When  the  usage  of 
that  period  and  his  father's  station  in  society  are 
taken  into  consideration,  it  will  not  perhaps  be 
unreasonable  to  presume  that,  as  a  young  man, 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham  discovered  abilities  or  in- 
clinations above  the  common  order,  that  he  should 

n  Fuller,  indeed,  says  that  he  was  born  at  Holt,  in  Norfolk, 
("Worthies,  vol.  i.  p.  138,)  but  probably  did  not  give  himself  any 
trouble  to  ascertain  the  fact :  and  as  Holt  was  the  residence  of 
an  elder  brother,  and  Sir  Richard  Gresham  lived  and  was  buried 
in  London,  there  is  no  reason  to  refer  the  birth  of  his  son  else- 
where. Dr.  "Ward  states  London  to  have  been  his  birth-place, 
but  conceals  his  authority, (if  he  had  any,)  as  well  as  his  grounds 
for  assigning  Gresham' s  birth  to  the  year  1519.  I  have  followed 
the  learned  Professor  in  this  date,  which  is  very  probably  cor- 
rect;  inasmuch  as  Sir  Thomas  could  not  have  been  born  in  1520, 
and  yet  have  been  twenty-six  in  1544,  (as  stated  on  a  portrait 
shortly  to  be  described)  ;  nor  can  he  reasonably  be  supposed  to 
have  been  born  in  1518,  since  his  elder  brother  was  triginta  et 
amplius  in  1550,  as  appears  from  the  Inquisition  already  cited. 


HIS    EDUCATION.  45 

have  been  admitted  to  the  enjoyment  of  so  high  a 
privilege  as  an  education  at  Cambridge.  This 
must,  however,  remain  a  mere  matter  of  conjec- 
ture, since  even  the  date  of  his  entrance  cannot 
be  ascertained;  no  register  of  so  early  a  period 
being  in  existence  at  Gonville  and  Caius  College.0 
Here  he  imbibed  that  attachment  to  the  Protes- 
tant faith  which  is  conspicuous  in  all  his  subse- 
quent correspondence,  and  for  which  his  Hall  was 
then  distinguished  ;p  and  to  his  residence  at  Cam- 
bridge must  of  course  be  ascribed  that  taste  for 
literature,  and  that  love  of  learned  men,  which 
distinguished  him  throughout  life ;  and  which  none 
of  the  subsequent  cares  of  business,  calculated  as 
they  are  to  engross  the  whole  energies  of  the 
mind,  were  ever  able  to  extinguish  in  him.  Dr. 
Caius,  in  his  Annals  of  the  College  which  bears 
his  name,  and  of  which  he  was  co-founder,  notices 
Gresham  in  the  following  terms  : — "  Una  nobis- 
cum,"  says  he,  "  per  juventutem  hujus  collegii, 
pensionarius  erat  Thomas  Gresham,  nobilis  ille  et 
ditissimus  mercator,  qui  forum  mercatorum  Lon- 
dini  (quod  bursam  seu  regale  excambium  vocant) 
extruxit."  These  words  occur  in  a  beautiful  folio 

0  There  is  no  register  of  the  College  antecedent  to  the  year 
15CO. 
p  Strype's  Life  of  Parker,  ed.  1821,  vol.  i.  p.  12. 


46  EARLY    LIFE    OF 

MS.  on  vellum,  preserved  in  an  iron  chest  in  the 
treasury  of  Caius  College.q 

It  was,  perhaps,  not  so  much  inclination  as 
expediency  which  made  him  a  merchant.  But 
the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  foreign  com- 
merce were  then  so  considerable,  that  with  the 
splendid  examples  of  his  father  and  uncle  before 
him,  it  can  be  no  matter  of  surprise  that  he  was 
induced  to  forsake  a  quieter  walk  of  life,  for  one 
of  honour  and  emolument.  His  father  evidently 
destined  him  for  commercial  pursuits,  by  binding 
him  in  his  youth  apprentice  to  his  uncle  Sir  John 
Gresham  ;  in  consequence  of  which  he  was,  in 
1543,  admitted  a  member  of  the  Mercers'  Com- 
pany, being  then  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  his 
age.  Ten  years  afterwards,  writing  to  the  Duke 
of  Northumberland  from  Antwerp  concerning 

1 1t  is  entitled,  "Annalium  Collegii  de  Goneville  et  Caius,  a  Col- 
legio  codicto  [condito?]  libri  duo,  per  Joannem  Caiumunum  fun- 
datoru  et  custodem  ejusde,  ano  Dm,  1563."  Ward  gives  the  pas- 
sage incorrectly ;  he  reads  "doctissimus"  instead  of  "  ditissimus," 
and  "  mercatorium"  instead  of  "  mercatorum."  A  copy  of  the 
MS.  on  paper,  preserved  in  the  same  College,  and  entitled  "  An- 
nales  Collegii  nostri  de  Goneville  et  Caius,"  &c.,  is  probably  the 
authority  to  which  Ward  had  access,  and  led  him  into  the  flatter- 
ing error  of  attributing  great  learning  to  Sir  Thomas  Gresham. 
Both  MSS.  were  kindly  consulted  for  me  by  the  Rev.  John 
Lodge,  of  Cambridge,  whose  courtesy  and  readiness  to  facilitate 
literary  inquiries,  all  who  have  had  occasion  to  visit  the  public 
library  of  the  University  must  have  experienced. 


SIR    THOMAS    GRESHAM.  47 

commercial  matters,  he  says,  "  To  the  wyche 
syence  I  myselfe  was  bound  prentisse  viii  yeres, 
to  come  by  the  experyence  and  knowledge  that  I 
have.  Neverthelesse  I  need  not  to  have  bynne 
prentisse,  for  that  I  was  free  by  my  Father's  cop- 
pye  :  albeit,  my  Father  Sir  Richard  Gresham  be- 
ing a  wyse  man,  knew,  although  I  was  free  by  his 
coppye,  it  was  to  no  purpos,  except  I  were  bound 
prentisse  to  the  same ;  whereby  to  come  by  the 
experience  and  knowledge  of  all  kinds  of  mer- 
chandise.'^ 

This  may  be  as  proper  a  place  as  any  other  to 
mention,  that  my  reading  has  led  me  to  quite 
a  different  conclusion  respecting  the  estimation 
in  which  merchants  were  formerly  held,  to  that 
entertained  by  the  elegant  author  of  Illustrations 
of  British  History.  Mr.  Lodge  considers  that 
the  nobility  of  other  days  kept  themselves  at  a 
distance  from  even  the  first  members  of  the  com- 
mercial order  :s  but  I  believe  the  contrary  will  be 
established  by  the  following  pages.  What  is 
strange,  the  nobles  appear  among  the  most  enter- 
prising speculators,  and  were  themselves  traders 
on  the  grandest  scale.  In  Queen  Mary's  reign, 
for  instance,  when  the  Muscovy  merchants  were 
incorporated,  (that  is  to  say,  the  first  English 

r  The  letter  is  dated  April  16th,  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
•  Illustrations,  &c.,  vol.  iii.  p.  151,  Note. 


48  FIRST    MENTION    OF    GRESHAM. 

company  which  traded  to  Russia,)  the  most  power- 
ful of  the  nobility  stand  foremost  in  the  list  of 
members.*  The  Earls  of  Leicester  and  Shrews- 
bury sent  out  joint-adventures  to  Muscovia  in 
1574 ;  on  which  occasion  the  first-named  peer 
writes  to  his  friend,  "  I  assure  you  yf  I  had  had 
10,000/.  in  my  purse,  I  wold  have  adventured  yt 
every  peny  myself."" 

The  earliest  contemporary  notice  of  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gresham,  occurs  at  this  period  of  his  history. 
He  is  mentioned  in  one  of  the  despatches  of  Sey- 
mour and  Wotton  to  King  Henry  VIII.,  written 
from  Brussels  in  the  month  of  June,  1543 ;  and 
appears  already  in  the  character  of  a  merchant  of 
some  importance,  although  but  twenty-four  years 
of  age.  "  The  Regente  hathe  granted  a  lycense 
for  the  gonne-powder  and  salpeter  bought  for 
your  Highnes ;  the  whyche  we  have  delyveryd 
to  yonge  Thomas  Gresham,  solycitor  of  the 
same."v  Allusion  is  here  made  to  Henry's  pre- 
parations for  war  with  France,  which  led  to  the 
taking  of  Boulogne  in  the  ensuing  year.  He  is 
again  mentioned  in  March,  1545,  by  Secretary 

*  Strype's  Stowe,  ed.  1720.  b.  v.  p.  260. 

n  Lodge's  Illustrations,  &c.,  vol.  ii.  p.  125. 

»  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  The  Regent  was  Margaret  Queen 
of  Hungary,  who  governed  the  Low  Countries  for  her  brother, 
Charles  V. 


HIS    MARRIAGE.  49 

Paget,  who  writes  to  Petre  from  Brussels  con- 
cerning an  arrest  of  merchandise  which  had  taken 
place  by  order  of  Charles  V.  This  unjustifiable 
step  was  occasioned  by  Henry's  having  seized 
certain  Flemish  ships  which  were  carrying  assis- 
tance to  the  French ;  and  the  writer  is  speculating 
on  the  consequences  likely  to  result  to  the  mer- 
chant-adventurers. "  Some  in  dede  shall  wynne 
by  it ;  as  William  Lok,  Sir  Richarde  Gressam  and 
his  sonne,  and  William  Gressam,  with  such  other 
for  the  most  parte  that  occupie  sylkes,  who  owe 
more  than  they  have  here.  But  Mr.  Warren, 
Mr.  Hill,  Chestre,  and  dyverse  others  a  greate 
nombre,  ar  like  to  have  a  greate  swoope  by 
it;  having  muche  here,  and  owing  nothing  or 
little."  w 

Between  the  writing  of  these  two  letters,  his 
marriage  occurred.  His  wife,  Anne,x  was  the 
daughter  of  William  Ferneley,  Esq.,  of  West- 
Creting,  in  Suffolk ;  and  widow  of  William  Read, 
a  gentleman  of  good  family,  whose  ancestors  were 
settled  at  Beccles  in  the  same  county.  Read 

w  March  3,  1544-5.— German  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  Both  these 
passages  were  kindly  shown  me  by  Mr.  Robert  Lemon. 

x  Her  younger  sister,  Jane,  was  married  to  Sir  Nicholas  Ba- 
con, the  Lord  Keeper.  Their  father,  William  Ferneley,  Esq., 
who  built  the  house  at  Creting,  had  been  a  citizen  of  London. — 
Bp.  Tanner's  MSS.  No.  226,  fol.  52. 

VOL.  I.  E 


50  HIS    PORTRAIT    BY    HOLBEIN. 

styles  himself  in  his  will  "  citizen  and  mercer  of 
London,"  and  appears  to  have  been  on  terms  of 
intimacy  with  the  Gresham  family ;  for  he  ap- 
pointed Sir  Richard  overseer  of  his  will,  and  left 
him  a  legacy  of  10/.  and  a  black  gown/  He  died 
in  the  beginning  of  1 544  ;  and  that  his  widow  was 
married  to  Thomas  Gresham  in  the  course  of  the 
same  year,  appears  from  a  curious  full-length  por- 
trait of  the  latter,  preserved  at  Weston-Hall  in 
Suffolk,  inscribed  with  his  wife's  initials  and  his 
own  name,  accompanied  by  a  date.  The  painting 
alluded  to  is  in  Holbein's  best  manner,  and  repre- 
sents a  well-proportioned  young  man,  rather  above 
the  middle  height,  clad  entirely  in  black.  He 
wears  the  same  small  cap  and  solemn-coloured 
cloak  which  appear  in  his  later  portraits  ;  but  the 
present  one  is  particularly  interesting,  because  it 
exhibits  him  at  so  early  a  period  of  his  life.  Hol- 
bein has  given  him  an  intellectual  brow,  and  a 
mouth  full  of  expression.  His  features  are  regu- 
lar, and  eminently  handsome ;  and  his  general 
aspect  singularly  mild  and  engaging.  The  beard 
and  moustaches  are  short.  On  either  hand  he 
wears  a  ring, — in  that  day  a  mark  of  distinction ; 
and  in  his  right  hand  he  holds  a  pair  of  gloves  : 
at  his  feet,  on  the  pavement,  the  artist  has  thought 

y  Prerogative-Office. — Pynnyng.  quire  iii. 


HIS    WEDDING-RING.  51 

proper  to  introduce  a  skull.     On  the  right  of  this 
portrait,  which  is  about  the  size  of  life,  is  written 


.  1544  . 
HOM 
GRESHAM. 


THOMAS  A    ^      G 


!  ^      i   A.       LOVE  •  SERVE 

2  6       and  °n  the  left'          AND  OBEI  - 


TG 


while  on  each  side  of  the  black  frame  is  inscribed, 
in  letters  of  gold,  the  motto  DOMINVS  •  MIHI  . 
ADIVTOR,  followed  by  the  letters  T.  G.  The 
Thruston  family,  to  whom  this  portrait  belongs, 
formerly  resided  at  Hoxne  Abbey,  in  Suffolk  ; 
and  there  the  picture  had  probably  hung,  ever 
since  the  priory  of  Benedictine  monks  at  Hoxne 
was  granted  to  Sir  Richard  Gresham.2 

The  owner  of  this  interesting  picture  a  pos- 
sesses another  relic  connected  with  Gresham's  has- 
ty marriage,  —  his  supposed  wedding-ring,  which 
is  preserved  in  an  ancient  miniature  jeweller's 
chest.  It  opens  horizontally,  thus  forming  two 
rings,  which  are  nevertheless  linked  together,  and 
respectively  inscribed  on  the  inner  side  with  a 
Scripture  posy.  QVOD  •  DEVS  •  CONIVNSIT  is  en- 

«  38  Henry  VI  II.—  Tanner,  Not.  Monastica. 

a  John  Thruston,  Esquire,  (not  Thurston,  as  Ward  writes  it,) 
of  Weston-Hall,  Suffolk  ;  to  whose  courtesy  I  am  indebted  for 
an  opportunity  of  inspecting  the  objects  here  described. 

E  2 


52  WILLIAM    READ. 

graved  on  one  half;  and  HOMO  •  NON  •  SEPERAT, 
on  the  other.  The  ring  is  beautifully  enamelled, 
and  contains  two  stones ;  corresponding  with 
which,  in  a  cavity  inside  the  ring,  are,  or  rather 
were  within  the  last  twenty  years,  two  minute 
gold  figures  of  loves  or  genii ;  one  of  which  has 
disappeared.  To  this  relic  the  reader  has  been 
already  introduced  in  the  initial  letter  of  the  pre- 
sent chapter. 

It  appears  from  Read's  will,  that  he  left  two 
sons,  William,  afterwards  knighted,  born  in  1539, 
and  Richard ;  both  of  whom  lived  to  years  of 
maturity.  His  clear  annual  income,  derived  from 
his  own  and  his  wife's  estates  in  Suffolk,  amount- 
ed to  138/.  15s.  4d,  of  which  67/«  per  annum  de- 
scended to  his  eldest  son.  Such  was  the  income 
of  a  gentleman  considered  wealthy  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  VIII.,  and  such  the  expectations  of  his 
heir. 

How  many  children  Gresham  had  by  his  wife 
has  not  been  recorded  :  we  hear  but  of  one,  Rich- 
ard, who  must  have  been  born  before  1548,  since 
in  that  year  his  name  occurs  in  his  grandfather's 
will :  but  an  incidental  mention  of  "  my  powre 
wiffe  and  children"  in  1553-4,b  shows  that  he  had 


b  In  a  letter  dated  Jan.  18th,  from  Antwerp.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off. 


GRESHAM'S  CHILDREN.  53 

others,  which  he  must  subsequently  have  known 
the  bitterness  of  losing.0 

These  brief  memorials  comprise  all  that  is  known 
with  certainty  of  the  early  life  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham.  It  appears  that,  although  for  the  first 
few  years  after  his  marriage  he  made  London  his 
home,  his  business  frequently  carried  him  to  Ant- 
werp,— the  great  focus  of  commerce  at  the  period 
of  which  we  are  speaking.  But  he  was  not  des- 
tined to  continue  long  in  a  private  station.  He 
was  already  distinguished  as  a  merchant  possess- 
ing uncommon  tact  and  ability  ;  and  a  remarkable 
juncture  in  the  financial  affairs  of  the  kingdom 
having  occurred,  he  was  soon  called  upon  to  take 
an  important  part  in  their  management,  being 
then  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age. 

c  Unless  the  allusion  be  to  his  son  Richard,  and  to  Anne,  his 
natural  daughter. 


t 


THE   BURSE  AT  ANTWERP. 

CHAPTER    II. 

[1551  TO  1553.] 

OFFICE  OF  ROYAL  AGENT — GRESHAM's  APPOINTMENT,  AND  RE- 
MOVAL TO  ANTWERP — SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THAT  CITY — TRANSAC- 
TIONS WITH  THE  FUGGERS  AND  SCHETZ — GRESHAM's  DISSATIS- 
FACTION— HIS  FINANCIAL  SCHEMES— THE  DUKE  OF  NORTHUM- 
BERLAND HIS  PATRON — HE  NEGOTIATES  WITH  THE  AMBASSADOR 
OF  CHARLES  V. — HIS  PROSPERITY. 

HE  office  of  Royal  Agent,  or 
as  it  was  sometimes  called 
King's  Merchant,  or  Factor, 
was  of  very  early  origin.  It 
naturally  arose  out  of  the 
exigencies  of  an  imperfectly 
organized  system  of  finance ; 
which,  when  the  country  was  threatened  with 


OFFICE    OF    ROYAL    AGENT.  55 

war,  or  some  other  source  of  heavy  expendi- 
ture, recognised  but  two  modes  of  replenishing 
the  coffers  of  an  impoverished  treasury ;  viz.  to 
levy  subsidies  by  an  unjustifiable  stretch  of  arbi- 
trary power, — or  to  induce  wealthy  merchants, 
under  sufficient  security,  to  advance  the  sums 
required.  The  former  of  these  methods,  which 
in  remote  times  was  doubtless  had  recourse  to  in 
the  majority  of  instances,  and  with  most  success, 
was  too  convenient  ever  to  be  totally  relinquish- 
ed :a  but  as  the  commercial  wealth  of  Europe  in- 
creased, the  practice  of  obtaining  loans  from  the 
opulent  merchants  settled  in  Germany  and  the 
Low  Countries  became  more  and  more  prevalent ; 
until  it  was  finally  found  expedient,  on  the  part 
of  government,  to  employ  an  agent  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  negotiating  them.  This  was 
always  some  one  of  high  ability,  influence,  and 
integrity,  whose  province  it  was,  in  addition  to 
the  immediate  duties  of  his  office,  to  supply  the 
state  with  whatever  was  required  of  foreign  pro- 
duction. It  was  also  expected  of  this  servant  of 
the  crown,  that  he  should  keep  the  privy-council 
informed  of  whatever  was  passing  abroad ;  and 

8  Among  the  State  Papers  of  Queen  Mary's  reign,  there  exists 
an  original  instrument,  dated  September,  1557?  authorizing  com- 
missioners to  raise  a  compulsory  loan  throughout  the  counties 
of  England. — Domestic  Corr. 


56  THE    DE    LA    POLES. 

he  was  not  unfrequently  called  upon  to  negotiate 
with  foreign  princes  in  the  additional  capacity  of 
ambassador. 

The  office  of  "  agent  for  the  crown,  with  the 
trading  interest,  or  as  it  was  called  King's  Mer- 
chant," says  an  elegant  modern  writer,  "  was  one 
of  the  highest  importance  and  trust ;  inasmuch  as 
it  united  the  duty  of  raising  money  for  the  royal 
occasions  by  private  loans,  with  that  of  protecting 
and  cherishing  the  sources  from  which  they  were 
derived."  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  this  office 
was  distinct  in  itself,  and  altogether  independent 
of  the  occasional  employment  of  one  or  more 
domestic  financial  agents.5  It  is  from  a  misap- 
prehension on  this  head,  that  so  many  erroneous 
statements  have  been  circulated  relative  to  the 
father  of  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 

One  of  the  earliest  merchants  who  enjoyed  this 
appointment  was  William  de  la  Pole,  father  of 
Michael,  Earl  of  Suffolk.  In  1338,  he  lent  Ed- 
ward III.,  at  Antwerp,  a  sum  equivalent  to  at 
least  400,000/.  of  our  money  ;°  on  which,  in  addi- 
tion to  several  grants  of  crown  lands,  he  was  cre- 
ated Chief  Baron  of  the  Exchequer  and  a  Knight 
Banneret.  He  is  styled  "dilectus  mercator  et 

k  The  extracts  from  the  Council-book  of  Edward  VI.,  given 
in  Note  u,  page  18,  will  prove  this. 

c  Viz.  11,000*.  and  7500*.— Faedera,  vol.  v.  p.  91. 


STEPHEN    VAUGHAN.  57 

valectus  noster  "  in  all  public  instruments ;  and  in 
1389  was  succeeded  in  the  same  capacity  by  his 
son  Michael,  who  dwelt  in  his  father's  house  in 
Lombard-street,  near  Birchin-lane.  The  latter 
died  at  the  siege  of  Harfleur  in  1415,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  another  Michael,  who  fell 
at  Agincourt.  It  would  not  be  an  uninteresting 
subject  of  inquiry  to  trace  the  successive  occu- 
pants of  this  office,  after  it  went  out  of  the  De  la 
Pole  family,  until  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth ; 
when  the  duties  of  Royal  Agent  had  devolved  to 
Stephen  Vaughan,  much  of  whose  MS.  official 
correspondence,  extending  from  1530  to  1546, 
may  be  found  in  the  British  Museum.  It  is  a 
circumstance  deserving  of  notice,  however,  that 
neither  Vaughan,  nor  any  other  individual  who 
filled  this  office,  enjoyed  it  to  the  same  extent  as 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham;  whose  administration  of 
the  affairs  of  the  crown  was  very  nearly  uninter- 
fered  with  :  whereas,  notwithstanding  Vaughan' s 
nominal  agentship,  he  is  styled  merely  "  the 
King's  ambassador  in  Flanders,"  in  1538 ;  and 
Hutton,  in  the  same  year,  is  repeatedly  mentioned 
as  "  the  king's  ambassadour  and  agent  in  the 
lowe  countreys."  The  salary,  or  as  it  was  called 
'the  diets'  of  either,  was  twenty  shillings  per 
diem* 

d  Arundel  MS.  No.  97,  Plut.  fol.  32,  b.  41,  &c. 


58  NOTICES    OF    VAUGHAN,    AND 

As  none  of  Vaughan's  letters  preserved  among 
the  State  Papers  bear  a  later  date  than  1546, 
(about  which  time  he  enjoyed  the  office  of  Under- 
treasurer  of  the  Mint,6)  and  he  did  not  die  till 
1550,  it  is  probable  that  he  had  the  good  sense  to 
retire  from  public  affairs,  and  pass  the  last  few 
years  of  a  busy  life  in  domestic  privacy.  We 
may  reasonably  presume  this,  of  one  who  could 
write  such  a  sentence  as  the  following : — "  I  am 
purposed  to  go  to  Loveyne,  and  there  to  lye 
all  the  Lent,  and  applye  my  books ;  wherefore 
I  praye  you,  helpe  me  to  be  quyet."  The  name 
of  this  interesting  individual,  history  associates 
with  that  of  Tindal  the  Reformer ;  '  whose  boke 
inclosed  in  lether,'  he  transmitted  through  Crum- 
wellf  to  Henry  VIII.  "  It  is  unlikely,"  he  said, 
"  to  gett  Tyndall  into  England,  when  he  dayly 
hereth  so  many  things  from  thense  whiche  feareth 
hym."  Among  other  important  trusts,  he  was  em- 
ployed in  1538  and  9,  conjointly  with  Wriothesley 
and  Sir  Edward  Carne,g  to  negotiate  respecting 
the  intended  match  between  Henry  the  Eighth 
and  the  Duchess  of  Milan  ;  and  when  Wriothesley 

e  Ruding's  Annals,  4to.  vol.  i.  p.  66. 

f  See  the  long  and  curious  letter  which  Crumwell  addressed 
to  Vaughan  on  this  subject.— Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  x.  f.  338. 

*  A  letter,  subscribed  with  their  names,  may  be  seen  in  the 
MS.  referred  to  in  the  preceding  Note,  (fol.  127.)  It  is  dated  from 
Valenciennes,  Oct.  25th. 


EXTRACTS    FROM    HIS    LETTERS.  59 

and  Carne  were  recalled  in  1539,  he  was  left 
ambassador  resident  in  Flanders,  and  succeeded 
John  Hutton  as  governor  of  the  company  of  the 
merchant-adventurers  ;  offices  which  he  seems  to 
have  held  conjointly  with  that  of  Royal  Agent. 

Many  of  Vaughan's  letters  are  amusing.  I 
cannot  abstain  from  subjoining  a  specimen,  in 
which  he  exposes  to  Lord  Cobham  his  motives 
for  entering  a  second  time  into  the  holy  state  of 
matrimony.  "  My  Lord,  I  am  so  often  and  per- 
petually dryven  from  my  howse,  having  many  chil- 
dren and  things  in  my  howses,  that  I  have  byn 
compelled  to  take  a  wyfe.  I  have  one,  and  one 
hath  me.  And  bycause  I  wold  avoyde  the  keping 
of  ii  howses,  I  am  mynded  to  mary  her  as  shortly 
as  I  can.  But  bycause  I  have  no  hope  to  go  into 
England  before  Halontyde,  I  am  mynded  to  sende 
for  her  to  Calles,  and  mary  her  there  :  but  if  I  so 
doo,  then  must  I  intreat  your  Lordship  to  bryng 
my  wyfe  to  your  lodging,  and  to  mary  her  within 
your  chappell,  without  any  folisshe  wonderyng. 
Whan  I  come,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  tary  above  ii 
or  iij  dayse ;  but  must  return,  and  so  shall  she. 
If  it  please  your  Lordship  for  iij  dayse  to  lett  me 
be  so  bolde,  your  Lordshipe  dyd  me  muche  plea- 
sure. I  praye  your  Lordship  to  lett  me  know 
your  answer  to  my  wyve's  matter  of  her  corny ng 


60  TRANSACTIONS    WITH 

to  you.  And  thus  I  praye  God  send  yow  helthe. 
From  Andwerp,  the  vijth  of  March. 

Your  Lordship's  humble 

S.  VAUGHAN."h 

"  To  the  right  honorable  lord,  my  Lorde 
Cobham,    Lorde   deputie    of    the 
Quene's  Majestie's  town  of  Calles." 

Vaughan  wrote  occasionally  from  Antwerp,  but 
most  often  from  Augsburg  in  Germany,  where  he 
principally  resided ;  the  majority  of  his  transac- 
tions being  with  Anthony  Fugger  and  Nephews, 
— merchants,  or,  as  they  are  sometimes  called, 
bankers,  of  that  city.  The  name  of  their  ancient 
house  occurs  so  perpetually  in  the  financial  history 

h  Harl.  MS.  No.  283,  1.  218.  Another  short  extract  from  a 
letter  to  Lord  Cobham  may  not  be  unacceptable.  "  My  schole 
Mr  in  London,  Mr.  Cob,  goith  from  me.  I  dare  no  longer  kepe 
hym.  This  I  thought  to  signifie  unto  your  Lordeship,  bycause 
of  your  sonne,  that  after  my  schole  Mr  wer  gon,  he  shuld  not  be 

provyded Men  suspect  me  for  kepyng  hym  :  but,  as  God 

helpe  me,  I  never  had  an  honester  man  in  my  company,  nor  I 
think  ther  be  no  honester  man.  What  his  opynyons  be,  I  know 
not :  I  leve  those  to  be  iudged  by  other.  It  ys  a  great  displea- 
sure to  me  to  lack  so  sad  [serious]  a  man  as  he  ys,  in  my  howse 
to  teach  my  children ;  specially  seying  I  am  dryven  so  often 
from  home." — Ibid.  1.  240.  In  another  place  Vaughan  says, — 
"  In  the  same  lettre  I  enclosyd  a  letle  clowte  w*  nedills,  which 
I  sent  to  the  gentilwoman  your  daughter  ;  whom  I  heard  wysshe 
she  myght  [have]  some  :  which  are  fynde  good  nedills." — Ibid. 
1.247. 


THE    FUGGERS.  61 

of  the  period,  and  so  often  in  the  ensuing  pages, 
that  a  brief  account  of  the  family  will  not  be  inap- 
propriately introduced  in  this  place. 

To  say  of  the  Fuggers  that  they  were  in  their 
day  the  wealthiest  merchants  in  Christendom, 
would  be  to  record  the  circumstance  least  deserv- 
ing of  commemoration  in  the  history  of  this  once 
powerful  and  illustrious  family.1  They  merited 
the  far  prouder  title  of  the  Medici  of  Germany. 
We  gather  from  old  writers  that  they  formed  ex- 
tensive libraries,  and  collected  at  a  great  expense 
ancient  MSS.  of  the  classics,  which  they  caused 
to  be  printed  :  Huldric  Fugger,  in  particular,  de- 
voted himself  to  this  object,  and  employed  the 
celebrated  Henry  Stephens  to  collect  bibliogra- 

»  "  Elle  avait  amasse"  des  Tresors  prodigieux  par  son  commerce 
dans  les  Indes  Occidentals ;  ensorte  qu'  Antoine  Fugger,  Chef 
de  cette  Famille,  nomine  d'  ordinaire  Fokker,  et  qui  mourut  dans 
sa  Patrie,  disposa  par  Testament  de  plus  de  six  millions  d'ecus 
d'or.  Ses  richesses  immenses  ont  donn6  lieu  a  une  facon  de 
parler  qui  est  encore  usitee  dans  ces  provinces,  ou  Ton  donne  le 
nom  de  riche  Fokker  4  un  homme  d'une  opulence  peu  com- 
mune."— [Van  Loon,  Hist.  Met.  des  Pays  Bas,  fol.  1732,  vol.  i. 
p.  436.]  We  find  here  explained  the  origin  of  a  whimsical  appel- 
lation, used  colloquially  among  ourselves.  In  the  Atrium  Hero- 
icum  of  Dom.  Gustos,  fol.  1600,  are  twelve  well-engraved  portraits 
of  the  Fuggers.  Some  curious  particulars  concerning  this  re- 
markable family  are  collected  in  a  Note  to  Dibdin's  Library  Com- 
panion ;  but  the  best  general  account  is  to  be  found  in  Jacob's 
Historical  Inquiry  into  the  Production  and  Consumption  of  the 
Precious  Metals,  vol.  ii.  p.  25,  et  seq. 


62  THE    FUGGERS. 

phical  rarities.  Dying  at  Heidelberg  in  1584,  he 
bequeathed  his  magnificent  library  to  the  Palati- 
nate; and  left  a  fund  for  the  maintenance  of  six 
poor  scholars,  as  well  as  a  provision  for  the  poor. 
We  have  a  somewhat  less  particular  account  of 
Anthony  and  Raymond  Fugger, '  merchant-kings,' 
who  resided  chiefly  at  Augsburg,  and,  it  would 
seem,  in  little  short  of  regal  splendour  ;  but  those 
who  have  made  mention  of  them,  describe  in  high 
terms  their  collections  of  pictures  and  antiques, 
and  bestow  lavish  praise  on  the  beauty  of  their 
gardens,  and  the  taste  and  magnificence  displayed 
in  their  houses.  Well  might  a  family  have  been 
magnificent,  of  which  a  single  member  was  able, 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  to  furnish  a  monarch 
with  twelve  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  !j 
The  Fuggers  were  ennobled  by  Charles  V.,  who 
gave  them  in  feoff  the  lordships  of  Kirchenbergen 
and  Weissenhorn.k 

These  merchants,  though  they  belonged  to 
Augsburg,  had  also  an  establishment  at  Ant- 
werp,1 where  they  continued  to  reside  till  the 
year  1590.  Their  spacious  residence,  built  by 

j  T.  G.  to  Cecil,  Aug.  24,  1561— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

k  Bayle's  Diet.  fol.  1740,  vol.  ii.  p.  515 ;  and  Van  Loon,  Hist. 
Met.  &c.,  vol.  i.  p.  437. 

There  is  among  the  Cotton  MSS.  an  original  acknowledgment 
of  "  Anthonius  Fuggerj  etNepotes,"  for  152,000  livres  of  Flan- 
ders. It  is  dated  from  Antwerp,  24  September,  1546. 


SIR    WILLIAM    DANSELL.  63 

Anthony  Fugger,  is  still  to  be  seen  in  that  city, 
and  preserves  the  name  of  het  Fugghers  huys  to 
this  day. 

On  the  death  of  Stephen  Vaughan,  which  oc- 
curred early  in  1550,m  the  field  was  left  altogether 
open  to  his  successor,  Sir  William  Dansell,  whose 
correspondence  commences  where  that  of  Vaughan 
terminates.  Besides  the  office  of  Royal  Agent, 
Dansell  enjoyed  that  of  receiver  of  the  court  of 
wards  and  liveries  ;  and  having  been  bred  at 
Oxford,0  was  probably  a  man  of  some  pretensions 
to  learning.  Respecting  his  merits  in  his  official 
capacity,  it  is  not  easy  at  such  a  distance  of  time 
to  speak  with  certainty ;  but  it  is  clear  that  his 
administration  of  the  king's  affairs  was  the  reverse 
of  satisfactory  to  the  council.  In  May,  1549, 
they  wrote  sharply  to  him ;  complained  that  he 
was  remiss  in  answering  their  letters,  and  up- 
braided him  with  his  unskilful  mode  of  proceed- 
ing ;  adding,  "  the  bruit  is  bio  wen  over  London 
of  the  taking  up  of  bolion  for  his  Majestic,  and  of 

m  His  will  (in  which  he  styles  himself '  Esquire,')  was  proved 
26  Feb.  1549-50.  He  left  three  children,  and  had  been  twice 
married :  one  of  his  wives  being  probably  the  rich  widow  whom 
he  requested  a  friend  to  select  for  him,  as  he  said  he  knew  that 
there  were  many  such  in  the  city  of  London.  He  dwelt  at  the 
sign  of  "  the  iii  leggs  in  Chepe." — Prerogative-Office.  Coode. 
quire  v. 

«  Vide  infra,  note  »,  p.  66. 


64  DANSELL    IN    TROUBLE. 

such  price  that  it  is  great  marvell :  and  as  may  be 
most  credibly  and  certainly  judged,  ye  have  hin- 
dred  the  King's  Majestic  to  a  wonderous  notable 
some, — as  is  supposed,  above  40,000/. ;  so  that 
except  ye  have  prepared  alredy  very  muche  for 
his  highnes,  we  cannot  conjecture  how  to  excuse 
you  :  but  ye  have  done  his  highnes  marvelous 
evill  service."0  Dansell  defended  himself  in  a 
long  letter,  in  which  he  tried  to  prove  that,  in 
the  transaction  of  which  the  council  complained, 
(wherein  he  had  been  assisted  by  '  one  Thomas 
Gresham,')  he  deserved  no  kind  of  blame.p  A 
copy  of  his  letter  he  inclosed  to  his  friend  Sir 
Thomas  Smith ;  to  whom  on  the  following  day  he 
writes,  "  I  take  God  to  witnes,  yf  I  had  xl  thou- 
sand lyves,  and  shuld  have  spent  them  all,  I  could 
not  have  done  more  in  this  matter  than  I  did." 
But  his  protestations  had  no  weight  with  the  coun- 
cil, who  only  renewed  their  expressions  of  dissa- 
tisfaction and  displeasure  :  on  which  Sir  William, 
astonished  apparently  at  the  rough  usage  he  was 
experiencing,  remonstrated  more  earnestly  with 
their  lordships  ;  quaintly  declaring,  "  I  am  right 
sure  I  never  offended  you ;  and  it  seemyth  me 
that  you  suppose  me  a  very  blunt  beast,  without 
reason  and  discretion.'"1 

0  May  17,  1549.— Flanders  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off. 
P  25th  May.— Ibid.  ««  27th  June.— Ibid. 


DANSELL    RECALLED.  65 

Sir  William  Paget,  writing  from  Germany  to 
Sir  Thomas  Smith  at  this  period,  expressed  his 
opinion  that  the  council  were  too  severe  with 
Dansell.  The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  however 
well  intentioned,  he  did  not  possess  the  requisite 
abilities  for  the  office  he  filled ;  and  he  must  have 
been  a  man  of  unpardonably  dilatory  habits,  to 
say  no  worse  of  him,  or  he  would  not  have  been 
"  revoked  from  his  office  of  agent,  by  reason  of 
his  slacknes,"r  in  April  1551.  In  the  following 
December  affairs  had  come  to  such  a  pass,  that  the 
council,  instigated  apparently  by  one  John  Dy- 
mock  who  had  preferred  certain  charges  against 
Dansell,  ordered  him  "  to  make  hys  imedyate  re- 
payre  home;"5  that  they  might  receive  from  him- 
self an  account  of  his  transactions,  and  examine 
him  relative  to  the  practices  of  which  he  had  been 
accused.  But  he  neglected  to  obey  the  sum- 
mons ;  with  characteristic  sluggishness  delaying 

r  This  was  on  the  6th  of  April :  on  the  26th  we  find  mention  of 
"  A  letter  to  Mr.  Dansell,  that  the  Lordes  arr  contented  he  shall 
remaigne  in  Flaunders  as  governor,  till  he  shall  have  other  com- 
mandement  from  hence."  (MS.  Council-book  of  Edward  VI.) 
Like  Vaughan,  therefore,  he  appears  to  have  resided  in  Flanders 
in  the  additional  capacity  of  governor  of  the  merchant-adven- 
turers. 

8  29th  Dec. — Ibid.  John  Dymock  had  been  committed  to  the 
To\v  er  the  day  before. — Ibid.  A  letter  from  him  to  Lord  Cob- 
ham,  dated  Amsterdam,  2d  April,  1546,  is  in  the  Harl.  MS.  No. 
283.  p.  368. 

VOL.   I.  F 


66 


CIRCUMSTANCES    OF 


his  return  until  the  31st  of  the  following  March, 
when  "  he  was  comitted  to  the  custody  of  Mr. 
Hobby."  *  In  the  mean  time,  their  lordships  be- 
ing at  a  loss  to  know  what  course  to  adopt,  called 
in  several  merchants  to  consult  with  them  as  to 
the  most  advisable  mode  of  extricating  the  king 
from  the  difficulties  in  which  he  had  become  in- 
volved. Of  the  number  of  these  was  Thomas 
Gresham,  who  has  himself  briefly  recorded  his  first 
interview  with  the  youthful  king  and  his  ministers 
in  these  words :  "I  was  sent  for  unto  the  coun- 
sell,  and  brought  by  them  afore  the  King's  Majes- 
tie,  to  knowe  my  oppynyone  (as  they  had  many 
other  marchaunts)  what  waye  wythe  leaste  charge 
his  majestic  might  growe  out  of  debt.  And  after 
my  device  was  declared,  the  King's  highness  and 
the  counsell  required  me  to  take  the  room  in  hande, 
wytheout  my  sewte  or  labour  for  the  same."" 
It  may  be  worth  remarking  in  this  place,  that 

'  Ibid. 

«  Cott.  MS.  Otho.  E.  x.  fol.  43.  We  hear  little  of  Dansell  af- 
ter this  period,  except  that  he  was  occasionally  commissioned  to 
buy  plate  and  gunpowder  in  Flanders.  Among  those  who  pre- 
sented New  Year's  gifts  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  his  name  is  of  fre- 
quent recurrence.  (See  Nichols'  Progresses,  &c.  passim.)  Not- 
withstanding their  relative  position,  Gresham  and  he  appear  to 
have  continued  friends.  Dansell  survived  Sir  Thomas,  and  died, 
apparently  unmarried,  some  time  between  June  1st  and  August 
18th,  1582.  He  dwelt  in  the  parish  of  St.  Mary,  Aldermanbury. 
By  his  will  he  bequeathed  to  the  University  of  Oxford,  whereof 


GRESHAM'S  APPOINTMENT.  67 

although  none  of  Gresham's  family  had  ever  held 
the  office  of  Royal  Agent  before  him,  not  only  his 
father  and  uncle,  but  his  brother  and  himself 
had  been  repeatedly  employed  previous  to  this 
event,  in  the  service  of  the  crown,  as  domestic 
financial  agents.  "  Thomas  Gresham,  mercer,  of 
London,"  is  frequently  noticed  in  this  capacity 
in  the  Council-book  of  Edward  VI.,  long  before 
the  disgrace  of  Dansell ;  with  whose  duties  in  Flan- 
ders, his  own  in  no  degree  interfered.  He  must 
therefore,  about  this  period,  have  been  frequently 
brought  under  the  eye  of  the  council ;  and  in 
addition  to  the  favourable  testimony  afforded  by 
the  confidence  which  had  been  already  reposed 
in  him,  we  may  reasonably  infer,  from  his  having 
been  *  sent  for '  on  the  present  occasion,  that  he 
enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  most 
enlightened  merchants  of  his  day.  The  expe- 
rience he  must  have  acquired  during  the  seven 
years  of  his  life  he  had  already  passed  mostly  at 
Antwerp,  must  obviously  have  rendered  him  one 

he  "  was  a  scholler  in  tymes  paste,"  100/. ;  which  amount  was 
to  be  distributed  in  sums  of  forty  shillings,  among  "  the  poorest 
schollers  of  the  said  University,  which  are  disposed  to  give 
themselves  to  lerning."  (Prerogative-Office,  Tirwhite.  quire 
xxxiv.)  A  specimen  of  his  autograph  may  be  found  in  the 
Harl.  MS.  No.  283.  art.  179.  The  letter,  which  is  dated  from 
Antwerp,  17th  August,  1545,  has  been  accidentally  omitted  in 
the  general  Index. 

F  2 


68  FINANCE    IN    THE    REIGNS    OF 

of  the  fittest  persons  that  could  have  been  select- 
ed to  confer  with  their  lordships  on  the  difficulties 
which  now  beset  them. 

Never,  perhaps,  was  the  judicious  counsel  he 
offered  more  needed ;  for  the  king's  financial 
affairs  then  began  to  wear  an  alarming  appear- 
ance, having  been  conducted  up  to  that  period 
with  very  little  dexterity,  or  rather  with  none  at 
all.  The  expensive  wars  carried  on  with  France'' 
had  obliged  Henry  VIII.  to  incur  debts,  which, 
not  being  always  in  a  condition  to  discharge,  he 
was  compelled,  as  often  as  his  bonds  became  due, 
to  renew  on  most  disadvantageous  terms.  The 
annual  interest  on  his  bonds  amounted  to  40,000/. ; 
which  (while  the  exchange  was  reduced  to  six- 
teen shillings  Flemish  to  the  pound  sterling)  he 
was  compelled  to  pay  in  English  money  ;  and  he 
was  required,  at  every  renewal,  to  purchase  jewels 
or  wares,  and  sometimes  both,  to  a  large  amount, 
as  a  consideration  for  deferring  the  liquidation  of 
the  debt;  which,  combined  with  the  exorbitant  rate 
of  interest,  necessarily  operated  much  to  his  dis- 
advantage. Thus  in  Henry's  reign,  Vaughan, 
writing  from  Antwerp  to  the  Secretaries  Paget 
and  Petre,  says  of  a  rich  merchant  named  Jasper 
Dowche,  "he  offerith  to  serve  the  King's  Ma- 
jestie  this  next  somer  de wring  the  space  of  vi 

v  See  the  Appendix,  No.  IV. 


HENRY    VIII.    AND    EDWARD    VI.  6(J 

months,  with  c  thousand  ducats  every  month, 
during  the  riomber  of  vi  monthes  foresade,  for 
reasonable  interest,  and  upon  the  obligacons  and 
bond  of  London;  so  the  King's  Majestie  woll 
please  to  take  a  Jewell  therewith,  which  he  prise th 
at  c  thousand  ducats,  and  swerith  it  is  so  much 
worth.  It  ys  a  great  poynt  dyament  sett  about 
with  other  poynt  dyaments,  lik  a  rose."w  During 
the  following  reign,  we  find  another  curious  in- 
stance of  this  kind  of  transaction,  (which,  having 
passed  into  precedent,  it  was  not  easy  to  discon- 
tinue,) in  the  MS.  journal  kept  by  Edward  VI. 
[1551,  April,]  "  25.  A  bargaine  made  with  the 
Fulcare  for  about  60,000/.  that  in  May  and 
August  should  be  paid,  for  the  deferring  of  it. 
First,  that  the  Foulcare  should  put  it  off  for  ten 
in  the  hundred.  Secondly,  that  I  should  buy 
12,000  marks  weight,  at  6  shilinges  the  ounce,  to 
be  delivered  at  Antwerpe,  and  so  conveyed  over. 
Thirdly,  I  should  pay  100,000  crounes  for  a  very 
faire  juel  of  his,  four  rubies  marvelous  big,  one 
orient  and  great  diamount,  and  one  great  pearle."x 

w  January  31st,  1546-7. — St.  P.  Off.  A  day  or  two  after,  he  ad- 
dressed the  king  to  the  same  effect;  adding,  "herein  I  forbeare 
to  trouble  your  Majesty  with  long  wryting;  by  cause  the  saide 
Jasper  hath  largely  sett  foorth  all  these  his  offers  in  wryting, 
which  I  sende  unto  your  Hyghnes  herewith." — Ibid. 

x  In  the  same  Journal,  under  9th  May,  1550,  we  find  2500 
Cinquetales  [Quintals]  of  Powder  bought,  in  consideration  of 
a  debt  of  30,000/.  being  "put  over  an  year." 


70          GRESHAM    COMMENCES    HIS    CAREER. 

This  iniquitous  imposition  on  the  part  of  the 
money-lenders  was  of  old  standing;  and,  sanc- 
tioned by  the  usage  of  preceding  reigns,  it  had  at 
last  grown  into  a  custom.  But  the  ministers  of 
King  Edward,  who  had  to  conduct  the  finance  of 
a  country  impoverished  by  his  father's  extra- 
vagance, and  who  were  ever  at  a  loss  for  sup- 
plies to  meet  the  annual  expenditure/  resolved 
in  future  to  resist  every  attempt  to  repeat  it :  a 
resolution  of  which  Gresham,  in  accepting  the 
office  of  Royal  Agent,  was  ignorant,  and  which  at 
first  brought  him  into  considerable  difficulties. 

It  was  either  in  December  1551,  or  in  the  fol- 
lowing January,  that  Mr.  Gresham  was  called 
upon  to  serve  the  king ;  and  that  he  might  the 
better  attend  to  the  important  duties  which  now 
devolved  on  him,  he  removed  with  his  wife  and 
family  to  Antwerp;  and  established  himself  in  the 
house  of  Jasper  Schetz,  a  merchant,  with  whom 
he  had  long  been  connected  by  the  ties  of  friend- 
ship, and  under  whose  roof  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed on  previous  occasions  to  reside. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  period  of 
which  we  are  speaking,  the  Low  Countries  were 
in  the  zenith  of  their  prosperity.  Second  to  no 
European  state  in  a  commercial  point  of  view, 

y  See  Murdin's  State  Papers,  passim.  The  ordinary  '  device ' 
for  reaching  the  sum  required,  was  a  sale  of  crown-lands,  church- 
plate,  and  bell  metal. 


FLOURISHING    STATE    OF    FLANDERS.  71 

they  yielded  to  none  in  wealth  and  magnificence. 
Towns  and  villages,  abundantly  scattered  over  the 
face  of  the  country ;  hamlets,  worth  more  than 
the  cities  of  a  poorer  realm  ;  a  soil  densely  inha- 
bited, and  cultivated  to  the  utmost  possible  ex- 
tent; an  intelligent  and  industrious  race  of  people, 
excelling  in  every  elegant  and  useful  art ; — such, 
in  its  better  day,  was  the  spectacle  presented  by 
a  country,  which  even  in  its  decline  awakens  the 
interest  and  commands  the  admiration  of  the  tra- 
veller :  exhibiting  in  the  productions  of  its  schools 
of  painting,  and  pre-eminently  in  the  remains  of 
its  ecclesiastical  splendour,  glorious  proofs  of  the 
taste  and  magnificence  of  its  former  inhabitants. 

Flanders  began  to  obtain  commercial  eminence 
at  a  very  remote  period.  It  was  celebrated  for 
its  woollen  manufactures  in  the  twelfth  century  ; 
and  in  the  fourteenth  had  become  the  resort  of 
traffickers  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  Ghent 
and  Bruges,  in  particular,  acquired  distinction 
about  this  period  ;  but  Bruges,  though  a  smaller 
town,  far  surpassed  its  rival  in  importance.  Here, 
in  1385,  according  to  an  ancient  writer,  mer- 
chants from  seventeen  kingdoms  had  their  settled 
domiciles  ;  besides  strangers,  who  repaired  hither 
from  countries  then  almost  unknown.  In  conse- 
quence of  occurrences  which  it  is  unnecessary  to 
particularize,  the  immense  trade  of  Bruges  was 


72         THE  ENGLISH  HOUSE,  AND 

transferred  to  Antwerp  in  1487  ;  and  from  that 
moment,  the  latter  city  rapidly  advanced  in  im- 
portance, until  it  became  the  centre  of  civilization 
and  the  most  conspicuous  commercial  capital  in 
Europe.  About  the  year  1550,  it  was  no  uncom- 
mon sight  to  see  two  or  three  thousand  vessels  at 
one  time  in  the  Scheld,  laden  with  merchandise 
from  every  quarter  of  the  globe.2  Our  merchant- 
adventurers  are  said  to  have  established  a  factory 
there  as  early  as  the  year  1296  ;°  but  it  was  not 
till  the  llth  of  October,  1558,  that  the  Hotel  van 
Lyere,  or  residence  of  the  Burgomaster  of  that 
name,  was  finally  ceded  for  their  accommodation, 
on  condition  that,  if  unforeseen  circumstances 
should  induce  the  English  to  withdraw  from  An- 
twerp, this  property  should  revert  to  the  town  on 
their  departure.  A  representation  of  this  beauti- 
ful specimen  of  Burgundian  Gothic  architecture 
is  given  in  the  annexed  plate,  from  a  drawing 
preserved  among  the  archives  of  Antwerp,  bear- 
ing the  date  of  1474,  which  was  probably  the 
year  of  its  erection.  At  an  early  period,  this 
mansion  obtained  the  designation  of  the  English 
House  ;  by  which  name  it  is  frequently  mentioned 
in  contemporary  history.  Albert  Durer,  in  the 

1  Huet.  Memoirs  of  the  Dutch  Commerce. 
0  It  is  evident  from  the  Fsedera,  (vol.  iii.  p.  482,)  that  the 
English  stapled  their  wools  at  Antwerp  before  the  year  1314. 


FACTORY    AT    ANTWERP.  73 

narrative  of  his  journey  through  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, notices  this  structure  with  peculiar  commen- 
dation :  and  here  it  was  that  Charles  V.,  when 
he  made  his  triumphal  entry  into  Antwerp  in 
1520,  was  entertained  by  the  Burgomaster  Van 
Lyere.  Some  readers  will  contemplate  the  an- 
nexed outline  of  the  English-House  with  more 
interest  when  it  is  mentioned  that  our  ambassa- 
dors, journeying  to  or  from  foreign  courts,  were 
usually  domiciled  within  its  walls  on  their  arrival 
at  Antwerp.  It  was  hither  that  the  English 
merchants,  resident  in  that  city,  habitually  retired 
in  times  of  disturbance  and  danger ;  and  here 
they  were  confined  by  order  of  the  Duke  of  Alva, 
in  the  memorable  outbreak  of  1568,  hereafter  to 
be  particularly  noticed/ 

Over  the  factory  at  Antwerp  successively  pre- 
sided Sir  John  Hackett,  who  died  in  1534  ;b  John 
Hutton,  who  died  in  1538  ;  our  old  friend  Stephen 
Vaughan,  who  died  in  1550  ;  and  Sir  William 
Dan  sell,  who  was  superseded  by  John  Fitzwil- 

a  This  edifice  is  now  converted  into  a  military  hospital.  It 
stands  in  '  Rue  des  Princes,'  formerly  called  the  '  Rue  Neuve.' 
For  the  original  of  the  annexed  drawing,  I  am  indebted  to  M. 
Verachter,  keeper  of  the  Archives  at  Antwerp. 

b  "  I  have  been  at  Douay,  where  good  Mr.  Hackett  departed," 
says  Thomas  Leygh,  writing  to  Vaughan  on  the  6th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1534.  "  His  corpse  was  sent  to  Calais  the  Wednesday 
before  my  coming,  which  was  on  Saturday  night  last." — Cott. 
Galba.  B.  x.  f.  48. 


74  SIR    JOHN    HACKETT. 

liams.  All  of  these  were  distinguished  men, — 
well  bred  and  well  educated,  and  capable  of  ex- 
ercising the  functions  of  an  ambassador  when 
occasion  required.  Of  the  first,  Stephen  Vaughan, 
addressing  Crumwell  from  Antwerp  in  1530, 
speaks  in  the  following  terms :  "  Maister  Hackett, 
which  laye  in  these  partes  for  the  kyng's  higness, 
and  sollycitoure  to  my  Lady  Margaret  (deceased) 
for  the  kyng's  affayres,  I  thinke  is  now  gone  into 
England ;  or  havinge  lycense,  intendeth  to  go. 
Who  I  most  hartily  praye  you  to  have  recom- 
mendyd  to  the  kyng's  higness  ;  asserteyning  you 
that  his  grace  shall  not  be  provyded  of  a  man 
that  more  substancially  shall  handle  his  matters  in 
these  partes  this  xl  yeres,  ne  one  that  shall  do 
more  in  these  partes  than  he,  and  excedingly  well 
enterteyned  and  beloved  with  all  the  great  men 
of  these  partes  ;  which  he  hath  purchased  with  his 
wisdom,  his  gentyll  humanyty,  and  great  cost  and 
charges  :  and  peradventure  to  his  highness  little 
knowen.  I  have  been  always  excedingly  well 
enterteyned  with  him  :  which  nothing  moveth  me 
so  much  to  his  prayse,  as  his  worthy  prayses, 
vertues,  and  comendations."c  Hutton  is  well 
known  as  a  financial  and  diplomatic  agent.  Of 
Stephen  Vaughan  and  Sir  William  Dansell,  e- 
nough  has  been  said  to  render  further  notice  of 

c  Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  x.  f.  43. 


ANTWERP.  75 

them  in  this  place  superfluous.     John  Fitzwilliams 
was  an  ancestor  of  the  noble  family  who  bear  his 
name,  and  had  been  Sir  Richard  Gresham's  ser- 
vant in  1539.d     His  voluminous  correspondence 
is  preserved  in  the  State- Paper  Office,  and  would 
be  important  to  any  one  desirous  of  minutely  in- 
vestigating the  contemporary  history  of  Flanders. 
Antwerp,  though  not  the  capital  of  the  Low 
Countries,  in  consequence  of  its  maritime  position, 
threw  Brussels  and  every  other  Flemish  town  into 
the  shade.     Its  population  was  estimated  at  nearly 
100,000   souls.     An    old   historian,    who  dilates 
with  excusable  fondness  on  the  numerous  attrac- 
tions of  this  city,  represents  it  as  unparalleled  for 
its  internal  splendour,  and  for  the  worth  of  its 
inhabitants, — a  race  of  merchants,  who  attracted 
hither   traders   of  all    other   nations  :    English, 
French,  Germans,    Danes,   Osterlings,    Italians, 
Spaniards,  and  Portuguese;   of  which,  however, 
the  Spaniards  were  by  far  the  most  numerous  and 
considerable.  These  strangers  resided  permanent- 
ly at  Antwerp,  conforming  to  its  laws  and  usages, 
but  in  all  other  respects  preserving  the  manners  of 
the  different  countries  to  which  they  respectively 
belonged ;  so  that  this  city,  under  the  prudent  rule 
of  Charles  V., — notwithstanding  the  latent  sparks 
of  national  jealousy  between  the  Flemings  and 

d  Ibid.  f.  96. 


76  TRADE    OF    ANTWERP 

Spaniards,  never  completely  extinguished,  and 
which  the  events  of  subsequent  years  fanned  into 
a  mighty  flame, — exhibited,  for  a  period,  the 
uncommon  spectacle  of  a  multitude  of  nations 
living  together  like  one  large  family;  where  each 
used  his  own  customs,  and  spoke  his  own  lan- 
guage. The  inhabitants  themselves  were  emi- 
nently hospitable  and  ingenious :  it  was  not  un- 
common, says  Guicciardini,  to  meet  with  a  lady 
who  could  converse  in  five,  six,  or  even  seven 
different  languages  ;  "  Chose,"  he  adds,  "  vraye- 
ment  commode  et  admirable."  To  complete  the 
picture,  he  declares  that  on  every  side,  and  at  all 
hours,  were  to  be  seen  signs  of  festivity  and  mer- 
riment ;  there  was  a  constant  succession  of  gay 
assemblies,  nuptials,  and  dances ;  while  music, 
singing,  and  cheerful  sounds  prevailed  in  every 
street."6 

Some  curious  particulars  are  recorded  concern- 
ing the  nature  and  extent  of  its  commerce  with 
the  different  countries  of  Europe ;  but  what  is 
said  of  its  trade  with  England  will  be  most  inter- 
esting to  the  English  reader.  The  exports  from 
Antwerp  consisted  of  jewels  and  precious  stones, 
bullion,  quicksilver,  wrought  silks,  cloth  of  gold 
and  silver,  gold  and  silver  thread,  camblets,  gro- 

e  Guicciardini,  Description  de  Tout  le  Pais  Bas,   &c.    1568, 
p.  152-3. 


IN    THE    SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.  77 

grams,  spices,  drugs,  sugar,  cotton,  cummin, 
galls,  linen,  serges/  tapestry,  madder,  hops  in 
great  quantities,  glass,  salt-fish,  small  wares,  (or  as 
they  were  then  called,  merceries,)  made  of  metal 
and  other  materials,  to  a  considerable  amount ; 
arms,  ammunition,  and  household  furniture.  From 
England,  Antwerp  imported  immense  quantities 
of  fine  and  coarse  woollen  goods,  as  canvas,  frieze, 
&c.,  the  finest  wool,  excellent  saffron  in  small 
quantities,  a  great  quantity  of  lead  and  tin,  sheep 
and  rabbit-skins,  together  with  other  kinds  of 
peltry  and  leather ;  beer,  cheese,  and  other  pro- 
visions in  great  quantities ;  also  Malmsey  wines, 
which  the  English  at  that  time  obtained  from 
Candia.  Cloth  was,  however,  by  far  the  most 
important  article  of  traffic  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. The  annual  importation  into  Antwerp, 
about  the  year  1568,  including  every  description 
of  cloth,  was  estimated  at  more  than  200,000 
pieces,  amounting  in  value  to  upwards  of  four 
millions  escus  d'or  ;g  or  about  twelve  hundred 
thousand  pounds  sterling : — a  sum  which  was 
yearly  expended  in  Antwerp,  and  invested  in  low 
country  manufactures  adapted  for  the  consump- 
tion of  the  English  market. 

f  Guicciardini  adds  "  moncaiars "   and   "  demi-ostades,"  of 
which  I  do  not  know  the  meaning ;  unless  ostades  were  worsteds. 
f  Guicciardini,  ubi  supra,  p.  163,  and  p.  167. 


78  JASPER    SCHETZ, 

Let  it  not  be  imagined  that  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham  took  up  his  abode  at  Antwerp  under  a  vul- 
gar roof.  The  family  of  Schetz  was  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  in  that  city;  and  Jasper  was 
the  most  distinguished  member  of  his  family.  He 
was  the  eldest  of  three  brethren,  and  in  a  pecu- 
liar degree  inherited  from  his  father,  Erasmus 
Schetz,  a  taste  for  letters.11  However  unfavour- 
able to  such  pursuits  his  office  of  King's  Factor 
may  seem, — for  Gresham's  friend  was  principal 
factor  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,1 — we  are  in- 
formed that  he  achieved  for  himself  the  reputation 
of  a  poet,  and  was  a  distinguished  connoisseur  of 
coins. J  It  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate  all  the 
lordships  he  held,  and  the  honours  to  which  he 
attained  ;  of  which  the  post  of  Treasurer-general 
of  the  Low  Countries  was  not  the  least  consider- 
able. We  are  informed  that,k  towards  the  close 
of  his  life,  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  public 
affairs ;  and  died  at  Mons  en  Hainaut,  on  the 
9th  Nov.  1580,  at  the  age  of  67  ;!  leaving  three 

"  Ibid.  p.  150.  '  Ibid.  p.  155. 

j  Van  Loon,  Hist.  Met.  des  Pays  Bas,  1732.  i.  p.  60. 

k  Vander  Vynckt,  Histoire  des  Troubles  des  Pays  Bas,  8vo. 
1822,  i.  388. 

1  His  portrait  may  be  seen  in  Van  Loon,  (vol.  i.  p.  60,)  on  a 
medal,  struck  in  1569.  Round  the  head  is  the  legend  "  Gaspar 
[us]  Schetz,  D  [o minus]  de  Grobb  [endock],  set.  Ivi."  The 
reverse  represents  an  hour-glass,  with  the  motto  "  L'heure 


AND    HIS    BROTHERS.  79 

sons,  the  two  eldest  of  whom  proved  brave  sol- 
diers, while  the  youngest  rose  to  eminence  in  the 
Church.™ 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  brothers  of  Jas- 
per Schetz,  who  were  associated  with  him  in  the 
career  of  commerce,  and  shared  his  eminence  and 
distinguished  fortunes.  So  remarkable  was  the 
unanimity  in  which  these  three  amiable  men 
lived,  that  it  was  commemorated  by  a  medal 
struck  in  1556;  having  on  one  side,  the  armorial 
bearings  of  the  family,  (a  crow  with  wings  dis- 
played,) encircled  by  the  names  of  the  three  bro- 
thers, "  Caspar,  Melchior,  Balthasar  Schets  ; " 
and  representing  on  the  other,  two  crows, — an 
emblem  of  concord,  with  the  motto  "  Concordia 
res  parvse  crescunt."11  Such  was  the  family  in 
which  Gresham  became  domesticated,  and  such 
the  characters  which  he  selected  for  his  friend- 
ship. I  have  the  less  scrupled  to  introduce  them 
to  the  reader,  because  they  appear  to  have  been 
the  family  with  which  he  was  most  intimate. 
When  he  speaks  of  Jasper  Schetz,  he  calls  him 
"my  very  friend." 

Our  merchant  did  not,  however,  live  at  Antwerp 
by  any  means  uninterruptedly;  for,  by  his  own 

viendra;  "  encircled  by  the  words  "Temporafata  dabunt."   Date, 
1569. 
m  Van  Loon,  ubi  supra.  n  Ibid.  i.  p.  61. 


80  GRESHAM'S  EARLY  SERVICES. 

account,  during  the  two  first  years  he  served 
King  Edward,  he  posted  from  Antwerp  to  the 
court,  on  receiving  very  short  notices,  no  less 
than  forty  times.  We  cannot  of  course  trace 
him  through  all  his  journeys ;  but  of  several,  we 
have  distinct  intelligence.  The  first  we  hear  of, 
occurred  in  January  1551-2;°  at  which  time  he 
was  sent  to  Antwerp  with  a  commission  to  nego- 
tiate concerning  the  payment  of  certain  moneys 
owing  to  the  Fuggers.  In  this,  his  earliest  tran- 
saction, we  find  associated  with  him  Sir  Philip 
Hoby ;  who,  writing  to  Cecil  from  Dover  on  the 
15th  of  February,  1551-2,  inquires  whether  a 
certain  sum  shall  be  taken  up  at  Antwerp  "to 
the  King's  Majestie's  use;  for  suche  interest  and 
in  suche  manner  as  was  lately  commened  of,  at 
Gresham's  being  at  the  courte."p 

Next,  in  order  of  date,  comes  a  letter  which  the 
council  sent  to  Thomas  Gresham  at  Antwerp,  from 
Westminster,  on  the  24th  of  February,  1551-2. 
Their  lordships  notice  with  approbation  that  he  had 
secured  a  loan  from  Lazarus  Tucker  of  10,000/. 
for  six  months,  on  interest  at  the  rate  of  14  per 

0  A  long  letter  from  Gresham  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland 
and  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  dated  from  Antwerp,  May  10,  1552, 
is  preserved  among  the  Cott.  MSS.,  Galba.  B.  xii.  f.  189  ;  and  is 
the  earliest  letter  from  him  I  have  been  able  to  discover.  It  will 
be  found  to  contain  more  political  than  financial  intelligence. 

v  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.     Hoby  was  Master  of  the  Ordnance. 


THE   COUNCIL'S  LETTER.  81 

cent,  per  annum.  They  inform  him  that  the  debt 
due  on  the  last  day  of  April,  was  14,000  li.  Flemish ; 
and  furnish  him  with  the  following  instructions 
how  he  was  to  proceed :  "  Marry,  for  your  first 
proceedings,  this  we  would  should  be  done. 
Since  the  bullion  cannot  be  had  of  William  Dam- 
sell,  and  so  the  licence  which  should  have  beene 
had  of  Schetz  not  to  any  purpose, — it  shall  be 
well  done  to  take  the  x  M  li.  [10,000/.]  upon  the 
interest  of  vn  li.  in  the  hundred  for  vi  months; 
and  with  parte  thereof,  make  up  that  which  shall 
be  lacking  of  the  dett  which  must  be  paid  the  last 
of  this  month :  which  lack,  we  think  resteth  about 
iiij  M  li.  [4000/.]  and  so  shall  vi  M  li.  [6000/.] 
remaine  ;  out  of  the  which  the  Schetz  may  have 
one  thousand  pounds,  which  the  King  giveth  them, 
and  so  shall  remain  v  M  li.  [5,000/.].  Except 
that  Mr.  Hoby  shall  have  neede  to  have  some 
piece  for  his  necessaries,  the  which  may  be  lent 
to  him.  And  then  that  v  M  pounds  [5,000/.]  may 
remaine  well  toward  the  paiment  of  xiv  M  pounds 
[14,000/.]  which  shall  be  due  the  last  of  Aprill. 

"  Having  made  this  paiment,  due  the  last  of 
this  month,  and  taken  order  for  the  safe  custodie 
of  the  rest  of  the  x  M  pounds  [10,000/.]  which 
is  now  borrowed,  we  would  that  ye  made  your 
speedie  repaire  home ;  to  th'  intent  we  might 
more  certainly  conferr  with  you,  not  onlie  for  the 

VOL.  i.  G 


82  THE  COUNCIL'S  LETTER. 

paiement  of  the  said  xiiij  M  pounds  [14,000/.] 
now  the  last  of  Aprill,  and  for  the  putting  over 
of  the  sum  of  xlv  M  pounds  [45,000/.]  payable 
the  xv  of  May, — but  also  for  your  further  pro- 
ceedings in  the  bargaine  of  the  bell-mettall.  For 
the  which,  seeing  the  Schetz  have  desired  a 
month's  day  to  give  answer,  we  doubt  not  but 
if  you  will  make  speede  to  returne,  ye  may  be 
both  here,  and  perchance  (as  cause  shall  require) 
go  into  France  also  ;  and  returne  thither  by  the 
month's  ende,  to  receive  the  Schetz  answer.  And 
thus  differing  answer  of  the  rest  untill  your  re- 
turne, we  wish  you  good  successe  in  the  service 
of  the  King's  Majestie.  From  Westminster,  the 
xxiiijth  of  Februarie,  a°  1551  [2].  If  you  may 
convenientlie,  we  would  ye  made  Mr.  Hoby  pri- 
vie  to  this  our  letter. 

Your  loving  friends, 

NORTHUMBERLAND.    J.  BEDFORD.    E.  CLINTON. 
T.  DARCYE.       W.  CEciLL."q 

The  Fuggers  received  in  March,  "  in  full  pay- 
ment of  one  of  the  King's  Majestie's  bondes," 
upwards  of  63,500/. ;  and  on  the  30th  of  April, 
the  sum  of  14,000/.  more/  As  these  two  pay- 

i  Copy.  Additional  MSS.  No.  5498,  fol.  36.  b. 
'  Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  xii.  fol.  185. 


GRESHAM'S  ACCOUNTS.  83 

ments,  which  were  thought  very  considerable,  had 
occurred  within  the  same  year,  the  council  wrote 
to  the  Fuggers  in  the  beginning  of  May,  stating, 
that  for  the  present  the  king  only  meant  to  pay 
them  5000/.  of  the  debt  of  45,000/.  still  out- 
standing ;  and  that  they  must  have  patience,  and 
"  put  over  the  rest  according  to  the  old  interest, 
14  per  cent."5  The  affair  seems  eventually  to 
have  been  otherwise  adjusted ;  and  is  only  worth 
recording,  as  illustrative  of  the  financial  history 
of  the  period. 

It  appears  from  the  written  statement  of  Gres- 
ham's  transactions,  which  he  presented  to  Edward 
VI.  on  his  return  from  Antwerp  in  the  beginning 
of  August  1552,  that  between  the  1st  of  March 
and  the  27th  of  July,  his  payments  had  amounted 
to  106,30 1/.  4s.  4d.  His  own  travelling  expenses 
for  "rydynge  in  and  owght  eyght  tymes"  during 
that  period,  together  with  those  of  the  posts  who 
had  conveyed  his  letters  to  and  from  the  council, 
had  amounted  to  102/.  10s.  Od. ;  and  he  had 
concluded  his  mission  by  giving  his  friends  a 
feast,  which  forms  the  last  item  in  the  account. 
"  Paid,"  he  says,  "for  a  supper  and  a  banckett 
that  I  made  to  the  Fugger,  and  to  the  Schetz, 
and  other  that  I  have  hade  to  do  withall  for  your 
Majesty,  sens  your  Hightnes  haythe  comytted 

MS.  Journal  of  King  Edward  VI. 
G    2 


84  PICTURE    OF 

this  great  charge  unto  me,  the  28  de  July,  anno 
1552,  261"  * 

That  so  large  a  sum  should  have  been  expended 
on  a  single  entertainment,  proves  either  that  it  was 
conducted  on  a  scale  of  extraordinary  splendour, 
or  that  the  necessaries  of  life  were  very  expensive 
at  Antwerp.  Probably  it  shows  both.  26/.  in 
1552  was  equivalent  to  about  250/.  at  the  present 
day ;  and  the  persons  feasted  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  more  than  twenty  in  number.  One  is 
inclined,  indeed,  to  presume  that  this  ancient 
merchant  was  famous  for  the  magnificence  of  his 
banquets,  from  a  circumstance  I  will  here  relate. 
In  "  An  Inventorie  of  all  the  goods  of  the 
righte  honorable  the  Countesse  of  Leicester  and 
the  righte  worrshipful  Sr  Christopher  Blounte, 
knighte,  in  Essex  House,"  made  in  the  year 
1596,  on  the  occasion  of  Blount's  attainder,  a 
curious  enumeration  of  thirty- three  paintings  oc- 
curs, to  each  of  which  a  valuation  is  attached, 
"ii  pictures  of  my  Lorde  of  Leicester"  were 
valued  at  13s.  4d. ;  the  portraits  of  "the  Lorde 

1  The  autograph  document  here  quoted,  with  all  its  super- 
fluity of  figures  and  intricacy  of  Roman  numerals,  is  to  be  found 
in  Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  xii.  f.  185,  184,  and  188.  It  was  originally 
written  on  two  or  more  sheets  of  paper  pasted  together;  but 
these  have  become  disconnected,  and  the  volume  itself  having 
sustained  considerable  injury  by  fire,  the  document  is  in  many 
parts  illegible.  See  Appendix,  No.  V. 


GRESHAM'S  BANQUET.  85 

of  Denbighe,"  the  "Prince  of  Orrenge  his  sonne," 
"  Julius  Caesar,"  "  Penelopey,"  "  Sir  William 
Goodere,"  "Mr.  Cavandishe,"  and  "the  Queene 
of  Hungarie,"  were  valued  at  5s.  each;  while 
"  Fryer  Bacon  "  was  considered  worth  only  3s. : 
but  "  i  picture  of  Sir  Tho.  Gresham  his  banquett" 
was  estimated  at  5// — a  sum  which  suggests  the 
obvious  inference,  that  the  painting  alluded  to 
was  an  extraordinary  performance  ;  perhaps  a 
very  large  piece.  This,  together  with  seven  other 
pictures,  was  brought  to  Essex  House  (formerly 
the  Earl  of  Leicester's  town  residence)  from  his 
lordship's  mansion  at  Benington ;  and  probably 
had  come  into  his  possession  during  the  period  of 
his  campaign  in  Flanders,  after  the  death  of  Sir 
Thomas  Gresham. 

Such  an  entertainment  seems  to  have  been  a 
customary  act  of  hospitality  on  similar  occasions ; 
for  when  Gresham  was  preparing  to  quit  Antwerp 
in  subsequent  years,  he  generally  announced  to 
Sir  William  Cecil  his  intention  of  feasting  the 
queen's  creditors.  "  As  tomorrowe  I  doo  make 
a  bancket  to  all  the  Queen's  Majes tie's  crea- 
dytters  ;  whom  I  doo  inteande  to  make  as  good 

v  From  the  obliging  communication  of  my  friend  Dawson  Tur- 
ner, Esq.,  in  whose  valuable  and  very  curious  library  the  original 
MS.  from  which  this  extract  is  taken,  is  preserved.  For  some 
account  of  it,  see  the  Appendix,  No.  VI. 


86  RETURN    TO    ANTWERP. 

chere  as  I  can,"  he  says  on  one  occasion:  and  on 
another,  "  Sir,  this  weke  I  do  inteande  to  banket 
the  Queene's  Majestie's  creditors,  bothe  younge 
and  olde  ;  as  knoweth  the  Lorde." 

Hitherto  matters  had  gone  on  smoothly  enough ; 
but  when,  at  the  latter  end  of  August,  further 
sums,  amounting  to  56,000/.,  became  due  to  the 
Fuggers  and  Schetz,  Gresham  was  sent  over  to 
Antwerp  with  instructions  to  persuade  those 
merchants  to  postpone  the  term  of  payment  for 
six  months.  To  this  they  consented  on  certain 
conditions,  which  Gresham  repaired  home  to  lay 
before  the  council  in  person.  But  their  lord- 
ships would  agree  to  nothing  short  of  the  pro- 
longation of  the  king's  debts  on  the  original 
terms.  Very  reluctantly,  therefore,  he  retraced 
his  steps,  authorized  only  to  conciliate,  and  solicit 
the  forbearance  of  the  creditors. 

A  part  of  the  Instructions  with  which  he  was 
furnished,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  transcribe. 
His  memorial  states,  "  That  whereas  the  said 
Thomas  had  commission  of  late  to  put  over  cer- 
tain debts  due  by  the  King's  Majesty  the  15th 
and  20th  of  August,  that  is  to  say  44,000/.  Fle- 
mish to  the  Fulkers,  and  12,000/.  to  the  Schetz ; 
wherein,  although  he  travailed,  he  could  not  hi- 
therto accomplish  the  purpose  of  his  commission  : 
therefore  his  Majesty's  pleasure  is,  that  the  said 


GRESHAM'S  INSTRUCTIONS.  87 

Thomas  shall  return  over  the  seas  thither  again, 
and  see  what  more  good  he  can  therein  do,  for 
the  performance  of  his  former  commission ;  and 
follow  the  same  to  the  most  advantage  of  his 
Majesty.  And  if  he  cannot  so  do,  then  snail  he 
repair  to  the  Fulkers,  or  their  agents  in  Antwerp, 
and  delivering  to  them  such  letters  as  be  there 
prepared,  shall  declare  unto  them  how  desirous 
the  King's  Majesty  would  be  to  have  now,  at 
their  day,  made  ready  payment  of  the  money 
due ;  but  that  in  this  troublesome  time  of  the 
world,  it  behove th  his  Majesty  so  to  consider  his 
estate,  that  for  divers  great  and  weighty  consi- 
derations, his  Majesty  otherwise  is  moved  to 
employ  the  same  money  which  was  prepared 
for  their  payment.  And  therefore  his  Majesty 
doubted  not  but  the  said  Fulkers  will  be  content 
to  think  this  consideration  reasonable,  and  not  for- 
get the  benefits  and  good  bargains  they  had  had 
of  the  King's  Majesty,  with  good  and  true  pay- 
ments at  all  times  made  ;  and  assure  themselves, 
that  were  it  not  for  weighty  causes,  his  Majesty 
would  not  at  this  time  defer  any  such  payment. 
Wherein  his  Majesty  the  rather  hopeth  of  their 
contentation,  for  that  Antonio  Fulker  himself, 
being  herein  conferred  with  by  his  Majesty's 
Ambassador  with  the  Emperor,  seemed  ready  to 
gratify  his  Majesty,  not  only  in  this  matter,  but 


88  LETTER    TO    THE 

also  a  greater." — "  These  humble  and  gentle 
words,"  observes  Strype,"  "  was  the  King  fain  to 
use  to  his  creditors,  to  incline  them  to  defer  his 
payments,  and  keep  up  his  credit  with  them." 

Gresham's  dissatisfaction  at  this  mode  of  pro- 
ceeding, sets  his  character  in  a  favourable  light. 
He  arrived  at  Antwerp  on  the  20th  of  August, 
1552,  and  not  immediately  finding  the  parties  of 
whom  he  came  in  search,  he  could  not  refrain 
from  expressing  his  displeasure  in  a  long  expos- 
tulatory  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland, 
the  leading  member  of  the  council.  This  letter  is 
dated  the  day  after  his  arrival ;  and  though  an 
unpromising  specimen  of  his  correspondence,  is 
sufficiently  important  to  be  laid  before  the  reader 
in  all  its  essential  parts. 

"  It  maye  please  your  Grace  to  be  advertised, 
that  as  the  20th  of  this  pressent,  I  came  unto  this 
towne  of  Andwerpe  in  safetye ;  whereas  I  fownd 
neyther  Jasper  Schetz,  nor  the  Fugger's  factor, 
(being  at  Brussells,  and  lookyd  for  tomorrow  at 
the  for  the  st,  being  the  2 1  st  daye).  With  whome  I 
shall  treat  according  to  soche  commissione  as  the 
King's  Majesty  haythe  given  me ;  wisshing  at  this 
tyme  that  yt  maye  please  God  to  send  me  soche 
good  succes,  as  that  the  King's  Majesty's  honner 
and  creditt,  maye  be  nothinge  touched.  For  that 
u  Ecclesiastical  Memorials,  &c.  1822,  vol.  ii.  p.  i. 


DUKE    OF    NORTHUMBERLAND.  89 

yt  shall  be  no  small  grief  unto  me,  that  in  my 
tyme,  being  his  Majesty's  agent,  anny  merchant 
strangers  shulld  be  forssid  to  forbear  their  monny 
agaynst  their  willes :  wyche  matter  from  hens- 
forthe  must  be  otherwayse  foreseen,  or  else  in  the 
end  the  disonnestye  of  this  matter  shall  hereafter 
be  wholly  layde  upon  my  necke,  yff  any  thinge 
shuld  chance  of  your  Grace,  or  my  Lord  of  Pend- 
brocke,  otherwise  than  well ;  for  that  we  be  all 
mortall.  Wyche  matter  I  doo  not  dowght,  yf 
God  send  you  life,  you  will  foresee  in  tyme : 
wherein  I  will  advertise  you  my  poor  and  sym- 
pell  advyce  at  large. 

"  But  ere  that  I  doo  proceed  anny  further  in 
this  matter,  I  shall  most  humbly  requyre  your 
Grace  to  par  done  me  of  this  my  writing ;  for  that 
this  matter  touchy th  the  King's  Majesties  honnor 
and  credit,  wyche  I  am  bownd  by  my  othe  to 
maynteyne  and  keep :  as  also  the  very  love  and 
obedience  I  doo  owe  unto  you,  puttethe  me  cleane 
out  of  feare  to  wryte  unto  you  this  my  full  mynd 
at  large." 

What  follows,  explains  the  difficulty  Gresham 
had  experienced  : 

"  Fyrst,  it  maye  please  your  Grace  to  under- 
stand that  at  my  corny ng  home,  I  browght  with 
me  two  bargaynes  for  to  discharge  the  King's  Ma- 
jesty's dett,  due  the  20th  of  August,  amownting  to 


90  LETTER    TO    THE 

the  sum  of  Ivi  M  li.  [56,000/.]  ;  as  allso  an  over- 
plus to  remayne  in  the  King's  hands  for  the  space 
of  a  yere  :  and  that  was,  I  offered  Hi  M  [52,000/.] 
in  reddy  monny,  after  the  rate  of  xii  li.  upon  the 
hundred  for  a  whole  yere.  And  therewith,  the 
King's  Majesty  shuld  have  takynne  Manuel  Rys- 
sis  jewel,  wyche  I  offered  once  to  you  for  viii  M  li. 
[8,000/.] ;  with  another  dyamownd  of  the  vallew  of 
one  thowsond  poundes.  Wyche  jewel  I  showed  to 
the  counsell  at  Alltham,x  being  there  niy  Lorde  of 
Wiltshire,  my  Lorde  Darssay,  my  Lorde  Warden, 
Sir  John  Gates,  and  Mr.  Secretarye  Syssell; 
and  they  made  their  reckonyng  the  jewels  to  be 
worthe  nothinge,  were  they  never  so  perfette  or 
orient. 

"  Secondly,  I  offeryd  them  a  bargayne  from  the 
Fugger  fortheprolongacione  of  xxv  M  li.  [25,000/.] 
and  to  have  taken  v  M  li.  [5,000/.]  in  fustians  : 
wyche  also  dyd  not  lyke  them  ;  saying  that  there 
was  no  other  remeddy,  but  that  the  Fugger  and 
the  Schetz  must  forbere  with  the  King's  Majesty 
at  this  tyme  ;  and  that  they  would  have  them  pro- 
longyd  for  another  yere,  withowght  takyng  of 
anny  merchandize  or  jewels.  Wyche  matter  dyd 
not  a  littil  abash  me,  considering  how  things  here- 
tofore hath  been  usyd.  For,  as  your  Grace  dowth 

*  Waltham,  where  the  council  had  sat  on  the  7th,  8th,  and 
10th  of  August,  1552.— Council-book  of  Edward  VI.  MS. 


DUKE    OF    NORTHUMBERLAND.  91 

right  well  knowe,  when  the  King's  Majesty's  Fa- 
ther dyd  fyrst  begynne  here  to  take  up  monny 
upon  interest,  Mr.  Stephen  Vaghan  being  his 
agent,  a  took  the  fee  penny  in  merchandize  : 
eyther  in  jewels,  copper,  gundepowder,  or  fus- 
tians. And  soe  the  matter  hayth  passid  ever  since 
in  taking  of  wares,  when  the  King's  Majesty 
made  anny  prolongacyone,  until  the  charge  there- 
of was  commyttyd  unto  me.  Wherein  I  travelyd 
to  the  uttermost  of  my  power,  and  by  the  means 
of  my  friends  I  fownd  the  means  to  serve  the 
King  with  xx  M  li.  [20,000/.]  withowght  takyng  of 
anny  jewels  or  merchandize,  as  your  Grace  best 
knoweth.  And  to  be  playne  with  your  Grace  in 
this  matter,  I  was  fayne  to  give  forth  my  owne 
[word]  that  this  monny  shuld  be  paid  at  the  just 
daye,  or  else  the  King's  Majesty  could  never  have 
haddyt." 

The  writer  proceeds  to  expose  the  great  dis- 
advantages likely  to  ensue  from  the  course  he  had 
been  ordered  to  adopt  with  the  king's  creditors ; 
adding,  "  To  be  playne  with  your  Grace  in  this 
matter  according  to  my  bowndyd  dewtye,  veryly 
if  there  be  not  some  other  ways  takynne  for  the 
payment  of  his  Majesty's  detts,  but  to  force  men 
from  tyme  to  tyme  to  prolong  yt,  I  say  to  you, 
the  end  thereof  shall  neyther  be  honnorable  nor 
profitable  to  his  Highness. 


92  LETTER    TO    THE 

"  In  consideracyone  whereof,  if  there  be  none 
other  ways  takynne  forthewith,  this  ys  to  most 
humbly  beseehe  your  Grace,  that  I  maye  be  dis- 
chargyd  of  this  offyce  of  Agentshipe.  For  other- 
wise I  see  in  the  end  I  shall  resseve  shame  and 
discredit  therebye,  to  my  utter  undoing  for  ever  : 
wyche  ys  the  smallest  matter  of  all,  so  that  the 
King's  Majesty's  [honour]  and  creditt  be  not  spot- 
ted therebye,  and  specially  in  a  strange  country ; 
where  as  at  this  present  his  credit  is  better  than 
the  Emperor's,  wyche  I  praye  to  the  livinge  God, 
long  to  contynew.  For  now  the  Emperor  ge- 
vethe  xvi  per  cento,  and  yet  no  monny  to  be 
gotten,"  &c. 

These  and  similar  details  he  follows  up  by  ob- 
serving, that  as  soon  as  he  obtains  an  answer  from 
the  Fugger  and  Schetz,  he  will  repair  with  it  to 
the  court ;  and  trusting  that  he  shall  succeed  in 
accomplishing  the  wishes  of  the  king  and  his 
council,  he  adds :  "  And  then  I  do  not  dowght,  yf 
that  my  poor  and  sympel  advyce  may  be  hearde 
and  take  playse,  I  doo  not  mistrust  but  in  two 
yeres  to  bring  the  King's  Majesty  wholly  out  of 
dett ;  wyche  I  praye  God  to  send  me  life  to  see 
that  day. 

"  And  for  the  accomplishement  of  the  same, 
my  request  shall  be  to  his  Majesty  and  you,  to 
apoynte  me  out  weekely  xii  or  xiii  c  [1,300/.] 


DUKE    OF    NORTHUMBERLAND.  Q3 

poundes  to  be  secretly  resevyd  at  one  man's 
handes ;  so  that  yt  maye  be  kept  secret,  and  that 
I  maye  thereunto  trust,  and  that  I  maye  make  my 
reconning  thereof  assewredly .  I  shall  so  use  this 
matter  here  in  this  towne  of  Andwerpe,  that  every 
day  I  will  be  sure  to  take  up  ii  or  iii  c  li.  [2  or 
300/.]  sterlinge  by  exchange.  And  thus  doing, 
yt  shall  not  be  persevyd,  nor  yt  shall  not  be  no 
occasyone  to  make  the  exchange  fall.  For  that  it 
shall  be  takynne  up  in  my  name.  And  so  by 
these  means,  in  working  by  delyberacione  and 
tyme,  the  merchaunts  turn  also  shall  be  servyd. 
As  allso  this  shuld  bring  all  merchaunts  owght  of 
suspicione,  who  do  nothing  to  [wards]  payments 
of  the  King's  detts  ;  and  will  not  sty  eke  to  saye 
that  ere  the  payment  of  the  King's  dett  be  made, 
yt  will  bringe  down  the  exchange  to  xiiis.  iiii^/., 
wyche  I  trust  never  to  see  that  daye. 

"So  that  by  this  you  maye  perseve,  yf  that  I 
doo  take  up  every  daye  but  ii  c  li.  [200/.]  sterling, 
it  will  amownt  in  one  yere  to  Ixxii  M  li.  [72,000/.]  : 
and  the  King's  Majesty  oweth  here  at  this  present 
i  c  viii  M  li.  [108, GOO/.]  with  the  interest  monny 
that  was  prolongyd  afore  this  tyme.  So  that  by 
these  means,  in  two  yeres,  thinges  will  be  com- 
passed accordingly  to  my  purpose  set  forth ;  as 
allso  by  this  means  you  shall  neyther  troubell 


94  FINANCIAL    SCHEMES. 

merchaunt-adventurer,    nor   stapeler,    nor    mer- 
chaunt-stranger,"  &c.y 

The  remainder  of  his  letter  is  devoted  to  a  pro- 
ject that  the  king  should  make  a  staple  of  lead, 
taking  into  his  own  hands  all  the  lead  in  the 
realm,  and  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  any  for 
five  years,  from  which  Gresham  anticipated  very 
beneficial  results :  since  the  price  of  that  commo- 
dity, he  said,  would  rise  at  Antwerp,  where  the 
king  "  might  fede  them"  as  they  had  need,  from 
time  to  time.  By  these  combined  means,  he 
would  keep  his  treasure  within  his  realm,  and 
extricate  himself  from  the  debts  in  which  his  father 
and  the  late  Duke  of  Somerset  had  involved  him  : 
and  thus,  says  Gresham,  "  Your  Grace  shall  doo 
his  Majesty  soche  servyse  as  never  Duke  dyd  in 
Ingland,  to  the  renowne  of  your  howse  for  ever." 
The  letter  concludes  with  the  latest  intelligence 
of  the  Emperor's  movements,  and  such  general 
foreign  news  as  the  writer  judged  would  be  most 

y  August  21st,  1552.— Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  xii.  f.  209, 12, 10,  and 
11,  (sic.)  This  letter  has  been  very  incorrectly  printed  by  Strype, 
in  his  Ecclesiastical  Memorials,  ed.  1822,  vol.  ii.  pt.  2,  p.  484. 
He  had  the  advantage,  however,  of  inspecting  it  in  its  perfect 
state,  when  it  terminated  as  follows  : — "  Not  mistrusting,  ere  the 
year  goeth  about,  to  save  the  King's  Majesty  of  20,000/.  in  the 
payment  of  his  debt,  if  I  may  be  credited ;  wherein  I  shall  not 
let  to  forsake  my  own  trade  of  living,  for  the  better  serving  of  his 
Majesty." 


FINANCIAL    SCHEMES.  95 

acceptable  to  his  exalted  correspondent :  for  in 
that  age,  when  newspapers  were  as  yet  unknown, 
it  was  to  such  sources  that  the  statesman  looked 
for  intelligence,  whether  foreign  or  domestic ; 
and  Northumberland  had  an  agent  or  a  spy  in 
almost  every  capital  city  of  Europe.2 

The  scheme  suggested  by  Gresham  in  this 
letter,  met  with  the  approbation  of  the  council ; 
for  we  find  that,  on  the  22nd  of  September,  Sir 
Edmund  Peckharn,  treasurer  of  the  mints,  had 
orders  "  to  pay  Thomas  Gresham  1052/.  8s.  4d." 
But  in  less  than  eight  weeks,  whether  because  the 
weekly  disburse  was  found  inconvenient,  or  for 
whatever  reason,  we  learn  from  the  Council-book 
of  the  period  that  "  he  (meaning  Gresham)  is 
given  to  understand  that  the  payment  of  1200/. 
that  he  was  wont  to  receyve  weekely  of  Mr. 
Peckham,  is  stayed :  because  that  manner  of  ex- 
change is  not  profitable  for  the  King's  Majestic. 
And  that  yet,  neverthelesse,  he  may  make  ex- 

1  An  idea  of  the  extent  to  which  this  mode  of  communication 
was  carried,  may  be  formed  from  a  document  in  the  State-Paper 
Office,  entitled,  "  The  names  of  sundrie  forren  places,  from 
whence  Mr.  Secretary  Walsingham  was  wont  to  receive  his  ad- 
vertisements." Besides  domestic  intelligence,  derived  from 
every  part  of  the  kingdom,  thirteen  towns  in  France  are  enume- 
rated, seven  in  the  Low  Countries,  five  in  Italy,  as  many  in 
Spain,  in  Germany  nine,  in  the  United  Provinces  three,  and 
three  in  Turkey. 


96  GRESHAM'S  CORRESPONDENCE. 

change   of  that   same  that  he  hath  already  re- 
ceyved."a 

The  preceding,  however,  was  only  one  of  many 
schemes  suggested  by  this  enterprising  merchant 
for  raising  the  rate  of  the  exchange  at  Antwerp 
in  favour  of  England.  To  this  object,  indeed,  he 
directed  all  his  endeavours,  and  was  constantly 
devising  expedients  to  check  whatever  he  per- 
ceived had  a  contrary  tendency.  The  long  and 
frequent  letters  he  addressed  to  the  Duke  of 
Northumberland  and  the  Privy-council  on  this 
subject,  abounding  in  the  minutest  explanatory 
details,  prove  how  little  the  nature  of  such  opera- 
tions was  then  understood, — how  thoroughly 
Gresham  appreciated  their  importance, — and, 
lastly,  which  is  perhaps  not  the  least  curious 
circumstance,  how  attentively  he  was  listened  to 
by  one,  whom  historians  represent  as  engrossed 
by  plans  of  private  ambition ;  and  whose  habits 
and  exalted  rank  one  might  well  suppose  would 
have  rendered  a  voluminous  correspondence  on 
such  a  topic  the  reverse  of  agreeable. 

At  the  risk  of  being  found  tedious,  it  seems 
advisable  to  dwell  a  little  longer  on  a  subject,  which 
at  this  time  occupied  all  Gresham' s  attention.  The 
nature  and  tendency  of  his  operations  will  ap- 
pear from  the  following  passage  in  his  letter  to 
a  13th  Nov.  1552.— Council-book  of  Edward  VI.  MS. 


GRESHAM'S  CORRESPONDENCE.        (    97 

the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  dated  the  16th  of 
April,  1553.  "  The  exchange  keepyth  here  at 
xixs.  viiid.  and  so  I  have  no  dowght  but  that  it 
wille  contynew ;  and  rather  lycke  to  ryse  than  to 
fall,  whiche  is  one  of  the  chieffyst  poyntes  in  the 
comenwell  that  your  Grace  and  the  king's  Ma- 
jesty's counsell  hath  to  looke  unto.  For  as  the 
exchange  rysethe,  so  all  the  commodites  in  Ing- 
land  fallyth ;  and  as  the  exchange  fallyth,  so  all 
our  commodites  in  Ingland  risyth.  As  also,  if  the 
exchange  risyth,  it  wille  be  the  right  occasion  that 
all  our  golde  and  silvar  shall  remayne  within  our 
realme ;  and  also  it  is  the  meane  that  all  other 
realms  shulld  bringe  in  gold  and  silver,  as  hereto- 
fore they  have  done."b  He  proceeds  to  explain 
some  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  decline  of 
the  exchange,  and  to  suggest  as  a  remedy  the 
absolute  necessity  in  future,  of  making  none  but 
those  who  had  served  a  regular  apprenticeship 
of  eight  years,  free  of  the  company  of  the  mer- 
chant-adventurers ;  for  he  showed  that  to  the 
inexperience  of  many  members  of  the  company, 
the  evil  against  which  he  was  contending  was 
principally  attributable.0  But  the  most  notable 

»>  Flanders  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off. 

c  In  the  same  letter,  and  others  written  about  this  period, 
Gresham  makes  such  remarks  on  the  prominent  features  of  the 
commerce  of  his  day,  as  prove  that  he  was  neither  an  inactive 
VOL.  I.  H 


98  EXTRACTS    FROM 

of  all  his  expedients  for  raising  the  exchange  and 
bringing  the  crown  out  of  debt,  (an  expedient  to 
which  he  twice  had  recourse  in  King  Edward's 
reign,)  was  to  detain  the  fleet  of  the  merchants 
when  it  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  for  Antwerp, 
and  compel  the  proprietors  of  the  merchandise  to 
engage,  on  their  arrival,  to  furnish  the  state  with 
certain  sums  of  money,  to  be  repaid  at  an  appointed 
time  in  London,  at  a  fixed  rate  of  exchange, — of 
course  the  highest  which  they  could  be  brought  to 
accede  to.d  Of  this  we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak 
more  at  length  in  a  subsequent  page ;  enough  has 
been  said  to  explain  the  following  passage  in  Gres- 
ham's  letter  to  the  council,  dated  from  Antwerp, 
28th  April,  1553,  which  is  too  characteristic  to  be 
omitted.  "  It  may  like  your  Lordships  to  under- 
stand, that  as  the  27th  of  this  present,  being  at 
Brussells,  I  received  your  honnor's  letter  of  the 
24th  of  this  pressent,  whereby  I  perseve  that  you 
are  through  with  the  staplers  for  25,000/.,  and  with 
the  merchant-adventurers  for  36,164/.  16s.  Sd. : 

nor  an  inattentive  observer  of  that  which  was  passing  around 
him.  In  the  Appendix,  No.  VII.,  will  be  found  some  extracts 
from  his  official  correspondence  at  this  period, — not  very  attrac- 
tive, perhaps,  to  the  general  reader,  but  interesting  to  any  one 
who  feels  curious  to  read  the  confidential  letter  of  a  first-rate 
merchant  of  the  sixteenth  century  addressed  to  the  prime  minis- 
ter, and  to  obtain  an  insight  into  the  nature  of  his  operations. 
d  See  the  Appendix,  No.  VIII. 


GRESHAM'S  CORRESPONDENCE.  99 

trusting  that  you  have  brought  them  to  have 
for  every  pound  sterling  235.  4d. ;  for  withowght 
doubt  the  exchange  will  ryse,  if  you  have  so 
done,  and  now  never  like  to  fall  again.  Where- 
with I  have  so  plagued  the  strangers,  that  from 
hens  forth  they  will  beware  how  to  meddyll  with 
the  exchange  for  London ;  and  as  for  our  own 
merchants,  I  have  put  them  in  such  a  fere  that 
they  dare  not  meddill,  in  giving  them  to  under- 
stande  that  1  would  advertize  your  honnors  if 
they  should  be  the  occasion  thereof, — which  mat- 
ter I  can  soon  spy  out,  having  the  brokers  of  ex- 
change, as  I  have,  att  my  commandement ;  for 
there  ys  never  a  bourse,  but  I  have  a  note  what 
money  is  taken  up  by  exchange,  as  well  by  the 
stranger  as  Englishman.  So  that  there  ys  no 
doubt  but  that  the  exchange  will  keep  pound  for 
pound,  and  better ;  for  that  all  our  flete  ys  here 
arrived  in  safety,  praise  be  to  God."e 

How  correct  Gresham  was  in  the  results  he 
anticipated  from  these  and  similar  measures,  ap- 
peared in  the  sequel  by  the  success  which  attend- 
ed them.  He  found  means  in  a  short  space  to 
raise  the  exchange  from  sixteen  shillings  Flemish 
for  the  pound  sterling,  to  twenty-two  shillings,  at 
which  rate  he  discharged  all  the  king's  debts ; 
and  by  this  means  money  was  rendered  plentiful 

r  Flanders  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off. 

H  2 


100  THE    EARL    OF    WARWICK 

and  trade  prosperous,  while  the  credit  of  the  crown 
became  established  on  a  firmer  basis  abroad  than 
it  had  ever  been  before.  All  this  he  foresaw  ; 
but  the  merchants,  at  the  time,  complained  loudly 
of  his  proceedings,  and  it  required  no  slight  dex- 
terity to  appease  them.  "  My  uncle,  Sir  John 
Gresham,"  said  he,  writing  to  the  duke  about  this 
time,  "  hathe  not  a  littel  stormy d  with  me  for  the 
setting  of  the  price  of  the  exchange  ;  and  saythe 
that  yt  lies  in  me  now  to  doo  the  merchaunts  of 
this  realme  pleasseur,  to  the  increas  of  my  poore 
name  amonges  the  merchaunts  for  ever."  Pre- 
sently he  adds,  "  I  have  thought  good  to  adver- 
tize you  yt  is  no  marvell  my  uncle  Sir  John 
Gresham  doth  storm  at  the  matter ;  for  that  a 
hathe  bought  iiii  or  v  thousand  pounds  in  woolls ; 
— assewring  your  Grace  he  and  I  was  at  great 
words,  lyke  to  fall  out ;  but  ere  we  departtyd,  we 
drank  eche  to  other." f 

The  reader  must  have  already  anticipated  the 
remark,  that  Dudley,  Duke  of  Northumberland, 
was  Gresham's  early  friend  and  patron.  In  1549, 
that  nobleman,  being  then  Earl  of  Warwick,  had 
been  sent  into  Norfolk  to  quell  the  insurrection 
which  broke  out  there  during  that  year  ;  and  he 
had  lodged,  on  the  night  of  the  23d  of  August,  at 

f  "  Scryblyd  in  hast  in  London,  the  17th  day  of  May,  a°  1553." 
St.  P.  Off. 


HIS    GUEST    AT    INTWOOD.  101 

Intwood-Hall,g  a  house  about  three  miles  distant 
from  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  which  had  been 
built  by  Gresham's  father,  as  mentioned  in  the 
former  chapter,  and  left  by  him  to  his  eldest  son ; 
but  where  Thomas  Gresham  may  very  well  have 
resided,  according  to  the  statement  of  the  county 
historian,  which  derives  corroboration  from  the 
fact  that  in  subsequent  years  it  was  frequently  his 
residence,  and  became  his  property.  The  earl's 
visit  to  Intwood  was  perhaps  the  occasion  of  his 
first  acquaintance  with  its  owner ;  and  it  may  have 
partly  led,  two  years  later,  to  Gresham's  appoint- 
ment to  the  office  of  Royal  Agent,  "  which,"  as 
he  says  himself,  addressing  the  duke,u  "was  by 
your  preferment."  That  Northumberland  enter- 
tained a  mean  opinion  of  Dansell's  abilities,  and 
regarded  Gresham,  from  the  beginning,  with  a 
favourable  eye,  is  clear  from  the  correspondence 
of  the  period :  nor  is  it  less  certain  that  his  favour 
alone  was  sufficient  to  make  the  fortune  of  a  sub- 
ject. It  is  universally  acknowledged  that  "  he 
bore  all  the  sway  at  court ;"  and  with  the  title  of 
a  duke,  exercised  the  authority  of  a  king. 

Intwood-Hall  was  for  a  long  time  Gresham's 

*  Blomefield's  Norfolk,  ed.  1806,  vol.  iii.  p.  246. 

h  See  Gresham's  letter  "  to  the  Duckes  grace  of  Northumber- 
land, and  to  my  Lorde  of  Pendbrocke."— Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B. 
xii.  fol.  189.  It  bears  date  10th  May,  1552. 


102  DESCRIPTION    OF 

only  country-seat,  and  hither  he  seems  to  have 
been  for  many  years  in  the  habit  of  occasionally 
retiring  with  his  family.  The  annexed  outline 
has  been  copied,  by  favour  of  the  present  proprie- 
tor,1 from  an  ancient  oil-painting  of  the  Hall  in 
his  possession,  and  represents  it  as  it  appeared 
about  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking  :  very  un- 
deserving, certainly,  of  the  epithet  of  "my  poore 
howse  at  Intwood,"as,  in  that  amusing  spirit  of  self- 
depreciation  in  which  our  ancestors  occasionally 
indulged,  it  was  frequently  called  by  its  master. 
The  architecture  seems  Flemish ;  or  rather,  the 
house  was  built  in  a  style  which  forcibly  recalls 
the  buildings  represented  in  Flemish  pictures, — a 
circumstance  which  the  habitual  residence  of  its 
founder  at  Antwerp  would  sufficiently  explain,  no 
less  than  the  immense  number  of  Flemish  artisans 
which  from  an  early  period  settled  in  Norfolk. 
The  very  painting  from  which  plate  in.  is  copied, 
was  most  probably  the  work  of  a  Flemish  artist. 
The  figures  seem  almost  to  establish  this.  Dutch 
in  their  costume  and  build,  each  holds  a  stick,  as 
the  boors  of  Teniers  generally  do ;  and  the  group 
is  accompanied  by  a  cur  of  low  degree,  with  a 
crisp  curling  tail. 

Few  traces  of  the  old  Hall  at  present  exist,  the 

i  J.  Salusbury  Muskett,  Esq.,  whose  civilities  I  gladly  avail 
myself  of  this  opportunity  gratefully  to  acknowledge. 


INTWOOD-HALL.  103 

site  being  occupied  by  a  house  of  quite  modern 
construction.  The  garden,  however,  preserves 
much  of  its  former  character ;  retaining  its  an- 
cient raised  terrace-walks  and  turreted  walls. 
Here,  too,  the  ivy-covered  ruins  of  the  red  brick 
porch,  which  may  be  seen  in  the  drawing,  have 
been  suffered  to  remain :  where,  in  the  spandrils 
over  the  door-way,  as  already  mentioned,  car- 
ved on  two  escutcheons,  are  found  the  arms  of 
Sir  Richard  Gresham,  (who  doubtless  built  Int- 
wood-Hall,)  and  his  initials  encircling  the  family 
crest,  a  grasshopper.  The  same  initials  and  a 
cypher  also  occur  over  the  servants'  entrance, 
as  well  as  over  the  door  of  one  of  the  sleep- 
ing apartments.  It  is  only  on  either  side  of  the 
garden  door,  on  two  shields  within  the  span- 
drils, that  the  plain  shield  used  by  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham  is  discoverable,  together  with  those  of 
the  Mercers'  Company :  so  that,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, there  remain  at  Intwood  more  traces  of 
the  father  than  of  the  son.  The  surrounding 
scenery  is  picturesque  and  park-like ;  and  hard 
by  the  Hall  is  the  village  church,  which  is  reached 
by  a  walk  through  the  garden.  But  I  fear  this 
will  be  regarded  as  a  digression. 

As  a  proof  of  the  high  estimation  in  which 
Northumberland  held  the  master  of  Intwood,  it 


104  NEGOTIATION    WITH    THE 

may  be  worth  recording,  that  in  the  year  1552, 
being  at  Windsor,  he  selected  him  as  a  proper 
person  to  sound  the  ambassador  of  Charles  V., 
(under  whose  dominion  it  will  be  remembered 
that  the  Netherlands  at  that  time  were) ;  and  to 
endeavour,  as  it  were  casually,  to  discover  from 
him  in  the  course  of  conversation,  what  disposition 
was  entertained  by  the  government  he  represen- 
ted towards  England.  This,  Gresham  was  easily 
able  to  accomplish ;  the  nature  of  his  own  occu- 
pations, and  the  disturbed  state  of  the  Nether- 
lands, so  prejudicial  to  his  own  personal  interests, 
furnishing  him  with  a  sufficient  excuse  for  fixing 
on  so  interesting  a  topic.  In  consequence  of 
what  passed  between  them,  the  ambassador  wrote 
to  the  court  of  the  regent ;  and  on  Gresham's 
return  to  Antwerp,  the  subject  was  resumed. 
"  The  Regient,"  says  he,  writing  to  the  duke, 
"  hath  made  great  inquirye  of  me,  of  my  frynd 
Jasper  Schetz,  what  manner  a  man  I  am,  and 
whether  I  was  a  man  of  honestye  and  credytt  to 
be  trustyd:  whome  dyd  informe  the  Regient, 
that  I  have  bynne  these  eight  yeres  in  his  howse, 
knowing  me  to  be  a  right  onnest  man,  reporting 
to  her  Grace  much  more  of  me  than  I  am  of  wor- 
thyness.  Where  upon  the  Schetz  was  commandyd 
to  commen  with  me  in  the  matter ;  whome  askyd 


AMBASSADOR    OF    CHARLES    V.  105 

me  upon  what  occasion  I  movyd  this  matter  to 
the  Emperor's  Imbassador." k  Gresham  so  ex- 
plained the  matter  to  his  friend,  that  the  regent,1 
in  token  of  amity,  communicated  to  him  through 
her  treasurer,  Monsieur  Longyne, m  several 
important  letters  and  papers  which  had  been 
intercepted  on  their  way  from  Mary,  queen  of 
Scotland,  to  the  French  king.  This  is  related 
in  the  sequel  of  the  letter  just  quoted,  which  was 
soon  followed  by  the  arrival  of  Gresham  himself; 
who  related  to  the  council  at  length  what  had 
passed  between  him  and  the  emperor's  minister. 
Longyne,  he  said,  had  even  gone  so  far  as  to 
open  to  him  a  proposal  for  a  closer  alliance  be- 
tween their  respective  countries,  which  was  to 
have  been  cemented  by  the  contemplated  union 

k  Antwerp,  Nov.  16.  1552. — Haynes'  State-Papers,  1740,  p.132. 

1  Mary  Queen  of  Hungary,  who  in  1531  had  succeeded  her 
aunt  Margaret,  as  Regent  of  the  Low  Countries  for  Charles  V. 

m  Mr.  Treasurer  Longyne,  arriving  at  Antwerp  on  the  12th  of 
April,  1553,  fell  sick  next  day,  says  Gresham,  "  of  a  hot  burning 
agew,  and  as  this  day  [13th]  has  lost  his  remembrance  and  his 
speech,  so  that  our  Lord  have  mercy  upon  him ;  for  the  fyssis- 
sians  say  plainly,  a  shall  never  escape  ytt.  I  will  insure  your 
Grace,  the  King's  Majestie  and  his  realme  has  lost  a  secreat  and 
assurid  friend."  On  the  19th  we  learn  that "  Treasurer  Longyne 
ys  departyd  this  world,  being  sicke  in  this  towne  of  Andwerpe  but 
iiii  days."  (Flanders  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off.)  Guicciardini 
(p.  45)  says,  that  "  Orlando  Longin,  Chevallier  et  Seigneur 
de  Cappelle,  was  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  at 
Brussells." 


106  NOTICES    OF 

of  Edward  VI.  with  the  daughter  of  the  king  of 
the  Romans.  The  negotiation  seems  to  have  led 
only  to  many  mutual  protestations  of  good-will ; 
but  it  serves  to  show  what  opinion  was  enter- 
tained of  Mr.  Gresham  at  this  time,  though  but 
few  months  had  elapsed  since  he  had  been  called 
upon  to  serve  the  state." 

Thus  actively  engaged,  and  almost  in  constant 
residence  with  his  wife  and  family  at  Antwerp, 
Gresham  entrusted  the  conduct  of  his  affairs  in  . 
Lombard-street,  to  his  London  factor,  by  name 
John  Elliot.  This  person  obtains  frequent  notice 
in  King  Edward  and  Queen  Mary's  Council-books, 
as  the  representative  of  their  majesties'  agent, 
when  the  duties  of  his  office  detained  him  at 
Antwerp ;  but  of  Elliot's  history,  I  can  discover 
nothing.0  He  was  succeeded,  after  a  few  years,  by 
Richard  Candeler,  who  belonged  to  a  respectable 
Norfolk  family,  and  whose  seal  is  represented  in 
the  wood-engraving  which  precedes  my  preface. 
When  business  carried  Gresham  to  the  court  or 
the  council,  his  concerns  in  the  Low  Countries 
were  left  to  the  able  management  of  a  far  more 

»  See  Haynes'  Collection  of  State-Papers,  fol.  1740,  p.  132  to 
142 ;  where  all  the  letters  and  documents  here  alluded  to  are 
printed.  King  Edward,  in  his  Journal,  has  given  a  brief  but 
admirable  review  of  the  whole  transaction. 

0  Not  even  his  will ;  which  was  certainly  not  proved  at  the 
Prerogative-Office  at  any  time  between  1553  and  1594. 


GRESHAM'S,  SERVANTS.  107 


remarkable  individual  than  either  of  these,- 
Welshman,  named  Richard  Clough ;  who  resided 
permanently  at  Antwerp,  and  concerning  whom  we 
shall  have  much  to  say  hereafter.  At  first,  mindful 
perhaps  of  the  fate  of  his  predecessor,  Gresham 
effectually  protected  himself  against  similar  treat- 
ment, as  far  as  it  could  arise  from  any  miscon- 
struction on  the  part  of  the  council,  by  rarely 
entrusting  his  affairs  with  them  to  an  intermediate 
agent.  He  seldom  even  corresponded  with  their 
lordships,  but  communicated  personally  with  them 
as  often  as  he  had  occasion,  travelling  as  his 
own  post ;  which  accounts  for  the  fewness  of  his 
letters  extant,  written  at  this  period.  The  route 
he  was  accustomed  to  pursue  is  probably  indi- 
cated by  a  contemporary  writer,  who  estimates 
the  distance  from  Antwerp  in  Brabant  to  Bruges, 
at  15  Brabant  miles  ;  from  Bruges  to  Nieuport, 
7;  thence  to  Dunkirk,  4;  and  to  Calais,  6  :p — 
a  journey  which  occupied  three  days  when  dili- 
gently performed,  and  for  which  a  post-rider  was 
paid  41.  or  51.  This  was,  in  fact,  the  route  fol- 
lowed by  'the  post'  himself,  who  left  Antwerp 
weekly,  and  appears  to  have  distributed  the 
contents  of  his  malle,  or  trunk,  in  London  on  the 
fourth  day :  but  Gresham  seems  quite  as  often  to 

p  R.  Rowlands.  "  The  Post  for  divers  Partes  of  the  World," 
&c.  1576,  p.  51. 


108  NOTICES    OF 

have  crossed  the  channel  from  Dunkirk.  After 
awhile,  we  hear  of  the  servants  he  was  accustomed 
to  employ  on  this  service,  which  was  always  accom- 
panied with  much  personal  fatigue,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  with  much  personal  danger.  We  have 
repeated  mention  of  Francis  de  Tomazo,  who,  in 
December  1553,  had  been  in  Gresham's  employ 
four  years  and  a  half ;  when,  being  sent  with  de- 
spatches to  the  council,  his  master  obtained  for 
him  at  their  lordships'  hands  the  lucrative  office  of 
Queen's  Post  at  Calais,q  as  a  reward  for  his  faithful 
services.  So  much,  indeed,  of  peril  and  occasional 
hardship  was  incurred  by  such  messengers,  espe- 
cially when  they  had  bullion  to  transport,  that  we 
find  Gresham  on  the  same  occasion  requesting  the 
council  to  give  another  of  his  servants  '  comfort- 
able words,'  by  way  of  encouragement/  The  per- 
son he  alluded  to  was  John  Spritwell,  for  whom, 
when  he  carried  his  letters  to  the  council  in  1555, 
Gresham  solicited  the  reversion  of  the  Postage  at 
Calais ;  observing  that  he  was  "  a  very  fitt  man  for 
the  room,  for  that  a  can  speak  all  kynds  of  lan- 
guages, and  [is]  a  Callisian  borne  ;  whorne  is  a  very 
painful  man,  and  a  man  to  be  trusted  in  matters 
of  charge,  having  had  the  tryall  of  him  these  v 

q  To  the  Council,  Ant.  24  December,  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off. 

T  To  the  same,  Ant.  28  Dec.  1553.— Ibid. 


GRESHAM'S  SERVANTS.  109 

yeres."  He  had  also  the  reputation  of  being  as 
good  a  post-rider  as  any  in  Christendom."  Sprit- 
well  was  already  the  Queen's  Post  at  Dover ;  and 
in  1561,  in  consequence  of  De  Tomazo's  death, 
his  master  obtained  for  him  the  promotion  he 
desired.  "  Francis  De  Tomazo,"  says  he,  "  the 
Queen's  Majesty's  Post,  ys  departed  ;  of  whose 
soul  Christ  have  mercy."  * 

Another  of  Gresham's  posts,  or  servants  whom 
he  was  in  the  constant  habit  of  employing  for  the 
purpose  of  safe  and  speedy  communication  with  the 
council,  was  William  Bendlowes  ;  Thomas  Do  wen, 
or  Denne,  was  another  ;  and  James  Brocktrop  a 
third :  Thomas  Dutton  and  Robert  Hogan  seem 
also  to  have  been  in  his  employ  at  this  period. 
Of  his  several  factors  established  in  Spain,  he 
mentions  Edward  Hogan  at  Seville,  and  John 
Gerbridge  at  Toledo.  There  are  letters  of  his 
servants,  Henry  Garbrand  written  from  Dunkirk; 
several  from  John  Weddington,  with  '  advertise- 
ments out  of  Holland  and  those  partes ;'  and  an 
immense  number  of  Richard  Payne's,  dated  from 
Middleburgh :  in  addition  to  which,  Gresham  had 
paid  agents  who  sent  him  regular  intelligence 
from  most  of  the  principal  kingdoms  of  Europe. — 
It  may  be  Dutch  painting  to  descend  to  such  par- 

•  To  the  Council,  Ant.  27  Oct.  1555.— Ibid. 
'  To  Cecil,  Ant.  2  Sept.  1561.— Ibid. 


110  SILK    STOCKINGS. 

ticulars ;  but  some  of  these  poor  fellows  perhaps 
merited  the  brief  chronicle  they  have  here  found ; 
and  besides  the  pleasure  of  rescuing  even  a 
humble  name  from  oblivion,  what  has  been  said 
seems  in  some  measure  illustrative  of  the  prin- 
cipal subject  of  my  narrative. 

It  was  Edward  Hogan,  I  presume,  who  sent 
Gresham  the  memorable  4  payre  of  long  Spanish 
silke  stockings,'  which  he  presented  to  Edward 
VI.  ;  and  which  Stowe  has  commemorated  in  his 
Chronicle,  as  *  a  great  present.'  The  gift  derived 
its  value  from  the  rarity  of  the  object ;  "  for  you 
shall  understand  that  King  Henry  VIII.  did  weare 
onely  cloath  hose,  or  hose  cut  out  of  ell  broade 
taffaty ;  or  that  by  great  chance  there  came  a  paire 
of  Spanish  silke  stockings  from  Spaine." u  So  that, 
although  silk  stockings  had  been  brought  into 
England  a  few  years  prior  to  the  reign  of  Ed- 
ward VI.,  Gresham's  gift  constitutes  the  earliest 
distinct  mention  of  the  introduction  of  that  article 
of  dress  into  this  country. 

We  have  nothing  to  add  to  the  preceding 
notices  of  Mr.  Gresham  at  this  period  of  his  life, 
except  that  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  repeatedly 
receiving  from  the  council  expressions  of  their 
approbation  of  his  management  of  the  affairs 
of  the  crown.  The  young  king  himself  was 

«  Stowe's  Chronicle,  ed.  1631,  p.  867. 


ANECDOTE    OF    EDWARD    VI.  Ill 

so  sensible  of  the  services  this  intelligent  mer- 
chant had  rendered  him,  that  three  weeks  before 
his  death  he  bestowed  upon  him  lands  worth  one 
hundred  pounds  a-year  ;  accompanying  the  gift 
with  the  encouraging  words, — "  You  shall  know 
that  you  have  served  a  king."  The  saying  was 
princely,  and  could  hardly  have  been  suggested 
by  his  preceptors ;  as  some  writers,  (I  know  not 
why,)  are  fond  of  insinuating  was  the  case  with 
every  rational  thing  Edward  the  Sixth  said,  and 
every  noble  action  which  he  performed.  The 
person  addressed  has  himself  recorded  this  anec- 
dote, in  a  memorial  which  will  presently  be  inserted 
at  length ;  and  of  which  a  specimen  is  given  in 
the  fifth  plate,  exactly  as  it  proceeded  from  the 
pen  of  the  writer. 

In  relating  this  circumstance,  Gresham  proba- 
bly alluded  to  Walsingham,  and  some  other  manors 
in  Norfolk,  granted  to  him  by  an  instrument 
bearing  date  six  days  before  King  Edward's 
death.  But  although  that  young  prince  has  left 
on  record  his  opinion, — "  I  think  this  country  can 
bear  no  merchant  to  have  more  land  than  100/.,"  it 
is  certain  that  the  preceding  was  by  no  means  the 
only  instance  of  bounty  Gresham  received  at  his 
royal  master's  hands.  Westacre-Priory  in  Nor- 
folk, which  was  of  much  greater  value,  was  also 
bestowed  upon  him  in  the  last  year  of  Edward  the 


112  WESTACRE-PRIORY. 

Sixth's  reign/  It  is  now  a  heap  of  picturesque 
ruins :  but  Sir  Thomas  made  it  his  residence 
occasionally ;  and  when  he  died,  the  effects  were 
estimated  at  a  sumw  which  proves  its  internal 
arrangements  to  have  been  as  princely,  as  its 
external  appearance  was  imposing. 

T  Tanner's  Not.  Mon.  The  revenue,  according  to  Dugdale, 
was  2601.  13s.  7d. :  according  to  Speed,  308£  19s.  lid.  In  the 
estimate  of  Gresham's  property  at  the  time  of  his  death,  West- 
acre  is  valued  at  150/.  per  annum.  Tanner  states  that  a  house 
of  Grey  Friars  at  Caermarthen  was  granted  to  him,  5  Edward 
the  Sixth. 

»  1650/. 


ENGLISH,    FLEMISH,    AND    VENETIAN    MERCHANTS  OF  THE    16th  CENTURY. 


CHAPTER     III. 

[1553  TO  1558.] 

CONSEQUENCES  OF  MARY'S  ACCESSION — GRESHAM' S  MEMORIAL  TO 
THE  COUNCIL — SIR  JOHN  LEGH — TRANSACTIONS  AT  ANTWERP 
— GRESHAM  IS  SENT  INTO  SPAIN — EXTRACTS  FROM  HIS  LET- 
TERS— ABDICATION  OF  CHARLES  V. — COMMERCIAL  NOTICES — 
GRESHAM  AMONG  HIS  FRIENDS  AT  ANTWERP. 

xFFAIRS    were  in    this  pros- 
perous position  with  the  sub- 
ject of  our  narrative,  when 
the   death   of  perhaps    the 
most  promising  prince  who 
ever    occupied     a    throne, 
brought  forward  a  royal  suc- 
cessor, who,  however  much  she  may  have  been 
maligned  and  misrepresented  by  historians,  was 
VOL.  i.  i 


114  GRESHAM    SUPPLANTED. 

certainly  the  least  popular  sovereign  who  ever 
swayed  the  destinies  of  England.  On  the  ac- 
cession of  Mary,  Gresham  found  himself  suddenly 
supplanted  in  his  office  of  Royal  Agent, — a  cir- 
cumstance easily  accounted  for,  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  his  patron  was  the  very  noble- 
man who  now  showed  himself  most  hostile  to 
the  queen's  succession.  He  was,  besides,  person- 
ally obnoxious  on  the  score  of  his  religious  opi- 
nions ;  and  found  a  bitter  enemy  in  Gardiner,  the 
Roman  Catholic  bishop  of  Winchester,  whom  the 
queen  restored  to  the  see  of  which  her  predeces- 
sor had  deprived  him.  "  When  the  King,  your 
brother,  died,"  said  Gresham,  writing  to  Queen 
Elizabeth  in  1558,  "  for  rewarde  of  my  servise 
the  Bishoppe  of  Winchester  sought  to  undoe 
me ;  and  whatt  soever  I  sayd  in  these  matters," 
(alluding  to  some  great  measures  of  finance,) 
"  I  should  not  be  creditted." 

The  injustice  of  which  he  complained,  and  the 
grounds  on  which  he  founded  his  claims  to  diffe- 
rent usage,  will  best  appear  from  the  following 
memorial;  drawn  up  by  himself,  apparently  some 
time  in  August  1553:  on  the  22d  of  which  month, 
Northumberland,  to  whom  it  contains  an  allusion, 
paid  the  price  of  his  unlawful  ambition  on  the 
scaffold.  This  document,  though  it  will  occasion 
some  repetitions,  is  here  given  at  length;  as  a 
valuable  historical  record,  throwing  light  on  the 


HIS    MEMORIAL.  115 

financial  condition  of  England  at  the  period  to 
which  it  refers,  and  deriving  peculiar  interest  as 
having  proceeded  from  the  pen  of  Gresham  him- 
self, whose  history  it  illustrates  in  his  own  words. 
He  is  addressing  the  lords  of  the  council : — 

"  Fyrst,  before  I  was  called  to  sarve  the  King's 
Majestic,  one  Sir  William  Danssell,  knight,  was 
his  agent.  At  that  tyme  his  Majestye  was  in- 
debted in  the  sum  of  two  hundred  three  score 
thowssonde  powndes  Flemyshe  :  for  the  discharge 
whereof,  and  for  other  causes  to  me  unknowen, 
the  said  augent  was  written  unto  to  come  home, 
which  he  reffused  to  doo.  And  thereupon  I  was 
sent  for  unto  the  counsell,  and  brought  by  them 
afore  the  King's  Majestic,  to  knowe  my  oppy- 
nyone,  (as  they  had  many  other  marchaunts,) 
what  way,  wythe  leaste  charge,  his  Majestic  might 
growe  out  of  debt.  And  after  my  device  was 
declared,  the  King's  highness  and  the  counsell 
required  me  to  take  the  room  [place]  in  hande, 
wythout  my  sewte  or  labour  for  the  same. 

"  Secondarly;  before  I  was  called  to  sarve, 
there  was  no  other  ways  divised  to  bring  the 
King  out  of  det,  but  to  transporte  the  treasure 
out  of  the  realme ;  or  else  by  way  of  exchange, 
to  the  great  abasing  of  the  exchange ;  for  a 
pownde  of  our  current  money  there,  was  browght 
[down]  in  vallew  [to]  but  xvis.  Flemyshe ;  and 

i2 


116  GRESHAM'S  MEMORIAL 

for  lacke  of  payment  there  at  the  dayes  appointed, 
for  to  pressarve  his  Majestie's  credit  withal,  [it 
was  customary]  to  prolong  time  allsoe  upon  inte- 
rest :  wyche  interest,  besydes  the  losse  of  the 
Exchange,  amownteth  unto  xl  M  li.  [40,000/.]  by 
yere.  And  in  every  soche  prolonggation,  his 
Majestic  was  inforced  to  take  great  parte  in  jewels, 
or  wares,  to  his  extreme  losse  and  domayge ;  of 
which  xl  M  li.  [40,000/.]  losse  for  interest,  yerely, 
I  have  by  my  travail  clerely  discharged  the  said 
King  every  peny.  Wythe  out  wyche  prevenssion, 
the  Queene's  Majestic  had  been  indebted  at  this 
her  enttrye  into  the  imperyall  crown,  in  the  sum 
of  fore  hundred  thousand  pownds ;  besides  the 
saving  of  the  treassore  within  the  realme ;  with- 
out tacking  of  juells  or  wares,  to  the  King's 
losse  or  disprofit. 

"  Thyrdely ;  where  [as]  at  the  tyme  of  my  en- 
trey  into  th'offis,  I  founde  the  Exchange  at  six- 
teen shillings  the  pownde,  I  fownde  the  means 
nevertheless  (without  any  charge  to  the  King,  or 
hinderance  of  anny  other,)  to  discharge  the  Kinges 
whole  dettes,  as  they  grew  dew,  at  xxs.  and  xxijs. 
the  pound ;  whereby  the  King's  Majestic,  and 
now  the  Quene,  haythe  savid  one  hundred  thow- 
sand  markes  clere. 

"  Forthely ;  by  reasson  that  I  raissed  the  ex- 
change from  xvis.  unto  xxijs.  (whereunto  it  yet 


TO    THE    COUNCIL.  117 

remaynethe,)  all  forreyne  commodities  be  fallen, 
and  sollde  aftyr  the  same  vallew ;  to  the  enriching 
of  the  subjects  of  the  realme  in  their  commodities, 
in  small  process  of  tyme,  above  iii  or  iiij  c  M  li. 
[3  or  400,000/.] 

"Fyftely ;  by  reason  of  raising  of  the  Exchange 
fromxvis.  unto  xxiis.  the  pownd,  (Flemyshe  mon- 
ney,)  like  as  in  tymes  past  the  golde  and  silvar 
was  abundantly  transported  oute  of  the  realme 
by  the  abasing  ;  even  so,  contrary  wise,  nowe  it  is 
most  plentifully  brought  in  ageynne,  by  the  rays- 
sing.  For  there  ys  come  alredy,  of  late,  above 
i  c  M  li.  [lOOjOOO/.]  into  the  realme ;  and  more 
and  more  will  daylly  doo. 

"  Sixtely ;  it  is  assuredly  known,  that  when  I 
toke  this  sarvis  in  hande,  the  Kinge's  Majestie's 
credit  on  the  other  syde  was  small ;  and  yet,  afore 
his  deathe,  he  was  in  such  credit  both  with  stran- 
gers and  his  own  marchaunts,  that  he  myght  have 
had  for  what  some  of  monny  he  had  desyred. 
Whereby  his  enymyes  began  to  fear  him ;  for 
the  commodities  of  his  realme,  and  [his]  power 
amongst  Prynsis,  was  not  known  before.  Wyche 
credit  the  quennes  highness  haythe  opteyned, 
if  she  were  in  necessity  for  money  at  this  pres- 
sent  daye. 

"  Seventely ;  to  th'entent  to  worcke  this  mat- 
ter secretly,  for  the  raising  of  the  exchange  I  did 


118  GRESHAM'S  MEMORIAL 

only  use  all  my  own  creditt  with  my  substance 
and  frends', — to  the  intent  to  prevent  the  mar- 
chaunts,  bothe  strangers  and  Englishe,  who  all- 
wayes  lay  in  wayte  to  prevent  my  devisses:  as 
[also]  when  th'  exchaunge  felle,  to  raise  it  agayne, 
I  bare  some  one  tyme  losse  of  my  own  monies, 
(as  the  Kinge's  Majestic  and  his  counsell  well 
know,)  ii  or  iii  c  li.  [2  or  300/.].  And  this  was 
divers  tymes  done ;  besides  the  credit  of  fivetye 
thoussownd  pownd,  wyche  I  tooke  by  exchaunge 
in  my  own  name,  withowght  using  the  King's 
name ;  as  in  my  accownnt  and  letters  remaynyng, 
wyche  I  sent  to  his  majestic,  evidently  aperythe. 

"  And  Eightly;  for  the  accomplishement  of  the 
premises,  I  not  onely  lefte  the  realme,  with  my 
wiife  and  famylye,  my  occupying  and  whole  trade 
of  lyving,  by  the  space  of  two  yeres ;  but  also 
postyd  in  that  tyme  xl  tymes,  upon  the  Kinge's 
sendding,  at  the  least,  from  Andwerpe  to  the 
Courte  ;  besides  the  practising  to  bringe  these 
matters  to  effect, — the  infynyt  occasion  of  writting 
also  to  the  king  and  his  counsaylle, — withe  the 
keeping  of  reckonings  and  accomptes,  (onely  bye 
my  own  hand-writting,  for  mistrust  in  so  dange- 
ros  a  busines  of  preventers,  whereof  were  store 
too  manny) ;  untill  I  had  clerely  discharged  all 
the  foresaid  debt,  and  delyveryd  all  the  bondes 
clere,  to  the  great  benefit  of  the  realme,  and  pro- 


TO    THE    COUNCIL.  119 

fit  of  the  Queene.  For  in  case  this  debt  had 
bene  let  alone,  and  differyd  upon  interest  iiii 
yeres  or  v,  her  Majestic  should  have  fownd  it 
amount  to  xv  hundred  thousand  powndes  at  the 
least.  Wyche  (God  be  prayssyd!)  is  ended,  and 
therefore  careless  at  this  daye. 

"  For  consideracyone  of  my  great  lossys,  and 
charges,  and  travayles  taken  by  me  in  the  causes 
aforsaid,  yt  pleased  the  kinge's  majestic  to  gyve 
unto  me  one  hundrethe  powndes  to  me  and  my 
heyres  for  ever,  thre  weckes  before  his  deathe ; 
and  promysid  me  then  [with]  his  owne  mowthe, 
that  he  wold  hereaftyr  se  me  rewardyd  better ; 
saing,  /  shulld  knowe  that  I  sarvid  a  kinge. 
And  so  I  dyd  fynd  him ;  for  whose  sowle  to  God 
I  dayly  praye. 

"  Finally ;  if  upon  the  consideracion  of  the  for- 
mer articles  of  my  service  made,  (wyche  is  all 
trewe,)  ye  shall  thinke  them  mete  to  be  shewed 
to  the  queene,  and  [it  shall  be]  her  Grace's  plea- 
seur  to  accept  them, — (allso  as  I  may  have  access 
to  her  hightnes  the  rather  thereby e,) — I  doutt 
not  to  do  her  grace  as  good  proffitable  service, 
bothe  for  her  and  her  realme,  as  the  former  ser- 
vice of  her  brother  dothe  amounte  unto.  Never- 
theles,  hitherto  I  do  perceive  that  those  whiche 
served  before  me,  wyche  browght  the  King  in 
debt,  and  tooke  wares  and  juellis  upp  to  the 


120  GRESHAM'S  MEMORIAL. 

Kingis  great  losse,  are  esteemed,  and  preffered 
for  their  evill  servis  ;  and  contrary  wise  myself 
discountenaunced,  and  out  of  favour.  Wyche 
grevythe  me  not  a  little,  for  my  dilligens  and 
good  sarvice  taken  to  bringe  the  king  and 
queenes  hightness  out  of  dett  clere.  Wyche 
understanding  of  my  service,  that  her  magesty 
may  take  in  good  parte,  is  as  moche  as  I  required. 

"As  I  was  inselinge  of  the  letter  enclossid 
herin,  I  received  a  letter  out  of  Flanders ;  where- 
by I  understand,  that  as  well  my  plate,  howshold 
stuffe,  and  aparell  of  my  selfe  and  wyfe,  (wyche  I 
have  sent  and  preparid  into  Andwerpe  to  serve 
me  in  tyme  of  my  servys  there,)  by  casualty  of 
weather  comyng  from  Andwerpe,  ys  all  loste. 
And  now,  God  helpe  poor  Gresham  !  Allso  the 
Lord  of  Northumberland  dowthe  owe  me  iiii  c  li. 
[400/.]  for  a  juell  and  wares,  that  my  factor  solid 
hym  in  my  absens ;  trusting  that  the  Queene's 
Majestic  wilbe  good  unto  me  therein. "a 

That  Gresham  had  been  unfairly  treated  cannot 
be  doubted ;  but  dismayed  perhaps  by  the  ruin 
of  his  late  patron,  and  the  evil  plight  of  his  friends 
at  the  court,  he  apprehended  greater  misfortunes 
than  actually  fell  to  his  share.  With  respect  to 
that  part  of  his  memorial  in  which  he  enumerates 

»  Cott.  MS.  Otho.  E.  x.  f.  43.     A  fac-simile  of  the  most  inter- 
esting passage  in  this  memorial  will  be  found  in  plate  v. 


HIS    RECALL.  121 

among  his  other  grievances  a  courtier's  want  of 
punctuality  in  his  payments,  (and  that  courtier 
his  late  patron,)  we  forbear,  at  such  a  distance 
of  time,  from  commenting  upon  it  with  severity, 
because  the  evidence  we  possess  is  of  too  imper- 
fect a  nature  to  warrant  us  in  so  doing ;  but  the 
argument  certainly  seems  extraordinary.  Let  it 
suffice  to  have  expressed  surprise  at  this  passage 
in  a  remonstrance  which,  in  every  other  point  of 
view,  is  just  and  forcible,  and  which  doubtless 
procured  for  its  author  the  redress  he  desired  and 
deserved;  for  I  cannot  but  presume  that  it  is 
to  this  letter,  or  to  one  which  accompanied  it, 
that  allusion  is  made  in  the  minutes  of  the  Privy- 
council,  when  they  met  at  Richmond  on  the  27th 
of  August :  "  Received  from  Thomas  Gresham  a 
letter  to  the  Queene's  highness  of  the  16th  of 
August,  with  bands  under  the  broad  seal  of  Eng- 
land, and  the  seal  of  the  City  of  London,"  &c. 
The  consequence  was,  that  when  the  council  as- 
sembled on  the  4th  of  September,  Gresham,  being 
at  Antwerp,  was  desired  "  to  make  his  indelaid 
repaire  to  the  Court  :''b  but  their  lordships'  letter, 
according  to  a  minute  in  the  margin  of  the  Coun- 
cil-book, was  '  staied  agayn,'  and  not  sent  till 
the  9th.  This  message  may  be  deemed  equivo- 

b  MS.  in  the  Council-Office.    See  Haynes,  pp.  176, 179,  &  181. 


122  SIR    JOHN    LEGH,    HIS 

cal ;  and,  taken  singly,  it  has  undoubtedly^  an 
ominous  sound:  but  viewed  in  connexion  with 
circumstances  to  be  immediately  noticed,  it  is  sus- 
ceptible only  of  a  favourable  interpretation.  His 
enemies  had  perhaps  already  begun  to  perceive 
that  their  machinations  would  not  only  be  unavail- 
ing against  him,  but  that  they  were  even  likely  to 
recoil  on  themselves.  We  should,  in  truth,  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  he  had  been  the  ob- 
ject of  neglect,  rather  than  of  actual  injury ;  see- 
ing that  he  was  so  speedily,  and,  as  will  be  shown, 
so  completely  restored  to  the  personal  favour  of 
Mary :  but  the  following  passage,  in  a  letter  ad- 
dressed by  him  to  Sir  William  Cecil  eight  years 
afterwards,  proves  that  this  was  not  the  case  ;  and 
that  he  would  have  been  sacrificed  on  her  acces- 
sion to  the  throne,  had  it  not  been  for  the  timely 
interposition  of  a  certain  Sir  John  Legh.  "  My 
frynde  Sir  John  a  Leye  ys  not  yett  come  from 
the  water  of  Spawe,  whom  hath  written  that  he 
will  be  here  this  next  week ;  whom  I  doo  not  doubt 
but  that  your  honnor  shall  fynde  a  man  of  his  word 
and  promes,  for  his  coming  home :  praying  you 
to  be  a  good  master  and  assurid  frynd  unto  him, 
at  this  my  humble  sewte,  in  all  his  sewtes.  For 
verily,  sir,  it  was  the  man  that  preserved  me  when 
Queen  Mary  came  to  the  crown  ;  for  the  which 


FRIEND    AND    PROTECTOR.  123 

I  do  account  myself  bound  to  hym  during  my 
life."c 

This  mysterious  announcement  naturally  leads 
us  to  inquire  who  "  Sir  John  a  Leye"  was  ;  and 
in  truth,  he  is  a  somewhat  mysterious  personage  : 
for,  although  he  is  to  be  clearly  identified,  only 
just  enough  is  discoverable  concerning  him  to 
make  one  anxious  to  discover  more.  That  he 
should  have  been  the  man  who  preserved  Gres- 
ham  when  Queen  Mary  came  to  the  crown, — a 
moment  when  the  life  of  many  a  distinguished 
Protestant  was  in  jeopardy,  and  the  whole  state 
was  convulsed  to  its  very  centre, — is  enough  to 
prove  that,  whoever  he  may  have  been,  he  was  a 
Roman  Catholic  gentleman  who  possessed  the  ear 
of  the  queen,  and  in  a  remarkable  degree  enjoyed 
her  confidence.  That  such  was  indeed  the  case, 
is  almost  all  that  is  known  concerning  him ;  except 
that  he  had  been  in  his  youth  in  the  household  of 
Wolsey,  and  that  he  was  all  his  life  a  great  tra- 
veller,— a  circumstance  which  is  commemorated 
in  his  epitaph.  He  had  visited  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre before  1538;  in  which  year  he  was  thrown 
into  the  Tower,  on  suspicion  of  belonging  to  Pole, 
or  being  privy  to  his  dealings/ 

c  Antwerp,  6th  Sept.  1561.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
d  This  I  gather  from  Cott.  MS.  Cleop.  E.  vi.  f.  380,— a  letter 
which  Sir  John  Legh  unquestionably  wrote. 


124  MEMOIRS    OF 

It  is  related  in  the  life  of  Cardinal  Commen- 
done,  that  when  that  ecclesiastic  came  over  to 
England  in  August  1553,  (a  few  weeks  after  Ed- 
ward the  Sixth's  death,)  on  a  special  message  to 
Queen  Mary  from  Pope  Julius  III.,  he  was  at  first 
unable  to  obtain  access  to  her  majesty.  Every 
avenue  to  the  palace  had  been  closed,  and  strict 
measures  taken  to  prevent  her  from  communi- 
cating with  strangers.  In  this  difficulty,  he  says 
he  accidentally  met  with  '  John  Ly,'  whom  he  had 
known  intimately,  and  to  whom  he  had  even  ren- 
dered considerable  services  at  Rome,  whither  Sir 
John  had  fled  for  conscience  sake  in  the  preced- 
ing reign.  On  discovering  that  his  friend  was 
in  the  councils  and  confidence  of  the  queen,  and 
having  obtained  from  his  lips  an  insight  into  state 
matters  of  the  most  private  nature,  Comraendone 
did  not  hesitate  to  entrust  him  with  his  secret ; 
and  communicated  in  turn  the  real  object  of  his 
mission:  requesting  Sir  John  to  present  him  to 
Mary,  which  with  some  difficulty  his  friend  accom- 
plished.* This  of  course  occurred  within  a  few 
days  of  the  period  to  which  Gresham  makes  re- 
ference in  his  mention  of  Sir  John  Legh.  The 
same  person  obtains  notice  in  the  despatches  of 

e  La  Vie  du  Card.  Jean  Fr.  Commendone,  &c.  4to.  1671,  p. 
50-1.  This  event  is  noticed  by  our  best  historians,  but  com- 
pletely slurred  over  by  them  all. 


SIR    JOHN    LEGH.  125 

Noailles,  the  French  ambassador  at  Mary's  court, 
by  the  name  of  the  *  Sieur  Jehan  a-Ly ;'  and 
Noailles  relates  a  circumstance  which  proves  Legh 
to  have  been,  what  indeed  he  is  there  called, — 
'  favori  de  la  dicte  dame.'  "  The  communications 
of  a-Ly,"  continues  this  writer,  "  must  necessa- 
rily be  of  greater  value  than  any  which  others  can 
furnish,  from  his  opportunities  of  access  to  Mary, 
with  whom  he  is  familiar."  In  another  place 
Noailles  says,  "  The  said  a-Ly  is  called  Howard, 
[s'appelle  de  Havart,]  being  a  near  kinsman  of 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  brother  to  the  young 
Queen,  who  lost  her  head  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII." f  This  is  a  mistake  ;  but  that  Sir 
John  Legh  was  highly  connected,  and  related 
to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  is  certain.  His  cousin 
Joyce,  whose  sister  he  appears  to  have  married, 
was  the  mother  of  Queen  Catharine  Howard. g  As 
already  observed,  he  had  been  all  his  life  a  great 
traveller ;  and  on  the  present  occasion  we  find 
him  mentioned  as  being  on  the  continent,  on  his 
way  home  from  that  once-fashionable  resort — 
the  Spa. 

To  Sir  John  Legh  then,  according  to  his  own 
account,  Gresham  was  indebted  for  preservation 

f  Negociations  de  Noailles,  12mo.  1763,  vol.  ii.  pp.  245,  247. 

«  As  appears  from  an  examination  of  the  wills  of  the  family  in 
the  Prerogative-Office.  A  few  genealogical  particulars  derived 
from  this  source  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,  No.  IX. 


126  SIR    JOHN    LEGH. 

when  Queen  Mary  came  to  the  crown.  It  is  only 
surprising  that,  concerning  so  interesting  a  cha- 
racter, books  should  be  completely  silent.  The 
previous  history  of  a  man  who  had  ready  access 
to  Queen  Mary  in  the  remarkable  August  of 
1553,  merits  investigation  ;  and  we  feel  naturally 
prepossessed  in  favour  of  one,  who  availed  himself 
of  his  high  privilege  to  befriend  the  absent  and 
the  friendless,  whatever  their  religious  opinions 
might  be.  If  I  may  be  allowed  to  hazard  a  con- 
jecture on  a  subject  concerning  which  it  is  impos- 
sible, without  some  direct  evidence,  to  speak  with 
certainty,  I  would  suggest  that  as  in  the  course 
of  his  travels  Legh  must  frequently  have  had 
occasion  to  sojourn  at  Antwerp,  it  was  there  that 
he  probably  became  acquainted  with  Gresham. 
The  death  of  King  Edward  doubtless  brought 
Legh,  in  common  with  many  other  exiles  of  the 
same  religious  persuasion,  into  England ;  and  he 
became  privy  to  all  that  passed  in  the  council- 
chamber  of  the  new  queen.  Touched  with  sym- 
pathy for  a  young  man  whose  fortunes  were  sud- 
denly blighted, — perhaps  whose  very  existence 
he  perceived  to  be  in  jeopardy,  (for  Gresham's 
phraseology  admits  of  the  gravest  interpretation,) 
— he  interfered  in  his  behalf,  and  procured  his 
safety.  He  was  sufficiently  Gresham's  senior  to 
have  felt  even  a  paternal  interest  in  his  welfare ; 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  COUNCIL.     127 

while  his  own  large  fortune  and  high  connexions 
altogether  preclude  the  idea  that  his  actions  were 
influenced  by  any  interested  motives. 

The  evidence  of  what  passed  during  the  first 
few  weeks  of  Queen  Mary's  reign,  is  not  suffi- 
ciently circumstantial  to  enable  us  to  trace  the 
early  movements  of  her  Privy-council  with  the 
minuteness  and  accuracy  we  could  have  wished. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  financial  matters  were 
among  the  foremost  which  occupied  their  atten- 
tion :  and  it  seems  that,  rather  than  avail  them- 
selves of  the  services  of  the  late  king's  financial 
agent,  who  was  notorious  for  his  strong  Protestant 
bias,  they  took  upon  themselves  to  procure  sup- 
plies by  writing  directly  to  the  Fuggers  at  Ant- 
werp, and  commissioning  certain  persons  (men 
whom  Gresham  had  superseded  in  the  former 
reign)  to  negotiate  the  required  loans.  This  we 
learn  from  Gresham  himself.  The  only  addi- 
tional evidence  we  possess  on  the  subject,  relates 
to  the  endeavours  of  one  Christopher  Dauntsey, 
who  seems  to  have  been  patronised  by  Sir  Wil- 
liam Petre,  one  of  Mary's  secretaries  ;  but  Dan- 
sell  also  found  some  employment,  and  I  presume 
it  was  to  him  that  Gresham  alluded  when  he 
wrote, — "  I  do  perceive  that  those  whiche  served 
before  me,  wyche  browght  the  Kinge  in  debt,  are 
esteemed  and  preffered  for  their  evill  servis." 


128  CHRISTOPHER    DAUNTSEY. 

There  are  only  two  of  DauntseyV  letters  re- 
maining among  the  State- Papers  of  this  period : 
one  addressed  to  the  council,  and  the  other  to 
Secretary  Petre.     Both   are  dated  the  10th  of 
November ;  and  state  that,  on  his  arrival  a  week 
before,  he  had  presented  the  letters  with  which 
he  was  furnished  to  the  Fuggers :  whose  answer 
was,    that   because    Dauntsey  had  not   kept  his 
appointment   with  them,  they   had   parted   with 
100,000  ducats  to  the  emperor,  Charles  V.    They 
had  given  his  factor  notice  of  their  intention  a 
month  previous ;  to  which,  receiving  no  answer, 
they  concluded  that  Queen  Mary  had  no  need  of 
money,  "  and  are  now  unfurnished,  tyll  their  let- 
ters with  bills  of  exchange  do  come  out  of  Spayne, 
which  they  look  for  dayly."    Meantime,  they  pro- 
mised him  forty  or  fifty  thousand  pounds  in  the 
course  of  a  week  or  two ;  and  Dauntsey  took  up 
of  Lazarus  Tucker  (a  leviathan  of  those  days) 
50,000  ducats,  or  100,000  gilderns  for  a  year;  to 
be  repaid  on  the  1st  of  November,  1554,  with  the 
expectation  of  obtaining  shortly  100,000  gilderns 

h  His  arms  seem  to  show  that  he  was  of  foreign  origin ;  but 
the  name  he  bore  is  identified  with  the  brightest  annals  of  the 
metropolis.  Alderman  William  Dauntsey,  a  mercer,  in  1542, 
founded  and  liberally  endowed  a  free-school  and  some  alms- 
houses  at  West  Lavington,  in  Wiltshire.  He  left  40/.  in  his  will 
to  Christopher;  whom  he  mentions  as  "my  kynnesman,  beinge 
prentisse." — Prerogative-Office,  Spert.  quire  xxii. 


HIS  LETTER.  129 

more.  But  let  the  newly-appointed  agent  say  a 
few  words  for  himself : — 

"  Sir,"  he  says,  addressing  Petre,  "  it  maye 
please  your  Master shipe  that  this  knowlage  was 
gevyn  owt  here  before  my  comyng ;  which  is  a 
hinderans  to  the  Queene's  Majestie  in  the  enter- 
prise [?],  as  also  a  pretendyd  [intended]  defacing 
of  my  service  to  the  Queene's  most  excellent 
Majestie,  my  mistress.  And  yet,  havyng  my  full 
affyance  in  your  Mastershipe's  accustomed  good- 
ness of  your  good  report  unto  the  Queene's  High- 
ness, and  my  honorable  Lords  all,  [I  trust]  that 
it  shall  be  for  this  tyme  taken  in  good  part : 
doubting  nothing  but  [I]  shall  advanse  unto  the 
Queene's  Majestie  a  more  sum  in  a  short  space. 
Thus  my  trust  is  in  your  good  Mastershipe  ; 
whose  accustom  is  to  set  forthe  all  thyngs  to  the 
best,  and  prefer  all  men  by  your  goodnes." 

This  he  follows  up  by  humbly  offering  a  few 
suggestions,  concerning  which  it  is  not  easy  to 
form  an  opinion ;  indeed  they  are  set  forth  in 
such  lame  phraseology,  that  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand what  Dauntsey  meant.  One  thing  is  clear, 
however :  that  he  expected  to  "  advantage  the 
Queene's  Majestie  a  good  piece  of  mony ;  having 
tyme  enough  for  it.  This  is  my  poore  advize : 
I  submit  all  to  your  honors. 

"  For  bullion  or  sylver,  your  honnorable  plea- 

VOL.  I.  K 


130  GRESHAM    IS    EMPLOYED. 

sures  known,  I  could  furnishe  the  Queene's  Ma- 
jestie  for  a  good  porcyon  and  tyme  reasonabell. 

"  Thus  I  rest  your  Mastership's  to  commaunde  : 
whereof,  to  do  your  Mastership  servis  to  my 
smalle  power,  according  to  my  dewty,  ye  shall  be 
assewred. 


CHRISTOFUR  DAWNTESEY."  i 

"In  Andwarpe,  the  xth  of  November,  1553. 
"  Sir,  his  name  is  Lazarus  Tucker." 

The  council  must  have  become  already  sensible 
of  the  evils  which  awaited  them  with  so  inefficient 
an  agent  in  Flanders  as  Dauntsey.  He  had  kept 
them  for  a  week  in  the  dark  as  to  what  supplies 
they  had  to  depend  on,  and  wrote  at  last  to  say 
that  he  had  met  with  a  disappointment.  In  this 
emergency  they  seem  to  have  turned  to  Gresham 
for  assistance  ;  since  I  find  a  paper,  dated  the 
13th  of  November,  entitled,  "  A  memoriall  gyven 
by  Thomas  Gresham  to  the  Queene's  Majestic," 
which  sets  forth  the  terms  on  which  he  was  willing 
to  resume  his  office  ;  ending  with  these  words  : 
"  Finally,  the  said  Thomas  Gresham  requireth, 
that  forasmuch  as  he  hath,  as  well  in  the  time  of 
our  late  sovereign  Lorde  Kinge  Edward,  as  in  the 
tyme  of  the  Queene's  Majestie  now  being,  received 
dyvers  and  great  sums  of  monny,  and  made  pay- 

i  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


HIS    INSTRUCTIONS.  131 

ment  of  the  same  againe,  wherefore  he  hath  not 
yet  accompted ;  that  it  may  please  the  Queene's 
Majestic  to  appoint  such  persons  as  shall  be  her 
pleasure,  to  take  his  account ;  whereto  he  is  redy." 
His  Instructions  bear  the  same  date  as  these 
"Articles,"  as  they  are  called;  and  correspond 
with  them  in  tenour  precisely.  In  fact  he  dic- 
tated his  own  Instructions,  which  are  nevertheless 
by  no  means  favourable  to  himself;  and  they 
differ  in  form  from  all  his  subsequent  ones,  not 
even  naming  him  as  the  Queen's  Agent.  They 
are  given  at  length  in  the  Appendix  ;j  which 
makes  it  only  necessary  in  this  place  to  mention 
that  his  orders  were  to  take  up  at  Antwerp  the 
sum  of  50,000/.  for  the  space  of  a  year,  on  interest 
after  the  rate  of  11  or  12  per  cent. ;  on  the  secu- 
rity of  the  queen's  bond,  and  that  of  the  city  of 
London,  under  the  great  seal,  as  had  been  cus- 
tomary in  King  Edward's  time.  All  sums  which 
he  took  up  at  interest,  or  by  exchange,  he  was 
instructed  to  convey  to  London  with  the  utmost 
possible  secrecy,  in  such  coins  of  gold  and  silver 
as  he  thought  most  meet ;  loading  them  at  Ant- 
werp, on  any  ship  bound  either  for  London  or 
Ipswich.  Not  more  than  WOOL  was  to  be  ad- 
ventured on  one  bottom ;  but  he  was  authorized 
to  send  the  value  of  3000/.  over  land,  from  Ant- 

i  No.  X. 

K  2 


132  GRESHAM'S  LETTER 

werp  to  Calais,  and  so  to  London,  by  any  of  his  ser- 
vants or  other  trusty  person  going  into  England : 
the  risk,  in  either  case,  being  sustained  by  the 
crown.  He  was  allowed  for  his  diet,  twenty 
shillings  a-day ;  and  was  to  be  remunerated  for 
all  expenses  for  messengers,  letters,  and  the  car- 
riage of  treasure. 

The  case  was  evidently  urgent,  for  he  left 
England  immediately ;  reaching  Antwerp  at  8 
o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  17th  of  November. 
I  hope  the  reader  will  not  object  to  peruse  the 
letter  he  addressed  to  the  Privy-council  the  day 
after  his  arrival.  His  generous  behaviour  towards 
Dauntsey,  and  the  temperate  spirit  in  which  he 
notices  his  transactions,  raises  Gresham  consider- 
ably in  our  estimation. 

"  Yt  maye  please  your  honnors  to  be  adver- 
tized, that  as  the  xviith  of  this  present  I  arryved 
in  this  town  of  Andwerpe,  at  viii  of  the  clocke  at 
nyght ;  and  as  the  xviiith  I  spake  with  Lazarus 
Tucker  as  touching  the  ii  c  thousand  carolins  that 
he  offered  (by  his  letter  wrytten  to  me)  to  lett  upon 
interest  for  a  xii  monthes  daye,  after  xiii  upon 
the  hundred.  His  answer  was,  that  forasmuch  as 
that  I  stayed  so  longe  in  making  of  him  answer, 
a  hath  concludyd  with  Christopher  Danssey  after 
the  same  rate  ;  and  his  bonds  be  maid  to  paye  the 
fyrst  of  November,  a°  1554.  And  by  his  bar- 


TO    THE    COUNCIL.  133 

gayne,  as  he  sayeth,  he  must  paye  the  money  by 
the  last  of  November  :  so  that  by  this  reconning, 
the  Queene  hathe  but  a  xi  monthes  for  xii 
monthes;  wyche  money  shall  stand  her  Majestic 
in,  (if  it  take  place)  above  xiiij  per  cento.  Wyche 
matter  is  here  so  much  spoken  of,  that  I  dare  not 
attempt  anny  man  for  taking  up  of  money  upon 
interest,  till  further  your  plesseurs  be  known. 
And  as  your  honnors  do  right  well  knowe,  the 
Queene's  Majestie's  commission  is  not  to  exceed 
xii  per  cento :  wherefore,  bothe  for  the  Queene's 
honnor  and  credit,  I  will  staye  till  further  her 
Majestie's  pleasure  and  yours  be  known.  For  I 
will  informe  you,  this  matter  hath  beene  very 
openly  handelyd,  and  marvelusly  undiscretely. 
Considering  how  the  said  Lazarus  did  make  to 
me  first  this  offer,  the  Queene's  Majestic  and 
your  honnors  maye  proceed  therein  as  you  shall 
thinke  good ;  but  this  is  to  asserteyne  your  Lorde- 
ships,  if  this  bargayne  take  place,  the  Queene's 
Majestic  and  your  honnors  maye  not  looke  to 
have  no  monny  under  xiii  or  xiiii  per  cento : 
wyche,  with  pollitycke  handeling,  might  as  well 
[have]  beene  had  for  a  xi  or  xii  upon  the  hun- 
dred, and  the  merchaunts  right  glad  thereof. 
This,  for  my  discharge,  I  have  thought  good  to 
advertise k  you  with  expedycione :  most  humbly 

k  To  advise,  in  the  sense  in  which  merchants  at  present  use 


134  HIS    LETTER    TO    THE 

requyring  your  honnors  as  to  accept  this  my 
rude  writing  in  good  parte. 

"  So  that  my  poore  advyce  is,  better  it  is  for  me 
to  stay  for  a  month,  (considering  how  this  mat- 
ter is  spred  abroad,)  than  presently  to  proceed. 
And  for  the  better  accomplishement  of  the  pre- 
mises, if  it  shall  so  stande  with  the  Queene's 
Majestie's  pleasure  and  yours,  I  desire  to  have 
a  commission  under  her  broad  seale  for  the  tak- 
ing up  of  money  upon  interest,  so  that  I  doo 
not  exceed  xii  per  cento  ;  so  there  be  no  sum 
mentioned  in  the  commission.  For  that  upon 
this  rumor,  if  Mr.  Danssey's  bargayne  doth  not 
take  place,  they  will  desire  to  see  my  commission. 
Whereby  the  Queene's  Majestic  shall  save,  in  the 
sum  of  L  M  li.9  one  thousand  poundes. 

"  Assuring  your  honnors  that  afore  Mr.  Dans- 
sey's comyng,  monny  was  here  delivered  at  x 
upon  the  hundred ;  wyche  is  no  small  grief  unto 
me.  [But]  if  your  honnors  may  forbear  a  month 
or  two,  I  doo  not  doubt  but  to  bringe  all  thinges 
[to  pass]  according  to  your  hartes  desire  ;  and  to 
accomplish  all  my  devices  accordingly. 

the  term,  is  manifestly  only  a  corruption  of  the  word  in  the  text, 
frequently  written  "  advtise  :"  but  whereas  our  forefathers  em- 
ployed the  legitimate  noun  advertisements  for  the  intelligence 
conveyed,  we  have  so  far  lost  sight  of  the  origin  of  the  commer- 
cial verb  to  advise,  that  the  term  for  commercial  intelligence  is 
invariably  advices. 


COUNCIL,    CONCLUDED.  135 

"  Also,  as  this  day,  I  spake  with  Mathew  Ur- 
tebo  [?]  the  Fuggers'  factor,  who  showed  me  a 
letter  whereunto  was  dyvers  of  my  Lordes  hands 
(as  you  best  know) ;  by  the  wyche  I  doo  perceve 
that  Mr.  Danssey  offered1  from  hym  a  hundred 
thousand  crowns  to  the  Queene's  Majestie,  upon 
interest:  wyche  he  utterly  denyeth,  and  [says] 
that  a  never  spake  with  Mr.  Danssey  in  any 
suche  matter.  To  the  wyche  your  honnors'  let- 
ter he  will  make  answere  accordingly. — Further 
it  maye  please  you  to  understand,  that  as  this  day 
at  xi  of  the  clocke,  I  delivered  Mr.  Danssey  the 
Queene's  Majestie's  letter:  who  departed  sud- 
denly upon  the  sight  thereof;  who  shall  declare 
your  honnors  of  this  proceeding  more  at  large. 
Requiring  your  Lordeships  for  to  bear  with  him 
(the  rather)  for  that  a  hath  not  [before]  hadd  the 
handeling  in  such  waytty  affaires ;  wherein,  for 
my  parte,  I  judge  a  hath  done  his  best."m 

Then  follows  the  freshest  intelligence  at  Ant- 
werp, and  some  observations  respecting  the  em- 
peror's movements,  which  it  would  lead  us  away 
from  our  subject  to  consider.  An  extract  from 
Gresham's  next  letter,  written  a  week  after,  will 
be  more  to  our  purpose.  The  queen,  he  says, 

*  Here  Gresham  had  begun  to  write  "  your  honnors;  "  but  he 
checked  himself,  and  drew  his  pen  through  the  words. 
m  18  Nov.  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


136  A    CONVERSATION    WITH 

had  better  "have  given  Dauntsey  10,000/.,  than 
ever  to  have  proceeded  in  this  matter,  both  for 
her  honnor  and  credit's  sake."  After  which,  he 
continues  as  follows : 

"This  daye  [November  26th]  Lazzerus  Tucker 
came  unto  me  upon  the  Bourse,  and  asked  'whe- 
ther I  had  any  answere  whether  his  bargayne 
shuld  take  place  or  not ;'  requiring  me  '  that  I 
wold  thinke  no  unkyndness  that  a  hadd  not  con- 
cludyd  this  bargaine  with  me,  according  to  his 
offer  made  to  me  by  his  letter :'  and  [saying] 
that  'a  stayed  xx  days  for  answere.'  My  answere 
was,  '  I  cold  tacke  it  but  in  good  parte ;  and  that 
there  was  no  fault  in  me,  for  that  I  knewe  not  the 
Queene's  Majestie's pleasure  afore  my  present  com- 
ing awaye.' '  Gresham  told  the  money-lender 
that  he  could  only  marvell,  both  that  Dauntsey 
should  have  offered,  and  that  Tucker  should  have 
required  such  interest,  considering  what  excel- 
lent security  was  given  by  the  government. 

"  His  answer  was,  that  '  a  had  concludyd  a 
bargaine,  and  that  a  looked  to  have  his  bargen 
kept  :  for  that  a  knew  that  the  Counsell  had 

wrytten  to  the  Fuggers  for  monny.' 

Further  a  dyd  declare  unto  me,  that  at  the  fyrst 
a  concludyd  with  Mr.  Danssey  but  for  i  c  M 
[100,000]  floryns ;  and  that  aftyrwards,  the  said 
Danssey  came  unto  him,  and  requyred,  and  prayed 


LAZARUS    TUCKER.  137 

him  to  furnishe  hym  with  i  c  M  more :  which  a 
showed  me  that  a  had  it  not  of  his  own,  but  was 
fayn  to  take  it  uppe  upon  his  own  credit,  to  doo 
the  Queene  service.  Which  (here  writing)  was 
small  proffit  to  the  Queene,  but  to  his  own  proffit. 
For  that  he  tooke  it  uppe  aftyr  x  per  cento,  and 
woll  make  the  Queene  paye  xiii :  and  forbearing 
the  month,  it  is  xiiij  and  better,  upon  the  hundred. 
So  that  by  this  his  proceeding,  he  hath  been  the 
very  occasione  of  the  raising  of  the  interest ; 
wherein  the  Queene's  highness  and  your  honnors 
may  proceed  as  to  you  shall  seem  best,  for  this  is 
most  trewe  that  I  doo  write  you.  Most  humblye 
requiring  you  as  to  accept  this  my  writing  in  good 
parte,  and  [to  believe]  that  I  doo  not  write  you 
hereof  in  the  disprayse  of  anny  man,  nor  in  my 
own  prayse ;  for  that  as  yett,  as  I  have  done  no 
good,  so  have  I  done  no  hurte  nor  domage  in  the 
premises.  But  according  as  I  have  written  you, 
if  this  bargain  doo  take  place  of  Tucker's,  you 
maye  not  looke  to  have  any  monny  upon  interest 
under  xiij  upon  the  hundred  ;  by  the  reason  this 
matter  is  so  spread  abroad,  and  advices  given 
throughout  all  Cristendome."  n 

By  this  time,  the  council  must  have  perceived 
their  mistake,  if  they  had  not  perceived  it  before. 

n  26  Nov.  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.     Dauntsey's  con- 
tract is  dated  Nov.  16th. 


138  GRE8HAM    INTERCEDES 

We  learn  from  Gresham's  letter  of  the  6th  of 
December,  that  they  sent  him  out  the  customary 
bonds  for  113,000  florins:  but  this  '  nothing 
contented'  Dauntsey,  who  proved  that  his  con- 
tract was  for  nearly  twice  that  sum.  Gresham 
sent  for  their  lordships'  inspection,  a  copy  of 
the  contract,  properly  authenticated :  "  certifying 
your  Lordeshipes  this  to  be  the  very  trew  coppye, 
whereunto  Danssey  hath  subscribyd  his  name, 
at  the  commandement  of  the  Queene,  my  mis- 
tress. Wherein  it  may  please  your  honnors  to 
have  a  further  consideracyon  ;  for  that  this  matter 
toucheth  the  Queene's  honnor  and  creditt,  as  also 
Danssey 's  creditt  and  name,  to  his  undoing  for 
ever  if  it  shuld  not  take  place.  Wherein  it  maye 
please  the  Queene's  Majestic  and  your  honnors 
to  be  good  unto  hym ;  for  this  Lazzerus  Tucker 
is  a  very  extreme  man,  and  very  open  mouthed. 
As  also,  according  as  I  have  wrytten  you,  a  hathe 
dyvers  partners  in  the  bargayne  ;  and  considering 
the  letter  that  your  Lordeshipes  have  writtin  him, 
wherein  you  do  [ac]  knowlege  Danssey  to  be  her 
Highness'  servant,  he  doth  now  ground  himself 
not  a  littill  upon  that  worde.  In  consyderacyone 
whereof,  and  considering  how  fair  Danssey  hath 
passed  in  the  matter,  and  that  it  shall  touch  the 
Queene's  creditt,  as  well  as  [that]  the  young  man 
shall  be  undone  thereby, — it  is  most  meetest  [for] 


FOR    DAUNTSEY.  139 

this  bargayne  to  take  place :  wherein,  eftsoons 
I  most  humbly  requyre  you  to  be  good  Lordes 
unto  hym.  And  for  my  parte,  I  do  not  doubt  ere 
that  two  monthes  dothe  go  about,  to  recover  the 
domage  thereof ;  as  allso  to  optain  monny,  better 
cheape,  upon  interest :  wyche,  without  doubt,  I 
must  have  a  tyme  to  bringe  it  about.  ...  As  you 
knowe,  I  left  the  Queene  in  suche  credit,  as 
they  [the  merchants]  sought  to  me  at  home,  at  my 
doors,  to  take  their  monny :  trusting  to  see  that 
day  agayne,  for  all  this  misfortune,  if  it  maye 
please  you  to  creditt  me,  and  tarry  the  tyme."  ° 

I  have  purposely  detained  the  reader  with  these 
lengthy,  and,  I  fear,  somewhat  tedious  particulars, 
partly,  because  no  abridgment  seemed  capable  of 
conveying  as  good  an  idea  of  Gresham's  manner 
as  some  extracts  from  his  actual  correspondence ; 
and  partly,  because  the  inferences  to  be  drawn 
from  the  whole  transaction,  as  therein  developed, 
appeared  by  no  means  destitute  of  historical 
interest. 

His  object  was  to  export  bullion  from  Antwerp, 
which  was  forbidden  by  law;  and  the  undertak- 
ing was  consequently  full  of  danger.  He  was 
ordered  to  adventure  only  one  thousand  pounds 
sterling  on  one  vessel ;  yet  so  strict  was  the 

°  6  Dec.  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.    On  the  27th  of  March, 
1562,  Gresham  writes,  "Lazzerus  Tucker  is  departyd  !" 


140  DEVICES    FOR    THE 

scrutiny  on  the  part  of  the  Custom-house  officers 
at  Antwerp,  that  when,  notwithstanding  the 
impediment  of  Dauntsey's  proceedings,  he  had 
succeeded  in  collecting  a  quantity  of  treasure, 
he  was  obliged  to  resort  to  such  expedients 
for  the  transportation  of  it,  as  nothing  but  the 
most  dire  necessity  of  the  state  can  excuse. 
Foreseeing  that  "  for  such  money  as  the  Queene 
should  take  up,  the  greatest  payment  would  be 
made  in  Spanish  silver  rials,  which  would  be 
very  massy  to  convey,"  he  proposed  to  the  Privy- 
council  that  he  should  buy  pepper ;  loading  four 
bags  on  every  ship  which  left  Antwerp,  and 
secreting  in  every  bag  two  hundred  pounds  in 
money.  Also,  as  the  baggage  of  an  ambassador 
is  permitted  to  pass  at  the  Custom-house  without 
examination,  Gresham  proposed  that  Sir  John 
Mason,  the  English  ambassador  at  Brussels,  who 
would  depart  for  England  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Bishop  of  Norwich,  should  carry  over  with  him 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  pounds. p  These  sug- 
gestions were  approved  by  the  council.  In  the 
margin  of  his  letter,  against  each  passage,  one  of 
the  members  has  written,  "agreed,"  or  "to  be 
done."  They  were  not  acted  upon,  however ; 
for  in  his  next  letter  Gresham  writes, — "  Whereas 
I  have  wrytten  unto  your  Lordeships  to  have  com- 

P  6  Dec.  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


TRANSPORTATION  OF  TREASURE.     141 

missione  to  buy  pepper  for  the  better  conveying 
of  my  charge,  now  my  mind  is  altered ;  and  [I] 
requyre  to  have  commissione  to  buy  i  M  [1,000] 
demi-lances  harness,  wyche  will  be  better  for  the 
purpos,  to  the  great  strengthe  of  our  realme : 
and  is  better  than  treasure,  which  maye  not  pass 
without  the  Emperor's  passport.  Advertising 
your  honnors  I  have  beene  at  Brusselles,  and 
have  conferred  with  the  Right  honnorable  Sir 
John  Mason,  who  will  doo  his  best  to  get  me 
one  in  his  own  name,  or  in  some  other  nobel- 
man's  name  ;  but  as  for  the  passport  for  bullion, 
he  will  not  medill,  without  a  hath  commissione : 
wyche  is  the  chefest  poynte  I  need  in  all  my 
devyces,  being  a  thinge  most  expedyent  to  be 
put  in  proufe  with  expedissione. 

"  Also  I  doo  now  requyre  (for  that  the  Queene's 
stuffe  shall  be  packed  in  harness,  in  great  dry 
fatts,)  I  request  to  have  comyssion  that  I  maye 
put  in  every  dry  fatt  iij  M  li.  [3000/.]  ;  and  to 
layd  upon  every  waggon  iij  dry  fatts,  for  the 
avoyding  of  the  great  charge  of  waggon-hyre  and 
charges  of  men,  if  [I]  shuld  send  no  more  than 
iij  M  li.  in  a  waggon  at  a  tyme.  Whiche  matter 
it  may  please  you  to  have  in  consideracyon, 
as  to  you  shall  [seem]  best.  But  to  'courage 
your  honnors,  after  this  sorte  I  conveyed  the 
like  for  the  vallew  of  one  hundred  thousand 


142        GRESHAM'S  FREQUENT  LETTERS. 

markes  in  one  yere,  in  my  own  name,  and  was 
never  touched."q 

From  his  correspondence  about  this  period, 
preserved  in  the  State- Paper  Office,  though  it 
unfortunately  relates  entirely  to  business,  several 
hints  are  to  be  derived  illustrative  of  the  nature 
of  the  trust  reposed  in  Gresham,  and  the  conditions 
on  which  he  held  the  office  of  Queen's  Agent.  We 
are  chiefly  struck  by  the  frequency  of  his  letters. 
On  the  present  occasion,  for  instance,  though 
some  are  evidently  missing,  we  have  despatches 
dated  the  18th  and  26th  of  November;  the  6th, 
8th,  20th,  24th,  28th,  and  31st  of  December ;  the 
1st,  13th,  18th,  21st,  and  31st  of  January;  the 
6th,  15th,  and  21st  of  February;  and  the  1st  of 
March  :  and,  what  is  singular,  the  writer  com- 
monly addressed  on  the  same  day  the  council 
collectively ;  some  individual  member,  as  the  se- 
cretary, whom  he  knew  to  be  well  disposed  towards 
himself;  and  lastly,  the  queen.  Occupations  suf- 
ficiently pressing  to  require  such  constant  corre- 
spondence, render  it  not  surprising  that  Gresham 
should  have  declared  to  the  council, — "  I  shall 
not  let  to  give  up  all  my  whole  occupying,  and 
trayde  of  lyving,  for  to  serve  her  Majesty ;  as  I 
did  no  less  in  the  King's  Majesty's  lyfe-tyme  :"r 

<t    6th  Dec.  1553.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
'  20th  Dec.  1553.— Ibid. 


EXTRACTS    FROM    THEM.  143 

and  that  he  should  have  deemed  it  necessary  to 
solicit  permission  to  return  to  England  for  a  short 
season,  when  he  had  completed  his  business, — 
assuring  the  council,  in  December,  that  "  there 
would  be  nothing  done  at  Antwerp  during  the 
hollidays,  nor  x  days  after."8  Permission  was  im- 
mediately sent  him,  but  he  was  not  able  to  avail 
himself  of  it  for  several  weeks.  In  the  middle  of 
January  he  stated  that  he  hoped,  before  the  end 
of  the  following  month,  to  be  prepared  to  quit 
Antwerp  :  "  whereby  I  may  come  to  the  finishing 
of  my  account,  and  that  I  may  have  my  quietus  est 
of  her  Majestic ;  whatsoever  may  chance  of  me, 
that  my  powre  wife  and  children  maye  knowe 
their  substance  from  her."* 

Just  before  leaving  Antwerp,  he  gave  the  coun- 
cil notice  of  his  intentions  in  the  following  words : 
"  Pretending,  by  the  leve  of  God,  to  departe  this 
towne  the  iijrd  daye  of  Marche  :  and  the  occasyone 
I  doo  send  you  this  treassor  before  my  coming, 
is  onely  [because]  I  will  come  clere  through  the 
serche  of  Gravelyne,  without  anny  charge ;  for 
that  I  cannot  escape  but  that  the  Cappitayne  and 
serchers  will  banckett  me ;  and  all  their  chere  is 
in  dryncke,  wyche  I  can  very  ill  away  withall :  but 
it  must  needs  be  done,  for  the  better  compassing 

•  20th  Dec.  1553,-Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
'  18th  Jan.  1553-4. -Ibid. 


144  DRINKING. 

of  my  business  hereafter.  Advertising  your  hon- 
nors  that  I  did  send  the  Capitayne  of  Gravelyn 
xii  ells  of  fyne  black  velvett ;  and  every  customer, 
and  sercher,  viij  ells  of  blacke  cloth,  for  their  New 
Yere's  gifte.  And  in  the  doing  thereof,  I  made 
the  right  honnorable  Sir  John  Mason  privye :  for 
that  [at]  all  tymes  of  nyght,  the  gates  of  the  town 
were  open  to  my  servants,  as  they  came  with  the 
treasure."" 

The  vice  here  glanced  at,  which  many  an  old 
painting  has  taught  us  to  associate  with  our  ideas 
of  ancient  Flemish  manners,  is  again  noticed  in 
subsequent  parts  of  Gresham's  correspondence : 
as  in  the  following  passage,  for  instance,  which  at 
a  subsequent  period  he  addressed  to  Sir  William 
Cecil.  "  The  Count  of  Elverston,  ambassador  to 
the  Emperor,  departed  this  day  to  Brussels  ;  who 
desired  me  to  do  his  most  humble  commendation 
to  the  Queen.  He  speaks  as  much  honnor  of 
her  highness  for  her  Majesties  gestes  and  Royall 
entertainment,  as  a  nobellman  can  do.  The  said 
county  speaks  much  honnor  of  the  Lord  Robert 
Dudley  ;  who  desyred  me  lyke  wyse  to  do  his 
commendations  to  him,  and  to  Sir  Thomas  Parry, 
and  you  ;  so  that  my  lady  your  wife  were  not  for- 
gotten. Sir,  what  great  cups  of  wyne  went  out 
upon  these  recommendations,  I  will  not  molest 

"  1st  March,  1553-4.— Flanders  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


COUNT    EGMONT.  145 

you  wythall ;  for  that  it  ys  not  commendable  in 
England,  as  it  is  here,"  &c.T 

Count  Egmont,  a  name  which  will  never  be 
forgotten  in  Flemish  story,  and  concerning  whom 
we  shall  have  more  to  say  hereafter,  was  in  the 
mean  time  sent  into  England  on  an  embassage 
from  Charles  V.  to  Queen  Mary.  He  came 
partly  to  advise  with  her  majesty  concerning  the 
treatment  of  the  rebels,  against  whom  the  empe- 
ror recommended  severe  measures ;  and  partly 
to  negotiate  respecting  the  approaching  alliance 
between  the  crowns  of  England  and  Spain.  One 
passage  in  the  Instructions  with  which  he  was  fur- 
nished is  to  our  purpose,  and  must  be  quoted. 
"  Considering,"  says  the  emperor,  "  how  unable 
the  Queen  is  to  equip  her  ships  of  war, — which 
yourself  and  others  who  have  visited  England 
state  arises  principally  from  the  want  of  gunpow- 
der, military  stores,  ropes,  and  other  necessary 
tackle ;  seeing  that  the  want  of  powder  has  been 
remedied  by  our  licence  to  Gresham  for  the 
exportation  of  the  same, — you  may  inform  her 
Majesty  that  we  will  give  the  said  Gresham  fur- 
ther licence  to  transport  into  England  whatever 
other  necessaries  the  country  may  require."  w 

*  Ant.  May  29,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
w  Translation.   Feb.  18, 1553.— From  a  transcript  in  the  State- 
Paper  Office  of  some  MSS.  at  Brussels. 

VOL.   I.  L 


146  GRESHAM'S  SALARY. 

This  was  written  in  the  middle  of  February, 
1553-4;  and  in  the  beginning  of  March,  Gresham 
returned  to  England.  On  the  15th,  the  queen 
appointed  commissioners  to  examine  his  accounts, 
[to  satisfy]  all  his  claims  for  debts,  as  well  as  to  in- 
demnify him  for  all  costs  and  charges  incurred  in 
the  performance  of  the  duties  of  his  office,  by  him- 
self, his  servants,  factors,  or  deputies ;  and  he  was 
allowed  "for  his  diett  xxs."  per  diem,  during  all 
the  time  he  had  been  agent  to  herself  or  her 
brother/ 

Compared  with  the  salaries  of  ambassadors  at 
the  same  period,  this  allowance  seems  small ;  and 
in  truth,  like  every  other  public  servant,  Gresham 
repeatedly  complained  that  his  salary  did  not  de- 
fray his  necessary  expenses.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  were  large  emoluments  arising  out  of  his 
office,  to  which  I  presume  the  ambassadorial  dig- 
nity was  a  stranger.  In  order  to  form  an  opinion 
as  to  how  far  twenty  shillings  a-day  was  a  liberal 
allowance,  the  reader  may  like  to  be  informed 
what  was  the  *  diet '  of  other  officers  of  the  state 
when  sent  abroad.  Lord  William  Howard  re- 
ceived 61.  per  diem,  on  proceeding  as  commis- 
sioner into  the  Low  Countries  in  1558.  Sir 
Thomas  Chamberlayne  went  on  his  embassy  into 
Spain  in  1560,  with  31.  per  diem  ;  and  in  1561 

*  Rymer's  Feeder  a,  vol.  xv.  p.  371- 


THE    TOWER    ORDNANCE.  14? 

with  a  diet  of  five  marks,  or  31.  6s.  Sd.  Cecil  was 
allowed  41.  when  he  was  sent  into  Scotland  in 
1560;  and  the  diet  of  Sir  William  Pickering, 
travelling  towards  Germany  in  1557,  was  four 
marks,  or  2/.  13s.  4d.  But  then  it  must  be  re- 
membered, that  the  contingent  expenses  of  all 
these  persons  far  exceeded  any  to  which  Mr. 
Gresham  was  exposed. 

He  had  scarcely  returned  to  England,  ere  his 
services  in  Flanders  were  again  required.  At  a 
meeting  of  the  Privy-council  at  St.  James's  on  the 
27th  of  March,  Sir  Richard  Southwell,  master  of 
the  ordnance,  informed  their  lordships  that  there 
remained  in  the  Tower  but  "  fourteen  last y  of 
powder ;  which  portion  being  by  their  Lordships 
considered  to  be  far  too  little  for  all  events,  and 
therefore  thought  meete  to  be  supplied  with  all 
convenient  speede,  they  did  resolve  that  whereas 
the  said  Mr.  Southwell  had  heretofore  warrant 
directed  unto  him,  whereby  he  was  authorized  to 
give  order  unto  Thomas  Gresham  to  provide  xl 
M  [40,000  Ibs.]  weight  of  saltpeter  in  Roche  ;  he 
should  now,  for  a  further  supply,  give  order  in  like 
manner  to  the  said  Thomas  Gresham  to  make 
provision  out  of  Flanders  of  xx  last  of  well-chosen 
serpentine  powder,  over  and  besides  the  saltpeter 
aforesaid.  And  forasmuch  also  as  the  said  office 

y  A  last  of  gunpowder  is  24  barrels,  or  2400  Ibs. 

L  2 


148          SIMON  RENARD'S  DESPATCHES 

of  the  ordinance  is  among  other  things  presently 
unfurnished  of  Harquebushes,  it  was  further  resol- 
ved by  their  Lordships  that  the  said  Mr.  Southwell 
should  in  like  manner  take  order  with  the  said 
Thomas  Gresham  to  provide  v  c  Harquebushes 
from  out  of  Flanders,  over  and  besides  other  v  c 
for  the  which  he  hath  warrant  addressed  out  unto 
him  already.  And  in  case  he  cannot  conveniently 
make  provision  for  the  xx  last  of  serpentine  pow- 
der aforesaid,  that  then  he  provide  the  quantity  of 
Ix  M  weight  of  saltpeter  more  than  the  xl  M  weight 
before  remembered ;  so  as  in  the  whole  there  may 
be  the  full  portion  of  one  thousand  weight  pro- 
vided."2 

The  country  does  not  appear  to  have  been  very 
urgently  in  need  of  these  supplies,  since  ten  weeks 
were  suffered  to  elapse  ere  Gresham  returned  to 
Antwerp.  In  the  beginning  of  May  he  took  his 
departure ;  being  made  the  bearer  of  despatches 
to  the  emperor  from  Simon  Renard, — Charles  the 
Fifth's  ambassador  at  the  English  court.  Renard's 
letter  is  written  in  cypher,  and  contains  the  fol- 
lowing allusion  to  the  subject  of  these  pages: — 

"  Gresham,  the  Queen's  Agent,  bearer  of  the 
present  letter,  is  about  to  take  his  departure  from 
hence,  and  wait  on  your  Majesty  in  order  to  obtain 

*  Council-book  of  Queen  Mary,  MS. — From  a  faithful  tran- 
script shown  me  by  P.  F.  Tytler,  Esq. 


CARRIED    BY    GRESHAM.  149 

a  passport  for  exporting  out  of  the  Low  Countries 
the  gunpowder,  saltpeter,  harquebuses,  and  har- 
ness enumerated  in  the  enclosed  memorial,  for  the 
Queen's  service.  She  begged  me  to  write  for  his 
obtaining  this  licence ;  which  I  could  not  refuse  to 
do,  for  reasons  well  known  to  your  Majesty." a 

On  the  12th  of  May,  Gresham  arrived  at  Ant- 
werp; intent  on  the  speedy  performance  of  the 
business  which  was  the  object  of  his  journey :  but 
some  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  feast  of  Whit- 
suntide, which  fell  about  that  period ;  and  he  wrote 
to  Secretary  Petre, — "  I  shall  most  humbly  re- 
quyre  you  to  informe  the  Queene's  Highness  [of 
the  same,]  and  my  Lordes  of  her  most  honnorable 
Counsell,  that  it  may  appere  unto  them  there  is 
no  losse  of  tyme  on  my  behalfe."b 

After  ten  days  of  active  occupation  he  prepared 
to  quit  Flanders,  in  order  to  set  out  on  a  journey 
into  Spain,  which  was  his  ulterior  and  chief  object 
on  leaving  England.  He  had  taken  up  of  diffe- 
rent merchants  at  Antwerp,  in  bills  of  exchange, 
320,000  ducats ;  which  were  made  payable  at  the 
fair  of  Villalon,  and  other  places  in  the  same  king- 
dom. This  sum  he  was  instructed  to  carry  out 

»  Translation.  London,  May  6,  1553. — From  a  transcript  in 
the  St.  P.  Off.  of  Renard's  MSS.,  preserved  at  Brussels.  For  this 
passage  also  I  am  indebted  to  the  individual  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  note. 

b  Ant.  13th  May,  1554.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


150         GRESHAM  PREPARES  FOR 

of  Spain  in  bullion  ;  taking  up  a  further  amount, 
to  produce  the  total  sum  of  500,000  ducats. 
Hence  his  present  expedition,  concerning  which 
he  wrote  to  the  Privy-council  from  Antwerp  on 
the  26th  of  May,  (1554,)  as  follows  :— 

"  It  maye  please  your  most  honnorable  Lorde- 
ships  to  be  advertised,  that  as  the  xxijn<1  of  this 
instant,  I  departid  out  of  this  town  of  Andwerpe, 
to  come  homewards :  and  toke  my  journey  by  the 
waye  of  Brussels,  to  knowe  whether  the  Emperor 
and  the  Regent  wolde  command  me  any  service 
to  be  done  in  Spain.  And  for  answer  of  this 
matter,  with  the  advyze  of  the  Queene's  Majestie's 
Ambassador,  I  repayred  to  the  Bishop  of  Arras  ; 
declaring  unto  him  the  cause  of  my  coming,  and 
why  and  wherefore  I  went  into  Spayne.  Who 
used  me  very  gently ;  demanding  <  whether  I 
had  suifycyent  pasporte  for  the  sake  thereof, 
out  of  the  partes  of  Spayne.'  My  answer  was,  '  I 
knew  not  to  the  contrary ;  for  that  the  Queene's 
Majestie  and  your  Lordeships  had  takyn  order 
wyth  the  Emperor's  Ambassidor  for  the  same.' 
To  that  a  made  me  answer,  that  'in  very  deed 
the  Ambassador  had  written  unto  the  Emperor 
thereof;  wherein  his  Majestie  was  not  yet  re- 
solved :  and  now,  considering  the  great  alliance 
that  is  now  between  us,  they  wold  proceed  with 
as  bonne  foye  wyth  us  as  we  dyd  with  them.' " 


A    JOURNEY    INTO    SPAIN.  151 

How  important  a  character  the  ecclesiastic  was 
with  whom  Gresham  had  this  conversation,  every 
one  at  all  acquainted  with  Flemish  history  well 
knows ;  no  less  than  the  conspicuous  part  he 
subsequently  played  in  influencing  the  destinies 
of  Flanders.  His  name  will  frequently  recur  in 
these  pages.  At  present  I  have  only  to  observe, 
that  by  his  advice,  Gresham  applied  to  the  queen, 
(sister  to  Charles  V.  and  regent  of  the  Low 
Countries,)  for  the  passport  which  was  declared 
indispensable  to  the  success  of  his  journey. 

"  Wyche  matter  being  by  me  movyd  to  the 
Queene,  her  highness  answered  that  she  wold  so 
doo :  demanding  of  me  for  what  sum  I  wold  have 
the  passporte  made  ?  Giving  her  grace  to  under- 
stand that  the  Queene's  Majestic  had  moved 
the  Emperor's  Ambassador  for  the  sum  of  v  c  M 
[500,000]  dockats  ;  that  I  hadd  takyn  uppe  thereox 
in  Andwerpe  for  the  sum  of  iij  c  xx  M  [320,000] 
dockats,  and  that  the  Queene's  highness  dyd 
pretend  to  take  up  the  rest  in  Spayne.  Upon 
that  answer,  her  Majestic  commandyd  me  to  put 
that  I  wold  have,  in  writing ;  and  then  she  wold 
move  the  Emperor  in  the  matter.  Wherein  I 
tooke  the  advyze  of  the  Queene's  Ambassador, 
and  made  my  demand  in  writing.  And  uppon 
the  delivery  thereof,  she  willed  me  to  stay  for  iiij 
or  v  days;  for  that  Monsr  de  Erasso  (the  Em- 


152       DEPARTURE  FROM  ENGLAND. 

peror's  secreatory  for  the  Spannyshe  tongue) 
was  at  Andwerpe,  who  hathe  the  ordering  of 
all  suche  matters :  and  [I  then]  made  my  returne 
hither.  Uppon  whom  I  doo  give  my  attendance, 
and  shall  follow  him  to  Brussells,  till  that  I  have 
optayned  the  Emperor's  pasporte.  For  without 
his  Majestie's  licence,  there  will  be  no  gold  nor 
silver  sufferid  to  be  caryed  out  of  Spayne :  wyche 
was  the  cheffyst  point  shuld  have  beene  fyrst 
sorryd  [sorrowed,  cared]  for,  as  I  dyd  no  less 
advertise  your  honnors  in  the  begynnyng  of  this 
matter."  c 

Having  obtained  the  emperor's  passport,  Gres- 
ham  returned  to  England ;  and  in  the  month  of 
June  1554,  set  sail  for  Spain.  The  sheet  of 
instructions,  or  as  it  was  called  the  *  Memorial,' 
with  which  he  was  furnished  on  this  occasion,  is 
dated  the  12th  of  June,  and  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix/  He  was  directed  to  "make  his  re- 
payre  with  as  convenient  spede  as  he  may  towards 
Spaine,  embarking  himself  at  our  ports  ether  of 
Darmouth  or  Plimouth,  where  we  have  caused  a 
vessell  to  be  put  in  redynes  for  his  transportacon, 
— from  whence  he  shall  procede  on  his  voyage  as 
sone  as  wynde  and  wether  shall  gyve  hym  leave." 

«  T.  G.  to  the  Council,  26  May,  1554.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
a  No.  XL    The  original  is  preserved  in  the  State-Paper  Office, 
Spanish  Corr. 


ARRIVAL    IN    SPAIN.  153 

King  Philip  was  at  that  time  expected  out  of 
Spain;  and  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,6  the  high 
admiral,  had  been  sent  with  a  fleet  to  convey 
him  in  safety  to  the  shores  of  England.  This 
circumstance  is  alluded  to  in  the  provision  made 
at  the  time  for  the  payment  of  the  navy ;  "for  the 
better  supplement  whereof,  our  pleasure  is  you 
shall  call  unto  you  such  factour  or  factours  as 
Thomas  Gresham,  our  agent  in  Flanders,  hath  at 
this  present  there  in  Spaine  ;  and  of  such  money 
as  our  said  agent  hath  agreed  for  to  be  delivered 
and  received  to  our  use  there,  cause  so  much  to 
be  paid  over  to  our  well-beloved  cousin,  Benjamin 
Gunson,  treasurer  of  our  Admiralty.  "f  It  was 
presumed  that  Gresham  would  reach  Spain  before 
his  majesty's  departure,  and  he  was  furnished 
with  instructions  accordingly ;  these  were  how- 
ever of  no  avail,  since  on  the  IQth  of  July,  Philip 
landed  at  Southampton,  and  was  married  to  Queen 
Mary  six  days  after.8 

Of  several  letters  written  by  Gresham  on  his 
arrival  in  Spain,  unfortunately  only  one  remains  ; 
and  the  only  other  notice  of  his  sojourn  in  that 
country  is  a  letter  from  the  council,  written  in  a 

c  For  a  memorandum  relative  to  this  nobleman,  see  the  Ap- 
pendix, No.  XII. 

t  The  Queen  to  Lord  Privy-Seal,  May  9, 1554.— Domestic  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off. 

•  Cecil's  Diary,  Lands.  MS.  No.  118,  p.  91. 


154       THE  LORDS  OF  THE  COUNCIL 

tone  which  they  had  never  before  used  towards 
him.  It  is  dated  from  Richmond,  August  the 
15th,  1554,  in  reply  to  his  of  the  10th  of  July  ; 
and  expresses  dissatisfaction  at  the  fewness  of  his 
letters,  and  the  tardiness  of  his  proceedings ; 
respecting  which,  by  the  way,  their  lordships  were 
very  ill  qualified  to  form  an  opinion.  "  We  per- 
ceive," say  they,  "you  mean  to  send  the  said 
treasure  to  Gales  [Cadiz]  by  your  servant,  to  be 
shipped  there,  and  yourself  intend,  that  done, 
to  make  your  repair  homewards  by  land ;  which 
thing  semeth  very  strange  unto  us:  and  surely 
we  cannot  but  much  marvell  that  you  would 
comit  the  doing  and  order  of  a  matter  of  such 
great  charge  and  importance  to  your  servant, 

or  any  other  but  yourself. As  touching 

the  passport  for  the  120,000  ducats  that  remain 
above  the  200,000  ducats  that  you  have  already 
a  passport  for, — ye  shall  do  well  to  sue  for  the 
same  at  the  Prince  of  Portingale's  hands/' h 

On  the  21st  of  November,  Gresham  addressed 
the  council  from  Valladolid,  but  his  letter  is  un- 
fortunately lost.  Leaving  Medina  del  Campo  on 
the  23rd,  he  arrived  on  the  26th  of  November  at 
Seville,  whence  his  next  despatch  was  written. 
He  expressly  mentions  that  he  '  departed  in  post 
from  Meddyna  de  Camppo  ;'  and  well  he  may, 

h  Spanish  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


TO    GRESHAM    IN    SPAIN.  155 

for  the  distance  surmounted  in  those  three  days 
was  nearly  three  hundred  miles;  and  certainly 
cannot  have  been  less,  if,  as  seems  probable,  he 
took  the  road  through  Toledo.  The  letter  allu- 
ded to,  which  is  dated  the  30th  of  November, 
details  the  difficulties  he  had  daily  experienced, 
and  the  obstacles  which  were  thrown  in  his  way 
by  the  Spaniards ;  who  yielded  unwilling  credence 
to  the  letters  he  brought  from  his  own  govern- 
ment and  from  the  emperor,  and  viewed  his 
operations  with  no  slight  degree  of  jealousy, — 
a  sentiment  for  which  there  was  obviously  suffi- 
cient occasion.  Previous  to  his  arrival,  Hogan 
had  received  100,000  ducats;  and  the  sudden 
removal  of  so  vast  an  amount  of  treasure  was 
productive  of  consequences  more  disastrous  to 
the  people  of  Seville  than  Gresham  anticipated. 
"  For  my  part,"  said  he,  "  I  am  not  abell  with  my 
pen  to  set  forthe  unto  you  the  great  scarsity  that 
is  now  through  all  Spayne ;"  and  one  of  the  oldest 
banks  in  Seville  having  suspended  payment  in 
consequence  of  his  operations,  he  adds  with 
much  concern,  "  I  fere  I  shall  be  the  occasione 
they  shuld  play  all  banke-rowte  [bankrupt.]  " 
He  proposed,  therefore,  that  returning  himself 
to  England,  he  should  leave  his  factor,  Edward 
Hogan,  to  receive  the  remainder  of  the  sum  at 
leisure ;  in  the  payment  of  which  he  says  there 


156  THE    TREASURE    SHIPPED 

would  have  been  no  difficulty  or  delay,  if  the 
ships  which  were  daily  expected  from  the  West 
Indies  had  arrived.1  In  the  mean  time,  having 
obtained  his  despatch  on  the  30th,  (the  day  he 
wrote,)  Gresham  says  that  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
evening  he  started  with  two  of  his  servants  to  see 
this  treasure  shipped  at  'Port  Riall'  (Puerto  Real, 
over  against  Cadiz,)  "  in  such  good  merchants' 
ships  as  might  be  found  there."  It  was  packed  in 


fifty  cases,  marked 
22,000  Spanish 
2,000  ducats.  At 
sight  of  Gresham 


So 


each  containing 
silver  rials,  or 
this  point  we  lose 
in  Spain,  and  hear 


no  more  of  him  till  the  spring  of  the  following 
year,  when  he  had  returned  to  Antwerp. 

The  letters  just  cited  were  addressed  to  the 
Privy-council ;  but  Boxoll,  Queen  Mary's  princi- 
pal secretary,  was  the  person  with  whom  Gresham 
chiefly  corresponded.  That  statesman  was  evi- 
dently well  disposed  towards  him,k  and  occasion- 

1  Spanish  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. — From  "  A  note  of  suche  summes  of 
monny  as  came  unto  the  hands  of  Thomas  Gresham,  and  passed 
from  hym  in  the  tyme  of  Queene  Mary,"  preserved  among  the 
Lansdowne  MSS.  (No.  113,  art.  19,)  and  given  in  the  Appendix, 
(No.  XIII.)  it  appears  that  the  total  amount  of  money  received 
in  Spain  was  97,878/.  15*. 

k  See  the  rough  draft  of  his  letter  to  Gresham,  10th  June, 
1558,  (Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.)  where  he  says, that  "he  is  ready 
to  do  him  any  pleasure  in  this  time  of  his  absence." 


SECRETARY    BOXOLL.  157 

ally  sent  him  a  confidential  letter  of  kind  advice. 
Thus,  when  Philip  was  engaged  in  his  military 
operations  in  Flanders,  Boxoll  recommended  his 
friend  to  be  mindful  and  ingratiate  himself  with 
the  king  :  "  knowing  that  you  looke  for  some 
advertysement  from  hense  at  my  handes,  I  have 
thought  good  to  advyse  that  you  shall  do  well,  in 
all  your  greate  affaires,  from  tyme  to  tyme  to 
repair e  unto  the  King's  highness ;  taking  orders 
at  his  hands,  (yf  he  will  give  you  any,)  or  at  the 
least  making  him  privie  to  that  you  are  willed  to 
do.  *  Whereby  ye  shall  the  better  accomplishe  your 
charge  in  this  service,  beinge  there  amongst  his 
highness  subjects;  and  fynde  the  more  helpe 
and  favour  in  doing  the  same.  And  thus  fare 
you  hartily  well.  From  the  Court,  at  Grene- 
wiche,  the  vith  of  Apryll,  1558."  l 

This  was  good  counsel ;  for,  as  many  of  our 
historians  have  truly  remarked,  Queen  Mary 
lavished  much  unrequited  tenderness  on  her  hus- 
band ;  and  seems  to  have  been  in  love  with  him 
to  the  last.  The  accomplished  Sir  William  Pick- 
ering, ambassador  at  the  court  at  Brussels,  and 
Mr.  Gresham  in  his  official  capacity  at  Antwerp, 
never  addressed  her  majesty,  in  consequence, 
without  informing  her  of  the  state  of  the  king's 
health;  and,  as  far  as  they  were  able,  of  his  move- 

1  Copy.  — Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


158  PICKERING    AND    GRESHAM 

ments.  Pickering,  for  instance,  writes  to  the 
queen  from  Brussels,  as  follows :  "  Methought 
it  not  amis  (because  I  was  not  cauled  for  all  the 
while)  to  procure  the  knowyng  of  his  Majesty's 
pleasure  concernyng  myne  owne  abode  here, 
or  my  repaire  homewards.  And  so,  submittyng 
myself  (as  was  most  mete)  by  my  most  humble 
and  willyng  offer  unto  whatsoever  thing  it  lyked 
his  Majesty  to  dispose  of  me,  I  requested  Don 
Antonio  [de  Toledo]  to  move  his  Majesty  in  that 
behalf.  That  he  did  ;  and  uppon  Tewsday  last, 
towards  the  evenyng,  he  brought  me  into  the  park 
at  Brussels,  where  I  found  the  King's  Majesty 
breaking  upp  of  a  buck  that  he  himself  had  stricken 
a  lytell  afore.  As  his  Majesty  hadde  eynded  his 
pastyme,  it  pleased  him  to  declare  his  gratefull 
taking  of  my  simple  service  in  good  worthe ;  and 
in  such  sorte,  that  I  must  needes  acknowledge, 
whatsoever  it  hath  been  or  shalbe,  it  may  be  by 
no  meanes  answerable  unto  the  least  part  of  his 
Majesty's  incomparable  benignitie  and  bounti- 
full  goodnes  towards  me."ra  But  our  business  is 
with  Gresham,  who  it  will  be  seen  wrote  with 
the  same  detail  and  minuteness  as  his  friend. — 
"  I  have  been  at  Brussels,"  he  says  on  one 
occasion,  "  by  the  order  of  Mr.  Pickering,  with 
the  sum  of  1,500/.  for  the  despatch  of  Capitayne 

•"  Brussels,  July  24,  1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


CORRESPOND  WITH  QUEEN  MARY.     159 

Walton ;  whereas  I  sawe  the  King's  Majesty  in 
right  good  health,  (thanckes  be  given  to  God,) 
upon  St.  George's  daye,  in  his  robes,  and  the 
Ducke  of  Savoie  with  hym ;  which  feast  was 
verrie  honnorablie  and  solemly  kept  by  his  Ma- 
jesty, with  all  his  nobills  and  gentillmen  about 
him."  n  In  another  letter  he  writes,  "  I  have  been 
at  Brussels ;  whereas  I  spake  with  the  Kinge's  Ma- 
jestie  the  xvith,  xviijth,  and  xixth  of  this  present, 
for  a  licence  of  three  hundred  thousand  crownes 
to  pass  into  his  realme  and  your's :  he  being  in 
as  right  good  helth  as  your  highness'  harte  can 
desier,  (prayse  be  given  to  God !)  And  his 
Majestie  hath  grantid  you  the  whole  licence  of  the 
said  iij  c  M  crownes,  to  pass  at  one  tyme,  with  one 
hundred  thousand  at  once ;  in  giving  me  a  great 
charge  I  shuld  conveye  this  monny  with  as  much 
secresy,  and  as  small  brewte  [noise]  as  I  coulde 
devise ;  by  reason  of  the  great  scarssity  that  is 
here  at  this  present.  Which,  God  willing,  shall 
be  done,  when  your  Grace's  pleassure  therein  is 
known."  °  Next  month,  previous  to  returning 
home,  Gresham  addressed  the  queen  as  follows : 

"  According   to  my  most  bounden    dewtie,   I 
shall  (afore  my  departure)  gyve  my  attendance 

«  T.  G.  to  Queen  Mary,  Ant.  April  26,  1558.— Fland.  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off. 

»  The  same  to  the  same,  Ant.  May  23,  1558.— Ibid. 


160        GRESHAM  TO  THE  QUEEN. 

upon  the  King's  Majestie  for  to  knowe  his  plea- 
sure, yf  a  wolle  commande  me  anny  servize  to 
your   highness ;    and  therewith   repaier  to   your 
Grace  with  dilligence.  Who  (thankes  be  to  God!) 
is  in  right  good  helth  at  Brussels,  and  now  in  a 
great  forwardness  with  his  armye  of  horsemen 
aad  footmen  :  being  stronge,  at  this  instant,  with 
10,000  horsemen,  and  30,000  footemen   at  the 
least ;  and  within  these  xii  daies,  a  shall  have 
16,000  men  more  at  his  cittie  of  Namewre.    The 
Dewke  of  Savoye,  his  Majesty's  Capitayne-gene- 
rall,  doth  departe  from  Brussells  at  this  daye,  for 
the  conducte  of  them  into  the  filde  :  beseechinge 
our   Lorde   to    sende    his    Majestie    helth,   and 
victorie  over  his  enemy  es." p      With  some  such 
passage,  more  or  less  picturesque,   (and  a  more 
entertaining  instance  will  be  given  in  its  proper 
place,)   Gresham  always  prefaced  more   impor- 
tant intelligence  ; — for  he  was  accustomed  to  send 
to  the  queen  herself  a  report  of  his  progress  in 
liquidating  the  debts  of  the  crown  ;  and  to  detail 
the  sums  taken  up,  as  well  as  the  names  of  the 
Low  Country  merchants  with  whom  he  negotiated, 
as  unceremoniously  as  if  he  had  been  addressing 
his  factor,  Master  John  Elliot,  of  Lombard-street. 
So   primitive  a  practice    seems  to   belong   to  a 

p  T.  G.  to  Queen  Mary,  Ant.  June  20,  1558.— Fland.  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off. 


THE  QUEEN  WRITES  TO  GRESHAM.    161 

remoter  age,  and  to  carry  us  back  to  the  annals 
of  a  much  earlier  reign. 

It  cannot  fail,  however,  to  seem  yet  stranger, 
that  Gresham  should  have  received  from  Queen 
Mary  in  return,  letters  of  a  similar  tenour  to 
those  which  he  addressed  to  her.  One  might 
have  supposed  that  his  communications  to  a  lady  of 
such  elevated  rank  were  merely  a  matter  of  form ; 
that  they  were  laid  before  her  perhaps,  but  never 
read.  Such  certainly  was  not  the  case.  There 
remains  among  the  State- Papers  the  copy  of  a 
letter  sent  to  Gresham  by  the  Privy-council  on 
the  21st  of  January,  1553-4,  on  which  it  is  dis- 
tinctly stated,  "This  was  written  from  the  Queen 
hirself."  For  the  reader's  satisfaction,  I  will 
quote  the  most  interesting  passages  it  contains : 
though  Mary's  genius  for  business  would  be 
better  seen  in  the  passages  omitted.  It  will  be 
perceived  that  his  exalted  correspondent  speaks 
in  the  person  of  her  ministers :  "  Wheras  by 
your  lettres  it  appereth,  that  some  of  those  with 
whom  you  have  concludyd  bargaines  there,  fynde 
some  faulte  with  the  Queene's  Majestie's  bondes, 
for  that  the  same  be  not  sealed  with  hir  own  seale ; 
you  shall  understand,  that  albeit  the  said  bonds 
were  sealed  with  none  other  seale  than  was  at  that 
time  usually  occupied  throughout  all  England, 
(for  that  this  newe  seale  was  not  then  made) ; 

VOL.  i.  M 


162      EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  QUEEN'S 

yet  hir  highness  is  contented,  that  in  case  they 
that  fynde  such  fault  have  any  occasion  to  send 
into  England  for  any  other  business  of  theirs,  and 
do  return  their  said  olde  bonde,  they  shall  have 
[it]  newe-made  forth  agayen,  under  hir  Majestie's 
own  scale,  to  their  satisfaction."1 

"  And  whereas  you  seem  to  be  in  some  doubt 
whether  you  may  sende  home  golde  or  silver,  you 
shall  receive  herewith  a  note  of  an  assay  taken 
here,  both  of  golde  and  also  of  silver  :  both  which 
when  you  shall  have  well  considered,  we  pray  you 
to  send  some  suche  coynes  as  you  can  get,  either 
golde  or  silver,  and  [such  as]  may  be  most  profit- 
able for  the  Queene's  Majestic. 

"  We  sende  unto  you  herewith  also,  one  other 
scedule,  conteyning  certayn  coynes  of  diverse 
countries;  praying  you  to  sett  upon  every  coyne 
how  they  be  currant  there  ;  and  at  what  price  you 
thinke  best  they  should  be  currant  here,  for  the 
Queene's  grace's  most  advantage :  and  so  to  re- 
turn the  same  unto  us  with  your  opinion  accord- 
ingly/   

"And  whereas  you  write  that  you  have  pre- 

1 0n  the  3rd  of  June,  1556,  "  Dirrick,  the  graver  of  the  mint," 
was  "  appointed  to  make  and  new-grave  the  great  seal."— Privy- 
council  Book  of  Queen  Mary,  MS.  Dirrick  was  a  Dutchman. 

r  This  schedule,  with  Gresham's  remarks  upon  it,  will  be 
found  in  the  Appendix,  No.  XIV.  It  may  gratify  the  curiosity 
of  some  readers. 


LETTER    TO    GRESHAM.  163 

pared  a  furnesse  to  melte  down  suche  Spanyshe 
ryalls  as  you  shall  receyve  there,  requiring  our 
advices  therein  ;  we  have  thought  good  to  signifie 
unto  you,  that  the  Queene's  highness'  pleasure  is, 
that  in  case  you  may  without  breache  of  the  lawes 
of  that  country  melte  down  the  said  coyne,  and 
that  the  same  may  be  commodious  to  her  Majes- 
tie,  you  shall  then  do  therein  as  you  have  de- 
vised. But  otherwise,  not  to  meddle  withall :  for 
her  highness  woold  be  lothe,  having  entred  so 
strayte  an  amitie  as  she  hathe  don  with  th'  Em- 
perour,  to  be  seen  to  breake  any  lawe  of  his  in  so 
weightie  a  case  ;  or  to  do  therein  otherwise  than 
she  woold  be  done  unto."9 

Besides  the  care  of  providing  money  in  Flan- 
ders to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  state,  we  learn 
from  Gresham's  correspondence  that  many  other 
duties  devolved  upon  him.  It  was  expected  of 
the  Queen's  Agent,  that  he  would  keep  the  coun- 
cil constantly  informed  of  all  that  was  passing  in 
his  neighbourhood,  or  rumoured  beyond  seas ;  a 
task,  the  faithful,  frequent,  and  expeditious  per- 
formance of  which  was  rendered  particularly  ac- 
ceptable by  the  imperfect  system  of  communica- 
tion in  those  days,  and  which  Gresham's  position 
enabled  him  to  perform  in  a  most  satisfactory  man- 
ner. It  was,  moreover,  his  province  to  supply 

'  21  Jan.  1553-4.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

M  2 


164  DUTIES    OF    THE 

the  country  with  whatever  articles  of  foreign  ma- 
nufacture were  required,  as  arms,  plate,  or  jewel- 
lery. Thus,  in  King  Edward's  Journal,  (llth 
Feb.  1552-3,)  Sir  John  Gresham  is  said  to  have 
"  delivered  of  armour,  1100  pair  of  corselets,  and 
horse-men's  harnesses  very  fair ;"  and  on  the  ex- 
pectation of  a  visit  from  certain  French  noblemen, 
we  find  that  "  provision  was  made  in  Flanders  for 
silver  and  gold  plate,  and  chains  to  be  given  to 
these  strangers."*  Accordingly,  throughout  Ma- 
ry's reign,  we  find  Gresham  repeatedly  commis- 
sioned to  purchase  arms  and  ammunition,  which 
the  hostilities  so  hotly  maintained  by  King  Philip 
had  rendered  necessary  for  the  security  of  the 
realm.  In  March,  and  again  in  June,  1558,  he 
and  Alexander  Bonvisi  (a  merchant  of  Lucca) 
were  employed  conjointly  ;v  and  Gresham's  pro- 
gress in  his  commission,  as  might  be  expected, 
forms  the  subject  of  all  his  letters  written  about 
those  periods,  to  the  exclusion  of  what  would  be 
to  us  more  acceptable  matter.  In  May,  he  stated 
that  he  had  shipped  on  board  four  ships,  (in  order 
to  divide  the  risk, )  military  stores  to  the  value  of 
2600/. :  they  consisted  of  the  materials  of  which 

*  King  Edward's  Journal,  MS.  June  4,  1551. 

v  See  the  note  of  "  Provisions  made,  and  to  be  made,  in  Flan- 
ders," 31  March,  1558.  (Appendix,  No.  XV.)  Also  the  commis- 
sion dated  11  June,  1558,  in  Rymer's  Faedera,  vol.  xv.  p.  486. 


QUEEN'S  AGENT.  165 

gunpowder  is  manufactured,  together  with  many 
hundred  morions,  sleeves  of  mail,  dags,  &c.,  and 
his  agents  were  at  the  same  time  actively  engaged 
in  Germany  in  procuring  additional  supplies.* 

Other  services  of  minor  importance  were  occa- 
sionally required  at  the  hands  of  the  queen's  fac- 
tor. When  an  ambassador,  or  other  servant  of  the 
state  was  sent  into  Flanders,  he  was  generally 
instructed  to  look  to  Gresham  for  the  discharge 
of  his  salary.  Sir  William  Pickering,  who  in  the 
beginning  of  1558  was  sent  to  King  Philip  at 
Brussels/  and  thence  directed  to  proceed  into 
Germany,  brought  with  him  a  warrant  to  Mr. 
Gresham  for  the  payment  of  200/.,  and  his  diet  of 
four  marks,  or  2/.  13s.  4d.  per  diem;y  being  com- 
missioned to  join  "  the  musters,"  or,  as  they  are 

w  See  Gresham's  letters  to  BoxoU,  Ant.  26  April,  and  7  May, 
1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  They  are  noticed  in  the  Appen- 
dix, No.  XV. 

*  See  Queen  Mary's  letter  to  Gresham,  10  March,  1557-8. — 
Ibid. 

y  "  From  the  8th  of  this  present  March,  during  his  abode  in 
our  said  service."  The  same  to  the  same,  March  1557-8. — 
Ibid.  Gon9alo  Perez,  in  the  name  of  King  Philip,  ordered  Gres- 
ham (June  10,  1558,)  to  pay  Sir  William  Pickering  40,000  flo- 
rins.—Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  In  No.  5755  of  the  Add.  MSS.  in 
the  British  Museum,  at  f.  17,  is  a  bill  under  the  hand  and  seal  of 
Sir  William  Pickering  to  Thomas  Gresham,  Esq.  for  the  receipt 
of  40,000  florins  of  the  Rhine,  at  twenty-five  stivers  Brabants  the 
piece;  that  is,  8333J.  6s.  Sd.  Flemish;  for  the  payment  of  3000 
Alemands  for  one  month's  wages  and  diet.  9  June,  1558. 


166  DOMESTIC    RUMOURS. 

elsewhere  called,  "  the  bands  of  Almaignes,' 
troop  of  3000  men,  whom  it  was  proposed  to  enrol 
in  the  English  army.  Gresham  was  instructed, 
shortly  after,  to  pay  one  Herman  Pepper  for  the 
armour  and  weapons  with  which  he  had  contract- 
ed to  supply  these  soldiers  :z  and  a  banner  being 
required  by  the  same  troop,  he  was  instructed  to 
provide  it,  and  to  be  careful  that  it  should  be  of 
the  queen's  colours,  "  white  and  green,  with  red 


crosses." 


However  interesting  and  important  Gresham's 
foreign  intelligence  may  have  been  considered  by 
the  Privy-council  at  the  time,  the  spirit  of  it  has 
altogether  evaporated  through  age.  Our  sympa- 
thies are  far  more  alive  to  the  domestic  rumours, 
in  which,  like  the  rest  of  the  English  merchants 
settled  at  Antwerp,  he  was  naturally  so  deeply 
interested;  and  concerning  the  authenticity  of 
which  he  so  frequently  wrote  to  inquire.  The 
intelligence  of  Wyatt's  rebellion,  in  1553-4,  filled 
the  merchants  with  dismay.  "  Here  is  newes 
come,"  says  Gresham,  "  that  the  commons  be  uppe 
in  Kent,  and  that  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  shuld  be 

z  Queen  Mary  to  Gresham,  8  June,  1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P. 
Off. 

a  The  same  to  the  same,  18  May,  1558. — Ibid.  He  was  order- 
ed (3  May)  to  pay  Will.  Watson,  a  merchant  who  was  employed 
to  buy  masts  and  other  tackle,  by  order  of  the  officers  of  the 
Admiralty,  &c.  &c. 


WYATT'S  REBELLION.  167 

their  Captayne,  with  dyvers  other  gentilmen.  As 
all  so  I  do  perceve  by  this  bringer,  ray  servant 
John  Spritwell,  [that  he]  was  steyed  by  the  waye, 
with  threttening  wordes  ;  as  he  shall  declare  unto 
your  Lordeshipes."  b  In  less  than  a  week  it  was 
currently  rumoured  and  believed  at  Antwerp, 
"  that  the  commons  of  Cornewall,  Cheshire, 
Norfocke,  Suffocke,  and  Kent  were  uppe ;"  c  and 
that  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  was  "  on  Blackheath-field 
with  20,000  foot-men,"  ready  to  "  sett  uppon  the 
Citty  of  London."  Such  was  the  effect  produced 
upon  the  queen's  credit  by  this  intelligence,  that 
Gresham  says,  "  glad  was  that  man  that  might  be 
quit  of  five  shillings."  It  was  "  no  small  comfort 
to  her  Majestie's  poore  subjects,"  when  Spritwell, 
his  servant,  "  brought  newes  of  the  honnorable 
victory  that  the  Queene  had  over  the  re  belles :"  on 
receiving  which  joyful  tidings,  the  English  mer- 
chants caused  wine  to  be  drunk,  and  bonfires  to  be 
lighted  in  the  streets ;  a  great  peal  of  guns  to  be 
fired,  and  one  hundred  crowns  to  be  distributed 

b  T.  G.  to  the  Council,  Ant.  31  Jan.  1553-4.— Ibid. 

c  "  The  ii  daye  of  this  present,  I  received  your  honnor's  letter 
of  the  xxviii  of  Janyver ;  wyche  was  no  small  comfort  unto  me 
and  to  all  the  Queene V  Highness  frendes,  to  hear  in  what  stay 
our  countrey  was  in,  save  onely  Kent :  wyche  I  have  not  letted 
to  publishe.  For  the  rumours  were  here,"  &c.  The  same  to  the 
same,  Ant.  6  Feb.  1553-4.— Ibid. 


168  SIR    THOMAS    CHEYNEY. 

among  the  poor  of  the  town.d  Sir  Thomas  Chey- 
ney,  (treasurer  of  the  household,  lord-warden  of 
the  Cinque  Ports,  and  lieutenant  of  the  county  of 
Kent,)  writing  to  the  council  on  the  subject  of  this 
insurrection,  has  the  following  curious  passage : — 
"  Yt  is  a  great  dele  more  than  straunge  to  see  the 
beastlynes  of  the  people,  to  see  how  earnestly  they 
be  bent  in  this  theyr  most  develishe  entreprise  ; 
and  will  by  no  meanes  be  persuaded  to  the  con- 
trary but  that  it  is  for  the  comen  welthe  of  all  the 
realme.  They  say  and  protest  before  God  they 
meane  to  her  grace  no  hurt :  but  for  all  that,  I 
pray  God  kepe  her  out  of  their  daungier."  e 

The  extraordinary  supposition  that  the  queen 
was  about  to  become  a  mother,  when  she  was  in 
truth  afflicted  with  dropsy,  did  not  fail,  before  it 
reached  Antwerp,  to  assume  the  serious  form  of 
an  actual  occurrence :  nor  could  less  have  been 
expected,  after  the  great  pains  which  had  been 
taken  at  home  to  fill  the  public  mind  with  expec- 
tations of  an  heir  to  the  crown.  Gresham  writes 
thus  to  the  lords  of  the  council  on  the  4th  of  May, 
1555  : — "  It  maye  please  your  most  honnorable 
Lordeships  to  be  advertised  that  as  the  iind  of  this 
present,  here  came  newes  along  the  seas  by  men 

*  T.  G.  to  the  Council,  Ant.  15  Feb.  1553-4.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off.    Spritwell  brought  the  news  the  day  before. 
e  '  From  Sherlond,'  1  Feb.  1553-4.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


EXPECTED    BIRTH    OF    A    PRINCE.  169 

of  this  country,  that  the  Queene's  Majesty  was 
brought  a-bed  of  a  yonge  Prynce,  the  last  of 
April ;  whiche  newes  contynewed  here  till  the 
iiiith  day.  And  as  the  thyrde  day,  the  Regent, 
being  in  this  town  of  Andwerpe,  about  7  of  the 
clocke  at  night,  dyd  cause  the  great  bell  to  ringe, 
to  give  all  men  to  understand  that  the  news  was 
trewe.  Signifying  unto  your  honnors,  that  as  the 
iind  day,  upon  the  aryvall  of  the  fyrst  newes,  the 
Quene's  highness'  mere  merchants,  according  to 
their  most  boundyd  dewtye,  caussyd  all  our  Ing- 
lishe  ships  to  shoote  off  with  such  joy  and  triumph 
as  by  man's  art  and  pollisey  could  be  devysed,  in 
the  presence  of  the  Regent,  with  all  her  nobills 
and  gentillwomen.  Whereupon  the  Regent  pre- 
sently sent  our  Inglishe  maroners  one  hundred 
crowns  to  dryncke.  Trusting  in  God  the  news 
to  be  trewe  ;  for  as  yet,  I,  nor  none  of  our  nacion 
hath  no  certayne  wry  ting  thereof."  f 

Notwithstanding  a  certain  degree  of  concern 
which  this  passage  in  Queen  Mary's  history  ex- 
cites, there  is  something  irresistibly  ludicrous  in 
the  accounts  transmitted  to  us  of  the  extent  to 
which  the  delusion  alluded  to  was  indulged. 
"  All  the  court,"  says  Grafton,  "  was  full  of  mid- 
wives,  nurses,  and  rockers;  and  this  talk  conti- 
nued almost  half  a  year,  and  was  affirmed  true  by 

f  T.  G.  to  the  Council,  Ant.  4  May,  1555.— Fland.  Corr.  St.P.Off. 


170  HIS    BIRTH    ANNOUNCED. 

some  of  her  physicians,  and  other  persons  about 
her;  which  seemed  both  grave  and  credible.     In- 
somuch that  divers  were  punished  for  saying  the 
contrary." g     On  the  3rd  of  May,  the  Bishop  of 
Norwich  received  "  the  sodeine  good  newes  of 
the  Quene's  Highnes  moost  joyfull  deliverance 
of  a  nooble  Prince :  whereupon,  to  laude  God, 
Te  Deum  was  solemply  sung  in  the  Cathedrall 
Churche,  and  other  places  of  the  cytye  [of  Nor- 
wich], wyth  woonderfull  joye  and  muche  gladness 
of  all  people  throughowte  all  the  whole  cytye  and 
the  countrye  thereabowtes."  h     "  The  parson  of 
Saint  Anne  within  Aldersgate,"  says  Foxe,  "  af- 
ter procession,  and  Te  Deum  sung,  took  upon 
him  to  describe  the  proportion  of  the  child ;  how 
faire,  how  beautiful,  and  how  great  a  prince  it 
was,  as  the  like  had  not  been  seen." 

But  by  far  the  most  extraordinary  circumstance 
connected  with  this  delusion  has  never  yet  been 
noticed  in  print.  There  is  in  the  State- Paper 
Office  an  original  letter  to  Cardinal  Pole,  signed 
by  Philip  and  Mary^  announcing  the  birth  of  a 
prince  as  an  event  which  had  already  occurred. 
"  Whereas  it  hath  pleased  Almighty  God  of  his 
infinite  goodnes  to  adde  vnto  the  great  nomber  of 
other  his  benefites  bestowed  vpon  vs,  the  gladding 

*  Chronicle,  ed.  1569,  p.  1350. 

h  Ellis's  Letters,  first  Series,  vol.  ii.  p.  190-1. 


BOXOLL WINCHESTER. 

of  vs  with  the  happy  deliver  ie  of  a  prince"  The 
date  is  left  blank,  but  the  letter  is  endorsed  "  29th 
May,  1555."1 

Passages  such  as  the  foregoing,  however,  are 
comparatively  of  rare  occurrence  in  Gresham's 
correspondence  at  this  period.  Whatever  favour- 
able disposition  towards  him  Secretary  Boxoll 
may  have  entertained,  there  seems  to  have  been 
wanting  that  cordiality  between  them, — the  fruit 
of  intimacy  and  similarity  of  sentiment, — which 
alone  can  impart  interest  to  a  correspondence ; 
and  however  honourably  treated  by  the  council, 
and  favourably  noticed  by  the  queen,  Gresham 
generally  confined  himself  in  addressing  both,  to 
the  strictest  details  of  business.  Nor  did  he  yet 
consider  himself  so  firmly  established  in  the  good 
opinion  of  their  lordships,  as  to  render  superfluous 
frequent  explanations  of  his  proceedings;  and 
details,  which  now  seem  minute  and  tedious  in  the 
extreme.k  Of  some  of  them  he  was  distrustful : 
especially  of  that  ill-favoured  *  old  Roman- Catho- 
lic nobleman,  Paulet  Marquis  of  Winchester,  the 
lord-treasurer;  who,  jealous  of  Gresham's  weight 

1  Domestic  Corr. — See  Rapin,  vol.  ii.  p.  43. 

k  e.  g.  To  the  Council,  5  Oct.  1555 ;  to  the  Queen,  24  Feb.  and 
15  March,  1555-6 ;  and  to  Boxoll,  29  May,  1558,  &c.  &c.— Ibid. 

1  I  will  defend  this  epithet  by  referring  the  reader  to  the  por- 
trait of  Winchester,  in  Naunton's  Fragmenta  Regalia,  ed.  1797- 


172          GRESHAM'S  CORRESPONDENCE. 

and  influence  in  all  matters  of  finance,  showed 
himself  his  enemy  on  more  than  one  occasion,  and 
sought  to  undo  him.m  A  note  of  the  .queen's 
debts  in  Flanders,"  and  an  account  of  sums  of 
money  taken  up  from  time  to  time  to  discharge 
them,0  form  in  consequence  the  general  topic  of 
his  letters  ;  diversified  only  by  an  occasional  note 
of  payments  made,  or  a  memorandum  of  what  bul- 
lion/ arms,  or  ammunition  q  he  had  shipped  from 
Antwerp  under  King  Philip's  licence,  and  sent 
home  by  order  of  the  council. — The  statesman 
who  had  made  any  figure  during  the  reign  of 
King  Edward,  if,  like  Sir  William  Cecil,  he 
hoped  to  shine  in  the  court  of  Elizabeth,  had 
in  truth  a  difficult  game  to  play  in  the  days  of 
Queen  Mary. 

m  See  especially  Gresham's  letters  to  Sir  Thomas  Parry,  from 
Antwerp,  22nd  and  29th  of  June,  1560.— Flanders  Correspon- 
dence, St.  P.  Off. 

n  The  documents  of  this  class  appertaining  to  Mary's  reign 
in  the  State-Paper  Office,  are  six  in  number.  They  are  undated. 

»  See  his  letters  to  the  Council  of  11  Nov.  1555,  and  24  Feb. 
1555-6;  to  Boxoll,  1  May,  and  to  the  Queen,  12  April,  1  and  23 
May,  1558.  There  are  besides  three  undated  documents  of  this 
class. — Ibid. 

P  See  his  letters  to  the  Council  of  8  Dec.  1553,  1  Jan.  6  and  21 
Feb.  1553-4.— Ibid. 

*  See  his  letter  to  the  Council  of  6  Feb.  1553-4,  where  he 
mentions  "  gunpowder  shipped  under  this  mark  (the  broad  arrow) 
in  the  margent ;"  to  Boxoll,  of  15  May  and  6  June,  1558 ;  and  to 
the  Queen,  of  the  same  date. — Ibid. 


HIS    MOVEMENTS.  173 

Such  was  the  nature  of  Gresham's  occupations 
at  Antwerp ;  and  such,  more  or  less,  were  his  em- 
ployments from  the  period  of  his  return  from 
Spain  in  the  beginning  of  1555,  until  the  16th  of 
June ;  on  which  day  it  is  recorded  in  the  Acts  of 
Queen  Mary's  Privy-council  that  he  presented 
to  their  lordships  nine  "  obligations  or  bonds,  as 
well  of  hir  Highness  as  of  the  Cittie  of  London, 
which  heretofore  passed  for  the  sure  payment  of 
certayne  summes  of  money  due  to  sundry  mer- 
chants strangers All  which  bonds  were  can- 
celled, and  sent  to  the  Lord  Treasurer  to  be  laid 
up  in  the  Queene's  treasury ;  and  to  deliver  the 
Citty's  to  the  Lord  Maior,  by  the  said  Thomas 
Gresham."r  In  September,  having  paid  another 
brief  visit  to  his  wife  and  family  in  England  dur- 
ing the  interval,  Gresham  returned  to  the  scene 
of  his  occupations  on  the  4th  of  October,8  in  time 
to  witness  one  of  the  most  remarkable  scenes 
recorded  in  history, — namely,  the  abdication  of 
supreme  power  by  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth, 
in  favour  of  his  son  Philip.  This  event  occurred 
at  Brussels  on  Friday  the  25th  of  October,  1555, 
attended  by  a  ceremony  of  which  Sir  John  Mason, 
a  statesman  of  high  intelligence,  who  was  at  that 

r  Council-book  of  Queen  Mary,  MS. 

•  T.  G.  to  the  Council,  Ant.  5  Oct.  1555.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P. 
Off. 


174  MASON'S  ACCOUNT  OF 

time  our  ambassador  resident  at  the  court  of 
Brussels,  transmitted  to  his  government  a  minute 
description.1  The  States  of  the  Low- Countries 
being  assembled  in  the  great  hall  of  the  court, 
which  was  richly  decorated  for  the  occasion,  the 
emperor  entered  about  four  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, accompanied  by  King  Philip,  the  Queen  of 
Hungary,  (his  sister,)  and  a  train  of  nobles  ;  toge- 
ther with  the  knights  of  the  order  of  the  Toison 
d'or,  wearing  the  collars  of  their  order.  The 
emperor  took  his  seat  in  the  highest  part  of  the 
hall,  placing  Philip  on  his  right,  the  queen  on  his 
left,  and  next  to  her  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  The 
nobles  and  others  being  seated,  the  occasion  of 
that  extraordinary  meeting  was  briefly  declared 
by  one  of  the  Privy-council ;  after  which  the 
emperor  rose  and  addressed  the  assembly.  He 
reminded  them  of  the  long  period  of  forty  years, 
during  which  he  had  been  their  lord  and  gover- 
nor ;  and  declared  "  what  travailes  he  had  in  this 
space  susteyned,  having  made  xl  notable  voyages, 

1  The  document  alluded  to,  endorsed  by  Sir  John  Mason,  is  in 
the  State-Paper  Office.  It  corresponds  very  nearly  with  the 
relation  of  the  proceedings  of  that  memorable  day  given  by  Ro- 
bertson, or  rather  by  La  Strada,  from  whom  it  will  be  found  that 
Robertson  derived  his  information  :  but  it  has  the  charm  of  be- 
ing the  narrative  of  an  eye-witness,  and  corroborates  the  date  of 
the  emperor's  abdication,  respecting  which  the  biographer  of 
Charles  V.  expresses  some  doubt. 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    ABDICATION.       175 

which  he  rehearsed  particularly  ;  having  passed 
viii  tymes  the  Levant  seas,  thrice  the  Spannish 
seas,  having  been  iiii  tymes  in  France,  twice  in 
England,  twice  in  Affrike,  and  sondry  tymes  in 
sondry  other  places."  But  he  felt  that  he  was  no 
longer  adequate  to  discharge  the  duties  imposed 
upon  him  by  Almighty  God, — his  infirm  health 
and  debilitated  frame  admonishing  him  to  resign 
to  a  younger  and  abler  hand  the  sceptre  he  was 
no  longer  able  effectually  to  wield :  he  therefore 
made  cession  of  all  his  estates  to  his  son  Philip, 
whom  he  earnestly  exhorted  to  maintain  the  Ca- 
tholic faith,  and  to  whom  he  required  his  subjects 
to  transfer  the  oath  of  allegiance  by  which  they 
had  hitherto  been  bound  to  himself.  The  step  he 
was  taking,  he  assured  them,  was  without  any  view 
to  the  prolongation  of  his  own  life ;  for  he  enter- 
tained no  hopes  of  recovery,  and  left  his  people 
with  real  sorrow.  No  one  had  ever  had  "  a  lov- 
inger  sort  of  subjects  ;"  and  if  he  had  ever  un- 
wittingly omitted  the  performance  of  any  of  his 
duties  towards  them,  or  in  the  course  of  his  life 
erred  in  the  administration  of  government,  he 
now  asked  their  forgiveness.  "  And  here  he  brake 
into  a  weeping,  whereunto,  besides  the  dolefulness 
of  the  matter,  I  think  he  was  moche  provoked  by 
seing  the  whole  company  to  doo  the  lyke  before  ; 
[there]  beyng  in  myne  opynion  not  one  man  in 


176  ABDICATION    OF    CHARLES    V. 

the  whole  assemblie,  stranger  or  other,  that  dew- 
ring  the  tyme  of  a  good  piece  of  his  oracion 
poured  not  oute  abondantly  teares ;  some  more, 
some  less.  And  yet  he  prayed  them  to  beare  with 
his  imperfection,  proceeding  of  his  syckly  age, 
and  of  the  mentioning  of  so  tender  a  matter  as  is 
the  departing  from  such  a  sort  of  dere,  and  most 
loving  subjects." 

Philip  made  a  dutiful  speech  in  reply,  and 
concluded  by  offering  "to  kiss  his  father's  hands; 
but  being  not  suffred  so  to  doo,  they  embraced 
each  other  in  soche  sorte  as  might  well  appere 
a  loving  meeting  between  the  affections  of  the 
father  and  the  son."  Mary,  the  Queen- do  wager 
of  Hungary,  who  for  five-and-twenty  years  had 
ably  presided  over  the  interests  of  all  present, 
as  regent  of  the  Low  Countries,  having  briefly 
addressed  the  assembly  on  the  subject  of  her 
government,  now  announced  her  intention  of 
following  her  brother,  Charles  V.,  into  his  re- 
tirement. A  complimentary  speech  was  made 
her  in  return  ;  after  which,  "  the  Emperor  arose, 
and  every  man  retired  to  his  lodging." 

The  various  but  uniformly  flattering  conjectures 
which  different  writers  have  advanced  as  to  the 
real  motive  which  induced  Charles  V.  to  take 
this  extraordinary  step,  affords  a  curious  illustra- 
tion of  the  biographer's  proneness  to  entertain 


TO    WHAT    ATTRIBUTABLE.  177 

exalted  conceptions  of  his  hero.  When  the  em- 
peror's deplorable  health/  and  the  concomitant 
impairment  of  his  mental  faculties  are  considered, 
there  seems  good  reason  for  suspecting  that  he 
was  the  victim  of  premature  old  age,  and  verged 
on  dotage  while  he  was  yet  in  his  prime.  So  me- 
lancholy a  spectacle  may  be  more  easily  rendered 
pathetic  than  ennobled.  An  event  of  so  much 
importance  to  the  Low  Countries,  however,  seemed 
deserving  of  particular  notice  in  this  place ;  not 
only  because  Sir  John  Mason  has  supplied  us 
with  some  graphic  touches  which  are  omitted  by 
the  biographer  of  Charles  the  Fifth  in  his  elegant 
narrative  of  the  same  occurrence ;  but  because 
it  is  from  the  emperor's  abdication  that  those 
intestine  broils  may  be  considered  to  date,  which 
subsequently  convulsed  the  Low  Countries,  and 
eventually  led  to  the  decay  of  their  commerce, 
and  the  expulsion  of  the  English  from  those 
parts.  They  have  obtained  in  history  the  ex- 
pressive name  of  "  Troubles," — a  word  which 
conveys  a  just  idea  of  their  character.  At  pre- 
sent it  will  be  enough  to  state  concerning  the 
Low- Country  troubles,  that  although  they  origina- 
ted in  the  deep-seated  jealousy  which  had  existed 
from  the  very  outset  between  the  Spaniards  and 

»  See  Sir  Richard  Morysine's  curious  account  of  Charles  the 
Fifth's  illness,  in  Lodge's  Illustrations,  vol.  i.  pp.  165-8-9. 
VOL.  I.  N 


178 


PHILIP  S    UNPOPULARITY. 


the  Flemish  people, — feelings  which  it  required 
all  the  address,  and  even  the  personal  influence  of 
Charles  V.  to  counteract  and  render  inactive, — 
they  owed  their  most  aggravated  features  to  the 
arbitrary  line  of  policy  pursued  towards  them  by 
King  Philip.  Haughty  in  his  manners,  and  secret 
in  his  councils,  his  disposition  soon  estranged 
from  him  the  affections  of  the  people  he  had  to 
govern.  He  did  not  scruple  to  offend  their  civil 
prejudices,  by  living  altogether  surrounded  by 
persons  of  his  own  nation ;  and  in  the  matter  of 
religion,  exasperated  them  by  enactments  which 
were  at  once  violent  and  arbitrary.  As  yet, 
however,  he  was  occupied  by  the  hostilities  with 
France  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  since  the 
year  1551  ;  and  it  was  principally  to  attend  to 
these,  that  he  had  left  England  and  Queen  Mary, 
and  taken  up  his  residence  in  the  country  con- 
ceded to  him  by  his  father.  The  governorship 
of  the  same  having  in  the  mean  time  become  va- 
cant by  the  departure  of  the  Queen  of  Hungary, 
the  Duke  of  Savoy,  Philip's  favourite  and  most 
successful  general,  was  deputed  to  govern  in  her 
place. w 

w  In  the  State-Paper  Office  (Flanders  Correspondence)  is  pre- 
served a  MS.,  bearing  the  date  of  1555,  which  might  be  of 
service  to  the  historian  of  this  period  of  history.  It  extends  to 
sixty-four  pages,  and  is  entitled,  "  Forme  de  Police,  et  Regime 
pour  le  Pays-Bas." 


GRESHAM'S  SERVICES.  179 

Whether  in  consequence  of  the  intrigues  of 
the  lord-treasurer,  or  from  whatever  other  cause> 
Gresham's  occupation  of  the  office  of  royal  agent 
was  frequently  interrupted  during  Mary's  reign. 
This  may  be  gathered  from  the  mere  inspection 
of  his  correspondence,  in  which  there  are  some 
wide  gaps :  but  the  circumstance  is  confirmed  by 
himself;  for  though  Mary  reigned  for  five  years 
and  some  months,  he  states  in  one  of  his  letters 
that  he  served  her  but  two  years,x — a  statement 
which  may  be  thus  explained.  Queen  Mary 
began  to  reign  in  July  1553,  and  in  the  month 
of  November,  we  find  that  Gresham  was  employed 
in  Flanders  ;  from  which  time  his  correspondence 
proceeds  regularly,  till  about  Midsummer  1554, 
when  he  went  into  Spain.  There  he  remained, 
as  we  know,  for  some  of  the  winter  months ;  but 
he  had  either  not  yet  returned  in  the  following 
February,  or  he  had  found  two  rivals,  in  the  per- 
sons of  John  Gresham  (probably  his  cousin)  and 
Nicholas  Holbourn,  who  were  at  that  time  employ- 
ed in  Flanders/  From  May  1555  to  March  1556, 
his  correspondence  is  only  interrupted  by  the 
visits  to  England  which  he  made  in  the  interval : 
one  in  June,  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  at  the 

*  From  his  letter,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,  ad- 
dressed to  the  Earl  of  Leicester;  dated  London,  10  Nov.  1568. 

y  The  Queen's  letter  to  them,  dated  Feb.  1554-5,  is  in  the 
State-Paper  Office. 

N    2 


180 


HIS    DUTIES 


council-table  the  cancelled  bonds  and  obligations 
of  the  queen  and  the  city  of  London  ;  another  in 
September ;  and  a  third  in  December  :  at  which 
time,  six  months  having  expired  since  his  last 
attendance,  it  is  recorded  in  the  acts  of  the  Privy- 
council,  that  at  a  meeting  held  at  St.  James's  on 
the  8th  instant,  he  waited  on  their  lordships  with 
six  cancelled  bonds,  as  before.  He  continued  to 
give  his  periodical  attendance  at  the  council- 
table  ever  after  ; z  and  as  the  bonds  of  which  he 
was  the  bearer  had  been  generally  renewed  for 
the  term  of  six  months,  he  usually  re-appeared  at 
intervals  of  about  half  a  year :  but  from  March 
1556,  his  correspondence  is  not  resumed  until  the 
month  of  March  1558,  in  the  November  of  which 

*  On  the  22nd  Nov.  1555,  it  is  recorded  in  the  minutes  of  the 
Privy-council,  that  five  bonds  signed  by  the  queen,  and  the 
counterpart  made  out  and  sealed  by  the  lord  mayor  and  citizens, 
"  were  delivered  to  John  Ellyot,  factor  unto  the  said  Thomas 
Gresham,  to  be  by  him  conveyed  over  to  the  said  Mr.  Gresham." 
Elliot  had  already  attended  for  this  purpose  on  the  2nd,  and 
14th  of  November  ;  and  on  the  8th  of  May,  and  2nd  of  March  fol- 
lowing, his  name  recurs.  On  the  19th  June,  1556,  "Thomas 
Gresham,  Esq.,  the  Queene's  Majestie's  agent  in  Flanders, 
brought  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council  [at  the  Star-Chamber]  these 
xii  severall  bonds  following ;"  of  which  the  particulars  are  enu- 
merated. On  the  23rd  November,  1556,  Elliot  presented  certain 
cancelled  bonds ;  and  on  the  24th  December,  Gresham  in  person 
brought  nine  others.  He  attended  with  six  more  on  the  31st 
of  May,  1557.— From  the  original  MS.  in  the  Council-Office ; 
whither  I  have  to  thank  Mr.  R.  Lemon  for  conducting  me. 


INTERFERED    WITH.  181 

year  Queen  Mary  died ;  so  that  his  letters  during 
this  reign  extend,  with  more  or  less  regularity, 
over  a  period  of  about  twenty-six  months.  Both 
Sir  John  Mason  and  Sir  Walter  Mildmay  appear 
to  have  encroached  upon  his  province  ;  having 
been  severally  engaged,  at  different  periods,  in 
the  duties  which  properly  appertained  to  him  as 
royal  agent.  But  it  was  to  injuries  of  a  more 
serious  character  that  he  alluded,  when  he  spoke 
in  after  years  of  "  how  he  had  been  handelyd  in 
Queen  Mary's  time :"  either  the  machinations 
of  the  lord-treasurer,  or  the  events  of  the  first 
few  tempestuous  weeks  of  Mary's  reign,  was 
probably  what  he  meant. 

With  reference  to  Gresham's  visit  to  England 
last  particularized,  namely,  that  in  December 
1555,  the  following  letter  deserves  perusal.  It 
has  been  already  mentioned  that  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  correspond  with  the  queen  from  Ant- 
werp, minutely  informing  her  of  his  progress  in 
every  financial  operation.  Of  this  class  of  his 
letters  there  exists  no  specimen  more  beautiful 
than  one  which  he  wrote  on  the  19th  of  August, 
1555,  "  To  the  Queenes  most  excellent  Matic ;" 
enclosing  "  A  breffe  abstracte  touchinge  the  state 
of  your  Majesty's  holle  dettes  in  Flanders;  wythe 
the  days  of  payment  when  the  said  dettes  shall 
growe  dew,  as  here  aftyr  too  your  hightnes  maye 


182 


GRESHAM  S    LETTER 


more  playnly  apere."  *  But  the  following  letter, 
written  "from  Laytton"  on  the  23rd  of  Decem- 
ber, besides  other  points  of  interest  which  it 
contains,  incidentally  reveals  to  us  the  inter- 
course which  continued  to  subsist  between  Gres- 
ham  and  his  royal  mistress  during  his  sojourn  in 
England,  when  his  occasions  brought  him  hither. 
"  It  may  please  your  most  excellent  Majestic  to 
be  advertised,  that  at  my  last  access  I  had  to  your 
highness,  your  Grace's  pleasure  was  that  I  should 
confer  with  my  Lorde  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  the 
Lorde  Paget,  and  Sir  William  Peter,  as  touching 
your  debts  and  charge  beyond  the  seas.  And 
[it]  being  dark  nyght  when  that  I  departed  from 
your  Majestic,  I  thought  it  not  convenyent  to 
molest  my  Lords  that  nyght, — thinking  the  next 
day  to  have  accomplished  your  Majesty's  com- 
mission ;  which  I  could  not  do :  for  that  I  was 
visited  with  a  hott  burning  agew.  Nevertheless, 
according  to  my  most  bowndyd  dewty,  I  sent 
unto  my  said  Lordes  and  Sir  William  Peter,  the 
next  day,  my  factor  John  Elliot ;  to  singnify 
unto  them  your  highness'  pleasure:  wherein  I 
perceived  they  were  most  redy  to  accomplishe 
the  same,  so  farre  forthe  as  that  they  had  your 
Majestie's  commyssione  so  to  doo.  And  for  that 

»  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  The  "sum  totall  owing  in  Antwerp," 
was  at  that  time  148,526^.  5s.  Sd. 


TO    QUEEN    MARY.  183 

my  Lorde  the  Bishop  made  answer  a  shuld  be 
absent  for  iiij  or  v  dayes,  and  my  Lorde  Paget 
also,  by  the  reason  of  my  continual  syckness  I 
stayed  till  the  coming  of  my  said  Lordes ;  or  untill 
suche  tyme  I  had  beene  able  to  have  come  to 
have  conferred  with  their  honnors.  Which,  as 
yet,  I  have  not  done ;  but  alwayes  have  geven 
my  Lorde  of  Ely,  and  my  Lorde  Paget,  and  Sir 
William  Peter  to  understand  what  money  I  had 
received  of  your  Majestie's  warrant  of  x  M  It. 
[10,000/.]  :  advertising  your  highness  that  I  have 
received  at  this  instant,  iiij  M  li.  [4,000/.]  whereof 
I  have  delyvered  by  exchange  the  sum  of  ij  M  li. 
[2000/.]  at  xxis.vic?. ;  wyche  will  redound  muche 
to  your  Majestie's  honnor  and  credit,  as  allso 
your  proffyt.  Which  ys  the  chiefest  thinge  (one 
of  them)  that  your  Highness  ought  to  consider. 

"  Since  the  which  tyme,  it  maye  please  your 
Majestic  to  understand,  that  as  the  xxist  of  this 
present,  my  Lorde  Treasurer  sent  me  worde  by 
my  factor,  John  Elliot,  that  a  had  taken  upon  hym 
to  confer  wyth  me  to  paye  all  your  Majestie's 
debts :  and  that  a  was  come  to  London  to  geve 
order  for  the  payment  of  the  sum  of  v  M  li. 
[5,000/.]  towards  the  payment  of  the  x  M  iiij  c 
Iiij  li.  vis.  viijd.  [10,453/.  6s.  Sd.]  Flemish,  that 
your  Majestic  oweth  to  Alexander  Bonvyze  the 
xxvth  of  Janyver  next.  And  for  that  your  High- 


184  LETTER    TO    QUEEN    MARY. 

ness  hath  appoynted  me  to  confer  with  other  of  my 
Lordes,  according  to  my  most  bowndyd  dewty, 
and  [the]  trust  that  it  hath  pleased  your  Grace  to 
have  reposed  in  me,  I  have  thought  it  most  expe- 
dient for  my  discharge  to  advertise  you  of  the 
premises.  Most  humbly  beseeching  your  Ma- 
jestie  that  I  maye  knowe  your  further  pleasure 
therein :  wherein  I  shall  most  reverently  follow 
your  Majestie's  order,  wheresoever  it  shall  stand 
with  your  Grace's  pleasure  to  appoynte  me  ;  so 
that  it  shall  stand  with  your  Majestie's  honner 
and  credit,  and  for  the  proffit  of  your  Majestic 
and  the  realme. 

"And  thus,  for  feare  of  molesting  your  Majestie 
with  my  longe  writing,  I  shall  praye  to  God  to 
geve  me  grace  and  fortewn  that  my  servyce 
maye  be  always  acceptable  to  your  highness.  As 
knoweth  our  Lorde,  who  preserve  your  nobell 
Majestie  in  helthe,  and  longe  lyfe,  and  longe  to 
rayne  over  us,  with  increase  of  muche  honnor. 
From  Laytton,  the  xxiijrd  of  December,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  God  xvclv,  [1555.] 

By  your  Majestie's  most  humble  and 
faythefull  obedient  subject, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM,  mercer." b 
"  To  the  Queene's  most  Excellent  Majestie." 

b  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


THE    MERCERS.  185 

The  interruptions  of  his  official  duties,  however 
unwelcome  they  may  have  been  in  other  respects, 
afforded  Gresham  leisure  for  the  pursuits  of  com- 
merce ;  which,  until  the  year  1552,  he  had  prose- 
cuted with  equal  assiduity  and  success.  A  few 
remarks  on  this  subject  may  not  be  unacceptable 
in  this  stage  of  our  story,  and  will  not  certainly  be 
out  of  place. 

The  words  Mercer  and  Merchant-adventurer 
are  familiar  to  many  persons,  who  perhaps  do  not 
attach  a  very  definite  idea  to  either  term.  By  the 
former  appellation,  in  remote  times,  was  meant  any 
dealer  in  small  wares;  but  as  the  commerce  of 
this  country  became  more  extended,  the  opera- 
tions of  the  mercers  assumed  a  more  important 
character ;  and  the  words  mercer  and  merchant 
became  nearly  synonymous.  In  the  year  1364, 
the  mercers  had  become  extensive  dealers  in 
woollen  cloths,  of  which  the  manufacture  was 
introduced  into  this  country  from  Flanders  by 
Edward  III.  about  thirty  years  before  ;  and  in 
1393  they  became  incorporated.0  Under  the  title 

c  Their  existence  as  a  company  may  be  traced  as  far  back  as 
the  year  1172,  though  they  were  not  incorporated  till  1393. 
They  take  precedence  of  all  the  other  city  companies,  and  num- 
ber among  their  members,  says  Hall,  "  several  kings,  princes, 
nobility,  and  ninety-eight  lord  mayors."  Sir  Richard  Whitting- 
ton,  whose  romantic  tale  is  familiarly  known  to  every  one,  was 
a  member  of  this  company  ;  as  was  Sir  Geoffrey  Bullen,  maternal 


186  THE    MERCERS,    AND 

of  Merchants  of  the  Staple, — by  far  the  most  an- 
cient of  our  trading  societies, — they  had  long  been 
famous ;  and  in  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Third 
had  attained  high  distinction  and  eminence.  That 
monarch  has  been  justly  styled  the  father  of 
English  commerce  ;  for  the  encouragement  which 
his  predecessors  had  held  out  to  the  Flemish  mer- 
chants was  fluctuating,  and  it  is  from  his  reign 
that  a  progressive  improvement  is  to  be  dated. 
It  was  he  who,  in  1374,  made  Geoffrey  Chaucer, 
the  poet,  comptroller  of  the  customs  ;  on  the 
express  condition  that  he  should  write  with  his 
own  hand  the  registers  or  entries  belonging  to 
his  said  office ;  and  never  act  by  a  deputy  or 
substitute/ 

To  legislate  for  commerce,  henceforth  became 
the  leading  object  of  parliament;  and  wool,  as 
the  staple  produce  of  the  country, — the  princi- 
pal article  of  export,  and  chief  source  of  revenue, — 
was  the  subject  of  almost  every  statute.  It  must 
not  be  lost  sight  of,  however,  that  Edward  the 
Third  patronised  commerce  that  he  might  be  en- 
abled to  carry  on  his  expensive  wars  with  France. 

grandfather  to  Queen  Elizabeth ;  and,  what  is  a  yet  greater  boast, 
Queen  Elizabeth  herself ;  who  honoured  the  mercers  by  becom- 
ing a  free  sister  of  this  company.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that 
there  is  scarcely  a  single  mercer  in  the  Mercers'  Company  at  the 
present  day. — Herbert's  Hist.,  &c.,  and  Stowe  by  Strype,  passim. 
d  Faedera,  vol.  vii.  p.  38. 


MERCHANT-ADVENTURERS. 


187 


So  urgent  were  his  necessities  at  one  time,  that  he 
was  fain  to  borrow  gold  and  silver  plate  of  the 
religious  houses  ;  and  in  1339  he  pawned  his  own 
and  his  queen's  crown  for  50,000  gold  florins  of 
Florence,  or  8338/., — equivalent  to  upwards  of 
160,000/.  of  our  money.6  Woollen  cloths  conti- 
nued to  be  the  mercers'  most  important  article  of 
traffic,  until  the  time  of  Elizabeth  ;  in  the  latter 
part  of  whose  reign  silks  were  used  in  such  abun- 
dance, that  the  mercers  became  mostly  silk-mer- 
chants. They  consisted,  says  Strype,  "  much  of 
such  as  sold  rich  silks  brought  from  Italy,  who 
lived  chiefly  in  Cheapside,  and  St.  Lawrence 
Jewry,  and  the  Old  Jewry." 

From  the  society  known  by  the  name  of  Mer- 
chants of  the  Staple,  arose  in  1358  another,  called 
the  Company  of  the  Merchant- Adventurers.  They 
did  not  obtain  this  appellation  till  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Seventh  ;  but  they  were  incorporated 
by  Edward  the  First  as  early  as  1296,  when  they 
established  a  factory  at  Antwerp,  and  employed 
themselves  in  the  manufacture  of  woollen  cloths. 
Edward  the  Third,  seeing  the  flourishing  condition 
of  their  trade,  encouraged  them  to  come  over  with 
their  looms  into  this  country,  which  they  accor- 
dingly did ;  and  the  experiment  succeeded  so 
well,  that  he  soon  prohibited  the  exportation  of 

e  Faedera,  vol.  v.  p.  101 ;  and  see  Anderson,  vol.  i.  p.  311. 


188         GRESHAM  A  MERCHANT-ADVENTURER. 

English  wool :  finally,  having  induced  cloth-ma- 
kers and  cloth-workers  to  come  over  in  sufficient 
numbers,  he  prohibited  the  importation  of  all 
foreign  cloth  into  the  realm. 

The  prosperity  of  the  merchant-adventurers 
was  permanent,  and  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  with 
many  other  mercers,  was  enrolled  among  them. 
Certain  privileges  and  immunities,  originally 
granted  to  this  company  by  charter,  had  been 
confirmed  to  them  by  every  successive  monarch 
since  their  incorporation ;  and  few  as  they  were  in 
number,  they  virtually  monopolized  the  commerce 
of  the  country.  They  constituted  a  fellowship, 
which  was  under  the  control  of  a  governor  elected 
out  of  their  own  body ;  and  they  appointed  de- 
puty-governors for  all  their  residences  at  home 
and  abroad.  Mr.  Hussey  was  their  governor  in 
Queen  Mary's  time.  Thoughout  the  ensuing 
pages,  incidental  notices  of  their  mode  of  proceed- 
ing will  often  recur,  which  I  will  not  here  antici- 
pate. In  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign  they 
were  in  the  habit  of  sending  their  cloths  twice  a 
year,  at  Christmas  and  Whitsuntide,  into  the  Low 
Countries  ;  about  100,000  pieces  of  cloth  being 
shipped  annually,  which  amounted  in  value  to  at 
least  7  or  800,000/. :  and  the  merchants  were 
accustomed  to  equip  on  these  occasions  a  fleet  of 
fifty  or  sixty  ships,  manned  with  the  best  seamen 


NEW-YEAR'S  GIFTS.  189 

in  the  realm.  I  find  that,  once,  Gresham  alone 
sent  "  4,500  western  kerseys  of  the  best  sort, 
which  sold  with  great  profit  to  the  Italians  at 
Antwerp."1  From  this  incidental  notice,  we  may 
judge  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  his  private 
operations. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  our  mer- 
chant passed  the  Christmas  of  1555  in  England; 
at  which  period  we  obtain  sight  of  him  among  the 
number  of  those  who  presented  New  Year's  gifts 
to  Queen  Mary.  "  A  bolte  of  fine  Holland,  in  a 
case  of  black  leather,"  is  mentioned  as  having 
been  presented  by  Mr.  Thomas  Gresham;  who 
received  in  return  "  oone  guilt  jug,"  weighing 
sixteen  ounces  and  a  half, — a  larger  present  than 
was  bestowed  on  most  men  of  his  quality.  His 
friend,  Sir  John  A-lee,  offered  at  the  same  time 
"  a  prymer,  covered  with  purple  vellet,  and  gar- 
nished with  Damoskyn  work."g  This  was  in  Ja- 
nuary, 1555-6  ;  about  which  time  we  have  a 
proof  that  the  services  Gresham  had  rendered  the 
queen  were  deemed  satisfactory ;  for  she  bestowed 
upon  him  the  priory  of  Austin  Canons  at  Mas- 
singham  Magna  in  Norfolk,  together  with  several 
minor  benefices.h  It  was  to  a  promise  of  one  of 

t  Cott.  MS.  Galba.  B.  xi.  fol.  264. 

*  Nichols'  Illustrations,  &c.  1797.    Sir  John  received  a  gilt  jug, 
weighing  15  oz. 

h  He  received,  besides,  the  manor  and  rectory  ofLanghamand 


190 


GRANTS    OF    LAND. 


these  grants  that  he  must  have  alluded,  when, 
addressing  the  queen  on  the  27th  of  October, 

1555,  he  "most  humbly  besought  her  highness  to 
licence  him  to  put  her  in  remembrance  of  the 
131/.  land,  that  it  had  pleased  her,  of  her  royal 
goodness,  to  give  him,  towards  the  augmenting 
and  stay  of  his  living,  for  the  service  he  had  done 
her  Majesty,  and  for  the  good  service  he  did 
intend  to  do  her;   which,"  he  adds,  "  shall  be  no 
small  comfort  to  me  and  all  my  friends."1     In 
another  place  he  says,  that  the  lands  which  Mary 
granted  him  amounted,  altogether,  to  the  yearly 
value  of  about  two  hundred  pounds. 

From  more  than  one  passage  in  his  correspon- 
dence, we  are  led  to  believe  that  the  queen  felt 
a  personal  interest  in  him  ;  and  her  friendly  dis- 
position about  this  time  is  evidenced  by  the  sub- 
stantial marks  of  favour  he  received  at  her  hands. 
To  this  period,  however, — namely,  the  spring  of 

1556,  where  a  hiatus  of  two  years  occurs  in  Gres- 
ham's  correspondence, — we  must  probably  refer 
the  hostile  act  of  the  Marquis  of  Winchester,  al- 

advowson  of  the  vicarage ;  the  manors  of  Walsingham  and  Nar- 
ford,  besides  those  of  Merston  and  Combes,  and  the  advowsonof 
their  respective  rectories. — Tanner's  Not.  Mon.,  and  Blomefield's 
Norfolk,  vol.  vi.  p.  232,  and  vol.  ix.  p.  8.  In  the  Appendix,  No. 
XVI.,  will  be  found  a  letter  from  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  to  Arch- 
bishop Parker,  requesting  him  to  institute  the  bearer  to  the  liv- 
ing of  Massingham. 
*  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


GRESHAM  AGAIN  EMPLOYED.       191 

luded  to  by  the  subject  of  our  narrative  in  the 
following  reign.  That  nobleman,  he  says,  sought 
to  ruin  him  by  "  informing  the  sovereign  with 
half  a  tale,  ....  once  in  King  Edward's  time,  and 
once  in  Queen  Mary's  time.  And  when  his  Lord- 
ship came  to  see  the  state  of  myne  account,  a 
found  the  prince  rather  in  my  debt  than  other- 
wise." k  He  occupied  himself  in  Flanders,  however, 
with  the  pursuits  of  which  some  account  has  been 
just  given  ;  while  King  Philip,  engrossed  by  his 
schemes  of  military  ambition,  was  lavishly  squan- 
dering the  thousands  which  Gresham  had  been  so 
careful  in  former  years  to  provide.  To  what 
accident  he  owed  his  restoration  to  office  in  the 
last  year  of  Mary's  reign,  we  are  not  informed ; 
but  his  Instructions  are  extant,  bearing  date  the 
12th  of  March,  when  he  was  directed  to  pre- 
pare himself  for  another  journey  into  the  Low 
Countries. 

The  reader  may  not  be  displeased,  for  once,  to 
peruse  a  part  of  the  original  instrument  with 
which,  when  he  took  such  journeys,  Gresham  was 
provided.  On  the  present  occasion  he  was  or- 
dered "  to  take  with  him  full  information  of  the 
bargayne  offered  to  Germayn  Scioll  by  Chemany, 
for  100,000/.  for  one  yere."  To  ascertain  "  before 
his  going,  the  quantities  of  powder,  saltpetre,  and 

k  To  Parry,  22  June,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


192  HIS    INSTRUCTIONS. 

other  provisions  to  be  made  there,  for  armours 
and  munitions  of  warre  :  and  to  make  provisione 
on  that  side,  to  our  use,  of  such  parcels  as  we  or 

our  counsail  shall  appoint And  he,  being 

thus  informed,  to  pass  by  post  to  Andwerp,  and 
with  all  speede  to  speake  with  the  said  Chemany 
to  understand  whether  the  said  bargayne  will  be 
performed  or  not.  And  if  the  same  will  take 
place,  then  to  send  word  hither  in  post  thereof: 
sending  withal  full  instructions  for  the  bonds  and 
assurances  to  be  made  here." 

He  was  next  to  wait  on  the  king ;  to  deliver 
sundry  letters,  to  communicate  the  effect  of  his 
Instructions,  and  to  sue  for  a  passport  for  the 
exportation  of  military  stores  and  treasure. 

"  The  premises  beyng  declared  to  his  Majestic 
and  his  pleasure  known,  for  the  answer  thereof 
the  said  Gresham  shall  with  all  diligence  repaire 
to  Antwerp  agayne ;  travailing  according  to  his 
accustomed  good  diligence  and  wisdom,  both  for 
the  speedy  receipt  to  our  use  of  the  said  100,000/. 
bargained  for  by  the  said  Scyolle,  and  for  the 
borrowing  of  one  hundred  thousand  poundes 
more,  for  one  yeare,  at  such  favourable  interest 
as  he  may  ;  foreseeing  that  he  exceed  not  to 
charge  us  with  more  than  fourtene  at  the  utter- 
most, for  the  interest  of  everie  hundred,  besides 
brokerage.  Wherein,  the  better  service  he  shall 


HIS    ALLOWANCE.  1Q3 

do  us,  the  better  shall  he  give  us  cause  to  have 
good  consideration  of  him." 

Scioll  had  married  Cicely,  the  daughter  of  Sir 
John  Gresham,  and  was  therefore  the  husband  of 
Thomas  Gresham's  cousin.  If  his  "bargain  did 
not  take  effect,"  the  queen's  agent  was  ordered  to 
take  up  200, OOO/. ;  and  to  grant,  for  the  security 
of  the  merchants,  the  usual  bonds  under  the  great 
seal.  "  The  said  Gresham  to  have  allowance  and 
retayne  in  his  owne  handes  for  his  diets,  of  such 
money  as  shall  come  into  his  hands,  twenty  shil- 
lings by  the  day  ;  the  same  to  begin  the  first  of 
this  present  March."  He  was  also  "to  have 
allowance  of  four  clerks,  everie  of  them  at  six- 
teen-pence  by  the  daye."  He  was  authorized 
to  reimburse  himself  "  for  the  prices  of  any  pro- 
visions ;  or  for  the  charges  at  all  tymes  of  posting 
of  himself  and  servaunts  ;  and  for  the  charges  of 
sending  of  any  messengers  either  to  our  deerest 
Lord  and  Husband,  or  to  us ;  our  Council,  or 
otherwise  for  our  service."  Allowance  was  also 
to  be  made  him  "  for  the  hire  of  such  houses  as 
he  shall  think  necessarie  for  the  sure  keeping  of 
our  treasure,  powder,  and  other  munitions;  and 
for  the  charges  of  carriage  and  sending  the  same, 
by  lande,  fresh  water,  or  seas."  His  instructions 
finally  set  forth,  that  his  oath  was  the  only  proof 
which  would  be  required  by  the  commissioners  to 

VOL.  i.  o 


194  BOXOLL    TO    GRESHAM. 

be  hereafter  appointed  to  audit  his  accounts ;  and 
he  was  guaranteed  against  any  loss  which  he  might 
otherwise  sustain,  in  case  "  the  money  now  per- 
mitted to  go  in  Flanders  as  valued  money,  by  just 
authority  there  should  be  called  down." l 

Gresham  continued  in  Flanders  until  the 
month  of  June  1558;  during  all  which  time  he 
was  incessantly  engaged  in  buying  ammunition 
and  collecting  military  stores.1"  He  had  not 
been  gone  many  days,  when  Boxoll  wrote  him 
the  friendly  letter  from  which  an  extract  was 
given  at  page  157.  It  begins  as  follows  : 

"  After  my  hartie  commendacions.  Whereas 
at  your  departure  from  hence  you  received  let- 
tres  from  my  Lordes  of  the  Counsell  unto  the 
King's  Majestie,  they  doubt  whether  you  have 
delyvered  the  same  or  no :  for  that  in  your 
first  lettres  you  did  advertize  nothinge  thereof. 
Wherefore  I  praie  you,  as  soone  as  you  can,  let 
me  understande  what  you  have  done  therein ; 
that  I  may  resolve  the  Queene's  highness  in 

1  Copy.  12th  March,  1557-8.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  An 
abstract  of  this  document  is  to  be  found  in  the  Cott.  MS.  Galba. 
B.  xii.  fol.  256. 

m  According  to  Rymer,  he  was  commissioned  on  the  1 1th  June, 
1558,  conjointly  with  Alexander  Bonvisi,  a  merchant  of  Lucca, 
to  procure  "3,500  Hackequebutts ;  1,000  Pistoletts  ;  500  Pon- 
dera  de  Macches  ;  100,000  Pondera  Petre  Salse  ;  3,000  Corseletts  ; 
2,000  Mourreyens ;  3,000  Iron  Cappes ;  8,000  Lanceas  vocatos, 
Launces  and  Pykes" — Fsedera,  vol.  xv.  p.  486. 


GRESHAM  TO  THE  QUEEN.        195 

the  same,  if  she  shall  aske  me  the  question." 
He  then  recommends  him  to  give  his  frequent 
attendance  on  King  Philip,  and  to  make  his 
Majestic  privy  to  "  all  that  he  is  willed  to  do."  n 

To  this  good  counsel  Gresham  immediately 
attended.  He  had  no  sooner  received  Boxoll's 
letter,  than  he  wrote  as  follows  to  Queen  Mary : 

"  It  may  please  your  most  excellent  Majestie 
to  be  advertised,  that  as  the  xiith  of  this  present, 
I  received  your  highness'  letter,  (in  Brussels,)  of 

the  iiiith As  also  I  received  a  lettre  from 

my  Lords  of  your  most  honorable  council,  and 
another  from  the  Countie  de  Feria  unto  the  King's 
Majesty ;  which  lettres  I  delivered  with  myne 
owne  hands  on  this  day,  at  x  of  the  clock  in  the 
forenoon,  at  his  comyng  from  the  Grey  Fryers 
of  Boytendalle,  three  English  myles  from  Brus- 
sells,  whereas  he  hathe  kept  this  holie  tyme  of 
Ester;  whom,  (thanks  be  to  God,)  is  in  right 
good  health,  as  your  Majestie' s  owne  harte  can 
desyre.  And  according  unto  your  Majestie's  in- 
structions, I  certyfyed  his  highness  of  this  x  M  li. 
[10,000/.]  that  I  have  taken  up,  and  of  all  other 
my  proceedings,  which  he  lyked  very  well ;  and 
said  he  stayed  only  for  the  comyng  of  the  Capten 
of  the  Almaignes ;  and  upon  his  comyng,  he 
would  gyve  me  order  for  the  payment  of  such 

•   Copy.  6th  April,  1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

o  2 


196        FURTHER  EXTRACTS  FROM 

money  as  they  should  need.  To  the  which  I 
made  answer,  I  was  ready  to  accomplishe  the 
same,  with  any  other  devyce  it  shuld  please 
his  Majestic  to  commaunde  me.  Then  he  com- 
maunded  me  that  I  shuld  advertize  you  with 
diligence  of  certain  intelligens  that  he  had  from 
Deep  [Dieppe]  in  France,  which  he  gave  me  in 
writing :  and  here  inclosed  I  sende  you  the  same 
writing,  with  as  much  diligence  as  I  can."  ° 

Before  conducting  our  merchant  back  to  Eng- 
land, I  will  give  extracts  from  two  other  letters, 
written  during  his  present  journey  :  the  first  "To 
the  right  honnorable  Mr.  Boxoll,  Secretary  to 
the  Queene's  Majestic ;"  and  the  second,  to  the 
queen  herself.  "  Other  I  have  not  to  molest 
you  withal,"  he  writes,  (solicitous  to  see  his  own 
personal  accounts  with  the  state  liquidated,)  "but 
that  it  maye  please  you  to  be  so  good  unto  me  as 
to  be  my  meane  to  the  Queene's  Majestic,  for 
the  obteyning  of  her  Highness'  pardone  upon  my 
accompt.  Whereof  I  have  written  to  her  Majes- 
tie,  and  my  Lordes  ;  trusting  that  her  highness 
wolle  deal  with  me  as  the  King's  Majestic,  her 
late  Father,  delt  with  my  aunsistors.  And  the 
rather,  for  that  my  poore  name  and  credit  was 
of  late  at  a  great  staye,  bothe  here  and  in 
England,  for  the  servize  heretofore  done  to  her 

0  Ant.  12th  April,  1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


HIS    CORRESPONDENCE.  197 

Majestic."  p  To  the  queen  he  writes  in  the  same 
strain :  "  This  is  most  humblie  to  beseeche  you, 
to  licence  me  to  be  a  suitor  unto  you  for  your 
Grace's  pardon  upon  my  account :  which  I  wolde 
not  seem  to  molest  your  Majestic  withall  at  my 
departure  out  of  England,  seeing  how  much  it 
stood  your  highness  upon  ;  whereby  your  grace 
shuld  conceve  any  disobedience  in  me.  Which 
is  a  thinge  that  my  master  and  unckell  Sir  John 
Gresham  had  allwaies  of  the  Kinge's  Majestic, 
your  late  Father,  undir  his  broad  seall  of  England, 
in  this  case  of  servinge.  Trusting  that  your  Ma- 
jestic wolle  deall  with  me,  as  your  Father  delte 
with  my  ancestors." q 

In  June,  Gresham  "thought  it  expedient  to 
forbear  for  a  season  to  take  up  any  more  sums 
by  way  of  interest ;  and  made  suit  to  come  over 
for  one  month ;"  to  both  of  which  proposals  the 
council  acceded  ;  and  he  was  desired  by  their 
lordships  "  to  advertise  the  Admirall  of  the  tyme 
he  should  be  in  full  arrediness  to  take  shipping, 
that  order  might  be  taken  for  his  waftage  over 
with  the  treasure." 

In  October  1558,  after  three  months  spent  in 
England,  Gresham  was  again  despatched  to  Ant- 

p  Ant.  1st  May,  1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

«.  Ant.  26th  April,  1558.— Ibid. 

r  The  Queen  to  Thomas  Gresham,  June  1558. — Ibid. 


198  PHILIP    IN    FLANDERS. 

werp,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  fresh  loan. 
He  was  ordered  "  to  repair e  with  convenient 
speede  to  our  deerest  Lorde  and  husbande  the 
Kyng  ;  and  after  delyverie  of  such  lettres  as  he 
shall  receive  from  hence  for  that  purpose,  to  sue 
to  his  Highness  in  our  name  for  his  good  favour 
and  licence  to  [be  allowed  to]  provide  and  carry 
thence  into  England,  such  sums  of  money  as 
followeth."  s  The  sum  specified  in  his  commission 
was  100,000/.,  which  he  was  ordered  to  take  up 
for  the  space  of  a  year.  He  wrote  to  the  queen, 
to  his  friend  Secretary  Boxoll,  and  to  the  council, 
from  Dunkirk  on  the  17th  of  October;  giving 
Mary  an  account  of  his  interview  with  her  hus- 
band, which  unfortunately  has  not  been  preserved. 
He  informed  Boxoll  in  a  confidential  way,  that  on 
the  1 5th,  he  had  presented  the  Queen's  '  token ' 
to  King  Philip  :  but  to  the  lords  of  the  council  he 
communicated  graver  matters,  which  the  reader 
may  not  object  to  peruse. 

"  It  maye  please  your  Lordeships  to  be  adver- 
tised, that  as  the  xvth  of  this  present  I  delyvered 
unto  the  King's  Majestic  your  Lordships  letter, 
lying  incamped  upon  the  French  King's  ground 
beside  the  castle  and  towne  of  Owssye,  whiche 
doth  apperteyne  to  the  Countie  of  Egmonde  ; 
being  ix  Inglish  myles  from  his  Highness'  towne 

*  Copy.  1st  Oct.  1558.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


SIR    WILLIAM  PICKERING.  199 

of  Heading.  And  according  to  the  Queene's 
Majestie's  instructions,  I  declared  unto  his  Ma- 
jestie  that  my  comyng  over  was  for  the  taking  up 
of  iij  c  thousand  crownes  upon  interest.  And 
after  he  had  perused  your  Lordship's  letter,  in- 
contynent  his  Majestic  sent  me  worde  by  the 
Countie  de  Feria,  that  I  shuld  tarrie  no  longer 
for  his  answer;  for  that  he  wold  write  to  his 
Chancellor  Scheff  for  my  dispatch  in  all  things 
I  shuld  demande  of  him  for  the  Queene's  Majes- 
tie's behoof. 

"  The  occurrents  be,  that  the  Kinge's  Majestie's 
commissioners,  and  the  Frenche  Kinge's,  be  att  an 
Abby  called  Sercant ;  where  the  Queene's  Majes- 
tie's comissioners  be  likewise  treating  of  a  peace, 
which  I  praie  God  send.  For  that  the  Kinge's 
Majestie  doth  pretend,  verrie  shortlie  after,  to  be 
in  Ingland :  who  is  in  right  good  health,  (thankes 
be  given  to  God  !) 

"  Also  it  maye  please  you  to  understande, 
I  made  my  repair  backe  agayne  to  Downkirk,  to 
write  to  the  Queene's  Majestie  and  to  you  this 
my  letter ;  where  I  founde  Sir  William  Pickering 
verrie  sore  sicke  of  this  new  burning  agewe  :  who 
hath  had  four  sore  fittes,  being  very  low  browght, 
and  in  danger  of  his  life  if  they  continew  in  this 
extremyty,  as  they  have  done.  Having  delivered 
him  your  Lordships'  letter ;  of  whom  I  have  re- 


200  PRESENTS. 

received  by  the  verteu  thereof,  the  sum  of  three 
thousand  six  hundred  pistolettes,  at  vi  s.  vi  d. 
Flemish,  the  pece.  Which  monny,  as  this  daye, 
I  do  carrie  backe  agayne  to  Andwarpe,  till  fur- 
ther your  Lordships'  pleasures  be  known :  whereas 
I  shall  do  my  best  to  proceed  in  my  charge, 
according  to  the  trust  the  Queene's  Majestic  and 
you  have  reposed  in  me.  As  knoweth  our  Lord, 
who  preserve  your  Lordships  in  helth  and  long 
life,  with  increase  of  honnor.  From  Downkirk, 
the  xviith  daye  of  October,  1558. 

At  your  Lordships  comandement, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM,  mercer." 

"  To  my  Lordes  of  the  Queene's 
Majestie's  Prevey  Counsayl." 

On  the  23rd,  he  wrote  from  Antwerp ;  address- 
ing on  the  same  day,  as  was  his  custom,  the  secre- 
tary, the  Privy-council,  and  Queen  Mary  herself. 
In  his  letters  to  the  council  he  writes, — "Whereas 
heretofore  I  have  moved  your  Lordeships  for  a 
present  to  be  made  to  Jasper  Schetz,  of  a  chayne 
of  gold  of  v  or  vi  hundred  crownes  [value,]  as  also 
to  Lazarus  Tucker,  Linshalls,  and  others,  of  iii 
hundred  crownes, — it  may  please  your  Lordships  to 
have  them  in  remembrance  ;  for  that  it  will  serve 

*  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.    I  have  omitted  a  postscript  relative 
to  Pickering's  money  transactions. 


KING    PHILIP.  201 

the  Queene's  Majestie's  turne,  dyvers  and  sundry 
wayes,  more  than  I  will  molest  your  Lordeships 
withall."  A  few  lines  from  his  letter  to  Queen 
Mary — the  last  she  received  from  him, — likewise 
deserve  insertion :  "  By  my  letter  of  the  xviith 
of  this  present,  written  from  Downkirke,  I  certy- 
fied  your  highness  that  I  had  delyvered  your 

ringe    unto   the  Kinge's   Majestic The 

currants  [occurrences]  be  here,  that  as  the  xviiith 
of  this  present,  the  Kinge's  Majestic  did  remove 
his  camp  from  Hawssye,  lying  upon  the  French 
kinge's  grownde,  into  his  owne  grownde :  being  in 
right  good  healthe,  (thankes  be  given  to  God!) 
And  here  is  no  other  communycacion  but  of  peace, 
which  I  pray  God  sende :  as  knoweth  our  Lorde, 
who  preserve  your  nobell  Majestic  in  helthe  and 
long  life,  and  long  to  raygn  over  us  with  increase 
of  honnor.  From  Andwerpe,  the  xxiiird  of  Octo- 
ber, a°  1558. 

By  your  Majestie's  most  humble 

and  faythefull  obedient  subject, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM,  mercer."v 
"  To  the  Quenne's  most  excellent 
Majestic." 

With  these  three  letters,  his  correspondence 
during  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary  ceases.     She 

T   Flanders  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off. 


202  JOHN    FOXE. 

died  a  few  weeks  after  they  were  written, — pro- 
bably while  he  was  at  Antwerp ;  and  a  fresh  page 
was  opened  in  the  life  of  Gresham,  as  well  as 
in  that  of  every  other  courtier  and  statesman  of 
the  period. 

From  the  peculiar  nature  of  our  inquiry,  we 
have  been  led  to  consider  this  portion  of  history, 
which  the  student  is  accustomed  to  regard  as  a 
period  of  blood  and  terror,  chiefly  in  its  financial 
character.  The  subject  of  my  narrative  was  ab- 
sent from  England  during  nearly  all  this  reign ; 
and  it  is  only  in  letters  of  a  more  private  descrip- 
tion than  any  of  his  which  are  known  to  exist, 
that  we  should  find  allusions  to  cruelties,  which  as 
an  Englishman  he  must  have  viewed  with  indig- 
nation, and  as  a  Protestant  with  abhorrence.  It 
is  probable,  also,  that  the  Marian  persecution  af- 
fected him  only  in  so  much  as  it  brought  him  into 
contact  with  a  vast  number  of  intelligent  persons, 
who  were  driven  by  the  distracted  state  of  affairs 
at  home,  to  seek  for  security  on  the  continent ; 
and  of  whom  so  many  found  an  asylum  at  Ant- 
werp. One  of  these  was  John  Foxe,w  the  martyr- 
ologist,  who  consoled  himself  while  abroad  with 
compiling  his  laborious  Acts  and  Monuments:  the 
biographer  of  this  venerable  divine  states  that  Sir 

w  Life  of  Foxe,   prefixed  to  his  Acts  and  Monuments,  ed. 
1684. 


ORTELIUS VERSTEGAN.  203 

Thomas  Gresham  "  held  him  in  great  account," 
and  frequently  made  him  his  alms-giver. 

In  June  1555,  he  had  a  visit  from  Sir  William 
Cecil,  who  mentions  in  his  common-place  book 
that  he  left  Calais,  in  company  with  Cardinal  Pole, 
on  the  3rd  of  June,  on  his  way  to  Antwerp, 
whence  he  had  returned  by  the  26th  of  the  same 
month.x  But  besides  Foxe  and  Cecil,  great  names 
are  not  wanting  at  this  period,  with  whom  he 
may  have  employed  those  intervals  of  leisure, 
which,  fortunately,  even  the  most  pressing  du- 
ties afford.  That  Gresham  delighted  to  culti- 
vate the  friendship,  and  in  the  most  delicate  man- 
ner to  encourage  the  labours  of  literary  men,  the 
author  of  a  little  work  to  be  hereafter  mentioned, 
expressly  assures  us  from  his  own  experience 
was  the  case.  There  is  reason  for  believing  that 
the  celebrated  geographer  Ortelius  was  one  of  the 
eminent  characters  whose  friendship  he  enjoyed : 
and  if  Richard  Verstegan  and  Richard  Rowlands 
were  indeed  one  and  the  same  person/  the  author 
of  the  Restitution  of  Decayed  Intelligence  is  also 
to  be  considered  as  one  of  his  friends. — Nor  must 
we  in  this  place  omit  to  notice  the  poet  Church- 

*  Lansd.  MS.  No.  cxviii.  fol.  89,  91,  78,  and  79. 

y  I  believe  that  Sir  T.  Herbert,  who  began  his  Travels  in 
1626,  is  the  first  who  mentions  the  identity  of  Rowlands  and  Ver- 
st^gan.— Travels,  &c.  ed.  1677,  p.  396. 


204  CHURCHYARD DR.  CAIUS. 

yard,  who  found  a  patron  as  well  as  an  admirer  in 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham.  He  mentions  the  latter  in 
more  than  one  of  his  poems ;  and  it  was  he  who, 
many  years  after,  composed  the  play  and  pageant 
for  the  entertainment  of  the  queen,  when  she 
visited  Gresham  at  Osterley.  This  interesting 
character  was  at  once  a  poet  and  a  soldier,  and 
passed  many  years  of  his  eventful  and  ill-fated  life 
in  Flanders  ;z  where,  doubtless,  his  intimacy  with 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham  began.  I  will  presently 
cite  a  passage  in  Low- Country  history,  which 
associates  the  name  of  the  poet  with  that  of  our 
merchant. 

Had  a  more  careful  life  been  written  of  the 
celebrated  Dr.  John  Caius,  co-founder  of  Gonville 
and  Caius  College,  Cambridge,  we  should  doubt- 
less have  been  able  to  add  his  name  to  the  list  of 
those  who  occasionally  dignified  Gresham' s  retire- 
ment at  Antwerp  with  their  society.  In  1556,  that 
eminent  man  published  at  Louvain  a  little  medi- 
cal work,  which  he  inscribed  to  Sir  John  Mason, 
the  English  ambassador  at  Brussels ;  and  it  is 
not  to  be  supposed  that  when  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, he  omitted  to  visit  his  prosperous  fellow- 
countryman  at  Antwerp.  They  were  both  of  an 
age, — had  come  from  the  same  county, — and  stu- 
died together  at  the  same  college.  By  a  singular 

z  See  the  Appendix,  No.  XVII. 


SIR    ANTONIO    MORE.  205 

coincidence,  which  Dr.  Caius  himself  records, a 
the  one  was  afterwards  engaged  in  the  erection  of 
the  college  which  bears  his  name,  while  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gresham  was  watching  the  progress  of  his 
Exchange.  They  were  kindred  spirits,  and  must 
certainly  have  been  friends.5 

There  is  also  the  strongest  presumptive  evi- 
dence that  a  friendship  subsisted  between  the 
celebrated  painter  Sir  Antonio  More,  and  the 
subject  of  this  memoir.  They  were  coetaneans ; 
and  their  intimacy  is  clearly  referable  to  a  pe- 
riod antecedent  even  to  the  appointment  of  the 
latter  to  the  office  of  Royal  Agent  in  1552, — 
an  office  which  may  reasonably  be  supposed  to 
have  collected  around  him  all  who  needed  a  pa- 
tron or  a  friend.  Gresham  sat  at  least  three  times 
to  More  for  his  portrait :  first,  in  the  year  1550, — 
which  is  the  date  on  a  painting  that  used  to  hang 
in  the  common  parlour  at  Houghton,  formerly 
the  seat  of  the  Walpole  family.  Horace  Walpole 
characterizes  this  as  "  a  very  good  portrait  of  Sir 
Thomas  Gresham."  It  is  a  half-length,  and  re- 
presents him  nearly  full  face,  with  his  doublet 
unbuttoned,  and  both  his  hands  resting  on  a  table, 
— perhaps  a  counter.  He  wears  on  his  head,  as 

»  In  the  MS.  quoted  in  page  46. 

b  For  some  notices  of  Doctor  Caius,  see  the  Appendix,  No. 
XVIII. 


206  MORE'S  THREE  PORTRAITS 

usual,  a  black  cap,  and  in  his  right  hand  holds  his 
gloves  ;  of  which  latter  article  of  dress,  by  the 
way,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  observe,  that  when 
introduced  into  ancient  portraits,  it  is  intended  to 
denote  something  significant  of  the  person  repre- 
sented. In  proof  of  the  high  estimation  in  which 
embroidered  gloves  were  anciently  held,  Stowe 
relates  that  when  Edward  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Ox- 
ford, many  years  afterwards  brought  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth a  pair  from  Italy,  she  was  painted  with 
them  in  her  hands.0  I  know  this  portrait  of  Gres- 
ham  only  from  the  engraving  in  the  "  Houghton 
Gallery;"  the  picture  itself  having  been  trans- 
ported to  the  Hermitage  at  St.  Petersburg,  when 
the  collection  was  purchased  by  the  Emperor  of 
Russia.  The  engraving  is  not  calculated  to  con- 
vey an  exalted  notion  of  the  beauty  of  the  original 
painting,  but  nevertheless  possesses  considerable 
interest/ 

A  second  portrait  of  Gresham  by  Sir  Antonio 

«  Lord  Northwick  possessed  a  magnificent  portrait  of  the  Earl 
of  Surrey  (?)  by  Titian,  who  has  represented  the  earl  with  both 
his  gloves  on. 

d  J.  B.  Michel  was  the  engraver  :  the  print  was  published  in 
1779,  but  the  proof  bears  date  a  year  earlier.  The  picture  is 
stated  to  be  2  feet  1  inch  by  2  feet  9  J  inches.  Mr.  Dawson  Turner 
informs  me,  that  in  the  private  estimate  given  by  Farringdon  to 
Lord  Orford,  on  the  sale  of  his  gallery,  the  portrait  of  Gresham 
was  valued  at  40/. ;  but  that  the  value  finally  affixed  to  it  was 
only  half  that  sum. 


OF    SIR    THOMAS    GRESHAM.  207 

More,  is  to  be  seen  at  Titsey-Park,  the  residence 
of  William  Leveson  Gower,  Esq.  This  picture  was 
the  property  of  the  Countess  Dowager  of  North- 
ampton as  late  as  1792;  when  an  engraving  of 
it  appeared.  The  circumstance  of  its  having  origi- 
nally belonged  to  the  Compton  family,  is  not  per- 
haps fancifully  accounted  for  by  the  residence  of 
the  three  first  Earls  of  Northampton  at  Crosby- 
place, — in  the  same  parish  as  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham,  and  immediately  opposite  his  house.  This 
portrait  subsequently  passed  into  the  hands  of 
G.  Watson  Taylor,  Esq.,  and  was  sold  at  the  Erie- 
stoke  sale  in  1832,  for  42/.  It  represents  a  man 
of  mature  age,  sitting  in  a  chair,  clad  as  usual  in 
a  solemn-coloured  suit,  with  a  small  cap  on  his 
head,  and  a  pair  of  gloves  in  his  right  hand.  The 
engraving  by  Thew  from  this  picture,  does  the 
original  great  injustice  ;  it  was  published  in  1?92, 
but  has  since  been  re-issued,  and  the  date  on  the 
plate  altered  to  1823. 

From  a  third  portrait  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham 
by  More,  the  engraving  which  forms  the  frontis- 
piece of  the  present  volume  was  made  by  permis- 
sion of  its  liberal  possessor,  Joseph  Neeld,  Esq., 
M.P.  A  minute  examination  of  the  original 
serves  to  show  that  the  person  represented  was  a 
favourite  subject  with  the  artist,  for  he  has  devoted 
uncommon  labour  to  the  work.  The  face  is  full 


208  A    POMANDER. 

of  detail,  and  delicate  lights  which  are  no  longer 
clearly  distinguishable ;  but  enough  remains  to 
impart  a  high  degree  of  interest  and  value  to  the 
piece.  The  same  sober  costume  is  observable  in 
this,  as  in  all  the  other  portraits  of  Gresham.  In 
his  girdle  he  wears  a  dagger,  and  from  it  depends 
an  ancient  purse  or  pouch,  on  which  his  right  hand 
rests.  In  his  left  hand  he  holds  a  small  object 
resembling  an  orange,  but  which  a  learned  anti- 
quary informs  me  is  a  pomander*  This  some- 
times consisted  of  a  dried  Seville  orange,  stuffed 
with  cloves  and  other  spices ;  and  being  esteemed 
a  fashionable  preservative  against  infection,  it  is 
frequently  represented  in  ancient  portraits,  either 
suspended  to  the  girdle  or  held  in  the  hand. 
There  is  extant  a  curious  portrait  of  Bourchier 
Lord  Berners,  wherein  that  nobleman  is  painted 
holding  a  pomander.  In  the  eighteenth  century, 
the  signification  of  this  object  had  become  so  far 
forgotten,  that  instead  of  pomanders,  bond  fde 
oranges  were  introduced  into  portraits, — a  practice 
which  Goldsmith  has  so  happily  satirized  in  his 
Vicar  of  Wakefield.* 

e  I  am  indebted  for  the  information  to  Sir  Francis  Palgrave. 
Some  further  remarks  on  this  picture  will  be  found  in  the  Ap- 
pendix, No.  XIX. — Concerning  pomanders,  see  Nares's  Glossary. 

f  "  My  wife  and  daughters  happening  to  return  a  visit  at 
neighbour  Flamborough's,  found  that  family  had  lately  got  their 
pictures  drawn  by  a  limner,  who  travelled  the  country,  and  took 


MERCHANTS'  COSTUME.  209 

At  Antwerp,  then,  and  frequently  in  the  society 
of  such  men  as  we  have  mentioned,  did  Gresham 
live  during  the  greater  part  of  Queen  Mary's 
reign.  Of  course  his  daily  companions  were  men 
of  a  different  stamp, — merchants  of  many  nations 
who  made  Antwerp  their  home.  In  order  to  illus- 
trate the  costume  of  the  period,  a  merchant  of  our 
own  country,  of  Flanders,  and  of  Venice,  is  repre- 
sented at  the  commencement  of  the  present  chap- 
ter ;  copied  from  Vecellio's  Habiti  Antichi  e  Mo- 
derni,  a  book  well  known  for  the  beauty  and  spirit 
of  its  wood-engravings,  which  have  had  the  good 
fortune  to  be  ascribed  to  Titian.  The  descriptive 
part  of  that  work  is  not  without  interest.  Of  our 
own  countrymen  the  author  says,  "  These  mer- 
chants do  not  affect  a  showy  style  of  dress,  but 
wear  useful  cloths  of  various  colours  :  their  cloaks 
are  of  fine  black  cloth.  They  are  excellent 
sailors,  and  pirates."  Considerably  different  from 
the  English  costume  was  that  of  the  Low- Country 
merchant ;  who,  to  protect  himself  against  cold, 
wore  a  fur  coat  which  fell  as  low  as  the  knee. 
Beneath,  he  wore  a  close  vest  of  rough  cloth, 
secured  with  buttons,  and  reaching  half-way 
own  his  thigh.  His  head  was  protected  by  a  cloth 
cap  lined  with  fur;  and  his  legs  covered  with 

likenesses  for  fifteen  shillings  a-head There  were  seven 

of  them,  and  they  were  drawn  with  seven  oranges"  &c. 
VOL.  I.  P 


210  A    CONJECTURE. 

hose  of  chamois  leather.  In  Vecellio's  opinion,  his 
breeches,  which  were  stuffed  out  with  cotton,  were 
more  useful  than  ornamental. 

We  were  speculating  on  the  society  which 
Gresham  must  have  enjoyed  at  Antwerp  ;  and  in 
addition  to  the  names  which  have  been  already 
enumerated,  among  the  Flemings  themselves  the 
Schetz  and  some  members  of  the  Fugger  family 
must  be  particularly  mentioned ;  for  these  mer- 
chants exhibited  the  rare  combination  of  great 
wealth,  with  a  passionate  love  of  letters  and  the 
fine  arts, — unlike  Lazarus  Tucker,  and  some  other 
enormous  capitalists  whose  names  recur  so  perpe- 
tually in  the  financial  correspondence  of  this  pe- 
riod ;  who,  one  fancies,  must  have  resembled  in 
their  persons  those  old  men  with  whom  Rembrandt 
so  loved  to  darken  his  canvas : — men  with  grizzled 
beards  and  black  significant  eyes ;  who  hold  in  one 
hand  a  staff,  and  in  the  other  a  money-bag. 

"  Thus  farre,"  (to  use  the  words  of  a  worthy 
chronicler g  on  a  similar  occasion,)  "thus  farre  the 
troublesome  reigne  of  Queen  Marie,  the  first  of 
that  name,  (God  grant  she  may  be  the  last  of  hir 
religion,)  eldest  daughter  to  King  Henrie  the 
Eighth." 

*  Holinshed. 


MAINAN  ABBEY;  CLOUGH'S  HOUSE  IN  CAERNARVONSHIRE. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

[1558  TO  1562.] 

QUEEN  ELIZABETH  AT  HATFIELD — CHARACTER  OF  CECIL CLOUGH's 

DESCRIPTION  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH'S  FUNERAL  —  FLEMISH 
AFFAIRS — LOMBARD-STREET — GRESHAM  IS  KNIGHTED  AND  SENT 
TO  THE  COURT  AT  BRUSSELS — SPECIMENS  OF  HIS  CORRESPON- 
DENCE—HIS PROCEEDINGS  IN  FLANDERS — COUNT  MANSFELD — 
SIR  JOHN  GRESHAM — THE  LAND-JEWEL — LETTERS  OF  GRESHAM 
AND  CLOUGH — THE  CUSTOM-HOUSE  IN  1561 — THOMAS  CECIL. 

tfUEEN  Elizabeth's  accession 
was  a  joyful  event  to  all  Eng- 
land. Her  youth,  and  the 
trials  to  which  she  had  been 
exposed,  had  interested  the 
hearts  of  the  people  in  her  fa- 
vour ;  while  her  well-known 
attachment  to  Protestantism,  unimpaired  by  the 
evidence  she  gave  of  a  conciliatory  disposition 


212        QUEEN  ELIZABETH'S  ACCESSION. 

towards  all  classes  of  her  subjects,  were  forcibly 
contrasted  by  the  persecution  which  had  marked 
her  sister's  reign.  The  people  were  not  a  little 
rejoiced  to  find  themselves  released  from  the 
authority  of  a  king  who  had  taken  no  pains  to 
render  himself  popular,  and  who  belonged  to  a 
nation  which  they  had  ever  regarded  with  jealousy 
and  dislike.  This  was,  in  short,  the  epoch  from 
which  all  who  had  suffered  from  the  bigotry  or 
caprice  of  the  late  queen  and  her  ministers 
dated  the  revival  of  their  hopes  and  honours  :  for 
Mary's  attachment  to  Popery  had  made  her  over- 
look the  merit  of  all  who  entertained  Protestant 
opinions. 

Of  the  number  of  these  was  Sir  William  Cecil, 
who  at  the  beginning  of  her  reign  had  been  dis- 
missed from  the  secretaryship,  and  who  had  been 
able  to  weather  the  storm  which  had  shipwrecked 
so  many,  only  by  withdrawing  from  the  immediate 
notice  of  the  court,  and  taking  a  comparatively 
insignificant  part  in  public  affairs.  But  with  his 
characteristic  sagacity,  foreseeing  that  the  evil 
could  be  of  but  temporary  duration,  he  had  taken 
care  in  the  meanwhile  to  secure  himself  in  the 
good  opinion  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth ;  and  the 
time  had  at  last  arrived  when  he  was  to  reap  the 
reward  of  his  prudence. 

Mary  died  in  London,  on  Thursday,  the  l?th  of 
November,  1558  ;  at  which  time  her  sister  Eliza- 


HER    FIRST    COUNCIL.  213 

beth  was  residing  at  Hatfield  in  a  state  of  retire- 
ment so  equivocal,  that  it  seems  scarcely  to  have 
merited  the  name  of  liberty.  Hither,  several 
nobles  and  leading  statesmen  immediately  repair- 
ed, to  convey  the  welcome  tidings  of  a  vacant 
throne,  to  tender  their  allegiance,  and,  on  Sunday 
the  20th,  to  hold  a  council,  at  which  Sir  William 
Cecil  was  appointed  principal  secretary  of  state. 
Indeed  it  is  evident  from  the  papers  of  this  inter- 
esting period,  that  Queen  Elizabeth,  with  remark- 
able sagacity,  entrusted  to  Cecil  the  regulation 
of  every  thing  connected  with  public  affairs,  from 
the  very  first  moment  she  attained  the  honours 
of  sovereignty.  There  are  several  loose  sheets 
of  memoranda  in  his  hand-writing  extant,  dated 
November  the  18th,a  (being  only  the  day  after 
Queen  Mary's  death,)  on  which  he  has  noted  down 
the  heads  of  matters  requiring  immediate  atten- 
tion ; — memoranda  of  a  character  at  once  so  im- 
portant, comprehensive,  and  multifarious,  that  it 
is  impossible  to  peruse  them  without  surprise  and 
admiration. 

The  removal  from  office  of  Bourne  and  Boxoll, 
— Queen  Mary's  two  secretaries,  who  were  also 
strong  papists, — and  the  immediate  promotion  of 
Sir  William  Cecil,  were  indispensable  acts;  and 
among  the  Few  exceptions  to  the  practice  wisely 

•  Domestic  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off. 


214  NOTICES    OF    BOXOLL. 

observed  by  Elizabeth,  of  displacing  as  few  of  the 
ministers  of  the  late  queen  as  possible.  Boxoll's 
behaviour  on  the  occasion  sets  his  character  in  a 
favourable  light,  and  commands  our  applause :  for 
instead  of  interposing  obstacles  to  his  successor 
in  office,  it  is  clear,  from  a  few  of  his  letters  to 
Cecil  dated  about  this  period,  that  he  cherished 
no  sentiment  but  that  of  anxiety  to  afford  him  all 
the  assistance  in  his  power.  He  subscribes  them 
in  the  language  of  affection  —  "Your  lovinge 
friend,  Jo.  Boxoll."b  One,  in  particular,  dated 
only  two  days  after  Queen  Mary's  death,  calls 
for  notice  from  the  interesting  circumstances  it 
reveals.  It  seems  probable  from  its  contents,  that 

b  So  little  is  known  concerning  the  history  of  Secretary  Boxoll, 
that  the  two  following  extracts  from  Queen  Mary's  Council-book 
will  not  be  unacceptable.  Under  the  23rd  of  September,  1556> 
we  find,  "This  daye  was  Mr.  Boxall,  warden  of  Winchester  Col- 
lege, sworne  and  admitted  one  of  the  King  and  Queene's  Majes- 
ties' Counsell  at  large ;  and  as  one  of  the  Maisters  of  Requests, 
and  a  counsailor  of  that  corte." — On  the  21st  of  December,  the 
following  entry  was  made  :  "  This  daye,  Mr.  Doctor  Boxoll, 
Archediacon  of  Ely,  was  sworne  and  admytted  one  of  the  Kinge 
and  Queene's  Majesties'  prime  Counsell'1  (MS.  in  the  Council- 
Office,  f.  418,  and  f.  478.)  These  minutes,  besides  their  biogra- 
phical value,  lead  to  the  important  inference,  that  to  be  of  the 
'  Council  at  large,'  and  to  be  of  the  '  Privy-Council,'  were 
different  things ;  and  consequently,  that  a  man  might  be  Queen 
Mary's  counsellor  without  belonging  to  the  Privy -council.  The 
former  phrase  seems  equivalent  in  its  signification  to  the  term 
'Privy-council'  at  present;  and  'the  Privy-council,'  as  used 
formerly,  was  what  we  now  call  'the  Cjabinet.' 


QUEEN  MARY'S  CHAMBER.      215 

Thomas  Gresham,  when  that  event  occurred,  was 
out  of  England ;  and  we  learn  from  the  same  let- 
ter, the  melancholy  and  remarkable  use  to  which 
the  great  seals,  attached  to  the  bonds  which  he 
must  have  been  expecting  at  Antwerp,  were 
applied.  His  financial  occupations  in  Flanders 
were  of  the  highest  importance,  or  they  would  not 
form  the  main  subject  of  the  very  first  communi- 
cation which  the  late  secretary  addressed  to  his 
successor  in  office.  Boxoll's  letter  accompanied 
a  number  of  documents  essential  to  the  conduct 
of  public  affairs :  "the  commission  made  to  my 
Lords  now  beyond  the  sea,  with  their  instructions, 
and  all  such  letters  as  have  been  whrytten  by  the 
late  Queen,"  &c.  "  which,"  he  says,  "  I  have  put 
in  order,  in  such  sorte  as  a  man  coming  home  in 
a  sharpe  fytte  of  a  quarten  meight  do.  You  shall 
receyve  also  herewith,  Gresshames  doings  towch- 
ing  borrowing  of  money  to  the  use  of  this  Realme, 
and  the  said  Quenes  highnes  late  deceased.  The 
letters  are  in  ii  packets ; — th'  one  of  the  last  yere, 
— th'  other  of  this  presente.  The  two  Bandes 
whereof  I  spake  vnto  you  of,  cannot  be  founde : 
they  were  left  in  the  bedde-chambre  of  the  late 
Quenes  highnes,  to  be  signed  with  her  hande ; 
and  at  the  ceringe  of  the  corse  (as  Clarencieux 
saieth)  converted  to  that  use.  They  import 
nothing You  shall  fynde,"  he  adds, 


216          GRESHAM    REPAIRS    TO    HATFIELD. 

"  in  Gresshames  lettres  wrytten  this  last  October 
to  the  Queenes  highnes,  my  Lords  of  the  Counsell, 
and  me,  the  Marchants  names,  and  the  somes  of 
money  that  are  to  be  conteyned  in  theis  bandes 
nowe  to  be  maid  presently."  This  letter  was 
written  from  St.  James's,  on  the  19th  of  No- 
vember, 1558,  and  was  delivered  to  Cecil  the 
same  night.0 

Gresham  may  have  been  out  of  England  on 
the  day  Queen  Mary  died ;  but  he  cannot  have 
been  far  off,  and  certainly  lost  no  time  in  re- 
pairing to  Hatfield  after  that  event.  As  already 
stated,  Cecil  was  with  the  new  queen  on  Friday 
the  18th,  which  was  the  day  after  her  prede- 
cessor's decease :  a  single  day  elapses,  and  we 
learn,  on  the  best  possible  authority,  that  on  Sun- 
day, when  the  first  council  was  held,  Gresham 
presented  himself  before  Queen  Elizabeth,  and 
formed  one  of  the  group  of  statesmen  who  might 
be  seen  assembled  at  Hatfield  on  that  interesting 
and  memorable  occasion.  Some  years  afterwards, 
in  a  retrospective  mood,  he  fortunately  relates 
this  portion  of  his  history ;  and  supplies  us  with 
a  characteristic  saying  of  Queen  Elizabeth  at  their 

c  Domestic  Correspondence,  St.  P.  Off. — Another  of  Boxoll's 
letters  in  the  same  glorious  repository,  is  dated  "  from  my  howse 
in  Canon  Row."  Cecil  also  lived  in  Canon-row,  Westminster, 
though  he  was  now  at  Hatfield.  How  interesting  does  that 
narrow  little  street  become  in  consequence  ! 


THE  QUEEN'S  PROMISE.  217 

interview,  which  is  worth  preserving.  These 
recollections  were  suggested,  in  1560,  by  an  at- 
tempt which  the  Marquis  of  Winchester  made 
to  injure  him  with  Queen  Elizabeth  during  his 
absence  ;  and  again  in  1563,  by  a  threatened 
reduction  of  his  stipend :  of  both  which  acts  of 
injustice  he  complained  most  bitterly  to  his 
friend  Cecil.  "  It  maye  please  you,"  he  says, 
"  to  be  a  meane  unto  the  Queene's  Majestic  for 
me  ;  and  to  put  her  in  remembrance  of  my  ser- 
visse  done  this  fyve  yeres,  that  she  maie  have 
some  remorsse  upon  me, — according  to  her  Ma- 
jestie's  promis  that  she  maid  me,  before  you,  at 
her  highness'  house  at  Hatefylde,  the  xxtb  of 
November,  an0  1558,  when  her  highness  came  to 
the  crowen :  and  that  was,  (upon  the  dyscoursing 
how  I  was  handelyd  in  Quene  Maryes  tyme  for 
my  good  servisse,)  her  highness  promised  me,  by 
the  fayth  of  a  Quene,  that  '  she  wold  not  onely 
kepe  one  ear  shut  to  hear  me  ;  but  also,  yf  I  dyd 
her  none  other  servize  than  I  hadd  done  to  King 
Edward  her  latte  brother,  and  Quene  Marye  her 
latte  syster,  she  wold  geve  me  as  much  land  as 
ever  both  they  did  :  wyche  two  promeses,  I  will 
insewre  your  honor,  maid  me  a  young  man 
agayen,  and  caussyd  me  to  entter  apon  this 
great  charge  agayen  with  hart  and  courage.  And 
thereupon,  her  Majestic  gave  me  her  hand  to 


218  ROYAL    RECOLLECTIONS. 

kysse  it ;  and  I  exsepttid  this  great  charge." d 
When  Queen  Elizabeth  promised  Gresham  that 
whatever  evil  reports  might  at  any  time  reach 
her  concerning  him  in  his  absence,  she  would 
always  keep  one  ear  shut  to  hear  him  on  his 
return,  she  was  no  doubt  thinking  of  a  passage 
in  her  own  early  life ;  when,  under  sentence  of 
imprisonment,  she  had  "  knelt  with  humbleness 
of  hart,  bicause  not  suffered  to  bow  the  knees  of 
her  body,"  to  her  sister  Mary ;  imploring  her  to 
remember  her  last  promise,  that  she  should  never 
"be  condemned  without  answer  and  due  profe ;" 
adding,  "  I  have  harde  in  my  time  of  many  cast 
away  for  want  of  comminge  to  the  presence  of 
ther  prince."  e 

Considering  that  up  to  this  hour  the  youthful 
sovereign  had  passed  a  life  of  privacy,  which  can 
have  afforded  her  but  few  opportunities  of  appre- 

d  On  this  single  occasion,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  blending 
into  one  the  contents  of  two  distinct  letters ; — that  of  June  29th, 
1560,  and  October  3rd,  1563.  (Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.)  Queen 
Elizabeth  arrived  in  London  on  the  23rd  November,  1558. 

e  The  original  of  this  extraordinary  letter  (which  has  been 
often  reprinted)  is  preserved  among  the  State-Papers.  It  is 
entirely  in  the  hand- writing  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  and  must 
have  been  written  on  Saturday,  March  14th,  1553-4,  the  day 
before  she  was  committed  to  the  Tower.  Lord  Coke  has  en- 
dorsed it,  "  Queen  Elizabeth,  my  dear  sovereign's  letter  to  Queen 
Mary,  in  vinculis"  (Dom.  Corr.)  See  Ellis's  Letters,  2nd  Ser. 
vol.  ii.  p.  253. 


CECIL,  GRESHAM'S  FRIEND.  219 

dating  the  nature  or  the  extent  of  the  services 
which  Gresham  had  rendered  the  state,  it  seems 
but  reasonable  to  infer,  that  although  he  thus 
derived  his  commission  as  queen's  merchant  im- 
mediately from  the  queen  herself,  he  was  indebt- 
ed to  his  friend  Cecil  for  the  favourable  mention 
which  must  have  induced  that  royal  lady  to  ac- 
company his  appointment  with  such  distinguishing 
marks  of  confidence  and  favour.  Cecil  in  truth 
is  so  mixed  up  with  every  public  transaction 
during  Elizabeth's  reign,  that  it  is  as  difficult  as  it 
would  be  undesirable  to  disconnect  him  from  her 
annals.  It  was  one  of  the  maxims  of  that  eminent 
statesman,  that  information,  of  whatsoever  nature, 
should  be  sought  at  the  hands  of  those  who,  from 
their  particular  profession,  were  best  able  to  sup- 
ply it  :f  a  precept  which  he  illustrated  by  his  own 
practice,  when,  looking  around  him  at  this  critical 
moment  for  such  as  might  assist  him  in  guiding 
the  goodly  vessel  of  which  he  had  undertaken  the 
management  through  the  billows,  evidently  aware 
of  the  experience  and  ability  of  Gresham,  who 
was  about  his  own  age,  and  had  commenced  his 
career  at  the  same  time  as  himself  and  under  the 
same  auspices,8  he  showed  himself  careful  that 

f  Peck's  Desiderata  Curiosa,  vol.  ii.  p.  35. 
*  For  the  early  life  of  Sir  William  Cecil,  over  which  there 
hangs  a  veil  of  mystery  never  yet  withdrawn  by  his  biographers, 


220 


CHARACTER    OF    CECIL. 


the  crown  should  not  want  so  valuable  a  servant, 
nor  himself  so  useful  a  counsellor.  Their  lives 
are  indeed  so  intimately  connected,  that  it  seems 
scarcely  a  digression  in  this  place  to  sketch  the 
character  of  "  Master  Secretary." 

To  write  his  history  as  it  deserves  to  be 
written,  would  be  to  write  the  history  of  England 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century ; 
for  no  statesman  was  ever  so  completely  identified 
with  the  duties  of  his  office  as  Sir  William  Cecil. 
But  this,  though  it  would  exhibit  a  true  picture 
of  his  daily  cares,  would  by  no  means  convey  an 
adequate  idea  of  the  extent  of  his  daily  occu- 
pations. Besides  all  business  in  council,  never 
less  than  twenty  or  thirty  letters  containing  do- 
mestic intelligence,  and  an  immense  number  of 
foreign  despatches,  (supplying  the  place  of  news- 
papers,) which  were  sent  him  from  every  part  of 
the  continent  by  his  numberless  spies,  and  paid 
or  voluntary  correspondents, — there  never  passed 
a  day,  during  term-time,  in  which  he  did  not  re- 

I  must  refer  the  reader  to  a  forthcoming  work  of  my  kind  friend 
P.  Fraser  Tytler,  Esq.  It  is  enough  for  my  purpose  in  this  place 
to  observe,  that  Cecil  was  born  13th  September,  1521,  (see  his 
Memorandum-book,  Lansd.  MS.  No.  cxviii.)  and  that  on  the  6th 
September,  1551,  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  by  the 
Duke  of  Northumberland ;  who,  in  the  same  year,  as  we  have 
seen,  sanctioned,  if  he  did  not  procure  the  appointment  of  Gres- 
ham  to  the  office  of  Royal  Agent. 


HIS    INDUSTRY.  221 

ceive  from  sixty  to  a  hundred  petitions.  These 
he  commonly  read  the  same  night ;  and  he  can- 
not have  allowed  himself  much  time  for  sleep,  or 
Gresham  would  not  have  presumed  to  send  him 
such  a  message  as  the  following :  "  I  have  com- 
mandyd  my  factor,  [Richard]  Candellor,  to  give 
his  attendance  apon  you  every  morning,  to  know 
your  pleasure,  whether  you  will  have  anything 

[said]  unto  me Sir,  as  I  have  commandyd 

him  to  be  with  you  by  vi  of  the  clocke  in  the 
morning,  every  morning,  so  I  shall  most  humbly 
desyre  you  that  he  may  know  your  present  answer ; 
for  that  I  have  no  man  ells  to  do  my  business, 
and  to  kepe  Lombard  S  treat."  h  His  labours  were 
so  incessant,  and  his  devotion  to  affairs  so  great, 
that  in  cases  of  necessity  he  cared  for  neither  food 
nor  rest,  until  he  had  brought  his  business  to  an 
end.  "  This  industry,"  says  one  of  his  house- 
hold, "caused  his  friends  to  pity  him,  and  his 
very  servants  to  admire  him :  and  I  myself,  as  an 
eye-witness,  can  testify  that  I  never  saw  him  half 
an  hour  idle,  in  four-and-twenty  years  together." 
It  is  utterly  impossible  to  survey  his  papers 
without  surprise  and  admiration.  Their  multipli- 
city astonishes, — their  variety  altogether  perplexes 
one.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been  considered  too 
momentous  for  him,  or  too  minute.  His  opinion 

h  Ant.  April  18th,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St  P.  Off. 


222  HIS    HABITS    AND 

was  solicited,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  respecting 
the  execution  of  a  queen,  and  the  punishment  of 
a  schoolboy ;  the  terms  of  a  treaty,  and  a  '  regu- 
lation for  the  lining  of  slop-hose  ;'  an  insurrection 
in  the  north,  and  a  brawl  in  the  streets  of  London. 
Queen  Elizabeth  did  nothing  without  first  con- 
sulting him,  and  was  accustomed  to  refer  even 
her  private  suits  to  his  consideration. 

We  are  naturally  anxious  to  become  better 
acquainted  with  such  a  man,  and  to  know  how  it 
happened  that  he  was  able  to  accomplish  so  much. 
We  desire  to  follow  him  into  the  privacy  of  his 
chamber ;  to  learn  how  he  employed  his  time 
there;  and  to  be  informed  whether  he  found 
leisure  for  the  sweetnesses  of  social  intercourse, 
and  the  endearments  of  domestic  life.  A  member 
of  his  household,  who  passed  twenty-four  years 
under  his  roof,  and  must  therefore  be  presumed 
to  have  known  him  well,  has  supplied  us  with 
minute  information  on  most  of  these  points  ;  and 
left  on  record  so  remarkable  a  character  of  Sir 
William  Cecil,  that  we  can  only  feel  surprised 
to  hear  him  generally  spoken  of  as  a  sagacious 
statesman,  and  nothing  more. 

"  After  performance  of  business,"  says  this 
writer,  "(as  few  men  about  him  were  idle,)  there 
were  prayers  every  day  said  in  his  chapel  at  ele- 
ven of  the  clocke,  when  his  Lordship  and  all  his 


DEPORTMENT    IN    PRIVATE.  223 

servants  were  present ;  for  he  seldom  or  never 
went  to  dinner  without  prayers.  And  so  likewise 
at  six  of  the  clocke,  before  supper  :  which  course 
was  observed  by  his  steward  in  his  Lordship's  ab- 
sence." In  truth,  this  illustrious  man  exhibited 
in  his  daily  habits  a  rare  combination  of  deep 
piety  with  great  worldly  wisdom.  For  the  space 
of  thirty  years  he  was  seldom  seen  angry ;  never 
excessively  elated  by  prosperity,  or  depressed  by 
adverse  circumstances.  "  If  the  news  which  his 
daily  letters  brought  him  were  good,  he  would 
temperately  speak  of  it ;  if  bad,  he  kept  it  to  him- 
self:  but  he  was  never  moved  with  passion  in 
either  case.  Neither  overjoyfull  of  the  best  news, 
nor  much  daunted  at  the  worst.  And  it  was  wor- 
thily noted  of  him,  that  though  his  body  were 
weak,  his  courage  never  failed  ;  as  in  tymes  of 
greatest  danger  he  ever  spake  most  cheerfully, 
and  executed  things  most  readily,  when  others 
seemed  full  of  doubt  or  dread.  And  when  some 
did  often  talk  fearfully  of  the  greatness  of  our 
enemies,  and  of  their  power  and  possibility  to 
harm  us,  he  would  ever  answer — 4  They  shall  do 
no  more  than  God  will  suffer  them.' 

"  What  business  soever  was  in  his  head,  it  was 
never  perceived  at  his  table,  where  he  would  be 
so  merry,  as  one  wold  imagine  that  he  had  nothing 
else  to  do  :  and  ever,  in  his  ordinarv  talk,  he 


224  HIS    LOVE    OF    RETIREMENT. 

uttered  so  many  notable  things,  as  one  might 
learn  more  in  an  hour's  hearing  of  him,  than  in  a 
month's  reading;  so  that  many  came  rather  to 
hear  his  speeches,  than  to  eat  his  meat.  His  kind- 
ness was  most  expressed  to  his  children,  to  whom 
there  was  never  man  more  loving  or  tender-heart- 
ed :  and  (which  is  ever  a  note  of  good-nature) 
if  he  could  get  his  table  set  round  with  his  young 
little  children,  he  was  then  in  his  kingdom ; 
and  it  was  an  exceeding  pleasure  to  hear  what 
sport  he  would  make  with  them,  and  how  aptly 
and  merrily  he  wold  talk  with  them. 

"  His  temperate  mind  ever  tempered  all  his 
actions.  If  he  might  ride  privatlie  in  his  garden 
upon  his  little  muile ;  or  lye  a  day  or  two  at  his 
little  lodge  at  Theobalds,  retyred  from  busynes 
or  too  much  company,  he  thought  it  his  greatest 
greatness  and  onlie  happiness.  As  to  his  books, 
they  were  so  pleasing  to  him,  as  when  he  gott 
liberty  from  the  Queen  to  go  unto  his  country- 
house  to  take  the  ayre,  if  he  found  but  a  book 
worth  the  opening,  he  would  rather  lose  his  rid- 
ing than  his  reading :  and  yet,  riding  in  his  gar- 
den and  walks  upon  his  little  muile  was  his  great- 
est desport.'5i  It  is  only  necessary  to  visit  the 

i  The  reader  will  call  to  mind,  as  illustrative  of  Cecil's  love  of 
his  garden,  the  letter  already  given  in  the  Appendix,  (No.  XIX,) 
where  he  mentions  his  orange-tree,  and  expresses  a  wish  to  have 


BURGHLEY    ON    HIS    MULE.  225 

delightful  picture-gallery  of  the  Bodleian  library, 
to  see  Burghley  pursuing  this  favourite  recrea- 
tion. No  one  who  has  once  seen  the  curious 
painting  to  which  I  allude,  can  ever  forget  it.k 

"  It  was  notable,"  continues  this  writer,  "  to 
see  his  continual  agitation  both  of  body  and  mind. 
He  was  ever  more  weary  of  a  little  idleness,  than 
of  great  labour.  If  there  were  cause  of  business, 
he  was  occupied  till  that  was  done,  which  com- 
monly was  not  long  ;  and  if  he  had  no  business, 

some  other  rare  plants  sent  him  from  abroad.  It  appears  from 
the  "  Epistle  Dedicatorie  "  of  Gerard's  celebrated  «  Herball," 
(fol.  1597,) — a  work  inscribed  to  Cecil  after  he  had  attained  the 
degree  of  Baron, — that  its  author  had  served  his  lordship  for 
twenty  years.  "  What  my  successe  hath  beene,"  says  he,  "  and 
what  my  furniture  is,  I  leave  to  the  report  of  them  that  have 
scene  your  Lordship's  gardens,  and  the  little  plot  of  my  speciall 
care  and  husbandrie." 

k  I  shall  offer  no  apology  for  presenting  the  reader  with  the 
two  following  beautiful  specimens  of  old  English  correspondence- 
They  seem  as  illustrative  of  Cecil's  private  character,  as  of  Sir 
Philip  Hoby's;  and  for  once  show  us, — what  similar  documents 
so  seldom  show, — the  man  instead  of  the  statesman : — 

"  After  my  hartie  commendacons, — I  have  taried  purposely  here 
in  the  towne  this  iiii  or  v  daies  longer  than  I  wold  have  done, 
bycause  I  desiered  to  speke  with  you ;  but  you  come  so  by  sterts, 
as  to-night  you  are  here,  and  tomorrowe  you  are  gone.  I  pray 
you,  take  your  nagge,  and  come  to  Byssham ;  bycause  I  wold  fay ne 
talke  with  you :  but  above  all  other  things,  I  praie  you  faile  not 
to  be  there  this  Christemas,  and  to  bring  my  Lady  with  you,  to 
make  mery  there  with  a  company  of  our  frends, — with  whome  if 
you  faile,  they  have  promysed  to  burne  you  in  your  house  ;  and 
I  praie  you  exhort  our  trend  Mr.  Mildmay  and  his  wyffe  likewise 

VOL.  1.  Q 


226  TWO    SPECIMENS    OF 

(which  was  very  seldom,)  he  was  reading  or  col- 
lecting. If  he  rid  abroad,  he  heard  suitors  :  when 
he  came  in,  he  despatched  them.  When  he  went 
to  bed  and  slept  not,  he  was  either  meditating  or 
reading." — "  At  night,"  says  Fuller,  "  when  he 
put  off  his  gown,  he  used  to  say  *  Lye  there,  Lord 
Treasurer!'  and  bidding  adieu  to  all  state  affairs, 
dispose  himself  to  his  quiet  rest :"  but  it  would 
seem  as  if  the  '  lord-treasurer '  was  not  so  easily 
to  be  put  off;  for  Cecil  was  heard  to  say,  that  "he 
penetrated  further  into  the  depths  of  causes,  and 

to  be  there,  that  the  company  may  be  complete.  Wherefore,  tyll 
I  see  you  there,  I  byd  you  farewell.  From  the  blacke  friers,  this 
Twesday  morning,  departing  the  towne. 

Your  owne,  as  ye  knowe, 

PHILYP  HOBY." 

"  To  the  right  worshipfull  and  my  very 
frend,  Sir  William  Cecill,  knight." 

[Endorsed  by  Cecil,  "  22  Nov.  1557 ;"  but  Tuesday  was  the  23rd.] 

"  After  my  hartie  comendacons, — I  have  perceived  by  my 
brother  that  you  will  not  be  here  at  Byssham  this  Christemas, 
but  as  gest  [guests]  wise  ;  and  that  my  Lady  will  not  then  be  here 
with  you ;  all  whiche  I  knowe  doth  come  of  my  Lady,  bycause 
she  cannot  leave  litell  Tannikyn,  her  doughter.  You  knowe  how 
longe  it  is  sithens  I  did  enjoie  you,  and  if  you  now  deprive  me 
and  this  good  assemblee  of  your  company  at  that  tyme,  I  must 
thinke  it  so  great  a  synne  as  cannot  be  either  forgotten  now,  or 
forgyven  herafter ;  and  in  your  so  doing,  you  shall  be  th'  occasion 
why  I  shall  not  have  here  him  whome  I  so  moche  desire,  and  to 
whome  I  am  so  moche  bound, — namely,  Mr.  Mildmay  and  my 
Lady  his  wyfe.  And  yet,  for  no  suche  straunge  thing,  or  great 
chere  that  here  is  to  be  had ;  but  bycause  Mr.  Mason  and  my 


OLD    ENGLISH    CORRESPONDENCE.  227 

found  out  more  resolutions  of  dubious  points  in  his 
bed,  than  when  he  was  up.  Indeed  he  left  him- 
self scarce  time  for  sleep,  or  meals,  or  leisure  to 
go  to  bed." 

It  is  a  curious  feature  in  the  character  of  Sir 
William  Cecil,  that  notwithstanding  the  momen- 
tous concerns  to  which  he  daily  and  almost  hourly 
devoted  his  attention,  he  would  suddenly  conde- 
scend to  the  most  minute  and  trivial  matters.  He 
made  an  inventory  of  his  wardrobe  ;  kept  an  ac- 
count of  his  daily  expenditure ;  and  one  day  at 

Lady  have  promysed  to  be  with  me,  who  will  make  us  all  mery. 
"  I  praie  ye,  desire  my  Lady  to  come,  and  to  bringe  Tannikin 
with  her ;  and  I  hope  so  to  provide  for  her  and  her  nourse,  so  all 
the  house  shalbe  merie,  and  she,  notwithstanding,  at  her  owne 
ease  and  quiete.  I  looke  for  no  nay  herunto ;  but,  remembring 
how  long  it  is  sithens  we  last  mette,  so  long  it  must  be  ere  we 
depart  after  our  next  meeting,  to  make  amends  for  that  that  is 
past, — and  especially  at  this  tyme  of  the  yere.  And  tyll  then,  I 
byd  you  both  farewell.  "  From  Byssham,  this  last  of  November, 
1557-  Your  owne,  as  ye  knowe, 

PHILYP  HOBY." 
"  To  the  right  Worshipfull,  and  my 

very  frend,  Sir  William  Cicill, 
Knight.  At  Wimbleton,  or  Lon- 
don, or  ellswhere."  [Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.] 

Bisham  is  a  pleasant  village  in  Berkshire,  about  two  miles  from 
Henley-on-Thames.  The  very  ancient  manor-house  (in  which 
Anne  of  Cleves  had  resided)  was  bestowed,  in  1552,  on  Sir  Philip 
Hoby,  who  reposes  in  Bisham  church,  beneath  the  same  monu- 
ment as  his  brother;  whose  widow  (Lady  Cecil's  sister)  wrote 
their  Latin  epitaph.  « Mr.  Mildmay,'  was  Sir  Walter,  the  well- 
known  statesman.  He  was  godfather  to  Cecil's  daughter,  Anne, 

Q2 


228  CECIL    WEIGHED    IN    HIS    JACKET. 

Wimbleton,  weighed  his  wife,  children,  and  ser- 
vants; carefully  recording  the  result  of  the  expe- 
riment in  his  pocket-book.  In  the  same  curious 
volume  there  occurs  a  memorandum,  to  the  effect 
that  on  the  7th  of  August,  1553,  he  "  weighed  in 
his  jacket,  at  Mr.  Bacon's  house  in  Thames 
Street,"  131  Ib.1  I  think  it  unfair,  however,  to 
charge  one  who  showed  himself  capable  of  truly 
great  things,  with  littleness  on  this  account.  The 
facts  alluded  to,  are  rather  to  be  regarded  as 
indications  of  an  extraordinary  versatility  of  intel- 
lect, which  could  as  readily  descend  to  a  trifle,  as 

afterwards  Countess  of  Oxford,  (the  '  litell  Tannikyn'  of  this 
letter)  ;  as  appears  by  the  following  memorandum  in  her  father's 
MS.  Diary,  under  the  year  1556,  [Aug.  or  Sept.  ?]  "  die  Sabati, 
nocte,  intr  hora  undeciml  et  duodecima,  in  domo  mea  Wesmo- 
nast.  in  cubiculo  prox,  Thames!,  edidit  in  partu  uxor  mea  Mildre- 

intr  hor.  3a  et  4a  post  meridie 
da  filia  que  postea  die  lune  baptizata  nome  suscep.  Anna,  impo- 

netibus  illud  Waits  Mildmay,  milite,  Ana  Comit.  Pebrok,  Ana 
Dna  Petre."  (Lansd.  MS.  No.  118,  f.  91.)  The  little  lady  was 
therefore  born  in  Canon-row ;  and  at  this  time,  we  may  presume, 
was  about  fourteen  or  fifteen  months  old. — I  trust  the  foregoing 
hint  concerning  Sir  John  Mason's  social  disposition,  will  not  be 
thrown  away.  Such  glimpses  of  character  come  so  seldom  ! 

On  the  last  leaf  of  the  MS.  just  quoted,  Cecil  has  made  a  me- 
morandum that  he  had  received  of  his  wife  on  the  20th  of  De- 
cember, on  his  "  going  to  Mr.  Hobbyes,  10/.  in  gold."  So  '  litell 
Tannikyn '  and  her  mother,  notwithstanding  Sir  Philip's  affec- 
tionate invitation,  were  left  behind.  See  Appendix,  No.  XX. 

i  Lansd.  MS.  No.  118,  fol.  94r-6.  The  weighing  at  Wimbleton 
took  place  in  1550,  when  the  secretary  weighed  136  Ibs.,  and  Lady 
Cecil  122  Ibs.— Ibid.  fol.  41. 


HIS    LOVE    OF    GENEALOGIES.  229 

occupy  itself  with  a  matter  of  '  pith  and  moment.' 
It  has  also  been  objected  to  his  great  love  of  pe- 
digrees and  heraldic  lore,  that  it  betrayed  a  want 
of  capacity  for  something  higher  ;  but  this  is  ridi- 
culous censure.  Independent  of  the  ample  apo- 
logy which  is  to  be  made  for  such  pursuits,  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  a  letter  of  the  secretary  to  his 
son's  tutor,  will  show  in  what  light  Cecil  regarded 
the  study  of  genealogies.  (The  youth  was  pursu- 
ing his  education  at  Paris).  "  My  desyre  is  to 
have  hym  know  the  estates  and  familyes  of  the 
nobilite  of  that  realme ;  in  which  nature,  you 
know  I  have  here  bene  dilligent.  I  wold  have 
hym  acquaynted  with  some  herald,  to  understand 
the  principall  familyes  and  there  ally  ancles"  ra 
So  that  the  secretary  made  his  works  on  foreign 
heraldry,  no  less  than  his  county  visitation-books, 
subservient  to  the  duties  of  his  office.  From  the 
latter  volumes,  it  is  well  known  that  he  derived 
that  intimate  knowledge  of  the  private  interests 
of  families,  their  connexions  and  condition,  which 
he  was  frequently  enabled  to  turn  to  such  good 
account. 

The  chief  point  in  which  Sir  William  Cecil 
betrayed  a  want  of  greatness,  was  in  his  endeavour 
to  make  it  appear  that  he  was  of  better  descent 
than  he  had  any  real  claim  to.  He  was  also  more 

'»  Jan.  12,  1561-2.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


230  HIS   PIETY. 

careful  of  his  expenditure,  perhaps,  than 'became 
his  high  rank  and  station  ;  but  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  he  began  life  humbly,  and  was  never  a 
rich  man.  Nor  can  I  read  with  satisfaction  his 
deliberate  advice  to  his  son  Robert, — so  full  of 
cold  worldly  wisdom.0  Something,  I  am  aware,  is 
to  be  said  in  defence  even  of  this ;  but  an  apology 
for  Sir  William  Cecil  would  be  out  of  place  in 
these  pages. 

Let  me,  before  resuming  my  story,  borrow 
a  few  redeeming  passages  from  the  pen  of  the 
amiable  chronicler  already  quoted.  "  To  con- 
clude,— he  was  of  the  sweetest,  kindest,  and  most 
tractable  nature  that  ever  I  found.  I  have  often 
heard  him  say,  '  I  thank  God,  I  never  went  to  bed 
out  of  charity  with  any  man.'  He  was  gentle  and 
courteous  in  speech,  sweete  in  countenance,  and 
ever  pleasingly  sociable  with  such  as  he  con- 
versed withal.  His  piety  and  great  devotion  (the 
foundation  of  all  his  actions)  was  such,  that  he 
never  failed  to  serve  his  God  before  he  served 
his  contrie ;  for  he  most  precisely  and  duly  ob- 
served his  exercise  of  praier,  morninge  and  even- 
inge :  all  the  time  he  was  secretarie,  never  failing 
to  be  at  the  Chappell  in  the  Quene's  house  every 

n  It  has  been  often  printed ;  in  Peck's  Desiderata,  for  instance, 
in  Macdiarmid's  British  Statesmen,  and  elsewhere.  It  will  be 
presently  seen  that  Cecil  furnished  both  his  sons  with  a  paper 
of  instructions. 


GENERAL    CHARACTER.  231 

morninge,   so  long  as  he  could  go.     But  after- 
wards,   being   by  his  infirmitie   not   able  to  go 
abroad,  he  used  every  morninge  and  eveninge  to 
have  a  cushion  laid  by  his  bed's  syde,  where  he 
praied  daily  on  his  knees,  without  fail,  what  hast 
or  busynes  so  ever  he  had.*'0     So  much  for  the 
habits  and  general  deportment  of  Sir  William  Ce- 
cil, chiefly  as  they  are  developed  in  the  pages  of 
one  who  must  have  been  a  very  competent  judge 
of  both  ;  and  who  can  have  had  no  interest  in  fal- 
sifying the  truth,  by  advancing  assertions  which 
any  one  at  the  time  could  so  easily  have  dis- 
proved.    His  public  character  is  matter  of  his- 
tory.    It  would  have  been  more  attractive,  had 
his  temper  been  more  enthusiastic ;  and  his  con- 
duct would  perhaps  awaken  profounder  sympathy, 
did  we  recognise  more  frequent  indications   of 
that  generosity  of  nature,  which  constitutes  an 
essential  element  in  all  characters  of  the  highest 
order.     But  his  constitution  was  less  ardent  than 
reflective  ;  and  if  he  was  excluded  from  the  privi- 

0  "  When  he  could  kneele  no  more,  he  had  then  his  booke  in 
his  bed ;  and  afterwards,  when  he  could  not  so  well  hold  his 
booke,  he  had  one  to  read  to  him :  so  as,  one  waie  or  other,  he 
failed  not  his  prayers,"  &c.— The  preceding  notices  are  derived 
from  a  curious  memoir  of  Lord  Burghley,  published  by  Peck  in 
his  Desiderata  Curiosa.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  transpos- 
ing the  contents  of  that  work,  selecting  the  lines  and  passages 
which  best  suited  my  purpose,  from  p.  15  to  p.  38,  (4to.  ed.) 


232  GRESHAM    EMPLOYED. 

leges  of  genius,  let  it  at  least  be  recorded  to  his 
praise,  that  he  was  guilty  of  none  of  what  are 
called  its  infirmities. 

No  sooner  was  Gresham  reinstated  in  office, 
than  his  services  were  put  in  requisition.  In  the 
beginning  of  December,  1558,  he  was  despatched 
to  Antwerp,  to  assure  the  merchants  of  that  town 
of  the  validity  of  all  outstanding  obligations ;  to 
buy  ammunition,  and  to  take  up  some  additional 
sums  ;  for  the  repayment  of  which  the  city  cheer- 
fully gave  their  bonds.  His  commission  assign- 
ed to  him,  as  usual,  an  allowance  of  20s.  per  diem, 
"  and  for  the  time  he  hath  been  in  the  Realme, 
since  his  last  coming  over,  135.  4d.  by  the  day: 
the  declaration  of  the  dayes  he  hath  been  here,  to 
be  taken  by  his  own  oathe."  On  the  23rd,  he 
received  a  communication  from  the  council,  order- 
ing him  to  take  up  a  further  sum ;  all  which  he 
accomplished :  and  he  had  returned  to  England 
before  the  close  of  the  year,  since  we  find  his 
servant  Clough  writing  to  him  from  Antwerp  on 
the  last  day  of  the  month,  with  a  relation  of  his 
proceedings  since  his  master's  departure. 

It  was,  doubtless,  before  he  took  this  journey 
into  Flanders, — nay,  it  can  be  proved  to  have  been 
on  the  occasion  of  her  majesty's  accession  to  the 
throne, — that  Gresham  addressed  to  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth the  very  interesting  letter  on  the  subject 


LETTER    TO    THE    QUEEN.  233 

of  finance,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 
I  abstain  from  giving  it  a  more  honourable  place, 
on  account  of  its  length ;  and  because  it  really  con- 
tains little  or  nothing  that,  under  one  shape  or 
another,  we  have  not  already  had  from  the  same 
pen.  It  is  nevertheless  a  curious  and  valuable 
document,  and  exhibits  the  merchant  at  his  old 
occupation,  advising  the  highest  personage  in  the 
land  on  a  subject  which  immediately  affected  the 
well-being  of  the  state ;  and  which,  even  by  the 
best  informed,  was  at  that  time  but  imperfectly 
understood.  There  is  something  almost  patri- 
archal in  the  tone  and  manner  of  the  whole  ad- 
dress, wherein  Gresham  exposes  the  origin  and 
progress  of  an  evil,  which  he  had  made  several 
vigorous  efforts  to  remedy ;  but  in  combating 
which,  he  had  had  to  contend  with  private  enmities, 
as  well  as  with  the  vacillations  of  court  favour. 
A  new  page,  however,  was  now  turned  in  his  his- 
tory. The  royal  lady  who  had  just  ascended  the 
throne  of  her  ancestors,  had  assured  him  with  her 
own  lips  of  her  good  opinion  and  favourable  dis- 
position. Once  more,  therefore,  did  he  briefly 
expose  his  views,  and  sketch  what  he  conceived 
to  be  her  best  line  of  financial  policy  ;  closing  his 
address  with  these  words  : — 

"  An  it  please  your  Majestic  to  restore  this 
your  reallme  into  such  estate  as  heretofore  it  hath 


234  GRESHAM'S  ADVICE  TO  HER. 

bene,  —  First,  your  hyghnes  hath  none  other 
wayes,  butt,  when  time  and  opertunyty  serveth, 
to  bringe  your  base  mony  into  fine,  of  xi  ounces 
fine.  And  so,  go  wide,  after  the  rate. 

"  Secondly,  nott  to  restore  the  Still-yarde  to 
their  usorped  privelidge. 

"  Thirdly,  to  grant  as  few  licences  as  you  can. 

"  Fowerthly,  to  come  in  as  small  debt  as  you 
can  beyond  seas. 

"  Fiftly,  to  keep  your  credit ;  and  specially 
with  your  owne  marchants  ;  for  it  is  they  [who] 
must  stand  by  you,  at  all  eventes  in  your  ne- 
cessity.'^ 

Of  Gresham,  we  have  hitherto  spoken  chiefly  in 
his  capacity  of  Royal  Agent, — procuring  military 
stores  for  the  protection  of  the  country,  and  nego- 
tiating occasional  loans  to  meet  the  necessities  of 
the  government.  But  this  employment,  as  it  did 
not  engross  all  his  time,  so  it  did  not  engage  all 
his  attention.  He  had  been  bred  a  mercer,  and 
had  exercised  that  craft  up  to  the  period  when  he 
was  first  employed  in  the  service  of  the  state. 
For  the  first  year  or  two,  indeed,  after  his  ap- 
pointment, he  found  the  duties  which  devolved 

p  See  the  Appendix,  No.  XXL  This  letter,  which  has  never 
yet  been  printed,  was  found  among  the  Lord  Burghley's  papers, 
and  came  into  the  possession  of  James  West,  Esq.,  who  allowed 
Ward  to  transcribe  it  in  MS.  into  his  private  copy  of  the  Lives  of 
the  Gresham  Professors ;  whence  it  is  here  extracted. 


RICHARD    CLOUGH.  235 

upon  him  of  so  pressing  a  nature,  that  he  did  not 
hesitate,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  to  forsake  his  own 
trade  of  living,  for  the  better  serving  of  his  ma- 
jesty :"  but  the  necessity  for  so  doing  was  not  per- 
manent. Throughout  a  considerable  portion  of 
Mary's  reign,  as  we  have  seen,  Gresham  pursued 
his  original  avocations  in  Flanders :  and  thus, 
under  Elizabeth,  after  a  few  years  we  shall  find 
him  resuming  his  ancient  practice  at  home ;  hav- 
ing confided  the  future  management  of  his  affairs 
in  the  Low  Countries  to  Richard  Clough,  a 
Welchman,  whom  he  left  behind  him  at  Antwerp, 
and  in  whose  zeal  and  ability  he  reposed  entire 
confidence. 

This  interesting  individual  belonged  to  a  family 
which  had  been  settled  from  an  early  period  in 
North  Wales,  but  which  first  acquired  eminence 
in  his  person.  His  father,  Richard  Clough,  was 
of  sufficient  consideration  in  Denbigh  (where  he 
followed  the  trade  of  a  glover)  to  become  allied 
by  marriage  to  two  families  of  worship ; — the 
surname  of,  I  believe,  his  first  wife  was  Holland ; 
and  his  other  wife  was  a  Whittingham  of  Chester. 
He  survived  to  so  great  an  age,  that  he  obtained 
the  epithet  of  hen,  or  the  old ;  and  left  by  these 
two  ladies  eight  children,  of  which,  if  my  autho- 
rity is  to  be  trusted,  Richard  was  the  fifth. q 
i  Harl.  MS.  1971.  f.  95. 


236 


HIS    EARLY    HISTORY. 


In  his  early  youth,  says  Fuller,  he  was  a  cho- 
rister in  the  cathedral  of  Chester,  where  "  some 
were  so  affected  with  his  singing,  that  they  were 
loath  he  should  lose  himself  in  empty  air,  (church 
musick  beginning  then  to  be  discountenanced,) 
and  perswaded,  yea  procured,  his  removal  to 
London,  where  he  became  an  apprentice  to,  and 
afterwards  partner  with,  Sir  Thomas  Gresham." r 
In  this  last  particular,  Fuller  was  quite  mistaken ; 
for  Gresham,  writing  from  Antwerp  in  1553, 
(one  year  after  Clough  had  come  into  his  service,) 
speaks  of  him  as  "  my  factor  that  is  here  resi- 
dent,— whose  name  is  Richard  Clough;"  and 
Clough,  in  his  last  will,  calls  Gresham  his  mas- 
ter, and  styles  himself  *  servant ;'  which  in  that 
age  was  not  considered  a  term  of  degradation, 
since  in  the  same  document  Clough  mentions  his 
own  brother  by  the  same  name :  but  the  confi- 
dence and  friendship  of  Sir  Thomas  he  certainly 
possessed,  and  while  in  his  service,  contrived  by 
his  industry  and  ability  to  amass  a  large  fortune. 
He  must  have  been  accounted  a  man  of  great 
consideration,  for  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel, 
he  married  into  a  family  of  high  distinction.  I 
reserve  for  a  subsequent  page,  however,  what  is 
discoverable  of  his  personal  history ;  there  being 
no  evidence,  traditional  or  otherwise,  of  the  events 

r  Worthies,  &c.,  vol.  ii.  p.  594. 


PILGRIMAGE  TO  JERUSALEM.  237 

of  his  early  life,  except  the  indubitable  fact  that 
in  the  fervour  of  youthful  zeal,  he  performed  a 
pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  was  created 
a  knight  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, — "  though  not 
owning  it,"  says    Fuller,    "  on  his  return  under 
Queen    Elizabeth,    who    disdained   her    subjects 
should  accept  of  such  foraign  honour."     Pennant 
and  other  Welsh  writers  have,  in  consequence, 
styled  him  Sir  Richard  Clough,  by  which  name 
he  is  known  at  this  day  among  his  descendants. 
However  dissimilar  the  opinions  he  entertained, 
his  strong  religious  impressions  he  probably  in- 
herited from  his  mother,  the  daughter  of  a  Whit- 
tingham   of   Chester, — that  family  having  been 
distinguished,  as  it  is  well  known,  for  their  adher- 
ence to  a  party,  "whose  indiscreet  zeal,"  in  the 
words  of  Isaac  Walton,  "  might  be  so  like  charity, 
as  thereby  to  cover  a  multitude  of  errors :"  but 
who  nevertheless  set  an  early  example  of  schism 
in  the  church,  when  they  established  themselves 
under  John  Knox,  Miles  Coverdale,  Christopher 
Goodman  and  others,  at  Geneva,  in  the  year  1555.s 
dough's   pilgrimage   to   Jerusalem  does   not 
rest,  as  has  hitherto  been  believed,  on  Fuller's 

•  Livre  des  Anglois,  MS.  1555-1560:  of  which  the  writer 
possesses  a  transcript  by  Sir  E.  Brydges.  The  original  of  that 
very  interesting  record  is  preserved  among  the  archives  of  the 
State  of  Geneva. 


238  CREATION    OF    A    KNIGHT 

authority  alone ;  but  is  mentioned  by  himself  in 
a  letter  which  will  be  laid  before  the  reader 
immediately,  though  unfortunately  in  such  gene- 
ral terms  as  not  to  enable  one  to  fix  the  date  of 
the  event.  Sandys,  the  traveller,  gives  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  the  order  of  the  knights  of 
the  Sepulchre,  which  was  instituted  by  a  king  of 
France  in  the  year  1099:  "None  were  to  be  ad- 
mitted if  of  a  defam'd  life,  or  not  of  the  Catholicke 
religion.  They  are  to  be  gentlemen  of  blood : 
and  of  sufficient  meanes  to  maintaine  a  port 
agreeable  to  that  calling,  without  the  exercise 

of  mechanicall  sciences They  take  the 

Sacrament  to  heare  every  day  a  Masse,  if  they 
may  conveniently.   If  wars  be  commenced  against 
the    Infidels,  to  serve   here    in  person  ;     or  to 
send  other  in  their  steads,  no  lesse  serviceable  : 
to  oppugne  the  persecutors  of  the  church  ;    to 
shunne  unjust  warres,  dishonest  gaine,  and  pri- 
vate duels :  lastly,   to  be  reconcilers  of  dissen- 
tions,  to  advance  the  common  good,  to  defend 
the  widow  and  orphane,  to  refraine  from  swear- 
ing, perjury,  blasphemy,  rapine,  usury,  sacriledge, 
murder,  and  drunkennesse :  to  avoid  suspected 
places,  the  company  of  infamous  persons,  to  live 
chastly,  irreprovably,  and  in  word  and  deed  to 
shew  themselves  worthy  of  such  a  dignity.     This 
oath  taken,  the  Pater  guardian  laieth  his  hand 


OF    THE    HOLY    SEPULCHRE.  239 

upon  his  head,  as  he  kneeleth  before  the  entrance 
of  the  Tombe  :  bidding  him  to  be  loyall,  valiant, 
virtuous,  and  an  undaunted  Souldier  of  Christ 
and  that  holy  Sepulcher.  Then  gives  he  him 
the  spurs,  which  he  puts  on  his  heeles ;  and 
after  that  a  sword,  (the  same,  as  they  say,  which 
was  Godfrey's  of  Bullein,)  and  bids  him  use  it 
in  defence  of  the  church,  and  himselfe,  and  to  the 
confusion  of  Infidels.  Sheathing  it  againe,  he 
girts  himselfe  therewith :  who  then  arising,  and 
forth-with  kneeling  close  to  the  Sepulcher,  in- 
clining his  head  upon  the  same,  is  created  by 
receiving  three  stroakes  on  the  shoulder,  and  by 
saying  thrice,  '  I  ordaine  thee  a  Knight  of  the 
holy  Sepulcher  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  in  the 
name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  holy  Ghost.' 
Then  kisses  he  him,  and  puts  about  his  neck  a 
chaine  of  gold,  whereat  hangeth  a  Jerusalem 
Crosse :  who  arising,  kisses  the  Sepulcher,  and 
restoring  the  aforesaid  ornaments,  departeth."  * 

Sandys  speaks  of  the  order  in  its  original  and 
intended  purity ;  but  he  describes  a  scene  which 
Clough  must  have  witnessed,  and  in  which  he  was, 
doubtless,  a  performer.  "  They  bare  five  crosses 
gules,"  he  adds,  "  in  forme  of  that  which  is  at  this 
day  called  the  Jerusalem  Crosse  ;  representing 

1  Sandys'  Relation  of  a  Journey  begun  A.  D.  1610,  &c.,  fol. 
1627,  p.  159. 


240 


THE    JERUSALEM    CROSS. 


thereby,  the  five  wounds  that  violated  the  body  of 
our  Saviour."  This  emblem  occurs  on  the  seal 
of  Sir  Richard  Clough,  represented  in  the  wood 
engraving  which  immediately  precedes  my  pre- 
face. He  appears  to  have  adopted  it  as  a  mer- 
chant's mark, — R  icardi  C  lough  S  ignum  being 
probably  the  words  indicated  by  the  initials  which 
compose  his  cypher.  The  entire  device  suggests 
the  idea,  that  in  adopting  it,  he  meant  to  show 
that  his  whole  heart  was  under  the  influence  of 
the  Cross/ 

Of  this  Worthy  it  is  no  slight  thing  to  say,  that 
he  is  to  be  clearly  individualized,  though  nearly 
three  centuries  have  elapsed  since  he  quitted  the 

v  See  some  ingenious  observations  on  merchants'  marks  in 
the  Rev.  E.  Duke's  Prolusiones  Historicse,  page  82. — Before 
the  suggestion  hazarded  in  the  text  is  rejected  as  fanciful  and 
improbable,  it  must  be  considered  that  a  pious  spirit  is  more 
conspicuous  in  the  domestic  observances  and  habits  of  our  an- 
cestors, than  in  our  own.  A  Scripture  posy  was  the  common 
ornament  of  a  chamber :  it  was  found  on  a  ring  ;  or  occurred  as 
the  heading  of  a  letter.  To  speak  of  commercial  matters, — there 
are  many  little  religious  formulae  now  fallen  into  disuse,  which 
once  prevailed  universally;  and  show  that  a  more  religious 
feeling  animated  our  ancestors,  than  is  fashionable  with  their 
descendants.  '  Laus  Deo1  was  once  the  usual  heading  of  every 
page  of  a  merchant's  journal.  When  goods  were  sent  to  some 
foreign  port,  the  bill-of-lading,  as  it  is  technically  called,  inva- 
riably stated  that  they  had  been  '  shipped,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
in  and  upon  the  good  ship,'  called  by  such  a  name.  A  policy  of 
insurance  against  sea  risks,  still  begins  with  these  words, — '  In 
the  name  of  God,  Amen  : '  and  up  to  a  late  date,  all  commercial 
appointments  were  made  '  God  willing.' 


CLOUGH'S  LETTER.  241 

scene ;  during  which  interval,  few  have  cared  to 
write  concerning  him,  or  to  interest  themselves 
in  his  history.  Enough  it  is  presumed  has  been 
stated,  to  reconcile  the  reader  to  the  following 
lengthy  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  written  at 
this  time  to  Gresham,  who  had  now  returned  to 
England ;  if  not  for  dough's  sake,  it  will  be 
perused  with  interest  at  least  for  the  historical 
value  which  attaches  to  his  theme, — namely,  the 
funeral  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.w 

The  letter  is  dated  January  2nd,  1558-9.  It 
begins  with  a  few  commercial  details ;  states  that 
Clough  had  already  written  on  the  31st  Decem- 
ber, and  received  his  master's  letter  of  the  28th, 
from  Dunkirk, — "  wherein  were  letters  of  the 
Queerie's  Majesty  to  be  sent  to  Strasbourg  to 
one  Doctor  Mount,  Doctor  in  the  Lawe ;  and  a 
letter  of  credit  for  100/.  for  the  said  Doctor 

w  By  the  liberality  of  Mr.  Thomas  Thorpe,  bookseller,  I  have 
had  an  opportunity  of  examining  a  rare  and  curious  quarto  tract 
in  Italian,  bearing  the  following  title :  Descritione  delle  esse- 
qvie  svperbissime  celebrate  per  la  morte  del  inuitissimo  Carlo 
Quintf)  Imperadore.  Alia  corte  del  serenissimo  Re  Filippo  suo 
Figliolo.  M.  D.  LVIIII.  Dated  Di  Bruselle,  li  30  di  Decembre, 
1558.  The  account  given  by  this  nameless  author  corresponds 
very  nearly  with  Clough's  narrative  ;  but  each  furnishes  us  with 
some  particulars  which  the  other  has  omitted.  In  the  ensuing 
notes,  I  will  supply  from  the  Italian  writer  what  seems  deserving 
of  preservation ;  and  occasionally  shall  be  enabled,  from  the  same 
source,  to  correct  some  of  Clough's  statements. 
VOL.  I.  R 


242  LORD    COBHAM. 

Mount."  Then  he  mentions  how  "  my  Lorde 
of  Ely  "  had  pressed  him  at  Brussels  for  a  loan 
of  200/.,  to  which  he  had  at  last  acceded :  "  so 
that  having  done  with  my  Lord  of  Ely,  I  came  to 
Andwerpe,  where  I  founde  my  Lord  Cobbam,  and 
have  paid  to  him  the  120/.  and  geven  myne  atten- 
danse  appon  hys  Lordesheppe  for  such  service 
as  I  colde  do ;  whome  ys  a  very  gentyll  and  sage 
young  Lord, — wishing  that  wee  had  many  such  in 

England Syns  my  coming  from  Brussells," 

he  continues,  "  I  have  received  and  shipped  Sir 
John  Mason's  cheste  of  books,  in  the  ship  of 
Antony  Pettersone  of  Andwerpe.  It  ys  markyd 

with   your   marke     /        <    I  have  allso 

shipped   Sir  John      sih          Mason's    wagon, 
with  all  things  per-  tayning  thereunto, 

in  the  ship  of  Henryke  Cornelyssone  of  And- 
werpe ;  wherein  there  is  both  harness  for  the 
Queene's  Majestie,  and  part  of  your  copper." 
After  this,  Clough  proceeds  as  follows  : — 

"The  next  day  after  your  departyng,  I  went 
to  Brussells  aboute  suche  matters  as  you  gave  me 

x  Before  coaches  were  invented,  a  wagon,  (or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  a  species  of  carriage  so  called,)  was  the  vehicle  com- 
monly used  by  the  highest  classes.  [See  infra,  page  305.]  In 
the  year  1583,  the  day  after  Lady  Mary  Sidney  entered  Shrews- 
bury in  her  wagon,  "  that  valyant  knyght,  Sir  Harry  Sidney, 
her  husband,"  made  his  appearance  in  his  wagon ;  "  with  his 
Troompeter  blowynge,  verey  joyfully  to  behold  and  see."- 
Nichols'  Progresses,  vol.  ii.  p.  309. 


FUNERAL    OF    CHARLES  V.  243 

commyssion  to  do,  as  afore  [stated]  in  this  my 
letter :  where,  att  my  beyng  there,  I  saw  the 
beryall  of  the  late  Emperoure  Charles,  whiche 
begane  the  29th  of  the  last  month,  and  duryd  2 
days.  The  order  whereof  was  partly  as  here 
after  followith. 

"  Fyrst,  in  the  court  [of  the  Palace]  there  was 
no  grett  seremonies  of  mourning,  saving  [that] 
over  the  court-gate  hangyd  about  6  yards  of 
blacke  clothe  :  and  in  the  midst  of  the  clothe,  the 
whole  bredth  of  the  vellvet ;  whereon  hangyd  the 
armes  of  the  Emperoure,  paynted  upon  a  tabel. 
And  the  lyke  hangyd  before  the  dore  of  the  great 
halle  within  the  court. 

"  From  the  courtt  to  the  markett,  or  fish  mart, 
and  so  from  thence  to  the  head  church  called 
Saint  Golls  [Gudule's,]  the  streets  were  relyd 
[relaid  ?]  on  bothe  the  sydes  of  the  streete, — 
all  blacke :  and  along  those  relaies,  stode  of  the 
burgh  of  the  town  in  black  gowns ;  the  one  dis- 
tant from  the  other  about  1  fedone  :  and  in  every 
of  their  hands,  a  torch  of  wax  with  the  Empe- 
roure's  armes  uppon  them,  which  might  be  in 
number  about  3000  torches. 

"  The  church  was  hangyd  all  with  blacke  clothe ; 
and  above  the  cloth,  the  brede  [breadth]  of  a  vell- 
vett  round  about  the  churche  ;  whereon  were  made 
fast  many  scutcheons  of  the  Emperoure's  armes. 

R  2 


244 


CLOUGH  S    DESCRIPTION    OF 


"  There  stoode  in  the  middell  of  the  church  a 
fayre  herse,  which  was  coveryd  above  with  clothe 
of  golde.  But,  by  reson  the  candellsteks  whereon 
the  candells  stoode  were  so  thicke  and  blacke, 
the  cloth  of  golde  was  lytyll  persevyd  ;  whereon 
myght  be,  by  estymasyon,  about  2500  candells, 
or  3000  att  the  most.  But  rownd  about  the 
church  there  stoode  wonderfull  many :  and  under 
the  herse,  the  chest  or  coffyn  for  the  corse,  co- 
veryd with  blacke  clothe. 

"  The  berying  begane  about  1  of  the  clocke/ 
or  there  aboutt;  and  [the  procession]  came  all 
out  of  the  court  in  order  as  hereafter  followyth. 

"  First,  there  came  viii  of  the  gards,  all  in 
blacke. 

"  After  them,  the  schoolmaster  of  the  towne, 
and  all  hys  skollers  ;  all  in  white  surplessys. 

"  After  them,  the  4  orders  of  freres,  all  in 
copes,  vestyments,  and  tynacells  ;  savyng  2  of 
every  order  that  went  before  in  their  owne  ap- 
parell.  And  in  every  of  their  hands,  a  wax 
candell ;  which  were  a  great  many  in  number. 

"  After  them,  all  the  prysts  and  clerks  in  the 
towne;  in  copes,  vestyments,  and  tynacells,  as 
the  freres  were. 

"  After  them,  28  or  30  Spanysh  prysts,  all  in 
copes ;  and  after  them,  xv  abbotts,  all  in  myters 

y  Two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  says  the  Italian  writer. 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    FUNERAL.  245 

of  golde,   or  syllver  and  gylte ;    set  with  perle 
and  stone. 

"  And  next  after,  iiii  Beshopes ;  all  in  myttes 
[mitres]  of  clothe  of  sylver.  The  Beshop  of  Arras 
went  alone  :  and  after  him  folowyd  the  Beshope 
of  Luke,2  [Lucca,]  and  on  either  syde  of  hym 
a  Beshope. 

"  There  was  carryd  before  the  Beshope  of 
Luke,  a  pese  of  cloth  of  golde,  as  if  it  had  been 
an  aulter-cloth ;  wyche  was  holden  by  the  other 
two  Beshopes.  Whereon  he  put  one  of  hys  hands, 
and  blessyd  with  the  other. 

"  After  them,  came  200  poore  men  in  black 
gownes,  and  hoodes  on  their  heds,  hanging  over 
the  faces ;  and  in  every  of  their  hands  a  torch  of 
wax,  with  the  arms  of  the  Emperoure  uppon  it. 

"  After  them,  the  Lords  and  offysers  of  the 
towne  of  Brussells :  all  in  black  gowns,  to  the 
number  of  80. 

"  After  them,  the  masters  and  offysers  of  the 
artylery,  in  black  gowns,  to  the  number  of  40. 

"  After  them,  the  lords  and  offysers  of  the  fy- 
nance;  being  in  number  28,  all  in  black  gownes. 

"  After  them,  the  Chanseler,  the  Judges,  and 
offysers  of  the  chancery  ;  in  number  60. 

z  The  Italian  says,  the  Bishop  of  Liege ;  who  chaunted  the 
mass,  and  performed  all  the  religious  rites  connected  with  this 
ceremonial. 


246  CLOUGH'S  DESCRIPTION  OF 

"  After  them,  24  poursuyvants  of  the  King,  in 
black  gowns ;  with  the  badge  upon  their  brests. 

"  After  them,  120  of  the  King's  household  ser- 
vants in  gowns,  beyng  all  Duche  men  ;  and  after 
them,  30  Spanyards  of  the  King's  offysers. 

"  There  followyd  them,  35  of  the  King's  pages, 
all  in  black  coats,  and  rownd  capps  of  cloth. 

"Next  after  them,  40  gentylmen  of  the  state 
of  the  Dowke  of  Savoye. 

"  After  them,  50  Spanyards  of  the  order  of 
Saint  Jago,  and  other  orders  that  they  have  in 
Spayne  ;  with  white  and  red  crossys. 

"  After  them,  3  knyghts  of  the  sepoulture,  with 
the  crosse  of  Jerowsalem  uppon  their  brests. 

"  There  folowyd  them,  2  in  black ;  carrying, 
either,  2  of  the  Turks  drums,  coveryd  with  the 
Emperoure's  armes. 

"  After  them,  12  trompetters  with  flags  att 
their  trompetts,  with  the  Emperoure's  armes ; 
whereof,  the  grownde  of  the  flags  gold,  and  the 
egle  black. 

"  After  them,  2  nobellmen  carryed  two  stan- 
dards ;  1  of  Saint  Androo,  and  the  other  of  the 
fyre  stalle. 

"  After  them,  a  gentyllman  caryed  a  hellmett.a 

a  Clough  has  here  omitted  a  part  of  the  pageant ;  but  the '  gen- 
tyllman,' was  Monsr  de  Luli,  who  carried  the  emperor's  helmet 
with  large  black  plumes,  at  the  extremity  of  a  black  wand. 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    FUNERAL.  24? 

"  Next  after  that,  came  a  Shippe,  about  24 
foot  long,  or  by  estymasion,  of  the  burthen  of  20 
tons,  whiche  was  exsedyngly  well  fashyoned;b 
and  costyly  graven  or  carven,  and  gylted,  as 
here  after  folio wyth. 

"  This  shippe  was  carried  as  if  [it]  had  been 
in  a  sea ;  which  was  so  made,  and  paynted  as  if  it 
had  been  a  sea  indeede.  The  shippe  went  in  the 
streets  by  strength  of  men  that  were  within  it, 
and  no  man  [was]  seen. 

"  There  stode  in  the  sea  before  the  shippe, 
2  strange  monsters ;  whom  had  either  a  brydell 
or  coller  about  their  necks,  where  unto  was  made 
fast  a  cord  of  sylk:  being  fast  unto  the  shippe 
and  unto  them.  So  that  it  seemed  that  they  had 
pullyd  the  shippe  forward.  Uppon  the  shippe, 
from  the  watter  to  the  shrowds,  were  paynted  all 
the  voyages  and  victorys  that  the  Emperoure  had 
done  by  watter.  The  sea  wherein  the  shippe 
went,  [was]  stuck  full  of  banners  of  the  Empe- 
roure's  armes,  standyng  upright ;  and  amonxt 
them,  many  banners  of  the  Tourks  and  Moores, 
fallen  down  and  lying  in  the  watter.  All  the 
shrowds,  or  upper  part  of  the  shippe,  was  costyly 
carven  and  gylte :  the  shrowds  and  masts,  sails 
and  tops,  all  black. 

b  This  remark  does  credit  to  dough's  taste,  for  the  Italian 
writer  says  that  the  ship  was  "  simile  alle  antiche." 


248 


CLOUGH  S    DESCRIPTION    OF 


"  Rownde  about  the  sterne  of  the  shippe  was 
paynted  all  the  armes  of  the  kingdoms  whereof 
Charles  the  Emperoure  was  kyng. 

"Above,  in  the  shippe,  it  [was]  stuck  full  of 
banners  of  all  the  countries  whereof  he  was  go- 
vernor. 

"  There  was  made  in  the  midst  of  the  shipe, 
after  the  maine  mast,  a  stoole  of  estate  ;  whereon 
satt  no  man. 

"  In  the  fore  part  of  the  shippe  satt  a  mayde  ; 
all  clothyd  in  browne,  and  in  her  hand  an  anker.0 

"  Before  the  stoole  of  estate  satt  an  other 
mayde,  all  clothyd  in  white ;  and  her  face  co- 
veryd  with  white  lampors.d  In  her  right  hand  a 
red  crosse,  and  in  her  left  hand  a  chalice,  with 
the  sacrament.6 

"  In  the  after  part  of  the  shippe  stode  1  other 
mayd,f  all  clothyd  in  red,  and  in  her  hand  a  hart 
brannyng  [burning]  :  and  at  the  mayne  mast 
hangyd  a  stremer,  with  the  picture  of  the  crow- 
syfyxion  :  with  many  other  stremers. 

c  This  was  Hope,  "che  pareva  che  tutta  lieta  volesse  dar 
fondo,  e  pigliar  porto." 

d  A  Dutch  word,  equivalent  to  the  English  'tiftany,'  or  'tiffany,' 
which  is  very  thin  silk.  Met  een  hangende  lamfer,  (or  tamper)  : 
with  a  tiftany  hanging  from  the  hat. — Dutch  Dictionary. 

e  This  female  personified  Faith. 

f  This  was  the  personification  of  Charity.  According  to  the 
Italian,  she  seemed  to  steer  the  ship. 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    FUNERAL.  249 

"  And  uppon  the  2  sydes  of  the  shippe  was 
writyn  these  2  versys,  whiche  you  shall  receive 
here  inclosyd.g 

"  Thys  was  the  proporsion  of  the  shippe.  But 
there  were  many  more  matters  about  that  shippe, 
wherein  I  wyll  not  molest  your  mastershippe 
withal  at  this  tyme ;  lest  I  shuld  be  too  tedyus 
with  that  I  have  already  wrytten.h 

e  Clough's  letter  contains  them  not ;  but  they  are  supplied, 
by  the  Italian  narrative,  as  follows.  On  the  right,— 

"  Successus  neque  te  Caesar  spes  certa  petiti 
Destituit,  donee  de  littore  solvit  Ibero, 
Neptuno  sternente  viam,  et  tritonibus  undis,  [?] 
Auspiciis  veneranda  tuis,  transque  aequora  vecta 
Religio  tandem  auriferis  allabitur  Indis 
Luce  nova  irradians  mersas  caligine  mentes." 
On  the  left  was  written : 

"  Non  auri  sitis,  aut  famae  ambitiosa  cupido, 
Non  scseptri  persuasit  honor  tot  adire  labores  ; 
Humani  sed  te  generis  pia  cura  coegit 
Navibus  ignotas  investigare  per  oras 
Quas  *J*  sacra  populos  Christoque  dicaras." 

"  Qui  manca  un  verso,"  says  the  Italian  writer ;  and  the  English 
reader  will  probably  think  that  something  more  important  still  is 
wanting,  in  the  last  line  especially. 

h  Some  of  the  particulars  which  Clough  has  omitted,  merit  a 
brief  notice.  At  the  stern  of  the  ship  was  a  large  square  frame 
of  black  cloth,  covered  with  inscriptions  in  letters  of  gold ; 
which  set  forth,  that  under  the  guardianship  of  the  last-named 
Virtue,  the  emperor,  sailing  over  the  stormy  sea  of  life,  had  gain- 
ed so  many  countries,  unknown  before  his  time,  and  imparted  to 
each  the  light  of  the  Catholic  religion.  For  the  numerous  alle- 
gorical paintings  and  mottoes  which  were  presented  in  addition 
by  this  curious  pageant,  see  the  Appendix,  No.  XXII. 


250  CLOUGH'S  DESCRIPTION  OF 

"  After  the  shippe,  followyd  2  peles  [pillars]  of 
plousse  houlltre  [plus  ultra]  standyng  in  a  sea  as 
the  shippe  dyd,  and  drawn  as  the  shippe  was,  by 
2  monsters.  On  the  topp  of  one  of  the  peles 
was  a  close  crowne ;  and  uppon  the  other,  a  crown 
Imperyall.1 

"  After  thatt,  came  24  horsey  s,  all  cover  yd 
with  the  armes  of  the  countries  whereof  Charles 
the  Emperoure  was  prynse  :  the  trappyngs  very 
coustyly  gyllte,  and  stayned  ;  being  most,  taffeta 
and  satten. 

"  And  before  every  horse  went  either  an  Erie 
or  Duke,  who  carryed  a  standarde  with  the  armes 
of  the  country  that  the  horse  following  dyd  repre- 
sent ;  the  horse  being  coveryd  with  the  same 
armes,  and  the  saddel,  of  the  colors  of  the  coun- 
try; some  white,  some  red,  some  green,  and 
some  blewe.  As  also,  every  horse  had  a  great 
bunche  of  fethers  in  his  bed,  of  the  same  colors. 
And  on  either  syde  of  the  horsys  went  a  gen- 
tyllman  leding  of  the  horses,  all  in  black :  having, 
either,  a  long  cord  of  black  sylke  in  their  hands, 
which  was  fast  unto  the  bytt  of  the  horse. 

>  It  will  be  remembered,  that  the  arms  of  Spain  are  repre- 
sented on  Spanish  dollars  between  two  pillars,  inscribed  with 
the  words  PLUS  ULTRA  ;  whence  the  term  pillar  dollars.  On  one 
of  the  pillars  introduced  into  the  pageant,  according  to  the 
Italian  writer,  were  written  these  words :  Herculeas  [  ?  ] 
sumpsisti  signa  columnas.  On  the  other,  Monstrorum  domitor 
temporis  ipse  tui. 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    FUNERAL.  251 

"  Thys  followyd,  first,  21  horsy s  after  the 
same  order :  but  so  far  as  I  could  perseve  there 
was  no  horse  for  any  Erledoms,  but  only  Duke- 
doms and  Kingdoms.  There  was  the  Dukedom 
of  Brabant,  Gellderlande,  Bourgony,  and  Hous- 
tenryke  ;  and  6  or  7  kingdoms  of  Spayne,  as 
Castil,  Aragone,  Granada,  &c.  The  kyngdom  of 
Syssely,  Nepolls,  and  Jerowsalem,  with  dyvers 
more  that  I  dyd  not  well  know,  to  the  number 
of  21. 

"  After  them,  came  1  horse  which  presentyd  the 
Emperoure's  personne;  being  coveryd  with  clothe 
of  golde  with  the  armes  of  the  Empire,  whereof 
the  covering  or  capparisons  were  very  short. 

"  And  after  that,  came  1  other  horse  coveryd 
with  cloth  of  golde  to  the  grownde,  which  stoode 
lyke  unto  the  gentyllwomen's  vardygalls  [far- 
thingales] ;  whereon  was  very  costly  imbroyderyd 
the  Emperoure's  armes  :  which  horse  represented 
the  Emperoure. 

"  And  after  that,  1  other  horse  coveryd  all  with 
black  to  the  grownd,  with  1  great  red  crosse  upon 
hym.  These  horses  were  led  as  the  others  were  : 
and  before  these  3  horses,  dyvers  great  stan- 
dards or  baners  [were]  carryed  by  nobellmen. 

"  After  them,  5  nobellmen,  which  carryed  the 
armes  of  the  kyndoms  coustyly  graven  and  gilte, 
in  small  shields ;  whereof  4  of  them  went  by  two 


252  CLOUGH'S  DESCRIPTION  OF 

and  two  together.  And  the  fyrst  came,  after, 
alone ;  carrying  the  armes  of  the  Empire  aloft, 
with  the  hellmett  over  it.  And  before  these  5 
men,  were  carryed  the  standard  of  the  Empire, k 
with  dyvers  other  standards. 

"  After  them  came  dyvers  heralds  of  armes, 
with  their  cote-armors  on. 

"  After  them  came  dyvers  of  the  counsell,  and 
2  with  great  maces  of  sylver  and  gylte,  or  else 
golde. 

"  After  them,  the  Emperoure's  cote-armore  : 
and  after  that  2  heralds  of  the  egle. 

"After  them,  the  Duke  Dalle  [D'Alva,]  with 
a  black  reede  or  staff  in  hys  hands,  typpyd  with 
silver,  as  head-stewarde :  and  on  either  syde  of 
hym,  a  nobellman  with  2  staves,  somewhat  shorter 
than  hys.1 

"  After  them,  the  Prince  of  Orange  carryd  the 
sourde  with  the  poynt  downewards.  And  after  him, 
the  Erie  of  Swarsembourch  [Schwartzenberg] 
carryd  the  Emperoure's  collar  of  SS  uppon  a 
black  cousshyne. 

"  After  him,  an  other  Lorde  (whom  I  dyd  not 
know)  carryd  the  worlde  and  the  septore  :  and 

k  The  accounts  do  not  correspond  as  to  the  particulars  of  this 
portion  of  the  pageant ;  but  we  are  told  that  the  great  standard 
of  the  empire  was  carried  by  Count  Policastro. 

1  These  were  the  Marquis  dellas  Navas,  and  Count  Olivares, 
the  king's  stewards. 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    FUNERAL.  253 

after  him,  Don  Antony  de  Toledo  carryd  the 
crown  Imperyall.ra 

"  After  him,  the  king  of  Heralds,  or  grefere 
of  the  Fleece,  (beyng  clothyd  all  in  cloth  of 
golde,  bare  heddyd,)  carryd  the  great  collar  of 
the  Fleece,  with  a  white  rod  in  hys  hand. 

"  And  after  him  came  the  King's  Majesty 
[Philip,]  all  in  blacke ;  clothyd  in  a  long  robe, 
and  a  hoode  uppon  hys  hedd.  On  the  ryght 
hande  of  hym  went  the  Duke  of  Arons,  a  Spa- 
nyarde  ;  and  on  the  left  hand,  Duke  George  of 
Brownswick  : n  either  of  them  held  up  the  King's 
robes  before.  And  after  hym,  another  Duke  of 
Spayne0  carryed  up  the  King's  trayne. 

"  After  the  King  came  the  Duke  of  Savoye, 
mournyng  as  the  King  dyd  ;  havyng  a  hoode  on 
hys  hed ;  but  he  carryd  his  trayne  himselfe. 
And  after  him,  all  the  Lords  of  the  order  of  the 
fleece,  with  their  collers  about  their  necks ;  and 
after  them,  the  rest  of  the  Lords  of  the  Councell.p 

m  Perhaps  it  may  not  be  deemed  a  waste  of  time  and  space  to 
mention  the  offices  assigned  by  the  Italian  writer  to  these  great 
noblemen.  According  to  him,  the  Marquis  d'  Aghilar  carried 
the  sceptre  :  the  sword,  glittering  with  jewels,  was  borne  by  the 
Duke  of  Villahermosa ;  and  the  globe  by  the  Prince  of  Orange  : 
while  Don  Antonio  de  Toledo  carried  the  Imperial  crown,  which 
was  covered  with  large  pearls  and  the  costliest  gems. 

n  The  Dukes  of  Brunswick  and  Artois,  according  to  the  Italian 
authority.  °  Ruigomez. 

P  For  a  further  extract  from  the  Italian  narrative,  see  the 
Appendix,  No.  XXII. 


254  CLOUGH'S  DESCRIPTION  OF 

"  Thys  was  the  order  of  the  fyrst  day,  how  they 
went  to  the  church,  where  the  King  tarryd  tyll 
about  5  of  the  clocke ;  and  so  returnyd  back 
again,  the  same  way,  with  all  his  offysers ;  not 
havyng  neither  the  prysts,  Bishopes,  nor  horses ; 
saving  only  hys  owne  trayne.  And  the  next  day 
came  the  King's  Majesty  to  the  kyrke,  with  the 
same  state  that  he  dyd  the  other  daye  :  I  meane 
all  in  blacke.  But  there  was  neither  the  horsys, 
shippe,  sorde,  nor  crowne,  saving  all  in  black ; 
which  was  about  10  of  the  clocke :  and  beying 
in  the  kyrke,  I  dyd  all  that  I  could  to  have  seene 
what  was  done  there,  but  I  could  not.  Their 
horses  were  offer  yd  then  at  the  masse,  and  all  the 
armes  taken  off  them,  and  given  to  the  church. 

"  And  the  service  being  done,  there  went  a 
nobellman  unto  the  herse,  (so  far  as  I  coulde 
understand  it  was  the  Prince  of  Orange,)  who 
standing  before  the  herse,  strucke  with  the  hand 
uppon  the  chest,  and  sayd, — "  He  is  ded."  Then 
standing  sty  11  awhyle,  he  sayd — "  He  shall  re- 
mayne  ded."  And  then,  resting  awhile,  he 
strucke  again  and  sayd, — "  He  is  ded,  and  there 
is  another  rysen  up  in  hys  place  greater  than 
ever  he  was."  Whereuppon  the  king's  hoode 
was  taken  off:  and  as  I  dyd  lerne  at  others  that 
were  there,  the  King  went  home  without  his 
hoode.  But  I  could  not  tarry  so  long  to  see  it, 


CHARLES    THE    FIFTH'S    FUNERAL.  255 

because  I  had  promised  my  Lord  Cobham  to  meet 
hym  the  next  day,  in  the  morning,  at  Andwerpe. 

"  Thys  was  the  ordre  of  the  bury  all  of  the 
Emperoure,  so  far  as  I  could  carry  away ;  but 
and  if  I  myght  have  tarryd  till  the  next  day,  I 
wolde  have  had  all  their  names  that  carryd  the 
standards  before  the  horses.  It  was  sure  a  sight 
worth  to  go  100  myles  to  see  it !  Notwithstanding 
I  have  seene  at  Venice,  (as  I  went  towards  Jeru- 
salem,) a  more  number  of  pepel  go  at  the  buryall 
of  one  of  the  Synyory  of  Venice,  (according  to 
the  order  as  they  use  them,)  the  lyke  of  thys 
I  think  hath  not  been  sene.  The  Lord  give  his 
soul  rest!"q 

Clough  had  resided  so  long  at  Antwerp,  that, 
as  the  reader  must  perceive,  he  had  acquired 
the  minuteness  of  a  Dutch  painter.  Whenever 
he  took  up  his  pen,  the  spirit  of  one  of  the  old 
chroniclers  seems  to  have  inspired  him  ;  so  that, 
although  according  to  his  own  confession  he 
had  perhaps  only  two  or  three  days  before  sent 
Gresham  an  account  of  his  proceedings  'at  large,' 
it  was  nothing  uncommon  for  him  to  cover  ten 
or  twenty  sides  more  of  foolscap  paper  with  the 
description  of  a  pageant,  or  some  other  subject 
involving  long  details,  in  which  he  delighted. 

"  Ant.  2nd  Jan.  1558-9.— Flanders  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.     Clough 
subscribes  himself,  "  Your  Mastersheppe's  Apprentis" 


256  CLOUGH GRESHAM. 

Like  Dogberry,  he  "  could  find  it  in  his  heart  to 
bestow  all  his  tediousness  upon  your  worship." 
"  My  servant,"  said  Gresham,  in  a  letter  written 
about  this  period  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  "  is  very 
long  and  tedious  in  his  writing." 

Clough,  however,  was  adequate  to  the  discharge 
of  all  the  duties  which  ordinarily  devolved  upon 
his  patron  at  Antwerp ;  and  it  was  only  in  tran- 
sactions of  more  than  usual  moment  that  he  ever 
required  assistance.  In  the  mean  time,  he  corre- 
sponded with  regularity  and  prolixity ;  and  Gres- 
ham, who  had  been  living  in  London  since  the 
preceding  Christmas,  was  daily  in  communication 
with  the  secretary,  aiding  him  with  his  co-opera- 
tion and  counsel,  and  occupied  with  the  discharge 
of  his  financial  duties.  These  form  the  subject  of 
his  letter  to  the  secretary,  dated  the  1st  of  Febru- 
ary, 1558-9  ;  wherein  he  apologizes  for  troubling 
his  friend  with  written  details  on  subjects  which  he 
was  accustomed  to  discuss  orally.  "  I  wolde  have 
wayttid  upon  you  myselfe  with  all  these  things, 
but  it  hath  pleasyd  God  to  visitte  me  with  a  Agew, 
which  tooke  me  on  Satturday  last ;  having  usid  a 
littil  fyssike  for  the  reamedy  thereof,  trusting  the 
worst  is  past."  On  the  llth  he  writes  "  I  wolde 
have  waytid  upon  you  myself,  but  that  my  late 
sickness  will  not  yet  suffer  me."r  Were  it  not  for 

r  London,  2nd  Jan.  1558-9.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


LETTER    ON    FINANCE.  257 

such  ephemeral  causes,  and  Cecil's  habit  of  pre- 
serving every  written  paper  which  he  received,  we 
should  have  been  almost  without  any  of  Gresham's 
correspondence  during  his  periods  of  residence 
in  England. 

The  following  letter,  which  he  addressed  to  Sir 
William  Cecil  in  London  on  the  1st  of  March, 
1558-9,  is  nearly  the  last  of  the  kind  with  which 
the  reader  shall  be  troubled.  It  would  not  be 
right  to  omit  a  curious  document  from  Gresham's 
pen,  so  illustrative  of  the  financial  arrangements 
of  his  day ;  though,  for  the  reader's  sake,  I  wish 
it  could  have  been  a  little  more  entertaining. 

"  It  maye  like  your  honnor  to  understande,  that 
xxx  M  li.  sterling,  aftyr  xxiij  s.  iiij  d.,  makyth 
flemyshe  xxxiiij  M  viii  c  xxxiij  li.  vi  s.  viii  d. 
[34,833/.  6s.  Sd.]  ; s  and  aftyr  xxiis.,  (as  the  ex- 
change now  goythe  in  Lombarde  Streat,)  xxxiij 
M  li. :  wych  ys  the  halfe  of  the  Quene's  Majes- 
tie's  detts  that  be  owing  in  Aprill  and  May  next. 
And  for  the  payment  thereof,  and  for  keeping 
uppe  of  the  Exchange,  the  Quene's  Majestic 
hathe  none  other  wayes  and  helpe  but  to  use  her 
Merchant  adventurers.  Wherein  I  doo  right 
well  knowe  they  will  stande  very  stowte  in  the 
matter,  by  the  reason  of  this  new  costome;  as 
also  for  the  xx  M  li.  that  her  Hyghnes  doth  owe 

s  So  in  the  original,  but  evidently'a  miscalculation. 
VOL.  1.  S 


258  GRESHAM'S  SCHEME  FOR 

them.  Nevertheless,  considering  how  moche  yt 
doth  import  the  Quene's  Majestie's  credit,  of 
force  she  must  use  her  Merchants  ;  and  for  the 
compassing  thereof,  her  highnes  shall  have  good 
opportewnity  both  to  bargayn  and  to  bringe  them 
to  what  price  her  Majestie  and  yow  shall  think 
most  convenient ;  as  the  like  proof  was  made  in 
Kinge  Edwarde,  her  late  brother's  time. 

"  First,  yt  is  to  be  considered  that  our  Inglishe 
marchaunts  have  at  the  least  1  or  xl  M  cloths  and 
kerseys  lying  upon  their  hands,  reddy  to  be  ship- 
ped ;  whiche  they  will  begynne  to  ship,  when  they 
shall  knowe  to  what  poynte  they  shall  trust  for 
their  custome. 

"  Secondly,  this  matter  must  be  kept  secreat, 
that  yt  maye  not  come  to  the  marchaunts  know- 
lege  that  you  do  intend  to  use  them ;  and  to  laye 
sure  wait  when  their  last  daye  of  shipping  shall 
be,  and  to  understand  perfectly  at  the  customers' 
hands,  at  the  same  day,  whether  all  the  cloths  and 
kerseys  be  entryed  and  shipped  and  water-borne. 
And  being  once  all  water-borne,  then  to  make  a 
stay  of  all  the  fleete,  that  none  shall  depart  till  fur- 
ther the  Queue's  Majestie's  pleasure  be  known. 

"  Thyrdly,  that  being  once  done,  to  comande 
the  customer  to  bring  you  in  a  perfect  book  of 
all  such  cloths,  kerseys,  cottons,  lead,  tynne,  and 
all  other  commodites,  and  the  marchauntes'  names ; 


OBTAINING    A    LOAN.  25Q 

particularly  what  nomber  every  man  hath  shipped, 
and  the  just  and  total  sum  of  the  whole  shipping. 
And  thereby  you  shall  know  the  nomber,  and 
who  be  the  great  doers. 

"  Forthely,  apon  the  view  of  the  customers' 
booke,  you  shall  send  for  my  Lord  Mayre,  Sir 
Rowlond  Hill,  Sir  William  Garrat,  Sir  William 
Chester,  Mr.  Alldyrman  Martynne,  Mr.  Alldyr- 
man  Baskefylld,  Lyonell  Dockat,  William  Bowrde, 
Rowland  Hey  wood,  Waltyr  Marller,  Harry  Becher 
[and]  Thomas  Ryvet :  and  move  unto  them  that, 
'  Whereas  you  have  shipped  to  the  number  of  A, 
B,  wyche  be  ready  to  depart  to  the  mart,  so  it  is 
that  the  Quene's  Majestic  ys  indetted  in  Flandyrs 
for  no  small  some ;  for  the  wyche,  yow,  my  Lorde 
Mayre  and  the  cytty,  do  stand  bownd  for  the  pay- 
ment thereof.  And  for  that  yt  shall  apere  unto  you 
that  her  highness  ys  not  unmyndful  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  same,  [she]  hath  thought  good  to  use 
you,  (as  heretofore  King  Edward  her  brother 
dyd)  :  whereby  the  Exchange  may  be  kept  up 
and  raised,  and  to  inrich  this  realme  of  fine  gold, 
here  to  remain ;  as  likewise  we  maye  have  our 
commodities,  and  forrayne,  at  some  reasonable 
prices.  Whereby  you  merchants  maye  flourish 
in  the  commenwell,  as  heretofore  you  have  done. 
And  for  the  accomplyshment  of  the  premises,  the 

I  Quene's  Majestic  dowthe  requyre  at  your  handes 


260  GRESHAM'S  SCHEME  AND 

to  paye  in  Flanders  xxs.  sterling  upon  every 
cloth  that  ys  now  shipped,  after  the  rate  of  25s. 
flemysh  for  the  pownd  sterling ;  and  her  highnes 
shall  paye  you  here  again  at  double  usans.  Which 
sum  must  be  paid  in  Andwerpe ;  the  one  thyrde 
part  the  fyrst  of  May, — one  thyrde  part  the 
20th  of  May, — and  the  other  thyrde  parte  the  last 
of  May.' 

"  Upon  the  utterans  hereof,  they  will  grant  to 
nothing,  till  that  they  have  assembled  the  Com- 
pany together.  Now,  having  all  their  goods  in 
the  Quene's  power,  there  ys  no  doubt  but  that 
her  Majestic  shall  bring  them  to  bargayne  at 
such  reasonable  price  as  you  and  the  rest  of  my 
Lords  shall  think  convenient :  wherein  you  may 
quallify  the  price  of  the  Exchange  as  you  shall 
think  most  meetest,  whereby  they  may  [be]  the 
better  willing  to  serve  hereafter ;  considering 
how  much  the  Quene's  highness  is  indebted  unto 
them  air  eddy.  Giving  your  honnor  to  understand 
I  doo  not  so  much  press  upon  the  great  price,  as 
I  do  at  this  present  to  bring  them  to  make  offer 
to  her  bigness  to  serve  at  some  reasonable  price. 

"Finally,  you  maye  not  come  lower  than  to 
have  for  every  pound  sterling,  xxii  s.  Flemish,  (for 
so  the  Exchange  passith  at  this  present).  Butt  I 
trust  yt  will  be  at  22s.  6d.  ere  they  have  fynyshed 
their  shipping.  Advertising  you,  yf  the  exchange 


ITS    CONSEQUENCES.  26l 

be  better  in  Lombard  Street  than  225.  in  any 
wise,  to  make  them  paye  aftyr  that  rate ;  or  ells 
they  do  no  service,  but  for  their  own  lucar  and 
gayen, — wiche  in  no  wise  I  will  not  have  them 
accustomyd  unto  at  the  Quene's  Majestie's  hands. 
"  To  conclude,  eftsoons,  yf  you  can  bringe  them 
to  22^. ;  and,  yf  the  Exchange  be  better,  accord- 
ing as  the  Exchange  goeth  to  pay  there,  at  the 
days  aforesaid,  and  here  at  double  usance,  (which 
ys  two  months;)  it  wolle  prove  a  more  benyfy- 
cyall  bargayn  to  the  Quene's  Majestic  and  to  this 
her  realme  than  I  will  at  this  present  molest  you 
withall ;  for  it  will  raise  the  Exchange  to  a  onnest 
price.  As  for  exsampell :  the  Exchange  in  Kinge 
Edwarde's  time  (when  I  beganne  this  practisse) 
was  but  165.  Dyd  I  not  raise  it  to  23s.,  and  paid 
his  whole  detts  after  20s.  and  22s.  ?  wherby  wool 
fell  in  price  from  26s.  Sd.  to  16s.,  and  cloths  from 
Ix  li.  [60/.]  a  packe  to  xl  and  xxxvi  li.  a  packe, 
wythe  all  other  our  commodities,  and  forrayners' : 
whereby  a  nomber  of  clothiers  gave  over  the 
making  of  cloths  and  kerseys.  Wherein  there 
was  touched  no  man  but  the  Merchant,  for  to 
serve  the  Prince's  turn ;  which  appeared  to  the 
face  of  the  world  that  they  were  great  losers; 
but  to  the  contrary,  in  the  end,  when  things  were 
brought  to  perfection,  they  were  great  gainers 
thereby. 


262 


PERMISSION    MONEY. 


"  Fifthly,  what  bargayn  soever  yow  do  conclude 
with  the  Marchants,  to  remember  specially  that 
they  doo  paye  their  mony  in  vallewyd  money, 
(otherwyse  termyd  permissyone  money)  ;  for 
that  the  Queene  is  bounde  to  pay  yt  in  val- 
lewyd mony  :  wyche  maye  not  in  no  wyse  be 
forgotten.  For  yt  may  chansse  to  coste  the 
Queene  iii  or  iiii  li.  apon  every  hundred  pownds, 
to  come  by  the  vallewyd  money, — soche  scarsetty 
there  ys  thereof :  wyche,  in  the  sales  of  our  com- 
modytes,  wolle  cost  the  marchants  nothing ;  for 
that  they  may  sell  their  commodytes  to  pay  in 
permyssione  money  for  the  some  they  shall  paye 
for  the  Quene,  wyche  wolle  not  be  xxs.  permys- 
sion  money  upon  every  cloth.  Which  matter, 
move  not  to  the  Merchants  until  such  tyme 
as  you  have  bargayned  and  agreed  upon  the 
Exchange ;  that  being  done,  yt  maye  not  be 
forgotten."  * 

I  will  not  pause  to  offer  any  remarks  on  this 
letter :  but  in  order  that  the  progress  of  my  nar- 
rative may  be  distinctly  kept  in  view,  think  it  as 
well  to  remind  the  reader,  that  since  the  period  of 
Queen  Elizabeth's  accession  in  November  1558, 
four  months  had  not  yet  elapsed ;  during  which 
period,  namely,  in  the  month  of  December,  Gres- 
ham  had  made  a  short  excursion  to  Flanders.  It 

1  London,  1  March,  1558-9.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


GRESHAM    AT    ANTWERP.  263 

was  now  March  1559,  and  he  was  required  to 
visit  Antwerp  again.' 

His  Instructions,  which  are  dated  the  5th, 
direct  him  to  postpone  the  payment  of  a  moiety 
of  the  queen's  debt  beyond  seas,  for  a  period  of 
six  months  ;  and  to  obtain  from  King  Philip,  (who 
remained  in  Flanders  for  some  time  after  Mary's 
death,)  a  passport  which  might  enable  him  to  carry 
into  England  two  hundred  barrels  of  saltpetre. 
Gresham's  first  letter  from  Antwerp,  after  his 
arrival,  is  dated  the  21st  of  March.  He  there 
relates  the  impediments  he  had  encountered  in 
the  fulfilment  of  the  second  part  of  his  commission  ; 
to  which  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  Philip's  favourite 
general,  chiefly  opposed  himself.  But  on  the  3rd 
of  April  he  writes,  that  having  continued  till  that 
day  urging  his  suit  at  Brussels,  it  had  been  at 
last  freely  granted  by  the  king :  and  he  recom- 
mends that  Queen  Elizabeth  should  send  "three 
or  four  of  her  best  ships  of  war  that  are  out,  for 
the  sure  waifting  of  this  munition  and  armour." 
The  next  instructions  he  received  were,  to  put 
over,  if  he  could,  for  three  or  six  months  the 
money  owing  to  the  merchants  by  the  queen  ; 
and  if  he  found  this  impracticable,  to  take  up 
money  in  order  to  pay  her  creditors.  This  was 
on  the  10th  of  April ;  soon  after  which,  Gresham 
returned  to  London. 


264  FURTHER    MOVEMENTS. 

A  few  months  more  elapse,  and  we  find  him 
commissioned  to  retrace  his  steps  into  Flanders. 
His  Instructions,  of  which  the  original  rough 
draft  in  Cecil's  hand-writing  remains  among  the 
State  Papers,  bear  date  the  last  day  of  August, 
1559.  Gresham  is  there  ordered  to  take  with 
him  from  London  10,000/. ;  and  with  it  to  pay,  in 
part,  the  most  urgent  of  the  Queen's  creditors  at 
Antwerp.  The  remainder  of  her  debt,  he  was 
ordered  to  prolong  for  three  or  four  months ; 
with  an  understanding,  that  in  case  of  need  the 
queen  would  make  a  further  payment  of  30  or 
40,000/.  Furnished  with  these  instructions,  he 
left  England,  probably  about  the  middle  of  Sep- 
tember ;  but  the  first  authentic  evidence  of  his 
arrival  at  Antwerp,  is  his  own  letter  of  the  3rd 
of  the  following  month. 

Plentiful  as  the  letters  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham 
are,  many  more  have  disappeared  than  have  been 
preserved  to  us.  Such  as  remain,  written  during 
his  present  journey,  relate  almost  exclusively  to 
the  progress  he  was  making  in  collecting  and 
transporting  military  stores.  His  last  letter, 
which  is  dated  the  29th  of  October,  states  that 
he  had  written  on  the  16th,  the  22nd,  and  the 
23rd  instant ;  mentions  the  names  of  the  creditors 
whose  claims  he  had  in  part  satisfied;  and  in- 
forms Cecil  that  the  writer  was  only  waiting  for 


STATE    OF    FLANDERS.  265 

the  queen's  bonds,  in  order  to  be  able  to  return 
home. 

We  will  suppose  Gresham  restored  to  his 
family  and  friends  in  London,  in  the  beginning 
of  November  1559,  and  take  leave  of  him  for  a 
brief  space ;  for,  having  followed  him  up  to  this 
period  of  his  career,  it  seems  desirable  to  take  a 
cursory  view  of  the  contemporary  state  of  pub- 
lic feeling  in  Flanders, — a  country  with  which, 
through  his  agency,  England  was  in  those  days 
so  intimately  connected.  A  few  remarks  on  this 
subject  seem  also  to  be  naturally  suggested  by 
the  emperor's  death,  which  of  itself  constitutes  an 
epoch  in  Low- Country  history.  The  ceremony 
so  minutely  described  in  a  preceding  page,  se- 
vered the  last  connecting  links,  as  it  were,  be- 
tween that  illustrious  man  and  a  people  who 
seemed  capable  of  flourishing  only  under  his 
sway. 

It  has  been  already  observed,  that  the  remote 
cause  of  the  troubles  which  subsequently  dis- 
tracted the  Low  Countries,  seems  traceable  to 
the  national  jealousy  which  from  the  beginning 
subsisted  between  the  inhabitants  themselves,  and 
the  Spanish  settlers;  who,  as  common  subjects  of 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  went  at  an  early  pe- 
riod to  reside  in  immense  numbers  at  Antwerp, 
Brussels,  and  the  other  principal  towns  in  Flan- 


266  THREATENING    ASPECT    OF 

ders.  Discordant  as  these  elements  were,  com- 
mon interest,  the  strongest  bond,  perhaps,  which 
connects  society,  kept  both  nations  in  some  degree 
united ;  and  the  prudent  and  conciliating  rule  of 
the  emperor  enabled  them  to  forget  their  mutual 
differences,  and  live  together  for  awhile  as  mem- 
bers of  one  large  family.  The  consequence  of 
this  harmonious  state  of  things  was  so  advan- 
tageous, that  in  about  half  a  century  Flanders 
attained  the  highest  pitch  of  commercial  great- 
ness; immense  wealth  poured  into  the  state  on 
every  side ;  and,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  it 
was  not  long  ere  the  elegant  arts  felt  the  cheer- 
ing influence,  experiencing  here  a  greater  degree 
of  encouragement  and  support  than  was  accorded 
to  them  elsewhere. 

But  notwithstanding  this  flattering  picture, 
with  the  abdication  of  Charles  V.  the  clouds 
which,  as  already  stated,  had  occasionally  dark- 
ened the  horizon,  began  to  assume  a  more  threat- 
ening aspect,  and  to  give  indications  of  an  ap- 
proaching storm ;  while  more  active  causes  of 
excitement  than  national  jealousy  were  not  want- 
ing to  aggravate  the  feelings  of  either  party,  and 
accelerate  the  impending  crisis.  Philip,  to  whom 
the  Flemings  were  but  little  attached,  seems  to 
have  taken  every  step  in  his  power  to  alienate 
yet  further  the  affections  of  the  people  whom  he 


AFFAIRS    IN    FLANDERS.  267 

had  to  govern  ;  and  this,  at  a  time  when  the  latter, 
by  a  long  series  of  commercial  successes,  had 
acquired  that  impatient  sense  of  independence 
which,  when  uncontrouled  by  loyal,  and  above 
all  by  religious  principle,  is  sure  to  lead  to  mis- 
chief in  a  state.  Had  the  king  been  wise,  he 
would  have  conducted  himself  towards  his  Fle- 
mish subjects  in  a  conciliatory  spirit;  but  he 
set  their  prejudices,  civil  and  religious,  openly  at 
defiance,  and  lived  surrounded  by  Spaniards, 
who  had  his  ear,  and  influenced  all  his  councils. 
Granvelle,  the  ambitious  and  unpopular  Bishop 
of  Arras,  was  his  especial  favourite ;  and  it  is  per- 
haps to  the  general  ill-will  which  the  intrigues  of 
this  proud  prelate  occasioned,  more  than  to  any 
other  cause,  that  the  subsequent  Low- Country 
troubles  are  more  immediately  to  be  traced  and 
attributed.  Gresham  repeatedly  mentions  him 
as  being  "hated  of  all  men." 

The  present,  moreover,  was  a  remarkable 
juncture  in  the  history  of  northern  Europe : 
Ingland,  Germany,  and  France  had  for  a  long 
time  been  agitated  by  religious  dissensions ;  and 
the  rancour  of  party  feeling,  which  still  raged  with 
unabated  violence  both  at  home  and  abroad,  un- 
settled men's  minds,  and  disseminated  an  unquiet 
spirit.  Flanders,  which  was  then  what  England, 
or  rather  what  London  is  now, — the  centre  of 


268  STATE    OF    RELIGION. 

wealth  and  civilization,  necessarily  felt  the  effects 
of  this  in  an  eminent  degree ;  and  the  multitude 
of  discordant  elements  of  which  that  little  state 
was  composed,  contributed  to  render  it  yet  more 
susceptible  of  the  evil  influence. 

Were  we  to  adhere  strictly  to  a  chronological 
arrangement  of  our  materials,  it  would  be  indis- 
pensable, before  proceeding  further,  to  recur  to 
Gresham,  whom  we  parted  from  in  London  about 
the  close  of  the  year  1559.  But  before  so  doing, 
we  shall  take  leave  to  draw  on  his  subsequent 
correspondence  for  a  few  passages  illustrative 
of  the  history  of  the  country  where  he  passed  so 
many  years  of  his  life ;  and  then  proceed  more 
systematically  with  our  narrative. 

His  letters  occasionally  supply  us  with  notices 
of  the  state  of  religious  feeling  in  Flanders: 
though,  being  unfortunately  only  incidental,  they 
are  also  generally  very  brief.  One  may  be 
cited,  which  is  rather  amusing.  "  The  vyllayne 
fryer,"  he  says,  writing  to  Sir  William  Cecil 
concerning  a  certain  preacher  who  had  indulged 
himself  by  too  freely  promulgating  his  opinions, 
"  the  vyllayne  fryer  that  so  unreverently  preach- 
ed agaynst  the  Queen's  Majesty,  dare  not  for  his 
life  coine  abroad,  for  that  the  commons  will  dis- 
pache  hym.  Here  be  many  papist  knaves  of  our 
nacion,  and  it  is  thought  that  some  of  them  hath 


THE     VYLLAYNE    FRIER.  269 

sett  this  fryer  a-worke.     I  shall  hearken  further 
of  this  matter,  and  as  I  can  come  to  any  know- 
ledge,   I    shall   advertize    you."u     A   few   days 
after,  he  says,  "The  fryer  that  so  unreverently 
preached  against  the  Queen's  Majesty  hath  made 
a  meane  to  Lazarus  Tucker,  to  speak  to  me  for 
to  move  the  Company v  that  a  might  safely  go 
abrode   without  danger  of  hurting;    whome   is 
sorry,  as  he  saythe,  for  that  he  hath  said  and 
preached:  in  the  which  matter  I  will  not  med- 
dill, — trusting  ere  that  it  be  long,  yf  a  doo  come 
abroade,  a  shall  be  well  bastanadoed ;    yf  a  doo 
escape  so."w     "The  vyllayne  frier"  was,  next 
week,  "  commanded  to  Brussels."     A  better  ex- 
ample might  perhaps  have  been  adduced  of  the 
religious  excitement  then  prevalent,  but  the  per- 
sonal danger  incurred  by  the  preacher,  and  the 
species  of  chastisement    anticipated  for   him   in 
the  preceding  passage,  sufficiently  indicate  what 
must  have  been  the  temper  of  the  times.     The 
Queen  of  England  was  in  fact  very  popular,  not 
only  with  the  English  Factory  at  Antwerp,  but 
also  with  the  native  inhabitants  of  that  city.     At 
the  very  juncture  of  which  we  are  speaking,  a 

u  Ant.  April  16th,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

*  The  English  Factory  or  Company  of  Merchant- Adventurers, 
established  at  Antwerp. 

*  Ant.  April  19th,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


270  ELIZABETH    MORE    POPULAR 

rupture  with  England  seemed  so  probable,  that 
the  authorities  of  Antwerp  deemed  it  necessary 
to  explain  to  their  fellow-citizens  what  had  been 
their  motives  for  the  line  of  conduct  which  (un- 
der Philip's  directions)  they  had  pursued  towards 
England;  a  step  on  which  Gresham  makes  the 
following  comment  to  the  secretary :  "  Sir,  as 
this  ys  but  a  cloke  for  the  rayn,  onely  for  to 
sattisfy  these  commens  here,  so  I  trust  the 
Quene's  Majestic  wolle  for  see  all  thinges  :  for  the 
commens  of  this  lande  take  this  matter  here  the 
undyrfullest  [wonderfullest]  against  the  King. 
And  they  protest,  that  if  there  shulld  come  anny 
breach  of  war,  seurly  the  States  of  this  lande  will 

never  consent  thereunto I  am  creadibly 

informyd  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  hathe  se- 
creatly  practissyd  in  Brabant  and  Holland  to 
come,  pressently,  (att  the  commens'  hands,)  by 
some  great  masse  of  money ;  and  the  Counte  of 
Egmont  like-wyse,  in  Flandyrs:  but  the  commens 
will  grant  to  none.  Assuring  your  honnor,  here 
ys  sych  a  breute  and  sich  a  rewmer  amonges  the 
commens,  as  it  ys  wonderfull ;  and  specially  att 
this  town.  I  wold  never  a  belevyd  they  hadd 
borne  so  good  will  to  the  Quene's  Majestie  and 
the  realme."x 

While  such  an  unsettled  state  of  public  feeling 

*  Ant.  21st  April,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


THAN    PHILIP    IN    FLANDERS.  27 1 

prevailed,  the  king  was  obviously  acting  a  most 
imprudent  part  when  he  outraged  the  preju- 
dices of  the  whole  body,  or  took  a  step  which 
was  likely  to  give  umbrage  to  any  influential 
section  of  the  community.  Inconsiderable  at 
first  sight  as  such  a  ground  of  complaint  may 
appear,  he  aggravated  his  unpopularity  to  an  ex- 
traordinary extent,  especially  with  the  lower  or- 
ders, by  retaining  in  Flanders  a  body  of  4400 
foot  soldiers,  after  the  peace  of  Chateau- Cam- 
bresis  was  concluded;  which,  as  his  wars  with 
France  were  then  at  an  end,  rendered  so  large 
a  force  unnecessary.  Philip  had  dismissed  all 
the  rest  of  his  army,  but  this  veteran  band  of 
Spanish  soldiery  he  still  retained;  to  the  great 
offence  of  the  Flemings,  who  viewed  with  ex- 
treme jealousy  so  unequivocal  an  indication  either 
of  distrust  on  his  part,  or  hostile  intentions. 
They  complained  bitterly  that  these  troops  were 
burthensome,  insolent,  and  rapacious ;  and  their 
frequent  complaints  at  last  elicited  a  promise  that 
they  should  be  removed  from  the  country.  But 
their  dismissal  was  delayed  from  month  to  month, 
until  the  grievance  was  made  a  subject  of  general 
complaint  throughout  the  states.  At  last  the 
king  promised  that  they  should  be  removed  at 
the  end  of  four  months.  In  the  mean  while,  he 
himself,  on  the  26th  of  August,  1559,  took  his 


272         PHILIP'S  OBNOXIOUS  SOLDIERY. 

departure  for  Spain, — whence  he  never  more 
returned. 

He  left  behind  him  a  people  irritated  and 
exasperated  against  his  countrymen  to  the  last 
degree.  The  national  jealousy  which  had  always 
subsisted  between  the  natives  of  Flanders  and 
the  Spanish  settlers,  inflamed  by  mutual  injuries, 
(though  the  Spaniards  seem  generally  to  have 
been  the  aggressors,)  had  now  assumed  so 
serious  an  aspect  as  daily  to  threaten  a  collision. 
Every  circumstance  susceptible  of  an  injurious 
interpretation,  was  immediately  invested  with 
that  character :  and  when  the  term  fixed  for 
the  departure  of  the  4400  soldiers  had  expired, 
the  old  complaints  against  them  were  resumed ; 
and  their  dismissal  demanded  so  loudly,  that  the 
Duchess  of  Parma,  whom  Philip  had  left  regent 
of  the  Low  Countries,  procured  their  removal  to 
Zealand,  in  order  to  their  final  departure. 

Gresham's  letters  for  a  considerable  period 
make  such  particular  mention  of  this  force,  that 
its  movements  must  obviously  have  been  re- 
garded as  a  matter  of  general  interest,  and  no 
slight  importance.  He  sent  a  spy  into  Zealand 
to  observe  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  that  province/ 
and  communicated  the  result  of  his  watchfulness 

y  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.,  Ant.  April  18th,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off. 


THEIR    MOVEMENTS    WATCHED.  273 

periodically  to  the  council.  "  I  trust  from  tyme 
to  tyme  to  sertiffye  you  the  certainty  of  the 
quantitie  of  their  preparacions ;  of  how  manny 
shippes  of  war,  how  many  vittallers,  how  manny 
souldyers  [they  consist]  :  and  prinsypally,  to  geve 
you  to  understande  by  what  tyme  they  wilbe 
reddye.  And  for  the  better  and  surer  intelli- 
gens,  I  have  sent  presently  one  into  Zealland,  to 
hym  that  haythe  the  charge  thereof.  As  allso 
I  have  sent  one  Waddington,  (our  counttryman 
and  a  man  of  experyence, )  into  Zelland,  to  vis- 
sit  all  havens  [and]  portes,  for  the  quantitie  of 
shipes,  and  what  preparacione  of  shipes  of  war 
they  doo  prepayre ;  as  also  vittallers,  sowldyers, 
and  ordenans ;  and  in  what  tyme  they  will  be  in 
a  reddyness :  and  there  to  remayn  till  that  I  doo 
geve  hym  forddyr  order."2  Two  days  after  this, 
we  learn  that  his  emissary  had  returned  from 
Zealand,  stating  "  that  all  the  vittals  for  the  pro- 
vission  of  the  4400  Spaniards  were  arrived  out 
of  Holland ;  "  and  that  seven  ships,  concerning 
which  Cecil  had  written,  were  "in  a  reddyness 
to  depart."  Gresham  immediately  sent  his  mes- 
senger back  "  for  the  better  advertisement  of  all 
things. "a  This  was  in  the  latter  end  of  April, 

«  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.  Ant.  April  18th,  1560.— Flanders  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off. 

•  April  20,  Ibid. — In  this  letter  the  ships  and  their  appoint- 
ments are  enumerated. 

VOL.  I.  T 


274 


THE    EIGHT    SHIPS. 


1560;  but  we  find  that  the  troops  in  question 
had  not  arrived  in  Zealand  by  the  early  part  of 
May.  Gresham  writes, — "  The  sayd  sowldyers 
tarryeth  for  the  payment  of  their  wagis.  They 
saye  here  that  the  Regent  ys  come  hether  for  the 
dyspache  of  them,  and  for  money  matters  ;  as 
allso  to  macke  new  governors  of  this  towen. 
The  tyme  shall  lern  me  forddyr,  and  so  shall  I 
advertize.  I  have  not  bynne  wyth  the  Regent,  nor 
will  not,  till  that  I  have  some  occasion  of  acces : 
nor  licke  wysse  to  the  Bishop  of  Aras." b  In  the 
course  of  a  few  weeks  however,  appearances  be- 
came very  warlike.  'Eight  ships,  newly  vittled,' 
filled  Gresham  (whose  doer  was  still  keeping  watch 
in  Zealand)  with  apprehensions  lest  the  Spanish 
soldiers  should  be  suddenly  transported  into 
Scotland  to  aid  the  French.0  Next  month  he 
writes  to  Sir  Thomas  Parry, — "  The  4400  Spa- 
niards be  yet  in  their  garrisons :  but  the  saying 
is  here  now,  they  shall  shortly  depart.  The  eight 
ships  in  Zealand  do  still  remain  in  a  rediness  to 
receive  them  in."d  But  Schetz  assured  his  friend, 
(and  he  had  the  best  means  of  knowing,)  that  the 
soldiers  in  question  were  destined  to  be  sent 
back  to  Spain,  and  that  the  eight  ships  were  to 
be  otherwise  armed  :e  the  accuracy  of  which  infor- 

b  May  7,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.      c  May  29.— Ibid. 
d  June  24.— Ibid.  e  June  29.— Ibid. 


GRANVELLE,    BISHOP    OF    ARRAS.  275 

mation  was  fully  confirmed  by  the  sequel ;  for 
though  rumours  continued  to  prevail  of  the 
northern  destination  of  the  obnoxious  soldiery/ 
they  were  ultimately  ordered  home  by  the  Du- 
chess of  Parma,  on  her  own  responsibility ;  an  act 
for  which  the  King  of  Spain  never  forgave  her.E 

Granvelle,  Bishop  of  Arras,  has  been  already 
mentioned  as  a  most  unpopular  character,  who 
nevertheless  enjoyed  in  an  eminent  degree  the 
favour  of  King  Philip.  When  that  monarch  re- 
tired into  Spain,  Granvelle  remained  behind  in 
Flanders  ;  and  by  his  insolent  and  imperious  bear- 
ing soon  incurred  such  deep  hatred,  that  the  first 
noblemen  of  the  country  conspired  against  him, 
and  vowed  to  effect  his  ruin.  His  ambition  had 
procured  for  him  a  cardinal's  hat ;  and  intoxicated 
with  power  and  pride,  he  had  the  rashness  to 
assume  towards  the  leading  members  of  the  state 
an  air  of  haughty  superciliousness.  His  name 
frequently  recurs  in  Gresham's  correspondence ; 
and  always  in  connexion  with  something  indica- 
tive of  his  great  influence,  or  of  his  unpopularity. 
Speaking  in  one  of  his  letters  of  the  regent,  who 
had  come  to  Antwerp  attended  by  a  great  train 
of  nobles  and  gentlemen,  he  says,  "  I  do  intend 
as  tomorrow,  to  present  myself  to  kisse  her 

f  July  10,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

*  Vander Vynckt,  Hist,  des  Troub.  des  Pays  Bas,  vol.  i.  pp.  96-1 14. 

T  2 


276  HIS    UNPOPULARITY. 

handes,  and  to  byd  her  haultesse  welcome  to  this 
town  :  as  like  wyse  the  Bishop  of  Arras,  who 
governs  the  Regent  and  all  the  Councell" h  In 
1563,  Gresham  writes, — "  The  Cardenall  kepes 
the  courte,  and  the  prince  of  Orrange  ys  at  his 
howse  of  Brydarre,  and  the  Countie  of  Egmont 
ys  at  his  charge  in  Flanders,  and  all  nobellmen  at 
their  howsses ;  and  cannot  brooke  the  CardenaWs 
procedings  by  no  meanest1 

His  luxurious  and  extravagant  mode  of  life  was 
one  of  the  circumstances  which  gave  particular 
offence  to  his  enemies.  On  a  certain  occasion, 
when  a  distinguished  party  of  Flemish  nobles 
and  gentlemen  were  assembled  at  dinner  at  the 
house  of  our  old  friend  Jasper  Schetz,  Lord  of 
Grobbendonc,  the  conversation  happening  to 
turn  on  this  subject,  and  especially  on  the  bad 
example  set  by  the  expensive  liveries  worn  by 
the  servants  of  the  unpopular  ecclesiastic,  Count 
Egmont  declared  that  his  own  servants  should 
appear  in  future  clad  in  a  plain  livery  of  common 
grey  cloth.  The  whim  was  so  well  relished,  not 
only  by  the  assembled  guests,  but  by  the  other 
inhabitants  of  the  town,  that  all  the  tailors  in 
Brussels  were  scarcely  able  to  produce  solemn 
coloured  suits  with  sufficient  celerity  to  meet  the 

h  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.  Ant.  May  3rd,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off.  *  To  the  same,  Oct.  3rd,  1563.— Ibid. 


COUNT  EGMONT'S  FROLIC.     277 

sudden  demand.  But  the  offensive  circumstance 
connected  with  this  fashion  was,  that  on  the  loose 
sleeve  then  worn  by  servants,  fool's  caps  were  em- 
broidered, and  more  frequently  still,  a  cardinal's 
hat ;  which  made  it  clear  to  the  vulgar  that 
Granvelle  was  satirized  by  the  grotesque  attire 
which  had  so  suddenly  come  into  fashion.  To  put 
the  question  still  more  completely  out  of  doubt, 
pasquinades  were  circulated,  and  satirical  verses 
reflecting  on  the  Cardinal  held  him  up  to  popular 
obloquy  and  derision.  Some  of  these  pasquinades 
Gresham  seems  to  have  sent  over,  for  a  specimen 
is  preserved  among  the  State- Papers  of  the 
period  :  and  Clough,  in  one  of  his  letters,  thus 
alludes  to  Count  Egmont's  frolic, — if  so  ill- 
natured  a  freak  deserves  the  name.  "  I  wrotte 
you  by  my  formalle  letters  of  a  lyverye  [which 
it]  was  sayd  the  nobellmen  wollde  geve,  and 
that  their  badges  shuld  be  foolls'  hedds  ;  and 
nowe,  as  I  understande  by  dyvers  that  come 
from  Brussells,  most  of  the  nobellmens  pages  do 
wear  that  lyvery,  made  with  smalle  foolls'  hedds 
on  bothe  the  sydes  of  the  sieve;  and  in  the 
myddyst,  a  grete  fooll's  hede,  with  a  cardy nail's 
hat  uppon  yt.  Thys  ys  declaryd  here  by  some 
that  have  sene  them  ;  and  wryttyn  of  abrode  into 
all  plassys,  and  not  well  lykyd  by  them  that  are 
wyse;  for  that  they  doutt  that  smalle  gudness 


2?8  GRESHAM    IS    SENT    TO 

will  follow." j  These  anticipations  proved  per- 
fectly correct ;  but  to  show  this,  would  be  the 
province  of  the  historian,  rather  than  of  the 
biographer.  Our  narrow  limits  forbid  any  thing 
beyond  this  cursory  notice  of  an  event  which 
made  more  noise  at  the  time,  both  in  Flanders 
and  in  Spain,  than  seems  credible.  Nor  must 
we  at  present  delay  ourselves  any  longer  with 
the  individual  who  had  so  large  a  share  in  fo- 
menting the  troubles  which  afterwards  became  so 
celebrated,  and  led  to  the  memorable  results  to 
be  noticed  in  a  subsequent  page. 

Some  time  before  affairs  had  come  to  this  pass, 
indeed  soon  after  Philip  had  quitted  Flanders 
with  a  view  to  taking  up  his  abode  in  future  in 
Spain,  it  was  resolved  by  Elizabeth's  ministers  to 
send  an  ambassador-resident  to  that  court :  and 
Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  who  had  hitherto  repre- 
sented this  government  in  Flanders,  was  selected 
as  the  most  proper  person  to  fill  that  important 
post;  both  on  account  of  his  long  experience, 
and  his  personal  acquaintance  with  most  of  the 
individuals  with  whom  he  would  have  to  deal. 
England  remaining  thus  unrepresented  at  the 
court  of  the  Duchess  of  Parma,  (regent  of  the 
Netherlands,)  Mr.  Gresham  was  furnished  with 
letters  of  credence,  and  directed  to  repair  to  her 

i  Mar.  3,  1563-4.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


BRUSSELS,    AND    IS    KNIGHTED.  279 

grace  at  Brussels  in  the  temporary  capacity  of 
ambassador.  It  was  on  the  occasion  of  this 
honourable  and  important  mission,  and  precisely 
when  he  was  preparing  to  enter  upon  the  duties 
which  it  entailed,  that  the  honour  of  knight- 
hood was  conferred  upon  him :  for  though  in  the 
Instructions  which  which  he  was  furnished  pre- 
paratory to  his  departure  (bearing  date  the  20th 
December,  1559,)k  he  is  termed  'esquire,'  the 
knightly  style  is  observed  in  an  official  document 
under  his  hand,  which  was  written  on  the  23rd  of 
the  same  month.1  The  reader  will  scarcely  re- 
quire to  be  reminded  that  this  was  a  distinction 
in  that  age,  to  which  a  similar  honour  at  the 
present  day  is  by  no  means  equivalent. 

At  this  period,  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  resided  in 
Lombard-street,  which  was  then  the  handsomest 
street  in  London  ;m  and,  like  all  other  bankers  and 
merchants  living  in  that  street,  he  kept  a  shop. 
It  stood  on  the  site  now  occupied  by  the  bank- 
ing-house of  Messrs.  Stone,  Martin,  &  Co.,  and 
over  his  door  was  his  crest,  a  grasshopper,  by 
way  of  sign.  This  was  no  uncommon  practice 
even  at  a  later  period ;  for  we  are  told  that  the 
sign  of  the  house  in  Bread-street,  where  Milton's 
father  resided,  and  where  Milton  was  born,  was 

«<  Flanders  Correspondence,  St  P.  Off.        l  Ibid. 
m  ,Hentzner's  Travels,  8vo.  1797,  p.  31. 


280  GRESHAM'S  SHOP  AND  SIGN 

the  spread  eagle, — an  heraldic  symbol,  which 
appears  in  the  family  arms.  The  original  sign  of 
Gresham's  shop  was  seen  by  Pennant,  and  I  am 
informed  continued  in  existence  as  lately  as  the 
year  1795  ;  when,  on  the  erection  of  the  present 
building,  it  disappeared  from  the  station  which  it 
had  so  long  occupied  over  the  door :  its  metallic 
value  having  probably  aroused  the  cupidity  of 
some  of  the  labourers.  But  the  term  banker, 
when  applied  to  a  former  age,  is  so  likely  to 
produce  misconception,  that  before  proceeding 
further,  it  seems  advisable  to  explain  it. 

A  banker  in  early  times  pursued  a  very  diffe- 
rent trade  from  that  which  occupies  the  attention 
of  the  opulent  and  influential  class  so  called  at 
the  present  day.  It  is  well  known  that  the  lat- 
ter derive  their  profits  from  the  employment  of 
fluctuating  sums  of  money,  deposited  in  their 
hands  for  convenience  and  safety  by  the  public ; 
and  for  the  security  of  which,  the  respectability  of 
the  banker  is  a  sufficient  gaarantee.  But  this  is  a 
refinement  of  comparatively  recent  introduction, 
with  which  our  forefathers  were  wholly  unac- 
quainted. As  late  as  the  time  of  Swift,  bankers 
gave  and  took  a  bond  on  receiving  and  lending 
money ;  and  made  their  profit  by  obtaining  a 
higher  rate  of  interest,  or  usury  as  it  was  called, 
on  the  latter  operation,  than  they  allowed  gn  the 


IN    LOMBARD    STREET. THE    JEWS.         281 

former.  Ten  or  twelve  per  cent,  was  the  cus- 
tomary rate  of  interest  during  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth ;  at  which  period,  we  mean  no  dis- 
respect to  the  banker  when  we  say,  that  he 
united  in  his  person  the  trades  of  the  usurer, 
the  pawnbroker,  the  money-scrivener,  the  gold- 
smith, and  the  dealer  in  bullion.  A  German 
traveller  who  visited  England  in  1593,  says,  that 
he  saw  in  Lombard-street  "  all  sorts  of  gold  and 
silver  vessels  exposed  to  sale,  as  well  as  ancient 
and  modern  coins,  in  such  quantities  as  must  sur- 
prise a  man  the  first  time  he  sees  and  considers 
them."  n  At  the  period  of  Gresham's  death,  a 
considerable  portion  of  his  wealth  consisted  of 
gold  chains.  It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that 
Lombard-street  should  have  retained  its  character 
as  well  as  its  name  for  at  least  five  centuries  and 
a  half :  and  it  may  not  perhaps  be  out  of  place  to 
mention,  that  within  the  last  thirty  years  several 
gold  and  silver  lace-men  lived  there  ;  a  link  be- 
tween the  ancient  and  modern  occupants  of  the 
street,  which  has  now  almost  wholly  disappeared. 
The  earliest  money-dealers  in  England  were 
the  Jews,  a  people  proverbial  among  us  to  this 
day  for  their  riches  ;  and  who,  if  they  behaved  as 
extortioners,  were  certainly  treated  as  such  by  our 
early  monarchs,  and  became  in  turn  the  objects 

n    Hentzner's  Travels. 


282  THE    LOMBARDS. 

of  every  description  of  hardship  and  ignominy. 
To  them  succeeded  the  Lombards, — by  which 
general  appellation  the  early  Italian  merchants  of 
Genoa,  Lucca,  Florence,  and  Venice  were  desig- 
nated.0 They  obtained  a  footing  in  this  country 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  es- 
tablished themselves  in  Lombard-street:  making 
it  their  business  to  remit  money  to  their  own 
country  by  bills  of  exchange,15  which  was  found 
particularly  useful  by  the  Italian  clergy,  who  were 
thus  enabled  in  an  easy  manner  to  receive  the 
income  of  their  transalpine  benefices.  In  spite 
of  the  prejudices  which  at  first  obstructed  their 
reception,  they  by  degrees  acquired  a  firm  foot- 
ing ;  and  in  process  of  time,  became  the  richest 
merchants  and  the  greatest  money-lenders  in  the 
kingdom.  In  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 

°  Hence,  as  might  be  expected,  a  number  of  commercial  terms 
have  crept  into  our  language  of  Italian  derivation.  Debtor  and 
creditor,  for  instance :  cash,  from  cassa,  the  case  or  chest 
where  money  was  kept :  usance  from  usanza :  bank  and  bank- 
rupt, from  banco  and  banco  rotto  :  journal,  from  giornale :  the 
abbreviations  for  liri,  soldi,  and  denari ;  and  the  often  recurring 
ditto,  which  should  be  spelt  with  an  e  instead  of  an  i. 

p  Macpherson  (p.  367)  gives  instances  of  general  letters  of 
credit,  as  early  as  the  year  1200.  Mention  is  made  of  liter <B 
cambitorite,  or  negotiable  bills  of  exchange,  in  an  instrument 
bearing  the  date  of  1364,  (Rymer,  vol.  vi.  p.  495).  In  1400,  bills 
were  drawn  in  sets,  and  worded  exactly  as  at  present.  (Mac- 
pherson, p.  614 :  and  see  Beckmann's  History  of  Inventions, 
vol.  iii.  p.  430.) 


GOLDSMITHS BANKERS.  283 

tury  they  advanced  a  large  sum  for  the  service  of 
the  state,  and  had  the  customs  mortgaged  to  them 
by  way  of  security. 

We  have  already  in  some  degree  explained 
the  nature  of  the  business  pursued  by  these  early 
goldsmiths,  or,  as  they  are  sometimes  called, 
bankers ;  and  pointed  out  wherein  their  opera- 
tions differed  from  those  of  bankers  at  the  present 
day.  The  transition  period  was  about  the  reign 
of  Charles  the  First ;  "  until  which  time  the  whole 
and  proper  business  of  London  goldsmiths  was 
to  buy  and  sell  plate,  and  foreign  coins  of  gold 
and  silver  ;  to  melt  and  cull  them  ;  to  coin  some 
at  the  mint,  and  with  the  rest  to  supply  the 
refiners,  plate-workers,  and  merchants  as  they 
found  the  price  to  vary."q  In  the  time  of  the 
subsequent  troubles,  merchants  and  tradesmen, 
who  before  had  entrusted  their  cash  to  their 
servants  and  apprentices,  found  that  practice  no 
longer  safe.  Neither  did  they  any  longer  dare, 
on  account  of  the  distresses  of  majesty  itself,  to 
use  the  Mint  in  the  Tower  as  a  place  of  deposit. 
They  now  began  to  lodge  their  necessary  cash  in 
the  goldsmiths'  hands,  for  the  sake  of  greater 
security.  This  was  in  the  year  1645,  when  gold- 
smiths first  exercised  both  professions  ;  and  Pen- 

t<»  Anderson,  vol.  ii.  p.  402 ;  who  quotes  from  a  scarce  pamphlet 
n  this  subject. 


284 


GRESHAM    CHANGES    HIS 


nant,  writing  in  1790,  says  that  even  in  his  day 
there  were  several  eminent  bankers  who  kept 
goldsmiths'  shops.  The  first  regular  banker  was 
Mr.  Francis  Child,  goldsmith,  who  began  business 
soon  after  the  Restoration/ 

In  Lombard-street,  then,  at  the  sign  of  the  grass- 
hopper, dwelt  Thomas  Gresham ;  and  I  beg  the 
reader  will  not  lose  any  of  the  respect  he  may 
have  conceived  for  him,  on  being  informed  that 
he  was  a  banker  such  as  I  have  described,  as  well 
as  a  mercer  and  merchant-adventurer  ;  and  that 
he  kept  a  shop.     All  the  trading  community  at 
the  time  did  the  same ;  and  a  banking-house  is 
technically  called  a  shop  to  this  day.     But  after 
he  was  honoured  with  knighthood,  he  must  have 
begun  to  look  out  for  some  other  place  of  resi- 
dence, and  to  think  of  leaving  his  house  in  Lom- 
bard-street to  the  care  of  his  apprentices  :  for  we 
are  told  that  such  an  abode  was  considered  un- 
fitting the  dignity  of  a  knight.   Sir  Baptist  Hickes, 
(afterwards  Viscount  Camden,)  a  great  mercer  in 
the  reign  of  James  I.,8  was  one  of  the  first  citizens 
who,  after  knighthood,  kept  a  shop  :  on  which  ac- 
count, Stowe's  continuator  informs  us  that  he  was 
remonstrated  with  by  the  aldermen,  who  seem  to 
have   expected  that  he  would   have    altogether 

'  Pennant's  London,  ed.  1790,  p.  361. 
s  Stowe's  Survey,  ed.  1720,  book  i.  p.  287- 


RESIDENCE. CHALONER.  285 

relinquished  his  trade  when  he  obtained  his  title. 
I  am  not  prepared  to  say  how  it  may  have  been 
with  Gresham ;  but  conclude,  from  the  letters  of 
business  which  subsequently  passed  between  him 
and  his  apprentices, — dated  respectively  Gresham 
House,  and  London, — that  his  connexion  with 
Lombard-street  did  not  cease  with  his  knighthood. 
He  began,  however,  as  I  have  already  hinted, 
to  think  of  removing  to  some  more  aristocratic 
locality ;  and  fixed  on  Bishopsgate-street,  where 
after  a  year  or  two  a  mansion  arose,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Gresham  House.  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  recur  to  this  edifice  hereafter,  and 
therefore  dismiss  the  subject  for  the  present.  Sir 
Thomas  Gresham  had  been  appointed  English 
ambassador  at  the  court  of  the  regent  of  the 
Low  Countries ;  and  we  will  now  follow  him 
thither  in  his  new  capacity. 

He  acquitted  himself  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  an  office,  which,  though  not  altogether 
strange  to  him,  was  more  exalted  in  its  charac- 
ter than  any  which  he  had  yet  filled,  with  his 
accustomed  ability  and  success :  for  by  frequent 
communications  with  Chaloner,  who  did  not  take 
his  final  departure  until  the  4th  of  February 
following,1  he  became  thoroughly  prepared  for  all 

1  The  event  obtains  particular  notice  in  Cecil's  Diary ;  viz. 
•'4  Feb.  1559-60.     Sir  Thomas  Challoner,  Ambassador  with  the 


286  LETTERS    TO    THE    QUEEN 

he  had  to  encounter  in  his  new  vocation.  This 
accession  of  dignity,  however,  brought  with  it  no 
accession  of  leisure,  but  the  contrary :  for  the 
duties  of  an  ambassador  were  now  superadded  to 
those  of  queene's  merchant.  On  the  present 
occasion,  for  example,  he  was  commissioned  to 
take  up  for  the  space  of  a  year,  and  transport  to 
England,  the  sum  of  200,000/. :  to  send  over  the 
remainder  of  the  armour  and  stores  in  his  custody, 
(making  a  present  of  about  500  crowns  to  the 
officers  of  the  customs,  in  case  any  serious  diffi- 
culty should  arise  in  that  quarter,  and  interfere 
with  the  transportation  of  those  important  com- 
modities) ;  and  he  was  further  ordered  to  purchase 
500  shirts  of  mail.v 

After  a  month  passed  in  Antwerp,  he  returned 
home  in  the  beginning  of  February,  1559-60  ;  but 
it  was  only  for  a  few  days ;  since,  on  the  25th,  we 
find  him  taking  his  departure  from  London,  and 
writing  as  follows  to  Queen  Elizabeth.  "  It  may 
please  your  most  excellent  Majestie  to  understand, 
that  for  the  better  profe  to  your  highness  for  the 
conveyance  of  such  bullion  and  gold  as  I  shall 
provide  for  you,  I  have  sent  you  this  letter  enclosed 
in  the  stone-worke  ;  being  no  small  comfort  unto 

Duchess  of  Parma,  revoked,  and  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  left  agent 
with  her."  (Murdin's  State-Papers.)    Some  of  Gresham's  corre- 
spondence with  Chaloner  is  preserved  in  the  State-Paper  Office. 
v  See  the  *  Instructions '  referred  to  in  note  k. 


AND    SIR    WILLIAM    CECIL.  287 

me  that  I  have  obtained  to  the  knowledge  thereof, 
for  the  better  conveyance  of  your  treasure.  Which 
thing  must  be  kept  as  secretlie  as  your  Majesty 
can  devyze ;  for  yf  it  should  be  known  or  per- 
ceived in  Flanders,  it  were  as  much  as  my  life 
and  goods  were  worth."  w  From  which  we  may 
presume,  that  he  had  discovered  some  extraordi- 
nary mode  of  conveying  to  England  with  secrecy 
the  treasure  he  was  commissioned  to  procure 
in  Flanders :  and  the  present  being  a  farewell 
letter,  he  commended  the  Lady  Gresham  to  Queen 
Elizabeth  in  these  words  :  "  I  shall  most  humbly 
beseeche  your  Highness  to  be  a  comfort  unto 
my  poore  wife  in  this  my  absence  in  the  service 
of  your  Majestic." 

On  the  same  day  he  addressed    Cecil   from 
Gravesend,  as  follows  : — 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  It  maye  like  you  to  undyr stand,  that  this 
morning  I  met  upon  the  Thames  with  letters  from 
my  factor  Rychard  Clowghe,  which  I  sent  you  by 
my  factor  Richard  Candiller  :  wherebye  you  maye 

Iperceve  the  great  scarsity  of  monny  upon  the 
burse,  and  what  ado  there  is.  As  likewise,  what 
advertisement  the  Regent  hath  out  of  Ingland  of 
such  munition  and  armour  as  hath  beene  sent 

-  London,  Feb.  25. 1559-60.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


288 


THE    STAPLERS. 


home.  I  shall  most  humbly  desire  you  to  geve 
great  charge  to  Mr.  Blomefield  for  the  secret 
receiving  up  of  the  fyne  corryne  powder x  that 
dayly  shall  come  from  thense,  and  of  all  such 
other  matters  as  I  shall  likewise  send :  and  that 
there  may  be  no  more  of  my  things  entered  in 
the  Custome-House,  wherebie  any  serchers  or 

suche  knaves  might  come  to  the  intelligens 

Sir,  you  shall  do  well  that  the  Queene's  Majestie 
dothe  use  the  staplers  for  xv  or  xx  M  li.  [15  or 
20,000/.,]  as  you  have  used  the  Merchaunt  Ad- 
venturers :  wyche  they  doo  stand  in  much  dought 
that  they  must  needes  serve.  For  that  your  hon- 
nor  shall  understand  that,  two  dayes  past,  bothe 
the  Mayre  of  the  Stapell,  (Mr.  Offley,)  and  my 
Coussyn  Marshe,  spake  to  me  to  be  good  unto 
them,  to  be  a  meane  unto  the  Queene's  Majestie 
that  they  shuld  not  serve  at  this  instant. — You 
shall  do  well  to  give  the  attempt,  and  to  demand 

xxx  M  li.  although  you  doo  take  but  halfe 

I  praye  you  to  send  me  the  chiffer  [cypher]  by 
your  next."y 

Gresham's  next  letter  is  from  Dover,  dated  the 
26th.  It  is  addressed  to  the  secretary,  and  con- 
tains a  memorandum  of  all  that  the  writer  foresaw 

*  Corn  powder  is  a  strong  kind  of  gunpowder,  which  is 
manufactured  in  corns  ;  being  less  finely  granulated  than  '  ser- 
pentine powder,'  of  which  a  definition  is  given  elsewhere. 

y  Gravesend,  Feb.  25.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


GRESHAM'S  MOVEMENTS.  289 

he  should  require  in  Flanders,  as  bands  [bonds,] 
&c.  &c.  On  the  28th  he  writes  from  Dunkirk, 
where  he  had  arrived  at  eight  o'clock  the  same 
morning,  after  a  fair  passage ;  observing,  "  At 
this  instant  I  received  a  letter  from  Sir  N.  Throck- 
morton,  directed  to  Sir  T.  Challoner  and  me, 
which  I  send  you  here  inclosed." 

His  first  letter  on  arriving  at  Antwerp  mentions 
the  personal  danger  which  his  commission  obliged 
him  to  incur  : — "  The  great  breute  that  runs  upon 
me  that  I  will  rob  them  [the  Antwerp  merchants] 
of  all  their  fine  gold  and  silver :  by  the  reasone 
whereof,  I  will  insure  you  I  am  half  afrayde  to  go 
abrode,  but  onely  at  the  owres  of  the  burse  tyme. 
I  am  credibly  informed  that  the  merchants  (  Span- 
yards  and  Italians)  dothe  pretend  to  put  a  suppli- 
cation up  to  the  Regent  against  me."2     The  letter 
rhich  contains  this  passage  is  long  and  curious, 
mt  we  cannot  afford  to  delay  ourselves  with  fur- 
icr  extracts.     It  is  worth  mentioning,  however, 
lat  enclosed  within  it  was  a  letter  to  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth from  Sir  John  Legh,  which  letter  remains 
long  the  State-Papers :  but  nothing  further  is 
deducible  from  its  contents,  than  that  the  writer 
-as  apprehensive  of  her  majesty's  displeasure,  and 
lat  he  sought  to  recommend  himself  to  her  favour- 

«  Sir  T.  G.  to  Cecil.     Ant.  March  8,  1559-60.— Fland.  Corr. 
P.  Off. 
VOL.  I.  U 


290 


DEPARTURE  FOR  FLANDERS. 


able  notice  by  the  communication  of  Flemish  state 
intelligence. 

Again  we  follow  Gresham  back  to  London : 
having  the  customary  evidence  of  his  presence  in 
the  great  city, — a  letter  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
written  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  once  more  for 
Flanders.  He  requests  the  secretary  to  give  his 
servant  '  the  licence  for  the  twelve  tons  of  beer 
that  he  had  obtained  for  him ;  and  also  to  let  him 
have  the  licence  for  my  Lady  Dormer,  and  Mr. 
Clarencieux  for  their  abode  there ;  in  order  that 
he  might  have  the  carrying  over  of  the  same.' 
This  was  the  last  letter  Gresham  wrote  from  Lon- 
don for  a  long  period.  From  the  beginning  of 
April  1560,  until  the  month  of  March  1561,  he 
resided  almost  permanently  in  Flanders  ;  and  from 
the  numerous  letters  he  addressed  to  Sir  William 
Cecil,  Sir  Thomas  Parry,  and  Queen  Elizabeth 
during  that  interval,  the  extracts  which  we  shall 
next  lay  before  the  reader  will  be  made  :  or  if  we 
have  occasion  now  and  then  to  draw  on  a  letter 
written  in  1559,  it  will  only  be  in  order  that  the 
extract  thus  obtained  may  have  its  full  value,  and 
be  better  understood. 

Let  us  first  advert  to  the  state  of  public  feeling 
in  Antwerp,  when  Gresham  returned  to  that  city 
in  the  spring  of  1560.  This  was  a  subject  of 
which  he  always  took  such  a  view,  and  concerning 


KING  PHILIP'S  FINANCES.  2Q1 

which  he  always  made  such  remarks  as  the  nature 
of  the  charge  with  which  he  was  entrusted  might 
lead  us  to  expect  from  his  pen.  After  assuring 
Cecil  how  unpopular  King  Philip  was  in  the  Low 
Countries,  he  invariably  adds  some  financial 
intelligence  ;  such  as  the  reduced  state  of  his 
resources,  pecuniary  and  military,11  and  the  bad 
odour  in  which  he  grew  with  the  people  of  Flan- 
ders. Certain  commissioners,  he  says  on  one 
occasion,  came  from  the  court  at  Brussels,  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  a  subsidy  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Antwerp  ;  but  the  common  council  of  the  town 
having  secretly  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  deli- 
beration, the  members  resolutely  determined  not 
to  grant  any  supplies. b  The  wealth  of  the  New 
World,  however,  more  than  once  came  most 
effectually  and  opportunely  to  the  relief  of  the 
Spanish  nation.  "  Here  is  letters  come  from 
Sevill,"  writes  Gresham  at  last,  "  advertising  that 
there  is  arrived  at  Calles  malles  [Cadiz,]  8  ships 
from  the  Indyas,  ladyn  with  4  millions  of  fine  gold 
and  silver ;  and  that  King  Phillip  hath  for  his 
part  1  million.  As  likewise  they  do  look  for 
4  ships  more;  wishing,  for  my  part,  it  were  all 
in  the  Quene's  Majestie's  coffers,  or  in  the 
Exchequer."  c 

a  April  18,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
»  April  25.— Ibid.  c  April  30.— Ibid. 


292     UNSETTLED  STATE  OF  FLANDERS. 

What  must  have  conduced  in  no  slight  degree 
to  promote  the  bad  understanding  which  it  is  ob- 
vious existed  between  the  Spanish  monarch  and 
his  Flemish  subjects,  was  his  restless  spirit,  which 
kept  them  in  a  state  of  a  perpetual  anxiety  and 
ferment.  "  On  the  17th  of  this  instant,"  says 
our  merchant,  writing  to  Sir  William  Cecil  from 
Antwerp,  (April  18th,  1560,)  "  I  ressevid  your 
letter  of  the  xiiith,  wherbye  I  persseve  that  Kinge 
Phillipe's  preparacione  ys  now  apparaunt  to  the 
Quene's  Majestic,  for  the  ayde  of  the  Frenche 
Kinge  to  subdew  the  S cotes ;  whereof  our  mer- 
chaunts,  and  other,  had  intelegens  as  sone  as  I 
hade.  So  that  here  ys  soche  adoo  amonges  our 
nacione,  and  other,  for  to  preserve  one  another, 
as  it  ys  undyrfull  [wonderfull,]  and  the  most  parte 
of  all  the  merchaunts  of  this  towen  be  rydden  to 
Bajrrowghe,d  to  content  and  paie  themsellffes  with 
our  comodittes  :  and  some  be  gone  to  see  an  if 
they  can  sett  over  the  Quene's  Majestie's  bondes 
to  our  company  for  cloths  and  kersses  ;  for  that 
all  men  fere  here  that  the  Regent  wolle  macke 
some  soddeyen  arrest, — wyche  newes  hayth  aston- 
nyd  all  nacions.  So  that  now  the  Quene's  Ma- 
jestie's credit  ys  at  a  whole  steye,  and  all  the 
nacion's.  The  procidings  of  King  Phillippe  ys 
nothing  lickyd  :  I  praye  God  torne  all  things  to 

d  Bourbourg,  as  already  explained.        C 


SHIPPING    FROM    HAMBURG.  293 

the  best."6  The  next  day,  what  had  hitherto 
been  merely  matter  of  apprehension,  was  cur- 
rently reported  as  matter  of  fact :  "  At  this  in- 
stant, here  ys  newes  come  that  all  Dutch  shipes 
and  hoyes  shulld  be  arrestid  at  London ;  wyche 
doghtless  wolle  causse  us  all  to  be  arestid  here, 
owght  of  hand."f 

The  unsettled  state  of  affairs  in  Flanders,  cou- 
pled with  a  degree  of  uncertainty  as  to  what  hos- 
tile steps  circumstances  might  induce  King  Philip 
to  take,  was  doubtless  in  part  the  cause  why 
Gresham  was  commissioned,  about  this  period,  to 
purchase  military  stores  to  so  large  an  amount, 
and  forward  them  to  London.  The  progress  he 
was  making  in  the  fulfilment  of  this  object  forms, 
in  fact,  the  theme  of  all  his  letters  during  a  consi- 
derable time ;  for  his  operations,  which  were  con- 
ducted upon  an  immense  scale,  not  only  gave  full 
occupation  to  himself,  but  also  to  the  numerous 
agents  who  were  constantly  employed  in  his  ser- 
vice in  different  parts  of  Flanders  and  Germany. 
In  every  letter  he  enumerates  how  many  "  corse- 
lets, dags,  and  handguns  "  he  had  been  shipping, 
besides  saltpetre  and  sulphur  ;  until  at  last,  weary 
with  the  slow  progress  he  was  making,  he  begs  to 
be  allowed  to  adventure  military  stores  to  the 
value  of  3,000/.  on  one  bottom  from  Hamburg, 

e  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  f  Ibid. 


294  POWDER-MILLS. 

(from  which  port  he  says  that  in  his  day  not  more 
than  ten  ships  sailed  in  the  course  of  the  year.)* 
"  And  for  that  [which]  ys  all  reddy  at  Hambor- 
row,  I  wold  I  were  abill  to  persuade  the  Quene's 
Majestic  and  yow  that  it  myght  pleasse  her  high- 
ness to  bere  iii  M  li.  venttor  in  a  shippe,  for  the 
speaddy  dispache  of  yt ;  whishing  to  God  it  were 
aryvyd  at  London  in  saffetye :  for  that  the  like 
masse  ys  not  to  be  gotten  together  for  no  treassor, 
and  spessially  harness,  salte  petter,  and  sullpher. 
Sir,  I  wrote  yow  in  my  last  of  the  great  scarssite 
of  powdyr  that  ys  here  to  be  hade.  The  Quene's 
Majestic  should  do  well  to  macke,  out  of  hande, 
iiij  or  vi  myllesfor  the  macking  of  powdyr  for  the 
servize  of  her  highness'  turne,  if  the  warres  con- 
tynew,  or  this  breach  of  amy tie  shulld  chaunce  be- 
twixt her  Majestic  and  King  Philipe."h  Gresham 
frequently  gave  the  secretary  similar  advice ;  show- 
ing, at  this  important  period  of  our  history,  how 
inadequately  England  was  provided  alike  with 

*  Amsterdam  seems  to  have  been  a  port  of  far  greater  impor- 
tance. Weddington  thus  writes  from  "  Gronnynge  in  Frysland/' 
May  23,  1560  :  "  The  next  esterly  wyndes  at  Amsterdam  in  Hol- 
land, they  look  for  3  or  400  sayle  of  gret  ships  out  of  Est  lands, 
appateyning  to  Holland ;  only  laden  with  corn  and  other  mer- 
chandize."— Flanders  Correspondence,  State-Paper  Office. 

h  To  Cecil,  April  18,  1560.— Ibid.  Gresham's  request  was 
granted  by  return  of  the  post,  as  appears  from  the  Queen's  reply, 
preserved  among  the  State-Papers,  bearing  date  April  24th. 


ENGLISH    SEAMEN.  295 

the  means  of  aggression  and  of  defence,  and  how 
dependent  she  was  on  foreign  states  for  those 
resources,  which  her  native  energies  have  since 
abundantly  supplied.  In  the  month  of  May,  1560, 
he  writes, — "  It  ys  geven  me  to  understonde  that 
she  [the  regent]  wolle  not  departe  from  this  towen, 
(nor  the  counssell,)  till  Kinge  Phillipe's  resollute 
answer  be  knowen,  how  a  will  proceed  agaynst  the 
Quene's  Majestic  and  the  realm.  Fynally,  Sir,  it 
ys  most  convenyent  for  the  Quene's  Majestic  to 
macke  all  her  shipes  in  a  redynes  within  the 
realme,  and  to  soffer  no  maryners  to  goo,  no  kynde 
ofwayse,  out  of  the  realme.  And  according  as  I 
have  wrytten  you,  I  cannot  see  wyche  waye  King 
Phillipe  can  annoye  her  highness  this  yere ;  con- 
sidering a  hath  nyther  monny,  ships,  nor  men ; 
nor  munission,  nor  armewr.  Nevertheless,  it  ys 
good  to  dowght  the  worst,  and  to  trust  to  no 
wordes :  and  for  my  part,  I  have  given  abrode 
that  the  Quene's  Majestic  hayth  two  hundred 
ships  in  a  redynes,  well  armyd." 

It  was  not  so  much  any  direct  aggression  on  the 
part  of  the  King  of  Spain  which  the  English  ap- 
prehended, as  the  danger  which  might  result  from 
his  aiding  France  with  his  powerful  support.  The 
cause  of  Mary  of  Guise,  with  the  accession  of  such 
an  ally,  would  have  become  formidable  ;  and  this 

*  To  Cecil.  May  7,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


296 


REPORTS    CONCERNING 


was  the  real  reason  why  Gresham  watched  so  nar- 
rowly the  movements  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  in 
Zealand ;  lest  by  one  of  those  strokes  of  policy  of 
which  King  Philip  was  so  capable,  a  fair  wind 
should  have  been  availed  of  to  transport  his  vete- 
rans to  Leith, — a  strong-hold  at  that  time  in  the 
occupation  of  the  French  army,  from  which  it  was 
the  object  of  the  united  forces  of  England  and 
Scotland  to  dislodge  them.  Gresham  says  on  the 
18th  of  April,  1560,— "  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the 
Quene  Dowager  is  entered  into  communication, 
and  the  Quene's  Majestie's  army  is  at  Leith  ;"j 
and,  as  might  be  expected,  the  reports  which  sub- 
sequently prevailed  at  Antwerp  of  the  progress  of 
the  siege,  obtain  frequent  notice  in  the  course  of 
this  correspondence.  Such  passages  as  the  fol- 
lowing cannot  fail  to  be  interesting  to  English 
ears.  "  Here  ys  a  secret  talk  that  the  town  of 
Leith  had  geven  [yielded]  by  our  men  and  the 
Scots'  assault :  whereas  was  lost  i  M  [1000]  men, 
as  they  say  here.  Sir>  I  most  humbly  beseche 
you,  as  there  ys  any  good  newes,  I  may  hear  from 
you  wyth  the  fyrst ;  for  that  here  ys  none  other 
talke  but  of  Ingland  and  Scotland,  and  all  men 
wish  Scotland  were  once  Inglish." k  "  Here  ys 
dyvers  of  our  nacione  hayth  letters  of  the  xxxth, 

j  To  Cecil,  May  7,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
k  To  the  same,  April  25,  1560.— Ibid. 


THE    SIEGE    OF    LEITH.  297 

from  London,  that  the  Quene's  armye  at  Lieth 
haythe  geven  a  great  overthrowe  to  the  French 
men,  to  the  nombre  of  ii  M  persones  ;  and  for  that 
I  hadd  letters  from  you  of  the  30th,  and  had  no 
advertisement,  causyth  me  to  geve  the  lesse  cre- 
dit unto  the  other.  Wyche  newes  ys  here  moche 
rejoiced  at  of  all  nacions ;  for  that  yt  ys  thought 
that  Lieth  shall  not  be  abell  to  holde  ought  any 

longe  tyme Here  ys  none  other  como- 

nycaciones  but  of  Ingland  and  Scoteland ;  and  all 
men  wishe  Lithe  to  be  tacken,  and  the  French 
men  to  be  put  owght  of  Scoteland.  And  they  doo 
moch  lament  that  she  [Queen  Elizabeth]  dyd  sof- 
fer  this  matter  so  longe.  Therefore,  Sir,  I  most 
humbly  besech,  as  you  have  any  good  newes 
worthy  of  writing,  that  it  maye  please  you  I  maye 
have  them  wyth  the  fyrst." l  A  few  weeks  after,  we 
read :  "  Sir,  here  ys  serteyne  news  spread  abrode 
that  the  French  King  hymsellfe,  in  person,  comyth 
down  to  New-Haven  [Havre]  to  see  his  ships  and 
his  men  of  war  shippid  for  Scoteland.  Wyche,  I 
trust  in  God,  shall  be  met  wyth  all  well  enough ; 
and  that  Leith  ys  dyspached  one  wayes  or  other : 
wyche  of  force  must  be  taken,  for  the  honnor  of 
the  Quene's  Majestie,  and  the  realme."1"  One 
quotation  more,  and  I  have  done.  "  Sir,  I  thancke 

1  To  Cecil,  May  7.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
">  To  the  same,  May  29.— Ibid. 


298          GRESHAM'S  LETTER  TO  CECIL 

you  for  your  good  newes  of  Leethe.  I  wold  to 
God  that  matter  were  dispachid,  eyther  by  fare 
meynes  or  foul  meynes,  for  the  great  honnor  that 
her  Majestic  and  the  realme  should  resseve  there- 
by ;  wyche  newes  ys  here  longe  lookyd  for."  n 

A  more  perfect  extract  from  one  of  the  nume- 
rous letters  addressed  by  Gresham  to  the  se- 
cretary about  this  period,  will  serve  as  a  further 
specimen  of  his  correspondence,  and  not  be  out 
of  place  here. 

"  Right  honnor  able  Sir  : 

"  It  maye  like  you  to  understond,  that,  as 
the  xviijth  daye,  I  wrote  you  of  all  things  that 
passed  here ;  and  of  the  great  breute  and  rew- 
mers  that  ys  here  of  the  ayde  that  King  Phillipe 
will  geve  to  the  Frenche  Kinge  to  subdew  the 
Scots.  Wyche  matter  ys  so  takyne  by  all  na- 
cyons  to  the  great  dishonnor  of  the  Kinge's 
Majestic,  that  yf  any  breach  of  war  shuld  chance, 
I  beleve  the  Quenes  Majestie  shuld  be  more 
assewryd  of  frendes  here  than  he.  As  also 
they  say  playne  here,  that  the  States  of  the  lande 
will  never  consent  to  have  war  with  Ingland. 
And  that  this  ys  the  practise  of  the  Spanyardes 
and  priests,  as  well  in  Ingland  as  other  ways : 
wyche  mattir  hath  clean  alteryd  the  credit  of  the 

«  To  Cecil,  June  16.— Fland.  Corr.   St.  P.  Off. 


CONCERNING    FLEMISH    AFFAIRS.  299 

Quenes  Majestie  and  of  all  our  nacione.  I  have 
talkyd  with  dyvers  of  the  Quenes  Majisties  cre- 
dittors  ;  and  to  be  playne  with  you,  every  man 
sekes  to  be  paid.  Whereunto  I  have  made  an- 
swer, — '  Yf  this  had  not  chanssid,  every  man 
shuld  have  beene  paid,  that  wolde  ;  but  now, 
there  was  none  other  remedy  but  that  they  must 
have  pacience  for  vi  monthes  longger,  and  that  I 
trustid  by  that  tyme  to  see  them  paid  here,  or 
elles  at  Hamborow ;  whereas  [where]  I  gave 
them  to  undyr stand  that  the  Quenes  Majestie 
wold  send  so  manny  cloths  and  karssez  as  shulde 
answer  her  highness'  whole  dettes,  what-soevir 

O  ' 

shuld  chanse.  Wyche  mattir  likyd  some  verye 
well,  and  speciallye  the  Germans ;  for  that  place 

will  be  as  commodyus  to  them,  as  this 

"  Truly,  Sir,  here  ys  such  a  ster,  as  God  ys 
the  best  [witness.]  Wisshing,  for  my  parte,  that 
the  Queue's  Majestie  were  abel  to  make  some 
worthy  payment  for  the  advansement  of  her  high- 
ness' creadit ;  wyche  will  not  be  a  littil  spoken  of 
thorowe  all  Cristendome.  As  also,  all  the  wyse 
men  saye  here,  that  it  ys  but  a  tricke  of  Kinge 
Phillipe  to  fear  the  Quenes  Majestie,  to  make 
her  highness  call  her  armye  backe  agayen  out  of 
Scoteland ;  and  they  doo  not  sticke  to  saye  open- 
ly, that  yf  King  Phillipe  hathe  war  agaynst  the 
Queene's  Majestie,  that  all  the  nobellmen  pro- 


300  THE  QUEEN'S  TURKEY  HORSK, 

testants  in  Germany  will  ryse  agaynst  hym.  Sir, 
I  cannot  write  you  too  muche  howe  Kinge  Phil- 
lipe  ys  my  slicked  in  these  his  procedinges  agaynst 
our  realme."0 

Though  altogether  devoted  in  general  to  the 
discussion  of  the  affairs  entrusted  to  his  manage- 
ment, Gresham's  correspondence  is  occasionally 
enlivened  by  details  of  a  somewhat  more  amusing 
character ;  which  it  may  not  be  improper  to  notice 
here,  before  proceeding  to  graver  matters.  Pas- 
sages of  this  complexion  were  elicited  when  a 
courtier,  for  instance,  had  requested  Gresham  to 
procure  for  him  some  elegant  article  of  foreign 
manufacture,  or  other  object  which  was  more 
easily  obtainable  on  the  Continent  than  in  Eng- 
land; and  sometimes  they  were  called  forth  by 
other  circumstances.  I  will  give  some  examples. 
"  Sir,"  says  the  same  writer,  addressing  Sir 
William  Cecil  in  1560,  "  it  may  please  you  to 
doo  my  most  humble  commendacion  to  my  Lorde 
Robert  Dudeley,  and  to  declare  unto  him  that 
the  Queen's  Majesty's  Turkey  horse  doth  be- 
gynne  to  mend  in  his  foote  and  boddy  ;  which 
doughtless  ys  one  of  the  readdyst  horsses  that 
ys  in  all  Christendom,  and  runs  the  best."p  In 
about  a  month,  he  adds,  (writing  to  Sir  Thomas 

0  Ant.  April  19,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
p  Ant.  May  12,  1560.— Ibid. 


AND    IRON    CHEST.  301 

Parry)  "  It  may  please  you  to  show  my  Lord 
Robert,  that  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Turkey  horse 
waxes  a  very  fayre  beast ;  and  with  the  Queen's 
Majesty's  leve,  I  doo  intend  to  bring  [it]  home 
myselfe."q  In  a  letter  addressed  shortly  after 
to  the  same  individual,  Gresham  says,  "  I  thank 
you  for  the  gentill  entertainment  you  gave  to  my 
poore  wyffe,  who  I  do  right  well  know  molests 
you  dayly  for  my  coming  home, — suche  is  the 
fondness  of  women  !  And  whereas  your  honour 
would  have  a  great  Iron  chest  bought  for  the 
Queen's  Majesty,  with  a  littil  keye,  I  have  sent 
you  the  keye  of  the  fairest  Chest  that  ys  to  be 
had  in  all  this  town,  if  the  key  be  not  too  bigge. 
Iff  the  Queen's  Majesty  would  have  lesse,  I  pray 
you  that  I  may  know  the  length,  and  I  shall 
cause  a  chest  to  be  mayd  purposely  :" r  and  in  the 
following  August,  addressing  the  same  personage, 
Gresham  says,  "  I  sent  you  on  the  17th  overland, 
to  Dunkirk,  the  young  cortall s  I  gave  you,  with 
the  Queen's  Majesty's  Turkey  horse.  As  licke- 
wise  I  have  sent  you  four  dozen  of  the  same  black 
buttons  you  spake  to  me  for,  which  costes  you 
485.  the  dozen."  * 

o  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  Thomas  Parry.     Ant.    June  16.— Fland. 
Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

r  Ant.  July  2. — Ibid.  s  A  little  horse. 

*  Ant.  Aug.  18.— Ibid. 


302  SILK    HOSE    FOR    CECIL. 

"  The  man  that  maketh  the  clock  is  out  of 
town,  this  Easter  hollidayes,"  observes  Gresham, 
addressing  Sir  William  Cecil :  "  I  trust  to  send 
you  it  within  thes  x  days."v  In  another  letter 
he  says,  "  I  have  written  into  Spayne  for  sylk 
hose  both  for  you,  and  my  Lady  your  wife ;  to 
whom  it  may  please  you,  I  maye  be  remem- 
bered :" w  and  we  learn  from  the  letter  which  a 
few  days  after  accompanied  the  gift,  that  those 
for  Cecil  were  black.  "  I  have  sent  you  here- 
with two  payre  of  blacke  silke  howsen,  and 
payre  for  my  Lady  your  wiffe." x  Silk  stockings 
were,  in  fact,  at  this  time  of  great  rarity  and 
value,  as  appears  from  an  anecdote  related  of 
Queen  Elizabeth  by  Stowe,  the  chronicler.  "  In 
1560,"  he  says,  "  her  silk  woman,  Mistris  Moun- 
tague,  presented  her  Maiestie  with  a  payre  of 
blacke  knit  silke  stockings,  for  a  new  year's  gift; 
the  which,  after  a  few  dayes  wearing,  pleased  her 

v  Ant.  April  18,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  Three  years 
after,  the  Bishop  of  Worcester  presented  Cecil  with  a  clock  as  a 
New-year's  gift.  "  Suche  ys  the  barrenness  of  this  contrie,  that 
yt  bringith  nothing  forth  fitt  to  remember  youe  withall ;  and 
therfor  I  am  bold  to  present  yow  with  an  olde  Clock  in  the 
stead  of  a  New-years  gift ;  which  I  trust  ye  will  the  rather  ac- 
cept, because  yt  was  your  olde  master's  of  happy  memorie,  King 
Edward's,  and  afterwards  your  lovinge  and  learned  brother's, 
Mr.  Cheeke's."  (Ellis'  Letters,  1st  Series,  vol.  ii.  p.  195.) 

«  Ant.  April  30,  1560.— Ibid. 

*  Ant.  May  7,  1560.— Ibid.    There  is  a  blank  in  the  original. 


THEIR    RARITY.  303 

Highnesse  so  well,  that  shee  sent  for  Mistris 
Mountague  and  asked  her  where  she  had  them, 
and  if  shee  could  help  her  to  any  more  :  who 
answered,  saying,  '  I  have  made  them  very  care- 
fully, of  purpose  only  for  your  Majesty ;  and 
seeing  these  please  you  so  well,  I  will  presently 
set  more  in  hand.' — 'Do  so,5  quoth  the  Queen,  'for 
indeede  I  like  silke  stockings  so  well,  because 
they  are  pleasant,  fine,  and  delicate,  that  hence- 
forth I  will  weare  no  more  cloth  stockings.'  "y 
Though  Gresham  had  presented  Edward  VI., 
eight  years  before,  with  a  specimen  of  this  article 
of  dress,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  silk  stock- 
ings continued  for  many  years  to  preserve  the  re- 
putation of  exceeding  value.  In  1563,  a  Spanish 
ship,  called  the  'Little  Abraham,'  was  plundered; 
and  in  the  "  Note  of  Goods  lacking,"  preserved 
in  the  State- Paper  Office,  we  find  "  one  trusse  of 
Granado  sowing  silke ;  and  divers  payre  of  silke 
hose,  the  valew  of  which  is  uncertayne  as  yet"* 
In  another  part  of  Gresham's  correspondence 
we  read, — "  I  trust  you  [Sir  William  Cecil]  have 

r  Stowe's  Chronicle,  ed.  1631,  p.  867.  The  same  writer  states, 
that  the  art  of  knitting  or  weaving  silk-stockings  by  engines  or 
steel  looms,  was  not  perfected  till  the  year  1599,  when  William 
Lee,  M.A.  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  taught  the  secret. 
Worsted  stockings  were  first  made  in  1564 :  Stowe  says  the  art 
came  from  Mantua. — Ibid.  p.  869. 

'  Flanders  Corr. — The  document  is  dated  May  24. 


304   TAPESTRY CHAIRS CANDLESTICKS. 

received  your  seven  pieces  of  tapistry ;  also  I 
have  caused  to  be  made  in  Germany  the  100 
shirts,  almaign  corseletts,  blue  and  white,  that 
your  honour  spake  to  me  for:"  a  and  subsequently 
"vi  velvet  chairs,  and  vi  of  Spanish  lether,"  are 
bespoken  for  the  secretary.5  "  I  sent  you  by 
Spritwell  your  six  silver  candlesticks,"  he  writes 
on  another  occasion  ;  promising  to  send  Cecil  his 
"  wolf-gown  "  very  shortly.0 

So  rarely  does  Gresham  unbend  into  any  thing 
approaching  to  jocularity  in  his  correspondence, 
that  the  following  passage,  in  which  he  tries  to  be 
pleasant,  must  not  be  forgotten.  He  is  speaking 
of  the  Duchess  of  Parma,  who  was  passing  a  short 

*  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.  Ant.  May  29,  1560.— Flanders  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off. 

b  "From  my  house  in  London,"  July  27,  1561.— Ibid.  It  is 
odd  that  Clough,  writing  six  days  before  from  Antwerp,  should 
have  announced  "the  chaires  for  the  Secratary,  four  of  lether 
and  two  of  velvet ;"  besides  six  stools  for  his  master,  three  green 
and  three  red. 

c  Ant.  Oct.  22, 1559. — Ibid.  In  the  Domestic  Correspondence 
there  remains  a  memorandum  of  the  different  articles  which 
Gresham  had  procured  in  Flanders  for  Cecil,  who  was  at  that 
time  building  his  house  at  Burleigh :  it  is  as  follows :  "  xvi  little 

pillers  of  marbill  for  a  gallery xvi  li. — ix  harthes  for 

chimneys,  at  24s.  4d. x£.  xs.  [?] — vi  chaires  of  velvet,  at 

iii  li.  the  peece xviij  li. — vi  chaires  of  lether,  at  xxiij  s. 

iiij  d vii  li. — One  cloke  [clocke], v  li.  viij  s.  i  d. — 

iii  great  barrells  of  nails,  at  vi  li.  xiij  s.  iiij  of xx  li. — One 

Ton  of  Iron ix  li. — x  platts  for  Candells xxiij  s. 

iiij  d.— v  Cases  of  Glasse,  at  iij  li xv  li."— St.  P.  Off. 


INTRODUCTION  OF  COACHES.       305 

time  at  Antwerp,  and  at  whose  court  he  now  at- 
tended in  his  official  capacity.  "  The  Regent  ys 
here  still ;  and  every  other  day  rydes  abowght 
this  town  in  her  cowche,  brave  come  le  sol,  trym- 
med  after  the  Itallione  fasshone."d  This  was 
written  in  1560,  at  which  period  coaches  were  so 
little  known  in  England,6  that  the  duchess'  use  of 
that  luxurious  contrivance  must  have  seemed  to 
the  writer  'a  pithy  and  merry  conceit.'  Stowe  re- 
lates, that  "in  the  yeere  1564,  Guilliam  Boonen, 
a  Dutchman,  became  the  Queen's  coachman,  and 
was  the  first  that  brought  the  use  of  coaches  into 
England.  After  awhile,  divers  great  ladies,  with 
as  great  jealousie  of  the  Queen's  displeasure, 
made  them  coaches,  and  rid  in  them  up  and  down 
the  Counties,  to  the  great  admiration  of  all  the 
beholders." f 

The  chronicler  was  misinformed,  however,  on 
the  subject  of  the  first  introduction  of  coaches  in- 
to England ;  since  Sir  Philip  Hoby  had  his  4  coche ' 
in  1556,  and  in  a  letter  which  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix,  offered  to  send  it  to  conduct  Lady 
Cecil  to  Bisham.  They  were  probably  clumsy 
contrivances  at  this  early  period ;  for  at  one  of 

d  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.,  Ant.  May  12.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

•  Some  remarks  on  this  subject  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix, 
No.  XXIII. 

f  Stowe's  Chronicle,  ed.  1631,  p.  867. — Coaches  did  not  come 
into  common  use  till  the  year  1605. 

VOL.  I.  X 


306  GRESHAM'S  POOR  WIFE  ; 

the  first  audiences  which  Queen  Elizabeth  gave 
La  Mothe  Fenelon,  the  French  ambassador,  in 
1568,  she  entertained  him  with  an  account  of  the 
"douleur  qu'elle  sentoit  a  son  couste,  pour  s'y 
estre  heurtee  quelques  jours  auparavant,  en  ung 
coche  ou  elle  alloit  ung  peu  trop  viste." g 

During  his  protracted  periods  of  absence  from 
England,  Gresham  ever  and  anon  expresses  his 
concern  for  the  welfare  of  his  wife, — so  quaintly 
noticed  in  a  passage  already  quoted.  "  I  shall 
most  humbly  beseche  your  Highness,"  he  said, 
addressing  Queen  Elizabeth  in  1560,  "to  be  a 
comfort  unto  my  pore  wife  in  this  my  absens  in 
the  service  of  your  Majesty  :"h  and  similar  pas- 
sages are  comparatively  of  frequent  recurrence 
in  his  correspondence  with  Secretary  Cecil,  and 
Sir  Thomas  Parry,  to  whom  he  alternately  either 
recommends  her  ladyship,  or  returns  thanks  for 
the  kind  attentions  which  she  had  experienced 
at  their  hands.  On  one  occasion,  happening  to 
address  Cecil  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  from 
Dunkirk,  (where  he  had  just  arrived  after  a  very 
rough  passage,)  Gresham  concludes  "  with  my 
most  humble  commendacions  to  my  Lord  Keeper, 

«  De"peches  de  La  Mothe  Fenelon,  8vo.  1838,  vol.  i.  p.  27:— 
a  work  of  profound  interest  and  great  importance,  for  which  our 
literature  is  indebted  to  C.  Purton  Cooper,  Esq.  Of  what  use  it 
has  proved  to  the  writer,  will  presently  be  seen. 

*  London,  Feb.  25,  1559-60.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


AN7D  LETTER  TO  PARRY.         307 

and  to  my  Lord  Robert ;  so  that  my  powre  wyfe 
be  not  forgoten, — whom  I  will  insure  you  was  very 
sorrowfull  to  see  me  depart  afore  my  accownt  was 
fynished :  therefore  I  shall  most  humbly  beseech 
your  honour,  according  to  your  promis,  to  be  a 
stey  and  some  comfort  unto  her,  in  this  my  ab- 
sence." !  "  I  shall  desyre  you,"  he  says  elsewhere, 
"to  have  me  in  remembrans  for  the  getting  owght 
of  my  pardone,  and  that  it  maye  please  you  to 
dellyver  yt  to  my  powre  wyffe ;  which  wyll  be  no 
small  comforte  unto  her."k  And  in  a  letter  to 
Sir  Thomas  Parry,  we  find, — "  rendering  you  my 
most  humble  thanks  for  your  gentill  letter  ;  as 
also  for  the  gentilness  showed  to  my  powre  wyfe, 
who  likewise  would  gladly  have  me  at  home."1 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  from  what  precedes,  that 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham  corresponded  indifferently 
with  Secretary  Cecil,  or  Parry,  (treasurer  of  the 
queen's  household) ;  for  it  was  only  when  Cecil 
went  into  Scotland,  (May  30th,  1560,)  to  treat 
with  the  French  ambassador,  that  Gresham,  by 
Cecil's  particular  desire,™  addressed  the  treasurer. 
A  specimen  of  his  correspondence  with  this 
individual  may  not  be  unacceptable.  The  reader 

»  March  4,  1561-2.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

"  Ant.  August  16,  1562.— Ibid.      '  Ant.  June  22,  1560.— Ibid. 

m  See  the  fragment  of  Greshain's  first  letter  to  Parry,  dated 
June  1  or  2. — Ibid.  Cecil  returned  from  Scotland  on  the  28th  of 
July.  (See  his  Diary,  in  Murdin.)  There  is  a  beautifully-written 

x2 


308      PHILIP'S  OVERTHROW  AT  'TRIPOLI. 

has  been  already  put  in  possession  of  the  infor- 
mation necessary  to  render  some  of  its  obscurer 
passages  intelligible ;  and  a  better  idea  is  thus 
formed  of  the  nature  of  the  communication  which 
passed  between  the  statesman  and  the  merchant, 
than  can  be  derived  from  the  detached  passages 
which  have  been  interwoven  with  the  text. 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  Aftyr  my  most  humble  comendacions,  it 
maye  like  you  to  undyrstonde  that  by  my  letter  of 
the  xth  of  this  pressent,  I  signyfyed  unto  you  of  the 
great  overthrowe  that  Kinge  Phillipe  had  at  Trip- 
polley,  by  the  Turkes'  armey  ;  at  the  wyche 
conflycte  there  was  lost  xxx  galleyes,  and  xxv 
great  shippes,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  galleyes 
burnte.  For  that  now  the  saying  is,  that  the 
Duke  of  Medynna  Sealley  [Celi]  dyd  forsake 
all  his  galleyes,  and  tocke  to  a  forte  that  he  new 
made,  wyth  all  his  men :  whereas  he  ys  vittaled 
for  iiij  months.  It  ys  judgyd  that  the  Turkes' 
powre  will  take  it  eyther  by  famine  or  otherwise. 
Sir,  this  loss  ys  more  greater  than  here  they  will 
be  known  of,  and  as  littil  lamentid  amonges  his 

letter  among  the  State-Papers,  dated  June  7th,  1560,  which 
Gresham  addressed  to  Queen  Elizabeth  on  this  occasion.  He 
had  hitherto,  in  pursuance  with  her  commands,  corresponded 
with  Cecil  alone;  but  he  desired  that  the  queen  should  be 
informed  that  her  treasurer,  Sir  Thomas  Parry,  was  the  minister 
to  whom  he  now  addressed  his  despatches. 


FLEMISH    INTELLIGENCE.  309 

subjects  here, — what  for  his  Relligione  and  gou- 
vernement.  And  now  they  saye  here,  that  king 
Phillipe  hathe  more  nead  at  this  pressent  to  seeke 
for  helpe,  than  to  helpe  the  Frenche  kinge ;  be- 
cause the  Turke  ys  so  strong  upon  hym,  and  the 
most  parte  of  all  his  galleyes  and  shipes  be  takynne 
and  lost.  Therefore,  Sir,  the  Quene's  Majestic 
neadyth  not  to  doubt  nothing  of  Kinge  Phillip's 
procedings  for  this  yere. — Trusting  in  God  that 
Leith  ys  either  renderid  or  takynne  by  this  tyme ; 
wyche  newes  ys  here  long  lookyd  for. — 'The  iiij 
M  iiij  c  [4400]  Spannyardes  lyeth  still  in  their 
garnyssones,  and  so  will  remayne,  as  far  as  I  can 
perseve  ;  for  that  the  states  of  this  lande,  as  yet, 
will  consent  to  no  payment  of  monny.  The  viij 
shipes  that  was  preparid  for  the  transportacione 
of  them,  be  at  Rencaynyng,  in  Zealand,  as  by 
Payne's  letters  of  the  xith  and  xiith  your  honnor 
shall  perseve  ;  [as  well  as]  how  all  thinges  there 
passith.  The  shipes  wherein  the  Quene's  Majestie's 
velvetz  and  crymsyn  sattyns  are,  be  still  here, 
bye  the  reason  the  wynde  is  clean  agaynst  them. 
There  ys  shippyd  xx  p  casse  of  velvets  of  pille 
meze  and  iij  c  elles  of  crymessyn  velvets."  I  will 
ship  no  more  till  this  adventure  be  past,  having  in  a 

•  The  concealed  meaning  of  this  jargon  will  presently  be  in 
some  degree  explained.  Pille,  is  pile, — a  term  commonly  ap- 
plied to  velvet :  the  other  words  I  am  unable  to  explain.  Equally 
perplexing  is  the  technical  phraseology  in  page  321. 


310 


PARRY  S    SON,    AND    MR.    COCKS, 


redyness  xx  pieces  of  velvets  more  to  be  shipped. 

"  The  gentillinan,  your  son,  ys  in  right  good 
helthe ;  (as  this  daye  Mr.  Cockes  came  to  this 
town)  ;  of  whome  you  shall  have  muche  joye  and 
comforte,  for  that  a  ys  wholly  geven  to  all  vir- 
tewsness,  and  to  his  studdye,  and  belovyd  of  all 
men.  Most  humblye  desiring  you  to  be  so  good 
Father  unto  hym  (and  the  rather  at  my  sewte)  as 
to  augment  his  stipend  to  one  hundrethe  crowns 
more  by  the  yere ;  for  that  this  countrye  ys 
a  very  chargeable  countrye :  wherebye  a  maye 
meynteyne  hymselfe  somethinge  like  your  eldest 
son,  wyche  will  redound  moche  to  your  honnor. 
And  for  my  parte,  I  shall  be  redy  to  assist  him 
in  all  thinges,  as  I  wolde  doo  for  my  own  son. 

"  Other  I  have  not  to  molest  you  wythall,  but 
that  it  maye  please  you  to  doo  my  most  humble 
commendacions  to  my  very  singewlar  good  Lorde, 
the  Lorde  Robert  Dudley.  And  thus  1  comyt  you 
to  God,  who  presarve  you  wythe  increas  of  hon- 
nor. From  Andwerpe  the  xiijth  of  June,  a°  1560. 
At  your  honnors  commandement, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM."° 

"  To  the  right  honnorable  Sir  Thomas  Parry, 
knyght,  Treassorer  of  the   Quene's 
Majestie's  most  honnorable  howsholde." 

0  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— It  was  received  on  the  17th  of  June. 
His  next  letter  (June  16th)  conveys  similar  tidings.  "Bye  my 
letter  of  the  xiijth,  I  singnyfyed  unto  yow  of  all  thinges  worthy 


TALK  OF  THE  QUEEN'S  MARRIAGE.    311 

Sometimes,  too,  the  letters  of  this  ancient  mer- 
chant record,  however  imperfectly,  the  on  dits  of 
his  day.  Unfortunately  for  English  readers,  he 
alludes  far  more  frequently  to  Flemish  occur- 
rences than  to  those  of  his  own  country  :  but  these 
are  occasionally  seen  reflected  in  his  correspon- 
dence ;  and,  however  imperfectly  noticed,  to  us 
they  possess  a  charm  of  which  nothing  can  divest 
them.  When  Queen  Elizabeth  first  came  to  the 
crown,  common  report  was  busy  in  providing  her 
with  a  husband ;  and  every  possible  and  impos- 
sible alliance  had  been  in  turn  suggested.  Among 
the  foremost  of  her  suitors  was  King  Philip  ;  but 
him  she  at  once  rejected,  and  perhaps  the  Spa- 
niard never  quite  forgave  her  for  her  indifference. 
Later  in  her  reign,  certain  English  noblemen 
were  regarded  as  likely  objects  of  favour ;  and  no 

of  writting,  and  of  the  great  ovyrthrow  that  King  Phillipe  hade 
at  Trippoly  bye  the  lurches'  armey.  And  now,  they  saye  here 
that  the  fyrst  newes  I  write  you  of  ys  trewe, — that  the  Duke  of 
Medynna  Scylly  shullde  be  escappid  wythe  xij  galleys,  in  Sissil- 
lie  ;  and  some  of  the  said  put  in  to  Nappoles.  And  they  saye 
now,  that  there  ys  manny  of  the  King's  galleys  gotten  into  a 
golfe  ;  whereas  can  come  in  but  one  galley  at  ones  ;  so  that  it  ys 
thowght  the  Turckes  armey  can  doo  them  but  littill  hurte,  ex- 
cept it  be  onelye  by  famyne.  Veryly,  the  losse  ys  so  great,  that 
K.  P.  shall  not  be  able  to  recover  in  iiij  yeres  soche  a  powre  of 
galley es  and  shipes  together." — Ibid.  On  the  same  day  that 
Gresham's  former  letter  reached  England,  Lord  Clinton  sent  the 
intelligence  to  the  Earl  of  Sussex.  Compare  the  preceding  with 
Wright's  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  28. 


312     KNOLLYS'  LETTER  CONCERNING 

one  more  than  Leicester,  the  '  Lord  Robert  Dud- 
ley '  of  a  preceding  page,  for  whom  Gresham  was 
nursing  a  little  favourite  steed  which  belonged  to 
the  queen.  In  the  gossip  of  Antwerp,  however, 
none  but  foreign  princes  seem  to  have  been  con- 
sidered likely  matches ;  and  as  the  queen's  mar- 
riage was  a  favourite  subject  of  discussion,  Gres- 
ham often  entertains  Cecil  with  the  expectations 
which  were  there  and  then  current.  The  Count 
Mansfeld  "assured  Clough,  (in  June  1560,)  that 
the  Duke  of  Hoist  had  come  to  England  solely  to 
treat  a  marriage  between  Elizabeth  and  the  King 
of  Denmark,  his  brother's  son." — "  The  talk  is," 
adds  Gresham,  "  that  the  King  of  Finland  [ Swe- 
den]'s  eldest  son  is  going  to  England.  He  hathe 
given  the  king,  his  father,  to  understand,  that  he 
will  never  marry  except  a  marry  the  Queen's  Ma- 
jesty."p  This  was  Eric,  eldest  son  of  Gustavus 
I.,  whose  brother,  John  Duke  of  Finland,  had 
been  sent  into  England  in  the  preceding  year,q  to 

p  Sir  T.  G.  to  Parry.  Ant.  4  June,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off.  Respecting  this  date,  see  page  340,  note  ?. 

*  John,  Duke  of  Finland,  made  his  appearance  in  this  country 
in  December,  1559;  as  appears  from  the  following  interesting 
letter  which  Henry  Knollys,  who  was  appointed  to  wait  upon 
him  on  his  arrival,  addressed  to  Sir  William  Cecil  from  Harwich, 
descriptive  of  his  first  interview  with  the  noble  stranger.  The 
original  is  in  the  State-Paper  Office,  Domestic  Correspondence. 

"  Syr,  1559. 

"  At  7  of  the  clocke  yn  the  mornyng,  thys  day,  y  came  unto 


JOHN,    DUKE    OF    FINLAND.  313 

negotiate  a  match  between  him  and  the  queen.  In 
1560,  Gustavus  died ;  and  his  son  Eric,  the  four- 
teenth of  that  name,  having  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  Sweden,  was  expected  every  day  to  make  his 

Harwyche :  and  at  9  of  the  clocke,  after  y  had  taryed  together 
with  Sir  Thomas  Smythe  yn  the  Duke's  hall  more  than  halff  an 
howre,  y  was  admytted  unto  the  Duke's  presens ;  who,  syttyng 
yn  a  chayre  withowt  movyng  hymsellf,  offered  me  hys  hande, — 
as  yt  semed  by  the  maner  of  the  holdyng  theroff,  to  kysse.  But 
y  that  had  bene  otherwyse  brought  up  then  to  kysse  the  hande 
of  ony  subject,  other  than  of  the  parentage  of  my  naturall 
prynce,  after  y  had  with  reverens  kyssed  myn  owne  hande,  y 
joyned  my  hande  with  hys,  accordyng  to  the  maner  of  thys  owr 
naty  ve  countre. 

"  The  Quene's  messag  he  receaved  very  thankfully,  but  her 
mageste's  lettres  he  loked  not  on  at  that  present ;  only  he  sayd  he 
wolde  take  a  tyme  to  delyberat,  and  then  make  me  furder  answer. 
All  that  y  spake  yn  declaryng  how  moche  the  Quene's  hyghnes 
rejoysed  on  hys  behalff  that  he  had  escaped  the  perylls  of  the 
seas,  and  was  now  saffly  arryved  wythyn  her  Mageste's  realme, 
he  ynterrupted  yt  even  as  co[urtly]  lovers  doe  ;  apply eng  yt  all 
together  for  a  testymony  of  the  Quene's  good  ynclynatyon  to- 
wardes  the  lykyng  of  hys  Embassade :  wheryn  he  taryed  so 
moche,  that  y  was  marveylously  perplexyd,  feryng  lest  that,  upon 
occasyon  of  my  wordes,  he  wolde  take  holde  towardes  a  promyse 
of  some  ynconvenyency.  Wherfor,  after  he  had  ended  hys  tale, 
y  said  that  yt  was  the  maner,  not  only  of  the  Quene's  hyghnes 
that  now  ys,  but  allso  of  all  her  Magesty's  progenytors,  at  what 
tyme  ony  noble  prynce,  suche  as  he  was,  came  hether  to  see  other 
the  realme  or  theyr  personne,  allways  to  receive  them  most 
thankfully  ;  and  to  omytt  no  maner  of  curteysy,  or  favor,  wherby 
they  myght  ether  doe  them  honor,  or  shew  them  ony  pleasure. 
Whereunto  when  he  replyed  nothyng,  I  toke  my  leave  of  hym  for 
that  tyme. 

"  After  dyner,  my  lorde  of  Oxforde  had  hym  forthe  on  hawk- 


314  THE    SWEDISH    MATCH. 

appearance  at  the  court.  "  The  Quene's  High- 
nes,"  says  a  contemporary  letter-writer/  "  being 
every  houre  in  a  contynuall  expectation  of  the 
King  of  Swethen's  cominge,  is  looked  for  to  be 
shortely  here  at  Westminster ;  and  so  moche  the 
sooner,  as  the  works  now  there  in  hande  may  be 
finished,  and  brought  to  eny  perfection ;  where 

yng,  and  shewed  hym  great  sporte,  kyllyng  yn  hys  syght  both 
faysant  and  partrych ;  wheryn  he  semed  to  take  great  pleasure. 
Towardes  nyght,  as  he  came  homwardes,  y  was  so  bolde  to  en- 
qwyre  of  hym  whether  yt  wolde  please  hym  to  use  my  servyce 
ony  longer  here ;  or  otherwyse,  yn  case  y  sholde  retorne,  whether 
hys  pleasure  were  y  sholde  say  ony  thyng  on  hys  behelff  unto  the 
Quene's  Magesty  ?  He  answered  that  he  entended  to  wryte  unto 
her  hyghnes ;  and  what  tyme  he  delyvered  me  hys  lettres,  y 
sholde  knowe  furder  what  to  say.  Afterwards,  yn  talke  of  hys 
removyng  towardes  London,  y  was  very  desyerous,  (by  rayson  of 
the  dowtfulnes  that  he  kept  all  men  yn  so  longe  tyme,)  to  know 
when  he  entended  to  take  hys  jorny  that  way.  Wherunto  he 
answered,  that,  by  rayson  hys  horse[s]  were  moche  ympayred 
throughe  the  noysomnes  of  the  seas,  they  were  not  yet  able  to 
serve  hym ;  but  after  4  or  5  days,  he  thought  he  sholde  be  redy 
to  goe.  Thus  moche  y  thought  yt  my  duty  to  sygnyfye  unto  you 
by  lettres,  yn  as  moche  as  y  am  deteaned,  myselff,  longer  then 
my  tyme  appoynted :  wheryn  allso  y  truste  you  wyll  declare  myn 
excuse  unto  the  Quene's  Magesty.  Thus,  after  myn  humble  com- 
mendatyons,  I  pray  God  assiste  you  allways  with  hys  grace,  to  his 
glory,  and  the  honor  of  the  Quene.  From  Harwyche,  the  27th 
of  Decembre.  Your  poor  frende, 

H.  KNOLLES." 

I  omit  the  postscript,  which  merely  announces  the  probability 
of  the  duke's  proceeding  to  London  by  water. 

*  Frances  Alen  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury.     Sept.  3,  1560.— 
Lodge's  Illustrations,  vol.  i,  p.  346. 


ARNOLD    ROSENBERG.  315 

they  worke  bothe  night  and  daye."  So  far  from 
visiting  the  English  court,  however,  in  the  charac- 
ter of  a  suitor,  Eric  never  even  left  his  capital ; 
but  solicited  the  queen's  hand  by  proxy,  and  was 
a  second  time  refused.8 

Previous  to  this  event,  a  few  days  in  fact  after 
the  date  of  Gresham's  letter  last  quoted,  (June 
1560,)  that  merchant  relates  to  Parry  a  conversa- 
tion which  he  had  had  with  *  Mr.  Arnolde  Rous- 
syngberg,  the  King  of  Sweden's  counsellor,'  ('a 
very  wise  gentleman,')  who,  after  asking  sundry 
questions,  "  borsted  out  unto  me,  and  sayde  that 
the  King  his  Master's  eldest  son  was  comyng  into 
England  with  80  sayle  of  great  ships,  and  10,000 
men,  and  with  four  millions  of  gold  and  silver,  to 
come  see  her  Majesty  :  and  fell  in  great  discourse 
of  the  worthiness  of  the  young  prince  for  his  per- 
sonage and  wisdom,  and  showed  me  his  picture. 
With  that  I  thancked  him,  and  said, — '  It  is  good 
to  see  that  the  King  your  Master  ys  a  prince  of 
grett  wealth,  and  he  right  well  deserveth  great 
honour  and  commendacion  in  this  his  proceed- 
ings.' And  thus  [he]  departed ;"  *  but  the  writer 
concludes  with  a  recommendation  of  "  the  Empe- 
ror's son,  Don  Carolo,"  whom,  he  says,  "  all  men 

•  Holinshed's  Chronicle,  4to.  vol.  iv.  p.  186. 
1  Sir  T.  G.  to  Parry,  Ant.  June  16,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St  P. 
Off. 


316  DON    CAROLO    RECOMMENDED. 

of  experience  wished  the  Queen  to  marry."0  In 
the  preceding  year,  he  had  recommended  the  same 
individual  in  the  following  terms.  "  The  occo- 
raunts  be  here,  that  Don  Carolo,  the  Emperor's 
thyrde  sone,  ys  comyng  into  Inglond  wyth  a  great 
sorte  of  nobellmen  and  genttilmen,  to  the  nomber 
of  iiij  or  v  c  horsy s  ;  wyche  ys  moche  rejoissyd  at 
here ;  and  the  aryvall  of  the  King  of  Sweddon's 
sone  [John  Duke  of  Finland]  in  Inglond v  ys  no- 
thing lickyd  here,  for  they  cannot  abyde  to  here 
of  hym,  nor  specially  of  his  Father,  for  all  the 
ryches  a  haythe  and  doth  offer  wyth  his  sone  ;  for 
they  saye  a  ys  a  usurppid  king.  Sir,  I  can  no 
more  write  you  in  this,  but  the  will  of  God  and 
her  Majesty  be  fulfyllyd !  But  veryly,  an'  pleasse 
your  honnor,  if  it  stande  with  her  highness'  pleas- 
sure  to  marye  a  stranger,  sewrly  there  is  nowen 
so  meat  as  one  of  the  Emperor's  sons,  (for  that 
he  ys  nobell  borne  :)  and,  in  the  marrying  of 
hym,  we  are  sewre  to  have  peasse  wyth  these  towe 
great  prynssis, — I  meynne  the  King  of  Spay  en, 

«  Sir  T.  G.  to  Cecil,  Ant.  May  29,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P. 
Off. 

v  Concerning  the  landing  of  the  Duke  of  Finland,  see  Nichols' 
Progresses  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  vol.  i.  pp.  79,  80.  Shortly  after 
this  negotiation,  he  was  committed  to  prison  by  his  brother  Eric 
XIV.,  and  kept  in  chains  for  four  years  :  but  a  similar  fate  await- 
ed the  unnatural  monarch,  for  he  ended  his  days  in  the  same 
place  of  confinement,  in  1568. 


DESCRIPTION    OF    HTM.  317 

and  the  French  King :  besyde,  we  shall  have  all 
Germany  to  [our]  frynde ;  which  will  be  a  great 
strength  and  quietness  to  our  realme."  w 

I  have  thought  it  desirable  thus  to  throw  toge- 
ther some  of  the  lighter  passages  in  the  corre- 
spondence of  Sir  Thomas  about  this  period ;  since, 
without  publishing  his  letters  entire,  these  must 
either  be  altogether  suppressed,  or  occur  at  such 
distant  intervals  as  to  make  them  seem  wholly  dis- 
connected and  independent  of  one  another.  But 
we  are  now  to  resume  the  thread  of  our  narrative, 
and  remind  the  reader  that  Turkey  horses,  cur- 
tals,  clocks,  and  silk  hose,  though  they  make  some 
figure  in  Gresham's  correspondence,  occupied  but 

*  Sir  T.  G.  to  Cecil.  Ant.  Oct.  29,  1559.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P. 
Off.  Charles,  Archduke  of  Austria,  whom  Gresham  here  so 
warmly  praises,  appears  to  have  been  in  every  way  deserving  of 
his  commendation.  Take  a  description  of  his  person  and  charac- 
ter from  the  pen  of  that  ornament  of  nobility,  Thomas  Ratcliffe, 
Earl  of  Sussex ;  who,  eight  years  after,  proceeded  to  Vienna  in 
order  to  negotiate  an  alliance  between  Elizabeth  and  the  Arch- 
duke. "  His  Highnes  is  of  person  higher  surely,  a  good  deale, 
then  my  L.  Marques  ;  his  heare  of  heade  and  bearde  of  a  lighte 
aborne ;  his  face  well  proportioned,  amiable,  and  of  a  very  good 
compleccon,  w*h  owte  shewe  of  readness  or  over  palenes ;  his 
countennce  and  speche  cherefull,  very  curteowse,  and  not  wti» 
owte  some  state ;  his  body  well  shaped,  w*h  owte  deformitie  or 
blemishe ;  his  hands  very  good  and  fayer  ;  his  leggs  cleane,  well 
proporconed,  and  of  sufficient  bignes  for  his  stature ;  his  fote  as 
good  as  may  be.  So  as,  upon  my  dutie  to  yo'  Matie,  I  finde  not 
one  deformitie,  mis-shape,  or  any  thinge  to  be  noted  worthy  mis- 
likinge  in  his  hole  person ;  but,  contrary  wise,  I  finde  his  hole 


318  GUNPOWDER    SHIPPED, 

little  of  his  time ;  which  was  engrossed  by  the 
care  of  procuring  military  stores  for  England,  and 
providing  for  their  safe  transportation  :  a  matter, 
as  it  would  appear,  of  paramount  difficulty  and 
danger. 

Instead  of  offering  any  remarks  of  my  own  on 
this  subject,  I  shall  content  myself  with  giving  a 
few  extracts  from  his  letters,  which  require  no 
comment.  He  writes  as  follows  from  Antwerp, 
in  October  1559,  concerning  four  barrels  of  gun- 


powder, marked 
for  London : — 
yow  to  give  a 
Blomfylld  that 


which  he  had  shipped 
-H     "  Sir,  it  maye  pleasse 
great  charge  to  Mr. 
thes  poncheones    be 


shape  to  be  good,  worthy  comendacon  and  likinge  in  all  respects, 
and  such  as  is  rarely  to  Le  founde  in  such  a  Prince.  His  High- 
nes,  besids  his  naturall  language  of  Duche,  speaketh  very  well 

Spanish  and  Italian,  and,  as  I  heare,  Latin He  is 

reported  to  be  wise,  liberall,  valeante,  and  of  greate  courage, 
w011  in  the  last  warres  he  well  showed,  in  defending  all  his  con- 
treis,  free  from  the  Turk,  w*h  his  owne  force  onlye,  and  gevinge 
them  divse  ov'throwes  when  they  attempted  any  thinge  againste 
his  rules  ;  and  he  is  universally  (wch  I  moste  weye)  noted  to  be 
of  such  vertue  as  he  was  nev  spotted  or  touched  w*h  any  notable 
vice  or  cryme ;  w<*  is  moche  in  a  Prince  of  his  yeares,  indued 
wth  such  qualities.  He  deliteth  moche  in  huntinge,  ridinge, 
hawkinge,  exercise  of  feats  of  armes,  and  hearinge  of  musicke, 
whereof  he  hathe  very  good.  He  hath,  as  I  heare,  some  under- 
standinge  in  astronomy  and  cosmography  ;  and  takethe  pleasure 
in  clocks  that  sett  forthe  the  cowrse  of  the  planetts." — Lodge's 
Illustrations,  &c.  vol.  i.  p.  366. 


WITH    DIFFICULTY    AND    DANGER.  319 

secreatly  oppenyd  and  wayde  in  the  Tower :  for 
verylly,  yf  it  be  knowen  here,  the  parttye  ys  in 
danger  of  his  lyfe  and  goodes  ;  and  by  the  know- 
ledge thereof,  the  Prince's  turne  shall  be  disap- 
poynted."  x  The  reader  will  perhaps  call  to  mind 
Gresham's  letter  of  the  25th  of  February,  1559- 
60,  given  at  page  288 ;  from  which  it  appears 
that  notwithstanding  this  and  many  a  subsequent 
caution,  his  doings  got  wind  and  reached  the  ear 
of  the  regent. 

In  May  1560,  we  meet  with  the  following  pas- 
sages relative  to  his  proceedings  ;  from  which  it  is 
sufficiently  obvious  what  great  hazards  he  ran  in 
providing  England  with  those  implements  of  war- 
fare which,  a  few  years  later,  she  turned  to  such 
good  account.  It  is  of  course  needless  to  observe, 
that  in  serving  the  state  which  he  represented,  he 
was  acting  in  direct  violation  of  the  laws  of  the 
Low  Countries,  and  incurring  their  severest  pe- 
nalties :y  so  that,  in  order  to  mislead  a  casual 

*  29  Oct.  1559.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

y  In  Queen  Mary's  time,  he  had  been  accustomed  to  apply  to 
the  king  for  a  passport  ;  or,  as  we  should  say,  a  licence,  to  export 
1  harness/  &c. ;  but  he  now  entertained  such  serious  doubts  as 
to  the  probability  of  obtaining  the  renewal  of  that  facility,  that 
he  deemed  it  more  prudent  to  conceal  his  need  of  it.  Philip,  he 
said,  had  once  given  him  a  general  and  unlimited  passport, 
"  which  had  of  late  days  been  made  frustrate."  Hence  his  ship- 
ments from  other  ports,  as  Hamburg  and  Bremen.  Gresham 
relates  in  one  of  his  letters  a  conversation  he  had  had  with  an 


320 


SHIPPING    SUSPENDED. 


reader,  should  any  of  his  letters  have  been  inter- 
cepted, in  his  correspondence  with  Cecil  he  con- 
ventionally made  use  of  the  word  velvet  to  denote 
gunpowder ;  and  employed  other  terms,  as  silks, 
damasks,  and  satins,  in  the  same  enigmatical  man- 
ner. He  also  repeatedly  requested  that  a  cypher 
might  be  sent  him ;  but  I  have  met  with  no  speci- 
men of  his  correspondence  so  disguised. 

"  I  have  secreat  advertisements  by  one  of  the 
serchers,  how  the  courte  here  hathe  geven  order 
to  the  customers  that  all  soche  shipes  as  lade  for 
Ingland  should  be  searchid;  wych  ys  only  to 
tacke  me  in  a  trip,  as  I  am  credibly  informyd.  I 
can  no  more  wryte  yow  in  this  matter ;  but  well 
fares  that  peny  geven,  that  saves  one  hundred ! 
I  had  thought  to  have  shipped  in  this  flote  of 
shipes,  (wyche  be  to  the  nomber  of  x  or  xii 
shipes,)  all  the  Quene's  Majestie's  corseletts, 
morrions,  and  corries z  that  be  remaynyng  in  this 

officer  of  the  Antwerp  custom-house  on  this  subject,  wherein  the 
latter  urged  him  to  renew  his  application,  saying, — "  I  do  know 
right  well,  yff  a  make  a  new  seut  a  shall  spead."  The  writer 
asks,  (and  in  many  subsequent  letters  repeats  the  inquiry,)  whe- 
ther he  shall  apply  to  the  regent  for  a  licence  to  ship  200  barrels 
of  gunpowder  "  to  try  her  good-will."  The  queen,  he  says, 
"  only  needs  a  passeport  for  gunpowder,  wyche,  if  she  will  have 
a  quantitie,  must  needs  pass  from  hens." — Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  T. 
Parry.  Ant.  June  24,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

*   A  corselet  is  a  pikeman's  armour ;  a  morion  is  a  steel  cap  ; 
corries,  I  am  unable  to  explain,  unless  cuirass  is  intended. 


THE    DUTCHMEN    OF    ST.    KATHARINE'S.     321 

I 

towen  ;  but  now  I  will  steye  till  this  brownte 
[brunt]  be  past. — In  the  last  shipes  that  went 
from  hens,  I  sent  you  x  pieces  of  velvets,  viz.  v 
pieces  of  dobbill,  and  v  pieces  of  pill  and  halfe  : 
and  for  that  yow  write  me  yow  undyrstond  not 
what  velvets  should  be,  (and  hoping  that  Candiller 
could  inform  you  thereof,  wherein  I  stand  in 
dowght, )  you  shall  undyrstand  that  every  piece  of 
doble  geyne  velvet  is  one  thowsond  [Ibs.]  weight 
of  corrin  powddyr  ;  and  one  piece  of  velvet  of 
pill  and  a  halfe  ys  1  M  [Ibs.]  waight  of  serpentyne 

powdyr."0 "  Sir,  yow  must  neades  devyse 

some  wayes  wherby  the  thinges  that  be  sent  from 
hens  maye  be  secreatly  conveyed  to  the  Tower ; 
or  ells  in  soch  matters  I  shall  not  be  able  to  stand 
her  highness  in  small  stead  from  hence.  I  have 
heard  reported  that  there  is  a  parish  church  in  the 
Tower,  whereunto  doth  resort  all  the  Duch  men 
of  Saint  Katherine's  ;a  and,  in  my  opinion,  where 
such  a  number  of  strangers  doth  resort,  yt  cannot 
be  chosen  [but]  there  be  some  false  brethren 
amonges  them.  Therefore,  Sir,  if  it  stood  with 
the  Quene's  Majestie's  pleasure  to  remove  that 
access  from  thence  to  some  other  church  in  Saint 

0  For  corrin  powder,  see  page  288,  note  \  Serpentine  powder 
is  "  a  weak  sort  of  gunpowder  that  is  not  corned,  and  will  not 
keep  long  at  sea." 

•  "  The  Duch  men  of  St.  Katharine's"  occupied  the  site  of  the 
St.  Katharine  Docks.  "  The  parish  church  in  the  Tower  "  is  the 
interesting  little  edifice  dedicated  to  St.  Peter-in-vinculis. 

VOL.  1.  Y 


322  FURTHER    SHIPMENTS 

Katharine's,  I  believe  things  would  be  more  se- 
cretly usyd  ;  wyche,  in  very  deed,  cannot  be  too 
secretly  fixed  and  bestowed." b  In  June,  he  says : 
"  according  as  I  have  written  your  honour,  I  have 
corrupted  the  chief  sercher,  whom  is  all  my  doer, 
and  [who]  hath  right  honestly  desired  a  worthy 
reward  :  soe,  by  him,  and  through  his  advice,  I  am 
doing  daily,  as  by  my  proceedings  to  you  may 
appere.  If  it  is  discovered,  there  is  nothing  short 
of  death  with  the  searcher,  and  with  him  who  enters 
it  at  the  custom-house.  So  that  there  shall  no  ship 
depart,  but  I  shall  give  the  adventure  of  3  or  4 
pieces  of  velvets  in  a  ship :  likewise,  I  trust  the 
three  ships  from  Hambro',  with  the  9000/.  worth 
of  provysion,  with  the  other  from  Breame  [Bre- 
men,] ladyn  with  Collen  [Cologne]  cleves,c  be 
arrived  with  you  in  safety,  which  would  be  no 
small  comfort  for  me  to  hear  of.'  As  likewise  I 
have  writtin  to  my  servant  [at  Hamburg]  to  send 
away  all  the  rest  of  my  whole  provision,  by  3000 
pownds  in  a  ship,  with  as  much  expedition  as  may 
be ; — being  right  assured,  when  it  shall  please 
God  to  send  all  in  safety,  there  is  no  Prince  in  all 
Christendom  has  the  like  provision.  And  the  like 
is  not  to  be  gotten  together  for  no  treasure." d 

b  May  12,  1560.— Fland%  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
c  Of  the  meaning  of  this  word,  I  am  ignorant;  unless  cleavers 
is  meant. 

d  June  29,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.     Among  the  State- 


OF    AMMUNITION.  323 

Notwithstanding  Gresham's  precautions,  and 
his  repeated  injunctions  that  the  greatest  possible 
secrecy  should  be  observed  at  the  Tower,  the 
periodical  arrivals  of  large  quantities  of  ammu- 
nition did  not  fail  to  attract  notice ;  and  the 
intelligence  soon  found  its  way  to  Antwerp.  To 
use  his  own  words,  he  was  now  "holly  at  his 
wites'  ende."  "  For  as  the  xiiij*"  daie  [of  June 
1560]  at  vij  of  the  clocke  at  nyght,  the  cheiffe 
sercher,  (whome  ys  all  my  worcker,  and  conveyer 
of  all  my  velvets,)  gave  me  to  understand  that 
there  had  bynne  a  Inglish  man  wyth  the  costomer, 
and  hadd  informyd  hym  that,  of  late,  I  hade  man- 
ny  velvets  aryvyd  at  London  of  all  sortes ;  and  that 

Papers  is  preserved  "  The  copy  of  Michell  Van  Dorovy's  In- 
structions, unto  Hambro,  May  18,  1560." — They  are  in  French, 
in  which  language  Gresham  desired  his  servant  to  correspond 
with  him.  He  was  ordered  to  load  gunpowder  to  the  value  of 
9,000/.  on  three  ships,  "  under  Cristofer  Pruen's  mark,"  and  to 
hire  four  other  ships  for  the  same  purpose.  It  was  not,  doubtless, 
the  sea-risk  which  was  so  much  apprehended  in  the  transporta- 
tion of  this  ammunition,  as  the  danger  of  pirates.  It  will  be  seen 
that  Gresham  used  commonly  to  insure  the  armour,  &c.  which 
he  sent  over,  at  5  per  cent.  (Sept.  23rd,  1561.— Ibid.)  On  the 
present  occasion,  2,000/.  on  each  ship  was  'adventured,'  and  only 
1,0001.  'assured;'  but  he  requested,  for  security,  that  three  or  four 
ships  of  war  might  be  sent  to  meet  and  convoy  home  those 
destined  for  the  Tower;  (June  16th,  1560. — Ibid.)  this,  however, 
was  deemed  unnecessary. — The  earliest  mention  I  ever  met  with 
of  English  merchandise  insured  against  sea-risks,  occurs  hi  a 
letter  from  Protector  Somerset  to  the  Lord  Admiral  in  1548. — 
Dom  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

Y2 


324  AN    ANECDOTE. 

yf  he  maid  a  general  serche  now,  he  shulld  fynde 
a  great  booty e.  Wyche  matter,  the  costomer  op- 
penyd  to  the  sercher,  (my  frynde,)  and  comandyd 
hym  to  be  wythe  hym  as  the  xvth  daye,  very  erely 
in  the  mornyng ;  whereas  all  the  costomers  and 
he  was  together  in  conssaylle.  And  the  matter 
being  longe  debattyd,  they  conclewdyd  not  to 
macke  no  serch ;  for  if  they  shulde  serche  and 
fynde  nothing,  it  wold  redowen  moche  to  there 
disonnestyes ;  and  [they]  sayde  amonges  them- 
sellifes,  that  I  colde  not  tacke  it  in  good  parte  at 
there  handes,  consideryng  how  benefyciall  I  have 
allways  bynne  unto  them.  The  sercher  allegyde 
they  had  resson ;  and  that  from  tyme  to  tyme,  as 
the  goodes  was  ladynne,  he  tocke  a  vew  of  all  the 
shipes  lading.  Wyth  that,  said  the  undyr  costo- 
mer,— '  This  Inglishman  maye  doo  this  of  mallyse ; 
for  that  I  knowe  that  Mr.  Gresham  ys  not  best 
belovyd  amonges  the  merchants,  for  the  servise  a 
doth  to  the  prince  :'  and  [so]  at  this  instant  [they 
have]  concluded  that  nothing  should  be  done. — 

Sir,  if  anything  should  be  searched  and  found, 
the  parties  that  shipped  this  gear  for  me  must  flye 
the  country  till  their  end  be  maid ;  for  it  runs  their 
goods  and  all  their  lives  upon.  I  am  promes  [ed] 

by  the  sercher  to  have  the  Inglish  man's  name. 

"  Therfore,  Sir,  on  the  reverens  of  God,  I  most 
humbly  dessire  your  honnor  that  there  maye  be 


SIR    JOHN    YORK.  325 

order  tackynne  with  Mr.  Blomefylde,  that  no  man 
lyving  maye  knowe  of  that  comes  in,  from  hens 
forthe ;  for  otherwisse,  the  Quene's  Majestie  shall 
resseve  great  losse,  and  dyvers  onnest  [!]  men 
[will  be]  undone  thereby. — Sir,  I  am  right  assurid 
that  there  comes  notQiing]  into  the  Tower,  but 
that  Sir  John  Yorcke  and  other  dothe  knowe  of 
it  by  sartteyne  of  the  oifysers,  and  they  doo  wryte 
daylly  to  their  doers  here  ;  and  to  be  playne  with 
your  honour,  I  doo  mystrust  Mr.  Yorcke's  doer, 
whose  name  is  Gardener."1  The  knight  here 
spoken  of,  had  held  in  succession  several  high 
appointments  in  the  Mint,  which  at  that  time  was 
situated  within  the  Tower/  Of  Blomefield,  who 
must  have  been  an  officer  of  considerable  autho- 
rity in  the  ordnance  department,  I  can  give  no 
account.  Bayly,  in  his  History  of  the  Tower, 
makes  no  mention  of  him. 

In  the  preceding  extract,  allusion  is  made  to 
the  jealousy  with  which  Sir  Thomas  Gresham's 
proceedings  were  regarded  at  Antwerp,  by  cer- 

•  To  Sir  T.  P.  Ant.  June  16,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

f  He  had  been  Assay-master  in  1544,  and  Under-treasurer  in 
1550.  In  1549,  being  Master  of  the  Mint,  and  one  of  the  Sheriffs 
of  London,  he  received  the  honour  of  knighthood  at  the  hands  of 
Edward  VI.,  on  the  occasion  of  the  young  monarch's  dining  at 
Suffolk-House,  in  Southwark,  (which  seems  to  have  been  used 
at  that  time  as  a  mint  for  striking  money,)  on  his  way  to  Hamp- 
ton-Court. (Ruding's  Annals,  4to.  vol.  i.,  pp.  66,  67,  79,  and 
vol.  iii.  p.  132.) 


326  THE    MARQUIS    OF    WINCHESTER. 

tain    of  the    merchants    of  that    city :    but   this 
sentiment  towards  him  was  by  no  means  confined 
to  Flanders  ;  and  with  no   one   does  it  seem  to 
have   prevailed   in  a  greater   degree  than  with 
Paulet,    Marquis  of  Winchester,    the    old   lord- 
treasurer.     Besides  any  dislike  which  that  noble- 
man may  have  entertained  for  Gresham  on  the 
score  of  religion,  there  was  superadded,   in  no 
slight  degree,  the  jalousie  de  metier.     The  old 
marquis  being  the  chief  financial  officer  in  the 
kingdom,   and   having,   in  the   discharge   of  his 
functions,  amassed  an  immense  fortune,  regarded 
with  no  slight  dissatisfaction  the  conspicuous  part 
a  private  merchant  was  taking  in  directing  the 
financial  operations  of  the  state.    Winchester  had 
successively  served  Henry  VIIL,  Edward  VI., 
Mary,  and  Elizabeth,  (being,  as  he  said  of  himself, 
no  oak,  but  an  osier ,)   and  the  esteem  in  which 
he  was  held  at  court,  rendered  him  a  dangerous 
enemy  :  so  that  Gresham  trembled,  not  without 
reason,  when  he  discovered  about  this  time  that 
his  lordship  was  exerting  his  influence  with  the 
queen   and  her   ministers,    in   endeavouring   to 
effect  his  ruin, — an  attempt  which  he  had  twice 
unsuccessfully  made  before.  What  seems  to  have 
principally  vexed  Winchester,  was  the  secrecy 
with  which  (in  accordance  with  Queen  Elizabeth's 
express  commands,)  Gresham  conducted  all  his 


HIS  ENMITY  TO  GRESHAM.       327 

operations ;  making  no  one  privy  to  them  but  Sir 
William  Cecil,  or,  in  his  absence,  Sir  Thomas 
Parry. 

The  treasurer  took  care,  of  course,  to  assign 
a  less  unworthy  motive  than  jealousy  for  his 
inimical  proceedings  against  the  queen's  mer- 
chant. He  threw  out  suggestions  that  Gresham 
was  availing  himself  unfairly  of  his  advantageous 
position,  and  had  defrauded  the  state ;  also,  that 
he  had  remaining  in  his  coffers,  of  the  queen's 
money,  40,000/. :  whereas  Gresham  declared  that 
he  had  not  300/.  remaining  by  him ;  and  said  that 
if  Sir  William  Cecil,  to  whom  he  had  transmitted 
his  accounts,  had  not  been  in  Scotland,  he  could 
have  proved  the  fact  immediately.  But  being 
forbidden  even  to  quit  Antwerp, — a  circumstance 
which  he  says  much  disquieted  him, — he  wrote  as 
follows  on  the  subject  to  Parry  :  "  Sir,  I  do  per- 
ceive bye  my  servant,  that  my  lorde  Treassorer 
is  offendyd  with  me  because  he  ys  not  privey 
to  all  my  doings ;  wyche  I  cannot  doo  withe- 
all,  for  that  I  was  commanded  by  the  Queene's 
Majestic  to  make  no  man  privey  [to  them]  but 

you  and  Mr.  Secretarye This  is  the 

thyrde  time  that  my  Lord  Treasurer  hath  servyd 
me  this:  viz.  once  in  King  Edward's  time, 
and  once  in  Quene  Mary's  time  :  and  when  his 
Lordship  came  to  see  the  state  of  myne  account, 


328 


GRESHAM  S    UNEASINESS. 


a  found  the  Prynce  rather  in  my  debt  than  other 
wysse.  And  I  assure  your  honour,  of  my  faythe 
and  powre  honesty,  it  shall  fall  out  so  now."1 
Two  days  after,  Gresham  says, — "  This  is  one 
of  his  Lordship's  old  practisses,  who  cares  nott 
how  things  passith  here,  so  his  Lordship's  torne 
be  servyd  there. "h  He  protests  his  innocence, 
"  whatsoever  my  L.  Treasurer  has  put  in  her 
highness  head  to  the  contrary  ;"  and  in  less  than 
a  week  recurs  to  the  same  theme,  for  it  seems 
to  have  given  him  great  anxiety,  and  made  him 
very  unhappy  : 

"It  ys  a  hevye  care  that  so  honourable  a  man 
as  my  Lord  Treasourer  ys,  (and  of  thosse  auncient 
yeres,  and  so  experymentyd  in  prynssys  affaires  !) 
that  ever  a  wolld  inform  the  Soverayne  with  half 
a  tale,  to  the  discredit  or  undoing  of  anny  man ; 
and  specyall  of  him  that  was  absent,  and  not  able 
to  answhere  for  himselffe.  According  as  I  have 
writtin  you,  this  ys  the  thyrd  tyme  that  my  lord 
Treasurer  hath  servid  me  this.  All  be  it,  caulling 
to  remembrans  the  faythefull  promes  that  it  pleas- 
sid  the  Quene's  Majestic  to  macke  unto  me  at  her 
highness  howse  at  Hatefull  [Hatfield]  when  her 

highnes  came  to  the  crowen, what  soever 

her  Majestic  ys  informyd  of  me  in  this  my  absens, 

t  To  Sir  T.  P.  Ant.  June  22,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
h  To  the  same,  June  24.— Ibid. 


THE  QUEEN'S  PROMISE.      329 

I  trust  in  God,  her  Majestie,  according  to  her 
promis,  will  keep  one  ear  shut  to  hear  me,  till  yt 
please  her  highnes  to  lyssens  me  to  come  home ; 
which  is  the  thinge  [which]  is  now  my  wholle 
comfort :  to  the  wyche  I  doo  refer  me." 

Parry  was  a  good  friend  to  Gresham.  He  not 
only  counteracted  the  evil  intentions  of  the  lord- 
treasurer,  by  speaking  to  Queen  Elizabeth  in 
favour  of  her  merchant,  but  he  conciliated  the 
Lord  Hunsdon,  k  who,  instigated  probably  by 
Winchester,  had  not  scrupled  to  express  his  dis- 
satisfaction openly : — 

"  My  factor,  Richard  Candiller,  writes  me  that 
my  lorde  of  Hundsdone  said  unto  hym  that  'a  dyd 
moche  marvill  that  the  Queene's  Majestie's  har- 
nes  came  none  other  ways  home ;  wherein  I  had 
moche  disappoyntyd  her  highness :  and  that  he 
thought  I  hade  sold  her  harnys  to  the  marchaunts 
in  London,  for  leuccar  and  gay  en.'  Sir,  I  cannot 
but  marvyll  that  his  Lordeshipe  wold  make  anny 
soche  reporte  upon  me.  For  as  the  Queene's 
Majestie  and  you  do  right  well  knowe,  I  have 
allreddy  sent  home  from  this  town  of  Andwerpe 
viij  M  corseletts ;  and  then,  (my  pasportes  being 

«  To  Sir  T.  P.  Ant.  June  29,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

k  Father  of  Robert  Gary,  Earl  of  Monmouth,  author  of  the 
"Memoirs;"  in  Sir  W.  Scott's  edition  of  which,  (1808,)  a  highly 
characteristic  and  very  remarkable  letter,  addressed  by  him  to 
Lord  Burghley,  will  be  found. 


330        GRESHAM  EXPLAINS,  AND 

bannyshyd,)  I  was  fay  en  to  transporte  all  my 
armeur,  and  other  munission  out  of  Germany,  to 
Handborow ;  whereas  there  hathe  bynne  for  the 
spasse  of  iiij  monthes,  v  or  vj  M  harnys,  and  other 
provyssiones,  for  the  some  of  xx  M  li. :  and  dayly 
there  ys  transporttyd  thither  from  all  places,  as 
they  can  get  carrage.  Wyche  masse  laye  there, 
for  that  the  Queene's  Majestie  of  long  tyme  wolde 
not  venter  above  vi  c  li.  in  a  ship  :  wyche,  as  the 
xth  of  Maye  last  past,  I  gat  enlargyd  to  shipe  in 
every  bottome  ij  M  li.,  with  longe  sewte ;  for  that 
there  ys  not  passing  xij  shipes  that  lades  from  thens 
to  London  in  the  whole  yere.  And  yett  [further] 
for  the  more  exspedycione,  fering  that  thinges 
shuld  be  callid  for,  (as  they  be  now,)  I  have 
adventoryd  upon  my  own  head,  one  thowssonde 
powndes  more  in  a  shipe  ;  wych  I  have  caussyd  to 
be  assewred  upon  the  Bursse  of  Andwerpe.  So 
that  I  trust  in  God  it  shall  most  playnly  apere  to 
the  Queene's  Majestie  I  have  done  my  dewtye, 
and  dilligens  ;  according  to  the  trust  her  highness 
hathe  reposed  in  me.  Being  right  assured,  the 
like  was  never  done  by  no  subject :  and  (here 
writing  unto  your  honnor)  there  ys  as  moche 

done  as  maye  be  done,  by  wit  of  man 

Therefore,  I  shall  most  humbly  desire  your 
honnor,  as  to  give  my  Lorde  of  Hunsdone  to 
undyrstand  how  all  things  standyth ;  and  all  other 


SATISFIES    LORD    HUNSDON.  331 

that  haythe  the  charge  of  the  receipt  of  those 
provissions  I  have  made  :  for,  an  my  life  lay  on 
it,  I  can  doo  no  more.  Assewring  you,  Sir,  it  is 
no  smalle  grefFe  unto  me  to  here  of  anny  com- 
plante  to  be  maid  of  me ;  considering  the  great 
care,  and  travaylle,  and  sorrow  I  have  had,  to 
bringe  all  these  thinges  to  so  good  purpose  : 
wherein  I  must  confess  I  have  done  but  my  dewtye 
to  her  Majestic,  an  it  hadd  bene  x  tymes  more." 

The  subject  of  dissatisfaction  with  Lord  Huns- 
don  is  quite  in  character ;  and  was  just  such  as 
might  have  been  expected  to  have  had  most 
weight  with  that  high-spirited,  warlike  peer :  but 
he  was  soon  reconciled  to  our  merchant ;  "  Per- 
ceiving," writes  Gresham  to  Parry,  on  the  2nd 
of  July,  "  the  Queene's  Majestie  and  you  ys  fully 
satisfied  in  that  behalf ;  as  also,  you  have  satisfied 
my  Lord  of  Hunsdon,  and  that  he  hath  always 
been  my  good  Lord,  and  will  so  continew ;  for 
the  wyche  I  thanck  him :  to  whom  yt  may  please 
you  to  do  my  most  humble  commendacions."  m 

The  letters  whence  these  passages  are  ex- 
tracted, also  conveyed  intelligence  of  the  wri- 
ter's progress  in  the  shipment  of  military  stores. 
"  The  shipes  wherein  was  ladyn  the  xxx  peases 
of  vellvetts,  and  vi  c  ells  of  crymmesyne  velvets ; 

'  To  SirT.  P.  Ant.  June  22,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St  P.  Off. 
m  To  the  same,  July  2  —Ibid. 


332  THE    TOWER. MR.  BLOMEFIELD. 

ix  c  Ixx  ells  of  black  damask,  wyth  ij  c  Ix  ells  of 
crymmesyn  satyn,  be  departed  from  hens  without 
any  sercher ;  wyche  dothe  amownt  to  the  sum  of 
2500/. :  trusting  in  God  that  they  have  all  arrived 
safe.  Most  humbly  beseching  your  honnor  that 
there  may  be  all  the  secreasy  used  that  may  be, 
for  the  resseving  thereof  into  the  Tower:  wysh- 
ing  there  were  no  man  privey  thereunto,  but  only 
Mr.  Blomefylld,  whome  ys  a  very  honnest,  seer  eat 
gentilman,  and  syrcomspect  in  all  his  doinges. 
And  dowghtless  this  matter  cannot  be  too  secreat 
kept;  considering  the  great  care  and  adventore 
it  is  in  the  transporting  of  it  from  hens." n  Shortly 
after,  he  announces  a  further  shipment  of  *  vel- 
vets ;'  and  adds,  "  tomorrowe  I  doo  intend  to  lade 
15  pieces  of  velvets  more,  and  1000  ells  of  black 
damask ;  so  that  I  trust  you  shall  lack  no  more 
of  that  kind  of  silks."  By  this  jargon,  it  will  be 
remembered  that  a  certain  quantity  of  ammunition 
was  signified. 

The  following  passage  in  Gresham's  letter  of 
the  22nd  of  June,  1560,  seems  deserving  of  in- 
sertion :  it  possesses  some  biographical  and  some 
historical  interest ;  and,  for  once,  presents  us  with 
a  picture.  "  As  this  daye,  at  viij  of  the  clocke 
in  the  mornyng,  came  unto  me  Mr.  Bewmownt, 
(Mr.  Secreatorye  CecnTs  frinde,)  and  declarid 

•>  To  Sir  T.  P.  Ant.  June  22,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


SCOTLAND. MR.  BEAUMONT.  333 

unto  me  that,  as  isterdaye,  he  came  to  this  town 
with  the  Frenche  King's  ambassador.  And,  as 
he  informythe  me,  his  comyng0  ys  onely  to  prac- 
tisse  wythe  some  Scottishe  man,  to  send  into 
Scotelande  wythe  letters  from  the  French  King 
to  the  Erie  of  Arran ;  wherein  a  offers  hym  the 
whole  government  of  Scoteland, — so  far  forthe 
he  will  procead  no  further  wythe  the  Queene's 
Majestic :  and  [engages]  that  all  the  Frenchmen 
shall  departe  out  of  Scoteland,  and  hath  offerid 
him  his  pardone.  Here  inclossyd,  I  send  unto  you 
towe  letters  wychethe  said  Mr.  Bewmont  dessyryd 
me  to  send  yow :  the  one  ys  from  hys  wiffe,  and 
the  other  from  a  frynd  of  his.  Furthermore,  the 
said  Bewmownt  informythe  me  that  the  Frenche 
Ambassidor  haythe  geven  hym  to  undyrstond 
that  the  King,  his  master,  hathe  no  great  trust  to 
King  Phillipe's  procedings  :  saying  that  his  mas- 
ter hath  had  nothinge  but  wordes,  and  no  deades 
of  hym.  Likewyse,  a  had  with  him  a  great  dis- 
corse  of  me,  and  asked  him  yf  he  knewe  me  ;  and 

0  That  is,  the  coming  of  the  French  king's  ambassador;  whose 
object  it  was  to  prevail  upon  the  Earl  of  Arran,  (a  wavering  man, 
but  to  whom  the  chief  power  in  Scotland  belonged,  as  nearest 
heir  to  the  crown,)  to  forsake  the  English  interest,  and  "  procead 
no  further"  in  making  peace  with  Queen  Elizabeth :  for  the  Earl 
had  deserted  the  French  king's  party,  and  now  favoured  that  of 
the  Congregation.  The  treaty  of  Leith  was  not  concluded  till 
fourteen  days  after  the  date  of  this  letter.  See  Tytler's  History 
of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  page  195. 


334  PAPER    ON    FINANCE 

he  said  'no,'  but  that  he  met  me  ones  at  the 
wattyr  side,  and  that  I  dyd  ask  him,  '  whether  he 
was  a  Scotishe  man:'  and  he  said  'Yea:'  and 
that  I  askyd  hym  '  what  newes ;'  and  his  answhere 
[was]  4  he  knew  none.'  '  Well !'  quod  he,  '  this 
Gresham  is  a  parlus  fellow  ;  for  it  ys  he  that 
haythe  furnyshed  the  Queene  with  all  the  money, 
and  armour,  and  munition  which  now  be  trans- 
ported at  Handborrow,  for  that  his  passportes 
were  banished  here.'  Wythe  moche  other  talke 
of  the  Queene's  Majestie's  credit  in  thes  plassis."p 
It  is,  I  presume,  to  this  period  of  his  history, 
namely  the  summer  of  1560,  that  a  financial  docu- 
ment in  Gresham' s  hand- writing,  from  which  I 
shall  give  some  extracts,  is  to  be  referred.  It  is  a 
sketch  of  what  he  considered  to  be  at  the  time  the 
available  resources  of  the  state ;  and  begins  by 
stating,  that  "  on  the  15th  of  August  next  there 
was  to  be  received  of  the  Countie  of  Mansfield, 
(of  whom  some  account  will  be  given  immediately,) 
300,000  dallors ;  which,  at  five  shillings  each,  is 
75,000/. — 40,000/.  was  to  be  made  over  by  ex- 
change, or  by  transportation  of  money.  Towards 
the  defraying  of  the  Queen's  debts,  35,000/.  was 
to  be  paid ;  and  lastly,  40  or  50,000/.  was  to  be  paid 
by  the  Merchant  Adventurers  upon  their  cloths, 
and  25,000/.  by  the  Staplers  upon  their  wools." 

p  To  Sir  T.  P.  Ant.  June  22,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


ADDRESSED    TO    CECIL.  335 

After  having  transcribed  so  long  a  letter  at 
the  commencement  of  the  present  chapter  on  the 
same  subject,  I  am  half  afraid  to  recur  to  it.  But 
a  large  class  of  antiquarian  readers  will  forgive 
me  for  so  doing ;  and  requesting  them  to  bear  in 
mind  the  notable  expedient  developed  in  Gres- 
ham's  letter  of  the  1st  of  March,  1558-9,  given 
at  page  257,  I  will  extract  only  such  portions  of 
the  present  document  as  seem  to  throw  light  on 
what  has  gone  before.  "  With  the  like  practise 
twice  done  in  Kinge  Edward's  tyme,"  says  Gres- 
ham,  "  I  dyd  raise  the  Exchange  from  xvi  s.  to 
xxiij  s.  iiij  d. :  whereby,  all  forreyne  commodities 
and  ours,  grew  good  cheape ;  and  thereby,  we 
robbed  all  Christendom  of  their  fyne  gold  and 
fine  silver :  and  by  raysing  of  the  Exchange,  and 
so  keeping  of  it  up,  the  fyne  gold  and  fine  silver 
remaynes  for  ever  within  our  realme. — Sir,  if 
you  will  enter  upon  this  matter,  you  may  in  no 
wyse  relent,  by  no  perswasion  of  the  merchants. 
Whereby  you  may  kepe  them  in  fere  and  in 
good  order  :  for  otherwise  if  they  get  the  bridell, 
you  shall  never  rewle  them.q 

"  I  wolde  [that]  presentlie,  the  Queene's  Majes- 
tic shulde  give  licence  to  our  Inglish  marchaunts 

*  "  Assuring  you,"  writes  Gresham  to  Cecil,  (May  14,  1560,) 
"  that,  as  the  merchants  be  one  of  the  best  members  in  our  com- 
monweal, so  they  be  the  very  worst  yf  their  doings  be  not  looked 
unto  in  time ;  and  [themselves]  forced  to  keepe  good  order." 


336        RESULTS    OF    GRESHAM's    '  PRACTISE.'       % 

to  ship ;  for  the  sooner  they  doo  begyn,  the 
sooner  they  will  be  laden  :  and  for  licence  of  long 
cloths,  the  Queene's  Majestie  to  grant  them  libe- 
rally, and  to  let  them  suffer  another  way. 

"  Sir,  this  matter  is  of  so  great  importance,  as 
it  must  be  kept  secret.  For  if  the  merchaunts 
have  any  inkling  [thereof,]  they  will  never  ship 
their  goods  ;  but  dispatch  them  otherwise 

"  To  conclude  with  this  practise. — First,  you 
shall  raise  the  Exchange,  to  the  'riching  of  the 
Queene's  Majestie,  and  the  realme  for  ever. 

"  Secondly,  you  shall  diffraie  the  Queene's 
Majestie's  debt. 

"  Thirdlie,  you  shall  advance  the  Queene's  home- 
ward credit  in  such  sorte  as  you  shall  astonny  King 
Philip  and  the  French  King  ;  whereof  latter  [ly  ?] 
her  highness  hath  felt  the  comoditie.  Which 
matter  is  of  so  great  importance  for  the  Queene's 
Majestie's  honnor,  and  for  the  proffit  of  her  realme, 
that  /  cannot  expresse  unto  you  ;  but  refer  me  to 
the  sequalle  thereof,  which  shall  trie  all  things : 
whiche  I  have  atteyned  unto  by  experience  and 
proofe  thereof.  For  when  the  exchange  was  at 
17$.,  I  made  them  paie  20s.  upon  a  cloth;  and 
the  next  payment,  for  every  pound,  22s. :  and  to 
the  hindrance  and  domage  of  no  man.  For, 
whereas  it  shall  seme  to  the  worlde,  and  mer- 
chaunts, that  they  shall  be  great  losers,  ere  xii 


COUNT    MANSFELD.  33? 

monthes  goeth  about,  they  shall  get  for  everie 
penny  loste,  ij  d. ;  by  the  reason  all  foreign  com- 
modities (and  ours)  within  the  realme  shall  growe 
good  chepe ;  as  also  all  kinds  of  cattell  and 
grayne."r 

In  addition  to  the  expedient  here  recommend- 
ed, which  had  been  already  successfully  practised, 
Gresham  was  naturally  anxious  to  discover  some 
channel  through  which  he  might  be  enabled  in 
future  with  less  publicity  to  accomplish  the  objects 
of  his  commission :  for  the  practical  difficulties 
which  he  had  to  encounter  as  often  as  it  became 
requisite  to  negotiate  a  fresh  loan  with  the  Ant- 
werp merchants,  were  of  the  most  discouraging 
nature.  It  was  with  eagerness,  therefore,  that  he 
availed  himself  of  an  offer  which  was  at  last  made 
to  advance  a  considerable  sum  for  the  use  of  the 
English  government.  It  proceeded  from  the 
Count  Mansfeld,9  a  German  nobleman  of  the 
highest  rank  and  distinction  ;  to  whom,  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  government  of  the  provinces,  the 
dukedom  of  Luxemburgh  had  been  assigned :  but 
the  estates  on  which  he  generally  resided,  and 
from  one  of  which  he  derived  his  title,  were  situ- 

r  Forming  part  of  a  collection  of  schedules,  endorsed  1560,  con- 
cerning which  see  Appendix,  No.  XXVI.— Flan.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

•  See  Sir  Thomas  Gresham's  "  Instructions,"  dated  Mar.  25, 
15fiO. — Ibid.     There  is  an  engraved  portrait  of  Mansfeld,  in  Sta- 
pylton's  translation  of  Strada,  De  bello  Belgico,  fol.  1650. 
VOL.  I.  Z 


338  CLOUGH    IS    DESPATCHED 

ated  in  Saxony,  and  were  particularly  rich  in 
mines  of  silver  and  copper. 

The  count  employed  as  his  negotiator  in  this 
business,  one  Hans  Keck;  whom,  after  consi- 
derable deliberation,  Gresham  despatched  to  the 
council  in  company  with  his  servant  Clough.  "  1 
have  sent  to  her  Highness,"  he  says,  (meaning 
Queen  Elizabeth,)  "this  bringer,  —  my  factor 
Richard  Clowghe,  whom  yt  may  please  you  to 
credit  in  all  things  he  shall  declare,  as  though  I 
came  in  personne  myselfe :  whom,  I  will  inseure 
your  honour,  hath  takynne  great  paynes  in  the 
Queen's  Majesty's  servize  in  my  absens,  since  her 
Highness  came  to  the  crown  ;  and  hath  right  well 
deserved  some  consideration  at  her  Majesty's 
hands."  *  He  begged  in  the  same  letter  that 
Clough  and  his  fellow-traveller  might  not  be  de- 
tained in  England,  but  sent  back  to  him  with  as 
little  delay  as  possible. 

The  documents  which  Hans  Keck  carried  with 
him,  including  Count  Mansfeld's  letter,  (on  which 
are  some  remarks  in  Cecil's  hand- writing,)  are 
preserved  among  the  State-Papers.  The  secre- 
tary, in  his  reply,  referred  the  count  wholly  to  Sir 

*  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.,  Ant.  April  24,  1560.— Fland.  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off.  In  the  same  repository  is  a  document,  dated  May  I, 
endorsed  by  the  secretary, — "A  Declaration  unto  Sir  William 
Cecil,  Knt.  by  R.  Clough;"  being  the  heads  of  the  information 
he  gave. 


TO    COUNT    MANSFELD.  33Q 

Thomas  Gresham ;  whom  he  recommended  to 
"  send  some  skilful  man,  as  Richard  Clough,  or 
such  other,"  to  the  County,  in  order  to  bring  the 
affair  more  speedily  to  issue.  Clough  returned  to 
Antwerp  immediately ;  but  Keck  lingered  in  Eng- 
land, to  Gresham's  great  annoyance.  At  last  he 
made  his  appearance,  "  much  commending  your 
honour,  [Sir  W.  Cecil,]  with  potentissimo,  reve- 
rendissimo."  v 

Gresham  accordingly  despatched  his  servant  to 
Count  Mansfeld,  with  a  letter  to  that  nobleman 
in  Latin  from  himself,  dated  the  16th  of  May 
1560.w  We  learn  from  his  correspondence  with 
Sir  Thomas  Parry,  that  on  the  1st  of  June,  Clough 
wrote  from  "  Isnacke  [Eisenach]  in  Saxony,  six- 
teen Dutch  miles  distant  from  the  town  of  Mans- 
feld," where  he  expected  to  arrive  on  the  3rd  of 
June ;  and  that  a  day  or  two  after,  "  passing 
through  the  land  of  Nassone,"  Clough  had  written 
again  from  Syggen,  where  he  was  lodging."  He 
had  probably  travelled  by  way  of  Malines,  Maes- 
tricht,  and  Cologne,  and  so  through  the  south  of 
Germany,  until  he  entered  Saxony  ;  whence  he 

•  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.,  Ant.  May  14— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P. 
Off.     Clough  got  back  to  Antwerp  on  the  9th,  carrying  with  him 
a  letter  from  the  queen  to  his  master,  "  touching  the  message 
that  Hans  Keck  brought  from  the  Count  Mansfield ,"  and  another 
from  Cecil.  w  Ibid. 

*  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  T.  P.,  Ant.  June  16,  1560.— Ibid. 

z  2 


340  CLOUGH'S  RECEPTION  AND 

proceeded  direct  to  Mansfeld.  But  he  was  alto- 
gether so  long  absent,  that  Gresham  became  at  last 
not  a  little  anxious  concerning  him ;  and  it  was 
with  considerable  satisfaction  that  he  announced 
his  servant's  safe  return  to  Antwerp  on  the  2d  of 
July/  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  on  the  same 
day  to  Parry,  whom  he  entertained  with  an  ac- 
count of  what  had  befallen  Clough  during  his  visit. 
The  long  absence  of  the  latter  was  explained  by 
the  County's  having  "  ridden  to  his  mines  of  silver 
and  copper,  sixty  Dutch  miles  from  Mansvelt; 
and  there  were  no  post-horses,  nor  they  might 
not  ryde  by  night." 

"  The  Countie  of  Mansfylde  hath  geven  mar- 
vellous interteynment  to  my  factor,"  writes  Gres- 
ham ;  "  for,  after  my  man  came  within  halfe  a 
daye's  journey  of  hys  mines,  Hans  Kecke,  (the 
Countie's  servant,)  went  afore,  to  inform  his  mas- 
ter of  his  comyng ;  and  the  next  day  he  sent  vi  of 
his  gentillmen  to  meet  hym,  viii  Inglyshe  myles 
off;  and  at  his  coming  to  the  playce,  he  himself, 
wyth  his  famylly  there,  was  at  the  gate  to  receive 
hym  :  and  so  hymselfe  had  hym  into  the  fairest  j 
chamber  in  his  house.  And  there  [he]  remayned  1 

y  The  chronology  of  this  transaction  is  utterly  inexplicable, 
unless  we  suppose  that  Gresham's  letter,  dated  June  4th,  should 
have  been  dated  July  4th.  In  short,  I  have  assumed  that  he 
made  this  mistake,  and  helieve  the  circumstance  to  be  demon- 
strable. 


ENTERTAINMENT  AT  MANSFELD.     341 

two  dayes,  in  shewing  of  his  mynes  of  silver  and 
copper ;  which  is  a  matter  of  great  importance. 
And  so,  the  thyrde  day,  he  took  his  journey  to 
Mansfild,  to  his  chief  howse.  And  by  the  way,  a 
shewyd  him  his  towns  and  castles,  whereas  at  dy- 
vers  places,  dyvers  Erles  and  nobellmen  of  his 
house'  met  him ;  so  that,  ere  a  came  to  Mansfyld, 
he  was  accompanyd  with  i  c  1(150)  horses :  whereas 
a  kept  my  man  two  dayes,  ere  that  a  coulde  get 
any  direct  answhere,  in  banquetting  of  him.  And 
by  the  way,  (as  other  wyse,)  the  Counte  minis- 
tered unto  hym  dyvers  questions ;  and  the  chief- 
est  questyon  was,  that  he  thought  this  money  that 
ys  tackyn  uppe  should  have  levyd  sertaine  sol- 
dyers  ;  whereunto  my  servant  made  answhere,  that 
he  could  say  nothing  therein  ;  but  that  he  knewe, 
if  the  Queen's  Majesty  should  have  any  such  nead, 
he  was  right  assewrid  that  he  should  be  employed 

afore  any  man Sir,  doughtless  the  Count 

of  Mansfild  is  a  joylly  gentillman,  and  valliant,  and 
marvellus  well  loved  of  the  nobells  and  captaynes 

of  Saxony 

"  You  must  note  that  the  County  of  Mansfild 
stayed  my  man  two  days  at  his  house  of  Mansfild, 
but  [only]  to  see  his  estate  that  he  would  kepe  for 
the  honour  of  the  Queen's  Majesty :  where  was 
dyvers  Countes  and  Earles,  whom  was  served  all 


342  PRESENTS    AT    PARTING. 

in  silver ;  and  in  the  presence  of  all  these  nobel- 
men,  there  was  no  remedy  but  my  factor  must 
fyrst  waysse  [wassail  ?]  alone,  and  fyrst  sett  at  the 
tabell,  being  marvelously  somtuously  servyd.  My 
factor  allways  calling  for  his  resolute  answhere, 
the  thyrde  day  a  commandyd  all  his  horses,  and 
my  factor's,  to  be  made  ready  by  x  of  the  clocke 
at  noon  ;  and  as  he  was  going  to  horseback,  a  gave 
hym  these  instructions,  and  told  hym  that  the 
Queen's  Majesty  should  paye  but  x  upon  the  c 
for  the  yere's  interest,  and  that  there  should  be  no 
fawte  but  that  the  afforesaid  Ixxv  M  K.  [75,000/.] 
should  be  in  Andwerpe  by  the  xvth  of  August  at 
the  furthest.  And  then  comes  the  County's  Chan- 
cellor, and  presentyd  to  my  factor  in  his  Master's 
name  a  silver  standing-cup,  of  the  vallew  of  xx 
lib.  ;  and  the  Countess  sent  hym,  by  one  of  her 
gentill- women,  a  littel  feather  of  gold  and  silver, 
of  the  vallew  of  x  lib. ;  and  thankyd  hym  for  the 
paynes  he  tooke  [in]  this  journey.  And  thus 
[he]  departyd."  z 

How  highly  Clough  prized  the  gift  above  men- 
tioned, appears  from  the  particular  mention  which 
he  makes  of  it  in  his  will.  That  standing-cup  of 

«  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  T.  P,  Ant.  July  2, 1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P. 
Off.  Gresham's  account  of  his  servant's  travelling  expenses  dur- 
ing this  journey,  has  been  inserted  in  the  Appendix,  No.  XXIV. 
with  the  hope  that  to  some  readers  it  may  prove  interesting. 


THE    COUNT'S    AGREEMENT.  343 

silver,  "  wholle  gilte,"  was  to  remain  among  his 
descendants,  as  "  a  standard,"  for  ever ;  and  on 
no  account  to  be  removed  out  of  his  mansion  of 
Bachegraio-,  in  Denbighshire.  He  brought  with 
him  besides,  a  letter  of  instructions  to  Sir  Thomas 
from  the  County,  "  written  in  the  Allemagne 
tongue,"  of  which  Gresham  sent  Parry  a  French 
translation/  But  there  were  many  things  not 
contained  in  those  instructions,  which  the  count 
was  unwilling  to  commit  to  writing ;  and  these  had 
been  confided  to  Clough,  to  whom  Gresham  was 
requested  to  give  implicit  credence.  All  that  is 
known  of  the  result  of  his  mission  has  been  already 
stated  :  namely,  that  the  County  had  engaged  to 
furnish  Queen  Elizabeth  with  300,000  dollars, 
rated  at  5  shillings  each,  being  equivalent  to 
75,000/. ;  which  sum  he  promised  to  deliver  at 
Antwerp  by  the  15th  of  August ;  and  lend  for  the 
space  of  a  year,  on  interest  at  the  rate  of  ten  per 
cent,  per  annum,  on  the  security  of  the  queen's 
bond  and  that  of  the  city  of  London,  as  usual. 
He  offered  to  lend  400,000  dollars  more,  provided 
the  queen  would  give  him  the  bond  of  the  mer- 
chants of  the  Steelyard  as  an  additional  security ; 
but  to  this  Gresham  objected,  foreseeing  that  if 
the  proposal  were  acquiesced  in,  a  similar  conces- 

•  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  T.  P.,  Ant.  July  2,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off. 


344  MANSFELD    BREAKS 

sion  would  be  required  by  the  merchants  of  Ant- 
werp also,  in  all  future  bargains.b 

Notwithstanding  the  fair  promises  and  flattering 
proposals  of  Mansfeld,  this  negotiation  proved 
fruitless.  Weeks  rolled  on,  and  no  money  made 
its  appearance ;  until  finally,  the  period  fixed  by 
the  County  himself  expired,  and  the  necessities 
of  the  state  became  more  urgent  than  ever. 

Gresham's  discomfiture  is  apparent  from  his 
correspondence.0  He  had  long  since  resolved, 
with  the  funds  which  Mansfeld  had  promised  to 
supply,  to  liquidate,  to  the  extent  of  25,000/.,  the 
debt  of  150, GOO/,  due  on  the  20th  of  August;  and 
had  therefore  been  comparatively  at  ease  on  the 
subject.  How  implicitly  he  relied  on  the  good 
faith  of  that  nobleman,  and  how  completely  he 
depended  on  this  resource  for  accomplishing  his 
purpose,  will  be  seen  from  the  following  extract 
from  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Sir  Thomas 
Parry  on  the  7th  of  July,  1560,  with  reference  to 
his  above-named  intentions  : — "  for  as  the  pay- 
ment is  but  littill  considering  the  great  debt,  so  I 
will  insure  your  honnor  it  will  not  be  a  littill 
spoken  of  thorow  all  the  worlde,  that  her  Majes- 
tic, in  her  wars,  doth  make  payment  of  her 

b  Sir  T.G.  to  Sir  T.  P.  Ant.  July  2,  1560.— Flan.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

c  He  assures  Parry  repeatedly,  that  he  will  "  have  much  ado 

to  content  the  Queen's  Majesty's  creditors."  (Aug.  18,  1560.)— Ib. 


HIS    PROMISE.  345 

dettes ;  when  neither  King  Philip,  the  French 
King,  nor  the  King  of  Portingall,  in  peace  tyme, 
payeth  nothinge ;  whom  oweth  no  small  sums  of 
money :  wych  causeth  money  to  be  here  so  scante, 
as  the  like  was  never  seen  nor  heard  of.  There- 
fore, now,  a  payment  of  xxv  M  li.  [25,000/.]  to 
be  equally  divided  among  the  Queen's  Majesty's 
creditors,  will  doo  more  good  to  her  highness'  cre- 
dit than  the  whole  sum  of  25,000/.  ys  worth ;  and 
by  this  meynes,  her  dets  groweth  the  less,  and 
the  interest  [is]  saved.  So,  the  25,000/.  deducted 
out  of  the  County  Mansfyld's  money,  there  doth 
remayne  50,000/. ;  wych  I  will  see  transporttid 
by  Exchange,  or  ells  in  fyne  golde  and  fyne  sil- 
ver, wych  shall  fall  out  to  the  Queen's  Majesty's 
fardle  and  proffit." d 

With  the  following  letter,  addressed  a  few 
weeks  after  to  the  same  individual,  we  shall  dis- 
miss this  part  of  our  subject.  Its  insertion  serves 
the  double  purpose  of  presenting  the  reader  with 
another  specimen  of  Gresham's  correspondence 
with  Parry,  and  of  exposing  how  the  negotiation 
with  Count  Mansfeld  terminated. 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  Aftyr  my  most  humble  commendacions, 
it  maye  like  you  to  understande  that  as  the  xviiith 
of  this  [present,]  I  wrote  you  a  letter  by  one  of 

d  Aug.  18,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


346 


GRESHAM  S    DISAPPOINTMENT 


my  owen  servaunts,  by  whome  I  sent  you  the  cor- 
tall  horse  e  I  promysed  your  honnor  ;  wyche  I 
thought  might  have  passed  at  Donckerke  wythout 
pasporte,  by  the  olde  statute,  being  not  above  xii 
handfulls  high :  and,  contrary  to  my  expectacion, 
the  Regent  hathe  of  late  given  an  order  that 
none  may  passe ;  so  that  your  cortall  remaynes 
at  Donckerk.  I  will  try  all  my  friends  for  pas- 
porte, but  I  will  obtayne  pasporte ; — wherein 
your  honnor  must  have  patience. 

"  I  sent  your  honnor  likewise  iiii  dozen  of 
black  bottons  ;  as  all  so  your  xl  dysshis  of  silver, 
and  xii  saucers  be  in  hand,  with  as  much  expedy- 
cion  as  maye  be.  Other  I  have  not  to  molest  you 
wythall,  but  that  I  trust  Sir  William  Cecill  hath 
made  you  prevey  to  all  my  letters  ;  whereby  you 
shall  perseve  that  the  Countey  of  Mansfyllde  doth 
not  accomplishe  his  bargayne  for  the  iiii  c  M 
[400,000]  dollars,  according  to  his  promise. 
What  shall  come  thereof,  our  Lorde  knoweth,  and 
I  do  not :  .but  that  I  do  perceyve  by  one  worde 
that  Hans  Kecke  cast  out,  the  money  is  here  all- 
reddy ;  wyche  is  let  out  apon  interest — (to  the 
town  of  Andwerpe  of  long  tyme,  as  I  guess,) — 
wyche  matter  comyth  the  Queen's  Majesty  very 
ill  to  pass,  for  credit's  sake.  Nevertheless,  I  have 
so  travailed  that  I  have  given  full  contentacion 

c  Or  "  horse  cortall ;"  the  MS.  is  not  quite  clear.     The  mean- 
ing is,  a  little  horse. 


AND    REMEDY.  347 

to  all  the  Queen's  Majesty's  creditors,  as  by  my 
prolongacions  sent  to  Mr.  Secretary  you  may 
percieve,"f  &c. 

But  the  "contentacion"  here  alluded  to,  was 
only  to  be  procured  by  having  recourse  to  a 
scheme,  practised  as  we  have  seen  on  former 
occasions,  by  which  a  compulsory  loan  was  exacted 
from  the  Merchant-adventurers.  On  the  2nd  of 
August,  we  find  Gresham  thus  addressing  Parry 
in  London,  whither  he  appears  to  have  come  to 
pass  a  few  days : — "  Other  I  have  not  to  molest 
your  honnor  withall,  but  that  it  may  please  you  to 
remember  the  Merchaunt-Adventorers,  and  S tap- 
piers,  and  to  proceed  fyrst  wyth  the  Merchaunt-Ad- 
ventorers, who  begynne  now  to  enter  in  the  Cos- 
tome-house,  and  to  layde  ;  and  by  the  xxvth  of  this 
month  they  shall  be  all  laden  and  watter  borne ; 
(your  honnor  knowyth  what  I  doo  meane).  And 
be  it  rememberid  to  your  honnor,  that  in  case  if 
the  Quenes  Majesty  doth  mynde  to  refyne  her 
base  monneys  within  this  three  monthes,  that 
then  you  doo  demand  of  the  marchands  (at  the 
least)  for  every  xx  s.  sterling,  xxvi  s.  viii  d.  fley- 
myshe  ;  and  as  her  Majesty  ys  therein  mynded,  to 
govern  the  price  of  the  Exchange  ;  for  other wyse 
the  Quene's  Majesty  may  be  a  loser  therebye."8 

f  Ant.  Aug.  26,  1560.— PI.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
«  London,  Aug.  2. — Ibid. 


348  THE  QUEEN'S  LETTER 

The  nature  of  the  operation  alluded  to  in  the 
former  part  of  this  extract  has  been  so  fully 
exposed  in  a  preceding  page,'1  as  to  render  su- 
perfluous any  further  commentary  upon  it.  The 
specimen  of  official  correspondence  to  be  next 
given,  will  both  illustrate  the  transaction,  and  show 
what  was  its  issue.  The  original  letter,  having 
been  addressed  in  the  name  of  the  queen  to  Sir 
Thomas  Gresham,  is  of  course  missing  ;  but  the 
rough  draft,  in  the  hand-writing  of  Secretary 
Cecil,  supplies  us  with  its  contents,  which  were 
as  follows : — 

"  Trusty  and  welbeloved,  we  grete  you  well. 
And  whereas  order  was  gyven  by  us  in  our  pro- 
gress, that  the  shipps  fraughted  with  the  cloths 
of  our  merchants,  this  present  month  of  August, 
should  have  been  stayed,  until  we  might  have 
concluded  some  bargayne  with  them  for  the 
payment  of  3XX  [three-score]  thousand  pounds 
flemysh,  (that  is,  30  at  the  15th  of  November 
next,  and  other  30  at  the  15th  [of]  March)  ; — so  it 
is,  by  negligence  of  such  in  whom  the  trust  was 
reposed,  they  be  departed,  to  the  nombre  of 
34,000  cloths,  and  no  bargayne  concluded.  In 
which  matter,  our  treasorer  of  England  hath  by 
his  letters  from  London  seemed  not  to  allow  the 
payment  of  our  detts  by  your  meanes ;  but  rather 

h  See  p:  257,  &c. 


TO    STR    THOMAS    GRESHAM.  349 

to  have  the  dett  of  November  put  over  to  March, 
which  we  cannot  yet  allow.  Nevertheless,  we 
meane  to  have  hym  come  to  Wyndsor  to  us,  by 
Saturday  next;  and  yet,  the  meane  season,  we 
have  thought  it  necessary  not  only  to  advertize 
you,  but  also  to  send  you  our  lettres  directed  to 
[Mr.  John]  Fitzwilliam,  the  governor  there,  with 
whom  ye  shall  confer  how,  presently,  before  any 
show-day e,1  we  maye  be  furnished  of  this  loan ;  and 
then  delyver  our  lettres  to  hym  and  the  company. 
And  whereas  we  require  the  money  to  be  deliver- 
ed [at]  25  s.  Flemish  for  the  xx  s.  Sterling,  because 
we  know  not  how  the  case  may  be  reasonably 
compassed,  we  remitt  it  to  your  consideration  and 
discretion  to  obtain  it  to  pass  betwixt  235.  4d. 
and  25  s.  And  we  woll  you  to  say  to  the  gover- 
nor, that  if  this  our  reasonable  request  may  not 
be  granted  at  this  tyme,  we  shal  be  occasioned 
to  seke  some  other  meane,  that  will  be  so  hurtful 
percase  [perchance]  unto  the  Company,  as  we 
shall  be  sorry  to  be  forced  thereto  ;  and  so  indede 
we  must,  and  will  doo.  This  we  wryte  for  more 
speed, — doubting,  if  we  shuld  defer  untill  Satur- 
day that  our  lettres  might  come  too  late ;  for  that 

i  It  seems  to  have  been  a  practice  with  the  merchants  to  fix 
a  certain  day  for  exhibiting  their  merchandize,  and  exposing  it 
for  sale,— called  hence  "a  show-day."  We  learn  from  Clough's 
letter  of  March  7,  1562  3,  that  5000  cloths  on  the  two  first  show- 
days,  was  thought  "  reasonable  good  sales." 


350  THE    QUEEN    AT    BASING. 

we  be  informed  the  show  be  about  the  4th  or  6th  of 
September.  We  marvell  we  hitherto  hear  not 
of  the  receipt  of  the  money  from  the  Count  of 
Manxfeldt.  Gyven  under  our  signett  at  Basyng. 
[Aug.  28,  1560.]"j 

Basing,  in  Hampshire,  was  the  seat  of  the 
Marquis  of  Winchester,  lord-treasurer ;  upon 
whom  Queen  Elizabeth,  now  on  her  summer 
progress,  was  inflicting  a  visit.  "  She  liked  so 
well  my  Lord  Treasourer's  house,  and  his  greate 
cheare  at  Basinge,"  says  a  contemporary  letter- 
writer,  addressing  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  "  that 
she  openly  and  meryly  bemoned  him  to  be  so 
olde  ;  '  for  ells,  by  my  trouthe,'  (say the  she)  'if 
my  L.  Treasurer  were  a  young  man,  I  coulde 
fynde  in  my  harte  to  have  him  to  my  husbande 
before  any  man  in  England.' " k  The  letter 
which  precedes,  was  accompanied  by  the  follow- 
ing, addressed  to  Fitzwilliams,  governor  of  the 
Merchant- adventurers  at  Antwerp  :l  a  rough  draft, 
also  in  Cecil's  hand- writing. 

j  Aug.  28,  1560.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

k  Lodge's  Illustrations,  4to.  vol.  i.  p.  346. 

1  Mr.  John  Fitzwilliams,  whose  name  so  frequently  recurs  in 
these  pages,  was  the  great-grandson  of  Robert,  fourth  son  of 
Sir  John  Fitzwilliam,  of  Sprotsborough,  in  Yorkshire  ;  and  was 
therefore  a  man  of  excellent  family.  His  wife  was  Elizabeth 
Redrigo,  by  whom  he  left  Susan  his  daughter  and  heir. — From 
the  kind  communication  of  the  Rev.  Jos.  Hunter. 


LETTER    TO    F1TZWILLIAMS.  351 

"  By  the  Quene, 

"  Trusty  and  well  beloved,  we  grete  you 
well.  Whereas  we  have  dyvers  grete  somes  of 
money  to  be  payd  in  the  towne  of  Antwerp,  the 
xvth  of  November  and  of  March  next, — which  must 
of  necessitie,  for  our  honor  and  creditt,  be  then 
payd  ;  agaynst  which  tyme  we  cannot  transport 
over  the  sum,  nether  in  redy  mony  nor  by  Ex- 
change, without  both  our  losse  and  yours,  the 
merchants  of  oure  realme,  by  altering  and  abas- 
yng  of  the  Exchange  ;  we  have,  by  advise  of  our 
councell,  thought  it  convenient  to  requyre  you 
and  your  company  of  our  Merchant  Adventurers, 
(having  there  now  at  this  next  mart,  by  means  of 
quantity  of  cloths  to  be  sold,  grete  somes  of 
money  to  be  receeved,)  to  paye  for  us  to  our 
creditors  the  some  of  30,000/.  flemish,  at  the  sayd 
15th  of  November ;  dew  to  such  persons  as  our 
factor  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  knight,  shall  declare 
unto  you:  and  other  30  M  at  the  said  xvth  of 
March.  For  the  which,  we  shall  not  fayle  but 
see  [you]  repayd  here  in  our  citte  of  London,  in 
English  money,  according  to  the  Exchange,  for 
every  25  s.  flemish  20  s.  English,  at  the  manner 
of  double  usance ;  for  the  which  ye  shall  have 
such  assurance  as  ye  shall  conveniently  require. 
And  this,  we  be  assured  ye  may  doo ;  considering 
as  well  the  great  sommes  of  money  that  now  shall 


352 


A    SUBSIDY    DEMANDED. 


come  to  your  hands,  as  also  the  assured  lykeli- 
hood  of  the  dayly  amendment  of  the  Exchange, 
the  rather  by  your  good  pollicy.  Herein  we 
make  an  assured  account  of  your  conformity  ; 
considering  how  much  it  toucheth  our  honour 
and  reputation,  and  how  beneficiall  it  shall  be  to 
us  and  our  realme  to  be  out  of  debt  there ;  which 
we  most  earnestly  intend.  And  if  you  will  take 
order  that  the  younger  Merchants,  that  have 
more  occasion  to  use  their  money  there,  in  re- 
turning home  of  the  commodities  of  those  parts, 
than  the  elder  and  richer,  may  be  more  easily 
assessed,  (and  the  rather  with  the  great  sommes,) 
we  think  the  burden  shall  be  easyer,  and  our  ser- 
vice the  sooner  accomplished.  Our  Factor  and 
Agent  there,  can  best  inform  you  how  necessary 
it  is  to  have  this  our  request  granted ;  and  that 
we  may  not,  without  our  great  dishonour  and  dis- 
credit have  it  denyed :  and  therefore  we  omitt 
to  enlarge  this  matter  any  further  unto  you, 
requiring  you  therein  to  credit  him."  ra 

Tedious  as  this  correspondence  may  be  found, 
it  seems  desirable  for  many  reasons  that  it  should 
not  be  withheld ;  since  it  was  precisely  in  similar 
arrangements  that  Gresham's  co-operation  was 
more  or  less  constantly  required.  The  shifts  to 

111  Of  this  letter,  which  is  also  dated  28th  August,  two  rough 
copies  exist  among  the  State-Papers. 


THE    MERCHANTS    GRANT    IT.  353 

which  the  statesman  of  that  day  was  reduced, 
become  curiously  exposed  in  such  letters  ;  and 
some  insight  into  the  financial  resources  of  the 
kingdom  is  obtained.  The  result  of  the  present 
negotiation  was  so  far  satisfactory,  that  the  Mer- 
chant-adventurers agreed  to  pay  30,000/.  at  Ant- 
werp, between  the  15th  and  last  day  of  November; 
on  condition  of  repayment  in  London  at  double 
usance,  after  the  rate  of  22s.  6d.  Flemish.  This 
we  learn  from  a  letter  addressed  to  Gresham  in 
the  name  of  the  queen,  on  the  15th  of  October  :  a 
document  very  characteristic  of  those  days  of 
high  prerogative,  for  it  goes  on  to  state  that  "  as 
the  Merchants  may  not  be  able  to  make  such  sale, 
as  they  may  have  the  said  sum  in  full  readiness  by 
the  time  required,  they  do  desire  that  Gresham 
shall  assist  them  in  that  behalf;  which  he  is  ac- 
cordingly required  to  do  :  that  they  may,  if  need 
so  require,  have  the  said  somme  prolonged  upon 
Interest,  which  the  said  Merchants  will  of  their 
chardges  susteyne."  The  merchants  of  the  staple 
agreed,  in  addition,  to  furnish  13,000/. ;  and  the 
remainder  of  the  debt  was  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
Exchequer." 

n  From  a  document  entitled  "A  minute  for  the  discharge 
of  the  debt  in  Flanders,  24th  Oct.  1560 :"  remaining  among  the 
collection  of  financial  papers  for  that  year,  already  alluded  to, 
(note  '.  p.  337.) 

VOL.  1.  2  A 


354  AMELIORATION    OF    THE    COINAGE. 

The  English  numismatist  will  not  fail  to  have 
noticed  the  mention  made  in  a  preceding  extract, 
of  the  project  at  this  time  in  agitation  of  ameliorat- 
ing the  coinage.  Gresham,  as  might  be  expected, 
was  in  the  secret  long  before  it  became  generally 
known  ;  indeed,  it  seems  no  unfair  inference,  from 
the  letters  which  are  next  to  be  given,  that  he 
was  the  originator  of  the  whole  scheme.  Among 
the  earliest  of  its  promoters  he  certainly  was  ;  for 
on  the  7th  of  July,  writing  to  Parry,  he  says : — 
"  Tomorrow  departs  from  hense  Danyell  Wolstat, 
only  to  confer  with  you  if  it  shall  be  the  Quenes 
Majesty's  pleasure  to  refine  all  her  highness' 

base  money He  is  an  honest  man,  to  whom 

I  am  much  beholden."  °  Whereas,  more  than  three 
months  after,  we  find  Francis  Alen,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  noticing  a  rumour  that 
the  queen  was  about  to  refine  her  coinage,  as  if 
it  were  yet  a  profound  secret.  "  There  is  like  to 
be  a  calling  downe  of  the  base  money  I  undre- 
stande,  very  shortlye  ;  and  the  Quene's  Majestic 
hathe  sworne  that  the  daye  and  tyme  shall  be 
kepte  secrete  to  herself;  and  that  fewe  besyds 
shall  knowe.  So  as  the  very  tyme,  whensoever  it 
chaunceth,  will  be  so  shorte  and  sodeyne,  that  men 
are  like  to  have  small  warninge  of  the  matter." p 

°  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

p  Lodge's  Illustrations,  4to.  vol.  i.  p.  345.— Sept.  3,  1560. 


WOLSTAT'S  LETTER  OF  INTRODUCTION.  355 

But  we  are  enabled  from  the  correspondence 
of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  to  adduce  further  curious 
evidence  on  this  subject, — more  curious  and  more 
to  the  point,  it  is  presumed,  than  any  which  has 
yet  been  made  public.  First  in  order,  though  not 
exactly  first  in  date,  is  the  following  letter,  which 
tells  its  own  story  sufficiently  to  render  all  preface 
and  comment  unnecessary.  Not  even  need  it  be 
stated  who  was  the  bearer  of  it,  or  with  what 
object  he  waited  upon  Sir  Thomas  Parry. 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  It  maye  licke  yow  to  undyrstond,  that 
the  bringger  hereof  ys  Mr.  Danyell  Wollstat, 
(he  that  mackes  the  offer  for  the  reffyning  of  all 
our  basse  monny  wythein  our  realme)  ;  whome, 
according  as  I  have  writtin  yow,  ys  a  very  onnest 
man,  and  substanciall  anowffe  for  the  perfformans 
of  the  same.  Nevertheles,  he  offerrythe  to  put 
in  sewrties  here  in  the  cite  of  Andwarpe,  or  ells 
in  the  cite  of  London,  as  it  shall  stonde  wythe  the 
Queene's  Majestie's  pleasseur.  Other,  I  have 
not  to  molest  your  honnor  wytheall ;  but  that  I 
shall  most  humbly  dessire  yow,  (and  the  rather 
at  my  prefferment,)  [that]  he  maye  have  your 
favorable  inteteynement  and  preferment  in  this 
his  sewte ;  and  that  he  maye  have  acces  unto  you 
from  tyme  to  tyme,  for  his  speedye  and  better 

dispache.     Assewring  your  honnor,  yf  the  matter 

2  A  2 


356 


WOLSTAT  S    PROPOSALS 


doo  tacke  plasse,  yow  shall  fynde  hym  no  une- 
thanckefull  man  ;  for  this  of  hymsellfe  he  dessyryd 
me  to  write  yow.  Allbeit,  the  enterprise  ys  of 
great  importance,  and  the  sonner  it  ys  put  in 
[hand,]  ewre  [ever  ?]  the  more  honnor  and  prof- 
fyt  it  wolle  be  to  the  Quene's  Majestic  and  the 
Realme :  for  doughtless,  this  will  raysse  the  ex- 
change to  xxvj  s.  viij  d.  at  the  least.  As  knowythe 
the  Lorde,  whoe  presserve  yow  wythe  increas  of 
honnor.  From  Andwerpe  the  viijth  of  July,  1560. 

At  your  honnor's  commandement, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM."q 

"  To  the  Right  honnorable  Sir  Thomas  Pary, 
knyght,  Treassorer  of  the  Quene's  Ma- 
jestie's  most  honnorable  Howsholde." 

Enclosed  in  the  preceding  letter  was  the  fol- 
lowing, which  is  equally  intelligible ;  and  of  which 
it  needs  only  to  be  stated  that,  though  undated  and 
without  superscription,  it  was  obviously  addressed, 
in  June  or  July  1560,  to  Sir  Thomas  Gresham : 
having  been  penned  probably  at  Antwerp,  though 
the  writer,  as  we  shall  see,  was  a  native  of  Germany. 

"  Mr.  Gresham, 

"  It  maye  like  you  to  understand  that  we 
have  commodity  to  refyne,  everye  mounthe,  thre- 
score  thousande  pounds  wayght  (of  xii  onces  the 

i  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


FOR    REFINING    THE    COIN.  35? 

lb.)  of  suche  baysse  monney  as  ys  now  corrant  in 
Ingland,  off  3  or  4  or  6  onces  fyne,  in  xij  onces. 
Iffe  the  Quene's  Majestic  woolde  retourne  suche 
money  unto  fyne  money  off  xi  onces,  or  there 
abought,  we  whold  bynde  us  to  make  yt  also  ; 
and  deliver  every  weke,  the  some  of  the  silver 
that  we  shall  weekely  receyve  of  her  Majestie's 
deputies :  and  to  take  only,  for  our  rewarde,  for 
all  costes  and  charges  belonging  to  it,  for  every 
xij  onz.  fine,  iij  qter  of  a  onz. ;  and  the  copper  that 
maye  be  savid  in  yt. 

"  And  also,  to  provyd,  ourselfes,  the  stoffe  be- 
longinge  to  the  refyninge,  without  anny  discom- 
modity offe  the  Realme  :  whiche  woolde  be  a  great 
charge  for  us.  Thearefore,  before  wey  entre  into 
suche  enterpries,  wey  desier  to  knowe  yffe  her 
Majestic  woll  asseure  us  of  all  the  quantity  of  the 
said  money  [she  intends]  to  cause  to  be  delivered 
unto  us  at  London,  to  refyne.  And  without 
[such]  assurance,  yt  ys  uneacceptable  to  undir- 
tacke  suche  chargis  opon  us. 

"  And  because  that  some  silver  muste  remayne 
in  the  coper  in  refynynge,  and  not  be  tacken  out ; 
then,  in  our  countrey  (in  Germanye)  we  woll  and 
must  have  licens  to  bringe  suche  coper  out  of 
Yngland  into  Germany,  and  there  to  doo  withall 
as  shall  thincke  us  for  our  most  proffyt.  And 
suche  silver  as  shall  remayne  in  the  copper,  and 


358 


GRESHAM  BECOMES 


in  waste,  we  woll  take  in  partye  of  payment  of 
oure  reward ;  at  [such]  a  prise  as  yt  ys  worthe 
in  generall :  and  the  rest,  for  our  reward  every 
weeke  or  mounth,  in  redy  mony.  Iff  here  Ma- 
jestie  ys  myndyd  to  intend  too  suche  worcke,  and 
desiers  more  partycularity,  we  are  content  to 
send  one  of  us  into  Ingland  for  to  declarre  yt 
more  at  large :  better  by  mouth,  as  [than]  maye 
be  doen  with  the  penne. 

"  Touchinge  of  Bastian  Solcher,  wyche  ys  with 
Sir  John  Yorcke,  hy  ys  the  man  that  haythe 
comysion  of  us  to  move  this  matter  to  the  coun- 
seyll :  but  [he]  haythe  not  comodity  offe  the 
provysion,  nor  ys  of  the  abillity,  nor  hayth  any 
bollen  to  delyver, — as  moche  as  we  knowe  offe 
hym ;  but  he  ys  a  man  very  sckylfull  and  practicke 
to  suche  matter.  And  as  for  our  parte,  your 
worshipe  dothe  knowe  well  anoythe  [enough,] 
that  we  are  men  of  performans,  and  to  be  trostid 
to  suche  worcke :  and  yffe  nead  should  requyre, 
we  can  put  suertyes  for  the  full  doynges  off  this 
enterprys. 

"  Heireopon,  your  mastershipe  [may]  pleasse  to 
wryt  the  effect  of  this  mattir  to  here  Majestie,  and 
to  let  us  knowe  here  intencion  as  sonne  as  ys  pos- 
sible ;  for  our  frynd  haythe  othir  thinges  in  handes. 
DANIEL  VLSTAT  AND  CoMPA<"r 

'   Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


SURETY  FOR  THE  UNDERTAKING.     359 

Such  was  the  proposal  of  Wolstat,  and  such 
the  despatches  of  which  he  was  made  the  bearer. 
It  may  be  interesting  to  a  future  Rogers  Ruding 
to  be  informed  of  the  names  of  Wolstat's  partners, 
— the  members  of  the  '  company '  who,  with  him, 
undertook  and  executed  the  gigantic  task  of  re- 
forming the  debased  coinage  of  England.    These 
men  were, — "  Jasper  Seeler,  Christopher  Ansell, 
John  Lover,  and  Sebastian  Spaydell,  almaignes;" 
and  a  curious  letter  is  extant,  from  Queen  Eliza- 
beth to   Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  dated  the  4th  of 
November  following,  wherein  she   certifies  him 
"  of  a  bargen  made  with  these  strangers  for  the 
refyning  of  base   monies ;"   "  and  forasmuch  as 
they  stood  bounde  to  produce  sufficient  suerties 
for  the  sum  of  30,000/.,  both  of  Englishmen  and 
strangers,    for    the  performance   of   their   cove- 
nants; and  had,  among  other  Englishmen,  made 
choice  of  Gresham  to  be  their  suerty  for  4,000/. ; 
in  case  he  condescended  to  become  bound  for  them, 
in  such  sort  as  by  a  copy  of  a  band  [bond]  sent 
herewith,  should  appear  unto  him, — that  then  he 
was  to  cause  the  said  band  to  be  engrossed ;    and 
to  seale,   subscribe,  and  deliver  the  same  to  the 
hands    of    the    governor    [of   the   company    of 
Merchant-adventurers.]"     Gresham  was  further 
requested  to  solicit  the  Fuggers  to  do  the  like.8 

•  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


360  GENERAL    REVIEW 

The  date  of  Alen's  letter,  quoted  above,  was 
the  3rd  of  September.  On  the  27th,  the  value  of 
base  coins  was  reduced  by  royal  Proclamation  ; 
and  on  the  29th,  was  published,  in  quarto,  a  black 
letter  "  Summary  of  certain  reasons  which  have 
moved  Queen  Elizabeth  to  proceed  in  reformations 
of  her  base  and  coarse  Monies,  and  to  reduce 
them  to  their  values,  in  sort  as  they  may  be  turned 
to  fine  Monies."1 

By  this  time,  some  idea  must  have  been  formed 
of  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  services  which 
were  continually  required  of  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham.  It  will  be  perceived  that  he  discharged  the 
duties  not  only  of  an  Agent,  negotiating  loans  for 
the  state ;  and  of  Queen's  Merchant,  in  which 
capacity  the  task  of  furnishing  the  country  with 
military  and  other  stores  continually  devolved 
upon  him ;  but  that  he  corresponded  with  Sir  Wil- 
liam Cecil,  as  the  ambassadors  at  foreign  courts 
were  accustomed."  When  Naunton,  speaking  of 
the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  says, — "  His  good  old 
Father  [meaning  Cecil,]  was  so  well  seen  in  the 
mathematics,  as  that  he  could  tell  you  throughout 
all  Spain,  (every  part,)  every  ship,  with  their 
burdens;  whither  bound  with  preparation,  what 

1  Ruding's  Annals,  4to.  vol.  ii.  pp.  135-7.  See  also  as  far  as 
page  142. 

u  Hence  the  preservation  of  so  many  of  dough's  letters  ;  as 
well  as  those  of  Payne,  and  others. 


OF  GRESHAM'S  SERVICES.  361 

impediments  for  diversion  of  enterprises,  councils, 
and  resolutions," — it  is  pretty  evident  that  it  was 
to  no  other  than  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  that  he 
was  indebted,  for  a  considerable  portion  at  least, 
of  his  information.  Antwerp  was  then,  in  short, 
what  London  is  now, — the  centre  of  intelligence  : 
so  that  in  addition  to  Flemish  news,  Gresham  con- 
veyed home  the  freshest  intelligence  respecting 
the  Pope,  derived  from  Rome,  Naples,  or  Venice  ; 
respecting  '  the  Turk,'  derived  from  Constanti- 
nople or  Tripoli ;  Spanish  news,  from  Seville  or 
Toledo ;  and  not  least  often,  tidings  of  what  was 
passing,  or  rumoured,  in  Sweden,  Denmark,  Ger- 
many, and  France.  In  truth,  the  very  best  proof  of 
the  opinion  which  was  entertained  of  his  abilities  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  ministers,  is  afforded  by 
a  mere  inspection  of  the  Flemish  correspondence 
of  the  period  during  which  he  flourished :  about 
the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking  for  instance, 
there  are  hundreds  of  his  letters  in  existence,  and 
but  very  few  by  any  other  hand, — so  inconsi- 
derable a  number,  indeed,  as  scarcely  to  deserve 
mention ;  and  most  of  these  relate,  or  are  ad- 
dressed, to  him.  This  establishes  beyond  contra- 
diction the  interesting  fact,  that  in  conducting 
the  policy  of  England  towards  Flanders, — a  state 
which  formerly  occupied  a  far  prouder  rank  among 
European  powers  than  it  does  at  the  present  day, 


362  HIS    SPIES,    AND 

— Cecil  depended  altogether  on  the  subject  of 
these  pages,  and  placed  implicit  confidence  in  his 
"  advertisements." 

Many  and  interesting  are  the  proofs  supplied 
by  the  correspondence  of  these  two  eminent  men, 
of  the  watchfulness  with  respect  to  occurrences, 
and  the  system  of  espionage  over  persons  which 
they  were  accustomed  to  maintain.  In  May  1560, 
Gresham  heard  that  an  army  of  20,000  foot  was 
encamped  in  Guelderland ;  and  immediately  sent 
a  servant  with  fifty  crowns,  to  remain  in  the 
camp  till  that  sum  was  expended/  Forty  or  fifty 
crowns,  he  says,  were  richly  merited  by  Payne  of 
Middleburgh,  and  "  Harry  Gerbrande,  dwelling 
at  Donkirk,"  for  their  services  ;  "  from  which  two 
ports  it  is  most  convenient  for  the  Quene  to  have 
daily  advertisements, — if  it  were  but  to  know 
who  cometh  and  passeth  from  thence."  w  Richard 
Payne's  letters  to  Gresham  are  very  numerous, 
and  sometimes  they  are  even  valuable ;  but  the 
intelligence  they  convey,  as  might  be  expected,  is 
mostly  of  local  interest,  and  of  an  ephemeral  cha- 
racter. The  same  remark  applies  to  the  letters 
of  Henry  Garbrand.  From  Toledo,  Gresham  had 
regular  information  sent  him  by  his  servant  John 

v  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.  May  12th  and  14th.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off. 
w  The  same  to  Sir  T.  Parry,  June  24,  1560.— Ibid. 


PAID    CORRESPONDENTS.  363 

Gerbridge  ;  and  he  was  frequently  the  medium  by 
which  the  letters  of  English  ambassadors  resident 
at  the  Spanish  and  other  foreign  courts,  were  for- 
warded to  England.  In  April  1560,  for  instance, 
he  sends  his  factor  "  a  packet  of  letters  to  my 
Lady  Montague  from  my  Lord  her  husband," — 
Sir  Thomas  Chamberlayne  and  Viscount  Mon- 
tague having  proceeded  at  this  time  on  an  embassy 
into  Spain/  "  Right  honourable  Sir,"  he  says, 
writing  to  Cecil  the  month  following ;  "  after  my 
most  humble  commendacions,  it  may  licke  yow  to 
undyrstand  that  as  the  iiird  of  the  present,  at  xii 
of  the  clocke  at  nowen,  1  sent  you  in  post  from 
hens  my  servant  James  Brocketrope,  with  a  packet 
of  letters :  wherein  was  one  to  the  Queue's  Ma- 
jestic, and  a  nother  to  you,  which  came  from  sert- 
teyne  Princes  and  Dewkes  out  of  Germany ;  and 
allso  another  wrytten  to  me  from  Frederick  Spedt, 
knyght." y  At  Amsterdam,  John  Weddington 
was  established,  who  being  in  the  pay  of  Sir 
Thomas  Gresham,  furnished  him  periodically  with 
"  advertisements,"  which  were  as  regularly  trans- 
mitted to  the  secretary ;  many  of  them  being  en- 
dorsed by  Cecil's  own  hand.2  On  one  occasion 

*  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  W.  C.  April  30.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
and  see  Murdin. 
y  May  7.— Ibid. 
1  e.  g.  "  Advertisement  from  my  servant  Waddington  out  of 


364  BRIBES    THE    SERVANTS 

Weddington,  writing  from  "  Gronnynge  in  Frys- 
land,"  gives  his  employer  some  particulars  of  his 
journey  thither  from  Amsterdam ;  observing, — 
"  the  dissiples  of  L utter  and  the  Zwynglyans  have 
great  disputacions  at  Emden,  for  the  right  under- 
standing of  the  holly  Scripture.  I  pray  God  send 
us  his  holly  spryte."  a 

But  Gresham's  most  'delicate  stratagem'  was 
corrupting  King  Philip's  servants  :  for  I  have  felt 
it  incumbent  on  me  not  to  conceal,  that,  to  com- 
pass the  ends  he  had  in  view,  (and  as  they  were 
not  selfish  ends,  we  will  not  censure  him  quite  so 
harshly  as  we  should  else  have  done,)  Gresham 
did  not  scruple  to  obtain  the  co-operation,  subser- 
viency, or  connivance  of  persons  in  office  by  a 
bribe,  or  any  other  means  within  his  power.  One 
of  these  was  Robert  Hogan,  of  whom  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth expressed  to  Gresham  her  distrust,  inas- 
much as  he  was  professedly  in  the  pay  of  '  her 
brother  of  Spain  :'  but  Gresham  gave  very  good 
reasons  for  continuing  to  employ  Hogan,  and  ex- 
plained to  her  Majesty  the  advantages  of  inform- 
ation derived  from  such  a  quarter.5  In  another 
place c  he  declares  to  Parry,  "  there  is  not  one 
word  spoken  by  the  customers,  and  what  they 

Holland  and  those  parts  ;"  which  Cecil  endorses  "  Amsterdam, 

May  1, 1560."— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.        •  May  23,  1560.— Ib. 

>>  Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir  T.  P.,  June  22.— Ibid.  c  July  2.— Ib. 


OF    KING    PHILIP.  365 

intend  to  do,  but  I  have  perfytt  intelligence." 
Nor  must  I,  as  a  faithful  historian,  conceal  the 
great  obligations  which  Gresham  was  under  to  his 
friend  Jasper  Schetz,  who  was  "  both  factor  and 
councellor  to  King  Philip,"  and  who  gave  him 
constant  information  of  what  was  passing  at  that 
monarch's  court.  This  individual,  of  whom  a  fa- 
vourable account  was  given  in  a  previous  chap- 
ter, one  regrets  to  find  was  not  superior  to  pecu- 
niary inducements.  "  As  this  daie,"  says  Gres- 
ham, "  my  very  friend  Mr.  Jasper  Schetz  ys  come 
to  to  wen,  who  is  the  King's  generall  factor,  and 
one  of  the  counsell  of  finance,  and  rewlyth  the  holl 
finance  and  the  burse  of  Antwerp."  The  writer 
proceeds  to  tell  Cecil  that  he  had  ventured  on 
behalf  of  the  queen,  (whose  religion  Schetz  *  fa- 
voured,') to  promise  him  600  crowns ;  in  consi- 
deration of  which  Schetz  engaged  "  by  the  xxth  of 
this  month,  at  furthest,  that  a  commandement 
should  be  issued  by  the  Regent  that  no  man 
should  take  above  1  per  cent,  for  the  difference  of 
current  money  and  permission  money;"  which 
would  save  the  queen  2,000/.  at  least.  "  Ad  is  a 
man  of  great  power  and  wealth,  as  you  do  right 

d  It  must  be  superfluous  to  remark,  that  by  old  writers,  he  is 
often  written  a.  "  There  was  a  quiver  little  fellow,  and  'a  would 
manage  you  his  piece  thus :  and  'a  would  about,  and  about  .... 
rah,  tali,  tah,  would  'a  say ;  bounce,  would  'a  say  ;  and  away  again 
would  'a  go,  and  again  would  'a  come  : — I  shall  never  see  such  a 
fellow."  2  Henry  IV.  act  iii.  sc.  2. 


366  HIS    BRIBES,    A    PROOF    OF    A 

well  know,  and  hath  always  been  reddy  to  doo  me 
all  the  pleasure  a  could  for  the  service  of  our 
country." e  In  another  letter  to  Cecil,  Gresham 
requests  that  500  crowns  may  be  sent  to  "  Sir 
Jasper  Schetz, ....  which  he  well  deserves."  The 
queen  sent  a  gold  chain  of  that  value,  and  Schetz 
fulfilled  his  engagement :  "  therefore,  good  Sir, 
in  respect  of  this  worthy  servize,  the  Quene's  Ma- 
jestie  can  [do]  no  less  but  to  write  hym  a  letter  of 
thanks,  wyth  the  reward  at  least  of  v  c  crowns 
more." f  One  regrets  to  meet  with  such  transac- 
tions as  these,  but  it  would  not  be  honest  to  suppress 
them ;  and  to  the  philosophic  reader  of  biography, 
they  convey  by  no  means  an  unprofitable  lesson. 
Discreditable  as  they  are,  and  (notwithstanding 
that  they  have  been  frequently  resorted  to)  alto- 
gether indefensible  on  the  ground  of  morality, 
both  as  regards  Gresham  himself  and  the  persons 
whom  he  bribed,  there  is  an  obvious  inference  to 
be  drawn  from  the  publicity  of  his  statements, 
which  in  some  degree  palliates,  if  it  does  not  ex- 
cuse the  conduct  of  the  parties  concerned,  viz. 
that  they  lived  in  an  age  when  the  general  tone 
of  morals,  as  well  as  of  manners,  was  low.  The 
reader  is  also  requested  to  remember,  in  form- 
ing his  estimate  of  the  character  of  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gresham,  that  nothing  has  been  suppressed 

•  Ant.  Oct.  3, 1559.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
f  Ant.  May  12,  1560.— Ibid. 


LOW    TONE    OF    PUBLIC    MORALS.  367 

in  his  history,  whether  unfavourable  or  other- 
wise. I  cannot  believe  that  biography  is  an 
useful  study,  if  awkward  facts  and  discreditable 
doings  are  to  be  withheld,  or  only  exposed  after 
they  have  been  gilded  and  varnished  over. 

The  intelligence  with  which  Schetz  supplied 
Gresham,  and  the  frequent  services  which  that  emi- 
nent financial  officer  was  able  to  render  his  friend, 
were  of  a  nature  so  little  calculated  to  redound  to 
his  advantage,  had  Gresham' s  letters  by  any  acci- 
dent been  intercepted,  that  after  a  certain  period 
his  name  is  invariably  indicated  in  the  correspon- 
dence of  the  latter  by  a  cypher.  Sometimes  he 
transmitted  the  letters  themselves  of  Schetz  to  the 
council ;  but  it  was  always  with  a  request  that, 
"  for  dyvers  respects,  as  soon  as  the  Quene  had 
considered  them,  they  might  be  burnt."  g 

Not  altogether  on  strangers,  however,  did 
Gresham  depend  for  his  intelligence.  There  is 
abundant  evidence  of  the  activity  of  his  disposition 
and  the  personal  exertions  he  constantly  made  to 
accomplish  his  objects.  Like  his  illustrious  friend 
Cecil,  of  whom  Hoby  said,  "  you  come  so  by 

*  Ant.  June  24  and  29.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  In  the  same 
repository  of  archives  is  a  letter  from  Schetz,  "  a  Monsieur  L'am- 
bassadeur  de  la  Reyne  d'Angleterre,  le  Sr  Thomas  Gressam, 
en  Anvers."  It  is  dated  Brussels,  June  26,  1560,  and  contains 
French  intelligence :  making  mention  of  the  siege  of  Leith, 
Hawkins  the  admiral,  &c.,  and  requesting  that  the  letter  itself 
might  be  burnt  as  soon  as  read. 


368 


GRESHAM    BREAKS    HIS    LEG. 


sterts,  as  to-night  you  are  here,  and  tomorrowe 
you  are  gone,"  he  would  be  to-day  at  Antwerp, 
and  on  the  slightest  summons,  in  less  than  four 
days  in  London  :  or,  as  was  often  the  case  during 
his  present  protracted  sojourn  beyond  seas,  he 
was  found  writing  from  Brussels,  and  other  towns 
in  Flanders  where  he  judged  his  presence  desir- 
able. On  such  occasions,  the  only  mode  of  travel- 
ling was  by  post-horses  ;  and  in  one  of  his  hasty 
journeys  he  met  with  a  fall,  by  which  his  leg  was 
broken.  His  servant,  John  Brigantyn,  writes  to 
him  from  Embden, — "  I  am  very  sorye  for  your  fall 
from  your  horse  :  insomuch,  I  was  once  in  mynd  to 
have  seen  you,"  &c.  This  was  in  October  1560  :h 
and  the  injury  seems  to  have  been  serious,  for  the 
queen,  four  months  afterwards,  alludes  to  his  acci- 
dent in  the  following  terms  : — "  We  trust  after  the 
prolongation  of  this  February  dett,  your  legg  will 
be  hable  to  cary  you  a  shippboard,  to  return  to 
us ;  where,  both  for  your  recovery,  and  for  intel- 
ligence of  your  doings,  we  shall  be  glad  to  see 
you." *  It  appears  from  his  subsequent  corre- 
spondence, that  he  continued  lame  ever  after, — a 
circumstance  which  may  explain  why,  in  his  later 
portraits,  he  is  represented  sitting  in  a  chair. 

We  thus  conduct  Gresham  home  again  ;  for  as 
the  consecutive  correspondence  on  which  we  have 

h  Ant.  June  24  and  29.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
i  Feb.  13,  1560-1.— Ibid. 


HE  RETURNS  TO  ENGLAND.        369 

had  occasion  to  draw  so  largely,  terminates  with  a 
letter  addressed  to  him  by  Queen  Elizabeth  on 
the  16th  of  March,  1560-1,  it  is  fair  to  conclude 
that  soon  after  that  period  he  quitted  Antwerp, 
and  came  to  England ;  whither  he  had  at  last 
obtained  permission  to  return,  after  an  almost 
unbroken  absence  of  eleven  months,  during  nine 
of  which  he  had  vainly  petitioned  for  that  favour. 
The  first  documentary  evidence  of  his  presence  in 
London  is  supplied  by  a  "  Remembrance,"  pre- 
sented by  him  to  Sir  William  Cecil  in  July : 
wherein,  after  enumerating  several  grave  matters, 
he  requests  the  secretary  "  To  apoint  a  day  when 
his  honour  and  the  rest  of  my  Commissioners  may 
meet  for  taking  of  my  account ;  and  at  what  place 
it  shall  be  their  pleasure  to  meet  together.  Fi- 
nally, it  may  please  your  mastershippe  to  help  me 
with  iiii  warrants  for  bukks  ageynst  the  Mercers' 
feest ;  at  such  place  near  adjoining  as  your  honor 
shall  think  mete."  k 

During  this  protracted  absence  from  England, 
(namely,  some  time  in  the  year  1560,)  Sir  Tho- 
mas lost  his  elder  brother,  Sir  John  Gresham.1 
He  was  born  in  1518,  and  had  been  knighted  by 

x  July  5,  1561.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

1  Ho  obtains  notice  in  the  MS.  Council-book  of  Edward  VI., 
under  the  20th  June,  1550,  as  follows  : — "  A  recognisaunce  taken 
of  Sr  John  Gresham  the  yonger,  knight,  in  v  c  marks ;  to  appere 

VOL.   I.  "2  B 


370 


SIR    JOHN    GRESHAM. 


Protector  Somerset,  on  the  field,  after  the  victory 
of  Musselburgh,  in  1547.  Like  the  rest  of  his 
family,  he  was  a  mercer  and  merchant-adventurer, 
having  been  brought  up  to  business  under  his 
father ;  and  he  is  mentioned  among  the  nobles  and 
merchants  who,  in  1553,  equipped  three  ships  on 
an  expedition  to  Muscovy ;  the  result  of  which 
was  so  disastrous,  that  of  the  three  ships  sent  out, 
only  one  reached  its  destination.  In  1555,  the 
merchant-adventurers  to  Muscovy  were  incorpo- 
rated by  Queen  Mary,  and  the  name  of  Sir  John 
Gresham  stands  first  among  the  assistants  of  the 
company.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  trade 

before  the  Counsaill  whensoever  he  shall  be  called  for,  between 
this  and  Mighelmas  next  coming." 

I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Sir  Francis  Palgrave  for 
access  to  a  curious  volume  of  accounts,  (a  kind  of  Household- 
book,)  mostly  in  the  hand-writing  of  "  Paul  Gresham,  of  Little- 
Walsingham,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  gent. ;"  wherein  there 
occurs  the  following  undated  entry,  (probably  circa  1560,)  which 
may  be  worth  preserving.  "  Syr  John  Gresham's  reckonyng. — 
Recd  of  hym  ii  Tonne,  one  quarter  of  an  hundred,  of  Englyshe 
Trone;  whereof, 

Paid  to  Atkyns  for  one  cwt.  codde  for  hym,  Ixxiijs.  iiijrf. 
It.  more  for  the  frayght  of  the  seyd  codde,  and  one  hundred  of 

lyng,  from  Wells  to  London,  vis. 
It.  more  for  the  carriage  of  the  fyshe  frome  the  wharfe  syde  to 

Syr  John  Gresham's  howse,  via?. 

It.  more  for  makyng  the  oblygacyon,  and  for  takyng  a  coppy  of 

the  receyvor  booke,  for  the  arrerage  of  the  manner  of 

Houlte  Peryers,  xiirf."  [Record-Off.Chapter-house,C.  i.  13.] 

A  few  more  particulars  respecting  this  MS.  will  be  found  in 


THE    FIRST    RUSSIAN    AMBASSADOR.          3?  1 

with  Russia ;  and  the  prominent  part  taken  in  it  by 
Sir  John,  sufficiently  marks  his  spirit  and  commer- 
cial importance.  He  probably  made  no  inconsi- 
derable figure  on  the  memorable  occasion  of  the 
arrival  of  the  first  ambassador  from  the  "  Emperor 
ofCathaie,  Muscovia,  and  Russeland,"  in  1557, 
whom,  according  to  Holinshed,  the  merchant-ad- 
venturers of  London  went  forth  in  civic  splendour 
to  meet  at  Tottenham.  Aware  of  the  importance 
of  the  new  commerce,  they  were  eager  to  make  a 
favourable  impression  on  the  mind  of  their  barba- 
rian visitor :  so  they  went  on  horseback,  wearing 
coats  of  velvet,  with  rich  chains  of  gold  about  their 
necks,  and  bore  all  his  expenses.  Lord  Monta- 
cute,  with  the  queen's  pensioners,  met  him  at 
Islington ;  and  the  lord-mayor  and  aldermen,  in 
scarlet  robes,  received  him  at  Smithfield ;  whence 
they  rode  with  him  to  Denmark-house,  then 
"  Maister  Dimmock's,  in  Fenchurch-street,"  where 
he  was  lodged."1  I  find  it  stated  in  the  minutes  of 

the  Appendix,  No.  XXV.  As  regards  the  preceding  extract,  I 
have  only  to  observe  that  Holt-Pereers  was  one  of  the  manors 
with  which  Holt  school  was  endowed ;  and  that "  ling  "  is  a  kind 
of  fish.  "  Ling,  salt  fish,  and  herring,  for  Lent  to  provide,"  says 
Tusser.  Paul  Gresham  was  grandson  to  William, — only  brother 
of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham's  grandfather.  See  the  family  Pedi- 
gree in  the  Appendix,  No.  I. 

"'  Chronicles,  p.  1132. — Stowe  (Chronicle  sub  anno)  says  they 
"  conveyed  him  riding  through  the  city  to  the  Muscovie-house  in 
Seething-lane." 

2  B  2 


372 


HIS    RECEPTION. 


Queen  Mary's  Privy-council,  that  on  the  21st  of 
February,  1556-7,  "  A  lettre  [was  sent]  to  th' 
officers  of  the  warderobe  in  the  Tower,  to  deliver, 
or  cause  to  be  delivered,  to  Mr.  Hussey,  (Gover- 
nor of  the  Mar chaunts- Adventurers,)  or  to  three 
of  that  Company  which  he  shall  send  for  that  pur- 
pose,— a  bed  of  estate  with  furniture  and  hangings 
for  the  chamber  of  the  [ambassador  from  the] 
Duke  of  Moscovia ;  to  be  by  the  said  marchaunts 
re-delivered,  when  the  said  Embassador  shall  be 
departed."  A  letter  was  also  sent  "  to  th'  officers 
of  the  Jewell  howse,  to  deliver  ij  pair  of  grete 
white  silver  pottes  to  the  said  Governor,  to  be 
used  ut  supra."  n  The  same  valuable  record  sup- 
plies us  with  a  few  other  passages  of  a  similar  ten- 
dency ;  proving  the  high  consideration  in  which 
this  envoy  was  held,  by  the  marked  attentions 
which  were  shown  him. 

Sir  John  Gresham  is  said  to  have  complied  with 
the  times,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary ;°  but  there 
is  no  proof,  that  I  am  aware  of,  that  he  had  ever 
professed  the  doctrines  of  the  reformed  church. 
He  was  survived  twenty  years  by  his  widow, 
Lady  Frances,  daughter  and  heiress  of  Sir  Henry 
Thwaytes,  of  Lownd  in  Yorkshire :  and  it  would 
appear  that  he  did  not  leave  her  in  affluent  cir- 

»  MS.  in  the  Council-Office,  f.  511. 
0  Ward's  Life  of  Gresham,  p.  5. 


SIR    HENRY    NEVILLE.  3?3 

cumstances  ;  for  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  bestowed 
upon  her  an  annuity  of  133/.  65.  8d., — in  those  days 
a  very  considerable  income.  Their  only  daugh- 
ter and  heir,  Elizabeth,  was  married  to  Sir  Henry 
Neville  of  Billingbere,  in  Berkshire  ;  from  whom 
the  present  Lord  Braybrook  is  descended.11  Sir 
Henry  was  grandson  of  the  Lord  Abergavenny? 
and  had  been  of  the  privy-chamber  to  Henry  VIII., 
who  bestowed  upon  him  some  considerable  estates 
in  Berkshire.  These  are  still  possessed  by  his 
descendants,  the  grant  having  been  confirmed 
by  Queen  Elizabeth:  but  it  had  been  revoked 
by  her  royal  predecessor ;  which  seems  to  imply 
that  Sir  John  Gresham's  son-in-law  was  a  Pro- 
testant of  a  less  yielding  disposition  than  many 
of  his  contemporaries.  He  died  on  the  13th  of 
January,  1593,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  of 
St.  Lawrence  Waltham,  where  a  stately  monu- 
ment perpetuates  his  memory  ;  representing  him- 
self, his  two  wives,  and  his  son,  kneeling.  His 
epitaph  has  been  frequently  printed.q 

p  His  lordship  informs  me  that  he  possesses  no  documents 
relative  to  the  Gresham  family ;  and  it  would  seem  that  the  por- 
trait mentioned  in  the  History  of  Audley-End  as  that  of  Sir 
John  Gresham,  is  only  a  copy  from  a  well-known  portrait  of  Sir 
Thomas.  In  portraits  of  the  Nevilles,  however,  Lord  Bray- 
brook' c  gallery  is  extremely  rich. 

•»  Collins's  Peerage,  by  Brydges;  Ward's  Life  of  Gresham, 
page  6,  &c. 


374  A    TASTE    FOR    PAGEANTRY 

So  much  has  been  already  said  respecting  the 
financial  transactions  in  which,  especially  at  this 
period  of  his  life,  Gresham  was  engaged,  that  as 
the  only  existing  evidence  of  his  occupation  during 
this  visit  to  London  partakes  of  a  financial  charac- 
ter, the  subject  may  be  dismissed  without  comment. 
The  correspondence  of  Richard  Clough,  which  was 
maintained  throughout  the  interval  with  unabated 
vigour,  it  will  be  more  to  our  purpose  to  notice;  and 
no  apology  it  is  presumed  will  be  necessary  for  lay- 
ing before  the  reader  a  somewhat  lengthy  specimen. 

It  is  curious  to  observe  to  how  great  a  degree, 
in  that  age,  the  wealth  which  resulted  from  the 
commercial  eminence  of  the  Flemish  people  had 
engendered  a  taste  for  pageantry  and  extravagant 
apparel.  The  reader  was  probably  struck  with 
this  in  the  description  Clough  gave  of  Charles 
the  Fifth's  funeral;  and  wenave  seen  that  a 
leading  nobleman  of  Flanders,  to  wreak  his 
vengeance  against  his  political  adversary,  had 
recourse  to  the  ludicrous  expedient  of  insulting 
him  through  the  channel  of  costume/  It  really 
seems  as  if  this  nation,  which  had  prospered  as 
long  as  its  members  were  chiefly  remarkable  for 
plodding  industry,  had  by  this  time  attained  a 
state  of  luxurious  independence,  which,  while  it 

*  Vide  supra,  p.  276-7.  Strada  has  an  interesting  account  of  the 
same  occurrence:  see  Stapylton's  trans,  of  his  History,  fol.  p.178. 


PREVALENT  IN  FLANDERS.        3?5 

made  a  costly  pageant  an  agreeable  variety,  and 
one  which  the  whole  body  of  the  people  were 
able  to  relish,  conduced  materially  to  render 
them  susceptible  of  external  impressions  ;  and 
had  its  full  share  in  inducing  those  habits,  and 
that  temper  of  mind,  on  which  faction  finds  it 
most  easy  to  work,  and  mould  to  its  bad  purposes. 
As  might  be  expected,  the  national  tastes  just 
glanced  at,  did  not  long  preserve  their  innocent 
character ;  but  were  soon  made  subservient  to 
party  purposes,  both  in  religion  and  politics.  The 
most  interesting  illustration  of  this  is  supplied  in 
the  accounts  transmitted  to  us  of  certain  academic 
contests,  then  much  in  vogue ;  but  which,  like 
many  other  pastimes  which  delighted  our  ances- 
tors, appear  in  description  at  the  present  day 
flat  and  unprofitable  in  the  extreme.  The  per- 
formers on  these  occasions  were  companies  of 
Rhetoricians,  of  which  there  were  several  in  each 
of  the  principal  towns  in  Flanders.  These  compa- 
nies had  been  incorporated  in  ancient  times,  and 
invested  with  sundry  privileges  :  it  was  their  pro- 
vince to  address  the  monarch  on  public  occasions, 
in  verse  and  prose ;  and  each  chamber,  or  com- 
pany, adopted  some  emblem  or  device  by  which  it 
was  distinguished.  Before  presenting  the  reader 
with  the  following  letter  from  Richard  Clough  to 
his  master,  which  exhibits,  with  the  accustomed 


376 


CONSEQUENT    EVILS. 


minuteness  of  the  writer,  a  curious  picture  of 
by-gone  manners,  in  the  description  of  a  pageant 
of  the  character  just  alluded  to,  I  will  merely 
remark,  in  order  to  show  its  connexion  with  the 
contemporary  history  of  Flanders,  (to  which  we 
must  presently  recur,)  that  these  contests,  which 
in  their  origin  were  probably  merely  rhetorical 
exhibitions,  had  become  the  arena  for  political 
cavil ;  wherein,  not  only  state  questions  were  dis- 
cussed, but  the  character  of  the  minister  was  fre- 
quently the  subject  of  popular  censure.  The  reader 
is  also  requested  to  observe,  that  the  same  con- 
tests were  made  the  vehicle  for  the  promulgation 
of  religious  opinions  ;  and  had  already  assumed  so 
formidable  a  character  as  to  be  forbidden  by  law, 
and  for  the  space  of  twenty  years  to  have  been 
rigorously  suppressed.  At  a  convocation  of  the 
clergy,  held  at  Haarlem  in  1564,  they  were  again 
prohibited,  without  previous  examination  and  the 
sanction  of  the  bishop  of  the  diocese.  It  will  be 
felt  that  such  exhibitions  bear  the  impress  of  a 
peculiar  and  unsettled  state  of  public  feeling. — 
"They  were  and  ar,"  says  Clough,  "forbeden 
moche  more  strettly  than  any  of  the  boks  of 
Martyn  Luter  :  as  allso  those  plays  was  one  of 
the  prynsypall  occasyons  of  the  dystrouccyon  of 
the  towne  of  Gantt," — alluding  to  the  revolt 
of  that  city  in  1539;  on  which  occasion,  the 


THE    LAND    JEWEL.  377 

emperor,  with  his  accustomed  promptitude  and 
decision,  having  reduced  the  unruly  citizens  to 
order,  deprived  them  of  the  civic  privileges  which 
up  to  that  period  they  had  enjoyed,  but  of  which 
they  had  shown  themselves  so  unworthy.  I  can- 
not find  it  in  my  heart  to  mutilate  Clough's  letter, 
(the  original  of  which  extends  over  fourteen  sides 
of  folio  paper,)  and  trust  that,  notwithstanding  its 
tediousness,  it  will  find  some  favour  in  the  reader's 
eyes,  in  consideration  of*  the  historical  interest 
which  it  certainly  possesses. 

"  Ifius  ad.  4  de  August  a°  1561,  in  Andwarpe. 
"  Ryghtt  worshepfull  Sir, 

"  Ytt  maye  plese  you  to  understande  that  I 
sent  you  my  last,  of  the  2ud  dytto,  by  the  ordinary 
post;  wherein  I  wrote  your  mastersheppe  howe 
things  passyd  att  that  present.  Synce  the  weche, 
here  hathe  passyd  no  thinge  worthye  of  wrytyng ; 
savying  that,  as  yesterday,  (being  the  3rd  of 
August,)  here  hathe  beene  in  thys  towne  of 
Andwarpe  a  wonderfull  tryumfe,3  for  the  wyn- 
nyng  of  a  pryse,  weche  ys  callyd  the  Lands 
Juell;  beyng  a  skalle*  of  syllver,  weche  weyeth 
vi  ownsys :  for  the  wynnyng  whereof,  I  dare  saye 

«  Clough  (and  Gresham  himself,  a  few  pages  further  on,)  seems 
to  use  this  word  in  its  Dutch  acceptation,  which  differs  slightly 
from  ours. 

1  Schaal  is  the  Dutch  for  a  drinking-cup. 


378  THREE    CHAMBERS    OF 

there  hath  bene  spentt,  (and  shalle  be,  within 
these  10  days,)  one  hondrytt  thowsand  marks." 
And  for  because  I  am  in  doutt  wether  your  mas- 
tersheppe  hath  sene  the  order  thereof  in  tymes 
past,  (weche  hathe  not  bene  yousyd  in  xx  yeres,)v 
I  wyll  declare  you  a  lytyll  thereof,  in  brefe. 

"  Fyrst,  the  Lords  of  the  towne  of  Andwarpe 
hathe  bene  att  greate  charges  in  the  makyng  of 
pagents,w  and  standyng  plasys  to  stande  uppon,  to 
geve  judgement,  who  shalle  wyn  the  pryse  ;  weche 
was  both  costyly  and  marvelously  well  done. 

"  Further,  your  mastersheppe  shalle  under- 
stande,  that  in  thys  towne  of  Andwarpe  ther  are 
3  companys  or  brotheroods  of  Reteryke ;  whome 
have  every  one  of  them  a  house  alone ;  and  are 
all  3  very  exselent  in  that  syense. 

"  The  one  company  ys  the  Paynters :  the  other 
ar  callyd  the  Marygollde,  (whome  geveth  a 
marygollde  in  ther  armes)  :  the  third  are  callyd 

n  66,666^.  13s.  4d. :  equivalent  to  about  half  a  million  sterling, 
at  the  present  day. 

v  The  last  exhibition  of  the  kind  had  occurred  at  Ghent,  in  1539. 

w  Tooke,  in  his  Diversions  of  Purley,  gives  the  derivation  of 
this  word ;  but  Clough's  use  of  it  seems  to  show  that  we  scarcely 
attach  a  correct  idea  to  its  signification.  See,  for  instance,  what 
is  said  at  page  386,  respecting"  7  pagents,  carryed  by  150  men" 
In  page  382,  a  "  pagency  or  standyng-place  "  is  spoken  of. — 
Perhaps  it  may  assist  a  person  desirous  of  investigating  this 
subject,  to  be  informed  that  the  Dutch  terms  for  a  pageant 
are  triomfboog,  (boog  signifying  arch)  ;  and  triomfwagen,  which 
speaks  for  itself. 


RHETORIC    IN    ANTWERP.  3?9 

the  Olyve  branche,  (and  do  geve  for  ther  armes 
a  branche  of  olyves.) 

"  This  Juell  that  is  nowe  to  be  wone,  ys  to  be 
gotten  by  playing;  and  that  company  that  can 
make  the  best  answer  in  ther  plays  to  the  ques- 
tyone  that  ys  propoundyd,  shalle  wyn  the  juell 
or  pryse :  weche  questyon  ys, — '  Whatt  thinge 
doth  most  cause  the  sprette  [spirit]  of  man  to  be 
desyrus  of  conyng  [cunning]  ? ' — So  that  thys  ys 
the  prynsypal  pryse.  Notwithstandyng,  there 
are  many  other  pryses  to  be  wone  ;  but  they  that 
do  wyn  thys  pryse  nowe,  shalle  carrye  ytt  with 
them  to  ther  towne,  and  shalle  sett  ytt  up  in  ther 
towne  within  7  yeres  ;  where  all  these  townes 
must  meet,  as  they  have  done  here  nowe.  For 
every  towne  in  thys  lande  hathe  one  company  or 
2  of  Reteryke,  so  well  as  thys  towne :  for  thys 
towne  dyd  wyn  thys  prise  att  Gantt,  xx  years 
past ;  and  for  because  of  the  warres,  they  have 
nott  sett  ytt  up  tyll  nowe.  At  weche  tyme  the 
questyon  was  then, — '  A  man  beyng  redy  to  dye, 
whatt  was  hys  most  hope  ?' — Some  company  saye, 
*  by  the  byrthe  of  Cryst, :'  some  saye,  '  by  good 
deeds :'  some  saye,  '  by  preyer  :'  some  saye,  *  by 
fastyng ;'  and  som,  *  by  pardons.'  And  the  com- 
pany of  the  Paynters  of  Andwarpe  saye,  'the 
resourreccyon  of  the  flesheT — So  that  ytt  was 
conclewdyd  that  thatt  was  the  best  answere,  and 


380 


PRIZES    CONTENDED    FOR. 


worthy e  the  pryse.  But  ther  was  at  thatt  tyme 
syche  plays  played,  that  hath  cost  many  a  thow- 
santt  man's  lyves ;  for  in  those  plays  was  the 
worde  of  God  fyrst  openyd  in  thys  contrey. 
Weche  plays  were,  and  ar  forbeden,  moche  more 
strettly  than  any  of  the  boks  of  Martyn  Luter  :  as 
allso  those  plays  was  one  of  the  prynsypall  occa- 
syons  of  the  dystrouccyon  of  the  towne  of  Gantt. 
"  But  to  my  pourpose.  The  Paynters  of  And- 
warpe  hath  set  up  that  pryse,  and  dyvers  other  ; 
to  say, — one  to  bee  wone  by  plays,  (weche  ys  the 
prynsypall :)  one  other,  to  be  wone  by  that  towne 
that  dyd  come  in  most  costlyest,  in  apparrell 
wherewith  ys  least  fault  to  be  founde  ;  to  say,  that 
all  things  be  sutabell:  an  other,  who  hathe  the 
best  fool : x  another,  whatt  company  doth  go  so- 
lemnyst  to  the  chourche,  and  do  the  cause  the 
solemnyst  masse  to  be  sunge :  another,  whatt 

*  In  1563,  a  medal  was  struck  of  "  Maistre  Jean  Wielen 
Oomken ;"  who,  from  the  legend, — "  Prince  couronne"  des  Doc- 
teurs  a  quatre  oreilles," — seems  to  have  obtained  the  very 
unenviable  distinction  of  excelling  as  a  fool  at  an  exhibition  of 
this  nature,  when  .fifty-six  years  of  age.  The  Fool's  object  was 
to  create  the  greatest  degree  of  merriment  possible,  without 
"  o'erstepping  the  modesty  of  nature."  He  appropriated  to 
himself  some  insignificant  phrase,  which  he  contrived  to  render 
applicable  to  every  incident.  One,  for  instance,  whose  motto 
was,  "  Tout  avec  douceur,"  amused  himself  with  a  fox's  brush 
dipped  in  honey ;  with  which  he  saluted  every  one  who  came 
within  his  reach. 


THE    PAINTERS    OF    ANTWERP.  381 

towne  dothe  make  the  most  triumfe y  in  fyre : 
another,  whatt  towne  dothe  make  the  grettyst 
chere  in  banquetyng  ;  with  dyvers  other. 

"  Thys  ys  the  order  howe  the  townes  were 
apparalyd,  and  howe  they  came  in. 

"  Fyrst,  the  company  of  the  Paynters  of  And- 
werp  were  all  clothyd  in  powrpell  satten  and  vell- 
vett ;  beyng  in  number  xl  hoursys  [horse-men,] 
all  havyng  shorte  gownes  or  cassacks  of  that 
kynde  of  syllke,  lynyd  throo  with  wyte  satten  or 
clothe  of  syllver ;  dowbeletts  and  hose  of  wyte 
satten,  coustyly  made ;  wyte  boots,  pourpell  hatts, 
and  wyte  fathers ;  wyth  swords  and  speres.  And 
all  them  that  had  vellvett,  was  coustly  inbroderyd 
with  syllver;  whereof  Mr.  Mellcher  Shettz2  and 
Mr.  Strawlea  wer  the  prynsypalle,  and  head-men, 
and  were  so  imbroderyd, — bothe  ther  aparell  and 
the  caparysons  of  ther  hourseys,- — that  the  least 
of  them  cost  above  300/.  ;b  havyng,  ether,  6  foote- 
men,  all  in  pourpell,  as  they  were. — There  were 
more  of  the  company,  4  herods  [heralds,]  4  typ- 

y  See  the  remark  made  in  note  ». 

*  Melchior  Schetz,  Lord  of  Rumpst,  Willebronk,  &c.,  was 
Jasper's  younger  brother :  "  homme  vertueux,"  says  Guicciar- 
dini,  "  et  bon  mathematique." 

a  Anthony  Straelen,  Lord  of  Mercshem  and  Ambrugghe ;  a 
wealthy  burgomaster  of  Antwerp,  whose  fate  is  recorded  in  a 
subsequent  page.  Concerning  him,  see  Guicciardini,  p.  150. 

b  Equivalent,  when  this  letter  was  written,  to  nearly  as  many 
thousands. 


382 


MODE    OF    PROCEEDING. 


staves,  4  banner  carvers,  and  6  trompetts, — all 
in  pourpell  taffata ;  besydes  40  footemen  in  cotes 
of  pourple  taffata,  with  hose  and  doubletts  of 
wyte  satten,  in  all  poynts  suitabell  to  the  other. 
And  for  because  I  have  molestyd  your  master- 
sheppe  thys  moche  with  thys  matter,  you  shalle 
understande  the  syrconstauncec  thereof,  and  howe 
all  the  companysse  do  come  in. 

"  As  the  3rd  daye  of  August,  beyng  yesterdaye, 
all  the  lords  of  the  town  of  Andwerpe,  or  the  most 
part,  be  [were]  att  one  of  the  clocke  in  a  redyness, 
appon  their  pagency  or  standyng  plase,  wher  they 
must  geve  jugement.  And,  att  the  same  howre, 
all  the  townes  of  Brabantt,  with  ther  companny, 
must  be  in  a  reddyness  without  the  gates  ;  where, 
at  1  of  the  clocke,  the  gates  are  openyd.  And 
after  that  the  companny  that  ar  fyrst  appon  the 
markett, — to  saye,  the  trompeters  and  the  he- 
rawlds, — do  come  and  declare  unto  the  lords  that 
they  ar  in  a  redyness  at  the  gates,  they  shall 
come  in  fyrst,  and  passe  throohout  all  the  towne, 
and  so  before  the  lords.  So  that  thatt  beyng 
done,  the  company  of  the  Paynters  must  go  to 
the  gates  and  feche  them  in  by  one  att  ownse, 
and  presentt  them  to  the  lords ;  and  [then  go]  to 

«  Clough's  use  of  this  word  recalls  several  passages  in  Shak- 
speare,  where  it  it  employed  in  a  similar  manner ;  as, 

"  Pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  of  glorious  war." 


THE    MARIGOLD,    AND    OLIVE-BRANCH.       383 

feche  another.  So  that,  fyrst  havyng  steyd  them- 
sellfes,  they  wente  and  fechyd  in  one  of  the  com- 
panies of  the  towne  of  Andwerp,  callyd  the  Golde 
blome  ;d  where  were  60  horssys  [horse-men]  all 
in  crymysone  satten  and  vellvett,  in  shourtt  clokys 
lynyd  with  wyte  satten ;  wyte  satten  hose  and 
doublets  ;  red  hatts  with  wyte  fethers  ;  [and]  wyte 
bootes.  All  ther  bourses  [were]  trappyd  accord- 
yngly ;  besydes  12  trompeters  and  heralds,  and  att 
the  least  xx  foote  men,  apparalyd  accordyngly. 

"  After  them,  they  fechyd  in  another  company 
of  Andwerpe,  callyd  the  Olyve  tranche  ;  wherein 
[were]  lyke  60  bourses,  all  grene  satten  and 
vellvett,  lynyd  with  wyte  ;  with  wyte  hose  and 
doublets.  In  all  poynts  so  costyly  as  the  other, 
bothe  for  foote  men  and  trymmyng  of  the  horses. 

"  After  them,  came  in  the  towne  of  Baro 
[Bourbourg,]  with  40  bourse  men ;  all  in  tawny 
satten  damaske,  and  velvet ;  and  after  them,  12 
wagons6  coveryd  with  tawny  cloth,  and  in  every 
wagon  two  men  [were]  settyng  in  tawny  syllks, 
carying  2  tourches  ;  and  after,  in  every  wagon,  2 
fyre  panes  [pans?].  All  these  of  Baro  had  red 
hose  and  doublets,  and  red  hatts  with  wyte  fethers, 
very  coustly;  and  blak  bouskyns,  suitabell.  So 

d  Goudsbloem  is  the  Dutch  for  marigold. 

«  Vide  supra,  page  242,  note  *;  and  especially  Appendix 
No.  XXIII.  Wagon  in  this  place  has  probably  the  meaning  of 
chariot. 


384 


MECHLIN, 


that  the  wagoners  were  all  apparellyd  in  the  same 
colours. 

"  After  them,  came  in  the  towne  of  Maclyn 
[Mechlin,]  all  apparellyd  in  cotes  of  incarnasyon 
colore  stamett/  made  after  the  Enggleshe  fassyon; 
beyng  well  tyed  with  yellow  parchement.  All, 
yello  hose  and  doublets,  red  hatts  and  yello  fe- 
thers,  and  wyte  bouskyns.  They  came  in  with 
360  horses,  ryding  by  2  and  2  together  :  the  one 
2  had  tourches  brannyng  in  ther  hands  ;  and  the 
other  2,  ether,  a  flowre  in  ther  hands. 

"  There  were  amonxt  them,  112  gentyllmen; 
and  every  one  of  them  [had]  a  grett  chene  of 
golde  about  hys  necke  ;  and  his  cote  gardyd  with 
fyne  golde.  Every  of  them  had  one  or  2  foote- 
men,  apparalyd  as  they  wer,  with  yello  satten 
doubletts,  and  all  things  accordyngly. 

"  They  had  12  trompeters,  4  waytts,g  4  he- 
rawlds,  [besides]  dyvers  and  many  that  dyd  cary 
armes  and  banners  ;  weche  was  wonderfull  to  see. 
There  came  in  amonxt  them,  7  pagents,  wonder- 
ful coustyly,  both  for  the  makyng  and  golde  spent 
uppon  them ;  and  spesyally  for  the  personages 
that  dyd  stande  upon  them,  which  was  wonderful 

r  Stamett  is  the  Dutch  for  stamine,  a  light  sort  of  French 
stuff. 

K  I  believe  the  earliest  mention  of  the  nocturnal  minstrels 
denominated,  is  to  be  met  with  in  Nicholas'  Privy-Purse 
penses  of  Henry  VIII.,  under  the  year  1532. 


LIERE.  385 

to  see.  And  after  them,  16  wagons  coveryd  with 
yello  and  incarnasyon  clothe,  made  of  a  very 
strange  fassyon  ;  lyke  unto  a  canopy  :  and  rownde 
aboutt  the  wagon  hangyd  xii  shelds,  very  costyly 
graven  and  gylte,  (I  mene  every  wagon,)  and  the 
wagon  within  coveryd  with  yello  clothe  ;  wherein 
sett  2  men,  all  over  apparelyd  as  they  that  were  on 
hourse-backe, — holdynge,  ether,  a  tourche  in  ther 
hands ;  and  in  the  ende  of  the  wagon,  2  cressetts h 
brannyng.  All  the  wagoners,  and  they  that  dyd 
looke  unto  the  cressets,  were  apparyllyd  in  all 
poynts  as  the  other.  The  matter  was  so  strange, 
that  it  ys  too  long  to  wryte.  They  were  in  num- 
ber, att  the  least,  450  hourseys  and  men  ;  in  that 
lever,1  att  the  least  600  persons. 

"  After  them  came  in  Lere  [Liere]  all  in  grene 
cotes,  trymmyd  with  wyte ;  wyte  hose  and  dou- 
bletts,  grene  hatts  [and]  red  fethers.  Four 
pagents,  with  trompeters,  herawlds,  and  foote  men 
accordyngly ;  and  after  them,  16  wagons  coveryd 
with  grene  and  wyte,  with  tourches  and  cressets 
in  very  good  order  :  and  amonxt  them,  xx  in  grene 
velvett ;  whereof  Conratt  Shetts  k  was  the  prynsi- 

h  Great  torches,  or  beacons. 
'  Liever  is  the  Dutch  for  rather. 

k  I  do  not  remember  that  Conrad  Schetz  is  any  where  else  men- 
tioned.     He  was  the  fourth  and  youngest  of  the  distinguished 
brothers  of  whom  some  account  has  been  already  given  at  page 
VOL.  I.  2  C 


386 


BRUSSELS    POMPOUSLY 


pall,  whome  dyd  moche  passe  hys  brother  Mell- 
cher  in  costylynes,  beyng  so  enbroderyd  with 
golde  and  syllver,  that  no  prynsse  might  be  any 
costlyer. 

"  After  them,  came  in  dyvers  townes ;  some  in 
grene,  some  in  blak,  some  in  orange  colour,  some 
in  yello:  to  the  number  of  15  towns  and  compa- 
nies. And  with  some,  100  horses ;  some,  200  ; 
trymmyd  in  all  pointes  as  the  other,  with  pagents 
and  wagons  ;  whereof  Sertynggam  bonsse  [?]  was 
the  best  of  the  ordinary  sorte. 

"  But  pryncipalye  of  all  came  Brussells;  weche 
methinks  was  a  dreme. 

"  Fyrst,  they  came  in  with  a  wonderfull  meny 
of  trompetes,  heraulds,  footemen,  standard-berers, 
[and]  caryers  of  armes ;  with  dyvers  other  kynd 
of  offysers.  After  them,  came  7  pagents,  being 
carryed  by  150  men;  and  the  pagents  beyng  so 
trymmyd  with  young  chylldren  in  cloth  of  golde, 
silver,  and  satin  of  all  colours,  so  embroyderyd 
and  wrought,  and  to  such  good  pourpose,  that  I 
cannot  tell  whatt  to  wryte  of  them.  And  about 
every  pagent  [rode]  4  men  on  horseback,  with 
torches  in  their  handes ;  apparallyd  in  long  cotes, 
after  the  manner  of  polle  [Poland,]  of  crymsone 

78,  and  is  commended  by  Guicciardini  in  his  Description  des  Pays 
Bas.  1568,  p.  151.  Prefixed  to  the  last-named  work,  by  the  way, 
are  some  Latin  verses  by  Jasper  Schetz. 


REPRESENTED.  387 

sattin ;  imbroderyd  and  garded  with  golde  and 
silver;  hatts  of  red,  trymmyd  as  the  rest,  with 
wyte  fethers  ;  wyte  satin  doublets,  and  wyte  bous- 
kyns  ;  grette  gyrdells  of  golde  taffata,  with  their 
swords  accordingly.  After  every  of  these  7  pa- 
gents,  came  7  wagones,  being  all  coveryd  with  red 
cloth,  and  gardyd  with  wyte,  and  hangyd  rownd 
about  with  arms.  In  xxi  of  these  wagons,  were 
very  fayre  personages  ;  some  in  harness  [armour]  ; 
some  like  nuns  ;  some  lyke  monks ;  priests ;  be- 
shops ;  cardynells  ;  and  all  kynde  of  relygyous 
men  ;  with  wonderfull  devysys  weche  I  colde  nott 
well  perseve,  for  that  ytt  was  2  of  the  clock  att 
aftyr-midnight  before  they  came  in :  so  that  I 
colde  nott  well  perseve  it  by  tourche-lyght. 

"  The  rest  of  the  wagons,  beyng  att  the  least  in 
number  that  came  after  these  pageants  200,  (for 
I  told  104,)  were  all  coveryd  with  red,  as  the 
other  ;  and  in  every  wagon,  2  men  syttyng,  and  in 
some  3, — in  crymsone  satin  as  the  other ;  holding 
in  ther  hands,  tourches.  All  these  wagons  were 
made  with  wyte  basketts,  as  the  mar  chants  do 
youse  here,  and  no  common  waggons ;  and  in 
most  of  the  wagons,  4  grett  horses,  all  with  wyte 
harness,  draying  as  lemone1  hoursys :  the  wagoners 

1  Draying  horses,  I  suppose,  are  such  horses  as  are  used  in 
rlray*.     '  Lemone '  I  am  unable  to  explain. 

2  c  2 


388  SUMMARY    OF    THE    PAGEANT. 

beyng  apparallyd  in  red  cloth,   and  gardyd  with 
wyte. 

"  After  the  wagons,  came  380  on  horse-backe, 
all  in  cremysone  satten,  inbroderyd  with  golde  and 
silver,  as  the  other  wer :  after  them,  ther  cappy- 
tayne,  with  24  footemen,  all  in  crymysone  saten  ; 
wyte  hose,  and  doublets  accordingly  ;  and  after 
that,  at  the  last,  25  wagons  cover  yd  with  red,  full 
of  chests  and  bagage. 

"  In  fyne,  I  do  judge  to  be  there,  600  hourse- 
men,  all  in  crymson  satten,  and  130  wagons :  so 
that,  with  them  on  horseback,  and  they  that  dyd 
lye  in  the  wagons,  and  the  chillderne  uppon  the 
pagents,  I  judge  to  be  1000  persons  in  syllke ; 
and  in  hoursys,  all  together,  att  the  leste,  1000. 

"  Thys  was  the  strangyst  matter  that  ever  I 
sawe,  or  I  thynke  that  ever  I  shall  see ;  for  the 
comyng  of  King  Fylyppe  to  Andwarpe,  with  the 
cost  of  all  the  nasyons  together  in  apparell,  was 
not  to  be  comparyd  to  thys  done  by  the  towne  of 
Brussells.  And  they  shall  wyn  no  more  with  all, 
but  a  skalle  of  syllver  w  eying  6  ownsys  ! — I  wolde 
to  God  that  some  of  owre  gentyllmen  and  n obeli- 
men  of  England  had  sene  thys, — (I  mene  them 
that  think  the  world  is  made  of  ottemell  [oat- 
meal] ;)  and  then  it  wold  make  them  to  thynke 
that  ther  ar  other  as  wee  ar,  and  so  provyde  for 


INTELLIGENCE    FROM    ROME.  389 

the  tyme  to  come ;  for  they  that  can  do  thys,  can 
do  more. 

"  Thus  the  matter  endyd  yesternyght,  between 
2  and  3  of  the  clocke.  And  thys  daye,  one  party 
goyth  to  the  churche,  where  will  be  no  small 
ado ;  for  as  they  came  in  order  on  horseback  to  the 
town,  so  they  must  go  in  order  to  the  church, 
on  foote. 

"  I  wrote  your  mastersheppe  by  my  last,  that 
there  was  some  news  from  Rome,  weche  at  that 
present  I  cold  not  lerne ;  so  that  now  I  have 
lernyd  whatt  the  matter  was. — Of  late,  serteyne 
of  the  cardynalls  in  Rome  had  conspyred  against 
the  Pope,  intending  to  have  made  a  nowe  [new 
(Pope) ;]  and  havyng  callyd  a  consystery,  where 
they  thought  to  have  sent  hym  off,  and  to  have 
made  a  nowe,  whereof  the  Pope  had  intellygens  ; 
and  the  cardynalls  beyng  in  the  counsell-house, 
the  pope  sent  for  them  all  and  said, — '  The  cause 
that  I  have  sent  for  you  ys  thys.  I  have  some- 
what to  saye  to  you :  butt  I  do  command  you, 
uppon  pain  of  death,  that  what  somever  I  do  saye 
unto  you,  that  you  do  make  me  no  answer,  nor 
that  you  do  ax  me  no  questyon,  for  my  pleasure 
ys  so.  The  cause  that  you  have  callyd  this  coun- 
cil ys,  (I  know  ryght  well)  to  put  me  off,  and  to 
make  a  nowe  :  whereof  I  have  grett  mar  veil.  I 
have  done,  and  wyll  do,  my  best  to  observe  sych 


390  MARRIAGE    OF    THE 

orders  as  other  have  done  before  me  ;  and  yf  I  do 
amysse, — tell  me,  and  I  wyll  mend.  Well :  for 
that  ys  past,  I  do  forgeve  you,  for  I  do  know  who 
they  be  that  were  the  doers  hereof;  but  and  yff  ] 
maye  hear  of  the  lyke,  look  for  no  pardone  !' — So 
that  they  thatt  are  in  fault,  are  in  moche  doubl 
[fear]  of  the  Pope :  whereof  ytt  ys  thought  wyl 
be  more  news  very  shortly. 

"  The    Prynse    of  Orange    ys  departtyd   for 
Docheland  to  be  maryed  to  the  daughter  of  Duk< 
Marysse  [Maurice,]  with  a  small  company.     For 
whereas  he  thought  to  have  had  dyvers  nobellmen 
of  thys  country  with  him,  there  ys  commandment 
geven  by  the  King  that  no  man  in  all  thys  Low 
Countrie,  bearing  any  offys,  shall  goo  with  him  in 
payne  of  losing  his  offys,   and    [incurring]   th< 
King's  displesure  besyde :  with  expresse  words 
because  they  shall  nott  be  infectyd  with  any  of  th< 
herysies  that  ys  yousyd  in  that  countrie.     Whicl 
matter  it  ys  thought  that  the  Duchess  wyll  not  take 
in  good  part ;  which,  in  the  end,  may  fall  out  ill : 
for  the  Prynse  ys  now  waxing  grette  by  this  mar- 
riage, and  presently  his  offyssers  do  sell  most  of 
the  lands  that  he  hath  in  thys  country ;  weche  ys 
moche  spocken  of  nowe. 

"  The  nells   [nails]  for   Mr.   Sakefyllde,m  ar 
boughtt  and  shippyd  in  Bartolmewes  Pall's  [ship] ; 

"  Sir  Richard  Sackville,  Under-treasurer  of  the  Exchequer. 


PRINCE    OF    ORANGE.  391 

whome  departyd  from  hense  yesterday.  All 
other  your  comyssyons  by  your  last  letter,  I 
have  observyd:  whereof  I  wrote  your  master - 
sheppe  answer  by  my  last,  att  large. 

"  Here  inclosyd,  you  shall  receive  a  parcell  of 
letters  which  I  received  from  Sir  Thomas  Cham- 
berlene,  out  of  Spayne. — The  Exchange  passyth 
att  22s.  4d.  usans ;  small  store  of  money,  and 
takers.  Havyng  nott  ells  to  molest  your  master- 
shippe  at  thys  presentt,  as  knoweth  God ;  whome 
send  your  mastersheppe  with  my  Lady,  my  Mis- 
tress, good  helth  and  longe  lyffe  to  the  honor  of 
God,  and  to  your  hart's  desyre. 

Your  master  shepp's  servant, 

RYC.    CLOGH."n 

"  To  hys  ryght  worsheppfull  Master, 
Sir  Thomas  Gressam,  knyghtt,  the 
Queene's  Majestie's  agentt,  London." 

^Clough^had  scarcely  despatched  this  letter,  ere 
he  had  occasion  to  pen  another,  also  to  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gresham.  It  was  as  follows. 

"  Ryght  worshipfull  Sir, 

"  Ytt  maye  plese  you  to  understand  that 
I  sent  you  my  last,  this  present  daye  att  10  of  the 
clocke,  by  owre  English  post.  Syns  the  which, 

•  Ant.  Aug.  4,  1561.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


392  THE    KING    OF    DENMARK. 

this  present  hour,  (being  6  of  the  clocke,)  here 
arryved  a  post  from  Hambroo,  with  letters  from 
Benedictus  Goderman  to  Crystofer  Prowyne ;° 
wherein  he  wrytyth  that,  at  that  present,  the 
Kyng  of  Denmarke  and  the  Duke  of  Hoist  do 
arrest  all  the  shipps  that  they  can  gett, — specially 
of  Hambroo  and  Bremen.  And  whereas  the  Kyng 
of  Denmark  was  in  a  rediness  with  500  horsemen 
to  have  gone  to  the  mariage  of  the  Prynse  of 
Orange,  he  dothe  nowe  nott  go :  so  that  he 
wryteth  that  he  ys  in  doubt  that  there  wyll  rise 
some  matter  uppon  it.  Wherefore  I  have  thought 
good  to  sende  awaye  thys  letter  in  post,  because 
there  maye  arise  more  matter  than  is  looked 
for.  From  Andwerpe,  thys  4th  daye  of  August, 

a°156l. 

Your  Mastersheppe's  servant, 

RYC.  CLOUGHE."I> 

"  To  hys  right  worshepfull  Master,  Sir 
Thomas      Gressam,      knyght,      the 
Queene's  Majestie's  agent  in  London, 
haste  haste  haste." 

It  had  been  already  intimated  to   Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  (towards  the  latter  end  of  July,)  that  his 

0  Christopher  Pruen  was  treasurer  of  the  town  of  Antwerp : 
concerning  him,  vide  infra,  page  405,  note  f. 
P  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


HERLE — SACKVILLE.  3Q3 

presence  would  soon  be  again  required  in  Flan- 
ders ;  and  the  accustomed  sheet  of  "  Instructions" 
having  been  drawn  up,  he  now  prepared  to  take 
his  departure.  While  he  was  in  the  act  of  so  do- 
ing, the  two  foregoing  despatches  reached  him ;  as 
the  letter  to  be  next  quoted,  written  on  the  7th  of 
August,  will  show.q 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  It  maye  like  you  to  understand,  that  I 
sent  you  my  last  of  the  first  of  this  present ;  and 
there  inclosed,  a  lettre  from  Mr.  Earler  by  the 
order  of  Sir  Richard  Sackvyl :  wherein  I  desired 
your  honnor  to  be  good  unto  me  for  the  rate  of 
the  Exchange,  for  such  money  as  was  disbursed 
and  paide  here  in  London  ;  and  so  I  shall  eftsoons 
most  humblie  desire  you  to  have  consideration. 
For,  being  rated  at  xxijs.  vid.  the  pound,  (as  the 

*  On  the  1st  of  August,  (six  days  before  the  next  letter  was 
written,)  Gresham  addressed  a  few  lines  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  not 
sufficiently  interesting  to  entitle  them  to  any  thing  beyond  this 
brief  notice ;  but  rendered  remarkable  by  a  curious  mistake  of 
the  writer.     He  has  dated  the  letter  "from  Andwerpe ;"  whereas 
not  a  shadow  of  doubt  can  exist  that  it  was  written  in  London. 
The  circumstance  seems  worth  placing  on  record  for  many  rea- 
sons, which  will  at  once  strike  an  intelligent  reader,     See  also 
page  340,  note  *. 

*  William  Herle,  a  man  who  occasionally  found  employment, 
(chiefly  as  a  financial  agent,)  under  Sir  William  Cecil.    A  mul- 
titude of  his  letters  are  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.     Some 
account  of  him  will  be  given  hereafter. 


3Q4  GRESHAM    LEAVES    LONDON, 

auditor  informeth  me  he  hath  done,)  I  shall  lose 

therebie  above  v  c  li.s 

"  Pretending  with  the  leve  of  God,  as  tomor- 
rowe,  to  take  my  journey e  towards  Andwarpe : 
whereas  I  shall  doe  my  devoir  to  the  uttermost  of 
my  power,  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  pre- 
mises. Most  humblie  desiring  you  to  have  in 
your  remembrance  the  passing  of  myne  accompt ; 
and  that  it  maye  please  you  to  write  to  Sir  Wal- 
ter Myldmaie  to  -be  at  Enfilde,  agaynst  the 
Queene's  Majestie's  coming  thither,  (as  my  trust 
is  in  God  and  you) ;  considering  the  great  charge 
and  burden  that  lies  upon  me  and  myne.  Other 
I  have  not  to  molest  you  withall ;  but  that  your 
pillars  of  marbell  be  aryved  in  safe  tie.  Trusting 
that  both  my  Lady  your  wyve's  chairs  of  velvet 
and  Spanish  1  ether  will  be  here  shortlie  :  to  whom 
it  maye  please  you  to  [do]  my  most  hartie  comen- 
dationes.  And  thus  I  commit  you  to  God.  From 
London,  the  viith  of  August,  1561. 

At  your  honnor's  commandment, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM." 

"  Since  the  wryting  hereof,  I  have  received  ij 
letters  from  my  factor,  Richard  Cloughe ;  which 
I  send  you  here  inclosed,  for  [you]  to  consider  at 

•  The  intermediate  paragraph  may  interest  a  financialist,  and 
is  therefore  given  in  the  Appendix,  No.  XXVI ;  together  with 
abstracts  of  sundry  schedules,  and  other  original  autograph  do- 
cuments relative  to  Gresham's  transactions  about  this  period. 


AND    PROCEEDS    TO    ANTWERP.  395 

your  leisure :  for  that  it  is  muche  notid  that  the 
King  of  Denmark  hath  altered  his  purpose,  and 
taketh  up  all  the  ships  he  can  come  by  at  Ham- 
brow  and  Breamen."  * 

We  cannot  do  better  perhaps,  than  follow  the 
writer  into  Flanders;  whither  he  proceeded  in 
order  to  receive  30, GOO/,  of  the  merchant-adven- 
turers, to  pay  a  portion  of  the  queen's  debt,  and 
to  persuade  her  creditors  to  postpone  for  the 
space  of  a  year  the  liquidation  of  the  sums  due 
in  November  and  December.  In  less  than  a 
fortnight,  we  find  him  addressing  the  secretary, 
from  Antwerp,  as  follows  : 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  After  my  most  humble  commendations, 
it  maye  like  you  to  under stande  that  I  wrote  you 
my  last  upon  my  arryvement  at  Donckirke  ;  and 

as  the  xviijth  I  arrived  in  this  town The 

occuraunts  be,  that  the  Kinge  of  Sweden  hath  sent 
comyssioners  into  the  lande  of  Wyrtemburche  to 
take  up  a  great  nomber  of  horsemen  and  foote- 
men :  some  men  think,  to  give  war  against  the 
Kinge  of  Denmarke.  Both  the  Kinge  of  Den- 
mark and  the  Duke  of  Hoist  doo  arrest  and  take 
up  all  the  ships  they  can  come  bye  at  Hamborow 
and  Bremen  :  to  what  purpose  it  is  not  yet  here 
revealed.  The  Duke  of  Augustus  hath  sent  the 

»  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


396  GENERAL    INTELLIGENCE. 

County  of  Swarssyngbourge  and  another  County, 
in  post  to  the  King  of  Denmarke. — The  Duke 
Augustus  and  nobells  in  Germanny  dothe  take  in 
very  ill  parte  that  Kinge  Phillippe  wold  suffer 
none  of  his  nobells  of  this  countrye  to  accom- 
panye  the  prince  of  Orange  to  his  mariage  of 
the  Duke  Morris'  daughter  ; u  for  fere  that  any  of 
them  shuld  be  corropted  wyth  their  heresies. — 
The  saying  is,  that  the  French  King  hath  sent  the 
order  of  Saynte  Michell  to  the  King  of  Denmark. 
"  Other  I  have  not  to  molest  you  withall ;  but 
that  I  have  shipped  your  iiij  chayres  of  lether,  and 
two  of  velvet :  and  the  rest,  of  velvet,  will  be  redy 
this  next  weeke.  Most  humbly  beseeching  you, 
at  the  Queene's  Majestie's  comyng  to  Enfyllde, 
to  remember  me  for  the  passing  of  myne  account, 
as  my  trust  is  in  God  and  you  ;  and  that  it  may 
please  you  to  wryte  for  Sir  Walter  Mildmaie 
to  be  there.  And  thus,  with  my  most  humble 
comendacions  to  my  Lorde  Admerall  [Clinton,] 
and  to  Sr  Fransis  Knowles,  and  to  my  Lady  your 
wife,  I  comit  you  to  God ;  whoe  preserve  you 
with  increase  of  honnor.  From  Andwerpe,  the 
xixth  daye  of  August,  a°  1561. 

At  your  honnor's  commandement, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM." 

11  Duke  Augustus  was  brother  of  Maurice,  Duke  of  Saxony,  and 
succeeded  him  in  the  Electorate.  He  was  guardian  to  his  niece, 
the  Lady  Anne,  whom  the  Prince  of  Orange  married ;  his  first 
wife,  Anne  Egmont,  being  dead. 


THE    LAND-JEWEL.  397 

"  Here  is  no  communicacyone  of  the  King  of 
Sweden  coming  into  England ;  for  that  there  is 
a  practise  for  hym  to  marry  the  Kinge  of  Pole's 
daughter,  and  Imbassadors  sent  of  both  partes,  as 
the  saying  is  here. 

"  Here  is  nothing  in  this  town  to  do,  because 
they  are  styll  triumphing  and  drynking,  which  of 
the  towns  shall  wynne  the  Land  Jewell ;  wherein 
hathe  been  spent  above  100,000/. 

"  The  letters  out  of  Germanny  declaryth  that 
the  Emperor  shuld  be  very  sore  syck  of  the 
agew,  and  in  great  danger. — Herewith  it  may 
please  you  to  receive  one  letter  from  Mr.  Docter 
Mownte."v 

These  are  lengthy  extracts ;  but,  without  a  few 
such  specimens,  no  correct  idea  can  be  formed  of 
Gresham's  duties,  occupations,  and  mode  of  life. 
For  the  same  reason,  the  following  disconnected 
passages  claim  insertion  ;  written  during  a  period 
when  he  was  among  the  most  active  of  Cecil's 
correspondents. 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  It  maie  like  you  to  understande  that  I  sent 

v  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— Dr.  Christopher  Mount,  or  Mundt, 
an  agent  on  whom  Sir  William  Cecil  was  accustomed  to  depend 
for  his  German  intelligence,  resided  chiefly  at  Frankfort  or 
Augsburg.  His  letters  are  almost  all  in  Latin,  and  occur  in 
large  numbers  among  the  State-Papers. 


398  GENERAL    INTELLIGENCE. 

you  my  last,  of  the  xixth  of  this  present.  Since 
the  wyche  time  there  is  nothing  worthye  of  writ- 
ing, but  that  the  saying  is  now  here  that  the 
Kinge  of  Sweden,  the  King  of  Polle  [Poland], 
the  Kinge  of  Denmarke,  and  the  Duke  of  Saxony, 
the  Landgrave  and  dyvers  other  nobells  of  Ger- 
manny,  doth  wholly  joyne  together  agaynst  the 
Emperor  of  Muscovya.  As  likewise  the  saying 
is,  that  the  counsel  of  Trente  goeth  forward ; 
whereat  [it]  is  thought  nothinge  will  be  con- 
cludyd.  Allso  the  Kinge  of  Spayen  doth  requyre 
of  the  states  of  this  lande,  a  gift,  or  subsidy  of 
money  towards  the  payment  of  his  debts ;  and 
they  have  made  answer  they  will  grante  nothinge, 
except  the  Inquissition  be  put  down  ;  and  that  the 
land  be  not  molestid  wyth  these  new  Byshopes, 
in  religious  matters."  w 

Take  another  specimen  of  his  'advertisements,' 
extracted  from  a  letter  written  a  week  after  the 
preceding  :  "  Now,  there  is  no  other  communi- 
cacione  but  that  the  King  of  Sweden  for  certeyn 
dothe  come  into  Inglande ;  and  that  his  Majestie 
is  departed  from  Stockholm  towards  his  haven  of 
Newles,  (wyche  ys  iiij  c  Inglishe  myles  distaunt,) 
and  bringes  with  him  one  of  his  sisters,  and 
his  youngest  brother,  and  the  youngest  Duke  of 

w  Aug.  24,  1561. — Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— Concerning  these 
grounds  of  complaint,  more  will  be  said  hereafter. 


MR.    HARVEY.  399 

Saxony  ;  with  divers  other  nobellmen  and  gen- 
tlemen. He  hathe  made  governor  of  all  his 
country,  the  Duke,  (his  brother,)  that  was  in 
Ingland."* 

Next  week,  we  read  :  "  At  this  instant,  Mr. 
Harvye  (that  was  in  Spayne)  came  unto  me  and 
said, — '  For  as  muche  as  you  are  here  wholly  the 
Queene's  Majestie's  inynyster,  I  am  come  to 
geve  you  to  undyrstand  that  I  was  commandyd  by 
the  Queene's  Majestie's  ambassador,  Sir  Thomas 
Chamberlayne,  to  make  my  repayre  home ;  for 
that  her  Majestie's  pleasure  was  suche.  As 
likewise  I  received  a  letter  from  Sir  William 
Cicell,  by  the  wyche  he  promises  me  that  [I] 
might  safely  come.  And  forasmuch  as  I  have  no 
other  assurance  from  her  Majestic  than  by  the 
Ambassador,  I  have  wrytten  unto  Mr.  Secretary 
my  full  determynacion  therein.' — I  dyd  persuade 
with  hym  all  that  I  could,  that  your  letter  was 
more  than  suffycient ;  and  that,  if  I  were  myself  in 
his  case,  I  wold  upon  your  letter  pressently  make 
my  repayre  home.  But  as  far  as  [I]  can  perseve, 
he  will  not  come  home  except  he  hath  some  other 
assurance,  for  all  my  persuasion.  So  that  here- 
with you  shall  receive  his  letter,  and  a  letter  that 

*  Aug.  30.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— t.  e.  John,  Duke  of  Fin- 
land, concerning  whom,  see  p.  312,  &c. 


400  ENGLISH    AT    LOUVAIN. 

he  gave  me  to  be  delivered  to  the  Lorde  Montague. 
He  remaynes  at  Lovayen ;  and  there  is  Mr.  En- 
glefyld,  who  intendes  to  make  his  repayre  home- 
wards very  shortely ;  as  one  Prewdence,  my  Lady 
Dormer's  servant,  informed  me."y  In  this  letter 
occurs  the  passage  concerning  Sir  John  Legh, 
quoted  at  the  commencement  of  the  preceding 
chapter. 

"  The  saying  is  here  still,"  writes  Gresham  at 
the  end  of  four  days,  "  that  the  Kinge  of  Swe- 
done  for  serteyne  comes  into  Inglande,  wythe 
a  great  navye,  to  the  nomber  of  one  hundred 
sayles  of  ships ;  and  bringes  withe  hym  two 
myllyons  of  Dallors,  at  the  least.  Whereof  I  doo 
right  well  knowe  your  honnor  hath  better  adver- 
tisements by  his  ambassador,  than  I  can  give  you 

from  hence As  this  daye,  here  is  aryved 

my  frinde  Sr  John  Lye ;  who  has  hym  most  hum- 
bly commended  unto  you,  and  pretends,  with  the 
leave  of  God,  to  make  his  repaire  home  by  the  last 
of  this  monthe."z 

y  Sept.  6, 1561.— Flanders'  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— The  '  old  Lady 
Dormer'  was  at  this  time  living  at  Louvain,  (Sir  T.  G.  to  Sir 
T.  P.,  29th  June,  1560.— Ibid.) ;  and  we  learn  from  this  letter 
that  Queen  Mary's  privy-counsellor,  Sir  Francis  Englefield,  who 
had  fled  over  to  Flanders,  and  had  been  taken  into  the  pay  of 
the  King  of  Spain,  had  chosen  the  same  place  of  retreat.  At 
Louvain  was  one  of  the  chief  seminaries  of  the  refugee  Roman 
Catholic  priests  from  England.  '•  Sept.  10.— Ibid. 


ARMOUR    SHIPPED*  401 

One  other  specimen,  written  from  Antwerp  on 
the  23rd  of  September,  1561,  claims  insertion; 
and  it  shall  be  the  last. 

"  Right  honnorable  Sir, 

"  After  my  most  humble  commendations, 
it  may  like  you  to  understand  that  I  sent  you  my 
last,  of  the  xvitl!  of  this  present.  Synce  the  wyche 
tyme  here  ys  nothinge  worthye  of  writing,  but 
that  I  have  receivid  lettirs  of  the  xxviijtb  of 
August  from  my  doer  at  Handborowe ;  wherbye 
I  perceive  that  the  Kinge  of  Denmarke,  and  the 
Duke  of  Hoist,  and  the  Duke  of  Brunswicke, 
hathe  released  all  the  Queene's  Majestie's  armour 
and  munission.  Whereas  I  have  attempted  all 
the  ways  and  practisse  I  can,  for  the  dispatch 
thereof;  but  I  can  by  no  meanes  compasse  it. 
Therefore,  for  the  better  dispatche  thereof  afore 
the  wyntar  dothe  come,  there  is  shipped  in  two 
shippes  these  parcels  as  followeth  : — 

"  Shipped,  by  the  grace  of  God,a  in  [the  ship 
of]  Martynne  Styteman, — vij  c  xl  corselets  : 
v  c  Ixxij  corriers  :  v  c  Iv  morrions  ;b  wyche 
was  the  goodes  that  was  lost  at  Dichemarche, 
and  under  the  arrest  of  the  King  of  Denmarke 
and  the  Duke  of  Hoist,  and  his  brother. 

•  This  form  of  words  is  only  now  falling  into  disuse.     Vide 
supra,  p.  240,  note  \  b  Vide  supra,  p.  320,  note  «. 

VOL.  I.  2  D 


402  THE    KING    OF    SWEDEN. 

"  Shipped  in  the  Cristopher  of  Dyttemarche, 
xlij  M  waight  of  salte  peter,  and  vij  c  xx 
long  corners. 

"  All  wyche  goodes  doth  amount  to  the  some  of 
iiij  M  li. ;  wyche  I  have  caused  to  be  assewred 
aftyr  the  rate  of  v  li.  upon  the  hundred,  for 
the  more  seurtie  of  the  seyes ;  wyche  I  beseche 
the  Lorde  to  sende  in  safetie.  Lykewise,  as 
there  can  be  gotten  ships  for  London,  the  rest 
shall  be  shipped  wythe  as  much  expedycione  as 
maye  be. 

"Here  ys  no  other  occurrants,  but  that  the 
Kinge  of  Sweden  shuld  be  aryved  in  Ingland, 
wythe  one  hundred  sayles  of  shippes ;  wyche  is 
here  muche  spoken  of,  that  the  Queene's  Majestic 
wolde  suffer  such  a  nomber  of  shipes  to  come  into 
her  realme,  if  the  Queene's  Majestie  and  he  shuld 
not  not  parte  frendes 

"  It  maye  please  you  to  take  order  with  my 
Lorde  Treasurer,  that  my  bills  of  exchange  maie 
be  paid,  for  the  preserving  of  my  poor  name  and 
credit ;  which  doth  not  a  little  disquiet  me  :  for 
that,  as  the  xvth  of  this  present,  there  was  not  a 
penny  paid.  Rendering  unto  your  honnormy  most 
humble  thankes  for  your  goodness  showed  unto  me 
in  that  behalf,  and  for  the  dispatch  of  the  bondes, 
which  I  doo  attend  for  dayly  ;  and  upon  the  reco- 


NEW-YEAR'S  GIFTS.  403 

very  of  the  olde,  I  doo  intende  (with  the  Queene's 
Majestic' s  leve)  to  make  my  repair e  home. 

"  Here  is  great  communicacion  how  that  the 
King  of  Navarre  hath  sent  to  King  Phillip  his 
ambassadors  for  the  restoring  of  suche  possessions 
as  he  keeps  from  him,  of  his  kingdome  of  Navarre : 
and  it  is  muche  doubted  some  breache  of  warre 

will  follow Here  hath  been  great  talke 

of  a  great  earth-quake  that  of  late  hath  bynne  in 
the  realme  of  Naples,  and  hath  overthrown  both 
great  towns  and  castels ;  whereat  many  persons 
have  perished."0 

The  preceding  letters  were  written  during  a 
sojourn  of  two  months,  made  by  Gresham  at  Ant- 
werp in  the  autumn  of  1561.  From  October 
until  the  end  of  the  ensuing  February,  he  was  in 
London  :  and  on  New-year's  day,  presented  Queen 
Elizabeth  with  10/.,  in  angels,  enclosed  "  in  a 
purse  of  blak  silk  and  silver,  knytt ;"  for  which  he 
received  in  return  twenty-four  ounces  of  plate — 
in  the  shape  of  "oone  guilt  cup  with  a  cover." 
Lady  Gresham,  whose  offering  was  "  a  boxe  with 
foure  swete  baggs  in  it,"  received  a  smaller  gift 
in  return.  We  are  pleased  to  recognise  our  old 
friend  "  Sir  John  A-lee,"  among  the  personages  at 
court  on  the  same  occasion.  He  gave  the  queen 
"  a  cofer  of  woode,  carved,  paynted,  and  gilt,  with 

c  Sept.  23— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

2D2 


404         THE    CUSTOM-HOUSE    AT    ANTWERP. 

combes,  glasses,  and  balls  :"   and  his  reward  was 
"  oone  guilt  stowpe  with  a  cover. "d 

The  active  mind  of  Gresham  seems  to  have 
been  as  much  on  the  watch  as  ever,  for  opportu- 
nities to  benefit  the  state .;  and  we  cannot  wonder 
at  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  when  the 
number  and  importance  of  his  services  are  con- 
sidered. During  his  long  residence  at  Antwerp, 
however  successful  he  had  been  in  evading  them, 
he  had  witnessed  the  superiority  of  the  custom- 
house regulations  in  that  city,  over  those  of  the 
same  establishment  in  London  ;  and  he  now  wrote 
to  his  factor,  Richard  Clough,  desiring  him  to 
obtain  complete  information  as  to  the  system 
pursued  in  Flanders ;  and  to  communicate  to 
him  the  result  of  his  inquiries  in  writing.  This 
produced  the  following  epistle,  which  will  be 
perused  with  interest  for  the  contrast  it  affords 
between  the  commercial  usages  of  that  age  and 
the  present ;  as  well  as  on  account  of  the  inte- 
resting proposal  with  which  it  concludes.  Nor 
will  the  reader  fail  to  give  Clough  due  credit  for 
his  intelligence  and  activity,  when  it  is  mentioned 
that  a  very  few  days  after  the  receipt  of  his  mas- 
ter's inquiries,  he  returned  him  the  answer  from 
which  an  extract  is  here  subjoined ;  covering  more 

d  Nichols'  Progresses  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  vol.  i.  pp.  115 
and  125. 


CLOUGH  S  LETTER  CONCERNING  IT.    405 

than  twenty  sides  of  folio  paper,   and  entering 
into  all  the  details  of  the  custom-house  with  the 
utmost  minuteness. 
"  Ifius  ad.  31st  de  Dyssember,  a°  1561,  in  Andwarpe. 

"  Ryght  worshepful  Sir, 

u  Ytt  maye  plese  you  to  understande  that 
I  sent  you  my  last  by  oure  Enggleshe  post, 
wherein  I  wrotte  you  of  all  thyngs  att  large. 
Syns  the  wiche,  I  have  received  your  master- 
shipp's  of  the  20th  date  ;  well  understandyng  the 
effecte  thereof. 

"  First,  whereas  your  plesure  is  that  I  shall 
make  inquiry  amongst  your  frynds  here,  for  the 
order,  and  howe  they  do  youse  the  matter  in 
hyryng  outt  of  their  tolle  or  Coustom  here,  with 
the  wholle  systeme  thereof,* — I  have  (thro'  the 
frendeship  of  your  gossepp,  Crystofer  Prowne/ 
now  beyng  Treasorer  of  the  towne  of  Andwarpe) 

e  In  the  State-Paper  Office  is  preserved  a  MS.  extending  to 
twenty-four  sides,  endorsed  by  Clough, — "  The  ordynances  howe, 
and  aftr  what  manner  ye  do  yousse  to  hyre  hout  the  toll  and 
coustomes  in  the  neder  lande  of  brabantt  and  flanders."  At 
the  conclusion,  are  these  words ;  "  Done  at  Bruxelles,  the  ixtb 
day  of  October,  1560."— Fland.  Corr. 

f  We  have  met  with  Christopher  Pruen's  name  before,  (p.  323,) 
and  he  is  mentioned  by  Guicciardini,  p.  123.  In  a  letter  to  Cecil, 

Gresham  says,  "  my  gossip  Prewen declaryd  unto  me 

that  ther  were  men  of  Importance  had  chargyd  him  that  they 
knew  he  was  a  great  man  with  me ;  and  for  the  amyttey  that 
they  perseved  to  be  betwext  hym  and  me,"  &c.  Ant.  Aug.  29th, 
1562.-Ibid. 


406  THE    CUSTOM-HOUSE    IN    LONDON 

gotten  outt  in  Doche  the  pryncypall  partyculars 
thereof ;  the  menyng  whereof  is  in  Enggleshe,  as 
here  after  foloweth." 

Having  entered  into  details  which  cover  six- 
teen pages,  Clough  proceeds  as  follows : 

"  Sir,  I  am  glad  to  heare  that  thys  thyng  is 
callyd  for ;  hoping  that  suche  order  shalle  be 
takyn  therein,  that  it  shalle  be  for  the  Quene's 
Majestie's  profett,  and  the  honor  of  the  realme. 
For  as  the  matter  is  now  yoused,  it  is  agaynst 
conscyence  to  hear  the  tallke  that  goeth,  howe 
the  Quene  is  disseved  ;  which  must  needs  be 
trewe,  consyderyng  the  order  that  they  do  youse, 
(whiche  is  to  no  resone) ;  [namely,]  that  the 
Quene's  coustomes  must  stande  uppon  the  reportt 
of  v  or  vi  serchers,  (more  or  lesse,)  whiche 
serchers  are  men  knowne  to  be  men  that  wyll 
be  coropptyd  for  money e.  For,  in  the  openyng 
of  a  fattg  full  of  syllks,  some  tymes  I  doubt  it  is 
broughtt  over  to  the  coustom  house  for  fustyans, 
or  suche  other  ware.  Butt  and  if  the  Quenes 
Majestic  will  thus  lett  outt  her  coustome,  I  do 
not  doubt  butt  she  shalle  feele  shortely  howe  the 
matter  hathe  passed :  or  otherwise,  and  if  hyr 
Majestic  be  not  dysposed  so  to  do,  and  if  I  myghtt 

K  A  fat  (or  vat)  of  merchandise  was  a  package.  The  word 
wine/at  occurs  in  the  New  Testament;  and  we  have  already 
met  with  the  term  dry-fats  in  Gresham's  letters.  Vide  supra, 
p.  141. 


BADLY    ORGANIZED.  40? 

be  credytyd  therein,  and  if  the  Queen's  Majestic 
wollde  bestow  butt  ij  or  thre  thousannde  pownds 
once,  I  wollde  nott  doubt  butt  to  save  her  fyve 
thousaunnde  pownds  every  yere  att  the  least. 
For,  where  [as]  the  matter  is  yoused  att  London 
by  so  many  Quays  crown e-serchers,  wayters,  and 
other  powlyng  offycers,  in  suche  order  that  all 
the  worlde  do  the  crye  outt  upon  us,  (as  you  do 
ryghtt  well  knowe,) — here  is  in  Andwerpe  but 
i  or  ii  serchers.  Yett  I  dare  saye  there  is  more 
coustome  stollen  in  London  in  i  Month,  than  is 
here  in  Andwerpe  in  one  wholle  yere ;  whiche 
comyth,  because  they  here  do  the  thyngs  in  or- 
der, and  wee,  outt  of  order. 

"I  doubt  wether  Mr.  Secretary,  or  other  my 
lords  of  the  counsill,  do  knowe  of  some  of  these 
orders,  [usages,]  whiche  I  have  hearde  bothe 
Englishe  men,  and  straungers  moche  complayne 
uppon  :  [one  of]  whiche  is,  [that]  when  men  have 
their  goods  att  home  in  their  howsys,  they  must 
runne  sometymes  x  days  [before  they  are  able]  to 
gett  a  sercher  to  come  [and]  see  the  openyng  of 
the  goods.  And  unlesse  he  [the  merchant]  wyll 
geve  iiii  or  v  groats  to  the  sercher,  possybly  he 
wyll  not  come  in  xiiij  days,  which  is  no  reasone ; 
for  a  stranger  or  Englisheman  oughtt  to  paye  butt 
one  coustome — and  nott  to  the  quene  and  to  the 
sercher  bothe.  Thys  is  a  thyng  dayly  yousyd; 


408      CLOUGH'S  REFLECTIONS  THEREON. 

and  when  the  questyun  ys  axyd  unto  the  sercher, 
or  waiter,  <  wherefor  he  dothe  so  youse  the  mat- 
ter,' they  saye  that  *  they  have  butt  xx  nobles 
[61.  13s.  4d.~\  wages,  which  they  cannott  live 
uppon.' h  In  myne  opynyon,  better  it  were  that 
the  matter  were  so  yoused  that  men  myghtt  be 
servyd  as  they  oughtt  to  be !  For  I  dare  saye 
that  nott  only  Engglishemen,  butt  strangers  also, 
are  more  agrevyd  with  thys  trouble,  than  they 
are  in  paying  of  the  coustome.  And  one  thing 
[is  certain, — that]  it  must  needs  be  muche  agaynst 
the  Queue's  profett.  A  Marchante,  whattsoever 
he  be,  having  a  fatt  or  packe  of  sylks  in  hys  housse 
the  space  of  vi  or  viij  days,  (and  consyderyng  the 
great  coustome  that  they  do  paye  for  it,)  it  ys 
not  to  be  thoughtt  the  contrary,  butt  that  he  wyll 
seke  all  the  menes  he  can  to  take  out  those 
syllks,  and  putt  in  other  goods  in  the  place. 
Some  men  will  saye, — 'no,  because  the  sercher 
hathe  putt  hys  seale  upon  it.'  He  that  made  the 
sercher 's  seale,  can  make  the  lyke  ;  and  it  is  to  be 
thinkt  that  marchants  are  not  the  sympelyst  kynd 
of  pepell  that  be :  for  I  do  knowe  that  bothe  here, 
(aye  truly  [and  in]  Spayne,  [and]  Dochelande,) 
men  do  seke  out  the  best  heddyd  men  that  they 
can,  to  do  their  besynes, — specyally  abroade  in 
forren  countrese.  In  Engglande,  many  wyll  saye 
h  The  average  salary  of  this  officer  at  the  present  day,  is  30(M. 


HE  PROPOSES  TO  ERECT  A  BURSE.    409 

that  [these]  are  coustomes  that  hathe  of  long 
[time]  bene  yoused :  yett,  in  mine  oppynyon,  and 
yf  they  be  never  so  olde,  and  nott  for  the  honor  or 
profett  of  the  realme,  they  maye  well  be  broken. 
"  I  wryte  this  muche  unto  your  master sheppe 
to  putt  you  in  rememberanse  that  when  tyme 
shall  serve,  you  maye  breake  some  of  these  mat- 
ters to  Mr.  Secretary  ;  for  in  dede  it  is  marvell 
that  wee  have  so  gude  orders  as  wee  have,  con- 
syderyng  what  rulers  wee  have  in  the  sittey  of 
London  ;  suche  a  companny  that  do  study  for 
nothyng  ells  butt  for  their  own  profett.  As  for 
insampell :  consyderyng  whatt  a  sittey  London  ys, 
and  that  in  so  many  yeres  they  have  nott  founde 
the  menes  to  make  a  Bourse !  but  must  wallke  in 
the  raine,  when  ytt  raineth,  more  lyker  pedlers 
then  marchants ;  and  in  thys  countrie,  and  all 
other,  there  is  no  kynde  of  pepell  that  have 
occasyon  to  meete,  butt  they  have  a  plase  meete 
for  that  pourpose. — In  dede,  and  yf  your  besynes 
were  done,  and  that  I  myghtt  have  the  lesure  to 
go  about  hytt,  and  that  you  wyll  be  a  menes 
to  Mr.  Secretary  to  have  hys  favore  therein,  I 
wyll  nott  doutt  butt  to  make  so  fere  a  bourse 
in  London  as  the  grett  bourse  is  in  Andwarpe, 
withhoutt  mole  sty  ng  of  any  man  more  then  he 
shulld  be  well  dysposyd  to  geve.  Herein  I  am 
somwatt  tedyus:  desyryng  you  to  pardone  me, 


410  INTELLIGENCE    OUT    OF    ITALY. 

for  beyng  ownse  enteryd  into  the  matter,  I  collde 
nott  stee  mysellfe.' 

"  Occurencys  there  is  none,  butt  that  by  the 
letters  outt  of  Italy,  they  wryte  of  a  smalle  doubt 
of  warrs  betweene  the  Venesyanes  and  Mylane  : 
for  that  the  Venesyannes  have  a  towne  whiche 
some  say  hathe  pertaynyd  to  the  Dukedom  of  Mi- 
lane,  whiche  towne  they  have  of  late  fortyfyd,  and 
putt  in  a  grett  number  of  men.  And,  to  the 
contrary,  they  wryte  that  the  Marquis  of  Pyscara 
dothe  make  all  the  frontiers  of  the  Dukedom  of 
Milane  strong,  and  hathe  fournyshed  them  with 
men  and  munysion  ;  butt  it  is  thoughtt  all  wyll  be 
seised ;  for  the  Venyssyans  have  too  muche  mon- 
neye  in  that  respecte. 

"  They  wryte  allso  that  the  Pope  makyth  grett 
labore  to  have  a  generalle  counsell;  and  that 
there  ys  all  redy  att  Trentt  above  cc  Besshops. 
As  towchyng  all  other  your  affaires,  I  wrote  you 
att  large  yesterdaye  by  the  Enggleshe  post; 
havyng  not  ells  to  wrytt  you  att  thys  presentt, 
butt  preying  God  to  sende  your  worsheppe,  with 
my  Lady,  grace,  helthe,  and  long  lyfe,  to  the 
honor  of  God,  and  to  your  hart's  desyre. 
Your  master shepp's  Servantt, 

RYC.  CLOUGHE." 

"  As  towchyng  the  matter  for  the  toll,  and  if  it 

'  A  fac-simile  of  the  original  passage  will  be  found  in  plate  v. 


CUSTOMS  PAID  BY  STRANGERS.      411 

were  wryttyn  agayne,  it  shullde  nott  be  amisse  ; 
for  that  I  am  in  doutt  weder  Mr.  Secretary  can 
well  rede  my  hande." j 

The  result  of  this  correspondence  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  been  an  immediate  amelioration  of 
the  system  which  had  hitherto  prevailed  at  the 
custom-house ;  but  after  a  few  years,  a  great 
change  was  wrought  in  this  department,  which  was 
attended  by  an  enormous  increase  in  the  revenue/ 
That  a  vigilant  eye  had  for  some  time  been  kept 
on  the  merchants,  is  sufficiently  evident ;  and  the 
wealthy  foreigners  who  had  become  naturalized 
in  the  city,  but  who  were  always  regarded  by 
their  English  neighbours  in  the  light  of  rivals, 
had  been  the  objects  of  peculiar  scrutiny. 

They  were,  it  seems,  in  the  habit  of  taking  out 
a  licence  to  export  a  certain  quantity  of  merchan- 
dise, paying  the  same  duty  as  English  subjects; 
it  being  always  understood  that  the  said  merchan- 
dise was  to  be  their  own  property.  Thus  Bene- 

J  Ant.  31  Dec.  1561.  The  address  as  before.  Lansd.MS.  no.  v. 
art.  27.  The  Council  of  Trent  began  to  be  held  on  the  13th  of 
December,  1545,  and  terminated  on  the  3rd  of  December,  1563. 

k  In  1330,  the  amount  received  for  customs  is  stated  to  have 
been  about  8000/. :  in  1561,  the  revenue  derived  from  the  same 
source,  was  71,365*.  15s.  Id.  It  rose  to  upwards  of  100,000*.  in 
1613;  and  in  1641  had  increased  nearly  five-fold.  In  1709,  the 
customs  brought  in  2,319,320*.;  and  in  1789,  3,7H,126/.  The 
returns  for  the  year  ending  January  5th,  1839,  show  a  revenue  of 
31,018,843*.,  derived  from  the  customs  and  excise. 


412  BENEDICK    SPINOLA 

detto,  or  as  he  was  more  generally  called,  Bene- 
dick Spinola,  a  young  merchant  who  belonged  to 
one  of  the  best  families  of  Genoa,  obtained  a  licence 
in  the  beginning  of  the  present  reign  "  for  the 
passing  2000/.  in  custome  as  an  Englishman,  viz. 
1600/.  in  clothes,  and  iiij  c  in  swette  wynes."1  But 
scarcely  had  four  years  elapsed,  ere  we  find  the 
Italian  called  upon  to  sign  the  following  con- 
fession of  his  fraudulent  practices,  in  the  presence 
of  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  Sir  Walter  Mildmay, 
and  Sir  William  Cecil,  who  drew  up  the  document 
with  his  own  hand. 

"  27th  Dec.  1561.  I  doo  confess  that  I  have 
entred  in  the  customs'  book  at  London,  and  ship- 
ped out  of  this  realme  in  my  owne  name,  and  up- 
pon  my  licence,  the  nomber  of  foore  hundred  [and] 
forty-foore  karseys,  which  wer  the  proper  goods 
of  Ihon  Justiniano  of  Cio,  stranger.  For  the 
which  I  have  payd  to  the  Queene's  Majestie's  use 
but  Englishmen's  customs,  according  to  my  li- 
cence :  and  have  receaved  of  the  sayd  Justinian 
such  custom  as  strangers  doo  paye  to  her  highness 
for  karseys ;  abatyng  to  hym  (by  agreement  be- 
twixt us)  viij  c  vppon  every  carsey. 

"  Per  me  BENEDETTO  SPINOLA. "m 

1   April  21,  I  Elizabeth.— Lansd.  MS.  No.  xiii.  art.  10. 

m  Lansd.  MS.  no.  v.  art.  48.  Benedick  Spinola, — a  name  well 
known  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign, — was  the  second  son  of  Bap- 
tist Spinola,  an  eminent  merchant  of  Genoa,  who  in  1556  refused 


DEFRAUDS  THE  CUSTOMS.        413 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  exposure  of  a  kin- 
dred abuse  to  that  which  particularly  engaged  the 
attention  of  Richard  Clough,  was  drawn  up  only 
three  days  before  the  date  of  his  letter  to  Sir  Tho- 
mas Gresham. — A  view  of  the  custom-house  as  it 
appeared  in  Queen's  Elizabeth's  days,  may  be 
seen  in  Wilkinson's  Londina,  copied  from  a  rare 
and  ancient  print.  It  was  erected  in  the  ninth 
year  of  Richard  the  Second's  reign,  and  preserved 
its  integrity  until  the  general  conflagration  of 
1666. 

the  dukedom  of  his  native  city. — Visit,  of  London,  MS.  in  Queen's 
Coll.  Lib.  Oxford,  fol.  117.  The  Earl  of  Leicester  said  that  Be- 
nedick was  the  best  Italian  he  knew  in  England ;  (Harl.  MS.  no. 
260,  art.  208,)  but  the  subject  of  this  eulogium  found  the  earl  very 
unpunctual  in  paying  his  debts,  for  he  had  occasion  to  trouble 
him  with  many  letters  on  the  subject. — Cott.  MSS.  Spinola  was 
more  magnificent  in  his  New-year's  gifts  to  the  queen  than  any 
other  man  of  his  quality.  In  1561-2  he  offered  "  oone  hoole 
peice  of  purple  velvett."  In  1577-8,  he  presented  a  "  petticote 
of  watchet  satten,  leyed  al  over  with  pasmane  lace  of  golde  and 
sylver,  and  flowers ;  with  eight  yards  of  pasman  of  golde  and  sil- 
ver rounde  abowte  it,  lyned  with  yelo  taphata :"  and  he  received 
in  return  80  oz .  of  gilt  plate ;  which  was  not,  perhaps,  quite  satis- 
factory, for  next  year  he  only  gave  "  a  fore  parte  of  white  and 
tawnie  satten,  al  over  faire,  embrauderid  with  golde  and  silver ; 
and  two  fannes  of  strawe,  wrought  with  silke  of  sundry  colours ;" 
on  which  occasion  he  only  received  "  a  paire  of  guilt  potts," 
weighing  4  oz. — Nichols'  Progresses.  A  copy  of  his  will  may  be 
seen  in  the  Prerogative-Office ;  it  was  written  by  the  testator's 
friend  Horatio  Pallavicino,  (whom  he  calls  "  mio  confidentis- 

simo siendo  io  al  mio  letto,")  6*h  July  1580;  and  was 

proved  on  the  29th  of  October  following.— Arundell,  quire  xxxvi. 


414         GRESHAM    PROCEEDS    TO    ANTWERP, 

The  most  interesting,  if  not  the  most  important 
point  in  Richard  dough's  letter,  is  his  suggestion 
relative  to  the  erection  of  an  Exchange  for  mer- 
chants ;  and  although  the  honour  of  having  origi- 
nated that  project  rests,  as  we  have  seen,  with  Sir 
Richard  Gresham,  yet  was  Clough's  proposal  not 
the  less  original,  nor  a  less  genuine  expression  of 
individual  feeling.  It  eventually  fell  to  the  lot  of 
the  subject  of  this  memoir  to  erect  the  Royal  Ex- 
change ;  but  no  small  credit  is  due  to  his  corre- 
spondent for  the  earnest  and  hearty  wishes  on  the 
subject  which  we  have  just  heard  him  express. 
"  Herein  I  am  somwatt  tedyus  :  desyryng  you  to 
pardone  me,  for  beyng  ownse  enteryd  in  to  the 
matter,  I  collde  nott  stee  mysellfe." 

From  the  month  of  October  1561,  until  the 
ensuing  February,  as  already  stated,  Gresham  was 
in  London :  but  on  the  4th  of  March,  1562,  we 
find  him  on  his  way  to  Antwerp,  addressing  Sir 
William  Cecil  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  from 
Dunkirk,  where  he  had  arrived  after  a  stormy 
passage,  which  he  describes.  To  pay  some  of  the 
queen's  bonds,  and  to  renew  others,  was  as  usual 
the  object  of  his  journey ;  and  what  seems  to  have 
occasioned  him  considerable  anxiety,  were  foi 
cases  of  treasure  (in  sovereigns)"  which  he  carri< 
with  him  in  order  to  satisfy  certain  of  the  credi- 

"  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


AND  RETURNS  TO  LONDON.       415 

tors.  On  the  27th  of  March,  (having  already 
written  on  the  21st,  22d,  and  23rd,)  he  announced 
his  intention  of  repairing  home  as  soon  as  Clough 
returned  from  Deventer :  and  with  the  queen's 
leave  he  proposed  '  to  call  himself  to  account 
again,  it  being  now  twelve  months  since  he  had 
so  done.'  "  Trusting  that  now  her  Majestic  will 
bless  me  with  her  Royal  gift  for  my  servize,  in 
such  sorte  as  King  Edward  her  late  brother,  and 
Quene  Mary  her  late  sister  did ;  who,  as  you 
know,  gave  me  between  them  the  some  of  300/. 
(  [in]  land)  a  yere,  to  me  and  my  heires  for  ever." 
He  had  rendered  Queen  Elizabeth  more  important 
services  than  both  her  predecessors ;  and,  says 
he,  "  when  I  took  in  charge  this  business,  the 
Quene's  Majestic  promised  me,  by  the  faith  of  a 
Quene,  that  and  if  I  did  her  but  the  like  servize  I 
did  to  her  late  brother  and  sister,  she  would  give 
me  as  inoch  lande  as  both  they  did."  ° 

This  part  of  our  subject  is  brought  to  a  close  by 
the  following  extract  from  "  A  brief  of  the  account 
of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  knight,  the  Quene's  Ma- 
jestic's  agent  in  Flanders,  for  three  whole  yeares, 
and  one  hundred  fifty  and  nine  dayes ;  deter- 
myned  the  xxiind  daye  of  Aprell,  anno  quarto 
Dominse  Elizabeths,  [  1 562.  ]"p— After  several 
weighty  "  charges  "  and  "  discharges,"  we  meet 

0  Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  p  Ibid. 


416  HIS    RESIDENCE    AT    ANTWERP. 

with  two  items  of  which  we  know  something  : — 
"A  yron  chest  20/. ;" — "  charge  of  a  Turkey  horse 
10/. ;"  and  finally, 
"  Riding  and  posting  charges  .    £1,627     9     0 

House-hire -.    •  .,    200     0     0 

Diett  and  necessarize    .     .     .     1,819     3     5 

£3,646   12     5" 


With  regard  to  the  second  of  these,  it  is  worth 
mentioning,  (it  should  indeed  have  been  sooner 
mentioned,)  that  Sir  Thomas  Gresham's  house  at 
Antwerp  was  situated  in  the  "  Long  New  Street  ;"q 
or,  as  it  is  laid  down  in  the  pkn  of  that  city,  De 
Lange  nieu  strate, — a  situation  which  preserves 
to  this  day  its  ancient  character,  and  was  in  his 
time  the  principal  street  in  Antwerp. 

During  the  intervals  between  his  late  journeys 
to  and  from  the  metropolis,  he  may  be  presumed 
to  have  been  busied  with  the  erection  of  the  man- 
sion in  Bishopsgate-street,  to  which  he  afterwards 
gave  his  name.  It  is  doubtless  to  this  edifice  that 
Clough  alludes  in  the  following  passage,  which 
occurs  in  a  letter  he  addressed  to  his  master  in  the 
beginning  of  1563.  "  And  for  suche  letters  as  I 
have  received,  so  well  from  Sr  John  Masone  as 
other  wyse,  both  for  Spayne  and  Venis,  I  have 

i  This  we  learn  from  the  address  of  the  letters  he  received 
from  his  servant  R.  Payne,  of  Middleburgh.  Payne  generally 
adds,  "  Give  the  post  1  stiver."— Flanders  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


GRESHAM-HOUSE.  41? 

sent  them  awaye  :  and  as  towching  the  galary  and 
the  stones  for  the  wyndose  and  walls,  they  are  all 
shippyd  in  the  shippe  of  John  Ryke,  who  depar- 
tyth  from  hens  within  two  or  three  days,  at  the 
furthermost."  r  Stowe,  speaking  of  the  houses 
occupied  by  men  of  worship  in  St.  Helen's  and 
the  neighbourhood,  mentions  Gresham-House  as 
"  the  most  spacious  of  all  other  thereabout; 
builded  of  bricke  and  timber."  3  Like  the  Ex- 
change, it  consisted  of  a  square  court,  surrounded 
by  a  covered  walk,  or  piazza ;  and  it  had  spacious 
offices  adjoining,  as  will  be  seen  from  an  inspec- 
tion of  plate  x  ;  the  whole  being  surrounded  by 
pleasant  gardens,  which  extended  from  Bishops- 
gate-street  on  the  one  side,  to  Broad-street  on 
the  other. 

Of  Gresham-House,  which  is  better  known  by 
the  name  of  Gresham  College,  more  will  be  said 
hereafter ;  it  needs  only  to  be  observed  at  pre- 
sent, that  the  earliest  document  which  mentions  it 
by  the  former  name,  bears  date  the  commence- 
ment of  1566.1  Vast  as  the  proportions  of  this 

'  R.  C.  to  Sir  T.  G.  Ant.  March  7,  1562-3.— Fland.  Corr.  St. 
P.  Off. 

•  Strype's  Stowe,  ed.  1/20,  book  ii.  p.  106. 

'  January  30,  1565-6.  The  document  alluded  to  is  a  Latin 
instrument  on  parchment,  (Gresham's  power-of-attorney,  appa- 
rently,) to  William  Fayre,  gent.  (Phaer,  the  queen's  agent  at  the 
Spanish  court,)  for  the  recovery  of  money  owed  him  in  Spain  by 
VOL.  1.  2  E 


418      GRESHAM'S  HOUSEHOLD. 

mansion  were,  and  capable  of  affording  accommo- 
dation for  so  many,  its  inmates  were  in  number 
very  few.  Would  we  picture  to  ourselves  the 
group  which  at  this  time  gathered  round  the 
owner's  hearth,  we  must  remember  that  it  consist- 
ed merely  of  himself  and  his  lady ;  Richard,  his 
only  son  ;  and  Anne,  his  natural  daughter.  Rich- 
ard Payne,  whom  Sir  Thomas  employed  at  Mid- 
dleburgh,  and  of  whose  letters  a  great  number  are 
preserved  among  the  State- Papers,  at  the  close  of 
each  generally  enumerates  the  several  members 
of  his  master's  family  ;  "  hoping,"  like  a  dutiful 
'  bedesman,'  (as  he  always  styles  himself,)  that 
"  my  good  Lady  is  well,  and  young  master,  with 
all  other  of  your  good  lovers  and  friends." 

At  the  time  of  which  we  treat,  far  more  pic- 
turesque than  at  the  present  day,  must  have  been 
the  appearance  of  that  part  of  Bishopsgate-street 
in  which  stood  the  house  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham. 
Instead  of  crazy  shops  concealing  an  inelegant 
building, — such  as  the  modern  Excise-office,  which 
occupies  the  site  of  Gresham- House, — an  extensive 
mansion  was  visible,  surrounded  by  spacious  gar- 
dens. Beyond,  were  some  ancient  hostels  or  inns, 
of  which  the  sites  and  signs  yet  remain ;  and  im- 

Diego  and  Martin  de  la  Torre.  The  witnesses  are  German  Ci- 
oll,  mercator  Anglus,  Joseph  Lupo,  a  Venetian,  and  Thomas 
Webbe,  an  Englishman.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


GERMAN    AND    CECILY    CIOLL.  419 

mediately  opposite,  the  eye  reposed  on  the  classic 
outline  of  Crosby-place, — then  in  the  zenith  of  its 
glory,  and  occupied  by  one  of  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham's  kinsmen.     That  ancient  dwelling  had  de- 
volved by  purchase  to  German  Cioll,  a  Spanish 
merchant,  who  resided  there  with  his  wife  Cecily, 
a  daughter  of  Sir  John  Gresham  the  elder,  and 
consequently  cousin  to  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 
Cioll,  who  probably  came  over  from  Spain  in  the 
train  of  King  Philip,  was  at  this  time  an  opulent 
person  of  some  note,  and  in  Queen  Mary's  days 
had  been  employed  in  the  service  of  the  state  ;Q 
but  from  the  following  passage  in  a  letter  which 
Gresham  addressed    to  Cecil  from   Osterley  in 
1566,    he  appears  to  have  subsequently  experi- 
enced some  severe  reverses  of  fortune.     "  I  am 
so  bolde,"  he  writes,  "  as  to  send  you  a  letter  that 
my  cosin  Ciole  hath  writtin  unto  me,  wherein  I 
praie  you,  for  my  sake,  as  to  helpe  him  to  his 
monny,  if  it  be  possible,  in  this  his  great  necessi- 
tie ;  whome,  I  will  insewre  you,  is  fallen  in  decay 
only  by  losse  of  sea,  and  Bankrowts."  v      This 
explains  why,  in  1566,   Crosby-place  passed  into 
other  hands ;    and  why  Gresham  left  by  will  to 
his  cousin  Cecily,   (Cioll's  widow,)  of  whom  he 

u  Vide  supra,  p.  191. 

•  March  26.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.     See  also  another  letter 
on  the  same  subject,  dated  April  15,  1566. — Ibid. 

2  E  2 


420  CROSBY-PLACE. 

was  extremely  fond,  a  considerable  legacy.  She 
continued  to  reside  in  Bishopsgate-street  till  the 
time  of  her  death,  which  did  not  occur  till  the  10th 
January,  1609-10;  when,  by  her  special  desire,  she 
was  buried  in  her  father's  vault,  in  the  church  of 
St.  Michael,  Bassishaw.w 

To  allude  to  Crosby-place  is,  surely,  to  recall 
the  many  historical  associations  which  its  noble  Hall 
yet  awakens ;  and  to  which  Sir  Thomas  Gresham's 
having  been  often  entertained  within  it,  will  be 
allowed  to  add  another.  Shakspeare  has  made 
every  one  familiar  with  that  mansion  as  the  resi- 
dence of  Richard  III.  while  Duke  of  Gloucester ; 
but  it  is  not  so  generally  known  that  it  was  also 
the  residence  of  the  great  Sir  Thomas  More. 
All  that  remains  of  this  beautiful  relic  of  ancient 
splendour, — endeared  to  us  by  a  thousand  classic 
remembrances, — after  the  neglect  of  nearly  two 
centuries,  has  at  last  attracted  the  attention  of  a 
few  zealous  spirits  ;  and  already  exhibits  evidence 
that  the  ruin  with  which  it  was  threatened  has 

w  See  the  abstract  of  her  will  (which  was  not  proved  at  Doc- 
tors' Commons,)  in  Carlos's  Historical  and  Antiquarian  Notices 
of  Crosby-Hall,  p.  54.  In  the  register  of  St.  Helen's  parish,  we 
find  "  Cicely  Cyoll,  widowe,  was  buried  in  Bassyeshawe  Church 
the  24th  Jan.  1609."  To  which,  another  curious  register  be- 
longing to  the  same  parish,  (containing  apparently  rough  entries 
for  the  official  volume,)  adds  the  information,  "  died,  Wednesday, 
10  January." 


FOREIGN    TRAVEL.  421 

been  effectually  averted.  It  is  sincerely  to  be 
hoped  that  an  attempt  to  preserve  and  restore  so 
beautiful  a  relic  of  antiquity  will  meet  with  the 
support  it  requires,  and  so  eminently  deserves: 
the  mere  names  of  the  several  occupants  of 
Crosby-place, — to  say  nothing  of  the  mention 
made  of  it  by  Shakspeare, — should  have  been  a 
sufficient  charm  to  protect  its  venerable  walls  from 
injury. — But  it  is  time  to  resume  the  thread  of 
our  narrative,  and  return  to  Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham ;  who,  after  a  sojourn  in  England  of  nearly 
four  months,  reached  Antwerp  again  on  the  27th 
of  July,  1562,  furnished  with  Instructions  which, 
if  the  reader  has  any  curiosity  to  inspect,  he  must 
refer  to  the  Appendix/ 

Foreign  travel  began,  about  this  period,  to  be 
fashionable  with  the  younger  members  of  the  no- 
bility, and  private  families  of  distinction.  It  may 
have  been  observed,  in  some  of  the  preceding  let- 
ters which  Gresham  addressed  to  Sir  Thomas 
Parry,  that  the  treasurer's  eldest  son,  being  on 
his  travels,  was  sojourning  at  Antwerp  in  1560, 
apparently  under  the  eye  of  our  merchant;  who 
repeatedly  requested  Parry  to  increase  the  young 
gentleman's  yearly  allowance  "  to  one  hundrethe 
crowens  more  by  the  yere."  About  the  same 
time,  Thomas  Cecil,  the  secretary's  eldest  son, 

*  No.  xxvii. 


422  THOMAS    CECIL. 

was  similarly  engaged ;  who,  having  pursued  his 
education  under  Thomas  Windebank/  his  tutor, 
for  a  year  or  two  at  Paris,  and  visited  some  other 
places  of  note,  made  his  appearance  at  Antwerp 
a  few  days  after  Gresham's  return  to  that  city. 

This  young  gentleman,  (afterwards  Earl  of 
Exeter,  and  ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis,) 
was  the  only  fruit  of  the  secretary's  first  mar- 
riage with  Mary,  sister  of  Sir  John  Cheke ;  and 
was  born  in  1542.  He  was  at  this  time,  therefore, 
about  twenty  years  of  age.  So  little  is  generally 
known  respecting  this  young  person,  that  in  con- 
sideration of  his  illustrious  parentage,  as  well  as 

y  Windebank  belonged  to  a  family  not  undistinguished  for 
bravery  and  ability.  The  following  particulars  relative  to  his 
personal  history  are  deducible  from  his  correspondence :  viz.  that 
his  father  and  mother  were  both  dead  in  1562 ;  for  he  says  that  a 
certain  letter  which  Cecil  wrote  him,  (dated  March  24,)  had 
«  grieved  him  as  much  as  his  parents'  death.'  H.  Alington,  ad- 
dressing Windebank  from  Westminster,  (Feb.  5,  156 1-2,)  writes, 
"  Four  predecessor,  Mr.  Daye,  is  translated  to  the  provostship  of 
Eton,  and  is  to  preach  before  the  queen  this  Lent."  Alington 
also  uses  the  words  "your father  Coxe."  (This  writer  seals  his 
letter  with  Sir  William  Cecil's  seal,  and  was  perhaps  related  to 
the  secretary ;  for  one  R.  Alington,  addressing  Cecil  in  Latin, 
styles  himself  '  nepos.')  In  another  letter,  making  mention  of 
Dieppe,  H.  Alington  adds, — "  where  your  brother,,  Mr.  Winde- 
bank, hath  the  leading  of  ii  c  soldiers."— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
How  Windebank  was  related  to  a  namesake,  who  dated  his  will 
"  from  the  Leguer  at  Bumble,"  May,  14th  1599,  I  know  not. 
That  Thomas  Windebank  was  a  soldier ;  and  he  states,  as  a  mo- 
tive for  making  a  written  distribution  of  his  property,  (which  as- 


THE    WINDEBANKS. 


423 


on  account  of  his  connexion  with  the  subject  of 
this  memoir  (to  whom  he  became  eventually  rela- 
ted,)2 a  few  extracts  are  here  subjoined  from  a 
correspondence  hitherto  unnoticed,  illustrative  of 
his  character  and  history. 

Sir  William  Cecil  was  one  of  those  men  who 
preserve  every  thing  in  the  shape  of  a  written 
document  which  comes  into  their  possession, — a 
habit  to  which  we  are  indebted,  in  a  great  measure, 
for  our  minute  information  respecting  the  occur- 
rences of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign.  A  great  part 
of  the  letters  which  he  addressed  to  his  son,  as 
well  as  many  of  those  which  he  received  in  re- 
sumes the  form  of  a  letter  to  his  brother  Aaron,) — "  I  am  now 
very  often  in  hazard."  He  had  another  brother,  Phineas ;  and  a 
nephew,  John,  son  of  Aaron.  His  will  was  proved  llth  Aug. 
1599. — Kidd.  quire  Ixv. — It  is  anticipating  a  statement  which 
would  be  made  with  more  propriety  in  the  next  volume,  to  men- 
tion here,  that  the  tutor  of  Thomas  Cecil  was  one  of  the  four 
clerks  of  the  privy  signet  in  1577 ;  and  that  he  died  holding  that 
office  in  1606,  having  received  the  honour  of  knighthood.  Wood 
mentions  him  as  Sir  Thomas  Windebank,  of  Haines  Hill  in  the 
county  of  Berks.  It  seems  from  his  will  that  he  married  a  widow 
named  Reade,  for  he  mentions  Mildred,  Anne,  and  Henry  Reade 
as  his  children  :  he  had  besides  a  son  and  a  daughter,  Francis 
and  Margaret.  His  will  is  dated  23rd  April,  1606,  and  was  proved 
26th  Jan.  1607.— Windebanck,  quire  1.  Sir  Francis,  son  of  Sir 
Thomas  Windebank,  was  Secretary  of  State  to  Charles  I.,  and 
died  at  Paris  in  Sept.  1646,  leaving  two  sons, — Sir  Thomas,  of 
the  Privy-chamber ;  and  Col.  Francis,  governor  of  Blechingdon- 
House  in  Oxfordshire:  (Wood's  Athenae.) 

x  See  the  Gresham  pedigree,  in  the  Appendix,  No.  I. 


424  CECIL    TO    HIS    SON. 

ply,  besides  a  considerable  portion  of  his  corres- 
pondence with  Windebank,  have  in  consequence 
been  preserved.  The  following  is  an  early  spe- 
cimen written  by  the  secretary  to  his  son,  in 
1560:- 

"  I  wish  you  blessing  from  God,  and  to  deserve 
it  through  His  grace.  I  mervell  that  I  have  so 
few  letters  from  you ;  seing,  in  wryting  ether  of 
French  or  Lattyn,  you  shuld  proffitt  yourself. 
Will  [desire]  Wynebank  to  advertise  me  of  your 
expencees,  that  I  may  see  how  your  monny  pas- 
seth  away.  In  this  tyme,  take  hede  of  surfetts 
by  late  suppers.  If  ye  fynd  in  that  contrey  any 
thyngs  mete  for  my  garden,  send  me  word  therof. 
And  so,  God  kepe  you.  From  Hallyngbury- 
Morley,  the  27th  of  August,  1560. 

Your  loving  father, 

W.  CECILL." 

"  To  my  sonne  Thomas  Cecill, 
at  Pariss,  or  nere  therto." 

It  is  to  be  wished  that  *  son  Thomas,'  as  Cecil 
called  his  elder  son,  (in  distinction  from  his 
favourite  Robert,  afterwards  Earl  of  Salisbury,) 
had  never  given  his  father  occasion  for  more 
serious  rebuke  than  this  letter  contains.  It  is 
needless,  however,  to  anticipate  reflections  which 
we  shall  be  compelled  presently  to  make  on  this 

0  Endorsed,  "my  Father  to  me."— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


SIR    NICHOLAS    THROCKMORTON.  425 

subject.  For  the  moment  it  suffices  to  state,  that  the 
young  man  having  made  a  short  tour,  and  visited 
in  his  progress  Dieppe  and  Rouen,  (of  which  towns 
Windebank  sent  the  Secretary  some  account,)  the 
travellers  returned  to  Paris  on  the  24th  of  June, 
1561.  The  following  brief  extract  is  from  one  of 
the  tutor's  letters  :  "  Sir,  I  humbly  beseche  you, 
in  your  letters  to  Mr.  Thomas,  to  remembre  him 
that  he  leese  not  the  commoditie  of  the  morning 
for  his  profiting  in  any  kind  of  thing.  I  cannot 
perceave  he  hath  any  greate  mynde  to  the  lute ; 

but  to  the  cistern,  he  hathe We  receaved, 

the  ixth  of  this  present,  a  bill  of  credit  for  300  A 
[dollars]  from  Mr.  Gresham's  man  at  Antwerp, 
to  be  received  by  us  at  our  pleasure.  I  pray 
God  we  may  bestowe  them  well. — As  yesterdaie, 
being  the  ixth,  my  Lord  Ambassador  [Sir  Nicholas 
Throckmorton]  went  to  the  corte,  to  speake  with 
the  Queene  of  Scotland ;  to  whom  he  presented 
Mr.  Thomas."3 

In  the  secretary's  letter  to  his  son,  four  days 
after,  we  read :  "I  have  receaved  iii  severall 
lettres  from  you,  but  none  maketh  any  mention 
at  what  chardg  you  lyve  at.  In  any  wise,  be 
servisable,  but  not  chargeable  to  Sir  Nicolas 
Throkmorton.  Begyn  by  tyme  to  translate  into 
French :  serve  God  daylie :  take  good  hede  to  your 

-  Paris,  July  10,  1561.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


426  THE    SECRETARY    IS    DISPLEASED 

helth ;  and  visitt  once  a  weke  your  Instructions. 
Fare  ye  well.  Wryte  at  ev'ry  tyme  somewhat  to 
my  wiffe.  From  London  :  the  xiiijth  of  July,  1561. 

Your  loving  Father, 

W.  CECILL." 

"  To  my  sonne  Thomas  Cecill, 
in  Pariss."b 

It  must  be  confessed,  that  hitherto  there  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  a  sufficient  motive  for 
the  displeasure  which  Cecil  expressed  towards  his 
son  :  at  all  events,  it  is  more  agreeable  to  indulge 
the  supposition  that  the  father  was  severe,  because 
he  considered  it  the  most  likely  means  of  making 
his  son  approach  nearer  to  the  high  standard  he 
had  proposed  for  his  son's  attainment,  than  to 
conclude  that  there  had  been,  as  yet,  misconduct 
on  the  part  of  the  youth,  of  which  we  are  unin- 
formed.0 Cecil's  complaints  of  him  in  general 

b  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  The  mention  made  in  this  letter 
of  "  your  Instructions,"  recalls  the  well-known  written  precepts 
with  which  Robert  Cecil  was  supplied  by  his  father. 

c  Yet  is  there  a  solemnity  and  bitterness  in  the  following 
passage,  (in  a  letter  dated  the  27th  Dec.  1561,)  which  has  alto- 
gether the  air  of  having  proceeded  from  the  heart  of  the  writer  : 
if  it  did,  it  forcibly  illustrates  the  maxim,  that  some  unsuspected 
care  is  the  portion  of  every  man, — however  illustrious  his  rank, 
eminent  his  attainments,  or  exalted  his  station.  "  Children 
ought  to  be  as  gifts  of  God,  comforte  to  their  parents  ;  but  you, 
on  the  contrary,  have  made  me  carelesse  of  all  children, — you 
see  how  your  former  misbehaviour  hath  filled  me  full  of  discon- 


WITH    '  SON    THOMAS.  42? 

were,  first — that  he  was  careless  in  his  expendi- 
ture,— a  fault  of  the  greatest  magnitude  in  the 
eyes  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  future  lord-treasurer; 
"  I  see,  in  the  end,"  said  he  in  one  of  his  letters 
to  Windebank,  "  my  sone  shall  come  home  tyke 
a  spending  sott,  mete  to  kepe  a  tenniss  court  :"d 
secondly,  that  he  was  idle.  This  is  the  burden 
of  his  next  letter  to  Windebank : 

"  I  know  not  what  to  judg,  but  I  have  had  a 
watche  worde  sent  me  out  of  France  that  my 
sonne's  being  there  shall  serve  hym  to  litle  pur- 
pose ;  for  that  he  spendeth  hys  tyme  in  idleness, 
and  not  in  proffityng  hymself  in  lerning.  If  this 
shal  be  confirmed  to  me  agayne,  I  shall  thynk 
myself  much  deceaved  in  you ;  and  therefore,  as 
ye  meane  to  have  creditt  with  me,  so  looke  therto. 
If  it  be  trew,  I  wold  revoke  my  sonne;  and 
hereof  I  pray  you  wryte  to  me  playnely.  God 
bless  you  all.  From  Henyngham,  in  Essex,  the 
27th  of  August,  1561." e 

tentacion :  and  how  it  will  be  curid,  I  leave  it  to  Allmighty  God. 
I  charge  you,  be  serviseable  to  Allmighty  God ;  and  think  of 
your  tyme,  that  yesterdaie  will  never  retourne !" — Copy.  Dom. 
Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  Another  letter,  (also  a  copy,)  Cecil  subscribes 
"  Your  Father  of  an  unworthy  sonne." — Ibid.  Let  it  be  again 
repeated,  that  the  youth  to  whom  this  was  written  was  not  yet 
twenty  years  of  age  ;  and  that  he  lived  to  become  good  and  great. 

*  Nov.  4, 1561.—Lbid. 

•  Ibid. 


428  THOMAS  CECIL'S  FAULTS. 

A  fortnight  later,  one  is  sorry  to  read :  "  Suerly, 
I  have  hytherto  had  small  comefort  in  hym  ;  and 
if  he  deserve  no  better  by  well  doyng,  I  will  lern 
to  take  less  care  than  I  have  doone. 

"  My  trust  is,  (howsoever  ye  will  to  my  sonne,) 
you  will  not,  beyng  thus  charged,  lett  [leave]  me 
deceaved  ;  but  truely  and  playnly  advertise  me 
of  his  faults.  I  know  some  of  his  old  faults  wer, 
to  be  slowthfull  in  keping  his  bedd ;  negligent 
and  rash  in  expencees ;  uncarefull  or  careless 
of  his  apparrell ;  an  unordynat  lover  of  unmete 
playes,  as  dyce  and  cards  ;  in  study,  sone  weary, 
— in  game,  never.  If  he  contynew  or  increase  in 
theis,  it  wer  better  he  wer  at  home,  than  abrode, 
to  my  grete  chargees.  It  is  time  to  end  this 
manner  of  wryting,  for  it  increaseth  my  greef. 
I  have  wrytten  a  litle  herein  to  hym,  and  I  wish 
he  wold  chang  his  rase,  that  I  might  sometime 
have  cause  to  wryt  comfortably.  Fare  ye  well. 
From  Hertford  Castle,  the  10th  of  September, 

1561. 

Your  lovyng  frend  and  Mr, 

W.  CECILL." 

"  I  pray  you  Wynebank,  if  ye  thynk  that  ye 
can  pleasur  me  with  sendyng  me  in  the  season  of 
the  yere,  thyngs  mete  for  my  orchard  or  garden, 
help  me  ;  and  if  also  ye  can,  procure  for  me  an 
apt  man  for  myn  orchard  or  garden.     First  send 


WINDEBANK  ORDERED  TO  BUY  BOOKS.  429 

me  word  and  the  chargees.  You  know  my  garden 
is  new,  and  must  be  now  applyed. 

W.  CECILL."f 

The  following  letter  from  the  same  pen,  is  in 
a  less  painful  strain. 

"  Wynebank, 

"  I  pray  you  lett  me  know  the  pricees  of 
these  kynds  of  books  following,  to  be  well  and 
fayre  bound. 

The  course  of  the  cy  vill  lawe,  in  small  volumes 
and  in  greate. 

The  works  of  Tullye,  in  small  volumes. 

The  courss  of  the  cannon  law,  with  the  com- 
ments in  the  volume  of  4d. 

I  have  alredy  the  cannon  law,  in  the  smallest 
volume. 

1  wold  also  understand  what  fayre  biblees 
there  be  in  Lattyn,  of  a  great  lettre  :  and  some 
also  in  French.  Which  ij  I  wold  have  to  lye  in 
my  chappell. 

If  there  be  any  particular  charts  of  contrees 
or  provincees,  whereof  yow  thynke  I  have  none, 
send  me  word. 

Of  these  abovesayd,  I  meane  first  to  understand 
the  chargees,  before  that  you  shall  provyde 
any  for  me. 

f  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.    Vide  ante&,  p.  224,  and  Appendix, 
No.  XIX.     The  allusion  is,  I  believe,  to  his  garden  at  Burleigh. 


430  THOMAS  CECIL'S  METHOD 

"  I  pray  you  lett  Tho.  Cecill  put  my  Instruc- 
tions which  I  gave,  into  French,  and  send  me 
them.  Lett  hym  also  wryte  to  me,  in  French,  how 
and  in  what  studyes  or  exercises  he  spendeth  the 
whole  daye. 

W.   CEClLL."g 

"  To  Thomas  Cecill,  or 
Thomas  Wynebank." 

Windebank's  reply  to  this  letter  is  preserved ; 
and  the  following  picture  of  how  his  youthful 
charge  passed  his  time  at  Paris,  will  be  perused 
with  interest : 

"  Since  Thomas  Kendall's  departing  from  us, 
this  order  Mr.  Thomas  hathe  takin.  In  the  morn- 
ing, from  vni  to  ix  of  the  clocke,  he  hathe  one 
that  readith  Munsterh  unto  him  :  that  don,  he 
hathe  his  houre  to  learne  to  daunse  ;  and  in 
these  ii  things  is  the  whole  of  the  forenoon  con- 
sumid.  After  dynner,  at  one  of  the  clocke,  he 
goith  to  a  lesson  of  the  Institutes,1  whereof  he 
wrote  his  determination  himself  unto  you, — per- 

«  Qy  ?  Nov.  5  or  6,  1561,  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— Endorsed 
*  Rec.  by  Hawkins.'  On  the  3rd  of  September  Cecil  had  ended 
a  letter  thus, — "  I  pray  you  send  me  some  registers  of  books 
there,  that  I  maye  thereof  make  choise  to  garnish  my  Library ; 
for  I  am  almost  past  study.  Fare  ye  well." — Ibid. 

h  Seb.  Munster.  La  Cosmographie  Universelle,  folio.  Paris, 
1552.  "  The  reading  of  Munster' s  Cosmography,"  says  Winde- 
bank,  "  dothe  stand  us  in  two  crownes  per  month." 

1  The  Institutes  of  the  Law. 


OF    PASSING    HIS    TIME    AT    PARIS.  431 

suaded  therunto  by  my  L.  Ambassador.  Toward 
iii  of  the  clocke,  he  hathe  one  that  teachith  him 
to  plaie  on  the  lute ;  wherein,  (and  an  houre's 
reading  the  historic  of  Josephus  de  bello  Judaico,) 
he  bestowith  the  whole  afternoone.  After  supper, 
he  lackith  no  companie  to  talke  with,  for  learning 
the  tongue  that  waie  ;  and  besides,  eyther  accor- 
dith  on  the  lute,  or  takith  some  booke  in  hande. 
This  is  presently  the  order  of  dividing  his  tyme, 
which  I  thought  my  duty  to  let  you  understand."* 

Scarcely  less  interesting  is  the  following  out- 
line of  a  tour  which  the  tutor  contemplated  for 
young  Cecil.  Windebank  is  again  addressing  his 
patron,  the  secretary. 

"  According  to  your  commandement,  we  have 
conferred  with  my  lorde  ambassador  here,  for  our 
travaile  :  whose  advise  is,  that,  seing  your  mynde 
is  to  have  us  travaile,  that  Mr.  Thomas  shulde  see 
that  that  is  worthy  sight,  and  worthe  his  labour 
and  your  expences  ;  and  therefore  wolde  have  us 
to  go  as  farre  as  Marseilles.  And  for  the  order 
of  our  waie,  he  wolde  have  us  first  to  go  to  Or- 
leance,  and  there  to  remayne  v  or  vi  daies.  From 
thence  to  take  the  poste,  as  it  lieth  to  Lyons ;  and 
by  the  waie,  to  reste  in  suche  townes  as  be  wor- 
thiest to  be  considered :  in  some,  one  daie ;  in 
some  others,  ij  or  iij  daies.  From  Lyons,  to  go 

"  Paris,  Nov.  12,  1561.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


432    PROBABLE  EXPENSES  OF  A  TOUR. 

to  Vienne ;  from  thence  to  Avignon ;  and  so  to 
Marseilles, — all  by  water.  Now,  for  our  returne : 
he  appointith  it  from  Marseilles  to  Nysmes ;  from 
thence  to  Montpelier;  and  so  to  Tholouse,  by 
poste.  From  thence,  to  Bordeaux  by  the  ryver 
of  Garonne  ;  from  thence  to  Poictiers,  by  poste  or 
jorney,  as  we  shall  then  think  beste.  From  Poic- 
tiers to  Angers  ;  and  then,  to  Tours,  Amboyse, 
Bloise,  Vendosme,  Chartres,  and  so  to  Paris 
agayne.  This  jorney  wolde  be  worth  the  tra- 
vaile ;  but  the  charges  will  be  greate  to  ride 
poste,  for  every  poste  will  cost  us  xviij  soulz  a 
man, — that  is  ij  s.  iij  c?.,  (reckonning  the  drinking 
penny  that  we  must  give  to  the  guide,  and  to 
others  of  the  sorte  ;  and  we  are  three,  besides  the 
guide.)  So  that,  reckonning  the  charges  of  iiij 
persones  for  every  poste,  it  will  amounte  to  iij 
franks  xij  soulz  :  that  is,  about  viij  s.  x  d.  of  our 
monny,  every  post.  And  to  Lyons,  from  hence, 
there  are  xxx  posts  ;  which  will  amount  to  cviij 
franks, — that  may  be,  in  crownes,  xliij  A,  and  x 
soulz  over  :  and  in  our  monny,  (after  vis.  the 
crowne,)  xij  li.  xixs.  iijd.,  besides  our  meete  and 
drinke,  &c. 

"  We  cannot  well  differ  our  setting  forthe 
longer  than  the  viijth  or  xth  of  Aprill ;  because 
of  the  heate  that  will  be  muche  advaunced  in  those 
countreys  of  Prouvince  and  Languedoc,  which  I 


CECIL    TO    WINDEBANK.  433 

feare  Mr.  Thomas  shall  not  well  induer :  for  that 
I  know  he  cannot  abyde  greate  heate."1 

After  one  other  short  letter  from  Sir  William 
Cecil,  we  shall  be  able  to  speak  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  who  has  not  been  lost  sight  of,  though 
no  mention  has  hitherto  been  made  of  his  name. 

"  Wyndebank,  my  complaynt  is  straung  to  you 
of  my  sone  for  his  lewdness,ra  and  for  your  so  long 

sufferance, for  what  amendment  hath  he 

made  of  his  wry  ting  ? — nay,  what  empayrement ! 

I  see  your  accompt  riseth  great  with  trifles. 

....  Good  Wyndebank,  if  there  be  left  any  spark 
of  my  recovery  of  a  good  name  to  my  sonne,  at- 
tempt all  your  coning.  I  wish  you  God's  grace. 
From  Westminster,  the  24th  of  March,  156l-[2.] 
Your  assured  good  Master, 

W.  CECILL." 

"  To  Thomas  Wyndbank,  my 
loving  Servant." 

On  a  little  slip  of  paper,  which  the  preceding 
letter  contained,  are  these  words : — "  That  which 
is  sharply  wrytten  concerning  yourself,  is  onely 
to  shadow  mistakyng  of  my  sone  towards  you ;  so 
as  you  may  pretend  greef  for  your  owne  part." 

1  Paris,  March  4,  1561-2.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
m  Ignorance,  want  of  learning.     So,  in  the  New  Testament, 
"  certain  lewd  fellows,"  &c. 
"  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 
VOL.  I.  2  F 


434 


WINDEBANK    PROFESSES 


The  correspondence  of  Sir  William  Cecil  and 
his  son's  tutor  having  been  conducted  (not  with- 
out some  regrets)  thus  far,  the  connexion  of 
the  entire  episode  with  the  subject  which  should 
more  properly  engage  our  attention,  is  shown  by 
the  following  letter,  which  Windebank  addressed 
to  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  from  Paris.  The  reader 
will  perceive  that  it  must  have  reached  Gresham 
a  few  days  before  he  returned  to  England  in 
April  1562;  at  which  time  he  *  called  himself  to 
account,'  as  we  have  seen,  and  presented  a  state- 
ment of  his  pecuniary  claims.  The  letter  is  as 
follows : — 

"  Mr.  Gresham, 

"  We  have  received  your  lettre  of  the 
xxth  of  Marche  by  Mr.  Governor,0  together  with 
iii  c  crownes  which  you  have  sent  to  us  by  him ; 
for  the  which,  Mr.  Cecill  chiefly  hath  cause  to 
thank  you :  and  I  have  no  lesse  cause  than  he, 
for  that  being  furnished  with  monny,  you  may 
think  what  a  lightening  it  is  to  me  of  care  that  I 
have  in  this  charge,  whereunto  my  Master  hath 
appointed  me,  in  a  strange  countrey.  But  seeing 
that  I  am  now  come  to  speake  of  my  selfe,  surely, 
Sir,  I  cannot  but  with  great  shame  confesse  a 

0  Mr.  John  Fitzwilliams,   who  has  been  already  mentioned. 
See  pp.  73,  75,  and  350. 


FRIENDSHIP    FOR    GRESHAM.  435 

great  slackness,  or  rather  a  whole  negligence  in 
me,  in  that  I  have  not  of  long  tyme  writtin  unto 
you,  as  I  am  bounde  to  doo.  For,  next  unto  my 
Master,  (and  this  I  speake  unfayndly,)  I  acknow- 
ledge myselfe  as  muche  beholden  unto  you,  as  to 
any  man  in  Englande :  not  only  for  your  greate 
good  will  that  it  pleaseth  you  to  beare  to  me,  and 
for  your  like  benefits  bestowed  upon  me ;  but  also 
for  a  singular  affection  that  is  within  me,  which 
constrayneth  me  therunto.  But,  Sir,  I  desire  you 
not  to  regarde  my  faulte  in  not  writing  hereto- 
fore ;  and  to  think  that,  though  I  have  not  writ- 
ten, yet,  with  a  more  worthye  thing  than  that  is, 
(which  is  myharte,)  I  have  bothe  remembrid  you, 
and  honored  you  :  so  as  if  at  any  tyme  I  may  doo 
you  any  service,  I  will  be  most  ready  thereunto 
during  my  life.  Therof  beseeching  you  to  assure 
yourself,  I  cease  to  speke  any  furder. 

"  I  send  to  you,  herewith,  a  bill  of  my  hande, 
acknowledging  the  receipte  of  your  iij  c  A  [300 
dollars]  :  and  so  I  leave  to  trouble  you  furder  at 
this  tyme.  From  Paris,  the  ijnd  of  Aprill,  [1562]. "p 

p  From  Windebank's  rough  draft,  endorsed  "  M.  to  Mr.  Gres- 
ham  from  myself,  by  Mr.  Fitzwilliams,  governor." — Dom.  Corr. 
St.  P.  Off.  It  is  rather  singular  that,  in  the  same  repository,  the 
corrected  draft  of  almost  all  Windebank's  letters  should  be  found, 
along  with  the  originals.  These  duplicates  of  a  correspondence, 
concerning  which  Cecil  may  have  reasonably  felt  a  little  jealous, 
were  probably  delivered  up  to  him  by  his  particular  desire  when 

2  F2 


436  CECIL    COMPLAINS    OF 

It  so  happened,  that  on  the  very  day  Winde- 
bank  traced  the  preceding  lines  to  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  Cecil  wrote  a  letter  of  heavy  complaint 
to  Windebank  respecting  his  charge  ;  who,  though 
but  twenty  years  of  age,  gave  his  friends  a  great 
deal  of  trouble.  Next  to  be  inserted  (for  they  come 
next  in  order)  are  the  father's  letter  and  the  tutor's 
reply  ;  which,  painful  as  they  certainly  are,  lose  half 
their  bitterness  when  it  is  remembered  that  Tho- 
mas Cecil  became  an  improved  character  as  he  ad- 
vanced in  life.  In  less  than  five  years  after  these 
letters  were  written,  he  had  subsided  into  a  sober 
kind  of  personage ;  who,  when  weary  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  court,  found  sufficient  vent  for  his  na- 
turally ardent  temper  in  the  bustle  and  excitement 
of  the  camp.  But  to  return  to  Cecil's  letter, 
which  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Wyndebank, 

"  I  am  here  used  to  paynes  and  troobles : 
but  none  crepe  so  neare  my  hart  as  doth  this  of 
my  lewd  sonne.  I  am  perplexed  what  to  thynk  : 
the  shame  that  I  shall  receave  to  have  so  unruled 
a  sonne,  greveth  me  more  than  if  I  lost  him  by 
honest  death.  Good  Wyndebank, — consult  with 
my  deare  frend  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmerton,  to 

the  tutor  and  his  pupil  returned  from  their  travels ; — a  step  which 
has  led  to  their  preservation,  instead  of  ensuring  their  destruction, 
as  was  doubtless  contemplated. 


HIS  SON'S  MISCONDUCT.  437 

whom  I  have  referred  the  whole.  I  cold  be  best 
content  that  he  wold  committ  hym  secretly  to 
some  sharp  prison.  If  that  shall  not  seme  good, 
yet  wold  I  rather  have  hym  sent  awey  to  Stras- 
burgh,  (if  it  cold  be  possible,)  or  to  Lovayne  ;  for 
my  greef  will  grow  dooble  to  see  hym,  untill  some 
kynd  of  amends  may  be.  If  none  of  these  will 
serve,  then  bryng  him  home  ;  and  I  shall  receyve 
that  which  it  pleaseth  God  to  laye  on  my  shol- 
ders :  that  is,  in  the  middest  of  my  busyness,  for 
[instead  of]  comefort,  a  dayly  torment.  If  ye  shall 
come  home  with  hym  to  cover  the  shame,  I  rather 
desyre  to  have  this  sommer  spent,  though  it  wer 
but  to  be  absent  from  my  sight.  I  am  so  trobled, 
as,  well  what  to  wryte,  I  know  not.  From  West- 
minster, the  2nd  of  Aprill,  1562. 

Yours  assured, 

W.  CECILL."  " 

"  To  my  trusty  servant,  Thomas 
Wyndebank,  at  Pariss." 

Shortly  after  which  the  person  addressed  wrote 
as  follows : — 

"  Sir, 

"  After  so  many  discomfortable   lettres, 
(for  so  I  take  them  to  be  unto  you,)  I  wolde  to 

q  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.    All  these  letters  (except  where  the 
contrary  is  specified)  are  printed  from  originals. 


438  WINDEBANK    AND    CECIL 

God  I  could  with  just  cause  write  at  the  last  unto 
you  that  [which]  might  take  awaie,  yf  not  all,  yet 
some  parte,  at  the  leste,  of  your  griefe.  But,  Sir, 
I  may  not  dissemble.  Mr.  Thomas  his  behaviour 
doth  contynnew  suche,  notwithstanding  all  your 
severe  letters, — all  counsels  and  threatenings  of 
my  Lord  Ambassador, — all  shame  of  the  worlde, — 
and  all  dangeor  and  inconvenience  that  bothe  are 
come,  and  are  yet  to  come, — that  the  same  being 
known  to  you,  it  cannot  diminish  your  grefe,  but 
increase  it.  And  because  it  is  most  necessary, 
remedy  to  be  most  speedily  provided,  (which  lyeth 
not  in  me,  nor  in  my  Lord  Ambassador  to  doo,  yf 
he  contynew  in  this  country,)  I  cannot  but  let  you 
understande  that  he  is  come  to  this  extreamitie, 
that  if  good  watch  had  not  bene  kepte,  he  had  fled 
his  waie  from  us  all  and  you, — no  man  can  tell 
whither.  The  meanes  for  monny  was,  that  he 
woulde  have  solde  all  his  apparell  and  myne. 
And  by  the  meanes  of  a  merchant,  (using  rather 
good  will  than  otherwise, )  he  was  upon  the  pointe 
to  have  had  a  cupple  of  horses,  upon  credit  of  the 
merchant.  So  farre  is  he  transported !  And  when 
a  man  is  in  an  evill  mynde,  [he]  casteth  the  worste 
that  may  come  to  him  (as  he  dothe) :  sayeng  to 
diverse,  that  c  he  is  sure  of  his  portion  ;'  and  that 
'you  cannot  disinherite  him.'  I  leve  it  to  be 
thought  what  hope  ther  is  of  suche  a  one  !  His 


ON    THE    SAME    SUBJECT.  43Q 

behaviour  ys  suche  to  me,  that  I  can  be  sure  of 
nothing  in  my  owne  custodie ;  which  makith  me 
very  perplexed.  I  am  sorry  that  you  will  not 
have  him  home."  r 

Before  this  letter  reached  its  destination,  Cecil 
addressed  Windebank  again : — 

"  I  have  wrytten  a  lettre  to  that  noughty  boye 
of  myne.  I  have  commanded  hym  to  putt  awey 
his  servant,  and  to  bannish  his  wanton  lusts.  I 
have  commanded  hym  to  shew  yow  my  lettre.  I 
wold  gladly,  if  it  wer  possible  to  reform  his  fol- 
lyes,  to  permitt  hym  there  ;  for  ij  respects.  One, 
because  I  know  how  he  might  pass  safely  into 
Germanny,  (for  I  wold  be  lothe  to  have  hym  at 
Lovayne,  or  in  any  papiss  towne)  ;  secondly,  [be- 
cause] if  he  shuld  soddenly  come  thence,  his  de- 
parture wold  disclose  his  lewdness,  to  my  discom- 
fort and  shame.  This  you  see  how  I  wryte,  lyke 
a  fond  [foolish]  father.  But  if,  without  departyng 
thence,  amendment  will  not  insew,  I  care  not 
whyther  he  goo.  Good  Wyndebank, — assaye  all 
wayes  to  amend  hym,  without  my  reproche !  I 
cold  be  content  that  he  wer  at  Strasburgh.  Fare 
ye  well.  Kepe  hym  from  monny,  and  pray  Mr. 
Throkmorton  not  to  be  weary  of  reforming  my 

'  Paris,  May  7, 1562.  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  This  was  the  second 
letter  which  Windebank  addressed  to  Cecil  on  the  same  day. 


440  THOMAS    CECIL    TO    HIS    FATHER, 

lewd  sonne.    From  Westminster :  the  xth  of  May, 
1562.  Your  loving  Master, 

W.  CECILL."S 

The  reader  may  not  be  displeased  to  peruse  a 
letter  from  '  son  Thomas'  himself ;  written  in  the 
French  language, — concerning  his  proficiency  in 
which,  Cecil  and  Windebank  expressed  themselves 
so  solicitous.* 

"  Mon  tres  honore  seignour  et  p&re. 

"  Vos  lettres  m'ont  apportes  tant  de  fa- 
cherie,  que  rien  plus  :  par  lesquelles  J'entend  que 
vous  estes  fort  corrusee  contre  moy, — estant  ad- 
verty  que  J'employe  tout  mon  temps  en  poursui- 
vant  les  vanites  d'amour.  Come  je  suis  bien 
marry  que  vous  entendres  chooses  de  moy  qui 
sont  tant  &  mon  desavantage,  (et  d'avanture 
[peut-etre]  beaucoup  plus  qu'ilz  sont,)  ainsi,  je  ne 
me  puis  excuser  en  tout :  mais  come  je  suis  junne, 
ainsi  il  fault  que  je  confesse  que  je  suis  subjett  & 
les  affections  qui  gouvernent  quelques  fois  ceux 
qui  sont  junnes.  Pourtant,  de  paour  [peur]  de 
ne  vous  facher  trop  avec  ma  longue  et  facheuse 
lettre  ;  et  que  vous  ne  penses  que,  en  usant  beau- 

•  <To  my  loving  servant,  T.W.  atPariss.'-Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

*  To  '  have  exercise  of  the  French  tongue,'  and  to  '  see  some 
fashons  to  frame  him  better  than  he  is  allready,'  Windebank 
considered  to  be  '  the  ij  thinges  which  should  be  the  end  of 
Thomas  Cecil's  remayning  in  any  place.' 


CONFESSING    HIS    FOLLY.  441 

coup  de  parolles,  je  sercherois  de  vous  deguiser 
le  mattier,  je  vous  supplie  bien  humblement  de 
me  dormer  vostre  benediction  !  Si,  par  le  passe, 
j'ay  mis  en  oublie  mon  devoir,  je  vous  promette 
de  me  mestre  en  panie,  doresnevant,  de  me  mon- 
strer,  en  tout,  prest  de  vous  obeir  :  priant  le  Cre- 
atur  vous  avoir  tousjours  en  sa  divine  garde.  De 
Paris;  le  IT  de  Maye,  1562. 

Votre  tres  humble,  et  filz  tressobeissant, 

THOMAS  CECILL."" 
"  To  the  right  honourable,  &  my  loving 

Father,  Sir  William  Cecill,  knight : 

the    Quene's    Majestic  principall 

secretary,  etc." 

Young  Thomas  Cecil  and  his  tutor  are  brought 
into  closer  connexion  with  Gresham  by  the  follow- 
ing announcement,  contained  in  one  of  his  letters 
to  the  secretary.  He  had  scarcely  been  a  week 

u  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  "Windebank,  writing  to  Cecil  on  the 
same  day,  announces  his  intention  of  retiring  with  his  young 
charge  '  to  Mr.  Dammart's  house,'  in  order  to  detach  him  from 
the  capital.  His  next  letter  (of  the  29th  May)  is  dated  "  from 
Dammar t,  vii  leagues  from  Paris."  There  is  a  note  written  to 
Windebank,  while  he  and  young  Cecil  were  residing  in  this  re- 
treat, by  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton ;  dated  Paris,  June  5, 1562 : 
"  From  England,"  says  that  eminent  statesman,  "  I  understand 
that  twoo  of  my  deare  frendes  be  dead.  That  is  to  say,  Mr.  Good- 
ricke  and  Mr.  George  Medley, — twoo  rare  men,  bothe  for  their 
giftes  and  honesty." — Ibid.  It  is  a  privilege  to  record  the  names 
of  such  persons. 


442  GRESHAM    ENTERTAINS 

in  Antwerp,  (after  returning  from  his  four  months' 
sojourn  in  London,)  when  he  received  a  visit  from 
the  travellers.  "  On  the  7th,"  he  says,  "  your 
son  and  Mr.  Wynnyngbancke  arrived  in  right 
good  health ;  and  [it]  haith  pleased  them  to  accept 
my  poor  howse.  Your  son  is  much  grown  in 
heythe,  and  haythe  bestowed  his  tyme  very  well ; 
for  that  he  speakyth  very  good  Frenche,  and 
[is  as]  full  of  sivillity  and  verttew  as  your  honnor's 
harte  can  desyre.  You  shall  doo  well  to  let  hym 
to  go  to  Germanny ;  but  I  perseve  by  Mr.  Wynne- 
bank,  they  have  no  great  store  of  money  left,  if 
they  shuld  goo  into  Germany :  therefore  your 
honner  must  needs  helpe.  And  yf  it  be  your 
pleassore,  1  shall  give  him  credit  to  all  plassis  he 
shall  goo  [to],  for  that  he  shall  lacke."v 

Along  with  this  letter,  was  sent  another  from 
Windebank,  who  had  left  Paris  with  his  charge 
on  the  1st  of  August.  "We  perceive,"  he  writes, 
"  from  a  letter  of  yours  to  Sir  Thomas  Gresham, 
your  pleasure  is  that  we  should  go  to  Strasburg, 

or  Basil,  till  November To  go  into  that 

country  will  be  exceedingly  chargeable,  by  reason 
of  the  horses,  while  we  shall  be  travayling  ;  for 
hyrid  horses  are  not  to  be  had  in  that  country. w 

v  Ant.  Aug.  9,  1562.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

w  "You  shall  doo  well,"  says  Gresham,  "to  send  them  thre 
good  geldinges ;  for  heare,  horse-fleashe  ys  very  deare,  and  hard 
to  come  bye." — Ibid. 


YOUNG  CECIL  AND  HIS  TUTOR.      443 

Besides  that  Mr.  Thomas  is  to  be  furnished  of 
mony  to  spend  after  his  own  fantasy,  and  not  at 
my  discretion :  wherein,  Sir,  I  besich  you,  let  us 
both  know  plainly  your  mynd ;  for  Mr.  Thomas 

is  desyrous  to  buy  many  prety  things 

Sir  Thomas  Gresham  hath  taken  us  into  his  house, 
where  T  am  sorry  to  trouble  him  so  long  as  till  we 
shall  hear  from  you,  which  we  hope  shall  be  within 
8  days :  for  the  mean  tyme,  we  will  see  som 
towns  of  Flanders. 

"  As  for  Mr.  Thomas  his  estate,  I  trust  your 
honor  will  like  his  personage  well,  and  his  beha- 
viour better  than  you  have  done  before  :  and 
I  trust  that  his  little  follye  will  much  increase 
him  in  wisdom.  I  wish  he  wear  now  in  England, 
that  you  might  see  his  proffit  in  the  tongue  ;  lest, 
by  his  being  in  Germany,  he  shall  com  to  forget. 
And  so  I  most  humbly  take  my  leave  of  your 
honnor,  and  my  Lady,  to  whom  I  praye  to  be 
excused  for  not  writing.  From  Andwerp,  the 
ixth  of  August." x 

While  young  Cecil  and  his  tutor  were  under 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham' s  roof,  the  secretary  ad- 
dressed the  following  letter  to  Windebank ;  who 
must  have  left  Antwerp  ere  it  reached  his  hands. 

"  Wyndebank,  I  thank  you  for  the  contynuance 
of  your  care  over  my  careless  sonne.  I  shall  not 

*  Rough  draft.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


444  THE    TRAVELLERS    AT    ANTWERP. 

forgett  it,  by  God's  grace.  Seing  he  is  there, 
I  wish  hym  to  see  Germany  ;  for,  in  dede,  the 
wound  is  yet  too  grene  for  me  to  behold  hym. 
I  have  wrytten  for  creditt  for  ij  c  crownes,  to 
Mr.  Gresham. 

"  I  meane  to  send  you  ij  geldyngs  for  your 
jornaye.  I  am  sorry  that  ye  ar  so  chargeable  to 
Sir  Thomas  Gresham.  Ye  may  doo  well  to  see 
Bruxells,  Gaunt,  Lovayne,  &c. 

"  Whylest  ye  ar  there,  wryte  to  me  of  the 
commen  talk  of  that  contree.  I  pray  you,  teach 
my  sonne  to  wryte  trulyer  in  the  orthography  of 
the  French;  for  I  myself  can  fynd  his  faults. 
Lett  hym  wryte  oftner.  Send  me  the  rest  of 
your  accompt,  sence  your  last  declaration.  Sir 
Nicholas  Throkmorton  shall  come  home ;  and 
whatsoever  he  sayth,  or  heareth,  none  helpeth 
hym  home  but  I. 

"  I  pray  you,  kepe  in  remembrance  that  both 
you  and  my  sonne  serve  Almighty  God.  1 4th 

Augusti,  1562. 

Yours  assured, 

W.   CECILL"* 

"  To  my  loving  servant,  Thomas 
Wyndebank,  at  Antwerp." 

We  learn  from  the  postscript  of  Gresham's  let- 
ter of  the  16th,  that  the  travellers  (to  whose  party 

y  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


THOMAS    CECIL    TO    HIS    FATHER.  445 

"  Mr.  Harrye  Knolles,"  had  joined  himself) 
left  Antwerp  on  that  day  for  Germany  :  an  event 
which  is  thus  recorded  in  a  letter  written  by 
young  Cecil  to  his  father : 

"  Mon  tres  honore  Seignour,  &  Pere. 

"  Le  sixiesme  de  ce  moys,  Monsr  Knoules 
arrivant  icy  a  Anvers,  j'entendu  par  luy  novelles 
de  vous  que  vous  esties  en  bonne  sante ;  &  par 
voz  lettres  a  Monsr  Gressam,  [j'ai  appris]  vostre 
volunt£  touchant  nostre  journe"  en  Alemaigne  : 
vouz  estant  d'avise  que  nouz  ferions  compagnie 
a  Monsr  Knoules.  Et  comme  vouz  nouz  avez  re- 
mis  &  la  discretion  de  Monsr  Gressam,  ainsi  1'ayt 
il  donne  bonne  ordre  &  touz  noz  affaires.  VA  qui, 
pour  le  bon  traittement  qui  [qu'il]  nous  a  fait  tout 
ce  temps  en  sa  maison,  je  vous  supplie  de  luy  re- 
mercier  par  voz  lettres  :  1'ayant  fait,  je  scay  bien, 
pour  amour  de  vous. — Le  mesme  mattin  que  je 
escrivois  ceste  lettre,  nous  soummes  parties  d' 
Anvers  avec  Monsr  Knoules,  vers  Alemaigne,  & 
cinque  heures  de  mattin.  Monsr  Gressam  nous 
a  fourny  de  cinquante  livres,  que  nous  portons 
quant  et  nous  ;  oultre  cent  escues  que  nous  res- 
tent  encores  de  nostre  monnoye.  Ainsi,  prenant 
mon  conge  de  vous,  je  vous  supplie  me  donner 
vostre  benediction :  priant  Dieu  vous  donner 
bonne  vie,  &  longue,  avec  un  prospereus  suc- 
cesse  en  toutz  voz  affaires.  Demeurant,  pour 


446  DEPARTURE    OF    THOMAS    CECIL 

faulte  de  moyen  de  recompenser  le  plus  moindre 
benefit  que  j'ay  receu  de  vous,  vostre  oblige  de 
vous  complaire  toute  ma  vie.  De  Anvers,  le 
dixcestiesme  d'Aoust,  1562. 

Vostre  tres  humble  &  filz  tressobeissant, 

THOMAS  CECILL."  z 

"  I  have  despatched  your  son  and  Mr.  Wynne- 
bank,"  writes  Gresham  in  the  letter  above  alluded 
to,  "  and  given  them  50/.  in  their  porse  ;  and  50/. 
more,  by  credit,  to  receive  at  their  pleasure,  till 
I  hear  further  from  you ;  and,  God  willinge, 
I  shall  take  care  and  fornishe  them  wyth  all 
thinges  they  shall  lacke.  Most  humbly  e  than  ek- 
ing yow  that  it  maye  pleasse  [has  pleased]  yow 
to  geve  me  the  care  of  your  sonne  :  whyche 
I  wyll  insewre  [you,]  I  wyll  looke  unto  as  my 
own  sonne ;  for,  here  wrytting,  you  have  as 
hanssom  a  man  to  your  sonne,  and  full  of  vert- 
tewe,  as  your  own  harte  can  desyre."a 

On  the  22nd  of  August,  Gresham  wrote  as 
follows.  The  first  extract  is  from  a  long  letter 
of  intelligence  which  he  addressed  to  Cecil  :  the 
second,  to  Windebank,  tells  its  own  story.  Some 

*  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.— The  address  as  before. 

*  Ant.  Aug.  16,  1562.— Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.     Of  the  same 
date  are  a  few  hasty  lines,  "  To  the  worshipfull  Mr.  Thomas  Ce- 
cill,  and  Thomas  Wyndebanke,"  from  their  "  loving  and  assurid 
frynd,  Thomas  Gresham,"  accompanying  a  letter  of  credit." — Ib. 


AND    WINDEBANK    FROM    ANTWERP.         44? 

remark  may  be  expected  on  the  eulogizing  terms 
in  which  the  writer  speaks  of  Cecil's  '  son  Tho- 
mas,' compared  with  those  in  which  we  have 
hitherto  found  the  young  gentleman  mentioned 
by  his  father  and  tutor.  I  can  only  suggest,  that 
he  may  have  been  courtier  enough  to  make  the 
best  of  a  character  with  which  he  must  have  been 
so  little  acquainted,  and  of  which  he  can  have  had 
so  few  opportunities  of  judging,  as  the  son  of  his 
friend  and  patron ;  and  in  the  next  place,  that  it 
is  only  fair  to  conclude  that  he  found  in  him  less 
to  condemn,  than  from  the  letters  of  his  father  we 
have  been  led  to  expect. 

"  I  have  wryttin  to  the  genttilman  your  sone, 
as  you  have  willed  me,"  says  Gresham,  "assewring 
you,  whiles  he  was  here,  for  all  that  he  sawe  in 
this  towen,  I  sawe  hym  not  bestow  one  peny  in 
wayst ;  and  as  carefull  in  wrytting,  and  in  all 
other  things  to  pleasse  yowe.  Assewring  your 
honnor,  without  flatery,  yow  have  as  hanssome  a 
man  to  your  sone,  and  as  toward,  and  inclynyd  to 
all  vertew,  as  your  own  harte  can  desire :  most 
humbly  thanckinge  yow  that  it  [has]  pleassed 
yow  to  gyve  me  the  care  of  hym,  whiles  he  ys  in 
Jermany, — wherunto  I  wyll  looke,  and  provid  for 
hym,  as  I  wold  doo  for  my  own  sone.  You  shall 
not  nead,  now,  to  send  hym  anny  geldinges."1 

»»  Aug.  22,-Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 


448  GRESHAM    TO    WINDEBANK. 

The  next  is  a  letter  from  Gresham  to  Windebank. 

"  Aftyr  my  right  hartie  commendacions, — I  doo 
perseve  by  Thomas  Dowghton  [Button] c  that 
you  shall  neade  of  creadit  for  the  some  of  L 
dallors  in  Germanny  :  assewring  yow,  I  doo  take 
it  very  unkindelye  at  your  handes,  that  your- 
sellfe  wolde  not  speacke  unto  me  at  your  being 
here ;  and  cannot  but  marvell  what  yow  have 
consevid  of  me,  and  my  doinges  towardes  yow, 
that  yow  shullde  be  abasshid,  or  affraide  to  speake 
unto  me, — considering  the  good  will  I  have  all- 
wayes  owed  yow,  and  the  oifres  I  have  maid  yow 
frome  tyme  to  tyme.  And  as  I  am  one  that  for- 
gets soche  ingrateteudnes,  so,  for  this  tyme,  I  will 
impute  it  to  your  good  nateur  of  shamefastnes  ; 
and,  as  your  assewrid  frinde  here,  I  send  yow  a 
letter  of  creadit  for  the  some  of  one  hundread 
dallors,  to  reasseve  of  Fredericke  Wolffe,  the 
parte  or  the  whole,  whensoever  you  shall  requyre 
it:  to  whom  yow  shall  macke  your  acquyttans 
for  so  moche  as  yow  shall  resseve.  And  thus, 
withe  my  hartie  commendacions  to  gentill  Mr.  Ce- 
cill  (a  la  Franchoisse, )  I  wishe  yowe  bothe  helthe, 
and  saffe  returne.  From  Andwerpe,  the  xxiind 
of  August,  a°  1562. 

Your  loving  and  assewrid  frinde, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM." 

c  One  of  Gresham' s  servants  :  of  whom  more  hereafter. 


CECIL    HATED    BY    THE    PAPISTS.  449 

"  I  pray  yow  to  doo  my  humble  commenda- 
cions  to  Mr.  Knolles,  and  to  Mr.  Doctor  Mownte. 
Sins  the  wryting  hereof,  I  have  receaved  letters 
from  Mr.  Secreatory,  and  others  to  yow,  wyche  I 
send  herewith." 

"  To  my  very  loving  frinde  Mr.  Thomas  Wine- 
bank,  geve  this,  in  Strawesbrowghe."d 

It  is  now  time  that  we  should  take  leave  of 
these  personages,  since  they  have  taken  leave  of 
Gresham.  Their  letters  shall  therefore  be  brought 
to  a  close  with  a  few  lines  from  Cecil  to  Winde- 
bank:  partly,  because  they  are  written  in  a  milder 
strain ;  and  partly,  because  they  serve  to  conduct 
the  travellers  well  on  their  journey,  where  we 
shall  be  obliged  to  wish  them  farewell. 

"  Good  Wyndebank.  I  hartely  thank  you  for  your 
contynuall  care,  had  towards  my  sonne:  I  know 
your  paynes  and  care  ar  not  small.  For  his  aboode 
from  hence,  I  can  be  content  that  he  wer  out  of 
Germany,  and  might  see  Italy,  and  pass  by  the 
Helvetians,  and  [so  go]  to  Geneva.  Marry,  I  wish 
you  [to]  have  good  regard  to  pass  as  unknowen 
as  ye  maye,  because  of  the  malice  that  I  know  the 
papists  owe  me ;  and  cold  be  content  to  avenge 
the  same  in  my  sone.  Herein,  I  pray  you  confer r 
with  Mr.  Knoolles.  My  meaning  is,  that,  sence 
my  sonne  is  abrood,  he  shuld  see  all  thyngs  requi- 

d  Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.,  whence  the  two  ensuing  letters  are 
derived. 

VOL.  I.  2  G 


450  DIRECTIONS    FOR    *  SON    THOMAS/ 

site  for  I :  doo  rneane  at  his  retorne  to  move  hym 
to  marry,  and  then  to  plant  hym  at  home.  I  have 
spoken  to  Mr.  Gresham  to  procure  you  power  for 
monny :  wherein  I  pray  you  have  as  good  regard 
as  ye  maye,  to  moderat  your  expencees.  Our 
newes,  Mr.  Knolles  I  thynk  will  report  to  you. 
I  pray  you  lett  my  sonne  use  reverence  to  Mr. 
Knolles :  and  lett  hym  lern  to  weare  his  apparrell 
clenly  and  courtly,  for  of  hymself  he  is  somewhat 
negligent.  Send  me  your  accompt.  From  my 
hows  next  the  Savoye,  16  November,  1562. 
Your  assured  good  Master, 

W.  CECILL." 

Here  we  part  with  Windebank  and  his  way- 
ward charge.  Liberal  as  the  foregoing  extracts 
may  have  appeared,  the  reader  is  assured  that 
very  many  more  letters  have  been  omitted  than 
have  been  laid  before  him  ;  whether  of  the  tutor, 
the  father,  or  the  son.  This  chapter,  which  has 
already  grown  too  long,  shall  be  brought  to  a 
close  by  the  insertion  of  a  curious  letter  to  Sir 
William  Cecil  from  Sir  Henry  Percy,  afterwards 
Earl  of  Northumberland,6  which  well  merits  pre- 
servation. That  nobleman  had  married  Catha- 
rine, eldest  daughter  and  one  of  the  four  co- 

•  There  is  a  good  account  of  him  in  Collins's  Peerage.  This 
gallant  soldier,  having  distinguished  himself  in  the  North,  was 
appointed  Captain  of  Norham  Castle  in  1565.  He  became  im- 
plicated in  the  cause  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  and  died  or  was 
murdered  in  the  Tower,  21  June,  1585. 


SIR    HENRY    PERCY    TO    CECIL.  451 

heiresses  of  John  Neville,  last  Lord  Latimer  ;f 
and  it  will  be  seen  that  the  object  of  the  letter- 
writer  was  an  alliance  which  he  desired  to  see 
brought  about  between  the  Secretary's  'son 
Thomas,'  and  Lady  Percy's  second  sister,  Do- 
rothy; who  eventually,  as  is  well  known,  be- 
came his  wife.  Percy's  letter  will  appear  to  be 
slightly  out  of  chronological  order;  but  it  could 
not  have  been  introduced  in  a  better  place  than 
the  present,  where  it  serves  the  double  purpose  of 
bringing  this  long  episode  naturally  to  an  end,  and 
of  presenting  us  with  an  interesting  picture,  during 
her  girlhood,  of  the  first  Countess  of  Exeter. 

"  After  my  humble  and  hartie  commendacions. 
Whereas  I  have  ever  bene  bound  by  your  good- 
nes  towards  me,  to  devise  by  what  meanes  or 
service  I  mighte  requite  the  same ;  and  havinge 
no  cause  sufficiently  worthie  for  that  I  have 
receyved  at  your  handes,  yett  have  I  thought 
good  to  advertise  youe  of  this  whiche  I  have  had 
in  my  mynde  sence  my  manage,  and  before. 
And  altho'  the  mater  shall  not  seme  greatelye 
comodious  towardes  youe,  but  that  youe  may  ad- 
vance youre  house  into  muche  greater  levinge, 

f  By  Lucy,  daughter  of  Henry  Earl  of  Worcester.  The  two 
other  co-heiresses  were, — Lucy,  who  married  Sir  William  Corn- 
wallis ;  and  Elizabeth,  who  became  the  wife  of  Sir  John  Danvers. 
Lord  Latimer  died  in  1577.— Collins'  Peerage,  by  Brydges,  vol. 
v.  p.  155-6. 

2  G  2 


452  DOROTHY    NEVILLE    DESCRIBED. 

yet  will  I  humbly  requier  youe  to  receyve  it  as 
procedinge  from  a  faithefull  frende. 

"  Youe  shall  understand  that  my  Lorde  Lat 
tymore  havinge  foure  daughters,  whereof,  as  youe 
knowe,  I  marled  one ;  and  the  seconde  beinge 
of  xv  yeres,  and  as  I  supposse  not  muche  unmete 
for  mariage, — I  have  sence  the  tyme  of  my 
manage  kepte  withe  me  this  gentilwoman,  my 
sister,  onelie  to  understand  hir  dispossicion.  And 
altho'  I  thoughte  to  have  had  some  conferance 
withe  youe  in  this  mater  at  my  laste  beinge  at  the 
coorte,  yett  was  1  lettede  ;  for  that  I  wold  have 
some  tryall  of  the  conversacion  of  the  young 
woman :  which  I  assure  you  is  so  good  and  ver- 
tuous,  as  hard  it  is  to  find  such  a  sparke  of  youthe 
in  this  realme.  For  bothe  is  she  very  wise,  sober 
of  behavoure,  womanly,  and  in  hir  doings  so  tem- 
perate as  if  she  bare  the  age  [of]  double  her 
yeres ;  of  stature  like  to  be  goodlie ;  and  of 
beautie,  verry  well.  Hir  haire  browne,  yet  hir 
complexion  very  faire  and  cleare.  The  favour  of 
hir  face  every  bodie  may  judge  it  to  have  bothe 
grace  and  wysdome.  Sir,  altho'  it  be  a  dan- 
gerous matter  thus  much  to  write  of  a  younge 
woman,  yet  do  I  assure  you  I  have  said  nothinge 
more  than  she  deservethe.  Sir,  for  that  my 
cousen  (youre  sone)  is  unmaried,  and  that  God 
hathe  indeuede  youe  with  such  gifts  as  is  like  to 


THE  LAST  LORD  LATIMER.        453 

leave  him  greate  possessions,  yet  do  I  thinke  it 
not  amisse  if  that  he  were  planted  in  some  stocke 
of  honor  :  and  if  this  should  so  fortone  as  my 
harte  desiers,  bothe  should  he  be  matched  in  a 
great  house,  as  also  the  likelyhoode  of  possessions 
to  come  thereby.  And  consideringe  the  evill 
goverment  of  my  Lorde  [Latimer,]  as  also  the 
good  meanes  you  have  to  establishe  and  devise  a 
saftie  of  that  house,  we,  who  alredie  be  matched 
with  that  stocke,  should  have  juste  occasion  to 
thinke  oureselves  bound  to  youe ;  as  also  rejoice 
to  matche  with  such  one  who  mighte  staye  that 
which,  withoute  helpe,  were  in  greate  daunger. 
Perchance  this  shall  seme  unto  youe  that  I  write 
for  my  own  cause.  I  proteste  before  God  I 
do  not.  Marry,  I  muste  confesse  glad  I  wold  be 
that  the  folly e  of  my  Lord  should  not  hasard  that 
which  might  come  to  his  childerin :  but  the  chief 
cause  (bymyfaithe)  is,  for  that  I  had  rather  to  be 
lynked  with  youe  than  with  any  man  in  this  realme. 
And  so  I  hartily  desier  you  to  excepte  it. 

"  Sir,  when  youe  have  perused  this,  and 
pawsed  of  the  same,  I  pray  youe  lett  me  be  ad- 
vertisede.  But,  in  any  case,  lett  it  not  be  knowen 
unto  any;  for  that  there  is  nobilitye  which 
ernestely  goethe  about  to  conquor  this.  How- 
beit,  my  credit  is  so  good  withe  my  lady,  my 
mother-in-lawe,  as  also  withe  the  younge  gen- 
tlewoman, as  by  my  advise  they  will  be  much 


454  A    CAUTION. 

governede.  And  therefore,  if  they  should  un- 
derstand that  I  had  practised  in  this  without  their 
consents,  it  should  be  an  occasion  to  make  my 
credit  the  worse  withe  them.  I  do  perceyve  my 
Lorde  is  nowe  at  London,  where  he  is  better  to 
be  talked  withall  than  in  the  countrye :  but  if 
youe  be  amynded  to  speke  in  the  matter,  in  no 
wayes  talke  with  my  Lorde  in  it  before  I  breake 
it  to  my  Ladie,  and  the  gentlewoman :  for  women 
be  willfull,  if  they  be  not  first  sought  unto. 

"  Sir,  if  you  advise  of  this  mater,  as  mete  it  is, 
yet  I  pray  youe  to  advertise  me  whether  you 
wold  have  it  stayed  or  not,  any  tyme :  for  that 
there  is,  that  goethe  ernestly  about  to  obteyne 
the  thinge.  Thus  leavinge  to  trouble  you  anny 
further,  (trustinge  in  shorte  tyme  to  have  adver- 
tisemente  from  youe,)  I  wyshe  the  encrease  of 
your  honor.  From  the  Quene's  Majestie's  castell 
of  Tynemouthe,  this  xxvth  of  January,  1561  [-2.] 
Your  most  faithefull,  and 

Assured  Cousen  to  comaund, 

H.  PERCY." 
"  To  the  right  honorable  Sir  William 

Cecill,  Knight,  Secratorye  to  the 
Queene's  Majestic,  and  Master  of 
the  Wards  and  Leverys." 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

Pedigree  of  the  Gresham  Family. 
[Referred  to  in  page  6,  note  ".] 

THE  following  pedigree  is  derived  chiefly  from  one  which  formerly 
belonged  to  Sir  Marmaduke  Gresham,  Bart.,  of  Titsey.  Dr.  Ward 
published  it  narratively  in  1740 ;  and  it  is  here  given,  with  several 
corrections  and  additions,  in  what  appears  to  the  writer  a  more 
intelligible  shape.  The  introduction  prefixed  to  the  genealogy  is  as 
follows. 

"  A  true  and  exact  PEDIGREE  of  the  right  worshipfull,  ancient, 
pious,  loyal,  and  charitable  family  of  Gresham  of  Gresham 
in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  sometimes  residing  at  Holte, 
Intwood,  Myleham,  Walsingham  Parva,  and  Thorpe  Mar- 
ket in  the  said  county ;  at  Founteyness  in  the  county  of 
York ;  at  Titsey,  and  Limesfield  in  Surry ;  at  Osterley,  and 
Fulham  in  the  county  of  Middlesex  :  wherein  are  inserted 
the  severall  marriages  and  alliances  to  severall  other  wor- 
shipfull, and  some  honourable  familys. 

Which  family  was  at  once  seiz'd  in  Norfolk  of  thirty-five  manners, 
in  Suffolk  of  five,  in  Cambridgshire  of  one,  in  Kent  of  three,  in 
Sussex  of  two,  in  Surry  of  nine,  in  Middlesex  of  two,  in  Somerset 
of  two,  in  Derbyshire  of  three,  in  Yorkshire  of  nine,  and  of  twelve 
granges,  and  severall  other  villatae,  and  considerable  possessions 
in  the  same  county,  and  of  three  manners  in  the  bishoprick  of  Dur- 
ham; as  appears  by  severall  letters  patent,  fines,  deeds  enrolled, 
inquisitions  post  mortem,  wills,  and  private  evidences,  now  in  the 
hands  of  some  of  that  family.  And  out  of  which  family,  within 
the  compass  of  an  hundred  and  fifty  years  last  past,  there  has  been 
one  baronet,  nine  knights  batchelers,  whereof  one  knighted  in  the 
field ;  one  baronet's  wife,  and  nine  knights  wives  of  the  name  and 
family  of  Gresham;  and  have  issued  from  them  in  that  time  two 
viscounts,  seven  baronets,  twenty  four  knights,  two  countesses,  five 
baronets  wives,  and  twenty  two  knights  wives." 


PEDIGREE  OF  ' 


i    Graham,  — = 
Gresham,  inT^ 
rtblk,   gent., 
sdatthelat-    I 
end  of  the 
:h  century. 


John    Gresham,: 
of  Gresham, 
Norfolk, 
lived  i 
ter 
14th  century. 


2.  Mary,  d. 

of  William  Rookwood,  Esq.  James  Gresham)==l.  Margaret,  d.  of  William  Billingford,  of  Blackford-Hall, 
1     of  Holt,   gent.,  1                                Stoke,  in  Norfolk,  gent. 

rilliam 

G.        William 

G.           Susan  G. 

John    Gresham,—  Alice,  d.  and  h.  of  Alexander  Blyth,  of  Stratton,  in  Norfolk, 

All  died  young. 

of  Holt,  Esq. 

1 

m    G.r 
ondon, 
:er,    d. 

-8.    [i. 

=Ellen,  d.  of 
Richard 
Bodley  ; 
and  widow 
of  —  Cope- 
land.    Will 
proved    22 

Thomas  G.,     2.  Isabel,  d.  of= 
clerk.  Will       —  Worpfall, 
proved  17th       and  widow 
Sept.  1558.       of—  Taver- 
[i.   10  and       son.      Will 
460.]                proved  28th 
May,  1565. 

-Sir  Richard= 
G.,  of  Lon- 
don,    Knt. 
knighted  in 
1531.  Lord 
M  avor     in 
1537.  d.  21 

=1.  Audrey,  d.     Margaret  G.     2.  Catharine,=rSir  John  G.= 
of  Will.            m.     Henry       dau.    of—        ofTitseyin 
Lynne,  of        King,  of            Sampton             Surrey, 
Northamp-        London  ;            and   widow         Knt. 
tonshire.  d.       Girdler.             of  Edward        kniphted 
28   Decem-                                 Dormer,  of        in    1537. 
ber,  1522.                                   Fulham,            Lord  Mayor 

=1.  1 
am 
Th 
In 

21.f 
IK 

June,  1553. 

[ii.  104.] 

Feb.  1548-9. 
[i.  21.] 

Esq.  died 
1578. 

in  1547,   d. 
23  October, 

1556.        [i. 

11.] 

ice,  m. 

Sir  John  G.^rFrances,    d.     SIR    THO-==Anne   d.    of 

Christiana         Elizabeth          I.William  G.r=Beatrix.  d. 

4.  Ji 

Marsh, 

of  London, 

&  coh.  of        MAS  GRES 

William 

G.,  m.               Gresham,          of  Titsey, 

of  Thomas 

b. 

Condon, 
Gov- 
r  of  the 
chant 
entu- 

Knt. 
knighted 
on  Mussel- 
burgh.  field, 
28  Sep. 

Sir  Henry        HAM,  Knt. 
Thwaytes,         b  1519, 
of  Lownd,         d.  21  Nov. 
in  York-           1579. 
shire,     d. 

Ferneley, 
of  West- 
Creting,  in 
Suffolk. 
Widow  of 

Sir  John          diedunmar-       Esq.,  b.  25 
Thynne,  of      ried.  Will        April,1522. 
Longleat,  in       proved    26       d.  21  June, 
Wiltshire.         March,              1579.   [ii. 
From    her       1552.                 477.] 

Gibbon,    of 
King's 
Lynne,    in 
Norfolk,  d. 
23  Feb. 

152 

d.Jan. 

1547.     died 

Oct.  1580. 

William 

is  descend- 

1603. 

[ii. 

1560.     [i. 

Read,  Esq., 

edthe 

ice,  m. 

369.] 

d.  23  Nov. 
1596. 

MARQUIS 
OF  BATH. 

Hiddle- 

beth 

Richard 

James  G.         Sir  William     Sir  Tho- 

John  G. 

I.'M 

ham, 

Gresham, 

G.                     mas  G. 

m. 

ir  Hen- 

died  in 

From    him 

Mit 

Neville 

1564,  about 

was   des- 

2. El 

Billing- 

16  years  of 

cended    Sir 

3.  C. 

,  in 

age.[ii.77.] 

John  Gres- 

Sir 

rshire, 

ham,  I)  art.. 

Woe 

JthNo- 

of  Titsey, 

ber, 

the  last  ba- 

5. [ii. 

ronet  of  the 

if 

family;  who 
died  20  Oct. 

,  Hen- 

1801.     His 

,dward, 

daughter 

ncis, 

was  the  mo- 

Wil- 

ther  of 

i;  and 

WILLIAM 

daugh- 

LEVESON 

,  Eliza- 

GOWER, 

i  and 

Esq.,  of 

harine. 
m  her  is 

Titsey  Park. 

ended 

ID 

AY- 

OOK. 

Genealogical  Table,  showing  Sir  Thomas  Gr 


,ORD          —  =2.   Mildred,      Catherine. 
BURGH-    T^d.ofSirAn- 
LEY.                 thonyCooke. 

—SIR   HEN- 
RY    KIL- 
LEGREW. 

SIR     PHI-     SIRTHOS.ssElizabeth.zirJO.,   LORD 
LIP  HOBY.      HOBY.                                    RUSSELL. 

LORD  ] 

Anne  —  EARL    OF 
OXFORD. 

EARL    OF 
SALIS- 
BURY. 

Mild 


Thomas 


HAM  FAMILY. 


ARMS. — See  the  fourth  seal  in  the  wood-engraving  which  precedes  the  preface  ; 
the  capital  letter  to  the  same;  p.  19,  note  w,  and  p.  24.  note  i.  The  blazon  is  argent 
and  sable. 

CBKST  and  MOTTO.— See  the  third,  fifth,  seventh,  and  ninth  seals,  in  the  same 
wood-engraving.     The  grasshopper  is  blazoned  or. 


William  Gresnam,  of    Walsing-=pABnes,  d.  of  Geoffrer  Porter,  of  Holkham    in  Norfolk 
ham  Parva,  in  Norfolk,  Esq.         ]fieatrix  his  wife,     tier  will  wa,  provK  £t  TSo. 


Margaret  G., 
MI.        John 
Downe,    of 
Bale,    in 
Norfolk. 

Ursull     G.,     James  G.,  oCrsAgno,  d.  of 
m.  Francis       Walsing.            Nicholas 
Garbridge,        hamParva,        Mynne,    of 
ofWabing-       Esq.       See         Kransham, 
hamParva.       Blomefield,        in  Norfolk, 

SuJ, 
Wlllii 
Candc 
ofWa 
haraf 

Dead  before       vol.   ix.    p.        Esq. 

15*3.  ?              272.      Will 

proved     30 
Oct.  1526. 

[i.  460.] 

G.=Elizabeth  d.     6.    Edmund^Joane,  d.  of    7.    Anthony     2.  Mary   G. 
lam        &h.ofEd-       G.  of                  Augustine         G.     b.    27       b.  17  Aug. 
die-        ward    Dor-       Thorpe               Hynd,    Al-     Jan.  1531-2.       1523.m.Sir 
dof        mer.of               Market    in         derman     of                                 Thos  Howe, 
lira        Fulham.            Norfolk,  b,        London.                                      [ii.  287.] 
b.                                  12  August.                                                          S.Katharine 

1.  Elizabeth,=Paul   G.,  of  =2.  Margaret, 
d.  of  Jere-        Walsing-            d.  of  Ran- 
miahMark-        ham  Parva,        dall  Lynne. 
ham,  of               Esq..  one  of 
Houghton,         Sir   R.   G's 
in     Notts.,        Ex6rs.     [i. 

2.  Giles 
3*'  A'  soi 

4.  Anne 

d.  unir 

rch,                                  1530,    died                                                            G,  b.   May 
Aug.  1586.                                                            1524,  died 

Esq.                    370.] 

5.   Ada 
terd.  i 

young. 

8.  Ellen  G., 

b.  24   May, 

1533,  mar. 

William 

Uvedale    of 

Illl                                   —  ill)                                         Hampshire. 
1    Thomas.                               1.  Sir  Rich-                                  9.  Ursula  G., 

|    I   |    |   |J              II   I    I 
l.ThoraasG.       1.   Elizabeth 

2.'  John.     '                                 ard.                                                 J*;.2!   Oct. 
3.  William.                              2.  Anne.                                           irf1'  .    m> 

2.RichardG.         G.  d.  «.  t>. 
S.WilliamG.       2.   Nicholas 

4.  Edmund.                             3.  Mary.                                          sonofJUnt" 
4.  Millicent.                                  ^  from> 

4.  John  G.           G.d.  «.  p. 
S.Richard  G.      3.  Paul  G.d. 

whom     the 

o.  Ann  vr.               "  Isabel  G 

D.ofBUCK- 

Gd      M      0 

INGHAM, 

•                                             U*   *'    J** 

and  the 

MARQUIS 
of    STAF- 

FORD  are 

[ii.  152.]' 
10.    Cecily 

G.,  b.  12th 
Feb.1535-6. 

Cioll,  d.  10 

Jan.  1609. 

11.  Elizabeth 

G.,  b.  19th 

Nov.   1537, 

in.   James 

Elliott. 

ship  to  some  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  his  time. 


NICHO-—  1.  Jai.e. 
.y 


Name  unknown. 


- 

SIR    NATHA-=Anne.  From  her 
NIEL  BACON.         the    Lord  Vis- 
count  Sydney  U 
descended. 


SIR  THOM  ASJ==Anne  (as  above.)==WilUam  Read, 
GRESHAM.  T^  Esq. 


Sir 
Read,     Knt. 

knight,-,  I     In 
1603. 


458  APPENDIX. 

Far  more  interesting  than  most  of  the  relationships  indicated  in 
the  foregoing  pedigree,  is  the  following ;  which  shall  be  given  in 
the  words  of  the  intelligent  antiquary  and  very  expert  genealogist 
by  whom  it  was  kindly  communicated, — the  Rev.  Joseph  Hunter. 
"  John  Gresham  of  Mayfield,  cousin-german  of  Sir  Thomas,  married 
Elizabeth  Dormer  of  Fulham.  This  is  in  the  Baronetage ;  but  it  is 
not  stated  that  she  survived  him,  and  married,  2ndly,  William 
Plumbe,  of  North  End,  near  Fulham,  whose  will  was  proved  1st 
March,  1593 ;  in  which  he  speaks  of  Thomas  and  John  Gresham, 
sons  of  his  wife.  What  gives  something  of  interest  to  this  con- 
nexion is,  that  William  Plumbe  was  uncle  to  Joshua  Sylvester,  the 
poet ;  as  appears  by  his  '  Triumph  of  Faith.'  Now,  may  not  the 
Greshams  have  had  something  to  do  with  placing  Sylvester  in  the 
situation  of  merchant-adventurer  ?  The  poet  was  a  frequent  guest 
at  the  house  of  his  uncle  and  his  aunt,  (by  the  marriage,)  who  had 
been  Mrs.  Gresham : 

'  I  was  wont  (for  my  disport) 

Often  in  the  summer  season, 
To  a  village  to  resort 

Famous  for  the  rathe-ripe  peason. 

When,  beneath  a  Plumb-tree  shade, 
Many  pleasant  walks  I  made,5  &c." 

Another  interesting  relationship,  pointed  out  by  the  same  anti- 
quary, but  unnoticed  for  obvious  reasons  in  the  foregoing  pedigree, 
is  that  of  the  Greshams  to  the  ancient  family  of  Clapham  of  York- 
shire. According  to  Dodsworth,  (MS.  cxxxv.  f.  79,  b.)  Catharine, 
sister  of  the  lady  of  John  Gresham,  one  of  the  daughters  and  co- 
heiresses of  Sir  Henry  Thwaites,  married  George  Clapham  of 
Beamsley  ;  by  whom  she  had  a  son  named  Gresham  Clapham, 
father  of  George  Clapham  of  Beamsley,  who  married  a  Heber  of 
Marton.  The  wife  of  Gresham  Clapham  was  Ann  Fisher,  daughter 
and  heir  of  William  Fisher,  the  son  of  a  sister  (half-blood)  of  Bishop 
Ferrar,  the  martyr. 

In  Vol.  II.  p.  152,  note,  will  be  found  a  quotation  from  a  curious 
list  of  nativities  of  the  children  of  Sir  John  Gresham  of  Titsey. 
The  result  of  that  document  having  been  transferred  to  the  pre- 
ceding pedigree,  one  other  specimen  of  the  entries  may  suffice. 
"  Mary  Gresham  [the  eldest  daughter,  who  became  the  wife  of  Sir 
Thomas  Howe,]  was  borne  the  xvij  daye  of  August,  callyd  octava 
Sancti  Lawrencij,  A°  dni  xvc  xxiij  :  and  my  Lady  Allen,  and 
Mystris  Kyng,  and  Mystrys  Lock, — thes  were  here  godmothers; 
and  Mr.  John  Worsop  was  her  godffather.  Uppon  the  Mondaye : 
and  God  make  here  a  good  old  woman."  [Addit.  MS.  No.  6239.— 
Copy.  Ex.  cod.  MSS.  penes  Edv.  Rowe  Mores,  A.M.  Soc.  Antiq. 
Lond.  soc.  1754.] 


APPENDIX.  459 

No.  II. 
Wills  of  the  Gresham  Family,  proved  at  Norinch. 

[Referred  to  in  page  11,  note  J.] 

In  the  will-offices  at  Norwich,  t  expected  to  have  reaped  a  rich 
harvest  of  documents  illustrative  of  the  history  of  the  Greshams  ; 
but  I  was  altogether  disappointed.  The  will-offices  are  three  in 
number :  of  which  the  most  important,  known  as  '  the  Bishop's 
Registry,'  is  situated  behind  the  cathedral.  The  wills  proved  here 
date  as  early  as  1416,  and  are  all  well  indexed.  Next  comes  what 
is  called  'the  Registry  of  the  Archdeaconry  of  Norwich,'  at  Mr- 
Steward's,  in  Upper  King-street;  a  very  voluminous  repository, 
and  well  indexed,  but  on  a  less  convenient  plan  than  the  preceding. 
Lastly,  we  have  '  the  Registry  of  the  Archdeaconry  of  Norfolk,' 
situated  in  Surrey-street,  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Francis.  The  ancient 
superintendents  of  this  registry  were  wicked  enough  to  index  the 
wills  according  to  the  Christian  names  of  the  several  testators  :  but 
fortunately  this  inconvenience  is  only  partial  in  its  extent.  A  search 
at  these  three  repositories  produced  the  following  meagre  results. 

1. 

4  Nov.  1420.  JOHN  GRESHAM,  Vic.  Eccl.  de  Hornyng.  Leaves 
12 d.  to  the  high-altar;  two  other  legacies  of  Qd.  each;  and  40 d. 
to  the  sub-rector  of  Hornyng.  Leaves  the  rest  of  his  property  to 
his  exors  :  viz.  John  Norman  of  Tylley ;  John  Crosby  of  Hornyng ; 
and  John  Dovey  of  Raughton,  [Revington?] 

[Proved,  18  Nov.  1420.  Bishop's  registry.  Hyrninge,  gwiVelxxiij.] 

2. 

1  Oct.  1494.  JOHN  PUTO,  alias  GRESHAM,  Vic.  Eccl.  St.  Andrew 
de  Buxton,  in  Nowicen.  dioc. 

[Proved,  16  June,  1598.     Ibid.  Typpes,  quire  cxlviij.] 

3. 

23  Aug.  1520.  AGNES  GRESHAM,  of  Little  Walsingham,  widow. 
Desires  to  be  buried  by  the  sepulture  of  her  husband,  William. 
Mentions  her  father  and  mother-in-law,  Jeffrey  and  Beatrix ;  and 
her  son  James,  to  whom  she  leaves  her  cupboard.  He  was  to  give 
x*.  to  his  sisters  Ursula  and  Susan.  She  mentions,  also,  her  daugh- 
ter Margaret  Dunne  ;*  and  Agnes,  her  daughter-in-law. 

[Proved,  26  Oct.  1520.    Ibid.  Robinson,  quire  xxix.] 

*  It  will  be  seen  from  the  preceding  pedigree,  that  Margaret  Gresham  married  John 
Downe  (or  Dunne) ;  that  Ursula  married  Francis  Garbridge;  and  Susan,  William  Can- 
delor,— all  three  Norfolk  men  ;  whose  surnames,  it  seems  deserving  of  notice,  were  alto 
borne  by  three  of  Sir  Thomas  Greiham'i  servants.— Vide  supra,  pp.  106  and  10». 


460  APPENDIX. 

4. 

6  Nov.  1523.  JAMES  GRESHAM,  of  Liltle-Walsingham,  (son  of 
the  preceding).  Appoints  his  wife  Agnes  his  executrix.  Leaves  his 
sisters  Margery  and  Susan,  20.y.  each.  His  son  and  heir  was  Paul ; 
to  Giles,  his  second  son,  he  bequeathed  20  marks  if  he  became  a 
priest,  and  20/.  if  he  continued  a  layman  :  there  was  also  another 
son,  and  two  daughters ;  the  elder  of  whom,  Anne,  was  to  receive 
20/.  on  her  marriage.  Mentions  his  uncle,  John  Gresham  of  Holt. 
"  I  wull,"  says  the  testator,  "  that  my  Executors  do  fynde  a  honest 
preste  to  sing  for  my  soul,  and  my  friends'  souls  in  the  said  parish 

church  [of  Little  Walsingham]  by  the  space  of  one  year 

I  make  and  ordeyne  the  sayd  Annes*  my  wiff,  [and]  my  brother 
Nicholas  Mynne,  myn  executors  ;  and  my  cosyng,  Master  Thomas 
Gresham,  f  supervisor. 

[Proved  30  Oct.  1526.     Ibid.  Alpe,  quire  xxxv.] 

5. 

23  Aug.  1558.  Mr.  THOMAS  GRESHAM,  parson J  of  South  Repps. 
Appoints  Edmund  Gresham,  gent,  his  executor  and  doer.  Wit- 
nesses, Will.  Black,  gent.,  Sir  John  Wilson,  parish-priest.  Joan 
Sefall,  widow.  Richard  Sefall. 

[Proved  16  Sept.  1558.     Ibid.  Jerves,  quire  ccxlvi.] 


No.  III. 
Grants  of  Land  to  Sir  Richard  Gresham: 

[Referred  to  in  page  38,  note  d.] 

Tanner  enumerates  the  following. — 1.  The  site  of  the  abbey  of 
Fountains  or  De  Fontibus,  in  Yorkshire  ;  2.  The  site  and  desmesnes 
of  the  priory  of  Nun  Kelynge,  in  Yorkshire ;  and  3.  The  site  of  the 
priory  of  Swinhey,  in  Yorkshire, — 32  Henry  VIII.  4.  An  Hospital 
of  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  at  Battisford  in  Suffolk,  worth 
53^.  10s.  per  annum  ;  and  5.  A  religious  house  of  Knights  Hospi- 
tallers at  Carbroke,  in  Norfolk,  worth  65/.  2s.lld.  per  annum,  (the 
latter  being  granted  jointly  to  Sir  R.  Gresham  and  Sir  Richard 
Southwell,)— 35  H.VIII.  6.  A  house  of  White-Friars  in  Newcastle, 
and  7.  The  religious  house  of  Walknol  in  the  same  town,  (being 
granted  to  Sir  R.  Gresham  and  Richard  Billingford,) — 37  Henry 
VIII.  (See,  however,  Bourne's  Hist,  of  Newcastle,  p.  142.)  8.  The 
priory  of  Benedictine  Monks  at  Hoxon,  in  Suffolk,  worth  181.  I*, 
per  annum, — 38  Henry  VIII. — Notitia  Monastica,  passim. 

*  It  is  often  difficult,  in  old  wills,  to  decide  whether  a  lady's  name  was  Agnes  or  Anne : 
the  former  word  became  so  generally  Italianized,  and  softened  into  Annis  or  Annes. 
t  The  rector  of  South  Repps,  whose  will  follows.  $  Vide  supra,  pp.  10  and  11. 


APPENDIX.  461 

No.  IV. 
Military  and  Naval  Eocpenses  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI. 

[Referred  to  in  page  68,  note  v.] 

Among  the  Domestic  State-Papers  an  extraordinary  document 
relative  to  this  subject  is  preserved.  The  MS.  extends  over 
twenty-three  large  pages,  and  details  the  whole  military  and  naval 
expenses  incurred  by  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI.  during  their 
wars  with  France  and  Scotland,  the  insurrection  in  England,  the 
expenses  of  Calais,  Boulogne,  &c.,  and  the  charges  of  castles  and 
garrisons,  from  Sept.  1542  to  Sept.  1552.  It  concludes  as  follows  : 

"  Sm  totall  of  the  charges  conteyned  in  this  booke,  xxxiiijciiijx* 
xim  iiijc  ixxj  «&•  xix*.  V1-  (3,491,471'.  19s.  5rf.)  :  whereof,  in  the  time  of 
or  said  late  kinge,  xxic  xxxiiijm  vijc  iiijxx  iiij«6.  xijd-  (2,134,784/.  12d.)t 
in  the  time  of  ye  kinges  Majestic  that  nowe  ys,  xiijc  Ivjm  vjc  iiijxx 
vij"6-  xviij*-  vrf-"  (1,356,687^.  18*.  5e?.)  and  some  fraction  of  a  penny. 


No.  V. 
Gresham's  first  Account ;  rendered  to  King  Edward  in  August,  1552. 

[Referred  to  in  page  84,  note  t.] 

In  addition  to  the  notices  of  this  document  contained  in  the  text, 
much  needs  not  to  be  stated.  Gresham  had  received  of  Sir  P.  Hoby, 
(with  whom  he  was  at  that  time  evidently  associated  in  public  busi- 
ness,) Jasper  Schetz,  Anthony  and  Conrad  Relingar,  divers  sums,  at 
different  times,  amounting  in  all  to — 106,282^.  5*.  5d. :  of  which  he 
had  paid,  ...  To  Anthony  Fugger,  63,573^.  6s.  Sd. :  to  Jasper 
Schetz  [and  his  brethren,]  "in  recompens  of  soche  lossis  as  they 
susteynid  by  the  fall  of  the  exchange,  when  as  they  maid  there 
great  provissione  of  corrin  [corn]  delyveryd  in  Ingland  in  King  Henry 
the  eyght  dayes,  a<>  xvcxxxvi  [1536,]"  and  for  other  services,  1000/. : 
further  sums  to  the  same,  in  payment  of  the  king's  bonds,  "  wyche, 
wth  a  quittance  of  the  resset  thereof,  I  dd  then  vnto  yor  Matis  w*i» 
mynne  owne  handes,"  41,637^.  4*.  Other  payments  follow,  which 
should  amount,  in  all,  to  1090/.  13s.  Sd. :  and  the  schedule  ends  with 
these  words :  "  And  so  remaynes  to  yor  Matis  of  the  fotte  of  thys 
mynne  accownt,  all  accownts  cleryde  betwxte  yor  Matis  and  yor 
S'vant  Thomas  Greshm,  the  vj  of  August,  ao  xvclij,  from  the  begyn- 
nyng  of  this  worlde  vntill  this  daye,  sum  .  .  .  249/.  11s.  Sd." 


462  APPENDIX. 

No.  VI. 

Curious  old  Catalogue  of  Pictures. 
[Referred  to  in  page  85,  note  v.] 

The  MS.  quoted  in  the  text,  (constituting  part  of  a  volume  of 
original  letters  and  papers  relative  to  the  unfortunate  Devereux, 
Earl  of  Essex,)  extends  over  twelve  folio  pages,  and  consists  prin- 
cipally of  an  enumeration  of  articles  of  furniture  and  linen ;  the 
whole  of  which  are  valued  at  1206/.  15s.  4d.  What  proportion  of  this 
estimate  the  pictures  formed,  will  be  seen  from  the  following 
curious  extract. 

"  An  Inventorie  taken  the  23**  daie  of  Aprill,  1596,  of  all  the 
goods  of  the  right  honorable  the  Countesse  of  Leicester,  and  the 
righte  worrshipful  Sr  Christopher  Blounte,  Knighte,  in  Essex-house, 
delivered  byEdwarde  Standishe  into  the  charge  of  William  Benton; 
and  were  remayninge  in  the  howse  there  att  the  attainder  of  the 
said  S*  Christopher.  "  In  the  Wardropp. 

"ii  pictures  of  my  Lorde  of  Leicester,  xiiis.  iiijd. — i  picture  of 
the  Lorde  of  Denbighe,  v  s. — ii  pictures,  thone  of  the  Prince  of 
Orrenge  and  the  other  of  his  wife,  xx  s. — i  picture  of  the  King  of 
Scottes,  vis. — i  picture  of  the  Prince  of  Orrenge  his  sonne,  vs. — i 
picture  of  Julius  Csesar,  vs. — i  picture  of  Penelopey,  vs. — i  picture 
of  Sir  William  Goodere,  vs. — i  picture  of  Mr.  Cavandishe,  v  s. — 
i  picture  of  a  man  of  Cattea,  [Cathay  or  China,]  iij  s. — i  picture  of 
my  La :  Garrolde,  x  s. — i  picture  of  my  La:  Sheifield,  x  s. — i  picture 
of  Fryer  Bacon,  iij  s. — i  picture  of  the  Queene  of  Hungarie,  v  s. — 
i  womans  picture  wth  a  whyte  Tyre  vppon  her  heade,  v  s. — i  womans 
picture  wth  roses  unfynished,  vs. — vii  small  Flaunders  pictures, 
vii  s. — viii  mappes,  xxxs.  Some  vii  Ii.  vii  s.  iiij  d." 

"  An  Inventorie  taken  the  x*h  daie  of  Julie,  1596,  of  suche  stuffe 
that  came  from  Benington  to  Leicester-howse,  from  the  hands  of 
Edwarde  Standishe  to  the  charge  of  William  Benton ;  and  were 
alsoe  in  the  howse  att  the  attainder  of  the  said  Sir  Christopher. 

"  i  picture  of  Christ  preaching  in  the  Wildernesse,  xiiis.  iiij  a?, 
i  picture  of  Sir  Tho  :  Gresham,  his  banquett,  v  It.  i  picture  of  the 
Convercon  of  Sail,  x  s.  i  picture  of  Charitie  and  her  Chilldren,  xs. 
i  picture  of  Suzanna,  x*.  i  picture  of  the  Duke  de  Savoy e,  vs. 
i  picture  of  Diana  and  her  Nymphes,  viij  s.  i  picture  of  a  woman 
with  a  carelesse  tyre  uppon  her  heade,  v  s." 

The  MS.  from  which  this  extract  was  obtained,  was  communicated 
to  me,  with  his  usual  liberality,  by  Dawson  Turner,  Esq. 


APPENDIX.  463 


No.  VII. 

Extracts  from  Gresham's  Official  Correspondence  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  VI. 

[Referred  to  in  page  98,  note  c.] 

The  following  extract  is  from  Gresham's  letter  "  To  the  Duckes 
Grace  of  Northethomberland ;"  Antwerp,  16th  April,  1553:  being 
a  continuation  of  the  passage  given  in  p.  97. 

"  And  to  be  playne  wth  yor  grace,  yow  shall  never  be  abell  to 
bringe  this  to  passe  except  yow  tacke  away,  and  so  be  a  steye  of  one 
of  the  greattist  occasiones  of  the  lette  and  steye  thereof;  and  that 
ys,  that  yt  maye  pleasse  the  Kinges  Matie  and  yow,  w*h  his  most 
honnorable  conssell  to  macke  a  pressent  steye,  that  there  shall  be  no 
more  maid  fre  of  this  company  of  the  Merchant  Adventores  of  the 
new  hansse  *  from  this  daye  forward.  For  veryly,  the  [they]  have 
bynne  and  ys  one  of  the  cheffyst  occasiones  of  the  falling  of  the 
Exchange ;  as  allso,  for  lacke  of  experience,  the  have  browght  the 
commodites  of  or  realme  clean  owght  of  reputacione,  as  allso  the 
marchaunts  of  the  same,  wyche  in  tyme  past  haythe  here  bynne 
most  in  exstymacione  of  all  the  marchaunts  in  the  worlde ;  and  in 
fewe  yeres  sens  this  acte  was  maid  for  the  new  hansse,  the  mar- 
chaunttes  and  or  comodites  haythe  fallen  in  decaye,  and  licke  to  fall 
daylly  more  and  more,  except  theye  matter  be  preventtid  in  tyme. 
For  as  yor  grace  dowthe  right  well  knowe,  where  there  ys  no  order 
kepe,  all  thinges  at  lengthe  fallythe  to  confewssione.  So,  and  please 
yor  grace,  how  ys  yt  possibell  that  ayther  a  mynsterell-player,  or  a 
shoye-  [shoe]  macker,  or  anny  crafty e  men,  or  any  other  that  haythe 
not  bynne  browght  vppe  in  the  syence,  to  have  the  pssent  vnd'- 
stonding  of  the  feat  of  the  Marchaunt  Adventorer  ?  To  the  wyche 
syence  I  myselfe  was  bound  prentisse  viii  yeres,  to  come  by  the  ex- 
peryence  and  knowledge  that  I  have.  Neverthelesse,  I  need  not  to 
have  bynne  prentisse,  for  that  I  was  free  by  my  Father's  coppye : 
albeit  my  Father  Sir  Richard  Gresham  being  a  wyse  man,  knew, 
although  I  was  free  by  his  coppye,  it  was  to  no  purpos,  except  I 
were  bound  prentisse  to  the  same ;  whereby  to  come  by  the  expe- 
rience and  knowledge  of  all  kynds  of  merchandise.  So  that  by  this 
ytt  maye  apere  vnto  yor  grace,  thes  men  that  be  maid  fre  by  this 
new  hansse,  for  lacke  of  experyence  and  knowledge,  haythe  bynne 
and  ys  one  of  the  cheffyst  occasions  of  the  fall  of  the  Exchange,  as 
allso  hayth  browght  or  comodittes  owght  of  reputacion,  and  the 
mchaunts  of  the  same. 

*  The  merchants  of  the  Hanse  Towns,  were  commonly  called  Merchanti  of  the  Steel- 
yard. See  page  234. 


464  APPENDIX. 

"  As  for  a  forddy  exsampell  to  yor  grace ;  yt  ys  not  passing  xx  or 
xxx  yeres  agoo,  sens  we  hadd  for  every  xx  s.  sterling,  xxxij  s.  fle- 
myshe ;  and  by  the  notable  nomber  that  be  come  in  by  the  new 
haynsse,  for  lacke  of  experyence  and  knowledge,  as  allso  substance, 
haythe  from  tyme  to  tyme  rowen  in  headlong  into  the  feat  of  mer- 
chaundisse,  and  so  enterid  into  creditt:  and  when  the  hadd  ovr 
shotte  themsellffes,  and  hadd  bowrden  themsellffes  wth  more  then 
there  sobstance  wolld  here,  bothe  here  and  in  Inglonde ;  then,  for 
saving  of  there  name  and  creditt,  they  were  fayne  to  rowen  apon  the 
Exchange  and  rechange  ;  and  the  mchants  knowing  the  hadd  nead 
thereof,  wold  not  from  tyme  to  tyme  delyver  there  monny  but  at 
there  price.  So  that  in  fewe  yeres  theye  plenttye  of  thes  new  mar- 
chaunts  comen  in  by  the  new  hansse,  what  for  lacke  of  experyense 
and  allso  substance  and  creditt,  haythe  bynne  owenly  the  occasyone 
the  exchange  fell  from  xxxij  s.  to  xxvi  s.  viij  d.  wyche  was  dowen 
afore  anny  fall  of  monney  passid  in  Inglond.  Wherein  I  doo  ryght 
well  knowe  yor  Grace  haythe  forther  experience  in  thes  matters 
than  I  am  abell  to  set  forthe ;  nevertheleasse,  according  to  my  most 
bownddyd  dewttye,  and  for  the  very  love  and  obediens  I  doo  owe  to 
yor  Lordeshipe,  I  am  so  bold  to  wryte  to  yor  grace  my  powre  and 
sympell  advyze,  wherein  I  know  yow  shall  doo  the  Kings  Matie  hye 
srvyze,  and  shall  hyghly  redowen  to  the  Comenwelthe  of  his  realme, 
to  the  renome  of  yor  name  and  howsse  for  ever." 

Gresham  complains  at  some  length  of  the  injury  done  to  the  trade 
of  the  merchant-adventurer  by  the  retailer:  a  brief  extract  may  suffice. 

"  A  dothe  not  only  take  awaye  the  lyving  of  the  Marchaunt 
Adventorer,  but  in  process  of  tyme  the  few  nomber  of  xl  or  1 
retaylers  in  London  will  eat  out  all  the  mchaunts  within  or  realme ; 
as  allso  will  be  a  meynne  [means]  by  the  reason  their  bartering,  to 
bring  or  said  commodities  owght  of  reputacione,  and  make  all 
foraign  commodities  in  reputacyon  ....  In  consideration  whereof, 
the  marchaunts  here  with  one  assent  have  maid  a  acte  in  or 
howsse,  to  take  effect  at  mydsomer  next  comyng  (wth  a  peradvyzo  so 
far  forthe  as  the  King's  Matie  and  his  most  honnorable  counsell  be 
agreable  to  the  same)  that  the  retayller  shall  occupy  onely  his 
retayle,  and  the  mchaunt  adventorer  his  feat:  according  to  be  at 
their  libertye  betwixt  this  and  then  to  tacke  to  one  of  them,  wych 
they  shall  seem  most  to  their  proffytt,"  &c.  &c.— Fl.  Cor.  St.  P.  Off. 

What  follows  is  an  extract  from  Thomas  Gresham's  letter  "  To 
my  Lordes  of  the  Kinges  Ma^s  privey  conssayll."  Antwerp,  12th 
April,  1553. 

"  Yt  maye  pleasse  yor  honnors  to  be  advertisid,  that  by  my  letter 
of  the  viith  of  this  pressent,  I  singnyfyed  vnto  yor  honnors  of  the 
xsoddaynne  fall  of  the  Echange  from  xx  s.  iiij  d.  to  xix  *.  Pers- 


APPENDIX.  465 

seving  now  the  fawte  to  be  as  moche  in  o'  owen  nacyone  as  in 
strangy1*,  and  rather  lycke  to  fall  than  to  rysse,  I  tocke  vppe  by 
exchange  of  dyvers  men  the  su  of  one  thowssownd,  eyght  hundreth 
therttye  seven  pownds,  eyght  shillings  sterling;  wyche  mackythe 
Flemyshe  i  M  vij  c  Ivj  li.  ij  s.  iij  d.  as  by  the  accownt  here  inclossyd 
to  yow  maye  apere.  And  for  that  I  sawe  or  nacyone  was  holly 
uneprovydyd  for  the  payment  of  the  king's  monny  dew  the  last  of 
Marche,  and  trustyd  onely  to  the  exchange,  (wyche  yff  I  hadd  not 
preventtid  in  tyme  yt  wold  have  browght  the  exchange  to  xviij .?. 
and  loer,  [lower,])  I  declaryd  to  all  the  holle  companny  that 
the  had  most  disobediently  vssid  themselffes  toywards  the  Kings 
Matie,  considering  how  franckely  the  Kings  Matie  had  paid  them 
aforehand,  as  well  for  the  kepping  uppe  of  exchange  as  other 
wisse,  wherbye  the  shulld  be  no  lossers ;  so  that  now  ytt  shall  apere 
to  the  King's  Ma^e  that  we  marchaunts  be  them  that  dowthe 
kepe  dowen  theye  exchange.  And  franckely  I  declaryd  vnto  them 
yff  they  tocke  no  nother  waysse  to  pay  me,  but  by  tacking  uppe 
there  monny  by  exchange,  I  shulld  not  lett  to  advertisse  yor 
honnors  how  theye  were  unprovydyd,  and  the  particular  names  of 
them  that  tocke  vppe  anny  monny  by  exchange.  Apon  this  admo- 
nyshement,  to  bringe  vppe  the  exchange  I  sett  me  all  the  brockers 
of  exchange,  some  to  dd  me  ij  c  //.  some  iii  c,  iiij  c,  v  c,  and  had  gaven 
for  the  my  word  for  iiij  M  li.  And  when  the  strangrs  sawe  that  I 
began  to  delyver  so  abondantly,  noo  man  dorst  meddill  wth  me ;  as 
for  or  nacyone  I  was  most  assewred  of:  so  that  in  towe  borsse- 
tymes  I  resseyd  the  exchange  from  xix  s  to  xixs.  viijd.  and  there  I 
trust  to  kepe  ytt,  and  now  rather  lycke  to  rysse  then  to  fall  for  ever. 
And  now,  here  ys  dyvers  of  or  owen  marchauntes  has  muche  money 
to  delyver,  and  specially  staplers,  and  no  tackers ;  wyche  wth  owght 
dowght  wolle  causse  the  exchange  to  rysse.  Trusting  that  yr 
Lordeshipes  hathe  bargeyned  wth  the  Marchaunt  Adventurers  and 
stapleres  for  to  have  for  every  pownde  sterling  xxiij  s.  iiij  d.,  to  paye 
here  in  July  and  August  in  permissione  monny;  wyche  and  yff 
yor  honnors  had  concludyd,  and  the  thinge  knowen  to  all  men,  ytt 
wolle  bringe  vppe  the  exchange  forthewth  too  xxiij  s.  iiij  d.  And  my 
powre  advyze  ys,  yff  the  marchaunts  dowthe  requyre  anny  monny 
to  be  disborsyd  aforehand,  yow  shulld  in  no  wisse  consent  there- 
vnto;  for  the  plenty e  of  monny  amonges  marchauntes  dowthe 
causse  the  exchange  to  fall  in  London ;  and  here,  the  plenttye  of 
monny  dowthe  causse  the  exchange  to  rysse.  Therefore  I  wold 
wyshe  the  Kings  Matje  to  be  att  his  liberttye  in  soche  sorte  as  a  was 
last ;  whereby  the  mchauntes  shulld  be  kept  hunggery  from  monny 
till  opportewnyttye  srvyd;  whereof  from  tyme  to  tyme  I  shulld 
advertisse  yow." 

VOL  i.  2  H 


466  APPENDIX. 

No.  VIII. 

Old  Method  of  obtaining  a  Subsidy. 
[Referred  to  in  page  98,  note  d.] 

Allusion  is  made  to  a  similar,  but  much  milder  proceeding,  in  the 
following  minute  in  Cecil's  handwriting,  headed  "The  KyngesMatie 
detts,  w*h  some  devise  towards  ye  discharge  of  y«  same." 

"  At  Syon,  ii  Oct.  [1552] — Vppon  much  communication  and  treaty 
wth  theis  mchants  vndr  named, — Alderma  Garret,  Emanuel  Lucar, 
Thorn.  Gresha,  Richard  Mallory,  Lyonell  Duckat,  Thorn.  Eaton, 
Iho  Calthropp,  Rog'  Martyn,  Phillipp  Bolde,  Ihon  Elliott. 

"  They  agreed  for  themselves  that  they  wold  paye  in  Antwerpe 
by  ye  end  of  December  of  eury  cloth  they  had,  xxs.  to  ye  discharge 
of  ye  Kinges  dett ;  requyring  repaymt  wthin  iij  moneth  aftr  ye  deli- 
very thereof,"  &c.— Dom.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.  King  Edward  VI.  in  his 
Journal  mentions  that  on  the  3rd  of  October,  1552,  a  loan  of  40,000/- 
was  obtained  of  the  merchant-adventurers. 


No.  IX. 

Genealogical  Notices  of  Sir  John  Legh,  and  his  Family. 

[Referred  to  in  page  125,  note  g.] 

Some  scanty  notices  of  the  Legh  family  are  incidentally  given 
in  Manning  and  Bray's  Surrey  ;  but  what  is  there  said  about  them 
is  little  to  our  purpose,  and  not  of  much  value.  Moreover,  the 
writers,  being  altogether  unaware  of  the  historical  interest  which 
attaches  to  the  name  of  Sir  John  Legh,  have  dismissed  him  in  a 
very  unsatisfactory  manner ;  merely  assigning  to  him  his  place  in  a 
pedigree  which  is  full  of  misstatements.  In  so  voluminous  a  com- 
pilation, this  might  well  be  the  case ;  and  I  only  allude  to  the 
circumstance,  because  it  constitutes  a  sufficient  apology  for  the 
insertion  here  of  a  few  genealogical  particulars,  which  else  might 
be  considered  unnecessary.  They  are  derived  almost  exclusively 
from  the  wills  of  the  family,  but  are  offered  very  humbly :  the 
requisite  labour  not  having  been  bestowed  upon  them  to  secure 
them  from  the  manifold  sources  of  error,  to  which  such  inquiries 
are  in  an  eminent  degree  exposed.  It  is  presumed,  however,  that 
if  not  perfectly  accurate,  the  following  will  be  found  a  far  less 
erroneous  pedigree  of  Legh  (as  far  as  it  goes)  than  is  contained  in 
the  county  Visitation-books.  The  experienced  eye  of  a  genealogist 


APPENDIX.  467 

will  at  once  perceive  how  much  scope  for  misapprehension  is 
afforded  by  the  relationships  therein  expressed. 

Ralph  LeRh  of  Stockwell,  in  —Elizabeth,  d.  of  Henry  Langley. 
Surrey,  Esq.  d.  Aug.  22,  14—  I  of  Rickling,  in  Essex  :  living  a 
buried  at  Winchester.  widow  in  1471. 


1                                                                                 1 

2.  Sir  John  Legh,= 
of    Stockwell, 
knight  of  the 
Bath.d.  Aug. 
17,  1523,  bur. 

rlsabella,  = 
d.  and  h. 
of  Otweli 
Worsley, 
Lieut,  of 

=1.  Richard  Colpeper,                                    Ralph  Legh,  - 
of  Kent,  EsV                                             Eq. 
d.  before  1563. 

= 

at  Lambeth. 

theCastle 

of  Calais, 

d.lSApr. 

1527. 

1.  John,  d.  s.  p.   Jo 

2 .  Joyce,  d.  s.  p. 


:Lord  Sir       Thomas        Margaret,    Eliza  — 
Edmund     third  Duke     m.  William     beth 
Howard,     of  Norfolk,       Cotton,  of 
Knight,    father  of  the    Oxenhoath, 
poet  Surrey.          Esq. 

-SIR         Ra 
JOHN 
LEGH, 
b.  1502, 

d.loilti. 

John, 
heir  to  Sir 
John  Legh. 

HOWARD. 

Lady  Agnes  Paston, 
m.  Ed  ward  Fitzgar- 
rett.     [Fitzgerald  ? 
or  Fitzgerrard  ?] 

.  Isabel. 
.Joyce,  m. 
-St«K7[?] 
.Margaret, 
i.  —  Rice. 


My  ground  for  believing  that  Sir  John  Legh  married  as  above,  is 
the  circumstance  that  his  aunt,  Lady  Isabella,  mentions  her  daugh- 
ter Elizabeth  as  married  to  '  my  cousin  John  Legh ;'  which  in  the 
phraseology  of  the  time  might  well  mean  her  nephew.  This  was 
in  1527,  before  Sir  John  was  knighted.  His  wife's  name  was  Eliz- 
abeth :  and  this  intermarriage  serves  both  to  explain  the  confusion 
which  has  crept  into  the  accounts  of  this  family ;  and  to  produce 
a  nearer  approximation  to  Noailles'  statement  of  the  relationship 
which  existed  between  Sir  John  Legh  and  Queen  Catharine  Howard. 

It  is  not  by  any  means  my  intention  to  give  here  a  history  of  the 
Leghs ;  but  only  to  offer,  in  addition  to  what  precedes,  a  few  cir- 
cumstances relating  to  them  which  have  come  under  my  observa- 
tion. They  were  originally  of  Chester:  and  the  Harl.  MS.  No.  1561, 
(Visitation  of  the  county  of  Surrey,)  traces  their  descent  to  John 
Legh,  of  Ridge,  in  that  county ;  assigning  for  their  arms  gules,  a 
cross  engrailed  within  a  bordure,  argent.  Their  crest  was  a  cocka- 
trice, azure,  with  which  I  find  that  our  Sir  John  sealed  his  letters. 

Sir  John  Legh  the  elder,  made  his  will  on  the  1 2th  of  June, 
1523,  and  it  was  proved  on  the  10th  of  December  following.  He 
left  the  manor  of  Stockwell,  for  the  term  of  her  life,  to  Lady  Isabella 
Legh,  who  brought  it  in  dower  from  her  former  husband.  Its  yearly 
value  seems  to  have  been  200/.  He  left,  by  will,  to  each  of  his 
nieces,  Isabel,  Joyce,  and  Margaret,  (daughters  of  his  brother 
Ralph,)  200  marks,  as  a  marriage  portion.  To  his  nephew  Ralph, 
10/.  a-year  "  to  find  him  at  Clifford's  Inn ;"  and,  after  three  years* 
161.  6*.  8d.  per  annum,  to  find  him  at  the  Temple.  He  left  him 

2  ii  2 


468  APPENDIX. 

besides  501.  2s.  l$d.  a-year;  3  Ibs.  of  wax;  a  capon;  a  pound  of 
pepper,  and  two  hens  :  the  same  being  the  yearly  produce  of  several 
manors  and  lands  which  he  specifies.  His  nephew,  (the  "  Sir  John 
a-Lye"  of  the  preceding  pages,)  he  appointed  his  heir,  leaving  him 
lands  worth  upwards  of  20CM.  per  annum  "  as  appears  from  a  writing 
between  me  and  Sir  John  Wyndham ;"  with  remainder  to  his  bro- 
ther,— to  the  testator's  cousins  Roger,  Thomas,  George,  and  Wil- 
liam,— to  the  Lord  Edmund  Howard  and  Joyce  his  wife,  and  to 
their  children,  Henry,  Charles,  and  George  Howard,  (brothers  to 
the  future  queen), — "  if  they  be  good,  kind,  loving,  and  unfainedly 
assisting  unto  myn  executors."  These  were,  Sir  Richard  Broke, 
one  of  the  justices  of  the  King's  Bench;  John  Rooper,  the  king's 
attorney;  John  Spilman,  serjeant-at-law;  and  Roger  Legh.  He 
also  left  some  money  "  to  the  grey  friars  in  London,  whereof  I  am 
a  brother." — [Prerogative-office,  Bodfelde,  quire  xv.] 

His  widow,  Lady  Isabella  Legh,  died  seven  days  after  the  date 
of  her  will,  which  was  made  on  the  llth  of  April,  1527,  and  proved 
on  the  25th  of  the  following  month.  Her  first  husband  was  Rich- 
ard Colpeper,  of  Kent,  Esq.,  who  left  by  her,  three  daughters : 
Joyce,  who  married  Lord  Sir  Edmund  Howard  (brother  of  Thomas, 
third  Duke  of  Norfolk);  Margaret,  who  married  Wm.  Cotton,  Esq., 
and  Elizabeth,  who,  as  already  stated,  married  our  Sir  John  Legh. 
Joyce  and  her  husband  were  enjoined  by  the  testatrix  to  secure  "  the 
estates  in  Kent  which  descended  to  her  from  her  father  Richard 
Culpepper,  or  from  her  brother  Thomas  Culpepper ;  according  to 
the  will  of  Sir  John  Culpepper."  To  Lord  Howard,  Lady  Isabella 
bequeathed  10/.  that  he  might  pray  for  her  ;  and  to  his  wife  (her 
daughter  Joyce)  she  left  "  of  such  stock  of  her's  as  Lady  Howard 
had  in  her  hands, — 8  oxen,  12  kine,  1  bull,  37  wethers,  75  ewes, 
48  young  sheepe,  4  old  hoggs,  4  yeltz,  2  small  barowe  hoggs,  1  bore, 
15  quarters  of  wheat,  10  of  barley,  9  loads  of  hay,  1  mill-horse,  and 
2  cart-horses."  To  her  daughter  Margaret,  she  left  66s.  Sd. ;  and 
she  enumerates  an  immense  number  of  beds,  bolsters,  jewels,  rings, 
dresses,  crosses,  beads,  &c.  &c.,  which  she  divided  among  her  chil- 
dren :  4CM.  if  I  remember  right,  was  to  be  expended  on  her  funeral. 
To  Charles,  Henry,  George,  Margaret,  and  [QUEEN]  Katharine 
Howard,  (her  grandchildren,)  she  left  20s.  each ;  and  to  her  god- 
daughter, Mary  Howard,  40s.  In  her  domestic  establishment  she 
unmbered  a  ghostly  father,  a  chaplain,  &c.  &c.— [Ibid.  Porch, 
quire  xviii.] 

In  Lambeth  church,  in  the  south  chapel,  says  Stowe,  "  is  a  fair 
monument  of  marble,  engraven  as  followeth : — "  Here  lyeth  Sir 
John  Legh,  Knight  of  the  Bath,  son  of  Ralph  Legh,  Esq.  Lord  of 


APPENDIX.  469 

the  Manners  of  Stockwell  and  Levehurst,  and  Dame  Isabel  his 
Wife,  Daughter  of  Otwell  Worsley.  Which  Sir  John  deceased  the 
17  day  of  August,  Anno  Dom.  MDXXIIII.  And  the  same  Isabel  de- 
ceased the  18  day  of  April."— This  epitaph  has  either  been  inaccu- 
rately copied,  or  it  supplies  us  with  another  proof  of  the  little  value 
of  such  evidence. 

We  now  come  to  SIR  JOHN  LEGH,  of  London,  knight,  son  of 
Ralph,  and  nephew  and  heir  to  the  knight  of  the  Bath,  whom  we 
called  Sir  John  Legh  the  elder.  He  was  born  in  1502,  and  married, 
as  before  explained,  his  cousin  Elizabeth  Colpeper, — the  aunt  of 
Queen  Katharine  Howard :  by  whom  he  had  an  only  child,  Lady 
Agnes  Paston,  married  to  Edward  Fitzgarrett.  One  regrets  to  learn 
from  his  will,  that  he  had  been  divorced  from  his  wife  "  on  certain 
sufficient  grounds." 

A  most  interesting  letter  is  extant  addressed  by  Sir  John  Legh 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Council,  from  the  Tower,  where  he  was  under 
confinement  in  1537  or  8.  It  reveals  several  interesting  particulars 
of  his  history ;  but  it  would  be  improper  to  insert  so  lengthy  a  do- 
cument in  this  place.  The  original  is  to  be  found  in  the  Cott.  MS. 
Cleop.  E.  vi.  fol.  380 ;  and  in  Strype's  Ecclesiastical  Memorials, 
ed.  1822,  vol.  i.  part  i.  p.  481-4,  it  may  be  seen  printed;  though  so 
mangled  as  to  be  scarcely  recognisable.  Legh  relates  a  conversa- 
tion he  had  once  at  Rome  with  Cardinal  Pole  ;  which,  in  addition 
to  the  personal  allusions  it  contains,  (and  the  principal  of  these 
have  been  incorporated  in  the  text,)  is  rendered  interesting  by  his 
mention  of  St.  Thomas  a  Becket's  shrine,  and  the  Italian  story- 
books he  meant  to  read. — In  turning  over  the  voluminous  Flemish 
correspondence  at  the  State-Paper  Office,  I  remember  more  than 
once  meeting  with  letters  written  in  the  same  hand-writing  as  the 
foregoing,  but  did  not  suspect  their  interest :  never  supposing  that 
the  knight,  concerning  whose  history  I  felt  so  curious,  was  their 
author. 

On  the  13th  of  July,  1542,  the  poet  Surrey  was  committed  to  the 
Fleet  prison  by  order  of  the  Privy-council,  for  having  challenged 
Legh,  who  was  his  kinsman ;  but  he  was  liberated  on  the  5th  of 
August,  having  entered  into  a  recognisance  of  10,000  marks  '  not  to 
offer  any  injury  to  John  a  Leigh,  Esq.,  or  to  any  of  his  friends  in 
future.'  From  this,  it  would  appear  that  Surrey  was  in  the  wrong ; 
the  reader  will  at  all  events  acquit  him  of  any  rivalry  with  Surrey 
[Vide  Nott's  Works  of  Surrey  and  Wyatt]  for  the  affections  of  the 
fair  Geraldine,  who  was  about  fourteen  years  of  age  in  1542,  at  which 
time  Sir  John  had  seen  forty  winters.  Surrey,  in  fact,  was  very 
contrite,  and  expressly  mentions  "  this  simple  body,  rashly  adven- 


470  APPENDIX. 

tured  in  the  revenge  of  his  own  quarrel" — One  is  curious,  however, 
to  discover  why  Legh  was  committed  to  the  Fleet  in  August  1547 ; 
and  bound  in  2000/.  for  his  future  good  behaviour  :  and  again  con- 
signed to  durance  in  the  following  November. 

Sir  John  Legh  made  his  will  on  the  30th  of  April,  1563,  adding  a 
codicil  on  the  14th  of  March  following :  both  which  were  proved  on 
the  5th  of  February,  1565-6.  The  principal  legacies  are  as  follows  : 
— To  his  wife,  in  consideration  of  certain  property  in  Surrey  which 
she  had  brought  him  in  marriage,  he  left  33/.  65.  8d.  per  annum, 
payable  out  of  his  manor  of  Hilton,  in  Dorsetshire. — To  the  children 
of  his  daughter  Lady  Agnes  Paston,  300/.  To  his  son-in-law,  Ed- 
ward Fitzgarrett,  his  "  collar  of  gold  with  stories  enamelled."  He 
left  them,  besides,  considerable  property ;  but  he  appointed  John 
Legh,  the  son  of  his  brother  Ralph,  his  heir :  making  mention  of 
lands,  manors,  rents,  and  hereditaments  in  Berkshire,  Bucks,  and 
Oxfordshire,  bought  of  Sir  Francis  Stone ;  (?)  others  in  Surrey, 
Dorsetshire,  Sussex,  Southampton,  and  London,  and  the  manor  of 
Williton  in  Somersetshire.  He  also  mentions  his  residence  at  Stan- 
well. — To  his  niece  Fraunce,  sister  of  his  heir  John  Legh,  he  be- 
queathed 1001. — To  Henry,  Thomas,  Richard,  and  Elinor,  the  chil- 
dren of  his  sister  Margaret  Rice,  100  marks. — To  the  children  of 
his  sister  Joyce  Stancy,  100^. — To  Sir  George  Howard,  100^. :  to  his 
god-daughter,  the  daughter  of  Lord  William  Howard,  100/. :  to  Jane, 
daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Arundell,  100  marks  :  to  his  cousin,  Mary 
Martyn,  101.  and  to  her  sister,  Fraunce,  the  same  sum :  to  "  Mr.  Whe- 
till,  Esq."  1001.  :  to  Edward,  the  younger  son  of  Sir  Thomas  Paston, 
IOOL :  and  to  his  sister  Katharine,  2001.  Also  legacies  to  the  over- 
seers of  his  will, — Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  the  Lord  Viscount  Monta- 
gue, and  Roger  Manwood,  Esq. ;  and  to  his  executors,  Thomas 
Lovelace,  Esq.,  Sir  Thomas  Cotton,  Thomas  Felton,  Esq.  of  Clerk- 
enwell,  and  Richard  Blount  his  servant. — To  the  children  of  John 
Lovelace, — John,  Henry,  Arthur,  and  Elizabeth,  101.  each. — To  Sir 
Nicholas  Bacon,  if  he  had  not  already  disposed  of  it  otherwise, 
(which  he  had,)  he  bequeathed  his  "collar  of  gold,  with  stories  en- 
amelled, or  50^."  To  Lord  Montague,  his  "  best  hobby,  or  any  one 
of  his  horses  which  his  lordship  liketh." — Finally,  Sir  John  Legh 
directed  that  he  might  be  interred  in  the  parish-church  of  Lambeth, 
in  a  chapel  there  erected  by  his  uncle  Sir  John  Legh,  late  of  Stock- 
well,  knt.  deceased;  or  else  in  the  parish-church  of  St.  Margaret's, 
Lothburie,  wherein  I  do  presently  inhabit."  He  directed  that  a 
tomb  should  be  there  erected  to  his  memory,  to  cost  20/. ;  "  and 
thereuppon  my  image  and  arms  to  be  gravyn  in  lattyn,  [latten  ?]  and 


APPENDIX.  471 

the  similitude  of  the  cross  of  Jerusalem  that  is  on  my  breast,  cut  in 
my  flesh." — (Ibid.  Crymes,  quire  iii.) 

Accordingly,  I  find  mention  made  in  Stowe,  of  "  a  goodly  ancient 
tomb  in  the  chancel "  of  St.  Margaret's  church,  Lothbury  ;  of  which 
we  would  fain  have  had  a  more  particular  account.  Stowe  or  the 
monument  is  again  incorrect  in  stating  that  Sir  John  died  in  1564. 
(Survey,  ed.  1720,'  book  iii.  p.  58.)  We  forgive  him,  however,  in 
consideration  of  his  having  preserved  the  following  verses,  which 
constituted  Sir  John  Legh's  epitaph  : — 

"  No  wealth,  no  praise,  no  bright  renowne,  no  skill, 
No  force,  no  fame,  no  prince's  love,  no  toyle, 
Though  forraine  lands  by  travels  search  you  will, 
No  faithful  service  of  thy  country  soyle, 
Can  life  prolong  one  minute  of  an  houre  : 
But  death  at  length  will  execute  his  power. 

For  Sir  John  Leigh,  to  sundry  countries  knowne, 
A  worthy  knight,  well  of  his  prince  esteem'd ; 
By  seeing  much,  to  great  experience  growne : 
Though  safe  on  seas,  though  sure  on  land  be  seem'd; 
Yet  here  he  lyes,  too  soone  by  death  opprest, 
His  fame  yet  lives,  his  soule  in  heaven  hath  rest." 


X. 

Gresham's  Instructions  on  being  sent  into  Flanders. 
[Referred  to  in  page  131,  note  J.] 

"  d.  d.  13  Novembris,  1553. 

Wher  we  have  byn  enfourmed  that  Lazarus  Tucker  and  certayn 
other  merchaunts  of  Andwarpe  have  of  their  own  good  wills  offred 
to  lende  vs  diverse  great  sumes  of  money, — we,  remembring  the  great 
debts  left  unpayed  at  the  death  of  our  late  brother,  and  considering 
that  as  well  in  respecte  therof  as  for  many  other  great  causes,  it 
shuld  be  very  expedient  for  our  suertie  and  the  comon  welth  of  our 
realme  to  have  a  good  masse  of  money  in  redynes  to  serve  in  all 
events, — have  thought  good  to  accept  the  said  offers.  And  for  the 
better  vnderstanding  of  the  said  merchaunts'  meanings,  and  full 
concluding  w4  them,  have  appoyncted  our  said  srvunt  to  procede  in 
suche  fourme  as  followeth. 

First,  the  said  Thomas  Gressham,  repairing  to  Flaunders,  shall 
comnaunt  [covenant]  and  bargayn  in  our  name  and  for  our  use  w» 
suche  merchaunts  as  to  hym  may  seme  most  mete,  for  the  sume  of 


472  APPENDIX. 

fiftie  thousand  pownds,  or  so  moche  vnder  that  sume  as  he  may  get 
or  attayn  vnto,  to  be  lent  vnto  vs  for  one  yere,  to  be  repayed  in 
Andwarpe  at  the  yere's  ende  we  thinterest  of  xj,  or  at  thuttermost 
xij  in  the  hundreth. 

And  for  the  suertie  of  the  repayment,  we  be  pleased  that  the  said 
Gressham  shall  comnaunt  to  delyver  suche  and  like  bands  conve- 
nuts  and  assurance  to  be  by  vs  signed  and  sealed  wl  our  great  scale, 
and  w'  the  seale  also  of  our  citie  of  London,  as  in  the  tyme  of 
or  late  brother  hath  byn  given  in  semblable  cases. 

And  it  shalbe  also  lawful  to  our  servunt  to  take  vp  from  tyme  to 
tyme  during  this  comission,  money  by  exchaunge  vpon  his  own  cre- 
dit in  Flaunders,  to  be  delivered  in  London  for  our  vse. 

And  all  suche  somes  of  money  as  the  said  Thomas  shall  take  vp 
vpon  interest  or  by  exchaunge,  shalbe  by  him  in  most  secret  maner 
sent  to  London,  in  suche  coynes  of  golde  and  silver  as  the  said  tho- 
mas  shall  thinke  most  mete ;  to  be  laden  in  Andwarpe  to  London  or 
Ipswiche  in  euery  ship  that  shall  depte  to  either  of  the  said  places, 
not  exceeding  one  thousand  poundes  sterling  in  one  bottom.  And 
further  it  shalbe  laufull  also  for  our  said  servunt  from  tyme  to  tyme 
to  send  to  London  over  lande  from  Andwarpe  to  Calys,  and  so  to 
London,  by  euery  suche  trusty  pson  or  psons  as  he  shall  put  in  trust, 
the  some  of  M'  M*  M*  li.  [3000/.]  sterling,  thadventure  of  all  suche 
somes  of  money  as  shalbe  so  sent  over  bothe  by  see  and  lande  to  be 
born  from  tyme  to  tyme  at  our  charge  and  jeopdie,  [jeopardy.] 

And  to  thintent  the  sayd  Gresham  may  the  better  execut  the 
charge  cometted  by  vs  pntly  vnto  hym,  or  pleasure  is  thatt  of  the 
money  to  be  by  hym  received  by  force  of  this  or  comession  he  shall 
reteyn  in  [his]  own  hands  and  to  his  own  vse,  not  only  the  dietts  of 
xxs.  for  eury  day,  the  same  to  begyii  the  day  of  the  dat  of  thies 
piits  inclusive,  and  to  cotynue  during  his  abode  about  or  srvice  in 
this  behalf;  but  also  all  such  money  as  he  shall  pay  for  sending  of 
any  messangers,  lettars,  or  treasure  vnto  vs.  For  thallowance  wherof 
thies  or  instructions  shall  be  suffisient  warrant  to  such  as  shall 
herafter  have  authorite  to  hyer  his  accompt  for  the  premiss,  [pre- 
mises.] Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off. 

Copy,  endorsed  "13  Nov.  1553.— Tho.  Greshams  instructions." 


No.  XL 

Gresham 's  Instructions  on  being  sent  into  Spain. 

[Referred  to  in  p.  152,  note  d.] 

;  A  memoriall  gyven  by  the  Quene's  hyhnes  vnto  hir  trusty  and 


APPENDIX.  473 

welbeloved  s*vaunt  Thomas  Gresham,  esquier,  hir  Ma*4*  agent 
in  Flanders,  for  the  purposes  ensuing,  xii°  Junii,  1554. 
Fyrst,— where  as  the  sayd  Thomas  Gresham  hath  for  vs,  and  to 
or  use,  bargayned  wtb  dyvers  psones  in  Andwerpe  for  sundrie  sumes 
of  monny,for  which  he  hath  receyved  theyr  by  Us  of  exchange  to  be 
payd  in  Spaine, — that  is  to  say  of  Anthony  Fugger  the  sume  of  cxii» 
viicl  ducats  :  to  be  receyved  at  the  fayre  of  Villalon,  lxij»  ducats  ; 
and  the  rest  in  the  fayre  of  May.     Of  Jasper  Schetz  and  his  bre- 
therne  the  sume  of  lxvm  ducats,  to  be  receyved  in  the  fayre  of  Octo- 
ber :  more  of  the  sayd  Schetz  and  his  bretherne,  the  sume  of  xxxvm 
ducats,  to  be  receyved  in  the  fayre  of  Villalon, — of  Octavian  Lome- 
lino,  the  sume  of  xxxij™  ducats,  to  be  receyved  at  the  fayre  of  Vil- 
lalon— xxiiijm  ducats ;  and  the  rest  in  the  fayre  of  May :  of  John  de 
Mantansse,  the  sume  of  xvm  ducats,  to  be  receyved  in  the  fayre  of 
Villalon :  of  John  Lopez  de  Gallo,  the  sume  of  xxiiij™  ducats,  to  be 
received  in  the  fayre  of  Villalon  :  of  Anthony  Spynnole  and  Frede- 
rigo  Imperialle  the  sume  of  xviiro  ducats,  to  be  received  in  the  fayre 
of  May  :  amounting  in  the  hole,  to  the  totall  sum  of  iij  c  thowsand 
vij  c  1  ducats.     The  sayd  Thomas  Gresham,  taking  with  hym  this 
memorial,  and  themperors  Ires  of  license,  wth  suche  other  things  as 
ar  prepared  for  hym,  shall,  for  the  receipt  of  the  sayd  money  make 
his  repayre  wth  as  convenient  spede  as  he  may  towards  Spaine ;  em- 
barking hymsellf  at  or  ports  either  of  Darmouth  or  Plimouth,  where 
we  have  caused  a  vessel  to  be  put  in  a  redynes  for  his  transporta- 
cion :  from  whence  he  shall  precede  on  his  voyage  as  sone  as  wynde 
and  wether  shall  gyve  hym  leave. 

And  for  ye  better  and  more  surer  conveyance  hither  owt  of  Spaine 
of  the  sayd  money,  or  pleasure  is  y*  the  sayd  Thomas  Gresham 
shall,  before  his  depture,  common  w^  suche  marchaunts  in  London, 
ether  Englyshemen  or  straungers,  as  doo  trafficque  in  to  Spaine ; 
procuring,  yf  he  by  any  meanes  may,  to  bargayne  wth  them  or  any 
of  them  for  the  dely  very  here  vnto  or  vse  of  suche  sumes  of  mony  as 
they  shall  have  occasion  to  employe  in  Spayne :  whiche  shall  be 
there  by  hym  repayed  againe  vnto  them  owt  of  the  said  mony  that 
is  to  be  receyved  to  orvse, — foreseing  that  we  be  not  of  this  bargaine 
burdened  wth  any  losse  of  exchange  or  interest. 

Itm,  at  his  coming  in  to  Spayne,  in  caase  or  dearest  cousin  the 
Prince  of  Spaine  shall  not  be  depted  from  thence  before  the  money 
that  is  fyrst  payable  shall  be  receyved, — the  sayd  Thorns  Gresham 
shall  then  conferre  w^  or  right  trusty  and  right  welbeloved  cousin 
and  counsellor  the  Earle  of  Bedforde,  kep  of  our  privie  scale,  and 
opening  vnto  hym  the  hole  circumstance  of  this  matter,  shall,  by 
his  advise  and  counsell,  distribute  amongst  the  best  and  most  surest 


4J4  APPENDIX. 

shippes  of  the  flete  that  shall  cume  in  cumpany  of  o*  sayd  derest 
cousin  the  Prince  of  Spaine,  so  muche  of  the  sayd  mony  as  he  shall 
have  receyved :  so  as  he  adventure  not  above  the  sume  of  fyve 
thowsand  pounds  sterling  in  any  one  botome.  And  yf  it  shall 
fortune  or  sayd  dearest  cousin  the  prince  of  Spaine  to  be  come  from 
thence  before  the  sayd  mony  can  be  receyved;  in  that  caase,  or 
pleas1"  is,  that  the  sayd  Thomas  Gresham  procure  to  sende  over  by 
way  of  exchaunge,  to  be  delyvered  there,  and  repay ed  againe  vnto  us 
here  or  at  Andwerpe  vppon  sight,  so  muche  of  or  sayd  mony  as  he 
can.  Foreseing  that  we  be  not  burdened  wtk  any  losse  of  ex- 
chaunge, and  that  the  psones  to  whome  the  mony  shalbe  delyvered 
be  sure  and  substanciall. 

As  for  the  rest  of  the  sayd  mony  that  cannot  be  sent  over  in  suche 
sorte  as  is  aforesayd,  or  pleas*  is,  that  for  the  more  saffer  transpor- 
tacon  thereof,  the  sayd  Thomas  Gresham  shall  abyde  the  coming 
from  thence  of  sume  convenient  flete  of  shippes,  emongst  the  best 
and  surest  of  whiche,  he  shall  distribute  the  rest  of  the  sayd  mony 
so  remayning;  so  as  he  adventure  not  above  the  sum  of  eight 
thowsond  pownds  in  any  one  botome.  Vsing  for  the  convoyannce  of 
or  sayd  treasure  this  wayes,  all  the  best  meanes  and  pollicie  y* 
he  can  devise. 

And  finally,  for  as  muche  as  we  have  occasion  to  employe  sume 
masse  of  treasure  wthin  or  realme  of  Ireland,  our  pleasr  is  that  the 
sayd  Thomas  Gresham  shall  devise  sume  good  and  sure  way,  yf  he 
can,  to  send  vnto  or  sayd  realme  of  Ireland  the  sume  of  tenne  thowsand 
pounds  ster.  to  be  delyvered  there  into  thands  of  the  deputie  of 
or  sayd  realme.  In  whiche,  we  wolde  he  employed  his  best  industry 
and  diligence ;  and  bothe  herein,  and  in  the  rest,  to  have  speciall 
regarde,  as  nere  as  he  may,  to  the  strength  of  the  shippes  and  the 
honnesty  of  the  psones  that  shall  have  the  conveyance  of  the  sayd 
mony ;  vsing  all  the  secrecie  he  can  in  the  shipping  and  sending 
away  thereof. 

And  where,  heretofore,  we  appointed  vnto  the  sayd  Thomas 
Gresham  towards  his  diets  and  entertainement  in  o*  service  the  sume 
of  xx*.  by  the  day,  considering  now  that  he  shall  by  this  psent 
service  be  occasioned  to  be  at  sume  further  expence  then  hitherto 
he  hath  byn, — we  have  thought  convenient  to  enlarge  his  sayd  diet, 
and  to  give  him  till  his  return  out  of  Spayne,  x  s.  by  the  day,  from 
the  date  of  thes  instructions,  our  and  above  his  former  dietts  of  xx  s. 
the  day :  wc  sumes  or  pleasure  is  he  shall  receyve  and  pay  to  hym- 
sellf  owt  of  suche  or  treasure  as  shall  from  tyme  to  tyme  cume  to 
his  hands. 

And  after  he  shall  have  dispached  our  busines  in  Spaine  pntly 


APPENDIX.  475 

committed  to  his  charge,  we  ar  pleased  that  he  doo  make  his 
returne  vnto  o*  presence,  ether  hy  see  or  by  land,  as  may  bee  most 
for  his  suertye,  and  shall  seme  most  conveniet  vnto  hym."  [Copy 
Spanish  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.] 

After  the  first  half  of  this  volume  had  been  printed,  the  writer 
obtained  access  to  Queen  Mary's  original  Council-book.  The 
following  extracts,  (which  should  have  appeared  in  a  former  page,) 
seem  worthy  of  preservation,  and  will  not  be  out  of  place  here. — 7 
June,  1554, — "A  lettre  to  my  L.Admyrall,  [Lord  William  Howard,]  to 
prepare  in  a  redynes  at  Plymouthe,  within  xv  or  xx  dayes  at  the 
furthest,  sum  convenyent  barque  or  small  pynnase  to  transporte 
from  thence  into  Spayne,  Thomas  Gresham,  the  Quene's  agent, 
about  her  Grace's  affayres  of  greate  importance."  [fol.  131.] — 10 
June. — "  A  lettre  to  the  Maior  and  his  brethrene  of  Plymouth,  to 
see  in  a  redynes  a  pynnesse  for  the  transportacon  of  Thomas 
Gresham  into  Spayne  within  three  or  foure  daies  at  the  furthest,  yf 
the  Lorde  Admyrall  have  not  given  ordre  alredy  therefore." 

[fol.  132] On  the  15th  of  August  a  letter  was  sent  to 

Gresham,  and  on  the  13  September. — "  A  lettre  to  Thomas  Gresham, 
with  a  license  signed  by  Th'  Emperor  for  one  c  M  ducates  more 
thenne  he  had  license  for  before ;  prayeing  him  to  use  diligence. 

"A  lettre  to  the  Lorde  Treasouror  with  a  packet  to  Thomas 
Gresseham;  praieing  his  Lordshipp  to  sende  the  same  awaye  fourth- 
with."— fol.  174.  [Council-Office.] 


No.  XII. 
Lord  Howard  of  EJfingham. 

[Referred  to  in  page  153,  note  e.] 

The  great  length  to  which  this  volume  has  unexpectedly  exten- 
ded, renders  it  necessary  to  reject  all  superfluous  matter.  Concern- 
ing the  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  therefore,  it  shall  only  be 
stated,  that  among  the  papers  of  Queen  Mary's  reign,  [1558]  there 
exists  a  curious  document ;  describing  his  establishment  and  house- 
hold of  sixty  persons ;  noticing  his  expenditure,  the  allowance  he 
made  to  his  wife,  son,  and  daughter,  and  several  other  interesting 
matters. 


476  APPENDIX. 

No.  XIII. 
Finance  during  the  Reign  of  Queen  Mary. 

[Referred  to  at  page  156,  note l.] 

"  A  note  of  suche  sufhes  of  monny  as  came  vnto  the  hands  of 
Thomas  Gresham,  and  passed  from  hym  in  the  tyme  of 
Quene  Mary. 

Ffyrst  arrrearage  left  in  his  handes  as  well 

vppon  a  bargayne  of  fustians,  as  allso  for 

the  pvision  of  certayne  munition  ....   viijmt  ixc  xixli  xiiij*  xd 
Redy  monny  receyved  owt  of  the  Quenes 

coffers     clxxiiijmt  iiije  xviijii  ij»  jd 

Monny  receyved  in  Spayne Ixxxxvijmtviijclxxviij1i  xv* — 

Monny  taken  vppe  vppon  interest  and  by 

way  of  exchaunge  and  exchaunge  .  lxxxxvmtiiijcxxvii  xvijs  iiijd 
Monny  borrowed  and  had  by  the  waye  of 

lone xljmtiiijcxxviijii  xij"  — 

Monny  gotton  arid  advaunced  by  the  tra- 

vayle  of  thaccomptaunte xjmtiiijcxxjii   xi§  ixd 

Sm  Totalis  iiijc  xxixmt  vc  xxij1*    xiijs  — " 

[Lansd.  MS.  No.  cxiii.  art.  19.] 


No.  XIV. 

Value  of  certain  Coins,  in  Mary's  Reign.    21  Jan.  1553-4. 
[Referred  to  in  page  162,  note  r.] 

Queen  Mary's  letter,  alluded  to  as  above,  contained  an  enclosure, 
from  which  the  following  is  an  extract :  "  The  dubble  ducats  of 
Spayne,  all  w'out  the  andrew  crosse  to  be  worthe  . — The 

half  of  the  same  ducats  of  Spaine,  to  be  after  the  rate  . — 

The  single  Hungarian  ducats,  . — The  Keysars  [Emperor's] 

Royall  of  fyne  gold,  . — The  frenche  crowne  of  gold, 

. — The  Crusado  w*  the  longe  crosse,  . — The  crowne 

of  the  Roose,  . — The  Burgonyon  crowne,  . — 

The  Spanishe  Ryall  of  silver,  .—The  half  of  the  same 

Spanishe  Ryall,  . — The  quart*  of  the  same  Ryall, 

. — The  half-quart'  of  the  same,  ." 

Gresham,  in  replying  to  the  Council,  (31st  Jan.  1553-4,)  says  : 
"  The  dubble  ducats  of  Spayne,  all  wthout  the  Andrew  crosse,  wyche 
ys  here  nowen  [none]  to  come  by,  ys  worthe  here  the  pcs, — xiiij  s. 


APPENDIX.  477 

vid.  .  .  The  hallfe  of  the  same  ducat  afty*  the  rate, — vij.v.  iiirf. 
The  singgle  Hungarian  ducats  ys  worthe  (and  nowen  to  be  gotten) 
ys  worthe, — yj  .9.  x  d.  .  .  The  Karssers  Rialls  of  fynne  golde, — xi  s. 
.  .  .  The  Crusado  of  the  longe  crosse, — vj  s.  xj  d.  .  .  The  Frenche 
croween, — vi  s.  viij  d.  .  .  The  Burgonyone  crowen,  vi  *.  viij  d.  .  . 
The  crowen  of  the  rosse  (and  nowen  to  be  gotten), — vi  *.  viij  d. 

"  And  yff  yow  shulld  vallew  this  monny  at  thies  prissis  above 
wryttyn,  wth  owght  dowght  ytt  wolle  bringe  dowen  the  exchange 
to  xx  s.  And  besydes  that,  yff  yow  shulld  vallew  them  att  anny 
preyce,  ytt  shulld  causse  the  emperor  and  this  countrye  to  thinge 
that  yow  goo  a  bowght  to  robe  them  of  ther  tressor :  by  the  meynnes 
whereof,  here  shulld  be  soche  strayte  wayte  laid  att  the  serche  and 
tolles,  thatt  no  man  shulld  passe,  but  in  great  hassard  of  lossing, — 
to  his  vtter  vnedoing  for  ever ;  for  the  emperors  lawes  be  soche. 
For  every  pownd  that  ys  tackynne,  a  forfettes  x  /i.,  and  his  boddy 
at  the  emperors  plesseur,  yff  ytt  be  knowen  in  vij  yeeres.  So,  by 
this,  yow  may  psseve  whatt  danger  I  rowen  in  daylly,  yff  my  doings 
shulld  be  perssavyd.  In  consideracyone  whereof,  my  power  and 
sympell  advyze  ys, — to  bringe  all  in  to  the  Quennes  Mate  owen 
stampe,wyche  wole  be  a  stey  of  all  this  matt*  :  as  allso  the  exchange 
shulld  be  kept  vppe  ;  wherin  I  can  adverttisse  yow  no  more  thereof 
then  here  to  fore  I  have  dowen. — Assewring  yor  honnors,  whatt  so 
ever  price  the  Quenne  Mate  dowthe  vallew  them  at,  as  she  shall 
pssently  wynne  by  them  owen  waye,  so,  I  assewre  yor  honnors 
there  wolle  be  as  moche  losse  by  the  exchange  other  waysse. 
Wherein  yor  honnors  maye  doo  as  to  yow  shall  seme  best  in  the 
pmysses.  For  yff  I  shulld  advyze  you  to  vallew  them,  ytt  wolle  be 
a  vneforteyn  mattr ;  for  that  the  exchange  ryssy the  and  fallythe 
daylly,  wyche  ys  the  thinge  most  exspedyent  in  or  comen  well  to 
to  be  lockyd  a  pon."  [Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off] 


No.  XV. 

Ammunition,  fyc.  purchased  in  Flanders. 
[Referred  to  in  pages  164  and  165,  notes  v  and  w.] 

"  Provicions  made  and  to  be  made  in  Flaundres  as  foloweth,  viz. 

"By  Alexander  Bonvise: — Saltpetre,  iiijx«mt  weight .  .  .  Har- 
quebutts  complete,— iij  mt  ccl  .  .  .  Dagges  wt  there  furniture,— mt. 

.  .  Cullyn  cliffes,— viii  mt  .  .  .  Matches,— v  mt  weight 

"  By  Thomes  Gresham  -.—Serpentine  powder,  1  lasts  .  .  .  Corne- 
powder,— x  lasts  .  .  .  Murrions,— iiij  mt  .  .  .  Dagges  wt  there  fur- 


478  APPENDIX. 

niture, — mt  .  .  .  Skulles,— v  mt  .  .  .  Sieves  of  mayle, — v  c  paier. 
.  .  .  Splynts, — mtm1  paier  .  .  .  Collers  white, — iijc:  blacke, — Ixv. 
In  all, — iij  c  Ixv  .  .  .  Vambraces  [?]  white, — xxiiij  paier  :  blacke, — 
x  paier.  In  all, — xxxiiij  paier  .  .  .  Taces  [?]  white, — xx  paier, 
and  black  1  paier, — Ixx  paier." 

[Endorsed]  "  Vltimo  mtii.  1558. — Note  for  pvision  of  munycon 
for  Flaunders."  [Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.] 

In  a  letter  to  Parry,  dated  26th  April,  1558,  Gresham  says  : 
"  I  have  bargayned  wth  dyvers  men  of  this  towne  for  the  some  of 
v  m*  waight  of  sarpentyne  powder,  at  iij  li.  iij  s.  iiij  d.  the  hondred, 
to  be  delyverid  all  by  the  xth  and  xxth  daie  of  the  next  mownthe ; 
which  is  the  nolle  rest  and  coppelment  of  the  Quens  Mates  pro- 
vissione  of  gowne  powder.  More,  I  have  bought  iiij  c  dages,  ij  c 
splents,  ij  c  skolles,  iij  c  morrians,  and  ic  1  payer  of  sleaves  of  malle ; 
whiche  I  staie  for  shipping  till  forder  my  Lordes  pleaseures  be 
knowen :  for  that  her  is  no  shippes  of  warre  for  the  condewt  of 
the  same." 

On  the  7th  of  May,  we  meet  the  following  passage :  "  Here  is  pre- 
sentlie  iiij  good  shipes  of  this  towne  that  lades  for  London ;  and  the 
licke  will  not  be  readie  this  towe  mownthes  when  they  be  gowne ; 
whose  names  be, — Bartillmew  Pallis,  Thomas  De  Grave,  Cornells 
Hildernes,  and  Clais  Cornelisson ;  whom  I  have  bownde  that  they 
shall  not  depte  frome  hens  affore  ths  xvjth  daie  of  this  present. 
Pretending,  with  the  leave  of  God,  to  laide  in  the  saide  iiij  shippes 
for  the  Quennes  Mates  accownte  : — xl  m*  waight  of  serpentyne  pow- 
der at  the  least  .  .  .  x  mt  waight  of  cowrne  powder  at  the  least  .  . 
vi  mt  waight  of  salte  pettir  at  the  least  .  .  .  i  mt  morrions  .  .  .  ij  c 
paier  of  sleaves  of  male  .  .  .  i  c  dages  .  .  .  ij  c  skolles  .  .  .  i  c  1 
paier  of  splents. — Whiche  provission  will  amownt  to  the  some  of 
ij  mt  vj  c  li.  at  the  least.  Therefore  I  have  writtin  to  my  Lordes 
to  apoynct  soche  convenyente  waifters  for  the  conduct  of  the  saide 
shipes,  as  to  them  shall  seame  most  meatest ;  for  I  that  I  will 
assewer  you,  the  licke  quantite  of  powder  is  not  to  be  gotten  for 
monye  :  by  the  reason  here  is  no  salte  pettir  nor  colles  to  be  gotten 
for  monnye." 

While  on  this  subject,  another  short  extract,  serving  to  establish 
the  price  of  certain  "Armewr  and  Monnyssyones  "  in  1560,  may  not 
be  unacceptable.  Gresham  procured  for  the  country  about  that 
time,—"  18,000  corselets,  at  26*.  8^.— 16,000  corners,  at  16s.  3d.— 
15,000  handguns,  at  7s.— 18,000  dagges,  at  IQs.Sd.— 16,000  morrions, 
at  6s.  Sd.~  16,000  collen  cleves  staves,  at  2s.— 8000  pickes,  at  3s. — 
260,000  of  serpentine  powder,  at  31.  the  cwt.— 160,000  waight  of 
come  powder,  at  31.  6s.  8d.  the  cwt.— 310,000  waight  of  saltpeter, 


APPENDIX.  479 

at  3^.  10*.  the  cwt.— 150,000  waight  of  sulpher,  at  20*.— 310,000 
waight  of  copper  at  52*.  the  cwt. — 60,000  waight  of  muches,  at  30*. 
the  cwt. — 1790  bundles  of  bowstaves,  at  III.  the  cwt. — 6000  pike 
heads,  at  31.  the  cwt. — 2000  coats  of  mail,  at  33*.  4d.  each.— 2000 
sleeves  of  mail,  at  10*.  each, — 200  Van  playnttes,  at  4s.  each  .  .  . 
Sum,  108,956/.  13*.  4d."  [Ibid.]— For  an  explanation  of  some  of  the 
preceding  terms,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  notes  in  the  text. 


No.  XVI. 

Sir  Thomas  Gresham  to  Archbishop  Parker. 
[Referred  to  in  page  190,  note  h.J 

The  following  letter  is  copied  from  the  original,  in  the  library  of 
Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  (MS.  cxiv.  Misc.  i.  230,  p.  627. 
Vide  Nasmith's  Catalogue,  p.  160.) 

"  I  offer  most  humbly  commedations  unto  youre  grace. — 
Whereas  I  have  given  to  the  bringer  hereof  Great  Massingham 
benifice  in  Norfolke,  and  understandinge  that  the  byshope  of  Nor- 
rige  is  inhibited,  who  prefereth  all  the  delays  that  he  can,  to  put 
him  of  fro  being  induced ;  because  he  wold  have  yt  fale  in  the 
lapse,  yt  he  myght  have  the  presentacio  thereof.  Thus  I  most 
humbly  desier  youre  grace  yt  yt  may  please  youe  at  this  my  seute, 
to  institute  him,  as  well  for  the  voydinge  of  charges  as  the  losse  of 
tyme :  wherin  yo*  Lordship  shall  do  me  a  singular  pleasure,  and 
also  bind  this  poore  ma  to  pray  for  yo*  Lord  grace's  longe  pros- 
perytye.  Thus  I  most  hmbly  take  my  leve  of  youe.  Fro  my  house 
in  Londo  ;  the  24  of  Maye,  a°  1563.  [?] 

At  yor  gracis  comandement, 

THOMAS  GRESHAM." 

For  the  preceding  transcript  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  my 
friend,  the  Rev.  J.  W.  Blakesley,  of  Trinity  ;  who  informs  me  that 
the  outer  side  of  the  letter,  and  consequently  the  address,  has  not 
been  preserved. 

Matthew  Parker,  second  Protestant  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
was  born  at  Norwich  in  1504,  and  educated  at  Corpus  Christi  College, 
Cambridge,  of  which  he  subsequently  became  Master. — Who  '  the 
bringer '  of  the  preceding  letter  was,  does  not  appear ;  but  William 
Gold  was  presented  to  the  living  of  Massingham  by  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham  in  1572.  (Blomefield's  Norfolk,  vol.  ix.  p.  11.)— 'The 
byshope  of  Norrige '  must  have  been  Bishop  Parkhurst. 


480  APPENDIX. 


No.  XVII. 
The  poet  Churchyard. 

[Referred  to  in  page  204,  note  z.] 

The  profession  of  arms  does  not  seem  favourable  to  the  cultivation 
of  poetry  ;  but  among  our  own  countrymen,  the  Earl  of  Surrey,  Sir 
Philip  Sidney,  and  Thomas  Churchyard,  afford  three  remarkable 
instances  of  brave  soldiers  who  were  also  excellent  poets.  A  Spa- 
niard would  enumerate  Garcilaso,  Camoens,  Cervantes,  Lope  de 
Vega,  and  Calderon. 

Churchyard  has  been  his  own  biographer  in  A  Storie  translated 
out  of  Frenche  ;  and  in  A  tragicall  discourse  of  the  vnhappy  man's 
life ;  which,  in  1813,  were  reprinted  in  the  Bibliographical  Mis- 
cellanies published  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  P.  Bliss.  Fiction  supplies  few 
narratives  so  varied  with  adventure  as  these.  Churchyard's  escape 
from  prison,  in  which  he  was  aided  by  a  fair  lady,  one  "  mooneshine 
night,  when  neighbours  were  a  sleepe,"  is  by  no  means  the  only 
romantic  incident  to  be  met  with  in  his  history.  He  possessed  in 
an  eminent  degree  what  the  Germans  call  the  subjectiveness  of 
genius  :  and  all  his  writings  so  abound  with  hints  for  a  biographer, 
that  it  is  only  surprising  no  one  should  have  yet  been  found  willing 
to  undertake  the  task  of  critically  investigating  his  history,  and 
weaving  the  materials  he  has  himself  supplied  into  one  connected 
story.  Mr.  Wright,  in  a  recent  work,  ("Elizabeth  and  her  Times,") 
has  rescued  from  obscurity  three  charming  letters  of  Churchyard  to 
Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  (vol.  ii.  pp.  140,  142,  145,)  and  a  fourth  to 
Mrs.Penn,  (p  414), — a  circumstance  which  alone,  methinks,  entitles 
him  to  our  gratitude. 


No.  XVIII. 

Doctor  John  Caius. 
[Referred  to  in  page  205,  note  b.] 

"John  Caius,  doctor  in  phisick,  of  the  parishe  of  St.  Bartholomew 
the  less,  next  unto  Smithfeld,"  died  in  London,  July  29,  1573,  and 
lies  buried  in  the  chapel  of  his  college,  with  the  laconic  epitaph, 
FVI  CAIVS.  His  will  is  rather  interesting.  "John  Caius,  Doctor  in 
physick,  of  the  parish  of  St.  Bartholomew  the  less,  next  unto  Smith- 
feld," says — "  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  said  colledge  all  my 
bookes,  new  and  olde,  wherein  these  words  be  written  JOHANNES 


APPENDIX.  481 

CAIUS  COLLEGIO  suo  DONO  DEDiT ;  and  I  will  that  all  the  said 
bookes  shalle  be  bounde  in  with  chaines  to  the  desks  of  the  library 
there,  for  the  common  use  of  the  students."  He  left  money  for 
erecting  his  own  tomb,  and  for  "the  clearing  and  mending  of  Mr. 
Linacre's  tombe  in  Paules  Church  in  London."  "To  Matthew 
[Parker]  Abp.  of  Canterbury,  all  my  bookes  which  I  have  made, 
not  yet  printed ;  and  all  those  that  I  have  made  that  be  printed 
and  augmented;  upon  condition  that  it  may  please  his  Grace  to 
cause  them  to  be  printed  (as  my  trust  is  whollie  in  him  that  he  will 
so  do)  in  a  faier  letter  and  forme,  altogether  in  one  volume ;  and 
twelve  of  them  to  be  given  to  my  saied  colledge,  there  to  be  kept  as 
the  other  books  are,  and  to  be  successivelie  tyed  with  chaines  in 
the  library  of  the  same  colledge."  To  Judge  Cateline  he  left  "  a 
ring,  with  a  corse  in  a  shete  made  upon  it."  To  Justice  Wray  "  a 
ring  with  a  death's  head,"  &c.  The  remainder  of  this  interesting 
document  is  almost  exclusively  devoted  to  arrangements  for  the 
government  and  well-being  of  Caius  College.  (Prerogative-Office, 
Peter,  quire  xxxix.) 


No.  XIX. 

On  the  Orange  in  Morels  Portrait  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham. 

[Referred  to  in  page  208,  note  e.] 

After  the  preceding  pages  were  printed,  I  met  with  the  following 
apposite  passage,  illustrative  of  Gresham's  attitude.  Cavendish,  in 
his  Life  of  Wolsey,  describes  the  Cardinal  entering  a  crowded 
chamber,  "holding  in  his  hand  a  very  fair  orange,  whereof  the 
meat  or  substance  within  was  taken  out,  and  filled  up  again  with 
the  part  of  a  sponge,  wherein  was  vinegar,  and  other  confections 
against  the  pestilent  airs  ;  the  which  he  most  commonly  smelt  unto, 
passing  among  the  press,  or  else  when  he  was  pestered  with  many 
suitors."  [Singer's  ed.  pp.  105-6.] 

M.  Passavant,  who  saw  Mr.  Neeld's  picture,  and  in  his  "  Tour  of 
a  German  Artist  in  England,"  &c.  (1836,  vol.  i.  p.  189,)  pronounces 
it  to  be  "  of  eminent  beauty,"  explains  the  representation  in  question 
by  stating,  that  Sir  Thomas  Gresham  introduced  this  fruit  into 
England  as  an  article  of  commerce, — a  fact  which  he  would  have 
found  it  difficult  to  prove ;  for  oranges  were  certainly  well  known 
in  England  long  before  Gresham  was  born.  They  are  mentioned 
in  the  Privy-purse  expenses  of  Elizabeth  of  York,  under  the  year 
1502 ;  and  in  Henry  the  Eighth's  Privy-purse  expenses,  about  the 

VOL.  i.  2  i 


482  APPENDIX. 

year  1530,  frequent  mention  is  made  of  a  reward  being  given  to 
James  Hobart,  (probably  a  gardener,)  "  for  bringing  of  oranges, 
dates,  and  other  pleasurs  to  the  King's  Grace." 

Had  it  been  stated  that  the  orange  in  Gresham's  hand  was  meant 
to  show  that  he  had  introduced  the  orange-tree  into  England,  there 
would  be  more  difficulty  in  disproving  the  accuracy  of  the  state- 
ment. I  am  aware  that  the  introduction  of  orange-trees  is  com- 
monly assigned  to  about  the  year  1595,  on  the  strength  of  what  is 
stated  by  Bishop  Gibson  in  his  additions  to  Camden's  Britannia, 
(p.  166,)  published  in  1695 ;  namely,  that  the  orange-trees  at  Bed- 
dington  in  Surrey,  introduced  from  Italy  by  Sir  Francis  Carew, 
were  the  first  that  were  brought  into  England;  that  they  were 
planted  in  the  open  ground,  under  a  moveable  covert  during  the 
winter  months;  and  that  they  had  been  growing  there  for  more 
than  a  hundred  years.  Bishop  Gibson,  however,  was  indebted  for 
his  information  to  Aubrey,  [Hist,  of  Surrey,  vol.  ii.  p.  160;  and  see 
vol.  i.  page  xiv.,]  who  began  his  collections  for  "  The  Natural 
History  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  of  Surrey"  twenty  years 
earlier;  so  that,  according  to  this  statement,  the  introduction  of 
orange-trees  might  be  referred  to  the  year  1575 ;  and  though  Sir 
Francis  Carew  at  the  time  of  his  death  in  1611  was  a  very  aged 
man,  [Manning's  Surrey,  vol.  ii.  p.  530,]  there  seems  good  reason 
for  doubting  whether  some  one  had  not  been  beforehand  with  him 
in  bringing  the  orange-tree  into  England.  A  writer  in  the  Biogra- 
phia  Britannica  states,  [art.  Ralegh,  p.  3475,  note  O,]  that,  according 
to  a  family  tradition,  "that  delicate  knight"  (Carew)  raised  these 
trees  from  oranges  given  him  by  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  who  first  im- 
ported them,  and  whose  wife  was  niece  to  Sir  Francis.  No  part  of 
this  story,  however,  is  entitled  to  credit,  and  Ralegh  certainly  can 
have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  introduction  of  orange-trees,  as  the 
following  interesting  letter,  written  when  he  was  only  nine  years 
old,  proves.  It  was  addressed  by  Sir  William  Cecil  to  Mr.  Winde- 
bank,  who,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  was  travelling  on  the  Con- 
tinent in  the  capacity  of  tutor  to  his  son  Thomas,  afterwards  Earl 
of  Exeter.  The  original  is  preserved  in  the  State-Paper  Office, 
among  the  Domestic  Correspondence. 

"  When  this  messengar  was  redy  to  depart,  my  Lady  Throk- 
morton  gave  me  a  lettre  from  Tho.  Cecill,  wherin  he  maketh  men- 
tion that  Mr.  Caroo  meaneth  to  send  home  certen  orenge,  pom- 
granat,  lymon,  and  myrt  trees.  1  have  alredy  an  orrenge  tree ;  and 
if  the  price  be  not  much,  I  pray  you  procure  for  me  a  lymon,  a 
pomegranat,  and  a  myrt  tree ;  and  help  that  they  may  be  sent  to 
London,  with  Mr.  Caroo's  trees;  and,  before  hand,  send  me  in 


APPENDIX.  483 

wryting  a  perfect  declaration  how  they  ought  to  be  used,  kept,  ami 
ordred.    Fare  you  well.    From  Westminster,  the  25  of  March,  1561. 
Your  assured  frind  and  good  Master, 

W.  CECILL." 

"  To  my  servant  Thomas  Windebank  at  Paris." 

Orange-trees,  therefore,  were  cultivated  in  England  before  the  year 
1561.  In  consequence  of  the  request  contained  in  the  preceding 
letter,  Windebank  sent  Cecil,  the  year  following,  from  Paris,  a 
lemon-tree  in  a  tub,  costing  fifteen  crowns ;  and  two  myrtle-trees  in 
pots,  costing  a  crown  each.  They  were  chosen  by  "  my  Lord 
Ambassador  and  Mr.  Caroo,"  whose  servant  brought  them  to 
England  along  with  Carew's  trees,  Windebank  gives  ample  and 
curious  directions  for  the  culture  of  these  plants,  in  a  letter  dated 
from  Paris,  April  8th,  1562.  Ibid. 


No.  XX. 

Another  Letter  from  Sir  Philip  Hoby  to  Cecil. 
[Referred  to  in  page  228,  note  k.] 

Among  the  Lansdowne  MSS.  is  another  letter  from  Sir  Philip 
Hoby,  written  to  Cecil  with  a  similar  object  the  year  before.  "I 
have  bene  often  tolde  of  your  coming  to  Bissham,"  he  says,  "  and 
what  shulde  staie  youe  I  knowe  not ;  but  well  am  I  assured  that  I 
have  not  heard  one  make  so  many  promesses  and  performe  so  fewe. 
Peradventure  my  Lady  staieth  you,  who,  you  will  saie,  cannot  ride. 
Therto  will  I  provide  this  remedy, — to  sende  her  my  coche :  bicause 
she  shall  have  the  lesse  travaile  thither,  and  you,  no  excuse  to 
make.  Let  me  knowe  by  this  bearer  when  I  shall  looke  for  you  at 
Bissham,  that  my  coche  may  come  for  her ;  for  otherwise,  if  ye 
come  not,  there  will  chaunce  a  greatter  matter  than  ye  yet  knowe 
of."  (1  July,  1556,  Lansd.  MS.  No.  iii.  art.  53.) 

In  that  beautiful  folio  work,  "  Holbein's  Portraits,"  there  occurs 
an  interesting  head  of  Sir  Philip  Hoby.  He  died  in  1558,  and  was 
buried  in  Bisham  church. 


No.  XXI. 

Sir  Thomas  Gresham  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  on  Finance. 
[Referred  to  in  page  234,  note  P.] 

The  source  whence  the  following  curious  letter  was  obtained,  has 
been  already  explained  in  the  text.      It  is  headed, — "  Information 


484  APPENDIX. 

of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  Mercer,  towching  the  fall  of  the  exchaunge, 
MDLVIII."     "  To  the  Quenes  most  excellant  maiestye." 

"Ytt  may  pleasse  your  majesty  to  understande,  thatt  the  firste 
occasion  off  the  fall  of  the  exchainge  didgrowe  by  the  Kinges  majes- 
ty, your  latte  ffather,  in  abasinge  his  quoyne  ffrome  vi  ounces  fine  too 
iii  ounces  fine.  Wheruppon  the  exchainge  fell  ffrome  xxvis .  viiiof. 
to  xiii*.  ivrf.  which  was  the  occasion  thatt  all  your  flfine  goold  was 
convayd  ought  of  this  your  realme. 

"  Secondly,  by  the  reason  off  his  wars,  the  Kinges  majestic 
ffell  into  greatt  dept  in  Flanders.  And  ffor  the  paymentt  therof 
thay  hade  no  other  device  butt  paye  itt  by  exchainge,  and  to  carry 
over  his  fnne  gowlde  ffor  the  paymentt  of  the  same. 

"  Thirdly,  the  greatt  ffreadome  off  the  Stillyarde  and  grantinge  of 
licence  ffor  the  carringe  off  your  woll  and  other  comodytes  ought 
off  your  reallme,  which  is  nowe  on  off  the  cheffest  pointes  thatt 
your  majestie  hathe  to  forsee  in  this  your  com  on  well ;  thatt  you 
neavir  restore  the  steydes  called  the  Stillyarde  againe  to  ther  prive- 
lydge,  which  hath  bine  the  cheffest  poyntte  off  the  undoinge  off 
this  your  reallme,  and  the  marchants  off  the  same. 

"  Now,  for  redresse  off  thes  thinges,  in  an.  XVCLI  [1551]  the 
Kinges  majestie,  your  latte  brother,  callide  me  to  bee  his  agentt,  and 
repossid  a  more  trust  in  me,  as  well  ffor  the  paymentt  off  his  depttes 
beyond  the  seas,  as  ffor  the  ressynge  off  the  exchainge, — beinge  then 
att  xv.9.  and  xvis.  the  pounde  ;  and  your  mony  corrantt,  as  itt  is  att 
this  presentt,  beinge  nott  in  vallew  xs.  First,  I  practized  with  the 
Kinge  and  my  lorde  off  Northomberlande  to  overthrowe  the  Still- 
yarde, or  else  ytt  coulde  nott  bee  brought  to  passe,  ffor  thatt  thay 
woold  kepp  downe  the  exchainge  by  this  consideration;  wher  as 
your  owne  mere  marchantes  payeth  outtwardes  xivc?.  upon  a  cloth 
custome,  thay  paye  butt  ix  d. ;  and  like  wisse,  ffor  all  such  wairs  as 
was  brought  into  your  reallme,  your  owne  mere  marchantes  payeth 
xiirf.  upon  the  pounde,  the  Stillyarde  payd  butt  iii  d.  upon  the  pounde, 
which  is  vs.  difference  uppon  the  hundreth  :  and  as  they  wear  men 
thatt  raine  all  uppon  the  exchainge  ffor  the  byenge  of  ther  como- 
dytes, whatt  did  thay  passe  to  give  a  lowar  price  then  your  owne 
marchantes,  when  thaye  gotte  v  I.  in  the  hundreth  by  your  custome  ; 
which  in  processe  off  time  woulde  have  undone  your  whole  reallme, 
and  your  marchantes  of  the  same. 

"  Secondarely,  I  practissed  with  the  Kinges  majestie,  your  bro- 
ther, to  come  in  creditt  with  his  owne  mer  marchantes  :  and  when 
time  servid,  I  practised  with  theme  att  a  sett  shippinge,  the  ex- 
chainge beinge  still  att  xvis.,  thatt  every  man  showld  paye  the 
Kinge  xvs.  upon  a  cloth  in  Anwarppe,  to  paye  att  doblle  usans  xxs. 


APPENDIX.  485 

in  London ;  which  the  Kinges  majestic  payd  theme  rially  e,  which  did 
amountte  to  the  some  off  LX  M/.  Ande  so,  vi  months  after,  I  practissed 
the  licke  upon  ther  comodyties  ffor  the  some  off  LXX  M  /.  to  paye 
ffor  every  pounde  starlinge  xxii*. :  so  by  thes  meanes,  I  maide  plenty 
off  mony  and  scarstie,  and  brought  into  the  Kinges  handes,  which 
raised  the  exchainge  to  xxiiis.  ivd.  And  by  thes  meanes  I  did  nott 
only  bringe  the  Kinges  majestie,  your  brother,  outt  off  deptt,  wherby  I 
savide  hime  vi  or  viis.  upon  the  pounde,  but  savid  his  tresore  within 
the  reallme,  as  ther  in  Mr.  Secretary  Sissille  was  most  privie  unto. 

"  Thirdly,  I  didd  likewise  cause  all  forraine  qoynes  to  bee  unval- 
lewed,  wherby  itt  might  bee  brought  into  the  minte  to  his  Majesties 
most  fordlle ;  att  which  time  the  kinge  your  brother  dyed,  and  for 
my  rewarde  of  servize,  the  Bishoppe  of  Winchester  sought  to  undoe 
me,  and  whatsoever  I  saydinthes  matters  I  should  not  be  creditted: 
and  againste  all  wisdome,  the  sayd  bishoppe  went  and  vallewid  the 
French  crowne  at  vis.  M,  and  the  pistolott  at  vis.  iid.,  and  the 
silver  rialle  at  vid.  Ob.  Wheruppon,  imediattlye,  the  exchange  fell 
to  xxs.  vid.  and  xxis.,  and  ther  hath  kept  ever  sithence.  And  so 
consequently  aftire  this  ratte  and  manor,  I  brought  the  quenes  ma- 
jestie your  sister  out  of  deptt  of  the  some  of  ccccxxxv  M  /. 

"  Fowerthlye,  by  this  itt  maye  playnely  appear  to  your  hightnes, 
as  the  exchainge  is  the  thinge  that  eatts  ought  all  princes,  to  the 
wholl  destruction  of  ther  comon  well,  if  itt  be  nott  substantially 
loked  unto  ;  so  likewise  the  exchainge  is  the  cheffest  and  richist 
thinge  only  above  all  other,  to  restore  your  Majestie  and  your 
reallme  to  fine  gowld  and  sillvar,  and  is  the  meane  thatt  makes  all 
forraine  comoditties  and  your  owne  comodites  with  all  kinde  of  vit- 
talles  good  cheapp,  and  likewise  kepps  your  fine  golde  and  sillvar 
with  in  your  reallme.  As,  for  exsample  to  your  hightnes,  the  ex- 
chainge beinge  att  this  present  att  xxib.,  all  marchantes  seeckes  to 
bringe  into  your  reallme  fine  gollde  and  silver ;  for  if  hee  should 
deliver  itt  by  exchainge,  he  disbursis  xxiis.  Flemishe  to  have 
xx  s.  sterlinge:  and  to  bringe  itt  in  gowlde  and  sillverhe  shall  make 
theroff  xxis.  ivd. — wherby  he  saves  viiid.  in  the  pounde:  which 
proffitte,  if  the  exchainge  showlde  kepp  but  after  this  ratte  of  xxii*. 
in  fe  we  years  you  showld  have  a  welthi  reallme,  for  her  the  treasur 
showlde  continew  for  ever;  for  thatt  all  men  showlde  finde  more 
profytte  by  v  I.  in  the  hundreth  to  deliver  itt  per  exchainge,  then  to 
carry  itt  over  in  mony.  So  consequenttly  the  higar  the  exchainge 
riseth,  the  mor  shall  your  Majestie  and  your  reallme  and  comon  wi-11 
florrish,  which  thinge  is  only  keppt  up  by  artte  and  Godes  provi- 
dence ;  for  the  quoyne  of  this  your  reallme  doeth  nott  correspondc 
in  finnes  [fineness]  nott  x*.  the  pounde. 


486  APPENDIX. 

"  Finally,  and  itt  please  your  majestic  to  restore  this  your  reallme 
into  such  estatt,  as  hertofore  itt  hath  bine;  first,  your  hyghtnes 
hath  non  other  wayes,  butt  when  time  and  opertunyty  serveth,  to 
bringe  your  basse  mony  into  fine  of  xi  ounces  fine,  and  so  gowlde 
after  the  ratte. 

"  Secondly,  nott  to  restore  the  Stillyarde  to  ther  usorpid  pri- 
velidges. 

"  Thirdly,  to  grantt  as  fewe  licences  as  you  cane. 

"Fowerthly,  to  come  in  as  small  deptt  as  you  can  beyond  seays. 

"  Fiftly,  to  kepp  [up]  your  creditt,  and  specially  with  your  owne 
marchants,  for  it  is  thaye  must  stand  by  youe  att  all  eventes  in  your 
necessity.  And  thus  I  shall  most  hombly  beseech  your  majestic  to 
exceptt  this  my  [poor  writing  in  good]  partte ;  wherin  I  shall  from 
time  to  time,  as  opertunity  doeth  serve,  putt  your  hyghtnes  in  re- 
memberance,  acordinge  to  the  trust  your  Majestic  hath  reposside  in 
me ;  becechinge  the  Lorde  to  give  me  the  grace  and  fortune  thatt 
my  servis  may  allwais  bee  exceptable  to  your  hightnes :  as  knoweth 
our  Lorde,  whome  preserve  your  noble  Majestie  in  health,  and  longe 
to  raigne  over  us  with  increasse  of  honor. 

By  your  Majesties  most  homble 

and  faythefull  obedientt  subject, 

THOMAS  GRESHM,  Mercer." 

It  must  be  superfluous  that  I  should  point  out  to  any  intelligent 
reader,  that  the  preceding  document  evidently  contains  many  errors 
of  transcription. 


No.  XXII. 

Further  Particulars  of  Charles  V.'S  Funeral. 

[Referred  to  at  page  253,  note  p.] 

The  writer  regrets  to  find  himself  under  the  necessity  of  omit- 
ting the  additional  particulars  promised  in  the  text:  the  extent 
which  these  volumes  have  unexpectedly  reached,  rendering  it  indis- 
pensable that  something  should  be  withheld. 


No.  XXIII. 

Early  English  Vehicles. 
[Referred  to  at  page  305,  note  e.] 

See  also  p.  242,  note  x;  and  page  383.— In  Ellis's  Letters,  &c.  2nd 
Series,  vol.  ii.  p.  253,  will  be  found  a  very  remarkable  description 


APPENDIX.  487 

of  a  "Wagon  of  tymbre  work,  for  Ladies  and  Gentlewomen"  of 
Queen  Mary's  Privy-chamber,  (1557.)— See  further  on  this  subject, 
some  interesting  details  at  the  end  of  Nicolas'  Privy  Purse  Ex- 
penses of  Elizabeth  of  York :  see  also  Strutt's  Dresses,  &c.,  vol.  ii. 
p.  90 :  the  Northumberland  Houshold  Book,  p.  447,  et  seq. ;  and 
above  all,  a  paper  in  the  Archeeologia,  vol.  xx.  p.  426,  et  seq.— The 
heading  of  a  document  preserved  among  the  Domestic  State-Papers 
of  Queen  Mary's  reign,  viz.,  "  Ordinances  devised  by  the  Kinge  and 
Queene's  Majesties,  for  the  order  of  the  Postes  and  Hackney  men 
betwene  London  and  Dover,"  seems  to  show  that  the  commonly 
received  etymology  of  Hackney  coach  is  erroneous. 


No.  XXIV. 

Expenses  of  C lough's  Journey  to  Mansfeld. 
[Referred  to  in  page  342,  note  z.] 

The  following  document,  (not  in  the  autograph  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,)  is  transcribed  from  the  original  preserved  in  the  Flan- 
ders Correspondence  at  the  State-Paper  Office.  Endorsed, 

"  1560.— Mony  layd  owt  by  Sr  Tho.  Gresham  for  his  man 
Clowgh's  charges  in  his  negotiation  wl  ye  Counte  Mansfeld,  etc. 

"  Paied,  the  xviijth  of  May,  a°  1560,  for  my  factors,  Richard 
Clowghe's  charges  into  Germany,  by  comandm4  of  the  Quene's 
Matie,  wth  a  letter  to  the  Countie  of  Mansefyld,  as  towchinge  mony 
proffered  to  the  Quene's  Matie  by  his  s*vaunte  Hans  Kecke  :  to  saie, 
for  him  and  his  post,  and  for  ij  horses  bowght,  whereof  the  one 
died ;  more,  for  the  post's  wages,  iij  s.  iiij  d.  a  daie  :  som  paied  vi  ft'. 

"  Paied,  the  xxijnd  of  Maie  a°  1560,  for  the  hire  of  a  post  wth  irgg 
to  Mr.  Secretary ;  wherein  I  adutized  that  I  had  dispatched  awaie  my 
factor  Richard  Clowghe,  and  Hans  Kecke,  to  the  Countie  of  Mans- 
fild,  for  money  pmised  by  him ;  and  of  the  adutisemen'  that  there 
was  no  gondepowder  to  be  got  in  Hollande iiij  It.  x  *• 

"Paied,  the  xvjth  of  June,  a°  1560,  for  ye  hire  of  a  post  to  Sr  Thorns 
Parry,  for  ye  prouision  of  xlti  last  s'pentyne  powder,  and  xxx  last 
of  corn-powder ;  w*  adutisem*  of  the  straight  shippinge,  and  to 
convey  the  said  powder:  by  reson  I  was  like  to  have  bynbetraied  by 
an  Inglishman.  As  also  wl  adutisem*  of  my  srvant  Clowghe  from 
Issewnock  [Eisenach]  in  Germany,  when  he  went  to  the  Countie  of 
Mansfild  for  resolute  aunswer  of  the  thre  hundred  thowsand  dol- 
lars. Som iiij  ft',  vi*.  viijrf. 

"Paied,  the  ijnd  of  July,  a0  1560,  for  y  hire  of  a  post  to  S' Thorns 
Parry ;  wth  aunswere  of  the  Contie  of  Mansfild,  sent  him  by  my 


488  APPENDIX. 

sfvarit  Richard  Clowghe  :  and  that  the  Quene's  Ma«e  shold  not  faile 
to  have  at  his  hands,  by  the  xxth  of  August,  the  som  of  three  hun- 
dred thowsand  dollars  ;— Som iiij  li.  x*. 

"  Paied,  y«  xxiiijth  of  August,  a°  1560,  for  the  hire  of  a  post  wth  Ires 
to  the  Quene's  Matie  and  my  Lordes  of  ye  Counsell,  wth  Ires  to  the 
Quene's  Matie  from  ye  Countie  Mansfild,  as  towchinge  ye  iij  M 
dollers  he  had  promysed  to  her  Matie,  whose  aunswer  upon  his 
Ire  written  to  me,  wch  I  founde  verie  sclender  :  as  also  -I  wrote 
the  same  tyme  for  ye  Quene's  Mat's  new  bands,  and  the  Cities  of 
London, .  .  .  v  li." 


No.  XXV. 

Paul  Gresham's  Household  Book. 

[Referred  to  at  page  371,  note  1.] 

The  most  interesting  entries  I  met  with  in  the  Household-book 
of  Paul  Gresham,  besides  that  cited  in  the  text,  were  the  follow- 
ing. "  It.  more  to  Thorns  Walgrave  the  five  daye,  to  buye  Thorns 
Gresham  a  bowe,  xviiiaJ."  p.  77  '•  [Thomas  was  Paul  Gresham's  eldest 
son.]  "  It.  upon  Ester-even,  I  rekenyd  w*  John  Tele ;  and  then  I 
ought  hym  for  iij  carriages,  viz.  ii  to  Lynne,  and  one  to  Intwoodde." 
p.  92. — "  A°  Dili  1555.  Money  due  to  me,  John  Fox,  from  my  bro- 
ther Gresham,  as  hereafter  followyth,  viz.  It.  pd  to  Mr.  Grene  the 
undersherve  for  the  staye  of  thextente  against  Mr.  Thomas  Gresham 
by  yor  commandment  xls-.  It.  pd  for  the  coppye  of  thextente 
againste  Mr  Thomas  Gresham,  xiid.  It.  pd  for  a  pound  of  gun- 
powder, xiirf."  p.  146-7- — "Pd  for  a  Billyment  and  a  Crepone  for 
my  cousin  Katharine  Gresham,  vis.  viiirf."  p.  147. — "  Pd  for  a  bar- 
rell  of  olives,  I6d."— "  1557-  It.  pd  to  Mr  Hall  of  Norwiche  for  the 
castynge  of  my  cosyne  Wyllm  water,  and  a  purgacon  with  losen- 
gers,  2*."  p.  148.—"  Shoes  for  Anne  Gresham,  7d."—"  For  the 
lying  of  the  gravestone  over  my  sister/' — "  "Wyllm  Greshm  whas 
bornne  the  iiijth  of  Maye  betwyne  xj  of  the  clocke  and  xij  of  the 
clocke  in  a°  ija°  R.  Edwardi  sexti."  p.  236.  [This  was  Paul's  second 
son.]  Paul  Gresham's  signature  occurs  at  p.  226. 

I  have  stated  in  a  preceding  page,  that  the  MS.  from  which  these 
extracts  are  derived  is  preserved  in  the  Record-Office,  Chapter 
House,  and  was  obligingly  communicated  by  Sir  Francis  Palgrave. 
It  is  of  the  folio  size,  on  paper,  and  extends  to  253  pages.  The 
entries  seem  to  range,  mostly,  from  1555  to  1565. 


APPENDIX.  489 

No.  XXVI. 

Documents  relating  to  Finance. 
[Referred  to  in  page  394,  note ».] 

The  following  is  the  passage  omitted,  and  alluded  to  in  the 
text,  (7  Aug.  1561) : — "Also  yt  maye  please  you  to  be  advertised, 
that  my  Lorde  Treasurer  haithe  apoynted  me  to  paie  the  xxvth 
of  August  in  Andwarpe,  the  some  of  xliiij  M  vij  c  iiijxx  iiij  li.  vi*. 
[44,7841.  6s.]  :  whereof  the  Marchants  Adventrors  payeth  xxx  M  li. 
sterling.  The  Marchaunts  Staplers  vij  M  cc  Ixvi  li.  xvj*.  more  out 
of  the  Quennes  reseipt  ij  M  v  c  xlij  li.  xvis.  Some  sterlinge,  xxxix  M 
viii  c  viii  li.  xviis.  iiijrf.  wyche  maketh  flemyshe  aftir  the  rate  of 
xxijs.  vid.  for  the  pownde  sterlinge, — Some,  xliiij  M  vij  c  iiij  « iiij 
li.  vi  s. 

As  likewise,  whereas  the  Quennes  Majestie  had  appoynctid  me, 
by  my  Instructions,  fiftie  thowsande  powndes  to  be  prolongid  till 
February  next,  my  Lorde  Treasurer  will  have  that  sett  ovir  till 
August  1562,  with  the  rest  of  the  debt  dew  this  August  and  No. 
vember,  whiche  amounts  to  one  hondreth  thowsand  powndes. 
And  for  the  rest  of  the  Quennes  detts  to  be  prolonged,  to  paie  in 
June  an«  1562,  xiiiJMiiij  xx  xiiij  li.  xixs.  iiijrf.  [14,094/.  19s.  4rf.] 
and  in  November  an°  1562,  xiiij  M  iiij  xx  xiiij  li.  xixs.  iiijrf.  [idem,] 
and  in  December  an<>  1562,  xiiij  M  iiij  xx  xiiij  li.  xixs.  iiijrf.  [idem.]" 

In  the  State-Paper  Office,  there  occur  (as  might  be  expected) 
a  vast  number  of  documents  illustrative  of  the  finance  of  this  coun- 
try in  Gresham' s  time :  some  being  the  accounts  he  periodically 
rendered ;  others,  copies  or  abstracts  with  which  himself  or  his 
servants  supplied  Cecil.  I  will  here  insert  a  few  notices  of  a  col- 
lection of  schedules  of  this  class,  preserved  among  the  Flemish 
State-Papers  for  1560. 

The  first  is  « a  brief  note  of  all  such  sums  of  money  as  I,  Thomas 
Gresham,  have  received  in  Antwerp,  for  the  behoof  of  the  Queen's 
Majesty,  since  1  Oct.  1558 :'  amounting  to  310,458/.  14*.— Since  the 
21st  December,  1558,  he  had  paid  319,968/.  3*.  7d. :  so  that  his  pay- 
ments had  exceeded  his  receipts  by  9,509/.  9*.  5d.  '  To  this,'  says 
Gresham,  '  must  be  added  my  expenses  for  charges  of  all  kinds  ; 
as  for  the  transportation  of  armour  and  military  stores,  &c.  &c.  and 
for  postage  and  diet  for  eighteen  months,  amounting  at  It 
6  or  7000/.'— This  account  must  therefore  have  been  rendered  in 
April  1560. 


490  APPENDIX. 

Three  months  before  however,  apparently,  he  had  transmitted  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  a  beautifully-written  account  of  sums  paid  and 
received  since  21  Dec.  1558.  He  had  paid  339,996/.  13*.  4d. ;  and 
received  337,958^.  14s.  '  And  so  the  payments  doth  amount  to  more 
than  the  receipts,  the  sum  of  2037 1.  19s.  4d.' 

In  January  1559-60,  Gresham  stated  that  the  sum  total  he  had 
paid  at  Antwerp,  was  105,195^.  0*.  Sd. :  he  had  received  87,005£.  16s. 
Sd. ;  and  so  rested  to  him,  18,189^.  Os.  4d.  (sic.) 

On  the  18th  March,  1559-60,  the  queen's  debt  at  Antwerp  amount- 
ed to  94,659^.  16s.  Sd. 

From  another  '  Note  of  the  Queen's  debts  in  Antwerp,'  it  appears 
that  the  sums  due  in  October  and  November  1559,  and  February, 
May,  and  July  1560,  amounted  to  133,680/.  12s.  Sd. 

From  another  '  Note  of  all  the  Queen's  Majesty's  debts  owing  in 
Antwerp,  15  April,  1560,'  we  learn  that,  in  May  1560, 93,659/.  16s.  Sd. 
fell  due:  in  June,  10,706/. :  in  July,  11,514^.:  in  August,  138,586^. 
6s.  Sd. ;  and  in  February,  (1560-1,)  4,393^.  6s.  Sd. :  making  a  total  of 
279,565/.  10s. — Of  this  sum,  Queen  Mary  owed  at  the  time  of  Eliza- 
beth's accession  to  the  throne,  65,069/.  17s.  4d. — This  schedule  is 
endorsed  '  Gresham' s  reckoning,  1  Oct.  1558,  to  20  April,  1560."— 
There  is  another  version  of  this  schedule,  signed  Richard  Candeller. 

We  learn  from  another  document  that,  from  17  Nov.  1558.  to 
30  April,  1562,  Gresham  had  taken  up  487,502^.  7s.  :  he  had  paid 
378,289/.  16s.  '  And  so  remaineth  yet  owing  in  Flanders,  109,213^. 
6s.  Flemish.' 

Some  of  these  schedules  are  interesting  from  the  curious  cata- 
logue of  names  which  they  contain :  others  are  beautiful  specimens 
of  penmanship,  and  of  ancient  accounts, — being  intended  for  the 
hands  of  royalty  itself.  All  are  of  real  historical  value,  and  deserve 
careful  consideration. 


No.  XXVII. 

Gresham1  s  Instructions.     July,  1562. 
[Referred  to  in  page  421,  note  *.] 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  rough  draft  in  Cecil's  handwriting, 

(Fland.  Corr.  St.  P.  Off.) "A  chardg  gyve  to  Sr  Thomas 

Gresham,  knight,  being  sent  to  Antwerp.  July  1562. 

"  Where  we  be  indettid  in  Antwp  to  certen  Mrchats  stragers  in 
several  somes,  amoutyg  in  ye  whole,  in  flemish,  to  ye  some  of 


APPENDIX.  till 

threescore  fowre  thowsand,  fyve  hiidred  twety  three  pownds,  xviij.v. 
ijd.  payable  in  ye  next  moth  of  August, — our  pleasure  is,  y1  yr 
shall  pass  ovr  wl  spede;  and  first,  showing  an  appnrace  that  ye  come 
to  take  order  to  paye  ye  same,  or  some  good  part  thereof,  ye  shall, 
aftr  that,  procede  to  ye  prolongation  therof  for  vi  m6ths  vpp5  lyke 
interest:  or  if  ye  can  possible,  vppon  less;  and  ye  shall  also,  before 
ye  conclude  for  ye  prorogation,  treate  w*  some  other  mchants  to  take 
vpp  a  some  of  thousad  pownds  ov  and  above  our  present 

dett ;  which  somme  we  wold  have  so  answerable  to  vs,  y*  by  y«  x 
or  xv  of  August  we  wold  be  at  our  choiss,  whyther  we  wold  have 
ye  same  mony  to  our  owne  vse,  or  to  be  eployed  in  y«  paymet  of 
parcell  of  our  sayd  dett  of  August.  Herin  we  wold  ye  vsed  grete 
circuspection  and  spede." 


END    OF    VOL.    I. 


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The  life  and  times  of  S: 
Thomas  Ore sham