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&Q^i^ /^^wyTN
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\ .'I
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THE
LIFE, TRAYELS AND ADVENTURES
K^
FERDINAND DE SOTO,
^mtknn uf %i p^m^tppi
LAMBERT A. WILMER.
<•»
STEEL ENORAVINOS
BY JOHN U SAML. 8ARTAIN, PHILADELPHIA.
THE ILLUSTTRATIONB, DESIGNED AND ENGRAVED ON WOOD,
BY J. W. ORR AND R. TELFER, NEW YORK.
PHILADELPHIA:
J-. T. L 31. O •S' ID.
1858.
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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
J. T. LLOYD,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for
the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
ITBRBOTTPBD BT OBOBOB CHABLBS, ) No. 607 Sftnioin Street,
PBiifTBD BT KINO 4 BAiBD, { Philadelphia.
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Jtbitation.
TO
J. EDGAR THOMSON, ESQ.
B&AB SiB:
This biography of one of the most celebrated ex-
plorers of the American wilderness is dedicated to you,
by whose exertiona, and those of yonr co-laborers, in the
gr^t work of internal improvement, many of those hideous
solitudes first yifiited by Be Soto and bis companions have
been converted to scenes of commercial prosperity, and
nmde the dwelling-places of myriads of civilized, indus-
triona, and happy people. Though I have ventured to
question the claims of some of the discoverers and con-
qnerors of America to the esteem and gratitude of mankind,
I am ready, at all times, to acknowledge the merits of
those men by whose peaceful, humane, and patriotic efforts
the gloomy forest and the sun-scorched prairie have been
constrained to give place to the cultivated field, the thriv-
ing village, and the populous city. In my estimation, the
oonquest of an empire is a less glorious work than the
(Ui)
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IV DEDICATION.
construction of a great public work. If in this book, there-
fore, I have attempted to depreciate some objects of popular
admiration, there is no inconsistency in offering to you this
token of my respect, — ^wishing thereby to express my
hearty concurrence with all that the Public has testified
in your favor. If this offering were ten times more valua-
ble and significant than it is, it would more fully and
faithftiUy express the sentiments and feelings of
THE AUTHOR.
Philaoblphia, July lOth, 1858.
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INTRODUCTION.
That strange and exciting event, the discovery of the New
World, seems to have stimulated the imaginations of all the
earliest writers of American history. To them America
was a land of wonders, and their accounts of it were cor-
respondingly marvelous. Several other causes, which I am
about to explain, have conspired to cast a shadow of doubt
and suspicion on the records of the discovery and conquest
of a large portion of this continent. In all American his-
tories, there is an obvious disposition to magnify the merits
and achievements of those men who first established an
intercourse between the eastern and western hemispheres,
and brought one half of the world into subjection to the
other.
The Spaniards claim the discovery and conquest of
America as one of their national triumphs; and they have
certainly endeavored to make the most of it. Like Julius
C.SSAB, they are the chroniclers of their own exploits ; and
that taste for self-glorification, or rhodomontade, which is
presumed to be one of their national characteristics, has, in
this instance, been indulged to an unlimited extent. The
Spanish historians have supplied us with copious accounts
of the actions of their countrymen in Mexico, Peru, and
other parts of America; but the slightest examination of
this registry will convince us that much of it has been
1 (1)
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INTRODUCTION.
£Ekbricated for a particular purpose. Instead of being a
simple relation of facts, the narrative often takes the form
of an apologetic harangue. It is the pleading of the advo-
cate rather than the testimony of the witness. We are in-
debted to the inadvertence rather than to the candor of these
writers, for any fiwt which could injuriously affect the
reputation of their favorite heroes, or tarnish the honor and
credit of the Spanish nation.
The errors and faults of the Spanish historians have
found apologists and imitators among some of the most
popular and gifted writers of our own country. Mr. Wash-
ington Irving uses the following language with reference
to Antonio de Herrbra, who flourished about the end of the
sixteenth century, and whose " General History of the West
Indies" is the principal source from which all later writers
have drawn their accounts of the first Spanish exploration
and settlement of America. "Herrera," says Mr. Irving,
*'has been censured for flattering his nation, exalting the
deeds of his countrymen, and soft^ening and concealing their
excesses. But there is nothing very serious in this accusa-
tion ; for to illustrate the glories of his nation is one of the
noblest ofiBces of the historian."* This remark of our much-
admired American author does not give us a very exalted
idea of his literary ethics ; but, as a writer of fiction, Mr.
Irving may be excused for his misapprehension of an
author's privileges. I have always entertained the opinion
that the legitimate business of the historian is not to glorify
any particular nation or individual, but to relate facts with
candor and impartiality.
Mr. Prescott apologizes, in a similar strain, for the ntiraer-
* Inring's '' Columbus and hit Companlonv." Appendix. Article Herrera,
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INTRODUCTION, 3
ous fiJsifications of Gabcilasso de la Ybga, another Spanish
writer, to whom the compilers of American history are
indebted for a large portion of their materials, though his
want of veracity has never been a matter of doubt or dispute.
The author of the "Conquest of Peru" speaks approvingly of
this writer's tendency to amplify and embellish the meagre
details of history ; as if it were desirable to make a truthful
narrative attractive by arraying it in the garb of romance.
I fear that the unnatural mixture of the true and false,
which has been practiced by some Spanish and American
historiographers, will make it almost impossible for posterity ^
to distinguish between the veritable records of past events
and the flimsy inventions of the sentimental novelist. While
engaged in collecting materials for this book, I have ex-
perienced some of the inconveniences and embarrassments
which the &nciful writers just spoken of have entailed upon
their successors. The most troublesome part of my task
has been the separation of the facts of history from the
fabrications of the historian ; and in this winnowing opera-
tion I do not flatter myself that I have been always suc-
cessftil.
It is a melancholy fact, that some of the most valuable
and authentic records of events connected with the discovery
and settlement of America are still locked up in the Spanish
libraries. The publication of these tell-tale manuscripts
has been interdicted, as we are informed, by the govern-
ment of Spain, or by the authority of the Catholic church.
Among these unpublished writings there is an entire his-
tory of America, from the discovery to the year 1520, by
Bartholomew Las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa. This truly great
man was a cotemporary of the principal explorers and
conquerors of America, and he derived many of his facts
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INTRODUCTION.
from personal observation. He was unquestionably a true
and faithful witness; and on that very account, as it is
supposed, his writings were suppressed, as they contained
much which was oflFensive to government and derogatory
to the character of the men who took a part in the American
crusade. A few extracts from the works of Las Casas have
appeared in print ; and to this circumstance I am indebted
for some of those examples of Spanish superstition and
barbarity which I have introduced into this volume. Thirty
books of OviKDo's history, and many other writings illus-
trative of American antiquities, are likewise included among
the unpublished treasures of Spanish literature.
Several American authors, among whom were Messrs.
Prescott and Irving, were permitted to examine these im-
portant records. In view of the superior opportunities of
those gentlemen, I have been tempted to exclaim with the
jealous Helena :
''How happ7 some o*er other lome oan be!"
But every feeling of discontent vanished when I discovered
how little advantage my highly-fevored countrymen gained
from their inspection of those secluded manuscripts. Mr.
Irving assures us that they contain much which would
elucidate some very obscure passages of American history;*
but neither he nor Mr. Pbicscott has made any important
addition to this department of useful knowledge. All that
is valuable in the writings of these gentlemen might have
been gathered from printed books in the libraries of America.
It was useless for them to gain access to the penetralia of
* Irring's " Colambas and his Companions.'' Appendix. Article La» Comu.
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INTRODUCTION.
the temple, when all the truths they desired to have could
have been found in the portico.
As a biography of Febdinand de Soto must necessarily
include a considerable portion of American history, I have
sought for information at the same fountains where some
of our most eminent history writers have obtained their
supplies. But I have claimed the privilege of an American
citizen by having opinions of my own, and daring to ex-
press them even when they appear to be at variance with
the statements of the most distinguished authors of my
country. If this is presumption, I hope it will be some
extenuation of the £Ekult to offer the most substantial his-
torical evidences in support of my peculiar hypotheses.
Whenever I venture to contradict the declarations of a high
authority, I will endeavor to show that a still higher au-
thority will justify and sustain me in the contradiction.
The £Edsification of historical records is not, strictly speak-
ing, a peculiarity of Spanish writers, for others have been
detected in the same practice. If, as Mr. Irving asserts, a
Spanish author is excusable for glorifying his nation, and
exalting the characters and actions of his countrymen, at
the expense of truth, his violent amor patrice^ I suppose, is
the plea of justification. But this defense is certainly not
available for the American citizen who re-echoes the extrava-
gant panegyrics which the Castilian scribes have pronounced
on the great men of their nation. The Spaniards may be
adepts in the manufacture of heroes, but the ingenuity and
skill of our own countrymen in that branch of business is
unapproachable. Several of the Spanish heroes have been
manifestly improved, or regilded as it were, by passing
through the hands of our American artists. I have no
inclination to try my skill in such ingenious but very cen-
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surable operations; for I do not profess to be an admirer
of that phase of heroism which can be associated with the
lowest forms of depravity and crime. Admitting that the
ability to make a shining character of the worst possible
material may be an evidence of genius or superior literary
tact, I am still persuaded that such unnatural perversions
are eminently mischievoua It is bad enough for novel
writers to display their portraitures of amiable and admirable
villains, as if for the express purpose of destroying all the
distinctions between good and evil ; but it is absolutely hor-
rifying to see genuine history so distorted as to exhibit the
blackest and most fiendlike malefactors in the guise of angels
or demigods.
Comparing Ferdinand dk Soto with those of his com-
patriots who took a part in the subjugation of the American
tribes, we may truly say of him, perhaps, that
** He WA8 the noblest Spaniard of them aU.'*
All the good and noble qualities which are claimed for him
in these pages are ascribed to him by his cotemporary his-
torians. But it has been no part of my design to represent
him as a model of human perfection. I have merely en-
deavored to render him that justice and due appreciation
which some writers, who have been too intent on the exalta-
tion of more unworthy objects, have denied him. In the
relation of Db Soto's travels and adventures, I have endeav-
ored to be as truthful, at least, as my authorities. In all
matters of historical importance, I have made a somewhat
elaborate search after the truth, when it appeared to lie far
beneath the sur&ce. With this object in view, I have ex-
amined many antique, tomes, and availed myself of every
other source of intelligence which was within my reach.
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INTRODUCTION.
On the score of veracity, I think this Life of De Soto will
compare fevorably with any other book which professes to
give an account of the Spanish operations in America ; and
there is nothing very boastful in this assumption, for much
of the early history of America — even when it has all the
amendments and elucidations of our latest authors — is
scarcely less obscure, enigmatical, and £Ekbulous than the
most ancient records of Greece or Egypt.
Before I finish these introductory remarks, it may be
proper for me to disavow any intention to disparage the
literary merits of several cotemporary authors who are
mentioned in different parts of this volume. My negation
of some of their statements must be considered as a matter
of necessity ; for when any material difference appears be-
tween their narratives and mine, it is incumbcDt on me to
explain the cause of my disagreement with such eminent
authorities, otherwise my own veracity might justly be
called in question. If I fidl to show wherAn they are mis-
taken, I allow it to be supposed that the error is on my own
side. It should be observed, however, that it is no imputa-
tion against the abilities or learning of an author, to charge
him with a misstatement of facts. Faults of this kind are
often the result of indolence, or of an excessive activity
of imagination; and it is possible that the most ingenious
and brilliant historians are sometimes the least reliable. In
view of all the difficulties which attend this branch of lite-
rary toil, I am well prepared to excuse the faults and
blemishes of my co-laborers, feeling, as I do, that my own
imperfections may stand greatly in need of the same kind
of merciful forbearance.
Philadelphia, July 10, 1858.
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CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Birth of De Soto— His Parentage — He is patronised by Coant Pedro Arias
de Ayila — He falls in Lore with the Coant*s beaatifal Daughter Isa-
bella— He demands* her in Marriage, and is scomfullj repulsed by her
Relations — The Count makes a Discoyerj which leads to plans of
Vengeance— De Soto resolres to Visit the Now World — His Life is en-
dangered by De Arila's Bfachinations. [▲. d. 1500-1519.] Page 17
CHAPTER II.
Unparalleled tyranny and barbarity of Pedro de Arila— The Effects of his
cruel Policy — A Famine among the Colonists — Their frightful Suffer- *
ings — Noblemen turned Beggars — ^A Spanish Gentleman starred to
Death — ^Abominable crimes committed by De Arila's Captains — An In-
dian Woman hunted like a Beast — An Infant thrown to the Dogs — De
Soto refuses to obey De Arila's orders — ^Mock trial of Vasco Nufies de
Balboa — De AvilA causes him to be beheaded — Heroic behayior of
Balboa on the Scaffold, [a. d. 1619.] 27
CHAPTER III.
De Soto is commanded by De Avila to destroy an Indian Village-— He re-
fuses to obey the Order — His Duel with Captain Alonio Perei de la Rua
—The great Indian chief Uracca opposes the Spaniards — Alarm of the
Settlers at Panama — De Arila sends out two Parties to destroy the In-
dian Villages — Uracca meets the Spanish troops, and defeats them
with great slaughter — De Soto rescues some of his Countrymen who
are in the Power of the Indians — The sUnriying Spaniards escape to
their Ships. [a,d. 1620-1622.] 40
CHAPTER IV.
The fugitiye Spaniards land at Borrica — A quarrel between De Soto and
the Alcalde Espinoso— De Soto carries an Account of the Spaniards'
defeat to Gk>yemor de Ayila — Herman Ponce is sent to Pisarro*s as-
sistance— The Spanish force on the Isthmus is increased by the arri-
yal of fresh Troops — The Goyemor himself proceeds against Uracca—
The Cacique outgenerals De Ayila — De Soto sayes the Life of the
Italian Astrologer, Micer Codro— Disasters of the Spanish Troops in
Veragua — ^Misrepresentations of Spanish Historians. [▲. n. 1624.]... 49
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CHAPTER V.
Continaed alarm of the Spanish Settlers at Panama — ^Examples of Indian
Generosity and Spanish Barbarism — Donna Isabella's Constancy — ^Don
Pedro becomes more incensed against De Soto— De Soto's Danger — He
is yisited hy Micer Codro, the Astrologer, who makes a startling Dis-
oloBnre — ^A Prediction and a Warning — De Soto is prerented from hold-
ing any Correspondence with Isabella — His Troubles and Disappoint-
menta. [▲. n. 1525-1627.] JFVi^« 60
CHAPTER VI.
Pizarro, Almagro, and De Lnqae, prepare for the Invasion of Pern — ^De
Soto refuses to join their Company — Fisarro leares Panama in a Ship,
with one hundred and thirty Men — ^He makes unproroked Attacks on
the Indian Towns — He is beaten, and compelled to turn back — Almagro
embarks with more Men, and follows after Piutrro— He meets with un-
expected Disasters, and returns to Chucamar--Goyemor De Arila looses
his Office— De Soto writes to Isabella— His Letter. [▲. d. 1526.] 69
CHAPTER Vn.
De Soto and Francisco Hemandes are sent to explore Nicaragua — Her-
nandex undertakes to conrert the Indians — Qiles Gonialei engages in
the same Duty— How the Natives were converted — Nearly forty thou-
sand Indians are baptised — Hemandes and Gonialez — Each claims an
exclusive right to Christianize them — Each has a particular Way of
Doing it — ^De Soto marches against Gonzales — ^A Battle — Treachery of
Gonzalez — De Soto's narrow escape — Backsliding among the new Con-
verts. [A. D. 1527.] 80
CHAPTER Vin.
De Soto comes to an open Rupture with Pedro de Avila — He receives a
Letter from Donna Isabella — De Avila discovers the Correspondence —
Don Pedro and his Retinue start for Nicaragua — They arrive at Leon —
De Avila's Interiew with Francisco Hernandez — ^Tragic Incident — De
Soto is condemned to lose his Head — He defies the power of Governor
De Avila, and retires from his Service. [▲. d. 1526.] 91
CHAPTER IX.
Pizarro, the future Companion-in-Arms of De Soto— His Expedition to-
ward Peru — The true Character of that Enterprise— His Afflictions —
His horrible Barbarities — ^An Account of his unexampled Atrocities,
quoted from the Writings of Bishop Las Casas — The corroboratory
Evidence of a Franciscan Friar — Millions of People murdered in cold
blood by Pizarro and his Associates — Ferdinand de Soto's Unfortu-
nate Connections — ^The Effect thereof on his Character. [▲. d. 1527-
1528.1 104
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CHAPTER X.
The Punishment of Mioer Codro, and his last Propheoj — De Soto goes on
an Exploring Expedition — His nnsuocessfal Search — He reoeires
Presents of Gold from friendly Indians — He resolves to return to Leon
-*He embarks in a Caravel — His singular Adyenture with the Captain
of the Vessel — He hears of the Death of Micer Codro— How the last
Prediction of the Astrologer was fulfllled. [▲. d. 1528.] Page 115
CHAPTER XI.
Pe Soto's Exploring Expedition to Guatemala— The horrid Acts of Martin
Estete— Indians enslayed and branded with a red-hot Iron — ^The Na-
tiyes are robbed of their Children — Caciques burned to Death and de-
voured by Dogs — Sixty thousand people murdered — Pizarro entreats
De Soto to come to Peru — He goes with a reinforcement of Men and
Horses — Pizarro swindles his Confederates, and begins to make a havoc
among his Peruvian friends — De Soto arrives at the Island of Puna, and
Joins Pizarro. [▲. n. 1532.] 126
CHAPTER XII.
The real condition of Peru before the Spanish Invasion — Its admirable
Institutions — Prosperity and Happiness of the People — ^Their Arts and
ICanufactures — The grand temple of Cuzco— The inexhaustible riches
of Peru — The metals used by the Peruvians — Their mechanical Skill —
Their great Public Works — Slanders of the Spanish conquerors — The
Peruvians not Idolaters — A true Account of their Religion — Falsehoods
of the Spanish historians refuted * 138
CHAPTER XIII.
De Soto is basely deceived by Pizarro— An Attack on the city of Tumbez
— The Spaniards are disappointed — ^A bold Adventure tried by De Soto
— ^His conduct contrasted with that of Pizarro— De Soto's battle with
the Mountaineers — His Victory — The spoils of the Enemy — He disobeys
Pliarro's orders, and advances into the Country— ^He discovers the
great National Road leading to Cuzco — He is suspected of an intention
to Revolt — His contemptuous treatment of Pizarro. [▲. n. 1583.]... 151
CHAPTER XIV.
De Soto returns victorious — He gives good counsel to Pizarro— The Span-
iards desire to move forward — Pizarro resolves to build a City — Ao-
count of a wonderful *' Spiritual Manifestation" — The town of San
Miguel founded — One of Mr. Prescott's errors corrected — Pizarro makes
deceitful professions of friendship to the Inca — He becomes alarmed,
and is half inclined to turn back — De Soto oifers to go to the Peruvian
Court — His offer is aocepted by Pizarro, who sends a party of Horsemen
to acompany him — ^An Indian is barbarously put to the torture. [▲. d.
1529.1 163
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CHAPTER XV.
De Soto's Joamey in sesroli of the Inoa — He attracts crowds of Admirers
— His wonderfal feats of HorsemansUp-^The hoases of the Pemyians
desorlbod-^The Occupations of the People— Their Dress — Female Ex-
travagance not possible among them — Pemyian Civilization — ^Magnifi-
cent Public Works — ^Pemyian justice— Pixarro and some of his Confede-
rates are dismayed — Spanish and American historiographers charged
with falsehood — De Soto's reasons for serying under the yillainous
Pizarro— De Soto's correspondence with Isabella — Her constancy — ^De
Soto's guUt. [A. n. 1537-1638.] Pag€ 175
CHAPTER XVI.
The guilty Fears of Pizarro^His infamous Duplicity — ^Proofs of the Inoa's
friendly disposition to the Spaniards — He sends them Provisions — ^Mr.
Prescott's erroneous Statements — The Spaniards enter Caxamalca — De
Soto visits the Inca — His kind Reception — Atahuallapa promises to
return the Visit — De Soto shows the Inca some specimens of his Horse-
manship—Pizarro 's diabolical Plot — Had De Soto a part in it ? [▲. b.
1532.] 187
CHAPTER XVII.
Pizarro's Arrangements for the capture of the Inca — The composition of
Pizarro's "Army" — Atahuallapa prepares to Visit the Spaniards —
Grand Procession of the Peruvians — Splendid Appearance of the Inca
and his Nobles — Atahuallapa hears that the Spaniards are alarmed —
He tries to quiet their Apprehensions — He enters the Square— Friar
Vincent counsels him to submit to the King of Spain — His answer —
The Friar calls on the Spaniards to begin the attack — Horrid Massacre
of the Peruvians — The Inca is taken Prisoner, [a. d. 1532,] 200
CHAPTER XVIII.
De Soto's participation in the Massacre— What sort of a "Conquest" was
that of Peruf — Immense Booty — ^The Spaniards sack Caxamalca — Hor-
rid Murder of a young Girl — How the Inoa was treated — De Soto's
friendship for Atahuallapa — ^The Inca wishes to purchase his Liberty
— The Price agreed on — Pizarro's insatiable Avarice — Atahuallapa's
simplicity — He collects Gold to satisfy Pizarro's demands — ^Infamous
conduct of the Spaniards — Pizarro sends Spies to Cuzco — How they be-
haved in that City. [a. d.1533.] 214
CHAPTER XIX.
Immense quantities of Treasure hidden by the Peruvians — The Inca's
Ransom — The greatest Booty on Record — De Soto requires Pizarro to
liberate the Inca — Pizarro's base and dishonorable Conduct — De Soto
becomes Wealthy— Probability of his union with Isabella— He insists
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12 CONTENTS,
on having jnatio* done to the Inca^-The villain/ of FilipiUo — Pizarro's
prevarication — His trick to get De Soto oat of the way — ^The Inca ii
tried and condemned to be bnmed — His Execution — Pisarro's Disap-
pointment. [A. D. 1533.] JPo^tf 226
CHAPTER XX.
Attempt to rescire the Inca while he was burning — Spanish slanders of
Atahnallapa— Manufacture of Historical falsehoods— De Soto returns—
He hears of the Inca's murder— His behavior on that occasion— He
challenges Pizarro— Denounces him as a coward — Effects of the Spanish
invasion — ^Demoralization of the Peruvians— Examples thereof— In-
stances of vice and depravity — Peru permanently ruined by the Span-
iards— Proof that she has never recovered from the eifects of the
«* Conquest.'* [a. d. 1633.] 239
CHAPTER XXI.
The Spaniards march toward the capital of Peru— Pizarro makes a new
Inca— Expected attack of the Indians— Pizarro halts, and De Soto goes
forward to meet the enemy — A Skirmish— Pizarro keeps out of danger
— ^De Soto meets the enemy— He is unsupported by his countrymen —
His perilous situation — The great battle of Vilcaoongo— A Peruvian
General burned to Death — Friar Vincent entreats him to be baptised —
His answer — ^Bravery of the Peruvians — Almagro's timely arrival — De
Soto's great Victory— The Conquest finished, [a. d. 1533.] 252
CHAPTER XXIL
De Soto fights another battle— His wonderful prowess — Remarkable feat
of Horsemanship— Astonishment and submission of the Peruvian
Qeneral — The Natives retreat to Ciuco— They set fire to the City — De
Soto enters the Capital — He endeavors to extinguish the conflagration —
Arrival of Almagro and Pizarro— The Commander's disappointment —
Indians put to the torture— Their invincible fortitude— Fate of the
Conquerors — Almagro strangled — Hernando Pizarro imprisoned —
Father Vincent assassinated — ^Execution of Francisco Pizarro— De Soto
returns to Spain — His interview with Isabella— Death of Pedro de
Avila. [A. D. 1634.] 266
CHAPTER XXm.
De Soto's fame and popularity — His splendid style of living — He resolves
to engage in a new Enterprise— A new El Dorado— De Soto plans an
Expedition to Florida — Great preparations — Public excitement — ^The
Expedition leaves Spain — De Soto becomes a young lady's guardian —
The Expedition arrives at Cuba — De Soto assumes the government of
the Island — Grand Tournament — A strange lov<> iiflair — De Soto's ward
is seduced — His resentment — He challenges the seducer — How the
affair was compromised, [a. d. 1534-1538.] 279
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CONTENTS. 13
CHAPTER XXrV.
Semando Ponce arrireB at Havanna — ^How he became indebted to De
Soto— Hia attempt to defraad — He conceals bis treasures — De Soto
finds them — C^neroas behayior of De Soto— Ingratitude and base oon-
dact of Hernando Ponce— Nniio de Tobar's projects of Revenge— Dis-
ooTeries in Florida — Expedition of Ponce de Leon — His search for the
Fountain of Tenth — ^Expedition of Yasquei de Ajllon — His misfortunes
and death — Expeditions of GioTanni de Verazanno and of Pamphilo de
Narrez — Pamphilo 's defeat by the Indians — He is driven from the
Country, and perishes by shipwreck — Ferocity of the Indians ac-
counted for. [A. D. 1538.] Pag€ 293
CHAPTER XXV.
De Soto leaves Havana — Unfavorable omens — Donna Isabella's fore-
bodings— ^Leave-taking — The voyage to Florida — Arrival at Tampa
Bay — Landing effected — Hostile Indians — A much-abused Chief —
Spanish barbarity — ^Wrongs not to be forgiven — De Soto takes posses-
sion of a Village — The Indians of Florida^-Their civilisation— Their
manufactures — Their houses, furniture and utensils — Their archi-
tecture— Their religion— Their government— Effects of a Spanish inva-
sion— How tl^e Indians of Florida ftell back into barbarism— How their
communications with Europeans corrupted their good manners, [a. d.
1538-1639.] , 308
CHAPTER XXVI.
De Soto's greatest misfortune— His villainous Lieutenant— Hunting In-
dians—A disguised Christian found among Savages— His romantic and
wonderful Story — Stratagem of an Indian Chief— Four Spaniards made
Prisoners — Three of them put to death — Juan Ortii sentenced to be
roasted alive — The sentence is partly executed — Intercession of the
Princess Uleleh— The execution is postponed— Ortii falls in love with
the Princess— He is rigorously punished by her Father— His unpa-
ralleled sufferings- His consolation, [a. o. 1539.] 320
CHAPTER XXVII.
Narrative of Juan Ortii conMnued — He is doomed to be sacrificed — ^His
watch over the Dead — His remarkable Adventure with a wild beast — A
miraculous Shot — Ortiz is visited by the Princess-^His declaration of
love — Her answer — She assists him to escape — ^He takes refuge with
the Cacique Mocoso— He is claimed by IJcita — Mocoso's noble behavior
— The narrative of Ortii concluded — Mocoso visits the Spaniards — ^Mu-
tual professions of friendship— The Chiefs mother is suspicious — Her
appeal to De Soto. [a. d. 1539.] 332
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14 CONTENTS.
CHAPTBR XXVin.
The Caoiqne UoiU is still nnpropitions to the SpaalArda — Vmioo PoresUo
undertakes to conquer him — ^A mudd/ adventure— Porcallo's heroism
is chilled and smothered— He retires from the service — Balthasar de
GhJlagos is sent forward — ^His grateful behavior to Mocoso's Brother-in-
Law — He hears of a gold region — Rejoicing of the Spaniards — ^De Soto
marches into the Country — DiAcult traveling — ^Faithless Indian guides
— ^Their punishment — De Soto arrives at Acuera — He sends a friendly
message to the Cacique— The Indian's insulting answer — ^Fourteen
Spaniards killed and decapitated — De Soto continues his march. [▲. n.
1539.] Page 345
HAFTER XXIX.
The location of Acuera — De Soto marches to Ocali — ^The Cacique refuses
to see him — The Natives show their dislike for the Spaniards — An In-
dian Chief is captured — ^Another sends a threatening message to the
Spaniards — De Soto's mild answer — The Cacique Vitacucho visits the
Spanish camp— He invites the Christians to his chief town — His plot
to destroy them — ^De Soto outgenerals the Cacique— Development of
the plot — The battle— Brave conduct of the Indians — ^Yitacucho is
taken prisoner — He contrives another plot — He commits an assault
and battery on the Qovemor — ^He fights desperately and is killed— The
Indian prisoners attempt to kill the Spaniards — ^The Natives die for
liberty, [a. d. 1539.] 359
CHAPTER XXX.
De Soto's followers are discouraged — ^They wish to leave the country-*
The Commander refuses to turn back — He takes the lead in all dan-
gers— ^The Spaniards march toward Apalache— Desperate resistance of
the Indians — ^Incessant fighting — Capture of an extraordinary Indian
Chief— He orders his subjects to submit to the Spaniards — ^They refuse
to do so— The Chiefs stratagem and wonderful escape— Diabolical
agency suspected — De Soto collects all his forces — He fixes his winter
quarters — ^Receives a letter from Donna Isabella — The Cacique Mocoso
rewarded — Discovery of Pensacola. [▲. n. 1539-1540.] 873
CHAPTER XXXI.
Donna Isabella's letter — She gives De Soto good counsel — ^His reasons for
^ot following it — ^The Spaniards leave their winter-quarters — Certain
intelligence of a gold region — The march to Cofachiqui — The Indian
guide is seduced by the devil — His miraculous conversion — ^The Span-
iards arrive at Cofachiqui — £1 Dorado proves to be still at a distance —
March through a dreary wilderness — Sufferings of the Spaniards — The
converted Indian guide suspected of treachery — Arrival at a fine coun
try governed by a young female Cacique, [a. d. 1540.] 387
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CONTENTS. 15
CHAPTER XXXII.
The Spaniards are entertained bj the Prinoess Xnalla — Her snrpriging
beantj — Her generosity to the Christians — ^Their gratitude — Immense
quantities of pearls are found — The Princess is intimidated — She oon-
sents to betray her mother — Singular case of suicide — The distress of
the Princess Xoalla — Her severe speech to De Soto— The Spaniards
resume their march — Captivity of the Princess — Her escax>e — De Soto's
oonduct to Women — The licentiousness of his followers, [a. d.
1640.] Pag^ 400
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Operations of the Spaniards in Georgia and South Carolina — ^Robbing the
Indian graves — De Soto refuses a rich gift — ^De Soto is advised to be-
oome a farmer — He comes to the land of Tuscaluza — Extraordinary
appearance of the Cacique — He gives the Spaniards a grand reception —
He is entrapped by De Soto— His revengeful schemes — ^Doings of the
Spaniards in Alabama— They come to Mauvilla — Ancient appearance
of that town— Signs of an approaching storm— Tuscaluza's escape— De
Soto's anxiety for his recovery — Hostilities commenced— First scene
of De Soto's greatest battle in North America, [a. d. 1540.] 416
CHAPTER XXXIV.
De Soto in Alabama — The great battle of Mauvilla— The Spaniards are
driven out of the town— Unrivalled bowmen— De Soto rallies his troops
— ^They attack the Indian entrenchments— De Soto handles the axe —
The Spaniards re-enter the town— Horrible slaughter— A thousand
women burned to death— De Soto attacks the giant chief Tuscaluza —
The combat prevented— De Soto is severely wounded — Death of Tusca-
luza—Irreparable losses of the Spaniards — The town depopulated— De
Soto proceeds to Chicasaw — His troubles on the way — He fixes his
winter-quarters— The Spaniards become peaceable — Explanation of that
circumstance, [a. d. 1541.] 430
CHAPTER XXXV.
De Soto in Mississippi— He is in danger of assassination— His obstinacy
and desperation — He causes four Spaniards to be executed — Severe
punishment of theft — The Spanish camp is attacked by the Indians —
Terrible conflagration— Spaniards burned to death — Awful fate of a
Spanish woman— Wretched condition of the Christians — Removal of
the camp— March to Alibamo — Duel between a Spaniard and an In-
dian—March through a great wilderness— Discovery of the Mississippi
River — Its appearance in the time of De Soto. [a. d. 1541.] 444
CHAPTER XXXVI.
De Soto approaches Arkansas— He continues to make enemies — Passage
of the Mississippi— Great obstacles surmounted— He enters the town
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16 CONTENTS.
of CMquin — Ghrand religious ceremonies — ^Miraculous shower — ^The
truth of the storj considered — The Spaniards proye to be bad teachers
of Christianity— Blisbehavior of their proselytes— Still another Gk>ld
Region— <* All is not gold that glitters"— The Spaniards march onward
— Heroic tribe of Indians — ^Wonderful exploit of an Indian warrior — De-
parture of the Spaniards from Tulla. [▲.!>. 1541.] i\i^« 459
CHAPTER XXXVn.
De Soto's march through Arkansas— Appalling diflcuUies — He enters the
Indian territory- Takes possession of the town of Autiamque — Fixes his
winter-quarters — ^Terrible sufferings of the Spaniards — Death of Juan
Ortis— Daring adventure of De Soto— Assault on an Indian town — It is
flred by the inhabitants— De Soto's press-gang — Retrogressiye move-
ments—The Spaniards visit the Hot-Springs of Arkansas — De Soto
fortifies himself on the Mississippi — He is insulted by an Indian Cacique
—His fears for Donna Isabella — He builds two Brigantines^ and resolves
to send them to Havana— His sad reflections. [▲. d. 1541-1542.]. ...474
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
De Soto's illness — ^His mental uneasiness and self-reproach — His fears of
Indian treachery — He pretends to understand magic — Singular use of
a Looking-Glass— His disease becomes dangerous— He remembers the
prophecy of Micer Codro— Why he was unwilling to die— He chooses a
successor — He takes leave of his officers and soldiers— His message to
Donna Isabella — The closing scenes — ^Murder suspected after three hun-
dred years concealment — Proofs exhibited — ^A mysterious story eluci-
dated— ^A national peculiarity of the Spaniards. [▲. d. 1541.] 492
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Curious circumstances attending the burial of De Soto— Concealment of
the body — The Indians become suspicious — The corpse is disinterred —
It is sunk into the Mississippi — The Cacique's anxious inquiries — Sus-
picious behavior of the Spaniards — Conjectures respecting the place
of De Soto's burial — De Soto's character — His ruling passion — His
heroism, sagacity, etc. — His personal appearance. [▲. d. 1542.] 510
CHAPTER XL.
Moscoso and his companions resolve to leave the country — Their over-
land Journey — They arouse the indignation of the natives — They are
driven back to the Mississippi — They build vessels and descend the
river — The Indians pursue them — Many Spaniards are drowned — Run-
ning the gauntlet — ^Moscoso and his troops arrive at Pamuco — Donna
Isabella causes search to be made for her husband — Her mental suffer-
ings-She receives intelligence of De Soto's death— The consequence
—Conclusion, [a. d. 1543.] 521
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LIFE OF FERDIMND DE SOTO.
CHAPTER L
BIRTH OF BB SOTO — ^HIS PARENTAGB— HB 18 PATRONIZBD BT
COUNT PBDRO ARIAS DB AVILA — HB FALLS IN LOVB WITH
THB count's BBAUTIFUL DAUOHTBR, ISABELLA — HB DEMANDS
HER IN MARRIAGE, AND IS SCORNFULLY REPULSED BY HER
RELATIONS — ^THE COUNT MAKES A DISCOVERY WHICH LEADS
TO PLANS OF YENGBANCE — DB SOTO RESOLVES TO VISIT THB
NEW WORLD — HIS LIFE IS ENDANGERED BY DE AVILA'S
MACHINATIONS. [A. D. 1500-1519.]
In the early history of the fiimous cavalier, whose
lomantie and almost incredible adventures we are about
to record, we must look for an explanation of much that
is mysterious in his subsequent conduct. Many actions
ascribed to De Soto appear to be strangely inconsistent
with the general character of the man. It is hard to con-
' ceive how one who possessed so much chivalric feeling,
and so many estimable qualities, could become the volun-
tary subordinate and coadjutor of that ignoble swine-
herd and merciless bandit, Francis Pizarro. We are
reasonably surprised to find a brave soldier, a courteous
2 17
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18 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
gentleman, and a steadfest believer in the Christian
religion, (as De Soto certainly was,) associating with
robbers and assassins, participating in numerous deeds
of ruffianly violence and criminal atrocity, and devoting
all his energies to the accomplishment of designs, the
magnitude and boldness of which can oflFer no excuse '
for their cruelty and injustice.
At the commencement of this narrative, we present a
remarkable example of the lasting eflFect which may be
produced on a man's character and conduct by a single
incident of his early life. From a cause apparently so
inadequate may proceed those generous impulses which
make one individual the benefax^tor of his race, or those
stem resolves which conduct another into scenes of
turbulence and peril, impelling him, perhaps, to the
perpetration of deeds which may render his eystence
miserable and his memory infamous. In the case of De
Soto, it wiU be seen that one early disappointment pro-
duced that mental bias which made him a soldier of
fortune, and connected him with many transactions which
the sober judgment of mankind must condemn.
Ferdinand de Soto, according to the most reliable
accounts,* was bom in the year 1500, at a Spanish town
4
* Both Herrera and Gardlasso assert that he was born at Villa-
nueva de Barcarrota, but we have adopted the statement of the
Portuguese narrative as more probable. We find that Mr. Ban-
croft, (Hist, of United States, Vol. I., Ch. 2,) likewise gives a
preference to the Portuguese authority, by making Xerea the birth-
place of De Soto.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 19
called Xeres, in the province of Estramadura, forty
miles south of Badajoz. Both of his parents were allied,
by consanguinity, with femilies of the highest rank among
the nobiUty of Spain ; but like many other persons of
aristocratic pretensions in that country, they endured
some of the inconveniences of poverty; and it is reported
that, for want of pecuniary means, they were unable to
give their son a liberal education. But, at the age of
seventeen, Ferdinand attracted the favorable notice of
Pedro Arias de Avila,* Count of PuSo en Rostro; by
whose assistance the young De Soto was enabled to spend
six years at one of the Spanish universities. While pur-
suing his literary studies, he gave due attention to those
manly exercises, fencing, horsemanship, &c., which, at
that period, were classed among the necessary accom-
plishments of a Spanish gentleman. De Soto possessed
several natural advantages, — a tall and well-formed per-
son, great muscular vigor, untiring activity, and a daunt-
less spirit ; aU of which prepared him for the acquisition
of those soldierly arts which were so highly esteemed by
his countrymen — ^for the Spaniards, at that time, were
the most warlike people in Europe. The consequence
was, that the youthful Ferdinand was soon regarded as
one who was likely to become the mirror of contempo-
rary knighthood. At tournaments and other military
* This Spanish nobleman is often spoken of by the historians of
his times. His name is sometimes written Fedrarius, and sometimes
Davilla: bat its correct form is that given in the text.
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20 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
displays, his chivalrous talents shone out with unrivalled
lustre, exciting the envy of many cavaliers of the highest
rank and the admiration of innumerable ladies. The
attentions of the latter became troublesome to De Soto,
who, at that time, appeared to be quite insensible to the
fescinations of the sex.
On his return from the university, supposed to be that
of Saragossa,* he was received, with many demonstra-
tions of friendship, by his patron, Don Pedro de Avila,
who admitted him into his own femily, and for awhile
treated him more like a son than a dependant. While
De Soto was at Saragossa, Don Pedro, by means of his
great influence at the Spanish court, had been appointed
to the government of Darien. He began to exercise the
duties of that office in the year 1614, — ^having em-
barked at St Lucar, and landed in America with a
retinue of more than two thousand persons,-}- including
many noble cavaliers, a large body of common soldiers,
and a considerable number of Dominican friars. After
an absence of fiye years, during which time he acquired
unenviable celebrity, as will be shown in the next
chapter, he returned to Spain, in order to arrange his
domestic affairs, preparatory for his longer residence in
America. Thus it happened that De Soto and Don
Pedro met together at the castle of the latter, near the
* Gostillo, Hidalg. Esp., Chap. vii.
f Oviedo., Lib. ii., Cap. vii.; ** Irving's Companions of Colambns,"
Chap. XV.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 21
city of Badajoz. While De Avila was making prepara-
tion for his return to America, De Soto continued to
reside with his patron, to whom, in various ways, he
made himself extremely usefuL . But, after the lapse of
several months, Ferdinand surprised Count de Avila,
beyond measure, by proposing to marry Donna Isabella
Bovadilla, the count's second daughter. This young
lady was now in her sixteenth year. She had lately
been presented at Court, where her extraordinary beauty,
and her various accomplishments, excited universal ad-
miration and caused her to be sought in marriage by
several young noblemen of the highest grade, one of
whom was nearly related to Royalty itself
Having been accustomed to regard De Soto as one
who was entirely dependent on his bounty, Don Pedro
de Avila would have been little more surprised if a
common beggar had aspired to an alUance with his
fiunily. The proposition of De Soto, indeed, seemed
too absurd to excite the count's anger ; and the man-
ner of Don Pedro's refusal was n^iore contemptuous than
resentfuL But he began to consider the matter in a
very different light a few days aft;er, when a faithful
duenna, who had Isabella in charge, communicated to
him the startling intelligence, that the young lady not
only reciprocated De Soto's affection, but had de-
clared her resolution to retire into a convent rather than
to become the wife of any other person.
The rage of Don Pedro now became ungovernable ;
and, as he was a man of a fierce and pitiless dispo-
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22 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
sition * he took measures to have De Soto assassinated
But reflecting that the females of his country are often
driven to acts of desperation when crossed in the affairs
of love, he hesitated to carry out his murderous inten-
tions, lest his daughter should avenge the death of her
lover by sacrificing herself. This apprehension caused
him to dissemble his wrath, and to preserve a show
of kindness toward the object of his resentment.
In the meanwhile, De Soto, observing that all the
relations of Isabella, who had been made acquainted with
his presumptuous application for her hand, behaved
toward him with an appearance of contemptuous pity,
began to consider what constituted his unworthiness in
their estimation. His lineage was, in no respect, infe-
rior to that of the Coimt de Avila himself, as he was
entitled, by the rules of Spanish heraldry, to admis-
sion into the noble order of Santiago. He possessed the
education, the manners, and all the requisite qualificar
tions of a gentleman, and he bore a moral character
which, at that time, was without a blemish. Why then
was he scomftdly repulsed by this fiimily with which he
sought an alliance ] The sole cause of his rejection was
too evident to be mistaken. He discovered that poverty
was the only obstacle to his happiness and respectability;
and having pondered on tlus discovery with much bit-
"^ This acconnt of De Avila is confirmed by Tarious aothorities.
Vide Herrera, Dec. ii. Lib. ii. ; Oviedo, Hist. Ind., Chap. 8 ; Irving's
" Oolambas and his Companions,'' Chap. zvii.
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DISCOVEEKE OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 23
temess of feeling, he determined at last — ^regardless of
all hazards and sacrifices — ^to become rich. When a
man forms this resolution, he is prepared for the com-
mission of many crimes ; for the restraints of honor and
conscience must cease to be effective when the sordid
pursuit of wealth becomes the main object of existence.
For several years prior to the date of the events just
related, the whole Spanish nation, and indeed all Chris-
tendom, had been electrified by accoimts of the pro-
digious riches of the New World, Thousands of miUtary
adventurers, bent on the acquisition of gold and silver,
were flocking to the Western Continent, and many had
returned laden with the spoils of transatlantic opulence.
Although De Soto, who was imbued with all the martial
spirit of his times and country, ardently wished for some
fidr opportunity to distinguish himself in the ranks of
war, certain honorable scruples had hitherto restrained
him from joining in the operations of the Spanish forces
in America. Even in that comparatively barbarous
age, when the Christian reUgion itself was so perverted
as to sanction outrage, robbery, and murder, there were
many judicious and high-minded Europeans who looked
with disgust and abhorrence on the predatory operations
of Cortez, Balboa, and others who followed in their foot-
steps. The cotemporary churchmen themselves were
not unanimous in the opinion that so commendable and
holy an object, as the evangeUzation of America, could
justify those horrible misdeeds which were continually
committed by organized gangs of marauders, marching
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24 LIFE OF FERDINAND pK SOTO,
under the banner of the Cross. It is easy to believe that
De Soto, who possessed a nice sense of honor and moral
rectitude, as was manifested on many occasions, felt a
strong repugnance for that sort of military service to
which we have just referred. But, as we have intimated
above, he had ascertained that the possession of wealth
was necessary to his happiness; it was indeed the only
means by which the dearest object of his soul could be
attained. In short, the impulse of "almighty love" was
more potential with him than the restraints of reason or
religion, honor or humanity.
Having finally determined to embark for America,
and to offer his services to one of the miUtary leaders in
that country, De Soto found his purpose still delayed
by the want of ftinds necessary for his outfit. The in-
sulting behavior of Don Pedro de Avila, on the mem-
orable occasion spoken of above, had made him deeply
regret his inability to discharge the pecuniary obligations
which he owed to that man; and he resolved that no
extremity of want and misery should ever induce him
to accept of any new benefection from the same source.
His parents were now both dead; and, had they been
living, they would probably have been too poor to give
him the assistance which he required. Although his
amiable and excellent qualities had gained for him
many friends among his wealthy and titled countrymen,
his proud spirit could not submit to the humiliation of
soliciting a loan.
While the mind of De Soto was harassed by many
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 25
painful reflections and anticipations, Don Pedro de Avila
completed all the preparations for his voyage, and was
now about to return to his Isthmian domain. This
artfiil and unprincipled man, for various reasons, wished
De Soto to accompany him to the seat of his govern-
ment. He was unwilling, in the first place, to leave
Ferdinand in his daughter's neighborhood, fearing that
the young man who had succeeded in winning her
aiFection, might persuade her to an elopement, or to
some other act of youthful indiscretion. It occurred to
him, likewise, that by detaining De Soto abroad for a
few years, he would allow Isabella to experience the
beneficial eflFects of absence, which, according to his cal-
culation, would remove all traces of her erring attach-
ment But, supposing that these expectations should
not be fulfilled, he considered that the position in which
he proposed to place De Soto would be fraught with
danger, and that it would be in his own power to make
that position still more perilous. He resolved to
employ the unsuspecting young cavalier in the most
hazardous enterprises, not doubting that his intended
victim would be apt to thank him for the implied com-
pliment which would thus be paid to his courage and
prowess.
These sinister motives induced Don Pedro de Avila
to ofier De Soto a captain's commission and a free pas-
sage to Darien, with the promise of many opportunities
to acquire wealth and distinction in the proposed
invasion of Peru. As these overtures were made with
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26 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
every appearance of cordiality on the part of Don Pedro,
De Soto accepted them with joy and gratitude ; his satis-
fiwjtion being the more complete because De Avila
seemed to place a high valuation on his expected
services; the subtle count choosing, in this instance, to
behave as though De Soto, by accepting his offers, had
conferred an obligation on himsel£
Notwithstanding the vigilance with which Isabella
was guarded, De Soto contrived to obtain an interview
with her before his departure. At their meeting, vows
of mutual constancy passed between these two young
people, who were soon to be so widely separated; and
Isabella, who knew her fiither*s character and suspected
his intentions, reminded Ferdinand, with particular
significance, that "one treacherous friend is more dan-
gerous than a thousand avowed enemies."
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 27
CHAPTER n.
UNPARALLELED TYRANKT AND BARBARITY OF PEDRO DB AVILA —
THE EFFECTS OF HIS CRUEL POLICY — A FAMINE AMONG
THE COLONISTS — THEIR FRIGHTFUL SUFFERINGS — NOBLEMEN
TURNED BEGGARS — A SPANISH GENTLEMAN STARVED TO
DEATH — ABOMINABLE CRIMES COMMITTED BY DE AVILA'S
CAPTAINS — AN INDIAN WOMAN HUNTED LIKE A BEAST — AN
INFANT THROWN TO THE DOGS — DB SOTO REFUSES TO OBEY
DB AVILA'S ORDERS — MOCK TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ DE
BALBOA — DE AVILA CAUSES HIM TO BE BEHEADED — HEROIC
BEHAVIOR OF BALBOA ON THE SCAFFOLD, [a, D. 1519.]
As we have no particular accounts of Ferdinand de
Soto's first voyage to America, we may be allowed to
suppose that nothing worthy of commemoration hap-
pened to him on his passage from St. Lucar to Darien.
But, soon after his arrival at the last-named place, we
find him acting an important part among the Spanish
soldiery employed in the subjugation of the country.
At this time, he was little more than nineteen years of
age, but his youth and want of miUtary experience did
not prevent Don Pedro de Avila from entrusting him
with the command of a troop of horse, and sending him
on several expeditions, the successful management of
which required not only great heroism, but more dis-
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28 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
cretion than could reasonably be expected of a youth of
nineteen, and an inexperienced officer.
In the preceding chapter we have given the reader
some insight into De Avila's politic designs with regard
to De Soto. To afford a better understanding of .this
subject, and to explain several incidents which must
soon be related, we will now make a further exhibition
of the shady side of Don Pedro's character. His dispo-
sition, according to Herrera,* wa9 tyrannical and perfidi-
ous in the highest degree; but the qualities here imputed
to him, would not, by themselves, entitle him to much
distinction among his co-laborers in America who are
supposed to have plowed that field to prepare it for the
dissemination of Christianity. In several particulars,
De Avila differed essentially from others who wer6 en-
gaged in the same spurious work of Christian benevo-
lence. He was not excessively religious, and therefore
could not excuse his enormities, (as some others did
theirs,) with the impious pretense that they were done
for the service of God and the benefit of the Holy
Catholic Church. But the most distinctive trait of Don
Pedro's character was his apparent freedom from the
prevailing vice of covetousness, which was a stronger
motive than superstition itself with a majority of those
persons who took a part in the American crusade.
Though Don Pedro de Avila may not be Uable to the
charge of avarice, he certainly stands accountable for as
* Herrera, Dec. !., Lib. ii.» Gap. 2, 3, and 4.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 29
great a sin — ^for the plundering of the Indians was
carried on, under his administration, with extraordinary
activity and perseverance. He encourged his subordinate
officers, among whom were some malefactors of the worst
class, to commit depredations in the territories of the
neighboring Caziques, with whom he waged an indis-
criminate war; though several of them had rendered
important services to the Spaniards, and had formed com-
pacts of friendship and alliance vrith Don Pedro's prede-
cessor, Vasco NuSez de Balboa. This last-named person,
celebrated in history as the discoverer of the Pacific
Ocean, had managed the affairs of the Isthmian govern-
ment with no less prudence and moderation than ability.
By cultivating a good understanding with the natives,
he had secured an ample supply of provisions for the
use of his colony; and he received from his Indian allies
the first intimation of an unexplored gold region beyond
the mountains. But De Avila, on assuming the reins
of government, immediately began to make hostile de-
monstrations against his Indian neighbors. The friendly
intercourse which had hitherto subsisted between the
Spaniards and the natives, being thus brought to an
abrupt termination, the former found their supplies of
provisions cut off; and the consequence was, that the
colonists soon experienced all the miseries of femine.
Of aU that glittering host which accompanied Don Pedro
to Darien, including many noblemen and distinguished
cavaliers who had sold or mortgaged large estates in Spain
to equip themselves for this transatlantic expedition, only
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39 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
a few hundreds were found alive at the end of six months.
Some of them had fidlen victims to the diseases peculiar
to the climate, hut hy fer the greater number had been
literally starved to death. It was no unusual thing to see
a Spanish gentleman, the representative of an illustri-
ous fimwly, wandering about the streets of the village,
soliciting alihs, or offering to perform any menial labor
for a morsel of food. In many cases, were jewels of
inestimable value exchanged by these opulent mendicants
for pieces of mouldy bread. It is related that one noble
cavalier, after spending a whole day in ineffectual appli-
cations for charity, sank down at night and expired in the
presence of ^ his coimtrymen, whose own miseries had
prepared them to look with indifference on th6 distresses
of others.
The sufferings of the colonists, after a long continu-
ance, were terminated partly by the importation of
provisions from Spain, and partly by foraging excursions
made by some of Don Pedro's retainers among the In-
dian villages. The Spaniards had already robbed the
neighboring Indians of their golden trinkets, which
were surrendered with very little reluctance; for the
natives, being as yet uncivilized and unconverted, had not
learned to appreciate these metallic treasures. Begard-
ing them, therefore, as mere baubles of no intrinsic
value, they readily yielded them up, in compliance with
the demands of Christian rapacity. But when Governor
de Avila sent his armed ruffians to take possession of
the rice, maize, and other provender which the indus-
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DISCOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 31
tiious " savages" had produced by their hard labor, and
stored away for the maintenancie of their wives and chil-
dren, the spirit of resistance was aroused; and the
plunderers were astonished to find that the. people on
whose tameness and c6wa:rdice they - had made such
large calculations, were, in reality, as brave as themselves.
The Indians were, in feet; driven to the last stage of
desperation by tte- ineflEable barbarities of these land-
pirates, acting imder the authority of. the Spanish gov-
ernment and its authorized agents. It appears to us
that a recital of some of the deeds - committed by these
human monsters, would startle an infernal audience in
the halls of Pandemonium. And it is to be observed
that similar deeds were . constantly committed, by the
Spaniards of^ that day, on every part of the American
continent where they were abfe to maintaiii a foothold.*
Although we feel a natural reluctance to introduce
into these p^es any details of the execrable cruelties to
which reference has just been made, we find it necessary
to cite a few instances, in order to explain the origin of
that vengeful and bloodthirsty disposition which some of
the native tribes of America manifested toward their
European invaders. It must be remembered, however,
that many of the acts which provoked this storm of vin-
dictive feeling on the part of the Indians, are unfit for
publication in any book intended for general perusal ;
* See Porchas's "Pilgrims," Lib. vii., Chap. 12; Las Casa8,|xw-
8im; or any other history of the Spanish invasion of America.
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32 LIFB OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
and, indeed, the Spanish government itself made a vir-
tuous attempt to expunge them from the page of
history.*
We subjoin a few examples of the horrid maltreat-
ment of the Indians on the American isthmus, during
the administration of Don Pedro de Avila ; all of which
we have copied from works of unquestionable veracity.
Antonio de Herrera, the Spanish historian, who is
suspected of being too partial to his countrymen, saysf
that De Avila sent Francis Bezerra to the coast of
Uraba, with orders to destroy all the people thereabout,
without distinction of age or sex. Tello de Guzman,
another of De Avila's officers, after being hospitably enter-
tained and feasted by a friendly cacique, ordered his host
to be hanged on a tree, and then robbed his family of
golden ornaments, estimated to be worth ten thousand
dollars. Captain James Albitez was sent by the same gov-
ernor on an expedition to the province of Chagre. Al-
bitez, " being of a better disposition than the other Spanish
commanders," (as Hererra naively remarks,) did not
murder any of the inhabitants, but merely robbed them
of a large amoimt of gold, and required the chief to pay
him a huge sackftd of the same metal, as an acknowl-
edgment of the merciftd forbearance which had been
exhibited by the subjects of His Catholic Majesty on
this occasion. The people who were thus dealt with by
* See the Introduction to this Yolnme.
f Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. ii., Lib. i., Chap. 1
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 33
this most exemplary of Spanish captains, had never — as
fiur as we can ascertain — shovm any disposition to be
troublesome to the Christians ; and the chief, in order
to propitiate Captain Albitez, had voluntarily offered
him a mass of gold supposed to be worth twelve thou-'
sand pieces-of-eight. StUl another of De Avila's cap-
tains, Bartholomew Hurtado by name, made a night
attack on an Indian tillage, whose inhabitants had
never offended the Spaniards, but were suspected of
having some gold in their possession. Hiui;ado, with
his troop, stealthily approached the village, and set
fire to the houses. The Indians — ^men, women and
children — ^ran out of their blazing habitations; some
of them were terribly scorched or burned, but all
who fell into the hands of the Spaniards were put to
the sword.*
Bartholomew Las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, the truth
of whose statements has never been called in question,
gives a voluminous account of the iniquitous proceed-
ings of his countrymen in America. In reference to
Pedro de Avila, he says : " This man came into the
country like a starved wolf among a flock of quiet
and innocent sheep. He employed many evil men to
commit slaughters, robberies, cruelties and oppressions
without number, and laid waste many populous towns
and villages, produdng a devastation the like of which is
not mentioned in any history, ancient or modem. He laid
* Herrera, Dec. ii., Lib. i., Cap. 2.
3
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u
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
about forty leagues of land desert, viz., the whole space
between the provinces of Darien and Nicaragua, which,
at the time of his coming, was one of the most fruitful
and populous regions in the new world. With this
S^ANIAROS HUNTiNa INDIANS.
accursed wretch originated the custom of making slaves
of the Indians, which custom afterward prevailed in
all the provinces of America that had become subject
to the Spaniards."*
It was a practice with some of De Avila's officers to
* Las Casas, qnoted by Purchas ; " Pilgrims," Lib. ?iii., Cap. 4.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 35
reUeve the tedium of their life in camp, by going on
hunting excursions into the adjacent coimtry. But, in-
stead of chasing hares or foxes, according to the Euro-
pean custom, they preferred the example of Nimrod,
and made human beings the object of their pursuit. In
this way, thousands of Indians were slaughtered in the
most revolting manner by these most heartless of all
miscreants. On one occasion, an Indian woman with a
babe in her arms was chased by the hounds and a party
of Spaniards on horseback, and finding that she could
not escape, she hastily snatched up a cord which hap-
pened to lie in her way, and, having festened her infant
to her feet, she suspended herself from the branch of a
tree. When the dogs and hunters arrived at the spot,
the woman was dead, but unhappily the babe was still
living, and as it hung within reach of the dogs, it was
terribly lacerated by those ferocious brutes. But it is
mentioned as a very consolatory circumstance, that
before the wretched infent expired, it was properly
baptized by a friar who happened to be present.*
At another time, while a party of Spaniards, with
their hoimds, was passing near an Indian village, one
of the hunters, suspecting that his dogs might be
hungry, snatched a small Indian child from the embrace
of its mother, and cutting off the arms and 1^ with his
sword, he threw them on the groimd. When these
palpitating morsels were devoured bv the dogs, the
* Las Casas, quoted by Pnrchas; " Pilfp-iras,'' Lib. viii., Cap. 4.
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36
LIFB OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
remaining portions of the child's body were also dis-
tributed among them, in the presence of the bereaved
mother, who became frantic at the sight *
But the most concise relation of Spanish cruelties in
SPANISH CAPTAIN FCCOINQ HIS DOQS ON AN INDIAN BABE.
America would be sufficient, by itself, to fill many
volumes; and we doubt whether the history of one half
* Vide Las Casas, as above.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 37
of these atrocities will ever be written by any peiu
except that of the Recording Angel.
Though the service in which Ferdinand de Soto had
engaged, made him the companion-in-arms of the
fiendish perpetrators of these crimes, we do not find his
name associated, in a single instance, with any of the
in&mous actions of his coimtrymen on the Isthmus of
Panama. Though he was frequently employed, as
history proves, in the defense of the settiement against
the incursions of hostile Indians, it cannot be discovered
that he ever permitted himself to be made instrumental
in carrying out the exterminating policy of the satanic
governor, Pedro de Avila.
We have glanced at some of the effects of De Avila's
barbarous treatment of the Indians, which drove these
people to a distance fix)m the settlement, and converted
all the surroimding coimtry to a desert. But the con-
duct of this petty tyrant toward Vasco Nufiez de
Balboa, whom he had superseded in the government of
the province, was stiU more atrocious. De Avila had
begun to persecute this man ahnost as soon as he
arrived in the country; though Balboa endeavored to
propitiate his unprovoked enemy by a submissiveness
of deportment that was almost abject, and by rendering
him many valuable services.
A venerable bishop, who wished to make peace
between the late governor and his successor, proposed
that Donna Maria, the eldest daughter of Don Pedro,
should be given to Vasco Nufiez in marriage. De Avila
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38 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
seemed to yield his consent to this projected alliance ;
but it is most likely that he never intended to fulfill the
engagement. He continued to use various contrivances
to ensnare the object of his causeless hatred; and, at
last, found a pretense for putting him to death. It is
said that Don Pedro was envious of Balboa's well-
earned popularity, and that he was fearful of being sup-
planted by him in the king's fevor and m the govern-
ment of the province. But whatever was the origin of
De Avila's implacable enmity, the result was, that
Balboa was chai^d, by the inexorable governor, with
treasonable designs ; and the accused, after imdergoing a
mock trial, was sentenced to the punishment of decapi-
tation. The execution, which took place in the pubUc
square of Acla, was witnessed by the historian Oviedo,
who was in the colony at that time. On his authority,
it is reported that De Avila himself was a spectator of the
sanguinary scene, at which he gazed, with ill-concealed
exultation, through a crevice in the wall of a neighbor-
itig house. He seemed to shrink from the reproachftd
glance of the dying man, knowing that his execution
was a murder, and that he himself had contrived and
authorized the deed.
Vasco Nufiez ascended the scaflFold with a firm step;
and his demeanor, to the last, was manly and composed.
The public crier, who stood by his side on the platform,
pi^odaimed: "This punishment is inflicted by the king,
and his Ueutenant Don Pedro de Avila, on this man
as a traitor to the crown of Spain." To this Balboa
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 89
indignantly replied: "It is false; never did the crime of
treason enter my mind. I have always served my king
with truth and loyalty; and my highest ambition was to
extend his dominions." He then calmly submitted
himself to the sword of the executioner.*
The execution of Vasco Nunez took place A. D. 1517,
about three years previous to De Soto's arrival at Darien.
However, this event, with its attendant circumstances,
is not alien from our present purpose, as it helps to
illustrate the character of De Avila, whose following
history, for the space of several years, will be closely
connected with that of De Soto.
* Oviedo, Hist of Ind., Cap. ix. ; Herrera, Dec. ii., Lib. i., Ct'p. 4.
SPANISH CRUELTIES IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
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40 LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO,
CHAPTER ni.
DB SOTO IS COMMANDED BT DB AVILA TO DESTROY AN INDIAN
VILLAGE — HE REFUSES TO OBBT THE ORDER — HIS DUEL WITH
CAPTAIN ALONZO PEREZ DE LA RUA — THE GREAT INDIAN
CHIEF URACCA OPPOSES THE SPANURDS — ALARM OF THE
SETTLERS AT PANAMA — DB AVILA SENDS OUT TWO PARTIES
TO DESTROY THE INDIAN VILLAGES — URACCA MEETS THE
SPANISH TROOPS, AND DEFEATS THEM WITH GREAT SLAUGH-
TER— DE SOTO RESCUES SOME OF HIS COUNTRYMEN, WHO
ARE IN THE POWER OF THE INDIANS — ^THB SURVIVING
SPANIARDS ESCAPE TO THEIR SHIPS, [a. D. 1520-1522.]
It was observed, near the dose of the preceding
chapter, that the name of Ferdinand de Soto is never
mentioned in connection with the execrable crimes com-
mitted by De Avila's followers. We have no doubt
that De Soto often refused to obey the governor's orders,
when the service required was of an odious or dis-
honorable nature. One instance of his disobedience, in
such circumstances, is on record. On some frivolous
pretense, Don Pedro had devoted the inhabitants of a
certain Indian village to destruction ; he therefore sent
Captain Alonzo Perez de la Rua, of infitmous celebrity,
to De Soto, with orders for the latter to. muster his
troop of cavaliy and proceed, without delay, to liie
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 41
designated village. This village he was required to hum
down, and to put every living creature found therein to
the sword. De Soto felt himself deeply insulted hy
this mandate ; and his indignant refusal to obey it was
expressed with a reckless disregard of all consequences.
" Tell the governor,'' said he, " that my life and services
are always at his disposal when the duty to be performed
is such as may become a Christian and a gentleman.
But in the present case, Captain Perez, I think that Don
Pedro would have shown more discretion by entrusting
you with this commission, instead of sending you with
the order to myself" The messenger returned to De
Avila with De Soto's reply, which Don Pedro heard
with a grim smile, and without any appearance of angry
feeling. "Well, my friend," said he to Perez, "if
you, who are a vigorous young soldier, can patiently
endure De Soto's insolence, I see no reason why an
infirm old man like myself should not show equal for-
bearance." This hint was sufficient for Captain Perez,
who very soon after challenged De Soto to mortal
combat The two cavaliers fought with swords, in the
presence of a large concourse of spectators, comprising
all the officers and soldiers of the colony. Both of the
combatants were adepts in this gladiatorial exercise, and
it is reported that they fought for more than two hours ;
within which time De Soto received several slight
wounds ; but Perez had the worst of the battle, being
disabled in the right arm. His sword was stricken
from his grasp, and while attempting to recover it with
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42 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
his left hand, he fell to the ground. De Soto then,
with his sword to the breast of his prostrate antagonist,
required Captain Perez to ask for his life, which the
latter sullenly refused to do. De Soto sheathed his
sword, saying : " The life which is not worth asking for,
is not worth taking." After which he gracefully bowed
to the spectators, and retired from the field of battle,
greeted by the acclamations of the whole assemblage.
The captain thus vanquished by De Soto, had been
regarded as the most expert swordsman in the colonial
army. He was remarkable, besides, for his fierce and
quarrelsome temper, which had involved him in many
duels, in which he had seldom &iled to kill, or badly
wound, his opponent. He was now about thirty years of
age, and had served De AvUa with unscrupulous obedi-
ence ever since the latter acquired the government of the
province. Finding himself defeated by a stripling, and
one who had not yet obtained much distinction in arms,
Captain Alonzo Perez was so excessively mortified that
he threw up his commission, and returned to Spain.
The New World was thus reUeved from one of its
tormentors— one who, within the space of ten years, had
committed more heinous offenses against God and
humanity than ten ages of purgatorial torture could
expiate.*
There was, at this time, (A. D. 1621,) an Indian
* Some examples of this man's villainies are given by Herrersi,
Dec. ii., lib. i., and in other places.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 43
cacique, named Uracca, whose territories extended over
the mountains of Veragua, situated to the south-west-
ward of Panama This man deeply resented the many
wrongs which had been inflicted on his countrymen by
die foreign intruders ; and having now, as he thought,
a feir opportunity to execute vengeance, he collected a
force which is said to have comprised twenty thousand
men. These Indians were armed, according to the
usages of their country, with bows and poisoned arrows,
the slightest woimds of which caused intolerable agony
and almost certain death. The native warriors were
also provided with swords made of compact wood, and
hardened in the fire. The banners used by Uracca
were the bloody shirts of Spaniards, torn from the
bodies of those who had been slain in battle.
The menaced attack of this formidable host of aven-
gers produced the wildest consternation among the
inhabitants of Panama. They could not reasonably
expect more merciful treatment from these idolatrous
barbarians, than the latter had received from the Chris-
tian representatives of one of the most highly cultivated
and polished nations of Europe. The Spanish residents
of Panama were therefore alarmed, with good reason,
at the prospect of falling into the hands of the Indians.
What greater misfortune could they apprehend, if they
imagined that the savages, in the spirit of retaliation,
could so far forget themselves as to adopt those prac-
tices of civilized warfare, which they might have learned
from their European invaders.
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44 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Uracca, the commander of the Indian forces, was
unquestionably a valorous soldier and a good general
From the accounts given by the Spanish historians, we
judge that, with equal advantages on his side, he would
soon have expelled De Avila, with aU his horde of
ruffian banditti, fix)m that territory. The governor sent
out two expeditions to oppose the advancing enemy.
One party, imder the command of Espinosa, Don Pedro's
chief alcalde, went by sea, along the western coast, to
make a diversion by attacking several of Uracca's vil-
lages. The other party proceeded by land, and was con-
ducted by the notorious Francisco Pizarro, whose exploits
in Peru will hereafter come under our notice. De Soto,
with his troop of horsemen, formed a part of Pizarro's
division. Uracca's spies discerned the approach of tiie
two ships in which Espinosa and his troops were
embarked. As soon as the noble chief perceived that
the Spaniards were about to assail him, he advanced to
meet them with joyful alacrity. Espinosa, in the mean-
while, had disembarked his men, and was now marching
toward the hilly country where the Indians were sup-
posed to be staticmed. An advanced party of the
natives, consisting of about one thousand warriors, with
Uracca himself at their head, encountered Espinosa's
troops, and assaulted them with such determined bravery
that the Spaniards, panic-stricken and thrown into
great disorder, thought of nothing but the preservation
of their lives. Many of them were slain by the natives,
who were evidently disposed to show no quarter, and
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DISCOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 45
the exterminatioii of the whole band seemed to be
inevitable.
At this juncture, the dm of the battle was heard by
Ferdinand de Soto, who, with his troop of thirty
OE SOTO COMING TO THE RESCUE.
horsemen, had been sent by Pizarro to make an incur-
sion in the neighborhood.* Judging, by their cries of
distress, that his countrymen were in great extremity,
* Herren» Hist. Ind., Dec. ii., Lib. vii., Cap. 8.
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46 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
De Soto hastened to the scene of action. The spot,
however, was approached with much difficulty, on
account of the inequality of the ground. The horses
were obliged to pass over a ru^ed sur&ce, interspersed
with rocks and seamed with innumerable chasms; in
feet, the place appeared to be so impracticable for the
march of cavalry, that the bravest of De Soto's com-
panions hesitated to foUow him, when he urged his
steed forward, with the customary war-cry of "Stiago
to the rescue!"
As soon as the Indians observed the approach of the
horses, which to them were objects of superstitious
terror, they began to retire, and all the eflForts of their
chief to rally them and inspire them with firesh courage,
were unavailing. When De Soto had succeeded in
bringing his horsemen to Espinosa's assistance, the
Indians, having abandoned the work of slaughter,
retreated to the neighboring cliffs, where it was impos-
sible for the horses to* reach them. From their
elevated position, they now poured down a shower of
poisoned arrows on the Spaniards, many of whom were
killed on the spot, or fetally wounded.
Espinosa now ordered a retreat, which was conducted
deUberatbly and in good order, the post of danger in
the rear being assigned to DeSoto and his cavalry.
This was a judicious arrangement, for the enemy, at a
convenient distance, pursued the retreating party and
harassed them with voUeys of arrows; but De Soto kept
the Indians aloof by frequently halting and turning his
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 47
horses' heads toward them, as though he uxtended to
charge. This expedient caused the savages to fitll back,
and the Spaniards were thus enabled to reach a position
where the ground, being unencumbered with rocks,
allowed the cavahy to act to advantage. Here the
Spaniards paused and offered battle to their pursuers,
but Uracca contented himseli^ for the present, with
keeping a close watch on their movements. By this
time the cacique had been joined by several reinforce-
ments, and Fizarro had come to Espinosa's assistance,
so that the numbers of the Indians and Spaniards both
were considerably increased.
The approach of darkness caused a suspension of
hostiUties. Fizarro and Espinosa held a consultation,
the result of which was a prudent but somewhat inglori-
ous determination to steal away in the night, and leave
Uracca in undisputed possession of the field.* De Soto,
who appears to have had some of the leaven of ancient
chivalry, or a taint of Quixotism, in his composition,
treated the discreet resolution of his superior officers
with undisguised contempt. He represented that the
chances of victory were on the side of the Spaniards,
whose arms were infinitely more effective than those
of the Indians; and that the horses alone gave the
former an advantage which more than counterbalanced
the superiority of the latter in numerical strength. He
remarked that the safety of the colony, as well as the
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. ii., Lib. vii., Cap. 3.
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48 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
honor of the Spanish nation, made it necessary for them
to strike a decisive blow; and that they might never
have a better opportunity to do so than that which now
oflFered. Espinosa answered these arguments merely
with a sneering allusion to De Soto's youth and inex-
perience; and Pizarro interrupted the angry reply which
De Soto was about to make, by expressing his opinion
«
that a retreat from their present position was advisable,
but that it might be expedient to make another stand
against Ufacca, if he continued the pursuit.
About midnight, the Spaniards again began their
retreat, with as much privacy as possible, but the extra-
ordinary vigilance of Uracca detected their movements.
He followed close in their rear, annoying them very
much on their march; and, at a dangerous pass in the
mountains, he assailed them with such impetuosity and
deadly eflFect that very few escaped, besides the horsemen
and the principal officers, who wore defensive armor, and
were thus protected from the envenomed arrows of the
Indians. All of the Spaniards who remained alive con-
tinued their flight to the ships, being so closely pursued
by the savages for eight and forty hours, that they
could not pause to take any refreshment. They arrived
at their vessels very much exhausted by fetigue and
hunger; and having put to sea with all possible expedi-
tion, they duly acknowledged their obligations to Heaven
and to their patron saints, "for their providential
deliverance from so great a peril."*
* Herrera, as above.
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CHAPTER IV.
THE FUGITIYE SPANIARDS LAND AT BORRIGA — A QUARREL
BETWEEN DE SOTO AND THE ALCALDE ESPINOSO — DE SOTO
CARRIES AN ACCOUNT OP THE SPANIARDS' DEFEAT TO GOV-
ERNOR DE AVILA — HERMAN PONCE IS SENT TO PIZARRO'S
ASSISTANCE — THE SPANISH FORCE ON THE ISTHMUS IS IN-
CREASED BT THE ARRIVAL OF FRESH TROOPS — THE GOVERNOR
HIMSELF PROCEEDS AGAINST URACCA— THE CACIQUE OUTGENE-
RALS DE AVILA — DE SOTO SAVES THE LIFE OF THE ITALIAN
ASTROLOGER, MICER CODRO— DISASTERS OF THE SPANISH
TROOPS IN VBRAGUA — MISREPRESENTATIONS OF SPANISH HIS-
TORIANS, [a. D. 1524.]
The two ships which bore Pizarro, Espinosa, and their
surviving followers, away from the scene of their dis-
astrous defeat, sailed along the coast until they arrived
at a place called Borrica, opposite to the small island of
St. Mary's. Here the Spaniards landed, supposing them-
selves to be safe from the pursuit of the victorious Uracca.
Espinosa, whose conduct in the late battle had been &r
more dislcreet than heroic, now gave unmistakable evi-
dence of his base character by sacking the Indian village
at Borrica, the men of which were all absent. The
women and children were made prisoners, and the rob-
bers obtained some inconsiderable booty. Soon after the
4
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accomplishment of this noble enterprise, the cacique of
the village and a few of his warriors returned, and find-
ing their wives and little ones in the possession of the
Spaniards, they made humble suppUcations for their
release. Espinosa turned a deaf ear to this request ; but
De Soto, (who was never remarkable for deference to
his superior officers,) boldly declared that the prisoners
should be set at liberty. Espinosa rebuked him with
asperity for his unauthorized interference, promising him
that his mutinous behavior should be reported to the
governor as soon as they arrived at Panama. De Soto
replied by charging Espinosa with cowardice and imbe-
cility, and asserted that the late defeat of the Spaniards
might be attributed to the. incompetency of their com-
manding officers. Although Pizarro himself was impU-
cated in this censure, he took no notice of De Soto's
remark, but advised Espinosa to Uberate the Indian
women and children. This counsel was promptly re-
jected by Espinosa, the natural malignity of whose
temper had not been mitigated in the least by De Soto's
acccusations and reproaches.
De Soto now called on his troopers to mount and put
themselves in marching order. As soon as this was
done, he placed himself at the head of his troop, and
addressed himself to the alcalde, who had watched his
movements with wonder and apprehension: "Signer
Espinosa,'' said De Soto, "the governor did not place me
under your command, and you have no claim to my obe-
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dience.* I now give you notice, fliat if you retain these
piisoners, so craelly and unjustly captured, you must do
so at your own risk. If these Indian warriors choose to
make any attempt to recover their wives and children, I
swear by all that I hold sacred, they shall meet with no
opposition from me. Consider, therefore, whether you
have the power to defend yourself and secure your prey
when I and my company have withdrawn from this spot."
While this debate was in progress, the number of
Indian men at the village had been increased by new
arrivals to about one hundred. With the exception of
the horsemen commanded by De Soto, the forlorn rem-
nant of the Spaniards employed in this expedition did
not amount to more than fifty men, who could be ser-
viceable in a conflict with the Indians. Espinosa saw,
therefore, that the threatened withdrawal of De Soto
would place him in a hazardous position, as the savages
would, no doubt, fight desperately for the deliverance
of their &milies. Moved by these considerations, the
alcalde very ungraciously consented to the discharge of
' the prisoners.
Pizarro now requested De Soto and one of his troop,
named Peter Miguel, both admirable horsemen,t to ride,
with all possible dispatch, to Panama, and request the
governor to send new supplies of men, ammunition, and
* It wfll be remembered that De Soto was attached to the party
commanded by Pizarro.
t Herrera, Hist. Tod., Dec. ii., Lib. vii., Cap. 3.
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52 LIFE OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
provisions ; as it was very evident that the late success
of Uracca would encourage the savages to prosecute the
war more vigorously than ever. When De Soto arrived
at Panama and made Grovemor de Avila acquainted with
the imfortunate issue of the expedition against Uracca,
Don Pedro was astounded by intelligence so calamitous
and unexpected. It is probable that De Soto made an
unfevorable report of Espinosa's military conduct, for
De Avila sent Herman Ponce to take his place, and gave
orders for Espinosa to return immediately to the settle-
ments. Only forty men could be spared from the garri-
son at Panama, and the departure of these left the town
almost defenseless. With this small reinforcement.
Ponce and De.Soto hastened to Borrica, where Pizarro
and Espinosa still remained, in constant expectation of
another attack by Uracca. In fiswrt;, this chief had already
received information of their whereabouts, and had so
hemmed them in with numerous detachments of his peo-
ple placed at various points, that the Spanish soldiers could
not stir abroad, even to procure a few herbs and roots for
their subsistence. When De Soto returned to the en-
campment, he scoured all the neighboring country with
his cavalry, driving away the small parties of Indians
stationed at different places, and thus the blockade was
broken up.
While on one of these excursions, it was De Soto's
good fortune to save the life of a learned and distin-
guished man, named Micer Codro, whose history, as
related by Oivedo, and others, is somewhat marvelous.
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In that opaque age, when a little learning was, indeed,
"a dangerous thing," this Codro obtained credit for
more knowledge than could be safely possessed by any
man living under the jurisdiction of the Holy Catholic
CJhurch. Finding, therefore, that his reputation as a
man of science was becoming inconvenient and dan-
gerous, he left Italy, the land of his nativity, and came
to the New World, where he hoped to pursue his
studies without molestation. Arriving at Panama, in
the year 1513, he was patronized by Vasoo Nunez ; and
he is said to have predicted the time and manner of his
patron's death with lingular accuracy. After the execu-
tion of Nunez, he remained with the Spaniards on the
Isthmus, sometimes accompanying them on their military
expeditions, his object being to collect the treasures of
natural science and not to pillage an unoffending and
defenseless people. Micer Codro practiced the mystic
art of astrology ; in the reality and lawftilness of which
he may have been a sincere believer, for many learned
and pious men of his day adhered to the same belief.
The superstitious Spaniards, among whom he made his
abode, placed much reliance on his prophetic intima-
tions ; and Governor de Avila himself^ though he was
less superstitious than his countrymen in general, often
held consultations with the Italian seer before he en-
gaged in any important enterprise. Micer Codro had
aocompaoied the party of forty men, under the com
mand of Herman Ponce, who had been sent by the
governor to reinforce Pizarro. Soon after his arrival at
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64 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Borrica, the man of science began to examine the geologi-
cal and botanical curiosities of the neighborhood ; and,
while his mind was absorbed in these studies, he wan-
dered to a considerable distance from the camp. A
party of Indians, mistaking him for one of their enemies,
captured the unguarded philosopher, and they were about
to put him to death, when De Soto and his horsemen,
who were actively engaged (as we mentioned above) in
driving the savages away from that vicinity, hastened to
Codro's rescue — the Indians flying, as usual, at the sight
of the horses. The deliverance of the astrologer proved,
afterward, to be a very fortunate *event for De Soto
himself, as will be apparent in a subsequent part of this
narrative.
While Governor de Avila waited with extreme anxiety
for intelligence from his troops at Borrica, a Spanish
ship arrived at Panama, bringing several companies of
regular soldiers and a large number of adventurers, who
were ready to perform military service for no other
recompense than the opportunity to plunder. Mean-
while, that redoubtable mountaineer, Uracca — ^the Wil-
liam Tell of Veragua — ^had been reorganizing his forces,
and preparing for the defense of his country with such
admirable skill and excellent judgment, as proved his
military talents to be of the highest order. The cacique
fortified himself on the river Atra, at which point he
determined to intercept the Spaniards, if they attempted
to advance into the country.
As soon as the strength of the colonial army was
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55
increased by the axrival of fresh troops, as xnentioned
above, the governor himself started for Borrica, with one
hundred and fifty regular soldiers, and about an equal
number of volunteers. He took with him also several
small -pieces of ordnance ; and, as the Indians were not
accustomed to these terrible instruments of destruction,
INDIANS DISPUTE THE PASSAGE OF THE RIVER.
he placed great reliance on their utility in battle. Hav-
ing joined Pizarro, the governor endeavored to revive
the martial ardor of his countrymen, by haranguing
them on the ancient glories of the Spanish nation — ^not
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56 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO.
forgetting to make a still more touching appeal, by
reminding them that all their bravery waa now required,
not only to open a way for the acquisition of new spoils,
but to retain those which they already possessed. He
then gave notice that he was about to attack the enemy;
and when the soldiers had said their prayers, and re-
ceived absolution from the priests, (some of whom con-
stantly attended the troops engaged in this holy warlGaure,)
the whole Spanish force, numbering about five hundred
men, advanced with animation, being fully assured of a
glorious victory or a happy death. Before they had
proceeded five miles, they encountered a detachment of
Indians, consisting of about eight hundred warriors, and
commanded by one of Uracca's brothers. The Span-
iards charged impetuously, but were repulsed with great
loss ; and many of the volunteers, who had never been
in battle before, fled from the scene of conflict, and were
never heard of afterward. Doubtless they fell into
the hands of other parties of Indians, and were all put
to death. Such was the roughness of the ground, that
the cavalry could not be brought into action. De
Avila now had recourse to his cannon, satisfled that
nothing else could save him from a total rout. As the
governor had foreseen, a few discharges of the fleld-
pieces broke the ranks of the Indians, and compelled
them to retire. The Spaniards, however, did not ven-
ture to pursue the retreating enemy, being apprehensive
of falling into an ambuscade. They rightly conjectured
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that Uracca himself^ with all his forces, was at no great
distance.
For several days, the Spaniards and Indians continued
in the same neighborhood ; and while they were thus
situated, the wily cacique made use of a stratagem to
entrap his opponents. He sent out a few Indians,
who allowed themselves to be taken prisoners by the
Spaniards. The latter, as Uracca expected, immediately
began to inquire after gold ; and their captives, having
been properly instructed, directed them to a certain spot
where, as these artful deceivers reported, the much-
coveted metal might be found in great abundance.
Although De Avila himself was an adept in the arts of
deception, he allowed hiinself to be caught in this
snare. One of his bravest captains, James de Albitez,
with forty picked men, was sent to the spot designated
by the Indian prisoners, to take possession of the
treasure supposed to be there deposited. Here they
were surrounded by the Indians, who had lain in
ambush to await their arrival, and the whole party,
except Albitez himself and two others, were slaugh-
tered on the spot.* When the three survivors, whose
extraordinary nimbleness enabled them to escape, re-
turned, and gave the governor an account of their HI
fortune, Don Pedro ordered the Indian captives, who
gave the fiJse intelligence, to be thrown to the dogs.
They submitted to this barbarous punishment with admi-
* Herrers, Hist. Ind., Dec. ii., Lib. Tii., Cap. 3.
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LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
table fortitude, and while the beasts were tearing them
to pieces, they continued, as long as they had the use
of their vocal powers, to insult the Spauiards with
bitter taunts aud opprobrious epithets.
BLOODHOUNDS TEARINQ AN INDIAN TO PIECES.
After this, the Spaniards had several other skirmishes
with the Indians, without any decided advantage on
either side, if we may beUeve the reports of the Spanish
writers. However, we may remark that the testimony,
besides being all on one side, aud coming from interested
parties, is contradictory in itself and improbable. Her-
rera says that De Avila was unwilling to carry on the
war against Uracca, because ^^ he was afraid of incensing
him the more." It is very strange, indeed, that this
governor, who had been constantly employed, for more
thau ten years, in laying waste the country, and murder-
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 69
ing the inhabitants, should suddenly become aware that
it was impolitic to excite the resentment of one Indian
chie£ We must consider, likewise, that Uracca's terri-
tory was almost universally believed to be mbre pro-
ductive of gold than auy other part of the continent ;
hence, it was supposed to be the " Aurea Chersonesus^^
of the Ancients. It was a grand object, therefore, with
aU of the Spaniards, to obtain possession of this portion
of the country; and it was this object, no doubt, which
induced De Avila to invade the Chief of Veragua's
domain. With these facts in view, can we imagine
that Governor de Avila retired from Uracca's country,
without some cogent reasons for his withdrawal % Until
we have some better explanation of the causes which
led to this retrogressive movement, we must be allowed
to believe that the governor was very badly beaten by
XJracca, and that his longer stay in that region was
impracticable.
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60 LIFE OF FERDINAND DS SOTO,
CHAPTER V.
CONTINUED ALARM OF THE SPANISH SETTLERS AT PANAMA-
EXAMPLES OF INDIAN GENEROSITY AND SPANISH BARBARISM —
DONNA ISABELLA'S CONSTANCY— DON PEDRO BECOMES MORE
INCENSED AOAINST DE SOTO — DE SOTO'S DANGER — HE IS
VISITED BY MICEB CODRO, THE ASTROLOGER, WHO MAKES
A STARTLING DISCLOSURE — A PREDICTION AND A WARNING —
DE SOTO IS PREVENTED FROM HOLDING ANY CORRESPONDENCE
WITH ISABELLA — HIS TROUBLES AND DISAPPOINTMENTS.
[A. D. 1525-1527.]
Don Pedro de Avtla had removed his seat of gov-
ernment from Darien to Panama.
Having now abandoned all hope of a golden han^est
in Veragua, the governor and his soldiers foimd sufficient
occupation for awhile in defending their own settlement
from the attacks of their Indian neighbors. It may be
asked why the victorious cacique Uracca, did not follow
up the advantage he had gained, by pursuing the Span-
iards to their own quarters, and routing them- out of
Panama. Doubtless the inhabitants of this place ex-
pected such a catastrophe, for, according to Herrera,
many of them were excessively alarmed. "When they
looked out toward the mountains and plains," says the
Spanish historian, "the boughs of trees and the very
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grass which grew high in the savannahs, appeared to
their excited imaginations to be armed Indians; and
when they turned their eyes toward the sea, they fancied
that it was covered vrtth the canoes of their exasperated
foemen,'**
All this nervous agitation, however, was superfluous,
&r the moimtain chieftain appears to have treated the
oppressors of his people vdth a generous forbearance.
The war waged by him was strictly defensive; he con-
tented himself vdth expelling the cruel spoilers fit)m his
own territory, and left the work of vengeance and pun-
ishment to be executed by Omnipotent Justice. Never
did the Cacique of Veragua, as £ur as we can ascertain,
make any aggressive movement against the Spaniards;
and even while protecting his country from these depre-
dators, he is said to have acted vdth singular moderation.
He never murdered his prisoners or committed any other
act of unnecessary severity ; and, on one occasion, when
a Spanish lady. Donna Clara Albitez, fell into his hands,
he treated her vdth the greatest respect, and restored her
to her friends at the first opportunity. It is humiliating
to contrast this behavior of the pagan warrior with the
execrable conduct of his civilized adversaries, who con-
tinually committed murders without any apparent pur-
pose or provocation, slaughtering men, women, and
helpless infimts vdth indiscriminating ferocity; and if
ever they spared the lives of their female captives, it was
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. ii., Lib. i., Cap. 1.
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62 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
only to make them the victims of their lioentioiis brutality.
But the task we have undertaken will make it necessary
£)r us to speak more at large on these subjects hereafter.
Not to lose sight of Ferdinand de Soto, let us now
inquire on what terms he stood with the governor, Don
Pedro de Avila. Doubtless our young cavalier supposed
that his presumptuous love for Donna Isabella had been
sufficiently punished by Don Pedro's disdainful repulse
— ^the humiliation of which had put De Soto's proud
spirit to the rack. But every feeling of resentment
against De Avila had &ded away, or was mei^ed in the
grateful remembrance of past benefits. To him Don
Pedro had been a munificent patron — a drcumstanoe
which tallied well with the general conduct of that
nobleman; for, in all matters of a pecuniary nature,
he was generous to a degree which bordered on prodi-
gality. His ostentatious liberality was, perhaps, the
cause of many of those misdemeanors in office and moral
delinquencies for which he is so generally condemned.
He squandered on worthless men all the wealth of the
plundered province; and he was never more bountiful
than when he gave away that which he had no right to
give. like many other generous people, Don Pedro
wished to have his liberality duly celebrated; and he
exacted a great deal of d^erence and submissive obedi-
ence fix)m those who had been the recipients of his
boimty.
De Soto had greatly offended the governor by repeat-
edly refusing to execute his orders; but the greatest of-
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 63
fence of all was still unforgiven. Don Pedro ascribed the
&ilure of one of his most ambitious projects to De Soto,
who had surreptitiously, (as the Don pretended,) won the
affections of Isabella, and thus caused her to reject an
alliance vdth one of the most illustrious fiimilies of Spain.
The expectation of Don Pedro, that a short absence
would be sufficient to make his daughter sensible of her
error, was not likely to be realized ; for by letters just
received from his fitmily in Spain, De Avila learned that
Isabella's predilection for her obscure lover was still im-
changed. Don Pedro was, at all times, ready to sacrifice
the Uves of those who interfered with his plans, and he
seldom wanted a pretense for consummating his murderous
designs. He had put Yasco NuSez to death in defiance
of public opinion, and with the most daring perversion
of law and justice, although NuSez had rendered im-
portant services to his king* and coimtry, and enjoyed
the fitvor and protection of several high dignitaries, dvil
and ecdesiasticaL On the other hand, De Soto was at
that period comparatively unknown — he had no power-
ful protectors, either in church or state; and by his willful
disobedience he had made himself obnoxious to the
military discipline of the Colonial Government. It is
easy to conceive, therefore, that Don Pedro might have
disposed of this olgect of his rancorous hatred with very
little risk or trouble. He saw, however, that it was
expedient for him to proceed with some caution in this
matter. His sacrifice of Balboa had met with universal
condemnation among the colonists; and he had some
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64 LIFE OP PEBDINAND DE SOTO,
reason to fear that the Spanish government would call
him to an account for that most imjust and barbarous
action. A sense of his own insecurity, therefore, re-
strained him, at that juncture, from anyflagrant abuse
of his power. Besides, as De Soto was one of the
bravest men, and one of the best officers in the gov-
ernor's employment, his services were almost indispensable
at a time when the settlement was surroimded by danger.
These various considerations may have disposed Don
Pedro to give the young man an opportunity to die
gloriously in the field of battle, instead of condemning
him to perish ignominiously on the block.
It is not to be supposed that De Soto was ftdly aware
of his danger; but, as he was always a man of very
acute perceptions, he could not fidl to discover that Don
Pedro was not his friend. If there could be any doubt
on that subject, he soon had satisfiictory proof of the
governor's secret hostiUty. About six months after the
return of the Spaniards from their unfortimate expedi-
tion against Uracca, De Soto was surprised by a visit
fit)m the Italian sage, Micer Codro. This man had
never expressed any gratitude for the service which De
Soto had rendered him by saving his life, and indeed he
had thus far appeared to be entirely forgetftd of that
occurrence. His motive for seeking this interview vrith
De Soto appeared to be, not exactly a desire to give
thanks, but to explain his reasons for not giving them.
"A good action," said he, "deserves a better reward
than verbal acknowledgments. While it was not in my
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DISCOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 65
power to make you a proper recompense, I did not
attempt to offer you any; but the time has now arrived
when I am enabled to give you some substantial
evidence of my good-wilL I come to inform you that
your present position is scarcely less dangerous than
mine was, before you rescued me from the hands of the
Indians." De Soto replied: "My good friend, Micer
Codro, although I do not profess to be a thorough
believer in your prophetic art, I am no less thankful
for your good intentions; and in this case, I am ready
to confess that your information, no matter from whence
it may be derived, is confirmed, in a measure, by my
own observations." "Ferdinand de Soto," said the man
of science with much solemnity, "I think I am able to
read the page of your destiny, even without such light
as the stars can shed upon it. Be assured that the
warning I have given you does not come from an
unearthly source; but if any extra-mundane confirma-
tion of my words were necessary, even on that score
you might be satisfied. While comparing your horo-
scope with that of my departed friend Vasco Nufiez, I
have observed some resemblances in your lives and
fortunes, which you, with all your incredulity, must
acknowledge to be remarkable. NuSez and you were
both natives of the same town,* you were both mem-
bers of noble but reduced fiimilies, both sought to ally
yourselves vrtth daughters of Pedro de Avila, and both
* Xeres, or Jeres de lo8 Caballeros.
5
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66 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
made yourselves liable to that man's deadly resentment."
"These coincidences are indeed remarkable," answered
De Soto; "but what other similarities do you find in
the destinies of Balboa and myself V' "You are a
brave man," replied Micer Codro, "and you are too
skeptical to be much disturbed by the prognostications
of evil; I may therefore venture to teU you that,
according to my calculations, you will be, in one impor-
tant event of your life, more happy than Vasco NuSez,
and in another more unfortunate. It seems to be indi-
cated by the superior intelligences, that your death will
not be in the ordinary course of nature; but I find like-
wise, that the term of your life will be equal to that of
Balboa's;* and when I consider your present circum-
stances, this appears to me to be the most improbable
part of the prediction."
"I am in the hands of God," said De Soto with
manly firmness, "and I rely vdth humble confidence
on his protection." "In that you do well," replied the
philosopher; "but it is nevertheless your duty to use
such human means as may be required to defend your-
self against* open violence or firaudfiil malice." De
Soto thanked the astrologer for his counsel, and prom-
ised to give it due consideration. Though he may
have been too wise to concern himself much with the
gUmpses of futurity which the Italian had given him,
* Yasco NaOez de Balboa, according to Onedo, was forty-two
years old at the time of his execalion.
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he would indeed have shown a want of sagacity if he
had wholly disr^arded Micer Codro's admonitions;
for soothsayers of every class, are apt to become conver-
sant with strange secrets, because all who consult them
must make them acquainted, more or less, with their
plans and purposes, and the knowledge so obtained may
enable the seers to give excellent advice. It is possible
that Governor de Avila himself had held some consul-
tations with Micer Codro, and this supposition will
accoimt for Codro's knowledge of the governor's mis-
chievous designs.
De Soto, being now forewarned, and thus forearmed,
was enabled to avoid many snares which his powerful
enemy placed in his path. As time passed away, Don
Pedro became more and more impatient for revenge,
and gradually threw aside that dissimulation which had
formerly vailed his purposes. He effectually cut off all
communication between Isabella and De Soto ; all their
letters were intercepted; and, for the space of five years,
no token of remembrance could be transmitted from
one to the other.
De Soto had been bitterly disappointed in his expec-
tation of acquiring wealth in America; for his feelings
and his principles made it impossible for him to use the
only means by which gold-seeking adventurers on the
isthmus could be successfuL Before he engaged in this
enterprise, he had no conception of the shameful and
criminal process by which many of his countrymen had
enriched themselves on the Western Continent. Per-
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68 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
haps he had listened too credulously to the faadM
stories of travelers who asserted that huge masses of
the precious metals were strewn over the fidds of
"Castillo del Oro/' and that every stream and lake of
that paradisiacal region was enclosed in margins of
pulverized gold, interspersed with pearls and gems of
unimaginable value. Such were the extravagant tales
which allured many Europeans to that land of deceitful
promise, where thousands were doomed to be dis-
appointed, and where those who were most fortunate
in the gratification of their avaricious desires, seldom
derived any permanent benefit from their acquisitions;
for in most cases they lived miserably and died unla-
mented. This great moral lesson will be fully exempli-
fied in the course of our following narrative.
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CHAPTER VI.
PIZABBO, ALMAGRO, AND BB LUQUE PBBPABB FOB THB INYASTON
OF PBBU — DB SOTO BBFU8B8 TO JOIN THBIB COMPANY— PIZABRO
LEAVES PANAMA IN A SHIP WITH ONE HUNDBED AND THIBTY
MEN — HE MAKES UNPEOVOKED ATTACKS ON THE INDIAN
TOWNS — HE IS BEATEN, AND COMPELLED TO TUBN BACK —
ALMAGBO EMBABKS WITH MOBE MEN, AND FOLLOWS AFTEB
PIZABBO — HE MEETS WITH UNEXPECTED DISASTEBS, AND
BETUBNS TO CHUCAMA — GOYEBNOB DE AYILA LOSES HIS OFFICE
DE SOTO WBITES TO ISABELLA — HIS LETTEB. [A. D. 1526.]
Francisco Pizarro, whose name has ahready appeared
in our narratiye, and who will figure to some extent on
our subsequent pages, was a man of obscure birth
and very drfective education.* He learned the art of
war in some very bad schools, having taken his first
lessons from the fimatical Ojeda, and being afterward
matriculated in the military college of Don Pedro de
Avila. In the year 1524, he obtained permission from
Don Pedro to continue the explorations which had been
commenced by Balboa on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
Pizarro chose for his companions in this enterprise
Di^o Almagro, who is described by Herrera as " a man
* Oomara, Hist, de las lod., Cap. 144.
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70 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
I
of courage, experience and wealth," and Ferdinand de
Luque, a schoolmaster of Darien. This auspicious con-
junction of learning and valor was almost the only
fiivorable omen that attended the commencement of the
imdertaking. Two of the triumvirate which conducted
the expedition were, at that time, men of little note, and
they had never given any proof of xmcommon abilities.
They were, besides, very illiterate persons, base-bom,*
and not remarkable for the rectitude of their moral
deportment. All these circumstances tended to throw
some discredit or ridicule on the enterprise ; and, for a
long time, very few people, besides the adventurers
themselves, appear to have had any expectation of
success.
De Soto's courage and military talents were held in
the highest estimation by Pizarro, who often solicited
our captain of cavalry to become one of his party. It
is probable, however, that De Soto disliked, and, in some
measure, despised the commanders of the expedition; for
he cavalierly refused to place himself imder their direc-
tion. It may be suspected that the display of Pizarro's
soldiership in Veragua, of which De Soto was an eye-
witness, was less admirable, in &ct, than it appears to be
to our eminent historian, Mr. Prescott.t However this
may be, it is a well ascertained feet, that De Soto's beha-
* Pizarro and Almagro were both illegitimate. Vide Oomara,
Hist, de las Ind., Cap. 141-144.
t Vide " Conquest of Pern," Book ii., Chap. ii.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI 71
vior to Pizarro was often disrespectful in a very high
d^ree; and this significant circumstance became still
more remarkable, at the time when Pizarro commanded
in Peru, and De Soto was his subordinate officer. Our
inference is, that the character of Pizarro was better
understood by his cotemporary De Soto, than it has been
by many historians, and a majority of the public*
The exploring expedition, commanded as aforesaid,
and comprising about one hundred and thirty men,
started from Panama on the fourteenth day of Novem-
ber, 1524.t The men were embarked in one small
ship, of which Pizarro took the command. Almagro
remamed behind, intending to follow in another vessel,
as soon as it could be made ready for service. The
horrors of this voyage, and the sufferings of the adven-
turers, are manifestly exaggerated by the narrators ; but
it is likely that the explorers met with some con-
siderable hardships, and were exposed to a variety of
dangers ; the latter being very often the natural conse-
quences of their own violent and predatory habits.
When they landed to seek provisions, instead of appeal-
ing to the kindness and hospitality of the Indians, they
obeyed their constitutional instincts, by proceeding to
acts of outrage, robbery, and bloodshed. Hence the
* We nnderetand Herrera to express a suspicion of Pizarro's
cowardice : Hist Gen., Dec. v., Lib. vii., Cap. 13.
t Report to the Emperor, by Francisco de Xeres, Pizarro's
secretary.
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72 LIFE OP PERIDNAND DE SOTO,
natives felled to recognize them as the missionaries of a
peaceAil and heneficent religion, or the accredited agents
of a mighty sovereign beyond the sea, whose earnest
desire it was to improve the moral, intellectual, social
and political condition of the American tribes. With
a pardonable misapprehension of the grand and glorious
objects which brought the Spaniards into their country,
the inhabitants of the villages, who had seen their
dwellings pillaged, their wives violated, and their chil-
dren murdered, gathered themselves together, pursued
the "gallant band of explorers," who were now on
the retreat, and fell upon them with such bravery and
effect, that five of the Spaniards were left dead on the
field, seventeen others were badly wounded, and Captain
Pizarro himself was struck down, and his comrades,
when they dragged him off, supposed him to be slain.
It was found, afterward, that the captain had received
seven wounds, some of them dangerous; but he had
reason to congratulate himself on his escape with life,
which could not have happened if his men had been
less expeditious in removing him from the scene of con-
flict. Having fled precipitately to their vessel, the
Spaniards set sail, and returned with their insensible
commander to a place called Chucama, a short distance
west of Panama, where Pizarro remained for some time,
in a very feeble condition of body, and not a little dis-
turbed in mind, by the apprehension of a speedy death.*
* We have taken this account of Pizarro's defeat by the Indians
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 73
But contrary to general expectation, however, his wounda
were soon cured.
In the meanwhile his associate, Almagro, having
maimed a small caravel with some of the vilest popula-
tion of Panama, steered westwardly along the coast, with
the expectation of overtaking Pizarro. But having no
knowledge or suspicion of Pizarro's late defeat, he un-
consciously passed Chucama, where the disabled com-
mander was still lying, surrounded by his distressed and
almost despairing companions. A previous understand-
ing between the leaders of the expedition, enabled Al-
magro to ascertain the route which his colleague had
taken, by certain marks which Pizarro had left on the
trees. Thus directed, Almagro arrived at the scene of
Pizarro's disaster, being still unconscious of that deplora-
ble event* Here Almagro landed with his "brave
associates," comprising, as we have said, some of the
basest rabble of Panama; and perceiving an Indian
from the official report of Ferdinand de Xeres, made to the King
of Spain. This Xeres was Pizarro's own secretary ; we may sup-
pose, therefore, that he had a perfect knowledge of the facts which
he relates, and his statement is nnqnestionabiy trae. We find, how-
ever, th^t Mr. Prescott tells the story so as to make it appear
that Pizarro behaved with dauntless bravery in this skirmish, and
came out of it victorious and nuhnrt^Vide " Conquest of Peru,"
Book ii., Chap. 2.
* The secretary Xeres says, "Almagro arrived at the place
where Pizarro was beaten.^^ How does Mr. Prescott reconcile this
phraseology with his own glowing description of his hero's bravery,
prowess, and success.
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74 LIPE OP PERDINAND DE SOTO,
village at a short distance from the beach, the whole
party went "like lambs to the slaughter," expecting to
indulge themselves in their customary recreation. But
instead of plunder and unprotected beauty, they found a
large body of armed warriors waiting to receive them.
As it was impossible to retreat without doing battle with
the Indians, the Spaniards fought for awhile with the
desperation pf men who have no other choice than to
fight or perish. During the conflict, some of Almagro's
ruffians contrived to set fire to the houses of the Indians,
and the town was burnt. But the natives, notwithstand-
ing the inferiority of their weapons, quickly obtained
the mastery over their assailants, and two-thirds of the
latter were either killed on the spot or mortally woimded.
The remainder, among whom was Almagro himself, suc-
ceeded in escaping to the caravel, being closely pursued
by the Indians. In this battle, Almagro received some
severe wounds in the head and lost one of his eyes. He
and his party appeared to be so well satisfied with this
taste of glorious war, that they set out immediately on
their return to Panama. While on their way to the last-
named place, they discovered the whereabouts of Pizarro ;
and the two afflicted leaders of the expedition met
together to compare notes and devise plans for their
fixture operations.
Such was the unpromising conmiencement of an enter-
prise, the results of which filled the whole civilized
world with astonishment, and produced a lasting effect
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 75
on the destinies of mankind aad the condition of human
society in both hemispheres.
As some of the most important actions of Ferdinand
de Soto's life are associated in history with the conquest
of Peru, we consider it expedient to give some account
of that great event from its inception to its consumma-
tion. We will now leave Pizaxro and Almagro, the
wretched instruments, who, by a strange fetality, were
made to take so large a part in that stupendous work of
doubtful utility, the overthrow of the Peruvian Empire.
In due time we shall return and give a further accoimt
of their progress.
Soon after the departure of the exploring expedition.
Governor de Avila began to consider the expediency of
removing from Panama to Nicaragua. He had sundry
reasons, and some very strong ones, for this change of
location. That most excellent man, Bartholomew de Las
Casas, had reported Don Pedro's iniquitous conduct to the
Spanish government, and the king, without formally de-
posing De Avila, had appointed Peter de Los Rios to
succeed him. Such was the mode of proceeding usually
adopted when a change was to be made in the government
of a province. Don Pedro knew that De Los Rios would
call him to an account for his maladministration; and
being unwilling to stand the trial, he considered it better
to withdraw before the arrival of his successor. It was
doubtless a great affliction to him to leave that important
station which he had so long occupied. His regret may
have been increased by the consideration that if there
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76 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
were really another El Dorado on the shore of the Pa-
cific, as Vasco Nu&ez had supposed, Panama would
become the gate through which that auriferous region
must be approached. However, the reasons for his de-
parture were too urgent to admit of much deliberation ;
and, having occasionally cast a covetous glance at the
flourishing settlements of Leon and New Granada, he
was not long in reconciling himself to the necessary
change. With the design of makmg himself as secure
as possible, Don Pedro resolved to send a messenger to
Spain with letters to his friends, among whom were
several ecclesiastics of high rank, and other persons of
great influence, all of whom were requested to intercede
with the king in De Avila's behalf On looking around
for a trustworthy person to convey these dispatches,
Don Pedro fixed on Micer Codro as the most eligible.
This choice will appear less remarkable when we con-
sider that all of De Avila's favorites were men of the
most profiigate character, and not one of them could be
safely employed in an affair which required the services
of a discreet and fidthful agent.
Micer Codro and De Soto continued to be on the
most friendly terms; and the philosopher, when he had
accepted Don Pedro's mission, reflected that it was now
in his power to perform a kind action for the cavalier to
whom he owed the preservation of his life. He had
acquired a perfect knowledge of De Soto's troubles and
difficulties ; and he was well aware of the insurmountable
obstacles which De Avila had placed in the way of all
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 77
epistolary correspondence between De Soto and Isabella.
The governor had made arrangements for the conveyance
of letters to and from the settlement, in such a way as to
have the whole of this business under his own super-
vision; and the severest penalties were denounced against
all persons who attempted to send or convey any writing
across the sea, except by the regular mails. The conse-
quence of this regulation was, that no written communi-
cation could take place between Spain and Panama
without the govemor^s approbation.
Regardless of all risks, however, Micer Codro pro-
posed to carry a letter for De Soto, and to deliver it
with his own hand. When this proposition was first
made, De Soto was disposed to embrace it with rapture;
but when he considered the hazards which the messen-
ger must incur, he could not easily be persuaded to
accept the generous oflFer. However, the arguments
and entreaties of Micer Codro overcame his scruples.
The subjoined letter was then prepared and committed
to the care of the friendly astrologer.
We hope our readers, who may feel but little inter-
ested in matters of this kind, will consider that a love
epistle composed more than three centuries ago, is
worthy of some attention on the score of its antiquity
alone; and this is the best apology we can offer for
inserting it in this volume.
DE SOTO'S LETTER TO ISABELLA BOVADILLA.
"Most Dearly Beloved Isabella. — ^For the first
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78 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
time within the space of five years, I write to you with
some assurance that my letter will reach your hands.
Many times have I written before, but how could I
give expression to my thoughts when I had too much
reason to fear that other eyes than yours might behold
those fond utterances which your heavenly goodness
and condescension alone could pardon. But what
reason have I to hope that even your gracious conde-
scension can still look with £Eivorable regard on my
unworthinessl My matured judgment teaches me that
this hope of my youth, which I so long have dared to
cherish, is not presimiption merely, but madness.
When I consider your many perfections, and compare
them with my own littie deserving, I feel that I ought
to despair, if I could pour out the treasures of a
thousand kingdoms at your feet. How then can I lifk
my eyes to you when I have nothing to oflFer but the
tribute of an affection which time cannot change, and
which must still live when my last hope has departed?
Oh Isabella, the expectation which brought me to this
land has not been fulfilled! I can gather no gold
except by such means as my honor, my conscience, and
you yourself must condemn. Though your nobleness
may pity one on whom Fortune has disdained to smile,
I feel that your relations are justified in claiming for
you an alliance with exalted rank and affluence, and I
love you £Eir too well to regard my own happiness more
than your welfere. If^ therefore, in your extreme
youth, you have made a promise which you now regret.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 79
as fiu: as it is in my power to absolve you from that
engagement, you are released. On my side, the obliga-
tion is sacred and etemaL It is not likely that I shall
ever return to my country; and while I am banished
£rom your presence, all countries are alike to me. The
person who brings you this, exposes himself to great
danger in his desire to serve me; I entreat you to use
such precautions as his safety mi^y require. If your good-
ness should vouchsafe any message to me, he will
deliver it, and you may have perfect confidence in his
fideUty. Pardon my boldness in supposing it possible
that I still have a place in your remembrance; and,
although you may now think of me only with indiflfer-
ence or disUke, do not censure me too severely for
calling myself unchangeably and devotedly yours,
De Soto.*
Supposing this missive to be genuine, we find in it
some evidence to convict De Soto of that idolatry of
woman which was one peculiarity of the chivalrous
temperament. He was, in feet, a knight of the "Old
School," and his conduct often exhibited some of the
follies, as well as many of the virtues of ancient
chivalry.
* We cannot yoach for the anthenticity of this letter, the original
manoscript copy of which is said to be in the cabinet of a Spanish
gentleman, who has spent half his lifetime in collecting the literary
enriosities of his country.
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8(> LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER VIL
DB SOTO AND FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ ARE SENT TO EXPLORE
NICARAOUA — HERNANDEZ UNDERTAKES TO CONVERT THE
INDIANS — GILES OONZALEZ ENGAGES IN THE SAME DUTY —
HOW THE NATIVES WERE CONVERTED— NEARLY FORTY THOU-
SAND INDIANS ARE BAPTIZED— HERNANDEZ AND GONZALEZ —
EACH CLAIMS AN EXCLUSIVE RIGHT TO CHRISTIANIZE THEM —
EACH HAS A PARTICULAR WAY OF DOING IT — ^DB SOTO MARCHES
AGAINST GONZALEZ^A BATTLE — TREACHERY OF GONZALEZ —
DB BOTO'S NARROW ESCAPE — BACKSLIDING AMONG THE NEW
CONVERTS, [a. D. 1627.]
It has been said that Pedro de Avila, with a prudent
desire to avoid an interview with his successor, Pedro de
Los Bios, resolved on transferring himself to Nicaragua.
We will now explain on what grounds he claimed the
government of that province, which had previously-
been wrested from the Indians by a fanatical adventurer
called Giles Gonzalez. While this Gonzalez was wan-
dering about in search of an imaginary strait, which
was supposed to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans,
near the southern extremity of Mexico, Governor de
Avila sent Francis Hernandez de Cordova and Ferdi-
nand de Soto to take possession of that part of Nica-
ragua which lies nearest to the lake of the same name.
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DISCOYERBR OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 81
Hernandez, being a very devout man, took several
priests with him ; and these holy men labored zealously
for the conversion of the Indians. We are informed
that they wrought several miracles, which practical
arguments had such a good effect, that the people came
to be baptized in such vast numbers, that the priests
were scarcely able to attend to them.* Hernandez
transmitted a full account of this evangelical success
to Grovemor de Avila, who was doubtless surprised,
if not delighted, to find that the Indians could be
converted by such pacific measures.
Meanwhile, Giles Gonzalez, whose proselyting zeal
was equal at least to that of Francisco Hernandez,
returned to the province, and was chagrined to find
that the exclusive right, which he claimed to the pos-
session of the territory and the conversion of the
Indians, had been usurped by others. We may suppose
that the natives of this district were qualified by some
natural instinct, or by some extraordinary powers of
intellect, to comprehend the mysteries of the Holy
Catholic feith with singular fecility ; for it appears that
the missionary labors of Hernandez and Gonzalez both
were attended with almost unparalleled success. The
mode of indoctrination used by Gonzalez was sufficiently
unique to deserve some particular notice. When he
first visited this part of the country, having one hun-
dred Spaniards under his command, he came to the
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. ii., Cap. 3v
6
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82 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
dominions of Nicaragua, a powerful cacique, fix)m whom
the province derived its name. Gonzalez sent a mes-
senger to inform the cacique that he was coming to be
his friend, to instruct him in the only true religion, and
to persuade him to submit to the greatest monarch on
earth. "If you reftise to hear reason and religious
instruction," said Gonzalez, " you must prepare for
battle, and I challenge you to meet me in the field."
The chief Nicaragua, it appears, had listened to some
terrific stories concerning the achievements of the Span-
iards, the sharpness of their swords, and the ferocity
of their horses— each of which, according to the com-
mon report, could swallow an Indian at a mouthful ; and
being much dismayed at the prospect of a collision with
these formidable strangers, he repUed to Gonzalez, that
he was ready to embrace any creed which his Spanish
brother might recommend for his adoption. As an
evidence of his sincerity, he sent Gonzalez a peaoe-
oflFering, consisting of a quantity of gold, equal in value
to seventy-five thousand dollars of the present currency
of the United States.* Gonzalez was charmed with
Nicaragua's dociUty, and with the soUd proofe he had
given of his pious inclinations ; and, in 6rder to prove
that Christians could be Uberal as well infidels, he
sent the chief a Unen shirt, a loose silk coat, and some
Spanish toys, which Nicaragua seemed to consider as a
* Vide Herrera, Hist. Ind. Dec. iii., Lib. i , Cnp. 4.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 88
fisdr equivalent for his barbaric treasures * When Grcm-
zalez arrived at Nicaragua's village, he, with the assist-
ance of a priest who accompanied him, commenced the
work of instruction, showing the cacique the unrea-
sonableness of idolatry, exhorting him to forsake the
vices of heathenism, and to imitate the virtuous eicam-
ples of his European instructors! The Spanish his-
torian says: ^^ Nicaragua approved of the Christian
religion, and so did his &mily and nine thousand of his
subjects." After receiving the baptismal sacrament, the
cacique asked many astute questions, of which the fol-
lowing are given as examples : — ^^ Have the Christians
any knowledge of the flood which drowned the world,
and will there be another?" "What is the size of the
stars, and how are they kept in their places ?" " Where
do the souls of men go, and what do they do when
parted from their bodies 1" " Will the Pope ever die ?
and is the King of Spain subject to diseases and death,
like other men 1" " Why are the Spaniards so covetous
of gold, seeing that they have so many greater blessings,
such as a perfect knowledge of the true God, the privi-
lege of conversing with the departed spirits of good
men, and the certainty of everlasting happiness ?"
Though several of these questions might puzzle a
theological college, we are told that Gonzalez answered
them all "with so much wisdom and discretion," that
the chief was well satisfied. Turning to one of his
* 2 Herrers, vbi supra.
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84 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
privy councilors, he said in a theatrical whisper: "Did
not these men really Ml down from heaven 1"
Stimulated by his success with Nicaragua, Gonzalez
continued to disseminate the truths of the Gospel, (as
he understood them,) with inextinguishable zeal and
untiring activity. A field so well cultivated could
scarcely fidl to produce a luxuriant harvest. Such was
the efficacy of the means made use of by Gonzalez to
reclaim these Pagan outcasts, that no less than thirty-
two thousand two hundred and sixty-four of them were
baptized within the space of six months. And, to
prove that good actions sometimes meet with their
reward, even in this life, we may add that the initiation
fees charged by Gonzalez for the admission of his
Indian converts into the pale of the church, amounted
to the gross sum of $400,000.*
When Gonzalez returned from his expedition to the
North, he resumed his efforts to improve the moral and
religious condition of the natives ; but he soon learned,
with great dissatis&ction, that Francisco Hernandez
was engaged in similar labors, in another part of the
province. It must be understood, however, that the
measures used by Hernandez differed widely, in some
respects, from those of his competitor. Instead of
enforcing his doctrines with the sword, like Gonzalez,
* A fair allowance is here made for the depreciation of the
Spanish money. See the Appendix to Irring's " Colnmbas and his
Companions :" Article xviii.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 85
he resorted to the milder influences of moral suasion,
and to the powerful, though not violent, workings of
miraculous demonstrations. We are merely advised
that some of the priests who attended on Hernandez
performed a variety of wonderful works, sufficient to
convince the Indians that they possessed supra-mun-
dane powers; but we have no specific account of the
character of these preternatural operations. It is suffi-
cient to know that their effect on the beholders was
overwhelming, compelling thousands to beUeve, in spite
of all their preconceptions and inclinations to the
contrary.
In the midst of these evangeUcal occupations, Her-
nandez heard that some other Spaniards had made a
settlement in the province, and were laboring for the
conversion of the Indians without any Ucense fixnn the
proper authorities. He was no less offended at the
prospect of rivalship in these duties than Gonzalez had
been before; and, as he had been duly authorized by
Governor de Avila to explore the country and to take
possession thereof in the king's name, he considered the
interference of Gonzalez as a treasonable movement,
which should be immediately checked. Being absorbed,
however, in his spiritual avocations, he requested his
colleague, De Soto, to find out Gonzalez, and obtain a
clear understanding of his purposes. De Soto, with a
party of about fifty men, soon came to Torebo, near the
spot where Gonzalez was stationed. Here, as he lay '
quartered on a very dark night, Gonzalez, with a
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86 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
superior force, fell upon him, crying "Kill the traitors !''
De Soto drew out his men promptly and with admirable
intrepidity, keeping his party in close order and waiting
for the assault. The dense obscurity of the night made
it almost impossible to distinguish fdends from enemies ;
so that the troops of Gonzalez, in their ill-managed
attack, got into confusion, and many were slaughtered
by the hands of their own comrades. With De Soto
there were about twenty horsemen; being a part of his
own cavalry troop, all of them brave young men and
well disciplined. As soon as these were brought into
action, many of the assailing party were cut down by
the swords of the troopers, and others were trampled
under the feet of the horses. Gonzalez perceiving that
his opponent was a brave and skillful officer, and that
he himself would certainly lose the battle, obtained a
cessation of hostilities by exclaiming, "Peace, captain! I
charge you in the king's name, peace !" De Soto, suppos-
ing that his adversaries were ready to surrender, called
on them to lay down their arms, and promised to give
them quarter. The crafty Gonzalez prolonged the parley,
in order to give time for the arrival of a reinforcement
which he expected. When questioned by De Soto con-
cerning his intentions in thus taking up arms against the
authority of the king and his legal representatives, Gt)n-
zalez answered, with much apparent meekness, that he
had been serving the King and the Church in the most
effectual manner, by giving the former about forty thou-
sand new subjects, and the latter as many new converts.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 87
During this conversation, the reserved corps which
Gonzalez expected, and which consisted of about
fifty Spaniards and two hundred Indians, silently ap-
proached the scene of the late contest. De Soto soon
discovered that he was surrounded by enemies; and
Gonzalez, again raising the cry of "St. Giles! Down
with the traitors!" urged, his men to the attack.
The assailants now outnumbered De Soto's party in
the ratio of six to one, and they pressed in so closely
on the horsemen, that the movements of the latter
were much embarrassed. Some of the opposing
party seized the horses's bridles and drew down the
heads of the animals, hoping thus to dismount the
riders. But these hazardous attempts were generally
unsuccessful, and the swords of the cavaliers soon
opened a clear passage through the crowded ranks of
the enemy. All of the horsemen thus made good their
retreat; but all the ^foot* soldiers who accompanied De
Soto, being about thirty in number, were made
prisoners. Among these men were several who had
served imder some of Governor de Avila's thievish cap-
tains, Juan de Ayora, Francisco Pizarro, Gaspar de
Morales, and others; and these had at different times
acquired a considerable* amount of gold, which for safe
keeping, they carried with their baggage. All this
booty, valued at one hundred and thirty thousand
pieces-of-eight, now fell into the hands of Gonzalez *
Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. ii., Cap. 8
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88 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
De Soto remained not very far from the field of battle,
and sent to Hernandez for more men ; for he burned
with an impatient desire to punish Gonzalez, for his dis-
honorable and treacherous conduct in the late skirmislL
But Hernandez had received intelligence that the party
of Gonzalez had been strengthened by many new re-
cruits, (deserters from the Spanish army in Mexico),
and that he had organized a large body of Indians for
the special purpose of driving Hernandez and De Soto
out of that territory. Hernandez was apprehensive of
an attack from his warlike rival, and besought De Soto
to hasten to the new town called Granada, which Her-
nandez himself had founded, and for the* defense of
which he now required De Soto's assistance. Conidst-
ently with his devotional proclivities, Hernandez com-
menced the establishment of this town by erecting a
church of respectable dimensions, surrounded by several
small dwellings for the accommodation of himself and
the priests and friars who belonged to his company.
When De Soto arrived, he made several temporal im-
provements, the necessity of which had been overlooked
by his spiritual-minded colleague. He erected a building
to serve as barracks for the soldiers, and surrounded the
village with a trench and embankment, to secure it
against any sudden assault. Being very much dissatisfied
with the result of his late encounter with Gonzalez, he
waited with feverish impatience for the approach of that
worthy apostle of the church militant. But Gonzalez,
who h(id lost more than fifty of his best men in the
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 89
battle of Torebo, had no wish to cultivate any further
acquaintance with De Soto; he therefore retired to a
distant part of the province, and applied himself more
assiduously than ever to the spiritual illumination of the
benighted inhabitants. His astonishing success in this
great work was communicated to Hernandez, whose
labors in the same good cause were almost equally pros-
perous, though (in a pecuniary sense) much less profita-
ble. The spirit of emulation was aroused, and it became,
as it generally does, an impulse to increased activity on
both sides. The comparative merits of the two opposite
plans made use of by Hernandez and Gonzalez for the
moral and religious reformation of the people, seemed
now likely to be brought to the test of a fair experiment ;
and we regret to say that, in this sacred enterprise, the
sword appeared to be more efficacious than the missal,
though the latter was supported by miraculous demon-
strations. We are assured that Gonzalez, with his co-
ercive measures, made more proselytes than Hernandez
did with his super-terrestrial evidences. But it is proper
to add, that not a few of the converts of Gonzalez fell
into errors of practice, which the discipline of the Church
could not tolerate, and which seemed to prove that their
regeneration was not quite complete. • We are told, for
example, that some of them carried off a fat priest and
two or three other Spaniards, for the purpose of eating
them;* but, after a long chase, the prisoners were re-
* Herrera, Hist. Ind.> Dec. lii., Lib. I., Cap. 4
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LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
covered, and the Indians who had attempted this sacri-
legious abduction, were brought before Gonzalez, in whose
presence they acknowledged the impropriety of their
conduct, and exhibited signs of sincere penitence. The
Spanish commander was generous enough to make allow-
ances for their limited opportunities to learn all the
requirements of their new &ith; and having compelled
them to give up all their golden ornaments to atone for
their fault, he dismissed them with an admonition to be
more circumspect in their future conduct.
SPANIARDS SHOOTINQ INDIANS,
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 91
CHAPTER Vm.
DB SOTO COMES TO AN OPEN RUPTURE WFTH PEDRO DB AVILA
— HE RECEIVES A LETTER FROM DONNA ISABELLA — DB
AVILA DISCOVERS THE CORRESPONDENCE — DON PEDRO
AND HIS RETINUE START FOR NICARAGUA — ^THEY ARRIVE
AT LEON — DE AVILA'S INTERVIEW WITH FRANCISCO HER-
NANDEZ — TRAGIC INCIDENT — DB SOTO IS CONDEMNED TO
LOSE HIS HEAD — HB DEFIES THE POWER OF GOVERNOR DB
AVILA, AND RETIRES FROM HIS SERVICE, [a. D. 1526.]
De Soto remained in Nicaragua until he had placed
Francisco Hernandez in secure and undisputed posses-
sion of the province. Gonzalez was no longer in a
condition to urge his prior claims to the territory; for he
was now a fugitive from justice, having assassinated an
officer sent by Hemado Cortez to arrest him. Under
the mild rule of Hernandez and his ecclesiastical advi-
sers, the new colony of Nicaragua began to flourish, and
the towns of Leon and Granada increased rapidly in
population. The whole region was a paradise, compared
with the sterile and pestilential district in the imme-
diate neighborhood of the Isthmus; and many of the
inhabitants of Panama, and other towns in that quarter,
hastened to improve their condition, by removing to
the Nicaraguan settlements. When De Soto returned to
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92 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Panama, to give the governor an account of his pro-
ceedings, he found De Avila making active preparations
to leave that town ; and he learned, with regret, that
Nicaragua had been selected by Don Pedro as the place
of his fliture abode. He knew that the presence of this
tyrannical governor and his rapacious minions would
have a blighting eflfect on the prospects of the new
colony. He considered likewise that Francisco Her-
nandez, an excellent magistrate and a most estimable
man, must be displaced from his office of lieutenant-
governor, to make room for his unworthy principal.
These reflections overshadowed De Soto's mind, and
cast a corresponding gloom on his countenance, when
De Avila ordered him to be in readiness for the pro-
posed emigration. That habitual scowl which reposed
on the features of De Avila, and which, for several years
past, had appeared to be intensified when he held any
commimication with De Soto, now seemed, to the obser-
vation of our cavalier, to be relieved by a smile of
mysterious import. It was indeed a smile of trium-
phant malignity ; the same smile with which, from his
place of concealment, De Avila beheld the execution
of Vasco Nufiez. De Soto knew enough of Don
Pedro's character and habits, to be aware that when
he smiled, the sign was portentous, revealing not only
an evil purpose, but the certainty of its accomplishment.
Observing that the countenance of De Soto wore an
expression of discontent, Don Pedro said, with an air
of deference — ^the mockery of which did not escape
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 93
De Soto's notice — "I judge, captain, that my Nica-
ragnan enterprise does not meet with your cordial
approbation/' " Governor de Avila," answered De Soto,
in a tone that was scarcely respectful, " I confess that I
feel but little interested in your movements or your
intentions, except when they tend to encroach on the
rights of others. Nicaragua is, at this time, well-
governed by Francisco Hemaadez ; and the change you
propose to make is to be deprecated, as one of the
greatest misfortunes that could befall, not only the
Indian inhabitants of that district, but our own coun-
trymen likewise, who have flocked thither to escape
from your jurisdiction." When De Soto had finished
this somewhat audacious speech, Don Pedro's lowering
aspect, for a few moments, threatened an outburst of
tempestuous rage; but to these appearances soon suc-
ceeded a sedate expression of malevolence, lighted up
by that ominous smile, the whole meaning of which
De Soto was soon enabled to interpret. " I thank you,"
said De Avila, " for giving me this opportunity, which
I have so long desired. Were I to permit such inso-
lence to go Tmpimished, my authority in this colony
would soon be at an end." "It w at an end. Count
PidSez," answered De Soto, addressing Don Pedro by
his hereditary title; "you must be aware that your
successor, De Los Kios, is now on his way to America."
"I do not choose to debate this matter with you,"
repUed De Avila; " but I still claim the right to com-
mand you, as your superior military oflBicer ; and I now
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order you to hold yourself and your company in readi-
ness for travel When we arrive at Leon, I promise you
that full justice shall be done both to your friend
Hernandez and to yourself
This equivocal promise was more intelligible to De
Soto than Don Pedro suspected. That the popularity
of Hernandez and his prosperous administration of gov-
ernmental afiiedrs, had excited some feelings of jealousy
and dislike in the bosom of De Avila, could not be a
matter of doubt ; and besides, it was known to De Soto
that Hernandez had, on several occasions, given De Avila
great offense, especially by punishing certain malefietctors
who had claims on Don Pedro's favor «id protection.
In view of these circumstances, De Soto resolved to
write to Hernandez and advise him to be on his guard.
Accordingly, a letter was written and sent by the hands
of a Dominican friar ; but Hernandez, relying on the
integrity of his own purposes, and the many good works
he had performed in. the province, slighted the friendly
warning of De Soto, and wrote back, in a playful mood,
to inquire when the hero of Torebo first began to grow
timorous.
The Spanish settlers in Nicaragua, understanding that
Pedro de Avila was about to take the government into
his own hands, earnestly besought Hernandez to with-
stand the tyrant and assert his own independent autho-
rity, promising to support him with all the means in
their power. But Hernandez promptly and decisively
refiised these overtures, saying that his authority had
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 95
been derived from Governor de Avila, to whom he was
responsible for all his official conduct, and who had an
unquestionable right to be obeyed in all things connected
with the government. We shall soon see how this
fiuthful and conscientious delegate was rewarded.
A short time before De Avila and his suite started for
Nicaragua, Micer Codro returned from his European
mission. He bore several dispatches for the governor
and one letter for De Soto, to whom it was delivered
with as much circumspection as the case required. But
the event proved that a philosopher, when employed in
"the offices and affairs of love," may be more indiscreet
than a chambermaid. With that simplicity which is
often a characteristic of the highest order of intellect,
Micer Codro, while he obeyed the injunctions of De
Soto by delivering the letter privately to Isabella's own
hands, forgot that his visit to Don Pedro's castle, and his
declaration that he had a secret message for the young
lady, might lead to inquiries and excite suspicion. It
happened, unfortunately for the sage, that a servant who
was then employed at De A\dla's femily mansion, had
been in America, where he had often seen the Italian
astrologer, whom he now recognized ; and by this man
an account of Micer Codro's mysterious visit was com-
municated to the steward who had charge of De Avila's
Spanish estates. The steward mentioned this incident
in a letter to Don Pedro; and it so happened that the
same ship which brought Micer Codro back to Panama,
brought likewise an account of his furtive interview
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96 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
with Donna Isabella. Don Pedro knew that there was
but one person at Panama who would be likely to send a
secret message to his daughter. Convinced, therefore, that
Micer Codro had clandestinely conveyed a letter from
De Soto to Isabella, the wrathftd governor determined
to punish the messenger with a rigor proportioned to the
magnitude of his offense.
In the meanwhile, De Soto, with as much anxious
trepidation as the nature of the case required, had made
himself acquainted with the contents of Isabella's billet,
with reference to which we have no intelligence, except
that it gave De Soto an assurance of the vniter's con-
stancy. This information, we are told, was " exceedingly
comfortable to De Soto;" and few things asserted by the
historians of the times are more probable.
About the beginning of the year 1526,* Don Pedro de
Avila left Panama, and set out with a large retinue to
take possession of the government of Nicaragua, to
which, as yet, he had no legitimate title. He was ac-
companied by nearly all the soldiers who had been
stationed on the Isthmus, the larger number of whom
preferred his service to any other, because he gave them
an unrestricted license to oppress, rob, and murder the
natives of the country. With Ferdinand de Soto the
case was different; some lingering feeling of gratitude
still attached him to the fortunes of his early patron ;
and it is not unlikely that when he took into considera-
* QniDtana. Life of Pizarro.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 97
tion the close relationship of Don Pedio to Isabella, he
became reconciled to a condition that was, otherwise,
sufficiently irksome. Perhaps, he might have said with
his namesake, who did penance on the enchanted isle of
Prospero:
'* This, mj mean task, would be
As heavy to me as ^is odious, bat
The mistress whom I serve qaickens what's dead,
And makes my labors pleasures."*
When Don Pedro drew near to the town of Leon,
he sent a horseman before him to give his lieutenant,
Francisco Hernandez, notice of his approach. By the
same messenger De A\dla sent orders for Hernandez
to come into the public square of the town, attended
by the municipal officers and the clergy, to give an
account of his administration. All these orders were
promptly obeyed by the lieutenant-governor, who still
flattered himself with the expectation of having all his
official acts approved by De Avila. Nevertheless, he
was admonished by several of his fellow-citizens who
had lived at Panama, to be prepared for some deed of
capricious tyranny on the part of Don Pedro. "I have
performed my duty, and more than my duty,'* answered
Hernandez, "and I cannot believe that Governor de
Avila wiU be able, even if he is willing, to find any-
thing censurable in my conduct/'
When the governor, with his soldiers and other
* Shakspeare. Tempest : Act iii. ; Scene u
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98 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
attendants, entered the square, the crowd of citizens
there assembled did not greet him with acclamations,
or any other signals of a hearty welcome. But as De
Avila had never been accustomed to such exhibitions
of popular feeling, it is probable that the omission did
not disturb his equanimity or even attract his notice.
De Soto was directed by Don Pedro to form his horse-
men in line on one side of the square, and the foot
soldiers were ordered to take the opposite position.
The alcalde Espinosa and the other executive officers,
including Don Pedro's executioner, a man of gigantic
frame and ferocious aspect, stationed themselves near
the governor's person. The citizens of Leon looked
with awe and apprehension on this display of power
in the hands of a bad man. They gazed with many
sad forebodings on the weU-trained troops, regarding
them as the efficient instruments of tyranny; and not
more comfortable were their reflections, when their eyes
wandered to the towering form and repulsive features
of the headsman, who bore aloft the sharp and pon-
derous sword with which he performed the duties of
his horrible vocation. All of these suggestive objects
were well calculated to give the townsmen a gloomy
preconception of the violent and sanguinary character
of the government to which they were about to be
subjected.
Francisco Hernandez advanced to meet De Avila, and
made an obeisance, to which the latter vouchsafed no re-
sponsive courtesy. Hernandez then began to recount his
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 99
various operations in the province. He referred, with
consdons satis&ction, to the prudent and peaceful mea-
sures by which he had conciliated the natives and
secured their friendship. He called Don Pedro's atten-
tion to the prosperous condition of the settlement, and
the unprecedented rapidity with which the colonial
towns had increased in population and commercial im-
portance ; and then he spoke, with that religious enthu-
siasm which belonged to his character, of the many
thousands of Indians who had been brought to a knowl-
edge of the true £dth by the efforts of his clerical
co-operators. He was proceeding to give some account
of the supernatural signs by which his ecclesiastical asso-
ciates had attested the reality of their Divine mission,
and thus overcome the most obstinate incredulity of the
heathen; but in this part of his discourse he was
hastily interrupted by De Avila. " Enough, you hypo-
critical impostor !'' cried Don Pedro ; " do not expect
to hide your treasonable projects under these flimsy con-
trivances of your juggling priests, and your own absurd
pretensions to loyalty and patriotism. I am well-
acquainted with .every particular of your treacherous
designs, and I will now let your accomplices see how a
traitor ought to be punished." He then made a signal
to the executioner, and in one moment the head of
Francisco Hernandez rolled upon the ground.* The
'^ The piurticalars of this execution are related, with the usual
variations, bj several historians ; bat all agree in condemning it as
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LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
headsman snatched it up by the hair — ^the mouth still
gasping, and the blood dripping from the severed
veins and arteries — and presenting it to the view of
HEADSMAN STRIKINQ OFF THE HEAD OF LIEUT. -GOV. HERNANDEZ.
the horror-stricken multitude, he exclaimed, in hoarse
and grating accents : " This is the doom of the traitor!"
Tlie whole assemblage of citizens, and many of De
Avila's soldiers, stood aghast at the sight of a catas-
one of the most unjust nnd barbarous actions of the tyrannical gov-
ernor, Pedro de Avila.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 101
trophe which very few could have foreseen or imag-
ined to be possible. For a moment or two, ahnost
every spectator seemed to mistrust the evidence of his
own senses, as he gazed with stupefied wonder on the
hideous death-scene before him. As soon as the fatal
blow was given, De Soto drew his sword ; but it was then
too late to interpose. Glandng at De AvUa, he dis-
covered the eyes of that pitiless tyrant fixed upon him
with an expression of deadly enmity. Pointful, at that
trying moment, of every circumstance which might dis-
pose him to be submissive to Don Pedro, De Soto shook
his sword with a menacing gesture, and returned De
Avila's glance with a look of resolute defiance. In the
mean time, Don Pedro's alcalde, Espinosa, accompanied
by a file of soldiers, advanced to that part of the square
where the cavalry was stationed, and ordered De Soto,
in the king's name, to dismount. This order was dis-
regarded, and perhaps unheard, by De Soto, whose
defiant looks were still directed to De Avila. "Ferdi-
nand de Soto," said Don Pedro, in a loud and com-
manding tone, "you are ordered to dismount and sub-
mit yourself to the punishment which you have just
seen inflicted on your traitorous coUeague. Alcalde, let
your guard pull him from his horse, if he refuses to
obey." The officer who commanded the file of soldiers,
reached forth his hand to execute the order given him
by Espinosa; but before this could be done, his head
was cloven to the chin by the swifUy descending sword
of the cavalier. Spurring his horse through the oppos-
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102 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
ing file, and knocking down Espinosa in his passage,
De Soto made his way to the spot where De Avila sat
on horseback, surrounded by several of his fevorite
captains and some others of his attendants. The im-
petuosity of this movement was so surprising to those
who were nearest to the govemor^s person, that most
of them drew back, and the Goliath-like executioner
himself, whose hands and clothes were stained with the
blood of Hernandez, recoiled with evident signs of dis-
may. De Soto now confronted De Avila, who saw
himself unsupported by his adherents, and wholly at the
mercy of one whose death-sentence he had spoken but
a few minutes before. The point of De Soto's sword
almost touched the governor's person, yet not a hand
was raised in De Avila's defense, and not a supplication
for mercy was made in his behal£ A cry of "Kill
the tyrant!'' arose from among the citizens of Leon,
and was echoed by many of De Avila's own soldiers.
" You hear the expression of public sentiment," said De
Soto; "you hear the wishes of those who are subject to
your authority. It is the voice of justice speaking
through the organs of these people, and in refusing to
obey the call I am scarcely less guilty than yourself.
But remember. Count Fufiez, that in sparing your life
at this moment, I discharge all the obligations I have
owed you. Miserable old man, be thankful that the
recollection of one who is absent can make me for-
get what I owe to my murdered friend. I will now
sheathe my sword; but I swear by the sacred emblen
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DISOOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 103
which it hears, that I will never draw it again in your
service.'^
If any of the governor's officers or attendants were
disposed to take a part in the scene we have described,
they must have discovered that the feelings of the
majority were against De Avila; and this discovery
kept them inactive.
* The practice of swearing by the sword, or rather by the Cross
CO the hilt or handle, was very common among the Christian knights
and cavaliers, some three or four hundred years ago.
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104 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER IX,
PIZARRO, THE FUTURE COMPANION IN ARMS OF DE SOTO — BlA
EXPEDITION TOWARD PERU — ^THB TRUE CHARACTER OF THAT
ENTERPRISE — HIS AFFLICTIONS — ^HIS HORRIBLE BARBARITIES
— AN ACCOUNT OF HIS UNEXAMPLED ATROCITIES, QUOTED FROM
THE WRITINGS OF BISHOP LAS CASAS — THE CORROBORATORY
EVIDENCE OF A FRANCISCAN FRIAR — MILLIONS OF PEOPLE
MURDERED IN COLD BLOOD BT PIZARRO AND HIS ASSOCIATES
— FERDINAND DE SOTO'S UNFORTUNATE CONNECTIONS — THE
EFFECTS THEREOF ON HIS CHARACTER, [a. D. 1527-1528.]
While tracing out the career of Ferdinand de Soto,
we find that the perspicuity of our narrative requires
us to give a compendious account of several notable
events with which the history of De Soto is connected.
One of these events is the so-called "Conquest of
Peru," the true character of which we may have the
good fortune to discover, in spite of that dense nebulosity
of misrepresention and fidsehood in which it has been
so long enveloped. We have shown, in a preceding
chapter, how Fizarro and Almagro, after sailing along
the coast of the Pacific for about seventy days, landed
and attempted to rob an Indian village; but were
beaten by the natives, and so much disheartened that
they returned to the neighborhood of Panama. The
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 105
question has been asked, why they did not letum to
Panama itself. This mysterious circumstance has been
variously explained ; but the most probable account is, *
that they were ashamed to be seen by their fellow-
townsmen in the wretched plight to which they were
now reduced. In the language of one of their own
national proverbs, ^^ they had gone after wool, and come
home shorn;" and, as the commencement of their
undertaking had been ridiculous in the eyes of their
countrymen, they rightly judged that this apparent
termination of the enterprise would seem still more
laughable. It cannot be supposed that Fizarro and
Almagro, at this time, had formed any conception of
such a project as the conquest of a mighty empire.
They had just fidled signally in the attempt to subdue
the inhabitants of an isolated Indian village, composed
of a few miserable huts ; if^ with this experience fresh
in their recollection, they had designed to invade a
thickly populated country, comprisiog many large cities,
they must really have been as idiotic or insane as they
were suspected to be by their fellow-citizens of Panama
The truth is, they could have had no knowledge of
the Peruvian empire, for as yet no European had
approached the territory of the Incas; and the only
information concerning it, that could be gleaned from
the Indians, was that, £ir away to the south, there was
a land whose inhabitants ^^ possessed an abundance of
gold, and made use of quadrupeds to carry burdens."*
* QaintaDa^ " Life of Vasco Nauez de Balboa."
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106 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
It appears evident, therefore, that when Pizarro and
Ahnagro first undertook the exploration of the South
• Sea, they were led on by no grander or more glorious
purpose than the discovery of a country whose inhabit-
ants were sufficiently weak and unwarlike to be robbed
with fitcility and impunity. Divested of all the fimtastic
decorations with which historians have endeavored to con-
ceal the natural deformity of this enterprise, it is found
to be a mere piratical expedition, not a whit more honor-
able or more worthy of applause than the operations of the
American buccaneers, near the mouths of the Mississippi
The unexpected success of this enterprise was the
result of fortuitous circumstances ; and, according to our
views, it does not add any thing to the dignity and
praiseworthy character of the undertaking itself.
We wiU not follow Pizarro and Almagro, step by
step, on their subsequent route to Tumbez, which was
afterward r^;arded as the gate of the Peruvian domin-
ions. Indeed, we have no account of this voyage that
is entitled to much credit ; for the narrators are evidently
bent on magnifying the achievements of these paltry ad-
venturers, at the expense of truth, and with a total dis-
regard of probability. The patient fortitude of this pair
of Spanish freebooters is no less celebrated than their
superhuman courage; but the specifications of their
sufierings are sometimes calculated to provoke a smile.
We find, for example, that the assaults of the musqui-
toes and the insulting grimaces of the monkey tribes
are conspicuously inserted in the schedule of their
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 107
calamities * Whatever may have been the nature or
the number of their aflSiictions, no candid investigator
will deny that they deserved them aU. We axe taught
that " the way of transgressors is hard;" and we have
but little sympathy to waste on those men, whose
horrid crimes and cruelties have subjected them to the
visitations of Divine Justice.
One of the most marvelous incidents of this voyage,
is the length of time required for its completion. The
secretary Xeres reports that Pizarro expended three
years in travel, before he reached any country which
promised to reward his labors. Tumbez, we suppose,
was situated at the mouth of the river of that name, in
that division of South America which is now called
Equador; and we estimate the distance from thence to
Panama to be about eight hundred miles. How then,
it win be asked, did Pizarro manage to consume three
whole years in making a trip which, at the present time,
could easily be performed in a single week] Much of
the delay was owing to the sluggish and irresolute char-
acter of Pizarro; for instead of striking out boldly into
the open sea, as a braver and more enterprising navi-
gator would have done, he crept along the shore vdth
such timorous precaution as would have been scarcely
pardonable in the ancient mariner who had never learned
the uses of the magnetic needle. Another cause of that
* Vide Prescott's " Conquest of Peru," Vol. I., Book ii., Chap. 8,
page 248 ; Herrera, Dec. iii., Lib. viii., Cap. 13.
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108 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
tardiness which marked his progress, was his excessive
appetite for plunder, which would not permit him to
pass a single village on the coast without making some
attempt to gather booty. With the same object in view,
he ascended every river, and explored many a forest,
carrying devastation, suffering, and sorrow into every
secluded spot which seemed to have been reserved by
Nature as the sanctuary of innocence, and a suitable
place of abode for people who were as yet unacquainted
with the benefits of civilization, and uncontaminated by
its vices.
We have said once before, with reference to the char-
acter of Pizarro's associates, that the larger number of
them were gleaned from among the vilest rabble of
Panama ; and Panama, at that time, was the sink into
which the kingdom of Spain poured the most abomina-
ble reAise of its population. Over this hopelessly de-
praved company, the peculiarities of Pizarro's moral
constitution gave him an miquestionable right to preside.
In corruption of heart and criminality of purpose, he
&x excelled them all ; and in the consciousness of that
"bad eminence,'' he reveled with real satanic delight.
Never was any portion of the human spedes thrown
by deplorable circumstances into the power of a more
execrable and remorseless gang of miscreants than
this Spanish banditti, worthily commanded by the
"illustrious conqueror of Peru." As strange as this
assertion may appear to be, it is well supported by
abundance of imimpeachable testimony, a small part of
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 109
which will now be exhibited. From the suppressed
works of Bartholomew de Las Casas, the revered Bishop
of Chiapa, we make the following extracts:
"He (Francisco Pizarro) was long exercised in rob-
beries, murders, and every other species of violence and
outrage. He was a man without loyalty or truth. He
laid waste many towns and cities, and whole districts,
bringing them to nought, slaying the inhabitants by
thousands and myriads, and producing a train of mis-
fortunes and miseries which must afflict that country for
many years to come. In the fertile and populous island
of Puna, he and his people were received by the lord
thereof as if they had been angels from heaven, beiog
entertained with the most bountiful hospitality, and
loaded with immense treasures of pearls and gold,
bestowed on him by these generous people with the
hope of securing his friendship. Here the Spaniards
remained six months and consumed all the provisions
which these friendly islanders had for their present use.
The people of Puna then opened their magazines of
com, which were kept for the nourishment of their femi-
lies in seasons of drought aud scarcity. From these
stores the Spaniards were freely supplied with food for
themselves and their horses. The recompense which
Pizarro and his fellow-robbers made for this kind treat-
ment was to put thousands of the unoffending and unre-
sisting inhabitants to the sword, and numbers of those
who were spared were made slaves. Women with child,
and those who had lately been delivered, were compelled
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110 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO^
to carry heavy burdens, fisu: beyond their strength. All
the young and beautiful females were subjected to the
lustful embraces of these monsters. Children and
in&nts were killed by them in mere sport ; and it was a
common pastime to snatch the little babes from their
mothers' breasts, and pitch them into the water or
among the broken rocks. By these practices, the island,
in a short time, was abnost depopulated.
"From thence, (continues Bishop Las Casas,) he
made his way to the province of Tumbez, which is on
the main land; and here, by taking advantage of the
consternation of the people, which made them incapa-
ble of resistance, he slaughtered them in vast niunbers.
Those who fled were hunted by the Spaniards with
dogs, and torn to pieces. When one of the natives
brought Fizarro a present of gold and sued for merciM
treatment, he was ordered to bring more, with threats
of death or torture; and this demand was repeated until
the poor wretch had nothing more to give.
"Touching the innumerable cruelties and enormities
committed by these men, who call themselves Christians,
I wiU here rehearse the account given by a Franciscan
Friar, who was an eye-witness of the misdeeds of the
Spaniards; and the same account is certified by the
fiither's name and sign manual:
"'I, Friar Mark, of the Order of St Francis, com-
missary of the other friars of the same Order in the
provinces of Peru, and one of the first religious men
who entered into the said provinces with the Spaniards,
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do say, beaiing true testimony of the things which 1
have seen with mine own eyes, concerning the treat-
ment of those who are the natural inhabitants of that
country. First of all, I am an eye-witness and have cer-
tain knowledge that these Indians of Peru are the most
kind-hearted of all the native tribes, being courteous
in conversation and fiiendly to the Spaniards. And I
saw them give to the Spaniards abundance of gold,
silver, and precious stones, and all that they had, doing
them all kinds of service lawful and proper. And the
Indians never showed any hostile feelings to the
Spaniards, but were peaceful and submissive, until the
insupportable cruelties of these so-called Christians
drove them to frenzy and desperation. The Span-
iards, commanded by Francisco Pizarro, were accus-
tomed to tie the great Indian lords and apply fire to
their feet, until the flesh was entirely consumed, to
make them confess if they had concealed any treasures.
Thus did they treat a lord call Alvis, a principal chief
of Quito, making him endure the most horrible tor-
ments, though he knew of no concealed treasure.
They burned to death Cosopanga, who was governor
or cacique of all the provinces of Quito, and who was
decoyed by the Spaniards, and induced to enter their
camp, on an assurance of safety given to him by Sebas-
tian of Bemalcazar, one of Pizarro's captains. The
only offense of this man was his inability to supply as
much gold as Pizarro and his officers required. They
burned many other caciques and principal lords; some,
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112 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
as it seemed to me, in mere wantoimess, and others for
revenge, because they could not pay the extravagant
sums demanded for their ransom.
" 'I likewise certify that the Spaniards, only for their
diversion, compelled a great number of people, men,
women, and children, to enter three large houses, the
doors of which were closed and &stened, and the houses
were then set on fire. The screams and lamentations
of the miserable people inside were enough to fill every
human heart with pity and anguish; yet the governor
(Pizarro) and his soldiers looked on with indiflference,
or made merry with the fright and sufferings of their
innocent victims. A certain mother, who was among these
sufferers, held up her little son, a child of five years,
to a casement, as if to implore some of the Christians
outside to save him, if they cared not for herself. The
child stretched out its little arms, seeming to make
supplication for pity. Then a certain priest called
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 113
Father Ocanno, drew the young boy out of the fire;
but a Spanish soldier snatched the child from his hands,
and. threw him into the thickest of the flames, where
he was presently burned to ashes. On the same day,
that soldier, when he returned to camp, suddenly fell
down dead; and my advice was that he should not have
Christian burial.
SPANISH CAPTAIN THROWINQ AN INFANT INTO THE FIRE.
" ' I also affirm that I have very often seen the Span-
iards cut off the hands, the noses, and the ears of the
Indians, and of their women, mthout any cause or
purpose, except for diversion. At other times, they
made their dogs run at these harmless people and tear
them to pieces. Also, they have often sent for the
caciques, and other principal Indians, to come and see
8
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114 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
them in peace, promising them safe-conduct; but as soon
as the Spaniards had tliem in their power, they burned
them to death: nor could I ever, with all my preaching
jmd prayers, prevail on them to spare a single life!'"
Bishop Las Casas declares, moreover, that Pizarro and
his infernal band of ruffians massacred more than four
millions of people in the Peruvian territories alone; to
say nothing of the coundess multitudes slaughtered by
them in other districts. We hope these facts, so well
certified, wiU be sufficient to prove that we have done
no injustice to the character of that infiamously cele-
brated personage, Francisco Pizarro. We may now
advert to the singular unhappiness of Ferdinand de
Soto in being constantly associated, for more than
twenty years, with men for whose actions he must
have felt the most unqualified abhorrence. We have
lately seen him in the act of freeing himself from his
long connection with the stem and inflexible tyrant,
Pedro de Avila; and we shall hereafter behold him
forced, by almost irresistible circumstances, to become
the companion-in-arms of the subtle, perfidious and
fiend-like despoiler of Peru. There is no virtue in
man of sufficient strength to resist the fatal influences
of long-continued intercourse with the most corrupt and
depraved of our species. We must expect, therefore,
to find in several parts of De Soto's future conduct,
some evidences of a declension from that unswerving
rectitude of purpose, and that impulsive and self-
sacrificing generosity, which marked the commencement
of his career.
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CHAPTER X.
THB PUNISHMENT OF MICBR CODRO, AND HIS LAST PROPHBOY —
DB SOTO QOES ON AN EXPLORING EXPEDITION — HIS UNSUC-
CESSFUL SEARCH — HE RECEIVBS PRESENTS OF GOLD FROM
FRIENDLT INDIANS — HE RESOLVES TO RETURN TO LEON — HE
EMBARKS IN A CARAVEL — ^HIS SINGULAR ADVENTURE WITH
THB CAPTAIN OF THE VESSEL — HE HEARS OF THE DEATH OF
MICBR CODRO— HOW THB LAST PREDICTION OF THE ASTROLO-
GER WAS FULFILLED. [A. D. 1528.]
While Francisco Pizarro is knocking at "the gate
of the Peruvian Empire/' if the dty of Tumbez is
rightly distinguished by that title, we will return for
awhile to give some account of several events which
took place on the Isthmus and in Nicaragua before the
final departure of De Soto from those r^ons. We
have, in the first place, to relate a few particulars con-
cerning that learned man, Micer Codro, in whose fiite
our readers may feel somewhat interested. As soon as
De Avila discovered his instrumentality in carrying on the
prohibited correspondence between De Soto and Isabella,
he sent for Codro, and in an ironical manner complimented
him on the fidelity with which he had performed Hie
duties of his recent mission. The artless philosopher
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116 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO»
accepted these flattering speeches in their most literal
sense. Don Pedro then informed Codro that he de-
signed to entrust him with the management of another
affair of great importance, namely, the mineralogical
examination of a tract of land lying near the Gulf of
San Miguel This was a task which exactly suited the
peculiar tastes of the man of science, and he therefore
undertook it with much cheerfulness and alacrity. Don
Pedro then directed him to embark in a vessel com-
manded by a certain Geronimo de Valenzuela, who had
been instructed, (as De Avila said), to convey him to
the spot where his researches were to be carried on.
This Valenzuela was one of De Avila's retainers, and
withal a man of the most desperate character, who had
followed the trade of piracy for many years, and who
was now engaged, under Don Pedro's auspices and pro-
tection, in the less reputable business of kidnapping
Indians for the purpose of making them slaves. Cap-
tain Valenzuela had indeed received instructions from
De AVila, with respect to the manner in which Micer
Codro should be disposed of; and as soon as the vessel
was under weigh, he ordered the imsuspecting Italian
to be put into irons and chained to the foremast In
that situation he was exposed to the insulting mockery
of the whole ship's company; who (as base men are apt
to do) rejoiced in the opportunity to afflict one whom
they felt to be their superior. All day, the scorching
sunbeams fell on his imsheltered head ; and the unwhole-
some dews of night gathered, with no soothing effect, on
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 117
his fevered brow. The advanced age and feeble constitu-
tion of Micer Codro could not be expected to endure so
much corporeal suffering; yet for ten days he bore it all
with uncomplaining meekness. Finding that the hour
of his departure was at hand, he addressed himself to
the commander of the vessel, with much solemnity of
manner, but without any appearance of resentment.
" Captain," said he, " your ill-treatment has caused my
death, and I now call on you to hear the words of a
dying man. Within a year from this time, I summons
you to meet me before the judgment-seat of Grod." To
this summons, Y alenzuela made a scoffing and con-
temptuous answer; and Micer Codro, as he lay on the
naked deck, with his head resting against the mast,
turned his languid eyes to the pilot, (the only man on
board who had seemed to pity his misfortunes), and said:
"Will you, my friend, grant the last request of one who
has never, through a long life, neglected any opportunity
to do an act of kindness to his fellow-man 1" The pilot
declared his willingness to render him any service that
was possible. At this moment the vessel lay at anchor,
waiting for a change of the tide, off the mouth of the
gulf now called Parita, about one hundred miles south-
west of Panama. The dying man looked wistftdly at
the distant shore, crowned with luxuriant verdure, and
entreated the pilot to land him on one of those islands,
where, on the bosom of the green earth, and under the
shadow of the dense foliage, he might find peace and
comfort in his dying hour. " Micer Codro," answered the
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118 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
pilot, '^ these aie not islands, but points of the mainland.
I am not acquainted with any islands near that part of
the coast." "You will find, however," replied Codro,
" that there are two pleasant and well-watered islands,
enclosing a large bay and harbor, near the mouth of that
gulf" The humane pilot yielded to the wishes of the
poor astrologer, by taking one of the boats of the cara-
vel and conveying him to the shore. They were accom-
panied, however, by two of Valenzuela^s men, who were
ordered by their captain to take heed that the victim of
De Avila^s resentment did not escape. When the party
came to the ground designated by Micer Codro, they
found that it was really a fertile and beautiful island, as
the astrologer had described it. The pilot, with the
assistance of the two sailors, prepared a couch of leaves,
on which they laid the sick man, and remained with him
until he breathed his last. A grave was then dug near the
foot of the tree in the shade of which Micer Codro had
expired, and the body was interred by the humane pilot,
with all the religious observances that circumstances
would allow. Oviedo, the historian, declares that he
visited the lonely and unadorned tomb of this unfortu-
nate scholar, to whose learning and excellent mora]
qualities he oflfers a well-deserved eulogium, concluding
with these words: " He died, like Pliny, in the discharge
of his duty, traveling about the world to explore the
secrets of Nature."*
* Oviedo, Hist. Gen. Lib. xxxix., Cap. 2.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 119
The sacrifice of Micer Codro was the last act of Gov-
ernor de Avila at Panama. We will now return to
Nicaragua, where we left Don Pedro and Ferdinand de
GRAVE OF MICER CODRO.
Soto at the crisis of a serious disagreement, the result
of which was the withdrawal of De Soto from De
Avila's service. The execution of Hernandez was
deeply resented by nearly all the Spanish settlers in this
province ; and as De Avila had never been appointed
by the King to the government of Nicaragua, he was
generally regarded as a usurper. In this state of
affairs, his position was uncomfortable, and not quite
safe, for the province was ripe for a revolt; and many
of the colonists, who had highly esteemed the late lieu-
tenant-governor, were prepared to take vengeance on
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120 LIFE OP FERIDNAND DE SOTO,
the man whom they regarded as his murderer. De
Soto was often solicited to take command of a corps
of citizens, organized for the purpose of resisting the
assumed authority of De Avila; but to the great sur-
prise of the people of Leon, who had witnessed the
recent attempt on his own life, he stead&stly refiised to
co-operate with Don Pedro's enemies. Nothing could
make De Soto forget that De Avila was the fitther
of Isabella. But, being no longer under Don Pedro's
command, he was now at liberty to make new engage-
ments ; and about this time he agreed, with some of the
wealthy citizens of Leon, to go on an expedition north-
ward, in search of the strait which was supposed to
c mnect the two oceans. The geographers of that day
generally believed that such a strait did exist, some-
where between the Isthmus of Darien and the southern
extremity of Mexico; and the King of Spain had
offered a large reward for the discovery of this desirable
means of communication. The undertaking was diffi-
cult and dangerous ; and the attainment of the object
sought for, would be glorious and profitable. Perhaps
all of these considerations were inducements for De
Soto to embark in the enterprise. He made his prepara-
tions accordingly, the necessary fimds being supplied by
his moneyed partners ; and, in a very short time, he com-
menced his journey with only five companions, resolute
and vigorous young men, selected firom the cavalry troop
which he had lately commanded. His design was to
examine the coasts of the districts now called Guate-
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DISCOVERER OF T«E MISSISSIPPI. 121
mala and Yucatan, and to trace the course of any bay,
inlet or river which might present itself in the progress
of his research. *The country which he dedgned to
make the field of his operations^ was supposed to be
inhabited by Indians of the inost ferocious character;
and many parts of it were reported td be banren, desti-
tute of water, and very imheal&y ; as indeed they »e,
at the present time., Some travelers who had attempted
to penetrate this fr%htful 'Wilder];iess, declare ihat it
abounded with wKd beasts and reptiles of the most
dangerous kinds. The xarocodiles, or alligators, which
infested the rivers, were described as beihg from thirty
to forty het in length, and capable of- devouring a horse
at one meaL - De* Soto and his companions, however^
commenced the work of exploration with undaunted
resolution, starting from a point near Leon, on the
South Sea, and proceeding north- westwatrdly between
the shore of the Fadfic and that mountain range which
is supposed to be a continuation of the Andes. As
they advanced, the aspect of the country became more
repulsive. The ground over which they pai^sed was^^
sufficiently rugged to make traveling on horseback diffi-
cult, and the rocky surfiu^ appeared to have tmdergone
the action of fire. This phenomenon was fully C3t^^\
plained by the appearance of the mountain peaks on ^
tiieir right, many &f which were of a volcanic character,
some sending up dense volumes. of' pitchy smoke, and
others pouring out torrent^^cof boiliiig water. The
explorers continued their route, -probably, as fiu: as the
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122 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
seventeenth degree of North latitude, surmounting many
obstacles and overcoming many perils. Some of the In-
dian tribes who inhabited those regions were disposed to
be quarrelsome, having heard of the Spaniards, perhaps,
or witnessed some of their operations. Others, who had
no information or melancholy experience of that kind,
treated the way&rers with much kindness and hos-
pitality. These Indians possessed gold in considerable
quantities, but they appeared to esteem it as an article of
little value ; and when they were indined to be friendly,
they made very Uberal donations of the precious metal
to De Soto and his companions. By these means, his
expedition, though unsuccessful with respect to its main
object, was not a " losing speculation," but proved to
be, in some measure, profitable. Within the space of
eleven months, De Soto made an accurate examination
of the coast to the extent of seven hundred miles, and
satisfied himself that the strait which he had been
searching for did not exist. This fact being ascertained,
he considered that his undertaking was finished; and he
now determined to return to Leon, and make a fair
division of the gold he had collected among the settlers
who had invested their capital in this enterprise.
On his homeward route, De Soto discovered a caravel
anchored at a point near the present site of St. Salvador;
and having ascertained that her destination was to the
south, he resolved to engage a passage for himself and
his comrades, all of whom, as well as their horses, were
much fatigued by their long and toilsome travel by land.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 123
The captain of the vessel readily agreed, for
pensation, to take the cavaliers aodrtfieir -^[tmdrupeds '
on board. . When they wgierraibarked, De Soto i^om
that the caravel was^kfoxiged with Spams^jieldfers, who
had served und«f Cortez inideMCoTand Indian pris-
oners who had ofeCinapfiSed on the coast by the com-
mander of the vessel and his crew, for the purpose of
supplying the colonies with slaves. The whole ship's
company appeared to be composed of men of a brutal
and desperate character; but the manners of the captain
were pre-eminently repulsive.
" There was a laughing demon in his sneer
That raised emotions both of hate and fear."
He was one of those men who delight in recoimting
their deeds of villainy, and who feel flattered and grati-
fied in proportion as their auditors are shocked and
disgusted. For the entertainment of his passengers he
described many scenes of horror and bloodshed, in
which he had taken a part; and the fiendish exultation
with which he detailed his sanguinary and pitiless
actions, almost excited the indignation of the veteraus
of Cortez, familiarized as they were with every phase
of inhuman criminality.
After many other narrations with which the captain
endeavored to make an impression on the minds of his
hearers, he began to relate how he had been employed
by the Governor of Panama to torture and put to death
an old wizzard, who had committed some act of treachery
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124 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
while on a mission to Spain, To the preceding stories
of the captain, De Soto had Ustened with almost irre-
pressible emotions, bnt he now began to take a deeper
interest in the wretched man's discourse, and pressed
through the circle of eager listeners by which the
speaker was surrounded. The captain proceeded to
declare that he had chained the old man on deck,
where his sailors often amused themselves by drenching
him with buckets of sea-water until he was almost
drowned. " After several days,'* continued the narrator,
"he became sick, and we saw that the sport he had
given us would soon be at an end. Afl;er remaining
speechless for two days he suddenly foimd the use of his
voice, and attempted to frighten me by prophesjdng that
I should die before the expiration of a year." Here
the captain indulged in a laugh, in which many of the
auditors joined. Pleased with the attention and seem-
ing approbation of his hearers, the boastful malefactor
said: "Cavaliers, we will have out a hamper of wine
and drink to the good repose of Micer Codro's soul."
"Hold!" said De Soto, who had been standing before
the speaker with his drawn sword in his hand; "you
say the astrologer prophesied that you should die within
a year. When will that year expire 1" "In about two
weeks," answered the captain; "but fear not that the
prophet will prove to be a Uar." "He shall not, by
heaven !" cried De Soto ; and at the same moment he
dealt the vaimting criminal a blow which separated his
head from his body.
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Perceiving that the spectators were astonished, not
so much perhaps at the AiMUment of a prediction as at
the strange method which had been used to verify it,
De Soto, with stem composure, addressed himself to
the crowd. "Gentlemen," said he, "if any of you are
disposed to hold me accoilntable for what I have just
done, I am ready to answer you according to your
desires. But I consider myself bound in reason and
courtesy to inform you that Micer Codro, the man whom
this villain murdered, was my friend, and I doubt not
that he was condemned to death for doing me an im-
portant service."
This explanation seemed to give general satisfaction.
In feet, a deed of sanguinary vengeance was not an
occurrence of sufficient rarity in those times, to excite
any very strong feeling of disapprobation; aad perhaps
the singular dexterity which De Soto had displayed in
the use of his sword, was no inducement for any friend
or admirer of the deceased captain to become the
avenger of his death.
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126 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XL
BB SOTO*S BXPLORXNG EXPEDITION TO QUATEBCALA — THE HOB-
RID ACTS OF MARTIN BSTETB — INDIANS ENSLAVED AND
BRANDED WITH A RED-HOT IRON — THE NATIVES ARB
ROBBED OF THEIR CHILDREN— OACIQUES BURNED TO DEATH
AND DEVOURED BY DOOS — SIXTY THOUSAND PEOPLE MUR-
DERED—PIZARRO ENTREATS DE SOTO TO COME TO PERU — HE
QOES WITH A REINFORCEMENT OF MEN AND HORSES — PIZARRO
SWINDLES HIS CONFEDERATES, AND BEGINS TO MAKE A HAVOC
AMONG HIS PERUVIAN FRIENDS — DE SOTO ARRIVES AT THE
ISLAND OF PUNA, AND JOINS PIZARRO. [A. D. 1532.]
For about three years after the return of Ferdinand
de Soto from his exploring expedition to Guatemala, he
was engaged, during a considerable part of the time, in
making similar explorations in Yucatan. In conformity
with the obligations of his oath, he did not draw his
sword in the service of Don Pedro ; but his military
talents were not wholly unemployed, for many of the
Indians who had been converted by the compulsory
measures of Giles Gonzalez had apostatized from the
true &ith, and now began to make themselves trouble-
some to the Spanish settlers. The aid of De Soto was
often required therefore to repel their incursions. The
inhabitants of Leon had elected him to the command
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 127
of a corps of citizen-soldiers, the ostensible purpose of
which was the defense of the town against the hostile
savages; but an object of no less importance was to
hold in check the haughty and reckless usurper,
Pedro de Avila. This unprincipled man saw, with
jealous apprehension, the growing power and influence
of De Soto, and finding himself unpopular with all sorts
SPANIARDS BRANDING INDIANS WITH HOT IRONS.
of people, except those of the most abandoned char-
acter, he sought to strengthen his position by gathering
aroimd him some of the vilest men whom the nauseated
stomach of old Spain had ejected upon this continent.
He Uberated two notorious criminals, Diego Lopez and
Gabriel de Rojas, who had been imprisoned at Leon by
Hernandez ; and these men, with many others of the
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128 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
same stamp, were licensed to commit robberies and
many other kinds of outrage on the persons and {HX)perty
of the friendly Indians, no exception being made in
fevor of those who had embraced Christianity. A cer-
tain Martin Estete, who now acted as De Avila's lieu-
tenant, was authorized by this pseudo-gOTemor to go on
excursions into the adjacent country, for the purpose
of brmging away as many Indians as he could capture,
and making them slaves. The mode of slave-making
used by the Spaniards was to hunt the natives with
horses and dogs ; and, when the chase was successful,
they branded the captive with a red-hot iron, made for
that purpose. All the Indians thus marked became
the property of their captors. This infamous practice,
it seems, had been prohibited by the King of Spain,
who ordered the branding-iron, (which probably bore
the initials of his Catholic Mjyesty, with a cross, or
some other suitable device,) to be enclosed in a chest,
"fiistened with three locks."* This most considerate
act of royal clemency proved ineffectual, however ; for
De Avila's lieutenant, Estete, had the ingenuity and
audacity to obtain possession of the instrument in spite
of the triple fastenings and of the r^;al prohibition.
Perhaps he suspected that if the king had really wished
to put an end to this slave-making process, he would
have ordered the branding-iron to be destroyed, instead
of having it locked up in a trunk. Lieutenant Estete,
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. iv., Cap. 2
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 129
having provided himself with the necessary tools, includ-
ing chains, fetters, and the marking-iron jiist spoken
o^ went to work with such order and diligence, that he
was soon enabled to supply all the neighboring settle-
ments with slaves, ^^ at short notice and on the most
accommodating terms.'* He brought them to Leon in
large flocks or droves, comprising hundreds of men,
women and children chained together. Estete and his
companions, being mounted on horseback, urged them
onward by goading them with their lances, and when
any of them became too much &tigued to travel with
the required speed, they were diseligaged f5rom the
chain, and slaughtered on the spot.* A large majority
of the Indians, inhabitants of this province, had been
christianized and partly civilized by the exertions of
Francisco Hernandez ; but, as we have said before, their
adoption of the CathoUc religion did not save them
from the persecutions of Estete. All the Christian
caciques were required by him to pay a tribute of slaves,
at the rate of fifty per month for each cacique ; and,
unless they compUed with this demand, (says Bishop
Las Casas), the caciques themselves were condemned to
be burned to death, or to be torn to pieces by dogs.
To save their own lives, the Indian chie& gave up all
the orphans to be slaves to the Spaniards ; and, when
the supply fidled, every parent who had several chil-
* Herrera, ubi supra ; Las Casas, qaoted by Porchas ; vide Par-
chas' "Pilgrims;" Book viiL, Chap. 4: Article "Nicaraf^ua."
9
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130 LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO,
dren was compelled to contribute one or more of his
offspring to make up the required number of victims.
This exaction was more distressing to the Indians — as
we are told — ^than any other infliction of Spanish bar-
barity, "for they are a people," (says the good Las
Casas), " that tenderly love their oflfepring.''*
The man who is contented in slavery deserves to
be a slave, and is fit for nothing else; but the moral
or physical constitution of the American Indian never
adapted him to a life of servitude. We are not aware
that the aborigines of this continent ever enslaved
each other, not even their captives taken in war ; for
when these latter were preserved alive, they lived
with their conquerors on terms of perfect equality.
It is a well ascertained feet, that all the efforts of
the Spaniards to make willing slaves of the Indians
proved abortive. When the oppressed people could
not recover their freedom, they died in captivity;
for life with them was no longer endurable.
The effects of De Avila's misrule in Nicaragua were
soon visible. We are told by Las Casas that "his
tyranny prevented the Indians from carrying on their
agricultural labors, and the Spaniards robbed them of
all the com which they had stored away for their sub-
sistence. A femine endued, and more than twenty
thousands of the natives perished by starvation. Some
of them, made frantic by hunger, devoured their
* Las Casas, as above.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 131
own children. The bishop declares that the various op-
pressions and barbarities of the Spaaiards, within the
space of ten years, caused the destruction of more than
sixty thousand human beings in Nicaragua, and almost
depopulated the whole province. And yet, although a full
account of these transactions was transmitted to the Span-
ish government, the man who had permitted so many
horrid crimes to be perpetrated under his administra-
tion, was afterward regularly commissioned by the King
of Spain, and was thus duly authorized by him to retain
that office, the powers of which he had so grossly abused.
It is believed that De Avila was indebted for this singu-
lar act of Koyal fevor to the intercessions of certain ec-
clesiastics of high rank, his sympathizing friends, by
whom he was strongly recommended as a proper object
of governmental patronage !
In the year 1532, Pizarro, who was then in the
neighborhood of Tumbez, dispatched a message to
Pedro de Avila, whom he urgently entreated to send
as many men and horses as could be spared to assist
in the military operations then going on near the border
of Peru. He particularly desired to have the aid of
De Soto, to whose valor and prowess he paid a well
deserved compliment ; and he requested De Avila to
promise in his name that De Soto, if he consented to
serve in Peru, should have the second place in the
command of the forces there employed. Between De
Soto and Don Pedro there had been no commimication
of any kind for several years ; and the governor was not
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132 LIPB OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
disposed to make any advances toward a resumption
of intercourse with one who had so highly off(mded
him. He desired, nevertheless, that Pizarro's offer
should be accepted, for the presence of De Soto in
Nicaragua was to Don Pedro a source of constant
annoyance. He disliked to look on the man who dared
to set his power at defiance. In this state of afiairs,
he commimicated his wishes to his alcalde and confiden-
tial friend, Espinosa, who was instructed by him to pre-
vail on De Soto, if possible, to start immediately for Penu
"And I pray to heaven," piously ejaculated De Avila,
"that we may never hear of him again." Don Pedro
had, for a long time, considered the Peruvian enter-
prise as a desperate undertaking. Doubtless his ex-
pectation was, that all who were engaged in that enter-
prise were on the straight road to destruction; and, for
several reasons, which the reader may understand, he
rejoiced in the opportimity to place De Soto on the
same £ital track.
When De Soto learned from Espinosa the subject
of the message sent by Pizarro, he promptly consented
to. assist the last-named commander with his counsels
and his sword. All the Spanish authorities in America
had, in the mean time, been ordered by their King to
assist the Peruvian enterprise and to make a Uberal use
of the public frmds for that purpose. De Avila, there-
fore, being no less anxious to expedite the departure
of De Soto, than to obey the Boyal mandate, fitted out
two caravels at a convenient port on the Pacific, and
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LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO, 133
in these vessels embarked about fifty men and thirty
horses, all being placed under the control of De Soto.
While this reinforcement is on its way to Tumbez, we
will make the reader acquainted with several important
events which have taken place since we accompanied
Pizarro to the confines of Peru.
Jerome Benzos, the author of a work called "Three
Books of the New World," who appears to have been
an impartial and conscientious scribe, declares that when
Pizarro and his gang of cut-throats first approached
Tumbez, not one of the Spaniards had courage enough
to go on shore; but, among the; crew of Pizarro's vessel,
there happened to be a Greek, called Peter de Candia,
who volunteered to carry Pizarro's greetings to the gov-
ernor of the place.* In this suggestive incident, and in
many other fiicts, inadvertently stated by the Spanish
chroniclers of this enterprise, we find a confirmation of
an opinion we have expressed in relation to the nature
of the imdertaking, and the character and purposes of
the men with whom it originated. Before the arrival
of De Soto, the conduct of the "invaders" was charac-
terized by a spirit no less dastardly than ferocious.
They never made an attack except when the hope of plun-
der was the obvious inducement, and when there could
scarcely be any expectation of resistance. The inference
is, that they were mere robbers and not soldiers ; a mob of
pilfering ruffians and not an army of heroic conquerors.
* Benzos : Lib. iii., Cap. 1.
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134 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
As Tumbez was a town of considerable size, witii a
numerous population, the Spaniards made no attempt,
at that time, to plunder it They looked, however,
with gloating delight, on the evidences of its wealth,
and promised theihselves a rich harvest of booty, to be
reaped at a more &vorable season. In the meanwhile
the unsuspecting inhabitants of this devoted city treated
their fidthless guests with exuberant kindness and
hospitality. Pizarro's messenger, Peter de Candia, re-
turned to his commander and gave such an encourag-
ing account of the friendly disposition of the natives,
that the most conscience-stricken and cowardly of his
companions, and even Pizarro himself, no longer hesi-
tated to enter the dty.
Having now satisfied himself that the country was
well worth plundering, Pizarro determined to return to
Panama. Quintana, one of his Spanish biographers,
says: "Doubtless, in recompense of the hospitality he
had received, he lamented that his diminutive force did
not allow him to seize the town, to entrendi himself in
the fortress, and to pillage the inhabitants and their
temple of the so-much coveted gold."* For the pur-
pose, as it seems, of obtaining sufficient powers to carry
out these magnanimous and honorable intentions, he
hastened back to the Isthmus, where he electrified his
partners, Almagro and the schoolmaster, with an
* MannelJosefQointana's Spanish Biogpraphy: "Life of Pizarro;"
Mrs. Hodson's Euglish translation ; page 122.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 135
account of his prospective success. The three confeder-
ates agreed that Fizarro should go to Spain, to relate
what had been done, aud to petition the king for some-
thing like corporation privileges, enabling them to carry
on the discoveries in their own name, and for their own
exclusive benefit. But Fizarro, who possessed some of
the characteristics of a Jewish peddler, never overlooked
any opportunity to commit a fraud. He first cheated his
partners by obtauiing all the grants for himself alone,
and then he cheated his King by not complying with
the conditions on which those grants had been made.*
Very well satisfied with the manner in which he had
accomplished the objects of his mission, he returned to
America, accompanied by his four brothers, three of
whom, like himself were illegitimate. On his arrival
at Panama, he endeavored to satisfy his iU-used asso-
ciates by making many false protestations and &llacious
promises. Luque, the schoolmaster, who was likewise
a priest, exhibited much Christian forbearance on this
occasion; but Almagro was not inclined to submit with
the same equanimity to Pizarro's swindling opera-
tion. He .was reduced to submission, however, by the
hectoring deportment of Hernando Pizarro, Francisco's
* He was reqaired by the king to raise a force of two hondred
and fifty men, well equipped for the seryice, one hundred and fifty
of whom were to be enlisted in Spain ; but he embarked at St. Lucar
with amach smaller number, and made use of a paltry trick to escape
from the examination of the king's officers. — Vide Prescott's ''Con-
quest of Pern : ^ Book iii., Chap. 1.
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136 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
elder and legitimate brother, who was by &r the boldest
villain in the &mily group, though Francisco was dis-
tinguished by a more subtle intellect and more plausiUe
manners.
The schoolmaster Luque, (says Benzos,) was after-
ward sumamed "The Fool," because he had invested
all his money in the Peruvian enterprise, and was
cruelly victimized by his fraudful partner, Pizarro.
He and Almagro, however, saw that it was necessary
for them to succumb and to seem to be satisfied, until
they had a fidr opportunity to do themselves justice.
Some appearance of a good understanding among the
associates being now restored, Pizarro embarked his
forces, which amounted, according to the best authori-
ties, to one hundred and eighty men and twenty-seven
horses * Proceeding now with more confidence than
formerly, he soon reached the Island of Puna, the
natives of which welcomed his return with many
demonstrations of joy. Here he was well entertained,
until the murders, rapes and robberies committed by the
Spaniards, compelled the inhabitants to take up arms
in their own defenscf Though these people were not
of a warlike character, their resentment, when once
aroused, threatened to exterminate their enemies; but,
most unfortunately for the cause of justice and humanity,
Ferdinand de Soto, with his reinforcements, happened to
arrive at this juncture.
* Xeres: Conq. del Pern, ap. Barira; Tom. iii., p. 182.
f Benzos : Lib. iii., Cap. 1.
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DISGOYEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 137
We shall be able to prove, in the following pages,
that this arrival made a complete change in the com-
plexion of Fizarro's enterprise, and afforded him, for
the first time, a reasonable prospect of success. Hith-
erto his ** army," as it is pompously called by some of
the historians, was nothing more than an undisciplined
company of vagabonds, without any of tiie feelings or
habits of soldiers who are fighting in a great and glo-
rious cause. And this company was without a leader
who deserved the name ; for it is evident that Pizarro
himself was wholly incompetent to exercise the duties
which belonged to his station, De Soto brought a corps
of well-trained cavalry, (the most efficient troops that
could be used against the Indians), to Pizarro's aid, and
he himself was the bravest and most accomplished
officer that Spain ever sent to the Western Continent
With lliese accessions, the invasion of Peru began to
look like a reality; and the fidthful relation of &ct8,
which we are about to give, will abundantly prove that,
without De Soto's assistance, the conquest of Peru
would never have been achieved by Francisco Pizarro
and his fellow-adventurers.
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138 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER Xn.
THE REAL CONDITION OF PERU BEFORE THE SPANISH INVASION —
ITS ADMIRABLE INSTITUTIONS — PROSPERITY AND HAPPINESS
OF THE PEOPLE — THEIR ARTS AND MANUFACTURES — THE
GRAND TEMPLE OF CUZCO — THE INEXHAUSTIBLE RICHES OF
PERU— THE METALS USED BT THE PERUVIANS— THEIR ME-
CHANICAL SKILL — ^THEIR GREAT PUBLIC WORKS — SLANDERS
OF THE SPANISH CONQUERORS — THE PERUVIANS NOT IDOLA-
TERS— A TRUE ACCOUNT OF THEIR RELIGION — FALSEHOODS OF
THE SPANISH HISTORIANS REFUTED.
Before we detail the particulars of that deplorable
event, the overthrow of the Peruvian Empire by the
Spaniards, it will be expedient to show, as clearly as
circumstances will permit, what was the real condition
of the country prior to its subjugation by a foreign
power. The difficulties of the task are explained in
the introduction to this volume. We have no knowl-
edge of the ancient Peruvians, except that which is
derived from the reports of their enemies, and in such a
case, the information should be cautiously received.
However, some facts connected with the history of these
people, and their condition just before the Spanish
invasion, will admit of no dispute; and these &cts.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI, 139
though not very numerous indeed, will be quite sufficient
for our present purpose,
" The territory of Peru (says Mr, Prescott) when it was
first visited by the Spaniards, extended from the second
degree North to the thirtynseventh degree South latitude.
According to Herrera, its length was above six hundred
leagues, and its average breadth was about fifiky leagues,
between the Andes and the Pacific Ocean, This ocean,
was, of course, its western boundary, but its eastern
limits cannot be so readily determined. The whole
country consisted of three strips of land; the first of
which comprised the plains along the sea-coast; the
second was the hiUy region between those plains and
the mountain-range called the Andes; and the third
consisted of the Andes themselves. The grounds near
the sea-shore were barren and unhealthy; but these
natural defects were corrected, in some measure, by the
elaborate improvements planned by the wise government
of the Incas, and executed by the untiring and cheerful
industry of the people. The metropolis of the empire
was the great dty of Cuzco, situated in a pleasant and
salubrious valley, nearly twelve thousand feet above the
level of the sea."
The government of ancient Peru was, in form, a
despotism, but in effect the mildest and most beneficent
of patriarchal institutions. With no better information
concerning it than the illiberal and prejudiced accounts
of the Spanish conquerors, we are prepared to believe
that, in many particulars, it was the most perfect politi-
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140 LIFE OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
cal system ever contrived by the wisdom of man. Its
most objectionable feature was the absolute power of
the chief magistrate ; but that monstrous &ult was so
modified by the generous concessions of the sovereign,
and by the numerous provisions made for the wel&re and
security of the people, that all the purposes for which
rational governments are instituted were attained, for
the first and last time, under this South American
dynasty. With all our enthusiastic devotion for popular
rule and republican principles, we are compelled to
admit that Peru, when Pizarro first landed on its shores,
was better governed than any nation of the earth now
is. But, let it be understood, that this happy state of
affairs did not proceed from the despotic constitution of
the government, but from the peculiar moral proclivi-
ties and the social habits and condition of the people.
Owing to these causes, the powers of the government
were exercised with justice and moderation, and the
obedience of the subject was volimtary and complete.
Under the regency of the Incas, the humblest indi-
vidual of the nation could not be opppressed; justice
was promptly executed in all cases ; official corruption
was impossible ; the frauds of speculation and the dis-
tressing effects of financial panics were unheard of and
unimaginable afflictions ; labor was sure of its reward,
and there was never-fidling employment for all who
were able to work. The whole population of Peru
was like one fiunily ; there was no antagonism of inte-
rests; no man was obliged to struggle for existence;
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 141
the comforts and conveniences of life were guarantied to
all; and none were required, nor eyen permitted^ to wear
themselves out by excessive toiL* In the judgment
of a high Spanish authority, it was impossible to im-
prove on that systematic equity with which labor was
distributed among the people.f The interests of the
working classes were protected, not by taxing one part
for the benefit of another, but by an impartial, arrange-
ment which secured equal advantages to alL The
manner in which all these great public blessings were
attained, will not admit of explanation in a few words.
The reader who may desire to investigate the subject
&rther, is referred to the introductory chapters of Pres-
cott's "Conquest of Peru," " Garcilasso's Commenta-
ries,'* Herrera's " General History of the West Indies,*'
and other works which treat on American Antiquities.
The true principles of industrial association were
understood, and reduced to practice beneath the foster-
ing care of the Peruvian monarchy. That great prob-
lem, which has lately puzzled all the political philoso-
phers of Christendom, was solved more than three hun-
dred years ago, by a people dwelling in the defiles of the
Andes, whose claims to civilization have been questioned.
They succeeded in uniting a whole nation in a bond of
brotherhood, the integrity of which was proof against
* Ondegardo : Rel. Prim., Cap. 15 ; Qarcilasso : Com. Real.
Parte i., Lib. r., Cap. 6.
t Ondegardo : Rel. Prim., Cap. 15.
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142 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the antagonistic operations of individual selfishness.
They contrived to make millions of people contented,
happy and prosperous, without commerce, or the credit
system, or even a circulating medium.
If this was not civilization, it was something infinitely
better.
All the useful arts which the Peruvians bdieved to
be necessary for their happiness, and the prosperity of
their nation, were well cultivated among them. Thdbr
architectural works, in general, were strictly adapted to
their requirements. As " no man could be rich and no
man could be poor in Peru," we may suppose that the
dwellings of the inhabitants presented an aspect of sin-
gular uniformity, in which llie appearance of squalid
misery, on the one hand, and the ostentatious display
of wealth on the other, were not to be discovered.
There the palatial abodes of supercilious opulence did
not lift their heads above the clay-bmlt habitations
of industrious penury. It was only in the construction
of their temples, and other public buildings, that the
Peruvians made any display of architectural magnifi-
cence. These edifices were composed of blocks of stone,
of a very large size, fitted together with such nicety
that the line of imion was almost indiscernible. Hum-
boldt says that he found, in the walls of edifices among
the ruins of Peru, blocks of hewn stone, some of which
were each thirty-six feet long, nine feet wide, and six
feet in thickness. AVhat must have been the me-
chanical skill and the excellence of the machinery used
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DISGOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 143
in the transportation and adjustment of these huge
masses of building material, which were taken from the
side of a mountain thirteen thousand . feet high, and
removed by land-conveyance more than ten miles!
The stonecutters of ancient Peru surpassed all their
fellow-craftsmen of modem times in the exquisite skill
with which they smoothed the surfiices of the stones,
and united them in the walls of their buildings without
the help of any kind of cement. And all this w^
accomplished by a people, who had not become ac-
quainted with the uses of iron. The only metals
which were used by them for the construction of their
implements of trade, and their weapons of war, were
copper and tin.
The great Temple of the Sun at Cuzco may be sup-
posed to have afforded a Mr sample of the skill in
architecture to which the Peruvians had attained ; but
the stupidity of the " conquerors'* has left us without any
accurate description of this edifice. The golden decora-
tions of the interior seem to have been the principal
objects that deserved their attention. We have never
met with any precise account of the dimensions of the
building; but as the walls are said to have contained many
stones, each of which comprised about two thousand cubic .
feet, we must believe that the proportions of the entire
edifice were of a stupendous character. It consisted
of a principal building and several wings or attach-
ments, all of which were surrounded by a wall, com-
posed of the same material that was used in the
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144 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
construction of the temple itsel£ A Spaniard, who
saw this magnificent structure before it was despoiled
by his countrymen, declares that only two edifices in
Spain could be compared with it, with respect to
the size of the building and the excellence of the
workmanship * Our countryman, Prescott, seems to
have become infected with the prevailing tastes of his
favorite heroes, when he exclaims : " But the interior
of the temple was the most worthy of admiration ; it
was literally a mine of gold !*' A sculptured representa-
tion of the sun, executed in solid gold, appeared in
dazzling effulgence on the western wall The elabo-
rately carved cornices, and all the other ornamental
appendages of the temple, were composed of the same
precious material
The only metals used by the Peruvians, in any
of their arts, were gold, silver, tin and copper. It
has been said above, that the tools of their artisans,
and the arms of their warriors, were always composed
of the last-named minerals. Many of their domestic
utensils, and all the metallic adornments of their public
buildings, were of pure gold or silver. These metals
were used with a profusion that would scarcely be
credible, if we were not acquainted with the exhaust-
less mineral resources of the country. The whole
mountain range of the Andes may almost be regarded
as a single mine — a vast treasure-house of Nature —
* SannieDto : Relacion., Cap. 24.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 145
where, for incomputable ages, the avarice of man may
revel without restraint.
The Peruvian government, with that parental care for
the welfare of the people, which was one of its principal
characteristics, would not permit the mines to be exten-
ANDES MOUNTAINS.
sively worked, because this employment was supposed
to be injurious to the health of the operator.* When
was any Christian or civihzed monarch ever restrained
by such a consideration 1 The cultivation of the land
constituted the principal occupation of the people.
Their agricultural labors were so equitably apportioned
among them, that toil never became oppressive, but was
* Oarcilasso: Cora. Real., Parte i., Lib. vi., Cap. 18.
10
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146 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
a recreation rather than a task; and yet the supplies
of agricultural products were always more than suffi-
cient for the wants of the community. It is said that
the people went to their work rejoicing, as if they were
about to celebrate a jubilee *
The manufitctures of the Peruvians were intended
merely to supply their own needs, as they had no foreign
commerce. They made several kinds of cloth, the finest
of which was composed of the wool of the lama, or Peru-
vian sheep. Some of these febrics were of such exqui-
site delicacy, that the noblest ladies of Spain preferred
them as articles of dress before the richest silver tissues
of Asiatic production. The manufiicture of cotton cloth,
likewise, was extensively carried on by these people.
We are told that their skill in all the mechanic arts
which they practiced, excited the admiration and envy
of European workmen.
Some of the public works of the Peruvians — ^their
great highways, for example — ^were on the most mag-
nificent scale ; but the limits of this book will not per-
mit us to describe them. The benevolent institutions
of the country were numerous, and they were so con-
stituted that the recipients of public boimty were con-
scious of no degradation. They were not called by any
opprobrious name, equivalent to " paupers." The inva-
lids among them were not subjected to the rash experi-
* Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i., Lib. v., Cap. 1-3 ; ODdegardo,
Rel. Prim. ; Prescoti's " Conquest of Peru," Book L, Chap. ii.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 147
ments of unfledged physidans ; and their dead bodies
were not made the objects of mercenary speculations by
the " Guardians of the Poor."*
We will conclude this explanatory chapter by refer-
ring to a topic which becomes important when it is con-
sidered in connection with " the main object" of the
Spanish invasion, which, according to Francisco Pizarro
himselfi and other authorities equally reliable, was " to
bring this heathen nation to a knowledge of the true
Grod." What was the religion of the Peruvians before
they were converted by the Spaniards ? The " honest
chroniclers" of these missionary heroes tell us that the
people of Peru were idolaters; that they worshiped
the sun and the devil, thunder and lightning, and the
rainbow; besides certain wooden divinities, which were
seldom seen except by the priests who attended at their
altars. We have examined the evidence in this case
with patient attention, and we incline to the belief that
the forgoing account of the Peruvian worship is all
feke. The principal object of adoration with these peo-
ple is supposed to have been the Sim, the most glorious
object in nature, which difiuses light and warmth
through the imiverse, and is therefore the best visible
representative of Divine wisdom and goodness. The
Catholics, when they bow themselves down before the
image of the Redeemer, do not (as they tell us) worship
* This seems to be an allusion to recent occurrences in Philadel-
phia.— Publisher.
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148 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
a piece of wood, but the Majesty of Heaven, whom that
image is intended to represent. In like manner, the
Peruvians disclaimed the worship of the material repre-
sentative to which they were supposed to offer their
homage * Garcilasso, who was bom of an Indian
mother, and who spent all the early part of his life in
Peru, expressly declares that the heavenly bodies were
objects of reverence as holy things, but not of worship.f
This historian adds, that some of the Peruvian converts
to Christianity endeavored to gain fevor and credit with
their new teachers by slandering the religion of their
fathers. As Garcilasso himself was a Christian convert,
we have no reason to doubt the accuracy of this state-
ment, the intrinsic probability of which will recommend
it to our acceptance. In short, it is easy to believe that
the Spaniards either misimderstood the Peruvian reU-
gion, or that they purposely gave a fidse accoimt of it to
the world.
All authorities admit that the natives of Peru ac-
knowledged one supreme and invisible deity, whom they
called Pachacamac — ^a name which, in their language,
signifies " He who sustains and gives life to the uni-
verse." This title is applicable to the God of the Chris-
tians; it is, in feet, only another name for the same deity;
and a more suitable name could not be selected from
* Garcilasso : Com. Real. Parte i., Lib. ii., Cap. 5, 6 ; Lib.
Cap. 21.
t Garcilasso, ubi supra.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 149
the vocabulary of any language. But, as the Spaniards
did not know the signification of that title, and had
never heard it appUed to the Supreme Being, they
rashly concluded that the Fachacamac worshiped by the
Peruvians must be the devil !
We suspect, however, that it was the policy of the
conquerors to represent the religion of the country
in the worst possible colors, in order to make a more
obvious necessity for the correction of its errors. But
if they had succeeded in proving that the Peruvians
were worshipers of the Sim, it might still be asked if
there could not be a stiU more objectionable form of
idolatry. That object to which a man is chiefly devoted
is his God, The Spanish invaders of Peru, as some of
their own countrymen testify, were entirely devoted to
the pursuit of riches. They worshiped the golden sun
of the temple no less than the Peruvians themselves;
the only difference was, that the European idolaters
chose to melt down this divinity and reduce it to the
form of ducats.
The Castilian heroes subjected this unfortunate coun-
try to a much worse form of despotism than the govern-
ment of the Incas. This was the grand poKtical result
of the conquest. They compelled the people of Peru
to discontinue the worship of Pachacamac, and taught
them to adore the Virgin Mary. This was the great
religious achievement of the conquerors.
Before the downfall of their empire, the Peruvians
were the most moral people in the world, and, (with
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150
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
due allowance for the iinavoidable errors of their faith),
the most religious. Peru, before its subjugation, was the
happiest country in the world ; no land better deserved
to be called the terrestrial paradise. But the serpent
had crept into its hallowed precincts, and the hour of
sorrow and desolation was at hand.
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CHAPTER Xni.
DB SOTO IS BASELY DECEIVED BY PIZARRO — ^AN ATTACK ON THE
CITY OP TUMBEZ — ^THB SPANIARDS ARE DISAPPOINTED — A
BOLD ADVENTURE TRIED BY DB SOTO — ^HIS CONDUCT CON-
TRASTED WITH THAT OP PIZARRO — DE SOTO'S BATTLE WITH
THE MOUNTAINEERS — HIS VICTORY — THE SPOILS OP THE
ENEMY — HE DISOBEYS PIZARRO'S ORDERS AND ADVANCES
INTO THE COUNTRY — HE DISCOVERS THE GREAT NATIONAL
ROAD LEADING TO CUZCO — HE IS SUSPECTED OP AN INTENTION
TO REVOLT — HIS CONTEMPTUOUS TREATMENT OP PIZARRO.
[A. D. 1533.]
De Soto was well acquainted with the faithless and
dishonorable character of Francisco Pizarro; he was
not surprised, therefore, on his arrival at the island of
Puna, to find that he had been allured thither by
promises which Pizarro had never intended to fiilfill.
Hernando Pizarro, (who is called "the legitimate," to
distinguish him from the other members of the fraternal
league,) already filled that place which had been prom-
ised to De Soto. The latter must have felt himself
insulted, as well as wronged, by the base and infamous
artifice which had been used to entrap him ; and it is
said that he expostulated, in very plain terms, with
Pizarro on this subject. Quintana, the Spanish biog-
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152 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
rapher of Francisco Pizarro, makes the following re-
marks in relation to De Soto's arrival: —
"Captain Ferdinand de Soto was considered, fix)m
that period, as the second person in the army, although
Hernando Pizarro already occupied the post of Lieu-
tenant-General, which had been offered to De Soto in
the conferences formerly held in Panama. De Soto dis-
sembled his sense of this indignity with that temper-
ance and presence of mind which characterized him;
and his address, capacity and valor, conspicuous on
every occasion of importance, quickly won for him the
distinguished place which he ever held in the esteem
of both Indians and Spaniards. The succors which
he brought with him seemed to Pizarro to be sufficient
for greater imdertakings; with the more reason, because
the Spaniards were heartily tired with their fruitless
war. These considerations determined Pizarro to quit
the island and pass over to the main land."*
Being thus strengthened and encouraged by the pres-
ence of De Soto and his party, Pizarro resolved forth-
with to make a descent on the Tumbezines, the people
who had formerly succored him in his distresses and
treated him with boimteous hospitality. On his first
visit to Tumbez, when he was too weak to attempt any
act of violence in such a populous town, Pizarro had
behaved himself with strict propriety, and all his fol-
* Quintnna's Life of Pizarro. Vide Mrs. Hodson's English
traDslation, (Blackwood's Edinburgh edition, 1832,) page 151.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 153
lowers were enjoined by their deceitful commander to
conduct themselves with equal decorum. At that time,
he forbade them to receive any presents of gold, lest it
should be suspected that the pursuit of that commodity
had brought them into the coimtry.* But while the
unsuspecting people were receiving the Spaniards into
their houses, and feasting them at their tables, these
honored guests were using all their powers of observa-
tion to ascertain where the wealth of their generous
hosts was deposited, and which of them had the most
beautiful wives and daughters. In the hour of festivity,
sacred to the rites and offices of friendship, these most
impardonable of aU traitors were contriving means for
the gratification of their lust and avarice, at the expense
of their benefactors.
The time had now come when these worse than
fiendish plots could be put into execution. When
Pizarro found himself at the head of a force which
enabled him to punish his kind friends for their credu-
lous simpUcity, he threw off the "Uvery of heaven," and
prepared to serve the devil in his own undisguised and
appropriate character. But the people of Tumbez, in
the mean time, had heard of the awfiil villainies which
had been perpetrated by the Spaniards on the island of
Puna; and, having thus ascertained the true character
of their former visiters, they were, in some measure,
* This hypocritical trick of Pizarro is mentioned by all the his
toriand, who cite it as an example of his foresight and sagacity t
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164 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
prepared to receive them in a proper maimer. It was
characteristic of Pizarro to manage every thing by firaud
and stratagem, when that course was practicable; he did
not, therefore, make any open demonstrations of war
against the Tumbezhies, but sought to approach them
once more under the mask of friendship. One part
of the island of Puna is separated from the main-
land only by a narrow arm of the sea; at this place,
Captain Ferdinand de Soto was directed by the com-
mander to cross over on a raft, or balsa, and effect a land-
ing in the immediate neighborhood of Tumbez. It will
be observed that, after the arrival of De Soto, aU the most
dangerous duties were assigned to him; and such was
the case in this instance. Hernando Pizarro was or-
dered to cross on another balsa, and land at some distance
from the city. Besides the cavalier who had it in charge,
each raft contained two or three common soldiers; and
several other rafl;s, each laden with as many soldiers as
it could carry, were sent from the island, to support De
Soto and "the legitimate," if the Tumbezines should
offer any opposition to their landing. All the Spaniards
on the rafts were instructed by the commander to be-
have peaceably, until a sufficient number of men could
be put on shore to take possession of the town. Fran-
cis Pizarro was aware that the natives had taken the
alarm, and he apprehended, with some reason, that they
would repel the advances of his soldiers. He supposed,
naturally enough, that if any opposition should be
offered by the people of Tumbez, the demonstration
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 155
would be made neax their city, where De Soto was
directed to land. When this captain reached the
shore, some of the natives came on to his raft and offi-
ciously assisted the Spaniards in mooring it, after which
they offered to escort De Soto and his companions to
the dwelling of the cacique. But the captain discerned
something in their conduct which appeared to be sus-
picious; wherefore he politely declined their offer of
service, and chose to remain on his balsa, to await
the arrival of more of his countrymen.* Meanwhile,
another raft;, carrying Captain Hurtado and three or
four Spanish soldiers, had touched another part of the
shore. Hurtado and his comrades being less sagacious
than De Soto, accepted the proffered civilities of the
natives, who conducted them to the woods, and there
put them all to death. Francisco Martin, Pedro Pizarro,
(one of the commander's bastard brothers,) and Alonzo
de Mesa, came on another float to a small island. Here
they were assaulted by a party of Indians, but their
cries brought some Spaniards, on another raft, to their
assistance; they escaped with their lives, but the natives
secured their baggage, among which (says Herrera)
was " the best part of Francis Pizarro's equipage.''
Aft;er some skirmishing, all the Spaniards landed;
and last of all came the commander himself, with the
caravels and the main body of his " soldiers." Soldiers
indeed! We call them so, in compliance with the
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dee. iii., Lib. v., Cap. 2.
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156 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
example of our historiographical predecessors ; but it is
impossible to have a clear imderstanding of our narra-
tive, without remembering that the greater number
of those men who accompanied Pizarro to Peru, were
vagabonds of the lowest degree. As these wretches
approached the devoted city, where they hoped to
indulge their inclinations for plimder and rapine, with-
out any restriction, their diaboUcal delight was expressed
in shouts and yells of hideously discordant and almost
unearthly intonation. But a chilling disappointment
awaited them. The place had been abandoned by its
inhabitants ; and all the riches of the city — the vases,
salvers, and other domestic utensils of silver and gold,
on which the Spaniards had gazed with rapturous antici-
pation when they first visited the place, together with
all the massive golden decorations of the temples, had
been carried away. There was, in feet, no " beauty or
boot/' on the spot to reward the Christian heroes for
their protracted sufferings and toils.
Our gravity is almost disturbed by the artless observa-
tions made by Mr. Prescott, in reference to these inci-
dents. *' This conduct of the natives of Tumbez, (says
he), is not easy to be explained, considering the friendly
relations maintained with the Spaniards on their preced-
ing visit.'^ If Mr. Prescott is really puzzled by this
change in the conduct of the Tumbezines, his extensive
researches in the libraries of Spain, (to which, in his
* Prescott's " Conquest of Peru," Book iii., Chap. 8.
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DISCOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 157
prefece, he refers with evident pride and satisfection,) must
have been made to very little purpose. Without crossing
the Atlantic in search of information, he might have
foimd a sufficient explanation of the mystery, in the
behavior of the Spaniards on the island of Pima, which
was separated from Tumbez only by a strait not wider
than the river Delaware at Philadelphia. "On this
island," according to Jerome Benzos, "the Spaniards
were well-entertained, until the murders, rapes and
robberies committed by them, compelled the natives to
act in their own defense." Among these islanders,
there were probably not more than a thousand men
able to bear arms ; the Spaniards, it is true, were much
inferior in numbers, but in other respects, the advan-
tages were all on their side. Their fire-arms and their
cavalry, to which the Indians had never been accus-
tomed, soon turned the tide of victory against the na-
tives, and the latter were almost exterminated, A few
escaped on their balsas, and sought refuge at Tumbez,
to the inhabitants of which place they made known
Pizarro's treachery and barbarity, which had driven
them from their homes, and massacred their coimtry-
men. Here we have a ftdl explanation of that change
in the feelings and conduct of the people of Tumbez,
which, in the narratives of Mr. Prescott and some
other writers, may indeed appear to be mysterious,
for all the fects which could elucidate the story are
suppressed.
Greatly disappointed in the main object of his attack
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158 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
on the Tumbezines, Pizarro now tnmed his attention
toward several towns which, as he had heard, were
situated among the mountains, and from which some
excellent pillage might be expected. But, considering
the bad reputation he had lately earned among the
natives of the country, this expedition promised to be
somewhat hazardous ; and, as his ambition was not of
that kind which courts danger, he considered it most
prudent to remain where he was, and to send some
other person to explore those highlands of Pent There
was but one man among the Spaniards who would be
likely to undertake this perilous task; and that, of
course, was Ferdinand de Soto. To him Pizarro ap-
plied. De Soto cheerfully agreed to try the adventure,
and for that piurpose placed himself at the head of sixty
horsemen and a small nimiber of targeteers.* The
mode of warfere or exploration adopted by De Soto was
strikingly different from that which had always been
practiced by Pizarro. The former, while on his march,
did not allow his men to commit any act of unprovoked
violence; and, had not the &xae of Pizarro's cruelties
preceded him, he would have met with nothing but
kind and hospitable attentions in his progress through
the country. But some of the ill-used Tumbezines
had taken refrige among the mountaineers, and they
had made them acquainted, no doubt, with the recent
behavior of the Spaniards. The consequence was that
♦ Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iil., Lib. v., Cap. 2.
t
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 159
a lai^e body of native warriors soon appeared in the
field, evidently for the purpose of checking De Soto's
advance. The number of the Indians, it is said, was
not less than two * thousand. De Soto's party did not
comprise more than eighty men, sixty of whom were
mounted. The Indians derided the small number of
their enemies, and doubtless expected to obtain an easy
victory. As soon as they gave unmistakable proof
of their hostile intentions, by discharging a flight of
arrows at the Spaniards, De Soto ordered his cavalry to
chaise, the ground happening to be very favorable for
that purpose. The horsemen, well armed with swords
and lances, and protected by their suits of mail, were
soon among the i\atives, cutting them down and spear-
ing them with very little risk or trouble ; for the In-
dians wore no defensive armor, and their only wea-
pons were bows, arrows and slings, which were almost
useless in this kind of combat. The natives fought
bravely, however ; many of them were slain, and a con-
siderable number were taken prisoners. The rest were
dispersed; and the Spaniards, finding no more opposition,
penetrated through a pass of the moimtains, and discov-
ered the great national road which led to the metropolis
of the Peruvian empire.* De Soto looked with admi-
ration on this stupendous work of human industry,
compared with which all the modem achievements of
mechanical skill shrink into utter insignificance. There
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. v., Cap. 2.
I
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160
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
were two principal highways in Peru, one of which
passed along the low grounds near the coast, and the
other extended over the grand plateau, at an elevation
of thousands of feet above the level of the sea ; its whole
OE SOTO DISCOVERING THE GREAT NATIONAL ROAD TO PERU.
length being, perhaps, not less than fifteen hundred
miles. It connected the capital of Peru with the tribu-
tary kingdom of Quito. In its course, it surmoimted
the most formidable obstacles that Nature coidd present;
passing over many a mountain torrent and many a chasm
of unfathomable depth, along the rugged steeps of the
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 161
sierra, and through defiles into which the light of day
cotdd scarcely penetrate. This road was not more than
twenty feet in breadth, being intended for foot-passen-
gers only. Throughout the whole length it was paved
with heavy flags of freestone, united by an asphaltic
cement, which, by exposure in the air, became as hard
as the stone itsel£
While De Soto's attention was engaged with this
grand and interestuig object, one of his party, named
Juan de la Torre, deserted and went back to Pizarro, to
whom he declared that De Soto intended to revolt and
march into Quito. The truth was, that De Soto had
gone much further into the country than Pizarro had
directed; and it is a notable circumstance that he never
obeyed the orders of that unworthy commander, when
his own judgment pointed out a different course. It is
another significant fact, that Pizarro never attempted to
hold him accoimtable for his disobedience. With refer-
ence to the act of insubordination just mentioned, Her-
rera says, "no notice of it was taken by Pizarro."
Having discovered the road to the Peruvian metro-
polis, and obtained from his Indian prisoners much valu-
able information concerning the coimtry and the govern-
ment, De Soto now returned to the camp, bringing
with him a considerable quantity of golden ornaments,
taken from the natives whom he had subdued. To
these spoils, we suppose, he considered himself justly
entitled by the laws of arms; as the model heroes of
ancient chivalry never scrupled to despoil their con-
11
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162
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
quered enemies. But if De Soto had learned his
morality in a better school, he might have discovered that
the usages of civilized warfiure are often widely at vari-
ance with the plainest dictates of justice, humanity, and
common sense.
BLOODHOUNDS CATCNINQ AN INDIAN QUIDt.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 163
CHAPTER XIV.
DE SOTO RETURNS VICTORIOUS — ^HE GIVES GOOD COUNSEL TO
PIZZARO — THE SPANIARDS DESIRE TO MOVE FORWARD —
PIZZARO RESOLVES TO BUILD A CITT— ACCOUNT OP A WONDER-
FUL ** SPIRITUAL manifestation" — ^THE TOWN OF SAN
MIGUEL FOUNDED— ONE OF MR, PRESCOTT'S ERRORS CORRECTED
— PIZARRO MAKES DECEITFUL PROFESSIONS OF FRIENDSHIP TO
THE INCA — HE BECOMES ALARMED, AND IS HALF INCLINED TO
TURN BACK — DE SOTO OFFERS TO GO TO THE PERUVIAN COURT
— HIS OFFER IS ACCEPTED BY PIZARRO, WHO SENDS A PARTY OF
HORSEMEN TO ACCOMPANY HIM — AN INDIAN IS BARBAROUSLY
PUT TO THE TORTURE. [A. D. 1629.]
Db Soto's successftil' fight with the mountaineers was
really the first act of good soldiership which the Span-
iards had performed since they embarked in the Peru-
vian enterprise. The previous operations of Pizarro and
his gang, (as we have remarked before,) scarcely deserved
to be called warfexe; being nothing more, in fiict, than
a series of robberies and wholesale assassinations.
Pizarro himself began to see the impolicy of his former
course, which had surrounded him with enemies, and
would make it impossible for him to escape from the
country, if fortune should compel him to attempt a
retreat He was inclined therefore to listen to the pru-
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164 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
dent advice of De Soto, who recommended him to con-
ciliate the natives, if that were possible after all ihe
provocations they had received. De Soto likewise
urged Pizarro to advance toward the city of Cuzco, the
residence of the Peruvian court, where the Spaniards
might reasonably expect to meet with kind treatment,
if their conduct deserved it. But it required some time
for Pizarro to determine on that mode of proceeding.
The moral eflFect of De Soto's recent victory was to in-
cise something like a genuine military spirit into a ma-
jority of Pizarro*s troops; or, to take the more probable
account given by Quintana: "The spoils which De Soto's
companions had acquired in their late encounter with
the Indians, and the traces of gold and silver which
they had discovered, excited the eagerness and the hopes
of their companions when they returned to camp, and
produced a general desire to press forward."*
The mind of the commander, however, was occupied
with another project. He resolved to found a Spanish
city in that neighborhood, to commemorate a very
singular event which had taken place a few months
prior to De Soto's arrival, at the time Pizarro and his
companions were engaged in murdering the defenseless
inhabitants of Puna. These wretched islanders, it
seems, made a feint resistance. Pizarro's men, who
scarcely expected any demonstration of that kind, began
to be disheartened and were half inclined to retire from the
♦ Quintana: "Life of Pizarro."
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 165
work of slaughter. But, at this critical moment, a com-
pany of angels appeared over the heads of the Spaniards,
whom they urged, with the most expressive gestures,
to persevere in their glorious task. At the same time,
a darker figure, supposed to be the arch-enemy of man-
kind, was seen hovering over the Indians, as if desirous
of protecting them from the Jealous fury of the Castil-
ians. Among the spiritual champions who, (very imac-
countably to us,) appeared on the behalf of the Span-
iards in this contest, was one whom Pizarro judged to
be St. MichaeL As an acknowledgment of his just
appreciation of the good service rendered to him on the
occasion just spoken of^ the grateful hero resolved to
build a town, for the express purpose of dignifying it
with the name of his archangelic patron and protector.*
This story is told with extreme sobriety by several ~
writers of good credit, and Mr. Prescott himself gives it a
place in his history of the " Conquest," though he seems
to have some doubt respecting the reality of the miracle.
We freely admit that the narrative, as marvelous as it
is, does not appear much more incredible to us than
many other stories which have found a place in the his-
tories of the Spanish invasion of America.
It is certain that Pizarro had the sacrilegious audacity
to make use of this pretended miracle to confirm his
followers in the belief that they were under the special
protection of the Divine Being and his ministerial
* Montezinns, Annales, aHo 1530.
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166 LIFE OP PERIDNAND DE SOTO,
spirits. The truth is, this man could do nothing with-
out a trick ; and his artifices seldom had any of that
daring character which belongs to the stratagems of war,
or any of that knavish drollery which is so much ad-
mired in the professional peccadillos of our traveling
Yankee merchants.
Of course it will be suspected that Fizarro had some
other reasons for building a town iu that neighborhood,
besides his earnest desire to pay a deserved compliment
to " San Miguel'* " He wished,'* says one of the his-
torians, ^^to seek out some commodious place for a
settlement, which might afford him the means of regu-
lar communication with the colonies, and be a place
of strength to which he himself might retreat in case
of disaster/'
Three or four weeks were consiuned in fixing on a
proper location for the contemplated town. At last he
foimd an eligible site in the rich valley of Tangerala,
thirty leagues south of Tumbez ; and here the founda-
tions of the city of San Miguel were forthwith com-
menced. There was no scarcity of building materials ; for
the neighboring woods afforded a good supply of timber,
and quarries of granite were foimd in the adjacent
fields. The first buildings erected were a church and a
hall of justice, to attest the pious inclinations and
equitable purposes of the founder. At a short distance
from the house of worship, and directly opposite to the
seat of justice was a large magazine, intended to contain
the plunder, and the arms and ammunition to be used
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 167
in collecting it A municipal government was organ-
ized, the members of which, with respect to their
moral qualifications, might bear a comparison, we dare
say, with many of the official dignitaries of ' our own
republican cities.
AU these arrangements being finished to Pizarro's
satis&ction, that discreet commander had no further
pretense for delaying his march into the country. De
Soto^ and some others of the more chivalric sort among
Fizarro's company, really had an impatient desire to go
forward; but the slightest examination of the record,
will convince any man that Fizarro himself was not
disposed to be precipitate in this movement. His
prudence, indeed, was not only excessive, but ill-timed ;
for, as matters then stood, it was much safer to advance
than to retreat or to stand still. His villainies had
stirred up the whole country behind him, and produced
an angry excitement among the natives which would,
most probably, have caused the destruction of his whole
party, if he had attempted to turn back.
Mr. Frescott seems to think that Fizarro's advance
toward the Feruvian metropolis was almost too daring
to be credible ; he therefore considers it necessary to
apologize for his hero's temerity. Truly the act would
have been rash enough, if Fizarro had approached the
capital in a threatening attitude ; or if he had given the
Inca any intimation of a hostile purpose. But such an in-
sane exhibition of bravery was fer enough from Fizarro's
character. Charles of Sweden himself, the most daunt-
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168 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
less of all heroes, would have scouted the idea of over-
turning the Peruvian empire with such a force as
Pizarro then possessed* The whole number of Span-
iards in Peru at that time* did not exceed two hundred
and fifty, and nearly one-fourth of them had been left
to garrison the town of San MigueL Who can imagine
that Francisco Pizarro designed to oppose the whole
army of the Inca, comprising at least fifty thousand
men, with a force of less than two hundred Spaniards 1
The thought is preposterous; and the whole tenor
of the story proves that Pizarro approached the Inca
AtahuaUapa, not with the defiant manifestations of a
warlike intent, but with every demonstration of abject
and servile submission. He sent a native interpreter
with a message to the Indian monarch, signifying that
the commander of the Spaniards was coining to kiss
the Inca's hands, and to deliver an embassy from the
King of Spain.* He thus claimed the protection which
every sovereign is bound to extend to the embassador of
a foreign power ; and, in doing so deceitftdly, he com-
promised the honor of his "royal master,*' while he
gave another proof of his own unscrupulous rascality.
He directed the messenger to inform Atahuallapa, that
the Spaniards had been sent by their king to assist him
in the war in which he was then engaged.t In due
time the messenger returned, accompanied by one
* Herrera, Hist Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. Tiii., Cap. 2.
f Quintans : " Life of Pizarro."
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DISCOVEREE OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 169
of the Inca's officers, who brought Pizarro a present,
consisting of two stoneware drinking-cups, curiously
carved, and a small parcel of perfumery. Such meager
giflbs from so great a monarch excited Pizarro's sus-
picions, but, with his customary dissimulation, he pro-
fessed to be delighted with these dubious tokens of
Royal fevor. He charged the government officer to
assure the Inca, that the Spaniards were his most sin-
cere friends, and his most humble servants ; repeating
that they had come over the seas to bring a message
of peace and good-will from the King of Castile to his
brother monarch, the mighty Emperor of Peru.
But, although any man, who was conscious of no
crime and of no evil intentions, would have presented
himself boldly to the Peruvian sovereign, Pizarro began
to have fresh apprehensions concerning the reception he
was likely to meet with at Cuzco. He therefore ordered
another halt, and held a consultation with his officers,
with reference to the course of conduct which was best
suited to their present circumstances. The prevailing
opinion was, that the Inca meditated some treachery,
and that he would certainly put them all to death as
soon as they placed themselves in his power. Pizarro
himself must have inclined to this belief, as he ex-
pressed his unwillingness to proceed any frirther, without
first sending an Indian spy to ascertain the Inca's inten-
tions.* De Soto alone was confident that the Inca's
* Qaintana : *' Life of Pizarro,^ vide English translation, pnblished
by William Blackwood, Edinbargh, 1882, page 170.
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170 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
designs were fidr and honorable. ^^It is not necessary
for him to use treachery with us/' said De Soto, '^foi
he could easily overpower us with numbers, were he so
disposed. Besides, we have heard from some of his
subjects that he is a just and merciful prince, and the
courtesy he has already shown to us is some proof of
his good-wilL But why should we deliberate, since we
have no choice but to go forward! If you attempt to
retreat now, the Inca will see in that movement a proof
of your &lse professions; and when his suspicions are
once aroused, you will find it impossible to escape firom
his country.'*
Hernando Pizarro, the legitimate brother of Francisco,
and a man of ruffianly manners and brutal character,*
hastily interrupted De Soto by demanding if he was
ready to give proof of his reliance on the Inca's good &ith,
by appearing before him as the envoy of the Spaniards.
De Soto regarded the elder Fizarro with stem com-
posure, as he replied: "At a convenient time, Don Her-
nando, I may convince you that it is neither dvil nor
safe to call my sincerity in question. I wish to assure
you that I have as much confidence in the Inca's honor
as I have in the integrity of any man in this company,
not excepting the commander or yoursel£ I perceive
that your inclinations would carry you backward. You
may all return when and how you please, or remain
where you are ; but, before you proposed the question,
* Oyiedo, Hist de Los Indias : Parte iii., Lib. viii., Cap. 1.
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DISGOYEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 171
I had made up my mind to present myself to Atahnal-
lapa; and I shall certainly do so, without asking for the
assistance or the permission of any of your party/*
Hernando Pizarro answered this speech only with a
scowl of hitter malignity ; hut the commander, with that
hollow smile which was hahitual with him, commended
De Soto's design, and assured him that he should not
go unattended or without the proper credentials. He
directed twenty-four chosen horsemen and an Indian
interpreter, called Filipillo, or Little Philip, to accom-
pany the hrave cavalier on his voluntary mission.* As
this Filipillo will play an important part in some of the
scenes which will hereafter be presented to ow( readers,
it may be advisable to give some accoimt of him in this
place. On Pizarro's first visit to Tumbez, this Indian
youth, who was then about eighteen years of age, at-
tached himself to the Spaniards, and willingly returned
with them to Panama, where he embraced the Catholic
fidth, and was baptized by the name which has been
mentioned above. He continued with his Spanish
friends for several years, during which time he received
suitablie intellectual culture from Father Luque, sur-
named "The FooP' ; and his moral training, as we sup-
pose, was managed by Francisco Pizarro himself Thus
happily accomplished, Filipillo returned with Pizarro to
Peru, where he made himself extremely useful to his
patron by insinuating himself among his unsuspicious
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. HI., Lib. Tiil, Cap. 8.
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172 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
countrymen, and serving the Spaniards in the capacity
of spy and informer. Perceiving that he gained fitvor,
and was rewarded in proportion to the amount of infor-
mation he was able to give, he never fidled to have a
good supply of this marketable commodity, much of
which was undoubtedly of his own manufacture. Be-
sides, when Fizarro wished to have any pretense for
executing any deed of sanguinary cruelty, it v^as merely
necessary to let Filipillo understand what vras suspected^
and the strongest confirmations were presently forth-
coming. Such viras the process used in finding the re-
quired occasion for the massacre of the people of Funa;
and FilipiUo's agency vdll be discoverable in some other
transactions which vdll soon come under our notice.
When De Soto had departed on his mission to Ata-
hui^pa, the Pizarros began to act with more freedom
in the indulgence of their peculiar tastes. The com-
mander had appeared to be convinced by De Soto's rep-
resentations that it would be impossible to pass through
the country, or even to remain in it, if the dishonest
and outrageous practices of the Spaniards were not re-
strained. Francisco Fizarro admowledged the truth of
this sug^stion, and he strictly charged his men, in De
Soto's presence, to abstain from all acts of aggression
against the people of the country.* But De Soto and
his company were scarcely out of sight, when a plunder-
ing party, commanded by Hernando Fizarro, crossed the
* OviedOi Hist, de Las Indias : Parte iii., Lib. viii.. Cap. 2.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 173
river, on the bank of which the Spaniards were now en-
camped. They passed this stream by swimming their
horses ; and the inhabitants of the villages on the oppo-
site shore were so much affiighted at the approach of
these strange people, that they fled and left their houses
to be despoiled by the robbers. One of the retreating
Indians was pursued by some horsemen, who captured
him and brought him to Hernando Pizarro. The " Le-
gitimate" asked the captive many questions concerning
the intentions of Atahuallapa ; but the Indian professed
to have no knowledge of the Inca's designs, and this
afterward proved to be the truth. Nevertheless, Her-
nando Pizarro ordered the prisoner to be put to the
torture, which was done in the customary manner, by
A PERUVIAN PUT TO THE TORTURE.
enveloping the feet in cotton saturated with oil, and
setting fire to this highly combustible preparation. In
his agony, the wretched sufferer confessed whatever his
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174 LIFE OF FEBDINAKD DE SOTO,
barbarous tormentors required; admitting, among other
matters, that Atahuallapa had devoted all the Spaniards
to destruction, and that he was marching forward to
execute that design. Two days af^ (says Quintana)
the entire &lsity of this statement was made evident;
^^and so the torture inflicted on the Indian proved to be
a superfluous act of cruelty/**
From what has just been related, it will appear that
the Fizarros and their gang were so confirmed in their
predatory habits, that no considerations of prudence, and
no circumstances of danger, could restrain them when
an opportunity to obtain booty was presented. The
untimely plundering excursion of Hernando Fizarro, to
which we have just referred, made the mission of De
Soto more perilous ; as it was probable that some intel-
ligence of the Spanish robberies would be commimicated
to the Inca.
* Qnintana: "Life of Pizarro/' Edinbargh Translation, p. 169.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 176
CHAPTER XV.
PE SOTO'S JOURNBT IN SEARCH OF THE INOA — ^HB ATTRACTS
CROWDS OF ADMIRERS — ^HIS WONDERFUL FEATS OF HORSE-
MANSHIP— THE HOUSES OF THE PERUVIANS DESCRIBED — ^THB
OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE — THEIR DRESS — ^FEJiALE EX-
TRAVAGANCE NOT POSSIBLE AMONG THEM — PERUVIAN CIVILI-
ZATION— ^MAGNIFICENT PUBLIC WORKS — PERUVIAN JUSTICE —
PIZARRO AND SOME OF HIS CONFEDERATES ARE DISMAYED —
SPANISH AND AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHERS CHARGED WITH
FALSEHOOD — DE SOTO'S REASONS FOR SERVING UNDER THE
VILLAINOUS PIZARRO— DE SOTO'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH ISA-
BELLA—HER CONSTANCY- DE SOTO'S GUILT, [a. D. 1687-88.]
We left Ferdinand de Soto and his companions on
their way to the Peruvian camp; which, according to
the information they had received, was now situated at
a place called Caxamalca.* As the cavaliers proceeded
through the country, their appearance attracted crowds
of admiring spectators to the sides of the road. The
horses were no less objects of curiosity than the Span-
iards themselves; as these quadrupeds never existed on
the American Continent until they were carried thither
* This town is now called Cazamarca; its location is aboat 72
miles N. E of Tmzillo.
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176
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
by the European discoverers. De Soto rode in front of
his troop; he was mounted on a white charger of extra-
ordinary size ; and his glittering armor, of which he wore
a complete suit, dazzled the eyes of the Peruvians as
they gazed on him with feelings of awe and astonish-
ment. The feats of superior horsemanship, which he
occasionally exhibited, were not lost on this artless mul-
titude. At one place, his path was intercepted by a
brook which, with its oozy margins, presented a breadth
of about twenty feet; but De Soto's steed cleared the
DE SOTO'S CHARQER JUMPING A BROOK TWENTY FEET WIDE.
obstacle with a single bound.* As the noble cavalier
passed the throng of his Peruvian admirers, he bowed
gracefully on either side; and the people, who appeared
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. in., Lib. viii., Cap. 3. Balboa says
that De Soto's charger could take a leap of twenty feet, and that
with a knifl^ht in armor on his back : Hist, da Pern, Cap. 22.
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DISCOVERER OF THE KISSISSIPPI. 177
io understand his oburteous gestures, answered^ with
intelligihle mnimurs of applause.
After a ride of five or six hours, the traveling party
reached a town called Caxas, at the entrance of which
some hundreds of Indians were drawn up in hostile
array. But De Soto having, through his interpreter,
explained his pacific intentions, the Peruvians laid
down their arms, and gave the Spaniards a cordial
reception. After being supplied with refreshments by
the people of this town, the travelers proceeded to a
much larger and more populous place called Guaaca-
bama, which was situated on the great highway of the
Ihcas. The principal houses of this district were sub-
stantially built of hewn stones, joined together in the
most artificial manner. Several of the buildings were
of large size; each house containing a number of rooms,
and all exhibiting the signs of cleanliness, good order,
and domestic comfort. No symptoms of extreme
poverty, idleness, and dissipation were visible in that
pagan dty. "All the men (says Herrera,) appeared
to be cleanly and rational, and all the women,
modest.''* In those streets, there was no display
of reeling inebriety or flaunting prostitution. No
crowds of unoccupied vagabonds gathered at the comers
to stare virtue and decency out of countenance. We
are told by the author just quoted that the people of
both sexes were diligently employed in their houses;
* Herrera, Hisl. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. viii., Cap. 3.
12
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178 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
some were engaged in manujEBUstuiing the doth of wfaidi
their garments were composed, others busied themselves
in a variety of handicraft operations, and the females
appeared to be absorbed in their domestic duties. All
enjoyed the blessings of competence; for, as we have
shown in a preceding diapter, privation and destitu-
tion were unfelt and unimaginable evils under the gov-
ernment of the Peruvian Incas. A moral and virtuous
people, subjected to the worst form of government, must
be incomparably happier than a vidous and corrupt
population under the most &ultless political institutions
that human wisdom ever devised.
Extravagance in dress^ which, in other countries, is
not only a serious inconvenience to private fiunilies, but
a great public affliction likewise, was a vice in which
the andent Peruvians could not easily indulge ; for all
their woven &brics were of home manufacture, and
these textures were not of sufficient variety to stimulate
the &ntastic tastes of youthful inconsideration and
female vanity.
The form of the Peruvian dress was somewhat various
in different districts. The men generally wore garments
whidi bore some resemblance in shape to the kilts and
trews of the Scotch highlanders. A kind of frock coat,
or tunic, made of cotton or woolen cloth, according to
the season, covered the upper parts of the person, and
the lower extremities were protected by long hose or
leggings composed of the same materials. The gowns
of the women descended almost to their ankles; and, in
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 179
form, much resembled those worn by the female peasants
of Spain.* It appears that both sexes occasionally wore
cloaks or mantels, which must have been similar in con-
struction to those of the ancient Jews and modem
Arabs. These garments were nothing more than square
or oblong pieces of doth, each two or three yards wide,
with an aperture in the middle for the reception of the
head. Both men and women wore ornaments of gold
and silver on their heads and breasts ; and people of all
classes bound narrow woolen fillets, comprising a variety
of colors, around their brows. By the form of these
bandages, and the arrangement of the colors, the lineage
of Ijie wearer and the place of his nativity could be
distinguished.t
At the town of Guancabama, De Soto discovered the
most satisfectory evidences of Peruvian civilization.
The great public road which passed through this place
fer surpassed in magnitude and utility any public work
which the enterprise of his own countrymen had ever
attempted. Besides being paved with slabs of granite
throughout the whole length — ^that is to say, for fifteen
hundred miles — ^it was shaded with trees planted ex-
pressly for that purpose, and small houses were placed
at convenient distances for the repose and refreshment
of travelers. All these arrangements were made at the
expense of the Government ; for the greater portion
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. viii., Cap. 1.
t Herrera, as above.
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180 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
of the Inca's revenue was appropriated to such objects
as were calculated to promote the comfort and wel&ie
of the people *
Among other signs of the Incas's good and efficient
government, De Soto saw three male&ctors hanging
near the entrance of the town. They had been exe-
cuted for committing outrages upon several women,
and unquestionably met with the just reward of theii
crimes.f
While he remained at this place, De Soto learned
from one of the Royal officers that the Inca, with his
PERUVIANS HANOINQ AT QUANCABAMA.
army, was then quartered at Caxamalca, on the farther
side of the Cordilleras. The Spanish cavalier was about
to proceed thither, when he was met by an envoy from
* Dec. de !a Aud. Real.
t Xeres., "Conq. Peru," ap. Barcis, Tom. iii., p. 188.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 181
the Peruvian monarch, who was charged with a mei^sage
for the Spaniards. This embassador was a man of high
rank ; he was attended by several servants laden with
presents for the strangers, among which were two stone
fountains, in the form of fortresses, and several pieces
of fine doth embroidered with gold and silver. The
Inca's messenger earnestly entreated De Soto to return
with him to the Spanish camp ; and, as it seemed likely
that this message woidd satisfy the doubts and remove
the fears of Pizarro, he determined to comply with the
envoy's request.
Accordingly, De Soto, with his troop of horsemen,
escorted the Inca's officer to Pizarro's encampment,
where, as Mr. Prescott says, the Spanish commander
had been waiting, " in great uneasiness of mind," for De
Soto's return.* The information which De Soto had
collected during his journey did not remove Pizarro's
^^ uneasiness," or ajSbrd unmingled pleasure to his com-
pany. Of course, they were delighted to hear of the
appearances of wealth which the traveler had seen in
the Peruvian tovras; but the evidences of the Inca's
power which De Soto had observed, did not excite any
feeling of gratification among his auditors. Still less
agreeable to them was De Soto's account of the mon-
arch's inflexible justice, exhibited in the punishment of
the three male&ctors near the gate of Guancabama.
A chilling sense of insecurity was experienced by many
* Prescott's " Conquest of Peru," Book iii., Chap. 3.
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182 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
of the Spanish heroes, when they ascertained that tiie
gallows was one of the institutions of Peru. Perhaps
their discomposure would have been still greater, if they
could have suspected that some of their misdoings on
the outskirts of the Inca's dominions had come to the
knowledge of the Peruvian sovereign. But, wi&out
being aware of that &ct, Pizarro and some of his com-
panions were so much dismayed by the intelligence they
had received concerning Atahuallapa's power and the
vast resources of his kingdom, that the Inca's frigidly
greetings, brought by his messenger, failed to reassure
them.
Indeed, the conduct of Atahuallapa here requires
some explanation. He had really heard that the Span-
iards had robbed and murdered some of his subjects,
and he certainly intended to call them to an account
for these actions ; but, in accordance with the true prin-
ciples of justice, he determined not to condemn them
until he should hear what they had. to say in their own
defense. It might be that his subjects had given the
first provocation, or that the &cts might have been
otherwise misrepresented in the uncertain rumors which
had reached him. For the purpose of having a full ex-
planation of the alleged misconduct of the Spaniards, he
now requested them to meet him at Caxamalca. The
several accounts of our historical authorities in this part
of the story are so completely at variance, and so evi-
dently &lse in many particulars, that we are compelled
to deal with probabilities instead of &cts. Something
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DISCOVBREB OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 183
may be gained in our search after truth, by freeing the
narratives of the Spanish writers and their American
copyists, from the obviously &lse coloring which they
have laid upon the record with most inartistic clumsi-
ness. The pretense made by Herrera, Quintana, Fres-
cott, and some others, that Pizarro's advance toward the
camp of Atahuallapa was a hostile or military move-
ment, is an evident misrepresentation. It was not hos-
tile, or at least not openly so, because, according to
the admission of all authorities, the Spaniards ap-
proQEiched the Inca with professions of friendship and
offers of alliance. It was not a military movement, be-
cause there was no declaration of war, and because Fi-
zarro represented himself as a pacific embassador of the'
King of Spain. In these circumstances, if the Spaniards
intended war, they were not soldiers, but spies, and
were liable to the punishment which martial law awards
to traitors of that character.
Again, it is something worse than a historical white
lie to pretend that Fizarro's expedition into Feru was
either a brave or a weU-conducted enterprise. If it had
really been a warlike demonstration, it would have been
an act of madness; and maniacal rashness is not courage.
But the truth is, that no valor or good soldiership was
required to enable Fizarro to pass through the whole
country. The uniform kindness and hospitality of the
people made him perfectly safe until his own reckless
villainies stirred up opposition, and exposed him to some
danger. All his perils were of his own manu&cture.
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184 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
With respect to the good management of his ent^piise,
we may have something more to say hereafter.
If we wish to have a dear understanding of this
branch of history, we must forget that Pizarro was a
great hero, a mighty conqueror, a zealous Christian, a
good general, or any thing else, in &ct, that mankind
ought to love, admire, or respect If ever we have en-
tertained such opinions of the man, we have been
^egiously deceived, as the reader who follows us but
a little further through these pages may be convinced,
if his doubts on this subject are not quite removed
already.
But the question may now arise, how Ferdinand
de Soto, whom we have represented as a knight of
the ^^Old School,'' and a man of honoraUe proclivi-
ties, could consent to be the colleague or accessary
of such a person as Francisco Fizarro. We have
given a partial explanation of this mystery in a
former part of our narrative. It must be remem-
bered that De Soto received all his military education
in a school where violence and wrong were inculcated
as moral duties. For the space of sixteen years,
his evil destiny had constantly associated him witli
men whose trade was rapine and butchery. For
sixteen years he had been striving after military
distinction, and whatever else was necessary to place
him in a position where he might claim the hand
of Isabella de BovadiUa with any chance of success.
Recently, his epistolary correspondence with that lady
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DISGOYEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 186
had been subjected to no restrictions, except tHose
difficolties and delays which, at that time, were inci*
dental to all communications between Europe and
America. De Soto had received fix)m Isabella reit-
erated assurances of her constancy. In view of all
the circumstances, this was more than he had any
right or reason to expect; but it was painfully evident
to him that the prospect of his union with De Avila's
daughter was still remote and doubtful AU seemed
to depend on the success of his present undertaking;
but it is no easy matter to determine what he really
expected or intended to accomplish by co-operating
with Pizarro in Peru. We have the clearest evidence
in history that some of the most villainous designs of
that black-hearted commander were carefully concealed
firom De Soto. It is nevertheless true, that Pizarro's
execrable projects could never have been accomplished
without De Soto's assistance. The Machiavellian bas-
tard was deficient in that courage, and indeed in that
sagacious poUcy, which were requisite to carry out
his plans. He was often indebted, in cases of the
greatest emergency, to the valor and good counsels
of De Soto, which sustained him in circumstances
of extreme peril and extricated him &om his most
distressing embarrassments.
We are now. about to relate some of the blacked
transactions that the records of human turpitude can
exhibit That Ferdinand de Soto was more or less
implicated in these transactions is not to be dbsputed,
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186 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
and we have no wish to conceal any part of the
truth. In the absence of all certain information on
the subject, the extent of De Soto's guilt is merely a
matter of conjecture; but not one atom of the light
which our researches can throw on this dark page
of history shall be intercepted by that partiality which
a biographer may be supposed to feel for the subject of
his narration.
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PISCOYEBSR OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 187
CHAPTER XVI.
THB QDILTY PEARS OP PIZARRO — HIS INFAMOUS DUPLICITT —
PROOFS OF THE INCA'S FRIENDLY DISPOSITION TO THB SPAN-
IARDS— HESBNDS THEM PROVISIONS — MR. PRESCOTT'S EBRONB-
OUS STATEMENTS — THB SPANIARDS ENTER CAXAMALOA — DE
SOTO VISITS THB INCA — ^HIS KIND RECEPTION — ^ATAHUALLAPA
PROMISES TO RETURN THB VISIT — DE SOTO SHOWS THE INOA
SOME SPECIMENS OF HIS HORSEMANSHIP — PIZARRO*S DIABOLI-
CAL PLOT — HAD DE SOTO A PART IN IT? [A. D. 1582.]
The Inca Atahuallapa, we must remember, had sent
a messenger to inform the Spaniards that he would
give them an audience at the town of Caxamalca,
where he was then stationed. We are told that
Pizarro heroically determined to accept the Inca's
invitation; notwithstanding, (as all the narrators con-
fess,) the Spanish commander was much disturbed
by the prospect of meeting with a warmer reception
than he desired from the chief magistrate of Peru.
In Pizarro's circumstances, any man who was conscious
of no crime and of no evil intentions, would have
moved forward without any hesitation or any dread
of the Inca's displeasure. It appears then that
Pizarro's apprehensions were precisely such as any
criminal may be supposed to feel, when approaching
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188 LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO,
the tribunal of retributiye justice. That his fears were
groundless, however, will be manifest to every one
who examines the histories with a disposition to dis-
cover the truth. So &r was Atahuallapa from any in-
tention to molest the Spaniards, or to treat them with
unmerited severity, that he signally fiuled in the duty
which he owed to his subjects and himself by
n^lecting to punish the intruders as their culpability
deserved.
Mr. Kobertson says, "Pizarro's declaration of his
pacific intentions so &r removed all the Inca's fears^
that he determined to give him a firiendly reception.
In consequence of this resolution, the Spaniards were
allowed to march in tranquillity across the sandy
desert between St. Michael and Motup^, where the
most feeble effort of an enemy, added to the unavoid-
able distresses which they had suffered in passing
through that comfortless region, might have proved
fetal to them.'**
The historian might have added, that Atahuallapa by
his omission to meet the Spaniards in the passes of the
Sierra, gave a still strongs proof of the reliance which
he placed on their deceitfiil promises of peace. " When
they came to the foot of the mountain," says Herrera,
^^ the horsemen led their horses up ; and, about noon,
they came to a fortress, seated on a high summit, on so
difficult and daugerous a pass that it looked like going
* Robertson, Hist. Am., Vol. iL, Book vl., page ItO.
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DISCOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 189
up-stairs, and yet they met with no opposition ; which
was very pleasing to the Spaniards. That fort had an
enclosure of hewn stone, and the rock on all sides,
except only the pass, was upright."*
DC SOTO PASSING THROUGH THE DEFILES OF THE SIERRA.
To this account Quintana adds: "They marveled
much that AtahuaUapa had left this point forsaken, since
a hundred resolute men might firom thence have routed
an army, by merely hurling stones upon them. But it
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. viii., Cap. 2.
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190 LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO,
was not extraoidinary that the Inca, who, according to
all appearance, expected them in peace, should not have
guarded that precipice, nor obstructed their road.'**
These quotations will convince us that Pizarro's honi-
fying apprehensions of danger were nothing more than
the phantasmal creations of a guilty conscience.
When the Spaniards reached the summit of the
Sierra, messengers came to them from the Inca, bringing
ten head of cattle, or lamas, for their subsistence. At
the same time, the Inca's servants promised Fizarro, in
the name of their master, that he should be well supn
pUed with provisions during the remainder of his
route; and this promise was strictly fulfilled. But all
this was insufiBlcient to tranquillize the perturbed spirit
of the gallant commander, who even now (as we may
judge from the xmwary admissions of his panegyrists)
had some thoughts of retracing his steps ! Though he
had started with the avowed purpose of proceeding
expeditiously to the Inca's camp, he halted four days at
Motup^, without being able to assign any reason for
the delay.f Mr. Prescott himself acknowledges that
this dilatory behavior of the brave soldier is almost
''unaccountable;'* and such indeed would have been
the case, if Mr. Frescott's portraiture of this man had
been a genuine photograph. But if Truth, with her
sunbeam pencil, were to give us a picture of Mr. Pres-
* Quintana, "Life of Ptearro,'* Hodson's Eng. Trans., p. 172.
t Prescott's " Conquest of Pern," Vol.1., Book iii., Chap. 8, p. 376.
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DISGOYBBBR OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 191
Gott's hero, we should be at no loss to account for any
of his Mtering, irresolute or pusillanimous conduct.
Our eminent American historian represents the jour-
ney of the Spaniards to Caxamalca as dangerous and
troublesome in a very high degree. Possibly they met
with some difSiculties while crossing the mountains ; but
Quintana tells us that, ^^in the other parts of their
route, the traveling was easy and unimpeded."* As
Pizarro was prudent enough, at this time, to commit no
offenses against the inhabitants, he was well received
in every village ; the people supplying him with every
thing that his comfort required.t In view of these
fects, the reader will perceive how unnecessary and
absurd is the following speech, which Mr. Prescott
imagines that Pizarro made to his followers :
** Let every one of you,*' said the bold cavalier, " take
heart and go forward, like a good soldier, nothing
daunted by the smaUness of your numbers. For, in
the greatest extremity, God ever fights for his own ; and
doubt not that he will humble the pride of the heathen,
and bring him to the knowledge of the true fsdth, the
great end and object of the Conquest "it^
This morsel of military eloquence was originally
reported and invented^ no doubt, by Oviedo, whose gos-
siping peculiarities are sufficiently notorious. Herrera
* Quintana : "Life of Pizarro," Eng. Trans., p. 170.
t Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. yiil., Cap. 2.
X Prescott '8 ''Conqnest of Pero," Book iii., Chap. 8.
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193 . LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
ooiNles the speech, omittmg some of its most shocking
pro&nity ; but Mr. Prescott not only gives ns a full
transcript from the original draft, but adds some import-
ant improvements of his own. After a careftd exami-
nation of the records, we are convinced that Pizarro
was so £eu: from delivering such an animating address
to his associates, that he himself was almost literally-
dragged forward by his brother Hernando and De Soto.
But, as all agonies must have an end, the journey
was finished at last; the travelers left the misty moun-
tain tops behind them, and descended into the delicious
valley of Caxamalca. As they approached the central
point of Peruvian civilization, the Spaniards observed
the most decisive signs of improvement, both in the
face of the country and in the appearance of the people.
Here the land was in the highest state of cultivation,
the architecture was of a superior order, and in the
appearance and manners of the inhabitants was exhib-
ited a high degree of polish and refinement.
Mr. Prescott says, " It was late in liie afternoon of
the fifteenth of November, 1532, when the conquerors
entered Caxamalca." Conquerors! In the name of
Heaven, what had these men done to deserve such a
title 1 We have seen that Pizarro af^roached Atahu-
allapa with the deprecatory &wning of a spaniel which
expects to be castigated for some &ult. Sometimes he
represents himself to the Inca as an embassador, some-
times as a Christian missionary. On these fidse pre-
tenses, he obtains the Inca's protection and his per-
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DiaCOVEBBR OF flJHE MISSISSIPPI. 198
misc&on to enter a<5erticiiv^tow]%i; And yet, aa sdbii as
he places a foot in that t^^pij^MrrFreacott crown? him
with the wreath of vietcfry, aa4' C^Usf On .ihe historic
MujEie to celehrate his triumph! / i
When they entered Caxainalca, the Spaniards ; were
conducted to a large "puhlic huilding, which :the :Inca
had caused to be. prepare fyr their acdomknodation.
This building. was^ i^tuated (m.one side ctf the^ pubUc
square ; a &ct which the reader should bear in mind, in
order to have a dear, understanding of what follows.
The place assigned to Fizarro andhis company for their
temporary abode was part: of a strong fortress, where
they could have easily defeSaded themselves c^ainst &r
superior number^. IS^s-i^ Mone wiH prove that Ata-
huallapa did not iAtend to att&ck and massacre them in
their quarters, as the' Spanilirds afterward, with equal
folly and &lsehood, asserted. The greater probabihty is,
that he placed them in that Strong fort, to give them a
better assurance of security, ds the Inca had heard of
the apprehensions of Fizarro ; for that brave and dis-
creet commander ^ait uDiable to conceal his fears froiA
Atahuallapa's messengers.
The Inca, as wtf hate stated before^ had lately been
engaged in awar^ i^;he had not yet disbanded his
troops. The 'ki^r, part of his army, however, was
stationed in a distant quarter of the kingdom. He was
now encamped, with a few of his soldiers, about a league
from Ihe town to which the Spaniards had been invited.
Fizarro, whose mind was still harassed by doubts
13
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194 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
and fears, requested De Soto to visit the Inca at his
camp, and inform him that the Spaniards had arrived.
Accordingly, De Soto, attended by a party of fifteen
horsemen and the interpreter Filipillo, galloped toward
AtahuaUapa's camp, the location of which had been
pointed out to him by some of the citizens of Caxa-
malca. As he approached the Inca's quarters, De Soto
saw a considerable space of ground covered with tents,
among which the splendidly decorated pavilion of the
monarch was conspicuous. As the cavalier drew nearer
to the encampment, the Peruvian soldiers beheld with
admiration the mixture of fierceness and docility dis-
played by the steed on which he rode. He informed
the guard that he came on an embassy to the Inca, from
" his friend and servant, the governor of the Christians.''
Such was the message with which De Soto had been
charged by Fizarro. Soon after, AtahuaUapa came forth
from his tent, and seated himself on a gorgeous throne
which had been placed for him by his attendants. De
Soto alighted from his horse, and having respectfrdly
saluted the Inca, he proceeded to deliver his message
as follows : —
" I am sent by my commander, Don Francisco Fi-
zarro, who desires to be admitted to your presence, and
to give you an account of the causes which brought him
to this country, and other matters which it may behoove
your Majesty to know. He humbly entreats you to
visit him this night or to-morrow at Caxamalca, as he
wishes to make you an ofier of his services, and to de-
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 195
liver the message which has heen committed to him by
his sovereign, the King of Castile."
When this speech was repeated to the Inca by the
interpreter, Atahuallapa replied through the same me-
dium that he accepted the friendly oflFers of the Chris-
tians, and would grant them the desired interview on
the following morning. He then directed his servants
to present refreshments to De Soto and his company
The fevorite liquor of the country — a distillation of In-
dian com, caUed chica — ^was offered to the Spaniards in
golden goblets. The appearance and manners of De
Soto seemed to make a fevorable impression on Atahu-
allapa; and the Spanish cavalier was no less pleased
with the kindness and condescension of the Indian mon-
arch. AtahuaUapa was then about thirty years of age.
In person, he was above the middle height, and very
weU formed. His countenance was handsome ; but the
expression was one of sadness, as if he had known afflic-
tion. There was nothing austere or forbidding in his
demeanor; and when he addressed the strangers, the gen-
tleness and courtesy of his manners were calculated to
gain the confidence of every heart, the accessed of which
were not guarded by cruelty and deceit Never was a man
more vilely calumniated than this unfortunate prince ;
but happily his slanderers stand self-convicted before
the world. The glaring inconsistency of their febrica-
tions proves that their ingenuity was not equal to their
malice.
De Soto observed that his noble charger, which stood
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196
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
pawing the ground at a short distance from the Inca's
tent, was an object of particular interest to the sovereign,
who had never seen such an animal before. As an ac-
knowledgment of the courtesy with which he had been
treated, the cavalier mounted his steed, gave him the
rein, and exhibited to the Inca a specimen of iiie quad-
ruped's speed, by coursing around the large level plain
on ^ Which the camp was situated. Atahuallapa seemed
to be delighted with the swift and gracefrd movements
DC SOTO'S HORSEMANSHIP BEFORE THE INCA.
of the horse, as the rider wheeled him about and dis-
played all his capabilities to the best advantage. De
Soto then advanced toward the Inca at fiill speed, and
when within a few feet of the throne, stopped the horse
so suddenly as almost to throw him back on his haunches.
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DISGOYEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 197
Some of the Peruvian officers who stood around Atahu-
allapa, started ba^k, as if alarmed at the rapid approach
of that strange creature, whose appearance and move-
ments had filled them with admiration. The Inca re-
proved his courtiers for exhibiting such signs of timid-
ity before the strangers ; and it is said that he himbelf
was not discomposed in the least, although the flying
charger advanced so near to his person that the wstrm
breath of the animal moved the fringe of the barla or
fillet, the badge of Peruvian royalty which the mon-
arch wore on his brow.*
When De Soto was about to leave the Eoyal presence,
Atahuallapa said: "Tell your companions that I am
keeping a &st to-day, and cannot accept their invitation
immediately ; but I will certainly come to lliem to-mor-
row. Possibly I may be attended by a large retruue,
and some of my people may be armed, but let not that
give you any uneasiness. It is my desire to cultivate
your friendship and that of the King who sent you ;
and I think that I have already given sufficient proof
that no harm is intended to you, though your captain,
as I am informed, is inclined to mistrust me. If you
think that it will please him better, I will come to meet
him with but a few attendants, and these unarmed."
De Soto, with all liie warmth of sincerity, assured the
Inca that no man could justly suspect the integrity of
* This iDcideDt is related, with little variation, by all the his-
torians.
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198 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
his purposes; "and as for your Majesty's proposal to
come unarmed," said he, " I offer you no advice on the
subject. In this matter, you must use your best judg-
ment." De Soto then made his obeisance, and set out
on his return to Caxamalca. When he arrived at this
place, and had given an account of his mission to
Fizarro, the latter, it is said, called all his officers to
a consultation. It was suggested by Fizarro himself as
the report goes, that the Inca, if circumstances hap-
pened to be fevorable, should be seized by the Spaniards
and detained as a hostage, to enforce the submission of
the Feruvian people. The success of this plan de-
pended altogether on the strength of that filial attach-
ment for their sovereign, which was supposed to be a
national characteristic of the Feruvians. Their appre-
hensions for his personal safety, it was thought, would
make them yield, without resistance, to the proposed
usurpation of the Spaniards.
The contrivance was a bold one, undoubtedly ; and,
on that account, it is hard to believe that Francisco
Fizarro was its originator. His brother Hernando was
a more resolute villain, and he was sufficiently guileful
to contrive such a plot, and ruffian-like enough to put
it into execution.* But supposing that Francisco was
really entitled to all the credit and applause which he
receives from Spanish and American writers, for this
* His character is portrayed by his coantryman, Oviedo : Hist
de Las ladies, Parte iii., Lib. viii., Cap. 1.
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DISCOFEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI 199
nefimous scheme, the explanation of the mystery may
be comprised in the &ct that his cowardly apprehen-
sions had now reached their climax, and taken the form
of desperation. He had all along been haunted with
the idea that Atahnallapa intended to punish him, as he
deserved, for his crimes committed on the borders of
Pent His valorous resolution may have been the
boldness of a rat in a closet; for if the Inca had really
been disposed to do his duty, by bringing the offender
to justice, Fizarro's escape, except by a caup-de-main^
would have been impossible.
We are willing that all the glory of this contrivance
to entrap the kind and credulous Inca, should be
awarded to Mr. Prescott's hero rather than to ours;
and we would gladly believe, if we could, that the
affair was planned, begun, and concluded without De
Soto's concurrence. But the &tcts must speak for them-
selves ; and our chief cause of regret is, that they can-
not be made to speak more distinctly. Most unluckily,
however, all the evidence we have, in this case, comes
from partial and interested witnesses, whose desire to
conceal the truth is detected in almost every sentence
of their testimony.
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200 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XVIL
PIZARRO'8 ARRAN0BMBNT8 FOR THE CAPTURE OF THE IKCA—
THEOOMPOSinOKOFPIZARRO'S <*ARMT" — ^ATAHUALLAPA PRE-
PARES TO VISIT THE SPANIARDS — GRAND PROCESSION OF THE
PERiryiANS — SPLENDID APPEARANCE OF THE INCA AND HIS
NOBLES — ^ATAHUALLAPA HEARS THAT THE SPANIARDS ARE
ALARMED — ^HE TRIES TO QUIET THEIR APPREHENSIONS— HE
ENTERS THE SQUARE— FRIAR VINCENT COUNSELS HIM TO SUB-
MIT TO THE KING OF SPAIN — HIS ANSWER — THE FRIAR CALLS
ON THE SPANIARDS TO BEOIN THE ATTACK— HORRID MASSACRE
OF THE PERUVIANS— THE INCA IS TAKEN PRISONER, [a. D.
1582.]
The Spaniards having made all the prepaiations
which were necessary to carry out their evil design
against Atahuallapa, awaited the Inca's coming with
tremulous anxiety We have mentioned before that
the building in whidi Fizarro and his companions
were quartered, was on one side of the plazay or public
square. Two other sides of the quadrangle were occu-
pied by magazines of grain, the doors of which were
all closed; and on the fourth side, there was a stone
wall, in which were two gates, the only means of com-
munication between the square and other parts of the
city. The place was singularly well adapted to the
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DISCOVERER OF THB MISSISSIPPI. 201
villainous use which Fizarro now intended to make
of it In the two large halls of llie public building
which the Inca had assigned to the Spaniards for a
lodging place, Fizarro stationed his cavalry in two
divisions, one commanded by his brother Hernando,
and the other by De Soto. The "infentry/' which
was commanded by Peter de Candia, the Greek, who
lias already been mentioned in our narrative, was
concealed in another part of the building. The
'^artillery*' was also stationed under cover, at a point
where it could soon be brought to bear on the Peru-
vians when they should enter the square.
In this account, we imitate the grandiloquent
phraseology of our authorities, who are constantly
making ridiculous efforts to array Pizarro's actions in
"all the pomp and circumstance of glorious war."
But we must not forget that the Spanish "cavalry"
consisted of about sixty horsemen, and that the
"infantry" comprised one hundred and twenty men,
few of whom, with any propriety of speech, could be
called soldiers; for, (as the best authorities state,) a
majority of them had been collected from among
the vilest population of Panama They were, in feet,
mere vagabonds, or common thieves and other criminals.
Pizarro's "artillery" consisted of two small field-pieces,
otherwise called felconets.
From among his "infentry" the commander selected
twenty men of approved courage and prowess to sur-
round his own person in the hour of danger. The
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202 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
plan of operation was for all the troops to lie concealed
until Atahiiallapa and his attendants had entered the
square; then, as soon as the commander should give
the signal of attack by raising a white doth, all were
to rush forth and secure the Inca, killing such of his
people as might attempt to offer resistance. There
were some other arrangements, which will be developed
in the course of the narrative.
In the meanwhile, Atahuallapa made preparations
to visit the Spaniards, according to the promise given
to De Soto on the preceding day. Doubtiess he wished
to make a display of his power and grandeur to his
foreign guests, the representatives of a mighty nation
beyond the sea, who had come to him, (as he was made
to believe,) with overtures of peace and alliance ficom
their sovereign. In order to make the desired impres-
sion on the minds of the Spaniards, Atahuallq^
arranged a really magnificent pageant to accompany
him on his friendly visit to these strangers. A great
part of the morning was consumed in preparations for
the brilliant show; and, a little before noon, the proces-
sion began its march. First came a ki^ body of
servants, whose duty appeared to be to sweep the path
before the monarch and his retinue. Conspicuously
above the crowd appeared the Inca himself in the glit-
tering embellishments of Peruvian royalty. He was
carried in an open palanquin on the shoulders of some
of his principal nobles. The display of gold and jewels
around the royal person is said to have dazzled the
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 203
eyes of the Spaniards as they watched the approaching
party from their places of conceahnent * The exhibi-
tion would not have been complete without some
military display, and it is reported that a considerable
body of soldiers formed a part of the parade. With
respect to the nmmber of the troops which accompanied
the Inca, the accounts are so widely at variance that
there can be no certainty on the subject. It is probable
that Atahuallapa's military attendants were merely
those who usually escorted him as a life-guard. Some
of these Peruvian warriors were armed with bows and
arrows, some with slings, and some with copper maces
or clubs with sharp projecting points.
When the procession was less than a mile from the
town, Atahuallapa ordered a halt, and sent a messenger
to inform Pizarro that he was coming. This envoy re-
turned to the Inca with the information that the Span-
iards were huddled tc^ther in their quarters, and that
they were very much alarmed ; " and this, (says one of
the chroniclers, with most unexpected candor), was not
fiir from the truth !"t The Inca seems to have enter-
tained a feeling of compassion for the discomposure of
the Spaniards, for he immediately dispatched another
messenger to Pizarro, with the intimation that he should
leave his soldiers encamped where they then were, and
* Pedro Pizarro, Descab. y Conq.
t Pedro Pizarro : '' Belaciones del Descabrimiento y Gonqoiaia
de Los Beynos del Pern."
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204 LIFE OF FERIDNAKD DE SOTO,
that he would come to his Spanish friends with no at-
tendants except his nobles, priests, and servants, who
were all unarmed. To this Fizarro made answer: —
" Come as you will, you shall be received by me as a friend
and a brother !"* The messenger came back once more
to Fizarro, with the welcome information that the Inca
and his people would all come unarmed. ^^ Nothing,"
says Mr. Prescott, ^^ could have been more grateful to the
Spaniards than these tidings. It seemed that the In-
dian monarch was eager to rush into the snare that had
been spread for him !"
The procession moved so slowly, that it was five
o'clock in the afternoon before it entered the square.
If the spectacle, when seen at a distance, dazzled the
eyes of the Spaniards, how much more brilliant did it
now appear when the Inca and all his nobles, arrayed
in more than Eastern splendor, stood in the wide area,
waiting for the Christians to make their appearance.
The Inca was dressed in a flowing robe of scarlet doth,
composed of the finest wool of the vicufla, and deco-
rated with a profrision of golden stars, pearls, and prec-
ious stones. He wore on his head a cap or turban of
variegated colors, from which depended the scarlet
fringe or tassd, which, (as we have mentioned else-
where), was the badge of regal authority. The throne
* Oviedo : " Hist, de Las Indias :" Parte ill, Lib. yiii., Cap. 1 ;
Xeres : '' Gonq. del Pera," ap. Barcia., Tom. iii., p. 197 ; Carta
de Hern. Pizarro ; Prescott's '' Conquest of Pern/' Book iii., Ch. 6
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 205
on which he was carried was plated with gold, and the
cushion was adorned with gems of incalculable value.*
The appearance of the nobles and officers of the court
was scarcely less gorgeous than that of the monarch him-
self The number of Peruvians in the square is va-
riously estimated: probably there were not less than two
thousand persons in attendance on the Inca ; and besides
these, were many of the inhabitants of Caxamalca, men,
women, and children, whom curiosity had attracted to
the spot.
As the procession entered the gates, and for several
minutes after the Inca was inside of the square, the In-
dian priests were engaged in singing one of their
national hymns. When this religious exercise was
finished, the Inca asked: "Where are the strangers V
A Spanish priest or fiiar, called Father Vincent, then
made his appearance, with a crucifix in one hand and
a breviary in the other. This man was Fizarro's
spiritual adviser, and the grand chaplain, we suppose, of
the so-called " Christian army." A short time before
the arrival of the Peruvians, he had performed mass
" with great solemnity," and invoked the God of Zebaoth
to extend his shield over the soldiers of the Cross.
This horrid act of desecration was concluded by singing
a psalin, which calls on the Divine Being to arise and
come to judgment If The blasphemous defiance as-
* Qolntana : "Life of Pizarro."
t "Exsorge Domine, et jadica caosam toam I'^
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206 LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO,
cended to the throne of Omnipotence, and met, in due
time, with a smtable response.
Friar Vincent had consented to play an important part
in the bloody scene which was about to be enacted by
his countrymen. He now approached Atahuallapa, and
declared that the commander of the Christians had sent
him to expound the doctrines of the true faith to the
Inca, ** because for that purpose, and no other, the Span-
iards had come to his country." When this was inter-
preted to the Inca by Filipillo, who was in attendance
for that purpose, Atahuallapa directed the priest to pro-
ceed with his discourse. Vincent then began to ex-
plain the cardinal doctrines of the Catholic Church, but
hastened on to those points which seemed to be of the
most pressing importance at that juncture. He en-
deavored to make Atahuallapa understand that the Pope
had an unquestionable right to dispose of all the king-
doms of the earth, and that in virtue of this high
prerogative, he had made a donation of the Peruvian
empire to the King of Castile, whom Atahuallapa was
now bound to acknowledge as his sovereign !
We are willing to believe that " this doctrine aston-
ished Atahuallapa," who was not prepared by education
to understand the force and profundity of Father Vin-
cents logic. It appears, however, that the Inca pre-
served his equanimity qmte as well as any Christian
monarch could have done in similar circumstances.
With real or assumed composure, he made answer to
the friar^s argument in the following words :
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI, 207
** I acknowledge that there is but one God, the Maker
of all things, and the Supreme Ruler of heaven and
earth ; but as for the Pope, I know him not and never
heard of him before. I judge that he must either be a fool
or a madman to give away that which does not belong to
him. The King of Spain is doubtless a great monarch,
and I wish to make him my fidend ; but, on no terms,
can I consent to become his tributary, or his vassal I
am informed that some of your people have robbed and
murdered my subjects. Supposing this to have been
done without the knowledge of your commander, I hope
that, when the facts become known to him, he will pun-
ish the offenders as they deserve."
Friar Vincent replied by making the felse assertion,
that the Peruvians who had been put to death had
given the Spaniards the first provocation. He then ex-
horted the Inca to submit to the King of Spain and to
" his authorized representative, Don Francisco Pizarro."
It is said that Atahuallapa now began to show some
signs of anger. "You presume too much on my
friendly disposition," said he, ** and your present dis-
course does not at all agree with the amicable messages
which your commander has been sending to me ever
since he came to my country. But where have you
learned all these extraordinary things which you have
been telling me 1"
The friar replied that he learned them from the book
which he held in his hand. " This," continued he, hold-
ing up the Breviary, "is the word of our God and his
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308 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
oommandments, which must be obeyed." The Inca
answered: "If your God commands you to lob and
murder, I camiot respect him, and will not obey his
law." He then requested the friar to allow him to
examine the book. Vincent placed the book in Atahu-
aUapa's hand ; the Inca opened it, glanced at the pages,
and then held the book to his ear. "This tells me
nothing," said he, and he contemptuously threw the
Breviary on the ground.
The friar then cried in a loud voice, " Come forth.
Christians ! this impious king has insulted the book of
your law. Fall on him and his people at once ! Spare
them not ! Kill these dogs which so stubbornly despise
the law of God!"* At this moment Pizarro gave the
preconcerted signal; the two pieces of artillery were
disdiarged on the crowd of Peruvians, the doors of the
building were thrown open, and the Spaniards, horse
and foot, rushed forth. A volley of musketry was
fired on the defenseless people, the horsemen endeavored
to open a passage through the crowd to the Inca's
throne, while the in&ntry made a terrible slaughter with
their pikes, cross-bows, and swords. The Peruvians
were wholly unprepared for the attadc; "they must
have felt," says Quintana, " as if the sky were falling on
Ihem." They were not only unarmed, but wanted suf-
ficient presence of mind to use any means of escape.
But, indeed, to escape was impossible ; the two gates
* Jerome Benios, Lib. iii., Gap. 3.
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Digitized by VjOOQ IC
DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 211
of the square had been closed and fastened by Pizarro's
orders, and whoever attempted to fly found himself im-
peded by the dead bodies of his countrymen, which
thickly covered the ground. Hundreds of people were
trampled to death under the feet of the horses, but the
number killed by the swords and pikes of the Spaniards
must be reckoned by thousands. Distracted and amazed,
the Peruvians either received their death in motionless
terror, or were cut down while making ineffectual
efforts to escape. "It is impossible," says the Spanish
biographer of Pizarro, " to give the name of battle to
this carnage ; flocks butchered in their fold would have
made more resistance than these unhappy creatures
opposed to their bloodthirsty enemies." In the attempt
to escape through the gates, a dense throng of the
affrighted Peruvians pressed against the high stone
waU which formed one side of the enclosure. Such
was the agony and force of the struggle that the wall
at last gave way under the pressure of the living mass,
and through the passage thus opened, some, but a com-
paratively small number, escaped with life. Quintana
says they were pursued beyond the enclosure by the
Spaniards, who continued to kiU them, without mercy,
until night and a heavy rain stopped the work of
slaughter.
But the principal destruction of human life was in
the immediate neighborhood of the Inca's throne.
The officers and servants of the unhappy prince ap-
peared to be totally regardless of their own safety
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212 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
They closed around their beloved sovereign, and en-
deavored to shield him from the bullets and swords
of the Spaniards with their own unprotected bodies.
Their naked arms were interposed between the object
of their chief solicitude and the weapons of the cruel
assassins. None thought of flight — ^not one deserted
his post. Many were wounded, many were killed ; but
as soon as one dropped another filled his place with an
intrepidity and contempt of danger which surprised and
even fiitigued the Spaniards. It is strange indeed, as
one of the Spanish writers remarks, that people who
could die so bravely should not think of making any
resistance. Possibly some of them might have wrenched
the weapons from the hands of their cowardly assail-
ants, and something might then have been done for
the cause of justice, before the triumph of flagitious
villainy was complete.
Pizarro, knowing that his own safety depended on
saving the Inca alive, pressed through his countrymen,
and seizing Atahuallapa by the robe, dragged him to the
ground. He was then surrounded by the Spaniards,
who tore off his regal decorations, and secured their
prisoner. This terminated the action; for when the
Peruvians had lost the object of their respect and duty,
they dispersed and fled. The number of them who
had been kiUed in this awful massacre is variously
estimated. Pizarro's secretary, Xeres, reports that the
slain amounted to two thousand; another authority,'
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 213
equally reliable, makes the number of the victims
to be ten thousand at least *
Atahuallapa had so feithfully redeemed his promise
to come unarmed, that not a single waxlike weapon was
found among his countrymen. It is not surprising,
therefore, that none of the Spaniards were killed and
none were wounded, except Francisco Pizarro, who
accidentally received a slight hurt in the hand from
one of the Spanish pikes, while he was eagerly endeav-
oring to seize the Inca's person.
And thus the principal act of the " Conquest of
Peru" was finished. Concerning the real character
of that event, we shall have a few remarks to make
in the next chapter.
* Instrac. del Inga Titicussi.
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214 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XVIII.
DB SOTO'S PARTICIPATION IN THE MASSACRE — WHAT SORT OP A
"conquest" was THAT OP PERU? — IMMENSE BOOTY — THE
SPANIARDS SACK CAXAMALOA — HORRID MURDER OF A YOUNO
GIRL — HOW THE INCA WAS TREATED— DB SOTO'S FRIENDSHIP
FOR ATAHUALLAPA — ^THE INCA WISHES TO PURCHASE HIS
LIBERTY — ^THE PRICE AGREED ON — PIZARRO'S INSATIABLE
AVARICE — ATAHUALLAPA'S SIMPLICITY — HE COLLECTS GOLD
TO SATISFY PIZARRO'S DEMANDS — INFAMOUS CONDUCT OF THE
SPANIARDS— PIZARRO SENDS SPIES TO CUZCO — HOW THEY
BEHAVED IN THAT CITY. [a. D. 1538.J
What share had Ferdinand de Soto in the horrid
transactions related in the last chapter 'i It is impos-
sible for us to answer that question with any degree
of precision, as our judgment, in the premises, must
be founded altogether on a few circumstantial &cts
which have come to our knowledge. From the best
testimony we have, it appears that the Inca was
induced to place himself in the power of the Spaniards
by an invitation which was conveyed to him by De
Soto. And it is very probable that De Soto's prepos-
sessing maimers, and the caador and good fidth which
appeared in his conversation and conduct, inclined
Atahuallapa to place more confidence in his Spanish
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 215
guests than was consistent with his own security. In
this way alone can we account for his great indiscretion
in trusting his person, without any assurance of safety,
in the power of these suspicious strangers. It does
not appear fix)in any of our historical data that De
Soto, when he carried Pizarro's invitation to the Inca,
was aware that any treachery to the Indian Prince was
intended. On the contrary, it is expressly declared by
several historians, that the plot for the seizure of
Atahuallapa was concocted after De Soto's return to
Caxamalca; and, of course, after the invitation had been
deUvered. We are not informed that De Soto took
any active part in the massacre, though it is said that
some of the horsemen were engaged in that infernal
piece of work. Pizarro's cavalry consisted of two
troops, one of which was commanded by Hernando
Pizarro and the other by De Soto. There were thirty
horsemen in each troop, and one troop would have
been qmte sufficient for the principal duty which, on
this occasion, was assigned to the cavalry; namely, to
open a passage through the crowd to the Inca's palan-
quin. It is most likely that Hernando Pizarro's troop
performed this task; for the "Legitimate'* was always
ready to undertake any duty in the performance of
which his ruffian-like qualities could be exhibited to
the best advantage. AH the knowledge we have of
De Soto's character disposes us to believe that he would
have shrunk from any participation in an adventure
which was no less cowardly than inhuman.
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216 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
The plan arranged for the capture of the Inca did
not require so much slaughter. It was decided, in the
council of officers, that all of the Peruvians who offered
any resistance should be put to death. But Quintana,
the Spanish author of Pizarro's biography, declares that
they made no resistance at all; and the butchery, there-
fore, was altogether unnecessary. There can be no
doubt that De Soto consented to the seizure of the Inca,
but he could not have foreseen all the terrific circum-
stances which attended the execution of that design.
The principal carnage appears to have been made, not
by the regular soldiers, but by that pernicious gang of
villains, the original associates of Pizarro, who had
accompanied him from Panama, and assisted him in all
his atrocious operations on the frontier of Peru. Pos-
sibly, when the massacre in the square of Caxamalca
was in progress, De Soto was an inactive and horrified
spectator of the scene; but the certain feet that he
was present at that time has affixed a stain to his
character which the lapse of ages cannot efface.
In our description of the "principal act of the con-
quest of Peru,*' we have followed the most credible
authorities. If the capture of Atahuallapa, as we have
described it, put an end to the dynasty of the Incas, and
thus overturned the Peruvian empire, we may ask if
the term "conquest," which has been generally applied
to this event, is not a misnomer. In such a connection
as this, we use the word conquest to signify a triumph
in warfere; but at the time of Atahuallapa's cap-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 217
ture, there was no war between the Spaniards and Pe-
nivians. No declaration of war had ever been made
by the former; they had approached the Inca under the
guise of friendship; and, as Quintana truly remarks,
their capture of the monarch was not eflfected by a
battle. It was a mere butchery of unarmed people,
without any warning of a hostile purpose. This was
not a military achievement; and the men who performed
the deed were not soldiers, but traitors and assassins.
Peru was revolutionized by a foreign Mob !
When the Inca was taken prisoner and his attend-
ants slaughtered, the Spaniards, with their customary
alacrity, betook themselves to the work of pillage.
The spoils must have been of immense value. All the
Inca's traveling equipage, all the Royal wardrobe, com-
prising many costly fabrics, adorned profusely with
gems and gold, fell into the hands of the captors.
Many hours were consumed in stripping the dead
bodies in the square of their rich ornaments; and, when
this task was finished, the robbers proceeded to commit
their depredations in the town. All the houses were
ransacked, and a vast amount of golden vases and other
valuable booty, was obtained. The Peruvian women
were subjected to every species of outrage and indignity.
One of the Spaniards had seized on a young maiden,
when the girl's mother attempted to rescue her from
the ruffian's grasp. Finding that he could not succeed
in his purpose, the villain drew his sword, cut oflf the
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218
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
mother's hand, and then hacked the girl to pieces.*
Many of the citizens of Caxamalca were murdered by
the Spaniards, and others were put to the torture, when
suspected of having concealed any treasures.
SPANISH CAPTAIN KILLING A PERUVIAN WOMAN.
Pizarro, in the mean time, treated his Royal prisoner
with some appearance of respect, and took care to let
it be known among the Peruvians that the Inca was
still alive. When this information was spread abroad,
some of Atahuallapa's officers and servants, who had
escaped from the massacre, came to Pizarro and im-
plored him for permission to wait on the Inca in his
captivity. The commander granted their request, be-
cause it was his policy to make his prisoner as com-
* Las Oasas; Pnrclms' Pilirrinis, Book viii., Cliap. 4.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 219
fortable and as contented as possible, in his present
situation. It is said that Atahuallapa bore his misfor-
tune with manly firmness, and preserved a dignity
of deportment worthy of one who felt that, in spite
of all the injustice he had met with, he was still " every
inch a king." He was shrewd enough to discover that
the Spaniards, with all their professed anxiety to Chris-
tianize his country, were actuated by no higher or
holier motive than the gratification of their own avarice.
Hence he conceived a hope that he would be able to
recover his liberty by offering Pizarro such a ransom
as would satisfy the most inordinate cupidity. "Vi^ith
Pizarro himself the captive Inca would hold but little
communication. He evidently did not respect the man,
and he was too sincere, or too little civilized, to conceal
his real feelings under the mask of dissimulation. With
De Soto, on the contrary, his intercourse was cordial
and unreserved; and we have no proof that the reliance
which he placed on De Soto's honor and humanity was
ever abused.
One day, when the royal prisoner was engaged in a
conversation with his Spanish friend, he introduced the
subject of the ransom, and inquired on what terms
Pizarro would consent to release him. De Soto well
knew that Pizarro's timidity would prompt him to keep
the Inca in custody, as it was supposed that nothing
0
but the fears of the Peruvians for their monarch's safety
prevented them from taking up arms against the Span-
iards. Convinced, therefore, that the Inca could not
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220 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
be restored to freedom on any terms whatever, he
firankly advised Atahuallapa to abandon a hope which
was so unlikely to be fulfilled. This answer seemed
to be very distressing to the captive, who remained
silent for some minutes, apparently in the deepest
dejection. At length, he again addressed De Soto,
with these words: "My friend, do not deprive me
of the only hope that can make life supportable. I
must be free, or I must die. Your commander loves
gold above all things ; surely I can purchase my liberty
from him at some price; and, however xmreasonable it
may be, I am willing to satisfy his demand. Tell me,
I entreat you, what sum you think will be sufficient 1"
De Soto hesitated. He was unwilling to shock the
Inca by declaring his belief that no imaginable sum
would prevail on Pizarro to relinquish the advantage
he had gained by possessing himself of Atahuallapa's
person; but, at the same time, De Soto did not wish
to encourage expectations which he thought would
never be realized. In this dilemma, he had recourse
to an evasion. "If," said he, "you could fill this room
with gold as high as I t^an reach with my sword, Pizarro
might accept it for your ransom." " It shall be done,"
promptly answered the Inca ; " and I beg you to let
Pizarro know that, within a month from this day, my
part of the contract shall be fulfilled." De Soto was
not only surprised, but disconcerted by this answer ; for
he supposed, doubtless, that all the gold mines of Peru
could not supply a tenth part of the specified amount.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 221
However, as matters had proceeded so far, he considered
himself bound to make the Inca's proposition known
to Pizarro; not doubting that the oflfer would be
rejected, as the release of Atahuallapa seemed to be
an impossible matter. But another surprise awaited
De Soto. Pizarro eagerly embraced the Inca's offer ;
and requested De Soto to give the prisoner an assur-
ance that his prison-doors should be thrown open
as soon as the stipulated quantity of gold should be
produced.
The offer, indeed, was a very tempting one, and it
might have been so considered by many a less worldly-
minded person than Francisco Pizarro. Our authorities
report that the room which the Inca had engaged to fiU
with the precious metal was twenty-two feet long and
seventeen broad.* According to the terms of the
agreement, the gold was to be heaped up as high as De
Soto could reach with his sword. But in this case, De
Soto's arm seems to have been under some of the re-
straints of conscience, as the mark traced on the waU by
the point of the weapon was only nine feet from the
floor. It appears then that the Inca agreed to pay for
his ransom, three thousand, three himdred and sixty-six
cubic feet of gold ! No wonder that many of the Span-
iards believed that it would be impossible for him to
fulfill this contract ; but Pizarro's covetousness was still
* So says Pizarro's secretary, Xeres. Another accoant extends
the length of the room to thirty-five feet.
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222 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
moie extravagant than the Inca's liberality. Using the
same argument which Brennus employed on a similar
occasion, the Spanish commander, after the terms of
contract had been settled, insisted on making a new
condition, and required Atahuallapa to fill another room
with sUver * Atahuallapa submitted to this monstrous
extortion without a murmur ; but it was easy to see that
Fizarro's remorseless brokerage was contemned, as it de-
served to be, by the high-minded Indian.
When Pizarro consented to accept this ransom, De
Soto, with his customary plain dealing, said to the com-
mander: "I hope you will remember, Don Francisco,
that my honor is pledged for the strict fulfillment of this
contract on the part of the Spaniards. Observe, there-
fore, that as soon as the gold and silver are produced,
Atahuallapa must have his liberty." In answer to this
significant speech, Pizarro made a solemn declaration of
his intention to release the Inca, at all hazards, as soon
as the ransom should be paid. It is remarkable that
the Inca himself never contemplated the possibility of
any fraudulent dealing in this transaction. This cir-
cumstance has given some writers a pretense for charg-
mg him with weakness and creduUty. Such is the mis-
construction to which the noblest and best of our species
must always be liable when they are judged by the base
and profligate.
The undeserved misfortunes of Atahuallapa, and the
* These facts are related by all the historians.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 22-3
magnanimity with which he sustained them, seem to
nave made a successful appeal to De Soto's sympathies ;
for in spite of all his dis^vantages of position and asso-
ciation, De Soto still preserved some of those character-
istics traits which promised, at one time, to make him
PERUVIAN INCA IN PRISON.
a hero of the right pattern. By frequent intercourse
with the Inca, De Soto soon became able to hold a con-
versation with him in his own language, without the
help of an interpreter. As the confiding and affection-
ate disposition of the Inca became more apparent every
day, De Soto became so much the more interested in
^ his behalf. Stimulated by his desire to befriend Atahu-
allapa, he used his influence with Pizarro to make the
conditions of the Inca's ransom less onerous to the pris-
oner. By De Soto's intercession, Pizarro was induced
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224 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
to receive the gold in such forms as Atahuallapa could
most conveniently obtain it. By this arrangement, the
Inca was permitted to place the golden vases and other
manu&ctured articles in the room which was to be fiUed,
without having them previously melted and reduced to
the form of ingots ; consequently the prisoner had the
advantages which would arise from this incompact mode
of measurement.
All the conditions of this strange compact being now
understood, the Inca ordered several of his officers, who
had been permitted to visit him, to attend to the collec-
tion of the ransom. These agents, by Atahuallapa's
request, were accompanied by three Spaniards, and the
latter were secretly instructed by Pizarro to observe
where the treasures of the kingdom were deposited.
The caitiflPs thoughts were still intent on plunder,
though the heaps of gold which Atahuallapa had oflfered
to place at his disposal appeared too magnificent for
belief.
Atahuallapa directed his officers to proceed with their
Spanish associates to Cuzco, the capital of the empire,
and possess themselves of all the precious metal con-
tained in the royal treasuries. If this supply should be
found insufficient, they were ordered to strip the temples
of their golden adornments, and to call on the nobility
for contributions. All the subjects of the Inca at Cuzco,
and on the road to that metropolis, were enjoined to
show the three Spanish messengers all the attention and
respect which were due to the Inca himsel£ These
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 225
orders were strictly obeyed. The three Spaniards, (par-
ticular fitvorites of Kzarro, and scoundrels, of course),
when they arrived at Cuzco, soon became intoxicated
with the honors which were shown them in obedience
to the Inca's commands. They repaid the kind and
reverential attentions of the Peruvian nobles with
mockery and insult. They committed the most beastly
and sacrilegious offenses in the temples dedicated to the
*♦ unknown God," whom the Peruvians "ignorantly wor-
shiped'' under the name of Pachacamac, " the life and
soul of the universe." These vile emissaries of Pizarro,
as one of their own countrymen acknowledges, perpe-
trated every species of outrage on the persons and prop-
erty of the inhabitants ; and the latter were restrained
from putting them to death only by that reverence
which the Peruvians always yielded to the mandates of
their chief magistrate.*
♦ Vide Quintana's " Life of Pizarro," Eng. Trans, p. 190.
1&
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226 LIPE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XIX.
IMMENSE QUANTITIES OF TREASURE HIDDEN BT THE PERU-
VIANS— THE INOA'S RANSOM — THE GREATEST BOOTY ON
RECORD— -DE SOTO REQUIRES PIZARRO TO LIBERATE THE
INOA — PIZARRO'S BASE AND DISHONORABLE CONDUCT — ^DB
SOTO BECOMES WEALTHY — PROBABILITT OF HIS UNION
WITH ISABELLA — HE INSISTS ON HAYINa JUSTICE DONE
TO THE INCA — THE VILLAINY OF FILIPILLO— PIZARRO* S
PREVARICATION — HIS TRICK TO GET DB SOTO OUT OF
THE WAY — THE INCA IS TRIED AND CONDEMNED TO BE
BURNED — HIS EXECUTION — PIZARRO'S DISAPPOINTMENT.
[A. D. 1688.]
To show how greedy rascality may sometimes over-
reach itself, we have an example in the conduct of
Pizarro, when he sent his three spies to Cuzco to
ascertain where the riches of the dty were deposited.
In the preceding diapter we have glanced at the
behavior of these emissaries. They were so con-
firmed in their felonious habits, that no considerations
of policy, no sense of decency, and no apprehensions
of danger could prevent them from indulging their crimi-
nal propensities. The consequence was that the people
of Cuzco soon discovered that their country had &llen
into the power of foreign banditti, and they imme-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
227
diately began to conceal their treasures to preserve
them from the rapacity of these detestable usurpers.
Immense quantities of gold were thrown into the rivers
and lakes, or buried deeply in the ground, and so
effectually secreted, that much of it was never recovered
The Peruvians wisely and laudably threw away their
PERUVIANS RANSOMING THEIR EMPEROR.
property, rather than permit it to come into the posses-
sion of their odious invaders.
But, in the meantime, the obedient subjects of the
Inca complied with the orders he had sent them, by
tearing off the gorgeous decorations of the temples,
the cornices and entablatures of solid gold, and the
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228 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
massive golden plates with which the facades and
the interior walls of the sacred buildings were incrusted.
The metal thus obtained was dispatched, by the swiftest
mode of conveyance which these people possessed, to
Caxamalca, where the Inca was imprisoned. Thousands
of golden vases, salvers, and other utensils of admirable
workmanship, were brought from the Royal treasuries,
to complete the Inca's ransom. For several weeks the
ghttering tide rolled in, and the Spaniards were soon
convinced that their captive had not promised more
than he was able to accompUsh. Within the specified
time, all the gold and silver which Atahuallapa had
engaged to deUver, was produced; and the obliga-
tions of the contract now rested on Pizarro alone. The
Inca, having paid his ransom, demanded to be released,
and De Soto, observing that Pizarro hesitated, peremp-
torily required him to fulfill his engagement.
Meanwhile, the Spanish " soldiers" were impatient to
have the extorted treasures of the Inca distributed
among them, and Pizarro found a pretense for post-
poning the liberation of Atahuallapa, by alleging that
the division of the spoils was a matter which required
his first attention. " The ceremony of distribution, (says
Quintana), was performed with the most imposing
solemnity." Another authority avers that the Spanish
commander, with the fear of God before his eyes,
invoked the assistance of Heaven to do the work before
him conscientiously and justly! And yet all this
display of piety and equitable intentions, did not pre-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 229
vent Pizarro from defrauding some of his companions-
in-aims, while he was so "solemnly and ceremoniously"
engaged in partitioning out these treasures, which must
necessarily be considered as the spoils of robbery.
The gold and silver to be distributed were first
melted and recast in the form of ingots. When this
preparatory work was finished, it was found that the
aggregate amount of the gold was one million, three
hundred and twenty-six thousand, five hundred and
thirty-nine pesos-de-aro, which, making due allowance
for the changes in the value of money, since the
sixteenth century, would be nearly equivalent to fif-
teen nUUionsfive hundred thousand dollars of the present
currency of the United States. The quantity of silver
was estimated at fifty-one thousand six hundred and
ten marks. One of Pizarro's admirers triumphantly
exclaims: "History affords no parallel for such a
booty!"* Nevertheless it may appear that, under any
system of laws, national, dvil, or miUtary, Don Fran-
cisco Pizarro, and his whole band of " brave associates,"
might have been hanged as felons or traitors, with
unquestionable propriety. Their unparalleled success
cannot make their conduct less criminal, and ought
not to make it less infiunous.
A fifth part of the plunder, according to previous
stipulations, was allotted to the King of Spain, other-
wise called the Emperor Charles V. This assignment,
♦ Prescott's " Conquest of Peru," Book iil, Chap. 7.
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230 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
made by freebooters, and accepted by Royalty, proves
the existence of a leveling confederacy or copartner-
ship, which can neither dignify the actions of Pizarro,
nor elevate the moral reputation of Charles.
After deducting the "king's fifth,'' the balance of the
Inca's ransom was divided among the Spanish officers
and soldiers; not fairly divided, as some writers errone-
ously assert, but with manifest partiality.* The "lion's
share," of course, was reserved by Pizarro for himself
The devout commander's portion amounted to fifty-
seven thousand two hundred and twenty-two pesos of
gold, and two thousand three hundred and fifty marks
of silver; besides the golden throne of the Inca, which
was valued at twenty-five thousand pesos-de-oro. One
of Fizarro's comrades, who wrote an account of the
Spanish invasion of Peru, asserts that a large number
of golden vases and other articles remained undivided,
and these were probably added to Pizarro's part of the
plunder. Hernando Pizarro received thirty-one thou-
sand and eighty |)^^05-<fe-oro, and two thousand three
hundred and fifty marks of silver. And although De
Soto was considered, (as Quintana admits,) the second
man in the army, he obtained, in the division, only
seventeen thousand seven hundred and forty pesos of
gold and seven hundred and twenty-four marks of
silver. The commander excused himself for making
his brother Hernando's share so much larger than that
* QaiDtana : <' Life of Pizarro," Eng. Trans., p 201.
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DISCOTEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 231
of De Soto, by representmg that this was a politic
expedient, the object of which was to make Hernando
satisfied with his emoluments and induce him to return
to Spain. After his departure, De Soto would be in-
vested with the title of second in command, which Her-
nando Pizarro now claimed, but which properly be-
longed to the sulgect of our narrative. It was not diffi-
cult, perhaps, to make De Soto satisfied with his share
of the treasure; which, nothwithstanding the injustice
shown in the distribution, was reaUy a splendid acquisi-
tion for the cavaUer who had come to Peru with no
finrtune except his sword.
And now the grand purpose which had brought De
Soto to America was accomplished. He had acquired
wealth beyond the scope of his most extravagant expec-
tations. With respect to fortune he was placed on the
plane of equality with the object of his early affection,
and he had but recently received another assurance of
her ever-during attachment But there was a cause
of present anxiety which almost withdrew his thoughts
from the contemplation of future happiness. He con-
sidered himself charged with the fitte of the still im-
prisoned Inca, who became, every day, more importu-
nate in his demands for liberty. On this subject, De
Soto earnestly expostulated with Pizarro. "Whatever
the consequences may be," said the resolute advocate,
" the Inca must be immediately released. He has your
promise to that effect, and he has minej which shall not
be violated." Pizarro contended for a delay of three
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232 LIFE OF FEBDIKAKD DE SOTO,
weeks. ^^Not a single week, not a day," answered De
Soto; "if you do not liberate the prisoner, I will take
that duty on myself" — "To give him his freedom, at
this time," said Pizarro, "would be certain destruction
to us aa"— "Possibly so," replied De Soto, "but this
should have been considered before he was admitted to
ransom." — ^" Since that was done," returned Pizarro, "I
have received information which justifies me in chang-
ing my intentions. Atahuallapa's officers, acting under
his directions, have lately been engaged in attempts to
excite an insurrection among the Peruvians, for the
purpose, no doubt, of exterminating the Spaniards."
"Whence have you this information!" inquired De Soto.
"From Rlipillo, the interpreter," answered Pizarro.
The person thus indicated has already been presented
to our readers as a hopeful young Indian convert to
Catholicism, under the tuition of Pizarro and Father
Luque. For several years he had been taught and
trained by these exemplary men; and, having a fine
natural capacity, he soon became as good a Christian
as either of his instructors. He had succeeded in mak-
ing himself not only useful but indispensable to Pizarro;
and the latter was enabled to carry out some of his most
important plans by Filipillo's assistance. His services
to the commander were similar to those which some
persons, called "professional witnesses," are supposed to
render to plaintiff or defendant in our courts of justice.
Filipillo was ready, at all times, to subscribe and swear
to any postulate which Pizarro wished to maintain.
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DISCOVEREB OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 233
The leading questions of his master were sufficient to
direct the course of his testimony, and he seldom failed
to improve on the su^estions of his able and experi-
enced director.
Filipillo was now summoned by Pizarro to confirm
the report of the insurrections; and the pernicious ,
young villain confidently asserted that he had received
such infbrmation fix>m the most reliable sources. De
Soto was disposed to reject this evidence, as he per-
fectly understood the character of the witness; and he
requested that the Inca should have an opportunity to
defend himself against the accusation. Pizarro yielded
to this reasonable demand, and accompanied De Soto to
AtahuaUapa's apartment. When Pizarro made his sus-
picions known to the incarcerated monarch, the latter
treated the charge as a cruel and untimely jest. But
perceiving that the commander was really in earnest,
the Inca answered with all the warmth of honest indig-
nation: "I know not how it is possible for you to
believe that I, while in your power and laden with
your chains, should be so devoid of sense as to order my
subjects to come against you; knowing as I do that, at
the moment of their appearance, you would cut off my
head. And you are certainly unacquainted with my
power and influence, if you suppose that my people
would undertake such a movement without my con-
sent."
De Soto was perfectly satisfied with the Inca's de-
fense ; but Pizarro stiU affected to believe in the con-
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234 LIFE OF FEBDINAND DE SOTO,
templated insurrection. Finally, he compromised with
De Soto by proposing that the latter should go to that
part of the country where the popular tumult was ex-
pected to commence. " If you find no appearance of an
outbreak," said the artful commander, ^^ I will instantiy
release AtahuaUapa when you return." De Soto agreed
to these terms, and immediately set out on his journey.
But scarcely had the Inca's only fiiend and protector
departed, when Pizarro betook himself to the execution
of a plan which is imiversally admitted to have no pre-
cedent or parallel in the registry of human crimes. He
determined to put the Inca to a death of torture ; and,
with that fiendish subtiety which belonged to his char-
acter, he resolved to make others respcmsible for a deed
which, j&om its conception to its consummation, was
altogether his own. So artfully were matters contrived,
that Pizarro's treasurer, Eiquelme, the priest called
Father Vincent, and some others, were made to pass
sentence of death on the royal prisoner, while Fizaixo
himself, vrith hypocritical reluctance, confirmed the
verdict and hastened the execution. This cowardly
evasion of the felon commander was so perfectiy obvious
to his followers, that all the in&my of the plot reverted
to himself; and his most in&tuated panegyrists have not
been able to shield his memory from the foul reproadi.
AtahuaUapa vims allowed the benefit of a mock trial,
which, as Vattel correctiy and almost unnecessariaUy re-
marks, was ^^ a manifest outrage on the law of nations.''*
* Vattel : Book ii., Chap. 4.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 235
What could be more preposterous than for a gang of
foreign thieves to claim jurisdiction over the lawful
chief magistrate of the country 1 No argument is re-
quired to exhibit the utter absurdity of these judicial
proceedings, and it is scarcely necessary to speak of the
manner in which they were conducted. We are told,
however, that the charges against the Inca related
chiefly to matters in which the Spaniards had no in-
terest whatever ; and Mr. Prescott remarks that " the
evidence of the Indian witnesses, when filtrated through
the interpretation of Filipillo, received, when necessary,
a very different coloring from that of the original"*
But this wretched &rce was soon over, and the
tragedy was about to begin. The Inca appears not to
have been present at his own trial ; and the first intima-
tion he had of it, perhaps, was when Pizarro brought
him an account of the sentence of the Court which had
condemned him to be burned to death. The intelligence
was so unexpected and so horrifying to the prisoner,
that fer some minutes he was unable to make any an-
swer to Pizarro's communication. At length he said:
" Is it possible that you can believe in a God, and fear
him, and yet dare to commit such an act of injustice 1
What have I done to deserve death in any shape, and
why have you condemned me to a death so unusual and
painMI It is certainly not your intention to fulfill this
sentence." Pizarro assured him that the decree of the
* Prescott't « Conquest of Peru," Book iii., Chap. 7
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236 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
•♦
Court was unalterable. " Think of the wrongs you have
abeady done to me," said the Inca, ^^ and do not forget
how much you are indebted to my kindness and forbear-
ance. I could easily have intercepted you in the moun-
tain passes, and made you all prisoners, or sacrificed you
justly to the offended laws of my country. I could
have overpowered you with my armed warriors at Caxa-
malca ; but I failed in my duty to my people by receiv-
ing you as fiiends. You have robbed me of my king-
dom, and compelled me to insult my deity by stripping
his temples to satisfy your avaricse. Of all my posses-
sions, you have left me nothing but my life, and that I
supposed you would be willing to spare me, since you
can gain nothing by taking it away."
Perceiving that this discourse made no impression on
the mind or heart of Pizarro, the Inca, whose inordinate
love of life was his greatest weakness, began to plead
for existence with the most earnest supplications.
"Consider," said he, "how hard it is for me to die so
suddenly and without any warning of my danger. I
have lived but thirty years, and until very lately, I have
had every reason to hope for a long and happy life. My
prospects of happiness are blighted forever; but I will
not complain of that, if you will permit me to live out
the term which God and Nature have allotted me."
At this moment. Friar Vincent, bearing a large
crucifix, entered the apartment. He exhorted the
prisoner to withdraw his thoughts from earthly vanities
and delusions, and fix his attention, on the changeless
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 237
and substantial realities of a better life. "You are
justly condemned to death," said he, " for your infidel-
ity and other sins, I call on you to accept the free gift
of salvation which I now offer you, so that you may
escape the greater punishment of eternal fire." Atahu-
allapa, without attending to this ghostly counsel, wrung
his hands in agony as he exclaimed : " Oh, where is De
Soto 1 he is a good man, and he is my friend. Surely
he will not allow me to be murdered !" — ^*' De Soto is
fisuc away," said the priest, "and no earthly help can
avail you. Eeceive the consolations of our Church ; kiss
the feet of this image, and I will absolve you from your
sins, and prepare you to enter the Kingdom of Heaven."
"I worship Pachacamac, the Maker of all things,"
answered the Inca. " As much as I desire to live, I
will not forsake the faith of my fathers to prolong my
life." He had discovered, no doubt, that his doom was
inevitable, and he now resumed all that dignity and
firmness of deportment which had distinguished him
throughout the whole period of his captivity. He made
no more appeals to Pizarro's merciful kindness, and he
repulsed all the solicitations of Father Vincent, who
still urged him to die in the &ith and hope of a Catho-
lic Christian.
" His executioners," says Quintana, " allowed the day
to close before they consummated their crime." It was
indeed an act to be concealed in the darkest shadows of
midnight. The murder of the Inca was perpetrated in
the public square of Caxamalca. From the moment at
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238 LIFE OF FEBDIKAKD DE SOTO,
which he had ceased to hope for mercy, he hehaved with
admirable £)rtitade; and while the flames were slowly
consuming him, he uttered no cry of anguish, and be-
trayed no sign of human frailty while enduring the
most intense torment that the barbarous ingenuity of
man ever devised. They built the fire in the rear of the
Inca, in order to make him abjure his faith before the
flames could suffocate him ; but all to no purpose. Pi-
zarro and the priests were both disappointed, for Atahu-
allapa died unconquered and unconverted.
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DISGOVEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 239
CHAPTER XX.
ATTEMPT TO BE8CUE THE INCA WHILE HE WAS BUBNINCI —
SPANISH 8LANDBBS OF ATAHUALLAPA -^ MANUFAOTURB OF
HISTOEICAL FALSEHOODS — ^DE SOTO BETUBNS — ^HE HEAB8 OF
THE INCA'S MURBEB — ^HIS BEHAVIOB ON THAT OCCASION —
HE CHALLENGES PIZARRO — ^DENOUNCES HIM AS A COWABD —
EFFECTS OF THE SPANISH INVASION — DEMORALIZATION OF
THE PERUVIANS — EXAMPLES THEREOF — INSTANCES OF
VICE AND DEPRAVITY— PERU PERMANENTLY RUINED BY
THE SPANIARDS — PROOF THAT SHE HAS NEVER RECOVERED
FROM THE EFFECTS OF THE " CONQUEST." [a. D. 1588.]
The murder of the Inca Atahuallapa was perpetrated,
as we have said, in the public square of Caxamalca —
the scene of that frightful massacre which was described
in our fourteenth chapter. The square was separated
from the town on all sides by unoccupied buildings and
a high stone wall; and, as the murderers endeavored
to shroud their deed in the gloom of night, the sacrifice
was almost finished before the Peruvians were aware
that it had begun. When the dismal glare of the
sacrificial flames ascended above the walls of the endo-
Bure, the inhabitants of Caxamalca, without knowing
why the fires were kindled, suspected, with reason, that
some new horror was about to be enacted. With
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240 LIFE OF FEBDIKAKD DE SOTO,
ghastly apprehension, some of them approached the
quarters of the Spaniards, and discovered their Inca,
whom they revered as a &ther, chained to a stake,
and encircled with blazing fiigots. The alarm was
given, and very soon some hundreds of unarmed Peru-
vians attempted to force a passage into the enclosure,
the entrances of which were strongly guarded by the
Spanish robbers. The people, whose patience and
pacific inclinations had hitherto been their most inex-
cusable errors, were now incited to act with a resolution
which bordered on ferocity. Never is human courage
more stem and unconquerable than when it acts under
the influences of our gentlest aflFections. All the force
of the Spaniards, and all the advantages which they
possessed in their weapons and position, could scarcely
prevent the Inca, or his half consumed body, fix)m
being rescued by his excited countrymen. During the
struggle, in which many of the natives and a few
of the Spaniards were killed — ^the victim perished,
the flames subsided, and nothing but a heap of ashes
and glowing embers marked the spot where an infidel
monarch had won the crown of martyrdom.
The murder of Atahuallapa was one of those crimi-
nal acts which admit of no verbal reprobation. In
such a case, we feel that words have no power to
give a form to that condemnation which the deed
deserves. When we have not the opportunity to punisk,
when we cannot prove how much we abhor the crime
by the measure of retribution which we award to it, it
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 241
is worse than a mockery of justice to assail the criminal
with anathemas and execrations.
Not satisfied with kilh'ng the body of Atahuallapa,
his assassins endeavored to murder his reputation also.
They have manufieictured whole pages of history to
prove that he was a bastard, a usurper, a tyrant, and a
fratricide. We have, by careful examination of the
records, become convinced that some of the charges are
fidse, and we have no proof that any one of them is
true. Quintana, the most candid of the Spanish his-
torians, makes these acknowledgments: "Those odious
qualities which have been attributed, by some writers,
to this Inca, appear to oe very inconsistent with the
virtues and graces which he manifested during his long
imprisonment, aad which gained him the friendship
and affection of many Spaniards who loudly condemned
the sentence which had been pronounced against him,
as iniquitous and barbarous. They agree equally ill
with the eulogiums bestowed on him after his death,
when he is seldom named except as — The Great Mon-
archy The Good King, and other phrases of the same
import. Finally, these charges have their strongest
contradiction in the love and devotion impressed on
the hearts of the Peruvians for his person and memory;
who, considering that, more than any other of their
princes, he had reflected the virtues and good gifts
of his father, Huayna Capac, wept, in his deplorable
death, the catastrophe of the empire."
It is easy to believe that the men who could put
10
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242 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the Inca to death so unjustly, aud in such a barbarous
manner, would not hesitate to slander him afterward,
if they had any motive for such aspersion. With Pizarro
and his gang it was almost a matter of necessity to
calumniate the Inca after they had killed him ; for they
were obliged to excuse themsdyes for this act to the
Spanish government, and the only way in which they
could so acquit themselves was to show that Atahu-
aUapa deserved capital punishment. As the traducers
of the dead Inca were permitted to tell their own story,
without fear of contradiction, it is impossible to assign
any limits to their &brications, and their testimony is
probable only when it tends to criminate themselves.
Perhaps the greatest injustice which these slanderers
have done to Atahuallapa's memory was by pretending*
that he became an apostate to his own religion and a
convert to Catholicism just before his death. If this
story were true, how could Pizarro justify himself or
how could the Pope and the King of Spain excuse him,
for putting a Christian to death on account of sins com*
mitted by an infidel 1 Surely the Boyal penitent, when
he entered the pale of the Holy Catholic Church, would
be entitled to a free pardon for those errors of conduct
which were incidental to his unregenerate condition.
We are told that when the Inca had consented to be
baptized by Father Vincent, Pizarro graciously com-
muted his sentence, and allowed him to be strangled
before his body was reduced to ashes! These fic-
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DISCOVEREK OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 243
tions were doubtless contrived to illustrate Pizarro's
clemency and Father Vincent's apostolic success.
Wholly unconscious of the momentous events which
had taken place during his absence, De Soto, after satis-
fying himself that the rumor of an insurrection was
wholly unfounded, hastened back to Caxamalca, rejoic-
ing in the opportunity which he now possessed to prove
tibe Inca's good faith and quiet Pizarro's suspicions
But the fetal secret was revealed to him before he
reached his quarters. AU the Peruvians in the neigh-
borhood of Caxamalca were in mourning. Wherever
tibe death of the Inca was known, the sorrow and des-
pair of his people attested the worth and virtues of the
deceased. Some of the inhabitants of the town came
out to meet De Soto, who had always befiiended aQd
protected them when it was in his power to do so; and,
with many tears and lamentations, they gave him an
account of the Inca's murder. De Soto now discovered,
for the first time, that he had been sent out of the way
to give Pizarro an opportunity to perpetrate this hein-
ous crime. Bage for awhile overpowered every other
emotion. He threw himself fix>m his horse, drew his
sword as if to execute some sanguinary purpose, and
strode across the square to seek the man whom he justly
regarded as Atahuallapa's murderer. At the door of
Pizarro's apartment was stationed a sentinel, who in-
formed the incensed cavalier that the commander had
given orders for no person to be admitted, as he did not
wish to be disturbed. "I shall disturb him with a ven-
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244
LIFE OF FERIDNAND DE SOTO,
geaiice !" cried De Soto, as he pushed the soldier aside
and entered the chamber. Pizarro was seated on a low
stool, "with a great felt hat, by way of mourning,
slouched over his eyes, and in his dress and demeanor
exhibiting all the show of sorrow."* De Soto perceived
that the caitiff had been advised of his approach, and
that this spectacle of woe was merely another one of
those deceptive artifices which have often enabled
Pizarro and other villains to obtain advantages over
wiser, braver, and better men than themselves. The
sword of De Soto was extended over the head of the
DE SOTO UPBRAIOINQ PIZARRO FOR BURNING THE INCA.
trembling culprit, and it is probable that nothing but a
feeling of contempt for the abject and powerless condi-
tion of the wretched felon, prevented the avenger fix)m
* Hallaronle monstrando mncho sentiroiento con an gran sombrero
de fieltro puesto en la cabcza por luto e muj calado Bobre los ojos.
^-Oviedo : Hist, de Las Indias, Parte iii., Lib. yiii., Cap. 22.
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DISGOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 245
executing a purpose to which he was strongly urged by
all that was noble in his nature. Stamping impatiently
on the floor, he commanded Pizarro to uncover his
head, "Unless," said he, "you intend to hide yourself
from the light of day, and are ashamed to look a human
being in the fece.'' As Pizarro hesitated to obey this
order, De Soto removed the sombrero^ not very gently,
with the point of his sword.
"Is it not enough, you heartless and conscienceless
villain," said De Soto, "that I have disgraced myself in
the eyes of the world by becoming your companion and
confederate, making myself accessory to your crimes
and protecting you from the punishment you deserved 1
Have you not heaped infiuny enough upon me, without
dishonoring me by the violation of my pledges, and
exposing me to the suspicion of being connected with
the most cruel and causeless murder that ever set
human laws aad divine jtistice at defiance 1 J have
ascertained what you well knew before I left Caxamalca,
that the report of the insurrection was utterly fiOse. I
have met with nothing, on the road, but demonstrations
of good-wilL The whole country is quiet, and Atahu-
aUapa has been basely slandered. You, Francisco
Pizarro, are his slanderer, and' you are his murderer!
To prove that I have had no participation in the deed,
I will make you accountable for Ms death. Craven aad
prevaricating villain as you are, you shall not escape from
this responsibiUty. If you refuse to meet me in hon-
orable comlMtt, I will denounce you to the King of Spain
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246 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
as a criminal, and proclaim you to the whole world as a
coward and assassin."
Instead of answering this speech, as a bolder villain
would have done, with open defiance, Pizarro acknowl-
edged that he had been too precipitate, and declared that
he had been induced to put the Incato death by the fiilse
representations and earnest persuasions of his treasurer
Riquelme, and Vincent the priest. De Soto immediately
summoned these two men to the apartment, and informed
them what charges had been made against them by Pi-
zarro. Both of them firmly denied the imputation, and
charged the commander, to his fiwje, with being the sole
contriver of the deed. A dispute followed, during which
the treasurer and Vincent repeatedly gave Pizarro the
lie!* Before the controversy was finished, several of
Pizarro's brothers and Captain Balcazar entered the
room. In their presence, De Soto formally avowed
himself the champion of Atahuallapa and repeated his
charges against the commander. He then threw down
his glove, and invited any man who was disposed to
deny that Francisco Pizarro was a coward and a mur-
derer, to take it up. The gage remained untouched,
and De Soto left the apartment, resolved, as it afterward
* This altercation is reported by Oriedo in a supplementary
chapter to his history, and the account is qnoted by Prescott, with
the following annotation: "As he (Oviedo) knew familiarly the
leaders in these transactions, the testimony which he collected,
somewhat at random, is of high authority." — Vide Prescott, ''Con-
quest of Peru," Vol. i., Book iii.. Chap. 7, p. 491.
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DISGOYEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 247
aj^peared, to withdraw himself immediately from all
coimection with men whose crimes deserred to be ex-
piated on the gibbet His commission as lieutenant-
General, which had been so lately bestowed on him, he
now offered to resign, and expressed his determina-
tion to return to Spain without delay. Pizarro made
the most humiliating concessions, and even shed tears
of feigned penitence, while he besought De Soto to
remain with him until the authority of the Spaniards
was firmly established in the country. De Soto was
disposed to do nothing for the benefit or accommoda-
tion of Pizarro, but his duty to his King and his
countrymen seemed to require his continuance in Peru
a little while longer. This consideration alone induced
him to remain until the Spaniards had obtained posses-
sion of the capital of the empire. We may suppose
that the impatience of a lover, as well as other motives,
urged his immediate return to his native land; but,
without making himself liable to some censure, he could
not abandon his countrymen in Peru while their posi-
tion still appeared to be critical
The death of AtahuaUapa consummated the destruc-
tion of the Peruvian monarchy. And now let us
glance, for a moment, at the mighty benefit to civiliza-
tion, religion, and human progress, which immediately
foUowed this revolution. We learn jfrom Quintana that
^^ from the moment of the Inca's imprisonment, all fear
of authority was at an end ; the stores and public prop-
erty were plundered, private possessions were invaded.
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248 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
all was confusion and disorder, and the work of civiliza-
tion, the completion of which cost ages of wisdom and
perseverance, was destroyed in a moment. All religion
was disregarded ; all habits corrupted ; even the Virgins
of the Sun, once so sacred and revered, now quitted their
cloisters, and abandoning themselves to libertinism, be-
came the indiscriminate prey of their own countrymen
and of the strangers, and the derision and contempt of
both. Such mutation and confusion in that lately well-
ordered State, and in that strict accord of laws divine
and human, filled every good man's heart with grief for
what he saw, and with dread for the future."*
Jerome Benzos, speaking of affidrs in Peru after the
" Conquest,'* says : " There are monks who openly, and
in the Ught of Heaven, perpetrate such deeds as others
would be ashamed to do by night. A certain Fran-
ciscan fiiar publicly preached that there was neither
priest, nor monk, nor bishop in Peru who deserved
to be called a good man ; for they are all devoted to
covetousness, and betake themselves to the wealthier
districts, avoiding those where nothing is to be gained
by extortion and plunder. I have also heard priests,
when they were discoursing together, acknowledge that
they came to the country for gain and nothing else."
The same author, (who, by the way, was a Spanish
Catholic), says: "A certain cacique's son who, before
the arrival of the Spaniards, was remarkable for his
* Quintana : " Life of Pizarro," Eng. Trans., p. 218.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 249
amiable depdrtment and correct moral habits, afterward
became very lewd ; and when asked what had made
this change m his character, he replied, "Since I
became a Christian I have learned to swear by the
name of God, by the Cross, and by the words of the
Gospel, and to blaspheme by the life of God, and I
deny him, nor do I beUeve, I have learned also to
play with dice, and never to speak the truth. I have
provided myself with a sword, and am always ready
for a fray. And now I want nothing to make my life
like that of the Christians, but a concubme, and that I
mean to have as quickly as possible."
" The Indians, especially such as can write and read,
(contmues Benzos), confess God's commandments to
be good, but wonder that we ourselves, (f. e., the Span-
iards), do not obey them. Some of them, showing a
piece of gold, will say, 'Lol here is the Christian's
god ; for this they have come hither ; for this they
have subdued us and done so many mischiefe ; for this
they are never quiet, but dice, blaspheme, curse, quarrel,
steal, and commit rapes and every other villainy.' "
"I once, (says Benzos), reproved an Indian for
didng and blasphemy. His answer was: 'We have
learned these things jfrom yourselves.' The Indians
who indulge in these vices are such as have been
brought up by the Spaniards, who constantly practice
the same iniquities." The candid Benzos concludes:
" And these, for the most part, are the miracles which
the Spaniards have wrought among the Indians."
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250 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Compare these aooounts with the moral and social
condition of Pern, previous to the Spanish invasion,
which we have described in our twelfth chapter. But
what is now the state of the country after it has expe-
rienced the benefits and precious influences of European
civilization for more than three centuries \
The Rev. C. S. Stewart, who traveled in Peru, A. T).
1829-30, says, in reference to the present metropolis
of this country: '^ lima is said to be the most corrupt
dty on the continent; so much so, that along the
whole coast, as I am told, the name is a proverb of sin.
The walks of the Avenue, as we drove through the
gate, exhibited some specimens of the morals to be
expected within. Several intoxicated officers, and three
or feur Dominican fiiars in the garb of their Order,
were in very fiuniliar conversation with women of very
equivocal, or perhaps I should say, of unequivocal
appearance," &a ^^ Instead of the splendid city which I
expected, I found mud houses, of one low story, with
large doors and grated windows, exhibiting many sad
pictures of filth and poverty. These dens were inhab-
ited by negroes and mulattoes, thronging in gaping
and half-naked crowds about the doors."
While it remained under the Spanish despotism, Peru
continued to sink lower and lower into the abyss of vice
and corruption. Since the independence of the country
was proclaimed in 1821, the annals of Peru are little
more than a record of tumult and bloodshed. The
people have become too corrupt for self-government,
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 261
and too disorderly to submit to the restraints of a lim-
ited monarchy. For many years to come, therefore,
they will be in a state of vibration between anarchy and
despotism.
Such are the results which must ever follow jfrom
any attempt to propagate Christianity vdth the sword.
Had the religion of Christ been presented to the
ancient Peruvians in a more engaging form, undis-
torted by bigot zeal, and unperverted by &natical vio-
lence and dissembling avarice, no people in the world
perhaps would have been more apt to receive and culti-
vate the truth of the Gospel ; and then the land might
have been stiU happier under an enlightened and con-
sistent Christian government than it was under the
dominion of the Incas.
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252 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXL
THB SPANIARDS MARCH TOWARD THB CAPITAL OF PERU — PIZARBO
MAKES A NEW INCA — EXPECTED ATTACK OF THE INDIANS —
PIZARRO HALTS AND DE SOTO GOES FORWARD TO MEET THB
' ENBMT — A SKIRMISH — PIZARRO KEEPS OUT OF DANGER —
DE SOTO MEETS THB ENBMT — HE IS UNSUPPORTED BT HIS
countrymen — his perilous situation — the great battlb
of yilcacongo— a peruvian general burned to death —
friar vincent entreats him to be baptized — his answer
— bravert of the peruvians — almagro's timely aiirival
— de soto's great victory — thb conquest finished,
[a. d. 1588.]
The Spaniards were now prepared for the long con-
templated inarch to the metropolis. Their numbers
had recently been increased by the arrival of Almagro,
with two hundred men, jfrom Panama. The adven-
turers were accompanied, likewise, by a large body of
friendly Indians, who had placed themselves under the
tuition of the Spaniards, and had already discovered a
taste and aptitude for predatory warfiare, which strongly
recommended them to the "conquerors.*' Of course,
the Indians who thus associated themselves with the
Spanish troops, were among the vilest and most de-
praved of the Peruvian population. The recent acts of
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 253
Fizarro, (as Quintana remarks,) had won for him and
his countrymen the unqualified abhorrence of all the
inhabitants of the land, except those of the lowest
grade and the most infiunous character.* Aware that
such a feeling prevailed throughout this extensive
and populous country, Fizarro saw that some new ex-
pedient was required to protect himself from the just
resentment of an exasperated people. After the murder
of Atahuallapa, he had detained as a hostage one of that
Inca's principal officers, named Chalcukima, a brave and
good man, who was much beloved and venerated by
the Peruvians. The commander hoped, therefore, that
the people would be kept quiet by their apprehensions
for this excellent man's safety, and he made Chalcukima
understand that he would be put to death at the first
appearance of an outbreak. The valorous chieftain
listened to this terrible threat with scornful composure ;
and Pizarro began to suspect that some other pledge
was necessary to make his advance to the capital safe, or
even possible. In this emergency he had recourse to
the creation of a new Inca, one who might maintain
some authority over the Peruvians, and at the same
time be subject to the control of the Spaniards. A son
of the murdered Inca was selected for this purpose.
His right to the succession was thus acknowledged by
the very men who had charged the fitther with usurpa-
tion and sentenced him to death partly on that account.
* Quintana': "Life of Pizarro," Eng. Trans., p. 214.
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254 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
The newly elected monarch, a sickly youth called
Topaxpa, submitted himself implicitly to Pizarro's direc-
tions. He went with the Spaniards, more like a
prisoner than a king, and called on the people to ac-
knowledge the right of his keepers to conmiit their
devastations unmolested. But the sun of Peruvian
royalty had set forever, and this parhelion of Pizarro's
manufacture was justly r^aided as a delusive and
evanescent meteor. In fact, the unfortunate youth died
as soon as Pizairo discovered that his life could not be
made serviceable to the Christians.
By the addition of Almagro's party and other rein-
forcements, the Spaniards were now enabled to muster
nearly five hundred men, exclusively of the Indian
renegades who had joined them with the hope of par-
ticipating in their plunder. Pizarro left Caxamalca,
whose ground he had saturated with guiltless blood, in
September, 1533, and proceeded toward the capital,
by the royal road of the Incas. The Spaniards traveled
for several days through the charming valleys of Guay-
madiuco, meeting with no opposition from the people
of this region, who, dwelling as they did in the tranquil
recesses of the Sierra, were so little acquainted with
the usages of war, that the appearance of the armed
strangers excited no feelings but those of curiosity and
admiration. In this part of their journey the troops
of Pizarro were discreetly pacific; the presence of De
Soto always restrained them from ruflSanly violence;
but without that check, their cowardice would have
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 255
prevented them from indulgmg their inclinations for
rapine, while the chances of meeting with an active
enemy were so numerous. When they reached the
district of Audamarca, they received information that a
lai^ body of Indians was posted, in a well-chosen
position, at no great distance ahead. The object of this
array was, unquestionably, to dispute their passage.
This intelligence caused Fizarro to halt; a counsel of
officers was held; and De Soto, who was always allowed
by the commander to take precedence in any circum-
stances of danger, was requested to advance with the
vanguard, while Fizarro himself followed more slowly
with the remainder of the army and the baggage. De
Soto, with about one hundred horsemen, advanced rapidly
along the level road, which, as we have mentioned
elsewhere, was paved with large and substantial flag-
stones, strongly cemented together. The clatter of the
horses' hoofs on this solid turnpike seems to have pro-
duced a feeling of consternation among the hostile
Indians, who retired and left the Spaniards in undis-
puted possession of the road. Almagro, with two
hundred footmen, followed as closely as possible in the
track of De Soto's cavalry, but the speed with which the
latter moved soon carried them &r in advance of all
their countrymen. They were alone and unsupported,
therefore, when they entered the village of Xauxa,
where a large Indian force was posted on the further
bank of a river which runs through the midst of the
valley. This river had been much swollen by the dis-
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266
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
solving snow on the mountains, and, as the bridge had
been carried away by the impetuous torrent, the Peru-
vians flattered themselves that their position was safe
jfrom the attack of the Spaniards. They began, there-
fore, to insult the horsemen with opprobrious and defiant
language, using the terms villains, robbers, and mur-
derers with much jfreedom ; and, to confess the truth.
DE SOTO AND HIS CAVALRY SWIMMING THE RIVER
with no great impropriety. They were silenced and
astonished, however, when De Soto ordered his troopers
to plunge, man and horse, into the rushing and foaming
waters, which the Peruvians had vainly supposed to be an
impassable barrier. Before the cavalry could cross the
dark and rapid stream, many of the people who were lately
80 vociferous in their threats and invectives, took to
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 257
jBight. Some few remained, however, and fought with
a determination which excited the admiration of their
enemies, and proved that they wanted nothing but dis-
cipline and suitable weapons to make them formidable
antagonists. This Spartan band soon perished under
the irresistible broadnswords of the Spanish troopers.
We regret to have it to say that De Soto then permitted
his men to plunder the temple of Xauxa, jfrom which a
large quantity of gold and silver was obtained. like
other Spanish soldiers of the Cross, he deemed it a sin
of omission, perhaps, to refrain from the pillage of a
pagan shrine.
Finding his path once more unobstructed, De Soto
pushed forward, evidently disposed to open the way to
Cuzco, without the assistance of his tardy and irresolute
commander. It is a remarkable &ct, and one which
admits of no denial, that every important military move-
ment of the Spaniards in Peru, until the final subjugation
of the empire by the capture of the metropolis, was con-
ducted by De Soto. Up to the time to which our narra-
tive now refers, Pizarro had never fought a single battle
which deserved the name. The bloody tragedy of Caxa-
malca, it will be remembered, was only a massacre, the
contrivance and execution of which required no military
skill and no soldier-like courage. Pizarro may be com-
pared with that Danish usurper of dramatic celebrity,
"Who from a shelf the precioas diadem stole."
He acquired the mastery of Peru by the act of a male-
17
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268 LIFE OP PERDINAKD DB SOTO,
fector; and lie was in fitct a thief^ and not a conqueror.
The heroic element of this conquest is represented by
the actions of Ferdinand de Soto.
While this truly brave soldier was fighting his way
to the capital, Fizarro relapsed into his old habits, and
began to plunder the villages with as much dili-
gence as if that were the sole object of his expedition
This most imprudent, as well as scoundrel-like conduct,
exposed the whole body of Spaniards to imminent dan-
ger of annihilation. The forces, instead of advancing
in compact order, as the circumstances required, were
widely separated. De Soto and his party were far
ahead^ and they soon became entangled in the rugged
passes of the mountain, where horses could scarcely
travel and would be absolutely useless in battle.
Instead of moving on to sustain De Soto in this hazard-
ous position, Pizarro, with the main body of his troops,
was engaged in robbing the dwelling-houses which hap-
pened to be situated near the road. At the same time,
the priest Vincent, alias Valverde, became infected with
an unseasonable fit of iconoclastic zeaL He accompanied
the Spanish soldiers, or robbers, into the rural temples,
and with his own apostolic hands pulled down the images
of the Sun which were used by the Peruvians — ^not to
worship— but as visible emblems or representatives of
the Divine Nature.*
* See the remarks relative to the Peruvian religion in our Twelfth
chapter.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 259
While Pizarro and the priest were absorbed in these
congenial and professional occupations, Almagro, who
had advanced much further along the road, sent back
a messenger to inform the commander that the Indians
had mustered in great strength, and would probably
attack De Soto at some advantageous point in the pas-
sage of the mountains. But even this urgent appeal
did not make Fizarro hasten to the support of his van-
guard; although, (as Quintana tells us,) ^^the danger of
De Soto and his horsemen filled the mind of the com-
mander with wrath as well as anxiety." Here was a
fine opportunity to give scope to his virtuous indigna-
tion by hurrying onward and assisting De Soto to
chastise the insolent enemy. But our readers must be
aware, by this time, that Pizarro's "tra furiosa^^ seldom
conducted him to any deed of noble daring. In the
case now under consideration, his angry passion dis-
charged itself on an unoffending and defenseless object.
He affected to believe that his prisoner and hostage,
the brave and virtuous Peruvian general Chalcukima,
had found means of communication with his coimtry-
men, and instigated them to defend their chief city
against the Spaniards. He charged Chalcukima with
this " treason,'* and the noble chieftain heard the accusa-
tion with his habitual tranquillity. His characteristic
answer was: "If it had been possible for me to com-
municate with the people, I should certainly have
advised them to do their duty to their country, without
any regard for my personal safety. But you well know
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260 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
that the vigilance with which you have guarded me
has prevented me from making any communication of
the kind. I am sorry that it has not been in my power
to be guilty of the fiict with which you charge me/'
This defense, obviously truthful as it was, was suffi-
cient of itself to bring him to the stake. Besides, it is
said that Pizarro hated him, because he had won five
battles for Atahuallapa; and the Peruvians believed that
if he had been at Caxamalca at the time the Spaniards
arrived, the capture of the Inca and the butchery of
the people would have been prevented. Chalcukima
was sentenced to be burned. He was accompanied to
the stake by Father Vincent, "who painted in gloomy
colors the dreadful doom of the unbeliever, to whom the
waters of baptism alone could secure the ineffable
glories of Paradise.*' The victim coldly answered: "I
do not imderstand your religion, and all that I have
seen of it does not prepossess me in its fevor.'* He
bore his tortures with inflexible resolution, and died
invoking the name of Pachacamac.*
In the meanwhile, De Soto, though aware of the
danger and almost certain destruction which would
attend a conflict with the enemy in the narrow passes
of the Sierra, continued to press forward. The great
national road of the Peruvians, on which he was now
marching, was altogether unfitted for horse-conveyance,
as these people had no beasts of burden except vicu&as,
"t" Ped. Sancho: Rel. ap Ramosio, Tom. in., Fol. 406.
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DISCOVERER OP T H E . MI SSI SSIPPI. 261
or Peruvian sheep. The ascent of the mountain was
effected by means of steps cut in the rock, which
afforded a very difficult and insecure foothold for the
horses, and made it necessary for the cavaliers to dis-
mount and lead, or almost drag, their quadrupeds up
this perilous staircase. Cliffs, inaccessible from the
road, projected over the heads of the Spaniards, and
suggested to their apprehensions the disastrous con-
sequences of an attack from those elevated and unap-
proachable ramparts, which Nature herself seemed to
have intended for the defense of the country. For
awhile it seemed that the Indians had overlooked their
best opportunity to repulse the invaders, for De Soto had
been permitted to pass through a long defile without
meeting with any resistance. But at a rough and difficult
pass in the Sierra of Vilcaconga, several thousand Peru-
vians had posted themselves, laid in provisions, and
fortified their position as skillfully as their knowledge
of the art of war would permit. But little fortification
was necessary in a place which Nature had made almost
impregnable. Observing their own advantages, and the
great difficulties under which the Spaniards labored, the
natives considered their enemies as already conquered.
Raising their war-cries, they attacked the Castilians
fiercely with darts, slings, arrows and wooden cimeters
and in all their actions showed a determination to
conquer or die. The Spanish troopers recoiled at the
sight of so great a multitude in that formidable position,
which they had had the sagacity to select. De Soto,
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262 LIFE OP PEJIDINAND DE SOTO,
seeing that many of his followers were discouraged by
the desperate resistance and vastly superior numbers
of the enemy, used every possible effort to keep them
in order, and encourage them to move onwanL **It
suits us not," cried he, "to halt here, and if we attempt
to go backward, we are certainly lost. While we
hesitate, the difficulty and danger must increase every
moment, for the enemy will become emboldened, and
will multiply in numbers. On the contrary, by prompt
action we can easily put these men to flight ; for we
have proved by experience that they cannot stand
before our weapons and our horses. Follow me !"
Having thus addressed his men, he spurred his horse
up the steep acdivity on which the Indians were sta-
tioned ; his soldiers followed, and in the obstmate and
sanguinary struggle which ensued, the Spaniards fought
like heroic veterans, and the Indians like infuriated
tigers. The Peruvians weU knew that they were now
fighting their last battle in defense of their domestic
altars, the sepulchres of their ancestors, and the temples
of their gods. They were aware that this conflict would
decide the &te of their nation ; that it would either free
them forever from their merciless oppressors, or leave
them in perpetual bondage to a race of men whom they
hated and feared more than the demons of their
mythology. No wonder that their resistance was
obstinate and their courage invincible. Although the
Spanish horsemen were protected by defensive armor.
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DISCOYEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 263
many of them were killed by the defective weapons
of the PeruYians. On the other hand, the slaughter
of the natives was terrifia Hundreds were pierced by
the lances, or cut down by the swords of the Castilians,
and many more were trampled to death under the armed
hoo& of the horses. The combatants were separated, at
last, by the darkness of night, made still darker by
the overhanging rocks which surrounded the scene of
conflict
At the commencement of the battle, De Soto had
sent messengers to make his situation known to Pizarro
and Almagro. Hours had now elapsed but no succor
had arrived. During the night, the Spaniards and
Peruvians were posted within musket shot of each
other ; and the exulting shouts of the natives, who ap-
peared to be confident of victory, were distinctly heard
through the hours of darkness by the Castilian soldiers.
They did not require these depressing sounds to make
their situation uncomfortable. De Soto himself experi-
enced some painiuL anxiety, when he reflected on all
the difficulties of his position; and in his own mind he
severely censured his countrjrmen for leaving him
thus exposed to the overwhelming force of the enemy.
At the approach of daylight the Indians were under
arms, and prepared to renew the attack. De Soto
encouraged his men with assurances of victory which he
himself could not realize; and while the Spaniards
waited in momentary expectation of the assault, the
sound of a Castilian trumpet was heard echoing among
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264
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the cavernous recesses of the granite cliffs, and an-
nouncing the arrival of aid and deUverance.
The day had scarcely dawned when Almagro, with
two hundred foot-soldiers, whose coming had been
announced by the welcome sound just mentioned, joined
forces with De Soto. The Indians were astonished to
find that the number of their antagonists was trebled;
yet they withstood the assault of the Spaniards with
unabated resolution, and by fer the larger number of
them perished on the field of battle. The Spaniards
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 265
were wearied with the work of slaughter before the
contest was finished ; but De Soto, to whom Ahnagro
yielded the command of the combined forces, finally
succeeded in driving the natives from their rocky in-
trenchments into an open and level piece of ground,
where they were all dispersed or put to the sword.
This was the most important battle ever fought by the
Spaniards in America. It finished the conquest of
Peru ; and the great dty of Cuzco, the capital of the
empire, was now at the mercy of the conquerors.
The scene of this battle was about twenty-five miles
from the metropolis. As the mountain passes were
gained by the Spaniards, no effectual resistance could
now be expected from the natives. De Soto was inclined
to move on and take possession of the city; but at Alma-
gro's earnest request he consented to remam where he
was and await the arrival of Pizarro.
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266 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXn.
BE SOTO FIQHTS ANOTHER BATTLE — HIS WONDERFUL PROWESS —
REMARKABLE FEAT OF HORSEMANSHIP-— ASTONISHMENT AND
SUBMISSION OF THE PERUVIAN QENBRAL — THE NATIVES
RETREAT TO OUSOO — THST SET FIRE TO THE CITT — DB SOTO
ENTERS THE CAPITAL — HE ENDEAVORS TO EXTINaUISH THE
CONFLAGRATION — ^ARRIVAL OF ALMAQRO AND PIZARRO — THE
COBCMANDER'S disappointment — ^INDIANS PUT TO THE TOR-
TURE— THEIR INVINCIBLE FORTITUDE— FATE OF THE CON-
QUERORS— ^ALMAQRO STRANGLED — HERNANDO PIZARRO IM-
PRISONED— FATHER .VINCENT ASSASSINATED— EXECUTION OF
FRANCISCO PIZARRO — DE SOTO RETURNS TO SPAIN — HIS INTER-
VIEW WITH ISABELLA — ^DEATH OF PEDRO DE AVILA. [a. D.
1584.]
The sluggish movements of Fizarro exposed the
whole army to new dangers, by giving the Peruvians
time to recover from the panic occasioned by their
recent defeat. Had De Soto and Almagro, after their
victory at Vilcaconga, proceeded without delay to the
capital, they would have met with no opposition on the
route, for the hostile Indians were dispersed, and their
consternation for awhile would not permit them to
risk another encounter with the Spaniards. But Alma-
gro's desire to give Pizarro an opportunity to partid-
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DISCOYEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 267
pate in the triumphant entry of the Castilians into
Cuzco, and the commander's inexcusable hesitation on
the road, gave the Indians time to recollect themselves;
and the consequence was, that De Soto and Almagro
were beset by another large body of Peruvians in the
valley of Xaquixaquama. Thus the imbecility of Pi-
zarro exposed his countrymen to the hazards of another
conflict with desperate enemies, who were more than
four times as numerous as the Castilians, and who had
the advantage of a battle ground which had been judici-
ously selected by themselves. Fizarro was a few miles
behind with the main body of the Spanish troops; and
De Soto, as soon as he saw that another engagement
was inevitable, sent back a horseman to make the com-
mander acquainted with the new difficulty. But
instead of coining, with his whole force, to the rescue
of his vanguard, Fizarro contented himself with sending
a small reinforcement under the command of his brother
Juan. To increase De Soto's troubles, some of his sub-
ordinate officers, and Almagro himself^ were unwiUing
to engage this formidable body of Peruvians until Fi-
zarro should come to their assistance; and it was even
suggested to De Soto that, in proceeding so rapidly, he
was acting without due authority, if not in direct
opposition to the commander's orders. To this De Soto
answered that it would be a great foUy to cease pursu-
ing a victory which God had put into their hands. He
said that soldiers sent to perform notable actions were
not tied down by the orders of their superiors, but were
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268 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
allowed to use their own discretion, if thereby a greater
advantage could be gained. ^^In this case," he ccm-
tinued, "the whole success of our enterprise depends on
the celerity of our movements. While we are waiting
for Pizarro, our best chances of victory may be lost."*
This military logic might admit of some question,
but it silenced the scruples of De Soto's followers, and
drew forth a unanimous declaration of their willing-
ness to march forward. De Soto took advantage of the
auspicious moment, and led the way into that obscure
and intricate ravine in which the enemy was posted.
By charging the Peruvians with their lances as well as
the nature of the ground would permit^ the Spaniards
succeeded at last in clearing the passage; though the
Indians fought with the same reckless determination
which they had shown at Vilcaconga. Before the
natives could be completely routed, however, they were
reinforced by another large body of Indians under the
command of a young Peruvian noble, who was said to
have some pretensions to the throne of the Inca. In
the meanwhile, De Soto, who was always foremost in
the hour of danger, had urged his charger through the
thickest ranks of the enemy. He now found himself
alone and surrounded by his Indian foes, while some of
the bravest of his countrymen were making ineffectual
efforts to come to his aid. A heap of dead men and
horses obstructed the road, presenting an insurmountable
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iii., Lib. x., Cap. 4.
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DISCOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 269
barrier to the troopers, whose quadrupeds could not be
forced through this mass of carnage. De Soto's horse
had cleared the mound of inanimate flesh at a single
DE SOTO FIGHTINQ TWENTY PERUVIANS.
leap; for, like the sea-bom steed of Perseus and BeUe-
rophon, he was scarcely less distinguished than his
rider for extraordinary and prodigious achievements. In
his isolated position, De Soto was opposed, single-
handed, to more than twenty Indians, who assailed him
on all sides with their battle-axes, javelins, arrows, and
copper clubs, the latter being armed with sharp-pointed
projections. To all of these weapons the defensive
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270 LIPE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
armor of the Spanish knight was impervious, while at
every sweep of his sharp and ponderous sword, one of
his antagonists at least, and sometimes two of them,
fell to the earth dead or desperately wounded.
The young Peruvian nobleman, who had led the
reinforcement from Cuzco, beheld the actions of De
Soto with grief and astonishment. At length, he
turned to his attendants and exclaimed : ^^ It is useless
to contend with such enemies! These men are destined
to be our masters.'' He then approached the Castilian
knight, and signified by gestures that he veas willing
to surrender. This act of submission on the part of
their leader, reduced the Peruvians to despair. The
battle instantly ceased, and many of the natives fled
toward the capital, calling on each other to bum the
temples, as the only means of saving them from the
ravages of their sacrilegious enemies. The young noble-
man who had submitted to De Soto, informed him that
the fiigitives were about to destroy the dty. With an
earnest desire to prevent the destruction of that ancient
and splendid metropolis, De Soto and Juan Pizarro,
with some of their fleetest horsemen, hastened forward,
hoping to arrive at Cuzco before any intelligence of
their approach could reach the inhabitants. But before
their arrival, the torch had been successfully applied in
various parts of the dty, the great Temple of the Sun
was stripped of its brilliant garniture, and all the public
treasures had been removed. All the population, except
those whom age or infirmity confined to their habita-
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DISCOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 271
tions, had taken to flight. De Soto, and the Spaniards
who were with him, endeavored to extinguish the
flames, which were now spreading in several quarters
of the city with fidghtM rapidity — ^the Indians, who
^^W^-"..
CUZCO ON FIRE.
accompanied them, remaining inactive, and beholding
the scene of devastation with stem composure.
While De Soto and his company were thus engaged,
their countrymen arrived in several different parties,
the first of which consisted of Almagro and his detach-
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272 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
.ment, and lastly came Francisco Fizarro, with the gang
of miscreants which always remained nearest to his
person. They came, like wolves or jackalls, to batten
on the prey which never could have been obtained by
their own courage and prowess. The disappointment
of Fizarro and his congenial associates, when they
found that the principal wealth of the dty had been
carried off by the Peruvians, vented itself in acts of
diabolical cruelty. They seized on the aged and sick
persons who had been unable to escape, and put many
of them to the torture, to make them confess where the
treasures of Cuzco were concealed. Either these unfor-
tunate people could not give the information reqidred,
or they had sufficient firmness to endure agony and
death rather than betray the consecrated treasures of
their national monuments and altars into the hands
of their enemies.
It was late in the month of November, 1633, when
the Spaniards took possession of Cuzco in the name
of the King of Castile. Though they did not obtain
all the booty which they expected to find in this great
city, the amount of the spoils was considerable. They
searched all the palaces, private dwelling-houses, and
tombs with such diligence, that their voracious avarice
was in some measure satisfied. After the King's fifth
was subtracted, the balance of the golden plunder was
divided into four hundred and eighty shares, the average
value of which was four thousand pesos-de-oro for
each man.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 273
It is a common remark among religious people, that
apparent misfortunes are often disguised blessings. The
converse of the proposition is equally true : these acci-
dents of fortune which we regard as the happiest events
of our lives, often prove to be the most disastrous. So
it was with these short-sighted Spaniards. We have
good reason to believe that the conquest of Peru was a
source of trouble and calamity to all who were con-
nected, in any way, with that enterprise. As soon
as De Soto left the country, which he did shortly after
the capture of Cuzco, the victors began to contend with
each other for the spoils. Almagro, after provoking a
war with the Pizarros, was taken prisoner, and subse-
quently strangled while in confinement. Hernando Pi-
zarro returned to Spain, where he was thrown into prison,
and remained there for many years. Gonzalo Pizarro
was beheaded by his own countrymen. The priest
Vincent, or Valverde, the spiritual adviser of Francisco
Pizarro, who gave his counsel and consent to many
of the most enormous crimes committed by that moral
monster, after enjoying the sinecure of conscience-
keeper to his patron for several years, was made Bishop
of Cuzco. In November, 1541, he went, with a con-
siderable number of Spaniards who had served under
Pizarro, to the island of Puna, where he and all his
companions were massacred by the Indians. On this
very island, in 1532, Pizarro, with Vincent's connivance,
had butchered the inhabitants ; and here it was that
the murderers slandered the Archangel Michael, by
18
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274 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
pretending that He assisted them in their bloody per-
formance. No angel interposed, however, when Vincent
and his fellow-assassins were about to be put to death
by the infidels.
Francisco Pizarro himself fell a sacrifice to the just
resentment of some of Almagro's soldiers. The felon
commander was assailed in his own palace, where he
had just finished his dinner, when the avengers entered.
All his servants and guests, except his half-brother,
Martinez de Alcantara, instantly fled and abandoned
him to his fete. His death-scene is minutely described
by Mr. Prescott and some others; but these accounts
are contradictory, and such of them as are intended to
make it appear that Pizarro died like a hero are obvi-
ously fictitious. Pizarro's brother, Alcantara, perished
with him. This brother was the only person who
attempted to strike a blow in the criminal's defense,
though the executioners made no secret of their design.
They performed their work at mid-day, entering the
palace with drawn weapons, and loudly proclaiming their
intention to "kill the tyrant." Quintana says : " No one
sallied forth to obstruct their progress; and though there
were upward of a thousand persons in the plaza, not one
opposed the design of the conspirators, but looked upon
them and permitted them to proceed, coldly remarking
one to another, 'These men are going to kill the
governor.' "
Thus, unpitied and unlamented, fell Francisco Pizarro ;
and it is only in the manner of his death that we find
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something to condemn. He should have died on the
gibbet, where many better men, and few worse ones,
have paid the just penalty of their misdeeds. And
such was the final doom of the most successful and
prosperous conquerors that the world ever knew ! At a
trivial cost they acquired the mastery of one of the
greatest empires upon earth, for it is probable that
not more than twenty Spaniards perished in the accom-
plishment of this grand object. Their spoils, so easily
and quickly obtained, exceeded in magnificence the
golden harvests of Sesostris and Attila, reaped in a
thousand fields of slaughter and with many years of
labor and suffering. Yet all that the Spaniards gained
by their American victories was individual and national
ruin. Few, even among the most fortunate of those
who took a part in the spoliation of Peru, carried home
any evidences of their success ; and all who did so, are
supposed to have dissipated their ill-gotten riches in
riotous living, or in various unfortunate speculations.
Ferdinand de Soto returned to Spain with not less
than half a million of doUars; part of which was his
share of Atahuallapa's ransom ; but a stiU larger portion
was obtained firom the spoils of Cuzco, When we have
followed this fortunate cavalier to the end of his story,
we shall be enabled to decide how fer he was really
blessed by the magnitude of his acquisitions. De Soto
must have left Peru about the beginning of the year
1634. The last account we have of his presence in that
country represents him as endeavoring to compose the
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276 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
dissensions among his co-laborers. His prudent coun-
sels kept his wolfish countrymen from rending each
other while he remained among them ; but soon after
his departure, the fections of Almagro and Pizarro broke
out into open warfare, in the course of which all who
had taken the most conspicuous parts in the subjugation
of the country, lost their lives as well as their property.
We have no particular account of De Soto's voyage
to Spain, but the splendid appearance he made at the
Spanish court, and the flattering reception he met with
from the emperor, Charles V., are matters of historical
celebrity. Before he sought the sunshine of Royal favor,
however, he hastened to oflFer his devotions at the shrine
of beauty; for it appears that sixteen years of banish-
ment could not make him forget the object of his youth-
ful adoration. Indeed, the unchanging attachment of
De Soto for Isabella de Bovadilla will appear to be one
of the most marvelous incidents of his history, when we
consider that this passion began in his days of boyhood,
and endured, in the absence of its object, to the ripe age
of thirty-five years. But if we axe surprised at De
Soto's constancy, we must acknowledge that the stability
of Isabella's affection is still more wonderM, as it is
scarcely reconcilable with the proverbial fickleness of
her sex.
During the long separation of these exemplary lovers,
many important changes had taken place. Time and
sorrow had somewhat dimmed the lustre of Isabella's
beauty ; but she was still " the fidrest among ten thou-
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sand," and De Soto was too deeply enamored and too
justly appreciative to value her the less because the rose
had partially &ded from her cheek.
Don Pedro de Avila, Isabella's fether, died while De
Soto was in Peru. Toward the close of his life, while
suffering under the combined tortures of bodily disease
and remorse of conscience, he began to grow penitent
and to seek the consolations of the Church. His sins
were numerous, and the work of repentance was pro-
portionately onerous; that is to say, expensive. The
ecclesiastics, to whom he applied for counsel, assured
him that nothing less than a very large outlay of money
could afford him any prospect of a happy futurity. In
accordance with this disinterested advice, he devoted a
considerable part of his fortune to the endowment of a
monastic institution, of which his eldest daughter Maria
afterward became abbess. This lady, it wiU be remem-
bered, was betrothed to Vasco Nufiez de Balboa, a short
time before that unhappy adventurer was put to death
by the &ther of his affianced bride. Whether De
Avila's excessive liberality to the church was accepted
as an expiatory sacrifice is a matter beyond our research;
but we are informed that his compunctious generosity
was ruinous to the worldly interests of his family. Isa-
bella, moreover, had never been forgiven by her fether
for her pertinacious attachment to De Soto, for whom,
to the last moment of his life, De Avila cherished
feelings of unrelenting enmity. Owing to these various
causes, the inheritance of Isabella fell far short of all
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reasonable expectation ; so that with respect to fortune,
the relative positions of the two lovers seemed to have
been reversed.
But the time had come when all obstacles to the
union of De Soto and Isabella had disappeared. He
had won the prize ; and, as the reader may have observed,
great sacrifices of feeling and principle had been re-
quired for the attainment of this object. To the observa-
tion of men, he was how one of the most prosperous
and happy of human beings, though he had leagued
himself with malefectors and partaken of the guilty
earnings of rapacious violence. Apparently, he had
escaped the retribution which had fallen so heavily on
others. But man, who can discern nothing beyond the
present moment, must not presume to question the
impartiality of Divine justice, the purposes and decrees
of which may lie concealed in the dark shadows of
futurity.
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CHAPTER XXIII.
DE SOTO'S FAME AND POPULARITY — HIS SPLENDID STYLE OF
LIVING — HE RESOLVES TO ENGAGE IN A NEW ENTERPRISE —
A NEW EL DORADO — DE SOTO PLANS AN EXPEDITION TO
FLORIDA — GREAT PREPARATIONS — PUBLIC EXCITEMENT — THE
EXPEDITION LEAVES SPAIN — DE SOTO BECOMES A YOUNG
lady's GUARDIAN — THE EXPEDITION ARRIVES AT CUBA —
DE SOTO ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ISLAND —
GRAND TOURNAMENT — A STRANGE LOVE AFFAIR — DE SOTO'S
WARD IS SEDUCED^HIS RESENTMENT — HE CHALLENGES THE
SEDUCER— HOW THE AFFAIR WAS COMPROMISED, [a. D. 1534-
1538.]
The feme of Ferdinand de Soto's exploits in America
had been wafted over the broad Atlantic long before the
cavalier himself returned to the land of his nativity.
At that time it was well understood in Spain that De
Soto was the real hero of the Peruvian war; for the
imbecile character of Pizarro was notorious among his
cotemporaries. The time of his apotheosis had not yet
arrived. Report said that in tournament or battle De
Soto was more than a match for any ten cavaliers in
the Christian army. His celebrity was of that kind
which could most powerfully recommend him to the
Spanish people of all classes, and he was undoubtedly
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280 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the most popular man in the kingdom. The spoils
of* the murdered Inca enabled him to make a splendid
figure at Court, and his style of living was as ostenta-
tious as might have been expected of one whose worldly
condition had been so suddenly changed from poverty
to wealth. The Portuguese narrator informs us that
he kept "a steward, a gentleman-usher, several pages,
a gentleman of the horse, a chamberlain, footman,
and all other officers that the house of a nobleman
requires."* He purchased a handsome mansion in
Seville, and was married soon after to Donna Isabella.
As a reward for the services which he had rendered the
crown, the king bestowed on him the title of marquis ;
and, (as a further proof of Royal favor), borrowed from
him a considerable sum of money.f He and Donna
Isabella were received at Court with the most flattering
attentions. De Soto was " the man whom the king
deUghted to honor," and all the nobility of the land
ambitiously sought his acquaintance and friendship.
But it does not appear that prosperity and the society
of the great made any improvement in his moral diarac-
ter. He acquired that taste for extravagance and dis-
play which, if not a vice in itself^ is excessively vitiating
in its tendency. The expensive style of living which
De Soto had adopted could not be sustained for a very
long time without replenishing his coflFers. His wealth
* PortugQese Narration, Ch. 1
t Port. Narr^ Loc. cit.
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was ample but not inexhaustible; and some of our
republican compatriots, who have no pretensions to live
like noblemen, could testify that it is possible to dis-
sipate half a million of dollars in a very short career
of luxurious indulgence. We have hinted above that
Isabella had been almost disinherited by her fether;
her marriage-portion, therefore, added but little to her
husband's pecuniary resources. After a residence of
two years at Seville, De Soto discovered that more than
half of his princely estate had been scattered to the
winds; and now that foresight, for which he was
generally remarkable, taught him the necessity of mak-
ing a good " investment" of the moiety of his fortune
which still remained.
As a military gamester, willing to stake his life for
the chance of obtaining gold, he had, in one instance,
been eminently successful; and a fortunate gambler of
any class never shrinks from the hazards of the game.
De Soto resolved to embark once more on that most
uncertain sea of speculative enterprise, which oflFers its
allurements to the military adventurer.
About this time, A. D. 1536, some of the Spaniards
began to entertain the beUef that there was a new El
Dorado situated in some part of that extensive region
called Florida. This name was appUed, without Umi-
tation, to the country extendmg northward from the
Gulf of Mexico, and westward from the shores of
the Atlantic. Much of the ground was, as yet, imex-
plored, and but imperfectly known to Europeans.
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282 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Several adventurers had undertaken to examine the
country; but, owing to caiises which will be explained
in the next chapter, every attempt of the kind had dis-
astrously fidled. In 1528, Pamphilo de Narvaez started
on an exploring expedition to Florida with three hun-
dred men, of whom only five escaped to declare how
their captain and their comrades had miserably perished.
One of these survivors was Cabe9a de Vaca, Pamphilo's
treasurer, who returned to Spain in 1536, and published
an accoimt of the Expedition * This unfortunate gen-
tleman endeavored to establish the credibility of his
narrative by swearing to the truth of it before a magis-
trate, but in spite of this powerful attestation, we are
compelled to reject two-thirds of his stories as fictions
very imskillfully constructed. But at that time, the
means of detecting his £sdsehoods did not exist; and, as
his accounts of the treasures of Florida were acceptable
and gratifying to the Spaniards, he foimd many believers
among them. Indeed there was nothing intrinsically
improbable in his representations; for why should
Florida not produce gold and silver as well as Mexico
and Peru?
From all ficcoimts received in Spain, it appeared that
the exploration and conquest of Florida would be
attended with much greater dangers than those which
has been encountered by Cortez and Pizarro. It was
the good fortune of each of these conquerors to meet
* Naofragios de AWar Nufies de Cabe^a de Vaca.
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with an artless and unwarlike people, who could be
defrauded or subdued with very little trouble. But the
Moridan Indians were of a different constitution; for
their invaders had found that they were both subtle and
ferocious; and, thus far, every eflfort to subdue them
had been abortive.
To De Soto the subjugation of these people appeared
to be an undertaking worthy of his military talents.
He believed, with a majority of his countrymen, that
the mineral wealth of Florida was immense; he doubted
not that the land would amply remunerate its con-
querors; and the very dangers which attended the inva-
sion of the country, was an additional inducement for
him to undertake the enterprise. He hoped, at last, to
find "foemen worthy of his steel," and expected to add
new lustre to his reputation by overcoming a people
whom several able captains had £sdled to conquer.
De Soto applied to the King for permission to carry
out this bold design, and proposed to imdertake the con-
quest of Florida at his own expense. This part of the
scheme was very agreeable to his majesty; who, with
true mercantile sagacity, was willing to share the profits
of the enterprise without furnishing any of the required
capital But as it is easier for kings to reward merit
with honors than with money, he was very liberal in
bestowing titles on the brave adventurer, whom he
made "Governor of the Island of Cuba," and "Adelan-
tado or President of Florida." As soon as it was under-
stood that Ferdinand de Soto was about to imdertake a
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284 LIFE OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
new expedition to America, many Spanish cavaliers
were ambitious to enroll themselves among his followers.
Several young gentlemen who had formerly served with
him in Peru, and with whose good soldiership he was
well acquainted, were selected by him as subordinate
officers. One of these, named Nunar de Tobar, be-
came his lieutenant-GeneraL Luis de Moscoso was
Camp-Master; and Juan de Anasco was appointed Con-
tador or Royal Accountant. The duty of the last-named
officer was to keep an accoimt of the plimder, and to
take care that one fifth of it should be duly appro-
priated to the use of the King.
The briUiant military reputation of De Soto and the
dazzling prospects of fame and booty which this enter-
prise promised to all who were brave and unscrupulous
enough to engage in it, brought in more recruits, of all
classes, than the undertaking required. Some young
men of moderate fortune sold all their estate, real and
personal, to equip themselves for the voyage. All the
noble and ignoble vagabonds of the coimtry were ready
to enlist in an adventure which not only promised to be
glorious and profitable in a worldly sense, but likewise
held out an assurance of those unfading wreaths and
heavenly treasures to which these soldiers of the Cross
were presumed to be entitled. It is a notable circum-
stance that the Church was well represented in De
Soto's army; for no less than twelve priests, eight
clergymen of inferior rank, and four monks, were
engaged to accompany the expedition.
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A certain cavaKer named Balthazar de Gallegos, who
had proved his devotion to the cause by selhng all he
possessed to defray the expenses of his outfit, received
from De Soto the appointment of Alguazil Mayor.
This ardent soldier was obliged to take his wife with
him to the New World, as he had disposed of all his
property, and the poor woman had nothing left for her
maintenance at home. But the general anxiety of the
Spanish cavaUers to signalize themselves in America
was now rivalled by the miUtary ardor of a party of
Portuguese hidalgos, who came to Seville with no
other object than to enlist themselves under the ban-
ners of our renowned hero. One of these magnanimous
volunteers afterward became the historian of the enter-
prise; and to him the world is indebted for the most
reliable and complete accoimt we have of De Soto's
adventures in that territorv which now constitutes
.»
several of our Southern and Western States.
Six hundred men, besides the officers and the clergy,
were enlisted for this service. It was the most con-
siderable force that Spain ever fitted out to extend
her dominion in the Western Hemisphere, and it was
expected that the results would be of proportionable
magnitude. The bustle of preparation seemed to throw
the whole kingdom oflf its balance. From Court to
cottage, the universal topics of conversation were
Florida and De Soto ; the Land of Flowers and the
Flower of Chivalry. The Spaniards of that day, like
our own countrymen of the present time, were subject
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286 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
to spasms of unhealthy excitement. Their enthusiasm,
in many cases, became a sort of epidemic mania or
infetuation. In the instance to which we now refer,
their imAaginations had transformed Florida to Fairy
Land, and De Soto to a fiiultless hero of romance!
The feverish irritation of the Spanish public in rela-
tion to this Floridan enterprise was induced, in a great
measure, by the misrepresentations of that perjured
bookmaker, Cabe9a de Vaca, mentioned above as one
of the survivors of Pamphilo's expedition. The sad
eflFects of this man's fictitious statements should admon-
ish some of our American authors and bibliopolists,
that a great moral error may be committed, and very
deplorable mischiefe may be produced, by disseminating
false information among the people. During the preva-
lence of the " Florida fever" in Spain, many people who
were in comfortable circumstances sacrificed all their
property and all their prospects of earthly happiness for
the purpose of joining De Soto's expedition.
More than a year was consumed in making prepara-
tions for the voyage ; but in the early part of April,
1538, all things were in readiness for the grand emprise,
and the whole company, consisting of twenty officers,
twenty-four ecclesiastics, and six hundred common sol-
diers, embarked in ten ships at San Lucar.* The depart-
ure of this great armament was witnessed by many thou-
* The number of vessels, as stated by Garcilapso, is probably
exaggerated.
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sands of people, some of whom came from distant
places to behold the glorious spectacle.^ The largest
of the ships was occupied by the commander, with his
family and attendants. Donna Isabella had determined
to accompany her husband as far as Havana. De Soto
i-Mt'^^'^F^^
DE SOTO SETS SAIL FROM SPAIN TO CONQUER FLORIDA.
and his lady were both exemplary in their conjugal
relations ; and the strength of their mutual attachment
would not allow them to endure the thought of another
long separation.
On the 21st day of April, the fleet arrived at Gomera,
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288 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
one of the Canary islands, the governor of which. Count
Gomera, entertained them in the most friendly and hos-
pitable manner. This count had several ill^timate
daughters, one of whom, named Leonora, was a beautiful
girl of seventeen. She was dearly beloved by her &ther,
who designed to make her his heiress. Wishing to place
this young lady under the virtuous instructions of
Donna Isabella, the count proposed that she should
become one of that lady's attendants. The beauty and
modesty of Leonora strongly recommended her to Isa-
bella's fevor, and the proposal of Count Gomera, there-
fore, met with immediate acceptance. In a private
conversation with De Soto, Count Gomera informed
him that Leonora was the ofEspring of an illicit amour,
and lest the mother's frailty should descend to the
daughter, he wished the latter to be guarded, with
the utmost care, from every corrupting influence. In
reply to this confidential discourse of Gomera, De Soto
gave a solemn pledge that the young lady's welfare
should demand the same attention from himself and
his wife as though she were their own child. "And 1
swear," added De Soto, " that the man who injures her
in word or deed shall be accounted my deadliest foe, and
I will make him responsible with his life."
The count provided some additional supplies of pro-
visions for De Soto's ships, for which he reftised to
receive any recompense. On the 24th of April, the
fleet again set sail, and after a voyage distinguished by
no remarkable event, De Soto and his company arrived
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at St, lago de Cuba, on the 28th of May. The Spanish
inhabitants of Cuba welcomed their new governor with
every demonstration of joy. The citizens of St. lago
formed a grand procession, and came out to receive him
Avith flying-colors and martial music; they escorted De
Soto and his company into the dty where suitable
quarters had been prepared for their accommodation.
For several days, nothing was thought of but feasting
and Tejoidng. As a suitable compliment to the gov-
ernor's chivalric celebrity, a grand tournament was
projected by the citizens. De Soto presided at this
entertainment; but as no one could compete with him
in the exercises of knighthood, he considerately refrained
from entering the lists. The prizes of victory in several
contests with sword and lance were borne away by
Nuno de Tobar, De Soto's lieutenant-general and most
confidential friend. This cavalier had distinguished
himself in Peru, where he had gained the esteem
of his present commander, and for many years the
intimacy of De Soto and Tobar had been of the most
confiding and fraternal character.
Dorma Isabella, with Leonora and her other attend-
ants, were among the spectators of the tournament.
The fair daughter of Count Gomera was deeply inter-
ested in the display ; but, among all the gay cavaliers
who took a part in the passage-of-arms, the victorious
Nuno de Tobar attracted her chief attention. This
puissant knight was affected in a similar way by Leo-
nora's beauty, and mutual admiration soon ripened into
10
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290 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
love. Means of communication were fomid ; Leonora
eluded the vigilance of her guardians, and Tobar forgot
the obligations he owed to his friend Forgetting
that the yoimg lady had been placed under De Soto's
protection, he used all his arts to seduce her. In this
he succeeded at last, but little did he suspect what risks
and penalties would be incurred by his transgression.
It is probable that the priest to whom Leonora con-
fessed, violated his implied contract with the penitent,
by making the governor acquainted with her fault
Certain it is that the whole truth soon came to De
Soto's knowledge. The wrathful commander imme-
diately sent for his lieutenant; and when the latter came
into his presence, he sternly demanded whether the in-
formation he had received was true. Tobar, who was
not aware of the weighty oflFense that had been given,
acknowledged his crime with littie hesitation, expecting,
perhaps, to receive a slight reprimand from his frowning
judge. Great must have been his astonishment, how-
ever, when De Soto declared he had made a solenm en-
gagement to protect Leonora at the hazard of his own
life, and that he had pledged himself to take vengeance
for any wrong that might be done to her while she re-
mained under his protection. "Our long friendship,"
he continued, " cannot interfere with my obvious duty
in this unhappy affair. To-morrow morning you must
accompany me to a convenient place outside of the dty,
where I will give you an opportunity to defend the life
which you have justly forfeited." To this Tobar
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aoswered: — ^''I have not committed a capital crime; and
if I had done so, I should not expect your Excellency to
become my executioner. I know that it is impossible
for me to contend with you in single combat, and I wiU
not expose myself to certain destruction by accepting
your challenge.'^ — "Do not flatter yourself that your
crime is of trivial importance," replied De Soto; "and
do not imagine that you can evade the consequences by
refusing to meet them like a man. To say nothing of
the injury you have done to this wretched girl, your
treachery to me deserves a traitor's punishment; choose,
therefore, whether you will act like a soldier or suffer
like a criminaL"
Tobar had seen men put to death by Spanish governors
for smaller feults than those which were now laid to his
charge. Knowing De Soto's character too well to waste
time in vain expostulations, he withdrew, therefore, with
a prudent determination to repair the damage he had
done, by making Leonora his lawful wife. The marriage
ceremony was performed by one of the priests attached
to the expedition; and, within less than an hour after
he had parted from De Soto, the bridegroom returned to
inform the governor that due reparation had been made.
De Soto answered: "You have saved your life by this
expedient, but the place you have lost in my confidence
and esteem can never be regained. You are no longer
my lieutenant; that office must be filled by one who has
never given me any reason to doubt his honor and
fideUty."
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292 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
One of De Soto's peculiarities was inflexible severity
in the punishment of ofienders. He made no allowances
for human frailty; and when he administered justice, no
contrition on the part of the criminal, and no act of
atonement could obtain any remission of the penalty.
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CHAPTER XXIV.
HERNANDO PONCE ARRIVES AT HAVANA — HOW HE BECAME
INDEBTED TO DE SOTO — HIS ATTEMPT TO DEFRAUD — HE
CONCEALS HIS TREASURES — DE SOTO FINDS THEM — GENEROUS
BEHAVIOR OF DE SOTO — INGRATITUDE AND BASE CONDUCT
OF HERNANDO PONCE — NUNO DE TOBAR'S PROJECTS OF
REVENGE — DISCOVERIES IN FLORIDA — EXPEDITION OF PONCE
DE LEON — HIS SEARCH FOR THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH — EXPE-
DITION OF VASQUEZ DE AYLLON — HIS MISFORTUNES AND
DEATH — EXPEDITIONS OF GIOVANNI DE VERAZANNO AND OF
PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ — PAMPHILO'S DEFEAT BT THE
INDIANS — HE IS DRIVEN FROM THE COUNTRY, AND PERISHES
BY SHIPWRECK — ^FEROCITY OF THE INDIANS ACCOUNTED FOR.
[A. D. 1538.]
Considering that enough time had been spent in
sports and festivities, Governor De Soto bade adieu to
his cordial and convivial friends in St. lago, and pro-
ceeded to Havana, from which port he intended to sail
directly to Florida. While they remained at Cuba, the
cavaliers of De Soto's party provided themselves with
horses, as the Spanish inhabitants had stocked the island
with these animals, many of which were of the finest
breeds. While the governor and his company were
waiting at Havana for a fair wind, a certain Hernando
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Ponce arrived at that dty in a vessel from Nombre de
Dios, on the Isthmus of Panama. This Ponce had
served under Pizarro in Peru; he never distinguished
himself as a soldier, but he had made himself useful to
some of the cavaliers by taking charge of their booty and
suppljdng them with such sums of money as they re-
quired, provided they were willing to submit to his
usurious exactions. In short, he was a sort of military
banker or broker, and he managed his business so suc-
cessfrdly that he gained more by his cunning than many
others did by their valor. This enterprising man was
deeply indebted to De Soto, who, just before he quitted
Peru, had left a large quantity of gold in the custody of
Hernando Ponce, and empowered him to collect certain
considerable sums which De Soto had loaned to his
brother officers.
Ponce was now en route for Spain, with the most
substantial evidences of his financiering abilities, con-
sisting of several large chests packed full of gold and
silver. When his vessel touched at Havana, he learned,
for the first time, that De Soto, to whom he was
accountable for many thousands of dollars, not only
resided in that city, but possessed power and authority
enough to enforce the liquidation of his claim. When
people have little inclination to pay their debts, every
delay increases their reluctance. Don Hernando Ponce
was more unwilling to make a settlement with De Soto
because several years had elapsed since the debt was
contracted. To save his treasure 6:0m any possible
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result of litigation, he conveyed it away from the vessel,
by night, and buried it in the sand, where he intended
to leave it until he was ready to depart from Havana.
DON HERNANDO PONCC BURYINa HIS TREASURE
Information of Ponce's maneuvers had reached De Soto,
and the latter appointed several men to keep a watch
on Ponce's ship. These spies saw the sailors carry off
two or three large coffers; and, suspecting some foul
play, they carefully observed the place where the sup-
posed treasures were concealed in the ground. When
these discoveries were communicated to the governor,
he sent persons to dig up the boxes and bring them to
his palace.
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296 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
On the following morning, Governor de Soto dis-
patched a messenger, with a polite request for his "old
friend, Don Hernando Ponce," to grant him the fiivor
of an interview. Ponce came and was sumptuously
entertained by the governor; to whom, after dinner, he
gave a long account of his troubles and losses, conclud-
ing with the declaration that he was about to return to
Spain, poorer, if possible, than he was before he left
that country. " I find then," answered De Soto, " that I
have been laboring under a misapprehension. Last
night, some of my people found several heavy chests;
and, as they were marked with your initials, I sup-
posed that they might possibly belong to you. But
what you have just told me, concerning your destitute
condition, convinces me that you cannot be the owner of
this property."
Ponce, who had indulged the hope that his treasure
was safely stowed away, now became very much agi-
tated, and earnestly requested the governor to show
him the chests. They were brought into the room by
De Soto's order, and Ponce, quite forgetfiil of his recent
declaration, produced his keys, imlocked the boxes and
satisfied himself that the contents had not been touched.
De Soto then severely reproved him for his dishonest
intentions and the disgraceful falsehood he had just
uttered. In conclusion, he said: "Take away your
goods, sir. If your own feelings do not prompt you to
do justice to your creditor, I will not compel you to
be honest, in spite of your nature and inclination."
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Ponce appeared to be touched by the governor's mag-
nanimous conduct. With some signs of compimction,
he asked De Soto's permission to make Donna Isabella
a present of ten thousand dollars. As this sum was
less than half of Ponce's debt, the governor allowed him
to make an exhibition of his generosity in the manner
proposed. Accordingly the money was. counted out by
Ponce and graciously accepted by the lady; and, when
this matter was arranged, the coffers were carried back
to Ponce's ship.
But the broker's conscience soon began to harass
him for parting with his dollars too easily; and while
these objects of his devotion remamed behind, he found
it impossible to tear himself away from the island. On
various pretenses, he postponed his departure; and,
about a week after De Soto and his soldiers had em-
barked for Florida, the afflicted Ponce applied to one of
the tribunals of Havana for a mandamt^ to compel
Donna Isabella to restore the ten thousand dollars;
alleging that they had not been paid as a just debt,
but as a peace-offering to prevent the governor from
stripping him of all his property. In answer to this
allegation, Donna Isabella produced the proo& of
Ponce's indebtedness to her husband, and called on the
court of justice to detain Ponce until De Soto should
return to prosecute his claim. The broker was not
disposed to meet the risks of the trial; he chose rather
to leave Donna Isabella in quiet possession of the
money ; and having no desire to come to any ftirther
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298 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
reckoning with De Soto, he arailed himself of a dark
night, and made his escape fix)m Havana just in time
to save himself from arrest and imprisonment, to which,
as a recusant debtor, he was liable.
It was decided that all the ladies attached to De
Soto's expedition should remain at Havana until the
conquest of Florida should be accomplished. Donna
Isabella was invested with the government of Cuba
during her husband's absence. Donna Leonora, the
daughter of Count Gomera and wife of Nuflo de Tobar,
used all her interest with Isabella and the governor to
obtain the pardon of her husband, and his restoration to
the office which he had forfeited on her account But
De Soto had already chosen another lieutenant, namely
Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, an old cavalier, who had
"fought in Spain and Italy," and he had likewise
acquired many laurels and much property by assisting
Diego Velasquez in the subjugation of Cuba, A.D. 1511.
Porcallo had lived more than half a century; the frosts
of fifty-five years had chilled his military ardor ; but
.another impulse, which age is supposed to strengthen,
urged him to fight over again the battles of his youth.
Avarice was the motive which induced this gray-haired
warrior to leave a fine estate which he possessed in
Cuba, for the sake of taking a part in a toilsome and
dangerous enterprise, which promised to increase his
wealth. It is said that Porcallo was the proprietor of
several mines, and that his principal object in going to
Florida was to obtain Indian slaves to perform the hard
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 299
labor which is required to make this kind of property
productive.
NuSo de Tobar, though deprived of his office, and
coldly treated by the governor, did not withdraw from .
the expedition. He went with his countrymen to
Florida, smothering his resentment, or merely ccmceaUng
it, perhaps, like another lago, until chance should afford
him an opportunity for reprisal Subsequent events
make it probable that his mind had abready conceived a
project of revenge, and that he waited, with enforced
patience,
" For hell and night
To bring the monstrous birth to the world's light."
As a preliminary to our account of De Soto's opera-
tions in Florida, it will be necessary to take some notice
of the previous discoveries and actions of the Spaniards
in that region. The honor due to the first discovery
of the land which now constitutes the Southern ex-
tremity of the United States is generally awarded to
that famous and eccentric old Spanish adventurer, Juan
Ponce de Leon. Nevertheless the validity of his claim
to that honor is liable to some dispute. Several authori-
ties of very good credit maintain that Sebastian Cabot
traced the whole line of the American coast as fer
southward as 36° 9' North latitude ; and Peter Martyr
avers that he sailed to the west of the meridian
of Cuba.* From this account it does not appear that
* "Tenditqne tantum ad meridiem littore sese incarvante, nt
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300 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Cabot proceeded further southward than the mouth of
Chesapeake Bay, the latitude of which corresponds
nearly with that of the Straits of Gibraltar, and the
longitude with that of the eastern extremity of Cuba.
It can scarcely be doubted that Ponce de Leon was the
first European who landed on any part of that ground
which is now occupied by the Southern and Western
States of our Republia The purpose for which he
visited this country has exposed his memory to no
little ridicule ; but his childish delusion is entitled to
more indulgence and respect than the sordid and
hypocritical motives which induced so many of his
countrymen to become explorers and crusaders in
America.
Juan Ponce, the discoverer of Florida, was a native of
Leon in Spain. He began his military career at a very
early age, and acquired some distinction in several cam-
paigns against the Moors of Grenada. He accompanied
Columbus in his second voyage, A. D. 1493. Afterward,
in requital of his military services against the Lidians, he
was appointed Governor of Hispaniola. Soon after his
accession to this dignity, some old Lidians gave him an
account of a distant country, which possessed a river
or fountain, whose waters could restore age and decrepi-
tude to all the bloom and vigor of youth. Juan Ponce
Hercurei freti latitadinis fere gradas eqaarit; ad occidentemqne
profectas tantam est at Cabam insalam a lieya loDgitndina gradam
pena pamm habaerit" — Peter Martyr, Dec. iii., Cap. tI.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 301
was far advanced in years, and to him the stream or
fountain described by the Indians, was a more desirable
object than mines of silver or gold. In fact, the waters
SUPPOSED FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH.
of such a rejuvenating spring would have been, (as
Edmund Burke observes), "the best commodity the
country could yield, both for home consumption and
the foreign markets, and would be a &x better basis for
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302 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
stocks and funds than all the mineral treasures of
America."*
Juan Ponce, for the purpose of discovering the loca-
tion of this excellent fountain, set sail from Porto Eico,
in three small caravels, on the 3d day of March, 1612.
After a short voyage, he came to a country covered
with flowers and verdure, and as the day of his dis-
covery happened to be Palm Sunday, called by the
Spaniards, Pasqua Florida^ he bestowed the name of
Florida on the country, in commemoration of this cir-
cumstance. Thus the first European discovery of Florida
took place on the second day of April, 1512.
The next visit to Florida by Europeans was made in
the year 1520, by the Licentiate Lucas Vasquez de
AyUon. This man, wanting slaves to work certain
mines, agreed with some of his associates to kidnap a
number of Caribs from the neighboring islands to fiU
the places of those who were rapidly disappearing under
the hard treatment of the Spaniards. He started from
St. Domingo with two ships, but encountering a gale,
he was driven ashore on the mainland, between 32® and
33° North latitude ; that is to say, at some point not
far from the mouth of the Savannah Eiver, in the State
of Georgia. AyUon, to carry out his design of kid-
napping some of the natives, treated the people with
great kindness, until about one hundred and thirty of
them were induced to come on board of his vessels ; he
* Barkers " European Settlements in America."
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 303
then wei^ied anchor, and sailed with his Indian cap-
tives, for San Domingo. In 1524, this villain, with six
ships and five hundred men, made another voyage to
the same coast, where he met with the just reward of
his treachery. On this occasion, the Indians proved that
they had learned the game of deceit ; for the Spaniards
were received by them with every appearance of kind-
ness. Ayllon flattered himself that his old offense was
forgotten. Trusting to appearances, he sent two hun-
dred men on an exploring expedition into the country.
The natives entertained and feasted them for four days,
and having thus put them completely off their guard,
they murdered every man of them while asleep. This
slaughter was followed by an attack on those Spaniards
who remained in the ships ; they were compelled to
put to sea without any supplies of provisions and water,
and they endured indescribable sufferings before they
reached St. Domingo.
Soon after this last exploit of Ayllon, he "died
broken-hearted," and, (to use the language of Galvano,*)
"he left nothing done worthy of memory." Consider-
ing the quality of his most celebrated actions, we find in
the small number of them no very great cause of dis-
satisfaction.
In the year 1524, Giovanni da Verazzano, a Floren-
tine sea-captain in the service* of the French govern-
ment, coasted from Florida as high as Cape Breton.
* GalYanOjDiBCOYerieaoftheWorld; Hakloyt.,Ed. 1601, pp.57-63.
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304 LIFE OF FERIDNAND DE SOTO,
On the 17th day of June, 1527, PamphUo de Nar-
vaez left Spain, with five ships and six hundred men,
being authorized by the Spanish government to explore
and take possession of ^^ all the lands between Bio de las
Falmas and Cape Florida. - The fleet was much damaged
by a hurricane, and was obliged to remain at Cuba for
more than six months to be refitted In Februarv,
1528, Famphilo again embarked; and, after a short and
prosperous trip, landed his army at the bay of Santa
Cruz, Florida. Having formally taken possession of the
country, and proved that he was in earnest by pillaging
some of the villages, Famphilo began to interrogate the
natives respecting the precise localities of that immense
deposit of gold which he expected to find in Florida.
In their answers to these inquiries, we suspect that the
Indians had no other object in view, but to hasten the
departure of their troublesome guests; they directed the
gold-hunters, therefore, to a distant region called Apa-
lache, assuring them that the shining metal could there
be obtained in the greatest abundance. After a weari-
some march, the Spaniards reached the designated place
on the 26th day of June. While it was possible for
the inhabitants of this district to consider them as
jfriendly visitors, they were treated with kindness and
respect; but the ungrateftd and scoundrel-Uke behavior
of the Spaniards soon provoked the hostihty of the
natives. Before he had time and opportunity to make
any mineralogical researches, Famphilo was compelled
to retreat. While endeavoring to make his escape to
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 305
the sea-shore, he was closely pursued by the natives
who killed two hundred of his men, or about a third of
the whole number. The whole country being now
aroused, Famphilo found it impossible to return to his
ships, and * they were, probably, destroyed by the
Indians. The Spaniards, therefore, took the shortest
route to the coast, and came to the Bay of Aute, now
called the Bay of St. Mark's. The Apalachian Indians
were satisfied with driving the intruders fix)m their
country, and they abandoned the pursuit when that
object was. gained. Had the natives followed up their
advantge, the whole gang would have been exter-
minated. When they arrived at the Bay of St. Mark's,
the Spaniards were in a starving condition ; their only
food was the flesh of their horses, and they were obliged
to slaughter one of these animals every third day. All
their ingenuity was now employed to effect some means
of escape fro;n the country. Some kind of boats were
required, but how were they to be constructed without
any kind of tools smtaUe for such labor ^ They erected
a forge on the beach; and, with immense toil and diffi-
culty, converted their swords, lance-heads, stirrups,
bridle-bits, &c., to nails, saws and axes. Having thus
provided themselves with the proper instruments, they
cut down trees, shaped the timber, and finally produced
several very inelegant specimens of marine ardiitecture.
In the meanwhile, all their horses were consumed; and
when they embarked in their rude batteaux their thin
ghastly appearance might have reminded a spectator of
20
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306
LIFE OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
that shadowy boat-load of ^^magnanimous heroes/' etc.,
which Vii^ describes in the Sixth book of his Epic.
All the boats were wrecked near the mouth of the Mis-
sissippi, and all on board perished, except Cabefa ae
■iTrt" ■ 'lA III
SPANISH BRia WRECKED AT THE MOUTH OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
Yaca, the treasurer of the expedition, and four common
soldiers. The five survivors were kindly received by
the Indians of the neighboring country; but, during a
season of &mine, the Spaniards killed one of their
number to afford subsistence to the others; and the
natives were so horrified by this act, that they
endeavored to put them all to death. Cabe^a and his
three companions escaped with their lives, however.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 307
and after enduring many toils and suflferinga, they
reached Spain in August, 1537.
In all of these expeditions to Florida, the Spaniards
treated the natives of the country with the most im-
politic and unchristian-like barbarity. This fact will
explain that deep-rooted hatred of the white race which
made the enterprise of De Soto ten times more difficult
arid perilous than it would have been, if no Europeans
had visited the country before his arrival And it is
highly probable that much of that ferocity which charac-
terizes the aborignes of our Southern and Western States
may be ascribed to the harsh and merciless treatment
which their ancestors received from the early Spanish
explorers.
RkMAINS OF THE PARTY OF NARVACZ.
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;iOS LIPB OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXV.
DE SOTO LEAVES HAVANA — UNFAVORABLE OMENS — DONNA
ISABELLA'S FOREBODINGS — LEAVE-TAKING — THE VOYAGE TO
FLORIDA — ARRIVAL AT TAMPA BAY — LANDING EFFECTED —
HOSTILE INDIANS — A MUCH-ABUSED CHIEF — SPANISH BAR-
BARITY— WRONGS NOT TO BE FORGIVEN — DE SOTO TAKES
POSSESSION OF A VILLAGE — ^THE INDIANS OF FLORIDA — THEIR
CIVILIZATION — THEIR MANUFACTURES — THEIR HOUSES, FUR-
NITURE AND UTENSILS — THEIR ARCHITECTURE — THEIR RELI-
GION— THEIR GOVERNMENT — EFFECTS OF A SPANISH INVA-
SION—HOW THE INDIANS OF FLORIDA FELL BACK INTO
BARBARISM — HOW THEIR COMMUNICATIONS WITH EUROPEANS
CORRUPTED THEIR GOOD MANNERS. [a. D. 1538 — 1539.]
De Soto sailed from Havana, on Sunday, May 18,
with all his forces, embarked in five large ships, two
caravels, and two brigantines. Almost a year had elapsed
since the expedition left Spain; a large part of that time
was expended by the governor in making a tour of the
island, visiting the principal towns, purchasing horses
and making other preparations for his voyage. Though
the disastrous fate of all his predecessors in Florida
seemed to cast an ominous shadow over the undertaking,
no apprehensions of failure visited the mind of De Soto,
and his assurance of success imparted an equal degree
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 309
of confidence to all who were interested in the enter-
prise. Many of the Spaniards believed De Soto to be
invincible; he had been victorious in many battles, and
he had never been defeated. His officers were all men
of approved valor and of ripe experience in the practice
of war. His troops were regular and well-disciplined
soldiers ; a majority of them had served in many cam-
paigns, and all of them were well acquainted with the
peculiarities of Indian warfare. With all these circum-
stances in his favor, De Soto might be excused for dis-
carding all doubts of a triumphant career in that glorious
field of adventure which was now expanded before him.
But, as "women fear too much, even as they love,"
the mind of Donna Isabella was greatly disquieted by
the contemplation of those dangers which her husband
was about to encounter, and which she was not permitted
to share. She earnestly desired to accompany him to
Florida ; but, for the first time, De Soto resolutely op-
posed her wishes. This was the first separation of the
fond couple since their marriage ; the leave-taking was
painftd on both sides ; but De Soto encouraged Isabella
to hope that the time of reunion was not fer distant. To
his perceptions the conquest of Florida appeared to be
an easy task, firom which he could soon return with large
accessions of wealth and glory; and then the happiness
of their wedded life would be liable to no interruption.
The voyage firom Havana to Florida was prolonged
by contrary winds, which kept the squadron tossing about
in the Gulf of Mexico for several days. On the 25th
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310
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
of May, De Soto and his people obtained their first view
of the much-desired land, and in the afternoon of the
same day they came to anchor about two leagues from
the shore. The shoals which extended along the coast
prevented the ships from coming nearer; but it was
very evident that their approach had been discerned by
the natives, for many beacon-fires were kindled along the
beach. These were the signals used by the Indians to
collect their forces when they expected to be attacked
OE SOTO APPROACHING THE COAST OF FLORIDA.
by their enemies. The columns of black smoke which
ascended from these fires were plainly visible to the
Spaniards in their ships, who were thus made aware of
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 311
the hostile intentions of the natives. De Soto^s vessek
were anchored off the mouth of Tampa Bay, called by
the Spaniards the Bay of Espiritu Santo. The Indians
who inhabited the neighboring country were governed
by a cacique named Ucita, whose unfiiendly deportment
toward the Spaniards is very satisfactorily explained.
When Pamphilo de Narvaez visited this region in 1528,
he was kindly received by the Cacique Ucita, who
suppUed him with provisions, and gave him all the
assistance he required in his search after pearls and
gold. A treaty of peace and amity was formed between
this well-disposed Indian chief and the Spaniards ; and
yet, on a very slight pretense, Pamphilo caused the
cacique's nose to be cut off, and his aged mother to be
torn to pieces by dogs 1 From that time, Udta was the
irreconcilable enemy of the white men, having no good
reason to doubt that they were all equally merciless and
ungrateful. Keeping the fects just related in remem-
brance, we can easily account for that implacable resent-
ment which Ucita displayed in his behavior to De Soto
and his companions.
Perceiving that the Indians had gathered on the shore
for the unmistakable purpose of opposing the disembarka-
tion of his troops, De Soto deemed it expedient to avoid a
collision with the natives at that time, and chose rather
to proceed about two leagues further up the bay before
he effected a landing. Leaving his ships at anchor, he
conveyed his soldiers in small boats to a part of the
shore where there was no appearance of opposition.
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312 LIFE OF FERDIKAKD DE SOTO,
The place where he disembarked was on the Eastern
shore of Hillsborough Bay, near the line which separates
Manatee and Hillsborough Counties, Florida, about
27® 35' North latitude. In the meanwhile, the ships
having been lightened by the landing of the troops, were
enabled, by taking advantage of the tide, to pass over
the shoals and approach the place where the soldiers
had landed. The seamen still remained on board of the
vessels.
When the soldiers were all disembarked, De Soto
marched about ten miles into the country, and arrived
at a deserted village, the inhabitants of which had fled
in great alarm as soon as they discovered the approach
of the strangers. Their consternation was very excusa-
ble, for this village had been ravaged by the in&mous
Pamphilo de Narvaez, and his villainies were yet fresh
in the memories of these unfortunate people. Two or
three of the fugitive Indians were overtaken and cap-
tured by some of De Soto's horsemen, and when the
prisoners were brought into the presence of the gov-
ernor, he treated them kindly, and inquired why they
shimned the Spaniards as enemies. Then, for the first
time, he learned the particulars of Pamphilo's tyrannical
conduct; and he saw, at a glance, that the un&vorable
impression which his predecessors had made on the
minds of the Indians would be an un&iling source
of danger and inconvenience to himsell
The captured Indians were subjects of the Cacique
Ucita, mentioned above, the victim of Pamphilo's
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 313
horrid barbarity. De Soto loaded the captives with
presents, and sent them to their chief with overtures
of friendship. But the wrongs which Ucita had
received from the white men were irreparable; the
Spaniards could not restore his murdered parent to Ufe,
and the frightfrd mutilation of his person admitted
of no redress. When De Soto's message was delivered
to him, he indignantly repUed : ^^ Bring me no more
speeches or promises from these men. I want thoir
heads ! Give me them and I will be satisfied!"
The intercourse between De Soto and the natives
was carried on by means of several Indian interpreters
whom the Spaniards had brought with them from
Havana. As the Cacique Ucita was the ruler of a
large and warlike tribe, inhabiting a territory which
extended for many miles along the coast, De Soto
considered it almost a matter of necessity to propitiate
this chieftain before he marched ftirther into the
country. For, supposing that it should be necessary
for the Spaniards to retreat to their ships, it would be
extremely inconvenient to have such a potent enemy
stationed between them and the sea. Many conciliatory
messages were therefore sent to Udta, and presents
of considerable value were offered to him, but all these
verbal and material offerings were disdainfully rejected.
While these abortive negotiations were in progress,
De Soto quartered his troops in the village which had
been abandoned by the Indians. The site of this village
must have been about eight miles in a northerly direc-
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314 LIFB OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
tion from the landing-place of the Spaniards, which we
have designated above. In daily expectation of an
attack by Ucita and his warriors, De Soto prepared for
war by clearing away the trees and bushes from the
vicinity of his camp, in order to open a space for the
action of his cavalry, on which he relied chiefly for
defense. The houses of this village were built of tim-
ber, and covered with palm-leaves, and they were fer
superior in size and construction to the Indian wigwams
of a later period. The Natchez, and other tribes
inhabiting Florida, had made some considerable progress
in civilization before the Spaniards invaded their terri-
tory. The effect of the Spanish invasion was a relapse
into barbarism, from which these people never recovered.
At the time of De Soto's arrival, the aborigines of
Florida had none of those nomadic habits, for which aU
the North American Indians have subsequently become
remarkable. The inhabitants of this r^on, three hun-
dred years ago, lived in permanent habitations and cul-
tivated the land.* Their subsistence was derived chiefly
from agriculture, though hunting and fishing were
practiced among them, partly as diversions and partly
to increase their supplies of food. They understood
many of the arts of dviliied life and several of their
manu&ctures were extremely ingenious. The forma-
tion of some of their household ftimiture and domestic
utensils was artistical and not inelegant, and their
* Du Pratz, Hist, ii., 1.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 315
dresses, especially those of the females, were tasteful
and ornate in a very high degree. Specimens of their
earthenware manufectures are still preserved, and some
of them are highly creditable to their skill in that
branch of industry. The Portuguese narrator describes
their crockery-ware as not inferior to that which was
made at the cotemporary factories of Estremos and Mon-
temor. Their other household goods consisted of mats,
baskets and boxes, made of split cane and other materials,
ingeniously wrought and ornamented. The wearing
apparel of the Floridans was composed partly of skins
handsomely dressed and colored, and partly of a sort of
woven cloth, the materials of which were the fibrous bark
of the mulberry-tree and a certain species of wild
hemp. Their finest febrics, which were used by the
wives and daughters of the caciques, were obtained from
the bark of the young mulberry shoots, beaten into small
fibres and afterward bleached. This material was then
twisted or spun into threads of a convenient size to
prepare it for the operation of weaving, which was per-
formed, in a very simple manner, by driving small
stakes into the ground, stretching the warp across from
stake to stake, and then inserting the weft by using the
fingers instead of a shuttle. By this tedious process,
very beautifrd shawls or mantillas, with figured borders
of the most exquisite patterns, were produced by the
Floridan weavers.
like the Peruvians, these people had acquired the
art of working in metals. Manufactured articles of
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316 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
gold, silver and copper were found among them, but
the most useful metal of all had entirely escaped their
notice. Some of their axes, hatchets and weapons of
war were made of copper; and they, as well as the Peru-
vians, possessed the art of imparting a temper to this
metal which made it little inferior to iron for the manu-
facture of edge-tools, &c. It is reported that the Peru-
vians used an alloy of copper and tin for such purposes;
and we think it likely that a composition of that kind
would be harder than brass, which is composed chiefly
of copper and zinc.
In the construction of their habitations the people of
Florida made some attempts at architectural elegance.
According to the Portuguese narrator, the houses of the
caciques were sometimes adorned with porticos, and the
temples (as we learn from the same authority) had their
sculptured embdlishments. The writer just quoted men-
tions a carved bird with gilded eyes, which was placed
on the roof or cupola of one of the religious edifloes
in the town where De Soto first established his quarters.
The dwellings of the common people, though composed
entirely of wood, were far more tasteftd and commodi-
ous habitations than the log-huts of our Western set-
tlers or the turf-built shanties of flie Irish peasantry.
Du Pratz tells us that some of the dwelling-houses
of the Natchez were thirty feet square, many of them
contained several apartments each, and some were pro-
vided with cellars in which the people stored their
grain. The houses of the caciques were placed on
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 317
elevated mounds or terraxjes. The Portuguese gentle-
man says that the waUs of some of the principal houses
were hung with prepared buckskin, which resembled
tapestry, and others had carpets of the same material.
The reUgion of the Natchez resembled that of the
Peruvians; they worshiped the Sun as the source of
light and heat, or the symbol of divine wisdom and
goodness. They believed in the immortality of the
human soul and in Aiture rewards and punishments.
The existence of a supreme and omnipotent Deity called
the Great Spirit was acknowledged by these people;
they also believed in an Evil Spirit of inferior power,
who was supposed to govern the seasons and control the
elements. It does not appear that the Natchez were
image-worshipers before the Spaniards introduced that
form of idolatry among them.
The government of the Florida Indians was despotic
but not tyrannical. The authority of the caciques was
patriarchal; and it was ecclesiastical rather than secular.
In fiwjt, these chiefs were popes or bishops, rather than
princes; and, as they never abused their spiritual power,
they seldom met with popular disobedience or resist-
ance. Under any of the aboriginal dynasties of America,
there was more equality and certainty in the administra-
tion of justice, more respect for the rights of man, more
security for person and property, than may now be
found in many parts of the United States; though we
are disposed to believe that this Republic is better
governed than any other nation of Christendom.
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818 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
We may judge from the fects here collected, that the
original mhabitants of Florida were a progressive peo-
ple, and that their progress was in the right direction.
They were rapidly acquiring all the graces and benefits
of civilization, without those concomitant vices and
corruptions which have inclined some judicious peoj^
to suspect that civilization itself is a curse and a nui-
sance. Such as we have described were the condition
and prospects" of these tribes before they were brought
in contact with European influences and examples. At
the time when our Southern and Western States b^an
to be settled by emigrants from the Old World, these
Indian nations, which centuries before had been &r
advanced in civilization, were almost in a ruined state,
(as McCulloh says,) "from wars and other calamities
which had begun to subject their social institutions to
decay." The same author remarks: "The murderous
invasion of that villain Spaniard, (meaning our hero,
De Soto,) not only carried death and destruction wher-
ever he directed his course, but in its consequences
enabled the barbarous Indian tribes to take advantage
of the weakness of those who were partly civilized, and
the latter being subdued by their savage neighbors were
reduced in all respects to a similar condition. The
later European settlers completed the work of ruin by
wars, the communication of diseases and the use of
ardent spirits.'**
* McCalloh's Researches, Chap, iy., p. 149.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 319
To realize the truthftdness, or even the probability
of this narrative, we must remember that the tribes of
Florida when visited by De Soto, were widely different,
in many important particulars, from those North
American Indians with whose habits and peculiarities
we have been made acquainted by the descriptions of
travelers, or our own personal observations. By merely
overlooking the feet that Florida was inhabited by a
semidvilized people, three centuries ago, some persons
have been led to consider the narrative of De Soto^s
adventures in that country as febulous and absurd; and
yet there is scarcely any portion of the early history of
America which is more consistent and indisputable.
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320 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXVI.
DB SOTO'S GREATEST MISFORTUNE — HIS VILLAINOUS LIEUTENANT
— ^HUNTING INDIANS — A DISGUISED CHRISTIAN FOUND AMONG
SAVAGES — HIS ROMANTIC AND WONDERFUL STORY— STRATA-
GEM OF AN INDIAN CHIEF — FOUR SPANIARDS MADE PRISON-
ERS— THREE OF THEM PUT TO DEATH— JUAN ORTIZ SEN-
TENCED TO BE BOASTED ALIVE— THE SENTENCE IS PARTLY
EXECUTED — INTERCESSION OF THE PRINCESS ULELEH — THE
EXECUTION IS POSTPONED — ORTIZ FALLS IN LOVE WITH THE
PRINCESS — HE IS RIGOROUSLY PUNISHED BY HER FATHER —
HIS UNPARALLELED SUFFERINGS — HIS CONSOLATION, [a. D.
1639.]
It was the great misfortune of Ferdinand De Soto to
be always associated with men of the most ignominious
and detestable character, the shadow of whose guilt and
in&my darkened his path of life, and stiU rests on his
reputation and memory. Several of his colaborers in
Florida were villains of the most desperate class; and
among these, his lieutenant, Vasco Porcallo, will deserve
our especial notice. This specimen of ancient iniquity,
who had Uved more than fifty years to very little
purpose, was a wealthy citizen of Havana, who had
volunteered to take a part in De Soto's expedition, for
the express purpose of obtaining Indian slaves to work
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 321
in his mines. As he was an old soldier, and had distin-
guished himself in former wars between the Spaniard?
and Indians, he was supposed to be well qualified for
that important post, to which he succeeded after the dis-
missal of Nuno de Tobar. But De Soto soon discovered
the great mistake he had made by choosing a Ueutenant-
general whose objects and purposes were often at vari-
ance with his own.
While the commander was endeavoring to propitiate
the chieftain Udta with presents and promises of friend-
ship. Lieutenant Porcallo was making war on the sub-
jects of that cacique for the purpose of obtaining captives,
and sending them to his mines and plantations in Cuba.
De Soto not only connived at these unwise and unjust
proceedings, but permitted Balthasar de Grallegos to
assist Porcallo in his slave-making operations. This
circumstance proves that De Soto had* become less scru-
pidous than he appeared to be on a former occasion,
when the capture and detention of some Indian prisoners
provoked him to an act of mutiny.*
Intent on this man-hunting project, Porcallo and
Gallegos started from their camp with one hundred and
twenty soldiers, forty of whom were horsemen. They
sent Juan Bodrigues Lobilla in another direction, with
fifty men, a majority of whom were swordsmen and
targetiers. Porcalla's party passed through a marshy
country, where it was almost impossible for horses to
* Vide page 50.
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322 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
travel When they were about two leagues from the
camp, they discovered a party of ten or twelve Indians,
whb appeared to be willing to converse with the
Spaniards, until the latter spurred their horses forward,
and approached the natives with uplifted weapons and
other indications of a hostile purpose. Then (he Indians
became alarmed, and all of them, except one, fled pre-
cipitately to the woods. The man who remained on the
field, was dressed and equipped, in all respects like the
others, yet to the great astonishment of the Spaniards,
he made the sign of the cross, "and thereby proved that
he was a Christian." When some of the horsemen came
nearer, he exclaimed: "Cavaliers, do not kill me! I am
one of your own countrymen; and I entreat you not to
molest those Indians who are with me, for I am indebted
to them for the preservation of my life.'* Having thus
spoken, he made* signals to his Indian friends to return
from the woods. Some of them complied with this
request ; but as one of the party had been wounded by
a musket-buUet while he was retreating, the greater
number of his companions were too much affrighted to
come from their place of concealment. The Spanish
stranger and those Indians who had returned from the
woods were accommodated with seats on horseback
behind some of the cavaliers, and in this manner they
were conveyed to the camp.
When introduced to De Soto, the stranger declared
that his name was Juan Ortiz, and that he had been a
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 323
prisoner among the Indians for twelve years. He gave
the following account of his captivity:
NARRATIVE OP JUAN ORWZ.
"I am a native of Seville, and I came to this country
with Pamphilo de Narvaez, in the year 1528. My com-
mander had formed a treaty of peace with Ucita, the
cacique of this province, which is called Hirrigua. Pam-
philo sent me to Havana with a letter for his wife, who
remained at that port. I went thiflier in one o3f his
brigantines, which was maimed with twenty sailors; and
having executed my commission, I shipped ten more
seamen at Havana, and returned to Florida with a crew
amounting to thirty men, WhcA our vessel came to
anchor in the neighboring bay, some Indians who were
on the shore, informed us that our captain had left
Hirrigua, and marched into the interior of the country.
They pointed to a letter which had been placed in a
deft reed, stuck in the sand. There was something in
the behavior of these people which made me suspicious
of an unfriendly design; before I landed my men, there-
fore, I wished to obtain possession of the letter, which I
supposed to contain some explanation of Pamphilo's
reasons for leaving that district. The suspicious conduct
of the Indians made me unwilling to send any of my
men ashore, and I requested some of the natives to come
to the vessel in one of their canoes, and bring the letter
with them. This they reftised to do, but four of the
Indians came to us in a canoe, and proposed to remain
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324 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
with US as hostages, while an equal number of our pttty
should bring away the billet. To this arrangement I
consented; and the four Indians immediately came into
the brigantine, \nthout exhibiting any signs of unwilling-
ness to place themselyes in our power. With three of
my companions, I then entered the canoe, and paddled
to the beach. As soon as we touched the land, a la^
number of Indians, who had been lying in ambuscade,
rushed out from their hiding-place behind some bushes,
surrounded us, and made us prisoners. At the same
moment the Indian hostages threw themselyes from the
deck of the brigantine, swam ashore, and jomed their
countrymen. Our late comrades in the vessel drew up
their anchor, set sail, and abandoned us to our fiite.
Among our captors was an Indian who had for-
merly been employed by Pamphilo as interpreter, and
who had some knowledge of our language. I learned
from him that, while I was absent, my commander had
quarreled with the cacique, and that Famplulo had
injured the chief in a manner which could never be
forgiven. On inquiring for the particulars, I was
informed that the mother of the cacique had been
dragged from her bed and thrown to the dogs, because
she had complained to her son of an outrage whidi had
been committed by one of the Spaniards on the person
of a young Indian female. The cacique was absent
from the village at the time his mother was put to
death. When he returned, and the fiict was made
known to him, he became frantic with grief and rage,
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 325
and made threats of terrible yengeance against the
Spaniards, which so incensed Famphilo, that he ordered
the cacique to be seized and scourged, and his nose to
be cut off. As soon as these things were known to
the cadque's subjects, they hastened from all parts
of his dominions to avenge the indignities and wrongs
which he had received from the Spaniards. Famphilo
and his companions were obliged to retreat, and all the
expedition they could use scarcely saved them from the
resentment of the savages. - The cacique had made a
vow to punish with death every Spaniard who should
thereafter &11 into his hands, and our capture was the
result of a stratagem which he had used to obtain
victims to be sacrificed to his vindictive ftiry.
As soon as I was made acquainted with these &cts, I
resigned myself to the fitte from which I could see no
possibility of deliverance. I could not doubt that the
cacique, who had suffered so much injustice, would be
inexorable in his revenge. My Christian countrymen,
I knew, were apt to visit the smallest offenses with the
most sanguinary and pitiless retribution — ^what then
could I expect from a man whose religion taught him
that revenge was a virtue, and foi^veness of injuries
a crime? My only hope was that the Indians would
not put me to a protracted death of torture; the very
apprehension of which was so painfid to me, that if any
means of self-destruction had been within my reach, I
should certainly have used them to escape from the
torments to which I might possiUy be subjected.
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326 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
While my mind was filled with the most horrible
forbodings, I and my companions were hurried onward
by our Indian escort, and we soon arrived at the village
where the Chief of Hirrigoa was waiting to receive us
in the public square. We were placed under a strong
guard ; and one of my comrades was seized by some
of the Indians, who stripped him of all his clothes, and
bade him run for his life. The square was enclosed
with palisades, beyond which it was impossible for the
wretched man to escape, the only gateway being guarded
by a large party of well-armed Indians. As soon as
the naked Spaniard began to run, one of the savages
shot an arrow, the barbed head of which sank deeply
into the fiigitive's shoulder, where it remained firmly
planted in the flesh. Soon after, another arrow was
shot with similar effect, and became fixed in another
part of the man's body. The pain of the wounds
accelerated his flight; and as he coursed around the
area, seeking some opening through which he might
escape, the Indians looked on with evident delight.
One of them occasionally discharged an arrow at the
victim, taking care to avoid those parts of the body
where a wound would be immediately fittaL Their
object was to prolong the man's sufferings, and their
own savage recreation. When the tormented Spaniard,
made frantic by mortal fear and intense bodily anguish,
had continued his flight for more than an hour, his
strength and power of endurance were exhausted.
When he sank to the earth, not less than thirty arrows
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DISCOYBRBE OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 327
were fixed in his flesh, and the whole surface of his
body was covered with blood.
I and my two remaining companions had been horri-
fied spectators of the scene which I have atteiiipted
to describe. Leaving their first victim on the ground
in a dying condition, the Indians now selected another
one of their prisoners to undergo the same tortures,
and I was doomed to witness a repetition of the same
appalling spectacle and the same catastrophe. As the
robust appearance of my three fellow-captives promised
^to a£ford the Indians a long entertainment, they were
chosen in preference to myself as the first to be sacri-
ficed. When they were all put to death by the process
described, the Indians appeared to be tired of their
inhuman sport I observed them in consultation
together, and the cacique seemed to be giving them
some directions. For a few moments, I ventured to
hope for mercy, but when I looked at the disfigured
countenance of the chief, where Famphilo had left a
perpetual record of his bsurbarity, I felt that it was
impossible for that man to have compassion on one who
had the misfortune to be the countryman and associate
of his oppressor. Formerly, this very chief had appeared
to be the mildest and most amiable of human bemgs,
but the injuries and example of a Spaniard had made
him an incarnation of demoniac cruelty.
The cacique had seen me in attendance on Famphilo,
and some real or imaginary resemblance which I bore
to the captain made the Indians suspect that I was his
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328 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Telation. It was this unhappy mistake which caused
that delay in their proceedings which I had been radx
enough to interpret as a circumstance in my &yor.
However, they had paused merely to devise some more
agonizing death for one who was supposed to be con-
nected by ties of relationship with the chief object of
their resentment Some of them were now engaged in
the construction of a wooden-frame, composed of two
stout pieces six or seven feet in length, placed paialld
with each other and three feet asunder, to which a num-
ber of transverse bars were affixed, so as to form a kind
of grate or hurdle. When this frame was finished, I
was bound to it with leathern throngs, and the frame
was then placed on four stakes driven into the ground.
As soon as these preparations were complete, the
Indians kindled a fire beneath me, choosing such com-
bustible material as would bum but slowly and scarcely
produce a blaze. I now perceived that it was their in-
tention to roast me alive, and they had placed me at
such a height above the fire that my tortures might
continue for hours, before death could come to my relief
At that time, I was little more than eighteen years
of age, and it appears that my youth excited the pity of
an Indian woman who happened to be present. This
compassionate female hastened to the dwelling of the
cacique, which was situated at the extremity of the
village, where she made my situation known to the
chief's daughter. By this time, the action of the fire
on my naked person produced such intense su£Eering,
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DISCOYERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 329
that notwithstanding my desire to die like a soldier, I
was compelled to utter shrieks and supplications for
mercy. These sounds of distress reached the ears of
the Indian princess while she was hastening to the
square with the hope of prevailing on her fiither to
spare my life, or at least to mitigate the severity of my
doom. Fearing that she would be too late, she in-
creased her speed, and arriyed almost breathless at the
place of sacrifice. She then threw herself at the feet
INDIAN PRINCESS* SAVINQ THE LIFE OP JOHN ORTIZ.
of her incensed parent, and entreated him to suspend
the execution for a few minutes. The chief complied
with this request, and ordered some of his people to
remove the frame to which I was fastened from the fire,
and to place it on the ground. The charitable princess
then implored her father to consider that I had never
o£fended him, and that it would be more to his honor to
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Google
330 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
detain me as a prisoner than to sacrifice my life without
any reason or justification. The diief sternly replied
that he had sentenced me to death, and that no con-
sideration should prevent him from executing his pur-
pose. The princess then begged him to postpone my
death until the arrival of a day which was annually
celebrated as a religious festival, at which time I might
be offered as a sacrifice to their gods. This proposition
was more fiivorably received. The cacique ordered his
attendants to unbind me, and the presever of my life
perceiving that I had suffered severely by the fire,
placed me under the care of the best physician of the
tribe. During the long and painful illness which fol-
lowed, I was ofiten visited by the princess and her female
attendants, who supplied me with every thing that my
iinhappy situation required. The cacique's daughter,
Uldeh, to whom I am indebted for Uie preservation of
my life, appeared, at that time, to be about sixteen
years of age, and I doubt if our own country ever pro-
duced a female of more fitultless beauty. My gratitude,
or some other sentiment, made me r^;ard her as a pro-
per object of worship, and I had the vanity to persuade
myself that something more than a general feeling of
humanity or benevolence had interested her in my be-
half
As soon as I became convalescent, the cacique used
every necessary precaution to prevent me fiom making
my escape. His resentful feelings toward my country-
men had not, in the least, abated, and I constantly ex-
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DISGOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 331
perienced the sad effects of his wrath. He employed
me in the most laborious and slavish occupations. Some-
times he would compel me to run incessantly, fix)m the
rising to the setting of the sim, in the public square
where my comrades had been put to death; a number
of Indians, armed with bows and arrows, standing ready
to shoot me if I should halt for a moment. After
spending the day in this harassing exercise, I laid ex-
hausted and almost insensible on the hard earthen floor
of a hut, the best lodging place that the rigorous chief
would allow me. At such times Ulelah and her maids
would come to me with food, restorative medicines, and
words of consolation and encouragement which enabled
me to sustain my miseries and to hope for a time of
deliverance.
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382 LIFE OF FEBIDKAKD DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXVn.
NARRATIVB OP JUAK ^OETIZ CONTINUED — HE IS DOOMED TO
BE SACRIFICED— HIS WATCH OVER THE DEAD — ^HIS REMARKA-
BLE ADVENTURE WITH A WILD BEAST — A MIRACULOUS SHOT-
ORTIZ IS VISITED BT THE PRINCESS — HIS DECLARATION OF
LOVE— HER ANSWER — SHE ASSISTS HIM TO ESCAPE — ^HE
TAKES REFUGE WITH THE CACIQUE MOCOSO— HE IS CLAIMED
BY UCITA — MOCOSO'S NOBLE BEHAVIOR — THE NARRATIVB OF
ORTIZ CONCLUDED— MOCOSO VISITS THE SPANIARDS — MUTUAL
PROFESSIONS OF FRIENDSHIP — THE CHIEF'S MOTHER IS SUS-
PICIOUS— HER APPEAL TO DE SOTO. [A. D. 1539.]
I HAD been in the power of the Indians for about
nine months, (said Juan Ortiz, in continuation of his
narrative,) when the princess Uleleh came to me one
evening, and informed me that the great religious festi-
val of her nation would be celebrated on the first day of
the next new moon. I had heard before that the cacique
intended to sacrifice me on that occasion; and, as the
time drew near, I endeavored to prepare my mind for
that doom which I now supposed to be inevitable. I
learned from Uleleh that she had been importunate in
her solicitations for my life, but, as her fiither had bound
himself by an inviolable oath to put me to death, it
oould not be expected that he would relinquish that
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DISCOYEBER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 333
design. Her prayer could gain but one concession from
the stem and inflexible chie£ He agreed to suspend
my sentence for another year on a single condition; but
that condition, thought the princess, might be more ter-
rific to my apprehensions than death itsel£ I was re-
quired to keep guard over the cemetery of the tribe;
where, according to the custom of these people, the
bodies of the dead were exposed above ground until the
flesh wasted away, and nothing remained but the naked
skeletons. The cemetery was situated about three miles
from the village, in an open space of ground surrounded
by forests. The bodies were laid on biers or stages,
raised several feet above the level of the earth; and it
was necessary to keep a watch over them every night to
protect the uncoffined remains from the beasts of prey,
with which the surrounding &rests were thickly in-
habited. Criminals under sentence of death were gene-
rally appointed to keep this watch, and while they per-
formed their duty with fidelity and success, they were
permitted to hve, provided they could escape from the
dangers to which they were exposed by their horrid oc-
cupation. If the guard allowed a single corpse to be
carried away by the wild animals, his term of respite was
«t an end, and he was in&Uibly put to death on the fol-
lowing day, when the officers of the cacique came to
inspect the cemetery. It generally happened that the
sepulchral watchman himself was torn to pieces by the
wolves or cougars which frequented the spot ; or if he
miraculously escaped this &te, he soon fell a victim to
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334 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the pestilential effluvia arisiiig from hundreds of dead
bodies in every stage of putre&ction.
When Uleleh made known the condition on which I
might hope for a bnger respite, she £dled not to explain
all the perils and horrors of the task which was offered
to me as the only alternative of a speedy death. I shud-
dered with more than superstitious terror at the prospect
of dwelling in the midst of all that is most hideous in
mortality; but the love of life, which is never stronger
than when we are assured that our existence must be
briei^ did not permit me to hesitate in my choice. I re-
quested the princess to inform her fether that I accepted
his terms of mercy. Uleleh wept for my misfortunes, as
she recommended me to commit myself to the protection
of my gods. Her sympathy almost reconciled me to my
&te, appalling as it veas, and I would have thrown
myself at her feet to make some impassioned acknowledg-
ment of the obligations I owed her, not only for her
efforts to save my life, but for that compassion and
interest in my behalf which had inspired me with forti-
tude to endure my sufferings, and to meet the terrible
death that awaited me. But before I could find lan-
guage to express my feelings, Uleleh had departed.
On the following day I was conducted to the cemetery
by several of the chief's officers, who supplied me with
bow and arrows, and some other weapons. Having
charged me to be vigilant, and warned me against any
attempt to escape, they left me alone in the silent do-
minions of death. My lodge, which consisted of a fragile
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OISGOYEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 335
hut made of reeds, was situated in the midst of the
cemetery. The stench of the dead bodies quickly over-
powered me, and, for seyeral hours, a sickness and
stupor, such as I had never experienced before, made
me incapable of thought or motion. Fortunately I re-
covered, in some measure, from this lethargic state
before night, and I prepared, as well as my feeble condi-
tion would permit, for the duties of my nocturnal watch.
As the hour of darkness approached, the howhng of the
wolves around the cemetery contributed to arouse my
half suspended faculties; and yet my own immediate
danger scarcely sufficed to prevent me from relapsing
into a state of imperfect consciousness. In the early
part of the night, I contrived to scare away the wolves
by waving a lighted torch, which was kept ready for the
purpose; but, about midnight, I became aware that
there was some hving creature near me, for I could dis-
tinctly hear the sound of breathing, and soon after, by
the hght of my torch, I saw some large animal dragging
away the body of a child. Before I could recover my
senses sufficiently to make use of my weapons, the beast
had reached the woods, and was out of sight. Though
I was extremely ill, I roused all my energies, and, fitting
an arrow in my bow, I staggered, rather than walked,
toward that part of the wood where the animal had dis-
appeared. When I reached the edge of the forest, I
heard a soimd like that which is made by a dog in the
act of gnawing a bone. Directed by that sound, and
mthout being able to see the object at which I aimed, I
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336
LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
discharged the arrow, and, at the same moment, fell to
the ground; the exertion I had made having quite ex-
hausted the little strength which was left in my enfee-
JUAN ORTIZ WATCHINQ THK DEAD tOOICS.
bled frame. I continued on the spot where I had &llen
until day-break, when, with very great exertion, I
crawled back to my lodge. In due time, the officers
whose duty it was to make a daily examination of the
cemetery, arrived, and they soon ascertained that one of
the bodies was missing. They were about to punish
my negligence on the spot by dashing out my brains, but
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DISGOTERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 337
when I related the adventure of the preceding night,
they went to the part of the forest which I indicated, and
discovered the hody of the child. Near it lay a large
animal of the tiger kind,* which had been killed by my
arrow, in circumstances which appeared to be almost mi-
raculous. The shaft had struck the beast behind the
shoulder, and penetrated to the heart. As the body of
the child was recovered, the Indians held me blameless,
and my fortunate shot excited their admiration, as its
success was ascribed by them to my skill in archery.
By degrees, as I became accustomed to the tainted
atmosphere of the cemetery, my bodily constitution
appeared to adapt itself to external circumstances. I
regained my health and strength sufficiently to repel
the nightly incursions of the wolves, and to kill several
of them when their extreme hunger or ferocity made
it necessary for me to engage with them in close con-
flict. The Indian officers, who visited the cemetery
daily, supplied me with provisions ; and in this wretched
condition I lived for about two weeks. One night I
was startled by the sound of footsteps which did not
resemble those of wild beasts; and I was the more
alarmed because, in these sounds I discerned the ap-
proach of some of my own species. Why should they
* Probably a panther. Ghurcilasso calls the beast a lion, and the
Portngaese narrator supposes it to have been a wolf. In medio esi
veriiaa. Mr. Theodore Irving thinks it must have been a panther,
if anything; and we incline to his opinion. — Vide Irving's " Con-
quest of Florida," Chap. yiii.
22
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338 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
come at that unusual hour ] I doubted not that some
new trouble awaited me, but I considered it almost
impossible that my situation should be changed for the
worse. As my visiters drew near, the light of my
torch enabled me to discover three females, in one
of whom, by her graceful form and her rich dress,
I recognized the Princess Uleleh. The purpose of
her visit was soon told. The priests of the tribe would
not consent to a commutation or postponement of my
sentence. The cacique had promised them that I
should be sacrificed at the approaching festival, and
the pious clergy of Hirrigua would not allow their
Deity to be defrauded of his victim. Ulqleh advised
me to fly for my life. She had exposed herself to
great hazards by coming to apprise me of my danger ;
for if it should become known to the priests that
she had assisted me to escape, her own life would
be the forfeit, and her father's authority could not
avert the punishment In these circumstances of peril,
she was obliged to come to me by night, attended
only by those two maidens, in whose fidelity she could
place unlimited confidence.
I had learned enough of the language to make
fervent acknowledgments of that vast debt of gratitude
which I owed to Uleleh ; and now, for the first time,
I made an avowal of my love. I spoke of my connection
with aa ancient and honorable femily in my own
country, and informed her that I was the heir of a
large estate which I desired to place at her disposal
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 339
I entreated her to accompany me in my flight, proposing
to seek an asylum with some distant tribe, and to make
her my wife, according to the customs of her people.
INDIAN PRINCESS PLANNING THE ESCAPE OF JUAN ORTIZ
pledging myself to confirm our union by the rites of
my own Church, if I should ever have an opportunity
to return to the land of my birth.
When I ceased speaking, Uleleh remained silent for
a few moments, and then answered in a tone which
seemed to express some displeasure : ^^ I regret, (said
she), that any part of my conduct should have led you
into so great an error. You must now understand that
in all my eflForts to serve you I have had no motives
but those of humanity, and I would have done no less
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340 LIFE or FERDINAND DE SOTO,
for any other human being in the same circumstances.
To make you fiilly sensible of your mistake, I will
inform you that I am betrothed to a neighboring
cacique, to whose protection I am about to recommend
you. Before daybreak, I will send a Mthfal guide to
conduct you to his village. Lose no time on the way,
and when you are presented to Mocoso, give him this
girdle as a token that you come from me.* He will
tUen consider himself bound to defend you from all
dangers at the hazard of his own life."
Without waiting for a reply, Uleleh withdrew, leaving
me very much dissatisfied with my own conduct, for I
now discovered that my vanity and presumption had
given oflFense to my benefactress, and I charged myself
with the sin of ingratitude. Before the morning dawned,
the promised guide arrived at the cemetery. He con-
ducted me through a trackless forest, in a northerly
direction, urging me to walk very rapidly, as I would
certainly be pursued as soon as my absence from the
cemetery was discovered. We traveled, as I supposed,
about eight leagues, and arrived at Mocoso's village, at
the entrance of which my guide left me, as he did not
wish to be recognized by any of Mocoso's subjects.
Several Indians were fishing in a stream near the edge
of the village. As soon as they saw me emerge from
* The girdle here spoken of was probably something similar to
the wampam belts which were in general use among the North
American tribes, as a substitute for writing.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 341
the woods they were alarmed by my outlandish appear-
ance, and snatched up their arms with the obvious
design of assailing me. But when I displayed the
girdle which the princess had given me, they understood
that I was the bearer of a message to their chief, and
one of them came forward^ to give me the usual wel-
come. He then led me through the village, where the
Spanish dress which I still wore, attracted general
attention, and I was soon ushered into Mocoso's
presence. This cacique is a youthful Indian of poble
demeanor; he is tall and graceful in person, and pos-
sesses a handsome and intelligent countenance. I made
my obeisance and presented the girdle to Mocoso.
He examined it with attention, and I was surprised
to find that the ornamental work on this cincture
was equivalent to written language, for it made him
acquainted with my situation. " Christian," said Mo-
coso, raising his eyes from the girdle, " I am requested
tt) protect you, ftnd it shall be done. You are safe in
my village; but do not venture beyond it, or ypu may
have the misfortune to be recaptured by your enemies."
From this time, Mocoso treated me with the affec-
tion of a brother. When the cacique Ucita heard
where I had taken refuge, he sent embassadors to
demand that I should be given up; but this my pro-
tector refused to do, in spite of all threats and solicita-
tions. Hence arose a misunderstanding between him
and the &ther of his betrothed, which delayed his
nuptials for several years; during which time I often
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342 LITE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
urged him to comply with the demands of Udta, rather
than sacrifice his own happiness* But my generous
friend was not to be moved from his purpose. At the
end of three years, by the interposition of the priests,
the wedding of Mocoso and Uleleh was allowed to take
place, but my friend and hb fether-in-law were never
reconciled; and, up to the present time, there has been
no commimication between them.
As soon as Mocoso heard of your arrival, he
requested me to come to you with an oflFer of his friend-
ship; and I was on my way to your camp, in company
with several of the cacique's officers, when I met with
your cavaliers. I am instructed to say that Mocoso
himself will visit you whenever it will suit your con-
venience to receive him.
When Juan Qrtiz had finished his narrative. Gov-
ernor De Soto, whose sympathies had been excited by '
this tale of suffering, promised to befriend the unfor-
tunate gentleman, and immediately presented him wilh
a fine horse, a handsome suit of clothes, and all the
arms and equipments of a captain of cavalry. The gov-
ernor then dispatched two Indians with a message fer
Mocoso, accepting his offers of friendship, and inviting
him to visit the camp. Within three days the cacique
arrived in company with some of his principal warriors.
His manners and appearance greatly prepossessed the
Spaniards in his fevor. De Soto gave him a cordial
reception, and thanked him for his kindness to the
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DISGOTEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 343
Speniaid who had sought his protection. Mocoso
answered: ^^I have done noHung for Ortiz which
deserves your thanks. He came to me well recom-
mended, and my honor was pledged for his safety. His
own valor and other good qualities entitled him to all
the respect which I and my people could show him. My
acquaintance with him disposes me to be fiiendly to all
his countrymeif."
It appears, however, that Mocoso's partiality for the
Spaniards was very much at variance with the feelings
of his mother; for, as soon as that lady heard that her
son was among the Christians, she was convinced that
«ome terrible misfortune would befidl him. In the
greatest distress, she hastened to De Soto's camp, not
doubting that the cacique was detained there as a
prisoner, and implored the governor to restore him to
liberty. She referred to the treatment which Ucita had
received from Famphilo, and begged De Soto not to
subject her son to the same cruel punishment ^^If he
has offended you," said she, ^^ consider that he is but
young, and look on his &ult as one of the common
* indiscretions of youth. AUow him to go back to his
people, and I will remain here and undergo whatever
sufferings you may choose to inflict"
De Soto endeavored to convince her that he con-
sidered himself under obligations to the cacique, and
that his intentions were of the most fiiendly nature.
These assurances did not remove the old woman's sus-
picions and anxieties; for she had become stead&st in
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344 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the belief that the whole Spanish nation was perfidious.
Mocoso himself persuaded her, at last, that there was
no restraint on hU liberty, that his visit to the Spaniards
was voluntary, and that his stay with them was r^;u-
lated altogether by his own wishes. Even these repre-
sentations were not quite satisfactory to the fond parent
Before her departure, she took Juan Ortiz aside, and
entreated him to watch over the safety of his friend,
and especially to take heed that the other Spaniards did
not poison him.
Mocoso remained eight days in the Spanish camp,
being, (as one of the historians says,) ^^ inspired with
perfect confidence in the Christians." Considering th^
general character of those "Christians," we may sup-
pose that something like inspiration was required to
make this well-disposed Indian chief rely on their good
&ith and the sincerity of their friendship.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 346
CHAPTER XXVni.
THE CAOIQUB UCITA IS STILL UNPROPITIOUS TO THE SPANIARDS
— ^VASCO POROALLO UNDERTAKES TO CONQUER HIM — A MUDDT
ADVENTURE — PORCALLO'S HEROISM IS CHILLED AND SMOTH-
ERED—HE RETIRES FROM THE SERVICE — BALTHASAR DE
GALLAGOS IS SENT FORWARD — HIS GRATEFUL BEHAVIOR TO
MOCOSO'S BROTHER-IN-LAW — ^HE HEARS OF A GOLD REGION —
REJOICING OF THE SPANIARDS — DE SOTO MARCHES INTO
THE COUNTRY ^-DIFFICULT TRAVELING — FAITHLESS INDIAN
GUIDES — THEIR PUNISHMENT — DE SOTO ARRIVES AT ACUERA
— HE SENDS A FRIENDLY MESSAGE TO THE CACIQUE — THE
INDIAN'S INSULTING ANSWER — FOURTEEN SPANIARDS KILLED
AND DECAPITATED — DE SOTO CONTINUES HIS MARCH,
[A. D. 1689.]
The generous fiiendship which the Cacique Mocoso
manifested for the Spaniards is mentioned in terms
of the warmest commendation by all of our authorities ;
but while we are disposed to do full justice to the
excellent moral qualities of that chieftain, we must not
overlook the &ct that his romantic partiality for the
strangers was both injudicious and unjust. His kind-
ness to Juan Ortiz claims our unqualified approbation;
but the countrymen of his protege had done nothing to
deserve his confidence or his fiiendship. On the con-
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346 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO.
trary, they were Tnaking war on his subjects, and
endeavoring to capture and enslave them at the very
time when Ortiz, after being saved from a horrid death
by Mocoso's interposition, was coming with an escort
of that chiefs officers to the Spanish camp. De Soto's
troops had abeady done enough in that neighborhood to
justify any hostile movement on the part of the inhabit-
ants; therefore, in treating them as friends, Mocoso
evidently foiled in his duty to his own countrymen.
Ucita, the Chief of Hirragua, was an older man than
Mocoso, and he had learned in the school of melancholy
experience to distrust the honorable and virtuous pre-
tensions of men whose ruling passion is avarice. We
have said that De Soto earnestly desired to make a
treaty of peace with this powerful cacique before the
Spaniards advanced further into the country ; as it would
be highly impolitic to leave such an enemy between
them and their ships. A good general, however fortu-
nate and victorious he may be, should never foiget
that he may find it necessary to retreat. To appease
the wrath of Udta, De Soto sent him many presents,
all 6i which were returned. To the governor's com-
plimentary messages, the cacique replied : " The memory
of my injuries forbids me to send a kind answer, and a
harsh one your courtesy will not permit me to return.**
De Soto's lieutenant, Vasco Porcallo, was greatly
offended at what he was pleased to call the cacique's
unreasonable obstinacy. ^^ Instead of negotiating for
peace," said Porcallo, "let us conquer the savage at
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 347
once, and so put an end to the debate." De Soto gave
him permission to try the experiment, and the old
slave-hnnter seemed to undertake the task with a good
deal of alacrity. He arrayed himself in a suit of glit-
tering armor, mounted a very fine horse, and made other
preparations in a style of magnificence which scarcely
suited that kind of war&re in which he was about to
engage. Having selected as many soldiers, horse and
foot, as he thought the undertaking would require, he
set out with the determination, (as he said), to bring
home not only the insolent chief who presumed to
despise the friendship of the Spaniards, but as many of
his subjects as could be conveniently transported to
Cuba. Besides the glory of victory, therefore, he
promised himself an abundant supply of hmnan
machinery to operate in his mines.
Supposing that the enemy would fly at the first
intelligence of his approach, he hastened onward with a
degree of speed which produced a good deal of discon-
tent among his less ardent followers. Nevertheless the
heroic PorcaUa persevered in his rapid march until he
came to the edge of a bog, which some of his troopers
refused to enter, alleging that the route was imprac-
ticable for cavalry. To prove that they were mistaken,
Forcallo himself dashed into the morass, where his
steed plunged and struggled for a few minutes, and then
fell in such a position that Forcallo's leg was &stened
under the quadruped's body. Though horse and rider
were both in extreme danger of suffocation, the soldiers
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348
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
indulged their merriment without restraint. The
appearance of the old cavalier, as he floundered in the
mire, was indeed somewhat ludicrous, and his character
did not entitle him to much sympathy. At length he
PORCALLO IN THE MIRC.
contrived to extricate himself from his disagreeable and
dangerous situation, and crawled out of the quagmire,
so disguised with a thick coat of ooze that he might have
been mistaken for a sea-calf. This adventure so damp-
ened and subdued the military ardor of Lieutenant
Porcallo, that he resolved to return immediately to
Havana. The expenses of his outfit had been consider-
able, and his slave-hunting project had totally failed ; but
his discouragement was so complete, that no hope of
retrieving his pecuniary losses, no expectation of win-
ning new laurels, could induce him to remain in Florida
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 349
The Portuguese narrator says that De Soto and Por-
callo had quarreled, and were not on speaking terms
when the lieutenant resigned his commission * It is
probable that De Soto had discovered that this man's
pursuits would raise such a tempest of indignation in *
the country, that his own plans would infeUibly be
wrecked; Porcallo, therefore, found no difficulty in
obtaining permission to retire from the service.
About this time, (July 1539,) De Soto came to the
determination of sending back all his ships to Havana.
His reasons for so doing are variously reported by dif-
ferent historians. The Portuguese writer says that
the ships were sent home for a fresh supply of provi-
sions. According to Herrera, the governor sent away
his vessels, in order that his followers might lose all
hope of leaving the country until they had conquered it,
as if De Soto depended on their desperation to supply
them with courage and fortitude. To us it appears
that the return of the ships was merely a matter of
necessity. The Spaniards could not carry them into
the country, and they could not leave a sufficient force
to protect them. Had they been left at anchor and
unprotected in any harbor near the Florida coast, it
can scarcely be doubted that the Indians would have
destroyed them. This explanation maybe sufficient;
but it seems likely that the Portuguese gentleman is
correct in his declaration that the vessels were ordered
* Portaguese NarratiTe, Chap, x
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350 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
to retam with fresh supplies for the army, after aUow-
ing a sufficient time for the troops to march through
the country and return to the coast
After the departure of the ships, the governor sent
Balthasar de Gallegos, with a small party of soldiers, to
explore the coimtry northward as &r as the village of
Faracossi, which was governed by a brother-in-law of
the friendly cacique Mocoso. The traveling in this
direction proved to be very difficult, as several deep and
almost impassable morasses intersected the road. These
obstacles would have been insurmountable, had not the
travelers been guided by one of Mocoso's officers, who
showed them the only paths which afforded a secure
passage over the boggy ground. Mocoso had frimished
this guide with visible reluctance. Probably his confi-
dence in the good intentions of the Spaniards began to
waver, and he was therefore imwilling to direct them to
his relative's domains. Gall^os succeeded in persuad-
ing him that nothing more than a friendly visit was
designed; and the amiable chief^ who was too guileless
to suspect treachery, was induced to betray his kinsman,
while he imagined that he was doing an act of kindness.
The village of Faracossi^ was seventeen leagues, due
north, from the place where De Soto was encamped. It
would be very difficult to indicate the location of this
town by modem landmarks, but probably it was situated
* This village is called TJrribarracQzi by Ghtrcilasso; and Horn-
pacQxi, by Biedma.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 351
somewhere in the neighborhood of Long Swamp, Florida,
latitude 29^ N,, longitude 82^ W. from Greenwich.
Gallegos and his party arrived there on the fourth day
after their departure from their camp. On their arrival
they found that the people of Paracossi had deserted
their dwellings; for they had heard enough of the
Spaniards to make a personal acquaintance with them
undesirable. Gallegos was informed that the cacique
and his townsmen had taken refrige in the woods; and
he was about to send a messenger to request them to
come back, when a deputation from the absentees arrived,
and, in the chief's name, offered the strangers any
service that was in their power, but hoped that the
cacique himself would be excused from coming to meet
them. Gallegos ^^ thanked them very much for their
kind offers;" and, soon after, to give them a stronger
proof of his gratitude, he put them all in chains, saying
that he would detain them as hostages, until the cacique
himself should condescend to make his appearance.*
Don Balthasar Gallegos now required the captive mes-
sengers to inform him where the Spaniards could find
any rich country abounding in gold and silver. The
prisoners, to gratify their avaHcious captors, or to punish
them perhaps, declared that, in a northwesterly direc-
tion, there was a country which enjoyed a perpetual
summer, and that the inhabitants of that blessed region
wore hats, or helmets, of gold. This dubious intelligence
* Portngaese Narrative, Chapter x.
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362 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
was 80 satisfectory to Don Balthasar, that he immediately
dispatched eight horsemen to convey the glad tidings to
De Soto. As the Spaniards never doubted that there
was an El Dorado somewhere in Florida, the account
which Gall^os had received from the Indian prisoners,
was easily believed Our Portuguese author says: "De
Soto and all his soldiers were very much comforted by
the assurance that their toils were about to be rewarded
by the discovery of another Peru."
The general policy of the Indians, as we have re-
marked elsewhere, was to send their unwelcome guests
as fiu: away as possible. Hence, the gold region sought
by the Spaniards was always supposed to be in some
remote part of the country. But, granting that the in-
formation given to Gallegos was not merely illusory, it
may be conjectured that the natives intended to direct
him to that ground which now constitutes the northern
part of Georgia, where De Soto and his fellow adven-
turers might have foimd the object of their search,
though in less abundance, perhaps, than they expected.
But the Indians, either intentionally or by mistake, gave
the wrong direction; and the Spaniards, in consequence,
marched northwestwardly *somewhat further than the
present site of Tallahassee. Subsequently, as we shall
see hereafter, they were induced to change their route.
Governor De Soto having received the gratifying in-
telligence spoken of above, was convinced that Gall^os
had found the most direct route to the promised land.
Very much encouraged by this pleasing delusion, he de-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 353
termined to follow Gallegos immediately, with the main
body of the army. Captain Calderon, with forty horse-
men, was left at the port to protect the ships when they
should return from Havana, and to take charge of the
provisions. Before the governor departed, he strictly
chained Captain Calderon to preserve a good imder-
standing with the Indians, and to endure small aggres-
sions rather than to proceed to hostilities, in which he
could have no chance of success. De Soto passed by
the town of Mocoso, declining the proffered hospitalities
of that generous chief, as he was imwilling to burden him
with so large a company. As De Soto proceeded on his
route to Paracossi, he was obliged to contend with diffi-
culties stiU more formidable than those which had been
encountered by Gallegos. The conduct of that man had
stirred up a violent opposition on the part of the natives,
who now harassed the Spaniards with frequent attacks,
rushing out from every thicket, discharging a flight of
arrows, and returning to their ambuscade with such
celerity, that they were under cover before the Christians
could make use of their weapons. By these Parthian-
like assaults many of De Soto's soldiers were killed or
severely wounded. The passage of the swamps or
morasses was another grand difficulty, as De Soto had
neglected to supply himself with guides. His omission
to do so may require some explanation. We conjecture
that Mocoso had heard of the great consternation which
the appearance of the Spaniards had produced in his
brother-in-law's village; wherefore, he was more un-
23
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354 DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI.
willing than ever to afford traveling fiwiilities to those
strangers whose presence so greatly annoyed his coun-
trymen. Possibly, therefore, he may have refused to
send guides with De Soto ; and the latter, in that case,
would be compelled to travel without them, for no other
Indian chief in that neighborhood was disposed to do
the Spaniards a fiivor.
For want of guidance, the army was unable to cross a
morass which is described as being more than a league in
breadth.* Judging from the description of this morass
DI SOTO PREPARINQ TO CROSS LONQ SWAMP.
given by the Portuguese writer, and from the topo-
graphical features of the country, it must have been
Long Swamp. This great obstacle was encountered
* Three Spanish leagues, according to Herrera. — Vide Dec. iv.,
Lib. vi., Cap. 1.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 366
soon after the Spaniards had passed through the village
of Faracossi, at which place Gallegos and his party had
been waiting for the governor's arrival. Horsemen
were sent to explore the margin of the swamp; and,
after a search which continued for several days, they
were unable to find a path. They then built rafts, and
it required two days to effect the passage. Hitherto the
course of the Spaniards had been northward, slightly
inclining to the east; but now, in accordance with
the directions received from the Indians, they began to
change their route, by diverging somewhat toward the
west.
Judicious persons, mounted on fleet horses, were sent
in advance of the army to select the most convenient
road; or rather to find some practicable pathway in a
country which had all the appearance of an untraveled
wilderness. These pioneers were often killed by the
Indians, who concealed themselves in the woods, and
shot their arrows at the intruders without affordmg the
Spaniards any opportunity to retaliate. Several of the
natives were taken prisoners and compelled to act as
guides; but, having no good reason to discharge this
duty with fidelity, they led the Spaniards to places that
were impassable, pretending that they had mistaken
the way. For this justifiable deception, two or three of
them were condemned to be torn to pieces by the dogs;
but they bore this cruel punishment with martyr-like
fortitude, choosing to die rather than betray their
coimtrymen.
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366 LIFE OP FERDINAND DESOTO,
After a tedious march of two days the Christian army
came to another morass, in the midst of which was a
dark and sluggish river. Over this Lethe-Uke stream
the natives had thrown a bridge of the most inartificial
construction, being nothing more than two logs extend-
ing from bank to bank, with branches of trees placed
crosswise to make the flooring. The Indians, to pre-
vent the Spaniards from crossing, had attempted to
destroy this bridge, and they succeeded so far as to make
it impassable. De Soto ordered two men, who were
expert swimmers, to repair it. While these persons,
each with a hatchet in his hand, were swimming about
and endeavoring to perform the task assigned to them,
a volley of arrows was shot at them by some Indians
who were concealed among the rushes on the opposite
side of the stream. Both of the Spaniards who were in
the water were badly wounded, and escaped with their
lives only by diving under the surfitce and reappearing
near their comrades. A dischar^ of musketry com-
pelled the Indians who were hid among the rushes to
retreat, and the bridge was then repaired. When the
Spaniards had crossed over, they succeeded in taking
some Indian prisoners, who informed them that they
were in the province of Acuera, which was twenty
leagues from the village of Paracossi. Acuera is de-
scribed as a fertile and beautiful ooimtry. The princi-
pal town and residence of the cacique occupied a posi-
tion which we suppose to be identical with that of Fort
King, in Marion County, Fa,
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 367
De Soto treated the prisoners he had just taken with
much kindness, and sent them with presents to the
cacique of Acuera, with whom he proposed to make a
treaty of peace and friendship. To this message the
cacique made the somewhat imgradous, though not
very inappropriate reply, that "with such vagabonds as
the Spaniards he desired always to be at war, and that
the only kindness they could do to him or his people
would be to retire from the country."
De Soto was magnanimous enough to admire the
boldness and independence of the American patriot;
and instead of taking offense at his honest plainness, he
sent back another messenger to inquire what the Span-
iards had done to deserve such an inhospitable recep-
tion. "If any of my countrymen have injured you,"
said the Governor, "I am ready to make all the repara-
tion in my power." To this conciliatory speech, the
cacique again replied: "I look upon the Spaniards as a
nation of robbers. I have heard of their behavior in
former times, and I have reason to believe that their
only employment is to plunder the poor, to betray the
confiding, and to murder the defenseless. With such
people I do not wish to be on terms of peace or friend-
ship. But if you will leave my country forthwith, I
have no desire to do you harm. If you go at once
you may go in peace; but if you remain, you must ex-
pect to be treated as enemies; and I will use force,
stratagem, and every possible means to ensure your
destruction."
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358 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
In spite of the cacique's prohibition, De Soto encamped
on the edge of this province, where he remained twenty
days, within which time the Indians killed fourteen Span-
iards. Every soldier who wandered from the camp was
sure to be put to death and beheaded. The heads were
conveyed in triumph to the cacique, and the bodies of
the slaughtered Castilians were left to be interred by their
comrades. The Indians could not be drawn into an
open battle, and therefore it was impossible to conquer
them or to do them any serious damage. Having no
leisure to carry on an ineffectual war, De Soto found it
expedient to abandon the contest, and proceed on his
route without any further delay.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 359
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE LOCATION OP ACUERA — DE SOTO liARCHES TO OOALI — THE
CACIQUE REFUSES TO SEE HIM — THE NATIVES SHOW THEIR
DISLIKE FOR THE SPANIARDS — ^AN INDIAN CHIEF IS CAPTURED
— ANOTHER SENDS A THREATENING MESSAGE TO THE SPAN-
IARDS— DE SOTO'S MILD ANSWER — ^THE CACIQUE VITACUCHO
VISITS THE SPANISH CAMP — HE INVITES THE CHRISTIANS
TO HIS CHIEF TOWN — HIS PLOT TO DESTROY THEM — DE
SOTO OUTGENERALS THE CACIQUE — DEVELOPMENT OF THE
PLOT — ^THE BATTLE — BRAVE CONDUCT OF THE INDIANS —
VITACUCHO IS TAKEN PRISONER — HE CONTRIVES ANOTHER
PLOT — HE COMMITS AN ASSAULT AND BATTERY ON THE
GOVERNOR — HE FIGHTS DESPERATELY, AND IS KILLED —
THE INDIAN PRISONERS ATTEMPT TO KILL THE SPANIARDS —
THE NATIVES DIE FOR LIBERTY. [A. D. 1539.]
Dr. Monette conjectures that the village of Acuera,
where De Soto met with the repulsive treatment de-
scribed in the last chapter, was about thirty miles north
of the Withlacoochy or Amaxura River, seventy-five
miles from Hillsborough Bay, and twelve miles south-
west from Orange Lake. Finding it inconvenient to
remain any longer in this neighborhood, the inhabitants
of which seemed to have such a particular fency for the
heads of the Spaniards, Governor De Soto determined
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360 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
to march about forty miles further, to a town called
Ocali, or Cale, the situation of which is marked down
on the maps. This town was the largest they had seen
in Florida, containing not less than six hundred houses.
The surrotinding coimtry was free from morasses, and
well-cultivated. The inhabitants of Ocali had been
forewarned of their danger, and when the Spaniards
arrived at the town, they foimd it deserted. The people
had fled to the woods, and carried all their valuable
property with them. No provisions were foimd in the
village, and the Spaniards, who had consumed dieir
whole stock of eatables, began to be sorely pressed with
hunger. In this emergency, De Soto captured an
Indian, and sent him to the woods to invite the cacique
to a friendly conference. The sagacious chieftain civilly
declined the honor of a personal interview with the
Spanish commander. De Soto sent a more pressing
invitation, and the cacique was persuaded to come
out of the woods and converse with the Christians.
He was kindly received by the governor, who walked
with him, arm-in-arm, toward a river over which the
Spaniards were about to build a bridge. On the oppo-
site side of the stream suddenly appeared a large party
of Indians, who greeted De Soto and his attendants
with shouts of " Away, vagabond robbers !" and other
reproachftd expressions. They also shot several arrows
at the governor, and slightly wounded one of his
soldiers. De Soto then asked the cacique, who stood
by his side, why he allowed his subjects to behave in
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361
this violent manner. The chief answered that the
persons who acted thus were too disorderly to submit
to his authority, and that many of his people had
refused to obey him because they suspected him of
being too friendly to the Spaniards. The governor
replied, " If that is the case, you had better return to
CROSSING ON AN INDIAN BRIDGE.
them at once." The chief gladly availed himself of
this permission, but promised to come back again as
soon as he should succeed in mollifying his people and
convincing them that the Spaniards deserved more
friendly and respectful treatment. But, as he never
returned, it is presumed that his subjects were too
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362 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
obstinately prejudiced against the Christians to hear
any aigument in their fevor.
The bridge over the river was built in a style of
pontine architecture, which De Soto had learned in
Peru. Two cables were stretched fix)m bank to bank,
and on these were laid boards, or slabs of wood, so as
to afford a very good footpath for the soldiers. The
horses were obliged to swim over. After crossing this
river, (which we suppose to be the Suwanee or Santa F6
branch), the Spaniards turned more toward the west,
and soon observed a manifest improvement in the
appearance of the country. Extensive fields of maize
promised them a good supply of food for themselves and
their horses, and the absence of bogs and thick forests
made the traveling easy and comfortable. The valley
through which they were now passing was well inhabited,
but as the people depended on tigriculture for subsistence,
their dwellings were separated by cultivated fields. This
district was governed by three brothers, each of whom
had his separate domain. One of the triumvirate, who
had fixed his abode in a small town called Ochila, was
surprised by the Spaniards, who came upon him by
night, and surrounded his dwelling. He made some
resistance, however; but when the Christians threatened
to bum his village, he surrendered. This cacique, at
De Soto's request, sent messengers to inform his broth-
ers that the Spaniards asked for nothing more than
permission to pass through the coimtry without molesta-
tion. These representations induced another of the
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fraternal cliie& to pay De Soto a friendly visit, but the
oldest brother, who was called Vitacucho, charged the
other two with boyish creduUty, because they had Ust-
ened to the deceitfrd promises of these vicious foreigners.
"Tell your Spanish friends,*' said he, in conclusion,
" that if they come into my country, I will have one-
half of them roasted and the other half boiled!"
When this message was communicated to Governor
de Soto, he sent a gentle and courteous remonstrance to
Vitacucho, telling him that he hoped to convince him
that all the Spaniards were not vicious or deceitfrd.
The haughty chief affected to be conciliated by this
mild answer. He sent another messenger to teU De
Soto that he and some of his warriors would visit the
Spaniards at their camp. Soon afler, he fulfilled this
promise by coming with five hundred Indians, aU gayly
dressed and well armed, according to the manner of
their country. Vitacucho himself was a tall and well-
formed man, about thirty-five years old, and his physiog-
nomy gave a promise of the craft and courage which
were afterward exemplified in his conduct. He apolo-
gized somewhat ironically for having mistaken the
Spaniards for a gang of foreign rogues, and expressed a
hope that a more intimate acquaintance with them
would change his opinion. That he might study their
character to more advantage, he invited them to visit his
principal town; where, as he promised them rather
equivocally, they should meet with all the kindness
which their honorable and generous behavior to the
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364 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Indians had deserved. De Soto had scarcely any doubt
that the cacique intended to do him some mischief;
however, he concealed his suspicions, and accepted
Vitacucho's proffered hospitality.
On the following day the Spaniards accompanied the
chief to his capital town, which consisted of about two
hundred houses. There he entertained them for two
days with every appearance of the most hearty good-wilL
The governor and his principal officers were quartered
in the cacique's own house, which was large enough to
afford them ample accommodations. In the mean time,
Vitacucho was engaged in a deep plot, the purpose of
which was to massacre all the Spaniards, at the very
moment when he should succeed in lulling them into a
dream of perfect security. The extermination of De
Soto and all his companions, was prevented only by an
act of indiscretion on the part of the cacique, who en-
trusted four of the governor's Indian interpreters with
the fetal secret. These men proved more feithfid to
their employer than to their country, for they imme-
diately made De Soto acquainted with his danger. Still
the poUtic governor feigned to be well satisfied with the
kind attentions and sincerity of his host, trusting to his
own address to avert the menaced destruction, which, to
a more timid mind, might have seemed inevitable.^
When Vitacucho's plan was matured, he proposed to
entertain De Soto with a display of his forces, and the
manner in which the warriors of his country performed
their exercises, and prepared themselves for active service
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in the field. The governor, who perceived that the
oflEair was approaching a crisis, consented to review Vita-
cucho's troops ; at the same time, he informed the chief
that it was customary with the Spaniards to march out
in order of battle, when they wished to do paiiticular
honor to their fiiends. He therefore gave orders for his
soldiers to appear in arms, and secretly instructed them
to be prepared for an attack. The cacique was obviously
dissatisfied with these proceedings, but he had no pre- •
tense for opposing them. With every appearance of the
most cordial friendship, the two commanders walked,
side by side, to the field where their respective armies
were drawn up. Vitacucho had mustered several thou-
sands of warriors, who were placed in a very good posi-
tion, with an impervious thicket on one hand, and two
small lakes on the other. The appearance of the native
v^^arriors v^ras very commanding, and indeed formidable.
They were all young and athletic men, each of whom,
in personal strength, was probably a match for two
Spaniards; though the Castilian soldiers had greatly the
advantage in arms and superior military training. The
Indians wore tall head-dresses, composed of the plumes
of the swan, heron, or crane, which apparently added to
their stature, and made their enemies feel almost Hke
pigmies in their presence. The natives had concealed
their bows and arrows in the grass before them, so that
they might appear to be unarmed.
The Spanish infantry was formed on the opposite side
of the plain, and the cavalry occupied a central position
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366 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
between their own countrymen and the Indians. Twelve
chosen men were in immediate attendance on the
governor, and about an equal number of Indians waited
on the cacique, as they stood on a little eminence to
command a better view of the field. At a signal given
by Vitacucho, the Indians snatched up their arms, and
at the same moment the twelve Spaniards, who attended
on De Soto, seized the cacique and made him a prisoner.
Vitacucho's servants made an ineffectual effort to rescae
him, and the Indian warriors bent their bows and took
aim at the Spaniards. De Soto now mounted his favor-
ite horse, AceytuSo, and spurred him on the thickest of
the enemy, "with that headlong valor which always
distinguished him in battle." The Indians dischai^ed
a shower of arrows, several of which pierced the body
of the horse, and killed him on the spot. It was always
a primary object with the natives to kill the horses,
because these animals gave the Spaniards their principal
advantage in battle. The governor mounted another
horse, which his page had brought him; and then, at the
head of his cavahy, he charged the main body of the
enemy, which was soon broken up by the furious assault.
Some of the Indians took refuge in the woods, and
others endeavored to save themselves by plunging into
the lake. Those who fled along the plain were over-
taken by the horsemen, and were either killed or made
prisoners.
The account we have given of the capture of Vita-
cucho is derived altogether from the Spanish authorities;
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 367
and, for this reason, yve feel some hesitation in accepting
it as a fair statement of the facts. The Portuguese nar-
rator tells the story with a considerable difference, making
DEATH OF DE SOTO'S FAVORITE HORSE.
it very doubtful whether De Soto's seizure of the cacique
was a justifiable act of self-defense. The Spanish writers
themselves do not make it appear that auy overt act of
hostility was committed by the Indians, before the
Spaniards commenced the affray by laying violent hands
on the cacique. And it appears that the best evidence
of Vitacucho's treacherous designs was the information
given by the Indian interpreters in the service of the
Spaniards. These traitors to their country were scoun-
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368 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
drels, of course ; and the testimony of such witnesses is
entitled to very little credit.
We know that it was a common trick of the Spanish
commanders in America to kidnap the caciques and other
principal Indians, who were retained as hostages to
insure the submission of the people. From the account
given by the Portuguese gentleman, we judge that De
Soto was the aggressor in this affair. He had begun to
treat the cacique like a prisoner, and Vitacucho's sub-
jects endeavored to rescue him from the power of the
Spaniards. The principal incidents of the battle may
be correctly reported. All authorities admit that the
Indians behaved with great bravery in this conflict
Though they were broken and dispersed by the
irresistible force of the Spanish cavalry, they did not
abandon the field, but continued to fight imtil all their
arrows were exhausted. Few of them were taken
prisoners, for the resistance which they made was so
desperate, that the greater number of them chose to
perish on the battle-field rather than sohcit or accept
the clemency of their enemies. Several hundreds of
them took refuge in the lake, whither the Castilian
horsemen could not venture to follow them. From this
Uquid fort, they continued to discharge their arrows at
the Spaniards, from ten o'clock in the morning, (at
which time the battle commenced,) until midnight *
During the night, some of these aquatic warriors con-
* Portugaese GenUeman, Gh.ii.; Herrera, Dec.iT., Lib.vL, Cap. 1
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DISGOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 369
tinued to approach the Spaniards, and to discharge their
arrows with more eflfect, by covering their heads with
the large leaves of the water-lily. Thus concealed, they
swam near the shore, and took deliberate aim at their
antagonists. This ingenious expedient was detected at
last, and when the Spanish cross-bowmen and mus-
keteers saw a water-lily begin to move, they knew how
INDIANS APPROACHING UNOER THE WATER-LILIES.
to account for the phenomenon, and directed their fire
to the spot. To prevent any of the Indians from escap-
ing, the Spaniards posted themselves, in parties of
24
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370 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
five or six men^ around the lake, having their ormB
prepared to shoot any of the natives who should emerge
from the water.
Herrera says, that while some of the Indians were
swimming on the sur&oe of the lake, others would
stand on their hacks whUe they shot their arrows at tiie
CastiUans. From the same author we learn that seven
of the natives, rather than submit, remained in the
water until the next day at noon; when the governor,
considering that it was cruel to allow so many brave
men to perish, ordered twelve Spaniards to swim to
them and drag them out by force. At this time their
strength was exhausted, and when placed on the shore
they appeared to be in a dying condition, having been
in the water more than twenty-four hours. The efforts
of the Spaniards to restore them were successful; and
when they were able to answer questions, De Soto
inquired why they had been so obstinate 1 They
replied that their nation had made them commanders,
and they wished to prove that they were worthy of
their position by dying in the defense of their country.
" We should have been more obliged to you,** they added
'^4f you had permitted us to perish where we were,
instead of preserving our lives for the purpose of mak-
ing us slaves.*'
We are told that Governor de Soto pardoned Vita-
cucho's "rebellion,** and continued to treat the cacique
Uke a friend and brother. Both dined at the same
table; and the Spaniards constantly endeavored, by
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 371
means of the most gentle and respectful behavior, to the
captive chie^ to reconcile him to his situation. It
appears, however, that all of Vitacucho's subjects, who
were made prisoners in the late battle, were reduced to
a state of slavery, and compelled to perform all the
drudgery of the camp. This, we suppose, was enough
to excuse Gxe cacique for making some effort to recover
his freedom and to liberate his suffering people. How-
ever, he is charged with ingratitude and a perfidious
disposition, because he contrived another plot for the
extermination of his oppressors. It is said that he
instructed his enslaved subjects to &U on the Spaniards^
and destroy them all while they were at dinner. This
work of righteous retribution was to have been executed
on the seventh day after the battle. While the governor
and Yitacucho were dining together on that day, the
cacique suddenly started up, gave a loud cry, which was
the signal for his countrymen to begux the slaughter;
and, at the same moment, he struck the governor a blow
in the &ce with such tremendous force, that the invind-
Dle cavalier was, for the first time, prostrated before an
enemy. While De Soto lay on the ground, in a state
of insensibility, several other Spaniards drew their
swords and attacked the cacique; who, notwithstanding
ne was unarmed, stoutly defended himself, and with his
oaked fist struck down two or three of his assailants,
before the latter, with repeated wounds, could succeed in
dispatching him. As soon as Yitacucho's signal was
heard, the Indian prisoners assailed the Spaiiiards with
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372 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the most reckless fury, although they were unprovided
with any weapons except firebrands, cooking utensils
and such other articles as could be made to answer the
purpose. Many of the Spaniards were killed, or
.eyerely wounded; but, in the end, aU the prisoners
were put to death: and their conduct proved that they
preferred this doom before a life of bondage. From this
account we may learn that our revolutionary fethers
were not the first martyrs to liberty who poured out
their blood on the American soil; and while we contem-
plate and admire the heroism of those noble aborigines
who sacrificed their lives in the cause of freedom and
the rights of man, we feel that it is no disparagement
of our civilization and national glory to acknowledge
them as our countrymen, though we cannot daim them
as our ancestors.
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CHAPTER XXX.
DB SOTO'S FOLLOWERS ARE DISCOURAGED — THET WISH TO
LEAVE THE COUNTRT — THE COMMANDER REFUSES TO TURN
BACK — HE TAKES THE LEAD IN ALL DANGERS — THE SPAN-
IARDS MARCH TOWARD APALACHE — DESPERATE RESISTANCE
OF THE INDIANS — INCESSANT FIGHTING — CAPTURE OP AN
EXTRAORDINARY INDIAN CHIEF— HE ORDERS HIS SUBJECTS
TO SUBMIT TO THE SPANIARDS — THEY REFUSE TO DO SO —
THE chief's stratagem AND WONDERFUL ESCAPE — DIA-
BOLICAL AGENCY SUSPECTED — DE SOTO COLLECTS ALL HIS
FORCES — HE FIXES HIS WINTER QUARTERS — RECEIVES A
LETTER FROM DONNA ISABELLA — THE CACIQUE MOCOSO
REWARDED — DISCOVERY OF PENSACOLA. [A. D. 1539-1540.]
The capital town of Vitacucho, where that unfortu-
nate'chief was slain, and so many of his subjects were
massacred, is supposed by Mr. Fairbanks to have been
situated about fifteen miles west of the present site
of Fort Micanopy. Before De Soto had penetrated thus
far into the country, a general feeling of discontent
began to manifest itself among his followers. Their
dreams of a golden harvest in Florida had not been
realized; and the indomitable character of the natives
promised to give the Spaniards more trouble than the
proposed conquest, in their estimation, was worth.
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374 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Except De Soto himself, there was not a man in the
army who was disposed, at that time, to pursue the
adventure any further. There was a prevailing desire
to return to the port where they had disembarked, and
to abandon the country as soon as the ships returned
from Havana.* The principal cause of the panic
among the troops was the frightful accounts which the
Indians gave of the defeat and sufferings of Famphilo
and his companions, when they were driven out of the
territory of Apalache. De Soto and his associates were
now approaching that ground where their countrymen,
ten years before, had received the castigation they
deserved ; and, as they had no good reason to hope for
a different fete, the officers and soldiers of De Soto's
expedition, earnestly besought their commander to
** Leare the fatal shore
And measure back those seas he cross'd before."
But De Soto affected to discredit the story of Famphilo's
defeat. "I cannot believe,'* said he, "that these mise-
rable savages could obtain so great an advantage over a
Spanish army; and I must see for myself before I cao
nave any faith in their ability to contend with us in ao
open battle-field. You, who are so easily discouraged,
may stay behind. You have never seen me shrink from
the post of danger ; and I will now advance, with two
bundred men, or even a smaller number, and meet aU
* Portogaese Narratire, Chap. xl.
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DISGOYEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 375
the enemies that axe likely to offer any opposition to
our progress."
In every dangerous march De Soto led the van ; and
often, with a few chosen men, he threw himself fer in
advance of the main body of his army. At the time
of his battle with Vitacucho, a considerable part of his
forces, under the command of Luys Moscoso, remained
at Cale, and of course took no part in the conflict.
Finding that their general could not b^persuaded to
turn back, the subordinate officers and *he troops were
constrained by shame or fear to continue their onward
march. The promised Gold Region seemed to elude
^em, as the coasts of " flying Italy" did the. compan-
ions of JEneas. Its hypothetical situation was now in
Apalache, the scene' of FamphUo's severe punishment ;
and, as the people of that district were supposed to be
the very Spartans of America, the Castilian heroes
might safely calculate on having an opportunity to
distinguish themselves in many a hard-fought battle,
if their other expectations from the country should be
disappointed.
On their way to Apalache, the adventurers proceeded
north-westerly to a village called Osachile, which Mr.
Fairbanks supposes to be the old town of Suwanee.
rhe location of this village appears to have been about
thirty-five miles, in a north-easterly direction, from
Alligator Foint Here the Spaniards remained several
days, employing themselves in capturing Indians to
serve as guides, according to Herrera ; but the Fortu-
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376 LIFE OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
guese gentleman, with greater probability, asserts that
the prisoners were nsed as slaves * The number taken
was about one hundred, men and women; and this &ct
alone proves that Herrera's statement is fiJse. The
Portuguese writer says : " These Indians were led in
chains, with iron collars on their necks ; and they were
compelled to carry the baggage, to grind the maize, and
to perform other menial services for the soldiers." That
they did not patiently submit to this oppressive treat-
ment is proved by other declarations of tlie same writer*
" Sometimes it happened," says he, " that tJie Indian
slaves, when going for wood or maize, killed the Chris-
tians that led them and ran away with the chain. Others
filed oflf their irons at night with pieces of stone, and
so made their escape. AU who were detected in any
attempt to recover their liberty were put to death, or
otherwise punished."
On the first day of October, 1539, the Spaniards
crossed another great morass, and came to a deep river,
suppose4 to be the Oscilla, over which they attempted
to build a bridge ; but the Indians, collected on the
opposite bank, discharged volleys of arrows at the
workmen, and compelled them to desist. The Span-
iards crossed the stream, at last, by throwing in planks,
which, floating on the sur&ce, afibrded a precarious
footing for the infentry, but the cavalry were obliged to
swim over. As soon as the Castilians began to cross
* Portuguese Narrative, Chap. xi.
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DISGOYERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 377
the river, the Indians retired into the wood, but con-
tinued to annoy their enemies with an incessant shower
of arrows. It was necessary for the Spaniards to pass
through this wood, which was so dense that the pioneers
SPANIARDS CROSSING THE RIVER OSCILLA.
were obliged to cut down many trees to a£ford a passage
for the troops. The men who were employed in felling
the trees were exposed to ahnost certain death ; when
one was slain, and another took his place, he had
scarcely time to strike a blow with his axe before a
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878 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
well-diiected arrow laid bim by the side of his &}leD
comrade. Though the wood was only five miles broad,
the Spaniards consumed two days in passing through it,
and, in the mean time, many of them were killed ; foi
the Indians, in this case, had all the advantage on their
own side. But when the Christians came into the open
country, and were able to use their cavalry, gteat num-
bers of the Indians were slaughtered or taken prisoners.
The natives, however, continued to harass their invaders
without intermission; and for several days the route
of the Spaniards was marked by a continuous line
of bloodshed and carnage, which they left behind them.
In the course of their march the Spaniards passed
through several towns, aU of which were deserted; but
maize and other provisions were found in some of them.
At length, after much hard %hting and very difficult
traveling, De Soto arrived at the principal town of
Apalache, where he resolved to pass the winter. The
cacique of this place and aU the inhabitants had left
their dwellings, and fortified themselves, by enclosing a
i^pace with palisades, in a wood about eight leagues from
the village. ^ De Soto marched thither, and besieged the
Indian fort, which he demolished, after a long and hard
struggle, and the cacique was made prisoner. The name
of this cacique was Capasi. In person he was somewhat
of an oddity, for he was so &t that his 1^ could not
support the weight of his body ; and when he wished to
move from place to place, he was either carried by his
servants on a bier or litter, or crawled on his hands and
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 879
knees. Having secured this valuable prize, Governor
De Soto flattered himself that he would now be enabled
to control all the tribes of Apalache who acknowledged
A FAT INDIAN CACIQUE.
the authority of this obese potentate. But the event did
not answer the governor's expectations, for the subjects
of Capasi continued to make war on the Spaniards with
a reckless disregard of the cacique's personal safety. De
Soto required the chief to order his people to submit
and lay down their arms, or the Spaniards would punish
their recusancy by sacrificing the cacique himselC
Capasi, with an eye to his own personal security, com-
missioned several of his fellow-prisoners to make his
people aware of his danger, and to advise them to
comply with the only terms on which the Christians
would consent to spare his life. When this prodama-
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380 LIFE OP FERDINAND DB SOTO,
tion was made through the district, the subordinate
chie& of Apalache held a council, and the result of their
deliberations was an absolute refusal of these truly
honorable representatives of the Apalachean people to
compromise the rights and liberties of the public, for the
purpose of securing a particular interest They sent a
messenger to make Capasi acquainted with their deci-
sion. "We are sorry for your misfortune," said they to
the captive cacique, "but the life of one man is of less
consequence than the liberties of a whole nation. If we
were in your situation, we should prefer death to the
sacrifice which you call on us to make ; and we advise
you to prove that you are worthy of your position as the
principal ruler of these warlike tribes, by dying willingly
for the good of your people."
Capasi, whose frailty, (in accordance with the theory
of Sir John Falstaff,) was proportioned to the amount
of his flesh, could not reconcile himself to the sweet and
glorious death of a martyred patriot. The message of
his countrymen and their ominous advice filled him witli
dismay. Some of the Spaniards, as it appears, had been
amusing themselves by giving him a minute accoimt of
the process which the Christians generally used in the
execution of unconverted Indians; and, in relation to
this topic, the truth needed no coloring of romance to
make it sufficiently fiightfuL The poor cacique was
forced to believe that if his subjects did not succumb to
the Spaniards, the governor would order him to be
burned to death; and he was tormented with the reflec-
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DISGOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 381
tion that his bodily sufferings would be more excru-
dating, because the material to be consumed was more
abundant than usual, and more combustible. In the
greatest tribulation, he applied to Governor De Soto,
and entreated him to have patience for awhile, as the
people of Apalache must soon relent, and return a more
fiivorable answer. He knew that their affection for him
was unbounded, as he had always treated them like his
own children ; and he thought that if he had an oppor-
tunity to meet his subordinate chie&, he could persuade
them to return to their duty. He therefore requested
the governor to send him, properly guarded, to the place
where the chiefi were assembled, promising that his ap-
pearance among them would make them entirely sub-
missive to his orders.
De Soto complied with this request. The cacique,
attended by a sufficient number of Spanish soldiers, was
carried in a litter to a place designated by him, about
two leagues from the camp ; and from thence he sent
orders for his subordinates to appear before him on the
following day, as he had something to communicate
which greafly concerned their welfere and that of their
nation. On the arrival of night, the Spaniards who had
the cacique in charge, posted a sufficient number of
guards to prevent the enemy from coming on them by
surprise, and then betook themselves to repose. They
supposed that the helpless condition of their prisoner
would make it unnecessary for them to keep any watch
over him ; for no one could believe that such a cumber-
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382 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
some mass of mortality could escape by flight Howev^,
as soon as the cacique's guard awoke iu the momiiig,
they discoveied that he had vanished like anothar
^^ delicate Ariel" He must have crawled away like
a huge turtle, while his keepers were asleep ; and his
address in eluding the sentinels proTed that he had some
of the qualifications of an Indian warrior. Having
recovered his liberty, Capasi was careM to avoid a re-
capture, and the Spaniards sawno more of him. When
the soldiers who had been appointed to guard him re-
turned to their commander, they excused themselves
for allowing Capasi to escape, by . protesting that the
devU had carried him off through the air, as it would
have been impossible fbr him to get away in any other
manner. Herrera reports that the commander, '^ being
a discreet man,'' and unwilling to punish the guards for
their negligence, accepted their apology, and remariced
with a smiling countenance, that as the Indians were
fionous sorcerers, it was quite likely that some diabolical
agency had been employed in this affair.
Having resolved to pass the winter in Apakche, De
Soto fortified the village where he had fixed his quai^
ters, and sent out foraging parties in various directions
to obtain a good supply of provisions. The men idio
were charged with this duty, robbed the corn-fields of
the Indians at the hazard of their lives ; and many of
them were slain while in the act of committing these
depredations. Indian com and pumpkins appear to
have been the principal articles of food which the Span-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 383
iaids obtained by plundeiing the natiyes; but they
sometimes found in the houses of the principal Indians
a kind of bread or cakes, **made of prunes," as the
Spanish writers assert, though the fruit used &r this
purpose was undoubtedly the persimmon.
The governor now thought it expedient to collect all
his forces in one place. He therefore sent a party of
horsemen to the sea-coast, with orders for Captain Calde-
ron and the soldiers under his command, to march for-
ward and join the main body of the troops in Apalache.
The town of Anaica,* where De Soto proposed to win-
ter, was the capital of Apalache, which had been vacated
by the cadque Capasi, when the Spaniards approached
his territory. This town, according to our Portuguese
author, was ten leagues from the nearest part of the sea-
coast. Mr. Gallatin judges that Anaica was situated
somewhere in the neighborhood of Ockockona Biver.
The nearest sea-port to this town is called Ante, by the
Spanish writers ; this sea-port, Mr. McCulloh says, was
undoubtedly at the head of the bay of St. Mark's. The
Apalachy Indians, at the time the French settled in
Louisiana, lived around and above the junction of Flint
and Cattahouchie rivers, and, most probably, had lived
there since the time of De Soto. The last-named
author places the town of Anaica north of the rivei
* This place is called Anhajca bj some, and Anhaica bj others.
Oar mode of spelling the name is adopted from the Portuguese
narrative.
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384 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Uche, aad thirty leagues fix)iii the bay of St Mark's.*
Some of these conjectures seem very probable ; but all
the authors quoted place rather too much reliance on
the statements of Garcilasso, which are entitled to very
little credit. The Portuguese Gentleman is much better
authority, especially in matters relating to numbers and
distances ; and he distinctly asserts that Anaica was only
ten leagues &om the Bay of Ante, or St. Mark's. The
site of the town is probably in some part of Leon
County, Florida.
The party of horsemen sent by the governor to the
Bay of Espiritu Santa, after Captain Calderon, was com-
manded by Juan Anasca. As the winter had now com-
menced, the sufferings of this party on the road were very
great, and one of the men was frozen to death in his saddle.
When Anasco arrived at the town of Mocoso, that chief
inquired after the health and wel&re of his Spanish
friends ; and when he heard of their wars and other
troubles, he expressed his regret, and wished that the
caciques were all of his own mind. But when they
came to the place where Calderon and his company
were stationed, the first inquiries of these persons were,
not after the health and welfare of their absent country-
men, but whether they had found any land aboimding
with gold ! In obedience to Governor De Soto's orders.
Captain Calderon prepared to accompany the messen-
gers to the winter quarters of the army. The ships
* Vide " McCulloh's Researches," Appeudix.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 385
had lately returned fcom Havana with a large amount
of ][nx)vi8ions, clothing, arms and ammunition, much of
which would have to be left behind for want of any
suitable means of conveyance. Some of these super-
fluous articles were given to Mocoso, as a reward for
the many acts of kindness which he had done for the
Spaniards while they resided in his neighborhood. The
good chief certainly deserved some substantial token of
Christian gratitude ; for he had exposed himself to the
hatred and vengeance of his own countrymen, by be-
fiiending these strangers, whose claims to his kindness
were, to say the least, very equivocal All the vessels,
except two brigantines, were sent back to Havana,
under the command of Gomez Aries, who was likewise
dialled with a letter £rom De Soto to Donna Isabella
That lady had embraced the opportunity, when the
ships left Cuba, to write to her absent husband; and
Captain Calderon undertook to convey her letter to the
governor at Anaica.
According to the directions which he had received
from De Soto, Juan de Anasco proceeded, with the two
brigaQtines and some of the soldiers, to the Bay of Ante,
which, as previously mentioned, was the nearest sea-
port to the place where De Soto was now stationed.
At the same time. Captain Calderon, with all the
cavalry, and fifty foot-soldiers, started on his overland
route to Apalache, being guided by some of the men
who had traveled over the same ground with De Soto.
The distance wavS one himdred and fifty leagues, and
25
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dS6 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Calderon was obliged to fight his way, as the goTemor
had done before, through the whole journey. Some of
Calderon's men were killed on the route, and twelve
more died of their wounds after their arrival at Anaica.
Juan Anasco, with the brigantines, arrived safely at the
the Bay of Ante, where the vessels were left at anchor,
and Anasco and his soldiers proceeded to the governor's
camp. Thus, all the Spaniards in Florida were reunited ;
and, as their number was now considerably reduced by
war and disease, the commander prudently resolved to
consolidate his forces as much as possible in future.
During the winter, however, he sent out several small
parties for the purpose of exploration. One of these
parties discovered a good sea-port and harbor, which
was situated, according to their computation, about sixty
leagues west of Ante, a location which may be sup-
posed to identify it with Fensacola; or, making due
allowance for probable mistakes in reckoning the dis-
tance, the place designated may have been near the en-
trance of Mobile Bay.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 381
CHAPTER XXXI,
DONNA ISABELLA'S LETTER — SHE GIVES DE SOTO GOOD COUNSEL
—HIS REASONS FOR NOT FOLLOWING IT — THE SPANIARDS
LEAVE THEIR WINTER QUARTERS— CERTAIN INTELLIGENCE OF
A GOLD REGION— THE MARCH TO COFACHIQUI— THE INDIAN
GUIDE IS SEDUCED BY THE DEVIL — HIS MIRACULOUS CONVER-
SION-^THE SPANIARDS ARRIVE AT COFACHIQUI — EL DORADO
PROVES TO BE STILL AT A DISTANCE — MARCH THROUGH A
DREART WILDERNESS — SUFFERINGS OF THE SPANIARDS — THE
CONVERTED INDIAN GUIDE SUSPECTED OF TRBACHERT —
ARRIVAL AT A FINE COUNTRY GOVERNED BT A TOUNG FEMALE
CACIQUE, [a, D. 1540.]
The letter from Donna Isabella which was brought
to De Soto by Captain Calderon made a very painful
impression on the mind of the hero; for it proved that
his wife was unhappy; and it made him suspect, for the
first time, that the enterprise in which he was engaged,
did not meet with her cordial approbation. Donna
Isabella was sensitively conscientious; in this particular,
she strongly resembled her mother, whose excellent
moral qualities have been celebrated in history.* After
* Some accoont of her may be foond In Washington Irring'g
" Colambas and his Companions," p. 197.
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388 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
her arrival at Havana, and during her residence in that
place, Governor De Soto's lady had heard many terrible
accounts of the innumerable wrongs and barbarities
which had been committed by the Spanish conquerors
of America. At Havana she first became acquainted
with the sad and shocking history of her own Cither's
official conduct at Panama and Nicaragua. To her this
information was the cause of unimaginable distress;
and, although she wished to beUeve that her husband
was incapable of any inhuman or unjust action, she
remembered with a feeling of anguish that all his mih-
tary experience was acquired in that country where the
best of the Spaniards ceased to act like Christians or
civilized men.
On these subjects the lady pondered with increasing
anxiety. Until the return of the ships from Florida
afibrded her an opportunity to give the strongest proof
of her affection for her misguided husband, by urging
him to abandon that enterprise which had ceased to be
glorious, or even justifiable, in her estimation. We
subjoin a short extract from Donna Isabella's letter,
which sufficiently explains itself: —
"I have lately had some conversation with that good
man the Bishop of Chiapa,* and he has convinced me
that the behavior of our people to the Indians is inex-
cusable in the sight of God, however it may be over-
looked or permitted by men in ^ high authority. The
* Father Bartholomew de Las Casas.
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DISCOVERER OF THE M I SSI SSIjPPI. 3^
bishop has proved to me that all who have taken part
in the abuse of these harmless people have been visited,
in this life, with the manifest displeasure of Heaven ; and
God grant that they may not be punished according to
the measure of their offense in the life to come. I
hope, my dearest husband, that no Considerations of
worldly advantage will make you neglectful of the pre-
cepts of humanity and the duties of rdigion. Be per-
suaded to return to me at once, for you can gain noth-
ing in Florida which can repay me for the sorrow and^
anxiety I feel in your absence. Not for all the riches
of the country would I have you commit one act, the
remembrance of which would be painM to you here-
after. If you have gained nothing, I shall be the better
satisfied^ because there may be the less cause for repent-
ance. Whatever may have been your want of success
or your losses, I implore you to come to me without
delay, for any reverse of fortune is fer better than the
.suspense and misery which I now endure,"
It was De Soto's love for his wife, and his consequent
desire to make her wealthy and happy, which prevailed .
with him, more than any other motive, to embark in
his present enterprise. In view of this fiict we cannot
doubt that Isabella's grief and melancholy deeply
affected him, but how could he consent to give up his
undertaking at this time, when the rich reward of his
labors was almost within his reach 1 How could he
return to Isabella, and exhibit himself to the world as an
unsuccessfiil and impoverished adventurer 1 The greater
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390 LIFB OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
part of his fortune, his magnificent Peruvian acquisi-
tions, had been expended in this enterprise, and a&ilure
therein would be irretrievable ruin. As for his lady's
scruples of conscience, they could not be expected to
have much weight with De Soto, for he had doubtless
persuaded himself that his undertaking was both lawful
and religious. As a good catholic, he could not ques-
tion the right of the Pope to give away the Mdiole
world, or any part of it. The Sovereign Pontiff had
bestowed the American continent, with all its appur-
tenances, on the King of Spain; and his CathoHc Majesty
had authorized De Soto and others to take possession
of the property. The Indian inhabitants of the country
were a part of the estate, and were recognized as such
in the deed of conveyance;* the Spaniards, therefore,
had an imquestionable right to treat them as slaves or
rebels! With such reasoning, we suppose, De Soto
satisfied his conscience, and prepared himself for many
rigorous and unmerciful deeds, which he might other-
wise have found it difficult or impossible to perform.
In March, 1540, the governor made preparations to
leave the town of Anaica, where his troops had been
* Vide the Manifesto of Alonzo de Qjeda, which was first read
aload by the friars in his train, as a prelude to his attack on the
people of Carthagena, and was snbseqoenUj adopted bj the Span«
ish discoverers in general in their invasions of Indian countries. An
English translation of this curious document may be found in the
Appendix to Irving's ''Columbus and his Companions," Article
zxziz.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 391
quartered during the winter. Before his departure, he
sent one of the brigantines from the Bay of Ante, to
Havana with some presents for his wife, and a letter of
consolation, in which he spoke of certain success and a
speedy return. He made these promises, without any
intention to deceive his lady with Mae expectations; for
his prospects, at that time, were brilliant in the highest
degree. Among the Indian prisoners, or slaves, there
was a youth of seventeen, whose artless demeanor
gained the confidence of Governor De Soto, and dis-
posed him to believe a marvelous story concerning a
region called CofacMqui^ with which the lad professed
to be well acquainted, and in which silver, gold,
and pearls were among the most common and unvalued
articles. Another Indian confirmed this report; and
truly there was little reason to distrust the testimony,
considering what vast quantities of the precious metals
had already been found in different parts of America.
Guided by the two Indians who had given tihds
agreeable information, the Spaniards began their inarch
for Cofiichiqui. They passed through several small
towns, and lost six of their men in skirmishes with the
Indians within the first four days of their journey.
On the morning of the fifth day, they entered a large
town called Atalpaha, which was deserted by all the
inhabitants, except five chiefs, who had sent their peo-
ple out of the way of danger, and remained behind to
ascertain the intentions of the Spaniards. When De
Soto arrived, the chiefc demanded, quite boldly, if he
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392 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
was for peace or war. The governor directed his inter-
preter to answer that he wished to avoid war if possible,
and asked for nothing more than a supply of provisions
and permission to pass through the country. The
principal chief replied: "If this is all you wish, there is
no occasion to make us prisoners. We will supply
your wants without any compulsion, and you will find
that you have taken the wisest course by treating us as
friends." Accordingly, the Spaniards were well enter-
tained at this village; and, while they continued there,
the truce on both sides was scrupulously maintained
Another journey of ten days brought them to the
borders of Cofibchiqui, the land of golden promise, to
which their guides were conducting them. The Span-
iards were in a state of joyous excitement, doubting
not that immense treasures were to be gathered in
the country before them ; but as it was now late in the
evening, they chose to pass the night where they were,
intending to invite the cacique of the neighboring town
to a conference on the following morning. About mid-
night a frightful commotion was heard in the camp;
officers and men started from their slumbers, supposing
that the natives had fidlen upon them ; but it appeared
that the sole cause of the disturbance was the singular
illness of their youthful guide, who was writhing on the
ground and foaming at the mouth, and to mere himian
science, he might have appeared to be in a fit of epilepsy.
But the Spanish priests by their supernatural light,
discovered that it was a case of demoniac possession ;
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DISCOVERER OP TJHE MI SSI SSII>PI, J393
and ibhe patient himself afterwaxd' confirmed tfaie .tmfh
of this hypothesis. A little sprinkling . of: hdly wstei?,
and the customary form of exorcisnt, sooii restored the
yoimg man to tixe use of all his dBunilties*' It was then
discovered that the akrin was ectused by; the eKdama-
tions oi the youfli, to wHom-thd deWl had appeared in
his most terrific -form; and, a^r beatii^ liiin severely,
the fiend commanded him, in the most imiplerfous man-
ner, to leiad the Christians- no iilitfaer into the oountry.
"These iSpaAiards," (continuedVth^ dark spirit, conde-
scending to give the lad an iexpluuition of his motives,)
" are my worst enemies, and if- they succeed in estab-
lishing themselves on this ground, my power and domin-
ion here will be at an eni" : Having : relate the par-
ticulars of this S{«iritual "visitation, Hxe ii^mous youth
declared that the incident had removed -aU Ms doubts
respecting the truth of the (3athoUcrel^oli; for the
a^)earance of the devil exxu^y. corresponded with the
pictures of him which lie had iseen in the. j^p^nish bo<^
of devotion. He therefore desired to beeiDB^e'a-meo^ber
of Ibe Church with the least |H)ssible:ddtay, bieing satis-
fied that nothing else could protect him from Ihe future
assaults of the -infernal enemy/* ^ . .
There Was something in this tftory which strongly
recomm^ded' it to the- clerical 'dfeparlmerit: of the array:.
The request bf-the plously-ifaclined^youth to be ^admitted
to diurch-membershipwaA mstandy eopajdied'with, and
he was biaptized -by tKenaHie of- Pedro. Thas whtde
aflfeir is somewhat mysterious;' an^amon^ the histo-
-%
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394 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
nans, there is some diversity of opinion on the subject
Our first impressions would be that the guide was an
impostor ; that he had been flattering the Spaniards with
expectations which he knew to be fitUacious; and that,
as soon as he came to the edge of the promised gold-
region, he pretended to receive a supernatural com-
munication, forbidding him to proceed any further
But what object could be gained by this artifice 1 Pedro
must have known that the Spaniards would not r^aid
the prohibition of the devil; and, after he himself had
become a CathoUc, he could not use that prohibition as
a pretense for refusing to lead the Christians onward.
Jf he was artful enough to contrive such a plot, he
must have been acute enough to perceive these difficul-
ties. It is true that he might hope to gain more favor
and confidence with the Spaniards by pretending to
embrace their fidth, and supplying the priests with a
well-attested miracle. But, rejecting all former explana-
tions, we are disposed to believe that this lad really had
some acquamtance with the gold region which is now
enclosed in the State of Georgia, and which, before the
discovery of the Califemian mines, was our North Ameri-
can El Dorado. It is conjectured that the Spaniards had
been conducted by their guide to a locatiofl correspond-
ing with Washington County, Georgia ; and they were
now within less than one himdred and fifty miles of one
of the richest gold mines in America. Mr. Gallatin
supposes that Cofiichiqui was situated very Kttle to the
south of the thirty-fourth degree of North latitude.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 395
This would bring De Soto within forty or fifty miles
of the principal gold regions of Georgia, which his
destiny would not permit him to discover. The guide
Pedro had evidently been leading him in the right
direction until that unfortunate interview with the
devil produced, or rather indicated, some change of
purpose. That Pedro had really been in some gold-
producing country may be inferred from a circumstance
mentioned by the Portuguese narrator, who declares
that the boy accurately described the process of taking
the metal from the mine, and explained how it was
melted and refined. The gentleman of El'^as adds:
** He could not have told how these things were done,
unless he had seen them, or the devil had taught
him.'**
One of the Spanish writers remarks that the boy was
a native of that part of the country to which he had
volunteered to conduct the Christians. This &ct may
account for his subsequent unwillingness to guide them
into that district, and his efforts to lead them away on
another route. He had observed that the Spaniards,
wherever they went, constantly maltreated the inhabit-
ants ; and he began to reflect, perhaps, on the inexpe-
diency of conducting these cruel and rapacious men to
the home of his chUdhood, the dwelling-places of his
neighbors and relatives. If such were his motives for
misleading the Christians, we are ready to pardon him,
^ Portag^ese Narratiye, Cbap. xii.
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396 LIFE OF F|:HD1NAND DE SOTO,
and to believe that he was instigated by some better
spirit than the arch-enemy of mankind.
On the morning after Pedro's diabolical obsession and
his consequent conversion to Catholicism, Governor De
Soto sent messengers to the cacique of the neighboring
town, called Cofe, inviting him to visit the Spaniards at
their camp. The Indian lord complied with this
request, and was accompanied by many of his people
handsomely dressed, with plumes of gayly colored feathers
and "rich mantles of sables and other valuable furs.'**
The cacique of Co& feasted the Spaniards for several
days, and when they wished to continue their journey,
he supplied them with provisions and a numerous train
of Indians to assist them in carrying their baggage.
Still guided by Pedro, they turned from that north-
easterly course, in which they had traveled since they
left Anaica, and they now proceeded on a direct line
to the north-west. This change of route carried them
away from the gold region of Greorgia, which they had
almost reached; and, if we have correctly explained the
conduct of their guide, the Spaniards were indebted to
their own impolitic barbarity for that remarkable failure,
as well as for many other disappointments and calamities
which befell them on this expedition.
On the seventh day after their departure from Cofi^
the Spaniards and their Indian allies were in mudi
doubt respecting the way which ought to be pursued;
* Herreray Hist. Ind., Dec ir., Lib. viL, Cap. 8
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 397
for the Indian track which they had hitherto followed
was now at an end, and the ground which lay before
them was all a wilderness. Pedro, the guide, when
questioned on the subject, acknowledged that he had
mistaken the route, and excused himself by saying that
he had not traveled the road for more than five years.
Notwithstanding his recent conversion, and the mirac-
ulous circumstances which attended it, the governor
began to suspect him of treachery, and threatened to throw
him to the dogs. When the Spaniards arrived at the
borders of Co&chiqui, Pedro assured them that they
would reach the land of gold within four days; but they
had since traveled nine days, with great expedition, and
the appearance of the country was more unpromising
than ever.
To increase their troubles, their stock of provisions,
which had been suppUed by the cacique of Cofa, was
nearly consumed. The Indians whom that chief had
sent with the Spaniards, went out daily in search of food,
and returned at night with a scanty supply of herbs,
roots, birds, fish and small land animals. This supply,
however, was so inadequate, that the Spaniards and
Indians both suffered much with hiinger, while they
made their way slowly through the trackless, and appa-
rently interminable forest. After traveling many days,
and enduring ineflGEible hardships, they came once more
to an open country, in a fine state of cultivation. They
advanced about two leagues, and an hour before night-
fell they came near a town which was situated pn the
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398 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
ftirther side of a river. Here they encamped, and pre-
pared to seize some Indians for the purpose of obtaining
information concerning the country and its inhabitants.
However, it appears that the Christians were discovered
by the Indians on the opposite bank of the stream ; and
several of the natives came over in a canoe to make
inquiries respecting the wishes or intentions of the
strangers. While they were crossing, Grovemor De
Soto placed himself in a chair of state on the margin of
the river, and prepared to receive those persons, (whom
he supposed to be envoys from the cacique of the town,)
with all the pomp and circumstance which befitted his
position as the representative of one who claimed to be
the rightftd sovereign of the land.
The Indians in the canoe were men of rank and au-
thority. They approadied the governor, and after some
ceremonies, which appeared to be intended for saluta-
tions, they made the usual inquiry whether the strangers
were for peace or war. De Soto answered according to
his custom in such cases, that he wished to be at ]>eace
with the people of that country, and hoped that they
would supply him with provisions for his army. The
Indians professed to be equally desirous of peace, but, as
the season was one of unusual scarcity, their supplies of
provisions were barely sufficient for their own wants.
They informed De Soto that their land was governed by
a maiden lady, to whom they would report the arrival
of the strangers and the nature of their demands. Ac-
cordingly they re-embarked in their canc^e, and paddled
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 399
over to the town to make their chieftainess acquainted
with the advent of these extraordinary visitors. It was
evident that these Indians had never seen or heard of
the Spaniards before — for they were not a&aid of
them!
Df fOTO CROSSINQ THE SEWASSEE FORK.
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400 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXXn.
THE 8PANURDS ARE ENTERTAINED BT THE PRINCESS XUALLA
— HER SURPRISING BEAUTT — HER QBNBROSITY TO THE
CHRISTIANS — THEIR GRATITUDE — IMMENSE QUANTITIES 0?
PEARLS ARE FOUND— THE PRINCESS IS INTIMIDATED--SHE
CONSENTS TO BETRAY HER MOTHER — SINGULAR CASE OF
SUICIDE — THE DISTRESS OF THE PRINCESS XUALLA — ^HER
SEVERE SPEECH TO DE SOTO— THE SPANIARDS RESUME
THEIR MARCH — CAPTIVITY OF THE PRINCESS — HER ESCAPE —
DE SOTO'S CONDUCT TO WOMEN — THE LICENTIOUSNESS OF
HIS FOLLOWERS, [a. D. 1640.]
From the bank of the river opposite to the village, the
Spaniards watched the canoe which contained the Indian
envoys, who, after crossing the stream, were received by
a crowd of their conntrymen at the landing-place. The
intelligence which they brought seemed to produce some
commotion among the people of the town; but, within
a short time, several canoes left the wharf^ and began
to move toward the bank where the Spaniards were
stationed. The first canoe was fitted up in very tasteful
style with a canopy and various decorations. This Utile
vessel was filled with women all gayly dressed, but con-
spicuous among them was the chieftainess, the barbaric
splendor of whose appearance almost dazzled the eyes
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 401
of the beholders. The other canoes, five or six m
number, contained her principal officers and attendants.
When the canoes touched the shore, the Indians dis-
embarked, and placed a seat for their lady opposite to the
chair of state, which was occupied by Govemot De Soto.
With equal grace and dignity she saluted the strangers,
and after taking her seat, she waited in silence, as if
expecting her visitors to begin the conference. For
several minutes, the Spaniards gazed at her with feelings
of admiration and reverence. Seldom had they seen a
more beautiful female, or one in whom the conscious
pride of elevated rank was so nicely balanced with
womanly reserve and youthful modesty. The age of
this princess was apparently about nineteen years ; the
perfect regularity of her features wanted not that intel-
lectual irradiation, the effect of which on a fine human
countenance is like that of the soft but brilliant light
of sunset on a beautiful landscape. The symmetrical
form of the princess was arrayed in the most ornate
habiliments of her coimtry. Her robe and mantilla
were composed of the finest woven cloth of native
manufiicture, the material of which, as we have men-
tioned in another part of this work, was obtained from
the mulberry-tree. In whiteness and delicacy of tex-
ture, this fiibric vied with the finest linens of Europe.
The garments of the princess were bordered with a rich
brocade, composed of feathers and beads of various
colors interwoven with the material of the cloth.
Among the other superb garniture of her person, there
26
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402 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
was a provision of pearls and some glittering ornaments,
which were supposed by the Spaniards to be gold. The
name of this Indian princess was Xualla, and her rule
extended over several provinces.
Juan Ortiz, whose acquaintance with various dialects
of the Indian language enabled him to act as interpreter,
was directed by Governor De Soto to make the princess
acquainted with the necessity which compelled the
Spaniards to apply to her for assistance. In answer to
this appeal, she expressed her regret, on acooimt of the
scanty harvests of the last season which had left her
own people almost in a state of destitution, and lem^
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 403
ened her ability to relieve the wants of the strangers.
She had two magazines of com, however, which had
been kept in reserve for future exigencies, and one
of these she now oflfered to bestow on the Span-
iards. The Princess made a fiirther display of her
generosity, by inviting the Christians to fix their
quarters in her principal village, while it was conve-
nient for them to remain in that neighborhood. She
then took off her necklace, which was composed of
pearls of great value, and requested Juan Ortiz to pre-
sent it to the governor, saying that she refrained from
giving it with her own hand to avoid transgressing
against modesty. Governor de Soto arose, and received
the lady's present with much respect ; he then took a
fine ruby ring from his own finger, and presented it to
the princess. " And thus," says Herrera, " the peace
was ratified."
The Spanish troops were carried over the river on
floats and in canoes. Four horses were drowned in the
passage. The forces were quartered in the centre of
the town, or public square ; and the princess sent them
a sufficiency of very good provisions, with poultry and
other delicacies for the governor's own table. De Soto
learned that the lady who now ruled over Co&chiqui
and the neighboring provinces, had become the heiress
of her &ther, a very powerftd cacique, who died about
two years before the arrival of the Spaniards. The
mother of the princess was still alive, and lived in retire-
ment, about twelve leagues from her daughter's capital
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404 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
town. The reigning princess sent to her mother, desir-
ing her to come and see these strange people ; but the
elder lady was so fer from complying with this request,
that she reproved her daughter for entertaining trav-
elers, with whose character and designs she could have
but little acquaintance.
There is an appearance of obscurity in this part of
the story which makes us suspect that some material
&cts are concealed. Enough is told, however, to ajBTord
rather strong proof that the Spaniards treated this in-
nocent and generous young princess with the basest in-
gratitude, and oppressed her people with inexcusable
severity. Herrera says that the princess, observing that
the Spaniards highly esteemed the pearls, gave them
permission to take as many as they could find from the
temple near the town, from the burial-place of the
nobility, and from the sepulchres of her own ancestors.
It is not at all probable that the princess wUlinghf gave
them such permission ; and, considering how the Span-
iards were accustomed to act in similar circumstances,
we can scarcely suppose that they asked for the consent
of the princess before they committed these sacrilegious
robberies. If the princess consented to the plundering
of her country's altars and the tombs of her fore&thers,
she must have done so to avoid some greater calamity.
We can conceive how a timid girl, with no protection
but Heaven and her own innocence, could make such
sacrifices to propitiate a band of lawless men whose
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 406
power she could not resist, and on whose humanity she
had ceased to have any reliance.
It appears that De Soto placed guards around the
Princess Xualla, and thus made her aware of the humil-
iating and alarming &ct that she was a prisoner or a slave
in the centre of her own dominions. However, we are
told that she was treated by the governor and his people
with every mark of respect "consistent with the re-
straint put upon her liberty, which was a necessary
measure to keep her people in subordination to the
Spaniards.'^ But not satisfied with holdmg the young
princess as a hostage. Governor De Soto thought it
necessary to entrap Xualla's mother also. Xualla was
urged to direct the Spaniards to the abode of her wid-
owed parent; and we cannot doubt that she was finally
compelled by threats, or some other stringent process,
to ftimish a guide for this purpose. Constrained to act
against her inclinations in a matter so trying to the
sensibiUties of a daughter, the unhappy girl addressed
herself to a young Indian warrior, who appeared to
occupy some high station under her government, and
gave him directions which were not heard or understood
by the Spaniards. The youthful chief made a sign of
obedience to the princess, and then turning to the
Christians, he gave them to understand that he was
ready to be their conductor. Juan Anasco, with thirty
horsemen, had been selected to go in search of the
widow; and they now started in company with the
young Indian whom Xualla had appointed to guide them
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406 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
to her mother's place of residence. As they proceeded
on their way, the young chief who guided them became
more and more melancholy. After traveling about
five miles, the party stopped to repose, and while the
soldiers were taking some refreshment, this guide sat in
pensive silence by the side of the road, and refused to
partake of the repast. He laid aside his mantle or
doak, which was composed of the finest sable frirs. He
then took off his quiver, and began to draw out liie
arrows one by one. The curiosity of the Spaniards was
excited ; they approached the young man, and admired
the arrows, which were made of reeds, feathered with
the dark plumage of the crow or raven^ and variously
pointed, some with bones properly shaped, others witii
barbs of very hard wood, and the last arrow in the
quiver was armed with a piece of flint, cut in a triangu-
lar form, and exceedingly sharp. This arrow the youtii
held in his hand, and while the Spaniards were ex-
amining the other weapons, he suddenly plunged the
barb of* flint into his throat, and fell dead on the spot
The Indians who accompanied the party stood aghast
at this spectacle, and began to fill the air with their
lamentations. The Spaniards then learned that this
young chief was affianced to the Princess, and that he
was very much beloved and respected by the whole na-
tion. It was discovered afterward that this poor youth
had committed suicide to escape from the necessity of
betraying the mother of his betrothed into the hands of
the Spaniards. In obedience to the order of the Prin-
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DISOOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 407
oess, he had undertaken to guide the Christians to the
widow's hiding-place ; but he knew well that the Prin-
cess had been compelled to give the order, and that the
execution of it would be the cause of additional troubles
to her and her mother both. In these circumstances,
(as he had told one of the Indians who accompanied the
party,) it was better for him to die than to be the means
of increasing the afflictions of those whom he so dearly
loved.
As they had lost their guide, Anasco and his party
were obliged to turn back without having accomplished
the object of their journey. The grief and despair of
tiie princess, when she heard of the young chiefs death,
must have been affecting indeed; for the Spaniards
themselves were moved to pity. For several days she
shut herself up in her dwelling, and was not seen either
by the Christians or her own people. Governor De
Soto sent one of his priests to offer her the consolations
of Catholic Christianity; but the mournful princess
would not admit the sacred messenger to her presence.
In the meanwhile the Christians were busily engaged
in ransacking the tombs and temples of the country ;
and although they were disappointed in obtaining gold
and silver from these depositories, an amazing quantity
of pearls was collected and distributed among the
soldiers. It is said that the pearls found by the Span-
iards in one temple or mausoleam, weighed no less than
five hundred pounds. Proportionate quantities were
found in other places. The great abundance of pearls
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408
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
here spoken of is one of those circumstances which some
commentators have regarded as improbable. But before
we reject this part of the narrative, we must consider
that those deposits of pearls may have been accumulat-
ing in the tombs for many years, or perhaps for ages ;
as it had long been the custom of the people to embel-
SPANIARDS ROBBING AN INDIAN TEMPLE.
lish their dead with these ornaments. The credibility
of the account may be still further improved by the
recent discovery of vast quantities of pearls in the
neighborhood of Bamegat, New Jersey; as this feet
affords some presxmiptive evidence that other parts of
the coimtry may be equally productive of the same
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 409
commodity. If we could ascertain, with any degree of
precision, the spot which was formerly occupied by the
principal town of Cofachiqui, it is possible that soine
pearl fishery of considerable value might yet be found
in the neighborhood. The Portuguese narrator says
that this town was within two days' journey of the sea-
coast ; but in this particular he was probably mistaken.
Dr. Monette places this town on the peninsula at the
junction of the Broad and Savannah rivers. The
opinion of Mr. Gallatin on this subject was quoted in
the last chapter. Colonel Pickett says, that " all Indian
tradition places the town of Co&chiqui, on the east
bank of the Savannah, at the modem Silver Bluff, Barn-
well District, South Carolina." But several circum-
stances mentioned in the narrative throw some doubt
on this confident statement of Colonel Pickett. How-
ever, it is not convenient for us, at present, to engage
in any elaborate discussion of the subject.
The companions of De Soto foimd the country of Co-
&chiqui so much to their taste, that they desired to make
a settlement therein ; and they were very much cha-
grined when the governor expressed his determination
to go further. The truth is, De Soto had resolved to
find another Peru, and he was not to be satisfied with
any thing else. Accident rather than inclination had,
in the first place, made him a gold-seeker; but now, by
long indulgence, the ^^ sacer fames auri^^ had become a
passion, which seemed to control every thought and
affection of his heart. If our readers are surprised at
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410 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
any change whidi may be observed in his diaiacter, they
must consider that he had been subjected for twenty
years to the influences of that most demoralizing and
pernicious of all passions — avarice. He had committed
himself to a current which was hurrying him onward
with irresistible force to the consummation of his
destiny.
The Spaniards had seen, in the possession of the
natives, some spear-heads and other articles composed
of an alloy of gold and copper, and they learned from
the Indians that these metals were obtained in a country
lying still further toward the north-west As the dis-
trict over which De Soto would travel for many miles
was governed by the Princess Xualla, he desired to take
either that lady or her mother with him, in order to
keep the inhabitants under proper control. De Soto
still possessed some of those generous feelings which
distinguished him from his co-laborers, in the earlier
part of his career. He was concerned for the grief of
the princess, and wished to spare her the mortification
and inconvenience of captivity; he would fein, therefore,
have left Xualla at home, and taken tlie mother with
him as the proposed hostage. With this purpose in
view, about a week after the suicide of the young chie^
Governor De Soto required the princess to send another
guide with a party of Spaniards to her mother's habita-
tion. She promptly and decisively reftised to do so. " I
have been justly pimished once," said she, *'for consent-
ing to place my poor mother in your power, and no
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 411
fears for myself shall ever make me do so again. You
have made me as miserable as I can be, and I now set
you at defiance. Oh, that I had listened to the advice
of my wisest coimselers, and driven you away from my
shores, when you first came to me with your fidse and
deceitful promises of peace and friendship; I should
then have saved myself from that sorrow and remorse
which now make my life insupportable. Why do you
still remain in my coimtry ? Are there no other lands
to be robbed, no other people to be made miserable ?
Here there is nothing for you to do; you have taken all
we possessed, and you can add nothing to our wretched-
ness. Go, cowards as you are ! cease to make war on
helpless women; and if you must be villains, let your
conduct prove that you are men."
Governor De Soto answered the unhappy princess
with his usual courtesy. He endeavored to make her
imderstand that the King of Spain was the true sovereign
and lawful proprietor of the soil over which she claimed
jurisdiction ; and that, in all those matters which had
ofiended her, the Spanish army had acted imder the
authority of that great monarch, to whom she herself
was boimd to render obedience. After this preamble,
he informed the princess that she must prepare herself
to accompany the Spaniards on their march as far as the
borders of her dominions, and that she would be ex-
pected to control her subjects, and to make them entirely
submissive to the Christians. To this communication
the princess answered only by raising her eyes toward
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412 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
heaven, while her countenance expressed unutterable
anguish. The governor prbceeded to give her an as-
surance that she would still be treated with all the
respect and delicacy due to her rank and her sex.
However, in spite of all these fidr promises, "the
princess, (to use the candid language of the Portuguese
narrator,) did not receive such usage as she deserved,
for the good-will she had shown to the Spaniards and
the generous entertainment she had given them."
The Spaniards left the principal town of Cofiichiqui
on the third day of May, 1540. In all the towns
through which they passed, the princess, who had been
compelled to accompany them, was required to call on
her subjects to carry burdens for the Christians from
one stopping-place to another. De Soto and his com-
pany passed through a delightful valley called XauUa,
which had many groves, plantations, and pasture-
grounds, and was about sixty miles in breadth. On the
seventh day of this journey they came to a province
called Chelaque, which is supposed to have been in-
habited by a tribe of Cherokees, "some of whom do not
use the letter r, and call themselves Chelakees.'**
Before the Spaniards reached this point, however, the
Princess Xualla contrived to make her escape. De Soto
had ordered several female slaves to attend on her, and
among these wretched women were two who were won
over by her kindness and her promises of reward, to
* McCalloh's Researches. Appendix.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 415
assist her in her flight When her escape was made
known to De Soto, he would not allow her to be
pursued; and, as a further evidence that there was,
some chivalric feeling still existing in his heart, all the
historians testify that he protected her from every insult
to her womanly modesty, while he detained her as a pri-
soner. It is worthy of remark that De.Soto, in his con-
duct toward women, was always scrupulously correct;
though he did not, in every instance, control the licen-
tious passions of his followers.
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416 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO.
CHAPTER XXXm.
OPERATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS IN QBOROIA AND SOUTH CARO-
LINA— ROBBING THE INDIAN GRAVES — DE SOTO REFUSES A
RICH GIFT— DE SOTO IS ADVISED TO BECOME A FARMER — HE
COMES TO THE LAND OF TUSCALUZA — EXTRAORDINARY APPEAR-
ANCE OF THE CACIQUE — ^HE GIVES THE SPANIARDS A GRAND
RECEPTION — HE IS ENTRAPPED BT DE SOTO — HIS REVENGEFUL
SCHEMES — DOINGS OF THE SPANIARDS IN ALABAMA — THEY
COMB TO MAUVLILA — ANCIENT APPEARANCE OF THAT TOWN —
SIGNS OF AN APPROACHING STORM — TUSCALUZA'S ESCAPE — DE
SOTO'S ANXIETY FOR HIS RECOVERY — HOSTILITIES COMMENCED
— ^FIRST SCENE OF DE SOTO'S GREATEST BATTLE IN NORTH
AMERICA, [a. D. 1540.]
At a town called Choualla, the Spaniards, (still mis-
led by their golden ignis fatvus^ again changed their
course, and proceeded toward the south-west. The
situation of Choualla is supposed to have been on the
same spot which is now occupied by the village of
Qualatche, at the source of Chatahooche River. A
journey of two days brought them from thence to Cana-
sagua, a name which bears a striking resemblance to
that of the river Connesaugo. This river rises in the
mountains, and runs nearly along the eighth degree of
longitude W. from Washington, until it empties into
the river C!oosa.
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DISCOVERER or THE MISSISSIPPI. 417
While the army was encamped near Canasagua, the
men busied themselves in ransacking the sepulchres
of the Indians, hoping to find more pearls, though some
of them were already overladen with this kind of booty.
They took the dead from the coflins or boxes which
DE SOTO CROSSING THE CHATAHOOCHE RIVER.
contained the bodies, and stripped off the coveted orna-
ments, collecting, as the Portuguese narrator avers, no
less than fourteen bushels of this valuable pillage.
Much more could have been obtained, but De Soto for-
bade them to continue the search; reminding them that
their principal object, at that time, was to explore the
27
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418 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
country, and not to collect treasures. He advised them,
with good reason, not to burden themselves with spoils
which they might find it difficult to retain, and whidi
would make their march more toilsome. To make the
propriety of this advice more apparent, we may men-
tion the fact that, a few days before, one of the soldiers
had thrown away a bag of pearls, supposed to be worth
six thousand ducats, which he was too indolent to
carry.
In the neighborhood of a town called Chiaha by the
Portuguese narrator, and Ychiaha by Grardlasso, there
was a river from which the soldiers obtained large quan-
tities of some kind of shell-fish, which the Spanish
writers call oysters. These bivalves were boiled by
the Spaniards and used for food. While attempting to
swallow one of them, a soldier made a narrow escape
from being choked with a pearl, "as large as a hazel-
nut," which had been enclosed between the shells. As
this pearl was a very fine one, and of an extraordinary
size, the soldier who found it offered it to the governor
as a present for his lady; but De Soto, who was aware
of its great value, dedined the generous offer; and to
give the man the ftdl advantage of his good fortune, he
paid the "king's fifth" out of his own purse. This
pearl was afterward sold for four hundred ducats. Now
it may be interesting to our fellow-dtizens of the
"sweet South," to know what particular part of their
country is referred to as this pearl-producing location;
for, aft;er making allowance for the exaggerations of the
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 419
Spaniards, we may find enough probability in these
accounts to justify a little research in the same neigh-
borhood. By general agreement, the town of Chiaha is
placed on the Etowee branch of the Coosa River; and
Dr. Monette supposes it to have been in that part of
Georgia now designated as Floyd County. The only
objection to this hypothesis is, that the Spanish historians
place the town of Chiaha on an island in the river; but
Mr. Meek assures us that the river contains no such
island. Colonel Pickett attempts to obviate this diffi-
culty by supposing that the Spaniards mistook the
peninsula at the confluence of the Oostanaula and
Etowee rivers for an island; or that these two rivers
were formerly united in such a manner that the piece
of land which is now a peninsula was really an island in
the time of De Soto.
After passmg through several towns which are men-
tioned by the Portuguese narrator only, the adven-
turers came to the province of Coosa, the principal vil-
lage of which they reached on the twenty-sixth day of
July. This town, which now bears the name of Old
Coosa, may be found on the maps. It is situated on
Coosa Biver, in Talladega County, Alabama, and about
33° 30' N. Lat. At this place the cacique, with a
retinue of one thousand Indians, wearing plumes of
feathers and rich mantles of furs, came out to meet the
Spaniards. The strangers were invited into the town,
which consisted of about five hundred houses; and the
chief not only treated them with affectionate kindness,
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420 LIFE OP PEBDIlfAND DE SOTO,
but exhorted them to settle themselves m the neighbor-
hood. As some excuse for his indiscretion, we may
remark that no Spaniards had ever visited his country
before, and he was not acquainted with them even by
reputation. This cacique advised the Christians to
betake themselves to agriculture, assuring them that
they would find the land productive and easily culti-
vated. But as De Soto's tastes were min^ralogical
rather than agricultural, he excused himself for the
present, by remarking that it was necessary for him to
take a view of the whole country, before he selected
any particular spot as the place of his permanent abode.
Nevertheless he expressed all the gratitude whidi the
chief of Coosa's good opinion of the Spaniards deserved;
and Herrera tells us that he remained at this place
twelve days, "more to oblige the cacique than on any
other account."
Five days after he left Coosa, De Soto arrived at Ihe
town of Talisse, which was situated on the frontier of
the province governed by the great chief Tuscaluza.
This town was placed on the bank of a very rapid
stream, and it is presumed to be the. Talisse of the maps,
which lies at the elbow of Talapoosa River. Here he
was met by a son of Tuscaluza, who, although but
eighteen years of age, was so tall that no Spaniard's
head reached above his breast. This extraordinary
youth came to bear his father's greetings to De Soto,
to whom this powerful chieftain offered his friendship
and services, with an invitation for the Spaniards to
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 421
visit his capital town. De Soto gladly accepted these
friendly overtures, and with the chiefs son for his guide,
he began his march toward Tuscaluza's place of resi-
dence. When he came within six miles of the capital,
he found that the cacique had come out to meet him.
Some arrangements had evidently been ordered by
CHOCTAW BLUFF.
Tuscaluza to make an impression on the mmds or
imaginations of the Christians. He had taken a position
on the brow of a hill, which commanded an extensive
view of a fertile and beautiful country. He was seated
on a throne, or chair of state; for it appears that the
symbolic seat of Royalty was in use among the Indian
caciques of that period. One hundred warriors richly
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422 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
attired, and having their head-dresses decorated with
gayly-colored plumes, stood around the majestic chief-
tain; and on his right hand appeared his standard-
bearer, who bore aloft a banner composed of dressed
deerskin, stretched out to the size of a buckler, and
supported on the point of a lance. This was the
only military standard that the Spaniards ever saw in
the country. It was square in form, and the device, (if
so it may be called,) consisted of blue stripes on a bright
yellow ground.
But the appearance of the chief himself soon absorbed
all the attention of the CastiUans. He was still taller
than his son ; and so perfectly formed, that the Spaniards
believed it impossible for any human figure to be more
symmetrical. He was about forty years of age. His
countenance, although the expression was haughty and
somewhat ferocious, was so exceedingly handsome as to
make the beholder overlook those repulsive peculiarities.
Tuscaluza took no notice of De Soto's officers, who first
approached him ; but when the governor himself drew
near to the throne, the cacique arose, and advanced a
few paces to receive him. His salutation was courteous,
but sufficiently dignified, and his behavior to the Span-
iards was obviously more patronizing than deferential
Such was the renowned chief whose memory is pre-
served in the nomenclature of one of the principal rivers,
and one of the most prosperous towns, of Alabama.*
* Tuscaloosa, Ala., was formerly the capital of the State. It is
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 423
The gigantic cacique conducted the Spaniards to his
village. The governor, m the meanwhile, had pre-
sented to Tuscaluza a scarlet robe embroidered with
gold, which the chief continued to wear while he
remained in company with the Spaniards. He was
mounted on a baggage-horse of imcommon size and
strength, and when he sat in the saddle, his feet were
scarcely a span from the ground.*
One of the most remarkable circumstances connected
with the history of the Spanish discoverers of America,
is their ill-fortune or bad management in provoking the
hostility of the natives in every part of the country
which they visited. The Americans were always pre-
disposed to befriend them ; the \mbidden guests were
always well received when they first applied for the rites
of hospitality ; but they never fidled to make themselves
irksome and detestable to their hosts. The proximate
cause of this disastrous efiect was the mistake of the
Spaniards in claiming rights to which they had no real
pretensions. They should have known that foreigners
can have no rights in any country except those which
are conceded to them by the natives of the soil ; they
have no right to breathe the air or to tread on the earth,
without the permission or consent of the natural inhabit-
ants. The Spaniards came to America, believing, or
sitnated on the left bank of Tascaloosa or Black Warrior Riyer, at
the head of steamboat navigation.
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. ir., Lib. vii., Cap. 4.
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424 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
affecting to believe, that they were the true proprietors
of the ground. This ownership they did not pretend to
have acquired by purchase, or even by conquest, but by
inheritance : tracing their title up to St. Peter, who
probably lived and died without ever suspecting that he
was an extensive landed proprietor.
Our hero, Ferdinand de Soto, was undoubtedly one
of the wisest, as well as one of the bravest of conquer-
ors ; yet, in his Floridan expedition, he constantly ex-
posed himself to inconvenience and danger by adopting
the common error of his countrymen. He might have
explored the whole country with comparatively little
risk, trouble, or delay, if he could only have forgotten
that the heirs and assigns of St. Peter had l^ally
authorized and empowered him to play the tyrant. No
doubt the cacique, Tuscaluza, was greatly surprised, and
not very well pleased, to find his visitors gradually
assuming a control over his subjects, and finally claim-
ing a right to direct his own movements. It is true
that De Soto managed these bold acts of usurpation
with some address. He gave the chief a Spanish body-
guard on pretense of doing him honor ; but this trans-
parent device did not deceive the Indian warrior, who
was no less crafty than the governor himself Though
well aware that he had become a prisoner in his own
land, Tuscaluza vied in dissimulation with the Spaniard.
The most acute observer could discover no sign of dis-
satisfection in his behavior; and yet we may suppose
that he was anxiously waiting for some opportunity to
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 425
recover his liberty, and to take vengeance on his treach-
erous guests.
While the Indians and Spaniards were living together
with all the external appearance of a friendly feeling
on both sides, one of the Christians went in search of a
fugitive female slave, who Was supposed to be concealed
somewhere in the neighborhood. Whether or not this
man succeeded in finding his slave is not known, as he
never returned to give any information on the subject.
De Soto made use of this incident as a pretense for
keeping the caicque in closer custody, until the missing
Spaniard should be forthcoming. Tuscaluza, when re-
quired to produce the lost soldier, answered haughtily :
" The man was not left in my charge, and I am not re-
sponsible for his safety. If he has been killed by any
of my people, he must have been detected in some act
which deserved such punishment. At all events, I do
not know where he is, and shall not trouble myself to
inquire."
After reposing himself for a few days, the governor
prepared for a resumption of his march. He sent for-
ward three discreet men to examine a town called Ma-
vUla, or Maubilla, the cacique of which was tributary to
Tuscaluza. This town is hypothetically identified with
Mobile, the present commercial metropolis of Alabama.
The spies who had been sent by the governor returned
with the information that Mavilla was a fortified town,
and that it was superior in its means of defense to any
other place they had seen in the country. This account
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426 LIFE OF FERIDNAKD DE SOTO,
stimulated the governor's desire to obtain possession of
the town, and he b^an his march thither without delay.
The vanguard, consisting of one hundred and fifty foot-
soldiers and eighty horsemen, was conducted by De Soto
himself^ who, as we have previously remarked, always
took the lead on occasions of -extraordinary danger. He
was accompanied by.Tuscaluza, whose tranquil deport-
ment and affiibility to the Spaniards left them in no
doubt of his amicable pmposes. While on the way to
Mavilla, the chief dispatched several of his Indian at-
tendants with directions for the tributary cacique of
that town to provide a grand entertainment for the
strangers. This was his verbal message; but he sent
some token by the same messengers which made the
subordinate chief acquainted with his real wishes ; in
conformity with which the .warriors were assembled,
arms were collected, and all necessary preparations were
made to rescue Tuscaluza from the hands of his faithless
guests.
When the Spaniards came near Mavilla, the bustle of
preparation which they observed excited their apprehen-
sions of mischief, while the apparent strength of the
fortifications filled them with astonishment The place
seemed to have been designed expressly for a fortress ;
and indeed every house in it was a separate fort. The
houses were different in form and construction from any
which the Spaniards had seen in America. They were
much larger than the ordinary dweUings of the Indians,
and were set upon posts, which made them somewhat
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 427
difficult of access. Every house was enclosed by pickets ;
and was lai^ enough to contain from five hundred to
a thousand persons. The town comprised about eighty
of these buildings ; all of which, at the time of De Soto's
arrival, appeared to be well filled with Indian warriors.
The whole place was surrounded by a strong wall made
of a double row of large posts or piles, deeply set in the
ground, and interlaced with stout vines or flexible poles.
This substantial wicker-work was plastered over with
clay, which had become hardened by exposure to the
Sim and air ; and the barricade was a sufficient defense
against a flight of arrows or any assault of Indian war-
fistre. The natives, therefore, considered this fort as
impregnable. The wall was perforated with a sufficient
number of small port-holes, through which the besieged
could dischai^e their arrows at an approaching enemy.
As De Soto drew near, however, no hostile purpose
was manifested by the townsmen. On the contrary, he
was met by a procession which appeared to be altogether
pacific. The gates were thrown open, and forth came
a bevy of young damsels, who welcomed the strangers
with songs and dances. Next came a body of warriors
fentastically plumed and painted, whose only object
seemed to be to give the Spaniards a flattering reception.
The governor and Tuscaluza entered the gate side by
side, on horseback, and the Spanish officers and soldiers
followed, the Indians all the time treating them with
every appearance of respect and good-wilL When the
Christians were conducted to the quarters which had been
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428 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
provided for them, Tuscaluza informed De Soto that he
wished to retire for a short time to converse with his
people, and to prepare suitable accommodations for the
remainder of the army. To this request the governor
could not make any reasonable objection, though he
was suspicious of Tuzcaluza's designs, and was con-
vinced, perhaps, that he had no good title to the ca-
cique's fiivor or forbearance.
Tuscaluza entered a house where many of his chie&
were assembled; and in the mean time De Soto ordered
break&st to be prepared for himself and the chiei^ as
they always took their meals at the same table. When
the repast was ready, De Soto sent his principal inter-
preter, Juan Ortiz, to apprise the cacique that the
governor desired his company. This finesse did not
answer the purpose ; for it seemed that the cacique was
more solicitous about his liberty than his breakfest.
The message was several times repeated; and at last, a
Spanish officer who accompanied Juan Ortiz, imperiously
ordered the cacique to come forth. An Indian warrior
now sprung out of the house into which Tuscaluza had
retired, and angrily exclaimed: "What would these
unmannerly people have with my chief i Down with
the villains ! We can endure their insolence no longer."*
As soon as this Indian had spoken, one of his country-
men placed a bow and arrow in his hands ; and he was
about to use them, as it seemed, when Balthasar de
* Herrera, Hist.. Ind., Dec. iv., Lib. vii., Cap. 4. '
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 429
Gallegos killed him with a single blow of his cutlass.
A young Indian warrior immediately attacked Galle-
gos, using his bow instead of a club, and with this
weapon he gave Gallegos a serious wound in the head.
The wounded cavalier, however, succeeded in dispatch-
ing his antagonist. This was the commencement of the
great battle of Mauvilla, which will be detailed in the
next chapter; and which was, undoubtedly, the most
sanguinary engagement that ever took place between
the Spaniards and North American Indians.
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430 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXXIV.
DE SOTO IN ALABAMA — THE GREAT BATTLE OF MAUVILLA — THE
SPANIARDS ARE DRIVEN OUT OF THE TOWN — UNRIVALED
BOWMEN — DE SOTO RALLIES HIS TROOPS — ^THEY ATTACK THE
INDIAN ENTRENCHMENTS— DE SOTO HANDLES THE AXE — ^THB
SPANIARDS RE-ENTER THE TOWN — HORRIBLE SLAUGHTER —
A THOUSAND WOMEN BURNED TO DEATH — DE SOTO ATTACKS
THE GIANT CHIEF TUSCALUZA — ^THE COMBAT PREVENTED —
DE SOTO IS SEVERELY WOUNDED— DEATH OF TUSCALUZA —
IRREPARABLE LOSSES OF THE SPANIARDS — THE TOWN DE-
POPULATED—DE SOTO PROCEEDS TO CHICASAW — HIS TROU-
BLES ON THE WAY — HE FIXES HIS WINTER-QUARTERS —
THE SPANIARDS BECOME PEACEABLE — EXPLANATION OF THAT
CIRCUMSTANCE. [a. D. 1541.]
At the end of the last chapter, we gave some account
of the commencement of one of the most important
and disastrous battles ever fought by the Spaniards in
America. Before we proceed with the relation, it is
proper to remind the reader that all our knowledge of
this aflFair is derived from the reports of the Spaniards
and their Portuguese allies. If the Indians could have
left their version of the story on record, it is possible
that the fects would have been somewhat diflferently
represented. But the ex parte testimony before us
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 431
dearly proves that, iu this case, De Soto and his com-
pany were the aggressors — as they usually were in their
disagreements with the Indians. To pass over De Soto's
ungrateful and unjust treatment of his generous host,
Tuscaluza, we find that the immediate cause of the
rupture was the rash act of Balthasar de Gallegos, who
killed one of Tuscaluza's warriors, merely because he
was suspected of an intention to attack the Spaniards.
All the accounts agree in this particular; but the Por-
tuguese Gentleman's recital of the circumstance makes
us suspect that the only provocation which the Indian
warrior gave was the verbal rebuke, (and a very proper
one it was,) which he administered to De Soto's mes-
sengers for their insolent behavior to his cadque.*
It is admitted, on all hands, that the Spaniards struck
the first blow and drew the first blood. As soon as the
blood-thirsty ruffian Gallegos had begun the aflftray in
the manner described, the people of Mauvilla, seeing two
of their countrymen slaughtered in the street, rushed
forth firom their habitations and commenced a general
assault on the Spaniards. Governor De Soto and his
men were compelled to retire with considerable expedi-
tion ; but on their way to the gates, several of them
were killed or badly wounded; and the governor himself
was knocked down several times, either by the pressure
of the crowd or the tremendous blows of the Indian
dubs.f He recovered his feet, however, and after
♦ Portuguese Narration, Chapter xviii f Ibid.
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432 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
fighting his way through a dense throng of infuriated
Indians, he reached the gate, closely followed by his
officers and soldiers. It is a remarkable circumstance
that so many of them escaped; and it is scarcely possible
that this could have happened if the Indians had been
disposed, at that time, to wage a war of extermination.
The horses had been left tied outside of the gates, and
De Soto's first object now was to save these animals
firom destruction, as the Indians had already begun to
shoot them with their arrows. Some of the Spaniards
hastily untied their beasts, mounted them, and scoured
away over the plain, to escape fix>m the volleys of arrows
which were shot from the perforated walls. Some
merely cut the reins of their horses, and permitted the
animals to escape without riders. In the meanwhile, a
strong body of Indians sallied out and took possession
of the baggage which was piled up on the plain. This
they conveyed inside of the walls, and it was irretrieva-
bly lost. But De Soto soon rallied his men, and ad-
vanced in good order to attack the fortress. To avoid
the charge of cavalry, the Indians retired behind their
barricade ; and, as the Spaniards drew near, they were
exposed to an incessant discharge of arrows and stones,
which did considerable execution.
It is a notable fact that the bows and arrows used by
the warriors of Alabama, were scarcely less effective
than the muskets of the Spaniards. All the vaunted
achievements of European archery, including those com-
memorated in the annals of Sherwood Forest, shrink
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 433
fix)m comparison with the feats of these American bow-
men, whose shafts penetrated through the best work-
manship of the Spanish armorer. The bows used by the
Indians of Alabama must have been extremely heavy
and correspondingly powerful; for, in close combat, they
answered the purpose of clubs; and a blow from one of
them could inflict a serious wound on a head protected
by a brazen helmet * The arrows adapted to these
bows were made of reeds hardened in the fire, and
pointed with flints, ground or cut into the shape of dag-
gers. As we have said above, the armor of the Spaniards
was no defense against these weapons. De Soto saw
his men felling around him with a rapidity which would
soon have extirpated the whole army, while the enemy
remained intact in their secure position behind the wall
of their town. The Spanish commander saw that if he
continued this mode of conflict, certain ruin would be
the result. To retreat would be inglorious, and the
consequences would be fatal to the success of his expe-
dition; for if the Indians once gained a decided advan-
tage over the Spaniards, the prestige which had made
the latter constantly victorious would be at an end.
The natives had been made to believe that the Christians
were invincible ; should they once discover their mis-
take, their active enmity would soon drive the invaders
out of the country.
It does not appear that De Soto ever thought of
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iv., Lib. yii., Cap. 4.
28
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434 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
retreat, however superior his enemies might be in
numbers or position. In the assault on Mauvilla, he saw
that the only chance of success was to take the fortress
by storm. The wooden wall must be cut down; but
who among all his troops was bold enough to undertake
this dangerous taski It was a peculiarity of De Soto
to wave the prerogative of the commander, and take
the most hazardous services on himself. He now dis-
mounted from his charger, snatched up an axe, and
advanced toward the barricade. His camp-master, Luis
de Moscoso, and two or three other brave soldiers, per-
ceived their general's design, and followed his example.
The blows of the axes on the wood-work now sounded
above the din of battle, while the Indians, froiA the top
of the wall, poured down a torrent of stones and pieces
of timber on the heads of the daring operators. Two
of them were crushed to the earth; and all the rest,
except De Soto and Moscoso, were too much injured
to continue the labor, wherefore De Soto ordered them
to retire. The two cavaliers pUed their axes with
redoubled activity, regardless of the ponderous objects
which continually descended on their battered helmets.
Sorely bruised and fatigued as they were, they perse-
vered in their toil until a wide breach was opened for
the admission of the cavalry. They then moimted
their horses and prepared to enter the town. The
troopers spurred their steeds over the ruins of the waD,
and the bodies of many Indians who had been shot
down while endeavoring to repair the breach. The
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 435
horsemen, who were always irresistible in combat with
the Indians, speedily cut a passage through the enemy.
The infimtry followed immediately; and within a few
minutes all the Spaniards were inside of the barricade.
The Indians now took refuge in the houses, and from
thence poured incessant showers of arrows on the Chris-
tians. These discharges killed many of the soldiers and
a considerable number of horses; but, to dislodge their
assailants, the Spaniards set fire to the buildings, which,
bfting composed of reeds and other combustible material,
burnt with frightful rapidity. One large house con-
tained more than a thousand women, all of whom
perished in the flames.
The village now presented an indescribable scene of
horror. The heat of the burning houses scorched the
combatants as they contended in the narrow streets.
Some were suffocated by the smoke, and others, being
surrounded by flames and unable to escape, were roasted
to death. Some of the most resolute native warriors,
with Tuscaluza himself at their head, were collected in
the market-place, where they continued to fight des-
perately, while thousands of their countrymen were
burning to death in the surrounding houses. Ferdinand
de Soto, with a party of horsemen, charged these
patriots, who firmly maintained their position, though
the Indians in general were accustomed to fly at the
sight of the cavalry. Tuscaluza and De Soto both
pressed forward, inspired by mutual animosity and a
feeling of military rivalship, for each was the most
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436 LIFE OP FERDINAND DESOTO
renowned warrior of his nation. The gigantic form of
the cacique was seen forcing a passage through the
crowd of combatants which surrounded him; but his
noble chiefe threw themselves before him as if desirous
of sacrificing themselves in his defense. Several of
these brave men, in rapid succession, were pierced by
De Soto's lance, and the weapon was now pointed at
the breast of Tuscaluza, who raised a war-club which
Alcides himself might have condescended to wield, and
was about to strike a blow before which; as it seemed,
man and horse both must have been prostrated. But
the arm of the chief was stayed, and the vengeful
expression of his countenance was changed to some-
thing like a glance of pity. De Soto at that moment
had been severely wounded by an arrow which pierced
his side, and the cacique, supposing him to be disabled,
was too chivalric to expend his almost superhuman
strength on an enemy who appeared to have lost the
power of resistance. De Soto soon recovered from the
shock; and, though very badly hurt, he endeavored to
conceal his mischance from his followers, fearfrd that it
might discourage them. He fought for hours afterward
with undiminished resolution, the native energies of his
soul counteracting his bodily weakness; and only when
the battle was ended did he become conscious that his
wound required attention. The fight, which com-
menced before breakfast, continued until four o'clock in
the afternoon. The Indians, all the time, fought des-
perately, showing a determination to perish rather than
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 437
yield. Many of them discharged their arrows at the
Spaniards from the tops of the burning houses, regard-
less of their own doom, while intent on annoying their
enemies, until the roofe gave way and carried them
down among the blazing ruins.
Thus fer the battle had been fought only by that
moiety of the Spanish army which composed the van-
guard; the remainder of the troops having not yet
arrived. Of the two hundred and fifty men who were
with De Soto, forty-two had been killed, and all the
rest were wounded with more or less severity. Exhausted
by fatigue and fainting with heat and thirst, the Span-
iards were now almost at the mercy of the Indians, who
being certain of victory, seemed inclined to save the
remainder of their foemen ahve. But at this moment
the main body of the army entered the town, and turned
the tide of battle against the natives. The fresh cavalry
rushed among the Indians, hewing them down with
their swords and piercing them with their lances, until
a rampart of dead bodies checked the progress of the
horses and afforded some protection to the survivors.
Many Indian women now ran out of the houses and
joined in the conflict, snatching up the weapons of
the slain, and employing them effectively against the
Christians, not a few of whom were either killed or
wounded by these Amazonian combatants. The havoc
among the Indians was almost incredible. The ground
was covered with their dead, and an unknown number
perished in the burning habitations. Among the latter
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438 tIPE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
were many women and children. None of the inhabit-
ants of Mauvilla escaped; for, like the Spartans at
Thermopylae, they had dedicated their lives to the ser-
vice of their country; and when they ceased to hope for
victory, they triumphed in a glorious death.
The loss of the Spaniards in this battle, according to
their own admission, was eighty men and forty-two
horses. The loss of the latter appeared to cause more
affliction among the surviving adventurers than the death
of their human companions; for, as Herrera truly says,
" in the horses consisted their strength." Without these
animals, the Spaniards, except by accident, would never
have obtained any advantage in battle over the North
American Indians ; for the latter were fiiUy their equals
in courage and all other soldier-like qualities. The
Indians had no means of resisting a charge of cavalry in
an open field, and hence they were generally unsuc-
cessful when their Spanish antagonists could make use
of their horses.
It appears from the record that De Soto was com-
pletely victorious in the battle of Mauvilla; and yet he
might have said, in the language of another celebrated
commander : " Give me one more victory like this, and
I am ruined !" Besides the lai^ number of men and
horses slain in the contest, many others were badly
wounded and disabled. Scarcely one of the Spaniards
escaped uninjured ; and, to aggravate their misfortunes,
their surgical instruments, medicines, &c., had been
destroyed by the Indians. Nearly all the baggage had
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 439
been burned during the conflagration of the village, and
the troops were therefore left without necessary clothing.
This was a serious calamity, in view of the approaching
winter ; but many of the soldiers chiefly lamented the
loss of their plunder, for all the valuable pearls, which
they had accumulated during their long march from
Apalache, were destroyed in the fire. Even this loss,
distressing as it was, did not end the catalogue of their
afSictions ; for all the apparatus used in the performance
of mass — ^the priestly vestments, chalices, candlesticks,
bells, missals, and decorations of the altar — ^had been
defaced, mutilated, or quite demoUshed by the sacrile-
gious pagans. And thus were the unhappy Spaniards
left almost destitute of the means and appliances which
were necessary for their corporeal and spiritual comfort ;
but possibly they were supported in all this adversity,
by the consolatory reflection that they fought and suf-
fered in behalf of their Holy Church, and that they
had succeeded in destroying thousands of her infidel
enemies.
The loss of the Indians in this battle, and in the con-
flagration of the town, probably did not exceed two
thousand five hundred, half of whom were women and
children. This is the number given by the Portuguese
narrator, who appears to have been the best arithme-
tician in the army. Garcilasso, with his customary
exaggeration, says that three thousand Indians were
killed in battle, and four thousand more perished in the
flames. Tuscaluza was one of the last of the survivors;
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440 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
lie fought to the last with all the energy of despair,
forcing his way into the thickest of the battle, and
sweeping all before him with his tremendous dub.
Several times De Soto spurred his horse toward the
chief, but as often did the Indian warriors throw them-
selves in the way. At last, Tuscaluza found himself
almost alone; perceiving that all was lost, he rushed
into one of the burning buildings, and was almost
instantly buried under the falling timbers. He chose
this mode of dying to prevent his dead body from falling
into the hands of the victors, supposing, perhaps, that
the Spaniards, as weU as the Indians, were accustomed
to scalp their enemies. He resolved that Ms scalp
should never be exhibited as a trophy. The corpse of
his son was found among the other dead bodies in the
market-place.
De Soto, after the battle of Mauvilla, was obliged to
remain in the neighborhood of th^t place for almost a
month before his men had sufficiently recovered from
their wounds to be prepared for another march.* On
the eighteenth day of November, De Soto left the
ruined town, the scene of his calamitous victory, and
proceeded almost due northward for five days, when he
arrived at "a deep and wide river," supposed by Dr.
Monette to have been the Tombigbee. This stream,
however, does not cross the line which the Spaniards
* Portuguese Narrator, Chap. xx. Herrera says that tbe Span-
iards remained at Mauvilla only two weeks.
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\
DISGOYERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 441
must have traveled, if they proceeded from MauvUla
directly toward the north. They crossed the river, after
much hard fighting with a large body of Indians, who
disputed the passage for twelve days. The river was
^T*^%V» ^f^A
DE SOTO CROSSING THE TOMBIQBEE RIVER.
crossed at last, in several large boats, which were built
privately in the woods, and afterward transported on
roUers to the water. This passage was eflfected, says
Dr. Monette, in Marengo County, Alabama, not fiir from
Chicasaw Creek. To protect his men while they were
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Google
442 DISGOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
crossing in the boats, De Soto caused trenches to be dug
near the bank of the river, and in these trenches lay
concealed a suitable number of crossbowmen and mus-
keteers, who fired on the Indians when they came too
near. In spite of this precaution, nearly all the Span-
iards were wounded by the arrows of the enemy before
they reached the opposite bank " One of these arrows,"
says Herrera, " pierced both of the blade-bones of a horse,
and came out several inches on the fiirther side/** This,
as the historian truly remarks, " was an astonishing shot**
After the river was crossed, a march of ten days brought
the Spaniards to the village of Chickasaw, in Yalobusha
Valley. In this fertile and beautiftJ country De Soto
determined to fix his winter-quarters. His men, with
the assistance of the Indian prisoners, or slaves, began
to make clothes of skins; and yet they were so badly
provided with winter garments that they suflFered ex-
ceedingly during the cold weather. The town of Chica-
saw consisted of about twenty houses. The Span-
iards did not feel themselves able, at that time, to
turn the natives out of their dwellings, and take pos-
session thereof in the name of the King of Spain and
by the authority of the Sovereign PontiflF. For want of
better accommodations, therefore, they were obliged to
encamp in a field, where they built huts in the Indian
style of architecture, and thatched them with straw. Here
they remained at peace with the natives for two months,
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iv., Lib. vii., Cap. 4.
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DISGOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 443
which Herrera mentions as a very remarkable circum-
stance; but it appears to us that their recent experience
in warfere was well calculated to give them some relish
for the blessings of a tranquil life. Besides, we must
consider that all their exertions were now necessary
to preserve them from the horrors of freezing and
starvation.
INDIAN CANOE.
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444 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXXV.
DB SOTO. IN MISSISSIPPI — HE IS IN DANGER OP ASSASSINATION —
HIS OBSTINACY AND DESPERATION — HE CAUSES FOUR
SPANIARDS TO BE EXECUTED — SEVERE PUNISHMENT OF
THEFT — ^THB SPANISH CAMP IS ATTACKED BY THE INDIANS —
TERRIBLE CONFLAGRATION — SPANIARDS BURNED TO DEATH —
AWFUL FATE OF A SPANISH WOMAN — WRETCHED CONDITION
OF THE CHRISTIANS — REMOVAL OF THE CAMP — MARCH TO
ALIBAMO — DUEL BETWEEN A SPANIARD AND AN INDIAN —
MARCH THROUGH A GREAT WILDERNESS — DISCOVERY OF THE
MISSISSIPPI RIVER — ITS APPEARANCE IN THE TIME OF DB
SOTO. [a. D. 1541.]
In their winter-quarters, De Soto's troops were dis-
contented and almost mutinous. They now regarded
the expedition as a total fidlure, and they were angry
with their leader because he would not abandon the
country before the commencement of the cold weather.
Before the battle of Mauvilla, De Soto had been march-
ing southward, with the expectation of meeting his ships
at the port of Achusi, which was situated on some part
of Pensacola Bay. His disaster at Mauvilla changed his
intentions; for, after his dearly bought victory, we find
him proceeding once more toward the north. This cir-
cumstance is not very satisfitctorily' explained. The
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 445
battle of Mauvilla and the complete destruction of his
baggage, had left his troops wounded, disheartened, and
destitute of food and clothing at the commencement of
winter. He expected that his ships would bring fresh
supplies from Havana, and he was very near the port
where, at that very time, the vessels were probably
lying. But at this juncture he changes his course, and
marches back into the country. This looked like an act
of suicidal desperation ; it was the act of a man who is
conscious that he is engaged in the last struggle with
his destiny. De Soto had risked his whole fortune and
much of his reputation in this enterprise; to him it was
worse than death to realize the total wreck of his hopes.
He could not reconcile himself to poverty and disgrace,
after inducing himself for so long a time in the dreams
of affluence and glory.
He saw that his followers were completely discouraged
by their last battle and its terrible consequences. He
knew that they would desert him at the first opportu-
nity. If he conducted them to the Bay of Pensacola, as
he had lately intended, they could easily obtain a safe
passage to Mexico, or to the Islands, and so leave him
blasted in fortune and reputation. Hence, in defiance
of their wishes and demands, he resolved to turn back,
to plunge them into new difficulties, to cut off every
means of escape, and to make them as desperate as him-
self His own iron will was opposed to the wishes of
all his companions; among whom there were many who
felt themselves aggrieved and insulted when subjected
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446 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
to any control; and all of them were men who were
ready to shed human blood on the slightest provocation.
Moreover, there were men in De Soto's company who
had private and particular motives for hating their com-
mander. Offenses of a grave nature were often punished
by him with great severity, and several of his associates
in this expedition had experienced the effects of his
rigorous discipline. Considering all these circumstances,
we cannot doubt that De Soto was in some danger of
assassination, at a time when his death would have left
his companions at liberty to &U0W their own indina-
tions. We are told that many of his people were dis-
posed to be mutinous, that the feeUng of dissatis&ction
among them was universal, and that they ascribed all
their misfortunes to the obstinacy and selfish amlntion
of their captain. We are informed, likewise, that De
Soto himself was suspicious of secret machinations
among his feUow-adventurers, as he did not scruple to
use some espionage in order to make himself acquainted
with their designs. To this subject it will be necessary
for us to refer once more in the sequel
We left the Spaniards encamped at Chicasaw, where,
as all their tents had been destroyed, they were obliged
to build themselves houses in the Indian &shioiL For
awhile the consciousness of their own weakness made
them pacific; but, the habit of rapine and violence had
been indulged too long to be easily corrected. Four of
the soldiers made a stealthy excursion to a neighboring
Indian village, where they committed some robberies.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 447
The cacique made his complaint to the governor, who
ordered the oflFenders to be arrested, and having suffi-
cient proof of their guilt, he condemned them all to be
beheaded.* It appears from this incident, that De
Soto was nicely discriminative in his administration of
justice. His men had often robbed the natives without
being held accountable for their acts; but in such cases,
we suppose, the robberies were justified by the usages
of war. In this instance, the robbers had stolen away
from the camp and perpetrated the deed without any
official sanction. Hence the severity of their punish-
ment. Several Indians who attempted to steal pro-
visions from the Spaniards were caught in flagrante
delicto. Some of these were shot, and others had their
hands cut oflF, by De Soto's order. But while De Soto
was using the sword of Themis so effectively, he occa-
sionally allowed the bandage of the goddess to fell over
his eyes. Gallegos was permitted to capture Indians to
be used as slaves, and foraging parties were sent out to
despoil the cornfields on which the natives depended for
subsistence. These abuses soon brought on the crisis,
as they never failed to do in any similar case. The
forbearance of the people of Chicasaw being exhausted,
they determined, at all hazards, to expel the intruders
from their neighborhood. For some time, they
harassed the Spaniards with feigned attacks. Fre-
quently, in the dead of night, the yells of the savages
* Portuguese Narration : Chap. xx.
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448 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
were heard around the camp, the Castilians started firom
their slumbers and seized their arms, expecting to come
in immediate conflict with their ferocious enemies ; but
soon the noise died away, and nought was heard but
the shriek of the night-owl in the forests. These
alarms were often repeated; such being the cunning
device of the enemy to put the Christians off their
guard, so that they might be unprepared for defense
when it should please the Indians to attack them in
earnest. At length, on a cold and stormy night in Feb-
ruary, the Indians surrounded the camp, sounded their
conchs, and fiUed the air as usual with their hideous
war-whoops. The Spaniards, though they suspected
that this was only a repetition of the feint which had so
often deceived them, sprung from their couches and
awaited the event with very Uttle apprehension, for
they deemed it impossible for the Indians to break
through their fortifications. Nevertheless, the Chicasaw
militia were acquainted with some stratagems of war
which astonished the Spanish regulars. Though the
camp was surrounded by a strong and impenetrable
barricade, which prevented any near approach to the
houses, the Spaniards, on this memorable night, dis-
covered, to their great surprise and consternation, that
their dwellings were all on fire. The Indians had con-
trived to set the roofe in a blaze by shooting arrows
charged with Ughted combustibles, which quickly com-
municated the flames to the straw-covering of the huts.
As the wind was very high, all the houses were soon
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 449
involved in the conflagration and some of the sick
Spaniards were burned to death before they could be
removed De Soto was soon ready for action, and led
out a party ^ horsemen to drive away the Indians.
tiURNINQ OF THE SPANISH CAMP AT CHICKASAW.
The only one of the natives who fell in this battle was
killed by the governor's own hand. Captain Andrew Vas-
conceles behaved with great intrepidity on this occasion,
and had the good fortune to save his commander's life.
29
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450 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
While De Soto was pressing forward to attack an
Indian warrior who was signalizing himself in the com-
bat, the hoifse on which the governor was mounted
stumbled in the snow, which was very deep. At the
same moment the girth of the saddle broke, and De
Soto was precipitated among the group of Indians, who
assailed him furiously with their clubs as he lay,
defenseless, on the ground. Vasconceles came to his
rescue, and kept the Indians at bay until De Soto
mounted another horse. Although but a small number
of cavalry had saUied out of the enclosure, they suc-
ceeded in repelling the assailants, who were not very
numerous. Indeed the battle itself was an affair of
little importance, but the conflagration was a still
greater calamity than that of Mauvilla. As the Span-
iards did not believe in the reality of the attack imtil
their houses were partly consumed, many of them were
taken too much by surprise to act with that presence of
mind which their preservation required. Numbers of
them were naked, just as they had started out of their
beds; and in that condition they escaped from their
burning huts. Many of the horses, which had been
brought out of the enclosure to assist in the dispersion
of the Indians, took fright at the glare of the fire and
ran away into the woods. Few of these were recovered;
and it is probable that most of them were killed by the
Indians, who, not knowing how to use these animals,
always dispatched them when they fell into their hands.
Fifty more horses were burned to death in the stables.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 451
All the camp equipments and provisions, and a con-
siderable part of the clothing, were likewise consumed.
The Portuguese narrator reports that a majority of the
Spaniards thought of nothing but their own individual
safety. De Soto, and twenty or thirty of his bravest
men, were all who acted on the defensive. The. rest
either remained inactive or endeavored to escape into
the forest. Nearly all the ftigitives perished: some,
who were almost in a state of nudity, were frozen to
death; others were slaughtered by the Indians. In one
way or another, forty Spaniards lost their lives.
Among these were ten or twelve who were stiU dis-
abled by the wounds received at Mauvilla. They were
burned to death in the huts, being too sick or weak to
leave their beds. A Spanish woman, the only one who
accompanied the army, perished in the same maimer.
She was the wife* of a common soldier who had saved a
few pearls by carrying them in his pockets; by this
means he preserved his property when all the rest of the
booty was destroyed at Mauvilla. This man and his
wife both escaped from their burning hut; but as the
pearls were left behind, the woman returned to search
for them and was overwhelmed in the blazing ruins.
Some of the surviving Spaniards were so badly burnt,
that for several weeks they were in extreme agony and
danger of death. The condition of the Christians after
the conflagration was ineflfably distressing. They were
left without food, clothes or shelter; and, as the night
was excessively cold, many of them were preserved
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452 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
from freezing only by the warmth of the expiring
embers, which were all that remained of their recent
habitations. The Portuguese Gentleman, who was one
of the sufferers, says: "We spent the whole night with-
out sleep, for while we warmed one side we were freez-
ing on the other." All their weapons were destroyed
or made useless by the fire ; and so wretched and help-
less was their condition, that^ the Indians had repeated
their assault on the following night, the extermination
of the Spaniards would have been the most probable
consequence.
When day dawned on the scene of calamity, those
Spaniards who happened to be clothed went to the
neighboring woods in search of ftiel, and large fires
were constantly kept burning. The half-naked men,
whose inventive genius was stimulated by necessity,
contrived to weave mats of dried ivy, which they used
as a substitute for clothing.* Thus, in their garniture
of foliage, they bore a striking resemblance to Adam
after his transgression; and, like him, they began to
experience some of the inconveniences of a departure
from a state of innocence.
Governor De Soto, with his distressed companions,
removed, during the day which followed the awftd night
of the conflagration, to a deserted Indian town caUed
Chicacolla, which was only one league from the location
of their late camp. The site of this place, as well as
* Portagaese Narrative : Chap. xx.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 453
that of Chicasaw, is presumed to be in Yallabusha
County, Mississippi. We are compelled to admire the
fortitude and energy exhibited by the Spaniards in that
miserable condition to which they were now reduced.
As soon as they had fortified themselves, as well as they
could, in their new situation, they employed themselves
with the greatest activity in manufacturing arms, clothes
and other equipments which were necessary for their
comfort and security. They erected forges, and made
new weapons or retempered those which had been
damaged by the fire. The neighboring forest supplied
them with ash saplings, of which they formed handles
or staves for their lances. Bucklers, saddles, and gar-
ments for the soldiers were made of goatskins; and
thus, in a short time, the whole army of Spaniards
assumed an appearance very well-suited to the wild
sylvan scenery, among which they wandered like so
many fituns or satyrs, disturbing the tranquillity of nature
with their riotous and licentious conduct.
On the 26th day of April, 1541, De Soto broke up
his winter quarters, and once more began his march
toward the north-west. On the evening of the same
day, the Spaniards arrived at a strongly fortified Indian
town, called, by Gardlasso and Herrera, AUbamo.*
From this town Alabama River took its name. It was
situated on the eastern side of a deep and narrow river,
with high banks, supposed by Dr. Monette to be the
* The Portagaese Gentleman calls this place Alimamn : Chap. xxl.
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464 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
same stream which is now called Tallahatchee. This
Indian fort was constructed with no little military skilL
It was surrounded by a triple wall of pickets with em-
bankments of earth ; the enclosure forming a quadrangle,
each side of which was about four hundred yards in
length. De Soto informed his men that it was necessary
to take this place, in order to intimidate the Indians,
and to recover the credit which the Spaniards had lost
by their terrible defeat at Chickasaw. While the Span-
iards approached the walls of the town, a party of Indian
warriors sallied out, and discharged a flight of arrows,
which killed six Christians on the spot, and woimded
some others. The Spanish horsemen closed on the
enemy, drove them back into the gates, and followed
them into the enclosure, where great numbers of Indians
fell beneath the swords and lances of the cavalry. Fifteen
Spaniards were killed in this skirmish. Finding that
they could not defend the town, the surviving Indians
crossed the river, and lay in ambush on the opposite
bank, to assail the Spaniards when they attempted to
pass over.
A tall Indian warrior, who stayed without the wall,
and appeared to have made up his mind to die for his
country, hailed a Spaniard named Juan de Salinos, and
challenged him to single combat. Salinos, though equal
in size to the Indian, and having greatly the advantage
of him in arms, refused the invitation, probably on the
plea that he was conscientiously opposed to duelling.
However, he hastily raised his musket to shoot the chal-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 455
lenger, supposing him to be off his guard; but the
Indian, whose quick eye detected the movement, sent
an arrow through the neck of the Spaniard, and both
fell dead at the same moment
The Portuguese Gentleman declares that the whole
army censured De Soto for his attack on this town before
he knew the disposition of the people. It appears to
us that the temper of De Soto had been much soured
by disappointment and misfortune, and the recent advan-
tage which the Indians had gained over him at Chica-
saw had woimded his military pride, perhaps, and dis-
posed him to be a vindictive and imcompromising
enemy.
Soon after the battle of Alibamo, a pestilential fever
appeared among the Spaniards. Many of them died
suddenly, and putrefaction followed immediately after
death, causing the bodies to become intolerably offensive.
The Indian prisoners cured some of the afflicted by
burning a certain herb, and giving them a decoction of
the ashes ; but in spite of this alkaline remedy, fifteen
or twenty Spaniards were victimized by the epidemic.
From Alibamo, the Christians proceeded westwardly
for seven days through a wilderness, in which were many
marshes and dense forests, aboimding with wild beasts
and reptiles. This gloomy and comfortless route had a
very depressing effect on the spirits of the soldiers, who
began to imagine that they were approadiing the con-
fines of the habitable world. At length they came to a
town called Chisca, which was seated on the margin of
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456 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the largest river which the Spaniards had seeu since
they landed in Florida. On this account, they called it
the Rio Grande; and weU it deserved the name, for it
was the fiither of American waters, the mighty Missis-
sippi De Soto and his feUow-adventurers were the
first Europeans who ever gazed on that dark and im-
petuous current to which so many of our western cities
are indebted for their existence and their prosperity.
Though many and great changes have taken place along
its shores, the aspect of the river itself has uiidergone
no variation since De Soto beheld it, three hundred
years ago. The description of it given by its first
European visitors corresponds exactly with its present
appearance. It was represented by them as about a
mile in width, flowing with a strong and rapid current,
and carrying down large trees on its turbid and foaming
waters. But, at that time, it roUed through an un-
broken forest, inhabited only by the Indian hunters
and the beasts which were the objects of thier pursuit
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 459
CHAPTER XXXVI.
DB SOTO APPROACHES ARKANSAS — HE CONTINUES TO MAKE
ENEMIES — PASSAGE OP THE MISSISSIPPI— GREAT OBSTACLES
SURMOUNTED — HE ENTERS THE TOWN OP CASQUIN — GRAND
RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES — MIRACULOUS SHOWER — ^THB TRUTH
OF THE STORY CONSIDERED — THE SPANIARDS PROVE TO BE
BAD TEACHERS OP CHRISTIANITY — MISBEHAVIOR OP THEIR
PROSELYTES — STILL ANOTHER GOLD REGION — "ALL IS NOT
GOLD THAT GLITTERS" — THE SPANIARDS MARCH ONWARD —
HEROIC TRIBE OP INDIANS — WONDERFUL EXPLOIT OP AN
INDIAN WARRIOR — DEPARTURE OP THE SPANIARDS PROM
TULLA — ^WAS IT A RETREAT? [a. D. 1641.]
The hideous desert through which De Soto traveled
during the seven days which immediately preceded his
discovery of the Mississippi, is easily recognizable at the
present time. The whole ground was covered with a
dense forest and intersected by numerous streams; sup-
posed to be the creeks and bayous of the Tallahatchy
region. This section of the coimtry was whoUy unin-
habited, probably on account of its insalubrious character.
But when they came near the bank of the great river,
they found a village whidi bore the name of Clusca, on
which they made a night attack, aad took some pri-
soners, among whom was the cacique's mother. This
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460 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
judicious measure was intended to compel the inhabit-
ants to be friendly to the Christians. On the following
morning, De Soto sent a messenger with offers of peace
and restitution to the cacique, whose mansion was
situated on a precipitous rock, which was almost inac-
cessible. The Indian magistrate, though he was old
and sick, threatened to come down from his aerial habita-
tion, and chastise the Spaniards for their lawless beha-
vior; but his women and servants dissuaded him, and,
after some parley he consented to furnish De Soto with
a large quantity of Indian com, as his mother's ransom.
After this transaction, the cacique professed to be recon-
ciled to the Christians; but the latter soon received
another lesson to convince them (if it had been possible
for them to learn in the school of experience,) that
they could not win the affections of an Indian chief as
Theseus won the love of Hippolita, by injurious treat-
ment.
T^e Spaniards consumed twenty days in reposing after
the &tigues of their hard travel through the wilderness,
and in searching for a suitable place to cross the Missis-
sippL The banks at Chisca were very steep, the cur-
rent was rapid, and the river was more than half a
league in breadth. These obstacles were formidable
enough, per se; but, to increase De Soto's embarras-
ment, the opposite side of the river was thronged wifli
canoes, manned with hostile Indians, supposed to be not
less than six thousand in number. The Spaniards did
not imagine that this aquatic spectacle was intended to
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 461
do them honor and to give them a friendly welcome.
Some account of their behavior at Chisca had doubtless
been transmitted across the river, and they might now
safely calculate on having their passage obstinately dis-
puted. However, De Soto, who was never discouraged
by any appearance of difficulty or danger, h^gan to
make such preparations as the passage of the river
required. To evade the Indians posted on the western
side of the river, he marched up the eastern bank for
four days, during which time he advanced but twelve
leagues, his progress being much impeded by the
tangled forests which skirted the shore. While he was
on this march, De Soto received an amicable message
from an Indian chief to whose territory the Spaniards
were approaching. This chief excused himself, on
account of ill health, for not coming to visit the
strangers, but promised to send them provisions ; and he
forwarded by his messengers several handsome robes of
ftir for the governor's use. De Soto returned a
courteous answer, graciously accepting the chief's pres-
ents and his offers of service. But it was discovered
afterward that the cacique's pacific disposition origi-
nated in a desire to preserve his corn-fields from the
depredations of these voracious strangers, who happened
to arrive at the very time when the Indians were about
to gather in their harvest.
Having found a place which afforded some fecilities
for crossing the river, De Soto next turned his atten-
tion to the construction of ferry-boats. He caused to
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462 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
be built eight large scows, each of which would contain
fifty men and ten horses. As his troops had been
reduced by the wasting effects of war and disease to
half of their original number, we suppose that the eight
boats could carry over all his men at one time ; and this
was an important object, as it would require all his
force to effect a landing, in spite of the opposition of
the Indians, on the other side of the river. The scows
or piraguas were furnished with sails and oars. When
they were ready for service, the men and horses were
embarked, many Indiaus in their canoes approaching
near enough to watch the proceedings, in which they
appeared to be deeply interested. Contrary to all ex-
pectation, the natives permitted the Spaniards to cross
the river and to disembark without any manifestation
of hostility. Dr. Monette thinks that the place where
De Soto ferried his troops over the Mississippi must
have been within thirty miles of Helena.* Mr. Theo-
dore Irving believes that the crossing place was near
the lowest Chicasaw Bluff, between the thirty-fourth
and thirty-fifth parallels of latitude.
When the army had crossed, the ferry-boats were
broken to pieces, as the nails and other iron which they
contained would be required for other uses. Besides,
it was desirable to keep them from felling into the hands
of the Indians. After a journey of five days, through
* " Hist, of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the
Mississippi r" Ch. iii.
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;*4
L^ :^'|.:
K.^tri^ir"1f.'-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 465
a level and uninhabited country, the Spaniards descried
a large Indian village, which contained more than four
hundred dwellings. The name of this village was
Casquin; its situation is supposed to have been on
White River, about one hundred miles above the jimc-
tion of that stream with the Mississippi. They were
kindly suppUed with provisions by the inhabitants of
this place, and after resting and refreshing themselves
for two days, they proceeded toward the chief town of
the province and residence of the cacique, the site of
which was on the same river, and about forty miles
from the village of Casquin. The country through
which thiey now passed was beautifrilly variegated with
hill and valley, meadow and woodland, and it was less
alluvial than any spot they had seen since they left the
highlands, east of the Tallahatchy.
When De Soto came near to the principal town, the
cacique, with a numerous retinue, came out, and gave
the Christians a ceremonious welcome. He afterward
conducted them into his town, and quartered them
commodiously in several large houses, where they were
abimdantly suppUed with provisions. It was now in the
latter part of May; the heat of the atmosphere was
excessive ; and a drought of long continuance threat-
ened great injury, if not total destruction, to the
approaching harvest. Though the qidque had never
heard, perhaps, that in exercising the duties of hos-
pitality, we may sometimes entertain angels unawares,
he appeared to suspect that there was something super-
30
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466 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
human, if not celestial, in the character of his guests.
He therefore applied to the commander of the Christian
army, and besought him to intercede with his gods to
avert the calamity which threatened to leave the people
of Casquin without their usual means of maintenance.
He informed De Soto that the priests and prophets of
the tribe had been for several days almost constantly
engaged in prayers and incantations, but all to no pur-
pose, for no refreshing shower had descended on the
parched and thirsty plantations. "I have no doubt,*'
said the chief to De Soto, " that your God is greater
and better than ours, and I entreat you to petition him
for rain, that the Indians as well as the Spaniards may
acknowledge his power and goodness." To this ^plica-
tion. Governor De Soto answered, with becommg diffi-
dence : " That the Spaniards were sinners, and, on that
account, they could scarcely hope that their suppUcations
would be heard ; nevertheless, they would make inter-
cession in behalf of their Indian brethren, placing all their
reliance on the infinite mercy of God," To proceed in
this matter according to the rituals of his Church, De
Soto ordered his carpenters to construct a very large
cross, fifty feet in height, which was shaped from one
of the tallest pine-trees in the forest. This sacred
emblem was set up on an elevated piece of ground, and
the following morning was the appointed time for the
grand ceremony to take place. As soon as the day
dawned, the Indians assembled in vast numbers, pre-
serving a profound iiilence, and gazing reverently on
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 467
that symbol, the import of which they could not be
su];^K>8ed to miderstand The Spaniards, marching two
abreast, and preceded by their priests, who chanted the
penitential psalms, formed a long procession, in which
many of the Indians took a part, and the whole line
comprised more than two thousand persons. When the
priests who took the lead came to the foot of the cross,
they placed themselves in the attitude of prayer, the
soldiers and Indians all kneeling around. The ecclesi-
astics then made fervent supplications to that God of
Mercy, " who sendeth his rain bofli to the just and to
the unjust,'' beseeching him to bestow his temporal
blessings on the heathen, and to prepare them for the
reception of those spiritual gifts which the Gospel of
Christ dispenses to all the children of men. When the
prayers were finished, the whole assembly arose, and the
Spaniards advanced, two at a time, to the cross, where,
on bended knees, they kissed the consecrated wood,
afl«r which the exercises of the day were concluded by
singing " Te Deum laudamus.^^ According to Herrera
and Gardlasso, the prayers of the Spaniards were
answered, for a very heavy rain fell on the following
night ; and they add, that it was the first rain which
had fidlen for several weeks. Without presuming to
question the efficacy of prayer, we feel disposed to
doubt that there was any miraculous interposition of
Divine Providence in this particular case. If the rela-
tion is strictly true, there is no proof of supernatural
agency in the matter ; for the rain would probably have
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468 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
&llen if the Spaniards had not prayed. The difference
between post hfc and propter hoc should be well under-
stood by all who attempt to write history, or to account
for any remarkable event. But we are compelled to spoil
a good story, by showing that a considerable part of it
may properly be rejected as one of Gturdlasso's numerous
fiibrications. His accoimt of the affair is very much at
variance with that of an eye-witness, the Gentleman of
Elvas, who says nothing about the rain, or the want of it,
and avers that the large cross was erected for quite
another purpose. From the writer just referred to, we
learn that the cacique brought two blind men to De
Soto, and desired the latter to restore their sight De
Soto honestly confessed that this task was fax beyond
his abilities, and he made use of this occasion to
instruct the cacique in the mysteries of the Catholic
reUgion. He commanded a cross ta be made, and set
up in the highest part of the town, "declaring that the
Christians worshiped the same in memory of that on
which Christ had suffered. The Spaniards kneeled
before it, and the Indians followed their example. The
governor advised the chief that thenceforth he should
pay his adoration to the Cross, and ask whatsoever he
needed of that Lord of Heaven whose sufferings and
death the cross was intended to commemorate."*
It soon appeared, however, that the Cacique Casqui
and his people were more apt to imitate the practices of
* Portuguese Narrative : Chap, xxiii.
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DISGOYEBER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 469
the Spaniards than to profit by their instructions ; for,
only a few days* after the event just related, while they
were traveling in company with the Christians, they
plundered a town belonging to a neighboring tribe, took
many prisoners, grossly abused the women, tore open
the sepulchres, and trampled on the bones of the dead.'^
The town of Capaha, where these outrages were com-
mitted, was situated on an elevated piece of land, at the
distance of five days' journey firom the village where
De Soto had erected the cross. Mr. McCulloh places
Capaha on the bank of Ked River, but Dr. Monette
believes that it was situated on the western shore of the
Mississippi, a few miles south of the spot now occupied
by Helena, Arkansas.
From Capaha, De Soto returned to Casquin with a
determination to proceed firom thence to the westward,
in search of a land called Colgoa, which, as they
learned fix)m the Indians, produced a yellow shining
metal, supposed to be gold. A march of about one
hundred miles through a fertile and populous country,
brought the Spaniards to the town of Quigate, where
they remained for several days. From thence they
traveled for five days over marshy land, " so wet that
they were obliged to sleep in the water," and reached
Colgoa on the ninth day of August. This town was
situated at the foot of a mountain and on the bank of a
river "as large as the Coya in Estremadura." This
* Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. ir., Lib. vii., Cap. 6.
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470 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
"river" says Dr. Monette, must have been the Big Meta
Creek, about fifty miles south-east of Little Rock.
Here a new disappointment awaited our persevering, but
unfortunate adventurer. The shining metal, concerning
which he had received such flattering accounts at
Casquin, proved to be copper.
In answer to his inquiries, the people of Colgoa
informed De Soto that the country to the north was
thinly inhabited by roaming tribes of Indians, who did
not cultivate the land, but maintained themselves by
hunting and fishing. But the southern region was
described in more fiivorable terms. It was represented
to be a grain producing and populous country, inhabited
by tribes who were not of a very fierce and warlike
diaracter. This information produced a general desire
among the Spaniards to move southward. Accordingly
they traveled in that direction, or rather to the south-
west, for nine days, and came to a town called Tanico,
supposed to be on the head-waters of Saline River.
Here the Spaniards procured a quantity of rock-salt, as
clear as crystal; a luxury which long privation had
taught them to appreciate, for they had been entirely
without salt for more than a year. As soon as they
obtained this supply, the soldiers greedily swallowed it
in such large quantities that ten of them died in conse-
quence.
From Tanico they made a journey of five days to the
town of Tula, inhabited by a tribe of Indians who gave
the Spaniards more trouble than any other people on
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DISCOYERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 471
the American continent. In fact the inhabitants of
Tula were unconquerable. Several of them had been
seized by the Christians for the purpose of extorting
information respecting the country; but no threats of
torture or death could make these men traitors. Their
invariable answer was, "You may kill me if you please,
but I wiU teU you nothing."* • While the Spaniards
were encamped in the neighborhood, they were
attacked by some of these brave people, who used clubs
of a prodigious size and handled them with terrible
eflfect. It appears that a Spanish cavalier, with all the
advantage of his horse and sword, was scarcely a match
for one of these native heroes, armed with nothing but
his cudgeL Herrera confesses that his countrymen were
severely handled by the men of Tula; and, if any con-
firmation of this report were necessary, the evidence of
the Portuguese Gentleman would be sufficient to estab-
lish the fact. According to the last-mentioned writer,
the Indians of this place fenced so admirably with their
dubs, that the horses and riders were both wearied out
by the protracted combat. One example of heroism on
the part of an Indian is worthy of commemoration. Dur-
ing the skirmish, one of the natives was wounded, and
fell among the dead bodies of several of his compatriots.
While some Christians were examining the corpses of the
slain, the wounded man suddenly started up, snatched a
battle-axe from the hand of a dead Spaniard, and struck
♦ Herrera, Hist. Ind., Dec. iv., Lib. Tiii., Cap. 6.
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472 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Juan de Carranza a blow which dove his target and
wounded him in the arm. Diego de Godoy advanced
to assist his comrade, but was disabled in the same
manner. Another blow of the battle-axe knocked
Francisco de Salazar from his horse, and left him insen-
sible on the ground. Thus three representatives of
Spanish chivalry were subdued by one Indian warrior,
who fought with a weapon which he had not been
accustomed to use, and who was wounded at the time
he performed this admirable exploit. A paltry fellow
named Gonzalez Silvestre, approached this noble Indian
behind and cut off his arm. Being no longer able to
defend himself he was dispatched by his enemies.
A want of perspicuity in this part of the narrative
makes us suspect that the story is imperfectly told; or,
in other words, that some of the incidents are sup-
pressed. The Portuguese Gentleman says that the
governor determined to return toward Cayas, before the
Indians could collect in greater numbers. This plan of
De Soto seems to have been a prudent and necessary
measure to prevent the destruction of his whole army.
His loss of men and horses had been considerable
while the enemy had scarcely any advantage of num-
bers; it was easy to see, therefore, that if the natives
should gather in great force, the total destruction of
the Spaniards would be inevitable. We learn Aom
Herrera that the Spaniards departed from Tula
with only two prisoners, viz., one woman and one
boy. From this fact alone, we may infer that their
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 473
operations against the people of that district had not
been successful; aad, after considering all the circum-
stances which have come to our knowledge, we con-
clude that the departure of the Christians from this
region may very safely be called a retreat The Indian
tribe here spoken of is supposed to have been the parent
stock of the wild and ferocious Camanches.
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474 LIFB OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXXVII.
DB SOTO'S MABCH THROUGH ARKANSAS— APPALLING DIFFICUL-
TIES— HE ENTERS THE INDIAN TERRITORT — ^TAKES POSSESSION
OF THE TOWN OF AUTIAMQUE — ^FIXBS HIS WINTER-QUARTERS
— TERRIBLE SUFFERINGS OF THE SPANIARDS — DEATH OF JUAN
ORTIZ — DARING ADVENTURE OF DE SOTO — ASSAULT ON AN
INDIAN TOWN— IT IS FIRED BT THE INHABITANTS — DE
SOTO'S PRESS-GANG — RETROGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS — THE
SPANIARDS VISIT THE HOT-SPRINGS OF ARKANSAS — DESERTION
OF DON JAMES DE GUZMAN — HE RESOLVES TO STAT WITH
THE INDIANS — DE SOTO FORTIFIES HIMSELF ON THE MISSIS-
SIPPI— HE IS INSULTED BT AN INDIAN CACIQUE — ^HIS FEARS
FOR DONNA ISABELLA — HE BUILDS TWO BRIGANTINES, AND
RESOLVES TO SEND THEM TO HAVANA — HIS SAD REFLECTIONS.
[A. D. 1641..1542,]
The land called Tula by the historians of De Soto's
expedition is supposed to have been situated between
the upper Ouachita River and the Little Missouri.
Finding his force considerably decreased by bootless and
sanguinary contests with the invincible tribes which
inhabited this country, De Soto prudently refirained
from carrying on a war in which nothing could be
gained, and all might be lost. As soon as his wounded
men were able to travel, therefore, he marched forward.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 477
taking a north-westerly course, and passing over a
rough mountainous country, interspersed with gloomy
and almost impenetrable forests. Wherever the Span-
iards met with any inhabitants on this route, they were
sure to find enemies ; and such was the reckless valor
of these savage foemen, that twenty or thirty of them
would often attack the whole Spanish army, seldom foil-
ing to kill several Christians before they retired to
the thickets from which they had emerged. In these
skirmishes many of the Indians were slain, but the
losses of the Spaniards were irreparable, for not a man
or horse could be replaced.
The adventurers struggled onward, setting every
danger at defiance, and surmounting every obstacle
which nature and savage enmity could oppose to their
progress. They climbed over high mountains, and forded
deep rivers, plunged into morasses which threatened to
engulf both man and horse, and cut their way through
tangled forests which the Indian hunter had never
attempted to penetrate. And this route, which was
troublesome enough in itself, could not be traveled with-
out constant e3qE)osure to all the hazards of warfere with
insidious and desperate enemies. At length, having
journeyed more than two hundred and forty miles since
they left Tula, the Spaniards came, once more, to cul-
tivated lands, situated in the eastern part of that r^on
which is now called the Indian Territory. Here De
Soto found a large town, "comprising many weU-built
houses," and bearing the name of Autiamque. This
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478 LIFE OF FERDINAND DB SOTO,
town was stationed on the bank of a wide and rapid river,
which we identify with the Arkansas, one of the principal
tributaries of the Mississippi. The martial music and
flying banners of the Spanish troops had been heard
and seen by the people of Autiamque, whose instinc-
tive apprehensions of danger made them abandon their
houses, and betake themselves to some place of security,
The Christians, therefore, took quiet possession of all
their property, real and personal, inchuling a good stock
of provisions, which was found in the houses. At this
place De Soto fixed his winter-quarters, having strongly
fortified the village, to defend it against the assaults of
the Indians, who might reasonably be expected to make
some effort for the recovery of their dweUings and other
property. The winter was excessively severe, and the
deep snow blockaded the Spaniards in their habitations,
preventing them for some weeks from seeking fresh sup-
plies of food and fueL There was much suffering and
sickness among them, and Juan Ortiz, whose singular
history was given in a former part of this work, fell a
victim to the rigor of the season, and the extraordinary
privations to which he was subjected. This man had
served the expedition as chief interpreter. His knowl-
edge of several Indian dialects, and his intimate acquaint-
ance with the habits and dispositions of the people had
made him eminentiy usefrd to the Spaniards, and his
death was lamented as one of the greatest misfortunes
that could have befallen them in their present situation
In the meanwhile, the Indians rejected all offers of
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DISCOTERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 481
peace. When the Spaniards went to the woods in search
of game, they were obliged to go well armed, and in
sufficient numbers to resist the attacks of the natives.
Not a rabbit or raccoon could be killed without exposing
the lives of the soldiers to imminent hazard; and several
of De Soto's men, while engaged in hunting, were shot
by the Indian archers.
As the spring drew near, De Soto began to make
preparations for travel. He had lost all hope of finding
a gold region on the route which he lately traveled ; he
therefore considered it expedient to return to the Mis-
sissippi by another route, and establish a colony in the
neighborhood of that river. His design now was to build
two brigantines, which might descend the Mississippi to
the sea, and so proceed to Havana, to give his country-
men in Cuba an account of his discoveries, and to
induce some of them, if possible, to come to his assist-
ance. The situation of De Soto, at this time (April,
1642) was deplorable enough. He was in the midst of
a vast wilderness, and surrounded by people who were
infuriated by galling oppression and wrongs of the most
aggravated character. More than half of his army had
perished by disease, accident, or the devastation of war;
and nearly all who survived were dissatisfied, and anxious
to withdraw from his service. The greater number of
the horses had also perished, in one way or another, and
many of those which remained were lame and unfit
for travel
Among other preparations for the intended journey,
81
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482 LITE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
it was desirable or necessary, (as the Spaniards thought),
to procure a number of Indian slaves to carry the baggage.
Several of the officers under De Soto's command were
sent out, with parties of soldiers, to capture Indians for
this purpose; but the intractable savages made such
desperate resistance, that the Christians always returned
from their slave-hunting excursions disgusted and unsuc^
cessfuL Finally, Governor De Soto himself was obliged
to undertake this duty. With nearly his whole force,
horse and foot, he followed the course of the river for
twenty leagues, and arrived at a populous town about
day-break, hoping to take the inhabitants by surprise.
But, luckily for themselves, the people of this town were
early risers ; they descried the approaching strangers ;
and, being aware of their character, they hurried off
their women and children to the woods, and set fire to
their village. In spite of this Muscovite expedient, the
Christians obtained some booty; and the governor, after
an obstinate battle with the men of the place, captured
about fifty of them, aad impressed them into his service.
To reconcile them to their situation, he ordered his
interpreters to inform them that they should be liberated
as soon as the Spaniards could dispense with their
assistance.
De Soto broke up his winter-quarters at Autiamque
about the beginning of April. Proceeding eastward
toward the Mississippi, they traveled seven days without
opposition, and arrived at a town called Nauguaten,
the cacique of which sent " four men of quality," (as
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 483
Herrera says), to oflfer the ^Spaniards his firiendship and
services. At this place, a Spanish cavalier, whose name
was James de Guzman, and who was the representative
of a noble femily in Seville, deserted from the army.
INDIANS SET FIRE TO THEIR VILLAGE AT THE APPROACH OF DE SOTO.
and took up his abode with the Indians. This young
gentleman had been addicted to the vice of gaming, and
while engaged at play with some of his companions, a
few days before his desertion, he staked his arms, his
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484 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
horse, and finally a beautiful female Indian slave, all of
which articles were lost by the chances of the game. He
easily surrendered the arms and the horse to the winner
of the stakes ; but, to avoid separation firom the woman
whom he passionately loved, he eloped with her, and
took refuge with the Indians of Nauguaten. De Soto,
who was much grieved and incensed by the young noble-
man's base conduct, sent a letter to him, with a peremp-
tory order to return to his duty. Guzman returned the
same letter, on the back of which he had written with
a fire-coal :
" Your Excellency must pardon me for preferring the
society of the Indians to that which I have just left.
While I was in your company, I learned many things
which it may be to my advantage to forget, and I hope
that my residence among the Indians may be the means
of my reformation. I wish you all a safe and speedy
return to your country. My resolution is to remain
where I am. Jabies de Guzman."
Highly offended at Guzman's obstinacy, the gover^or
now sent a message to the cacique of Nauguaten, with
an intimation that the four envoys would be detained as
hostages until the Spanish deserter should be sent back
to the army. To this requisition the cacique returned
the following pithy response: "If you are disposed to act
so imjustly as to punish four of my people for a feult
committed by one of your own men, you must do as
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 485
you intend, for it is out of my power to resist you. I
have not compelled your countryman to remain with us,
and I will not be so ungenerous as to order him to
depart."
De Soto was generally disposed to act justly, when he
rightly understood the merits of a case. "He saw,"
says Herrera, "that the cacique was in the right." He
therefore dismissed the four Indians with courteous
words and some acceptable presents. On the following
morning, the Spaniards resumed their march, leaving
Don Diego de Guzman to correct his moral obliquities
by a life-long association with the primitive inhabitants
of Arkansas. We should be pleased to hear that this
adopted citizen proved, in the end, to be a valuable
acquisition to the unsophisticated community which
opened its arms to receive him.
On their way bade to the Mississippi, the Castilians
passed the famous Hot Springs of Arkansas, the situa-
tion of which is about sixty miles south-west of little
Bock. The medicinal virtues of these springs were
known to the Indians, and De Soto's guides advised the
sick Spaniards, some of whom were sorely afflicted with
rheumatic and catarrhal diseases, to betake themselves to
the salutiferous fountains. As it was generally believed
in Spain and other parts of Europe, that Florida con-
tained that miraculous spring, whose waters restored
withered age and decrepitude to the bloom and activity
of youth, it is possible that some of De Soto's com-
panions, at the first view of these fountains, flattered
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486
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
themselves with the belief that they had found the very
object of Ponce de Leon's long and unsuccessful search.
While they quaffed the fuming liquid, perhaps the
cavaliers of De Soto's party indulged the hope of pro-
SPANIARDS DRINKINQ AT THE HOT SPRINGS IN ARKANSAS.
longing an existence, much of which had been unpro^
fitable to themselves and severely afflictive to a large
portion of the human family. But, happily for the best
interests of mankind, the power of wicked men to do
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 487
mischief endures but for a little while, and admits of no
extension beyond the limits assigned to it by a merciftd
Providence.
From the province of Nauguaten the Spaniards pro-
ceeded to that of Guacame, inhabited by a fierce and
warlike people, who would never be at peace with the
Christians. Nevertheless it appears that this tribe was
not altogether averse to Catholicism, for Httle wooden
crosses were found in all the houses; and this practice
was accoimted for by supposing that Alver Nunez had
introduced it into the provinces which he had visited,
and that, by gradually spreading, it had reached this
remote region. The Spaniards should have hailed
this circumstance as a gratifying proof that the people
had some capacity for the reception of their faith;
but how shall we explain the &ct that a nation which
had so much regard and affection for the Cross, could
cherish the most bitter and irreconcilable hatred for the
Christians 1
As the hostile feelings and actions of this half-con-
verted tribe made it impossible for the Spaniards to
remain in their company, the Christian army departed
with the least possible delay, and proceeding eastward
by long marches, they crossed seven lai^ provinces,
without meeting with any important adventures. One
of our authorities says: "They wished to avoid any col-
lision with the natives, because their force had been so
greatly diminished, and they feared that summer would
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488 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
pass away before they could reach the place where the
goTemor proposed to found his colony/**
By pushing onward with the greatest expedition, De
Soto managed to reach the banks of the Great Riyer on
the last day of May, 1542. He took possession of an
Indian town called Guachoya, which occupied a com-
manding position not fax fix)m the western shore of the
Mississippi, and very near the thirty-fourth parallel of
North Latitude. This place had been strongly fortified
by the Indians with palisades, and, with yery little labor,
the Spaniards made it impregnable. The cacique of
Guachoya, who had quietly yielded up his town to the
inyaders, was then at war with the cacique of a neigh-
boring proyince called Anilco. Finding that the Span-
iards had been roughly treated while passing through
the last-named proyince, the chief of Guachoya pro-
posed to form an alliance with De Soto for the purpose
of chastising his haughty riyaL This was agreed to,
and the combined forces made an attack on the principal
town of Anilco, which was taken by storm, and the
Indians of Guachoya began a general massacre of the
inhabitants, without regard to age or sex; but De Soto
quiddy stopped these proceedings by sounding a retreat,
and ordering his men to driye all their Indian allies out
of the place. This behayior of our hero was no less
politic than humane.
Goyemor De Soto now letumed to Guachoya and
* Herrera, Hist Ind., Dec. it., Lib. x., Cap. 1.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 489
immediately began to build the two brigantines which
he proposed to send to Havana. Nearly two years had
elapsed since any opportunity had been offered him to
send intelligence of his whereabouts and welfexe to
Donna Isabella, and the melancholy tone of his lady's
last letter to him made him apprehensive that her
health and happiness had been seriously affected by that
mental inquietude which had been induced by his pro-
tracted absence. His chief motive for transmitting in-
telligence to Cuba, now that he had an opportunity to
do so, was to relieve the anxiety of his wife. He
almost shrunk, however, from the painful necessity of
informing her that his expedition had totally fidled in
its principal object, and that all he possessed in the
world had been sacrificed in this fruitless enterprise.
Little did De Soto suspect, while he gave way to these
bitter reflections, that he had achieved more than Cor-
tez or Pizarro, by discovering and exploring lands which
were destined to become infinitely more prosperous and
wealthy than Mexico and Peru. Little did he suspect
that, as the first discoverer of that dark and torrent-like
flood, on which his dejected gaze was now fastened, he
had won a more glorious wreath than the erring judg-
ment of mankind had awarded to the despoilers of
Atahuallapa and Montezuma.
As De Soto intended to make a permanent establish-
ment at Guachoya, it was very important to have a good
understanding with the surroimding caciques. Some
of them were easily propitiated, though the Spaniards
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490 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
had been aggressive enough to provoke their unap-
peasable enmity. But one of De Soto's neighbors, the
Cacique of Quiqualtangui, stubbornly resisted all of the
governor's conciUatory efforts. This chief was the lord
of a fruitful and populous district, having a capital town
of five hundred houses. like Hannibal, he had bound
himself by a solemn oath to make no peace or composi-
tion with the enemies of his coimtry. He denounced
the Spaniards as a gang of strolling robbers, and threat-
ened to punish them with the ignominious death of the
gibbet. De Soto, being now without any forces sufficient
to contend with this stem minister of justice, was
obUged to have recourse to an expedient which scarcely
suited his character as a Christian soldier. Having
heard that the Chief of Quiqualtangui was a worshiper
of the Sun, the governor sent a message to the cacique
with the information that he and the other Spaniards
were the children of that bright divinity; and they
hoped that their Indian brother would be persuaded to
pay them a fraternal visit. To this kind invitation, the
wary chief answered, with xmdisguised contempt : " Tell
him, if he is the child of the Sun, to dry up the river,
and I will acknowledge his relationship to my deity."
Although this required test was impracticable, De Soto
did not despair of gaining the cacique's friendship and
confidence. He had always been more remarkable than
any of his countrymen for treating the Indians with
forbearance and courtesy, and to this cause, as well as to
lus superior courage, we may ascribe the long preserva-
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 491
tion of hims^ and his army among the warlike tribes
of North America. We do not believe that any other
Spaniard who figured in the conquest of the New
World could have penetrated to the Mississippi River ;
for the conviction forces itself on our mind that the
Spanish " conquerors'' in general did not possess
that amount of courage and military skill which
would have made them successful in opposition to
those truly formidable enemies which De Soto was
obliged to encounter. And we are altogether con-
vinced that the reckless barbarity which nearly all the
Spanish commanders displayed in their treatment of the
Indians would have been enough, by itself, to make
their progress among the North American tribes exceed-
ingly brief. This supposition is confirmed by the his-
tory of those men who preceded De Soto in the explora-
tion of Florida ; and the account which we have given
of De Soto's own operations in this country wiU make
it apparent that his principal disasters were caused by
his.imwise attempts to imitate the conduct of his prede-
cessors. We have scarcely any doubt that his most
censurable actions originated in an imdue respect for
precedent. He submitted occasionally to be guided, not
by his own judgment, but by a certain military system,
which his coimtrymen had established and recommended
as the best and only means of subjugating the native
ttibes of America.
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492 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXXVm.
DB SOTO*S ILLNESS — HIS MENTAL UNEASINESS AND 8BLF-
REPEOACH — HIS FEARS OF INDIAN TREACHERY — HE PRE-
TENDS TO UNDERSTAND MAGIC — SINGULAR USE OF A LOOKING*
GLASS — HIS DISEASE BECOMES DANGEROUS — HE REMEMBERS
THE PROPHECY OF MICEB CODRO — WHY HE WAS UNWILLING
TO DIE — HE CHOOSES A SUCCESSOR — HE TAKES LEAVE OF
HIS OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS — HIS MESSAGE TO DONNA
ISABELLA — THE CLOSING SCENES — MURDER SUSPECTED AFTER
THREE HUNDRED YEARS* CONCEALMENT— PROOFS EXHIBITED
— A MYSTERIOUS STORY ELUCIDATED — A NATIONAL PECULI-
ARITY OF THE SPANIARDS. [A. D. 1541.]
The two brigantines which were destined to carry to
Havana an account of the present condition and future
prospects of our adventurers, were scarcely half finished,
when De Soto was attacked by a singular disease, or
rather by a complication of disorders, the real character
of which has been left enveloped in a cloud of impene-
trable mystery. The common behef is that lus malady
was induced by mental agitation, or by a feeling of pro-
found regret for certain errors which he had committed
in the management of his expedition. It is said that
he reproached himself chiefly for having neglected to
fortify himself near the sea-shore, where he might have
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 493
had an easy communication with his friends in Cuba,
and obtained from that island fresh supplies of men,
arms, and provisions. His present position was embar-
rassing indeed, but not desperate. It was necessary to
find some means of maintenance for his army while he
was waiting for the assistance which he expected from
his countrymen in Havana, and for this purpose it was
requisite that he should find some Indian settlement which
had not been ravaged and exhausted by his former ope-
rations. The only grain-producing coimtry now within
his reach was the territory of his irreconcilable enemy,
the Cacique of Quiqualtangui. This man presided
over a numerous and warlike tribe, and the Spaniards
were too much reduced in strength to take forcible
possession of his coimtry. He was inaccessible to all
their plausible and persuasive courtesies, and every
proposition of friendship on their part was met by
him with a stem or supercilious repulse. It must have
required all De Soto's philosophy to bear with the
insulting behavior of this cacique. Two years before,
when the Spaniards were strong enough to be vindictive,
these aflfronts would have afforded a sufficient pretext
for laying waste the whole land, and murdering half the
population. Now, for the first time, the haughty and
imconquerable De Soto found it necessary to be patient
and submissive ; but doubtless he solaced himself with
the hope of ample satisfitction at a more convenient
time. When a proud man feels himself degraded by
insults which he cannot resent, he finds that to be weak
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494 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
is, indeed, the heighth and depth of misery. The
languor of disease was now added to the other disabilities
of De Soto.
''To infant weakness sank the warrior's ann."
The strongest mind sinks und^r the paralyzing con-
sciousness of physical debility, and De Soto in his sick-
ness was not quite a hero. Among other causes of anxiety
and apprehension which now harassed his mind, was
the probable treachery of his Indian allies. The
cacique and people of Guachoya, in whose land he was
an uninyited and, possibly, an unwelcome guest, had
thus far treated the strangers with all the external
manifestations of good-wiU. But the many and great
injuries which they had received from the Spaniards
made it unsafe for the latter to build any calculations on
their friendship. While De Soto possessed his usual
health and strength, he exercised a controlling power
over these people. Then they almost reverenced him
as a divinity; but in his present feeble and prostrate
condition, they recognized the immistakable signs of
human frailty, and began to suspect that he was no less
mortal than themselves. The quick discernment of De
Soto perceived the change which had taken place in the
minds of his uncivilized acquaintances; and he observed,
with increasing solicitude, that none of his subordinate
officers had inspired the Indians with a salutary feeling
of awe. In these circumstances, there was good reason
to apprehend that the savages would conspire together
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 497
oad make use of some means to rid themselves of their
oppressors. Certainly the opportunity was very favorable
for the execution of such a design. De Soto endeavored
to maintain his ascendency over the people of Guachoya
by operating on their national superstitions. Observing
that they were steadfest believers in the arts of magic
and necromancy, he pretended that he was able to.
divine their thoughts by means of a looking-glass, in
which they saw their reflected lineaments, and were
persuaded that this effect was produced by spiritual
agency. We can scarcely beUeve that these people
were really deceived by such a superficial artifice; it is
more probable that their credulous simplicity was
affected as a doak for their own mischievous designs.
But while De Soto was thus practicing on the super-
stition of the Indians, he gave a proof of his own
HabiUty to the same intellectual disease. The most
delightful occupation of his hours of leisure was to
reperuse the letters which he had received, at various
times, from Donna Isabella. While confined to his
couch, this was his frequent employment; and, among
the written correspondence between his lady and him-
self he found that letter which Isabella had sent by the
hands of Micer Codro. The sight of this missive
brought the astrologer to his remembrance; and, at the
same time, he recollected the particulars of a conversa-
tion which he once had with that extraordinary man.
He bethought himself of the parallel which Codro had
drawn between his destiny and that of Vasco NuBez de
32
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498 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
Balboa. According to the prediction of the man of
science, De Soto was to die at, the same age which
Balboa had attained at the time of his execution. The
sick commander was somewhat startled when he
reflected that the term of existence assigned to him by
Codro's prediction was now complete. Though accus-
tomed to look at death as a fitmiliar object, and to brave
it in every form, De Soto was imwilling to die at that
time and in that situation. He was unwilling to bid
adieu to life without having accomplished the object
for which he had struggled with almost superhuman
energy. He was imwilling to die unsuccessful and
inglorious, when perhaps a few more years of life would
enable him to outstrip all his compatriots in the race
for affluence and renown. And can we doubt that
Ferdinand de Soto, the most constant of lovers and the
most devoted of husbands, was imwilling to die fiu:
away from the wife for whose sake, chiefly, the greater
part of his life had been spent in peril, exile and labori-
ous exertion] But we doubt whether the prediction of
an astrologer could force all these gloomy contempla-
tions on the mind of Ferdinand de Soto; for he was one
of those brave mortals who are supposed to "never taste
of death but once." On his bed of sickness, he con-
tinued to exercise all the duties of an able and vigilant
commander; his orders were issued, and the discipline
of the camp was enforced with the customary regularitj*.
Yet, in a private conversation with his camp-master,
Luis de Moscoso, he referred to the possibility of his
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 601
speedy dissolution; and this was before his companions-
in-arms seemed to apprehend that his situation was
dangerous. He also made Moscoso acquainted with
MicerCodro's warning; but from the composure and
seeming indifference with which De Soto referred to
this subject, it might be judged that he gave little credit
to the prediction. Of course, De Soto was too wise to be
disturbed by such a fentastic intimation.
One of the monks who attended the expedition, and
who pretended to some medical skill, soon reported that
the commander was gradually sinking under his disease,
all the sjrmptoms of which now began to assume a
threatening aspect. One of the priests undertook to
communicate the startling intelligence to De Soto
himself It was necessary for him to be acquainted
with his dangerous circumstances; for there was much
to do in the way of preparation. De Soto heard the
announcement of his doom with perfect tranquillity.
"This is no more than I have expected," said he, "and
I submit without a murmur to the will of God." The
principal object which now engaged his attention was
the selection of a suitable person to succeed him in the
command of the army. He requested his officers to
choose from among themselves a man who deserved to
be entrusted with this important charge. The cavaliers
unanimously agreed to refer the matter to De Soto's
own choice; and; after thanking them for this last proof
of their confidence, he nominated Luis de Moscoso,
whom he supposed to deserve this preference. De Soto
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502 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
then exhorted his officers to persevere in the fidthihl
dischai^e of their duty to their king and their country,
and to cultivate a friendly disposition among themselves,
lie advised them to prosecute the enterprise which he
was obliged to leave unfinished, and he explained to
them the plans which he had formed for his future
operations. He recommended them to treat the Indians
with lenity and forbearance; and r^etted that he him-
self had not always adhered to that line of conduct,
which he now believed to be the most expedient as well
as the most humane. Finally, he entreated them to
forgive him, if in the discharge of his duty he had at
any time appeared to be unnecessarily harsh and severe.
He professed to be satisfied with the zeal and fidelity
which they had manifested in his service, and he deeply
regretted that it was out of his power to reward them
according to their merits.
Having bidden his officers an affectionate fitreweU,
De Soto requested that the soldiers might be admitted
to his presence, twenty at a time. Some of the men
were deeply affected when they approached the bed-side
of their dying commander, who had always taken a full
share of their hardships, dangers and privations, and
who was therefore entitled to all their sympathies. He
bade them all adieu and gave them a parental blessing,
with such good counsel as their circumstances required.
In the next place, De Soto desired to have a private
conversation with his successor, Mosiposo,* whom he
charged with a last message for Donna Isabella, the
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 603
purport of which may be conjectured by those who can
form some conception of De Soto's feelings at that
moment. From the circumstance that Moscoso was
"bathed m tears" wlien he came out of the tent we may
DE SOTO ON HIS DEATH-BED.
judge that something particularly affecting must have
occurred during his interview with the expiring hero.
Having now disposed of all temporal concerns, De
Soto turned his undivided attention to the affidrs of
eternity. It appears from the statement of one of the
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504 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
historians that '^he had prepared himself to die like a
brave soldier and a devout Catholic/' and we do not
question the truth of this declaration. Many worse men
than De Soto have died in the confident expectation of
a happy futurity; for, on the very threshold of eternity,
an erring fidth may silence the accusing voice of con-
science.
Ferdinand de Soto expired on the fifth day of June,
1642. The immediate causes of his death are not well
explained, and the several accounts of that event which
have reached us are suspiciously inconsistent vdth each
other. Where there is much contradiction, there must
be some error or fidsehood. The common belief is that
De Soto died of a broken heart; or that his mental
disturbance and anxiety produced a slow fever, which
proved fetal seven days after its commencement. We
cannot easily believe that a man of De Soto's char-
acter would be likely to die of a broken heart ; for a
soldier, whose valor and fortitude had been tested in
ten thousand severe trials could scarcely be liable to
such an accident. Shakspeare, in reference to the death
of Julius Caesar, says :
" Then burst his mighty heart I"
but this catastrophe must have been brought on, in a
measure, by the daggers of the conspirators. Charles
of Sweden and Napoleon Bonaparte were, of all mili-
tary men, the most unfortunate ; but, in the lowest
depths of their adversity, they were not victimized
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 505
cither by grief or despair. The heart of a hero is in-
frangible.
There would be nothing questionable in the report
that De Soto died of typhus fever, or some similar
malady, if another account did not ascribe his death to
the dysentery. It is possible that he may have had both
of these diseases at the same time, or that the symptoms
of one disease may have been mistaken for those of the
other. But various circumstances make us suspect that
there was a greater mistake than this. In all the
accounts we, have, the death of De Soto is mentioned
with remarkable brevity. Biedma,for example, disposes
of the momentous event in a single sentence: "The
governor, being in great perplexity of mind, and matters
not turning out according to his wishes, fell sick and
died, having nominated Luis de Moscoso to succeed
him.'' Herrera's account is almost equally concise ; but
the Portuguese Gentleman mentions several incidents
which may have an important bearing on the subject:
" In Governor De Soto's sickness," says the writer last
mentioned, " he had but little comfort, and the danger
in which all his people were placed was sufficient reason
why they did not visit him, or pay him those attentions
which were proper at that time."* This apology makes
us acquainted with the feet that De Soto was neglected
by his fellow-soldiers, in his last illness. The same
author avers that some of Spaniards rejoiced at the
* Portuguese Narrative : Chap. xxx.
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506 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
death of Don Ferdinand de Soto, because they believed
that his successor, Moscoso, would choose to return to a
land of Christians, rather than continue the labors of
discovering and subduing savage countries, whereof the
Castilians were weary, seeing that it was all toil and
danger without profit."* Now, if some of the Span-
iards " rejoiced when De Soto died," it is possible that
the same persons wished for his death while he was
yet alive ; and there were men in De Soto's company
whose hands were as ready to commit the act of murder,
as their hearts were to conceive a murderous wish.
There was, for example, NuSo Tobar, the seducer of
Leonora, who had been severely punished by De Soto
for his misbehavior at Havana. This man, who had
been appointed to the position of lieutenant-general
before the expedition left Spain, was dismissed from
office by Governor De Soto ; and, although he accom-
panied the expedition to Florida, he was never entrusted
with any important duty, and never regained the fevor
or confidence of his commander. Tobar had a motive
for revenge; and we know enough of his character to be
convinced that he was capable of any crime which could
be engendered between malice and cruelty. While De
Soto was on his death-bed, Tobar assumed the command
of a small party of soldiers, and made an assault on a
neighboring Indian town, the inhabitants of which were
indiscriminately massacred. The Portuguese writer says.
* Portaguese Narrative : Chapter xxxi.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 507
in reference to this affair, that the " shrieks of the women
and children were so great that they deafened the ears of
the Spaniards who pursued them." Doubtless there were
others of De Soto's followers who were as bloodthirsty
and remorseless as Nuno Tobar.
We have said that the circumstances of De Soto's
death, and the contradictory statements of the several
authorities, require some explanation. Of course, we
cannot be expected to clear up the mystery; but if
we assume the hypothesis that De Soto was poisoned by
some of his associates, the whole story immediately
becomes intelligible and perspicuous. We discern several
probable motives for the act, for we are told that the
whole of De Soto's party wished to leave the coimtry ;
and they were incensed at their commander's obstinate
reAisal to abandon the enterprise when all chances of
success had vanished. They regarded De Soto as a
tyrant, who detained them against their wishes in a
region where they were constantly exposed to peril and
suffering, without any prospect of advantage. They
were now in a position from which it would be compara-
tively easy to return to Havana, if they could only
extricate themselves from the power of their general
In addition to all these incentives, NuSo Tobar and
several others of the company had received special
provocations from the governor, and there can scarcely
be a doubt that they harbored feelings of deep resent-
ment. It may be considered likewise that De Soto's
companions were men who were accustomed to blood-
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508 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
shed. There was scarcely one of them^ perhaps, who
could be wronged by a suspicion of murder ; for, except-
ing the priests and monks, they had all taken an active
part in the perpetration of deeds at which humanity
shudders. A majority of De Soto's officers and soldiers
had figured in Nicaragua and Peru; many of them
had assisted at the massacres of Fima and Caxamalca ;
they had been hunters of men in Veragua, butchers of
women and children in many places, and unqualified
scoundrels everywhere. It appears that on several occa-
sions, De Soto suspected his whole troop of treacherous
designs, and a disposition to revolt.* He must have
seen some indications of such a purpose. His people
were mutinous; and why should not mutineers be
suspected of murderous intentions ?
Many circumstances which attended the sickness and
death of De Soto, strengthen the suspicions which we
have ventured to express. The symptoms of his disease,
as described by all the narrators, exactly correspond with
the appearances which might be expected in a case
where the patient has swallowed some deleterious
mineral substance. In such a case the malady might
appear to be a compUcation of typhus fever and dysen-
tery. The neglectful treatment of De Soto during his
illness, and the rejoicing of some of his companions
after his death, (vide Portuguese Narrative,) are cor-
roboratory circumstances, the bearing of which will be
* Vide Portuguese Narrative.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 509
easily discerned But the fects which would tend to
establish our theory of De Soto's death, are too abund-
ant to admit of the briefest citation in this work. All
persons who may feel interested in the inquiry are
referred to the books from which we have derived our
information.* In connection with this subject, however,
it may not be impertinent to remark that the Spaniards
of De Soto's time were supposed to be very much
addicted to the arts of the poisoner. This national
peculiarity is referred to in several passages of Shak-
speare's writings, especially in his play of Henry V.,
Act iii.. Scene vi. Shakspeare was nearly cotemporary
with De Soto. Dr. Johnson, in a note appended to the
passage just referred to, says that it was a common
practice among the Spaniards of that day to poison
each other with figs or confectionary, drugged for the
purpose.
Let it be observed that we do not pretend to offer any
positive proof that De Soto was foully dealt with by
some of his associates ; we merely present a probable
solution of a very enigmatical passage of history. If
the suspected persons were now living, however, we
think the evidence would be sufficient to demand a
judicial investigation ; though we think it very likely
that before one of our American tribunals, with a
properly selected jury, the accused parties might be-
** honorably and triumphantly acquitted." .
* See the IntrodactioD to this Tolame.
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510 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
CHAPTER XXXEX.
CURIOUS CIRCUMSTANCES ATTENDING THE BURIAL OP DE SOTO —
CONCEALMENT OF THE BODY — THE INDIANS BECOME SUSPI-
CIOUS— THE CORPSE IS DISINTERRED — IT IS SUNK INTO THE
MISSISSIPPI — THE cacique's ANXIOUS INQUIRIES — SUSPI-
CIOUS BEHAVIOR OP THE SPANIARDS — CONJECTURES RESPECT-
ING THE PLACE OP DE SOTO'S BURIAL — DB SOTO'S CHARACTER
— HIS RULING PASSION — HIS HEROISM, SAGACITY, ETC. — HIS
PERSONAL APPEARANCE, [a. D. 1542.]
The incidents of Ferdinand de Soto's burial appears
in the narrative, to be quite as strange and inexplicable
as the manner and peculiar circumstances of his death.
All of the Spanish and American writers who have
attempted to give us an account of De Soto's obsequies,
have drawn their information chiefly from Garcilasso de
la Vega, a half-breed Indian, in whose writings ten
thousand errors and misrepresentations have been
detected. This man asserts that all his information
respecting De Soto's expedition to Florida was obtained
from one of De Soto's soldiers, whose name^ however, is
not mentioned by the historian. There are two grand
imperfections, therefore, in Garcilasso's testimony: 1. It
is hearsay evidence. 2. It comes from an anonymous
source. Moreover, the veracity of Garcilasso has been
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 511
.too often called in question to make us feel perfectly
safe in the reception of his statements. Waiving these
objections for the present, however, we will give the
commonly-received account of De Soto's funeral; and at
the conclusion of this somewhat marvellous story, we
will offer a few suggestions of our own.
The Spaniards, (we are told,) were afraid to bury De
Soto publicly, and with becoming ceremonials, lest the
Indians should discover the place of his interment and
insult his mortal remains. Besides, (say the same
authorities,) De Soto had made the Indiaus beheve that
he was immortal ; and, by this means, he had gained an
ascendency over their minds and made them submissive
and friendly to the Spaniards. It was feared that if the
natives should discover that they had been decdved in
this matter, they would become ungovernable and per-
haps take up arms against their invaders.
These considerations moved the Spaniards to bury
the body of their late commander at dead of night.
Around the spot where they intended to lay him, senti-
nels were posted to keep the natives at a distance. The
corpse was deposited in a deep pit, at a short distance
from the Spanish camp. Here De Soto was interred,
in silence and in secret. While the priests and cava-
liers stood around the hero's sepulchre, the stillness of
night was not broken by the requiem note or the
prayer for the dead; and the tear of friendship, if it
dropped into the grave, was not seen in that impene-
trable darkness.
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512 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
To deceive the Indians more effectually, the Span-
iards, on the following day, reported that the gover-
nor was recovering from his malady; and, mounting
their horses, they assumed an appearance of rejoic-
ing. They caused water to be sprinkled on the grave
and over the surrounding plain, as if to prevent the
dust from being raised by the movements of their
horses. They then scoured the plain and made their
steeds perform merry gambols on the very grave of
their general; "but, (says Grardlasso,) it was difficult,
under this cover of pretended gayety, to conceal the real
sadness of their hearts." In spite of all these cunning
artifices, the Indians suspected that something extra-
ordinary had happened, for when passing by the pits,
they would stop, look around attentively on all sides,
converse together, and point significantly to the spot
where the body was inhumed. This behavior of the
natives caused much disturbance among the Spaniards.
They feared that the Indians would search the pit and
discover the body; wherefore they determined to dis-
inter it and place it where it would be secure from out-
rage or examnoHan. There was one place where the
remains of De Soto would certainly be inaccessible.;
namely, in the bed of the Mississippi ; and to this extra-
ordinary sarcophagus, the corpse was now to be trans-
ferred. But, before this transfer was made, the Span-
iards wished to ascertain where there was a sufficient
depth of water for their purpose. On pretense of fish-
ing, therefore, several of the officers embarked, one
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DISCOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 513
evening in a canoe; and, while sounding the river at a
place where it was a quarter of a mile wide, they found
a depth of nineteen fethoms * Here they determined
to sink the body of their unfortunate feUow-soldier.
Choosing a dark hour for the purpose, they exhumed the
corpse and enclosed it in a heavy coffin, which had
previously been prepared by hollowing out the trunk of
an oak tree. With many precautions to avoid the
observation of the vigilant natives, they embarked the
coffined remains in a canoe, and conveyed them to that
part of the river which had been chosen for the burial
place. Here the coffin and corpse were sunk by means
of a large quantity of wet sand which had been packed
around the body to increase the weight.
The Indians, soon perceiving that the governor was
not with the army, nor buried in the earth as they
had supposed, demanded of the Spaniards where he was.
The general reply prepared for the occasion was, that
he had gone on a temporary visit to heaven, from
whence he would soon return, in a more glorified and
angelic form, to resume the command of the Spanish
army. The cacique of Guachoya was not at all satisfied
with this story. "I know,'* said he, "that my brother
* This statement is eyidentlj false. We take the accoant fh)m
an English translation of Oarcilasso, as the original is not within oar
reach. It is conjectured that a Spanish word which signifies a
measure of thirty-three inches, is incorrectly rendered fathom by
the English translator. Vide McCnlloh's Researches. Appendix.
33
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5U
LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
De Soto is dead, and in order that he may have suitable
attendance in the land of spirits, I will cause several of
my young men and maidens to be sacrificed on his
tomb." Such sacrifices were customary among the
Indians when any distinguished person departed this
life. The chief, according to his promise, came to the
Spanish camp with several victims, male and female, by
whose immolation he proposed to do honor to the
memory of his deceased fiiend. Among these proffered
victims was the cacique's own daughter, an extremely
INDIAN CACIQUE OFFERING HIS DAUGHTER AS A SACRIFlCC.
beautiful girl, whom he intended for the spiritual con-
sort of the Spanish general. Moscoso assured the ca-
cique that De Soto was not dead, and that the sacrifice
was unnecessary. The male victims were therefore set
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DISGOYEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 516
at Kberty, and the female ones were taken under the
special protection of the Spaniards.
In the account of De Soto's burial given by the Por-
tuguese narrator, (who was an eye-witness of the trans-
actions he describes), we find several particulars which
are not unworthy of notice. This luminous writer
says : —
"As soon as the governor was dead, Luis de Moscoso
commanded him to be put secretly into a house, where
he remained three days. Then Moscoso commanded
him to be buried at night, near one of the gates of the
town, within the wall And, as the Indians had seen
him sick, and now missed him, they began to suspect
what had taken place. When they passed by the place,
and saw where he was buried, they came to a pause, and
conversed one with another. Luis de Moscoso, hearing
of this, commanded him to be taken up at night, and a
great deal of sand to be cast into the mantles wherein
he was wound up ; he was then carried in a canoe, and
thrown into the midst of the river. The Cacique of
Guachoya inquired for him, demanding what was
become of his brother, the governor. Luis de Moscoso
told him that he was gone to heaven, as he had often
done before; and that he had left him (Moscoso) to
govern in his place until he should be ready to come
back. The cacique thought that he was dead, and told
Moscoso that the custom of that country was, when any
great lord died, to kill persons to wait upon him, and
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516 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
that he would order some Indians to be brought to the
camp for that purpose/**
We will now glance at the probabilities of this story.
It appears from all the accounts we have, that De
Soto was buried in a clandestine manner, and that the
Spaniards manifested a great deal of anxiety to conceal
his death. These fisicts, standing by themselves, would
make De Soto^s followers liable to very grave suspicions ;
but certain other fisicts are given by way of explanation.
One author says that De Soto^s companions wished to
hide their general's grave from the Indians, because
they were afraid that the latter would commit outrages
on the dead body. Another writer declares that the
Spaniards concealed De Soto's death because the Indians
had been persuaded that he was immortal, and it was
feared that when they discovered the imposition which
had been practiced on them, they would become ungov-
ernable. Here are two very different explanations ; and
neither of them will bear scrutiny. Why should De
Soto's remains be in more danger of insulting treatment
than those of any Other Spaniard who died in America 'J
Thousands of his countrymen, of all ranks, had perished
on that soil — ^no care had ever been taken to conceal their
dead bodies — and we question if a single deftmct Chris-
tian had ever been disinterred by the natives. Besides,
is it not somewhat incredible that De Soto's comrades,
who cruelly neglected him in his last illness, (as the
* Portuguese Narration : Chap xxx.
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 6^7
Portuguese Gentlemaii confesses), should exhibit such a
tender regard for his dead body]
As for the pretense that the Indians were made to
believe in De Soto^s immortality, we find it difficult to
reconcile so much weak credulity on their part with the
shrewdness and sound judgment which were often mani-
fested in their discourse and conduct. They had seen
Spaniards die, for several had been killed in their neigh-
borhood : why should they suppose that De Soto was
not subject to death as well as his companions 1 They
had seen him prostrated on a bed of sickness : was not
thip enough to remove all doubts of his mortality 1
If the clandestine burial of De Soto, and the conceal-
ment of his death are not well accounted for, we are
justified in entertaining a suspicion of murder. The
instmct of the murderer prompts him to conceal the
body of his victim. Such concealment is always pre-
sumptive evidence of guilt. After reading the fore-
going accounts, we can scarcely doubt that the Indians
of Guachoya themselves suspected that De Soto had
been foully dealt with by his associates. Hence their
whispering conversations among themselves, and their
significant gestures when they approached the spot
where he was first buried. The question of the cacique •
" What has become of my brother 1" may be construed
as an attempt on his part to make the Spaniards account
for the mysterious disappearance of their commander.
Certain we are that the circumstances of De Soto^s
death and burial have been very imperfectly reported.
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518 LIFE OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
All onr infonnatioiL on these subjects must have come
originally from the survivois of his party, and it was
very easy for them to concoct a story to suit their own
purpose. The shores of the Mississippi have witnessed
many a deed of fearful note ; many a gory corpse has
reposed in the oozy bed of that river ; and many a pro-
found and terrific secret lies concealed imder those
gloomy waters. The fistte of De Soto must now be
added to these impenetrable mysteries.
With respect to the place of De Soto's burial, there is
some controversy among our ootemporary writers. The
frequent changes in the course of the river make
the identification of the spot very difficult, if not impos-
sible. He must have been submerged somewhere in
the neighborhood of the town of Guachoya, and about
twenty miles below the junction of the Mississippi and
Arkansas rivers. AU attempts to designate the spot
with more precision have fidled because our American
writers have been misled by the fimciful descriptions of
Garcilasso, who certainly had no acquaintance with the
topography of the neighborhood. It has lately been
conjectured that De Soto was not buried in the Missis-
sippi itself, but in one of its tributaries; but we have
not been able to find any sufficient foundation for this
opinion. The common belief^ founded on the declara-
tions of the historians, is that the Discoverer of the
Mississippi was entombed in that flood to which he had
given the well-merited title of Bio Grande^ and which
has been unmistakably identified with the Mississippi
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 619
Could he have had a more magnificent and appK>priate
monument %
The character of Ferdmand De Soto can scarcely be
misconceived by any one who has accompanied us
through this narrative. Strength of will and stability
of purpose were among his most remarkable peculiari-
ties. His resolution and perseverance gained fresh
vigor from opposition and disaster. He possessed all
the qualities of a great military chieftain, and wanted
nothing but opportunities to make himself as much an
object of popular adoration, and as great a scourge of
the human race, as Alexander or Napoleon. AU of De
Soto's best qualities were indigenous to his moral con-
stitution; lus evil dispositions were exotic. He was
virtuous by nature ; for virtue is strength, and he was
one of the strongest of his species. One vicious in-
clination, the inordinate love of riches, had casually
obtained access to his heart ; and this passion gradually
acquired strength, and finally became the all-controlling
motive of his conduct Whether he pursued wealth
for its own sake, or as the mean for the attainment of
other objects, is uncertain ; but the supposition is, that
avarice, by long indulgence, had become the ruling
desire of lus heart. This sordid passion appears to
have been fiuf more influential with him than the love
of conquest or the thirst of glory ; for his triumph over
many powerful tribes, and his discovery and subjugation
of a lai^e tract of country seem to have afforded him
but little satis&ction. So long as an £/ Dorado was
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620 LIFE OP FERDINAND DE SOTO,
not found, he considered himself unfortunate and
unsuccessful.
De Soto was a strict disciplinarian, yet he was often
lenient to minor offenses, while he punished grave ones
with extreme severity. According to Herrera, he was
afl^Eible in his manners and generous in his disposition.
With respect to. dauntless courage, personal prowess, and
skill in all the martial exercises of the day, he had no
superior; and many of his military feats have scarcely
any parallel in the romances of chivalry. In battle he
is reported to have been irresistible. The prodigious
strength of his arm, and the impetuosity of his courage,
carried him through the ranks of the enemy like a
veritable " thunderbolt of war.'* But the prudence and
sagacity of De Soto were no less admirable than his
valor and efficiency in battle. He was the most politic
and discreet of all the Spanish commanders in America,
as well as the most humane and heroic. The personal
appearance of De Soto was both commanding and prepos-
sessing. His figure appeared to great advantage, either
on foot or on horseback. He was tall, muscular, and
well-proportioned. His eyes beamed with intelligence,
and the general expression of his countenance was
pleasant and ihtellectuaL He was forty-two years old
at the time of his death.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 521
CHAPTER XL.
MOSCOSO AND HIS COMPANIONS RESOLVE TO LEAVE THE COUNTRY
— THEIB OVER-LAND JOURNET — ^THEY ABOUSE THE INDIGNA-
TION OF THE NATIVES — THEY ABB DRIVEN BACK TO THE
MISSISSIPPI — ^THEY BUILD VESSELS AND DESCEND THE RIVER
— ^THB INDIANS PURSUE THEM — MANY SPANIARDS ARE
DROWNED — RUNNING THE GAUNTLET — MOSCOSO AND HIS
TROOPS ABBIVB AT PAMUCO — ^THBY QUARREL AMONG THEM-
SELVES—THE VICBBOY OBDBBS THEM TO BE ABBESTBD —
DONNA ISABELLA CAUSES SEABCH TO BB MADE FOR HEB
HUSBAND— HEB MENTAL SUFFEBINGS— SHE BECBIVBS INTEL-
LIGENCE OF DB SOTO'S DEATH — THE CONSEQUBNCB— CONCLU-
SION, [a. D. 1543.]
As soon as De Soto was dead, the Spaniards, forgetful
of his last advice, began to make preparations for leaving
the country. A counsel of war was held by Moscoso
and his confederates, and, after some debate, it was
agreed that they should endeavor to reach New Spain,
(Mexico,) by traveling over land in a south-westerly
direction. Some of the adventurers proposed to build
vessels, in which they might descend the Mississippi
river, and so proceed, by sea, to Havana. But this
counsel was rejected, because the majority believed that
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522 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO<.
it was impossible for them to construct vessels of suffi-
cient strength to endure the voyage ; and besides they
had no pilot, chart, or compass, for their guidance in the
navigation of the river and sea.
Moscoso and his companions left their quarters at
Guachoya on Monday, the fifth day of June, two weeks
after De Soto's death. Since that event, they had been
constantly engaged in preparing for their journey.
Having no longer the wisdom of De Soto to guide them,
they followed their own inclinations without restraint,
and soon raised a storm of opposition, which never sub-
sided during their continuance in the country. We
suppose that the route pursued by Moscoso was through
the northern part of Louisiana, extending, perhaps, to
the north-eastern comer of Texas. We have no reliable
account of the course which he took, or the distance he
traveled, but it is very certain that his barbarous treat-
ment of the natives made Ms progress difficult at the
beginning, and finally impossible. Several of the his-
torians have strangely confounded the incidents of this
journey with those of De Soto's previous expedition to
the province of Autiamque, where he passed the winter
of 1642. The only indubitable fiurts which we have, in
relation to the journey of Moscoso, are his firequent
slaughters of unofiending Indians, the burning of their
villages, and other acts of inexcusable violence commit-
ted by him and his associate ruffians. These proceed-
ings, of course, armed the whole country against the
Spaniards. At length the natives gathered in consider-
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DISGOYEBEB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 523
able force, and drove the sanguinary villains back to the
Mississippi.
There was now no altematiTe but to remain in the
country or to escape from it by water. It is surprismg
that Moscoso and his company did not perceive, at first,
that this was their safest mode of traveling. On their
return to the village of Ouachoya, they b^;an to collect
materials for the construction of several brigantines, but
while they were thus employed a fetal epidemic ap-
peared among them, and more than fifty Spaniards died
of this disease within a single week. The recent con-
duct of Moscoso and his troops had alienated the affec-
tions of all the neighboring caciques, several of whom
had manifested the most cordial friendship for the
Spaniards, while De Soto was alive. Even the chief of
Guachoya, who always called De Soto his brother, and
who exhibited a truly firatemal feeling in all his inter-
course with the late commander, was now compelled by
the continual aggressions of the Christians to take up
arms in lus own defense. Sickness and war caused
much delay in the building of the brigantines, and a
severe winter set in before the vessels were half finished.
The sufferings of the Spaniards during the cold weather,
surpassed all their former experience ; for they had not
had the foresight to provide themselves with clothing
suitable fer that inclement season; hoping, perhaps, to
be supplied by their Indian neighbors. But these
people were now too much incensed by the misbehavior
of those foreign paupers to r^ard them as proper objects
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624 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
of charity. Some of them perished during the winter
for want of the common necessaries of Hfe; and all of
them, perhaps, would have died the same miserable
death, had they not maintained themselves by robbery.
It was their constant practice to plunder the granaries of
those neighboring tribes which were not strong enough
to resist them; and the consequence was that thousands
of Indians, men, women and children, died of £imine.
Some of these wretched beings were reduced to the sad
necessity of coming to b^ from their despoilers a small
portion of the food which had been produced by their
own labor. Many of these beggars, (says the Portuguese
narrator,) died with hunger and weakness near the
Spanish camp. Some of the most merciful among the
soldiers were inclined to give them a Httle maize, but
Luis de Moscoso threatened his men with grievous
punishments if they offered the Indians a morsel of
food!*
On the score of tyrannous and diabolical cruelty, Luis
de Moscoso will bear a comparison with some of the
most distinguished of those Spanish commanders whose
dazzling exploits fill so many pages of American history.
On one occasion, he caused the right hands of thirty
Indians to be cut off, merely because their cacique was
suspected of some hostile intentions toward the Span-
iards. But in such men as Moscoso, and others of the
same pattern, we see nothing prodigious or preternatural;
* Portagaese Narrative : Chap. xzxTi.
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 625
they are merely living examples of power without
responsibility.
Early in the spring of 1643, the Spaniards recom-
menced their boat-building operations, and prosecuted
the work with great diligence ; for the necessity which
compelled them to leave the country became more and
more urgent every day. The infuriated natives were
consolidating their forces, and preparing for an over-
whelming attack on their pitiless oppressors. Fortu-
nately for Moscoso and his companions, there v^ras an
excellent ship-carpenter, and several other skillful me-
chanics, among the survivors of their party. It required
all the ingenuity of these artisans to make seaworthy
vessels of such materials as they were obUged to use
The " brigantines" were open boats, "with bulwarks of
planks and hides around the gunwales, to protect the
men from the arrows of the Lidians." All the iron
and steel which the Spaniards possessed, even the
barrels and locks of their guns, were used to make
nails. Many Indian prisoners or slaves were released,
merely because the material of their chains and fetters
was required for the iron-work of the boats. Hopes
were made of the stalks of long grass ; and oakum, for
caulking the vessels v^as prepared from the fibrous
bark of the mulberry-tree, the same material which
the Indians used in the manu&cture of their cloth
garments.
When the boats, seven in number, were finished,
the Spaniards, spurred on by the harassing war&re of
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526 LIFB OF FERDINAND D£ SOTO,
the TMxwe^ hastened on board, having fiist embarked
a stock of provisions &a the voyage and a few horses.
Most of these animals had been kiUed and eaten by the
soldiers during the winter. The remnant of the Chris-
tian army could not have comprised more than two
hundred and fifty men, if their losses in battle and by
sickness are correctly reported. The appearance of
these Christians, returning fix)m the "conquest of
Florida," must have been singular and somewhat piti-
able. All their European apparel had been burned at
the conflagrations of MauvUla and Chickasaw. They
were now dressed in " furred robes,** not like those which
Shakspeare supposes to hide the moral corruption of the
wearers, but rough and uncouth garments of skins,
belted around their waists after the manner of the
anchorites. To complete their external resemUance
to those devout men, they were nearly all barefoot;
and as they moved along the shore of the Mississippi, it
might have been easy to mistake them for a procession
of devotees, engaged in some penitential ceremony of
the Church. It is not difficult to believe the assertion
of one of the narrators, that the Indians witnessed the
embarkation of their enemies with shouts of mockery
and derision. They celebrated the departure of the
Spaniards with an extemporaneous song, the purport of
which was that " these thieving vagabonds were about
to be driven out of the country ;" and the native min-
strels invoked the deities who controlled the waves to
overwhelm and destroy them.
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DISGOVEREB OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 527
But, not satisfied with these poetical denimciationi^,
the warlike tribe of Quiqualtangui sallied out in a vast
number of canoes to assail the brigantines on their
voyage. Some of the Indian boats were painted red and
some blue; and the warriors who manned them were
dressed in the gayest and most fimtastic style, where-
fore the native armament made an extremely brilliant
appearance on the river. As soon as the Spaniards set
sail, the assault began; showers of arrows were poured
into the brigantines, and the Christians endeavored to
shelter themselves behind their bulwarks. The steers-
men of the Spanish boats, having no defense against the
arrows, were soon shot, and others took their places.
This duty at length became so dangerous, that the
hehns of the brigantines were deserted and the vessels
began to drift toward the shore. In this emergency, a
brave but indiscreet soldier, without waiting for orders,
launched one of the pirogues, (small boats carried by
the brigantines,) and, being accompanied by four of his
comrades, he rowed toward the Indian canoes, as if he
expected to drive them away. Moscoso observed this
movement, and being very much enraged with the five
men for presuming to act without his directions, he sent
several other pirogues, with fifty soldiers, after them;
intending to hang them, (it is said,) as soon as they
were brought on board. The men in the first boat mis-
took his intentions. Seeing the other pirogues coming
after them, they supposed that their daring act had
been approved by the commander, and that he had sent
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528
LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO,
the Other boats to assist them; wherefore they pressed
forward, with all their might, toward the Indian fleet
The wily savages pretended to retreat from the advanc-
ing Spaniards; the canoes fell back in the form of a
crescent; the unwary Christians entered the semicircular
space and were immediately surrounded by the enemy's
boats. Finding their retreat cut ofi^ the Spaniards
INDIANS OROWNINQ THE SPANIARDS.
fought desperately for their lives, but the Indians leaped
into the water, upset the pirogues, and drowned every
man of the party. All who attempted to swim were
thrust down into the water by the savages or knocked on
the head with their clubs. Fifty-five Spaniards were
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DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 629
killed in this aquatic skirmish, and among them were
several of the principal officers of the expedition.
The attack on the brigantines was kept up, with but
few intermissions, for several days. The horses, being
unprotected by the bulwarks, were nearly all killed by
the enemy's shafts. The Spaniards were unable to
make any effectual resistance; their gunpowder was
exhausted, and the iron of their guns had been used in
ship-building. The only weapons with which they
could reach their antagonists were cross-bows, and these
were generally ineffective. The Indians of Quiqual-
tangui continued the assault as far as the borders of
their own territory, and then requested the next tribe
which inhabited the shore of the river to carry on the
war. In this way the duty of chastising the invaders
was transferred from one tribe to another, the Christians
being compelled to run the gauntlet, as it were, to the
very mouth of the river. The persecuted Castilians
were worn out by fetigue and anxiety ; and in spite of the
partial protection which their boats afforded them, nearly
every man of them was wounded, with more or less
severity, by the native archers.
Having reached the Gulf of Mexico about four weeks
after their embarkation, they coasted westward for fifty
days, encountered many perils and disasters, and ter-
minated their voyage at the Mexican town of Panuco,
which is now in the Department of Vera Cruz. At this
place there was a Spanish settlement, and the returned
soldiers of the expedition were hospitably received by
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530 LIFE OF FERIDNAND DE SOTO,
their oountrymen. But before they had sojourned many
days at Panuoo, the chivahic adventurers b^;an to
quarrel among themselves. To prevent them fix)m cut-
tmg each other's throats, the Viceroy of Mexico was
obliged to interpose. The &ctions were separated, by
order of this magistrate, and sent out of the country in
various directions. The ultimate fete of these men is
not very clearly ascertained ; but we are told that most
of them were reduced to a very abject condition. Some
enlisted in the armies of Peru and Mexico, with the
hope of retrieving their ruined fortunes ; some returned
to Spain; and some, disgusted with the fleeting and de-
lusive objects of earthly ambition, dedicated themselves
to the service of the Church, and passed the remainder
of their days in monastic seclusion.
Such was the termination of the most Tmlliant and
magnificent expedition that Spain ever fitted out to
extend her power and dominion in the territories of the
new world. The feilure of this enterprise was signal
and complete. In their expectations of reaping a golden
harvest in Florida, the Spaniards were sadly disap-
pointed. But this was not alL De Soto and his com-
panions did not succeed in making any settlement in
the coimtiy, because their attention was engrossed by
other objects. Nothing was gained by their sanguinary
conquests; not a foot of land was thereby added to the
Spanish possessions in America; not a single Indian
nation was made tributary to the Spanish crown, and
not one pagan was converted to the Catholic faith. If
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DISCOVERER OP THE MISSISSIPPI. 631
De Soto conquered Florida, his countrymen, for a long
time after his death, were too cowardly to take posses-
sion of the prize. Their hesitation, in this case, is' not
to be ascribed to the low estimate which they placed on
the value of the territory; for they had made many set-
tlements in less desirable locations. The most warlike
tribes of aboriginal Americans were generally secure
from the aggressions of the Spaniards.
For nearly three years no intelligence of Ferdinand
de Soto's expedition had been received in Spain or in
any of the American settlements. The brilliant achieve-
ments and the great popularity of the gallant leader had
deeply interested the public in his mysterious fete ; but
the Spanish nation had gradually reconciled itself to the
belief that he had fellen in the path of duty — ^for this
seemed to be the inevitable doom of all who attempted
to explore the wilds of Florida. In those days the re-
covery of a lost traveler was less an object of general
sohcitude than we have found it to be in later times.
But all who were interested in the fete of De Soto were
not reconciled to the probability of his death. Every
age affords examples of that affection which yields not
to despair, and which will not be persuaded to identify
the absent with the dead. There was one human being
who still hoped for the return of Ferdinand de Soto ;
and as, with the lapse of time, that hope became fainter,
and feded to a sicklier hue, so did the frame of the sor-
rowing wife become feebler, and her cheek grow more
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532 LIFE OF FERDINAND DE SOTO.
pallid; as if to make it certain that hope and life must
cease cogether.
Donna Isabella still remained at Havana, where, in
spite of her idling health and her nearly exhausted for-
tune, she continued to prosecute the search for her hus-
band. Several vessels were kept constantly exploring
the coasts of Florida, and many attempts were made to
advance into the country ; but the natives were now so
exasperated against the Spaniards, that the experiment
of landing on their shores soon became too hazardous for
repetition. At length the £atal intelligence was received
at Havana that some few survivors of De Soto's company
had reached Mexico, and brought an account of the
death of their commander. To Isabella, this final blow
was a merciful dispensation; for it speedily terminated
a life which, for several years, had been one of almost
insupportable misery. She expired on the third day
after the intelligence of De Soto's death was received at
Havana.
THE END.
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